^^ 
 
.POLITICAL SKETCHES „ 
 
 n^,-^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 STATE ^F EUROPE. FROM 1814-1867' 
 
 CONTAINING COUNT ERNST MUNSTER'S DESPATCHES TO THE PRINCE 
 REGENT, FROM THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 I 
 
 BY 
 
 GEOEGE HEKBEET COUNT MUNSTEE. 
 
 EDINBUKGH 
 
 EDMONSTON & DOUGLAS 
 
 1868. 
 
^■3'-^ 
 n^"^ 
 
 1^^- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The political edifice erected at the Congress of Vienna has 
 been destroyed, the last remnants having been swept away by 
 the German war of 1866. Naturally everything relating to 
 the Congress and to that time deserves more than ever our 
 attention, and this gave the idea to the author, that the 
 publication of the despatches of his father, the late Count 
 Ernst Mlinster, would be useful and interesting. 
 
 The political sketches preceding these despatches give a 
 general superficial r^sum^ of the principal historical events 
 that took place from 1815 to 1868. They were written by a 
 German for Germany, who has endeavoured to write as 
 impartially as he could. 
 
 The late Countess Munster, well known in England as 
 Lady Harriette St. Clair, the dearly beloved and deeply re- 
 gretted wife of the author, took a great interest in this book, 
 translated it, and wished it to be published in England. 
 
 The author would feel truly gratified if he could think 
 that the British public will find that he was right in 
 doing so. 
 
 Debneburg, April 1868. * 
 
 537734 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 T.— THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA, .... 1 
 
 IL— RUSSIA, ... . . ... .14 
 
 III.— GERMANY, . . . . . .46 
 
 IV.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE EXISTING 
 
 STATE OF POLITICS, . . . .121 
 
 v.— DESPATCHES FROM PARIS, . . . .151 
 
 VI.— DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA, .... 185 
 
THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 The first Treaty of Paris was signed on the 14th of May 
 1814, and was followed by the Congress of Vienna, the 
 object of which was the further consideration of the nego- 
 tiations which then took place, and the endeavour to form 
 on a solid basis a lasting European peace. Since the begin- 
 ning of the French Ee volution in 1789 the peace of Europe 
 had been incessantly disturbed either by actual wars, or the 
 rumour of wars ; and the Ambassadors of all, and the Princes 
 of most of the European States, were to assemble at Vienna 
 on the 1st of October 1814, in order to consider the best 
 means of restoring concord, regulating a friendly harmony 
 between the different European nations, and to deliberate 
 upon such a well-grounded arrangement of their affairs as 
 should insure the future fate and prosperity of Europe. At 
 no period have the European Princes enjoyed a greater 
 degree of popularity than at the time of their assembling at 
 Vienna for this purpose. Europe in general felt herself 
 grateful to them that they had relieved her from the yoke of 
 a feared and hated foreign aggressor. Their people had 
 with rare fidelity stood by them, trusting implicitly their 
 rights and their future to their mediation. The Princes 
 themselves had passed through the school of adversity, and 
 
 A 
 
^ THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 their experiences were a further guarantee for these expec- 
 tations. On the 8th of October the ratifiers of the Parisian 
 Treaty announced that it was useless that a general assembly- 
 should take place, till the questions, which the Congress 
 was expected to settle, were so matured as to enable it 
 to bring them to such a conclusion as should be in accord- 
 ance with the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, the rights 
 of the people, and the just expectations of the various 
 nations. This declaration proved that the fundamental 
 principles of the French negotiations were defective. And 
 the members of the Congress soon found themselves under 
 the influence of circumstances over which they had lost the 
 power of control. In this attitude of affairs the first to come 
 to some determination was the Emperor of Eussia, and his 
 firmness gave him from the commencement an undoubted 
 influence over the Congress. At his suggestion, to the ques- 
 tion of the future of Poland was given the pre-eminent 
 position. Immediately after the evacuation of Poland by the 
 French army, the Emperor Alexander had pledged himself 
 to make her, in alliance with Eussia, an independent nation. 
 Austria and Prussia had lost in the war with France the 
 provinces which they had acquired at the last division of 
 Poland, and they now sought to regain them, but Eussia 
 opposed herseK so decidedly to this that it was evident 
 Austria and Prussia would have to resign their claims. 
 Prussia consequently sought to indemnify herseK for these 
 losses through the acquisition of Saxony ; and Eussia, in her 
 desire to monopolize Poland, made, at the commencement, 
 no opposition to this attempt, but Austria, France, and 
 England absolutely refused to consent to such an absorption 
 of Saxony. It soon became evident, however, that these 
 questions were to occupy the chief attention of the members 
 of Congress, and that the consideration of the formation of 
 
THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 3 
 
 the Band and the constitution of Germany were for the pre- 
 sent to be set aside. Eussian influence, in fact, prepon- 
 derated too much over the Congress. This was owing partly 
 to the force of former events, but still more to the personal 
 character of the Emperor Alexander. He was anxious to 
 arbitrate for the future of Europe ; but at the time his prin- 
 cipal desire was to settle the Polish question according to 
 his views, and acquire her entirely for himself His inten- 
 tion was to give her a liberal constitution, and to make use 
 of her as a connecting medium between Eussia and the rest 
 of Europe. 
 
 It is remarkable that the Emperor Alexander, with his 
 noble character and liberal opinions, did not perceive how 
 requisite it was to promote civilisation in Eussia. The great 
 obstacle to this was the existence of serfdom. That he did 
 not remove it seemed inconsistent with the nature of such 
 a man. It is true that an attempt had been made to do so, 
 but evidently without much sincerity. We shall later have 
 occasion again to refer to this question. That the Emperor 
 and his Corps Diplomatique bestowed less attention upon 
 the future of Italy and Germany than the importance of 
 these countries in the natural equilibrium of Europe de- 
 manded, was owing to his eagerness to annex Poland. For 
 Italy, Eussia only demanded the restoration of the King of 
 Sardinia, with some territorial additions — the rest he resigned 
 to the dominion of Austria ; as for Germany, it appeared at 
 one time as if Eussia would not oppose Austria's usurpation 
 of the empire. This country was ambitious of becoming the 
 first Continental Power, and of obtaining supremacy both in 
 Italy and Germany, and she might have succeeded, and 
 indeed for a period appeared likely to do so. But Met- 
 ternich miscalculated his power. He did not sufficiently 
 consider the rights of the people and the strength of national 
 
4 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 feeling. Austria was composed of various States, and he 
 never learned the secret of inspiring them with a united 
 patriotic feeling. This want of unity has ever, even to the 
 present day, given Prussia the advantage over Austria ; and 
 to the patriotism which universally animates that nation are 
 they indebted for the victory of Koniggratz. Austria's rule 
 in Italy for fifty years brought nothing but misery to that 
 country and trouble to herself. This might have been very 
 different had she been contented with the possession of 
 Lombardy, allowing that kingdom to retain its own govern- 
 ment, under her control. Had she not further endeavoured 
 to rule and restrain all advancement or progress in civilisa- 
 tion in the other Italian States, she would not have ruined 
 her own finances nor been drawn into three different wars, 
 which have ultimately resulted in the independence of Italy. 
 Even up to this time Austrian statesmen have been unable 
 to resign the idea of a German empire under Austrian rule, 
 and they have even sought through intrigues to regain that 
 influence in Germany which they had lost since the West- 
 phalian Treaty of Peace in 1648. At, and even since, the 
 Vienna Congress, Austria found in Prussia a dangerous and 
 powerful rival. Without open opposition, she exerted all 
 her diplomacy to alienate Eussia from Austria and connect 
 her with herself. These endeavours were soon crowned 
 with success, and the Cabinet of Vienna was forced to seek 
 for other allies. These she found in France and England. 
 Prince Talleyrand openly favoured Austrian views, the 
 English Government agreed with them, and so these three 
 Powers united to resist the restoration of Poland and the 
 annexation of Saxony. 
 
 Prussia had done much to free Germany from a hated 
 foreign yoke, and had undoubted right to reclaim the terri- 
 tories she possessed in 1806, but, with the covetousness she 
 
THE CONGEESS OF VIENNA. 5 
 
 has at all times displayed, she not only laid claims to the 
 whole of Saxony, in which she expected Eussia to support 
 her, but exacted the restoration of her Polish provinces, 
 forgetting that Eussia, with her aims, would naturally 
 decidedly oppose this pretension. The real object of the 
 Prussian Government was the aggrandizement of their own 
 country, but they endeavoured, by setting forth the rights of 
 fraternity of the German nation, and even liberty of the 
 Press, to delude public opinion into the belief that their 
 only wish was the prosperity of the German nation. Their 
 statesmen, however, at this crisis were hardly equal to their 
 task. Prance, in this juncture, was nearly powerless, and 
 a less clever man than Talleyrand would scarcely have 
 obtained any influence. Prance naturally strongly desired 
 the dissolution of the coalition which existed against her in 
 Europe. 
 
 We shall now, having made these few observations on the 
 Vienna Congress, present to our readers some despatches, 
 written by Count Munster, who was a member of it, to the 
 Prince Eegent of England.^ They give a good idea of what 
 then took place, and we hope, being hitherto unpublished, 
 will not be without interest. 
 
 These despatches prove, what we have previously men- 
 tioned, that at the commencement the negotiations of the 
 Congress were much restricted, and it was only when they 
 saw that the peace of Europe was again seriously en- 
 dangered by the reappearance of Napoleon (in France), that 
 it began earnestly to consider the many important questions 
 which were before them. The news reached Vienna that 
 Napoleon had landed on the 1st of March at Cannes. The 
 courier who brought this intelligence, like the bird that 
 heralds the storm at sea, was the harbinger of the agitations 
 1 For Despatches, see page 151. 
 
6 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 that were again to disturb Europe ; and as the barometer 
 at the approach of the tempest falls from Fine to Stormy, so 
 were the European diplomatic powers roused from qiiasi 
 apathy to fierce excitement. As soon as they received this 
 intelligence the Ministers of the four great powers assem- 
 bled in Conference. They resolved to declare war against 
 Napoleon, that should end only with his fall ; that he should 
 be treated as an outlaw, the personal foe of Europe. Many 
 who have written about those times have blamed the Congress 
 for its harshness, forgetting, however, what Europe had suf- 
 fered from the wars into which Napoleon's ambition and 
 overbearing arrogance had dragged them, and how hateful 
 foreign rule had become throughout Europe. One brother 
 of Napoleon was King of Westphalia, another King of 
 Spain, a third of Holland, and Murat, King of Naples. His 
 invasion of Eussia and the continental blockade against Eng- 
 land were sufficient reasons for the coalition against liim, 
 and it was only natural that they should make use of every 
 means in their power to prevent the recurrence of such 
 events ; and the probability of renewed wars with the 
 dreaded Napoleon inspired the Conferences at Vienna with 
 fresh energy. 
 
 The consideration, however, of the question of the future 
 of Germany was postponed from the 17th of November till 
 the 23d of May, although meanwhile some preliminary 
 negotiations were carried on between Prince Metternich, 
 the Prussian Chancellor, Count Hardenberg, and Count 
 Miinster. Of the last, whose despatches to the Prince 
 Eegent of England we present to our readers, we will here 
 give a short notice, which will explain how he came to 
 occupy a more important position in the Congress than was 
 perhaps due to the Hanoverian representative. Count 
 Munster was bom in the year 1767, at Osnabnick, in West- 
 
THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 7 
 
 phalia, educated at Dessau and tlie academy for noblemen 
 at Liineburg, went afterwards to the University of Gottingen, 
 and subsequently entered the ci^dl service in Hanover. In 
 1793 he unexpectedly received an order from George ill. to 
 accompany the Duke of Sussex to Italy, where he remained 
 five years, cultivating and improving his love for the arts 
 and sciences. In 1800 he was sent as ambassador to St. 
 Petersburg, where he stayed till 1804, and became a highly 
 esteemed member of the diplomatic corps, and was united 
 by the most friendly ties to many of the cleverest men 
 of the time. In 1804 George iii. recalled him. He went 
 to London, and was then appointed Prime Minister for 
 Hanover. He resided nearly continually at Court, and 
 possessed the King's most unlimited confidence, and after- 
 wards that of his successor, both as Prince Eegent and as 
 George iv. He was on the most intimate terms with the 
 English statesmen of the day, and a foreigner has seldom 
 had conceded to him more political esteem and confidence 
 than he enjoyed. 
 
 During the time of the Prussian and French occupation 
 of Hanover he remained in England, constantly occupied in 
 his endeavours to assist the struggles for freedom of the 
 German nation. Notwithstanding that Prussia had in 1806 
 behaved very badly to Hanover, Count Mlinster admitted 
 that she ought to take the most prominent position in 
 the liberation of Germany, and it was he who first sug- 
 gested the English subsidies. Erom that time he became 
 the centre of the patriotic movement for the freedom of 
 Germany, and was in constant communication with the 
 Prussian patriots and statesmen. He was in Paris in 1814, 
 and went in September of that year to Vienna as representa- 
 tive of Hanover for the Prince Eegent of England. Al- 
 though considered in England a " High Tory," he was in 
 
8 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 reality, as all true aristocrats are, very liberal-minded ; and 
 indeed it would be scarcely possible for one who had for 
 ten years inhaled the pure air of English political freedom 
 to feel any sympathy with the restricted views and selfish 
 love of power of the rulers and diplomatists of the smaller 
 German States. He was one of the few who at Vienna 
 frankly and in plain terms interceded for the rights of the 
 German nation. Although the "Bund" was partly the 
 result of his labours, he always acknowledged, both at 
 the time and afterwards, that it did not thoroughly realize 
 that unity and freedom which the German nation had a 
 right to expect after the war for independence ; he rather 
 regarded it as a precursory measure, and rejoiced that some 
 basis had been secured for the foundation of German unity ; 
 and he trusted to the honour and sagacity of the Govern- 
 ment hereafter to regulate the rights of the German Con- 
 federation. Count Munster relinquished with the greatest 
 reluctance the idea of a German empire and a general 
 Parliamentary constitution, but he arrived at the conviction 
 that Prussia could not be separated from Germany, and 
 that it was impossible to expect that so powerful a State 
 should be subservient to another power. On these grounds 
 he also always opposed Metternich's idea of dividing 
 Germany into departments, with a king at the head of each, 
 the whole to be under the dominion of Austria. He had, 
 as the faithful servant of his king, done all in his power to 
 make Hanover a great kingdom, and in these endeavours 
 had met with much success, and had obtained many con- 
 cessions from Prussia, convinced as he was that the interests 
 of the two countries were homogeneous ; he always advised 
 co-operation with Prussia, and so long as he was at the head 
 of the Hanoverian Government, the best understanding 
 existed between them. 
 
THE CONGKESS OF VIENNA. 9 
 
 In the difficult times of and after 1848, King Ernst 
 August endeavoured to maintain these friendly relations. 
 Unfortunately, his son King George had been misled into 
 following other politics, and his advisers, impotent as states- 
 men, had neither the courage nor the foresight to prevent 
 him rushing blindly to his destruction. 
 
 Let us now return to the Vienna Congress. As we 
 have already mentioned, the consideration of the German 
 question was postponed till the 23d of May ; and on 
 that date it assembled to deliberate upon it. Austria 
 and Prussia proposed to the other members a plan for 
 the formation of the German Bund. At their second 
 sitting, the observations upon this were resolved into a 
 Protocol, and, on the 8th of Juue, the fundamental Treaty 
 which created the German Bund was signed. This we have 
 already seen once succumb in the year 1848, and although, 
 through the Treaty of Olmiitz in 1851, it was in a manner 
 revived, yet it has since then been found impossible to 
 breathe any new life into it, and on the 14th of June 1866 
 it finally gave up the ghost. The restoration of the Bund in 
 1850 has always appeared to us like the embalming of the 
 corpse of a person whose death it is desirable to conceal on 
 account of the pension that is paid during his life. The 
 authors of the German Bund tried to resolve a problem 
 which, in our opinion, was impossible, and if it appeared to 
 be successfully accomplished, if the Bund was undisturbed 
 and Germany enjoyed peace till the year 1848, it was not in 
 consequence, but in spite of, the Bund. Nevertheless, much 
 credit is due to the statesmen who originated it, that they 
 made German unity possible ; and if its success was not 
 what might have been hoped and expected, it was owing to 
 two causes : — First, the thirteenth clause stipulated that each 
 of the confederate States shou]d have its own Parliament, 
 
10 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 and it is well known how Austria and Prussia fulfilled their 
 part of the bargain. In the second place, the Bund was 
 grounded in error, confederation of States being inconsistent 
 with Monarchism. The basis of Monarchy is that one 
 should govern ; that of a Eepublic, the helief that every one 
 may govern. The great mistake was the concession of the 
 same sovereign powers to such wretched little States as those 
 governed by Princes Eeuss and Lichtenstein and others, 
 and which as German principalities they had never enjoyed, 
 as were possessed by the powerful ones of Prussia and 
 Austria. This was nearly as absurd as the idea of universal 
 suffrage, placing the power in the hands of the multitude, 
 — for there are always more Minnows than Tritons. 
 
 In reality, the confederation was a republic of Sovereigns, 
 and they were guilty of the usual republican errors, the one 
 refusing to be subservient to the other. If the idea of 
 modern Liberalists, viz., a Parliament in connexion with the 
 Bund, to be held at Frankfort, had been carried out, then 
 republicanism would have been established, because either 
 the Parliament must have been ineffectual, or else it would 
 have deprived the Princes of all power, and what then 
 would have been left of their sovereignty ? Most of the 
 statesmen of 1815 desired the restoration of the German 
 Empire, but the realization of this idea was then impossible. 
 Austria had become too impotent, and Prussia too powerful ; 
 she neither could, nor would, submit to Austrian rule, and 
 was become so formidable in Germany that the intention 
 Prince Mettemich once entertained of repudiating her was 
 quite out of the question. Her present position was un- 
 tenable, and the necessity obvious for her becoming of either 
 more, or less, importance. This was fully recognised by all 
 the rational men of the time ; indeed, they did not anticipate 
 that the strife for supremacy in Germany which they fore- 
 
THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 1 1 
 
 saw must ensue, would be postponed till 1866. The cata- 
 strophe is now over, Austria is driven from Germany, and it 
 is Prussia's duty to accomplish the just wishes of the 
 German nation for unity, and consequent power. History 
 has shown us the alliance of Monarchical countries, but never 
 existing on such principles as the Bund did. It has also 
 given us various examples of confederated Eepublics, of 
 which, in our days, Switzerland and America are instances. 
 America has lately shown us that as soon as the interests 
 which unite the different States are at variance, the ties 
 which bound them are severed. The only possibility of 
 uniting separate monarchic States is the principle of vassal- 
 age under an empire ; but here the danger is that either the 
 emperor deprives his vassals of all power, or that they 
 become too powerful, and the empire falls to pieces. Such 
 was formerly the German Empire, and such we have seen 
 has been its fate. An empire based on these principles 
 must be ever liable to vicissitudes ; but in the position of 
 affairs in Germany, even such a mutable empire may be 
 better than the forcible foundation of a kingdom con- 
 stituted through the shameless disregard of all historical, 
 legal, and moral rights. 
 
 No other nation but the German could ever have created 
 such a political arrangement as constituted the Bund. It is 
 remarkable what idealists Germans are on all political ques- 
 tions. In their own affairs, in every- day life, they are 
 sufficiently materialists. " Gefuhlspolitik" only to be trans- 
 lated as " sentimental policy," a word they have themselves 
 invented, and which, as it is practised by no other nation, 
 has no equivalent in any other language, proves the truth of 
 this observation. A German does not found his political 
 views on real premisses ; he pursues what he desires and 
 believes, not what exists. 
 
12 THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 In the year 1848 the German colours were everywhere to 
 be seen ; everybody wore them ; every house was hung with 
 black, red, and gold ; yet all the while, beyond its geogra- 
 phical position, Germany was nothing but a myth. Prussia 
 could boast of an admiral while she only possessed a small 
 ship of war — " The Amazon." So had Germany an Imperial 
 Parliament and a Eegent, but no empire. Now all is changed. 
 She has been awakened from her dreams by the thunder of 
 the cannon in 1866. Let her beware lest she again fall into 
 such a state of somnambulism. 
 
 The three Sovereigns left Vienna at the end of May. 
 By the 8th of June most of the Plenipotentiaries had de- 
 parted. The Vienna Congress was at an end ! 
 
 On the 15th of June 1815 the battle of Waterloo was 
 fought, and the allied troops entered Paris for the second 
 time. On the 2d of August, Prussia, Austria, and Eussia 
 signed an agreement declaring Napoleon prisoner, and 
 consigning him to the custody of England. Thus con- 
 cluded one of the bloodiest wars Europe has ever sustained, 
 and thus began a new era of peace. The so-called Holy 
 Alliance between Eussia, Austria, and Prussia, was ratified 
 on the 26th of September 1815. On the 20th of November 
 of the same year the Treaties of Chaumont and Vienna were 
 acknowledged, and the frontiers of France determined. 
 
 The Holy Alliance had, notwithstanding the religious 
 garb in which the Emperor Alexander had clothed it, great 
 political importance. The destruction of the Quadruple 
 Alliance, to which England belonged, and the ratification of 
 the second Treaty of Paris, as weU as the little consideration 
 they showed for their obligations to their other German 
 allies in all questions of European policy, clearly proves this. 
 So long as Germany's two greatest powers followed one road, 
 
THE CONGKESS OF VIENNA. 13 
 
 the existing danger for the rest of Germany was diminished, 
 and consequently the Holy Alliance, by uniting these two 
 powers, contributed more towards the preservation of peace 
 than even the Bund itself, which naturally could only main- 
 tain it till the interests of Austria and Prussia separated 
 them. France was perfectly isolated ; as for England, if she 
 preserved a good understanding with the three Powers, it 
 was even at that time the publicly expressed opinion that 
 she should maintain, as far as possible, an independent 
 European policy, and occupy herself chiefly with her mari- 
 time and colonial interests. This feeling has since then 
 even increased, and at the present day forms the basis of 
 English political conduct. Napoleon's boundless ambition 
 led him to the belief that his power should be absolute in 
 Europe. The supremacy of England at sea was as a thorn 
 in his side, and the cause of his bitter enmity. Britannia 
 ruled then, as she rules now, the waves. He, in all his glory, 
 was here checkmated. He wished to land in England, and 
 made extensive preparations at Boulogne to effect that pur- 
 pose, but was foiled in the attempt. He then sought, through 
 a continental blockade, to ruin English commerce. This 
 resulted in so great a hatred between England and France, 
 that although it was natural to imagine the alliance of the 
 two greatest maritime Powers, it became no longer possible 
 to entertain such an idea. 
 
 As we have to consider the position of Europe from this 
 period to the present day, there is here a convenient oppor- 
 tunity of reviewing the state of individual countries and 
 their diplomatic relations with each other, concluding with 
 the affairs of Germany, and endeavouring to narrate, as 
 impartially as possible, the occurrences of the year 1866, 
 and their probable consequences on the future of Germany. 
 
11. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 It may excite some surprise that Eussia should be placed 
 first ; but this country, the youngest, yet the most consider- 
 able member of the European family of States, had, through 
 her armies in the wars, and through the diplomacy of the 
 Emperor Alexander in the negotiations at Vienna and Paris, 
 approximated herself so much to Europe, and assumed such 
 an important position, as to justify the precedence given 
 to her. 
 
 It is not intended that this should be a history of Eussia, 
 the commencement of which, and particularly that of Peter 
 the Great, is so well known. 
 
 Eussia is a very remarkable country, and it is excessively 
 difficult to form an accurate judgment of her ; neither the 
 land, geographically speaking, nor yet its inhabitants, can be 
 measured according to the European standard. The Eussian, 
 like his country, partakes both of Europe and Asia ; less 
 civilized than the one, and more than the other. 
 
 St. Petersburg has been, as if through enchantment, built 
 in the midst of a barren wilderness ; whoever sees the 
 enormous city, which measures nearly ten miles across, with 
 its massive palaces, huge public buildings (the public build- 
 ings of St. Petersburg occupy as much space as those of 
 
RUSSIA. 15 
 
 London, Paris, Vienna, and Berlin all put together), and the 
 magnificent quays of the Neva, finds it difficult to realize the 
 fact that in the year 1700, on the same spot, nothing was to 
 be heard but the wild cry of the black-cock, and the call of 
 the capercailzie to his mate, — that the wild duck swam and 
 the woodcock nested where now stand the finest palaces. 
 
 When one sees in summer the beautiful pure stream of 
 the Neva, which flows out of the Lake Ladoga, uniting the 
 whole of Eussia as far as Astracan, and connecting the 
 Baltic with the Caspian Sea, one ceases to be astonished 
 that the lord of these almost immeasurable realms should 
 resolve to found a city which should be at once distinguished 
 for its commerce and as his capital. Peter the Great and 
 his court were as the sunshine — without which nothing can 
 flourish — of this savage country, and his great wish to 
 establish St. Petersburg as an important commercial city led 
 him therefore to reside there. 
 
 But let us look on the reverse of the medal. When in 
 winter one sees the ships, which have lain half the year 
 helplessly inactive, enclosed in ice, and reflects on the 
 dangers they must run in the spring of being crushed by 
 the floating masses of ice ; when one feels the icy cold, the 
 frozen limbs ; if one sees, as the author has seen, the coach- 
 man of a lady, who, while his mistress was enjoying the 
 finest Italian singing at the opera, was frozen dead on his 
 box, which she discovered when on coming out he did not 
 answer to her call ; if one has at times, in autumn and 
 spring, heard the alarm-cannon from the fortress announcing 
 to the inhabitants the peril they were in from the rapidly 
 rising waters of the Neva, — one asks one's-self, doubtfully, 
 whether Peter the Great was right in beginning so gigantic a 
 work in such a situation. 
 
 AVhat man's ingenuity can discover, or man's luxury 
 
16 RUSSIA. 
 
 invent, to make life pleasant, and to conceal the shady side 
 of the climate, has been done ; and as far as regards magni- 
 ficence, and all the splendour of grand society, as far as 
 regards pleasant social life, there is no city that can compare 
 with St. Petersburg. It is the city of contrasts ! An hour's 
 distance, so near indeed that in the sunshine one may see 
 the light glistening on her windows, the author has shot 
 wolves and capercailzie ; at this distance from the city begin 
 forests and morasses, which stretch as far as the White Sea; 
 only a few miles off the peasant is as far behind in his ideas 
 of agriculture as his brethren a thousand miles further in the 
 interior. Civilisation in St. Petersburg is merely artificial, 
 consequently her vivifying breath has not had sufficient 
 strength to reach beyond her immediate precincts. It is 
 not to be denied that an ungrateful soil and climate scarcely 
 rewards the labour of agriculture, and through serfdom, and 
 particularly through the nature of the government of Eus- 
 sian parishes, progress is difficult, if not impossible. These 
 are managed on the principle of practical communism ; and 
 since the author has seen on the spot the actual working 
 result of this system, it has been inconceivable to him how 
 so clever a man as August von Haxthausen, in his well- 
 known work on Kussia, speaking of the Eussian parishes 
 (Myrr), can so strongly support it. 
 
 It was then, and still is, the custom to divide the land 
 belonging to the parish, or which might have been given 
 over to it by the lord of the manor, into three fields, and 
 these are again subdivided into as many portions as there 
 are male inhabitants in the village. This occurring fre- 
 quently (generally every nine years), destroys aU interest in 
 the improvement of the soil, and all pleasure in its posses- 
 sion is rendered impossible. It has always appeared to the 
 author that the Eussian does not attach the same value or 
 
RUSSIA. 1 7 
 
 respect to property that other nations do : he must conse- 
 quently be judged differently; he has less conscience about 
 helping himself to the property of others, but, on the other 
 hand, he is more ready to give. 
 
 A Eussian official who may have eked out his income 
 through means not strictly legal, may, in other respects, be 
 a very worthy man, only his ways and thoughts are different 
 from ours ; he may be withal charitable, merciful, even 
 generous. Whereas a German official who did the same 
 thing would be certain to be a morally bad and corrupt 
 man. It is certain that this want of principle among the 
 officials is very detrimental to the interests of Eussia, and 
 that so long as the evil exists it will be impossible to bring 
 order either into her finances or administration. Much has 
 however already been done by the present Emperor in order 
 to eradicate it ; and in many respects, Eussian officials are 
 more hardly judged by foreigners than they really deserve. 
 Public justice and the greater freedom of the Press have 
 already had an excellent effect towards improving them. 
 
 In our European countries, where every official has a 
 supervisor or inspector almost at his door, where a daily 
 post enables his superiors to be in constant communication 
 with each official, control is much easier, and abuses much 
 more difficult than in the immense distances and difficult 
 communication of Eussia. The following story, which 
 occurred a few years ago, is related as an instance of 
 this : — 
 
 A German mechanic who had been working in a manu- 
 factory at Perm wished to return, and began his journey on 
 foot, intending to pass by Nijui-lSTovgorod. Unluckily for 
 him, on the road he met with a convoy of prisoners on their 
 way to Siberia ; the non-commissioned officer who had the 
 charge of them had lost one of the prisoners, at any rate he 
 
 B 
 
18 RUSSIA. 
 
 was one short of the right number, so, as the unfortunate 
 workman was passing, he quietly took him prisoner, shaved 
 his head, bestowed on him the missing number, and walked 
 him off to Siberia. The poor man travelled thus for nine 
 months, when accidentally, but most fortunately for him, 
 they met with a German doctor who was on a scientific 
 tour in Siberia; to him he related his unfortunate story. 
 The doctor at once wrote to the representative of his 
 country. He immediately applied to the highest authorities. 
 Every means were taken to find the unfortunate man, but it 
 was a long time — fully a year and a half — before he was 
 discovered and sent to St. Petersburg, where everything was 
 done to indemnify him for what he had suffered. It is im- 
 possible that such adventures could occur in a less vast and 
 lonely country, and it must be acknowledged that whenever 
 such cases are brought to notice, all that is possible is done 
 to repair the evil and prevent its recurrence. 
 
 Let us now turn back and shortly sketch the reigns of the 
 Emperors Alexander i., Nicholas, and the present Emperor, 
 Alexander n. 
 
 Earely has a monarchy, more especially an absolute 
 monarchy, had the good fortune to be ruled consecutively by 
 three such excellent men and monarchs as the Emperors 
 Alexander i., Nicholas, and Alexander ii. 
 
 Alexander i. was born in the year 1777, on the 13th of 
 December, and succeeded to the throne of his father Paul on 
 the 26 th of March 1801. As is well known, this Emperor 
 was murdered in his palace, through the result of a Court 
 conspiracy. 
 
 It is a sad reflection upon the human character, how few 
 natures are strong enough to bear the test of absolute power; 
 how few can withstand the intoxicating feeling given by the 
 possession of unlimited control over the worldly destiny of 
 
RUSSIA. 19 
 
 their fellow-beings, and when all must bow before the will 
 and temper of one man. It is hard for that man, however 
 noble, weak and imperfect as his nature must still neces- 
 sarily be, not to become the slave of his own passions. 
 Despotism easily leads to petty tyranny. This was demon- 
 strated in the last years of the life of the Emperor Paul ; 
 and tyranny too often suggests the awful remedy of murder. 
 An intelligent Eussian once remarked to us, " Every country 
 has its own constitution ; ours is absolutism moderated by 
 assassination." The manner in which Paul treated the 
 aristocracy of his country sounds in these days scarcely 
 credible. It has often been related to me by an old lady 
 in St. Petersburg, that she remembered, when a young girl, 
 driving with her mother, if they happened to meet the 
 Emperor, no matter how inclement the weather or how deep 
 the snow, they were compelled to descend from their car- 
 riage and make him the deepest reverences. If any unfor- 
 tunate lady neglected this mark of homage, either her 
 father or husband, or both, met with the severest punish- 
 ment. We are not aware if it has before been published, 
 but in Eussia the following anecdote is well known : — In 
 consequence of the arrival of a foreign prince at St. Peters- 
 burg, the Emperor paraded his regiment of Horse Guards, in 
 which all the noblest of the land served, on the ground at 
 "Gatshina." He wished to charge at their head, placed 
 himself in front, but gave a false word of command, and 
 after galloping forwards, found himself alone. Nearly out 
 of his senses with passion, he rode back, and immediately 
 ordered the whole regiment, just as it was, off to Siberia. 
 They marched many weeks, till beyond Tichwin, before he 
 could be prevailed upon by' the earnest prayers of their 
 relatives to recall them. Such anecdotes are innumerable ; 
 but these are sufidcient for our purpose. 
 
20 RUSSIA. 
 
 That a frightful feeling of bitterness and a system of 
 denunciation and espionage prevailed among the nobility is 
 not to be wondered at, although even this can scarcely 
 palliate so horrid a murder. Whether Alexander was aware 
 of the conspiracy is uncertain, but judging from his character 
 it is impossible for us (as many however have done) to 
 accept the belief that he actually gave his consent to it ; nay, 
 the melancholy which characterized his whole being may 
 have had its origin in the sad catastrophe which was the 
 immediate cause of his ascension to the throne. Alexander 
 was wise, noble, and in all respects highly gifted, his educa- 
 tion had been excellent, and his information was very 
 extensive ; he was philanthropic in his ideas, and esteemed 
 in all respects liberalism, which he even tried to introduce 
 into Eussia, but found it wholly nnsuited to her constitution. 
 In the beginning of his reign he attempted many improve- 
 ments in the interior government, the defects of which he 
 fully recognised, but appeared finally to be wearied and over- 
 whelmed with the difficulties of his undertaking ; he strove 
 at first to fight against the innumerable abuses, against 
 the inveterate vice and corruption that existed in Eussia, 
 but finding himself unsupported in the struggle, he gave it 
 up, and fell into the error which has been so often the fail- 
 ing of Eussian rulers — occupying himseK more with foreign 
 politics than concerning himself with the internal improve- 
 ment of his country. After his return from Vienna and 
 Paris in 1815, his mind was much occupied with religion, 
 and the wish to abdicate to which he had formerly given 
 expression was frequently repeated. Only a few years after 
 his ascension to the throne he wrote to his excellent tutor 
 La Harpe — " If Providence would allow me to lead Eussia to 
 the first step of that pinnacle of greatness on which I desire 
 to see her placed, my first, wish would be to lay down the 
 
RUSSIA. 21 
 
 burden of Government, and retire to some peaceful and 
 beautiful part of Europe." 
 
 The Emperor was singularly affected by the burning of 
 Moscow, and his already deep feelings for religion were still 
 further excited. The construction he gave to the coalition 
 between Eussia, Austria, and Prussia, and on which he be- 
 stowed the name of the " Holy Alliance," may be regarded 
 as the exuberance of this religious sensibility. Historians 
 relate the influence exercised over him by a lady possessed at 
 that time of some celebrity, the Baroness Krudener. She 
 followed him to Paris, and encouraged and confirmed him in 
 his exalted religious ideas with regard to the Holy Alliance ; 
 which notwithstanding was, as we have before mentioned, 
 of a singularly political character. The Emperor believed 
 and hoped that through his of&cers who had served in the 
 wars, and returned from Germany and France, he would be 
 able to propagate the liberal opinions which, as we have 
 before said, he entertained, and that a useful and enlightened 
 impulse would be given to civilisation in Eussia. But he 
 did not reflect that the ground in Eussia was not prepared 
 to receive such seed ; he neglected first to cultivate it, and 
 eradicate the weeds. Consequently the weeds sprang up 
 and choked the good seed ; thus his labour was lost. He 
 commenced incautiously by allowing the establishment of 
 secret societies, and encouraging Freemasonry. It soon ap- 
 peared that these very officers were spreading the most 
 dangerous principles, and when in the year 1822, through a 
 decree of the Minister of the Interior, Count Victor Kot- 
 chubei, the Freemason Lodges were closed, and secret 
 societies forbidden, and all officials obliged to give their 
 word not to belong to any secret society either at home or 
 abroad, the mischief was done, and the incentive to con- 
 spiracies and revolution was given. 
 
22 RUSSIA. 
 
 At the Vienna Congress, Poland was in reality divided 
 into five parts, under five different constitutions : first, the 
 new kingdom of Poland, which was the old dukedom of. 
 Warsaw ; secondly, the Eussian-Polish provinces ; thirdly, 
 the Austrian-Polish provinces ; fourthly, the Prussian- 
 Polish provinces ; fifthly, the free town of Cracow, with 
 the districts appertaining to it, which was placed under 
 the united protection of the great powers. The brother of 
 the Emperor, the Grand-Duke Constantino, was Vice-King 
 of Poland, but without the title. He was the heir to the 
 throne of Eussia, but had no inclination to ascend it. On 
 the 26th of February 1822, he wrote to the Emperor, 
 saying he wished to resign his rights in favour of his brother 
 Nicholas. Two weeks afterwards the Emperor answered 
 him that he had shown his letter to the Empress's mother, 
 and that she as well as himself honoured his feelings and 
 gave him full permission to follow his inclination. In the 
 summer of 1823, the letter of the Grand-Duke was laid 
 before the Archbishop Philaret of Moscow, and he was 
 commissioned to prepare a manifesto appointing the Grand- 
 Duke Nicholas successor to the throne. This manifesto 
 was signed by the Emperor, and when he was at Moscow, 
 on the 6th of September of the same year, it was placed 
 in a sealed cover, with the following directions, in the 
 Emperor's own hand, written upon it : " This is to be kept 
 with the State papers in the Ascension Cathedral, and in 
 the event of my death to be opened in the Cathedral by 
 the Archbishop and the Governor-General before all the 
 public." The Emperor also ordered the Archbishop to send 
 copies of the manifesto, to be deposited in the Archives of 
 the Senate and Council of State. This was all conducted 
 with secrecy, and the future heir to the throne knew 
 nothing of it. By the command of the Emperor Alex- 
 
RUSSIA. 23 
 
 ander IL, the text of the letter, as well as the manifesto, 
 together with many other interesting documents, were pub- 
 lished in 1857, through Baron Korff, by Sigismund Wolff, in 
 Berlin, in which work is also to be found an interesting and 
 trustworthy account of the accession of the Emperor Nicholas. 
 In the autumn of 1825 the Emperor Alexander went with 
 the Empress, for the good of her health, to the south of 
 Kussia, and because fever was raging in the Crimea he 
 selected Taganrog for her residence. After a short time, 
 leaving her there, he himself made a tour in the Crimea. 
 He returned on the 1 7th of November, having been taken 
 ill during the journey. On his arrival he said to the 
 Empress he thought he had the fever. In spite of all 
 medical assistance he took to his bed, got rapidly worse, 
 and finally expired, in the arms of the Empress, on the 
 Y^ of December 1826. The news of his death spread like 
 lightning throughout Eussia, and there, as well as all over 
 Europe, he was believed to have been poisoned. He left 
 three brothers — Constantine, born in 1779; Nicholas, born 
 1796; and Michael, born 1798. We have already seen 
 how Constantine resigned his rights, and the arrangements 
 Alexander made for the succession ; but as this was a secret 
 both to the nation and to the Grand-Duke Nicholas, a 
 courier was immediately despatched both to Warsaw and 
 St. Petersburg. The Grand-Duke received the news of his 
 brother's death on the 7th, and immediately sent the Grand- 
 Duke Michael with a letter to his brother Nicholas acknow- 
 ledging him as Emperor and offering him his allegiance. 
 The courier sent to St. Petersburg reached it on the 9th, 
 just at the moment when thanksgivings were being offered 
 up in the church of the Winter Palace for the supposed 
 recovery of the Emperor, news having arrived a few days 
 before of an amelioration in his condition. The Grand-Duke 
 
24 RUSSIA. 
 
 Nicholas, immediately on receiving the sad intelligence of 
 his death, did homage to his brother Constantine, and made 
 the Guard of the Winter Palace, the regiment of Preobra- 
 jenskii, take the oath of allegiance to him. He had already- 
 communicated the mournful news to the Empress-mother, 
 and now went to tell her the steps he had taken. She 
 exclaimed, " Nicholas, what have you done ? You are the 
 Emperor !" The President of the Council of State requested 
 his presence at a solemn meeting of its members, and as the 
 Grand-Duke refused, on the ground that he did not belong 
 to the Council, the President opened the document deposited 
 in the chambers, and went, with all his associates, to do 
 homage to him as Emperor. The Grand-Duke received the 
 Council, but replied, " I am not the Emperor, and will not 
 take the rights of my eldest brother from him ; but if he 
 persists in his resolution to abdicate, it is true I cannot 
 refuse it." The Council implored Nicholas not to permit 
 any interregnum, which might be the source of great danger. 
 But he remained firm, and even compelled them to ac- 
 knowledge his brother Constantine, who thereupon was 
 proclaimed Emperor in St. Petersburg. The Grand-Duke 
 Michael arrived on the 13th with Constantine's letter, but 
 Nicholas would not allow it to be made public, and begged 
 his brother immediately to return to Warsaw and inform 
 Constantine that the oath of allegiance towards him had 
 abeady been taken. On the way Michael met a confiden- 
 tial friend of the Grand-Duke's, bringing, expressed in still 
 plainer terms, his renimciation of the throne. So he turned 
 back with him, and arrived in time to take an active part in 
 the revolution which had broken out in St. Petersburg. The 
 interregnum had lasted three weeks. On the 24th of De- 
 cember Nicholas received the positive assui'ance of the 
 resignation of his brother, took the reins of the Govern- 
 
RUSSIA. 25 
 
 ment, and had himself proclaimed. The consequences of 
 the secret societies now began to manifest themselves. The 
 seeds of the evil spirit imported from Trance began to 
 flourish. Under the ashes glowed the fire of revolution, 
 which, in consequence of Alexander's death and the uncer- 
 tainty and insecurity produced by the interregnum, now 
 burst into flames. In the south of Kussia, indeed over the 
 whole country, among the ofiicers, was a widely-spread con- 
 spiracy, and in almost every regiment of the Guards at 
 St. Petersburg were conspirators. The revolutionary feeling 
 was well known at Court, but that it would ever reach the 
 door of the Winter Palace, and with such celerity, no one 
 knew or believed. The conspirators, having at their head the 
 Princes Trubetzkoi and Obolenski, and Conrad Eylieff, had 
 resolved to make their outbreak on the day on which the 
 authorities and regiments were to take the oath of fealty to 
 the Emperor Nicholas. This it was now settled was to 
 take place on the morning of the 26th. On the previous 
 day, and the whole night, the conspirators assembled them- 
 selves at the house of EyliefiP, and sent of&cers belonging to 
 the conspiracy to the different barracks, in order to tell the 
 soldiers that they were deceived, that Constantino was their 
 real Emperor, and that their being called upon to swear 
 allegiance to Nicholas was only an intrigue to ruin them 
 and Eussia. 
 
 In some of the regiments, particularly those of Moscow, 
 the Marines, and the Artillery of the Guards, they were lis- 
 tened to, and the soldiers were so little aware how they were 
 misled, that when the conspirators cried *' Long life to the 
 Constitution !" they believed it to be meant for the wife of 
 Constantine ! 
 
 Some companies of the regiment of Moscow, part of the 
 battalion of the Marine Guards, and divisions of many regi- 
 
26 RUSSIA. 
 
 ments, assembled themselves in the large Admiralty Square 
 close to the Senate ; also great numbers of Monjocks (pea- 
 sants who served in the town), and many private persons. 
 Intelligence was sent to the Emperor that this crowd 
 assumed a very threatening attitude. The old Governor- 
 General of St. Petersburg, Count Miloradovitch, who, 
 singularly enough, had never even suspected what was now 
 taking place, hastened to the Emperor, and set "t)efore him, 
 as strongly as possible, the danger of the position. The 
 Emperor went to the Empress, sent to fetch his children 
 from the Anitschkoff Palace, offered up a short prayer in the 
 church, then took his son of eight years old, the present 
 Emperor, by the hand, and went into the court of the 
 Winter Palace, where a company of the battalion of the 
 Finland Eifles had the guard ; to these, after making them 
 an affecting address, he gave over the care of his son, and 
 from the tears which glittered in the eyes of these bronzed 
 old warriors, he could feel sure that so long as one of the 
 brave soldiers lived the heir to the throne of Russia would 
 be protected. After that he proceeded to the parade-ground 
 in front of the Winter Palace. The first battalion of the 
 Preobrajenskii regiment of the Guards was just marching 
 out, followed by the Horse Guards, commanded by Orloff. 
 
 The Emperor addressed these troops, told them that he 
 was their lawful Emperor, and that he was going to put 
 their fidelity to the proof. The expression of the determina- 
 tion to fulfil their duty which showed itself on aU their 
 countenances, gave him, as he often afterwards himself 
 related, the assurance that he might rely upon these troops. 
 Count Miloradovitch now came to the Emperor with the 
 intelligence that things were going very badly, and that he 
 wished to try and speak with the rebels. The Emperor 
 made no reproaches to him, but answered in a friendly 
 
RUSSIA. 27 
 
 manner that lie might do so. The old soldier, with much 
 resolution, rode alone to meet the threatening insurgents ; 
 he commenced to speak to them, but while he was yet talk- 
 ing, one of the crowd came up behind and shot him dead. 
 The Emperor was anxious, as long as possible, to prevent 
 bloodshed, and resolved even now not to begin. The old 
 Archbishop of St. Petersburg also tried to reason with the 
 rebels, but the rude crowd scoffed at his white hairs, and he 
 returned unsuccessful to the Emperor. A few shots were 
 now fired, and the conflict began. The Emperor rode to- 
 wards a division of mutinous soldiers out of different regi- 
 ments, and as he saluted them he was answered by cries 
 of " Long live Constantine ! " As these were repeated, he 
 said quietly, " Then join the conspirators," and watched 
 them march off to do so. He now gave the order to the 
 regiment of Horse Guards to disperse the mob, but without 
 unnecessary violence. The attempt failed, and it became 
 requisite to have recourse to energetic measures, and a part 
 of the artillery corps which had remained faithful was 
 ordered to fire. The combat was becoming more serious. 
 At this juncture the Grand-Duke Michael, returning from 
 his journey to Warsaw, went at once to the barracks of the 
 revolted Moscow regiment, and persuaded a part of the 
 regiment which had remained in the barrack to follow him. 
 Through his energy and activity he brought to a happy con- 
 clusion much that was threatening. By six o'clock in the 
 evening the revolt was at an end, and the Emperor, who 
 through his exemplary conduct on this day had saved both 
 Eussia and his dynasty, was enabled to return to the Empress, 
 who had passed the whole time in prayer. 
 
 Thus commenced the reign of the Emperor Nicholas ; but 
 the impression he received on that day, the manner in which 
 the consequences of the liberalism of the Emperor Alexander 
 
28 RUSSIA. 
 
 were brought before his observation, produced a most essential 
 difference on his future government. He became harsh, which 
 did not at all belong to his natural character ; and the dread 
 he entertained of all intellectual progress of education and 
 general mental improvement originated in the fact that he 
 had seen how the propagation of false liberalism had turned 
 the people's heads, and led to the spread of dangerous ideas, 
 threatening his throne, and bringing Eussia to the verge of 
 ruin and destruction. Moreover, Eussia was not in reality 
 as ripe and ready for progress and civilisation as the Emperor 
 Alexander had believed ; and a Frenchman of the time truly 
 said — " La civilisation Franqaise est pour les Eusses comme 
 I'humidit^ sans soleil pour les fruits, cela les pourrit avant 
 de les murir." (" French civilisation is for Eussians what 
 humidity without sun is for fruits ; it rots without ripening 
 them.") 
 
 While the revolt we have been describing was going on in 
 St. Petersburg, there was also much agitation in the interior 
 of the country, and in the south of Eussia. The leaders 
 of the insurrection, Pestel and Apostel, had made among 
 the troops the most dangerous preparations for a general 
 military revolt. While the Emperor Alexander was living 
 at Taganrog, Pestel had already been denounced to him ; and 
 as soon as the revolution in St. Petersburg was tranquillized, 
 the most energetic measures were taken to suppress that of 
 the interior. Soon the whole web of the conspiracy was 
 unravelled, and all who had taken part in it seized and 
 punished. Thus was the root of the evil eradicated. On 
 the -^ July 1826, the Emperor celebrated a Te, Deum before 
 the Senate-house, the place where the insurrectionists had 
 assembled. 
 
 The Emperor Nicholas was a thorough gentleman, which un- 
 fortunately princes not always are. This arises from the style 
 
RUSSIA. 29 
 
 of their education, and from the fact of their always being 
 surrounded by flatterers. Few princes have, to the extent 
 he had, the upright wish and intention to do his duty as a 
 Sovereign ; he worked with untiring diligence and the best 
 will. The result of his labours was not always such as he 
 wished or might have anticipated, but he had elevated 
 Eussia to an apparently greater degree of power than she 
 had ever before possessed, and commanded for himself a rare 
 degree of respect both from princes and nations. He has 
 subsequently, however, been much too harshly judged, shar- 
 ing the fate of hia country. The power of both before the 
 siege of Sebastopol was overrated, and since their defeat has 
 been equally under-estimated. 
 
 We will now merely glance over the principal events of his 
 reign. In the years 1828 and 1829 he brought to a success- 
 ful issue a war with Turkey, which concluded with the peace 
 made at Adrianople, and then he proved himself a most 
 generous victor. In 1830 he suppressed a revolution in 
 Poland. For years he carried on a war in the Caucasus, and 
 extended Eussia's rule on all sides. In 1848 Nicholas was 
 the terror of all revolutionists ; he was the rock in the midst 
 of the stormy sea to which all the princes looked for their 
 salvation. Without immediate interference he was a great 
 supporter of the German monarchies ; he suppressed the 
 revolution in Hungary, rendering thereby a great service to 
 Austria, which a few years later, as Prince Schwarzenberg had 
 predicted, astonished Europe by her ingratitude towards him. 
 
 The war on the Danube, the Crimean War, the Siege of 
 Sebastopol, and the heroic defence of the fortress, must be 
 still fresh in the memory of aU. 
 
 In the interior of Eussia, the Emperor tried most zealously 
 to bring order into the administration ; he saw the want of a 
 fixed code of laws, and appointed a particular committee to 
 
30 RUSSIA. 
 
 inquire into and regulate them. He did all that lay in his 
 power to reform existing abuses, and punished severely even 
 persons high in office who practised them ; but his efforts 
 seemed all in vain, for during his reign the evil seemed 
 to grow worse instead of better. He had often thought of 
 giving freedom to the serfs, but wished first to try the experi- 
 ment of improving the condition of the peasants belonging 
 to the Crown. For this purpose he established an especial 
 office, at the head of which he placed Count Kisselef, who 
 was considered to be a very enlightened man. The sole busi- 
 ness of this office was the amelioration and management of 
 their state ; but this, so far from improving their circum- 
 stances, placed them completely under the dominion of sub- 
 ordinate officials, who plundered and impoverished them to 
 such an extent that it was easy even for a stranger to recog- 
 nise the difference between the poverty of a village where the 
 Crown peasants lived, and the comparative comfort and pro- 
 sperity of those belonging to private proprietors. It had been 
 the Emperor Nicholas's intention to do much for the internal 
 communication of his country ; he made the railway from 
 St. Petersburg to Moscow, and paid enormous sums for the 
 formation of various high-roads. The fact that these roads, 
 though paid for, were not made, as well as many other simi- 
 lar malversations, was only brought to light through the 
 Crimean War. The Emperor Nicholas was faithful to Eussia's 
 diplomatic relationships as agreed to at the Holy Alliance, 
 and did everything to preserve the alliance with Austria, 
 which he considered the only means of maintaining 
 the configuration of the German States as fixed in 1815. 
 He believed this to be the surest means of preserving the 
 peace of Europe, which he earnestly desired. For Kussia's 
 self, the alliance which would most have gratified the 
 Emperor Nicholas was that of England ; and who can say if 
 
RUSSIA. 31 
 
 it would not have been much better policy for England to 
 have come to an understanding with Eussia about the Turkish 
 question, instead of joining with France and Turkey in a war 
 against her? Some English statesmen, we know, are of 
 this opinion, and have thought that an alliance with Eussia 
 would have been the best for England's interest. 
 
 In the confidential conversation which the Emperor held 
 with Sir Hamilton Seymour, if we do not mistake, in the 
 year 1852, about the Eastern question, he expressed himself 
 with a frankness which could only have been possible with 
 the Minister of a power which he believed to be friendly. 
 It would perhaps have been better for England if her Cabi- 
 net had agreed to the Emperor's propositions, and had not 
 been indiscreet enough to publish this conversation. That 
 England commenced the Crimean War through an error, 
 that she spilt the best blood of her sons in the service of 
 France, is now pretty generally acknowledged. Napoleon I. 
 said, " II faut que la Mediterranee devienne un lac Fran- 
 Qais" ("The Mediterranean must become a French lake"), and 
 the nephew does not lightly forget his uncle's sayings, and 
 believed the Crimean War to be a step towards this. The 
 real reason of this war was the widely- spread idea enter- "^ 
 tained by English statesmen, that Eussia might threaten 
 England's rule in India. Napoleon is thought to have had 
 the same opinion when he tried to penetrate Eussia ; but he 
 never got further than Moscow, and from Moscow to India 
 remains stiU a long, difficult, and desert way. As the Scotch 
 say, " It 's a far cry to Loch Awe." It is not easy to under- 
 stand how such fears can be seriously entertained. Eussia's 
 weakness hes in the preponderance of the Eastern population 
 as weU as in the fact that the enormous extent of country is 
 in general insufficiently peopled ; somewhat is also owing to 
 the great distances to be traversed, and the deficiency of her 
 
32 RUSSIA, 
 
 means of commtinication. It is well known that at one 
 time great disquietude existed generally, from the belief that 
 the Emperor Nicholas was ambitious of governing the world. 
 It was universally thought that at least he intended to take 
 possession of Turkey, and that he particularly desired to have 
 Constantinople ; but it is very doubtful whether her power 
 would have been thereby increased, if, indeed, it would not 
 have ultimately led to her ruin. The want of moral energy, \ 
 rectitude, and order, which characterizes the Sclavonian race, 
 and distinguishes it from the Anglo-Saxon, German, and 
 even Eomance nations, constitutes the principal evil against 
 which Eussia has to struggle ; and how seriously might not 
 this evil have been increased through the possession of 
 Turkey ! The charms of the situation of Constantinople, and 
 the climate, would naturally have attracted thither the Court 
 and all the grandees of Eussia, and the reminiscence of 
 the voluptuous life and Oriental customs, of which so many 
 traces are already to be found among them, would have 
 worked their ruin. N"o friend of Eussia can desire to see 
 Constantinople in the Emperor's hands. Asia is yet large 
 enough to give both England and Eussia, — ay, even for 
 some centuries to come ! — ^the possibility of extending and 
 strengthening their rule there, without interfering with each 
 other. Eussia, from her position on the land side, should 
 make it her task to become the civilized medium between 
 Europe and Asia ; but this task she can only really fulfil 
 when the European division of the enormous kingdom has 
 been brought to the first step of true and enlightened civili- 
 sation. 
 
 It is well known with what cunning Louis Napoleon 
 brought about the Crimean War, and how secretly he made 
 the alliance with England. As the nephew of Bonaparte, 
 he wished, not unnaturally, to destroy the Vienna Treaty 
 
RUSSIA. 33 
 
 and the Holy Alliance. In this he was successful. The 
 hitherto excellent diplomates of the Emperor Nicholas in 
 this emergency did not serve him so well as he had expected. 
 They were completely deceived, and only a short time before 
 the known entente cordiale between England and France was 
 concluded, his Ambassadors announced, " that the two Powers 
 would never be united." The Eussian army passed the 
 Danube. The war commenced. This was succeeded by the 
 landing of the Allied Forces in the Crimea, and the war 
 ended with the besieging and taking of Sebastopol. All 
 appeared to conspire against Eussia; even Austria, who owed 
 her such a debt of gratitude, chose this opportunity to realize 
 the prophecy of Prince Schwarzenberg, to which we have 
 before alluded. Austria was imprudent enough to break up 
 the so-called Holy Alliance, without taking the precaution 
 to secure herself another ally. The Emperor Nicholas, who 
 had a far more sensitive and tender character than people 
 gave him credit for, had also a personal friendship for the 
 young Emperor of Austria; indeed, loved him nearly as if he 
 had been his own son, and his behaviour towards him had 
 deeply wounded him. Added to this was the vexation 
 caused by the discovery of the gross existing abuses, never 
 suspected by the Emperor, and which were now first exposed 
 to light. When the news of the battle of Alma was brought 
 to him by the aide-de-camp of the Admiral Menschikoff, 
 Colonel Greigh, and when this latter confessed to him the 
 deficiency in the equipment and the general bad condition 
 of the troops which had taken part in it, his passion nearly 
 got the better of him. Blow succeeded blow. And although 
 the heroic defence of the fortress of Sebastopol by his army 
 and fleet, which latter, as his own creation, he especially 
 loved, was some consolation to him, yet these repeated and 
 bitter disappointments commenced, as it were, to sap the 
 
 c 
 
34 RUSSIA. 
 
 foundations of Ms life. Through the weakness of the forti- 
 fications, the bad state of the ships, and particularly the 
 deficiency of the armament, St. Petersburg was much more 
 seriously endangered by the fleet commanded by Sir Charles 
 N'apier at Cronstadt than the Western Powers themselves 
 at the time had any idea of. Her defence was personally 
 conducted by the Emperor, and his health, already seriously 
 affected by continued mental emotions, gave way completely 
 under bodily fatigue. The Emperor Nicholas died on the 2d 
 of March 1855. With the force and celerity of lightning the 
 news spread throughout Europe. 
 
 All now hoped for peace ! Karely has a man in his life- 
 time been more idolized, but perhaps still more rarely has 
 any man after his death been more harshly and unjustly 
 judged, than the Emperor Nicholas. The author arrived at 
 St. Petersburg a short time after the Emperor's death, and 
 can never forget the painful impression made upon him, that 
 those who had owed everything — position, honour, riches, — 
 to their recently deceased sovereign, now abused him ; that 
 those who recently crawled before him, and pretended to 
 worship him, now attributed aU the misfortunes which had 
 befallen Eussia to him (due as they really were to them- 
 selves), and described him as the most short-sighted, selfish 
 tyrant, and that Eussia, and indeed all Europe, should con- 
 gratulate themselves on his death. This ingratitude, this 
 injustice, plainly shows that Eussian civilisation was then 
 only skin-deep. These, and many other observations, proved 
 how much more necessary the abolition of serfdom was for 
 the higher classes even than for the serfs themselves. Who 
 ever possessed slaves treated them accordingly, and those 
 who cannot see in their fellow-men the reflection of their 
 own image, and do not, as such, respect them, cannot possess 
 the Christian feelings with which they ought to be animated. 
 
