liliH?!-
till III* •JmIjIIh'
A
DESCRIPTION
OF
THE CLOSE ROLLS
IN THE
TOWER OF LONDON.
4 1 & > 5
SI//
instrument is wholly ineffective; and even if Pjanofthm
1'UISLICATION.
the Privy Seal directing such Letters Patent to
issue be not followed by the Patent itself in
the life-time of the grantee, the authority for
creating such Letters Patent becomes inopera-
tive. But, before the act of sealing took place,
the Chancellor necessarily required some proof
of the authenticity of the order he received,
as an indemnity for his act of ratification, and
that he might know to whom to refer. This, it
is submitted, is the reason of the appearance of
so many other attestations besides those of the
Sovereign, which are found to have been in use
throughout the reign of King John and during
the minority of King Henry III. Those persons,
however, whose names appear as subscribing
meum donum proprio sigillo confirmavi, and Ego Elf winus
Wintori ecclesice Divinus speculator proprium sigillum
impressi, cannot be relied upon as warranting such a con-
clusion, the word sigillum, before the Conquest, having
been used in the same sense with signum. On this sub-
ject, vide Spelman, sub vocibus sigillum and signum, and
Madox, Formulare Anglicanum Diss. 27. The celebrated
charter of Offa, under seal, preserved in the Royal Library
at Paris, is by many persons supposed to be a counterfeit
or forgery. The opinion, however, that the use of seals in
confirming charters was introduced in this country by the
Confessor seems to be somewhat shaken by a recent dis-
covery, made by some workmen whilst digging a bank
near Winchester, of a seal bearing the inscription " Sigil-
lum jfflfrici Al." and supposed to have belonged to Alfric
Earl of Mercia, who flourished in the reign of King
Ethelred.
(36 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this witnesses were generally persons high in autho-
PUBLICATION. ° J m
rity, or holding some important trust in the
Royal household. According to the nature of
the mandate, so we find the attestation. Juri-
dical mandates were attested by the King or the
High Justiciary ; and mandates relating to the
economy of the Royal household were either
witnessed by the King, the Chamberlain, the
Steward, or by the chief of the department to
which the document more especially related ;
but during these early periods no certain rule
can be laid down. At the close of many of
the documents are memoranda, such as per
Radulphum Clericum y per Petrum de Rupibus,
&c, meaning that those persons had given the
instructions to the Chancellor, who thereupon
issued precepts, whether Close or Patent, as
the case required. Per breve signifies that the
instructions given were by letter; per ipsum
Regem, that the order was given by the King
himself, verbally ; per eundem, per eosdem, that
the same person or persons who attested the
mandate had also given the order.
The Kings of England, previous to the ac-
cession of the House of Plantagenet, seldom
performed the act of attesting their own diplo-
mas, and when they did so, it was according
to no fixed rule. Sometimes, in confirmation
of the act, they made the sign of a cross
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 67
before their names; and sometimes they ab- PuN0FTHIS
J Publication.
stained from taking any active part in the ratifi-
cation, otherwise than by their presence ; the
usual ratification being generally made either
by one, two, three, or more witnesses, as Teste,
Galfrido de Bosco, &c, or Hits testibus ', or Tes-
tibuSy Willielmo Archiep'o Ebor\ Johanne de
Segrave, &c. Sometimes the Chancellor was the
only attesting witness. But it was not until the
reign of Richard I. that the Kings of England
generally attested their own diplomas.
Henry II. was the first who introduced into
a royal diploma the formule of Teste meipso.
The introduction of this formule into English
diplomas has been attributed to Richard I. by
Mabillon 2 and other diplomatic writers. But
1 The phrase of Hiis testibus in royal diplomas is pecu-
liar to that species designated as charters, and continued
to be the ratifying formule until charters were merged into
letters patent in the 12th year of the reign of James I.