RUSSIA. 35 
 
 True Christianity, which civilisation brings with it, is incon- 
 sistent with slavery. Eussian serfdom was nothing else. 
 The author has seen Eussian serfs treated as no Turk would 
 treat his slaves, and has observed with his own eyes that 
 the horrors related of Eussian serfdom were no exaggeration. 
 The Emperor Alexander ii., who was born on the ^-f- April 
 1818, and succeeded his father on the 2d of March 1855, 
 has deserved the thanks not only of his people but of all 
 Christians, in recognising and abolishing this shocking evil. 
 Alexander ii. succeeded to the throne in a most difficult 
 time, and under trying circumstances. Eussia was at war 
 with France, England, Turkey, and Italy, and even Austria 
 preserved only an unfriendly neutrality. The finances of 
 the country and the reserve of men were so exhausted, that 
 they were obliged to recruit with even those of forty- eight 
 years old. There was no confidence in the administration of 
 the country; everywhere there existed sorrow and discontent. 
 Added to all this, the difficult question of the emancipation of 
 the serfs made his task a really hard one. The author has the 
 honour to be personally acquainted with the Emperor, and 
 being in Eussia during this time, from his observation of his 
 noble conduct, became one of his warmest admirers, and is 
 convinced that history will give him still more credit, and 
 do him still more justice, than ever his contemporaries have 
 done. If Eussia ever attains the position which would 
 appear to have been destined for her by Providence, if she 
 ever becomes really civilized, and promotes the civilisation 
 of Asia, it is entirely owing to the Emperor Alexander ii.'s 
 courage in emancipating the serfs. During the reign of the 
 Emperor Nicholas, particularly when the war first broke out, 
 Eussia was frequently compared to a Colossus standing on 
 feet of clay. The result of the war shows that this comparison 
 was not altogether inapposite, but the feet were not wholly 
 
36 RUSSIA. 
 
 of clay. The Colossus has not yet fallen. The present 
 Emperor, through the railways which will soon traverse all 
 parts of Russia, has given him iron feet, and the Colossus 
 will soon renew, if not double, his strength. Immediately 
 after his accession he neither would nor dared conclude 
 peace ; besides, after the death of the Emperor Nicholas, the 
 demands of the Western Powers became too presumptuous, 
 consequently the siege of Sebastopool lasted till the 8th of 
 September 1855, — the Russians having retreated to the 
 north side. The winter passed over in a sort of armistice, 
 and not till 10th March 1856 was peace finally concluded 
 at Paris. 
 
 Through this peace the existence of the Ottoman Porte 
 was again renewed, but nothing was gained for the Western 
 Powers except that through the destruction of the Russian 
 fleet her rule in the Black Sea was destroyed. Whether 
 it was wise, particularly whether it was wise of England, 
 to demand the so-called neutralization of the Black Sea, and 
 to refuse to allow Russia to keep a few unimportant ships 
 of war on the sea which bathes her richest and most con- 
 siderable shores, is very doubtful. It is impossible to 
 suppose that with so great a Power as Russia such terms 
 can be permanent. We have always been of opinion that 
 Egypt and the Red Sea are of greater and more practical 
 importance than Constantinople and the Black Sea can ever 
 be for England, and in this, as well as in other respects, the 
 Crimean war has done more harm than good. 
 
 Let us now make a few remarks upon the political status 
 of Russia. The Emperor Alexander's Minister for Foreign 
 Aftairs, the present Vice- Chancellor, Prince Gortschakoff, is 
 without doubt a remarkable man. Although to those who 
 are not well acquainted with him he gives the impression of 
 being vain, he is a man of a very clear understanding, pos- 
 
RUSSIA. 37 
 
 sessing much well-grounded knowledge, thoroughly practical 
 and logical, perfectly understands Eussia and the Eussians, 
 is a most faithful servant of his Emperor, and a true friend 
 to his friends. Prince Gortschakoff took office at a period 
 of the greatest difficulty." His diplomacy was singularly 
 successful, particularly on the subject of the Polish question. 
 He honestly assisted the Emperor in all his endeavours to 
 accomplish great and difficult internal reforms, and he was 
 one of the few nobles in the kingdom who earnestly and 
 sincerely desired the emancipation of the serfs. Prince 
 Gortschakoff declared, after the peace, that Eussia would 
 abstain from any active interference with European politics, 
 and that the Emperor would occupy himself with the great 
 work of reform. He had, with rare talent, strengthened 
 Eussia's foreign politics, and contrived, that although she 
 had made no formal alliance with any other Power, she should 
 yet be on the best diplomatic footing with all countries, and 
 that her position should be such as is most befitting so large 
 and independent a kingdom. Free from all foreign obliga- 
 tions, she has perfect liberty of action on every side, and 
 consequently, when the time comes to show it, will have 
 immense power and weight. Such a position for Eussia is 
 far preferable to alliances. At the commencement. Prince 
 Gortschakoff appeared much inclined for a French alliance, 
 but since the Polish Eevolution it is undeniable that the 
 feelings of both nations have considerably cooled towards 
 each other. The Eastern question always remains Eussia's 
 greatest difficulty. From their resemblance in religion, 
 Eussia naturally regards herself as the protector of the 
 unfortunate Christians in the East, and they look upon her 
 in the same light. 
 
 Eussian rule on the north shores of the Black Sea has 
 much extended; most of the tribes have been conquered. 
 
38 RUSSIA. 
 
 If the great network of railways Eussia is constructing were 
 once ended, the occupation of the Black Sea would become 
 much more important, and the question of the Dardanelles 
 assume greater significance. The descendants of the Knights 
 of the Cross should be ashamed that Turkey still exists in 
 Europe ; but so long as that is the case, she will ever remain 
 the bone of contention for European States. One piece after 
 another has been torn from the Sultan — first Greece, next 
 Algiers and Egypt, and now it seems probable Candia will 
 soon follow them. Over Constantinople, the most important 
 outpost of European commerce and civilisation, still waves 
 the red flag ; the Crescent still stands above the Cross, to the 
 shame of Christian nations. 
 
 The author has already remarked that it is his impression 
 it would not be for Eussia's interest to possess Constanti- 
 nople, nor does he believe that Eussian statesmen are of a 
 different opinion. A very general idea is a confederation of 
 Christian States ; and it was at one time proposed that Con- 
 stantinople should become a free commercial city, under 
 European protection. It was hoped that the kingdom of 
 Greece might have, through her European education and 
 civilisation, proved a counterpoise to the power of Turkey in 
 the East; but up to this time these expectations have 
 remained unfulfilled, and before Islam is cast out of Europe, 
 European statesmen will have time to form many other 
 plans. Greece has already experienced that her existence 
 under foreign protection is not much to be envied, and ere 
 this her young king has doubtless made the same discovery. 
 
 If Austria in the year 1854 had not pursued such a 
 short-sighted policy, if she had come to an understanding 
 with Eussia on the subject of the mouth of the Danube and 
 the antagonistic interests on the banks of this mighty 
 stream, if she had not made an implacable enemy of Eussia, 
 
KUSSIA. 39 
 
 the question would probably have been more easily solved. 
 The national hatred which, particularly since the Crimean 
 War, exists between Austria and Eussia, creates greater 
 difficulties for Eussian statesmen than is generally believed, 
 for they are not supposed to pay as much attention to public 
 opinion as they in reality do. If Eussia and Austria cannot 
 come to a friendly understanding about the Danubian Princi- 
 palities and the future of Turkey, there is little doubt that, 
 sooner or later, they must settle it between them with the 
 aid of the sword. Whether the Eoumanian Principalities 
 will acquire any importance under the government of the 
 Princes of Hohenzollem, time alone will tell. 
 
 Eussia has extended her frontiers towards Bokhara, Khiva, 
 and China, more perhaps even than is good for her, and 
 established on the Amoor a water communication which 
 unites Siberia with the Indian Ocean. The two great diffi- 
 culties which oppose themselves to the utility of this great 
 undertaking is — first, the almost total depopulation of the 
 shores of the Amoor, there not being more in certain districts 
 than a single inhabitant within a radius of sixty square 
 miles ; and secondly, that the harbour JSTikolajewks, at the 
 mouth of the river, is for six months of the year frozen up. 
 
 The understanding between Eussia and Prussia is good, 
 and it lies in the interests of both nations that it should 
 continue so. As neither the war with Denmark, the Polish 
 Eevolution, nor the annexations of 1866 have disturbed it, 
 we may reasonably suppose it will not be easy to do so. 
 
 If Eussia perceives that she requires no greater influence 
 in Europe than so great a power commands of itself, she may 
 look with calmness at the growing power of a neighbouring 
 land. Her own vastness, her nationality, and her geogra- 
 phical position shield Eussia from all attacks. 
 
 Her relationship with England can and will improve. 
 
40 RUSSIA. 
 
 The mercantile connexions of both must bring them to- 
 gether. 
 
 A few years ago a war with Sweden was thought possible, 
 but this change also passed off. Finland had no wish to 
 return to Swedish rule. 
 
 Eussia had the good sense to leave to all her acquired 
 provinces their own laws and customs, and this has turned 
 to the advantage of both. 
 
 Eussia is marching steadily onwards on the true road of 
 progress ; the fears which at first possessed her, that reform 
 might advance too rapidly, are gradually disappearing. She 
 has seen how quietly her most dif&cult question, that of the 
 liberation of the serfs, has been solved with less disturb- 
 ance, also, and less sacrifice than even the warmest friends 
 of the measure anticipated. 
 
 We would willingly examine more closely into the internal 
 reforms made by the Emperor Alexander ii., but it would 
 lead us too far ; we must then write a work entirely about 
 Eussia ; even the question of the emancipation of the serfs 
 would furnish material enough for a volume. 
 
 In order to give the reader some idea of what has taken 
 place in Eussia during the last ten years, and how earnestly 
 Alexander ii. has undertaken the work of reforming the 
 abuses of his country, we subjoin a short statement of those 
 he has already effected. 
 
 Keforms in Eussia under the Eeign of the Emperor 
 Alexander n. 
 
 Date of the Suppression of the Military Colonies and Institutions. — 
 Ukase, May The members of which were useful neither as soldiers nor 
 ' ' as agriculturists ; they are now turned into small proprietors 
 under the jurisdiction of the Minister for Agriculture. 
 
RUSSIA. 41 
 
 Foundation of a Benefit Fund for the pensioning of such Nov, 20. 
 old Sailors and Soldiers as have meritoriously served their 
 time. 
 
 The Abolishment of the Tax of 500 roubles on Foreign May 18, 
 Passports to leave Eussia. — An acknowledgment that his 
 subjects might gain in culture by foreign travel and in- 
 tercourse with European nations. 
 
 The Abolition of a particular Censorship for Military May i. 
 Writings. — Establishing the principle that the military do 
 not require a peculiar and exclusive government, but may 
 be ruled by the same laws, and enjoy the same advantages, 
 as the other members of the State. 
 
 Alteration of the Laws with regard to Soldiers' Children, juiy 9. 
 — They are no longer to occupy a distinct position or have 
 particular schools, or be under a different jurisdiction, but 
 are in all respects to enjoy the same rights and privileges as 
 other citizens. 
 
 The raising of the Salary of all Officials connected with June 4, 
 the Administration of the Laws. — This was done in the 
 endeavour to put an end to the bribery and corruption exist- 
 ing among them. 
 
 Measures passed for the economizing Public expenses. March 9, 
 
 The Officers of the different Branches of the Military Marcii 31. 
 Service were summoned to attend the Military Academy. 
 — Eelaxation in the duties of their profession, and even 
 money, was given to encourage and assist them in their 
 studies. 
 
42 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 February 
 19, 1861. 
 
 Emancipation of the Serfs. — Creating thereby twenty-two 
 millions of free citizens with the right of property. 
 
 March 2, 
 1861. 
 
 The appointment of Justices of the Peace to settle strifes 
 between the Peasant Proprietors and their former masters. 
 
 July 4. The introduction of a Tax on Spirits. — Doing away with 
 
 the till then existing system of letting the right of making 
 brandy to certain individuals, who systematically encour- 
 aged drunkenness among the people, in order to amass 
 private colossal fortunes at the expense of the multitude. 
 
 December 
 3, 1862. 
 
 The nomination of Judges learned in the Law, to inquire 
 into Criminal Cases — which inquiries were till then solely 
 made by the Police. 
 
 April 17, 
 1863. 
 
 New Code of Criminal Laws ; the Abolition of Corporal 
 Punishment. 
 
 June 21. The persecution of the so-called " Old Believers " on ac- 
 count of their faith prohibited, but that the Greek Church 
 should, by gentleness and persuasion, try to bring them to 
 acknowledge their errors. 
 
 November 
 14, 1864. 
 
 Eeform of the Courts of Justice, — Justice to be public. 
 Advocates and Justices must have studied jurisdiction. The 
 establishment of Justices of the Peace, both in Town and 
 Country. 
 
 Nov. 19. The Election of different representative Bodies in each 
 district, who had the power of assessing Taxes, and the 
 encouragement of the various useful Institutions in such 
 places. 
 
RUSSIA. 43 
 
 The amelioration of the condition of the Peasants in the February 
 Baltic Provinces, which had remained -unaltered siace the ' 
 year 1819. 
 
 Abolition of the Laws of the Press. — All offences of the April 17, 
 Press to be punished by Civil Law. 
 
 Besides these, many other useful Ukases relating to the 
 improvement of Schools, the furtherance of Public Educa- 
 tion, and many measures to enable the Greek Clergy to 
 acquire a more extensive and enlightened education. 
 
 This short extract is sufficient to show what the Emperor 
 has done, and how quietly, and with what foresight, he pur- 
 sues his schemes. 
 
 The most unfortunate period of the reign of Alexander 11. 
 has been that of the Polish Eevolution. It has constituted 
 one of the most sad and painful episodes of our time. 
 
 The horrible cruelties which commenced with the Poles, 
 the murder of many innocent Eussians, as well as the manner 
 in which the revolt was suppressed, remiuds one of the times 
 of the worst barbarism. 
 
 The Emperor had the best intentions. He wished to con- 
 cede to the Poles all that they could reasonably expect, but 
 they always raised their demands higher. Many attempts 
 to improve the state of affairs in Poland failed, and at last 
 the Grand-Duke Constantine was sent as Viceroy to Warsaw. 
 Immediately after his arrival he was shot at and wounded. 
 Count Wielopolski shared the same fate. All mild measures 
 were derided, or a base advantage taken of them. 
 
 In the Kussian-Polish provinces affairs assimied a very 
 serious aspect, and the Emperor resolved to send to Wilna 
 General Mouravieff, a man whom he himself did not like. 
 
44 EUSSIA. 
 
 and who was considered in Kussia as an indiscriminately 
 crnel character, but a man of iron will and energy. The 
 cry of horror sent forth by the newspapers at the measures 
 he took, must still be fresh in the memory of alL Many 
 things were exaggerated; but the system he pursued and 
 declared to be necessary, namely, the annihilation of the 
 whole Polish race, was something too shocking, and tells its 
 own tale of the fearful deeds that must have been done. 
 
 However, through his ferocious conduct and severity, a 
 pause occurred in the Revolution. Affairs in Warsaw never- 
 theless continued to grow worse. The clemency of the 
 Grand-Duke was abused. It became necessary to adopt 
 severer measures. The Grand-Duke Constantine left War- 
 saw, leaving to General Count Berg, as his successor, the 
 difficult task in which he had failed. General Berg is 
 esteemed as a most able and excellent man, and indeed, on 
 all occasions, has proved himself such. He is a just, and 
 most certainly not a cruel man; but he found himself 
 obliged to act with the greatest decision, and soon peace was 
 in a manner restored to Poland. Thousands of Poles were 
 banished to Siberia, and others who were less compromised 
 sent into the interior of Russia. 
 
 If Count Berg had been sent to Warsaw immediately after 
 the death of Prince Paskiewitsch, it is more than probable 
 that this unfortunate Polish Revolution would never have 
 broken out. 
 
 Russia now governs Poland as a conquered land, as a 
 Russian province. Polish nationality is disappearing; and 
 if many of the nobles may have deserved their fate, yet one 
 cannot help feeling for this in many respects noble nation 
 the deepest compassion and sympathy. 
 
 Foreign countries, particularly Trance and England, have, 
 with the best intentions towards her, done Poland much 
 
RUSSIA. 45 
 
 harm. They encouraged her to resistance, and showed her 
 every commiseration, but without offering her any help, 
 which indeed they could hardly have done without en- 
 tailing a European war ; and though at one moment it 
 appeared as if France was going to unite with Austria to 
 assist her (Austria had, contrary to her wont, suddenly ex- 
 pressed so much sympathy for Poland), yet she soon felt 
 that an aggressive war with Eussia was not likely to pay. 
 Public opinion in France was much excited, but it went no 
 further than the mutual exchange of a rather sharp diplo- 
 matic correspondence. The despatches of Prince Gortscha- 
 koff were a model of style, logic, and decision. The relation- 
 ship between France and Eussia cooled considerably, and 
 Poland was, and remains, lost Poland ! 
 
 Eussia suffers much financially from the depreciation of 
 her paper money, which arises principally from bad manage- 
 ment. A Minister of Finance, with a good head, would soon 
 put all to rights. 
 
 The progress of this enormous Empire, the strength it 
 must acquire through the facility of communication given 
 by railways, connecting the Baltic with the Black Sea, gives 
 us reasons, not to fear, but to serious reflection. 
 
 Turning his eyes to the East, seeing this progress, every 
 real politician must see how necessary a strong German 
 Power is for the future of Europe. 
 
 The author concludes these few observations about Eussia 
 with the earnest wish that God may grant the present 
 Emperor long life, for the continued improvement and 
 civilisation of his country, and that he may reap the harvest 
 he has sown. 
 
Ill 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 The origin of the German Bund has already been described, 
 and it has been mentioned that even the most hopeful of its 
 originators were much disappointed in its actual results. 
 
 The first year after the Peace all the Governments had a 
 great deal to attend to at home. In the year 1817 there was 
 a general famine from the failure of the crops, and this com- 
 plicated their already great financial difficulties. Added to 
 this, the smaller States were compelled to abandon their old 
 and give to their new government a more or less constitu- 
 tional form. 
 
 The middle and lower classes troubled themselves very 
 little about politics, and only sought to improve their own 
 condition. The German universities displayed strong liberal 
 tendencies. In many of the smaller States, particularly that 
 of Saxe- Weimar, liberal constitutions were granted, guaran- 
 teeing the liberty of the Press. If one reads the periodicals 
 of those days, it will be seen that they exercised this liberty 
 very freely in criticising the Bund and the different Govern- 
 ments, and they made out the people to be in general very 
 irritable and discontented. As we have already remarked, 
 even the most moderate expectations were disappointed at 
 the result of the Bund. The Congress of Aix-la-ChapeUe, 
 
GERMANY. 47 
 
 the Conference at Carlsbad, and the second Congress of 
 Vienna — all proved that as soon as any serious complica- 
 tions arose it was totally inefficient and entirely disregarded 
 by the great Powers. Austria and Prussia treated with the 
 most utter contempt the clauses of the fundamental treaty 
 entailing upon them the necessity of giving to their country 
 a constitutional government. The Bund was even incapable 
 of regulating the most material interests of Germany ; much 
 was thought and spoken about unity of taxes, coinage, 
 weights, and measures, but nothing was done. 
 
 Prussia saw that in this manner such a conclusion would 
 never be arrived at, and thought that by taking the lead on 
 these questions she would acquire an increased influence on 
 the rest of the German States. In the year 1829 Prussia con- 
 cluded the first Treaty of Commerce with Bavaria, Wurtem- 
 berg, and Darmstadt, which by degrees spread over the greater 
 part of Germany, including at first twenty, and later thirty mil- 
 lions of inhabitants. The ZoUverein furnished a material proof 
 of the inutility of the Bund, and showed that Prussia endea- 
 voured to identify her own interests with those of the rest of 
 Germany. The ZoUverein was a commercial mediatization 
 of the separate States. It was a great mistake that all 
 means were not at the time tried to include the free Han- 
 seatic towns ; and had not these been misled by local 
 interests and false notions of republican independence, they 
 would have understood how much their increase and pro- 
 sperity depended upon their connexion with the inland, and 
 that the folly of a separate monetary system, as well as 
 many other absurdities, would thus cease. The existence of 
 these small republican towns in Germany is a curious ano- 
 maly. That they now form part of the North German Bund, 
 as weU as the debates which will occur in future Parliaments, 
 will in time create quite a different understanding of these 
 
48 GERMANY. 
 
 things, not only in Germany, but in the Hanseatic towns 
 themselves, which must end in the abolition of the destruc- 
 tive system of Free Ports. 
 
 The Greek Eevolution, the Eevolution in Poland, and the 
 July Eevolution in Prance, found their echo in Germany, and- 
 in the years 1830 and 1831 there was a movement through- 
 out the German States of a more or less serious nature ; in 
 the smaller ones constitutional forms sprang shortly after- 
 wards into full life. 
 
 "We have no liking for absolutism ; we are convinced that 
 for States which have reached the German stage of civilisa- 
 tion a representative government is absolutely necessary, 
 and has in Germany history to support it ; but at the same 
 time we cannot deny that the division of Germany into 
 such small States has often made the attempt of constitu- 
 tional government impracticable. The old German estates 
 had in part lost their standing-point. In the small States 
 the aristocratic element was wanting, and this in Germany 
 has generally had its most dangerous foes in the reigning 
 Princes. 
 
 The German Princes have always tried to draw the nobles 
 to their Courts, and there to make use of them. Speaking 
 generally, the Princes have never tolerated an independent 
 nobility, possessed of landed property, versed in politics, and 
 with opinions of their own, — a nobility conscious of its 
 nobleness, and of which it can with truth be said. Noblesse 
 oblige. The want of such a body is the more serious and 
 detrimental since the growth, gradual indeed, but in many 
 places, of a moneyed, independent, and educated middle class, 
 which yet lacks age to give it political importance. This 
 want has been supplied in some States by hereditary offices 
 in the possession of noble families. 
 
 There is always something wanting when the mind and 
 
GERMANY. 49 
 
 manners, the look and habits of a gentleman have not de- 
 scended through many generations from father to son. We 
 are quite ready to acknowledge that high offices have been 
 filled even from the lowest grade by excellent persons, who 
 have done the State good service ; but generally in such 
 cases there is a want of tact, refined feeling, firmness, and 
 other valuable qualities. Not that we would affirm that such 
 qualities are only found amongst the aristocracy; but that 
 that particular character and habit of mind which is required 
 in those who are called to fill the most difficult of all offices, 
 the representation of others in public assemblies, cannot be 
 acquired in one, hardly in two generations, must be the re- 
 sult of birth as well as of education. The middle classes may 
 have it just as well as the nobility ; but it is more likely to 
 be found when a refined education is a family inheritance. 
 
 Theorists, professors, and public speakers wanted to copy 
 England, and, later, the Parliamentary development in 
 France, without knowing England, and without having the 
 materials which are absolutely necessary to prevent a Parlia- 
 ment from becoming either a bad comedy or a downright 
 pernicious institution. 
 
 There being a lack of suitable candidates in the small 
 States, the representative bodies were formed mostly of 
 lawyers, officials, and farmers ; and, with very few exceptions, 
 these three classes furnish no good materials for such assem- 
 blies. Lawyers have seldom the social position and pecu- 
 niary independence that are desirable ; they are naturally 
 for the most part place-hunters, and use their glibness of 
 speech to serve their own interests. Farmers as a class do 
 not possess the necessary education. But worst of all are the 
 officials. They are either blind tools of the Government, or 
 they offer it a blind opposition ; and in both cases they 
 damage themselves and the Government which they serve. 
 
50 GERMANY. 
 
 The smaller the State, the more difl&cult is it also to -find 
 persons to serve it under a constitutional government ; espe- 
 cially since the year 1848, when the changes of Ministry were 
 so common, that almost every high official, almost every 
 clever lawyer, had been at least once a member of the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Between 1831 and 1848 things went quietly on in Ger- 
 many to all appearance, and its material prosperity and 
 progress were very great. At the same time there was 
 unmistakably a rising discontent with the state of domestic 
 politics, and a general and growing desire for unity. The 
 succession of King Frederick- William iv. to the throne of 
 Prussia, and the speeches that His Majesty made in Berlin 
 and Konigsberg gave occasion to the brightest hopes. 
 
 The complications in the East in the year 1840, the war 
 in Egypt and consequent shyness which grew up between 
 England and Erance, the warlike preparations in the latter 
 country, and the appearance of Thiers on the scene as 
 Minister — all this alarmed the German people, and they 
 were in expectation of an attack on the side of the Ehine. 
 
 The spirit which then awoke in Germany was more full 
 of meaning than appeared at the time : it sent a movement 
 of national life through the masses. Added to this, railway 
 engineers, with their metals — the most effectual propagators 
 of political life and knowledge — were beginning their work 
 in good earnest. 
 
 In comparison with other countries, Germany was very 
 much behind-hand as regards the means of communication. 
 In general the people up to this time passed a tranquil stay- 
 at-home existence, especially in the smaU capitals. Unless 
 a man was a merchant, he remained quietly at home. Of 
 newspapers there were not many, of telegrams none, and the 
 people lived far less in public than now ; there was scarcely 
 
GERMANY. 51 
 
 a beer-house in the whole of North Germany. These places 
 of resort are an unfortunate importation from the south of 
 Germany, and that since about 1840. Art and literature 
 were largely patronized in the small capitals ; about politics 
 people gave themselves very little trouble. 
 
 'No one can have observed the general state of things in 
 the period 1840-47 without perceiving that another spirit 
 had come over the German people — whether a good spirit in 
 all respects is questionable. 
 
 The railways had multiplied traffic and intercourse in an 
 unlooked-for degree; and this was of political moment, 
 because people's views and modes of thought were thereby 
 changed, and everything assumed greater proportions. Eail- 
 way travellers began to open their eyes to the small extent 
 of many German principalities. States through which it 
 took a day to drive, on not particularly good roads, are 
 now almost literally flown through. You can hardly smoke 
 through a cigar from beginning to end of a single State. 
 The good impressions produced by the patriarchal mode 
 of life, and the love of subjects towards their princes, 
 are changed on the railway into a smile at the rapidity 
 with which a whole State is traversed ; men forget mean- 
 while what services the many capital towns have ren- 
 dered, as points of attraction to art, science, and general 
 cultivation. 
 
 It is more important to remark that this means of com- 
 munication has produced very great changes in a military 
 point of view. We saw in the war of 1866 with what 
 rapidity armies can now be brought together. 
 
 Formerly the Germans could quarrel amongst themselves 
 without their neighbours observing it. ITow it is quite 
 otherwise. The German element is hemmed in between 
 peoples who speak the Sclavonian and Eomance languages, 
 
52 GERMANY. 
 
 and their power is increased in a still greater degree by this 
 greater facility of movement. 
 
 By intercourse and telegraphy our neighbours have ad- 
 vanced much nearer to us in spirit, if not in body; they 
 know our weak points, and can concentrate their forces 
 more rapidly on our borders. 
 
 Thus material changes brought out into strong relief the 
 political weakness of Germany in its many artificial sub- 
 divisions. 
 
 All this every German said to himself, often uncon- 
 sciously. It was quite natural, therefore, that there should be 
 a longing for unity, a feeling of the necessity of a real union ; 
 and all who are ignorant of the German national character 
 will be astonished that this feeling did not put forth more 
 strength, that this spark of the spirit did not wax into a 
 mighty flame. 
 
 Two other reasons must be mentioned which had an 
 important influence in bringing about the catastrophe of 
 1848. 
 
 Literature, which had begun to flourish in the beginning 
 of the century, and showed marks of nobleness, often of 
 enthusiasm, had sunk greatly under materializing influences ; 
 and the anarchical tendencies of French literature forced 
 their way, alas ! upon us in a menacing attitude. 
 
 Then there appeared a fault, which is not natural to the 
 character of our people, — a want of esteem and respect for 
 one's superiors. The political freethinker sets himself above 
 God's Word. The lieutenant, especially in the small army, 
 deems himself infinitely wiser than his general ; the attach^ 
 calls the ambassador a fool ; the lawyer thinks that the judge, 
 even if he is a Minister of the highest court, has forgotten 
 the very rudiments of Jurisprudence. Kespect for the laws 
 exists hardly at all ; no one thinks how he shall obey them ; 
 
GERMANY. ^3 
 
 every one how he can best evade them. We need scarcely 
 add, that every Member of Parliament looks upon every 
 Minister at least as an incapable pedant. The youth has no 
 more any esteem for the white hairs of the old man. 
 
 This misfortune of our times, which came to its height in 
 1848, has not yet passed away. To it must be added the 
 general want of proper religious feeling. Undoubtedly there 
 has been a great improvement in this respect of late years, 
 but there is still much to find fault with. 
 
 It is true that the way in which religion and politics have 
 been often mixed up together, especially in Berlin, cannot 
 conduce to the spread of true Christian feeling, but, on the 
 other hand, the subversion of all order in the State, and the 
 disrespect shown to every power ordained by God, has pro- 
 duced the most pernicious results. 
 
 The Eevolution broke out in France, as we know, on the 
 24th of February 1848. The echo of it in Germany was more 
 general, more sudden, and more decided, than any one had 
 expected. If this general outburst of all political passions 
 took the Governments completely by surprise, it came too 
 early for those who had long been speculating on a revolu- 
 tion. Germany now stood lower than in the year 1848. All 
 its rulers had lost their heads ; there were signs of weakness 
 on every side, especially on that from which the Eevolution 
 proceeded. It was the character of that time. When the 
 Governments lay exhausted on the ground no one was in a 
 position to seize the reins. 
 
 It was as if a ship s passengers, all landsmen, were to 
 overpower the crew, remove the captain, and should now 
 manage the ship themselves, without knowing anything of 
 the sails or the mere rudiments of navigation. The ship is 
 driven about, and in danger of sinking. Then the mutineers, 
 of their own motion, call to their aid one sailor after another 
 
54 GERMANY. 
 
 again. But the storm has riven the best sails, the ship has 
 lost its power of resistance and its course. The old sailors 
 can just save their dear craft, but it is no more the trim- 
 looking vessel it was. 
 
 Through such an experience, with few exceptions, all the 
 German States, great and small, passed in 1848. 
 
 We have shown how the most different causes contributed 
 materials for a conflagration in Germany, how the idea of a 
 great German national Power was generally entertained. In 
 the south especially a Eepublican party was formed, which, 
 if numerically small, was compact, and strong in this, that 
 they knew what they wanted. They were joined by many 
 an enthusiast, who only cared for innovation of some kind, 
 without troubling himseK about the consequences. The 
 example of France, the collapse of the Diet, the fault that 
 many Governments committed in conferring rights by their 
 constitutions which remained a dead letter, the condition of 
 the Press and the Courts of Justice, gave occasion for well- 
 grounded grievances ; in short, there were causes enough for 
 discontent, and the Eepublican party made use of them, 
 without reflecting that the monarchical feeling was deeply 
 rooted in Germany, that the Princes had become more 
 closely united with their people than appeared, and that the 
 German soldier has no equal in his sense of duty. 
 
 The assembling of a Convention in Frankfort ; the atti- 
 tude assumed by this little Eepublic, and by the Diet, which 
 could do nothing more than unfurl the black, red-gold flag 
 on their place of meeting ; the assembling of the Parliament 
 in St. Paul's Church on the 18th of March ; the proofs that 
 came out of the incapacity of the German professor and 
 theorist to play the statesman; the way in which the 
 President of this body exercised his authority, sent out his 
 ambassadors, and received no recognition from any other 
 
GERMANY. 55 
 
 Government ; its drawing up a constitution, and defining the 
 rights of the German people, — things which never became 
 law ; its sending a deputation to the King of Prussia with 
 the offer of the Imperial dignity, and his refusal to accept 
 the offer ; the upsetting of the whole by a murder, and its 
 close of revolution ; — all this must be in the recollection of 
 every one who has taken any interest in the history of 
 Germany of late years. 
 
 Already, on his accession to the throne, the King of 
 Prussia had stirred up political life amongst his subjects ; 
 and when the provincial estates of Prussia proper and the 
 Khine Provinces demanded, in a somewhat stormy manner, 
 the assembling of all the estates of the realm, which had 
 been promised in 1815, and many towns had sent in petitions 
 to the same purport, he summoned a general Parliament to 
 Berlin in 1847. In March 1848, this was not considered 
 sufficient ; deputations were sent to Berlin to demand more, 
 and this occasion was seized upon for the outbreak of a 
 revolution. 
 
 This was on the 18th of March, and the insurrection in 
 Berlin at that time assumed a very serious character. Polish 
 emissaries, and many republicans, had assembled there, and 
 organized a rising under the very eyes of the police, who 
 had no idea of what was going on. The troops suppressed it 
 completely. 
 
 All those who hastened to the King's aid during the com- 
 motion, counsellors for the most part incapable and officious, 
 were panic- struck ; there were, perhaps, some traitors among 
 them. The King, alas ! listened to them, and gave orders to 
 the victorious troops to quit Berlin. He placed himself under 
 the protection of the revolted citizens. The troops obeyed ; 
 discipline was preserved intact. The history of the Prussian 
 army is full of glorious recollections and victories ; but this 
 
56 GERMANY. 
 
 march out of Berlin ought to be written in golden letters. An 
 army which could stand such a test as this gave thereby a 
 sure pledge that the country and the monarchy were safe so 
 long as it existed. The Prussian army, quite alone, saved 
 monarchical rule in Germany. By and by the King saw the 
 necessity of restoring order in the State, and fifty battalions 
 of militia were called out. For these, — many of whom, as 
 civilians, had no doubt taken part in the insurrection, — ^to 
 have done their duty, is a proof that respect for authority 
 and obedience to superiors, though they had disappeared 
 everywhere else, continued to exist in the Prussian army, in 
 a degree that could hardly have been expected. 
 
 In Vienna the Eevolution was not so quickly organized, 
 but it lasted there till May. As early, however, as the 1 4th 
 of March, Prince Metternich was dismissed, and there, too, 
 men had lost their heads. There were scenes of greater or 
 less disturbance in all the small German States ; in Munich 
 and Hesse-Darmstadt there was even a change of rulers. 
 All the Sovereigns ran a race to see who could the soonest 
 replace his old Ministers by men of liberal views, who 
 should be the first to grant to his revolted subjects a free 
 Press, the right of meeting together, a public administration 
 of the laws, the abolition of the Game Laws, and other 
 demands, or rather extortions, of a similar nature. 
 
 The Sovereigns could not have lost their heads and suc- 
 cumbed in this way, if their rule had been in a healthy con- 
 dition. For the storm uproots the tree only when its roots 
 are too near the surface, or rotten. And so it was in many 
 of these States. 
 
 Jealousy between the separate Governments, the inability 
 of the Diet, in the smaller States a mock constitutionalism, 
 fear of reforms at the proper time, quarrels about questions 
 of right and prerogative, encroachments of the bureaucratic 
 
GERMANY. 57 
 
 spirit in the larger States, and the non-fulfilment of the 
 promise of representative governments that had been given 
 in 1815, — all these were grounds which made the work 
 of revolution easier. The incapacity of the Ministers and 
 higher officials was remarkably apparent. 
 
 A great advantage of the representative system consists in 
 this, the feeling which the Ministers and higher officials 
 have, as the session draws near, that their actions will be 
 scrutinized and their sins of omission denounced. This 
 is a spur to activity ; it renders impossible many an 
 abuse which would otherwise creep in. Besides this, the 
 debates to which this system gives rise put, a stop to the 
 government of the pen, and when applied to the ad- 
 ministration of justice, we get the inestimable advantage 
 of publicity. 
 
 Before the year 1847 there was no representative body iu 
 Prussia. Had there been, the Prussian bureaucracy, and 
 that specialty of Prussia, the Privy Councillors {Geheime 
 Rathe) of Berlin, could never have developed as they did ; 
 incapable men could not have been made Ministers, and 
 filled the highest places. 
 
 This was the case to a much greater extent in Austria, 
 when, besides their incapacity, corruption had sunk the 
 officials to a state of moral degradation. 
 
 To this was added, and it greatly paralysed the Govern- 
 ments in the middle and small States, that they felt the 
 untenable nature of the Confederation as it was then con- 
 structed, that the whole fabric of public law in Germany 
 threatened to fall to pieces, and that many dynasties were 
 afraid of a republic — a movement from below, others of an 
 empire of Germany — an intervention from above. 
 
 When we look back, as we are wont, to that time, and 
 remember to have seen so many, who afterwards played the 
 
 I 
 
68 GERMANY. 
 
 proud aristocrat and the conservative reactionist, strutting 
 about, musket in hand, and with a great black, red-gold 
 cockade, hail-fellow-well-met with the very dregs of the 
 people, we say to ourselves that it is a lucky thing for not a 
 few that public has often a shorter memory than private 
 opinion. 
 
 It must always be worthy of remark how Germany rose 
 superior to this calamity, and recovered her strength. In 
 spite of the stir and excitement, the mind of the nation at 
 large was in a sounder condition than we might have 
 imagined from what took place. The material and social 
 relations were sound in themselves, and if many rotten trees 
 were thrown down by the storm of 1848, vigorous trunks of 
 a true German growth remained standing. 
 
 The consequence of the Berlin Eevolution was, that the 
 populace liberated from prison the Poles who had been con- 
 demned in 1846, Mierolawsky amongst them ; and the Poles, 
 out of gratitude, got up a revolt in their own country, and 
 tried to murder all the Germans that were living there. 
 
 The entire want of energy and decision that was witnessed 
 at Berlin had not only a dispiriting effect on the small 
 States, which looked hopefully to Prussia's power, — Prussia 
 herself long continued to feel it, and her politics have been 
 injuriously affected by it. If Prussia had felt a proper self- 
 respect at that important juncture, and, instead of surrender- 
 ing, withstood the storm, the whole of Germany would have 
 been in its power, the Imperial dignity, which was after- 
 wards to be offered her by her inferiors, might have been the 
 bestowment of her own superiority, — would have come of 
 itself. 
 
 We thought at the time, and since, that Prussia could not 
 be marked out by Providence to be the leading State in 
 Germany, because we could not believe that a State which 
 
GERMANY. 59 
 
 let an opportunity like this pass, would find such another, 
 and feel strong enough to make use of it. But the year 
 1866 has taught us that we were wrong, that the last war has 
 given equal significance to the fortunes of Germany and of 
 Prussia, that Prussia is the first German power, that Prussia 
 must become Germany, let men call it what they will, and 
 clothe it in what form and state they choose. 
 
 It would carry us too far to go into all the separate 
 changes in the middle and small States of Germany. The 
 maddest things were done ; laws and constitutions were 
 invented which were simply ridiculous and impracticable. 
 
 We will just recall the leading incidents of the years 1848 
 and 1849. The Eepublican party hoped to reach their end 
 the sooner, if they first transformed a small principality 
 into a model republic, and this they attempted, on the 11th 
 of April, in Baden, under Hecker and Struve. They were 
 dispersed by troops from Wurtemberg, Baden, and Hesse - 
 Darmstadt, under General von Gagern, who was killed. 
 The leaders escaped. 
 
 There was great party bitterness in the Parliament at 
 Frankfort. Two Prussian members of it. Prince Lichnowsky 
 and General von Auerswald, were killed in a popular tumult, 
 and an insurrection broke out here, which, however, was 
 put down. At the same time a second attempt to present 
 the world with a German republic was made under Struve 
 in Baden ; but the troops defeated the Eepublicans, and 
 Struve was captured. 
 
 In Berlin the disorder continued to increase, and blood 
 was shed in fights between the National Guard and the 
 working classes. The National Assembly showed more 
 incapacity than ever, and greater hostility to the Govern- 
 ment. The King saw that if he continued to yield he would 
 be undone, and resolved upon a wiser course. For this purpose 
 
60 GERMANY. 
 
 he appointed a strong Ministry under Count Brandenburg and 
 Herr von IManteuffel. The National Assembly now quite 
 lost its head, was prorogued, was to meet at Brandenburg on 
 the 27th November, but met, notwithstanding, at Berlin, and 
 resolved upon resisting the payment of taxes. This resolu- 
 tion, however, had no serious consequences. On the 5th of 
 December, the Assembly was dissolved, and a new constitu- 
 tion promulgated, which was to be laid before a newly 
 chosen assembly of Estates, on the 25th of February. 
 
 The Holstein difficulty, and the war in Holstein in 1848 
 and 1849, may be touched in a few words. Though very 
 complicated, the whole affair is so well known, that every 
 one must have it in his memory. It is another question, 
 whether the various claims of succession, the indivisibility 
 of the Duchies, and their relation to Germany, are, so far as 
 they are intelligible, generally understood. The main points 
 were as follows : — 
 
 In the year 1448, Christian i., Count of Oldenburg, became 
 King of Denmark ; he inherited the dukedoms of Schleswig 
 and Holstein, and united them to Denmark. In a document 
 of whose existence at any time there has often been great 
 doubt, and which is said now, at any rate, to exist no longer, 
 he gave them a promise that they should remain for ever 
 undivided. (None the less was Holstein included in the 
 Germanic Confederation in 1815, but not Schleswig.) 
 
 The house of Holstein- Gottorp, a branch of the Holstein- 
 Oldenburg house, came in 1751 to the throne of Sweden, and 
 in 1762 to that of Russia. It was driven out of Sweden by 
 a revolution in 1809. In Eussia it is the reigning dynasty 
 to the present day ; and in 1772, by a treaty with the royal 
 family of Denmark, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg passed 
 to a branch of the Russian imperial family. 
 
 Of the Holstein-Oldenburg family there are four collateral 
 
GERMANY. 61 
 
 lines in existence — Holstein, Sonderburg, Augustenburg, and 
 Holstein- Sonderburg- Gllicksburg. 
 
 According to the old feudal system, females could reign in 
 Denmark, — i.e., on the extinction of the male line, the royal 
 princess, next of kin, was entitled to the throne. But the 
 Duchies were male fiefs, and with the extinction of the male 
 line the fiefs reverted to the empire. As the empire of 
 Germany no longer exists, we may allow the justice of 
 the Augustenburg claims. These claims were opposed to 
 some extent by special contracts. The Vienna Congress 
 separated Norway from Denmark, and incorporated it by 
 personal union with Sweden. Holstein was included in 
 the Germanic Confederation, while Schleswig remained in 
 connexion with Denmark. 
 
 In 1839, Frederick VI., King of Denmark, was succeeded 
 by his nephew. Christian viii. ; and he had only one son, 
 from whom he expected no issue. There was great proba- 
 bility that the line would die out, and the heir-presumptive, 
 Prince Frederick of Hesse, who was also heir to this Elec- 
 torate, married her Imperial Highness Alexandra of Eussia 
 in 1844. She died a year after the marriage. 
 
 In 1846, Christian viii. published the so-called Open 
 Letter, in which he arbitrarily proclaimed the right of 
 females to the succession in Schleswig-Holstein. Had this 
 Open Letter remained unopened, there would have been no 
 war in Holstein in 1848. 
 
 Christian viii. died in January 1848, and his son threw 
 himself entirely into the hands of the Danish democratic 
 party, and issued a common constitution for the whole 
 kingdom, which caused the outbreak of the Eevolution in 
 Holstein. 
 
 The Duchies rose, and established a Provisional Govern- 
 ment. The Duke of Augustenburg had recourse to the 
 
 » 
 
62 GERMANY. 
 
 Diet, which was lying in extremis, and it forthwith— the 
 only quick thing it ever did — pronounced Schleswig-Holstein 
 a member of the Germanic Confederation, in direct opposi- 
 te the Vienna stipulations. 
 
 The KiDg of Prussia wished for a sphere of action for his 
 troops — quite natural, after the scenes in Berlin, and the 
 heroic endurance which they had shown there. Prussian, 
 Hanoverian, Oldenburg, Hanseatic, and Mecklenburg. troops 
 came to the help of the Holsteiners. 
 
 Ships of war were wanting; the want was felt; and 
 what required at least ten years to do, Germany accom- 
 plished in a few days. Collections were made for a German 
 fleet, and one was hastily got together to serve the present 
 need. Two years afterwards it came to a pitiful end by the 
 hammer of the auctioneer. 
 
 By the direction of the Provisional Government, to which 
 Prussia in this case submitted, an armistice was concluded at 
 Malmo on the 27th of August. In March 1849 the armistice 
 expired, and Denmark was the first to renew hostilities. 
 On the 5th of April a line-of-battle ship, " Christian viii.," 
 was blown up . by the batteries of Eckernforde, and the 
 frigate " Gefion " surrendered. The German troops pushed 
 on again, took the entrenchments at Duppel, fell into Jut- 
 land, and besieged Fredericia. 
 
 On the 10th of July, fear of European complications 
 brought about another armistice, which was to last till 
 1st January 1850, and to this the Emperor Nicholas 
 materially contributed. Four thousand Swedes occupied the 
 northern part of Schleswig, as neutral troops. 
 
 The partisans of Germany in this duchy submitted to the 
 Danish rule with extreme reluctance ; they considered their 
 obedience due to the Government for Schleswig-Holstein, 
 which had its seat in the town, of Schleswig, and looked 
 
GERMANY. 63 
 
 upon itself as still at war with Denmark, and irritation 
 was constantly going on. 
 
 In the rest of Germany, 1849 was a year of anxiety and 
 unrest. Gradually, however, the rulers recovered courage. 
 In Prussia, and as a consequence in the other States, the 
 authority of the Government, which had been completely 
 prostrated, began to feel its strength again, and the happy 
 results of energetic measures were seen at last. 
 
 If you touch the nettle as if you were afraid of it, it 
 stings you ; but if you squeeze it without fear in your 
 hand, it never stings : so was it then. 
 
 The German Diet had determined what were fundamental 
 rights, had created a theoretical federal State on paper, and 
 wanted to give it a head. The greater part of the members 
 were not inclined to seek for such a head in Austria ; they 
 were unwilling to incorporate the foreign elements of the 
 Austrian empire with Germany ; they wanted to form the 
 basis of a Germany from which Austria was excluded, and 
 then to make a treaty with this Power. It was proposed by 
 the so-called small German party that the Imperial crown 
 of Germany should be offered to the King of Prussia, and by 
 a small majority (the so-called greater Germans, Austria 
 and Bavaria, voted against it), he was elected to this here- 
 ditary dignity on the 28th of March, and on the 2d of April 
 was informed of the resolution of the Diet. The King's 
 answer to it was, that he could not accept the dignity 
 without the free consent of the German Princes. 
 
 Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Hanover 
 refused to recognise the federal constitution. The work 
 came to nothing. 
 
 Austria recalled her deputies ; other Governments did the 
 same ; the number dwindled down to less than the 200 
 required to form a house; the 150 who were left went to 
 
64 GERMANY. 
 
 Stuttgart, and established the so-called Eump Parliament, 
 till the Wurtemberg authorities dissolved it. 
 
 Conflicts now broke out in many places about the recogni- 
 tion of the federal constitution. On the 3d of May the King 
 of Saxony was required to recognise it, and on his refusal 
 Dresden rose in revolt. With the help of Prussian troops, 
 the revolt, which threatened to become serious, was sup- 
 pressed. 
 
 In the Palatinate and Baden, notwithstanding the Grand- 
 Duke's recognition of the new constitution, a serious insur- 
 rection was organized for the second time, and the troops, 
 alas ! presented the sad spectacle of a military revolt. The 
 Grand- Duke was obliged to flee, seated on a gun, from his 
 own soldiers. Prussian troops began to march under the 
 Prince of Prussia. On the 25th of June Carlsruhe was 
 occupied again, and Eastadt, which had fallen into the hands 
 of the rebels, was surrounded, and surrendered. The 
 revolters were scattered; most of them, especially the 
 leaders, went to America, where, at a later period, they took 
 a not unimportant part in its disturbances and the war. 
 
 In Prussia things were getting somewhat settled. The 
 first assembly of the Estates, which came together on the 26 th 
 of February, was dissolved again on the 28th of April ; but the 
 Government came to an understanding with that which met 
 in pursuance of the new electoral law of the 7th of August ; 
 a constitution was adopted, to which the King swore on the 
 6th of February 1850. 
 
 On the 26th of May 1849 the King of Prussia concluded 
 with the Kings of Hanover and Saxony the so-called League 
 of the Three Kings, which was joined by Hesse-Cassel, Hesse- 
 Darmstadt, and several other small States. It was a still- 
 born child. An administrative council was established in 
 Berlin, and a court of arbitration in Erfurt ; but when 
 
GERMANY. 65 
 
 Prussia ordered the elections to take place to the Erfurt 
 Parliament, Hanover and Saxony declared that they would 
 not elect. Prussia moved no further in the matter. Prince 
 Schwarzenberg was delighted, and tried by every means in 
 his power to regain the influence of Austria in Germany. 
 
 The position of matters at Frankfort was untenable. 
 Prussia came to an understanding with Austria, and they 
 established a camp there, which was to administer the central 
 authority (if one could speak of such a thing) till the 1st of 
 May 1850. The other Governments acceded to it, and the 
 Grand-Duke John went back to the Tyrol, and shot chamois 
 as before : he was more fortunate in sport than in politics. 
 
 We have always looked upon the year 1850 as the saddest 
 in the recent history of Germany. Division everywhere, the 
 national enthusiasm had for the most part evaporated. In 
 Prussia there was an absolute dearth of real statesmen. 
 General von Kadowitz, it is true, was clever, but wanting in 
 energy. The bad position which Prussia took at a later 
 period with the other German Powers, the fact that in the 
 year 1866 the small German statesmen had no opinion of 
 her capacity and strength, that they thought they could 
 forthwith gainsay her and beat her down, must be laid to 
 the defeat she always underwent whenever her statesmen 
 and diplomatists appeared on the scene. 
 
 Prussia wanted to take the lead in Germany. She had, 
 as a matter of fact, re-established order wellnigh throughout 
 the whole country. The Prussian troops had been always 
 victorious, and, in spite of all seductive influences, main- 
 tained their discipline in the most difficult circumstances ; 
 but nothing came of it all. By wishing to be at the head 
 of the German States, and not doing it, by giving way to 
 Austria in direct opposition to her own interests, and by her 
 inability to take an independent course in politics, Prussia 
 
66 GERMANY. 
 
 was brought into a position which she could not safely 
 maintain for a continuance. The then Prince of Prussia, the 
 present King, saw that his country could only win back her 
 position by the sword, and therefore his whole aim was 
 directed to the improving and strengthening of the army. 
 
 Austria had also recovered ; the revolution in Hungary 
 was put down by Russian aid. By the constitution which, 
 on the dissolution of the Diet at Kremsier, the Emperor 
 conferred as an act of his own prerogative, a basis was laid 
 for the unity of the whole monarchy. Prussia was unwilling 
 to incorporate a united Austria with Germany ; and Austria, 
 cherishing more and more the idea of a great Fatherland 
 under her headship, strove to retain her influence in Ger- 
 many at any cost ; hence arose of necessity a conflict 
 between the two Governments, and it is well known how 
 they fought with one another in and out of Germany on the 
 field of diplomacy. 
 
 Prince Schwarzenberg, Austria's leading statesman, was 
 the implacable enemy of Prussia, and attached the greatest 
 importance to the influence of his country in Germany : he 
 looked upon it as quite possible to put Prussia aside. He is 
 said to have remarked, "We must degrade Prussia before we 
 can annihilate her." 
 
 As we have already remarked, Prussia, Hanover, and 
 Saxony, had formed the League of the Three Kings ; but 
 when Hanover and Saxony saw that the other Governments 
 would not take part in a confederation from which Austria 
 was excluded, they drew back, and in spite of the Erfurt 
 Parliament, Prussia's plan of a union fell to the ground. 
 
 Austria looked again towards Frankfort, and, joined by ^ 
 some other German States, reopened the old Diet, with the 
 view of providing for the common interests, and taking into I 
 consideration any changes that might be required, on the 
 
GEEMANY. 67 
 
 basis of the federal constitution of 1815. On these changes 
 the Diet deliberated without any result till the end of 1866, 
 • — ^just sixteen years ! 
 
 The armistice with Denmark expired on the 1st of 
 January 1850. Denmark had on her side the great Powers, 
 especially Eussia, which did not wish to see the Duchies 
 separated from her. Austria played an ambiguous part. 
 By the intervention of England, Prussia concluded a peace 
 on the 2d of July, which provided for the rights of the 
 Duchies and the rights of the Confederation in Holstein. 
 
 I The Provisional Government of Holstein would not let 
 Schleswig be separated from it, and resolved to fight, if 
 necessary, in defence of the sister duchy. General Willisen 
 commanded the Holstein army, and fought the battle of 
 Idstedt on the 25th of July. The Danes had much the 
 larger force on the field. The Holsteiners made an orderly 
 retreat, and evacuated Schleswig. The Danes did not ad- 
 
 ^ vance into Holstein, because it belonged to the Confederation. 
 
 I The fate of the Duchies depended upon the issue of the 
 general complications in Germany. 
 
 A conflict had broken out between the Elector and the 
 Estates of Hesse-Cassel ; and it went so far that payment 
 of the taxes was refused. The Elector applied to the Diet 
 for aid. Austria and Bavaria promised it; but Prussia 
 would not permit such interference, and occupied Cassel and 
 Fulda : a collision seemed inevitable. 
 
 P The Emperor Nicholas saw the danger of war-threatenings 
 in Germany. He was accustomed to look upon himself as 
 umpire in this country, and with this view had appointed 
 Prince Schwarzenberg and Count Brandenburg to meet him 
 at Warsaw. He wanted to preserve the Holy Alliance at any 
 cost, and intimated that he would take Austria's side, if 
 
 , itPrussia began the war. 
 
 Ill 
 
68 GERMANY. 
 
 The position into which Prussia had drifted was serious 
 enough. In case of war, Austria, Kussia, the four German 
 kingdoms, and possibly Denmark, might be arrayed against 
 her ; and what France would do in that case no one could 
 teU. 
 
 Count Brandenburg — who was ill at the time, and died 
 shortly afterwards — came back from Warsaw with this news. 
 The Prussian Minister of War said that the army was not in 
 a condition to enter upon such a war, or rather, the army 
 itself was efficient, but it was not armed sufficiently well to 
 meet renowned veteran troops. The effects of the needle- 
 gun were at that time greatly underrated. 
 
 A very good army, and in tolerable fighting order, was 
 quietly concentrated in Bohemia. The veteran Field- 
 Marshal Eadetzsky was to command it. He is said to have 
 asserted that he considered an advance to Berlin and its 
 capture quite within possibility, but it would be difficult to 
 hold it. Eadetzsky was decidedly against a war with Prussia. 
 
 The King of Prussia had a liking for the Emperor and for 
 Austria, and therefore he determined to do everything to 
 keep the peace. Herr von Manteufifel arranged a personal 
 meeting with Prince Schwarzenberg ; it took place at Olmlitz 
 on the 28th and 29th of !N"ovember. The Prince proved 
 himself Manteuffel's master in diplomacy. It was deter- 
 mined that Austria and Prussia would bring about the final 
 definitive settlement of the affairs of Hesse- Cassel and Hol- 
 stein by the united decision of all the German Powers. A 
 delegate was to be appointed by the Governments that were 
 represented in Frankfort, and also by Prussia and its allies, 
 in order to concert measures in common for this purpose. 
 
 In Electoral Hesse, Prussia bound herself to offer no 
 hindrance to the troops the Elector might call to his aid. 
 
 Austria and Prussia were to send joint commissioners to 
 
GERMANY. 69 
 
 Holstein, and these were to demand from the Provisional 
 Government, in the name of the Confederation, the cessation 
 of hostilities, the withdrawal of the troops below the Eider, 
 and the reduction of the army by a third, with a threat of 
 execution in case of refusal. 
 
 The Ministers of the different Governments were to meet 
 for consultation in Dresden. These were the conditions of 
 the conferences at Olmutz, and many Prussians have looked 
 upon them as a misfortune to their country. 
 
 Several of the conditions, especially those which related 
 to Holstein, for which Prussia had voluntarily drawn the 
 sword, were heavy sacrifices. The consequences of Olmutz 
 were the re-establishment of the Diet, and, later, the war of 
 1866. 
 
 The Prussian troops in Hesse received orders to avoid a 
 collision. It had notwithstanding almost come to one at 
 Bronzell ; but here, too, discipline prevailed over the feelings 
 of the soldiers, who were very excited on both sides. 
 
 Austrian troops advanced to Holstein in order to disband 
 the Schleswig-Holstein army, and three commissioners, 
 Austrian, Prussian, and Danish, undertook the administra- 
 tion of the duchy. Schleswig was forthwith given back to 
 Denmark, and in 1852 the Danish rule there was again in 
 full operation. A number of officers, officials, clergymen, 
 professors, and teachers, had to seek a livelihood in Ger- 
 many, and through the generosity of the Governments, the 
 towns, and many private persons, they succeeded in find- 
 ing it. 
 
 Prom first to last the Schleswig-Holstein war is a sorrow- 
 ful episode The German love of country must have been 
 very strong in the Duchies, and the Danish Government 
 must have acted with exceptional want of prudence and 
 foresight ; otherwise the Holsteiners would have had cause 
 
70 GERMANY. 
 
 enough to let their love of Germany grow cold, and to lose 
 all faith in their Fatherland. 
 
 In 1850, Austria, Eussia, England, and France had drawn 
 up a written agreement to guarantee the integrity of Den- 
 mark. 
 
 In 1852 the Treaty was made which regulated the succes- 
 sion to the throne in Denmark, — a Treaty well known under 
 the name of the London Protocol. 
 
 The Duke of Augustenburg, whom Denmark looked upon 
 as a rebel, gave up his possessions, and received two million 
 dollars as compensation. He renounced for himseK and his 
 descendants all claims on the succession in the Duchies; his 
 two sons seemed to consent to the arrangement, and were 
 silent about it. Prince Christian of Holstein-Glucksburg 
 was recognised as heir to the whole Danish monarchy, and 
 at once adopted by the King of Denmark. 
 
 Prussia signed this Treaty. The Confederation, which was 
 then considered of but little importance, was not asked to 
 do so. Denmark engaged to the German Powers that she 
 would recognise the Estates of Schleswig and Holstein, and 
 put no obstructions to the use of the German language. 
 That, in her arrant folly, she did not observe these engage- 
 ments, that the democratic Danish party behaved badly to 
 the Duchies, especially to Schleswig, no one can deny ; and 
 it was clear that a new war would arise. 
 
 In the year 1851 Hanover concluded a treaty with 
 Prussia, whereby she engaged to join the ZoUverein in 1854. 
 This was the last official act of King Ernest Augustus. He 
 died on the 1 8th of November 1851. His successor, George v., 
 was blind when he came to the throne ; and in his time, 
 fifteen years later, Hanover ceased to exist as an independent 
 kingdom. 
 
 The question whether a blind prince is capable of reign- 
 
GERMANY. 71 
 
 ing, was mucli mooted at that time in and out of Hanover^ 
 and there is some ground for saying that there was a certain 
 connexion between this question and the entrance into the 
 Zollverein. 
 
 The Dresden Conferences led to the re-establishment of 
 the Confederation, and Prussia relinquished all her schemes 
 for union. Austria drew her pen through the new constitu- 
 tion without further ado. 
 
 The French Eepublic was drawing near to its end. On 
 the 2d of December 1852, Louis Napoleon took possession 
 of the Imperial crown ; and an era of peace dawned upon 
 Europe. 
 
 The German Powers tried to recover from the panic of 
 1848, and to undo much which in their over-haste they had 
 done. The struggle between Prussian and Austrian diplo- 
 macy began again in the different Courts, and was quietly 
 carried on. 
 
 The idea which called into existence the Confederation 
 and the Holy Alliance, and which all conservative diploma- 
 tists have to the very last looked upon as the only means of 
 securing the balance of power in Europe and the prosperity 
 of Germany, the brotherly concert, namely, of Austria and 
 Prussia, was never more than a pious wish, an illusion, and 
 must so remain. History, traditions, interests, religion, edu- 
 cation, everything severs these two powers from one another. 
 They have nothing in common but their language in part, 
 and even in this the difference is very great. 
 