2 " Lapsu temporis inventa est ab Anglicanis Regibus
compendiosior via, ut non aliis testibus, quam teste Rege
ipso litteras quasdam suas roborarent. Hujusce ritus origi-
nem Richardo Primo antiquiorem esse non puto, cujus
Richardi complures litterae hac formula, Teste meipso, vel
consimili praeditae reperiuntur apud Rogerum Hoveden
(Fol. 375. 377. 380. 386. 413. 422. 445.) Ejusmodi formula
Teste meipso, Testibus nobis ipsis, seu Teste Rege, propagata
est ad Richardi successores Johannem, Henricum, Edwardos
tres, aliosque Reges subsequentes, qui in rccognoscendis,
seu restituendis vetustis instrumentis, eamdem formulam
non raro adhibuerunt. At in concedendis privilegiis, aliis-
F ?
68 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
plan of this tne erudite Authors of the Nouveau Traite
Publication.
have clearly proved that Henry II. x often used
it ; and, indeed, they give an instance of the
use of the same by Henry I. 2 The formule of
que litteris quantivis momenti in posterum valituris, ab
ilia abstinere solent, immo permultos testes laudant sub
hac formula His testibus aut simili. Aliquando vero solum
testem advocabant Cancellarium." Mab.de Re Diplomaticd,
vii. p. 159.
1 Lobin. Hist, de Bret. torn. ii. p. 394.
2 Nouveau Traite, torn. v. p. 829. There is on the
Patent Roll, 20Edw. IV. part 1. m. 4., an inspeximus char-
ter of this King, confirming a charter said to be granted
to the Priory of Armethwayt by William the Conqueror,
where the formule " Teste meipso '' occurs. No one,
however, who has any skill in documentary evidence, can
fail to perceive instantly that Edward had confirmed a
direct forgery, for who can produce an original charter
of the Conqueror worded in the style of the one referred
to?
~j Rex omnibus ad quos,
-Pro Monialibus de Armathawyte. j- &q salutem> Inspexi .
mus literas patentes domini Willielmi quondam Regis
Angliae progenitoris nostri factas in haec verba. Williel-
mus Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Dux Normanniae omnibus
suis Christi fidelibus praesentes literas inspecturis salutem.
Sciatis quod nos ex mero motu nostro et intuitu caritatis
fundavimus construximus et imperpetuum ordinavimus in
puram et perpetuam elemosinam unara domum et monas-
terium Nigrarum Monialium ordinis Sancti Benedicti in
honore Jesu Christi ac Beatae Marias Virginis pro animabus
progenitorum nostrorum et omnium Christianorum prout
situatur juxta aquam vocatam Croglyn' in comitatu Cum-
brian. Etiam dedimus et concessimus Monialibus ibidem
duas acras terrae super quas praedicta domus et monas-
terium situantur. Et etiam dedimus et concessimus eisdem
Monialibus tres carucatas terrae et decern acras prati cum
omnimodis communis boscis et vastis eisdem tribus carucatis
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 09
Teste meipso, peculiar to the English diplomas, plan of this
± L ° * Publication.
has been used by the Kings of England from
terrae quovismodo pertinentibus jacentes juxta monasterium
praedictum. Etiam dedimus et concessimus eisdem Moni-
alibus et successoribus suis imperpetuum ducentas et
sexdecim acras terrae existentes infra forestam nostram
delngilwod' jacentes ex parte boriali cujusdam aquae vocatae
Tarnwadelyn' cum omnibus boscis proficuis et commodi-
tatibus super easdem existentibus sive unquam postmodum
crescentibus. Etiam concessimus eisdem Monialibus com-
raunam pasturam cum omnibus animalibus suis pro se et
suis ibidem tenentibus per totam forestam nostram de
Ingilvvod' capiendo ibidem sufficienter maeremium pro om-
nibus suis edificiis quandocumque et quotiens necesse fuerit
per deliberationem forestariorum nostrorum sive eorum
unius ibidem existentium. Et etiam concessimus et con-
firmavimus eisdem Monialibus et successoribus suis quen-
dam annuum redditum quadraginta solidorum annuatim
percipiendum imperpetuum de tenementis nostris in villa
nostra de Karlile solvendum eisdem Monialibus et succes-
soribus suis per manus custodis nostri villae de Karlile
praedictae ad festa Pentecostes et Sancti Martini in 3'eme
per equales portiones. Et etiam concedimus pro nobis
et baeredibus nostris quod praedictae Moniales tenentes et
sui servientes liberi sint de tolneto pacando per totum
regnum nostrum Angliae pro aliquibus bestiis sive rebus
quibuscumque per eas sive eorum aliquem tenentem seu
servientem imposterum emendis. Et etiam concedimus et
conrirmavimus quod monasterium et domus praedicta cum
praedictis tribus carucatis duabus acris terrae cum decern
acris prati in omnibus libera sint et habcant omnes libertates
suas simili modo sicut conceditur nostro monastcrio de
Westmynstr' absque vexatione molestatione sive aliqua in-
quietatione seu lesione aliquorum vicecomitum escaetorum
ballivorum seu aliquorum ministrorum seu ligeorum nos-
trorum quorumcumque. Et etiam concedimus eisdem
Monialibus communani pasturam cum animalibus suis infra
villam et communam de .Aynstaplyth cum liberis introitibus
F 3
70 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this
Publication.