 Up to 1848, the jealousy between Austria and Prussia did 
 not reach the mass of the people, it was only a contest of 
 statesmen at the Courts and the Diet. But from that time 
 the discussions in the Erankfort Parliament showed that 
 there was a Prussian and an Austrian party amongst the 
 German people. 
 
72 GERMANY. 
 
 When the efforts that were made for unity between 1848 
 and 1852 remained fruitless, and all hope of it was gone, this 
 contest was renewed at every Council-chamber and in the 
 public Press. By the Kevolution, and still more by the weak- 
 ness of the Government, everything of a conservative nature, 
 all the privileges of the nobility, and many too of the mimici- 
 palities and corporations, had been violently suppressed ; the 
 Eevolution was checked only at the foot of the throne. The 
 States were shaken in their feeling of security. Every one, 
 were he high or low, felt that the Confederation could not 
 be maintained, that the struggle between Austria and Prussia 
 must one day be fought out. 
 
 The conservative elements, the reigning houses, inclined 
 to Austria, because they had the idea, in the north especially, 
 that the Emperor was the natural protector of the small 
 dynasties, and would cross the scheme of Prussia. Prussia 
 was always looked upon as the aggressive Power, because 
 every one felt that it must he greater, if it was not to go down 
 entirely. The catastrophe of 1866 must be attributed very 
 greatly to the want of self confidence amongst most of the 
 other German Governments. 
 
 French Imperialism also exercised a detrimental influence 
 upon Germany. Many a Government official pictured him- 
 self as a German prefect after the French pattern ; and many 
 a director of police took the arbitrary French system for his 
 ideal. There were German statesmen in numbers who, with 
 the conviction that order must be firmly established, would 
 have copied the imperial model, and set up, under colour of 
 the monarchical principle, a system of government as unwise 
 as it was opposed to the German character. 
 
 In the year 1853, the King of Prussia, who could never get 
 rid of the Holy Alliance notions, and thought it quite essen- 
 tial that the two chief German Powers should move and act 
 
GERMANY. 73 
 
 in concert, had some interview with the Emperor of Austria. 
 In 1854 came the expansion of the Zollverein or Customs' 
 Union. 
 
 I The complications in the East became serious ; the thun- 
 
 '' der-clouds which had been gathering there for the last 
 
 ^ twenty years threatened to burst. 
 
 I Napoleon wanted to achieve for his dynasty and his country 
 another position. The one which France had received by 
 the Treaties of 1815, and every reminder of the Vienna Con- 
 gress, which had declared his uncle an outlaw, could not be 
 agreeable to him; it was quite natural therefore that his 
 whole political action should be directed to cancel, as far as 
 possible, the Vienna Treaties. Above all, the Holy Alliance, 
 which showed already signs of dissolution, he must get rid 
 of entirely. 
 
 Though a war for the Ehine-boundary would have tended 
 directly to set the Vienna Treaties aside, and been more popu- 
 lar in France than a war in the East, it had a dangerous look 
 about it. Such a war in the middle of Europe, provoked 
 wantonly and without cause, might bring about a coalition, 
 and remind people that the Napoleon family was under a 
 ban of outlawry. The Emperor laid great stress on the 
 alliance with England. The resources of both countries had 
 immensely increased ; together they had the undoubted com- 
 mand of the sea ; and the French statesmen thought that 
 if they gained such results with the help of England, the 
 interests of France would be thereby materially promoted. 
 At first this was the case, and after the Crimean War Napoleon 
 held an important position in Europe, which has been very 
 considerably modified by the war in Italy, the expedition to 
 Mexico, and the war which was carried on in Germany with- 
 out the interference of France. 
 
 Napoleon knew weU enough that the jealousy of Austria 
 
74 GERMANY. 
 
 and Prussia had gone too far for them to act in concert in any- 
 war which was not a direct attack upon the Germanic Con- 
 federation, and that the political action of the Confederation 
 itself was not to be thought of in any case. 
 
 If Austria and Prussia had been able to come to an under- 
 standing — and owing to the want of sincere co-operation, and 
 the dissensions in the country, the power of Germany and her 
 influence in the larger European questions had not been so 
 insignificant — the war in the East would hardly have broken 
 out. 
 
 The Trench diplomatists were clever enough to make use of 
 the discontent of the Eoman Catholic population in Turkey, 
 and had made every preparation for the war. England's 
 disinclination to see the Eussian rule extended eastwards 
 was an old diplomatic tradition, and notwithstanding the 
 country was against it, an alliance with France was brought 
 about. 
 
 When England and France allied themselves against 
 Eussia, and tried to bring Austria and Prussia into the coali- 
 tion, Prussia remained so far firm to the alliance which 
 existed between herself and Eussia, as to observe a friendly 
 neutrality towards this Power. Austria, on the contrary, 
 was so short-sighted as (you may use a common saying) to 
 sit between two stools. 
 
 The Austrian statesmen did not understand that the Italian 
 provinces, and a predominant influence alike on the Danube 
 and LQ Germany, were too much for Austria's strength. The 
 stupid course which they pursued at that time laid the foun- 
 dation for all the misfortune the poor empire had to suffer in 
 the next twelve years. It cannot be denied that the interests 
 of Austria clashed with those of Eussia on the Danube, and 
 that the question of the Principalities was a difficTilt one for 
 Austria. The traditional policy in the East is very like that 
 
GERMANY. 75 
 
 of England — the maintenance of the power of Turkey at any- 
 cost. It is certainly not the right policy for either country, 
 but for Austria still less than for England, as of the two her 
 material and commercial interests are thereby affected to a 
 much greater extent. 
 
 When peace was seriously threatened, the Austrian states- 
 men had to decide whether, true to the Holy Alliance, they 
 would take Eussia's side, and come to an understanding with 
 her on the questions of Turkey and the Principahties, or 
 make an alliance with the Western Powers, and get the 
 Italian provinces guaranteed to them as a compensation for 
 their assistance on the Danube. Had Austria taken and 
 pursued one of these two directions, whatever the result of 
 the war, she would have brought an important weight to 
 bear upon the negotiations for peace. She would not ally 
 herself directly with the Western Powers, and observed a 
 hostile neutrality towards Eussia. An army of 150,000 
 men was concentrated on the Eussian frontier, but remained 
 inactive. Prussia kept friendly to Eussia, but neutral, and 
 disapproved the policy of Austria. 
 
 German commerce flourished during and after the Crimean 
 War, and a spur was given to German industry, especially in 
 the States which had joined the Zollverein. There were 
 many rash undertakings ; a fever broke out for setting banks 
 and ironworks on foot, which had something good and use- 
 ful in it, but produced afterwards a terrible money crisis ; 
 and in the political world was observed a movement and 
 restlessness hitherto unknown in Germany. 
 
 Prussia had to suffer another humiliation, viz., the defec- 
 tion of Neufchatel. It was an old possession of the Hohen- 
 zoUern, and Frederick I. had inherited it in 1707. A hun- 
 dred years later it was ceded to France, and demanded back 
 in 1814. In a sort of mongrel position it was added as the 
 
76 GERMANY. 
 
 Twenty-second Canton to Switzerland. But it kept its old 
 government, which was administered in the name of the 
 King of Prussia. 
 
 The waves of the Eevolution of 1848 reached Switzerland, 
 and the Eepublic was founded on new principles, the sepa- 
 rate cantons being subordinated to the central government 
 in Berne. The rule of Prussia was put aside, and her pro- 
 tests produced no effect. At the Paris Conferences in 1856 
 the plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers recognised the 
 sovereign rights of Prussia in Neufchatel. 
 
 As Switzerland took no notice of this, the adherents of the 
 King of Prussia in Neufchatel determined to take the matter 
 into their own hands, and in the night of the 2d of Septem- 
 ber 1856 Count Pourtales and Colonel Meuran hoisted the 
 black and white flag, and organized a revolt. 
 
 Some battalions of Swiss troops that were exercising in 
 the neighbourhood were called in to put it down, which they 
 did, and captured the ringleaders, who were to be tried for 
 high treason. 
 
 At this point the King of Prussia was obliged to interfere, 
 and a Prussian corps was ordered to Switzerland. The Diet 
 (and there is no stronger proof of the beggarly condition to 
 which it was reduced) allowed itself to be overruled by 
 Austria, and refused the Prussian troops the right of march. 
 
 The King accepted the mediation of the Emperor Napoleon. 
 The prisoners in Neufchatel were set at liberty, and the 
 canton remained Swiss. The Swiss Diet offered the King a 
 million dollars, but he refused to take them. 
 
 This sad affair, at which every German must blush, is said 
 to have deeply affected King Frederick- William iv. After 
 this no one either in or out of Germany could doubt for a 
 moment that the contest between Austria and Prussia must 
 be fought out. Prussia's not taking part in the struggle of 
 
GERMANY. 77 
 
 Austria with Italy and Erance three years later, must be 
 attributed to the false policy, the sneaking enmity and 
 jealousy, which marked the whole of Austria's conduct 
 towards Prussia. 
 
 The King of Prussia was attacked by an affection of the 
 brain. The Prince of Prussia assumed the regency of the 
 kingdom, and great hopes were inspired by his rule. A 
 liberal Ministry began a new system, called the New Era, 
 which failed because the greater number of the representa- 
 tives of the country lost themselves in theories, and would 
 not be convinced of the necessity of a new organization of 
 the army, and because the Government partly allowed them- 
 selves to be led away by the theories, whilst on the other 
 side the Prince Eegent persisted in what he regarded as 
 indispensable for the reorganization of the army. The 
 Ministry of the New Era awakened great expectations 
 throughout Germany, and a feeling of unity and nationality 
 was roused in all classes, though it assumed every variety of 
 form and colour. 
 
 In Hanover, a short-sighted Ministry, which did great harm 
 from a false zeal for the monarchical principle, had caused 
 the various elements of the opposition to^ combine, and these 
 founded the so-called National Society, which spread through 
 the whole of Northern Germany. This Society declared at 
 once that the Confederation did not satisfy them, and that 
 a constitutional feudal State must be established under the 
 headship of Prussia. It was a revival of the so-called 
 Gotha party, with a somewhat deeper democratical colouring. 
 
 The National Society wanted first to hold a larger as- 
 sembly in Eisenach, and, when that did not succeed, went 
 to Erankfort. They also met in Coburg; were at first 
 warmly supported there by the Duke of Coburg- Gotha, and 
 might have become of great importance if the reorganization 
 
78 GERMANY. 
 
 of Germany had been destined to be brought about, not by 
 war, but by revolution. 
 
 At a later period some short-sighted, well-meaning con- 
 servatives founded the Great-German Society, which was to 
 stand by the rights of the Confederation, and support the 
 influence of Austria in Germany. This Society has done 
 much harm by drawing many peaceful elements into the 
 whirl of political agitation. In Hanover especially it led to 
 much political confusion, and to mistaken views on many 
 questions of politics and political geography. 
 
 Subsequently, when a Ministry of action under Herr von 
 Bismarck-Schonhausen conducted the war in Holstein, and 
 the struggle was raging with the House of Eepresentatives in 
 Berlin, especially that about the right of succession of the 
 Augustenburgs, both these Societies, the Great- German one 
 particularly, quarrelled amongst themselves. 
 
 Whoever has observed Germany attentively for the last 
 twelve years must confess that things could not go on as 
 they were. If there had not been so much material pro- 
 sperity, and so much intelligence, especially in the lower 
 classes, if society had not been in general in a sound and 
 healthy condition, % revolution must have broken out. 
 
 On the 1st of January 1859, the Emperor Louis Napoleon 
 addressed the Austrian ambassador in a manner that be- 
 trayed hostile intentions. The whole of Europe became 
 alarmed ; Austria armed, Italy made great efforts, and an 
 army was got together in France to throng to her aid. 
 
 England and Prussia were eager to mediate ; even Eussia 
 aided their endeavours; and it appeared as if the quarrel 
 might be adjusted by a Congress. 
 
 Prussia had promised assistance to Austria under certain 
 conditions. The Archduke Albrecht came to Berlin and 
 negotiated. He gave his word, honestly on his part, that 
 
GEEMANY. 79 
 
 no attack on Italy was intended ; and yet Austria took the 
 offensive. 
 
 There was great excitement in Germany, especially in the 
 south ; and in all the middle States war against France was 
 looked on as a duty. 
 
 Prussia has been reproached over and over again for having 
 betrayed the Fatherland, in that she did not at once take 
 part in the war. We looked upon her conduct as quite 
 natural at the time. Austria, in her blindness, obstinately 
 refused to comply with the Prussian demand for the chief 
 command of the German troops north of the Main. In the 
 distrust which existed between Vienna and Berlin, Prussia 
 must be assured that she did not bring war into her own 
 territories, and then possibly have to look on whilst Austria 
 made peace with France. 
 
 ,' When the war in Italy threatened to enter the limits of 
 the Germanic Confederation, Prussia and the other German 
 States made serious preparations to meet it. Six Prussian 
 divisions were in marching order, when, quite suddenly and 
 unexpectedly, the peace of Villafranca put an end to the 
 war. 
 
 The conduct of it by Austria has been already sufficiently 
 characterized by military writers ; in a political point of 
 view, she made still greater mistakes. The peace of Villa- 
 franca could only be justified if it had been followed by an 
 alHance, offensive and defensive, between Austria and France. 
 Any one might easily have perceived that the state of things 
 brought about by this peace, and that which followed at 
 Zurich, was untenable for Italy. The state of illusion with 
 respect to Italy, in which Austrian statesmen have always 
 lived, is quite inconceivable. 
 
 Austria and her friends made Prussia responsible for her 
 defeats and for this miserable peace. 
 
80 GERMANY. 
 
 The feeling against Prussia, in the Austrian aimy especi- 
 ally, was very hostile. After the war, the demonstrations in 
 favour of German unity were renewed, and to a greater 
 extent. Gymnastic and singing clubs, societies of naturalists 
 and lawyers, — everything must be pressed into the national 
 service ; even the Schiller festival was in reality for no other 
 purpose. The idea of the National Society was a constitu- 
 tional federal State under the headship of Prussia, with the 
 exclusion of Austria ; that of the Great- German Association 
 is more difficult to define. Around the maintenance and 
 improvement of the Confederation hovered a misty and 
 general notion of Austria's influence, and a German empire, 
 imder the headship of Austria. The basis of both these 
 parties was the idea of unity, as well as that of the third, 
 the Eepublicans, who were more numerous in Germany than 
 was generally thought, especially in the south, and wherever 
 there was much intercourse with America. In the Hanse 
 Towns, consequeiitly, this party was strongly represented. 
 
 After the war in Italy, Austria seemed to put forth new 
 vigour ; at least, this was carefully represented to be the case 
 by herself and her friends. On the 20th of October 1860, 
 the Emperor had once more given a common constitution to 
 his dominions, and it was thought that a liberal Ministry 
 would set everything to rights. Her credit rose for the 
 moment, and throughout Germany confidence in the stability 
 and the future of Austria increased to a remarkable degrea 
 
 Prussia was apparently much weakened by the conflict 
 that was going on with the House of Eepresentatives, the 
 change of Ministry that it caused, and internal division. A 
 Ministry under Herr von Bismarck- Schonhausen succeeded 
 that of Count Schwerin and Prince HohenzoUem. The con- 
 flict with the House of Eepresentatives became stiU more 
 bitter, so that in May 1863 it had to be dissolved. Moreover, 
 
GERMANY. 81 
 
 Prussia made a Commercial Treaty with France without the 
 consent of the other States included in the ZoUverein, whose 
 assistance (it was to be renewed in 1865) seemed thereby 
 endangered. Both at the Courts and amongst the people, 
 Prussia was in very bad odour. 
 
 Austria tried her utmost to get the small and middle 
 States on her side. The latter had at their head partly 
 theorists, like Von der Pfordten, partly clever men, like 
 Beust, who had, however, quite lost the measure of his own 
 and Saxony's power, and partly statesmen utterly ignorant 
 of their craft. Herr von der Pfordten, if he did not invent, 
 made use of the idea of the Triad, i.e., the theoretical division 
 into three parts, which Prussia afterwards carried practically 
 
 ^ out in quite another fashion. 
 
 t This idea, at variance as it was with the comparative 
 strength of the different States, was such as a tedious pro- 
 fessor might talk his pupils to sleep about, but which no 
 wise practical statesman would entertain for a moment, 
 because it was perfectly evident that so many German 
 Governments would never hold actually together, and if they 
 did so that they could never be strong enough to resist 
 Prussia or Austria. Then Von der Pfordten thought that 
 if the German States were divided into three groups, Bavaria 
 would exercise the greatest influence in that of the small 
 and middle States, and that this group would be able to 
 bend Austria or Prussia to itself at will, and thereby gain 
 great influence in Germany. 
 
 Conferences were held by the Ministers of the middle 
 States at Bamberg and Wiirzburg, at which Baron Beust 
 played a very prominent part. Hanover now joined, now 
 stood aloof from this policy ; and the consequence of this 
 playing fast and loose was, that she had nowhere a real 
 friend and confederate. We don't know all that was said 
 
 F 
 
 I 
 
82 GERMANY. 
 
 and done at these conferences ; and this probably is lucky 
 for the credit of German statesmanship and diplomacy. 
 
 On the 12th of August 1862 the so-called Delegate scheme 
 was brought as a proposition before the Diet. Delegates 
 from the different assemblies of Estates were to meet and 
 discuss two Bills relating to actions in the Civil Courts and 
 the rights of bond-holders, but without any power of 
 making them law. This scheme was supported by Austria, 
 Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Wurtemburg, Electoral Hesse, 
 Hesse-Darmstadt, and Nassau. 
 
 Herr von Bismarck, on the other hand, got the minority 
 to vote, in the sitting of the 18th of December 1862, that the 
 new Federal Constitution satisfied neither the just wishes of 
 Germany nor the claims which Prussia had a right to assert ; 
 and this was supported by a declaration of the Prussian 
 Minister to the Diet on the 22d of January 1863. He 
 represented that the Delegate scheme was a mere illusion, 
 and as such nothing worth ; if it were not so, then there was 
 the danger of a large majority in population and political 
 and military power having to submit to a combination of 
 votes which represented a decided minority in strength and 
 numbers. Their efforts should be directed, not to increase 
 faults, but to remove them. As regarded the representation, 
 only such a one could be considered by the German nation 
 the proper instrument for dealing with the general interests, 
 as was based upon the free choice and numerical strength of 
 the population in each Federal State. 
 
 Against the insidious attempt of Austria and the Coalition 
 to force their measures through by means of a vote of the 
 majority, Prussia formally protested, on the ground that for 
 such a resolution a unanimous vote was required. Bismarck 
 had determined, if necessary, to recall the Prussian Envoy 
 to the Diet, in order to guard the Confederation. 
 
GERMANY. 83 
 
 Hanover and Electoral Hesse separated from the Coalition ; 
 Austria meditated revenge for this defeat, and her next move 
 was to summon the Congress of reigning Princes. 
 
 Never have Austria's statesmen shown greater incapacity 
 than in the year 1863, when they advised the Emperor to 
 call a meeting of the German monarchs in Frankfort on the 
 1 8th of August, without having come to an understanding 
 with Prussia, and being sure that the King of Prussia would 
 attend it. If they intended to exclude or isolate Prussia, 
 they could not do it in this way without involving them- 
 selves in a war. They overrated Austria's political power 
 in comparison with Prussia, as it appeared on their de- 
 spatches, just as the Austrian generals did three years later 
 on the battle-field. 
 
 The Emperor of Austria's playing the Emperor of Germany 
 at Frankfort, without being it, and the German Princes 
 debating and resolving on a reform of the Confederation, 
 without carrying it through, was a hard blow for Austria's 
 position in Germany, and a harder one for Germany's 
 sovereigns. The King of Prussia refused the Emperor's 
 invitation, which certainly came to him too late ; neither did 
 he accept that of the collected Princes, which the King of 
 Saxony brought him to Baden. The resolution of the Con- 
 gress was afterwards imparted to the King of Prussia, and 
 he was asked to accede to it, but, as might be expected, he 
 did not comply with this request. 
 
 He must be a mere child in politics, a visionary, an idealist, 
 or a German professor, who could believe it possible, by 
 peaceful means, without revolution or war, to reform the 
 Confederation and put anything better in its place after this 
 ill-advised and fruitless attempt. 
 
 Prussia answered Austria's project of the Delegates by 
 bringing forward the plan of a Parliament based on uni- 
 
84 GERMANY. 
 
 versal suffrage — one of several schemes whicli Herr von 
 Bismarck then announced and afterwards put in execution. 
 
 Soon after the Congress of Sovereigns this statesman did 
 a master-stroke of diplomacy, by drawing nearer to Austria 
 at the same time that he made use of her for his designs 
 against Denmark. The blindness with which Austria fell 
 into this snare is quite inexplicable. 
 
 Denmark had contrived to make herself very unpopular 
 in the Duchies. The Democratical party in Copenhagen 
 had the power in their hands. They wanted to incorporate 
 Schleswig entirely, and to make the Eider the boundary of 
 the Danish monarchy. The engagements which Denmark 
 had undertaken were not kept. 
 
 Public opinion in Germany took the side of the oppressed 
 Duchies, and the unpopular Governments of the middle 
 States hoped to make themselves popular again by advocating 
 the rights of the Duchies, with a certain loudness of manner, 
 but without much success. 
 
 The Diet amused itself for ten years with this question, 
 and only took it seriously up when, on the 30th of March 
 1863, Holstein was excluded from the common constitution 
 of the Danish monarchy, and Schleswig actually incorporated 
 with it. On the 1 st of October the long- threatened execution 
 against Denmark, of occupying Holstein with Federal troops, 
 was formally resolved upon. Saxony and Hanover furnished 
 12,000 men, Austria and Prussia a reserve of 25,000. 
 
 On the 16th of November 1863, Frederick vii.. King of 
 Denmark, died quite suddenly. In compliance with the 
 terms of the London Protocol of the 20th of May 1852, 
 Christian, Duke of GlUcksburg, mounted the Danish throne. 
 A rising of the populace in Copenhagen compelled the 
 King, on the second day of his rule, the 18th of November, 
 to confirm the constitution of the kingdom. 
 
I 
 
 GERMANY. 85 
 
 The Hanoverian and Saxon troops, under the Saxon 
 general Yon Hake, advanced into Holstein, and it was 
 evacuated by the Danes as being a member of the Con- 
 federation. 
 
 To the question how far the Treaties of 1851 and 1852 
 had been observed was added that of the right of succession. 
 According to German law females are incapable of reigning 
 in any German State, consequently in the German Federal 
 State of Holstein. 
 
 Herr von Bismarck, a man of remarkable gifts as a states- 
 man, and, moreover, determined, regardless of all cost, to 
 raise the position of Prussia in Germany, got the idea that a 
 war about the Duchies would be the best means to gain his 
 end. To get possession of Kiel harbour and the Eider 
 Canal was ground enough to make him covet, and by all 
 means in his power compass, the acquisition of Holstein ; 
 and we have never understood how Austria could be so 
 shortsighted as to suffer herself to be drawn into this war. 
 She did it with the idea that Prussia should not play the 
 game alone, and that she could upset it when it was won. 
 
 The hereditary Prince of Augustenburg, notwithstanding 
 his father's renunciation of his rights, came forward as a 
 pretender to the throne of the Duchies, went to Kiel under 
 a false name, with the help of some Hamburg merchants 
 set up a sort of Court there, with a liberal Ministry, and 
 acknowledged the Constitution of 1848. 
 
 The Diet appointed two Commissioners, one Saxon and 
 the other Hanoverian, who were to conduct a Provisional 
 Government in its name. 
 
 The Prince of Augustenburg was received by the people 
 of Holstein with acclamation as Duke Frederick viii., and 
 deputations poured in to him from all sides. The nobility 
 alone, partly not thinking him of sufficient importance, and 
 
 » 
 
86 GERMANY. 
 
 partly offended with him because he acknowledged the Con- 
 stitution of 1848, and surrounded himself with persons whom 
 they disliked, opposed him, — were in favour at first of a 
 personal union with Denmark, but declared later for Prussia. 
 Austria and Prussia, as subscribers to the London Protocol, 
 had acknowledged King Christian, but the middle States 
 stood upon the rights of the Confederation, and took most 
 the Augustenburg side, though for very different reasons. 
 The whole of the liberal and democratic press used the occa- 
 sion for violent writing; it was a welcome theme for aU 
 popular speakers. 
 
 If it be true that the art of diplomacy consists in con- 
 cealing one's real intentions as much as possible, this Holstein 
 question, the war, the negotiations with the Diet, the nego- 
 tiations in London, the peace — in short, everything relating 
 to the Danish war — must be looked upon as a diplomatic 
 master-stroke. 
 
 Denmark entered upon a war at such immense odds with 
 a levity which would be utterly inexplicable, if she had not 
 hoped for support from the great Powers, especially from 
 England. 
 
 There was great sympathy with Denmark in England, 
 particularly as the Prince of Wales had married the daughter 
 of King Christian ; and from the tone in which Lord KusseU 
 and the English diplomatists dealt with the question at 
 first, it was impossible to avoid the conclusion that England 
 intended to take Denmark under its protection. 
 
 Prussia and Austria determined, as the two leading 
 German Powers, and without troubling themselves about the 
 Confederation, to take possession of Schleswig, that they 
 might have a security by means of which to compel Den- 
 mark to fulfil the engagements she had undertaken towards 
 Germany. 
 
GERMANY. 87 
 
 Denmark could not stand against the allied troops. The 
 war had begun on the 1st of February 1864 ; the Danewerk, 
 upon which such large sums had been expended, had to be 
 evacuated. The Prussian and Austrian troops everywhere 
 did their duty, and the Danes fought with great bravery and 
 endurance in the most unfavourable circumstances. The 
 Danish navy did less than was expected. 
 
 After the storming of the fortifications of Dtippel by the 
 Prussians, an armistice was concluded, and then followed the 
 Conference in London, at which Baron Beust represented 
 the Confederation. 
 
 At this Conference, Denmark might very easily have saved 
 the northern half of Schleswig, and made peace on much 
 more favourable terms than she afterwards obtained. But 
 the King of Denmark could not, as yet, emancipate himself 
 sufiiciently from the influence of the democratic element 
 in Cophenhagen. The obstinacy of Denmark caused the 
 negotiations to fall through. 
 
 The armistice had run out on the 20th of June, and on the 
 25th, General Herwath von Bittenfeld stormed the island of 
 Alsen, which the Danes considered impregnable without a 
 fleet. The Prussians would also have gone over to Fuhnen ; 
 but Austria, who had already entered Jutland much against 
 her will, refused to co-operate with them. The language of 
 the Press too, in Austria and the middle States, showed 
 with what an evil eye the success of Prussia was re- 
 garded. 
 
 Very pitiable was the position of the Saxon and Hano- 
 verian federal troops in Holstein. They had to look on 
 whilst the Austrians and Prussians were led past them to 
 victory ; and there were very unpleasant collisions in some 
 places, — Eendsburg amongst the rest. 
 
 If Hanover had followed a difterent line of policy at that 
 
88 GERMANY. 
 
 time, and, as her wisdom would have been, taken the side 
 of Prussia, she would have saved her troops the scenes in 
 Eendsburg, and her brave army, at a later period, that saddest 
 episode in her history, the battle of Langensalza. Instead 
 of this, she played fast and loose by turns with Austria 
 and Prussia, intrigued against the claims of the Duke of 
 Augustenburg, and did everything she could to make her 
 political position untenable. 
 
 The two Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and also the 
 little territory of Lauenburg, were ceded by Denmark to 
 Austria and Prussia, as co-ordinate possessors, in the Peace 
 of Vienna, October 30, 1864. 
 
 ■ This was certainly a peculiar relation for these two Powers 
 to be placed in. For Prussia the possession of the Duchies 
 was of infinite value, for Austria of none at all ; she could 
 not think of keeping a part for herself, and yet of all things 
 she grudged them to Prussia. At first, too, Austria would 
 not let the Diet have any say in the matter, and she kept 
 many pretenders in readiness, intending to press their claims, 
 if Prussia became too troublesome. 
 
 The whole of the liberal, democratic, and republican 
 party in Germany, had for very different reasons given its 
 support to the Augustenburg claims. The Parliament in 
 Frankfort took the matter up, exercised a pressure on the 
 different assemblies of Estates, and these again on their 
 Princes. 
 
 The Grand-Duke of Oldenburg also put forward claims to 
 the succession. Prussia made the following formal memor- 
 andum of its wishes with respect to Holstein on the 18th of 
 February 1865 : — " The possession of Kiel harbour, and the 
 power of making fortifications at Sonderburg and Dtippel, as 
 well as the right of cutting a canal from the Baltic to the 
 North Sea, and that of uniting Holstein to Prussia." 
 
GERMANY. 89 
 
 I 
 
 The plans of Austria were not so clearly defined ; but she 
 seemed to incline by degrees to the Augustenburg claims. 
 On the 5th of March she refused to accede to Prussia's de- 
 mands of February, and added that she could no longer take 
 part in negotiations which gave no hope of a definite agree- 
 ment. The Duke of Augustenburg, encouraged by this 
 declaration, also, strange to say, rejected the demands of 
 Prussia. 
 
 Now the Holstein question retired into the background ; 
 Prussia had sent in her ultimatum, and been refused; the 
 struggle for supremacy in Germany took the prominent 
 place, and was inevitable. 
 
 The enemies of Prussia, and they had wonderfully in- 
 creased of late, underrated her power. They thought that 
 she would go on as she had done since 1850, make a noise 
 with the sabre, and, if things became serious, sheathe it 
 again; they calculated on her internal quarrels, and her 
 apparent isolation in Europe. 
 
 Shortly after he took of&ce, Herr von Bismarck determined 
 either to come to an understanding with Austria about the 
 affairs of the Confederation, or to do away with it altogether. 
 Austria opposed him from the beginning. 
 
 Herr von Bismarck declared quite openly that the rela- 
 tions of Prussia and Austria must be either better or worse, 
 and that Prussia could not allow measures directly hostile 
 to herself to be brought forward at the Diet, — as the Dele- 
 gate scheme, and the ruse of outvoting her, — would rather 
 retire from the Confederation altogether. 
 
 Austria made the utmost efforts to scheme against Prussia 
 at the German Courts. The middle States did not feel quite 
 safe ; but hoped with Austria's aid to weaken the influence 
 of Prussia in Germany. 
 
 During the first three months after the refusal of Prussia's 
 
90 GERMANY. 
 
 demands, it did not appear from Bismarck's conduct that he 
 had any plan ready for adoption. 
 
 The experiment of putting forward the Grand-Duke of 
 Oldenburg as a candidate for the Duchies, the unwillingness 
 to summon their Estates to meet, the offence Oldenburg 
 took at the Duke of Augustenburg's mock rule, and conse- 
 quent demand that he should leave the country, as well as 
 the negotiations that were perpetually recurring on the basis 
 of the February -demands, were all mere diplomatic contriv- 
 ances ; and they were put a stop to by the decided declara- 
 tion of Prussia, on the 2 2d of July, that she intended to 
 insist upon her demands of the 2 2d of February. 
 
 The breach was widened every hour, and the breaking 
 out of the war was only a question of time. Strangely 
 enough, the statesmen of the middle States did not see this, 
 and most of them thought, as late as the spring of 1866, that 
 the war would be avoided. 
 
 Count Bismarck — he had been raised by the King to this 
 rank — looked to Italy. He saw that if he would carry out 
 his plans for Prussia, he must pursue the policy of nation- 
 alities, and that this would draw Prussia and Italy together. 
 There had been negotiations with Italy so early as 1863, 
 and they had been interrupted by the war in Holstein : now 
 was the time for them to be renewed. 
 
 It is by the conservatives that Count Bismarck has been 
 most severely reproached for the Italian alliance ; and the 
 conservative press, which had formerly cried out against 
 Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi as robbers, was quite be- 
 wildered when this alliance became a fact, and its advantage 
 to Prussia could not be gainsaid. 
 
 That Prussia, if it came to a war, must wish to divide 
 Austria's strength, and that Italy, which could no longer 
 reckon on the assistance of France, should avail herself of a 
 
GERMANY. 91 
 
 war between Austria and Prussia to press forward to the 
 Adriatic, was quite natural under the circumstances ; and it 
 is for the interests of both countries that the alliance should 
 continue. 
 
 Prussia made no secret now of her determination not to 
 give up Kiel harbour, and military preparations were gra- 
 dually made. 
 I In Salzburg, on the 25th of July, Herr von Bismarck 
 spoke without any reserve to the former Professor and then 
 Bavarian Minister, Von der Pfordten. If the rest of Germany 
 would only be sensible enough to play the part of a passive 
 spectator, the duel between Austria and Prussia might be 
 fought out. 
 
 Austrian diplomacy succeeded for the moment at Gastein 
 in putting off the struggle. The Gastein Convention sur- 
 prised aU the world, standing, as it did, in direct opposition 
 to Bismarck's demands. It engendered the belief that his 
 policy was one rather of menace than of deeds ; and this 
 conviction contributed very materially to the strange under- 
 rating of Prussia's power and projects. 
 
 Austria and the Duke of Augustenburg thought that it 
 was still open to them to accept the conditions of February 
 in the beginning of 1866. Austria went quietly on, and in 
 her secret circular despatch of the 16th of March, called 
 upon the middle States that were friendly to her to prepare 
 at once for war. Saxony complied with this call. 
 
 On the 24th of March, Prussia propounded her ideas on 
 the reform of the Confederation ; and at the meeting of the 
 Diet on the 9th of April she moved the resolution on the 
 subject of which she had given notice. 
 
 The treaty of alliance between Prussia and Italy was 
 concluded on the 8th of April. It did not bind either 
 power to declare, but in case of war, both of them were to 
 
92 GERMANY. 
 
 carry it on in conjunction till Austria acceded to the Prus- 
 sian proposals of reform, and to the annexation of Venice to 
 the kingdom of Italy. After this, Austria and Prussia played 
 a game of diplomacy about arming and disarming. 
 
 In the middle of May, Prussia was to have opened nego- 
 tiations once more in Vienna, on the questions of Holstein 
 and the Federal army. This overture for an understand- 
 ing was most strangely rejected by Austria. 
 
 While both sides were arming with all their might, 
 Austria made her well-known proposal of the 1st of June 
 in Frankfort, and, as the Holstein Estates were summoned 
 to meet at the same time, in the Duchies as well Prussia 
 replied on the 10th of June with her principles of a Federal 
 Constitution, by which Austria was excluded from the 
 German Confederation. On the 14th of June follows the 
 dissolution of the Confederation, in consequence of the 
 Diet's acceptance of Austria's proposal to put the Federal 
 army on a war footing. 
 
 Many have denied it, but as the circumstances then were, 
 this vote could only be looked upon as a party move in 
 favour of Austria. The States that voted for this resolution 
 must have known that the war would break out, and that 
 they would be regarded as Prussia's enemies. Though one 
 were ever so friendly or hostile to Prussia, one could not be 
 blind to the fact that she declared beforehand most clearly 
 and frankly in what light she would regard this vote, and 
 how she would act in consequence of it. 
 
 The boldness with which the middle States suffered them- 
 selves to be drawn into the war, instead of letting it be a 
 duel between Austria and Prussia, must be quite unintelli- 
 gible to every one who did not know and watch public 
 feeling in Germany at that time. 
 
 Prussia was still suffering from the consequences of the 
 
GERMANY. 93 
 
 weakness which the Government showed in the country 
 itself in 1848, and afterwards in its foreign diplomacy. The 
 various armings and disarmings, threatening, and not carry- 
 ing out her threats, the illogical character of her represen- 
 tative system, the (as Count Bismarck himself quite rightly 
 expressed it) most unwise and dangerous electoral law, the 
 system of three classes, but united with a firm military rule, 
 the old customs of all her officials, believing that they be- 
 longed to a purely absolute State, a liberal Ministry, which 
 came into collision with the constitutional organization that 
 had not taken root, and existed only on paper, — all this was 
 prejudicial to the political credit of Prussia. 
 
 On the formation of a Ministry under Herr von Bismarck- 
 Schonhausen, who was preposterously cried out against as a 
 reactionist and ultra -conservative, mistrust and discontent 
 increased in and out of Prussia. The liberal party were 
 thoroughly opposed to Count Bismarck and his system of 
 government ; and hence the feeling which found its expres- 
 sion in innumerable addresses in deprecation of war. 
 
 The German States had all naturally taken part against 
 Prussia, because they were afraid that her power would 
 grow at their expense. One result of this was, that they 
 accounted Prussia much weaker than she was, and thought 
 that Austria^ with their help, could conquer her. 
 
 By many, 'too, the probability of French interference was 
 entertained. This we consider too humiliating for any Ger- 
 man to think of; and every Government that cherished 
 such thoughts, every dynasty that gave way to them, de- 
 served to fall. 
 
 We can hardly conceive it possible, but Austrian diplo- 
 matists and agents had filled all Germany with the notion 
 that the Austrian army surpassed the Prussian in every 
 respect, — in numbers, capacity, and readiness for war; so 
 
94 GERMANY. 
 
 that those who voted at the Diet on the 14th of June were 
 firmly convinced that it would be a short, and, for Austria, 
 a victorious war. They forgot the war in Italy, the discon- 
 tent and jealousy of the different nationalities that constitute 
 the Austrian Empire, the superiority of the Prussian arms, 
 and many other things which told against Austria. 
 
 If Austria had not so strangely overrated her own 
 strength ; if she had seen that it was impossible for her to 
 retain Venice after its separation from Lombardy ; if, before 
 Italy made an alliance with Prussia, she had treated about 
 its cession with Italy and France, and then united herself 
 closely and energetically with the German middle States, she 
 might have brought Prussia into the greatest danger, for in 
 this case France would probably have come to her assistance. 
 
 Apart from other grounds, as difficulties in Algeria, the 
 absence of her troops in Mexico, anxiety about complications 
 with America, and the Emperor's state of health, the neu- 
 trality of France must be attributed to this especially — that 
 the Emperor had no belief in what turned out to be the 
 marvellous success of Prussia, that he reckoned upon a long 
 indecisive struggle, upon civil war in Germany, and then 
 hoped to come in with a decisive word. 
 
 Bavaria had zealously adopted the Triad policy of Herr 
 von der Pfordten ; and, notwithstanding that the Prussian 
 reform propositions had given her an important position in 
 the lead of the Southern States, and were very well received 
 in the country, she did not like to separate herself entirely 
 from Austria ; and, in doubt about the seriousness of Prussia's 
 intentions, she let herself be drawn into the war, but, as was 
 afterwards seen, against her wilL 
 
 Saxony had already engaged herself in close alliance to 
 Austria, and fulfilled all her engagements ; her whole army 
 was fully equipped, and ready for fighting ; and in case it 
 
GERMANY. 95 
 
 would have to leave Saxony, and, as happened shortly, retire 
 into Bohemia, due measures had been taken for carrying on 
 the government of the country. Saxony consequently is the 
 only one of the middle States that pursued a definite plan 
 and a definite policy, and every one must respect the bearing 
 of her King both during and after the war. The Saxon army, 
 too, won the greatest esteem by the Prussians who fought 
 against it ; and marvellous was the rapidity with which it 
 was newly organized after its return home. Every one was 
 surprised at the announcement made by the Crown Prince 
 of Saxony at Berlin on the 1st of April 1867, that the 
 Saxon Federal contingent was in a state of readiness and 
 complete equipment. 
 
 Wtirtemberg showed a decided zeal against Prussia, which 
 may be traced to the old antipathy of the Suabians, and anti- 
 Prussian influence at the Court. 
 
 Hanover, alas ! pursued a most short-sighted policy. No 
 one has more deeply or more truly lamented the fate of the 
 old Guelph dynasty, and of the country, than we. It is 
 quite natural that the son should witness with most melan- 
 choly feelings the fate of the land to whose strength and 
 symmetry his father so materially contributed. But pain 
 and sorrow must not be allowed to dim our judgment. 
 
 When we think of the unfortunate summer of 1866, we 
 sincerely regret that the advisers of George v. had neither the 
 courage nor the political wisdom to save him from the de- 
 struction to which he was hastening with great infatuation, 
 though with the firm conviction that he was doing his duty 
 faithfully to his country and his family. 
 
 When the storm gathered in the spring of this year, the 
 King was surrounded by a Ministry which was supported by 
 no party in the country, and had no one's confidence. 
 
 Up to the middle of May the Government felt — and in 
 
 ► 
 
96 GERMANY. 
 
 this they were supported by public opinion — that Hanover 
 must remain neutral ; and no one seriously thought that any 
 other policy would be followed. In the beginning of May, 
 Councillor Zimmermann, a person for many years of very 
 considerable weight in political matters, was in Hanover, and 
 a treaty of neutrality was almost concluded with Prussia, 
 when Prince Carl Solms arrived, and the King went over 
 entirely to the side of Austria. The negotiations about 
 neutrality were given up ; Councillor Zimmermann lost, we 
 regret to say, all his influence, and returned to Hamburg. 
 
 The Ministers followed the King without opposition, and 
 looked upon themselves only as his blind instruments, not 
 as responsible advisers. Notwithstanding the serious look 
 of the times, and that the Estates of the realm were now 
 assembled, the King took no counsel with them, or with any 
 other person of consideration. 
 
 It cannot be denied that Prussia very openly represented 
 the danger to which the King would expose himself if he 
 did not remain neutral Afterwards Prussian statesmen 
 must have congratulated themselves immensely on having 
 gained so unexpected and important an addition to the king- 
 dom. But at that time very great significance was attached 
 to the neutrality of Hanover ; and it would have been easy 
 for her to make very good conditions as the price of it. 
 
 The contest was to be decided in Bohemia. Prussia was 
 fully alive to the seriousness of the struggle. Her whole 
 object was, not to dissipate the strength of her army, to 
 defeat Austria, and to avoid a civil war. 
 
 The consequence of the defeat of Austria would be her 
 permanent separation from Germany; and then Prussia 
 could not be deprived of a preponderating influence in the 
 middle States. Had Austria conquered, she would have 
 demanded supremacy in the south, and probably the cession 
 
GERMANY. 97 
 
 of Silesia, and would have given Prussia the leading influence 
 in the north, with Hanover and Hesse as a compensation for 
 the loss of Silesia. If Hanover mixed in the war, having no 
 allies, she could only be something for the others to dispose 
 of. She could only get out of the reach of Prussian influence 
 in case its power were utterly humiliated, and the King of 
 Prussia reduced again to be MargTave of Brandenburg. 
 
 Many of the so-called Great-German party entertained 
 the idea, very generally, that Prussia would again become a 
 middle State ; and that the other middle States, partly by 
 getting bits of Prussia, and partly by the merging into them 
 of small principalities, would be sufficiently enlarged to 
 become formidable opponents to Prussia. The Emperor of 
 Austria would then be the protector of these States. How 
 such a mutilated, dismembered Germany could present itself 
 as an ideal to the Great- German party, must be utterly 
 unintelligible to every one who looks upon a great, compact 
 powerful German State as absolutely essential, if the German 
 race, its education and culture, are to contribute still to the 
 welfare of Europe. 
 
 Shortly to describe the situation : before the vote of the 
 14th of June there was great bitterness, great mistrusting, 
 and an utter ignorance of the power of Prussia and Austria 
 at most of the German Courts ; no one saw the situation as 
 it was, and no one imagined that Prussia would take such 
 quick and energetic measures. 
 
 It was clear to every one that Count Bismarck was only 
 waiting for an opportunity to put an end to the Confedera- 
 tion, and that he would look upon the resolution of the 1 4th 
 June as a declaration of war : he made no secret of his 
 intentions. It is incredible how Hanover could give the 
 vote she did, with a proviso that was intended partly to 
 neutralize it, and prevent it appearing hostile to Prussia, 
 
 G 
 
 
98 GERMANY. 
 
 namely, that her troops, though put on a war footing, could 
 not be joined to the Austrian contingent. 
 
 In consequence of this vote an ultimatum was sent to 
 Hanover, in which it was required that she should give in 
 her adhesion to the Prussian plan of reform, and reduce her 
 army again to a peace footing ; and if no answer came in 
 twelve hours, she was threatened with the occupation of her 
 territory. Everything was prepared for this ; the Prussian 
 troops in Holstein were in readiness, and when the given 
 time had expired, the Prussian ambassador declared its 
 mission at an end. The troops that were to cross over to 
 Harburg, and those which were concentrated in and about 
 Minden, received orders to advance into and occupy Hanover. 
 
 King George v. looked upon the Prussian plans of reform 
 as a merging of the smaller States in the larger, and had 
 no idea of voluntarily relinquishing any of his sovereign 
 rights. If the King and his advisers really thought that 
 they could carry on war against Prussia, they should at 
 least have made the necessary preparations, and before 
 everything else, allied themselves closely with Austria and 
 the middle States. Had Hanover wished to pursue such a 
 dangerous policy, she should have made with Austria a 
 diversion in the war, and quietly strengthened the Austrian 
 brigade Kalik ; the Hanoverian troops concentrated on the 
 Elbe, and acting in concert with the Austrians and General 
 Gablenz, might have given Prussia a great deal of trouble 
 in Holstein. 
 
 For a moment it was contemplated in Hanover, and war 
 materials were sent to Stade ; but the plan was given up 
 before it was ripe. 
 
 Austria withdrew the brigade Kalik from Holstein. When 
 the first Prussian troops entered Harburg, the last Austrian 
 battalions were dining in the station at Gottingen. 
 
GERMANY. 99 
 
 P The Hanoverian army was marching about the country in 
 no condition for fighting, some battalions armed with bad 
 practice-muskets. When it was determined on the 1 5th to 
 fight, orders were sent to all the divisions to concentrate at 
 Gottingen. The King went to Gottingen, with the Crown 
 Prince, on the evening of the 16th, and the Austrian am- 
 bassador. Count Ingelheim, followed them the next day. 
 
 We are unwilling to describe any further the follies that 
 were committed. Everything was neglected ; no measures 
 were taken for carrying on the government ; and what is 
 • especially inconceivable, no message was sent, in the first 
 instance to Bavaria, although the whole plan of operations 
 was directed to the union of the Hanoverian with the 
 Bavarian and Hessian troops. 
 
 Hesse-Cassel had pursued the same policy as Hanover, 
 but provided much better for the eJBficiency and safety of its 
 troops. 
 
 On the 1 7th, Hanover was occupied by the Prussians, and 
 ' the telegraph and railway communication between Berlin 
 and the Ehine, which had been destroyed, was re-estab- 
 lished. 
 
 When we heard that Hanover had destroyed the telegraph 
 line, we were afraid at once that she had cut her own throat ; 
 because Prussia, for the sake of her own existence, and at so 
 dangerous a crisis, could not endure such a palpable sever- 
 ance of her monarchy by hostile elements. 
 
 The army had assembled at Gottingen, equipped and 
 furnished as well as it could be in such haste. On the 20th, 
 it marched in a southerly direction, with the intention of 
 
 » fighting its way through, and joining the Bavarians. Mean- 
 while, Prussian troops had occupied the whole country, and 
 soon reached Gottingen. 
 
 When the army might easily have fought its way through 
 
100 GERMANY. 
 
 just in front of Eisenach, negotiation was begun, and a short 
 armistice concluded. But nothing came of it, as the King 
 could not make up his mind to accept the Prussian condi- 
 tions of reform. So they marched back, fought on the 27th 
 the battle of Langensalza, but were obliged, notwithstanding 
 the defeat of the Prussians at all points, to capitulate on 
 the 29 th. 
 
 This was a sad misfortune, the end of the brave Hanoverian 
 army, and with it many historical recollections have passed 
 away ! None who saw them return without arms and 
 downcast, will ever forget the melancholy impression pro- 
 duced upon him. 
 
 AU this time the Bavarian army was standing quite 
 quietly at Lichtenfels, and did not even make an attempt to 
 join the Hanoverians. 
 
 Let us throw the veil of oblivion over the mournful time 
 that followed ! Accusations and reproaches do not bring 
 back the lost, cannot undo what is done. 
 
 A period of transition is always hard to bear for the genera- 
 tion that experiences it. For Hanover's having to pass 
 through such a time, and in such a manner, they are 
 responsible, to whom its fate was intrusted at so serious a 
 moment. 
 
 The brave Hanoverian army, which did its duty in an 
 exemplary manner under very difficult circumstances, de- 
 serves the deepest sympathy and compassion. 
 
 The battle of Langensalza is one of the saddest episodes, 
 one of the bloodiest tragedies, of German history. Let us 
 hope that we have seen the last war in which German will 
 fight against German. 
 
 Meanwhile the eighth division of the Prussian army was 
 concentrated in Frankfort, under the command of Prince 
 Alexander of Hesse. 
 
 I 
 
GERMANY. 101 
 
 After the battle of Langensalza, General Vogel von 
 Falckenstein brought together the so-called army of the 
 Main, and made a very bold and successful diversion with, 
 at the most, 40,000 men, against an army that, if we reckon 
 Bavarian, Hessian, Wiirtemberg, and Baden troops together, 
 must have been 100,000 strong. 
 
 While this was going on, the Prussians had penetrated in 
 three divisions to Bohemia. The Austrian army was not so 
 strong, nor in such fighting order, as their agents every- 
 where asserted. It evacuated its position in Saxony, and 
 did not occupy the passes into Bohemia. The surprising 
 events that followed, and the momentous results of the 
 battle at Koniggratz, are so well known, that we need not do 
 more than thus allude to them. 
 
 After Koniggratz, Austria made a very mistaken diplo- 
 matic move. 
 
 The campaign in Italy had been successful for the 
 Austrian s ; the Archduke Albrecht had completely beaten 
 the Italian army in the battle of Custozza. 
 
 When Field- Marshal Benedeck announced the true state 
 of the case, and the Emperor learnt in Vienna that the 
 army of the north was completely disorganized, and in full 
 retreat, and that the Prussians were marching upon him, he 
 had recourse to the mediation of Napoleon, and ceded Venetia 
 to him. In this way, Austria hoped to draw France into 
 the struggle, to disengage the army of the south for the 
 defence of Vienna, and to place a barrier for ever between 
 Italy and Prussia ; but it was too late ! 
 
 Napoleon accepted the mediation, Italy held firm to her 
 treaty with Prussia, and declined concluding an armistice, 
 unto Prussia did the same, and acted in concert with her. 
 
 Negotiations were opened at Nikolsburg, not far from 
 Vienna, an armistice was concluded, and stipulations for 
 
102 GERMANY. 
 
 peace drawn up. Then Italy also agreed to a cessation of 
 arms. 
 
 Austria found that she had deceived herself, as France 
 had no intention of taking an active part in the contest. 
 His own failing health, the scattered state of his army, and 
 the proof which had just been so brilliantly given of the 
 superiority of the needle-gun, were all reasons that caused 
 Louis Napoleon to abstain from going to war. 
 
 The stipulations of Nikolsburg are well known ; they 
 erased the last traces of the Treaty of Vienna, and gave 
 Germany quite a different look, a new direction and new 
 future. 
 
 Austria renounced all influence in Germany, — even with- 
 drew from it, with her German provinces. North Germany, 
 as far as the Main, was given entirely into Prussia's hands, 
 and Austria consented, without making much difi&culty 
 about it, to the annexation of the States, and the dethrone- 
 ment of the Princes, who had risked their throne in her 
 favour. Saxony has not to thank Austria that she was not 
 annexed as well, though the Saxon army fought for her, and 
 behaved much better than many of her own troops, but the 
 intercession of the Emperor of the French, — perhaps simply 
 the lucky accident that it took three days to telegraph 
 between the Prussian headquarters and Paris. The Emperor 
 only made the condition that Prussia should confine herself 
 to the north, and not extend the sphere of her power beyond 
 the Main. The South German States were to form a con- 
 federation among themselves, and might make treaties with 
 Prussia. He gave his assent to the annexation of Hanover, 
 Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, Frankfort, and that part of Hesse- 
 Darmstadt which lay north of the Main. 
 
 France certainly interceded for the non-annexation of 
 Saxony ; but we have heard it asserted that this point also 
 
GERMANY. 103 
 
 had been given up in Paris, without the King or Count 
 Bismarck knowing it. 
 
 The fate of Saxony is remarkable. Twice, in the year 1814 
 and 1866, Prussia was on the point of incorporating it. The 
 first time Prussia took from Saxony one of her best provinces ; 
 the second time, her territory, indeed, remained untouched, 
 but she had to accept conditions which, in many respects, 
 especially for her reigning family, are harder to bear than 
 the loss of a province. 
 
 Austria gave up her rights in the Duchies in favour of 
 Prussia, who immediately annexed them. 
 
 Peace was soon made with the South German States ; they 
 had to pay the cost of the war. Secret treaties bound them 
 to Prussia in case of a war, and engaged them to bring their 
 military organization into closer harmony with that of Prussia. 
 
 This was a master-stroke of Prussian diplomacy ; and it is 
 surprising that these treaties should have remained completely 
 secret till they were published by Prussia at the end of March. 
 
 The Confederation has ceased to exist, three dynasties 
 have been dethroned, a small republic has disappeared, and 
 Prussia has become, what she was only in name before, a 
 great Power. 
 
 With the States north of the Main, that remained neutral 
 or joined Prussia during the war, a treaty was concluded 
 for one year, giving Prussia the military leadership, and 
 creating a temporary state of things, till the projected con- 
 stitution for South Germany should be adopted and settled. 
 A treaty was made subsequently with Saxony, by which 
 Prussia resumed the right of garrisoning her fortresses. 
 
 On the 26th January 1867, the dangerous experiment 
 was tried of direct universal suffrage for the South German 
 Parliament. The result was better than one could expect ; 
 at the same time, it showed clearly to what excitement and 
 
104 GERMANY. 
 
 abuses this universal suffrage, combined with the ballot, may- 
 give rise. 
 
 On the 18th of April, the Parliament was closed, after it 
 had accepted the projects laid before it by the Governments 
 of the different South German States, without any material 
 modifications. 
 
 Germany is beginning a new epoch of her history ; it is a 
 time of very important reforms, and presses hardly, and 
 above others, on the inhabitants of the States that suddenly 
 lost their independence, who saw many old and dear ties 
 torn asunder, and the families that had long reigned over 
 them and their fathers dethroned and exiled ; they had to 
 exchange a past that was endeared to them, for an uncertain, 
 if a more splendid, future. The dynasties, too, that have 
 outlived this storm, are hardly in a better position ; they 
 have lost a great part of their sovereignty, and been brought 
 into a condition that might easily become untenable. 
 
 In the stipulations of Mkolsburg, Prussia went further 
 than she intended ; the annexations exceeded the object of 
 the war. Its object was to eject Austria from Germany, 
 to found a German federal State under Prussia, and to gain 
 increased military power and security. At the beginning of 
 the war, the Prussian statesmen did not think of the 
 immediate formation of one large compact State. When 
 they saw that Austria was not in a position, and not disposed 
 to give her adherents energetic aid, and that they might, 
 without fear of European complication, put Prussia in pos- 
 session of Hanover, Electoral Hesse, Nassau, Frankfoi-t, and 
 a part of Hesse-Darmstadt (the other part was relinquished 
 afterwards to the Grand-Duke), they thought that they 
 ought not to let this opportunity slip from them, notwith- 
 standing the illogical consequence, that Saxony, which had 
 shown itself the most hostile of any, was not absorbed. 
 
GEKMANY. 105 
 
 Had Prussia imposed conditions on the States that were 
 in her power, which would give her the complete control 
 and disposal of their forces, had she taken them into the North 
 German Confederation, and required their Sovereigns to 
 acknowledge the King of Prussia as their Protector, under 
 the title of King or Emperor of Germany, she would have 
 done better perhaps, she would have had the same strength 
 against foreign enemies, and saved herself and the subjects 
 of the annexed States many difficulties, and she would have 
 respected more those principles of legitimacy on which she 
 herself must lay great weight. 
 
 Whether the experiment of a federal State that is now 
 being made will answer, it is hard to say. 
 
 We cannot deny that we should have preferred more dis- 
 tinctness in the position Prussia has taken, a firmer, more 
 visible, and definite central power ; it . is this incognito in 
 which the central power is vested that we do not like. The 
 whole mechanism of the new federal State is too complicated, 
 and, therefore, for any length of time untenable. Federal 
 Commander-in-Chief, federal Chancellor, federal Council and 
 Ministry, Ministries of the separate States, Privy Council, in 
 Prussia House of Lords, House of Commons, Provincial 
 Diets, Municipal Assemblies, District Diets. This is rather 
 too much ! 
 
 This new creation, it is true, is called a Federal State ; but 
 the requisites of a State are not formally there. As matters, 
 however, stood, the new constitution may be regarded as a 
 successful experiment ; ground has been won on which a 
 structure may be built, and for this we ought to be thankful. 
 
 As regards the connexion between the Federal Constitu- 
 tion and the different States that composed the new Con- 
 federation, Prussia had it entirely in her power to dictate 
 the conditions under which it should exist. Two courses 
 
106 GERMANY. 
 
 might be adopted. The one was this, that the bond of union 
 between the South German States should not be drawn too 
 tightly, so that the Southern States might be induced and be 
 able to enter into the Confederation ; the other, that this 
 federal State should receive at once a form of greater unity, 
 which might be given to it somewhat as follows : — 
 
 The King of Prussia might become actually and in name, 
 what he is virtually already. Emperor or King of North Ger- 
 many ; and the other States might quite openly and formally 
 cede to him a certain part of their sovereign rights. 
 
 Legislation on a large scale, i.e., for all federal concerns, 
 ought to be in the hands of the Central Government and the 
 Parliament together ; the Sovereigns being represented in an 
 Upper House, which we look upon as essential, if the Parlia- 
 ment as it now is is to be permanent. The separate assem- 
 blies of Estates would then have come into the position of 
 the Provincial Diets. This mode has not been adopted. The 
 Sovereigns of the small States were naturally afraid of being 
 merged in the large one ; and yet the new constitution has 
 really brought this about ; and, we may be mistaken, but we 
 think that a voluntary open recognition of a Protector, an 
 Emperor, would have been preferable for the other dynasties 
 as well. 
 
 The King of Prussia has the whole control of the military 
 power, and that not only as regards the separate States ; 
 neither have the representatives of the people for a series of 
 years any say in the matter. He is complete master of the 
 army, and such an army as no other State can show. The 
 diplomatic relations, and the right of making war and peace, 
 are entirely in his hands ; what sovereignty then is left for 
 the other Princes ? 
 
 We do not believe that the North German Confederation, 
 as it is called, can fall to pieces, — the power of Prussia is too 
 
GERMANY. 107 
 
 preponderating for this ; but we are of opinion that great 
 difficulties beset the Governments of the separate States ; 
 especially as regards their finances ; and the desire for one 
 homogeneous state may be so great, as to cause the transition 
 to it under these circumstances to be very sudden. 
 
 A more compact union of [N'orth Germany would perhaps 
 have brought about a more rapid development of the whole 
 country, and South Germany would not have been able per- 
 manently to withstand the force of its attraction. 
 
 The task of Prussia was a difficult one, we cannot deny it, 
 difficult as regards the States that adhere to her, and her own 
 State as well, whose bonds did not admit of being loosened, 
 and which had already itself, by reason of its annexations, 
 entered upon a period of transition. 
 
 Half measures are always followed by whole evils, and it 
 cannot be denied that the annexation of some States, and con- 
 tinued existence of others, however political reasons may have 
 required it, was a half-measure. 
 