that period to the present. The same formule
appears also, by the enrolments, to have been
used by the High Justiciary of England; but
the Editor has seen only one original mandate,
and that a judicial writ, wherein the clause
" Teste meipso " is to be found ; and if an
opinion founded upon a solitary instance may
be regarded, it is submitted, that in most of the
instances where this formule has been inserted,
it has been done by clerical inadvertence ; for
in an original precept, where the attesting
et exitibus. Necnon concedimus quod praedictae Moniales
liberae sint per totam terram suam pro quibuscumque te-
nentibus et liberam habeant warennam tarn pro lettis curi-
arum nostrarum quam in aquis boscis terris pJanis seu metis
suis eidem monasterio spectantibus seu quovismodo perti-
nentibus. Habenda et tenenda et occupanda omnia et sin-
gula pnedicta recitata praefatis Monialibus et successoribus
suis imperpetuum de nobis et haeredibus nostris in puram
et perpetuam elemosinam spontanea ita voluntate et con-
cessione as hert may it thynk or ygh may it se. In
cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus
patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium sexto die
mensis Januarii anno regni nostri secundo. Nos autem
literas praedictas ac omnia et singula in eisdem contenta
rata habentes et grata ea pro nobis et haeredibus nostri s
quantum in nobis est acceptamus approbamus et dilectae
nobis in Christo Isabella? nunc Priorissae dicti monasterii
juxta aquam vocatam Croglyn' in dieto comitatu Cumbriae
situati et ejusdem loci Monialibus et successoribus suis
ratificamus et confirmamus prout literae praedictae rationabi-
liter testantur. In cujus, &c. Teste Rege apud West-
monasterium xx°. die Junii.
Pro dimidio marcae soluto in hanaperio."
Rot. Pat. 20 Edw. IV. p. 1. m. 4,
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 71
clause is Teste G. Fir Petri Justic 1 Angl\ the g^g^™
enrolment of the same precept is erroneously
written " Teste meipso ;" and as one instance of
an error can be produced, it is not unfair to
assume that similar inaccuracies might have
been committed upon other occasions.
The anomaly of using the words Rex, fyc.
and Teste meipso may be considered as an ad-
ditional evidence of the want of accuracy in
the enrolling clerks. Throughout the reign of
John nearly all the documents are abbreviated
at their commencement, and the style and
titles of the King either curtailed or excluded,
the words Rex, &c. being substituted. The
clerk, however, not adhering to any uniformity
in his abbreviations, has in many instances com-
mitted a grammatical error, by neglecting to
make a corresponding change in the attestation
to agree with the address : thus, in those docu-
ments tested by the King, he has preserved the
Teste meipso instead of Teste Rege, whereby
the first part of the document is in the third
person, whilst the conclusion is in the first.
The formule of Teste Rege has caused much
discussion amongst diplomatic writers, both
English and foreign, which has been owing to
their not properly understanding that clause. 1
1 " La Formule Teste Rege qui tcrmine les lettres
patentes des Rois d'Angleterre, est quelquefois exprimee
F 4
7 2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
plan of this Mabillon, and the Authors of the Nouveau
Publication.
Traite, assert that some of the English Mo-
narchs, amongst their various modes of attes-
tation, used the form ule Teste Rege. Rymer's
Fcedera and the diplomatic treatises of other
English antiquaries have been the means of
betraying these authors into this mistake ; for
par ces deux siglis, T. R. Les actes de Henri III. finissent
encore par ' Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium, 19 die
Octobris.' " Nouv. Traite, torn. vi. page 32.