 Hitherto Prussia had made the control of the army her 
 chief aim ; she wished to take it out of the power, at once 
 of the separate States and of the representatives of the people. 
 As matters stood, both might be necessary. Who can deny 
 that Germany is threatened by many dangers, that the atti- 
 tude of France implies the possibility of war, and that 
 there is still much discontent in the country itself, — revolu- 
 tionary ideas lingering in many heads ? The withdrawal of 
 the army-budget for a number of years from the reach and 
 influence of the Parliament, may be a fortunate circumstance 
 for the development of the country's resources, and its inner 
 life during this period of transition. 
 
 The disgraceful conflict between the Prussian Govern- 
 ment and Parliament is thereby terminated, and without 
 making any prejudicial concession of its power, the Govern- 
 
108 GERMANY. 
 
 ment can relinqpiish to the Parliameut a larger share of in- 
 fluence in all internal questions. 
 
 A great difficulty arises in the case of the annexed States, 
 which cannot soon and easily adapt themselves to the new- 
 state of things. Here Prussia has its most difficult task ; 
 and we regret to say the Prussian officials have not in 
 general the gift of making themselves liked, of adapting 
 themselves to altered circumstances, and treating with 
 consideration those who are subject to their power. The 
 inhabitants of the new provinces have a right to claim 
 considerate treatment, and were formerly accustomed to it. 
 
 It is the duty of the Prussian Government to take stringent 
 measures for carrying out the King's words and intentions 
 of respecting their just and several claims ; the especial duty 
 of the Government is it to make use of the services of all who 
 have been in the habit, and are capable of rendering them in 
 the newly acquired lands, for the general good ; and above 
 all they must avoid the mere appearance of this evil, — that 
 the new provinces are to furnish a better livelihood, and a 
 pleasanter occupation, for the old Prussian officials. And con- 
 trariwise, it is now the sacred duty of the new subjects to 
 serve their great Fatherland faithfully, and not to let them- 
 selves be misguided, either by their own feelings, or by the 
 suggestions or fear of the censure of others. 
 
 The difficulty of severing one's-self from an old dynasty, 
 the sorrow with which every Hanoverian looks back to the 
 past, no one feels more than we do. 
 
 Of all the German States, Hanover has been smitten the 
 hardest. She had always lived in a seclusion of her own. 
 Her connexion with England had marked out for her in 
 many respects a peculiar course ; the new provinces acquired 
 in 1815 had been a great gain to her ; and by reason of her 
 commierce and the great extent of her sea- coast she was more 
 
GERMANY. 109 
 
 'independent than the other middle States. The administra- 
 tion of the country was good, and though in the last twenty 
 years many blunders may have been committed, which 
 caused changes and derangements in its constitution, on the 
 whole there was great prosperity. The courts of justice were 
 excellent. Few lands have clung so closely to their dynas- 
 
 l|ties as did the old province of Hanover to the Guelphs, and 
 in the more recently acquired provinces also there existed 
 many historical recollections which bound them to this 
 family. The people are in general very loyally disposed. 
 To this must be added, that by the occupation of 1806 
 Prussia had embittered the whole population against her, 
 and the reminiscences of that time remained still in opera- 
 tion. 
 
 When, in consequence of the occurrences of June, the 
 Hanoverians suddenly saw their country occupied by Prus- 
 sians, it seemed to them like a dream. On the 1 3th of June, 
 before it was known what had been done in Frankfort, no one 
 believed that Hanover would vote as she did, and that it 
 would really come to war with Prussia. The policy after- 
 wards followed, and the battle of Langensalza, caused indig- 
 nation and sorrow in the whole land, and they rose to the 
 highest pitch when after the armistice of Nikolsburg it was 
 positively asserted in August that Hanover had lost its in- 
 dependence, and was to become a Prussian province. 
 
 Painful feelings must come to every good Hanoverian ; 
 they are engendered by attachment to the old reigning family, 
 by love to his own home, and to institutions, regulations, and 
 customs that have become dear to him ; but he should never 
 forget that he has a great Fatherland and duties owing to it, 
 and that the future of Hanover cannot be separated from that 
 of the rest of Germany. No restoration of the former state of 
 things and of the old dynasty could only then be thought of. 
 
110 GERMANY. 
 
 if in a war with France, Germany (we can only speak of 
 Germany, no longer of Prussia, in this case) were completely 
 conquered, completely subjugated to the French yoke, if the 
 future adjustment of Germany were made to depend, not on 
 Germans, but on strangers. 
 
 Some deluded people, who mistake their false sentiment- 
 alism for love of country, are not ashamed to give expression 
 to such thoughts as wishes, and forget in doing so that they 
 thereby commit treason against the nation to which they 
 belong, — forget that they have ceased to be Hanoverians in 
 order to become Germans, — forget that they are involved, 
 though against their will, in the changes which have taken 
 place, — that they share the fate of their country, and should 
 bestir themselves for its welfare. 
 
 He must be completely blinded by political hatred and 
 passion, who would implicate his own Fatherland in a most 
 sanguinary war, a war whose limits, duration, and devastat- 
 ing effects no one can foresee. Such a war might bring 
 about changes certainly, but not such as are expected, and 
 German patriotism, saddened now by many recollections, 
 would awake to new strength in the great mass of the 
 people, and in the annexed States as well as the others ; the 
 soldier from these provinces, no less than his comrades from 
 the rest of the country, will feel that he is called to fight for 
 Germany's greatness, Germany's future, Germany's existence. 
 
 It should not be forgotten that the King of Prussia, if war 
 were to break out, would be the commander-in-chief no 
 longer of Prussia merely, but of Germany. 
 
 So far we have come ; and, God be praised for it ! a foreign 
 foe cannot tear Germany asunder again ; a common danger 
 brings even enemies together. 
 
 Most politicians prognosticate with certainty a war with 
 France, great difficulties arising from the relations between 
 

 GEKMANY. Ill 
 
 North and South Germany, and internal revolution ; and 
 they look upon it as equally certain that these three accounts 
 can only be settled by the sword. That there is danger in 
 all these we cannot deny ; but, notwithstanding, war and 
 revolution are not such an absolute necessity. 
 
 In the present day, when national interests have such a 
 decisive word to say, wars will only be undertaken for very 
 pressing reasons : the evils must be so great as to admit of 
 no possibility of being rectified in a peaceful manner. 
 
 It is difficult in our time to wage mere Cabinet wars, so 
 to speak, wars as the consequences of alliances and treaties, 
 that are begun simply in the interests of a dynasty that can- 
 not be otherwise maintained ; the principle of non-interven- 
 tion, so often appealed to, and localized wars, follow from 
 this difficulty. 
 
 France, as well as Germany, has no solid internal ground 
 for war. The idea of the so-caUed natural Ehine-boundary 
 has been carefully cherished in France since 1815, that it 
 may be used at any time as a pretext for war. In most 
 French school-books the boundaries of France are given as 
 follows : — -Atlantic Ocean, Channel, Rhine, Alps, Mediter- 
 ranean Sea, and Pyrenees ; but in spite of this, no rational 
 educated Frenchman thinks that they are really entitled to 
 stretch their limits to the Ehine. 
 
 When people speak of French supremacy as in danger of 
 being superseded by the supremacy of Prussia, and there 
 must be a war in consequence between the two countries, 
 this is mostly mere talk, without any deeper meaning. 
 
 If France is set upon making encroachments, if she will' 
 arrogate a power in Europe beyond th-at which a Great 
 Power can properly claim, not Germany alone, but the whole 
 of Europe, will confront her, and Napoleon ill. will have 
 more regard for his dynasty in France than to provoke a 
 
112 . GERMANY. 
 
 European coalition against it. If France does not disturb 
 the peace of Europe, we see no reason why the torch of war 
 should be kindled in it. 
 
 The commercial interests of France do not clash with 
 those of Germany, and no one would be willing to assert 
 that the trade and the material interests of both countries 
 are not urgently in need of peace. This is also true, perhaps 
 in a still higher degree, of Austria. 
 
 The separation between North and South Germany, the 
 so-called boundary of the Main, is certainly the sorest point 
 in the present conjuncture. Though it may be assumed in 
 France that French sympathies exist, especially in Bavaria 
 and Wlirtemberg, and that the Confederation of the Ehine 
 has left its traces in men's minds, we do not believe it. We 
 cannot deny that there is no great liking there for Prussia, 
 as such ; but the idea of a united Germany has struck its 
 roots deep amongst the people, and they admit that this 
 unity can now only be brought about in connexion with 
 Prussia. It is very important that the Southern States 
 should unite themselves to the South German Confederation, 
 and the question of the Zollverein may help this on : the de- 
 puties from the South who were admitted into the Northern 
 Parliament to discuss these Customs' matters, will soon wish 
 to give their opinion upon other questions as welL 
 
 Though the character of the people is different, and dif- 
 ferent views and dynastic interests separate North and South 
 Germany, yet commerce and intercourse, as weU as the feel- 
 ing of a common nationality and the desire for greater unity, 
 draw them incessantly together. 
 
 As changes come over the Prussian administration, and 
 Prussian specialties more and more disappear, — aad this will 
 happen as purely German elements obtain greater influence, 
 — the Governments of the South German States will not be 
 
GERMANY. 113 
 
 able permanently to withstand the desire for union with the 
 rest of Germany. 
 
 As regards revolutionary and democratic tendencies, every 
 one must allow that the war of 1866 has wrested a great 
 lever out of the hands of the democrats, and that in conse- 
 quence of the greater union which their military power and 
 commercial interests have given to thirty millions of Ger- 
 mans, many causes for discontent are removed. As after 
 1848 and 1849 many a demagogue lamented in his heart 
 that the Game Laws were abolished and that thereby he was 
 deprived the only pretext which he had for exciting the 
 countryman against the nobleman, so are there now many 
 friends of the people who are obliged, much against their 
 will, to strike out of their speeches the weakness of the 
 German Confederation, and the injurious influence of Austria 
 and the Concordat. 
 
 Many a one who was drawn into the whirl of politics, and 
 into democratic societies, because he felt mortified as a 
 German, felt envious, when he was abroad, of every French- 
 man, every Englishman, every Eussian that he met with, 
 entertains now very different views, sees a chance of realiz- 
 ing his ideal, — the ideal of a great German State, equal 
 in rank and privileges to the other nations. We can- 
 not but rejoice at the severance which has taken place 
 place between the liberals and the extreme socialistic and 
 radical party ; it has proved that those who wish to upset 
 everything in the State are, in proportion to the population, 
 numerically insignificant. 
 
 We cannot deny that much discontent has arisen in the 
 annexed States, and amongst those whom the Government 
 was not wont to count as its enemies ; but the persons who 
 cling to the ousted dynasties, and keep aloof from the new 
 order of things, belong mostly to the conservatives, and they 
 
 H 
 
114 GERMANY. 
 
 will not join the democratic, still less the republican, 
 party. 
 
 Improvements will be made in the representative system, 
 and it is to be hoped that a desire for law and order will 
 increase and become more durable both in the Government 
 and the people. It cannot, alas ! be denied that such a 
 desire has hitherto been largely wanting. How often have 
 we seen the sad tragedy acted of Governments giving con- 
 stitutions, and then trying by their own organs to explain 
 away unpleasant paragraphs in them, and evade them ; thus, 
 partially at least, nullifying their own gift. Just as little, 
 on the other hand, can we approve of Parliamentary majori- 
 ties driving the Governments to straits. Constitutional 
 excrescences and a mock constitutionalism have contributed 
 much to upset sound political opinion in Germany. The 
 German theorist easily makes too many laws, and the quiet 
 observer who looks through the changes of constitution and 
 legislative enactments of most of the German States, will be 
 astonished and terrified. 
 
 The first necessity for our political life is a real conserva- 
 tive party, which shall uphold with impartiality certain fixed 
 principles and institutions, a party which does not look upon 
 itself as the blind instrument of the Government that may 
 be guiding the helm of the State. Such a party must be 
 thoroughly monarchical, and therefore in the very interests 
 of the monarchy resist all breach of its recognised principles 
 by the King's servants, and interpose when arbitrary will, 
 and that in its worst form, as coming from official personages, 
 threatens the King, his subjects, and the State. We need 
 not add that this conservative party must make it its special 
 aim to resist the pressure from below, — liberalism, falsely 
 so called, and, yet more, all radical tendencies. 
 
 Undoubtedly the materials for such a party exist in Ger- 
 
GERMANY. - 115 
 
 many, though not to the same extent as in England ; but up 
 to the present time, it has not had a large enough area to 
 work in ; often, too, it has lacked compactness, and often 
 intelligence ; consequently it has not found the power and the 
 position that it must have in order to become really useful 
 and influential Let the elements of such a party be once 
 united in sufficient numbers, and people will be astonished 
 how strong they are, and what a hold they have upon the 
 sound sense of the nation. 
 
 Eeally revolutionary, especially republican, tendencies, 
 exist probably to a less extent in Germany than we are apt 
 to think, but in the south more than in the north, and 
 therefore it is well that the North German Confederation be 
 first consolidated. 
 
 I These lines were written in September last. Since then 
 the first North German Parliament has assembled. The two 
 Parliament Houses have just been closed, and the Zoll 
 Parliament is now meeting at Berlin. The representatives 
 of Bavaria, Wlirtemberg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt will 
 meet the members of the North German Parliament for a 
 special purpose. 
 
 We have said the machinery was too complicated ; and 
 since we have seen the different parts of it at work, we must 
 say we are more than ever of that opinion. A foreigner 
 would hardly understand the constitution of the North 
 German Confederation, if he studies at the same time the 
 constitution of Prussia and the other States, and sees that 
 the Sovereign, who is at the head of the united Power, at 
 the head of the Germ^an army and navy, and who treats 
 with all foreign countries, is President of the North German 
 Confederation, and only King of Prussia, instead of being, 
 what in reality he is, and ought to be by name, Emperor, or 
 ig, of Germany. 
 
 r 
 
116 GERMA^^Y. 
 
 When a sovereign travels for his amusement, and wishes 
 to travel comfortably, without all the honours due to royalty, 
 he assumes the name of one of his subjects ; and that is 
 called travelling incognito. The present state of things 
 in Germany, the North German Confederation, is nothing 
 but a German empire incognito, and the sooner it takes its 
 real position and acknowledges its Sovereign as such, the 
 better. 
 
 The German Parliament has been elected by universal 
 suffrage ; and every German twenty-five years of age, pro- 
 vided he has not been punished for criminal offences, has a 
 vote. The whole country is divided into electoral districts, 
 so that every 100,000 inhabitants elect one member. The 
 mode of voting is by ballot ; and we object much more to 
 this mode of voting than to the fact of universal suffrage. 
 If you give to the lower classes of society a vote, you had 
 better take the people altogether, and the larger the districts 
 the better. When Count Bismarck first came forward with 
 this plan of representation, all those who were not out- 
 and-out radicals were very much alarmed. 
 
 The result of the elections has surprised everybody, and 
 every conservative must acknowledge that the German 
 Parliament is as well composed as it can be. The amount 
 of work which this Parliament has done in less than six 
 weeks is astonishing, and the general spirit that was shown 
 was most satisfactory. Military matters, the German navy, 
 post, telegraph, and railways, commercial affairs, so far 
 as they do not belong to the Zoll Parliament, are subject 
 to the legislation of the German Parliament; and on all 
 these important branches of the revenue Bills are passed. 
 The different parties are the conservatives, the liberal con- 
 servatives, the national liberals, the radicals, and a party of 
 some twenty members opposed to the Government, and con- 
 
GERMANY. 117 
 
 sisting of members of the newly-annexed countries, and the 
 members of the Polish provinces. 
 
 In important questions the Government has had a great 
 majority, as the three principal parties, the conservative, the 
 liberal conservative, and the national liberal, were favourable 
 to Count Bismarck's political views. Lately the conservative 
 party, in the Prussian Lower House, has opposed Count Bis- 
 marck, and it is possible that this may have some influence 
 on the conservatives of the German Parliament in the next 
 session. The ultra- conservative party is losing ground every 
 day; the liberal conservatives will gain what the others lose, 
 and are sure to become the leading party in Germany. 
 
 This party is composed of independent members of the 
 German aristocracy, with clever and conservative men of 
 other classes. They are not so exclusively Prussians as 
 the ultra- conservatives are. They have pledged themselves 
 to support the national German policy, are conservatives 
 in home politics, but recognising the necessity of reforms 
 and a constitutional Government. 
 
 I Many of the ultra-conservatives are absolutists at heart ; 
 'hate all constitutional government ; and many of them have 
 ideas which would astonish a British mind. They are averse 
 to any reforms. They sometimes speak of Germany, but 
 always think of Prussia, and wish to treat the newly annexed 
 provinces as conquered countries. Count Bismarck, who for- 
 merly belonged to this party, is much too enlightened a man 
 to share such prejudices and ideas. He thought, however, his 
 former party would support him, and the Government set 
 all influence at work to have members of that party elected. 
 The debate and vote on the Hanoverian Pund has shown this 
 to have been a mistake. We shall try, in a few words, to 
 explain what this Hanoverian question was. In August 1867 
 the Prussian Government summoned twenty -four members 
 
118 GERMANY. 
 
 of the former Hanoverian Chambers, to consult them on the 
 future administration of Hanover. The Prussian Govern- 
 ment, in accordance with the wishes expressed by all the 
 members of this assembly, called a Provincial Parliament at 
 Hanover, which assembled on the 21st of September. 
 
 Certain expenses for roads, hospitals, and asylums, which 
 in the old Prussian provinces are defrayed by the province, 
 were in Hanover provided for by the Government. Prussia, 
 in taking possession of all the property of the State, had of 
 course to take this burden upon herself. The province 
 possessed a fund of about nineteen millions of thalers in 
 cash, and the Provincial Diet wished to keep this fund for 
 the payment of these expenses. In Hesse-Cassel a similar 
 fund had been handed over to the province. 
 
 The King of Prussia having, by a vote of the Prussian 
 Chambers, absolute power in the newly annexed provinces 
 till the 1st of October 1867, might have granted this request 
 without asking the Prussian Parliament. His Majesty was 
 absent at the time, and the Prussian Government thought the 
 claims of Hanover so well founded that it did not believe any 
 objection could or would be made. Count Stolberg, the Civil 
 Governor of Hanover, declared, before closing the Hanoverian 
 Diet, that the absence of His Majesty had prevented the 
 decree about the provincial fund from being given, but that 
 the King's Government willingly acceded to the wish of 
 Hanover, and would bring in a Bill to that effect at the next 
 meeting of the Prussian Parliament. The Bill was brought 
 in, and was principally opposed by the ultra- conservatives, 
 who in this instance were supported by the out-and-out 
 radicals. 
 
 Count Bismarck did all he could to carry the measure, 
 and only obtained, by the support of the liberal conserva- 
 tives, the national liberals, and all the members of the 
 
GERMANY. 1 1 9 
 
 newly annexed countries, a small majority, not for the fund, 
 but for a sum of 500,000 thalers a year, — this sum to be 
 given to the province. 
 
 The opposition of the conservatives in this question is 
 incomprehensible to those who do not know that it was an 
 intrigue against Count Bismarck. He is thought too 
 German and too liberal, for few men are real statesmen, 
 and see that the present state of things cannot last, that 
 reforms are absolutely necessary. Had Count Bismarck 
 dissolved the Chambers, had he made some changes in the 
 Cabinet, a coalition Government, he would have obtained a 
 considerable majority, and the ultra-conservatives would 
 have had a poor chance. 
 
 The debate on this question was highly interesting, and 
 proved that it will be quite impossible to go on with two 
 Parliaments in the same country. The German Parliament 
 must in future do all the general business, while the internal 
 administration of the country ought to be put into the hands 
 of the governors of provinces and a Provincial Diet. The 
 smaller States still in existence could very well exist as 
 they do now, — would be, what in reality they are already, 
 provinces in a privileged position, and the Sovereigns recog- 
 nising the King of Prussia as Emperor, would be in a better 
 position than they are at present. Keform in this sense is 
 generally thought necessary. A difference of opinion exists 
 as to the best time, and many politicians wish the Southern 
 States of Germany to enter into the German Confederation 
 before any changes are made. Others, and we are of the 
 number, think that the North German Confederation ought 
 to be consolidated, that the central power ought to have 
 greater strength, that reforms which are absolutely necessary 
 in Prussia cannot take place, that Prussia cannot become 
 Germany if this is not done. 
 
120 GEKMANY. *1| 
 
 The southern States of Germany are now united to the 
 north, in case of war, by treaties ; and as to Customs, they 
 are completely united by the Zollverein. 
 
 We have no doubt that such measures as those alluded to 
 would soon produce beneficial results; that the North German 
 kingdom or empire would soon be looked upon with envy by 
 the south of Germany; and that the tendencies towards 
 union which already exist there would soon become too 
 strong to be resisted. 
 
 The neighbouring States have no reason to be alarmed. 
 Germany will never be an aggressive power ; and we hope 
 and believe that all those changes can take place without 
 any danger to the peace of Europe, and that no power would 
 venture to prevent Germany from doing as she- chooses at 
 home. 
 
 May God protect our Fatherland alike from the misery of 
 war and from revolution, and inspire every German with a 
 true and intelligent love of his country ! If he feels this, 
 and every one does his duty, Germany may look calmly into 
 the future ; then will she easily conquer every foe at home 
 and abroad, acquire a might and a power that no other 
 country possesses, and show what a hidden strength 
 slumbers in the Teutonic race. 
 
IV. 
 
 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE EXISTING STATE 
 OF POLITICS. 
 
 It is difficult for any one, remembering what he has learnt 
 in the days of his youth at the university and otherwise, if 
 he casts a glance over the present position of political affairs, 
 to avoid a feeKng of confusion when he sees how the whole 
 state of Europe has changed, how both mercantile and military 
 relationships have developed themselves, how in Germany 
 public law has broken down, how the imaginary tie of Ger- 
 man unity, and even the Bund itself, has ceased to exist, 
 how Germany has been split into three divisions, Austria 
 thrust out, and how Prussia, with the North German Bund, 
 has undertaken the teaching of Germany, and with it the 
 responsibility of making her a great and strong Power. We 
 repeat, it is difficult to find in the chaos a steady point from 
 which to form a quiet, clear, and impartial judgment on the 
 existing state of affairs ; but for a member of a newly annexed 
 country this difficulty is doubled. The fundamental prin- 
 ciple of legitimacy, the preservation of the equilibrium of 
 Europe through the Holy Alliance, the utility of quadran- 
 gular fortifications for Lombardy, the danger of a united 
 Italy for Germany, the necessity of making a line on the Po 
 
122 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 as a defence for the Ehine, — all these rules, without faith 
 in which a German diplomatist would have been considered 
 by his colleagues as a heretic, are now worthless. 
 
 Through the last war, the Crimean war, the two in Italy, 
 and the German war, both politics and diplomacy have made 
 tabula rasa. All alliances are destroyed. The egotism which 
 in these material times governs all men rules also in States. 
 Each is for himself; no man trusts his neighbour. The 
 principle of nationality, non-intervention, the sovereignty of 
 the people, and the consequences of these ideas — universal 
 suffrage and universal right of election — are teachings of the 
 new times to which the diplomatist of the old school cannot 
 accustom himself. These are principles which have been 
 discovered for a certain purpose, generally only to mask 
 transactions which are in direct opposition to existing laws, 
 legitimate principles, and the rights of Princes. The prin- 
 ciple of nationality, which, rightly understood, is a beautiful 
 idea, the mother of patriotism, becomes through this a mere 
 phrase, only made use of to adorn revolutionary and covetous 
 purposes. Eeal nationality is rarely to be found. Similarity 
 of speech alone is no sign of it. 
 
 Eussia is truly in herself the greatest nation, yet she 
 possesses many provinces of whose nationality as Eiissians 
 it would be absurd to speak. Should Eussia sacrifice the 
 Baltic Provinces, Finland, the Caucasus, and other tribes 
 which are not Eussian ? Should England, Ireland ? Prussia 
 the provinces of Prussia and Posen ? Should France offer 
 up Alsatia on the altar of nationality ? What would remain 
 of Austria if she acknowledged this principle ! 
 
 But if this principle, as well as that of the rights of the 
 people, is often diplomatically misused, we are far from 
 decrying their real existence in their best and noblest sense. 
 If history, recollections, sympathies, the same language, the 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 123 
 
 same material and commercial interests, draw a nation to- 
 gether, if it feels in itself the power to defend these interests, 
 then indisputably nationality exists. The protection of the 
 frontiers requires a much greater expenditure of power than 
 formerly; but, on the other hand, public interests require, 
 through the increase of trade and commerce, a greater number 
 of men and a wider range of land, and hence arises the 
 necessity of creating larger States. It is possible, in these 
 days, that States of different nationalities, which were too 
 weak to stand alone, when united, through their geographical 
 position and their mutual interests, may endure; but it is 
 also impossible, for the reasons already mentioned, that a 
 people who have the same origin, the same habits, the same 
 language, and whose interest it is alike to defend themselves 
 from the same enemies, can long remain divided. The 
 impulse for unity will become so strong that everything will 
 yield to it. This has been the case in Italy, and will be so 
 in Germany. 
 
 Dynasties who wish to take possession of the throne of 
 another, or make a monarchy out of a republic, require some 
 excuse for their claim. The right of the conqueror is gene- 
 rally acknowledged as sufficient, but where this does not 
 exist another has to be found. In this way Napoleon dis- 
 covered universal suffrage, and is highly delighted when he 
 finds imitators. 
 
 A French diplomate once, in conversation with the author 
 on the subject of universal suffrage, expressed himself thus, 
 " Ce n'est pas un principe, mais un expedient quelquefois 
 necessaire" — It is not a principle, but an occasionally useful 
 expedient. 
 
 If universal suffrage were really a principle and not an 
 expedient, then each succeeding generation should have a 
 right of exercising their prerogative, and, in the ordinary 
 
124 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 course of events, this would involve a fresh election about 
 every thirty years, and with such a principle all hitherto 
 recognised dynastic laws must become of none effect. The 
 comedy of the Popular Vote was played at the incorporation 
 of Nice with France; and whoever observed the way in 
 which it was put upon the stage will know how much such 
 voting is worth. 
 
 Formerly, political changes were governed by the rights of 
 dynasties, the right of inheritance and legitimacy, and the 
 right of conquest ; the principle of nationality, the rights of 
 the people, now take precedence. It sounds better for the 
 mass. 
 
 The rights of the people cannot be separated from those 
 of the dynasty. In a sound state of things they go to- 
 gether ; when they do not go together one side is certainly 
 in fault. 
 
 If one look at the diplomatic correspondence of the 
 separate Powers, and the official statements of the separate 
 Cabinets, everything shows signs of peace. But if we look 
 at the figures of the army estimates, if we read the report of 
 the Austrian Minister for War, if we look at the military 
 part of the North German Federal Constitution, at the new 
 plans for military organization in France, and at the army 
 estimates in Italy, we feel that we are standing on the brink 
 of a European war. But again, the Exhibition, and the 
 fresh impetus that has been given, though slowly, to trade 
 and industry, are omens of peace. 
 
 Where shallwe find the reason for this ruinous and dear 
 luxury, the dearest that States can indulge in — an armed 
 peace ? Every political thinker must grapple with this 
 question. When the reasons are discovered, they must be 
 done away with. That this cannot be, that war is unavoid- 
 able, we do not believe. If we did believe it, we should say, 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 125 
 
 The sooner war breaks out the better. It is just from our 
 German stand-point that we should have to say it. 
 
 France is looked upon as the Power that threatens us ; and 
 we cannot deny that the reorganization of the French army, 
 and her constant warlike preparations, must be regarded as 
 having a signiiicance in them, much more so than orders 
 for breech-loaders, which have become just as necessary for 
 all armies as were fire-arms after the invention of gunpowder, 
 and percussion-guns after the invention of the percussion- 
 cap. Just as when practical inventions of undoubted value 
 are made in the world of industry, competition obliges the 
 manufacturers to adopt them, the same precisely is it with 
 the arming of troops. 
 
 What the Emperor's motive is in this reorganization we 
 cannot exactly determine, nor yet whether the reasons which 
 have inclined him to it can be properly regarded as in the 
 interests of his dynasty. 
 
 A lucky fact is it for Europe that France is no longer the 
 preponderating military Power in it, and the recognition of 
 this fact has contributed to the idea of her new military 
 organization. 
 
 Apart from the vast efforts which Prussia and the Southern 
 Confederation are now making, the relative population of the 
 two Powers has changed very remarkably to the disadvantage 
 of France. When the Germanic Confederation was formed in 
 1 81 5, it had just as many inhabitants as France — about thirty 
 millions. In 1864, the Confederation, and in its northern 
 part especially, the population had increased with surprising 
 rapidity, numbering forty-six, France, on the contrary, only 
 thirty-six millions of inhabitants. 
 
 The population of Prussia rose from 1815, when it was 
 little more than ten millions, to over nineteen millions in 
 1867. In 1815, Germany, without Austria, was weaker than 
 
126 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 France by nearly ten millions of people; now the South 
 German Confederation, and the States allied to it in the 
 south, number as many inhabitants as France — about thirty- 
 seven millions. 
 
 If the Emperor of the French intends to make use of his 
 newly-organized army to attack Germany, and thinks that, 
 by giving in to the unrighteous agitation for the Ehine 
 boundary, he will thereby enlarge and strengthen France, 5 
 and give his dynasty a firmer footing, he is much mistaken. 
 And this our brave army, and the patriotism that would , 
 then be awakened in the whole of Germany, would prove] 
 to him. 
 
 We look upon Louis Napoleon as on the whole a good 
 arithmetician. He has certainly often reckoned with dan- 
 gerous factors, and therefore, in spite of all the preparations, 
 which may have other grounds, he will, as long as he has 
 the power in his hand, do everything to avoid a war with 
 Germany. Napoleon knows that the surest means of uniting 
 Germany would be an attack upon its boundaries. This 
 was one of the most cogent motives for his peace policy 
 in 1866. 
 
 A well-known French speaker remarked, it was a com- 
 plaint of the Germans at present, that they would not give 
 up a single foot of German ground. We consider this 
 impertinence a compliment, and are glad that we are able 
 to corroborate the fact. 
 
 France is menaced from no side, and will never be menaced 
 in her present limits. We are quite aware that individual 
 German enthusiasts, individual incorrigible nationality theo- 
 rists, have looked for the reconquest of Alsace and Lorraine ;; 
 but they are mere enthusiasts, who cannot see that the prin-/ 
 ciple of nationality has no meaning there, because the inha- 
 bitants are quite French in their ideas and their interests, 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 127 
 
 and have retained nothing German beyond a thoroughly 
 debased language. 
 
 A war for the Ehine and for Alsace would have no definite 
 results — would engender misery without effecting any per- 
 manent changes. 
 
 A war with Germany could only proceed from France; 
 for Prussia and the North German Confederation, South 
 Germany, whose separation from the !N"orth, if it came to a 
 war with France, could not be thought of for a moment; 
 Spain and Italy, on the other side, have no intention to take 
 the offensive. 
 
 Should complications arise with the United States, and, 
 which is very unlikely, with England, it would still be a 
 naval war. With her splendid ai'my, and the vast navy 
 she possesses, with the patriotism which undeniably inspires 
 her people, France is strong enough to defend herself on the 
 Continent. 
 
 Whether the bond which unites France to the present 
 d3rQasty has been drawn tighter by the new organization of 
 the army, — whether the army will remain as compact in itself 
 and as conspicuous for its military spirit and sense of honour 
 as before, — whether the faults of the French people, from 
 which the army is remarkably free, would not press in upon 
 it and relax its discipline, — whether the people will come in 
 to the change without further ado, — and whether, considering 
 how slowly the population increases and how the field of 
 industry is enlarged, so many valuable hands can be spared, 
 — these are questions which the leaders in France must put 
 to themselves. If they cannot answer them satisfactorily, 
 this change may easily have unpleasant consequences for the 
 reigning family. 
 
 We are almost tempted to believe that nothing so serious 
 was meant in the first instance — that the Emperor wished. 
 
128 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 by means of this organization, to show the army itself, 
 and those who cried out against the danger which a 
 powerful Germany would bring to France, that he neglected 
 nothing which could insure the power and greatness of the 
 country. 
 
 We consider that the universal liability to serve in the 
 army could not be introduced into France ; her power would 
 be thereby broken, and the army would cease to be what it 
 has been up to the present moment. The protector of order, 
 it would become part of the people, and would be carried 
 away by the currents of revolution with which France, is 
 threatened. 
 
 In Germany this is different. The people are more orderly 
 and more submissive ; besides this, the German soldier has a 
 greater esteem for the King and the dynasty that he serves. 
 
 For Prussia to put her army on a footing that she would 
 hardly wish to maintain for a permanency, is necessary in 
 this period of transition. The position of Prussia is ver)^ 
 different from that of France. Prussia must be prepared. It 
 is clear that she may be menaced any moment on two sides, 
 though a direct attack by France or Austria, perchance by 
 both, is not probable at present. 
 
 Prussia wiU never pursue an aggressive policy out of 
 Germany. In its present conformation it has excellent 
 boundaries ; by the possession of Hanover and the Duchies 
 it commands the trade of the North Sea and the Baltic, and 
 will unite the two seas of the Eider Canal. There are 
 splendid naval stations at Kiel, and at the mouths of the 
 Ems and the Weser ; in short, the North German Confede- 
 ration is a State equal in rank and vitality to aU the other 
 European Powers. Its internal consolidation must be com- 
 passed by peaceful means. 
 
 We have already remarked that it would be ruinous in 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 129 
 
 France to attack Prussia now ; the same is certainly true of 
 Austria. 
 
 A sincere co-operation of Austria with Prussia is certainly 
 not easy to bring about ; the experience of the summer of 
 1866 was too bitter for this. But still the mutual interests of 
 the two countries will draw them together, unless (we hope it 
 will not be so) Austria's looks, and, what we are more afraid 
 of, Austria's intrigues, are directed again towards Germany. 
 
 In a material and financial point of view Prussia is stronger 
 since the war than she was before ; but she requires peace to 
 gather the fruits of her victory and to give life and activity 
 to the German Confederation. 
 
 Austria requires peace to heal the serious wounds which 
 the war inflicted upon her, and to reconstruct the machine of 
 the State, that was sadly damaged and at a complete stand- 
 still. The efforts that were made continuously since 1850 
 to form Austria into a compact and constitutional State fell 
 through, in consequence of the opposition of the separate 
 nationalities, especially Hungary, and the want of internal 
 cohesion has brought Austria to the brink of destruction. 
 Her own statesmen not being able to manage the task 
 intrusted to them, Baron Beust has undertaken to reconcile 
 her to Hungary and to give the whole country constitutional 
 life. We heartily wish this genial statesman success in his 
 difficult undertaking. ■ The intention to conciliate Hungary 
 seems" to be seriously meant, and it is hoped that now, for 
 the first time since 1850, Hungary will give Austria credit 
 for sincerity. 
 
 To make a State in Austria's condition again one, to recruit 
 its shattered finances, and regain for it the confidence it has 
 lost, peace is an essential groundwork, and we may hope 
 that Austria will put forth her efforts to replace herself, by 
 peaceful means, in the position of which she was deprived 
 
 I 
 
 
130 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 by her wars, badly begun, badly conducted, and ended, 
 perhaps, at the wrong moment. 
 
 If we regard the situation of the separate European States, 
 and the alliances that were brought about by the Congress 
 of Vienna, we find that greater changes have taken place 
 than appear at first sight. 
 
 Eussia stands by herself, and, unconcerned about disorders 
 elsewhere, gives her attention to her own internal develop- 
 ment. Though she stands on the best terms with Prussia, 
 there is, as yet, so far as we know, no close alliance between 
 the two States. Her relations with Austria are such that no 
 trace of the Holy Alliance can any longer be discovered. 
 The time of the Holy Alliance is quite gone by. 
 
 Eussia can never come into intimate relations with Eng- 
 land and France so long as they insist upon neutralizing the 
 Black Sea, and do not come to a proper understanding with 
 her on the Eastern question. 
 
 Since the Congress of Vienna, Eussia has so far experi- 
 enced an internal change of territory, that Poland has ceased 
 to be an independent country, and is now entirely incor- 
 porated with her. In Caucasus and Asia the boundaries of 
 Eussia have been much extended. 
 
 England has gone to war with Eussia, and given up the 
 former alliance with her. This has caused Eussia to frater- 
 nize with America, and the mutual relations of these two 
 Powers may be the means of proving to England that she 
 ought not to have relinquished the most natural alliance 
 that she has in Europe. 
 
 France, in the form she has taken as an empire, under a 
 Bonaparte, comes most into collision with the conditions of 
 the Vienna Congress, which puts Napoleon i. under the ban 
 of Europe. 
 
 By the conquest of Algeria, France has derived a great 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 131 
 
 accession of territory, and after the Italian war, her limits 
 were still further enlarged by the annexation of Mce and 
 Savoy. 
 
 France stands pretty much as isolated now as she did 
 after the great war-time in 1815 ; for the entente cordiale 
 that was brought about between her and England at the 
 time of the Crimean War has too little hold upon the national 
 character of the two peoples to be permanent. 
 
 Whether she will succeed in uniting to herself Italy, the 
 child of the Emperor's policy, and of his newly-adopted 
 principle of nationalities, which, in its own interest, must 
 endeavour to emancipate itself from France, appears to us 
 stiU doubtful, as doubtful as the alliance with Austria. 
 
 Should France, Austria, and Italy really combine against 
 Prussia, Kussia and England would be obliged to support 
 her ; for in spite of England's unwillingness to mix herself 
 up with Continental matters, she could not suffer the fall of 
 Germany. 
 
 There is no likelihood whatever of its coming at present 
 to such alliances. The material interests in all States have 
 become too important, and the people have become too 
 deeply versed in politics, to make it possible for wars to 
 be engaged in, that are not absolutely necessary, and do not 
 directly affect the interests of the States that carry them on. 
 If it comes to war, which God forbid ! France and Germany 
 alone will fight it out. 
 
 All Europe feels that, since the Emperor said, " Lem'pire, 
 c'est la paix" peace is nowhere to be found in Europe, — 
 feels that the germ of war lies hidden in the Napoleon system 
 of government. 
 
 Louis Napoleon, who apparently has contributed to the 
 greatness of France, will really leave behind him only dis- 
 ordered finances and the greatest demoralization, and his 
 
132 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 successors, whether they belong to his own or the older 
 dynasty, will long experience the consequences of a despo- 
 tism which rests on the command of the army, on the police, 
 on more or less scrupulous speculators on 'Change, and on 
 the lowest classes of the people. 
 
 The war which seems to threaten Germany has its 
 only ground in the untenableness of the present system of 
 government in France ; the spark to kindle it must be ap- 
 plied from without. France is justly regarded as the wanton 
 disturber of the peace, and this accounts for her isolation. 
 
 The idea of the alliance of the small States — Belgium, 
 Holland, Sweden, and Denmark — which Thiers suggested, can 
 hardly be carried out ; small States can gain nothing by a 
 war, but may easily risk their existence. 
 
 England has not changed in her territorial area ; but in 
 internal strength, wealth, the education and morality of the 
 lower classes, she has made marked progress. Popidation 
 and capital have increased on a gigantic scale since 1815. 
 
 England gave the greatest proof of her power and vitality 
 when she suppressed the revolution in India in the year 
 1857, — showed what civilisation, independence, strength, and 
 self-consciousness can achieve. 
 
 The Crimean War had set all Eastern nations in a state of 
 excitement. 
 
 India was somewhat bare of English troops, and the 
 Indian Princes thought that they could rid themselves of the 
 I hated rule of England. A gigantic conspiracy was formed by 
 a people numbering far more than a hundred millions, and 
 amongst whom there was distributed a proportionally small 
 number of Englishmen. Most of the troops were natives, 
 the so-called Sepoys; these mutinied, and massacred the 
 Europeans in the most horrible manner, — nothing was 
 spared, neither women nor children. The achievements of 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 133 
 
 the English troops and commanders at that time are beyond 
 all praise. Next year the conquest of the natives was com- 
 plete, and order restored. 
 
 The East India Company was subsequently done away 
 with, important changes were made in the administration of 
 the country, and now England's rule in India is more firmly/ 
 established than before. 
 
 As regards the present policy of England, her statesmen 
 make a point of mixing themselves up as little as possible 
 with Continental matters. The alliance with France exists in 
 name, and the two nations may actually unite together for 
 a definite purpose, but it cannot be a sincere, permanent 
 alliance. It is worth noticing in this respect, that the 
 'Volunteer movement in England was set on foot during the 
 time of the entente cordiale, and yet it could only be intended 
 as a protection against France. 
 
 England has seen with pleasure the rise of Italy and the 
 consolidation of Prussia ; she felt that they would act as a 
 counterpoise to French supremacy on the Continent. The 
 navy of England is now more powerful than ever before, for 
 the simple reason that it depends now upon coal and iron ; 
 and what country can ever approach to a competition with 
 England in these two productions ? Formerly she had to buy 
 all the materials she required for her fleet, — wood, hemp, 
 flax, and copper ; now other nations buy of her iron and 
 coal — yes, and their iron ships too. The political economist 
 sees at a glance what this means. 
 
 England's most dangerous rival is America; and many 
 people look upon a war between America and England, as 
 between Germany and France, merely as a question of time. 
 But the weightiest commercial interests on both sides of the 
 Atlantic are opposed to such a war ; and here too the pro- 
 spects of peace outnumber those of war. 
 
 
134 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 The Eastern question is that which might most easily 
 involve England in a European war. Whether she would 
 fight in the next war on the side of France, or on that of 
 Eussia, is as yet doubtful. 
 
 In a war between France and Prussia, England will at 
 first be neutral; should Prussia be seriously menaced and 
 defeated, we may then see the English banner once more 
 waving by the side of the Prussian eagle. England cannot 
 relinquish the dominion of Europe (and France would have 
 it if Prussia fell) either to France or to Napoleon. 
 
 Austria has lost most, both in influence, power, and territory. 
 In the year 1846 she incorporated the republic of Cracow. 
 Twice already she has attempted to unite the different 
 nationalities that are comprised under her rule by a common 
 constitution, but has only thereby made contrarieties more 
 contrary. By the Peace of Yillafranca and Zurich in the 
 year 1860 she gave up the possession of Lombardy, and in 
 1866 that of Venetia. At Mkolsburg Austria withdrew from 
 Germany, and gave it up to Prussia's influence. 
 
 The possession of Italy and her own position in the Con- 
 federation did not contribute to Austria's power ; and if her 
 statesmen understood their task, if they have the wish to see 
 that her centre of gravity is on the Danube and the Adriatic, 
 Austria may become stronger and more powerful than she 
 was reaUy before. 
 
 Before everything else the Emperor must make Hungary 
 again a source of advantage to himself and his realm, and 
 Hungary must see that her future is wrapped up with that 
 of Austria, who, the meanwhile, as mistress of the Danube 
 and down to the Black Sea, will get additional influence and 
 openings for her commerce as the Eastern questions are 
 cleared up. There is an immense opening for her in this 
 direction. 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 135 
 
 A railway from Cattaro, one of the finest harbours in the 
 world, through Bosnia and Servia to Temesvar, must serve 
 as her main line of communication. 
 
 Austria has at present no alliance. 
 
 Eussia cannot forget her ingratitude; and though the 
 interests of the two States in respect to Turkey, the Lower 
 Danube, and the Black Sea, admit of being reconciled, there 
 is material enough here for perpetual conflicts. Eussia is 
 powerful enough on the Black Sea to leave the Danube to 
 Austria, and the two Powers united would be able to exer- 
 cise an influence that the Western Powers, even if they 
 come to form an alliance again, would be incapable of 
 neutralizing. 
 
 It is quite clear that Austria cannot as yet be on friendly 
 terms with Italy. A serious hindrance to this arises from 
 their different religious tendencies, notwithstanding that 
 both of them are Catholics. When the day of reckoning 
 comes between the Popedom and Italy, it may easily bring 
 about a collision between Austria and Italy; with this 
 exception — both States might come to a good understanding, 
 it would be their interest to do so, in case Austria has 
 reaUy given up all designs upon Lombardy. 
 
 Austria's natural ally is Prussia ; and if there was a ground 
 for their enmity in collision with their interests in Germany, 
 this ground has been taken away ; their commercial interests 
 draw them together. 
 
 Austria is the connecting link between Germany and the 
 States belonging to Turkey, as Eussia is on the other side 
 between Europe and Asia. 
 
 It is for the interest of Prussia that Austria should have 
 command of the Danube, although she must be very cautious 
 as regards Eussia about the steps she takes to forward their 
 interest. Prussia's position between these two Powers is a 
 
136 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 very difficult one. This question is the touchstone of Prussian 
 diplomacy, whose object it must be to mediate continually 
 between the two, and yet to have an eye to Austria's interests 
 upon the Danube, as being Prussia's as well. 
 
 An alliance between Austria and France is unnatural, and 
 could only serve to insure the subjugation of Germany, 
 thereby giving France an incalculable preponderance of power. 
 
 A strong German State is a life-question for Austria as 
 well, though she is no longer in a position to found or to pro- 
 tect such a State. If the German elements in her empire 
 can lean upon the Fatherland, this will be of service to her 
 as against the many Sclavic, Czech, and Magyar elements. 
 
 Should war actually break out with France (and eventu- 
 ally it must come), a large party, especially the army, will 
 court vengeance for Koniggratz ; but we hope that calm 
 reason will gain the upper hand, and that Herr von Beust 
 will not again miscalculate, as he did for Saxony. 
 
 Those who in and out of Austria wash for a Franco-Aus- 
 trian offensive alliance against the North German Confedera- 
 tion (this cannot any more be separated from Prussia) forget 
 mostly what a side of danger such an alliance would have ; 
 they are carried away by their hatred of Prussia, and it is 
 notorious that hatred makes people blind. The danger of 
 such an alliance to Austria is under-estimated, and we do not 
 think we take too dark a ^dew, when we see the utter fall 
 and ruin of Austria as its possible result. Eussia, alarmed at 
 the idea of the supremacy of France, would ally herself closely 
 with Prussia, make a diversion on the Danube, and contem- 
 poraneously kindle a torch amongst the Sclavonian popula- 
 tions of Austria, that would burn with a vengeance. 
 
 What Hungary would do in this case no one can tell ; but 
 it is doubtful whether Austria could reckon upon her in 
 every emergency. 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 137 
 
 If France were beaten on the Ehine, or the war remained 
 undecided, Austria with her internal complications and divi- 
 sions would find it difficult to come to favourable terms with 
 Eussia. If it were beaten on that side, the old empire would 
 be undone. 
 
 On the other hand, and this is highly improbable, if France 
 completely prostrated Germany, and Austria at the same time 
 conquered the Eussian army, Austria might possibly remain 
 for a time in her present territorial condition, but France 
 would claim the supremacy in Germany-— Germany would 
 come under a foreign yoke. The German people are too 
 powerful to endure this. England could not consent to it 
 for a permanence. Endless European complications would 
 follow, and Austria undoubtedly would have to be the victim 
 at last. Probabilities are always more or less uncertain, 
 especially in political questions. But that the present posi- 
 tion of European affairs supplies factors for such a computa- 
 tion, no iinpartial person wiU deny. 
 
 Austria is passing through a very dangerous period of 
 transition, has two States for neighbours which are powerful 
 by virtue of the adhesion that belongs to one nationality — 
 and powerful at Austria's cost. In consequence of this 
 there is a stir amongst the different nationalities, which 
 are partly emboldened, and partly dispirited, by the pangs of 
 giving birth to a constitution which Austria has had upon 
 her for eighteen years. We hope the clever doctor whom the 
 Emperor has called in may succeed in delivering a healthy 
 child at last ; we wish it in the interest of the old venerable 
 Imperial family, which has experienced latterly such bitter 
 blows of misfortune, and in the interest of Germany, which 
 would be no gainer by the fall of Austria. 
 
 Austria is in more urgent need of peace than any other 
 State. To be able to maintain peace, and make use of it for 
 
138 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 the strengthening of her monarchy, she must make a point 
 of keeping on friendly terms with Prussia, and seek at the 
 same time a good understanding with Eussia. If she does 
 not do this, but lets herself be led away into an alliance with 
 France, and consequently into war, then nothing can save 
 the old Imperial State, its dissolution will rapidly follow. 
 The Holy Alliance was of especial advantage to Austria, and 
 her era of misfortune begins from the moment when, incon- 
 ceivably too, she began to be untrue to this Alliance. 
 
 As regards the plan which is to govern the present recon- 
 struction of Austria, we do not know the secret threads of it. 
 From what we see as distant spectators, we look upon it as 
 full of risk to attempt a constitutional separation of the com 
 ponent parts of the monarchy in its present state of disunion. 
 At present the different nationalities have only the State-debt 
 in common, and that is not the pleasantest bond of unity. 
 Italy, from being a chaos of badly governed States and a 
 vassal of Austria, has become an independent nation, with 
 power in herself to play an important part in Europe. 
 
 Her territorial condition has quite changed since the 
 times of the Vienna Congress. Tuscany, Naples, and the 
 small States have ceased to exist. Eome alone, and the 
 small Papal territory, retains an independent existence out of 
 the pale of the kingdom of Italy ; the King of Sardinia has 
 become King of Italy. At that time there were ten States in 
 the Peninsula, now there are hardly four; for Monaco and 
 the little republic of San Marino cannot be seriously counted 
 as States. 
 
 The French Eevolution of 1848 found a sharp and loud 
 echo in Italy. There was open revolt in Milan ; the veteran 
 Field-Marshal Eadetzky had to leave the town with his 
 troops. The King of Sardinia gave a liberal constitution, 
 and inscribed the unity of Italy on his banners. He declared 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 139 
 
 war against Austria ; volunteers flocked to him from the whole 
 of Italy. In June, Kadetzky advanced to meet him, and 
 defeated the Piedmontese at Custozza. Charles Albert was 
 obliged to flee from Milan in the night. Eadetzky entered it 
 again on the 6th of August, and the whole of Northern Italy 
 was soon in the hands of Austria. 
 
 An insurrection broke out in Eome against Pius ix. The 
 Minister Eossi was murdered, the Pope fled to Gaeta, the 
 Eevolution in Eome assumed dangerous proportions, and the 
 Pope called in the aid of the Catholic Powers. On the 3d 
 of June 1849, the French occupied Eome, five thousand 
 Spaniards landed, and the Austrians took Bologna and An- 
 cona. A French garrison remained in Eome, and the Pope 
 returned in the year 1850. 
 
 It was in 1830 and 1831 that Louis Napoleon, with his 
 elder brother, who died afterwards, entered into a conspiracy 
 for the liberation of Italy, and fought at Bologna ; he was 
 afterwards in close confederacy with the Italian Carbonari ; 
 and it is asserted by many that it was Mazzini who contrived 
 his escape from Ham. 
 
 When he became Emperor, the Italian democrats looked 
 upon him as a traitor to their cause, resolved to murder him, 
 and thought that the European complications to which his 
 death must give rise, would offer the best opportunity for 
 liberating Italy. The different attempts to assassinate him, 
 Pianori's, who shot at him in 1854, and afterwards Orsini's, 
 sprang from this source. 
 
 The agitation in Italy continually increasing, and Pied- 
 mont beginning at the instigation of her great Minister, 
 Cavour, to prepare in good earnest for war with Austria 
 (Cavour had joined in the Crimean War against Eussia, simply 
 that he might have a voice in the negotiations for peace), 
 when Napoleon saw that the National party was getting more 
 
140 GENERAL OBSEEVATIOKS ON THE 
 
 excited against him, and heard from his police agents that 
 many daggers still threatened him from that quarter, he de- 
 termined to give his support to Italy, concentrated an army 
 in the south of France, and marched into Piedmont, when the 
 Austrian troops crossed the boundary. 
 
 The Proclamation, from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, 
 is as well known as that IN'apoleon made peace long before 
 he reached the Adriatic. He did this, because he saw that 
 the Italians were in earnest about their unity, and feared 
 complications on the Ehine, should he, in case the war went 
 on, be obliged to attack the territory of the Confedera- 
 tion. 
 
 The intention in Yillafranca, and in Zurich as well, was to 
 create a federal State, similar to the Germanic Confederation. 
 But the Italians did not wish this ; they had the German 
 model before their eyes, and it was not very inviting. 
 
 Cavour had only apparently given up the idea of a united 
 Italy, and with the help of the Eevolution he succeeded in 
 driving out the reigning Princes. The Grand-Duke of Tus- 
 cany succumbed without making an attempt to defend his 
 crown. Naples showed fight at first. Garibaldi landed 
 from Sicily, where the Eevolution had been successful, and 
 entered Naples with his volunteers. The troops withdrew 
 with the King and Queen to Gaeta, and remained there for 
 some months, but were obliged to yield to the superior num- 
 bers of the Piedmontese army. The fate of the royal family 
 found the warmest sympathy at all the old Courts ; many and 
 just complaints were made of this breach of the principle of 
 legitimacy, but no State would go to war for it. 
 
 The articles in a well-known conservative Prussian news- 
 paper at that time are interesting. Tempora mutantur, et 
 nos mutamur in illis. 
 
 Eome was occupied by a French garrison, which only left 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 141 
 
 it in 1866. Italy seems inclined to wait for the solution of 
 the Eomish question till the death of Pius ix. 
 
 Though there are many difficulties in Italy to overcome, 
 especially that of Eome, and the financial embarrassments, 
 still we believe that she will remain united, and gradually 
 become consolidated. Political life has been opened up and 
 developed in the higher ranks, and the patriotism which 
 pervades the whole nation will seek its improvement and 
 welfare. 
 
 In a political point of view Italy has not yet the position 
 in Europe which it will take eventually. Prussia is its only 
 ally, and if Katazzi, with his Napoleonic inclinations, should 
 succeed in giving up this alliance and throwing the country 
 into the arms of France, he would do it a disservice. 
 Prussia and Italy must hold firmly together ; this alliance is 
 the surest means to keep things balanced in Europe. As 
 long as these two Powers remain friendly, an alliance be- 
 tween Austria and France, the most dangerous for the quiet 
 of Europe, is impossible. England knows this too, and will 
 always try to remain on a good footing with Prussia and 
 Italy. 
 
 At the present moment there certainly seems to be a party 
 in Italy that is agitating strongly against Prussia, and dream- 
 ing of a union with the Latin race. The race-idea is the leau 
 idM of national enthusiasm, and yet practically it has no 
 great significance. If the material, geographical, commercial, 
 and dynastic interests of people of the same stock are diver- ' 
 gent, the hatred between them is greater than if they were 
 of an entirely different race. 
 
 Immediately after the war of 1860, the Italians were much 
 more hostile to Prance than they are now to Prussia. At 
 that time France conquered Lombardy for them, and in 1866 
 Prussia conquered Venetia for them. Both times the national 
 
142 GENERAL OBSEKVATIONS ON THE 
 
 vanity of the Italians was hurt by the lie being given to 
 their " Italia fara da se" — " Italy will do it herself." 
 
 An alliance with Prussia does not exclude good neigh- 
 bouring relations between Austria and Italy; on the con- 
 trary, it is for the interests of both nations. 
 
 Spain, from its geographical position and incessant politi- 
 cal storms, has hardly any influence on the politics of 
 Europe. This unhappy country, which, as regards resources, 
 situation, and climate, might be the fairest and richest 
 country in Europe, suffers from the bad example of its upper 
 ranks, an unfortunate royal family, bad priests, a bad ad- 
 ministration, and, above all, a delusive constitutionalism, 
 which admits of the most outrageous abuses. 
 
 The Spanish army, which as regards endurance and mate- 
 rial has very much that is good in it, is, alas ! constantly 
 implicated in revolutions, and so long as it is not brought to 
 the point of unconditional obedience to the reigning family and 
 the Government appointed by it, Spain will never be at rest. 
 
 Portugal has also suffered much from internal unrest ; but 
 it is unquestionably improving under the rule of the present 
 king. 
 
 In both these countries there is a party which would like 
 to unite the whole Peninsula in one kingdom under the 
 headship of Portugal ; but hitherto it appears to have no 
 great significance. It is quite patent, too, that the Spanish 
 and Portuguese have no liking for each other, but the con- 
 trary. We don't know what changes railways may bring 
 about there, as in other places. 
 
 There is not much to say about the alliances of Spain. 
 England and France find an innocent diplomatic pleasure in 
 neutralizing each other's influence in these countries. 
 
 Greece, a creation of European diplomacy, has not, so far, 
 given much joy to its parents, the protecting Powers. 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 143 
 
 In consequence of a revolution and the intervention of a 
 French force, which Charles x. had sent there with the in- 
 tention of making himself popular in France, Greece was 
 liberated from the Turks and Egyptians. 
 
 Count Capodistria was chosen as President; he was to 
 prepare the ground for a king, whom the protecting Powers 
 would appoint. This excellent and energetic man ruled the 
 country, which was thoroughly disordered, with remarkable 
 wisdom up to the year 1831. He was .nmixLered by two 
 assassins when he was going out of church, on the 3d of 
 October in that year. 
 
 After the refusal of Leopold, the future King of Belgium, 
 Otho, son of the King of Bavaria, who was sixteen years old 
 at the time, was chosen to be King of Greece. On the 6th 
 of February 1833 he made his entrance into Nauplia, which 
 was the capital then, but afterwards he made Athens his 
 capital. 
 ft He tried, with great self-devotion, mistaken perhaps in the 
 means he made use of, — too much mildness for such a de- 
 ceitful people, — to promote the best interests of his realm, 
 but reaped only ingratitude, and left it, in consequence of a 
 revolution, in the year 1862. 
 
 The protecting Powers could not allow the fall of Greece, 
 nor that it should become an untenable Eepublic. 
 
 Eussia seems to have thought of the Emperor's nephew, 
 the Prince of Leuchtenberg, as successor to King Otho. But 
 when England especially opposed this, from fear that Greece 
 would become an advanced Kussian outpost, Eussia, with 
 great foresight and prudence, receded into the background. 
 
 England wishes to make Greece to a certain extent 
 an independent Christian country, and relinquished with 
 this view Corfu and the Ionian Islands, which, in conse- 
 quence of the change steam-power has brought about in the 
 
144 GENEKAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 navy, were no longer so important to her as before, and taxed 
 her finances pretty heavily. 
 
 The Greeks thought that they would do best under English 
 protection, and therefore chose the Queen's second son, 
 Prince Alfred, as their king. But he refused the crown, 
 and then the second son of the King of Denmark was 
 proposed and elected. He ascended the throne as King 
 George. 
 
 Accidents often determine the fate of individuals and of 
 States. The following is related in connexion with this at 
 that time quite unexpected choice. The veteran Lord Vsl- 
 merston was standing in his drawing-room on one of his 
 reception days, — this was every Saturday, — and was speak- 
 ing to several of his friends . about Greece, when the brother 
 of the Princess of Wales, who was then in London with his 
 parents, came in. Palmerston observing him said, after one 
 moment of thought : " Look at that nice boy, he might do 
 for Greece !" This idea, which no one had thought of 
 before, was followed up, and King George lives now in 
 Athens. 
 
 Whether Greece can gain independence and vitality, it is 
 difficult to say. The hope that it may at some time throw 
 the Turks back into Asia, and form the nucleus of a Chris- 
 tian State, with Constantinople for its capital, Hes yet in the 
 womb of an uncertain future. 
 
 Greece is one State more that has come into existence 
 since the Vienna Congress; but it is also one diplomatic 
 difficulty more, — it has increased the perplexity of the 
 Eastern question. 
 
 Another State that has been formed since the Congress is 
 Belgium. 
 
 In August 1830 a revolution broke out in Brussels against 
 the King of the Netherlands, and spread over the provinces 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 145 
 
 that had been united to the old State of Holland by the Vienna 
 Congress. The Dutch were defeated in an attack upon 
 Brussels, and the Netherlanders showed the most determined 
 opposition to the Orange rule. The other Powers were afraid 
 of a European war, and preferred founding an independent 
 State, which they called, in the language of modern diplo- 
 macy, a neutral State. In 1831 the Belgians chose for their 
 King Prince Leopold of Coburg, who had refused the throne 
 of Greece. Holland would not abandon the struggle. They 
 held Antwerp ; but the French came to the aid of the Bel- 
 gians, besieged, and took it. 
 
 Under King Leopold Belgium made enormous progress 
 in material and industrial pursuits. In spite of its being 
 asserted in France that the Belgians long to become French, 
 the people have a very keen sense of independence. 
 
 Holland has become reconciled to the loss of Belgium, and 
 a good understanding now exists between the two States. 
 Newspaper politicians have often fancied that Holland was 
 threatened by Prussia, and talked as if there was an agree- 
 ment between Prussia and France, according to which Hol- 
 land should fall to Prussia, and Belgium to France. This 
 could not well be without a European war, and if it did take 
 place, both States would get very reluctant subjects. 
 
 Prussia is strong enough at present witliout incorporating 
 Holland, and has a great task before her, if she means to 
 give Germany a real unity. An intimate alliance between 
 France and Holland, with practical results as respects Bel- 
 gium, is not to be thought of without war. 
 
 Denmark has suffered much through the last wars, in loss 
 of territory as well as of political importance. 
 
 Before 1846, when the quarrels with the German Duchies 
 began, all the diplomatic posts and higher of&ces of State in 
 Denmark were filled by members of the noble families in the 
 
 K 
 
146 GENEEAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 Diicliies. When these families fell into disfavour, the ap- 
 pointments came into the hands of persons who were not 
 suitable for them. If hatred to Germany had not been so 
 artificially cherished, if the inhabitants of the Duchies had 
 not been so exasperated by bad treatment, if the democratic 
 Danish party had not committed such great faults both 
 before and after the death of the last King, it could not have 
 come to war. The Duchies would have remained united to 
 Denmark, though by personal union. 
 
 For Germany it is better as it is, and Prussia will know 
 how to protect and make use of this valuable acquisition. 
 
 The Eider Canal may do serious injury to Denmark, as it 
 deprives the Sound of much of its importance ; and Denmark 
 may be glad that the Sound dues are done away. 
 
 Whether Denmark will continue as an independent country 
 the future only can decide. The Scandinavian idea, which a 
 few years ago had many supporters, especially at the Swedish 
 universities, and had reached Denmark as well, seems to have 
 fallen again into the background. A Scandinavian kingdom, 
 consisting of Sweden, ]N"orway, and Denmark, would have no 
 great political importance ; the countries are not rich enough 
 by nature, and the population is too small. Sweden's recovery 
 of Finland is not to be thought of. Eussia has shown her 
 wisdom in retaining the old institutions and the old consti- 
 tution of Finland ; and this province would not itself desire 
 to be separated from Eussia; besides this, Eussia is too power- 
 ful for Sweden, though strengthened by Denmark, seriously 
 to think of going to war with her. 
 
 If we examine the present condition of Europe, we find 
 that deeper, more penetrating, and greater changes have taken 
 place than appears at the first look. The most sensible have 
 been those in Germany and Italy. 
 
 The process of consolidation, alike by war and in peace, 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 147 
 
 through which both countries have so remarkably passed, is 
 very full of importance. The wars which followed the first 
 French Eevolution, and the Vienna Congress as well, brought 
 about a diminution in the number of the small States, mostly 
 in favour of the middle ones; in the year 1792 there were 
 304 quite small and fourteen middle States in Germany; 
 after the Congress there were thirty-five monarchies and four 
 republics. By the abdication of the two Princes of Hohen- 
 zollern, and the extinction of four dynasties, the -number sank 
 down to twenty-nine Sovereigns and four Burgomasters. By 
 the war of 1866 three dynasties were driven from their 
 thrones, in Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, and Nassau, and the free 
 town of Frankfort lost its independence. 
 
 The North German Confederation embraces twenty-one 
 States, of which no one would assert that they are still in 
 possession of the sovereign rights which the Congress of 
 Vienna conferred upon them. 
 
 The South German States, since their severance from the 
 original confederation, have gained perhaps in sovereignty, 
 but they feel themselves that they must for this very reason 
 lean on a more powerful State, and sooner or later will have 
 to become members of the German Confederation. 
 
 Count Munster said of Poland, at the Congress of Vienna, 
 that whatever form and position were given to it, the results 
 would be war, revolution, and misery. He was right. He 
 said further, quite openly, that if the Confederation was 
 really to unite Germany and make it strong, the Princes 
 must keep the promise they gave to their people after the 
 war of liberation, by giving them representative constitu- 
 tions. In this too he was right ; only the development has 
 not gone on so quickly as he expected. 
 
 Whether the immediate future carries peace or war in its 
 lap no one can say beforehand with the certainty of demon- 
 
148 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE 
 
 stration. Every State lias developed its material resources 
 in a surprising manner ; in political and social matters the 
 development has not gone on at an equal pace, and every 
 State finds itseK consequently more or less in a period of 
 transition. 
 
 If we compare the Europe of 1868 with Europe in the year 
 1815, we find that in respect to their material development, 
 the increase of their population, and actual strength, England! 
 and Germany have made the most gigantic steps in advance i 
 We have already touched upon England's superiority at sea, 
 and the Volunteers are not, as many suppose, a child's-play, 
 or a dangerous institution, like most national guards ; they 
 are a very important body for the defence of the country. 
 
 The organization of the old Confederation seemed to give 
 Germany more military strength than at present ; but every 
 one knew that the army was constituted on a bad principle, 
 and was convinced that, if the country was actually attacked, 
 the enemy would be in the heart of it before a federal com- 
 mander-in-chief could have put himself at the head of the 
 army. 
 
 Germany's central position in the railway system of Europe 
 is of immense importance to her both in a commercial and 
 strategic point of view. 
 
 As we have already seen, the population of Germany, 
 without reckoning the German provinces of Austria, has 
 come to be equal to that of France ; and as regards taxation, 
 capital, and national debt, the balance is in favour of Ger- 
 many. 
 
 . France since 1815 has not gained so much in power and 
 strength as superficial observers are wont to suppose. The 
 revolutions of 1830 and 1848, three changes of dynasty, with 
 several years of republican government in the midst of them, 
 and the employment of quite different systems of administra- 
 
EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 149 
 
 tion, have had no good effect upon the country. Absolute 
 imperialism has done much in the way of art and material 
 improvement, and France has risen apparently to a high 
 degree of power. But, if there should be a change in the 
 system of government, many a new creation might fall to 
 pieces. 
 1. A centralized and centralizing Government like the French 
 has great power, but involves great danger as well. Steam 
 can do more than water-power and hand-labour ; but if the 
 boiler bursts the power ceases, and the machine stops. 
 
 The wars which Louis Napoleon has brought about and 
 conducted have brought some new victories, some laurels, to 
 the French army. The real benefit of France was mostly a 
 mere illusion; she has got no increase of territory and popu- 
 lation, but her national debt has been swoUen. The Crimean 
 War brought her nothing but an unimportant diplomatic 
 preponderance for a few years. The war in Italy laid the 
 foundation for the rise of a great Italian State, which in 
 course of time may become inconvenient to France, and the 
 annexation of Mce and Savoy is but a poor recompense for 
 her losses in men and money. 
 
 A terrible episode is the war in Mexico, which the French 
 statesmen entered upon in a light and inconsiderate manner, 
 and have brought to a close in a way one would not have 
 expected from a people like the French, who have always 
 made so much of the code of honour and chivalry. The 
 Archduke Maximilian of Austria, who, relying on the 
 j Emperor Napoleon's assurances, embarked in this noble 
 indeed, but somewhat adventurous enterprise, has fallen a 
 victim to a confidence which, alas ! was so little justified. 
 Europe could not help the unfortunate prince. 
 
 France made sacrifices for this war, whose extent the 
 French Government only knows; and a great part of the 
 
150 OBSERVATIONS ON EXISTING STATE OF POLITICS. 
 
 activity in the military department, which was looked upon 
 as directed against Prussia, was only intended to cover the 
 great losses which the army had sustained. 
 
 The questions which, during the last ten years, threatened 
 the peace of Europe, were the relation of Austria and Prussia 
 to one another and to Germany, having its necessary issue in 
 a struggle for the supremacy, the internal discords of Italy, 
 and Austria's rule there, the question of the German Duchies, 
 and the Eastern question. These have been decided by the 
 sword, and in such a manner that, with the exception of the 
 Eastern question, they may be regarded as permanently 
 settled. We quite believe that war will break out again in 
 the East, but how soon is as yet very doubtful ; and it is 
 probable that, when it does arise, it will not affect Germany 
 directly. 
 
 War can only come upon Germany from France or Austria, 
 or both, and could have no other real aim than to hinder and 
 destroy its unity. If, as we hope, peace is maintained, this 
 work of cohesion will go on, though slowly, and prosper ; 
 but if war is in the immediate future, it will be more rapidly 
 completed. 
 
 Germany — in war or peace — will have a great destiny. 
 
 Let her enemies know that the first gun fired by an 
 invader, will be answered by a Eoyal salute for United 
 Germany. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Paris, April 20, 1814. 
 
 Sir, — I have had the honour of announcing to your Koyal 
 Highness my arrival in Paris. You are aware of the cir- 
 cumstances which led to the separation of the generals from 
 the Cabinets of the Allied Sovereigns. It is to this that the 
 turn .which the affairs of France have taken as in a great 
 measure to be attributed ; for I venture the belief that, if 
 the Ministers of England, of Austria, and of Prussia, had 
 been present at the taking of the capital of Prance, they 
 would not have agreed to the declaration made, in name of 
 the Allies, by the Emperor Alexander, on the 31st March. 
 
 This declaration ^made by M. de Talleyrand) is a veritable 
 Pandora's box. We shall probably have to regret for long 
 the consequences which it may produce. Our immense 
 success had put us in the position of giving laws to France, 
 and of securing her peace and that of Europe. 
 
 The arrangements made with the Emperor of Eussia at 
 the time of his first departure from Troyes ought to have 
 served us for a guarantee as to the measures which he would 
 take in existing circumstances. It would be superfluous to 
 
152 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 analyse all the evil which, the declaration of the 31st March"^ 
 may yet produce. Suffice it to observe that it has unsettled 
 ■^he very equitable conditions under which'^the Allies had 
 offered peace to France. These conditions already admitted 
 of modifications. 
 
 Now they seem likely to make more, and whilst they offer 
 what the Kings of France have previously possessed, com- 
 pensation on the Continent for the colonies England desires 
 to keep, must, amongst other things, he provided. 
 
 What is more dangerous to the peace of the world is the 
 manner in which they have compromised the question of the 
 supreme power. The Senate of Bonaparte arrogates to itself 
 the right of deposing it for deeds which it had itself ap- 
 proved as so many proofs of wisdom. The new constitution, 
 emanating from the Provisional Government named by this 
 Senate, instead of returning to the principle of the right of 
 the Bourbons to the Crown, claims to call them to it whilst 
 obliging them to retain the existing Senators, and to render 
 them hereditary, and to secure to them their revenues. 
 
 Parts, April 21, 1814. 
 Sir, — I have had the honour of announcing to your Royal 
 Highness, by M. de Best, my arrival in Paris. No one 
 renders thanks to Providence more sincerely than I do for 
 the very brilliant success which has been granted to our 
 efforts. I am desirous of being able to say, that we have 
 profited, in as far as is possible by the means put into our 
 hands, to secure the peace of France and of the world, but I 
 cannot conceal from myself that very grave errors have been 
 committed, and that we shall have many difficulties to con- 
 tend with. The moment when I shall be able to explain 
 myself on all these subjects orally is so near, that I limit 
 myself to the single observation, that we have (through, as 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 153 
 
 I think, ill-advised philanthropy) allowed the tyrant, who 
 possessing a very powerful party, retains ample means of 
 injuring us, to escape, and that we have, on the other hand, 
 failed to secure the very important object of a return to 
 legitimate sovereignty. 
 
 The Bourbons ar^ called only by a political corps created 
 by Bonaparte, which arrogates to itself the right of dethron- 
 ing for deeds which it had formerly approved as the acts of 
 a wisdom almost supernatural The Senate, which contains 
 the accomplices of the most atrocious acts of the Eevolution, 
 is constituted hereditary, and the Bourbons will be con- 
 strained to rule along with the instruments of Bonaparte's 
 tyranny. It is, nevertheless, this egregiously impudent act 
 which has most outraged the people, and they labour to 
 return to this point. It is desired that the King of France, 
 in accepting the constitution, should except the article 
 which decrees the permanence of the present Senate, and 
 that he should send it back for the decision of the nation. 
 The manner in which it is desirable that the nation should 
 declare its wishes is not very apparent. To consult it would 
 not certainly at aU times be safe. I believe the observations 
 contained in my preceding reports, on the spirit which pre- 
 vails in France, cannot be gainsaid. It must not be con- 
 cealed that the Bourbon party is feeble, whilst that of their 
 adversaries joins to strength indefatigable activity. The 
 derangement of the State finances which caused the Eevolu- 
 tion will, without doubt, lead to fresh difficulties. The two 
 last campaigns cost Bonaparte fifteen thousand millions of 
 francs; the public treasury is empty; there are three hundred 
 millions of pressing debts ; and, above aU, there are the 
 complaints of officers who cannot live without their pay. 
 l!h 3 number of officers in France amounts to fifty thousand. 
 Now the public will complain of . a deficit which, though 
 caused by Bonaparte, will only be felt under Louis xviir. 
 
154 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 Paris, that grand focus of troubles, has gained prodigiously 
 by the magnificence to which the rapine of Bonaparte con- 
 duced, and the embellishments which he made, with as 
 much profusion as taste, have maintained a crowd of people, 
 who will become dangerous when the means of supporting 
 them shall fail It will be difficult to find the sums neces- 
 sary for the Government. When they shall have reduced 
 the combined claims, too oneroUs to be continued, the re- 
 venue of this empire will not exceed five hundred millions of 
 francs. It will remain under this sum as long as our armies 
 occupy half the territory, and until the provinces ravaged by 
 the war shall have somewhat recruited. The evils insepar- 
 able from war have exasperated the people, and the Parisians, 
 in spite of their levity, see with regret tihie bivouacs of the 
 Allies, which disfigure all the avenues and promenades of 
 the capital 
 
 It is in this state of matters that Bonaparte has been left 
 for twenty days to intrigue with his partisans, whilst they 
 have signed with him that memorable act by which he 
 obtains the sovereignty of the island of Elba, with a revenue 
 for himself of two millions of livres, and four more for the 
 Archduchess Maria Louisa and the rest of his family. They 
 preserve to him the title of Emperor, and the right to have a. 
 guard and 400 men, and a corvette. The Archduchess, after 
 visiting her father, the Emperor of Austria, is to bend her 
 steps to Vienna, where she intends to reside. The Duchies of ^ 
 Parma, of Piacenza,andof Guastellawill remain forjier and her 
 son. The wife of Jerome Bonaparte, who is enceinte, has per- 
 sisted in accompanying her husband, in spite of the entreaties 
 of her father to return to him. It is very remarkable that 
 the report seems to be confirmed that Jerome and Joseph 
 Bonaparte are at the head of a troop which refuses to sur- 
 render, and which infests the neighbourhood of Orleans. 
 
 X 
 
DESPATCHES FROM TARIS. 
 
 155 
 
 These two brothers being little renowned for their personal 
 courage, it is very reasonable to suppose, that if their party- 
 was not strong they would have preferred entering mto the 
 same negotiations for pensions as Napoleon. The latter has 
 carried his want of delicacy to the point of haggling over his 
 wines and the carriages he has left. A certain amount of 
 military display is also granted him in the island of Elba. 
 I do not know if it is true, as is maintained, that he insists 
 on being conveyed there in an English man-of-war. It was 
 indeed only yesterday at nine in the evening that he quitted 
 Eontainebleau to proceed to his destination. He is accom- 
 panied by the officers of the different Allied Powers, and by 
 jdetachments of cavalry. But I should not be surprised to 
 see him carried off en route by the numerous partisans he 
 must have in the army. 
 
 The Allied troops remain meantime in the cantonments 
 assigned to them. I wish that this measure may not prove 
 premature. _ Negotiations are even going forward for the 
 final evacuation of the territory, which ought to take place 
 in proportion to the delivery, by the French, of the fortresses 
 of the countries which they ought to abandon. After the 
 proposed arrangement, the fortresses on the Elbe which are 
 so onerous to us would be evacuated during the twenty- 
 five days. 
 
 To-day I have consulted Lord Castlereagh on the march 
 of our troops. He advises that they should remain where 
 they are at this time, and I shall consequently write to- 
 morrow to the Duke of Cambridge. It is necessary besides 
 that his Eoyal Highness should be on his guard when the 
 terrible Davoust will be traversing the country with the gar- 
 rison of Hardenberg. The return of the Swedish troops will 
 be a new calamity for the States of your Eoyal Highness, 
 f We may flatter ourselves that the Prince of Sweden will not 
 
 
 y: 
 
 4-L^ 
 
 / 
 
 i/ 
 
renew the war in Holstein on account of this unfortunate' 
 Norway, of which he has only the half. 
 
 I have waited to-day on this Prince. But I think under 
 present circumstances I ought not to deliver to him the letter 
 with which your Eoyal Highness intrusted me. 
 
 The affairs of Germany are in train, but they are ren- 
 K^ U dered very intricate by the difl&culties resulting from the 
 
 large demands that Eussia makes on Poland, and by some 
 other plans that this Power desires to carry out, but of which 
 I must reserve my very humble report for the next courier. 
 I confess I find myself in a painful position between the desire 
 to obey as soon as possible the order of your Eoyal High- 
 ness to return to London, and the fear of neglecting your 
 interests at headquarters. Thus I am kept here from day to 
 day indefinitely. — I am, with most profound respect, etc. 
 
 Paris, April 27, 1814. 
 Sir, — The negotiations for peace, and. the arrangements 
 which will necessarily follow, begin to proceed more promptly. 
 The treaty of armistice, signed on the 23d April, between, 
 the Allies and France, established the great principle of 
 the surrenders which the last-named Power will have to 
 make. She gives up the fortresses of the States which are no 
 longer to be hers. I have regretted much that the general 
 interest of Europe did not admit of a more prompt evacua- 
 tion of Magdeburg and Hamburg, the continued occupation 
 of which, even to the end of May, will be especially burden- 
 some to Hanover. In existing circumstances, whilst foreign 
 troops flow back from the interior of France towards 
 Germany, it seems to me that the march of our troops 
 towards the Ehine has become useless. After having come 
 to an understanding on this subject with Lord Castlereagh 
 and the Chancellor of Prussia, as senior member of the 
 
 ^ 
 
DESPATCHES FEOM PAEIS. 157 
 
 Committee of Ministers, I sent off the letter, of which I 
 mnex a copy, to the Government of Hanover, for the purpose 
 |)f arresting the march, not only of the Hanoverian Contin- 
 gent, but also of the second corps of the German army. 
 Meanwhile, there are far too many seeds of disunion in 
 Europe, and the state of Germany is too insecure to 
 |mow us to tEink of disarming as yet. I have therefore 
 ;hought it my duty to request his Eoyal Highness the 
 I Duke of Cambridge to continue the organization of the 
 )orps intrusted to him, and I intend to-morrow to repeat 
 ny request that the staff of the second corps of the army 
 nay be formed. I have felt particularly interested at this 
 ime in the recent discussions on Norway. Your Eoyal , 
 highness knows my mode of thinking on this matter. It is 
 j^uite certain that the Prince of Sweden has not contributed, 
 is he was bound by his engagements to do, to the attainment "^ 
 
 )f the great end at which we have now arrived, I venture to 
 5ay, in opposition to his wishes. It is proved positively by 
 Jie French officers set at liberty by him in order to make 
 3artisans for himself in the interior of France, as well 
 IS by intercepted letters (amongst others by a letter from 
 general Maison in the possession of Marshal Wrede), that 
 he Prince of Sweden had promised to the party then govern- 
 ng France, not to agree to the contraction of the frontiers of , 
 
 France on this side of the Rhine, and that he was prepared 
 io set aside the Bourbons, and to possess himself of the 
 5upreme power, under the title of Protector. I ^ j 
 
 The Prince of Sweden insists on resuming the positions in 
 Solstein which he held there before the Peace of Sicily, and 
 le wishes the King of Denmark to declare that the Prince 
 )f Hesse has forfeited his right to the Crown, if he persists in 
 supporting Norway. The Danes represent that they pre- 
 
 i 
 
158 
 
 DESPATCHES FKOM PARIS. 
 
 dieted to the Prince of Sweden what has happened in Norway, 
 and that they cannot force the country to yield ; that the 
 Pi^ce of Sweden had nndertaken that duty ; that finally, in 
 virtue of signed treaties, they have sent the artillery of E/nds- 
 burg to besiege Hamburg, and their best troops to march on 
 the Ehine. So far from this being listened to, the treaty 
 which requires Norway, Sweden, and the Allied Courts to 
 send a joint mission to Denmark for this purpose, has to be 
 fulfilled, in default of which it is resolved that the corps of 
 Bennigsen shall occupy Holstein. 
 
 Perceiving that it was possible that the Prince of Sweden 
 might wish to make use of our troops for the invasion of 
 Denmark, I addressed the annexed note on this subject to 
 Lord Castlereagh. It appears to me -very important for the 
 German interests of your Eoyal Highness that we should not 
 be more entangled in this war, which does not concern us ; 
 and I am very glad that I have received a reply from the 
 English Minister, which is also appended to this despatch, 
 which secures us from such a result. Although the greater 
 part of the Swedish troops return to Sweden, I am not sure 
 that the Prince Eoyal would have spared our troops on that 
 account ; for it is known that the Swedes have scarcely been 
 employed against the^ienemy. 
 
 I ought to observe on this occasion, that I have had an 
 audience of the Prince of Swedeh. I did not think, it expe- 
 dient to deHvel" the letter intrusted to me by your Eoyal 
 Highness for him under other circumstances. The Prince 
 begged me to commend his interests to your Eoyal High- 
 ness, by supporting, as he expressed himself, his rights of 
 primogeniture, he having been the first to oppose Napoleon, 
 at a time when it was still dangerous to do so. I am very 
 ready to acknowledge his merits at that time. He did not 
 speak to me of what has occurred more recently. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 159 
 
 The conferences which have taken place between the 
 Chancellor of Prussia and Count Stadion on jnatters respect- 
 ing the new boundaries of the Powers between them and 
 those which shall be fixed for Germany, have enabled this 
 Minister to complete, this morning, the plan he will propose . 
 for adoption. I respectfully communicate it to your Boyal ^ 
 Highness, in a few words^ as a simple project, which, how- 
 ever, seems principally endangered by some ideas enter- 
 Jiained, or perhaps by promises made, by his Majesty the 
 Emperor of Kussia, with regard to a provision which this 
 monarch wishes to bestow on the soi-disante Queen of 
 Westphalia, or even on the grandson of the Queen Hortense. 
 w. I cannot say if this monarch is willing to lower the demands 
 which he makes on Poland j_this is the subject of frequent 
 I conferences betwixt Prince Czartorysky and Baron de Stein. 
 According to the plan referred to above, Russia would gain 
 i* two and a half millions of subjects in Poland; she would 
 then possess there a population of nine and a half millions, 
 — a portion large enough to form a separate kingdom, if his 
 Imperial Majesty thinks that it would be most beneficial for 
 his States. The point specially contested is, that Austria 
 wishes to recover Cracow and the territory ceded to Russia 
 at the Peace of Vienna. Austria would obtain by the new 
 arrangements an augmentation of population above what she 
 had before the Peace of Luneville of nearly one million and 
 a half ; for what she requires to repair her losses includes 
 seven millions. This monarchy would then have twenty- 
 seven millions of subjects. Austria would have among her 
 other possessions in Germany, the Tyrol, Vorarlberg, and 
 part of Breisgau, the remainder would come to her from Italy, 
 the Viceroy of which is about to submit and throw himself 
 on the generosity of the Emperor. He cedes in succession, 
 Venice, Legnago, Peschiera, and Palma Nuova. Piedmont 
 
 < 
 
160 DESPATCHES FROM PAEIS. 
 
 is given up to the King of Sardinia. Count St. Marsan 
 proceeds there as Governor- General. Prussia, renouncing 
 Anspach and Bayreuth, would give the south part of Mun- 
 ^ ster and Paderborn to the King of Saxony, and would obtain 
 Saxony and the territory which was reserved for her in the 
 ^lan of which I have given an account to your Eoyal High- 
 ness, from Langres, restoring the possessions of the Princes 
 
 : \ of Nassau between the Meuse and the Rhine. Prussia would 
 
 then have a population of eleven millions of subjects, and 
 
 ,, would gain above what she possessed, 700,000 inhabitants. 
 
 ^y^SVv Bavaria would recover the Palatinate, as indemnification for 
 
 ^^aY^ the Tyrol There need be no scruple about curtailing the 
 
 Grand-Duke of Baden a little, unless the Emperor of Russia 
 protects him. The frontier of J[a^over should comprise, in 
 accordance with the first plan, the line which passes above 
 Munster. But as Prussia cedes Paderborn we shall be quits 
 by giving her a military route through the Principality of 
 Gottingen. Further, Prussia cedes to her East Friesland, 
 but she retains Minden, reserving the right of exchange by 
 mutual agreement, her constant desire being to acquire 
 Luxemburg and some detached portions of the Duchy of 
 Lauenburg. We should thus gain a population of more than 
 300,000 souls, without losing anything. 
 
 The plan of the German Constitution remains nearly the 
 
 y<. \ i same as that prepared at Langres ; the only alteration is the 
 
 vy \ i willingness to admit Wlirtemberg^ to the Directory. I have 
 ' this morning remitted to the Allied Camp the joint note on 
 the pecuniary interests of Hanover. I flatter myseK that the 
 contents of this despatch will prove to you^ Royal Highness 
 that my continued absence from London is not voluntary. — 
 I am, with most profound respect, etc. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PAEIS. 161 
 
 Paris, April 27, 1814. 
 Sir, — Flattering myself that I shall at length be able to 
 return to London at the end of eight days, I delay the rela- 
 tion to your Koyal Highness of a number of curious facts, 
 which explain the manner in which the Bourbons and the 
 satellites of Bonaparte begin to oppose each other. I con- 
 fine myself to-day to observing that the Emperor of Russia 
 has decorated M. La Harpe with the cordon of St. Andrew, 
 and that he has shown a desire that the King of France 
 should send M. de Caulaincourt as ambassador to him. It 
 is this request which has moved the latter to make the 
 singular apology inserted in the political papers on the ab- 
 duction of the Duke of Enghien. Bonaparte, after some 
 days' chaffering, during his sojourn at Fontainebleau, over 
 the wines and carriages left at Paris, has at last set out some 
 days since for his island. The Princess of Wurtemberg, wife 
 of Jerome, has not consented to leave her husband, as the 
 King, her father, wished. She has followed Jerome into 
 Switzerland, being enciente for the first time since her mar- 
 riage. The jewels, and there were many apart from the 
 Crown, have been reclaimed en route by a French officer, who 
 has restored them to the Tuileries. I know. Sir, that Lord 
 Castlereagh has represented to Lord Liverpool how desirable 
 it would be that your Eoyal Highness should invite the 
 Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia to come to 
 London when his Majesty the Emperor of Russia pays his 
 visit. I cannot too highly commend this proposal. And 
 I take the liberty of respectfully reminding your Royal 
 Highness, as I have it on good authority, that the King of 
 Prussia is beginning to be uneasy on this subject, and that 
 the Emperor of Austria has little desire to go to England, 
 because he fears that he might not be as well received as the 
 other monarchs. Both are worthy of the highest regard, 
 
 r 
 
b^ 
 
 162 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 and their perfect concord with your Eoyal Highness ought 
 to secure the peace of Europe. I respectfully request the 
 consideration of a few words, which you might perhaps 
 address to me in private on this subject, serving to point 
 out to these sovereigns the personal anxiety your Eoyal 
 Highness feels to make their acquaintance. 
 
 Amongst other strangers, the Prince of Hardenberg is here. 
 Esterhazy will be Austrian ambassador at Paris. — I am, Sir, 
 with most respectful submission, etc. 
 
 Sir, — The Chevalier Syrevith having offered me a safe 
 opportunity of addressing a despatch to your Eoyal Highness, 
 I avail myself of it to add some remarks on Chancellor Har- 
 ^ denberg's plan for the general arrangement of the affairs of 
 Europe. This negotiation keeps pace with that which has 
 for its object definitive peace with France, which it is hoped 
 will be ready for signature in fifteen days. The existing 
 Government of France cannot be excluded from taking any 
 part in the arrangements made to settle the relations 
 of the different Empires of Europe, as it was formerly in- 
 tended that Bonaparte's should be., I have read with atten- 
 tion Jhis plan of the Chancellor's, which he himself considers 
 only as a simple proposition, in order to have a basis which 
 I may give a more definite character to the negotiations. 
 Having seen the great difi&culties of concOiating so many 
 opposite interests, as well as those resulting from a number 
 'f\ j of special treaties,, perhaps too hurriedly engaged in, this 
 j 1 plan merits much praise. As I have had the honour of 
 o^ . . J giving your Eoyal Highness a general idea of it, I think that 
 , V / will suffice for the present. The Chancellor is invited to- 
 ^' . I day to wait on the Emperor of Eussia, to communicate his 
 plan to him. It is on the part of this Prince that we expect 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 163 
 
 difficulties to arise. I believe, however, it may be relied on 
 that his Majesty projects the_re- establishment of Pola,n(J, 
 
 ' and that he is to be declared King of it. 
 
 '^ LooHiig at it from this point, it seems desirable to re- 
 unite in one man as large a portion of this country as can 
 be obtained. But Austria absolutely demands back Cracow, 
 the circle of i^amosk, and the 400,000 souls which the Peace 
 of Vienna caused her to cede to Eussia. This point may 
 lead to serious misunderstanding between the two Emperors. 
 Austria looks on Cracow as a military position indispensable ' 
 to the defence of her frontiers ; the Emperor of Eussia seems 
 to set a great value on the place where the ancient Kings of 
 Poland were crowned. I know that his Majesty is piqued 
 at the interposition of !^gland on this matter, and certainly 
 it is a question of too much general interest to Europe for a 
 Power like Great Britain to leave it alone. I am anxious, in 
 the meantime, to represent as strongly as possible the neces- 
 sity of avoiding at present, almost at any price, a new war, 
 which would embarrass everything, and which will be kindled 
 less easily when all the military have returned to their 
 homes, and all the States feel the effects of the extreme ex- 
 haustion produced by their late struggle. I have had a 
 conversation with Count de Stadion on the subject of the 
 Chancellor of Prussia's plan. It seems to me that Austria 
 has difficulty in consenting to see Prussia seize on Electoral 
 
 ^Saxony. She fears that after a time this possession may 
 cause misunderstandings with Austria, and she still regards 
 the despoiling of the King of Saxony, and the small portion 
 assigned him in Low Munster and Paderborn, as an injus- 
 tice. The advantages that Austria will obtain in Italy are, 
 however, too important not to make her shut her eyes to 
 these considerations. Her own territory will not only be 
 largely augmented, but the possessions of other branches of 
 
 e^ 
 
164 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 the family will be increased by the re-establishment of the 
 Grand-Duke of Tuscany, and the acquisition of Parma, 
 Piacenza, and Guastella, by the Archduchess Maria Louisa. 
 
 The state of Italy appears to me, however, the least secure, 
 and this is in a great measure owing to that unhappy treaty 
 concluded with Murat, which grants him, besides the posses- 
 sion of Naples, an indemnity of 600,000 souls [from Sicily. 
 This usurper will thus obtain compensation for havmg 
 received from Bonaparte the promise of an island which was 
 _ not his ; and the legitimate Sovereign of Sicily, who has lost 
 his kingdom for having resisted Bonaparte, will not have the 
 half of what has been so unjustly snatched from him. 
 Sooner or later sins of this sort against political morality 
 avenge themselves. Italy desires a free or a federal Go- 
 vernment. It is divided afresh by assigning new masters 
 to the newly formed territories. In the north the Italians 
 have opposed the system of Bonaparte more strongly than 
 even France herself ; yet it would be bold to maintain that 
 this man, placed at present on the coast of Italy, may not 
 some day become very dangerous in countries where the 
 passions are so inflammable, and where he still has very 
 enterprising partisans who could easily join those who 
 remain to him in France. The protection which has been 
 awarded to aU his accomplices, the pensions preserved to them, 
 form an example which may in the future incite the factious 
 to enrich themselves in like manner. Independently of the 
 six millions of livres granted out of the French treasury to 
 Bonaparte and his family,_Austria has consented to secure 
 twelve millions of francs annually in name of pensions for 
 the Legion of Honour, and for several marshals and generals 
 in the provinces which formed the kingdom of Italy. ' The 
 rr(^.^plan of which I am about to speak is occupied byTSfe 
 etails of the indemnification of Austria and Prussia in 
 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 165 
 
 Germany. It will cause great changes in the south of 
 Germany, since Bavaria must cede the Tyrol, Yorarlberg, 
 and Salzburg, which contain 700,000 inhabitants, to Austria. 
 They give to Bavaria in restitution part of the Palatinate, 
 and of the possessions of Baden. The Grand-Duke of 
 Baden in like manner must cede Breisgau to Austria as a 
 result of the exchanges with Wurtemberg. Prussia would 
 obtain a considerable extent of country, which would extend 
 her ancient possessions on the Ehine below Munster, even to 
 Mayence, and on the left bank of the Ehine towards Luxem- 
 burg, whilst restoring the Princes of the house of Nassau 
 between the Ehine and the Meuse. Eussia has assigned to 
 her 300,000 souls as her share of population, which she must 
 cede in strict accordance with existing treaties to the Electo- 
 rate of Hanover. But she reserves the detail of these cessions 
 to be arranged between your Eoyal Highness and her in 
 private. I have had the honour of saying that she destines 
 East Friesland, the counties of Tecklenburg; and Lingen, and 
 all that remains of the bishopric of Munster, between these 
 provinces^ and Holland. for us. Prussia has reserved besides 
 a possession of 100,000 souls, for the purpose of making 
 exchanges with Hesse. The country of Pluse and the 
 bailiwick of Erei^denburg, both surrounded by the posses- 
 sions of your Eoyal Highness, are assigned to Prussia, 
 evidently for the purpose of inducing or obliging us to 
 consent to the exchange of territories. Prussia aims especi- 
 ally at Lauenburg, and seems to design Minden to facilitate 
 this arrangement. The Prussian Chancellor proposes to * ^' 
 enter into negotiations for these purposes, even in London, 
 whither he will accompany the King. I spoke to him again 
 yesterday of how impossible I found it to await here the 
 conclusion of peace, in view of the order of your Eoyal 
 Highness to return as soon as possible to London. The 
 
 \ 
 
 xl 
 
 ^1 
 
166 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 {^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 .' Chancellor thereupon begged me to wait at least till the 
 
 i conclusion of his labours on the German constitution, of 
 
 which it is wished to fix the general basis^ here, which may 
 
 * serve afterwards to guide the labours of the Congress which 
 
 is expected to assemble at Vienna. ^As the preliminary 
 
 workjon this matter has been executed b^^^aron Humboldt 
 
 ^z^- 
 
 V ' j^^ ^ andme^I think of defernng my departure for some days. 
 
 i We received yesterday accounts of the journey of Napoleon. 
 
 By a singular chain of circumstances, he had to embark^^ 
 the same place where he landed in returning from Egypt. 
 The route by St. Tropez, by which it was intended to con- 
 duct him, being impracticable, he had to go to Frejus. 
 ! Nothing could have lowered Napoleon more than the pusil- 
 lanimity he displayed on the journey. In Provence the 
 \ people were much exasperated against him : he saw himself 
 hang in effigy; he was -loaded with insults, and his life 
 was threatened." At Avignon he had to intrust Csesar and 
 his fortunes to a hired pony, to escape being stoned. 
 Several times he changed clothes 'with the commissaries who 
 accompanied him ; he took their names, and even the white 
 ^ cockade, to disguise himself. He only felt himself at length 
 in safety when on board the English frigate, which received 
 him on April 26th, at nine in the evening. Once on the 
 way he said that this same popular hatred had already 
 
 C ^"^ pursued him fourteen years before ; then it had changed, and 
 
 that it might yet change again. A reply also has been 
 intercepted to a plan communicated to Bonaparte, in which 
 the writer said that he could not explain himself till he 
 arrived at Frejus. He had likewise spoken of his former 
 plans against England, one of which was to form a great 
 maritime arsenal in the Elbe, and to make Hamburg a 
 second Antwerp ! Now he speaks only of his desire to 
 proceed to England ; and he said to Colonel Campbell, that 
 
DESPATCHES FROM TARIS. 167 
 
 in the island of Elba he should regard himself as an English 
 subject. By a note addressed on the 25th April to all the 
 mayors of the district through which Napoleon had to pass, 
 holding them responsible for his safety, the four commis- 
 saries have secured themselves. Your Eoyal Highness wOl 
 find in all the public papers details of the entry of the King 
 of France into Paris, which took place the day before yester- 
 ^day, at one o'clock. It was brilliant, and the people showed 
 _a tolerable amount of attachment. His Majesty was escorted 
 by French troops only. The National Guard of Paris cried 
 " Vive le Roi;" the troops of the line preserved a gloomy 
 silence. In the evening the town was badly illuminated ; 
 however, they say it was no better in Bonaparte's time. | 
 To make amends, the illumination of the public buildings, 
 of the Tuileries, and the fireworks let off on the Pont-Koyal, 
 were extremely paltry : this was undoubtedly ill-judged 
 economy. The manner in which the King has extricated 
 himself from the constitution is generally approved. Yester- 
 day the Emperor of Eussia caused all his troops in garrison 
 here to file off before the Tuileries. It is not yet known 
 when the King will receive strangers. — I am, with the deepest 
 veneration, etc. 
 
 Pakis, May 9, 1814. * 
 
 Sir, — Having received Mr. Best's letter, in which your' 
 Eoyal Highness has done me the honour of charging me to 
 repeat the invitation which you have given to the Emperors 
 of Eussia and Austria, as well as to the King of Prussia, to 
 proceed to England, I have obtained the information neces- 
 sary to enable me to execute, as wished, the orders you have 
 deigned to intrust to me. Their Majesties the Emperor 
 Alexander and the King of Prussia having decided on going 
 to England as soon as the Peace with France is signed, I 
 
168 DESPATCHES FKOM PARIS. 
 
 have thought it my duty to confine myself, as regards them, 
 to repeating to their Ministers the anxiety which your Eoyal 
 Highness has shown to make their acquaintance. Having 
 learned afterwards, on the contrary, that the Emperor of 
 .Austria could not resolve to cross the sea, I sought the 
 advice of Count de Stadion, who, after consulting Prince 
 Metternich, has recommended me to demand an audience of 
 his Imperial Majesty, that I may fulfil my commission. It 
 seemed to me that Count de Stadion was convinced of the 
 beneficial effects which the Emperor of Austria's journey to 
 England might have on public opinion, and he said to me 
 that the audience which the Emperor could grant me would 
 at least give his Majesty an opportunity of explaining freely 
 the reasons which deter him from undertaking the journey 
 in question. Thus it would be in my power to combat his 
 doubts. His Majesty received me this afternoon, and after I 
 had said all that I was instructed to say, he replied in the 
 kindest manner that nothing could have given him more 
 pleasure than to have been able to profit by your Eoyal 
 Highness's invitation, and to have been introduced to a 
 Prince for whom he avowed the highest esteem, but after so 
 long an absence from his States, affairs had become so press- 
 ing, that he dared not permit himself to prolong it further. 
 His Majesty added that the negotiations with France would 
 be well advanced towards the end of the month ; that Italy, 
 the northern part of which will fall to the share of Austria, is 
 in a state of disturbance which onlj his presence at Vienna 
 can reduce to order ; that he has resolved to put an end to 
 the Senate and to the Legislative Corps still existing in Italy, 
 and that he has no one to whom he could intrust the man- 
 agement of his affairs in his absence. I took the liberty of 
 representing all the reasons which seemed to me to render 
 the presence of the Emperor in London desirable, but I could 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 169 
 
 I not succeed in inducing his Majesty to change his mind. 
 
 L He charged me expressly to convey to your Eoyal Highness 
 
 ' all his regret, and to repeat to you anew how much he would 
 
 have wished to acknowledge afresh his gratitude for the 
 
 justice which in time past has attributed to him uprightness 
 
 of intention, when obliged by circumstances apparently to 
 
 follow a course quite opposed to his real principles. To-day >' 
 
 the first conference between the Ministers of the Allies and 
 
 j M. de Talleyrand has taken place. As yet, Spain has not been 
 
 1 admitted to these conferences, which they designate as only 
 
 Parleys. I hope that the opposition ;which Spain will offer ^ j 
 
 to the recognition of the miserable Murat on the throne of a 
 
 branch of the house of Bourbon ^,may furnish us with the 
 
 opportunity of getting out of the scrape into which we have 
 
 ^been dragged in regard to Naples. 
 
 My predictions about Poland are fully confirmed. The \ 
 'Emperor Alexander will yield nothing to Austria of the \ 
 claims. He wishes to keep Cracow, 'Gamosk, and the ', 
 400,000 men ceded to him at the Peace of Vienna. What 
 is more astonishing, he does not keep his promise to Prussia, v 
 and instead of increasing the communication between East ' --^O' 
 Prussia and Silesia, he wishes to encroach further on the ' | 
 
 line of Thorn on the Warta, promised at Basle. Now Eussia "'I 
 demands not only Thorn, but also a radius of 300,000 souls 
 further on. The position is very dangerous for the neighbours 
 of Eussia, and Austria is seriously vexed by this new claim. 
 There are, however, most urgent reasons for avoiding a new 
 war at this moment. One point on which the policy of 
 Eussia and Austria might agree, is the project of giving 
 Archduke Charles an establishment in Italy, in order to 
 enable him to marry the Grand-Duchess Catherine. It 
 seems to me that this union cannot be agreeable to his 
 Imperial Highness, but I am assured of the contrary. In 
 
 \\\ 
 
170 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 regard to the affairs of Germany, the Emperor Alexander 
 made no other remark than that he wished to see his way 
 to an establishment for Eugene Beauharnais. 
 
 The command of the troops in the Low Countries is in 
 singular disorder since the Prince of Sweden threw it up. 
 I have conferred with Lord Castlereagh on thi^^ subject, and 
 we have agreed to write a joint letter to Lord Graham 
 to-morrow. 
 
 I will give an account of this matter to your Eoyal High- 
 ness when it is well concerted, entreating you, meanwhile, to 
 accept the assurance of deep respect, etc. 
 
 X 
 
 Paris, May 15, 1814. 
 
 Sir, — ^Your Eoyal Highness's equerry, M. Quentin, brought 
 me, the day before yesterday, letters of the 10th curt., in 
 which your Eoyal Highness has commanded me to continue 
 my stay in Paris. I am much flattered by the gracious 
 manner in which you have deigned to consider the reports 
 which I have laid before you. The approbation with which 
 you have honoured me will redouble my efforts to watch 
 over your interests. 
 
 The negotiations are carried on now with vigour. It has 
 been proposed to defer those_relating to Germany tjdl the 
 Sovereigns' visit to London, or till they meet at Vienna. 
 This idea has been especially suggested, because of some 
 difficulties which have arisen between Austria and Prussia, 
 about the possession of the fortress of Mayence. 
 
 Prince Metternich has thought this point important 
 enough to wish a quarrel with Prussia, by proposing that 
 Bavarian troops shoula occupy it, without consulting this 
 Power. Prussia, however, has succeeded in causing her 
 troops to take possession. But I think it will be difficult to 
 settle the matter, since, according to the proposal we are 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 171 
 
 about to make, Mayence is to be erected into a fortress belong- 
 ing to the German line in general. And its garrison conse- ~~ 
 quently ought to be composed of troops of different corps. 
 The affairs of Germany thus become more complicated, and 
 the French Government, resuming by degrees its restless 
 character, I am not altogether opposed to the opinion of M. j 
 de Stein and General Pozzi, who have counselled the \ 
 Emperor Alexander to insist that the affairs of Germany, 
 in as far as the limits of the different States are concerned, 
 should be decided here. 1 '^ 
 
 In the meantime, the negotiations with France are pro- \\ 
 gressing briskly. To facilitate this rather complicated M )\ 
 business, two commissions are appointed to discuss and i 
 prepare points difficult to arrange, — to wit, one to fix the 
 frontiers of France, and a secpnd to settle the repartition of 
 the debts of the counties ceded by France, and for the sums 
 with which this Power will have to reimburse the Allies. 
 Lord Castlereagh has named me to assist in both these com- 
 missions, in name of your Eoyal Highness. That which 
 discusses the limits i& composed of the Minister of State, 
 Baron Humboldt, for Prussia, Baron de Wessenberg for 
 Austria, M. d'Anstaedt for Eussia, Marquis d' Osmond for 
 France, and me for your Eoyal Highness. 
 
 Thfe settlement of Finance is discussed between Count de 
 Laforest and Baron de Durand on the part of France, 
 Minister de Bulow for Prussia, De Wessenberg for Austria, 
 and me. As I shall have the honour of speaking in two 
 separate postscripts of the discussions which we have had on 
 this subject, I limit myself here to the general observation, 
 < that there is a party, not friendly to the Bourbons certainly, 
 who try to induce them to heighten their tone. This party 
 J)robably only wishes for new troubles in order to advance 
 its private ends. It is in this sense that we have already 
 
.4 th' 
 
 172 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 heard say, in regard to the'^Government of Louis xviii., that 
 
 the Marshals of France assured his Majesty that he had 
 
 450,000 men at his disposal, ready to defend his cause. 
 
 The day before yesterday the Emperor of Austria visited the 
 
 A JKing. Qn returning, his Majesty complained of the tone 
 
 ) jsvhich the King had wished to take with hiin, and had said 
 
 y drily, that if France wished a new war, she could easily 
 
 rekindle it, but she perhaps did not foresee when it would 
 
 end. The Emperor said that after this apostrophe, the tone 
 
 of the King of France was much softened. — I am, etc. 
 
 Paris, May 15, /1 4. 
 P.S. — The great evils of which they complain in the Low 
 Countries and on the banks of the Ehine, caused by the 
 want of order which prevails in the march of the troops, has 
 induced Lord Castlereagh and me to address to Lord Lynedoch 
 the letter of which I here respectfully annex a copy. Its 
 contents will, I venture to flatter myself, justify the step of 
 having intrusted to him the command of the 2d corps of 
 the Germany army. I could have so much the less doubt 
 as to the command of Hanoverian troops as the treaty of sub- 
 sidy gives to Great Britain the right to disband 15,000 men, 
 and that is nearly as many as actually remain in the country. 
 The corps of the Duke of Brunswick, after internal manage- 
 ment, is placed under the rule of Lord Lynedoch. — I am, etc. 
 
 P.S. — I have thought proper to address the annexed letter, 
 in the interest of the German States of your Eoyal High- 
 ness, to the Chancellor of State, Baron Hardenberg. I flatter 
 myself that your Eoyal Highness will approve of the obser- 
 vations which I have made to him on his plan. He appears, 
 according to his verbal replies, to wish to have it considered. 
 — I am, etc. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 173 
 
 Paris, May 15, 1814. 
 
 W P,S. — The departure of Count Orloff, who politely offered 
 to take charge of this despatch, having been delayed till this 
 evening, I add some details of the negotiation designed to 
 settle the new frontiers of France. This negotiation has 
 been rendered more difficult than it would otherwise have 
 been, by the declaration made by the Emperor of Eussia, in 
 name of the Allied Powers, before he entered Paris, in which 
 he said that the Allies would respect the integrity of ancient 
 France, and that they would even do more than this, since 
 it is essential to the happiness of Europe that France should 
 be great and powerful. 
 
 In fulfilment of this promise, the Allies have proposed a 
 frontier which would add to France an increase of popu- 
 lation which we estimate at more than 500,000 souls, by 
 gi'anting to her several territories lying within other States, 
 formerly German, and others, as Avignon, Montbelliard, part 
 of the department of Jemmapes, Sambre-and-Meuse, De la 
 Sarthe, and part of Savoy. 
 
 At the Conference of Saturday, the Marquis d' Osmond 
 presented a verbal note, setting forth that the King of 
 France, according to the promises of the Allied Sovereigns, 
 thought himself entitled to expect an augmentation of a 
 million of subjects, therefore his astonishment was great on 
 seeing that he was offered only acquisitions which he valued . 
 at 212,611 inhabitants, leaving out the part of Savoy which 
 was offered him, and which he could not accept, as it formed 
 ' part of the States of a Prince who is nearly related to him. 
 It wiU thus be impossible to proceed until we have received 
 instructions from our superiors on this point. We declared 
 our ignorance of any such promise as that to which the 
 Marquis d' Osmond alluded; that the proposed boundary had 
 been traced in accordance with principles which must secure 
 
 )V. 
 
174 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 peace to France and her neighbours, and that the increase 
 which would ensue T^as the result, and not the object, of the 
 line laid down. The Marquis. 4' Osmond thereupon entered 
 into an explanation of the King's wishes, and insisted on a 
 line which, commencing at Meuport, passes along the Canal, 
 then into La Lysse, below Warenton, whence in descending 
 this river, above Coutrai, it would bend on the Escaut, 
 rejoining the ancient frontier of France near Philippeville. 
 
 Another addition was demanded near Landau, taking the 
 line of Tolly, Mons, and Charleroi, and a considerable and 
 important portion under the military port near Landau. A 
 proposal which would have surrendered , a great part of 
 Belgium to France, and left the rest defenceless, had to be 
 declined. I will not weary your, Eoyal Highness by the 
 details of all the arguments which were used in the discus- 
 sion, and will confine myseK to the observation that the 
 reunion of Landau to France, because it is isolated on the 
 German territory, has been proposed. This firmness has had 
 a good effect, g^d this morning we have finished the drawing 
 up of the articles on the frontiers. They are what were 
 proposed. The King had also overcome his repugnance to 
 the article on Savoy, having considered that Sardinia would 
 be indemnified otherwise. On carrying the articles to the 
 Conference at Priuce Mettemich's we met M. de Talley- 
 rand, who again made claims on Luxemburg, but to this 
 Lord Castlereagh refused to listen. It will be necessary to 
 delay if the French should wish to break up the article on 
 this point. 
 
 It seems to me that the compliment wished to be paid to 
 France is already dearly purchased. _The cession of Landau, 
 which forms a dangerous point of attack on Germany, would 
 have to be insisted on. The cession of part of Savoy is 
 also, in my opinion, ill advised. For the dismemberment of 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 175 
 
 this province will cause discontent. And the inhabitants 
 of the mountains, depending for their subsistence on those 
 of the plain, the influence of France will extend beyond 
 her avowed limits. Our conferences on financial subjects 
 show symptoms of discord. I am, however, obliged to post- 
 pone my humble report on this point till another day. — 
 I am, etc. 
 
 Paris, May 23, 1814. , , 
 
 Sir, — The negotiations with France are not yet concluded. I 
 The article on the frontiers has been the subject of two \ 
 
 ^ conferences of the Commission named for this purpose. We 
 have at last agreed on every point except the cession of the 
 Pays de Gex, an ancient French domaiii on the northern 
 shore of the Lake of Geneva, to give her a communication 
 with Switzerland. The commercial route which leads along ] 
 the Lake has been constructed at the expense of Yalais. - 
 These considerations, in addition to the importance of the 
 military position, had induced Eussia and Austria to promise 
 the reunion of the Pays de Gex to Switzerland. At the 
 
 T)onference on the 19th, the Marquis d'Osmond declared 
 ^hat the King of France had decided on not giving up this 
 territory. On our part, we have (after having sought ^ 
 
 instructions from the Plenipotentiaries) insisted on the sur- 
 render of this country, excepting the Canton of Col6gil^ Vl-^^O 
 which may be left to France. This Power having, notwith- 
 standing the repugnance she at first showed to the cession 
 of part of Savoy, exacted all the southern shore of the 
 Lake, which forms the Duchy of Chablais, we have been 
 instructed to refuse this demand. The Marquis d'Osmond 
 has yielded this point, and declares himself contented with 
 every part of the frontier except that of Gex, which has 
 arrested our negotiations. I respectfully subjoin the pro- 
 
176 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 tocols of the Commission on the limits of 19th and 21st, by 
 "wtiicFyour Eoyal Highness will also learn what has passed 
 Regarding French Guiana. I observe that the Ministers of 
 Portugal and Spain have been present at the later sittings 
 of the Commissions, both on the limits and on financial , 
 matters. As for the Minister of Holland,' I consulted with 
 him on the interests of the Low Countries, and he declares 
 himself quite satisfied with the principles adopted by the 
 Commission. Your Eoyal Highness will find appended to 
 this the articles which have been prepared, especially that 
 which concerns finance. The one regarding restitution of 
 the Hamburg Bank is still the subject of lively discussion. 
 '^At the sitting on the 20th M. the Count de Laforest 
 declared that the King of France thought that the article 
 added for this purpose t© the Convention of April 23d 
 answered the purpose sufficiently. We observed to him 
 that this was not the case at all, that a military convention 
 could not extend to the question of the restitution of sums 
 which the French generals had appropriated, that it was now 
 known that Marshal Davoust had coined all the silver and 
 gold in the Bank of Hamburg, that he had paid with it the 
 arrears of his army, and even Chree months' pay in advance. 
 We tried to make him feel that ty this operation the treasury 
 of France was effectually enriched by the spoils of the Bank, 
 and that, besides, only the French Government could oblige 
 Marshal Davoust to account for the sums on which he had 
 seized. We represented to him also the interest which 
 Europe in general, and France herself, ought to take in the 
 preservation of so important a commercial establishment as 
 the Bank of Hamburg was (which was, besides, entirely the 
 private property of individuals), but all was in vain.^ Count 
 de Laforest made a long speech to us on the resolution of the 
 King, his master, to do justice to every one, and even to 
 
 i 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PAEIS. 
 
 177 
 
 deprive himself of necessaries to satisfy the desires of his 
 Court, but he remained no less resolute, in his refusal to 
 enter on our arguments. The discussion on the demands of 
 Prussia took a yet more disagreeable character. This Court, 
 during her alliance with France, had entered into contracts 
 for productions of all sorts, of which the price was to be 
 deducted from the contributions to the war. This last 
 stipulation had not been carried out, and, at the time of the 
 rupture between the two Powers, France owed 130 millions 
 of francs to Prussia. On this sum being demanded, M. de 
 Laforest declared, in the King's name, that the war had 
 annulled this debt, that the hostilities of the King of Prussia 
 had restored the two Powers* to their original positions, 
 which was entirely to the advantage of Prussia, that the 
 King of France would rather deprive himself of necessaries 
 than not satisfy a just demand, that his Majesty regarded 
 what was here in question as unjust, and that sooner than 
 satisfy it he would submit to he arrested and kept shut wp in his 
 palace, and that he would resign himself to his fate, as the 
 Holy Father had done. M. de Laforest added also, that the 
 King, his master, had consulted the Emperor of Russia on 
 ^ this subject, and that it was after this conversation that he 
 gave him the order which he now executed. 
 
 This speech, which, in a certain manner, unites the King 
 of Prussia to N'apoleon, at least by supposing that he could 
 act in accordance with a system permitted to him alone, has 
 embittered Prussia much. 
 
 French diplomatists have in general adopted the principle, 
 
 or at least they constantly repeat that of Louis xviii., that 
 
 ] though his succession is nineteen years old he is still in the 
 
 ^^rst year of his reign, and that all that Napoleon had done 
 
 does not affect him. Consequently they say that the empire 
 
 of Napoleon has crumbled with its author, and that France, 
 
 M 
 
1 78 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 j reduced to her ancient limits, ought not to be responsible 
 j for that which would have affected the ci-devant French 
 empire. 
 
 If this principle were generally adopted justice would not 
 I be offended, but they are not willing to apply it except in 
 I favour of France. When the question regarded restitution 
 ; of pictures, statues, and so many other articles, which the 
 i Pope, Austria, Prussia, Belgium, and a number of private 
 individuals, rightly and importunately demanded, they re- 
 fused ; and the effect which it was feared the removal of the 
 greater part of the Museum of Napoleon — amassed by spo- 
 liation committed over all Europe — would produce on the 
 Parisians served as a specious argument for withholding 
 what was incontestably due. 
 
 In the last conference of the Plenipotentiaries the two 
 points of which this report treats remain undecided. But 
 the Allies have generously offered to renounce all their pecu- 
 niary demands, provided that France is willing to do justice 
 to the private persons who have claims to make. France 
 ought to arrange, in like manner, with the Commissioners 
 on the revenue of the provinces occupied by the Allies. As 
 to objects of art, etc., public exposure will be avoided by 
 allowing each State to arrange with the King of France about 
 what is yet to be found in lumber-rooms and magazines. 
 
 I reckon, under this head, on reclaiming the netting and 
 hunting apparel carried off from Hanover, these being 
 articles of considerable value. I have been charged by Lord 
 Castlereagh to negotiate separate articles on the claims of 
 the English and on the excessive expenditure of England on 
 the prisoners of war. I have succeeded in this affair, and I 
 add hereto the note by which I communicated to M. de 
 Laforest the articles inserted in the private treaty between 
 Great Britain and France. There are only a few words 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 179 
 
 altered in the proposed articles, to which France maintains 
 that England will renounce her claim, providing that the 
 expenditure for the prisoners of war could be easily satisfied. 
 I hope that your Eoyal Highness will approve of the articles 
 on financial matters which have been at last prepared by the 
 Conference, on the 20th May. The first seven provide for 
 the interests of the restored provinces and for those of pri- 
 vate persons. I had great trouble in obtaining the seventh. 
 The following was abandoned, after warm discussion — that 
 which relates to the re-division of a sum of two millions and 
 a half of livres over the provinces to which Napoleon and his 
 family have renounced all claim — a proof of the carelessness 
 with which treaties are made. Certainly no one thought of 
 burdening the countries ceded with this pension. But the 
 Convention of April 11th was so constituted that the right 
 would have been on the side of France if M. de. Talleyrand 
 had not renounced his claim. The Trench employes of the 
 ci-devant kingdom of Westphalia have made every effort to 
 obtain their pensions, and purchases, should be confirmed by 
 the Allies. We have successfully resisted these demands, 
 which seem to interest France much. As to Hanover, I 
 declared at one of the Conferences to M. de Laforest that I 
 looked on all that had been done as a usurpation, seeing 
 that the Eoyal House had never compromised its rights. He 
 acknowledged that what I said was in conformity to the 
 rights of nations, observing, however, that Great Britain 
 herself had broken this law by disposing of the Isle of 
 Guadaloupe in favour of Sweden, before the peace. On my 
 reply that this measure of restitution, far from destroying 
 the law, had served to strengthen it, and that, besides, 
 England had given up the article of Guadaloupe, the 
 question dropped. 
 