" Les Rc-is d'Angleterre se donnent eux seuls, ou l'un
de leurs officiers, pour temoins dans leurs mandemens et
leurs chartes peu importantes. La formule Teste meipso est
ordinairement jointe a la date ; mais le sceau, qui seul
donne l'autenticite a ces lettres royaux, n'est point anonce.
Le recueil de Rymer fournit une multitude de pieces en
cette forme. Mais les traites et les actes de consequence
sont attestes par un nombre de temoins, dont les noms pre-
cedes de la formule ' Testibus, &c.' Jean Sans-terre anonce
de plus sa bulle d'or dans l'acte, par lequel, comme vassal,
il fait hommage avec serment au Pape Innocent III. apres
avoir remis sa couronne entre les mains de Pandolfe, legat
du S. Siege. Henri III. se sert de la formule suivante, ou
il n'est point parle du sceau royal : ' In citjus rei testimonium
has litteras nostras vobis mittimus patentes.' " Nouv. Traite,
torn. vi. page 21.
" Edward IV. premier Roi d'Angleterre de la maison
d'York couronne a Westminster le 20 Juin 1461, commence
souvent ses diplomes par ces formules : ' Rex omnibus ad
quos praesentes, &c. salutem. Sciatis quod, &c. Rex ad
perpetuam rei memoriam.' Edouard V. proclame Roi
d'Angleterre fan 1483 emploie le meme style : ' Rex omni-
bus ad quos, fyc. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali,
ac ex certd scientid et mero motu nostris concessimus, fyc. Dat.
nostro sub privato sigillo apud Turrim nostram Londonice,
duodecimo die Junii, anno regni nostri primo.' " Nouv. Traite,
torn. vi. page 87-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 73
which no blame ouffht to be attached to them, £ LAN 0F THIS
° Publication.
since they had not the opportunity of obtaining
access to the original instruments. The occa-
sion of their error is easily explained. All
original documents commence with the name,
style, and title of the Sovereign, as Henricus,
Dei gratia, Rex Anglian Dominus Hibernice,
Dux Normannice, Aquitanice, et Comes Andegavice.
The enrolling clerks or chancery scribes, either
with a view of saving their own labour or the
skins upon which they wrote, (for they were
obliged to procure the latter themselves, 1 ) in-
stead of writing the King's name and titles at
full length, contented themselves with intro-
ducing the same into the first entry on the
Roll 2 only, and afterwards with limiting all the
subsequent entries to Rex, 8$c. To make the
concluding part of the document agree with
the commencement, they substituted the formule
Teste Rege for Teste meipso ; yet, strange as it
may appear, the form of the rest of the instru-
ment was suffered to remain unaltered, and con-
sequently was not in accordance with the pre-
1 " Scriptor iste de proprio an de fisco Rotulos invenit?"
asks the scholar in the Dialogus de Scaccario, to which
the master answers ; " In termino iste Sancti Michaelis
5 solidos de fisco recipit, et scriptor Cancellariac alios nihil-
ominus 5 ex quibus ad utrumque Rotulum, et ad summoni-
tionesad receptas inferiorisScaccarii membranas inveniunt.
2 This was not a universal, although a general custom.
74 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this yious changes : since the document began and
Publication. °
ended in the third, whilst the body or the
same was expressed as in the first person 1 , as
Rex. Sfc, concessimus, §c, Teste Rege. This
fact is unnoticed by Rymer, Madox, or Casley ;
and it is therefore not surprising that foreign
diplomatists should have been mislead, when
it is considered that the only data from which
they drew their conclusions were selected from
the Fcedera and the Monasticon, the Editors of
which two works have not made a distinction
between Original Instruments and their Enrol-
ments.