 £ c r^-^uA oc ^ tT 
 
 \ 
 
A 
 
 180 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 I Paris, May 23, 1814. ^ 
 
 P.S. — The question raised on the retrocession of Oliyenza 
 ! and the other Portuguese possessioDS on the Guadiana has 
 been deferred till the Congress of Vienna. The affairs of^! 
 ^Germany will be discussed there. France will by that time 
 have recovered her tranquillity. And as the same persons 
 are in power who in the time of Bonaparte sold their places, 
 we have much intrigue to fear. It is always in contem- 
 plation to fix the principal boundaries of the German States 
 here, in order to put an end to the uncertainty which agitates 
 the public mind in this country. I would insist strongly 
 that we can take possession of the portion which ought to 
 return to your Eoyal Highness when Prussia shall occupy 
 her new possessions. 
 
 ^ Baron de Hardenberg Eeventlow has arrived here, charged 
 I to negotiate peace between Prussia and Denmark. His 
 \ Instructions authorize him to offer Swedish Pomerania in 
 } exchange for the Duchy of Lauenburg. It will be necessary 
 : to wait til] a proposition on the part of Prussia to cede the 
 Principality of Minden against this Duchy as soon as Den- 
 \ mark shall have acquired Swedish Pomerania. 
 
 M. Eeventlow has assured me in confidence that the 
 Prince of Sweden negotiated secretly to obtain Holstein, and 
 that it was still in contemplation to place the Queen of 
 Sweden and the son of Gustavus Adolphus again on the 
 throne. I am not in a position to say if the Emperor of 
 Eussia, who would have favoured the return of the Eoyal 
 family of Sweden to the succession, participates in this plan 
 or not. 
 
 The Sovereign Prince of the United Provinces and of the 
 Low Countries has arrived here incognito with Lord Chin- 
 carty. — I am, etc. / 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 181 
 
 Paris, May 30. 
 
 P.S. — The signature of the Peace has been deferred till 
 after midnight, all the copies of the instrument not having 
 been ready in time. This note ought therefore to be dated 
 the 31st May. M. Planta \Vill set off about three in the 
 morning to carry it to London. 
 
 Paris, May '60, 1814. ' 
 Sir, — The Peace will be signed this morning. The Pleni- 
 potentiaries of the Allied Courts will each sign separately 
 what is common to all. And to which will be added the 
 six secret articles to which they have agreed. Afterwards to 
 the different instruments each Power will add the separate 
 articles, patent and secret, which are required by its peculiar 
 interests as opposed to those of Prance. 
 
 In the recent Conferences, which have been extremely long, 
 and sometimes very disagreeable, the special subjects of dis- 
 pute were the restitution of the funds seized in the Bank of 
 Hamburg, the sums which ought to return to be as arrears of 
 ordinary contributions of the French provinces occupied by 
 the Allied troops, and the surrender of the works of art carried 
 off by the French. On our part, they 'have ended by our 
 yielding in a great measure. As to the Bank of Hamburg, 
 the King simply promises that he will order the strictest 
 search for the holders of the abstracted funds, which will 
 probably lead to nothing. For the arrears of contributions, it 
 is arranged that the Allies shall receive twenty-five millions 
 of francs, over and above nearly five or six millions which 
 have been paid already for the use of the armies. I hope 
 that out of this sum we shall manage to obtain our eighteenth 
 part, which is due to us by the treaties, and according to the 
 principle recognised at the Conference of Chaumont, on which 
 I have made my humble report. As to the works of art, the 
 
 ;) 
 
 I J {/(/tA/^ flO^C^t^d—O 
 
182 DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 
 
 articles which are exhibited in the museums are no longer 
 insisted on, but the King declares himself ready to seU those 
 which are found yet accumulated in the magazines. It 
 remains to be seen what degree of good faith will be shown 
 in this affair. I have heard that the Director of the Gallery 
 of Cassel, who came to examine the works of art belonging 
 to the Elector of Hesse, at Malmaison, has found nothing. 
 Everything has been hidden, and bad pictures have been put 
 in the places which the masterpieces of art occupied. 
 
 I do not think it necessary to enter here into the analysis 
 of the Peace which is just concluded. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness knows the contents, which are in 
 general very glorious for the Allies, and even this will leave 
 a germ of discord in France. In a few days I flatter myself 
 I shall submit my ideas on this subject viva vpce to your 
 Eoyal Highness. The share which I have taken in the 
 negotiation enabled me to watch over the interests of 
 Germany, and especially to avert the adoption of any stipula- 
 tion which might expose us to fraudulent proceedings, result- 
 ing from the usurpation of the Electorate of Hanover. The 
 article of pensions was very interesting to your Eoyal High- 
 ness, since all the estates of the King had been given to the 
 French Generals. The French and Westphahan employes 
 are only too anxious to oblige us to guarantee the breaking 
 up of the royal domains, and to secure to them their pensions 
 or retiring allowances. The Westphalian pensioners espe- 
 cially have moved heaven and earth to preserve their alleged 
 rights. Independent of the interest that they have acquired 
 in the different Courts of Europe, Count de Laforest has not 
 ceased to tell us that the King laid great stress on the satis- 
 faction of these claims, being anxious to avoid the effect 
 their complaints might produce on the public. We have 
 eluded this danger, and your Eoyal Highness is not compro- 
 
 J 
 
DESPATCHES FROM PARIS. 183 
 
 i 
 
 I mised in aught that regards your States in Germany. — I am, 
 
 etc. 
 
 The instrument of peace will be communicated by the 
 Allied Powers to the great Courts of Germany. I think this 
 should be limited to those formerly Electoral. The note which ' 
 wiU accompany the act will point out that the principal Courts 
 have made this peace for themselves and their allies, and \ 
 that those who have not signed the Peace will have to pro- / 
 duce their act of accession to the Congress of Vienna, which 
 will take place in about two months. 
 
 r 
 
 I 
 
 P,S. — After the Conference on the 28th, I had a conversa- 
 tion with Prince Metternich and Chancellor Hardenberg on 
 the affairs of Germany. The two Ministers feel the necessity 
 of putting a stop to the agitation resulting from the state of 
 uncertainty in many of the provinces that are likely to 
 change masters, and of hindering the small Princes of 
 Germany from the arbitrary acts of which they are every 
 day guilty. 
 
 The principal difficulty which arises between Austria and 
 Prussia is in regard to the Line of the Maine. Austria wants 
 Mayence and all the Grand Duchy of Frankfort to be given 
 to Bavaria. She makes less difficulty about Saxony. The 
 King of Prussia has consulted his generals, who have decided 
 that the King could cede Mayence, provided that neither 
 this fortress nor anything belonging to it on the right bank 
 of the Maine be given to Bavaria. It seems that Prussia 
 will not insist any longer on Luxemburg, provided they leave 
 her Juliers. It is then probable that the two Powers will agree, 
 and that they will forthwith take possession of the countries 
 that fall to their share. I have, for this reason, insisted, and 
 I have requested the support of Lord Castlereagh, in order 
 
 ^. 
 
184 DESPATCHES FEOM PARIS. 
 
 that we may put ourselves in possession likewise of what 
 is our due. The arrangements which will have to be 
 made with us are yet to be determined, and I maintain, with 
 reason, that the arrondissements are due by the same treaties 
 which grant to Prussia her new acquisitions, that it would 
 not be just that she should take possession of a portion 
 which contains 200,000 inhabitants which ought to be ours, 
 whilst we shall lose the advantage of possession during the 
 time which will be required to determine it. 
 ^I learn this morning that the Emperor of Eussia insists 
 that the affairs of Poland shall still be arranged here. Thus 
 the greatest interests have to be decided hastily. I im- 
 i I mediately informed Lord Castlereagh of the state of matters, 
 and 1 flatter myself that he will delay his departure so as to 
 be able to give his advice in arrangements which will be of 
 the highest importance to all Europe. I entertain the hope 
 that Lord Castlereagh has seemed to be more pressing than 
 ■ he is to avoid deferring the signature of the Treaty of Peace 
 \ for a day ; this would bestow on Great Britain a month more 
 of subsidies. 
 
 For myself, I shall await the denouement of this affair, 
 which will, however, only delay my departure a day or two. 
 
 It is said to-day that the Emperor of Eussia and the King 
 of Prussia will only set out for England on Saturday. 
 
 The Empress Josephine expired yesterday of malignant 
 fever, at Malmaison, where she had had the honour of several 
 times receiving the Emperor of Eussia, who always gave her, 
 as well as her daughter Hortense, the title of Majesty. — I 
 am, etc.^ 
 
 \ 1 These despatches have not been published. As the negotiations at 
 Paris were preparatory to the Congress of Vienna, the author thinks that 
 they will not be misplaced in this volume. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 TO HIS EOYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, Sept. 17, 1814. 
 Sir, — I arrived at Vienna on the evening of the 12th. 
 Lord Castlereagh and Count Nesselrode came here on the 
 
 * 1 3th, and on the day following Prince Metternich returned 
 from the baths of Baden. I had an interview with him 
 immediately, and though the Chancellor of Prussia was yet 
 waiting on him, he transacted business both with Lord 
 Castlereagh and Count Nesselrode., The latter has just 
 obtained the portfolio of Foreign Affairs in Eussia. 
 
 i The form to be given to the negotiations has been the 
 principal subject in this first conference. 
 
 It is agreed that the Ministers of Great Britain, Austria, 
 Russia, and Prussia, as well as Prance and Spain, shall unite 
 in a committee to arrange the business, that these Powers 
 shall, in approaching the different questions, invite the 
 Ministers of the Courts particularly interested in such and 
 such matters to join them, and that finally the result of their 
 labour shall be presented to the general Congress. If your 
 Royal Highness deigns to recall my very humble report 
 from Paris on 2d September, you will have foreseen that the 
 question of the admission of Murat to the Congress, and the 
 
 I 
 
186 DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 
 
 dangers to be feared from the sojourn of Bonaparte in the 
 island of Elba, would early claim the attention of Ministers. 
 I believe that Europe has much cause to rejoice at the 
 manner in which these important objects are about to be 
 considered. It is agreed not to admit Murat. The Court of 
 Austria, the only one who may be compromised by a formal 
 treaty which recognises him as King of Naples, wiU extricate 
 herself from the affair by saying that she is not obliged to 
 defend him against the unanimous voice of Europe, and 
 especially of the house of Bourbon. He wiU be advised to 
 withdraw from his usurped throne. The same unanimity 
 exists on the necessity of placing Bonaparte at a greater 
 distance. But I doubt if it will be so in regard to the means 
 to be employed. 
 
 I am agreeably surprised to see that the Minister of Eussia 
 complies with these measures, which are not, however, abso- 
 lutely in accordance with the famous treaty of April 11, 
 which was principally the w^ork of this Court. Count Nes- 
 selrode said to me only this evening, that he was delighted 
 to see that Prince Metternich, in abandoning Bonaparte, 
 flatly contradicted those who believed that Austria dreamt 
 of preserving him to bring forward in the proper time 
 and place. 
 
 He added that this Minister appeared to him to be rather 
 too much afraid that Murat might stir up a war on his 
 account in Italy. 
 
 The decease of the Queen of Sicily, who died here on the 7th 
 current, of a stroke of apoplexy (brought on, it seems, by the 
 joy of seeing the King her husband re-established in the 
 exercise of his royal functions, and the tidings that he 
 was about to be invited to return with her to Sicily), will 
 diminish the fear which the Neapolitans would have ex- 
 perienced from the recollection of the vengeful acts of the 
 
DESPATCHES FEOM VIENNA. 187 
 
 Sicilian Court on its first return to Naples. The popularity 
 of tlie legitimate King will doubtless gain much by this 
 death, which I consider, from this point of view, as a fatal 
 blow to Murat. 
 
 The Emperor of Eiissia is expected on the 28th current. 
 Her Majesty the Empress, his wife, the Grand-Duchesses 
 Catherine and Maria, the Princes of Baden, the Kings of Den- 
 mark, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg, will all be guests in the 
 Imperial palace. Several of the Archdukes and Duchesses 
 have had to remove to make room for these illustrious 
 strangers. 
 
 Count Stadion re-enters the Ministry, and will have at first 
 the direction of the finances, a department which requires 
 great reform. — I am, etc. E. G. M. Munster. 
 
 P.S. — 19th September. — I learn that Count iJ^esselrode has 
 made a statement which proves that the Emperor of Eussia 
 will yield nothing, at least with respect to the boundaries 
 which he demands in Poland. He wants Posen, Cracow, 
 Kalisch, and it is said that he even demands Memel from 
 Prussia, saying that the latter can indemnify herself in 
 Germany, seeing that the King of Saxony ought to be 
 established in Italy. 
 
 Vienna, November 21, 1814. 
 
 Sir, — If I have seldom entered into details of the general 
 business of the Congress, it is because their progress has in 
 reality been so slow, and the way of treating matters so 
 little calculated to lead to their final decision, that it seemed 
 to me better to give your Eoyal Highness an account of the 
 different ministerial conversations, or even of the corre- 
 spondence by which it has in vain been tried to bring them 
 to a favourable conclusion. 
 
188 DESPATCHES FEOM VIENNA. 
 
 With respect to the great interests of Europe under review, 
 there are those of the ci-devant Duchy of Warsaw and of 
 Saxony. Almost all the others are involved in these two, 
 since it seems to depend on them whether the Congress will 
 produce any result whatever ; in short, whether there shall he 
 war or peace. I suspect that the condition of Naples may 
 prove of like importance to the peace of Europe ; hut unfor- 
 tunately it is not treated as if it were so. On the contrary, the 
 discussion on the possession of Mayence is associated with 
 that on Poland and Saxony. The unhappy Polish question 
 has threatened the tranquillity of Europe for almost a year. 
 It divides itself, in its turn, into two distinct propositions, 
 which are equally alarming : — 1. The reunion of the Duchy 
 of Warsaw with Eussia, which would menace the frontiers of 
 Austria and Prussia ; 2. the re-estahlishment of the kingdom 
 of Poland, the existence of which would compromise the 
 tranquillity of the Polish provinces still possessed by Austria 
 and Prussia. The reticence of the Emperor Alexander 
 caused on this point the greatest part of the doubts and 
 false steps of the last conference. The Congress of Vienna 
 has, from its commencement, found itself in a difficult posi- 
 tion, owing to the manner in which his Imperial Majesty of 
 Russia has expressed himself on this subject. Instead of 
 laying it before the three neighbouring Courts for discussion, 
 the Emperor, and all around him, intimated that his Majesty 
 would be like a bar of iron on this point. The conferences 
 that he has had on different occasions with the Ministers of 
 Great Britain, France, and Austria, on this subject, have 
 generally ended in a declaration that the Emperor would not 
 cede a village to Austria, that he had 400,000 men assembled, 
 and that they had only to come to dislodge her from Poland. 
 My Lord Castlereagh had undertaken a direct mediation 
 with the Emperor. The two memorials exchanged have 
 
 1 
 
I 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 189 
 
 only irritated them, without bringing the matter nearer to a 
 decision. The principal arguments used on our side were 
 the appeal to the sanctity of Treaties ; firstly, to a secret 
 article of the Treaty of 1797, in which the three Powers 
 stipulated that a kingdom of Poland should never be con- 
 templated, and then to the stipulations concluded at Eeich- 
 enbach, to the secret article of the Treaty of Alliance, of 
 which the first statute says that the fate of the Duchy of 
 Warsaw would be amicably arranged by the three partition- 
 ing Courts ; the second, that they would act in concert on 
 the affairs of Poland. Lord Castlereagh thereupon called the 
 attention of the Emperor to the danger which resulted to 
 Austria and Prussia from the arrangement which he aimed 
 at in regard to the frontiers, and reminded him that England 
 had of late years favoured the encroachments of Kussia on 
 Persia and the Porte, as well as on Finland, which was the 
 reason why Great Britain had allowed herself to become a 
 party to the painful question of the cession of Norway to 
 Sweden. The Emperor's reply was that the circumstances 
 under which these treaties had been concluded were no 
 longer the same ; that the second treaty mentioned spoke in 
 more general terms than the first ; that the aggrandizements 
 which Eussia had obtained were only points of defence, and 
 that what she sought in Poland was hardly in proportion 
 to the advantages enjoyed by Austria and Prussia. The 
 mistaken nature of these arguments has been proved anew 
 by a second memorial of Lord Castlereagh's, who has espe- 
 cially observed, that even though the encroachments of 
 Eussia should be only points of defence, that still the error 
 which would result from it on three points constituted the 
 offensive on the fourth, by enabling it to act with an army of 
 400,000 men against Germany before the latter could re- 
 assemble her forces. Thi^ memorial, again, has produced a 
 
190 DESPATCHES FEOM VIENNA. 
 
 mischievous enough refutation, in which a pompous picture 
 is drawn of the advantages which the other Powers, namely, 
 Great Britain, Austria, and Prussia, have won by the Peace 
 of Paris, and which established the principle that Eussia 
 needed the aggi^andizements she lays claim to, to maintain 
 the balance and the safety of her own frontiers. This 
 memorial was accompanied by a letter from the Emperor to 
 Lord Castlereagh, stating that this document contained the 
 direct correspondence with the Emperor, and that this 
 Minister would do well in future to pursue the ordinary 
 course in his communications. 
 
 It would have been desirable that the Emperor should 
 have intrusted his interests to one of his Ministers from the 
 commencement, rather than have negotiated in person. 
 
 This style had very great disadvantages, the interviews 
 with Lord Castlereagh, Talleyrand, and especially with 
 Prince Metternich, having usually terminated in an ungra- 
 cious manner. Observing afterwards that these Ministers 
 avoided him, the Emperor manifested bad humour, and he 
 has recently caused Prince Metternich and M. de Talleyrand 
 to be again invited to his presence. 
 
 In the meantime, the Ministers have discussed amongst 
 themselves the contested points, namely, those of the Polish 
 frontiers and of Saxony. Austria at once offered terms in 
 regard to the first of these, which even went beyond what 
 she had already yielded. She proposed even the complete 
 re-establishment of Poland under a free and independent 
 Government. I pass over these details in silence. As to 
 Saxony, it is certain that Austria has, by a letter from 
 Prince Metternich to Prince Hardenberg, of 20th October, 
 and another to Lord Castlereagh, of the 23d of the same 
 month, consented to the cession of the whole of Saxony, on 
 condition that Prussia would act in concert with Austria 
 
DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 191 
 
 and England on the Polish question, arrange respecting 
 certain frontiers and fortifications, among other things as to 
 Dresden, and not go beyond the right bank of the Moselle. 
 It is noticed that these matters are again alluded to in a 
 subsequent letter of the 12th November, in which Prince 
 Metternich complains of the conduct of Prussia with regard 
 [bo the Polish question, that she has not acted in accordance 
 with Austria and England, the condition which the Emperor 
 Francis had attached to his consent to the incorporation of 
 Saxony with Prussia. 
 
 The affairs of Saxony are perhaps at present of more 
 importance to the peace of Europe than those of Poland. 
 
 It is certain that the opinion of the Cabinets on the latter 
 have undergone remarkable changes. What seemed most 
 dreaded at first was the reconstruction of a kingdom of 
 Poland, not independent, but under the sway of the Emperor 
 of Eussia. It is not doubted that this project would turn 
 after all against Eussia herself. But it was foreseen that 
 the name alone of a kingdom of Poland would put the 
 Austrian and Eussian provinces wrested from this ancient 
 crown in a state of insurrection. France especially appre- 
 hended that the union of Poland with Eussia, though she did 
 not look on it as durable, would give the latter, in the mean- 
 time, the means of overthrowing the Ottoman Porte. Now 
 it is seen only too clearly that the Emperor Alexander aims at 
 establishing himself as a conqueror in Europe, it seems that 
 these same Cabinets look on his plan of giving to Poland a 
 separate constitution independent of that of Eussia, as 
 nothing more than a snare which he lays for himself, and 
 which, while ruining him, will at last establish a salutary 
 barrier between conquering Eussia and the rest of Europe. 
 
 Prince Metternich has several times repeated to me, that 
 Austria would constitute herself the principal protectress of 
 
192 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 the liberty of the Poles at present, and that she would yield 
 more in the question of frontiers in proportion as the 
 Emperor Alexander should guarantee the independence of 
 Poland more substantially. He added, however, that the 
 more Austria yields on this point, the less accommodating 
 she will be in regard to Saxony. The most skilful military 
 men are of opinion that Bohemia would be ruined, and the 
 centre of the monarchy menaced, if they could be attacked 
 at once from Cracow and Dresden. 
 
 Prince Talleyrand declares on his part, that though the 
 King of France took a particular interest in the liberty and 
 restoration of Poland, he regarded the frontier of this country 
 as a secondary matter, seeing it is chiefly interesting to 
 Austria and Prussia, — but he never fails to intimate that 
 France assigns the most prominent place to the affairs of 
 Saxony. He supports this resolution by all the arguments 
 that morality and policy can furnish. He represents the 
 conduct of the King of Saxony as constrained by imperious 
 circumstances. He even refers to a letter from the Duke of 
 Weimar, who pointed out to him the absolute necessity of 
 returning from Prague to Dresden, to wait on Napoleon, in 
 order to save Saxony from being laid waste by fire and 
 sword, and in fine, he compares the error committed on this 
 occasion by the King of Saxony, to those of which the 
 Emperor Alexander, the King of Prussia, and Austria her- 
 self have been guilty. In the sketch which he drew, he did 
 not spare these Sovereigns, and cites very remarkable facts, — 
 amongst others, the project of Alexander and Napoleon, 
 discussed at Erfurt, for overturning Austria, and sharing it 
 between them, — on the other hand, a letter from Prince 
 Metternich, of the 23d April last, by which he invited 
 Napoleon to renew negotiations for peace, the same day that 
 the latter hastened his ruin, by throwing himself on the 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 193 
 
 route from Metz, and forcing the Emperor Francis to go to 
 Dijon. From a political point of view, Prince Talleyrand 
 considers the incorporation of Saxony presaging infallibly, 
 sooner or later, the subjection of the north of Germany. He 
 .proves by this fact even, that the politics of the Cabinet of 
 Berlin have changed in nothing, and he considers it so much 
 the more dangerous, because the King of Prussia places 
 himself, by his personal arrangements, and by the measures 
 he is willing to consent to in Poland, in absolute depend- 
 ence on Eussia. Finally, he says it would be impossible for 
 the King of France to consent to the spoliation of an ancient 
 dynasty at the moment that he has agreed with the Powers 
 of Europe to insist on the re-establishing the principles of 
 the rights of nations on the basis of equity and justice. 
 
 Bavaria places herself decidedly on this side, and does not 
 conceal that she would be ready to uphold Saxony, sword in 
 hand. This Court in general shows as much rancour against 
 Prussia as can be observed towards Francis. Prussia herself 
 sets an infinite value on the acquisition of Saxony. She 
 feels at once (independently of the danger to which her 
 Polish possessions will henceforth be exposed) the immense 
 advantage of obtaining an equal number of German subjects 
 in exchange for the Poles she will give up. This is one 
 reason why she evinces so little anxiety on the Polish ques- 
 tion ; the second is the absolute submission with which the 
 King places himself in reference to the Emperor Alexander. 
 A third is the constant desire of Prussia to extend her 
 possessions in Germany. The awkward geographical posi- 
 tion of her States does not lead her to the conviction which 
 the history of the past should have forced on her, that the 
 security of Prussia and her power must be founded on a 
 federal system, and on the union of interests amongst the 
 Princes of Northern Germany. The notion of placing her in 
 
 N 
 
 I 
 
194 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 the same rank with the great monarchies of Europe, which 
 the greatest part of her officials aim at carrying into effect, 
 will rather accelerate her ruin than the subjection of Northern 
 Germany. There is another class of people who labour 
 secretly in the same cause ; these are the revolutionists, who 
 only aim at uniting Germany into one or two great masses, 
 without troubling themselves as to the results which the 
 attempt to bring about such a revolution would produce. 
 
 It is evident that the slow progress made by the negotia- 
 tions must awaken the fear that they are about to be broken 
 off, and that the Congress will separate without having 
 sanctioned a definite agreement. It is scarcely to be 
 doubted that the state of matters which would result from 
 that would soon lead to a war. Those who are anxious 
 to avoid this busy themselves in attempts at concilia- 
 tion. The Chancellor, Prince Hardenberg, has now taken 
 charge of the negotiation on the Polish question, and 
 he had a long conference, on Wednesday last, with the 
 Emperor Alexander, who is confined to the house with 
 erysipelas in his foot. He represents to him all the misery 
 which a new war would bring on Europe, the light in which 
 Alexander would appear as the cause of this war, whilst 
 hitherto he has been admired as the restorer of continental 
 liberty. Finally, with the consent of Austria, he proposed 
 to the Emperor to cede to this Power Zamosk and its 
 district, as well as Cracow as far as the Warta. Prussia 
 asks for herseK Thorn and the territory as far as the Warta, 
 which would adjoin the Petiza to the Austrian Polakai 
 territory. Prince Hardenberg entertained great hopes from 
 the manner in which the Emperor listened to him, and 
 to-day he expects an answer. 
 
 I confess that I augur ill of the matter, so long as Prussia will 
 not yield regarding Saxony. In order to bring about this de- 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 195 
 
 sirable end, which might calm all discontents, I endeavoured 
 to convince the Chancellor of Prussia of the necessity of 
 making this sacrifice. I was obliged to make him perceive 
 that it would be better for Prussia to have a large part of 
 Saxony with the consent of Europe, than to possess the whole 
 as a usurped province, which would turn against her at the 
 first opportunity. But I think I may omit all the arguments 
 which would recommend a division satisfactory to Austria, 
 and likely to obtain the assent of France, since the Chan- 
 cellor has gone back to the notion that Prussia must insist 
 on the whole of Saxony. It is probable that Baron de Stein 
 has exercised a very injurious influence on this point, which 
 at present threatens to set Europe on fire. The Emperor of 
 Eussia is quite willing to support this plan, since he has the 
 King of Prussia under his banners ! 
 
 Prince Adam Czartorysky, who ought, at this time, to be . 
 considered as the veritable Minister of the Emperor, though 
 he is not nominally in ofi&ce, invited me to a conference yes- 
 terday. I exhausted every argument to engage him to make 
 the Emperor yield. But all that he could propose in regard 
 to Cracow was to erect this city and its territory into a 
 neutral possession under the protection of the three Powers, 
 or to give it to an independent Prince. He even begged me 
 to sound Prince Metternich on this proposal. But this 
 Minister entirely rejected it. I have no doubt that the 
 Emperor and a portion of the Austrian Cabinet are much 
 more decided as to not yielding, than Prince Metternich was 
 at the commencement of the negotiation. Under such cir- 
 cumstances, the circular letter from Prince Eepnin, of 31st 
 October, in which he intimates the occupation of Saxony by 
 Prussia, announcing this measure as almost final, has pro- 
 duced a very bad effect here. Prince Hardenberg repudiates 
 it, and Baron Stein lays the blame on Prince Eepnin. 
 
 I 
 
196 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Count de Scliulenbourg-Closterode, furnished ivith full 
 powers by the King of Saxony, has addressed to all the Minis- 
 ters of the Congress, on the 1 8th November, a protest in his 
 Sovereign's name, which ends with the declaration that his 
 Majesty would never consent to the cession of his States, and 
 that he would never accept indemnities. — I have the honour 
 to be, etc. 
 
 Private.] 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, 17 ih December 1814. 
 
 Sir, — Having only heard of the departure of the courier 
 despatched by Lord Castlereagh on the 7th current, at the 
 moment of his setting out, I must limit myself to informing 
 your Eoyal Highness, in great haste, of the state of affairs. 
 I beg leave then to take up the thread at the time when Lord 
 Castlereagh withdrew, so to speak, from the mediation of the 
 affairs of Poland, and Chancellor Prince Hardenberg took 
 charge of them. 
 
 It must be confessed that no good result could be looked 
 for when this mediation was intrusted to a Prussian Minis- 
 ter. The personal disposition of the King of Prussia does not 
 permit us to expect from him any resistance whatever to 
 the wishes of the Emperor Alexander. 
 
 The State interest of Prussia is besides, in all that concerns 
 Poland, in direct opposition to that of Europe. Polish 
 possessions seem to Prussia insecure since the Emperor 
 Alexander, by his plans for re-establishing a separate king- 
 dom for this nation, has sown there the seeds of a future in- 
 surrection. Moreover, the principle seemed to have been 
 established that Prussia is entitled to claim reconstruction 
 on the scale of her possessions in the year 1805, without 
 
DESPATCHES FEOM VIENNA. 197 
 
 regard to the efforts that she should have made, or neglected 
 to make, in order to preserve her share of Poland. It became 
 evident that all the loss she suffered on this side would in the 
 end turn to her advantage, since she would have to reclaim, 
 from the mass of unattached possessions, a number of Ger- 
 man subjects equal to what she would lose in Poland. The 
 result of this mediation has equalled our expectations. I 
 reported that Chancellor Hardenberg, at his interview with 
 the Emperor Alexander, had, in the name of Austria, asked 
 Zamosk and Cracow as far as the Nidda, and for Prussia 
 Thorn and the line of the Warta. The question of Saxony, 
 which ought never to have been separated from that of Poland, 
 is naturally linked to this proposal, especially since it is re- 
 presented thus, — the incorporation ofSaxony can alone satisfy 
 Prussia from the moment that the Polish possessions rest in 
 the hands of the Emperor Alexander. 
 
 The matter being thus nearly decided. Baron de Stein, who 
 until then had combated the Emperor Alexander's plans on 
 Poland, saw in this only a means of bringing about the incor- 
 poration of the whole of Saxony with Prussia. He appears 
 to hold to this plan, whether because it tends to realize his 
 old idea of making Prussia share the protectorate of Germany 
 with Austria, or from some other motive, and he pursues it 
 with ardour. He has joined with Prince Czartorysky, and it 
 is in concert with this Minister that he has conveyed to 
 Chancellor Hardenberg the reply of the Emperor Alexander 
 to his proposals. This response, as it has been condensed by 
 the Chancellor of Prussia in a note addressed by him to 
 Prince Metternich, states that the Emperor of Eussia felt the 
 necessity of taking up simultaneously the subjects which 
 are linked to the affairs of Poland, that as a proof of his 
 desire to remove difficulties he would resign Thorn and Cra- 
 cow, but this would be for the purpose of erecting them, with 
 
 i 
 
198 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 a radius to be assigned to them, into free towns, wliich would 
 enjoy, under the protection of the three bordering Powers, a 
 neutrality which must be respected even in time of war ! 
 There is no mention in this reply either of the line of the 
 Warta, or of the Mdda, or of Zamosk and its district. On 
 the contrary, the Emperor, making a merit of having given 
 up the two towns above mentioned, attaches to this con- 
 descendence the conditio sine qua 7wn of the cession of the 
 whole of Saxony to Prussia, and of an arrangement in pur- 
 suance of which Mayence would remain for the defence of 
 Northern Germany. The promise said to have been made 
 by the Emperor to the Saxon people, that their country 
 should not be dismembered, as its commercial and political 
 interest and that of Prussia would be opposed to the divi- 
 sion, is the reason assigned for the total incorporation of 
 Saxony. 
 
 This same note of the Chancellor of Prussia is accompanied 
 by a sketch which presents his plan for the reconstruction of 
 Prussia. I have the honour of annexing a copy for your 
 Eoyal Highness. 
 
 You will remark in it, that Prussia, independently of the 
 number of subjects that she claims, wishes also to attach to 
 herself the greater part of the possessions of the small Princes 
 and Counts of Germany, the population of which is calculated 
 at 627,400 inhabitants. The term s' attacker h not explained, 
 but it is obviously tantamount to a species of interposi- 
 tion, even if she would not aim at the suppression of all the 
 rights exercised by the Rhenish Confederation, exercised over 
 the Princes whom they have restored to their States. Her 
 rule in these territories being so imperfect, the Chancellor 
 has refused to take into account this population as a veritable 
 increase of subjects. Prince Metternich, in showing me this 
 plan, pointed out to me that by the dispossession of several 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 199 
 
 Princes the Austrian dominions would not in future be con- 
 tiguous to Prussia and Bavaria, by which means Austria 
 would lose, still more than she has done already, her influence 
 in Germany. He added that the project of dividing Ger- 
 many into circles over which the directors should exercise a 
 species of supremacy, would accomplish the plan of Prussia, 
 of arrogating to herself in reality the protectorate of all the 
 northern part of the ancient Empire. It is for this reason 
 that Prince Metternich now opposes in the German Com- 
 mittee the idea of forming circles, for which he wishes to 
 substitute other expedients, in order to give stability to the 
 military and political arrangements of the future Germanic 
 line. The danger with which this Prussian plan threatens 
 us seemed to me so evident, that I accept, as Bavaria has 
 done, the opinion of Prince Metternich, to abandon the pro- 
 ject of forming circles, — an idea which on all other accounts 
 appeared to me advantageous. The new chart projected by 
 Prussia would give to this monarchy a form somewhat 
 resembling that of America, being composed of two large 
 masses joined by a species of isthmus. The first would com- 
 prise all the Prussian provinces to the right of the Elbe, with 
 Saxony, the other would be formed by a considerable portion 
 of Hesse-Darmstadt (the possessions of which would be 
 transferred between Treves and Luxemburg), the country 
 between the Khine, the Meuse, and the Moselle, the Grand 
 Duchy of Berg, and the Westphalian possessions. The junc- 
 tion would be by a line which would cut off from us the 
 southern part of the principality of Gottingen from Drans- 
 feld. 
 
 I allowed my recital to be interrupted by these observa- 
 tions on the plan of Prussia, relating to her future recon- 
 struction, as much because this plan is blended with the 
 response that Russia has given to the proposals made by 
 
200 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Chancellor Prince Hardenberg, as because these considera- 
 tions have had an important influence on the reply of 
 Prince Metternich to the Prussian Minister. This reply 
 begins by evincing indifference in regard to Poland; it 
 insists, however, on the restoration of Thorn to Prussia, and 
 of Cracow to Austria. It rejects the proposal to make them 
 free towns. Austria, moreover, reserves the right to treat 
 with Prussia on the free navigation of the Vistula, and on 
 the form of government which the Emperor Alexander would 
 be willing to introduce into Poland. It passes next to the 
 question of Saxony, professes that Austria does not hesitate 
 to co-operate in restoring the portion destined for Prussia, ■ 
 complete according to aU that the treaties had assigned to 
 her, and in consideration of the services she had rendered to - 
 the common cause ; but it declares that Austria would never 
 consent to the incorporation of Saxony, as much because this 
 measure appears to her unjust as because several of the 
 Great Powers would never agree to it, and the greater part 
 of those of the second order have made the strongest repre- 
 sentations against it ; moreover that this measure was not at 
 all necessary, seeing that Prussia can obtain elsewhere aU 
 that she has a right to exact. To substantiate this argument 
 Prince Metternich has made a counter project, of which I 
 subjoin a copy. This sketch assigns to Prussia only 432,400 
 souls in Saxony ; the note which accompanies it states ex- 
 pressly, however, that there would be means of augmenting 
 the share of Prussia, either from the parts of Poland still 
 disputed with Eussia, or by taking a larger portion of Saxony. 
 The latter alternative does not seem to have been observed 
 by Prussia. The refusal to give her the whole of Saxony has 
 embittered her exceedingly. This Power hints that she will 
 force on war at once. She complains bitterly that all her 
 allies, except Eussia, have abandoned her. The Austrian 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 201 
 
 note had been delivered on the 9th of December, in the 
 evening ; at the same time the report was spread abroad that 
 Great Britain was displeased with Lord Castlereagh for 
 having so readily yielded to the cession of Saxony, and that 
 he was about to receive positive instructions to oppose it. 
 
 I learn that this statement had come from Greneral 
 Merfeldt. Perhaps the Austrian Cabinet has been more 
 severe on what this ambassador has written of it, in order to 
 give more weight to its resistance. It is certain that this 
 intelligence has greatly augmented the uneasiness of the 
 Prussians. Lord Castlereagh has, however, communicated to 
 Chancellor Hardenberg Lord Liverpool's letter, which seems 
 to have reassured him. It has been publicly circulated that 
 I have, for my part, presented a very energetic note against 
 the incorporation of Saxony. I have entered into explana- 
 tions with the Chancellor, with whom I have had several 
 conversations on this subject. T have always felt the extreme 
 importance of the annihilation of Saxony on our future 
 existence and on the independence of Northern Germany, 
 but I have been careful not to draw the hatred of Prussia on 
 us, persuaded that the incorporation of Saxony would find 
 insurmountable obstacles elsewhere. Having been obliged, 
 from time to time, to take an active part in this negotiation, 
 I have in doing so always declined to engage in the discus- 
 sion of the arguments alleged by Prussia in its favour. I 
 have, on the contrary, commenced by admitting them, and I 
 have then discussed the matter in the following manner : — 
 Acknowledging all the advantages imagined as the result to 
 Prussia, or even to Saxony, of her incorporation, would these 
 be commensurate to the dangers of a war under existing cir- 
 cumstances ? Unhappily the Prussians persuade themselves, 
 but very wrongfully, that they would have Germany, and 
 even Saxony, with them in this question. To judge accu- 
 
202 DESPATCHES FROM VIETsNA. 
 
 rately of the crisis into which this affair has plunged us, an 
 act of treachery, perpetrated by some Prussian diplomatists 
 on this occasion, must be known. 
 
 The affairs of Poland and Saxony having been hitherto 
 confidentially negotiated between the Ministers of England, 
 Austria, and Prussia, the two first, as your Eoyal Highness 
 wiU recollect, had tried to demonstrate to Chancellor Harden- 
 berg how important it was that Prussia should act in concert 
 with their Courts in sustaining the rights resulting from con- 
 cluded treaties in regard to Poland. The cession of the whole 
 of Saxony had, under certain modifications, been granted to 
 Prussia as the reward of the firmness she had displayed in 
 this cause, then regarded as of the utmost interest to Europe, 
 and especially to the Powers bordering on Poland. Now, all 
 these confidential letters have been communicated to the 
 Emperor Alexander, to prove to him that Prussia could have 
 obtained Saxony by declaring against him. Amongst the 
 letters thus communicated there was one of a still more 
 delicate nature. The Emperor Alexander having said one 
 day to the King of Prussia that Prince Metternich had 
 offered to concede all his demands if Eussia would declare 
 itself against those made by Prussia, Prince Metternich, 
 informed of this conversation, wrote to Prince Hardenberg, 
 formally denying the assertion of the Emperor Alexander, 
 and offering to repeat this disavowal in his presence if he 
 persisted. Even this letter has been betrayed. 
 
 The effect has been as the Prussians wished, in so far that 
 the Emperor Alexander has redoubled his ardour for the 
 support of the pretensions of Prussia, and his coldness towards 
 Great Britain and Austria. He has had a very sharp con- 
 versation with Metternich, and even with the Emperor 
 Francis, but he has failed in his design of making mischief 
 between this Minister and the Sovereign. The Emperor 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 203 
 
 Alexander made this affair the occasion of a personal 
 quarrel with Prince Metternich. The latter at first thought 
 of warding off the blow by communicating, in his turn, the 
 confidential letters of the Chancellor of Prussia. They could 
 not have failed to ruin him, and it is very probable that this 
 has been one of the objects of the person who so indiscreetly 
 at least advised the communication of this confidential cor- 
 respondence. Those who think themselves initiated into 
 the secret of this plot accuse Baron de H. of it, attributing 
 to him the design of supplanting the Chancellor. The 
 letters of this Minister contained very severe strictures on 
 the Emperor Alexander ; above all, they advised that every 
 facility should be afforded him for putting into execution his 
 plans with reference to an independent constitution for 
 Poland as the most certain means of raising up difficulties 
 serious enough to produce in favour of the other Powers oppor- 
 tunities of opposing Eussia with success, especially after his 
 troops should have been disseminated over his vast empire, 
 the finances of which would not permit of their immediate 
 recall. 
 
 The Emperor Francis has nobly declined to avenge himself 
 by causing these letters to be produced, a measure which Lord 
 Castlereagh has also strongly discouraged, as it would have 
 produced a rupture. If Austria has disdained to use this 
 means, she has not the less sought to guard against a quarrel 
 with Eussia, by yielding unexpectedly, and almost without 
 reserve, on the question of Poland. 
 
 Prince Metternich has totally changed his tone on this 
 head. He said to me yesterday morning that the line of the 
 Vistula was lost ; that Cracow and Zamosk were of little 
 importance to Austria ; that she would rather see Cracow and 
 Thorn into the hands of Eussia than erected into independent 
 towns, which would only be centres of discontent ; that the 
 
204 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 relations between Austria and Eussia were thus perfectly 
 settled ; that Eussia was ready to come to an understanding in 
 regard to mixed subjects and the navigation of the Vistula, 
 and that the question of the Polish constitution was no longer 
 interesting to Austria. This has placed the Emperor Alex- 
 ander in a dilemma, from which he will have difficulty in 
 extricating himself. In carrying out his plans, he would 
 have the Eussians against him ; and in not executing them, 
 the Poles. He added that the Emperor Alexander had, of 
 his own accord, restored to the Emperor of Austria the 
 district of Tarnopol, containing the 400,000 souls ceded to 
 Eussia by the Peace of Vienna, feeling that it was an iU- 
 acquired territory; that the Emperor of Austria had ac- 
 cepted it, expressing himself delighted at the disappearance 
 in this manner of a just subject of dispute between him and 
 the Emperor of Eussia, but that this surrender could not 
 change his resolution regarding Saxony. Upon which the 
 Emperor replied that he had no doubt this affair would be 
 arranged. Indeed, I concluded, from several conversations I 
 have had with Prince Czartorysky (to whom I have en- 
 deavoured to hint that the Emperor is wrong in attaching 
 importance to the soi-disant promise that M. de Stein gave 
 to the Saxons as to the indivisibility of their territory), that 
 his Majesty would be well pleased if Prussia would desist 
 from her claims on Saxony. Prince Talleyrand said to me 
 that Prince Czartorysky had spoken to him in the same 
 style, but I learn that the Prussians devote themselves to 
 their object, and will defend it to the last extremity. The 
 Chancellor is indisposed to act further in concert with 
 Eussia; and he told me yesterday, when I was speaking 
 to him in Lord Castlereagh's behalf about an interposition, • 
 that Prince Metternich had asked of this Minister, that he 
 had always the greatest confidence in him, but that he could ; 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 205 
 
 decide on nothing till he had had a new conference with 
 Czartorysky and Stein. At present the Chancellor of Prussia 
 confines himself to saying that Prince Metternich, in his 
 tables, has been mistaken to the extent of 1,200,000 souls. 
 He has appointed Councillor of State Hoffmann to compare 
 his calculations with those of M. de Wessenberg. The result 
 of their interview is, that the Prussians, as Wessenberg 
 insists, are no longer willing to admit the tables communi- 
 cated by them last winter, saying that the population of the 
 provinces referred to has diminished. This alleged diminu- 
 tion amounts to 700,000 souls. On the other hand, the 
 Prussians are not willing to take into account the mediatized 
 whose incorporation they demand, though the Austrians 
 consent to deduct one-third on the population in considera- 
 tion of the rights that the mediatized Princes would preserve 
 under the Prussian sovereignty. 
 
 For the rest, Austria does not consent to new mediations. 
 I had, however, reason to complain, that she has placed in 
 the portion of Prussia the county of Bentheim, over which 
 the rights of your Eoyal Highness ought not to have been 
 disputed. They have only been so on account of the libera- 
 tion that the Count of Bentheim claimed to have obtained 
 by his contract with Prance. I have thus had doubly cause 
 to contest this point, as your Royal Highness would learn 
 by my postscript. 
 
 France has endeavoured to pledge the Princes of Germany 
 to a protest against the annihilation of Saxony. But the 
 Emperor Alexander upon that had a violent scene with the 
 Duke of Saxe-Coburg, who sustained with dignity the rights 
 of his family. The opposition of the Duke of Saxe- Weimar 
 and the menaces of Prussia have arrested the projected pro- 
 test. It is sad to remark the position taken by the Emperor 
 Alexander in wishing to decide the affairs of Europe as 
 
206 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Dictator. In the conversation whicli he had with the 
 Emperor Francis, the latter asked him if he would not have 
 willingly granted all the points under discussion, if they had 
 been demanded when he was canvassing for the adhesion 
 of Austria. The Emperor Alexander replied that he was too 
 frank not to say yes, but that he must add that circum- 
 stances have changed so much that he would not regard 
 himself as bound by such a promise. He said, amongst 
 other things, to the Duke of Saxe-Coburg, that he counted 
 dynasties and so-called hereditary rights as nothing when 
 the interest of States was in dependence. This overthrows 
 one of the strongest guarantees of the tranquillity of the 
 States.. In this distressing crisis, however, all the blame 
 must not be laid on one side. Much reproach is due to 
 Austria for not having from the commencement expressed 
 more clearly her opposition to the annihilation of Saxony as 
 a State, and for having limited herself to vague and very 
 doubtful reserves. She has especially fallen into a great 
 error by separating the question of Saxony from that of 
 Poland, and in supposing that she could influence Prussia to 
 a course of conduct differing from that which she pursued. 
 
 StiU further, Austria is reproached with aiming only at 
 private advantage, whether by favouring Bavaria unduly, in 
 order to obtain cessions from her, or by throwing the affairs 
 of Italy into confusion, by the demand, contrary to the 
 meaning of the Treaty of Paris, of Sesia as her boundary. 
 She defers the evacuation of Alexandria to obtain Piacenza, 
 saying that this is the only point which offers a defence of 
 this side from Italy. 
 
 Moreover, France is very jealous on account of the route 
 of the Simplon, which Austria desires to acquire. The 
 cardinal error, for which nothing, in my opinion, can ex- 
 cuse Metternich, is the support which he gives to Murat, 
 
I 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 207 
 
 wlio quietly occupies the frontier, and wlio has recently 
 bought 25,000 muskets in Austria ! So that whilst this 
 matter is undecided, France will have a grievous source of 
 complaint against Austria, and even against England, and 
 we risk the misery of seeing her unite with Eussia and 
 destroy Europe. 
 
 I must not forget to say that Metternich has communi- 
 cated ofi&cially his note addressed to Prussia to M. de 
 Talleyrand. The latter said to me this evening that he 
 would send his reply the day after to-morrow, that he would 
 repeat the assurance that France remained unshaken in her 
 policy, that she would have willingly co-operated in re- 
 establishing an independent Poland, but that she resigned 
 herself to a secondary position in this question ; but that, 
 in regard to Saxony, she would not succumb, and that the 
 inquiry is not what the King of Prussia is willing to restore 
 to the King of Saxony, but, on the contrary, what the latter 
 would consent to cede to Prussia. He added that the King 
 of France could march 150,000 men to support this view of 
 the question ; but that he had it also in his power not to 
 send one, the feeling of France being perfectly calm and 
 tranquil. — I am, etc. 
 
 Dec. 18, 1814. 
 
 P.S. — The Chancellor of Prussia has just sent a new plan 
 to the Emperor of Eussia, which the latter has asked the 
 Emperor of Austria to discuss with him immediately in 
 person. This plan still does not renounce Saxony, and only 
 contains an offer more advantageous than the former one for 
 the King of Saxony. Prussia destines for him the country 
 betwixt the Ehine and the Meuse, comprising Bonn, Li^ge, 
 Luxemburg, and containing a population of almost 800,000 
 souls. Luxemburg would be reserved to become a fortress 
 
208 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 of the Germanic League. This plan does not seem likely to 
 facilitate the future settlement of affairs. 
 
 Frivate.] 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, Dec. 17, 1814. 
 P.S. — ^Your Eoyal Highness will have observed what is 
 stated in relation to Hanover in the sketch presented by 
 Prussia. I have examined this important point, comparing 
 it with the geographical chart which the Prussian Chancellor 
 communicated to Prince Metternich under the seal of secrecy. 
 This chart gave me only vague information in regard to the 
 sacrifice of the 71,200 which Prussia asks from Hanover, if 
 her plans should be carried out, and as to the 391,500 new 
 subjects which she proposes to give us, which, according to 
 her calculations, would produce an augmentation of 320,000 
 souls in our favour. I spoke to Chancellor Hardenberg on 
 this subject. He promised me an extract from his detailed 
 plan, but I have not yet received it. This is all I have been 
 able to learn, either by examining his map, which he caused 
 Metternich to return, or from his conversation. He asks 
 from us all the Duchy of Lauenburg on the right bank of the 
 Elbe, the bailiwick of Klotze, and some enclosures, as well 
 as the southern extremity of the principality of Gottingen, 
 according to a line drawn from Duderstadt to below Drans- 
 feldt. It seems to me also that the Duke of Brunswick 
 would obtain from us, in accordance with this plan, the 
 bailiwicks of Hildesheim, which would unite the bailiwicks 
 of Brunswick on the Weser with the rest of the Duke's 
 States. This cession would probably be demanded to indem- 
 nify the Duke for ceding the Principality of Blankenburg. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 209 
 
 In return for these cessions, and to fulfil the treaties, East 
 Friesland, the Duchy of Arenberg, Lingen, and Tecklenburg, 
 the remainder of Hildesheim, and part of the county of 
 Schauenburg, belonging to Hesse, as well as the enclosed 
 territories of Plesse and Freudenberg, would be assigned to 
 us. According to this arrangement, the Principality of 
 Minden would remain in the midst of the Hanoverian pos- 
 sessions, a disadvantage from which the cession of Lauenburg 
 ought to free us, if the first notions of Prince Hardenberg 
 were executed. I repeat that I cannot as yet judge of the 
 details of the calculations. 
 
 As to the cessions, on the one hand we must consider that 
 it will be of the utmost importance to our future political 
 existence no longer to have Prussian possessions between us 
 and Holland, and to obtain East Eriesland. On the other 
 hand, we would perhaps have the right to exact an augmen- 
 tation of 250,000 to 300,000 souls, without submitting to 
 painful cessions. On the one side, existing treaties guar- 
 antee these possessions to your Eoyal Highness, but Prussia 
 has alleged that, before granting us anything, she should be 
 reconstructed herself on the scale of 1805, and that the same 
 treaties secure the districts to her. It is difficult to treat the 
 whole of this matter. It is noble to be content with one's 
 possessions ; not to abandon ancient subjects is almost a 
 duty. But again, whilst the dimensions of all the German 
 States will be enlarged, we shall become relatively less, if we 
 remain shut up within our borders. The possession of 
 Hildesheim is imperative. Moreover, even that would be 
 compromised if we do not arrange amicably on the future 
 condition of possession. Your Eoyal Highness will deign to 
 rest assured that I would act in this affair as my conscience 
 and my sacred duty to you shall prescribe. I flatter myself 
 that I shall at last bring the matter to a final conclusion by 
 
 o 
 
 t 
 
210 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA, 
 
 signing the agreement as to future possession only svh 
 sperati. 
 
 At this crisis Prince Metternich yesterday made a proposal 
 which has not failed to embarrass me. 
 
 The conferences of the German Committee have been in- 
 terrupted since the 1 7th of the past month. From time to 
 time we met, Austria, Prussia, and Hanover, to come to 
 an understanding amongst ourselves on several important 
 points. I have already mentioned the proposal to divide 
 Germany into circles. It is obvious in all quarters that there , 
 is no great desire to take in hand a constitution which would ; 
 be stifled in its infancy by the misunderstanding which 
 threatens us. Notwithstanding that, I was surprised when 
 M. de Metternich asked me yesterday if I would accede for 
 Hanover to a Germanic League at the head of which Austria 
 will be placed d^s, primus inter pares, and which would be com- 
 posed of Bavaria, Baden, Hesse, and the other German 
 Princes. He added that these Princes would assemble as a 
 Chamber, acknowledging the Director, and that they would 
 adopt the liberal principles of the plan on which we had 
 wrought. The idea of Metternich was to conclude the league 
 without including the King of Wtirtemberg, saying that he 
 was persuaded that he would be obliged to accede to it, by 
 the fear of exposing himself to the vengeance of his own sub- 
 jects if he attempted to stand aloof. I asked if Prussia would 
 be excluded from the League. Metternich replied, No, that 
 she would be left at liberty to join it ; but I saw distinctly 
 that his conception was to form an alliance of all Germany 
 against Prussia in case she should wish to assume Saxony de 
 facto. 
 
 Requested to give my opinion on this plan, I representee 
 to Prince Metternich that he must not abandon the ho] 
 of arranging the affairs of Saxony amicably, and that i| 
 
I 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 211 
 
 that was accomplislied I saw no motive for excluding Prussia 
 from the League ; that I did not deny, however, that if the 
 business were not settled, and if the Congress separated, 
 Prussia holding Saxony purely de facto and against the will 
 of the other Powers, war would appear to me then sooner 
 or later inevitable ; that we must hold ourselves strictly 
 bound to the system of England ; that I did not doubt that 
 this Power would be forced to take part in the war because 
 France would not remain tranquil ; that the course was too 
 clearly indicated to leave any room to doubt that Hanover in 
 the extremity would not hesitate about entering under such 
 circumstances into a defensive league with the rest of Ger- 
 many. I further pointed out to Prince Metternich, that it 
 would be in any case necessary to guarantee to us the districts 
 which were due to us as indispensable to our political exist- 
 ence. He seemed to think this request very natural, and 
 said to me that I should make it a condition. I fear that 
 this Minister enters with too much eagerness into this plan, 
 in order to secure allies against Prussia, and to procure in 
 point of fact for his master the advantages of the Imperial 
 dignity of Germany, which he too lightly sacrificed when he 
 might have obtained them. E. G. M. 
 
 Dec. I8th, 1814. 
 
 P.S. 3. — I have had a conversation with Count JSTesselrode 
 as much on the subject of our demand of nearly 4000 rix- 
 doUars advanced by us for the maintenance of the Eussian 
 troops, as in reference to the royal title to Hanover. I re- 
 minded him that he had promised a favourable response on 
 these two points. He did not hesitate to avow that the state 
 of irritation subsisting between Eussia and England hindered 
 him from obtaining what I asked. My remonstrances, that 
 this state of irritation, to which England had not at all con- 
 
212 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 tributed, liad no connexion with our demand, and that it ap- 
 peared to me unjust in Eussia to make England pay her, and 
 then refuse to liquidate the debt, under pretence of grievances 
 against this Power, made no change in the state of matters. 
 Chancellor Nesselrode importuned me to do all I could to 
 remove cause of coldness between the two Empires when 
 the business of Congress should be settled. He reminded 
 me especially of the demand of Russia to be freed from her 
 debt to Holland. As to the title of King of Hanover, I re- 
 presented to the Prussian Minister that this seemed a purely 
 personal affair, to which he replied that it would be easily 
 arranged when the rest was finished. 
 
 To me it is apparent that we have only ill-will and bad 
 treatment to expect from Russia. — I am, etc. E. G. M. 
 
 Vienna, Dec. \Sth, 1814. 
 
 P.S. 4. — The Bentheim affair gives me much trouble. I 
 have the honour of communicating to your Royal Highness 
 the annexed note which I have given in reply to that of 
 Prince Talleyrand, as well as another to the Ch. of Ben- 
 theim, who insists that the ancient relations between the 
 county and the regency of Hanover be re-established. 
 
 Several French pensioners have also had the impudence to 
 apply to me to engage your Royal Highness to restore the 
 pensions assigned to them by Bonaparte. I hope your Royal 
 Highness will approve of my reply under No. 3. — I am, etc. 
 
 E. G. M. 
 
 Vienna, Dec. 18, 1814. 
 
 P.S. 5. — Our treaty of subsidy with England for the 
 
 15,000 troops composing the Allied Army under His Royal 
 
 Highness the hereditary Prince of Orange in the Low 
 
 Countries, terminating on the 24th January next, I have 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 213 
 
 several times observed to Lord Castlereagh that it would be 
 well in existing circumstances to prolong the term of this 
 treaty under the same conditions. Lord Castlereagh having 
 obtained the necessary authority for this purpose, I have this 
 morning agreed with him that he should address an official 
 letter to me demanding that the Hanoverian Government 
 leave the troops in question at the disposal of the British 
 Government on the same footing, in as far as present circum- 
 stances render it necessary, and reserving the right to give 
 notice of the treaty a month beforehand, in order thus to fur- 
 nish the expenses of the return of the troops. Lord Castle- 
 reagh will be charged to write to the Government of H. E. H. 
 the Sovereign Prince of the United Provinces to obtain his 
 consent, for he is interested in this arrangement. The pro- 
 longation of our treaty of subsidy being favourable in all its 
 details to Hanover, and almost necessary in existing circum- 
 stances, I shall not doubt it will be graciously approved by 
 your Royal Highness. If I receive Lord Castlereagh's letter 
 in time, I shall not fail to communicate it to you. The reply 
 which I received yesterday from Hanover to my despatches 
 of the 28th November informs me, to my great astonishment, 
 that we have there only a battalion and a half of regular 
 troops, 1400 men of various battalions of Landwehr, and 
 a regiment of hussars scattered over all the country for the 
 maintenance of the police. Not having received the reports 
 on our corps, it is impossible for me to judge how and why it 
 has been dispersed to such a degree, especially as the treaty 
 of subsidy freed them from the expense of the corps in Flan- 
 ders. 
 
 I confess that this diminution appears to me not at all 
 consistent with circumstances. At the present moment 
 any movement resembling a new armament would be dan- 
 gerous. 
 
 I 
 
214 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, 24:tli Dec. 1814. 
 Sir, — The great question of tlie partition of Saxony re- 
 mains yet undecided. As the Emperor of Eussia has linked 
 it with that of Poland, the arrangement made in this respect 
 with Austria, amongst other things the retrocession of the 
 circle of Tarnopol, is also in suspense. Prussia is now so 
 closely united to Eussia that no more is heard even of the 
 line which will be formed between the Polish possessions of 
 this Power and those of Eussia. Whilst I was the other day 
 with Chancellor Prince Hardenberg, speaking to him on Lord 
 Castlereagh's behalf of the mediation on this matter, which 
 Prince Metternich had begged the British Minister to under- 
 take, he at once replied that he had the greatest confidence 
 in Lord Castlereagh, but that he would be obliged to confer 
 with Prince Czartorysky and M. de Stein before he could 
 decide. It seems they had agreed amongst themselves that 
 the Prussian Chancellor should address a memorial on the 
 reply of Prince Metternich to the Emperor of Eussia, which 
 this monarch undertook to discuss with the Emperor of 
 Austria. This document has been drawn up and communi- 
 cated confidentially to Lord Castlereagh. It recounts what 
 has passed since the reply of Prince Metternich to the decla- 
 ration of Eussia transmitted by Chancellor Hardenberg, and 
 then enlarges on the pretended necessity that all Saxony 
 should be left in the possession of Prussia. It represents the 
 calculations contained in the counter project of Austria as 
 erroneous. The aim of this memorial proves, on the one side, 
 that the just demands of Prussia could only be satisfied by 
 obtaining the whole of Saxony ; on the other, demonstrates 
 that nothing but this possession could give real consistency 
 to the Prussian monarchy. The Chancellor observes on this 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 215 
 
 occasion that the treaties concluded with the Allied Powers 
 would give him a right to aspire, independently of the reinstate- 
 ment of the rate of his population of 1805, and an enlarged and 
 suitable geographical position. He adds also that it would be 
 for the interest of all the Powers to put Prussia in an attitude 
 so favourable as not to induce her to think any more of aggTan- 
 dizement. To prove the importance of the possession of 
 Saxony to Prussia and the desire of this Power to satisfy the 
 King of Saxony, she proposes to ameliorate his condition by 
 assigning him all the country between Bonn, Liege, and Lux- 
 emburg, comprising a population of 800,000 souls. It is even 
 understood since that she would yet add willingly to this 
 portion some hundred thousand souls. Well-informed per- 
 sons say that the Emperor of Eussia is not satisfied with this 
 memorial, which in the main offers no facility even on the 
 question of Saxony. It is probable that this Sovereign, after 
 having obtained all that he asked in Poland, would not make 
 war to sustain Prussia in so impolitic a matter. 
 
 In the meantime. Prince de Talleyrand, to whom Prince 
 de Metternich had officially communicated his reply to the 
 Prussian Chancellor, has responded by a long memorial, in 
 which he recounts the principles which guide his Most 
 Christian Majesty, who claims nothing for France but to 
 be contented and happy, — reduced within her ancient limits. 
 He proposes, on the whole, the same principles enunciated 
 at the commencement of the Congress, declaring that in 
 regard to Poland the King of Prance would have desired 
 to aid in re-establishing the plenary independence of this 
 nation, whose unmerited calamities have been a source of the 
 miseries which have convulsed Europe. Since, however, the 
 neighbouring Powers have found it impracticable to unite for 
 this end, France, less interested than they, will raise no 
 obstacle to their arrangement. 
 
 I 
 
216 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 That at present the Saxon question has become the most 
 important for the peace and balance of power in Europe. 
 
 That the King of France took, besides, a special interest 
 in it, because justice and principle were at stake, which it 
 was particularly necessary to re-establish in Europe as the 
 most powerful means of restoring peace. That the King of 
 France would be exceedingly pleased to learn that the Em- 
 peror of Austria looked on the affair in the same light as he 
 did. That his Most Christian Majesty would, however, only 
 admit that this question may be treated, not as an inquiry of 
 what the King of Prussia is willing to restore to the King 
 of Saxony, but, on the contrary, as to what this Prince could 
 resolve to surrender in order to facilitate the general arrange- 
 ments. That France herself will endeavour to induce her to 
 submit to what circumstances would exact ; and that France 
 judged that Prince Metternich had indicated in his counter 
 project the just measure of cession which could be exacted. 
 
 Prince Metternich, whom I saw the day before yesterday, 
 in the morning, intended to reply to the memorial of Prince 
 Hardenberg, that the Emperor of Austria could not consent 
 to this new Prussian project. 
 
 In this state of affairs. Lord Castlereagh has addressed a 
 proposal to Prince Metternich, as well as to Prince Harden- 
 berg, to appoint a commission, composed of the delegates of 
 Great Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Eussia, to make 
 a report on the claims brought forward by the different 
 Powers, whether in regard to indemnities or to promises 
 founded on treaties, and also on the means existing for their 
 satisfaction. Your Eoyal Highness will find his proposal 
 annexed. It has been agreed to by the above-mentioned 
 Courts, and it is hoped that this judicious suggestion of 
 Lord Castlereagh will bring this knotty matter to an end. 
 The Commission will be composed of Lord Clancarty and 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 217 
 
 myself for your Eoyal Highness, the Duke de Dalberg for 
 France, Baron de Wessenberg for Austria, Baron d'Anstaedt 
 for Eussia, Councillors of State De Jordan and Hoffmann 
 for Prussia. 
 
 P.S. — The first sitting of the Commission has taken place. 
 It was doubted if the Plenipotentiaries of France should be 
 admitted to this work, in order to avoid mixing this Power 
 with arrangements which ought to be terminated without 
 her intervention. It is on this account that Prince Met- 
 ternich has changed the instructions to the Commission, 
 substituting those under No. 2. It would be a pity if a 
 purpose so contracted as that indicated in his note deprived 
 us of the effect which ought to result from the labours of the 
 Commission. I suppose that this matter will be recon- 
 sidered at the sitting to-day. Eussia has intrusted her 
 interests to the Prussian Commissioners. M. d'Anstaedt has 
 not appeared. 
 
 There was a grand concert yesterday at the Court, in 
 honour of the fete of the Emperor Alexander. His Majesty 
 appeared in Austrian uniform. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, Dec. 29, 1814. 
 
 Sir, — I have just learnt that a courier is about to set off 
 for Holland. I will avail myself of the opportunity, so as to 
 keep your Eoyal Highness informed of what goes on, though 
 I have nothing very interesting to add to my very humble 
 report of the 24th current. 
 
 The Emperor of Eussia has given fuU powers to Count 
 Easoumowsky to treat with the Court of Austria, and to try 
 to induce her to yield on the Saxon question, that is to say, 
 on the only point on which she has not already submitted to 
 
218 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 the wishes of the Emperor Alexander. On this condition he 
 hopes to form a strict alliance between Austria, Eussia, and 
 Prussia, an alliance which he considers the surest pledge of 
 peace for Europe, — when, according to what his Majesty 
 has said, a cannon will not in future be fired without the 
 permission of the three Powers. I am assured, on good 
 authority, that this monarch, when a memorial was presented 
 to him on the guarantees to be offered to Austria, requiring 
 that she should submit to his will, has only written at the 
 top of the document — that his word sufficed. 
 
 Austria, being of opinion that the Emperor has failed in all 
 his engagements relating to Poland, will not comply with his 
 proposal. The conference of Count Easoumowsky with Prince 
 Metternich, in which Prince Hardenberg will take part, 
 should take place to-day. Prince Metternich has assured 
 me that his negative response to the Chancellor of Prussia 
 would be very categorical. But what struck me, and my 
 inference from what he said, is, that in case Prussia will not 
 give up Saxony her possession of it will not be recognised 
 by Austria. It would be very strange if the Austrian Cabinet 
 was thus to manifest beforehand a resolution which would 
 prove to Prussia that she was determined to be sulky. I 
 have represented to Prince Metternich that such a declaration 
 would give Prussia the advantage. She, without doubt, 
 would maintain her point, expecting that the future would 
 bring about the recognition of her usurpation. It is impos- 
 sible to foresee accurately in what manner this affair will end, 
 — the issue depending on the Congress. Prince TaUejTand 
 assures me that the Emperor of Eussia, after having obtained 
 his end in Poland, would desire to see Prussia give up 
 Saxony. Prince Czartorysky is without doubt of the same 
 opinion. Count Nesselrode has lost his master's confidence.- 
 Pozzo has maintained a tone too loyal and independent not 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 2 1 9 
 
 to have displeased him. It is especially Stein, Czartorysky, 
 and Capo d'Istria, who approach the Emperor. 
 
 Only the first, by his violence, would fan the flame of war. 
 Those around the King, and several Prussian diplomatists, 
 have arrived at the same conclusion. But it would be too 
 absurd and too immoral to risk the fate of Europe and of 
 Eussia herself for this matter — not if Prussia shall have the 
 increase she demands, but if she shall have it exactly in the 
 style which none of the other Powers will agree to. 
 
 I spoke in my last report of the letter of Talleyrand to 
 Prince Metternich. He has communicated it officially to 
 Lord Castlereagh, with a note, which says that it is equally 
 important, to Great Britain and France to put an end 
 to revolution and re-establish order in Europe; that two 
 subjects have caused her troubles — the struggle betwixt 
 monarchical and republican principles: that the force of 
 circumstances and of reason made the former triumphant ; 
 that the second struggle has been between the old and the 
 new dynasties; that the cause of justice had triumphed 
 equally in France, but that he saw with regret two dynasties 
 threatened, that of Sicily by the existence of Murat at 
 Naples, and that of Saxony by the claims raised by Eussia 
 and Prussia ; that it would be of importance for France and 
 England to make order be restored everywhere, and to 
 sustain the laws of justice. Our German affairs are still 
 unsettled. Prince Metternich has promised to communicate 
 to me his new plan for the organization of the Empire. I 
 repeated that it seemed to me that the exclusion of Prussia 
 from the league was a step only to be taken as a last 
 resort. There is no doubt that Hanover would be much 
 endangered by a measure that Prussia would regard as 
 hostile. 
 
 The King of Wlirtemberg has left Vienna. He has been 
 
 I 
 
220 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. jj 
 
 prodigal of gifts, which far surpass the means of his unhappy 
 country. 
 
 The marriage of the Prince-Koyal of Wlirtemberg to the 
 Grand-Duchess Catharine is not declared, but it admits of 
 little doubt. The Empress-mother of the betrothed has con- 
 sented to it. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 State of the Negotiation regarding Saxony. 
 
 Vienna, January 21, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — The negotiations are still at the same point. How- 
 ever, I have no longer any doubt that Prussia and Kussia 
 will yield on the principal question, though they may not 
 officially assent to it, — that of the incorporation of the whole 
 of Saxony with Prussia. The Eussians seem convinced that 
 this measure would not be necessary to .the reconstruction of 
 Prussia. The report that Lord Clancarty, the Duke de Dal- 
 berg, and I made on the subject, and which was afterwards 
 examined anew in presence of Baron de Wessenberg, proves 
 that Prussia, in obtaining from Saxony a district containing 
 a population of 906,369 souls, which might be taken with- 
 out endangering the political existence of Saxony, and in 
 preserving her communications by Bautzen to Zittau (a 
 position on which Austria sets a high price), and leaving 
 Leipzig still to the King of Saxony, may be reconstructed in 
 such a manner as to obtain all and even more than the 
 treaties destine for her, that Hanover and Vienna may have 
 their claims satisfied, and still there would remain a con- 
 siderable surplus at the disposal of the Allies. It would be 
 exceedingly unreasonable to dispute the abundance of dis- 
 posable subjects, and to make that an argument for insisting 
 on the total incorporation of Saxony, for by the latest state- 
 
DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 
 
 221 
 
 ment of Chancellor Hardenberg the losses of Prussia amounted 
 to 3,080,215 souls, allowing 119,500 for Hildesheim, ceded to 
 Hanover; adding 180,000 souls which are still due to us, 
 231,500, as well as 51,000 for Weimar, the necessary popula- 
 tion would then amount to .... 3,411,715 
 To obtain this, Prussia demands the whole of 
 
 Saxony, 2,051,240 
 
 She wished Eussia to leave her from the Grand- 
 Duchy of Weimar, 
 The Duchy of Berg, 
 
 Konigswinter, 
 Duchy of Westphalia, 
 Dortmund and Corvey, 
 ' Fulda, . 
 On the left bank of the Ehine, 
 
 810,268 
 
 299,877 
 3,000 
 
 131,888 
 19,500 
 48,628 
 
 729,228 
 
 4,093,629 
 
 A total of 
 This would leave a surplus of 681,914 souls. 
 
 It is alleged that she is entitled to this surplus because 
 Austria and other States are augmented. Besides, she 
 offers the King of Saxony a settlement on the left bank of 
 the Ehine, containing 704,000 inhabitants. If the argument 
 drawn from the insufficiency of objects is entirely false, that 
 based on geographical position would be more. so. 
 
 It is very remarkable that a Cabinet which refused to 
 make common cause with the rest of Europe, to prevent 
 Eussia from approaching the Oder, and who thus placed 
 herself in dependence on this Power, now insists on a line by 
 which she has never been molested, and which could only 
 be useful against Austria. 
 
 France and Austria at once observed, that if there was 
 enough of disposable territory to give a surplus of 681,000 
 souls to Prussia, to which she had no right, assigning to the 
 
222 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 King of Saxony 700,000 subjects on the left bank of the 
 Ehiue, that there was so much the less reason for the incor- 
 poration, or even for the cession of a large portion of Saxony, 
 especially as the arrangement with regard to the mediatized 
 would also give great latitude. 
 
 Austria remarks, especially in a counter project which 
 Prince Metternich has permitted me to read, that the idea of 
 placing the King of Saxony in the Low Countries would be to 
 throw him into the arms of France, that Prussia was wrong 
 in claiming so large a surplus above what she was entitled 
 to, seeing that Austria, by consenting to take the year 1805 
 for the scale of reconstruction, had already renounced more 
 than two millions of subjects, which the war of the revolu- 
 tion had caused her to lose before that epoch, whilst this 
 same term was that at which Prussia was raised to the highest 
 degree by the advantages that Bonaparte granted to her. 
 
 To this memorial was added another from Prince Schwarzen- 
 berg, providing that the position Prussia seeks would be posi- 
 tively offensive as regards Bohemia, where there are only two 
 insignificant fortresses, Josephstadt and Theresienstadt. Lord 
 Castlereagh, unwilling to disturb the peace of the Contiuent on 
 a purely territorial question, has endeavoured to induce France 
 and Austria to give up the disputed points. I have spoken 
 to Count Stadion, who, as well as Schwarzenberg, is reputed 
 to be most strongly opposed to Metternich, in order to show 
 him that it would be of much more importance to consolidate 
 the system recently established than to risk a war in which 
 England could not intermeddle, since she would have no 
 reason for it but a simple question of limits. Stadion 
 assured me that neither he nor Schwarzenberg would dream 
 of making war on this question, but that he had cause to 
 complain that his interests had been too quickly abandoned 
 when they might have been saved by persistence. Talley- 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 223 
 
 rand said the same thing to me. Satisfied with having rescued 
 the principle of legitimacy on which rests the maintenance 
 of the King of Saxony, he regards the preservation of one 
 line more, in Saxony, as important to the preservation of 
 Austria, which would be forced, by the position of Russia 
 and that which is in preparation for Prussia, to maintain a 
 military establishment beyond her strength and her finances. 
 In fact, what would it serve to have saved the principle, if 
 it was to be rendered illusory in the execution of the mea- 
 sures which ought to spring from it ? My conversation with 
 Talleyrand, and even that I have had with Metternich, made 
 me hope that peace will not be disturbed. However, a con- 
 versation which I had yesterday with the Prussian Chancel- 
 lor, at his request, throws me again into doubt. He confided 
 to me, under the seal of secrecy, that he will propose to the 
 King, his master, to give up the demand for the whole of 
 Saxony ; but all that he calculates on leaving to this country 
 is limited to a population of 840,000 inhabitants. He cuts 
 off Leipzig and the lines of communication ; will not leave 
 to Saxony the part of Lusatia towards Bautzen and Zittau, 
 which Austria does not intend to give to Prussia, and 
 demands Bayreuth besides. Now it seems to me impossible 
 that Austria and Bavaria should consent to such an arrange- 
 ment, especially as Saxony would be ruined by preserving 
 only the small radius of Dresden and the circle of mines, 
 which contain 600,000 inhabitants, the greater part of them 
 poor. I have tried to induce Prince Hardenberg to listen to 
 this, but he replied, with warmth, that after having seen the 
 counter project he would insist on giving his ultimatum ; 
 that if it was not accepted, Prussia, supported by Russia, 
 would make war with 300,000 men — that in this case she 
 would spare nothing, and she would regard as enemies all 
 who would not join her. He particularly mentioned Hanover 
 
224 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 and England, knowing well himself that we would not take 
 pai-t with Prussia in such a cause. I refrained from remark- 
 ing on the proposition, in order to avoid useless explanations. 
 Talleyrand thinks it certain that the Emperor Alexander 
 and the Russians wish no more war ; it is even said that the 
 King of Prussia himself would be against it. The tone at 
 Berlin is very warlike, and this tone has several times 
 decided similar questions. — I am, etc. 
 
 Private.] 
 
 Vienna, March 11, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Since my very humble despatch of March 5, I have 
 received the rescripts of your Eoyal Highness, dated 21st 
 February, which have strengthened my repugnance to the 
 abandonment of the Duchy of Lauenburg. This feeling in 
 itself commands too much respect not to make me feel how 
 much it gains in value by the reasoning founded on the doubt 
 which your delicacy dictates, being unwilling to dispose of a 
 province belonging to the King, your august father, during 
 his lifetime. I will beware of combating a sentiment which 
 I revere. I can only deplore the necessity which has guided 
 my steps, and which has placed me in the position of a 
 sufferer who consents to sacrifice one of his limbs to save 
 the rest of his body. The Sovereign Prince of the Low 
 Countries finds himself in a more distressing situation than 
 your Royal Highness, having been called on to give up all 
 his hereditary States. In his letter to Lord Clancarty, he 
 laments this necessity, adding, that his chief consolation is, 
 that in future he will have Hanover for a neighbour. If a 
 State of five millions of inhabitants, enjoying a frontier 
 extending along the sea, and which is elsewhere protected 
 by fortresses, sets such a price on getting rid of the Prussians 
 on one of her borders, how important must this advantage 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 225 
 
 be to US ! In the meantime, nothing now remains for me 
 but to await the final resolutions which your Eoyal Highness 
 shall deign to take, after having weighed the contents of my 
 despatches of February 14, and having listened to Lord 
 Castlereagh. 
 
 I try to delay as much as I can the conclusion of the 
 formal treaty with Prussia, although it would only explain 
 the preliminary articles which I arranged with Prince 
 Hardenberg. 
 
 The new war which it is believed the presence of Bona- 
 parte in France must kindle, should hasten the conclusion of 
 all business. It is especially desirable that the provisional 
 condition, which has been so oppressive to aU the provinces 
 which await the final decision of their fate by the Congress, 
 should cease. Lord Clancarty has already written to the 
 Prince of Orange, urging him to take final possession of his 
 new States. Prussia will do likewise, and this would with- 
 out doubt be the time for us to press the cession of East 
 Friesland and Lingen. But it is questionable if, whilst 
 insisting on this, I could defer the cession of Lauenburg. I 
 wiU try to obtain a delay, on the pretext that the Elector of 
 Hesse, not having decided what cession he would make to us, 
 we should remain 20,000 subjects below the population 
 which we are entitled to, and which Prussia meanwhile 
 possesses. I fear, however, that the Prussian Chancellor, 
 though most willing to favour our desires, will not be able to 
 do so, the King his master being much displeased with the 
 arrangements about Hanover. He shows it often in a dis- 
 obliging manner. This feeling is augmented by the danger 
 to which the Trans-Ehenish Provinces would be exposed by 
 renewed war in France. I confess, Sir, that my doubts as 
 to your final resolution takes from me, for the time, the bold- 
 ness which facilitates the success of negotiations. The Duke 
 
 p 
 
 r 
 
226 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 of Cambridge has just sent me, at my request, Major Prot, 
 an able officer, whose services I require in discussing the 
 military arrangements of Germany. Undoubtedly they will 
 endeavour to hurry on the settlement of the temtorial affairs 
 of Bavaria, in order to recommence the conferences on the 
 Germanic line. A new accident, which threatens to retard 
 this, has originated in the despotic disposition of the King of 
 Wiirtemberg, who wants to give a new constitution to his 
 kingdom, against which every voice is raised, especially 
 those of the mediatized Princes, who, by submitting before 
 the final decision of the Congress, would see themselves 
 permanently associated with the native subjects of his 
 Majesty of Wurtemberg. Your Eoyal Highness will deign 
 to notice annexed to this the last note delivered on this 
 account by the mediatized, also the note that I have ad- 
 dressed to the members of the German Committee on this 
 subject. I add to both the sketch of a Prussian note to 
 which I have promised to accede. At present, the Congress 
 has to decide whether it will authorize the restoration of a 
 truly federal bond to Germany, or if, renouncing this real 
 union, we must be contented with a simple system of per- 
 manent alliance between the diverse States. I think I have 
 on this occasion maintained the principles which have 
 evinced to your Eoyal Highness the general confidence of 
 Germany. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, I8th March 1815. 
 Sir, — Your Eoyal Highness will doubtless have approved 
 of the declaration made on the 13th March by the eight 
 subscribing Powers of the Treaty of Paris against Bonaparte 
 It is desirable that all Europe should act with the sam( 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 227 
 
 concord and energy which pervade this document, executed, 
 indeed, at a time when no one could foresee the extent of 
 the danger which now manifests itself in so alarming a 
 manner. 
 
 The time is past for lamenting over the almost criminal 
 carelessness of those who ought to have put it out of Bona- 
 parte's power to do mischief I made lamentation in vain 
 whilst it was not past remedy. The same indifference is 
 manifested in Congress in all that ought to be done to 
 strengthen the excellent spirit of the people who have 
 brought about these happy results, by which we have 
 profited so little. 
 
 On all sides it has been evident that war was made rather 
 against the success of Bonaparte than against his principles. 
 No justice has been rendered to the feeble. The oppression 
 of many of the Provinces of Germany has been continued, 
 and the burdens laid on the people have in many places 
 been augmented by the abuses of the Provisional Govern- 
 ments. All the complaints of the abuse of power in Southern 
 Germany, especially in Wurtemberg and Baden, have been 
 fruitless, and for four months the Congress has scarcely 
 troubled itself about the Germanic Federation. It is whilst 
 under the influence of the feelings which so many wrongs 
 bring forth, that divided Germany will again be called to 
 unite her efforts against France. The worst is, that the 
 Powers, united only in appearance, will remember that the 
 distrust which has failed to hinder the success of the last 
 year's negotiations, has been only too well justified by events. 
 If Austria feared the progress of Eussian domination in 
 Poland, whilst distinct treaties prescribed its boundaries, 
 how will she look on the invasion of Germany by the Eus- 
 sian army? And can the Poles themselves be trusted, to 
 whom anticipations and promises are alike unfulfilled ! 
 
228 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 The Saxon affair is not terminated, the King haviDg de- 
 ferred his consent to the cessions demanded, though Great 
 Britain, Austria, and France have declared that they can do 
 nothing more for him, and that the mediation asked by this 
 Prince could only be granted for the execution of the arrange- 
 ments, and after he should have consented to them uncon- 
 ditionally. 
 
 The territorial arrangement between Austria and Bavaria 
 is also undecided. Amongst other things, it is proposed to 
 pledge the Elector of Hesse to the cession of the county of 
 Hanau. If a slightly different form had been given to the 
 deliberations of the Congress, perhaps these complications 
 would not be so great. The Act of the 13th March is a 
 striking example. It is reasonably asked by what right the 
 eight Powers signing the Treaty of Paris speak in the name 
 of all the Sovereigns of Europe, whom they were not at the 
 trouble of consulting ; by what right Sweden and Portugal 
 decide for Sardinia, Denmark, the Low Countries, or Bavaria. 
 The Kings of Bavaria and Denmark, both present, have, with 
 reason, regarded this omission as an insult. 
 
 With so many causes of jealousy and distrust, there is 
 room to inquire what degree of cordiality and union will 
 there be in this general coalition. It is already matter of 
 observation that Austria should only send 30,000 men on the 
 Ehine, towards Offenburg, concentrating her forces in Italy. 
 It seems, however, that General Vincent's despatches, re- 
 ceived yesterday from Paris, have dissipated this probably 
 iU-founded doubt. For the General announces that the 
 hatred of the French army is especially directed against 
 Austria. Whatever be the feeling, that which is most gene- 
 ral in France is the resolve to reconquer the left bank of the | 
 Rhine. This expedition wiU drag us into war without delay, 
 and will render uncertain all that we have arranged with 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 229 
 
 Prussia. The Duke of Wellington sets out immediately to 
 take the command of the English army in the Low Countries. 
 
 I do not yet know the result of the military councils held 
 in reference to warlike preparations in Germany. I learn 
 that it is proposed to re-establish the armies as they were 
 in 1813, so that Hanover will again form a corps with the 
 Brunswickers, the Oldenburgers, the contingents of the 
 Hanseatic towns, and those of Mecklenburg. The extent of 
 the danger became known yesterday by the despatches of 
 General Vincent. M. de la Bensadure, whom I saw this 
 morning, said to me that the defection of the French army 
 is not so much to be dreaded as a treason so general that it 
 must lead to a civil war. 
 
 The renewal of the Treaty of Chaumont, according to 
 which Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Eussia ought 
 each to furnish 150,000 men, is projected. As for the sub- 
 sidies demanded from England, the Duke of Wellington has 
 only submitted the question to his Government, promising, 
 however, that England shall make compensation in money 
 for the number of troops which are lacking to make up her 
 quota of 150,000 men. 
 
 As it is intended to invite Denmark, Sardinia, the Low 
 Countries, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg to accede to the treaty, 
 the Duke asked me if Hanover ought also to be invited, or 
 if it would not be better for her to act simply as subsidized 
 by England. Without hesitation I preferred that Hanover 
 should be invited, in order to preserve her rank amongst the 
 independent Powers. I shall endeavour, however, to limit 
 to 12,000 men the corps which we shall add to that serving 
 with the English army. 
 
 Flattering myself that your Eoyal Highness will deign to 
 approve of my views, I shall despatch to-morrow a courier 
 to his Eoyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, and to our 
 
230 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Government, to prepare the necessary armaments. I hope, for 
 the good of Germany, that Sweden will not be invited to 
 join us. — I am, etc. 
 
 P.S. — I have just come from Court. Of the four French 
 ambassadors, not one has appeared, though the news from 
 Paris of the 11th is a little better. To make amends, 
 Eugene Beauharnais is at Court. Murat still declares that \ 
 he will be faithful to his engagements with Austria. Woe i 
 to whoever trusts him ! The steps taken to arrest Joseph 
 Bonaparte in Switzerland will probably fail. Jerome and 
 his sisters will be conducted to Gratz and to Brunn. 
 
 The King of Prussia gives the command of his troops to 
 Blucher. Schwarzenberg will command the Austrians on 
 the Upper Rhine. Perhaps the Archduke Charles will com- 
 mand in Italy. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, 25th March 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Several English couriers have arrived to-day, of 
 whom the one despatched on the 14th of March has deli- 
 vered to me the rescripts with which your Eoyal Highness 
 has honoured me of that date. The more I regretted finding 
 myself in the distressing position of having to give up any- 
 thing on the preservation of which your Eoyal Highness 
 with reason justly sets so high a value, and to consent to 
 the cession of the Duchy of Lauenburg in order to preserve 
 still more essential interests, which would have been com- 
 promised by my refusal, the happier I feel now that these 
 despatches remove my doubt whether your Royal Highness 
 approved of my decision on this subject. I am now at ease 
 on this point, which I took very much to heart, and I am 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 231 
 
 deeply affected by the magnanimity with which your Eoyal 
 Highness testifies your complete approbation, in a matter 
 in which I could not reconcile your wishes with what the 
 chief interest of your States required. You will excuse the 
 too lively apprehensions on this subject manifested in my 
 private correspondence. 
 
 I will do all I can to try to redeem Lauenburg. Mean- 
 while, this matter is undecided, owing to the cavils raised 
 by Sweden against the cession of Swedish Pomerania to 
 Denmark, the province for which Lauenburg was to be 
 exchanged. 
 
 Prussia seems indifferent enough on this point, since she 
 has long ago agreed, contingently with Sweden, as to the 
 price which she should pay for Pomerania. The new pre- 
 parations for war are very costly to Prussia, and it will be 
 difficult for her to make the acquisition without paying 
 partly by the cession of other possessions. 
 
 Notwithstanding the desire to forward the affairs of Con- 
 gress, so as to give the exclusive attention to the troubles in 
 France which they demand, slight progress is made. 
 
 The territorial arrangements betwixt Austria and Bavaria 
 are not completed. The King of Saxony gives us reason to 
 hope for his consent to the cession demanded from him, but 
 he has not yet given it. These two points must be decided 
 before the advancement of German affairs can be thought of. 
 
 It is doubtful if the possession of his country and the dis- 
 posal of his army would be granted to the King of Saxony, 
 even if he should consent to the arrangements made by the 
 Congress. Prussia has only stated the question. In the 
 meantime this Power has taken several steps, which demon- 
 strate only too clearly her desire to procure for herself a 
 military supremacy over Northern Germany. In the military 
 Council, which has been held here, it was desired to assign all 
 
232 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 the troops of the Princes of Northern Germany, except those 
 of Hanover, Brunswick, and Oldenburg, to form a mass with 
 the Prussian army. The Duke of Wellington having spoken 
 of the necessity of reinforcing the English army in the Low 
 Countries, Prussia offered him the command of part of hers. 
 The Duke, however, has not fallen into this snare. On the 
 contrary, he has flatly refused to undertake the command of 
 the Prussians, and insisted, moreover, that the contingents of 
 the Northern Princes should be assigned to him, with the 
 assurance that he would then defend Northern Germany and 
 Holland from every foe. 
 
 Prince Hardenberg objected that the German Princes had 
 not the right to dispose of their troops. But the Duke 
 judiciously replied that the laws of the federation were not 
 yet fixed, having sent eight days ago a courier to Hanover to 
 apprise the Government of the necessity of putting our 
 troops, to the number of 12,000 men, in marching order. I 
 have, by the Duke of Wellington's advice, written con- 
 fidential letters to the Elector of Hesse and the Duke of 
 Brunswick, in order that they may apply to the English 
 Government to complete the army which Great Britain 
 should bring into the field, according to the Treaty of Chau- 
 mont, which is wished to be renewed. 
 
 The Powers signing this Treaty have shown less zeal for the 
 renewal of these stipulations since they have found that the 
 British Plenipotentiary would promise nothing on the subject 
 of subsidies. I believe as it is, that Austria and Prussia will 
 have much difficulty in providing for the expenses of the 
 campaign. As for the Eussians, they gained from thirteen 
 to seventeen millions of crowns ^ by the last campaign above 
 their ordinary expenditure. But it is by not paying that 
 this is done, and this example, which costs us so dear, renders 
 ^ Ecu— three francs. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 233 
 
 the prospect of the reappearance of her armies in Germany 
 more ominous. Since the 1st April Eussians to the number 
 of 50,000 have entered Bohemia, 150,000 passed through 
 Silesia and unhappy Saxony. The Prussians will have in 
 all 216,000 men, and the Austrians nearly 400,000. Their 
 regiments are very strong. A single brigade which passed 
 this way some days since contained 11,000 men. Their 
 principal force is directed on Italy. Since the 9th of March 
 Murat has advanced on all points towards the Eoman 
 frontier. The Minister of Murat always says that his Sove- 
 reign wishes to act in unison with Austria. It seems as if, 
 on this point, no one would be convinced of danger till it 
 was too late, just as it was with regard to Bonaparte. It is 
 asserted that Lucien speaks unreservedly at Eome of the 
 re-establishment of his brother. Your Eoyal Highness is 
 without doubt informed of the plot formed here to carry off 
 Bonaparte's son from Schonbrunn, It happened that the 
 coiTespondence between the inhabitants of the Castle and 
 the Isle of Elba was carried on by a Madame Amaranthe, a 
 sort of half lady's-maid, half maid-of-honour to Maria Louisa, 
 whose husband remained with Napoleon. M. de Montes- 
 quieu, who was at the head of the scheme of abduction, has 
 been sent off, some say to the fortress of Mongatsch, others 
 to France. His mother, Grande Maitresse to Maria Louisa, 
 has also departed. The httle ci-devant King of Eome has 
 been accommodated in the Imperial Palace in town. 
 
 I have for some days been invited to a Conference on the 
 navigation of the rivers, to which the principles of free-trade 
 were to be applied, in accordance with the system adopted for 
 the Ehine. It seemed to me that this business was ill- 
 digested, and I do not think myself called on to make 
 sacrifice gratuitously, at your Eoyal Highness's expense, to 
 favour some vague ideas on the liberty of Commerce 1 I 
 
234 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 found it necessary then to give the note subjoined to the 
 Protocol of 24th March. 
 
 The German Princes have presented the annexed note for 
 the purpose of bringing to a close the affairs of Germany. I 
 have engaged Lord Wellington to interest himself in this 
 important business. All these Princes feel their danger, 
 and show confidence in me with regard to Hanover. The 
 reason that the Duke of Wellington states in confidence for 
 not having accepted the command of a Prussian corps is, the 
 spirit manifested by this army against the arrangements 
 made by his Government, and the discontent which they 
 have exhibited in regard to Saxony, about which they especi- 
 ally blame England. I think that the Duke has duly appre- 
 ciated the circumstances. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 The King's German Legion. 
 
 Vienna, Sth April 1815. 
 Sir, — At present we are obliged to make the greatest 
 efforts to recover the tranquillity which the Peace of Paris 
 and the Congress of Vienna might have secured to Europe, 
 if the dangerous experiment had not been tried of compro- 
 mising with crime, by leaving Bonaparte, Murat, and a 
 number of their accomplices, in a condition to do harm. I 
 think I am fulfilling a sacred duty in rendering as efficacious 
 as possible the aid we can give to the common cause, and 
 in maintaining the military glory which Hanover has all 
 along enjoyed. It is of course natural that our army should 
 not be perfect at the present moment. A long war has 
 mown down our population, since, besides the number of 
 soldiers who have been so fortunate as to fight for their 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 235 
 
 legitimate Sovereign, the conscription of the usurper has 
 dragged away a large number to be butchered. 
 
 It is after such an exhaustion of our resources that we 
 have begun, in the presence of the enemy, to raise a new 
 corps of troops. We have succeeded, with the generous 
 assistance of Great Britain, in putting 30,000 men under 
 arms. Good-will, the most ardent zeal even, cannot supply 
 the want of experienced and veteran officers. The 26,000 
 men whom we shall soon have in Flanders are, from what I 
 learn, good as men, but it is natural that they should feel 
 the effects of so essential a want. 
 
 On the other side, the German Legion, the corps which 
 has served with so much distinction under the first captain 
 of our age, reckons many excellent of&cers, but it is reduced 
 in numbers, and there is no means of recruiting it, at least 
 Hanover cannot furnish men. Our population, however, 
 does not admit of exceeding the above-mentioned number of 
 troops which we place on the field, for it is still necessary to 
 defend the interior of the country, and to maintain the police. 
 
 In this state of things nothing would be more natural than 
 to think of uniting at once two corps which are destined some 
 day to be one. 
 
 England agreed in 1805 to restore to us, six months after 
 the peace, " such men of the Legion as are liable to serve, as 
 a corps, in their state of military equipment." The term 
 fixed for this restitution expired, in truth, at the end of the 
 month of November 1813. But it is fortunate, under present 
 circumstances, that the German Legion remained on the same 
 footing as before. I think it would be an unpardonable error 
 on the part of the Hanoverian Government if they did not 
 intend in future to preserve the Legion as it is, and without 
 much change in its constitution. Esprit de corps cannot be 
 bestowed ; it must be acquired in actual service. Indeed, it 
 
236 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 is with the view of preserving the Legion that your Royal 
 Highness has deferred raising regiments of Guards in Hanover, 
 in order afterwards to make them enter the Legion in our 
 service, as Hanoverian Guards. 
 
 The Duke of Wellington's army would gain, if the Legion 
 could be engaged to pass at once to our service to complete 
 it, whether as battalions of the line, the staff of which would 
 return to Hanover, or as volunteers of the battalions of 
 militia. England and Hanover could arrange for the calcu- 
 lation of the numbers to be furnished by each Power, by 
 coimting the number of men they should each have respec- 
 tively furnished. 
 
 The principal difficulty to be overcome would be that 
 resulting from the difference of pay, as well as from the 
 advantages secured to the officers of the Legion who enjoy 
 permanent rank in the English army, and who have a right 
 to half-pay, — an advantage too great to be made up by 
 Hanover, whilst England would dispute their right, on the 
 ground that an officer loses these advantages by entering a 
 foreign service. 
 
 I shall not hazard suggestions for getting over this diffi- 
 culty. I do not know if the English Government could assign 
 to the officers annuities equivalent to the half-pay which 
 they would lose by entering the service of Hanover. How- 
 ever, I am persuaded that if your Eoyal Highness will con- 
 sult the Duke of Cambridge, and employ General Charles 
 Alten to arrange the matter with the Legion itself, that the 
 corps will willingly agree to all equitable conditions, and 
 extend the glory of your Eoyal Highness's arms. 
 
 The Duke of Wellington's advice being of great weight in 
 this affair, I, by the advice of Lord Clancarty, sent off this 
 despatch by a special express to his Excellency, in order 
 that he may, if he thinks proper, accompany it by his 
 
DESPATCHES FROxM VIENNA. 237 
 
 remarks. The arrangement should be made so as not to 
 press heavily on our finances, which cannot bear greater 
 burdens than those which she will have to bear in accord- 
 ance with existing arrangements. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PEINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, ^th Ajml 1815. 
 
 P.S. — The general business of the Congress advances 
 scarcely at all. Spain refuses absolutely her consent to the 
 arrangements agreed on with relation to Italy. She holds 
 rigorously to the rights of the Spanish house of Bourbon 
 over Tuscany, Parma, and Piacenza. 
 
 On the other hand, Bavaria is not content with the 
 indemnities offered her for Salzburg and Inn Viertel, though 
 she would gain 300,000 florins of annual revenue, and a 
 population of 200,000 inhabitants. This matter has especially 
 retarded German affairs. It seemed besides that Wtirtem- 
 berg is further than ever from conforming to political and 
 national order in Germany. She counts perhaps on fishing 
 in troubled waters, whilst, on the other hand, the Diet, newly 
 convoked, resists the tyrannical innovations proposed by his 
 Majesty of Wlirtemberg. As to the Bavarian question, it 
 can hardly be denied that Austria shows in it a moderation 
 which approaches to feebleness, and which has injured Prince 
 Metternich in public opinion. 
 
 Her treaty with Bavaria is clear as regards the cession of 
 Salzburg. The Duke of Wellington was persuaded that 
 Austria must insist on this position. Nevertheless Austria 
 has abandoned her right. Yesterday evening the matter 
 approached a conclusion. Bavaria is only willing to yield 
 about half the territory of Salzburg. She asked Elvangen 
 from Wurtemberg, and reserved the reversion of the Palati- 
 
238 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 nate on the Ehine, in case the male line of Baden should 
 become extinct. I believe that the project will even be 
 extended over all the Margravate of Baden, wliich ought, 
 however, to fall to Count de Hochberg, the legitimate and 
 acknowledged son of the grandfather of the present Duke. 
 The King of Saxony declared, the day before yesterday, that 
 he would consent to the territorial cessions demanded of him. 
 But he attached three conditions to this consent : — 
 
 1. That the debt of the country be divided, not according 
 to the population, as Prussia desires, but in accordance with 
 the population joined to the revenue and the area. 
 
 2. That Prussia should yield at cost price three-fifths of the 
 salt of the Saxon salt mines, all which the division, made 
 without respect to local circumstances, has assigned entire to 
 Prussia. 
 
 3. That the King of Saxony shall not free his subjects, 
 Saxons as well as Poles, from their oath of fidelity, tiU he 
 returns to Dresden. Prussia is unwilling to yield this last 
 point, thinking that the King of Saxony's demand shows an 
 unmerited distrust. 
 
 These are about the principal points which at present 
 check our progress. 
 
 In the meantime, Murat has raised the mask which was 
 only impenetrable to those who thought fit — to be blind. 
 His advanced posts have attacked the Austrian advanced 
 posts of the regiment of your Eoyal Highness near Eimini. 
 The Austrians have three able generals in Italy, Frimont, 
 Bianchi, and Nugent. But they will be obliged to begin, 
 from not having been cautious in time, by giving up places 
 which would have protected them ; these are Mantua, 
 Piacenza, and Alessandra. 
 
 The Emperor of Kussia is about to take the title of King 
 of Poland. This matter has been too deeply gone into for 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 239 
 
 every one not to feel its painful importance. The Duke of 
 Wellington was too judicious to allow himself to be induced 
 to provoke this measure ; without offering this title to the 
 Emperor Alexander, he has been obliged to yield in granting 
 it. However, his demand that Austria and Prussia should 
 make declarations, granting a sort of nationality to their 
 Polish subjects, has not been acceded to. This title of King 
 of Poland has not yet been ofiicially made known. I shall 
 only reply when I shall have the official response to the 
 notification of the title taken by Hanover. When I re- 
 minded Count Nesselrode the other day of this matter, he 
 excused himself because the note was still with the Emperor, 
 but said that he had meanwhile signed the treaty of accessit, 
 in which the Koyal title was given to Hanover. The Duke 
 of Saxe-Weimar announced yesterday his new title of Grand- 
 Duke. I could not refuse to recognise it on behalf of 
 Hanover, as all the other Powers have consented. We shall 
 see this example followed presently by the Dukes of Olden- 
 burg and Mecklenburg-Schwerin. I suppose that your 
 Eoyal Highness will not oppose their wishes. As to the 
 King of the Low Countries, Grand-Duke of Luxemburg, I 
 thought proper to reply in the most polite manner, assuring 
 him that your Eoyal Highness would have no hesitation in 
 acknowledging his dignity on behalf of Hanover. In every 
 case I beg you to give me your 6rders on this subject, that I 
 may give notes in due form. 
 
 The preparations for war are carried on with great vigour. 
 I am persuaded, and so is everybody, that Prince Metternich 
 will act with energy, provided that afterwards suspicions 
 and jealousies do not interfere. It does not seem certain 
 whether the Emperor Alexander will command his army, or 
 will give the command nominally to Schwarzenberg. The 
 command on the Phine is estimated at 264,000 effective 
 
240 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 men, commanded, under him, by the Prince-Eoyal of Wiirtem- 
 berg, Marshal AVrede, Prince Hohenzollern, and Jerome 
 Colloredo, with a strong reserve under the Archduke Ferdi- 
 nand of Milan. The order of battle is well chosen. The 
 ci-devant Saxon General Langenau is quarter-master-general ; 
 Eadetzky remains only for form's sake, and on account of the 
 jealousy of the others. All the Archdukes will be employed, 
 but not in chief. It seems strange that the Archduke 
 Charles takes the Government of Mayence. Even the 
 Prince-Eoyal of Austria will have a brigade of cavalry. 
 Some ladies of the Bonaparte family have been brought to 
 Austria; they will be lodged in the fort of Mungatsch. 
 This rigour would have been more appropriate towards 
 Jerome and Joseph, who have both fled before they could be 
 apprehended. Jerome was warned by his wife, who, in her 
 turn, had it from the Minister of Wtirtemberg, to whom 
 Prince Metternich had said that the Sieur Jerome would be 
 conducted to Gratz. If he presents himself in our territory, 
 I will have him prosecuted for high treason. I am informed 
 that M. Camus, to whom we have had to restore an estate at 
 Hildesheim, by the express orders of his Prussian Majesty, 
 is under surveillance. 
 
 M. de Montesquieu having been overtaken in his flight, is 
 at Monjutch. To make amends, we have here with Prince 
 Talle3rrand the famous Monterau. 
 
 Bonaparte has already given instructions to all the Mini- 
 sters of France who hold posts at foreign Courts. They 
 have not received them. 
 
 Beauharnais has left us. The Emperor Alexander has 
 insulted Germany by asking a principality for him there. 
 Prussia has nobly resisted. It has been proposed to give 
 him Ponte Corvo, belonging to the Pope. This has not satis- 
 fied the ci-devant Viceroy. At last it has been agreed that 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 241 
 
 the King of Bavaria should give him the Castle of Bayreuth, 
 with its dependencies, and that his rights resulting from 
 the famous treaty of 11th April should be secured to him. — 
 I am, etc. E. G. M. 
 
 Private^ 
 
 TO HIS EOYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, April 12, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — I despatched a courier yesterday to Hanover to put 
 the Duke of Cambridge and our Government in possession 
 of all that relates to the Treaty of Alliance against Napoleon 
 Bonaparte, and to communicate to him the despatch of the 
 8th, which I sent by a special express to the Duke of Well- 
 ington, in reference to the German Legion. 
 
 I have availed myself of this opportunity of forwarding to 
 London the Act of Accession signed with Prussia. Your 
 Eoyal Highness will find subjoined the same document signed 
 betwixt us and the Austrian Plenipotentiaries. What we 
 have to arrange with Eussia is subject to so many delays 
 that I cannot fix the day of signature. In the meantime I 
 entreat your Eoyal Highness to cause the act of your ratifi- 
 cations of the three treaties, which I herewith present, to be 
 despatched. To my very humble despatch of the 8th current, 
 the ratification of Austria on the accession of Hanover to the 
 treaty of 3d January is annexed, which I have sent to serve 
 as a model for the form of the despatches. I subjoined to 
 my despatch of yesterday the ratification of the same treaty 
 on the part of Prance, also the correspondence which took 
 place on the treaty of the 3d February between me and the 
 Plenipotentiaries of the King of the Low Countries, and of 
 Bavaria. 
 
 In a conference held yesterday the territorial arrangements 
 
 Q 
 
242 DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 
 
 between Austria and Bavaria have been settled. Bavaria 
 only gives np five bailiwicks of Salzburg. She keeps the 
 town, which gives her a military position — regarded by the 
 Duke of Wellington as necessary to Austria. Bavaria retains 
 also part of Hundsruck and Inn Viertel, obtains Hanau, the 
 country of Isenburg, which will be incorporated, and Mer- 
 gentheim, belonging to Wtirtemberg. The indemnification 
 of Hesse, Wtirtemberg, and Baden is now the question. 
 When this is once arranged, I flatter myself that the general 
 affairs in Germany will proceed a little faster. 
 
 Matters in Italy have come to a crisis, which should have 
 been long ago foreseen. Murat has deployed 20,000 men 
 before General Bianchi, who had only 5000, and had to order 
 a retreat. Seeing, however, that Murat detached a column to 
 outflank him, he threw himself on it, and beat it, taking 200 
 prisoners. General Filangeri, who was mortally wounded on 
 this occasion, was the pearl of Murat's army. 
 
 Prince Metternich's slight success in his negotiations with 
 Bavaria, and the result of all the manoeuvres with Murat, 
 have raised a great outcry against this Minister. These two 
 circumstances, added to all for which he has been blamed 
 during the Congress, could only terminate in undermining 
 his credit with the Emperor his master. Indeed, I think 
 that the open war made on him by the Emperor Alexander 
 has partly strengthened him in his post. The Emperor 
 Alexander has made peace with him, but he has been only 
 coolly received by the Minister, and I doubt not that the 
 hatred remains the same on both sides. 
 
 I send your Eoyal Highness, subjoined, the declaration of 
 Austria against Murat, as it appeared to-day. The feeling in 
 Italy, instead of being, as was dreaded, in favour of Napoleon 
 and Murat, proves, on the contrary, to be against them. 
 
 I saw to-day the declaration of the Emperor of Austria in 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 243 
 
 reference to his possessions in Italy, which is to be published 
 on the 1 8th current. The provinces are thus designated : — 
 " The Lombardo- Venetian province to Lake Maggiore to the 
 rivers Ticino and Po ; Mantua, on the left bank of this river 
 the Valtellina and the two counties of Chiavenna and Bormio 
 re-united to the empire of Austria — raised to the rank of a 
 new kingdom, under the denomination of the Lombardo- 
 Venetian kingdom." 
 
 The new declaration of the European Powers against Napo- 
 leon, proposed by Prince Talleyrand and strongly supported 
 by the Emperor Alexander, has given rise to warm discus- 
 sions, which seemed to have come to an end yesterday 
 evening, so far that copies were distributed to all the royal 
 Courts for signature. The declaration was even printed in the 
 evening, with all the signatures placed in alphabetical order. 
 
 Several Ministers, in particular those of Spain and Por- 
 tugal, having refused to sign, and Lord Clancarty having 
 renewed the objections he made previously, the declaration 
 will be again discussed. I am very glad of it, for I only 
 signed it because I did not think it right for me to stand 
 alone in a business agreed to after three days' discussion by 
 all the Powers. 
 
 I look on the declaration as for the most part useless, for 
 that of the 1 3th March said all that was necessary before the 
 commencement of hostilities. In fact the whole document 
 seems to me an attempt on the part of Talleyrand, prompted 
 by M. Monterau, to make his peace with the Jacobins. The 
 declaration is bitter against Bonaparte, but it only aUudes to 
 the King in praising his paternal government. It says 
 nothing of the part which he is expected to sustain. Lord 
 Clancarty had the greatest difficulty in getting the title of 
 legitimate King substituted for recalled Elng, the name 
 proposed to be given Louis xviii. Apparently the author 
 
244 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 wished to indicate that the King had been recalled on con- 
 dition of accepting the constitution drawn up by M. de 
 Talleyrand, and that he was dethroned for having granted 
 another in his own right. 
 
 This declaration promises, moreover, that the war shall 
 cease when France shall offer, by her institutions, a pledge 
 for the safety of Europe, and promises her beforehand the 
 conditions of the Treaty of Paris. In my opinion we ought 
 to make war as Allies of the King of France, regarding as 
 traitors those who fight against him. It is thus we should 
 treat all who have taken part in the conspiracy. 
 
 It is certain that Europe will have no rest till the French 
 regicides are deprived of the power to do harm. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, April 13, 1815. 
 
 P.S. — The courier not having set out yesterday, I am able 
 to acknowledge receipt of the despatch of 31st March, by 
 which your Eoyal Highness directs me — 
 
 First, To report on the probable duration of the Congress, 
 and of my absence from London. 
 
 Second, To collect information relative to a certain Mr. 
 Grifath. 
 
 I humbly execute this order in as far as I can form an 
 opinion at the present moment. 
 
 After the territorial affairs of Bavaria are aiTanged, it 
 remains to reconcile the Courts of Wurtemberg, Hesse, and 
 Baden, to the changes to which this settlement exposes their 
 possessions. It may easily be foreseen, and I know from 
 the Minister of the Elector that he will be very unwilling to 
 give up the county of Hanau — the place where he resided 
 during his father's lifetime. Darmstadt and Baden will 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 245 
 
 hardly accept indemnification on the left bank of the Ehine. 
 It is true that the great Courts have agreed on these trans- 
 fers, but it is difficult to believe that they would, under 
 existing circumstances, use force to obtain what good-will 
 refused to them. The King of Prussia has consented, with 
 a very bad grace, to the bestowal on Bavaria of the position 
 of Hanau on the Main. 
 
 After these arrangements have been made, the settlement 
 of the Germanic League will be attempted. We have con- 
 certed a plan with Eussia for settling the points into which 
 the general act of Congress on the political state of Germany 
 ought to enter, with the intention of declaring afterwards 
 that the League exists, and assembling the first Bundestag, 
 which will be employed on the details, according to the bases 
 agreed on. Even this preliminary work will be rendered 
 more difficult by the jealousy which Bavaria and Wurtem- 
 berg manifest on all occasions, when they think they ought 
 to renounce the exercise of what they understand by supreme 
 power for the general good. 
 
 It is of great importance, then, to conclude the League, even 
 though it cannot be rendered so complete a compact as your 
 Eoyal Highness would desire. For without the League, we shall 
 risk treachery in Germany. I suppose that all this business 
 cannot be ended before the middle of the month of May. 
 
 My proposal would be to proceed then directly to Hanover, 
 to prepare there the organization of the different branches of 
 the administration, and to regulate all that remains to be 
 done with the General Diet. Afterwards, I shall ask some 
 days to visit my estates, which I have not seen for fifteen 
 years, and then I will return to my post. 
 
 I beg that your Eoyal Highness will cause me to be in- 
 formed if you approve of my plan. 
 
 The Sovereigns will remain together at headquarters, and 
 
246 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 will naturally have their Cabinets with them. If, however, 
 the business intrusted to me were concluded here, I believe 
 I should be more useful to your Eoyal Highness in London 
 than with the armies. 
 
 In the meantime it is said that each Court will only have 
 one Minister at headquarters, who will be accredited to the 
 three Sovereigns present. If this is the case, I shall propose 
 to your Eoyal Highness to give full powers for Hanover to 
 Count Hardenberg. If afterwards my presence with the 
 army should become necessary, I could repair thither accord- 
 ing to your command, from London. 
 
 As to Mr. Grifi&th, I charged Baron d'Ompteda to teU 
 me what he can learn on this subject. His wandering life 
 has made him an object of suspicion here, and it is certain 
 that the Ministers of Murat at Vienna hved with him. I 
 delay making a report on this matter till I shall have col- 
 lected materials. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, April 22d, 1815. 
 Sir, — By my last despatch of the 1 5th curt., I laid before 
 your Eoyal Highness the treaty of agreement signed between 
 Hanover and Prussia. It remains only to be signed with 
 Eussia. I have again reminded Count de Easoumowsky and 
 Count Nesselrode of this matter. I suspected at first that 
 these Ministers endeavoured to delay the signature till a 
 final arrangement was made with the Duke of Oldenburg, in 
 regard to an allotment of 20,000 inhabitants which this 
 Prince will receive on the left bank of the Ehine. Count 
 Nesselrode, however, told me this morning that he should 
 have the act we have to sign prepared instantly. I have no 
 reason to doubt that he wiU keep this engagement, since 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 247 
 
 he sent me the day before yesterday a very friendly note (of 
 which I subjoin a copy), by which the Emperor of Eiissia 
 recognises the title Koyal, as adopted for Hanover. 
 
 As to the proposed arrangement with Oldenburg, Eussia, 
 who protects her, particularly desires that Hanover give up 
 to her the districts contiguous to her States, receiving pro- 
 portionate compensation from Prussia, who, in her turn, will 
 attach to her new States the portion destined for the Duke 
 of Oldenburg on the left bank of the Ehine. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness may rest assured that I will endea- 
 vour to profit by this circumstance, to recover, if not the 
 whole, at least the greater part of the Duchy of Lauenburg. 
 I have reason to believe that the King of Prussia holds espe- 
 cially to this cession as a compensation which enables him 
 to overcome his unwillingness to give up East Friesland. I 
 must then endeavour to forward this affair by means of the 
 Eussian mission. 
 
 I have been confirmed in this opinion by the following 
 fact. 
 
 Prussia having taken possession of the part of the Grand 
 Duchy of Warsaw which falls to her share, as well as of her 
 new provinces beyond the Ehine, and even of the greater 
 part of those she should obtain between the Ehine and the 
 Weser, I charged Count de Hardenberg to represent to the 
 Prussian Chancellor that Prussia was in possession of a 
 population of 131,500 souls which belonged to Hanover, — this 
 kingdom having only obtained 119,500 souls by the occupa- 
 tion of Hildesheim. It seemed to me, then, just, until the 
 cession of the Hessian possessions and the Duchy of Lauen- 
 burg should be arranged, that Prussia should give up to us, 
 in East Friesland, 119,500 souls, and in the town of Goslar 
 5500— in all, 125,000. 
 
 This would still leave a surplus of 6500 souls in her 
 
248 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 hands. The Chancellor protested that he could not agree to 
 partial cessions so long as all could not be arranged at once. 
 He has promised, however, that the matter shall be con- 
 cluded in fifteen days. It is not unimportant to us, as the 
 revenue we ought to receive is above 60,000 rix-doUars per 
 month. What makes this matter more serious is, that if it 
 is not arranged at present, I have not sufi&cient confidence in 
 the good faith of the Prussian Cabinet to believe that we 
 shall ever receive what is due to us. Now Darmstadt and 
 Baden are very unwilling to enter into the cessions sought 
 from them to facilitate the arrangement agreed on between 
 Austria and Bavaria. This circumstance, and the constant 
 desire to defer difficult questions to the future, seem to have 
 given rise to the idea of leaving the state of possessions in 
 statu quo till the war is over. This state of uncertainty 
 would be in itself a misfortune, and, as regards us, it would 
 expose us to a multitude of difficulties to obtain what is our 
 due. I will do all that I can to accomplish the settlement 
 of Northern Germany. The affair of Eoyal Saxony is for- 
 tunate for us, for the Powers which take an interest in the 
 fate of this State will labour to release the portion which 
 ought to be restored to its legitimate Sovereign from Prus- 
 sian occupation. This negotiation draws near its conclusion. 
 The treaty of agreement by the German Princes who have 
 not signed the separate acts, will be terminated after to- 
 morrow. They treat by deputy with the Ministers of the 
 four principal Powers. The principles which must be 
 adopted to provide for the subsistence of the armies are 
 incessantly studied. I shall take part with Lord Cathcart 
 on behalf of England in this commission, because our private 
 interests will have to be carefully watched. When these 
 points are settled, the general affairs of Germany will ter- 
 minate the labours of the Congress. 
 
DESPATCHES EKOM VIENNA. 249 
 
 The declaration to be made to France is still undecided. 
 The publication of the treaty of alliance is the most rational 
 thing to be done. I am disgusted at hearing again declama- 
 tions on the pretended incapacity of the Bourbons for govern- 
 ing France. And yet those who preach this doctrine are the 
 same who contributed to bind the hands of the King of 
 France, and to set around him the rascals who have ruined 
 him. 
 
 The passage of the Austrian troops still continues. The 
 regiments are very numerous, but their march is not very 
 prompt. The immediate commencement of operations de- 
 sired by the Duke of Wellington has not been approved. — 
 I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE . EEGENT. 
 
 Vienna, May Qth, 1815. 
 
 F.S. 2. — The subsidy which England pays us for the 
 15,000 combatants (16,400) that Hanover has furnished, has 
 enabled us to provide for the expense which bears so heavily 
 on the country. 
 
 But notwithstanding this assistance we shall have great 
 difficulty in providing for the maintenance of these 16,400 
 men and the 10,000 men whom we are obliged to keep at 
 our own expense. 
 
 It is true certainly that the above-mentioned subsidy is 
 very considerable, and that the treaty bears that the British 
 Government will not be held liable for other expenses; 
 but it is equally true that we shall suffer very severely 
 by having to conform to the English system of military 
 expenditure. 
 
 According to a calculation furnished by Lord Clancarty, 
 intended to prove that the Continental Powers would be 
 
250 DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 
 
 able, with the aid of the subsidies granted, to pay the real 
 price of provisions, I find that the maintenance of a foot- 
 soldier costs £8 stg., and that of a trooper, Is. 6d. per day, 
 or of 12 livres and £27 stg. a year. Taking the Hanoverian 
 army as composed of 24,300 infantry and 2100 cavalry, the 
 maintenance of this corps alone would amount to £405,000 
 stg. per annum, without counting the pay of the troops, the 
 clothing, artillery, stores. 
 
 The difficulties would be greatly lessened if justice were 
 done us. But hitherto Austria, Russia, and Prussia have not 
 even replied officially to the notes which I have addressed to 
 them to pay our part of the sums which they have raised in 
 the provinces occupied during the late war, of which accord- 
 ing to distinct treaties one-seventeenth ought to be ours. The 
 only sums paid by France and the Low Countries when the 
 armies have left them amounted to thirty-seven millions of 
 livres, which have been divided without regard to our rights. 
 Neither Eussia, for whom we have disbursed four millions of 
 crowns, Prussia, Sweden, nor Denmark, have paid as yet the 
 considerable outlay caused by their troops during the last 
 campaigns. 
 
 I beg your Royal Highness to cause this subject to be men- 
 tioned to Lord Castlereagh, who has always shown a disposi- 
 tion to support our just demands, in order that the British 
 Government may intercede in our behalf, and consider if a 
 portion of the subsidies promised to these Powers could be 
 retained. 
 
 In the first place, the subsidies are given for the expenses 
 of the war, and there is a general belief that the treasures of 
 England are at our disposal, which serves as an excuse to the 
 other Powers for keeping back what is our due. Perhaps the 
 Duke of Wellington could employ part of the two million 
 pounds sterling left at his disposal in disembarrassing a 
 
I 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 251 
 
 Government whose troops have always been his faithful com- 
 panions in arms. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, May 12, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Finding that the despatches sent hy Hanover arrive 
 often as promptly in London as those forwarded in the ordi- 
 nary way, I avail myself of a courier whom I send to the 
 Government of Hanover to forward this very humble despatch 
 to your Eoyal Highness. You will find annexed the copy of 
 my reply with respect to the new treaty of subsidies, which 
 is to replace that which the Duke of Wellington has felt him- 
 self obliged to denounce. 
 