Abbreviations. — Without some explana-
tion of the Abbreviations used in this work,
1 King Richard the First was the first English Monarch
who adopted the plural number, Nos. His predecessors
used the first person singular, Ego. Ruddiman, in the
preface to Anderson's " Selectus Diplomatum et Numismatum
Scotice Thesaurus" p. 31, on the question whether the di-
ploma whereby Malcomb did homage to Edward the Con-
fessor be not spurious, advances in proof of its being a
forgery, " Quod in hoc Milcolumbus, de se loquens, plurali
numero utatur, qui mos nondum apud Angliae aut Scotiae
Reges erat introductus : inter Anglos quippe Ricardus I.
inter Scotos vero Alexander II. ; qui pluralem de se solis lo-
quentes adhibuerint, primi reperiuntur ; quorum utrumque
Milcolumbus 3 centum minimum annos praecessit.'' Nichol-
son, author of the English Historical Library, part 3, page 2,
is of opinion, that King John was the first English Monarch
who used the plural number : this opinion, however, is
contradicted by the existence of several original charters
of King Richard I. wherein that Sovereign makes use of
the plural number throughout, except in his attestation.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. J5
Readers in general would find great difficulty Plan of this
° ° J Publication.
in understanding many of the entries ; espe-
cially as the ancient style of punctuation rather
obscures than elucidates the construction. A
few general rules are therefore indispensable for
the assistance of those who wish to acquire a
knowledge of this peculiar species of literature.
A Table will also be given of the Abbreviations
of such words as invariably occur in one form.
The most usual mode of abbreviating words
is to retain some of the letters of which such
words consist, and to substitute certain marks
or symbols in place of those left out.
The Abbreviations most common are a
right line thus (-), and a curve, approaching the
form of the Greek circumflex accent, thus (~),
placed horizontally over a letter. The Jirst of
these marks, over a vowel, in the middle or at
the end of a word, denotes that one letter is
wanting, as in vedfit for vendant, bonu for
bonum, terra for terrain, &c. ; and the latter,
when seen above or through a letter, either
in the middle or at the end of a word, signi-
fies the omission of more than one letter ; but
the number of letters wanted is left to be
ascertained by the Reader, as in aia for anima,
air for aliter, alia for animalia, ablaco for ablatio,
Winton for Wintonia, nob for nobis, manct for
70
Plan of this
Publication.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
mandatum, &c. A straight line through a con-
sonant also denotes the omission of one or
more letters, as in vod for vobis, qd for quod,
&c.
Several symbols have positive and fixed
significations. Thus, the character I always
stands for er or re, as the sense requires, as rra
for terra, pdictus for prcedictus. x
A straight or a curved line through the let-
ter p thus p p, stands for per, por, and par.
The curved line through the same letter p de-
notes pro.
This character 3, at the end of a word,
signifies us, as omnib} for omnibus, and likewise
et, as deb3 for debet.
The figure £, represents rum, ras, res,
ris, and ram, as eo& for eorum, lib£ for libras
or Ubris, Windeso^ for Windesores, Alieno^ for
Alienoram, ancesso^ for antecessorum and ante-
cessors.
Etiam is thus denoted &, and que, quia, and
quod thus q v
The character represented in type by the
figure of 9, is sometimes called the c cursive, or
c reversed. When found at the commencement
1 The diphthong was not. in use at this period, but
sometimes at the end of a word, is represented by a cha-
racter similar to the French c ; thus, terre for terrce.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 77
of a word this character signifies com or con, as Plan of THls
Publication.
Qimtto for committo, 9victo for convicto ; but
placed in the middle or at the end of a word, a
little out of the line, it signifies us, as De 9 for
Deus, reb 9 for rebus, Aug 9 ti for Augusti. It
also occasionally stands for ost and os, as p 9
p 9 t for post, and p 9 quam for postquam.
The word est is abridged either by a hori-
zontal line or by the Greek circumflex accent
between two points thus t , *.
Points or Dots, placed after letters, are
also signs of abbreviations, as di. et fi. for dilectus
etjidelis, e. for est, plurib. for pluribus. 1
Two points, thus ( •• ) or (*), serve as marks
of transposition, as ' Magnus " Albertus, for
Albertus Magnus.
For the word et is substituted a character
thus ^. 2
A small superior letter denotes an omis-
sion, of which such letter forms a part, as over
p*us for prius, i x for tibi, q°s for quos, q* for qui,
&c.