 I shall take advantage of the first English courier to ac- 
 quaint the Duke of Wellington with my views on this subject. 
 It is impossible to enter into details, not knowing how the 
 British Government will regard the question of recruiting 
 the German Legion. I wrote you all that the Duke of Cam- 
 bridge said on this matter. If it should be desirable to in- 
 corporate the battalions of the Hanoverian line with the 
 Legion, dismissing the staff, an injustice would be committed 
 towards a numerous corps of officers, who have embraced the 
 service in times of difficulty to save Hanover. Dismissed 
 from the theatre of war, their position would become so much 
 the more distressing, because they would see all hope of suit- 
 able promotion frustrated. The militia could not be joined 
 to the Legion without infringing the promises given to the 
 country of Hanover at the time of its formation. 
 
 On the other hand, if the Legion passes into our service, 
 the militia could fiU the ranks of the Legion by voluntary 
 enrolment, and the officers of these battalions, who are less 
 bound than those of the troops of the line to capitulations 
 
252 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 distant from our frontiers, could be employed in the interior 
 at the depots and at the organization of the levy en masse 
 (Landsturm) which might be a useful institution, inasmuch 
 as it is in a certain fashion in union with the military system 
 of the country. 
 
 The affairs of Saxony draw nearer and nearer to a con- 
 clusion. The Ministers of the King of Saxony, Count 
 de Schulenburg and M. de Globig, whom I saw yester- 
 day evening, think that they will sign their treaty in a few 
 days. The rest of the territorial arrangements in Southern 
 Germany will remain in a provisional condition. Austria has 
 proposed to Prussia and to the other Powers to renounce dur- 
 ing the war about to commence the accompKshment of her 
 treaty of exchange with Bavaria, on condition that during 
 the war three great Powers should keep possession of the left 
 bank of the Ehine, — namely, the King of Holland, Austria, 
 and Prussia. Austria proposed to take provisionally for 
 this purpose all the territory destined for Bavaria, reserving 
 by a secret article the good ofi&ces and the assistance of the 
 Courts of London, Eussia, and Prussia to obtain after the 
 Peace — 
 
 (1.) The cession of the provinces that Bavaria had pro- 
 mised to give up. 
 
 (2.) The reversion of the Palatinate and of Breisgau. As 
 to the Palatinate, it is a matter on which Bavaria has strongly 
 insisted. Perhaps Austria only desires to facilitate after- 
 wards her arrangements with this power. Austria would 
 besides possess Hanau during the war, and some bailiwicks of 
 Pulda. She demands that Prussia shall renounce on her side 
 the possession for the time of the Duchy of Westphalia, and 
 take in the meantime a population equal in number in the_j 
 department of La Sarre. 
 
 Prussia has given her consent to this arrangement on con- 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 253 
 
 dition that Austria shall cede to the Grand-Duke of Weimar 
 the 27,000 souls which are destined for him from Fulda; 
 whilst Prussia will, in the meantime, take the half of this 
 province, intended to be exchanged with the Elector of Hesse. 
 
 (3.) That she shall besides take possession of the part of 
 the department of Mont Tonnerre, adjoining May ence, reserv- 
 ing it to exchange with Hesse-Darmstadt. 
 
 (4.) That the 67,000 souls intended to satisfy the claims 
 of Saxe-Coburg, Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Count de Pappenheim, 
 etc., may be employed for the interest of these Princes. 
 
 At a conference held on this point it is decided that after 
 the war Mayence shall fall to Darmstadt ; in compensation, 
 the Duchy of Westphalia shall be a fortress of the League ; 
 that the garrison shall be composed of Hessians of the two 
 branches of this house, the troops of Nassau and of Prussia, 
 and that the King of Prussia shall nominate the Governor ; 
 that during the present war the Governor shall remain 
 Austrian, and the Commandant Prussian. 
 
 Hanau will in future be maintained as a fortress by 
 Bavaria. Thus far these negotiations will not hinder the 
 execution of our arrangements with Prussia. 
 
 I have this moment received the subjoined note from this 
 Court relative to the proposed exchange of Hohenstein. I 
 shall reply to it immediately. This note is obviously con- 
 trary to the sense of our treaty, for it considers the cession of 
 Prussian Hohenstein as a proposition novel and inadmissible. 
 
 I am grieved to observe that the great Courts seem to have 
 entirely abandoned the King of Denmark, who leaves Vienna 
 on Tuesday next. He has got no assistance against the 
 cavils of the Swedes, who refuse him the possession of Swedish 
 Pomerania. I learn privately that Prussia has agreed with 
 this Power on the acquisition of this province, a fact which 
 influences her in a manner unfavourable to the Lauenburg 
 
254 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 question. It will only rest with us to see that the steps 
 taken by Eussia to obtain the additions promised to the Duke 
 of Oldenburg to enlarge his States shall tend this way. As 
 this can only be effected by Hanover, the retrocession of 
 Lauenburg must be insisted on, or at least of the greater part 
 of this country, to induce us, on the other hand, to make the 
 cessions required for the Duke of Oldenburg. The news from 
 Italy is very favourable. A letter from Colonel Stephanini 
 annoimces that General Frimont has already returned to 
 enter Piedmont with 12,000 men, regarding the war against 
 Murat as decided. This usurper has thrown his infantry, re- 
 duced to 12,000 men, into Ancona, where he is cooped up by 
 Bianchi, whose troops are at Sinigaglia, Lonette, and Mace- 
 rata. Murat has fled with the cavalry to Jessi, trying to 
 escape towards Naples. The official report, retarded because 
 Bianchi is at Maurata, is expected. 
 
 Commander Euffo sets out to rejoin Prince Leopold of 
 Sicily, who has left Vienna some days since to repair to the 
 army of Italy. 
 
 He carries with him the preliminary treaty with Austria, 
 by which the possession of Naples is secured to the legitimate 
 King. There are two private articles in the treaty, which have 
 been imparted to me under the seal of secrecy. The one sti- 
 pulates that Austria shall for some years keep 60,000 men in 
 the kingdom of Naples, the second that Naples shall pay her 
 thirty-seven millions of livres for the expenses of war. I 
 learn that these articles are not very precise ! I heard yes- 
 terday that the Eussian General Chanicof said to a friend of 
 mine in confidence, that he should be appointed Eussian 
 Minister to Hanover and Cassel with orders to reside at 
 Hanover. There is no personal objection to Chanicof. He 
 was formerly Minister at Dresden, and has since attended the 
 Grand-Duchess of Weimar. I do not know if the Court of 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 255 
 
 Eussia has made a confidential overture to your Eoyal High- 
 ness on this subject. 
 
 I see the Ministers of the Emperor Alexander almost 
 daily, but they have not mentioned it to me. 
 
 Even this morning, Baron de Buhl, ci-devant Austrian 
 Minister at Florence, came to see me, to announce that he 
 had been ordered to leave Florence in haste, to receive the 
 requisite instructions for his new destination to Cassel and 
 Hanover,— that, in fact, he only awaited some information 
 on the nature of the Germanic League to set out. 
 
 Prince Metternich has as yet communicated nothing as to 
 this mission, and M. de Buhl's visit is the only official notice 
 that I have received. He proposes to transmit the greater 
 part of the army to Hanover. He even made a kind of 
 excuse for beginning by sojourning for some time at Cassel, 
 as an acknowledgment of the Elector's politeness in announc- 
 ing to the Emperor that he had assigned a hotel for the 
 reception of the Austrian Ministers. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness will remember that I formerly had 
 the honour of making observations on the presence of a 
 diplomatic corps at Hanover. It seemed to me that it would 
 not be suitable to refuse to admit the Ministers when the 
 Courts had appointed them. These Ministers only replace 
 those who were formerly accredited to the Court of Lower 
 Saxony, and usually resided at Hamburg. It wiU be necessary, 
 however, to instruct the Hanoverian Government as to the 
 reception of the foreign Ministers. Their credentials being 
 of course addressed to your Eoyal Highness, I think it would 
 be inconsistent with the dignity of his Eoyal Highness 
 the Duke of Cambridge to receive them simply for trans- 
 mission. It would perhaps be more fitting to charge the 
 Minister of State, de Bremer, to receive them, and then to 
 present the accredited Ministers to his Eoyal Highness. I 
 
256 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 detained the courier some hours, hoping to be able to give 
 your Eoyal Highness an account of the result of the confer- 
 ence on the affairs of Germany. Indeed, Prince Metternich 
 had fixed a preparatory conference betwixt himself, Prince 
 Hardenberg, and me, for to-day. But it is put off till to- 
 morrow. It is suspected that the Austrian Court wishes to 
 pledge us only to fulfil very vaguely the article of the treaty 
 of Paris, which decrees that Germany shall be a confedera- 
 tion, and to leave the remainder of the discussion till the 
 Sovereigns meet at Frankfort. 
 
 Prince Hardenberg and I will endeavour, on the contrary, 
 to cause the League to be decreed according to the plan 
 recently drawn up by Baron de Humboldt, in conformity to 
 the propositions of Austria and the Plenipotentiaries of 
 Hanover, and to call without delay the first Bundestag of the 
 League, effectively constituted. This measure seems necessary 
 to tranquillize Germany. A fresh delay would only be 
 waiting for the course of events to procure a doubtful and 
 vague advantage. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, May 13, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — I have received through the Duke of Cambridge 
 the embarrassing tidings that Marshal the Duke of Welling- 
 ton has denounced the treaty of subsidies, which hitherto 
 has sustained our finances in the midst of calamities that 
 threatened their ruin. 
 
 This disagreeable news has been rendered still more 
 difficult to endure by the claim made on behalf of the 
 British Government, to be reimbursed for the expense of 
 maintaining 15,000 soldiers, who have been in Flanders for 
 some months. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 257 
 
 We should be entirely unable to maintain our army in the 
 Low Countries, if the Duke of Wellington had not offered to 
 conclude a new treaty of subsidies ; his proposal offers in 
 itself much less advantageous conditions than those of the 
 treaty which has just been set aside. On the other hand, the 
 Duke has offered to extend them to all our troops, whereas 
 the first treaty only comprised the 10,000 men we sent out 
 immediately on our accession to the treaty of alliance of 
 20th March. 
 
 The Duke of Cambridge and our Government have com- 
 municated to me the replies despatched to the Low Countries 
 as well as to London, asking my advice. 
 
 By a courier sent off yesterday to Hanover (whom I have 
 also charged with several despatches for your Eoyal High- 
 ness) I have informed the Duke of Cambridge that I think 
 his views perfectly just, and that I quite agree in the opinion 
 of Marshal the Duke of Wellington, that under present 
 circumstances nothing should hinder all our corps of 26,000 
 men from being included in the treaty of subsidies. The 
 expense that this corps would cause us, independently of its 
 maintenance, has been represented to our chamberlain, and 
 I shall add nothing on this subject. 
 
 We cannot do better than rely on the justice and genero- 
 sity of the British Government, guided by a chief who has 
 always honoured our troops with his especial approbation. 
 He has known them too long to confound them with mere 
 mercenaries. He has seen them fight, animated by attachment 
 to the same Prince who governs Great Britain, and he will 
 not forget that he is thus not only sheltered from the chances 
 to which the versatile policy of Cabinets might expose the 
 leader of foreign troops, but also enabled to command these 
 troops more fully than he could dispose of simple auxiliaries, 
 
 R 
 
258 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. • 
 
 who might wish to remain united, and not to be under the 
 command of foreign leaders. 
 
 The demand made by the English Government for the 
 maintenance of our troops is just in certain respects. Eng- 
 land is not obliged to feed the subsidiary troops, but, on the 
 other hand, the objections made by General Decken to the 
 Commissionary-in-Chief Harris could not fail to produce a 
 favourable decision for Hanover. Our means are not equal 
 to the expense of an English commissariat, to which our 
 troops were assigned without consulting the Hanoverian 
 Government. Moreover, whilst it is a question of subsidiary 
 troops, there are in our treaty many favourable conditions 
 which have been overlooked — for example, the first to take 
 the field, etc. 
 
 The misgiving that is felt regarding the subsidy offered to 
 us for the corps of 10,000 men that we furnish according to 
 our treaty of accession to the alliance of 26th March, rested 
 on the supposition that Great Britain wished to place the 
 troops she will pay by subsidy in her reckoning of the 
 150,000 men she must furnish. Now, in this case, it 
 appeared that these troops would be counted twice, first 
 for Great Britain, then for Hanover. But since the Great 
 Powers receive subsidies, the affair takes a turn, and it will 
 rest with Great Britain to succour whom she will. It 
 must be considered, moreover, that our difficulties princi- 
 pally proceed from the circumstance of Prussia, Eussia, 
 Sweden, and Denmark, not having reimbursed us for the 
 enormous outlay caused by their troops during the last cam- 
 paign. 
 
 We have disbursed four millions of crowns for Eussia 
 alone. Now, these payments are delayed because it is im- 
 agined that the treasures of England are at our service. 
 
 It is particularly disagreeable that all this discussion has 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 259 
 
 taken place at the time when we are engaged in dispute on 
 the maintenance of the Eussian army. Your Eoyal Highness 
 knows by my former reports of the unjust demand made by 
 Eussia, Austria, and Prussia on the German Princes, these 
 Powers requiring the Princes to furnish maintenance imme- 
 diately for three months — vaguely intimating that they will 
 forward the necessary provisions for the following nine 
 months. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness knows the negotiation begun with 
 the King of Holland on this subject. 
 
 I have been obliged to declare that if this sovereign con- 
 sented to go into the system adopted by the other radii, we 
 would concur in the preparatory arrangements with the other 
 Courts of Germany. 
 
 I hope that if the British Government undertakes the 
 expenses of our troops, Marshal the Duke of Wellington 
 will take care that we may not be abandoned to the rapacity 
 of a Prussian commissariat. To demonstrate the danger of 
 such an alternative, I may observe that the three Powers, to 
 avoid the united remonstrances of the German Courts, have 
 only re-assembled the Ministers according to the radii formed. 
 They avoided inviting me to these conferences ; but I have 
 procured a sketch of the demands made by Prussia. Her 
 ]?adius would comprise a population of 5,136,000 souls; her 
 army is calculated at 280,000 men, who must be fed ; and 
 what she asks for three months amounts to 343,620 cwts. of 
 flour, 114,570 cwts. of meat, 2,520,000 quarts of brandy, 
 715,950 cwts. of oats, 171,810 cwts. of hay, of which the 
 quota required from Hanover, on account of 1,300,000 in- 
 habitants, is reckoned at 86,906 quarters of flour, 28,990 
 quarts of meat, 636,780 quarts of brandy, 181,199 quarts of 
 •oats, 43,490 quarts of hay, which we shall have to transport 
 at our own expense from Hanover to the Ehine. It is to be 
 
260 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 considered that the other German provinces can console 
 themselves with the promise that Prussia will take care of 
 the supplies for the remaining nine months of the year. 
 This would be advantageous to the Princes, whose troops 
 serve under the Duke of Wellington. This measure is 
 evidently based on a system unjust, and at the same time 
 false. Several of the Princes have promised to furnish at 
 once the third of what has been demanded. Bavaria has 
 given a simple refusal, which has caused much ill-humour. 
 An Austrian General has been despatched to Munich to 
 arrange this affair. 
 
 At a distance from the places where our interests will be 
 discussed, it only remains for me to await with confidence 
 the arrangements that the Duke of Wellington and the 
 British Government shall conclude on this point with the 
 Plenipotentiaries of Hanover, and the instructions with 
 which your Koyal Highness may honour me in consequence. 
 — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, 13th May 1815. 
 P.S. — The conference on the affairs of Germany announced 
 for to-day (as I stated in my very humble report of yesterday, 
 forwarded by Hanover) took place this morning at Prince 
 Metternich's, in presence of the Plenipotentiaries of Austria, 
 Hanover, and Prussia. I was agreeably surprised by the 
 conviction that the report of the Austrians being not really 
 willing to terminate these matters was entirely false. Prince 
 Metternich commenced by causing us to read a declaration 
 from the Emperor of Austria, in accordance with the deter- 
 mination to which we had come at our former sittings. 
 This declaration, after demonstrating the necessity of fulfil- 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 261 
 
 ling the terms of the Peace of Paris by constituting the 
 Germanic League, distinguishes between the people in whom 
 the European Powers are interested and those whose affairs 
 ought to be discussed only amongst the German Princes 
 without the intervention of foreign Powers. 
 
 The articles proposed to constitute the League are truly 
 general enough, and they do not enter so much into details 
 as could have been wished. Many of the ideas which at the 
 commencement of the Congress were thought useful have 
 been abandoned. But all this seemed indispensable to ter- 
 minate the Congress, and above all, to secure the grand point 
 of constituting Germany as a federal body. The discussion 
 on all that relates to the interior ought to be sent back to the 
 Diet, which it is proposed to convoke for the month of August, 
 and which ought not to separate till the organic laws shall be 
 completed. 
 
 Our opinions varied very little. We assemble again to- 
 morrow morning, and we hope to agree, so as to be able to 
 propose the plan to the other German Courts, comprising 
 Denmark for Holstein, and the King of HoUand for Luxem- 
 burg. 
 
 Difficulties are foreseen with Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, 
 who are very jealous of their plenary sovereignty. It has 
 been proposed (in secret) to exclude them from the League, 
 but I declared that I should not think myself authorized to 
 accede to it for Hanover if the powers of the second order 
 were not made parties to it. They, by uniting their re- 
 sources, wiU protect the weak against the strong. This very 
 day it seems that the affair of Swedish Pomerania will be 
 settled thus : — Denmark will be indemnified by a sum of two 
 million rix-dollars, and the cession of Lauenburg. Denmark 
 will withdraw the demand for 600,000 rix-doUars, which she 
 claims from Sweden. The Emperor of Eussia gives up 
 
262 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 1,500,000 rix-dollars, whicli Sweden owes him, and Prussia 
 will add one million for this Power. If this proposal is 
 accepted, the plan for recovering Lauenburg, by the exchange 
 in favour of the Duke of Oldenburg, will be set aside. But 
 perhaps we shall find means to arrange with Denmark, espe- 
 cially if England be willing to facilitate a settlement so im- 
 portant for her commerce with the towns of Hamburg and 
 Lubeck. 
 
 The good news from Italy which I sent yesterday is not 
 officially confirmed, Primont having probably forwarded his 
 reports to Prince Schwarzenberg from Milan. Nevertheless, 
 the tidings are not doubtful, for they are founded on a letter 
 from General Neuperg of 2d May. The war is believed to 
 be ended, and Murat ruined ; it is feared he may have escaped 
 by Jessi. 
 
 I have just seen the Danish Minister, who said, concerning 
 Lauenburg, that the matter was not so far advanced as the 
 Prussian Minister thought. He complains that ever3rthing 
 is done for Sweden, and that it seems to be expected that 
 Denmark should sacrifice herself to please Bernadotte. — I 
 am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, 15th May 1815. 
 
 The Plenipotentiaries of the Eoyal Courts at the Congress 
 have at last agreed on the question, if it be necessary to make 
 out a new declaration after the events in France since the 
 return of Bonaparte, and the documents published at Paris 
 on the declaration of the Powers on the 13th March. 
 
 To clear up the matter, the annexed report of a commission 
 appointed to examine it is published. This Peace, after 
 having been signed by the eight Powers subscribing the 
 Treaty of Paris, has circulated amongst the Ministers of the 
 
DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 263 
 
 other Koyal Courts, with the invitation of Prince Mettemich 
 as President of the Conferences, to accede to it. 
 
 I found nothing in this Peace to induce me to refuse to 
 sign it. 
 
 As the rights of the house of Bourbon could not be brought 
 forward in a satisfactory manner, I was very glad the subject 
 was avoided. 
 
 The Congress seems now to draw towards a close. The 
 Sovereigns of Eussia and Prussia intend to set out on the 
 26th current, and the Emperor of Austria the day after. The 
 Ministers expect to follow their masters a few days later. 
 
 It is inconceivable how, even supposing that important 
 questions not hitherto settled should be terminated with 
 the least possible delay, the Act which must contain all 
 the stipulations concerted during eight months can be 
 printed, received, and signed by all the Powers. The matters 
 which remain to be settled render the thing almost impos- 
 sible. First there is the succession to the Duchies of Parma 
 and Piacenza. The Emperor Alexander espouses the cause 
 of the wife of Bonaparte and her son. Lord Clancarty said, 
 with reason, that the Treaty of Fontainebleau, of 11th April 
 1814, has been broken by Napoleon, and that the right of 
 succession which he gave to his son is annihilated by the 
 deed. 
 
 The British Plenipotentiary consequently refuses to sign 
 the most trifling document until this point is settled. He 
 has even declined the offer to omit this matter in the Act, 
 and to reserve the question for a future negotiation. Austria 
 seems to be quite guiltless in this transaction. Prince 
 Metternich even complained the other day of being obliged 
 to speak against the interests of his Sovereign's daughter. 
 
 The affairs of Germany are still treated confidentially 
 betwixt Austria, Prussia, and Hanover. In approaching the 
 
264 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 different subjects, I fear, unfortunately, that we shall be 
 forced to confine ourselves to constituting the League, and to 
 postponing the most important details to the first Diet, 
 which it is proposed to assemble at Frankfort in the month 
 of August. 
 
 It is thus that the hope of the people of Germany will be 
 disappointed, for it is obvious that what has not been settled 
 at Vienna will not be accomplished at Frankfort. The excuse 
 is, that Bavaria and Wurtemberg, on the one side, are unwill- 
 ing to submit to anything beyond a merely federal bond, 
 and On the other, they are afraid of entering too much into 
 the affairs of the interior, lest they should be exposed to 
 foreign influence. I dare not combat these doubts, for fear 
 that the League may be concluded to the exclusion of Powers 
 of the second order. Our preliminary conferences ought to 
 terminate to-morrow. I reserve myself, then, in order to 
 return to this matter. 
 
 The Saxon affair is settled. The articles agreed on will be 
 paragraphed to-morrow morning. The couriers who will 
 carry the tidings to Dresden will set out immediately, that 
 the King of Saxony may, without delay, take possession of 
 his dominions. The signature to the Act appended imder 
 envelope to this report is the first one published, authenticat- 
 ing the political existence of the King of Saxony. 
 
 In my very humble report of the 12th current I presented 
 to your Eoyal Highness a note from the Prussian Chancellor 
 of State, on the proposed exchange of Hohenstein. You 
 will deign to see how I have brought up, in my reply of the 
 16th current, the opinions announced in the Prussian note, 
 in what manner I have insisted that the treaty concluded on 
 the 1 4th January between Hanover and Prussia should be 
 executed. According to this treaty we would preserve 
 Lauenburg, whilst we would arrange cessions to be made 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 265 
 
 by Hesse. I flatter myself that I shall profit by this 
 opportunity for a last attempt to presei-ve this Duchy, in 
 accordance with the plan contained in my letter to Count 
 Easoumowsky. 
 
 Our private conferences with Prussia commence im- 
 mediately. 
 
 It seems that the taking possession of the provinces 
 beyond the Ehine will be so arranged that Prussia will hold 
 the Duchy of Westphalia, and Darmstadt will have the 
 territory of the department of Mont Tonnerre, which 
 Austria does not like to see in the hands of the Prussians. 
 The appointment of a person to watch over the interests of 
 your Eoyal Highness at headquarters is now urgent. There 
 is a proposal, according to which each Court will have only 
 one Minister accredited to the three principal Courts. These 
 Ministers would then remain in some place separate from the 
 headquarters of the Sovereigns, and would only be invited 
 there when particular matters had to be decided. It is pro- 
 posed that the Plenipotentiaries of your Eoyal Highness be 
 considered as forming the fourth Cabinet. Thus the Minister 
 that we should name, being kept aloof, would be of little use. 
 The Princes de Hardenberg and Metternich desired to obviate 
 this inconvenience themselves, in such a way, however, that 
 the other Courts could not take exception that the Hanoverian 
 Minister was favoured. It is proposed then that Chancellor 
 Hardenberg, if your Eoyal Highness consents to appoint him, 
 be placed on the list of persons nominated by Great Britain. 
 I have drawn up the subjoined memorandum, which I beg 
 your Eoyal Highness to transmit to Lord Castlereagh, if you 
 approve of this idea. — I am, etc. 
 
266 DESPATCHES FEOM VIENNA. 
 
 TO HIS KOYAL HIGHNESS THE TRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, June 3, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — I have received the letter of M. le Cons. Int. of 
 Cabinet Best, of the 1 6th May, by which your Eoyal High- 
 ness has directed me to proceed to the headquarters of the 
 Duke of Wellington, and thence to London, to arrange the 
 new treaty of subsidies for the Hanoverian troops before 
 going to Hanover. 
 
 I will not permit myself to hesitate as to obeying an order 
 from your Eoyal Highness, and I shall set out for Brussels 
 and London as soon as I have signed the Act of Congress 
 which is in preparation. It is, however, my duty to observe, 
 that the new arrangement for the subsidies which is proposed, 
 seeing the urgency of the case, according to the details 
 forwarded from Hanover, and the explanations I have taken 
 the liberty of giving in my despatch of 13th May, sent by 
 a special express to the Duke of Wellington, for your Eoyal 
 Highness, will probably be settled before I can repair to 
 the Low Countries, and that the military operations about 
 to be commenced forthwith wiU probably prevent the com- 
 mander of the army from treating with me on financial 
 questions. 
 
 Fearing thus, on the one side, that I may miss the end for 
 which your Eoyal Highness proposes recalling me to London, 
 and, on the other, that I may neglect your pressing interests 
 in Hanover by deferring my arrival in this country, I have 
 resolved to set out by Eatisbon, Frankfort, Cologne, Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, Brussels, Ghent, and Ostend, and to entreat your 
 Eoyal Highness to despatch M. de Bodenhausen very speedily 
 by the same route, that I may know if you still think it 
 necessary for me to proceed to the Duke of Wellington, and 
 to London, or if it would be preferable to save the time that 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 267 
 
 a second journey to Germany and my stay in England would 
 require. 
 
 In accordance with the treaty I am about to sign, several 
 new provinces will become subject to your Eoyal Highness 
 within eight weeks, dating from signature of the treaty, that 
 is, in the beginning of August. The new organization of our 
 Government, the old form of which is not suitable to the 
 wants of a country augmented by one-half in extent and 
 population since the submission of the ancient relations of 
 the German empire, the necessity for an analogous modifica- 
 tion of the representation of the States of the kingdom, and 
 the administration of finance, — all these are subjects so 
 important and pressing as absolutely to require my presence 
 in Hanover. 
 
 If your Eoyal Highness still thinks that it will be of 
 service for me to present myself in London to receive your 
 orders in person before going to Hanover, you have only to 
 let me know it, and my arrival will not be retarded a single 
 day by the step I am about to take. 
 
 On the other hand, I wiU only make a detour of a few 
 days' journey, by taking the road to the Low Countries, and 
 I could, without interruption, turn towards Hanover by 
 Cassel if your Eoyal Highness judged my return to England 
 at the present moment unnecessary. 
 
 I trust your Eoyal Highness is persuaded, without my 
 repeating it, that I shall think myself happy in reiterating 
 in words the profound veneration with which I am, etc. 
 
 TO THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, /wwe 3, 1815. 
 Sir, — The affairs of the Congress are almost terminated. 
 Your Eoyal Highness knows that the Emperor of Eussia and 
 
268 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 the King of Prussia left Vienna on the 26th of May, and 
 that the Emperor of Austria set out for his headquarters on 
 the 27th. The Cahinets remained to conclude the points 
 which were still under discussion. Eussia insisted on leaving 
 these matters, as well as the final signature of the Act of 
 Congress, in suspense ! Lord Clancarty distinctly appre- 
 hended all the danger and the equivocal character of this 
 proposition, and we are indebted to his firmness, and to his 
 declaration that if the general Act was not signed, Great 
 Britain would consider all the engagements made at Vienna 
 as undecided, for Eussia's retractation. 
 
 It is, then, agreed that the Cabinets should remain here 
 till all is finished ; and a commission was appointed, com- 
 posed of Lord Clancarty, M. de Humboldt, and M. de Gentz, 
 to draw up the Act in the manner described in my report of 
 yesterday. 
 
 I have mentioned the doubts which still remain in regard 
 to the occupation of the provinces on the left bank of the 
 Ehine, intended as compensation to Bavaria and Hesse- 
 Darmstadt for the cessions made to Austria and Prussia. It 
 is hoped this point will be settled in the course of the day. 
 
 The question of the reversion of Parma has been adjourned, 
 but so as to make it easy to exclude young Napoleon, Parma 
 being only given during his lifetime to his mother, and Great 
 Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Eussia, having to be consulted 
 as to the future arrangement. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness knows the fortunate termination of 
 the Italian affair. Murat has fled, accompanied by a few 
 persons, to Ischia, and thence probably to France. His 
 arrival there as a fugitive would unveil the falsehoods of 
 Napoleon in a manner beneficial to the King of France. 
 
 Madame Murat and her children, who were to embark at 
 Gaeta, have been put on board English ships, to be conveyed 
 
 i 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 269 
 
 to Trieste, Lord Exmouth and General Bianchi having refused 
 to ratify the imprudent promise of Captain Campbell to 
 land them and their people in France. 
 
 This is the second little pretender that appears in Austria ; 
 and three days ago the son of Bonaparte has been again 
 lodged at Schonbrunn, with his mother. I wish a second 
 attempt may not be made to carry him off. This would 
 doubtless be much easier in the country than in town. 
 
 The affairs of Germany are now the most essential that 
 remain to be concluded. I had the honour of informing your 
 Eoyal Highness that Austria, Prussia, and Hanover, had 
 agreed, at their confidential conferences, on a plan which 
 would be submitted to the German Courts for the formation 
 of the League. This plan is very imperfect, because this 
 important object has been postponed till the end of the 
 Congress, when everything became hurried. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness knows the causes of this delay. 
 The regular conferences were interrupted since the 1 7th of 
 November. During this interval Austria and Prussia have 
 only tried to conciliate the Courts of Germany, without 
 following a settled plan. They are entangled by promises to 
 accept or reject this or that notion, which till then had been 
 proceeded on or apparently rejected, so that the work, as 
 finally drawn up, has little conformity to what Germany had 
 a right to expect. One reason why the wording is incom- 
 plete is, that several Courts, especially those of the South of 
 Germany, would not make the smallest sacrifice for Germany 
 as soon as they were called on to surrender any part of their 
 sovereignty. The Court of Wurtemberg, especially, has 
 rejected every proposition tending to establish the inde- 
 pendence and tranquillity of Germany. She has only been 
 willing to speak of a simply federal bond, without binding 
 herself by the smallest promise on anything that might 
 
270 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 restrain the despotic exercise of the internal administration 
 of her country. Bavaria has been a little more accom- 
 modating. Her Minister has taken an active part in the 
 deliberations, whilst the Minister of Wtirtemberg has not 
 approved these. The Minister of Baden had orders to vote 
 with Bavaria. 
 
 The rest of the German Princes have shown a better 
 spirit. The King of Holland and Denmark will accede 
 to the League for Luxemburg and Holstein. Austria and 
 Prussia have asked no advantages analogous to the extent 
 of their provinces. On the contrary, they claim only a 
 voice in the Assembly of the Princes, when it shall sit by 
 deputation, composed of seventeen members, of whom eleven 
 (namely, the old Electors, Denmark, Holland, and Darm- 
 stadt) will have a vote each, and six other votes will be 
 made up by the rest of the Princes {yota curiata). 
 
 When the Assembly shall meet inpleno.it will number sixty- 
 nine votes, of which Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Han- 
 over, and Wiirtemberg, will each exercise four; Hesse-Cassel, 
 Darmstadt, Baden, Holstein, and Luxemburg, three each ; 
 Brunswick, Nassau, and Mecklenburg, two ; and the rest of 
 the Princes one. Austria presides, and will have a decisive 
 vote in case of equality in pleno. 
 
 I despatch subjoined a translation of the first plan, which 
 has, however, been modified by the deliberations which have 
 taken place in the General Assemblies of the German Courts, 
 which meet daily at the Chancellor of State's ofiice. This is 
 proved by what I have just said on the form of the Assembly. 
 It would be needless to trouble your Royal Highness by the 
 recital of these deliberations. In a few days I shall have 
 the honour of sending you, by Hanover, the result of our 
 conferences. 
 
 Austria, Prussia, and Hanover have deliberated on the 
 
 I 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 271 
 
 steps to be taken to end the interminable discussions of an 
 Assembly composed of so many members acting on opinions 
 totally divergent, so that nothing could succeed. We agreed 
 to try to reconcile the opinions as far as this was possible 
 without reducing the plan to a mere shadow of a constitu- 
 tion, stopping short at the last terms that we think will be 
 granted, and signing the League, leaving the Protocol open 
 for those who wish to accede afterwards. I foresee that 
 several Courts of the second order will exclude themselves, 
 — amongst others, Wurtemberg and Baden ; I even doubt if 
 Bavaria will sign. I cannot positively answer for Denmark. 
 The rest will accede. I have abandoned the opinion that it 
 would be dangerous to enter into a League to which the 
 Powers of the second order were not parties. Such as it has 
 been projected and modified, I can only see in it an addi- 
 tional guarantee for us, and I do not question that the other 
 Courts will accede at Frankfort, where the first Assembly of 
 the Germanic League will meet on the 1st September next. 
 — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, June 7th, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Eeferring to the very humble report which I trans- 
 mitted to your Eoyal Highness by M. de Bodenhausen, 
 forwarded by courier to London, 3d June, I continue my 
 account of the progress of the affairs of Congress, beginning 
 by what concerns the Germanic League. 
 
 I present to your Eoyal Highness a translation of the plan 
 proposed to the German Princes by Austria and Prussia. 
 The original German is here under (A.) 
 
 You will condescend to see by the Protocols of the sittings 
 that I add under (B.) how this project has been discussed. 
 
272 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 I doubt if it will be possible to collect, before the departure 
 of the courier, whom I cannot detain longer, the complete 
 series of official reports. I will send afterwards those that 
 are wanting now. 
 
 Under (C.) I have the honour of submitting to your 
 Eoyal Highness the Act of Federation, as it has been modi- 
 fied at the close of the deliberations. 
 
 Affairs being in this state, we have constantly confidential 
 conferences between Austria, Prussia, and Hanover, and we 
 have agreed that Prince Metternich should declare, at the 
 general sitting of the 5th current, that the Congress being on 
 the point of coming to an end, discussions on our League 
 must be brought to a close. That the Emperor of Austria 
 having been repeatedly requested by the German Princes to 
 press the conclusion of the Federal compact, declared, that 
 his Majesty was ready to sign the Act as it was, and that he 
 invited the Ministers of the other German Courts to declare 
 if they would do as much, and that those who should refuse 
 must state in the Protocol if their Courts opposed in general 
 the idea of a League, or if they objected only to certain 
 stipulations, or if their Plenipotentiaries were prevented 
 from signing by want of instructions. Prince Metternich 
 begged the Ministers to deliver next day a written declara- 
 tion on the Protocol. Prussia, Denmark for Holstein, the 
 King of Holland for Luxemburg, Hanover, all the Princes 
 and Free Towns of Germany, declare for the acceptance 
 of the Act, except Bavaria and Saxony. Hesse-Darmstadt, 
 however, made partial objections, which renders her acces- 
 sion doubtful. 
 
 I thought it my duty to state in detail the motives of 
 your Royal Highness's accession, and to add a reserve, in case 
 the League, instead of becoming general, should be limited 
 to a few Courts. Forewarned by the part I had taken in the 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 273 
 
 confidential deliberations of Austria and Prussia, I put this 
 declaration to the Protocol of 5th June. This has provoked 
 many other declarations of the same import. Several of 
 these leave the accession of certain Ministers doubtful, who 
 in the first place were decidedly for the acceptance. 
 
 It is evident that the Federal Act, as it is drawn up, can- 
 not fulfil the wise and magnanimous intentions of your 
 Eoyal Highness with regard to Germany, and also, that it is 
 not in conformity with the principles which have always 
 distinguished the illustrious house of Brunswick. 
 
 Essential points must be yielded, so as not to lose the 
 end proposed. It seemed to me that if, notwithstanding 
 these surrenders, unanimity could not be purchased, seeing 
 that several German Courts were willing to sacrifice the 
 general good to a vanity as mistaken as dangerous in its 
 consequences, that there could no longer be any reason why 
 the more disinterested Powers should not complete their 
 work in a satisfactory manner. 
 
 On the other hand, it seemed to me impossible to enter 
 unreservedly into a League from which a great part of Ger- 
 many would be excluded. I flatter myself that your Eoyal 
 Highness wiU approve in this respect the declaration (D.) 
 signed by Chancellor Hardenberg and me, given by us on 
 behalf of your Eoyal Highness. 
 
 Yesterday evening we had a confidential conference at 
 Prince Metternich's, which has been adjourned, because we 
 wished to try if Bavaria could be induced to sign, which 
 undoubtedly would render the League general, as Wurtem- 
 burg and Baden would not dare to separate themselves from 
 the rest of Germany, if they stood alone. 
 
 In our present condition, we risk finding ourselves de- 
 prived of the accession of Bavaria, Saxony, Holstein, Luxem- 
 burg, Darmstadt, Wurtemberg, and Baden, so that, as Prince 
 
 s 
 
274 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Metternich observes, there will remain no State of import- 
 ance in the League, except Austria, Prussia, and Hanover. 
 Not daring, as I have observed, to delay the departure of the 
 courier, I shall not to-day report the final result of this 
 affair. 
 
 The territorial question between Prussia and Austria is so 
 arranged that Austria guarantees to Prussia the immediate 
 cession of the Duchy of Westphalia on the part of Darm- 
 stadt, which must be satisfied with the complete indemnifi- 
 cation proposed. Austria, in the meantime, retains the 
 provinces destined for Bavaria and Darmstadt on the left 
 bank of the Ehine ; and she has besides provided that she is 
 always to keep possessions which might one day become 
 very important by the reversion of the Palatinate and of 
 Breisgau, which Austria reserves, as then the fortress of 
 Mayence would have an Austrian governor and a garrison 
 composed of the troops of Austria, Darmstadt, and Nassau. 
 I have been agreeably surprised to see that Eussia favours 
 the project of leaving these territories beyond the Ehine to 
 Austria. Count Nesselrode spoke to me with eagerness of 
 the advantage it would be to the three great Powers to have 
 France for a neighbour on the left bank of this river. 
 
 The treaty betwixt Prussia and Denmark on the cession 
 of Swedish Pomerania to Prussia, and of Lauenburg to Den- 
 mark, is signed. On our side we now watch the execution 
 of the secret article agreed on between Hanover and Sweden 
 for the payment of the debt incurred for the Swedish troops. 
 Great Britain has, from what I learn, retained the million 
 for Guadaloupe to force Sweden to fulfil the treaty of Kiel. 
 These monthly payments are then probably about to begin. 
 The Act of Congress wiU likely be terminated on Friday. 
 It is agreed that the Powers subscribing the Treaty of Paris 
 should alone sign, and that the rest of the Courts should 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 275 
 
 accede separately. This distinction is arbitrary in itself, and 
 even unsound. For Spain has never signed the Peace of 
 Paris, even as she will refuse to sign the Act of Congress. 
 Besides, there is no sufficient reason for admitting Sweden 
 and Portugal into the number of principal Powers, whilst 
 others of the same rank are excluded. But it was difficult 
 to find another way of diminishing the number and the 
 intricacy of the ratifications, which would amount to more 
 than 1600, if all the Courts had signed and exchanged formal 
 Acts. 
 
 I flatter myself that I shall be able to set out for Frank- 
 fort about the beginning of next week. 
 
 Learning from Hanover that our treaty of subsidy is 
 ready to be signed, I only wait to set out towards the Low 
 Countries till I learn if your Eoyal Highness still desires 
 that I shall come direct to you, or if I shall commence by 
 going to Hanover. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, June 11, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Since the departure of M. de Bodenhausen, whom I 
 despatched express, on the 3d current, to London, I sent off, 
 on the 7th, a very humble report to your Eoyal Highness, by 
 a courier that I commissioned to carry to Hanover the 
 copy of our treaty with Prussia. I gave at the same time 
 the necessary instructions to the Minister of your Eoyal High- 
 ness at Berlin, to profit by the stay the Chancellor of State 
 Prince Hardenberg will make there, in order to obtain the 
 despatch needed for the delivery of the Prussian provinces 
 to be ceded to us, and that the commissaries who will decide 
 on the works necessary to facilitate the navigation of the 
 Ems, and to rectify, if required, the boundary line of the 
 
276 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 portions of Lingen and Munster to be incorporated with 
 Hanover, may be appointed. I have also directed the 
 attention of our Minister to the question which will arise on 
 the compensation due to us by Prussia, if Hesse refuses the 
 cessions contingently promised us. In this case we have 
 the advantage of being able to retain Lauenburg, until we 
 shall be satisfied with the substitute offered by Prussia. I 
 learnt from the Danish Minister that Prussia has promised to 
 this Power to restore in three months the four bailiwicks of 
 Lauenberg that she reconveys to her. Our business must 
 then be concluded before the expiry of this term. The 
 Prussian Chancellor will doubtless be in a hurry to follow 
 his Sovereign to headquarters ; and I flatter myself that 
 Chancellor Hardenberg, after your Eoyal Highness shall 
 have consented to my proposal to attach him to the grand 
 headquarters, will be able to rejoin the Chancellor as soon 
 as he has gone thither. I think this negotiation should be 
 intrusted to him. He knows the proposal that I have 
 brought forward on this subject. I do not doubt that he 
 will receive, in accordance with my request, instructions 
 from Hanover, and especially the statistics requisite for 
 judging of the matter under all its aspects. 
 
 As yet I have not entered on the retrocession of Lauen- 
 burg with Count Bernstorf. It will be better to treat directly 
 with the Court of Copenhagen on this matter. I doubt, 
 however, if the three millions at which this possession was 
 valued in the arrangement about Swedish Pomerania will 
 satisfy them. 
 
 I await impatiently the close of the negotiation on our 
 treaty of subsidy with England. But that on provisioning 
 the army causes me as much uneasiness, if we are forced to 
 enter into the iniquitous system engendered in the train of 
 Baron de Stein. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 277 
 
 The outlay on this annoyance for the three months would 
 cost us, according to the calculation subjoined, still more. 
 I refer in this respect to the annexed copy of a letter I 
 addressed to Lord Clancarty. 
 
 It is time that the system according to which soi-disant 
 Great Powers are permitted to stipulate for advantages to 
 themselves at the expense of feeble States should cease ; with- 
 out this, the political edifice that the Congress of Vienna 
 was expected to build, will form only a castle in the air. 
 
 I am far from wishing to advocate sentimental policy, but 
 I am thoroughly persuaded that it is wrong not to sustain 
 the principles of honour and good faith. One error in 
 regard to Bonaparte has cost us much ; we sliall be guilty 
 of the same fault if the Jacobins seem inclined to act 
 with us. 
 
 Murat by his own folly, the Austrians by their bravery, 
 have restored to us what we so very lightly sacrificed in Italy. 
 But in this country only some brands of discord or a centre 
 of intrigue is necessary. The King of the Two Sicilies will 
 be obliged to grant to Eugene de Beauharnais a domain 
 containing a population of 50,000 souls. The Minister of 
 Great Britain has refused to sign this shameful compact ; it 
 will therefore be drawn up in the form of a separate treaty 
 between the rest of the Great Powers. 
 
 Prince Talleyrand will receive a million and a half of 
 livres for Benevento ! Austria and Prussia demand from the 
 four free towns of Germany a loan of two millions of florins 
 (they have since reduced it to one and a half) to meet the 
 expense of reprovisioning Mayence, promising their joint 
 security, and that of the other Princes of Germany. 
 
 No State of the League will escape from contributing to 
 the requisite outlay for putting an important fortress of the 
 Empire in a state of defence. But the mode adopted is the 
 
278 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 forced loans of the French, and it is striking that this affair 
 has never been spoken of to the German Princes in any of 
 their meetings. 
 
 I intend to write a private postscript on the affairs of 
 Germany. The League just concluded ought to be a curb on 
 aggressions such as Prussia has allowed herself to practise 
 towards us, causing troops to enter our territory, notwith- 
 standing the refusal of our Government. Being informed by 
 express of this event, I addressed the subjoined note to the 
 Prussian Chancellor, who, in a conversation I had with him, 
 disapproved of the proceedings of the Prussian Generals. I 
 await his ofiicial answer. It seems to me clear enough that 
 the salutary curb of subordination becomes daily weaker in 
 Prussia. Each governor and under-governor does as he 
 thinks fit, and if it is not attended to, it is at Berlin that we 
 shall see the first outbursts of German Jacobinism — especially 
 if the Great Powers uphold it by trying to compromise with 
 the Jacobins in France. 
 
 The general Act of the Congress was paragraphed on the 
 evening of the 9th. On the 10th, the conferences were 
 continued, to add to this Act some private treaties, amongst 
 others, those with Hesse-Darmstadt on the cession of the 
 Duchy of Westphalia, and the Act of German Federation. 
 
 In the evening. Chancellor Prince Hardenberg and Prince 
 TaUeyxand left Vienna. It only remains to make copies of 
 the Act and of the annexed documents, which will take 
 about three days. 
 
 The Congress of Vienna may then be looked on as ended. 
 Whatever opinion the public may form of its labours, they 
 will never reproach the Plenipotentiaries with having wasted 
 their time. Never have more important affairs been settled 
 than those under consideration at the Congress of Vienna ; 
 and though nine months have been passed in inquiring 
 
 J 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 279 
 
 into all the contested points, a mucli more considerable 
 space of time has been spent on more trifling subjects. As 
 to the peculiar interests of Hanover, I flatter myself that I 
 have done all I could to give to the German Confederation 
 as much solidity as possible in existing circumstances, in 
 order to guarantee the safety of the States that compose it. 
 
 Hanover has acquired the Eoyal title which was suitable 
 to her new relations, — a title which brings no real advantage 
 to the country that enjoys it. Our Kmits have been con- 
 siderably augmented, and our geographical position has 
 gained especially by the uninterrupted contiguity of the 
 kingdom of the Low Countries. Above all, I flatter myself 
 that I have succeeded in preserving to the illustrious house 
 of your Eoyal Highness the confidence which it has always 
 so justly enjoyed in Germany. The greater part of the Courts 
 have constantly given me the most marked proofs of it, and 
 I have no doubt that it is to this general confidence in the 
 integrity of the Hanoverian Court, that I, as well as my 
 colleague Hardenberg, am indebted for having been exclu- 
 sively and steadily called to all the confidential conferences 
 between Austria and Prussia on the interests of Germany. 
 I count on leaving Vienna on Thursday next, taking the route 
 by Frankfort and Brussels, hoping to learn by the way from 
 M. de Bodenhausen, whether your Eoyal Highness wishes 
 me to repair first to you or to Hanover. — I am, etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, June 11, 1815. 
 
 P.S. — Sir, — I beg leave to continue my very humble 
 report of the 7th June on the affairs of Germany. 
 
 The Bavarian Minister having received instructions from his 
 Court on the evening of the 7th June, the following day hav- 
 
280 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 ing been fixed for signing the Act of the Germanic Federation, 
 Prince Metternich, after having adjourned the general con- 
 ference till the evening, invited him to a private interview, 
 at which the Plenipotentiary of Prussia, Chancellor Harden- 
 berg, and I, were present. The Bavarian Minister read his 
 instructions, and we tried to modify the Federal Act in such a 
 manner as to induce him to sign. Coimt de Eechberg, the 
 Bavarian Minister, has gained great good- will in this affair, 
 and I think we have to congratulate ourselves on having 
 thus obtained the almost unanimous accession of all the 
 German Courts. Your Eoyal Highness will find in com- 
 paring the Act, as I have transmitted it in my report of the 
 7th current, with the formal compact in which the Act is 
 meanwhile inserted, that they differ very slightly from each 
 other. 
 
 The principal objections of Bavaria were directed against 
 the admission of the Princes and Counts of the lately in- 
 corporated small States to vote by deputation at a full sitting 
 of the Diet. This question having been postponed till the 
 assembly of Frankfort, she objected to the establishment of 
 a tribunal of the League, Bundesgericht. The name of an 
 institution for reference in deciding differences between the 
 German States has been substituted for this. The great 
 Courts seem only desirous of establishing an authority equal 
 to that enjoyed formerly by the two tribunals of the empire 
 which were entitled to decide questions rising betwixt sub- 
 jects and Governments on the abuse of the supreme power. 
 Since the essence of the thing is abandoned, the name of the 
 authority to be substituted as a sort of shadow of the ancient 
 tribunals is of little consequence. The article concerning the 
 Church has been entirely suppressed, after it had been re- 
 adopted once since its first omission. It is, without doubt, 
 not proper to pass over religion entirely in a constitutional 
 
DESPATCHES FKOM VIENNA. 281 
 
 Act. But several Courts have been afraid of renewing the 
 ancient disputes against the evangelical and Catholic bodies 
 (corpus evangelicorum et Catholicorurn) in Germany ; others, 
 especially Bavaria, preferred negotiating private Concordats 
 with the Pope to treating in common with other Princes, the 
 majority of whom are not directly interested in this question. 
 The Protestants, since the Peace of Westphalia, have 
 adopted the principle that each Prince is summus episcopus 
 in his States. The intolerance of Catholic Governments is no 
 longer to be feared in Germany, especially as it is argued that 
 the diflferences of religious creed have no connexion with the 
 civil rights of subjects. This is a point not in keeping with 
 the ancient institutions of some other provinces ; but since 
 the union of two ecclesiastical principalities and other 
 Catholic provinces to the kingdom of Hanover, these restric- 
 tions would become unjust and impolitic, and I could not 
 have decorously opposed myself alone to the general opinion. 
 After having agreed thus with the Bavarian Minister on these 
 non-essential changes, and on some alterations only relating 
 to the form, the Act of the League, reduced to a treaty, was 
 paragraphed on the 8th June. On the 10th, this treaty was 
 formally subscribed by all the German Courts, except Wtirtem- 
 berg and Baden. The King of Wiirtemberg seems to have 
 felt the disadvantage of remaining isolated in Germany. A 
 courier despatched from Ludwigsburg arrived on the evening 
 of the 9th, and his Ministers tried then, though in a very 
 awkward way, to excuse their absence from the Conferences, 
 and to insist on being admitted as if they had really taken 
 part in them. Prince Mettemich, after having consulted 
 Prussia and Hanover, declared to them that all the discus- 
 sions were ended ; that the Act even of Federation could only 
 be dated the 8th of June, when it had been paragraphed, and 
 that consequently any alteration was impossible; that the 
 
282 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 general Act of Congress, of which the German Federation 
 formed part, was signed on the 9th. Wurtemberg was then 
 obliged to content herself with acceding by note, and this 
 accession has been formally accepted by all the Ministers of 
 the German Courts. 
 
 I beg leave to forward the formal Act, which should be 
 ratified by your Eoyal Highness, as well as the last Protocols 
 of the Conferences by Hanover. 
 
 It is agreed that the ratifications shall be sent to the 
 Chancellor of State's office at Vienna, accompanied by the 
 nomination of the Ministers to whom your Eoyal Highness 
 will intrust the mission to Frankfort. 
 
 This post naturally falls to Privy Councillor Baron de 
 Reden, who occupied that of Envoy to the Diet of the 
 Empire. As, however, Privy Councillor of the Cabinet de 
 Martens . has fulfilled the duties of Secretary-General of the 
 Conferences of Vienna, and as he alone is acquainted with 
 all the discussions which have taken place, as well on con- 
 stitutional articles already adopted as on those to be dis- 
 cussed at Frankfort, I shall rather recommend your Eoyal 
 Highness to nominate him at once, and to give him the sole 
 charge of affairs till the organic laws of Germany are drawn 
 up, for he has acquired the confidence of all the German 
 Courts, and he is better qualified than M. de Eeden. The 
 latter might in the meantime repair to Stuttgart or to Baden, 
 to which Courts I very humbly propose that your Eoyal 
 Highness should accredit him. When the constitution shall 
 be finished M. de Eeden will doubtless conduct the affairs of 
 the Bundestag at Frankfort properly, and I think it would 
 be beneficial then to recall M. de Martens, whose services 
 will be essentially necessary to Hanover. At the same time, 
 this arrangement would enable me to avoid the difficulty of 
 laying detailed instructions on an infinitude of constitutional 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 283 
 
 points before your Eoyal Highness, which are all indicated 
 in the voluminous papers accumulated at the Congress of 
 Vienna, and with which M. de Martens is familiar. — I am, 
 etc. 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, I4th June 1815. 
 
 Sir, — I delayed forwarding in my very humble report of 
 the 11th June to your Eoyal Highness by Hanover, the 
 formal treaty on the Germanic League, as it was signed on 
 the 10th of June. The date of the 8th has been retained, 
 being the day when it was paragraphed. By a postscript 
 added to the above-mentioned report, I have already informed 
 your Eoyal Highness that the Ministers of Wtirtemberg, 
 instead of giving an Act of Accession to the whole treaty, 
 wished to limit it to the first eleven articles, whilst Prince 
 Metternich thought himself obliged to refuse the change of 
 the Act of Acceptance of the German Courts. Your Eoyal 
 Highness will find subjoined (1.) the Act of the Germanic 
 Federation, as it is inserted entire in the Act of Eatification ; 
 (2.) the exceptions which refer to Wtirtemberg. This Court 
 and that of Baden will then remain out of the League till 
 their unlimited accession shall have been given and accepted. 
 
 It seems evident that this last difficulty, resulting from the 
 idea of cutting off from the Act of Accession every article 
 which has the least relation to the internal administration of 
 the country, ought to be imputed to the Plenipotentiaries of 
 Wtirtemberg. The separation of these articles, which was 
 only adopted on the evening of the Conference of the 8th of 
 June, was not known when her last instructions were given. 
 They have however acted in accordance with this unhappy 
 leaning of their master towards despotism, of which the 
 
284 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 Coiirt of Wiirtemberg has given proofs during the whole 
 course of the Congress. — I am, etc. 
 
 I add to this despatch the protocol of the sitting of the 
 10th of June. 
 
 Private.] 
 
 TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT. 
 
 Vienna, June I4th, 1815. 
 
 Sir, — Prince Metternich left Vienna during the night of 
 the 12th and 13th curt. Before his departure I had a long 
 interview with him on the affairs of the present time. In his 
 opinion, operations against the enemy should begin about the 
 15th of this month. There will be then nearly fifty thousand 
 Prussians in line, from the left wing of the Prussian army to 
 the right wing of Prince Schwarzenberg. 
 
 Your Eoyal Highness recollects that the Eussian army, 
 according to the first plans formed at Vienna, would remain 
 behind the line of the armies on the Ehine. This position 
 could not fail to cause much distrust and reserve in the 
 movements of the active allied army. Then I thought that 
 the complete success of the Austrian arms in Italy had piqued 
 the Emperor of Eussia, and the possibility of his perceiving 
 that his Allies could finish the war against Napoleon (as they 
 had concluded that against Murat). Without connivance 
 on his part, according to Prince Mettemich's belief. Prince de 
 Schwarzenberg has been solicited to defer his offensive opera- 
 tions till the Eussian army could take part in them. The 
 latter acquiesced in this with pleasure, as much to obtain this 
 considerable increase of forces as not to keep behind him an 
 army which, remaining intact, might one day dream of giving 
 the law to the others. This fear was not unfounded, for we 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 285 
 
 saw at the Congress of Vienna how the Emperor Alexander 
 liked to uphold ideas very different from those of the other 
 Cabinets. Prince Metternich seemed to have no doubt that 
 the views of this Sovereign as to France were precisely the 
 reverse of the wishes of Austria, which, as he assured me, 
 were entirely for the re-establishment of Louis xviii. on 
 the throne ; and if this were impossible, rather for the Duke 
 of Orleans than for a regency under the Archduchess Maria 
 Louisa. He repeated to me on this occasion, for the second 
 time, the assurance that this Princess had several times 
 declared to him that she would not return to Prance, even 
 though all the nation wished to recall her. As to Napoleon's 
 son. Prince Metternich seemed to reject all thought of the 
 possibility of preserving the throne of Prance for him. I do 
 not know in how far Maria Louisa has really renounced the 
 false ambition which seems to have dazzled her in Prance ; 
 but it is certain that she has not renounced the title which 
 agrees so ill with the circumstances in which she is placed. 
 It happened that during my interview with Prince Metter- 
 nich " le Grand Maitre de Vlmp^ratrice de France^* was an- 
 nounced ! Young Napoleon is with his mother at Schonbrunn, 
 where I met him a few days since in the vast thickets of this 
 domain, accompanied by three women and a single lacquey. 
 During the same interview I asked Prince Metternich as to 
 the separate treaty relative to the pension of Eugene Beau- 
 harnais. I found my notions on the subject confirmed ; it is 
 agreed to exact for him from the King of the Two Sicilies, 
 at the close of the present war, a territory containing fifty 
 thousand souls. The Neapolitan Minister has simply taken 
 the matter ad referendum, and Prince Metternich withdrew 
 from the affair, when I showed my surprise that Beauharnais 
 at the end should have nothing, and that Austria could never 
 suffer him to be established in Italy as a sovereign. 
 
286 DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 
 
 The affairs of Italy have also been the principal obstacle to 
 the signing of the Act of Congress by the Spanish Minister. 
 He thought it right to remit to me, as he has done to all the 
 Eoyal Courts who have not signed the Treaty of Paris, the 
 subjoined note to explain the motives of his refusal. Prince 
 Metternich proposed to refute the arguments contained in 
 this note, but I have not yet seen his note. I confess 
 that I doubt if the manner in which several Powers have 
 been banished from the Conferences, on subjects in which 
 they should have taken part, can be entirely justified. 
 This sentiment is somewhat general, and I think it may be 
 foreseen that several Courts will refuse to accede to arrange- 
 ments in which they have formerly had no part. The Minis- 
 ters of the Low Countries and of Bavaria seem especially 
 to feel their exclusion — a humiliation which has not hap- 
 pened to Holland in the whole course of her ancient diplo- 
 macy. • 
 
 Count Nesselrode has gone to the Emperor Alexander to 
 obtain permission to sign the Act selected, which Count, now 
 Prince, Easoumowsky has refused to do, thinking it proper 
 first to submit the Act of Congress to his master. As your 
 Eoyal Highness cannot yet have received the Act of Con- 
 gress, it will be interesting to you to find subjoined the con- 
 tents and the series of the articles .of the treaty, as well as 
 the list of the countries annexed. 
 
 I add the extract of the Protocol of the conferences on the 
 1 3th February, which render the dispositions then agreed to 
 inevitable. This document is of importance to us, and I 
 made use of it in our treaty with Prussia in order to avoid all 
 contest relative to the non-ratification of his Prussian Majesty. 
 Finally, I present to your Eoyal Highness a copy of the 
 articles of the Act of Congress which particularly relate to the 
 country of Hanover. Your Eoyal Highness will find, I hope. 
 
DESPATCHES FROM VIENNA. 287 
 
 that I have endeavoured to procure for every stipulation 
 which concerns your German interests all the solidity that 
 the guarantee of the Congress of Vienna could give them. — 
 I am, etc. 
 
 This despatch will be my last dated from Vienna, as I am 
 about to set out for Frankfort. 
 
 EDINBURGH : T. CONSTABLE, 
 PRINTER TO THE QUEEN, AND TO THE UNIVERSITY. 
 
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