1 A point placed under a letter shows that such letter
is redundant. It was a very common mode of making a
deletion of a letter, or of a word, instead of disfiguring the
face of the document with obliterations.
2 In very early times it was represented by a figure
something resembling the numeral 7, thus, ~.
78
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this
Publication'.
Xps, Xpc, Xpo, Xpi,all stand for Christus,
and its different cases. 1
The Abbreviations following have defined
and explicit significations
a a an, am. ate
ante.
aplo& apostolorum.
aimus animus.
libra
apli 9 amplius.
libram.
Arepc Areps archiepisco-
a. a. annus and its
cases.
pus.
sl au autem.
appne ajppellatione.
"a. out.
adfr adhuc.
an ante.
ag r agitur.
ana antea.
b b for, fo's, as libtate
aia aie ai aio <
2nima,
libertate, Merlebge
anivuSf animi, ammo.
aial animal.
aiai animalis.
ailia animalia.
a a a aliarum, aliquarum.
am amodo.
Merleberge, nob nobis,
vob z;oZ>is.
b' b f e bte beatce.
bi fofltfz.
bapt baptiste.
bn force.
anq* anteguam.
a ap apd apud.
aq ajwa and its cases.
br foeue a/ze? #s cases.
bre bri bria foeve, brevi,
brevia.
at a/ms and its cases.
air aliter.
c cer, ere.
abnia absentia.
c cum.
abne absolutione.
c a io crastino.
assu assensu.
C' CWZ.
a'd aliquid.
c r ewr.
1 In sacred words the Latins retained the Greek letters.
Jesus is generally written IH2 or irj?, abbreviations of was ;
is, xs> for Christus, Ike.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
79
c r a cura.
c r ca circa.
capttm capitulum.
c a ca causa.
cas causas.
coa coe coam communa,
communal, communam.
coi 9' communi.
coe cois commune, com-
munis.
con a dcoe contra diction e.
c co cont a 9 a 9t a contra.
9 a io contrario.
con tu 9 tu conventu.
co 9p computate, com-
putabitur, fyc.
con a 9* concessa.
c 5 cf cujus.
9P3 comparet.
9°br 9t°br 9 a bre 9°bria
contra breve,co?i t robreve,
controbrevia.
c'a cit a ciYra.
c 2 l3 cujuslibet.
clt as civitas.
clcs clericus.
I> L>s DeyDeus.
di Z)f?.
d d f7er, t/e, denarius and
its cases.
d 9 dicimus.
dr dicitur.
Dd Z)awrf.
dd dedit.
din a divina.
dinr dicuntur.
dca cftcta.
dcs dictus.
dco J/c/o.
dns diie dfii dfio iijr.
mre matre.
mris matris, martyris.
mtr mulier.
mirs mulieres.
mltm multum.
mltiptr midtipliciter.
m° mod; Twoefo.
mo r monemur, movemur,
fyc.
m a x a maxima.
Memo* Memorandum.
n ffliw, wow.
n. n. nosfri.
ncce necesse.
neccia necessaria.
n c w^c.
nc WZ2WC.
neci, neque.
n' w*«, nemini.
n 1 nz7z?7.
nfta nulla.
nm numerum.
n c ii necnon.
nob 11003 72062s.
nobc nob}c nobiscum.
noia nomina.
nole nomine.
nolum nominum.
nolatl nominatim.
n'o 9 nihilominus
nr noster.
Plan of this
Publication.
G
82
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this
Publication.
lira nostra.
p a ir personaliter .
nri nostri.
pp propter.
nro nostro.
nram nostram.
p'us p' 9 prius, primus.
pb3 prcebet.
nrm nostrum.
no nlio numero.
pcci peccati.
pd pdic? prcedictus and
nego negotio.
neq a q a nequaqaam.
6 ob obolus and its cases.
its cases.
pdca predict a.
pdcas prcedictas.
pdcm prcBdictum.
ob obiit.
occo occasio.
pdco pr adict o.
pdcos prccdictos.
occoe occone occasione.
pr pater.
om omnis and its cases.
pri patri.
6e omne.
pris patris.
oes omnes.
pta plura.
os omnes, omnis.
pima plurima.
oia omnia.
pies plures.
oim oium omnium.
piia placita.
6105 omnibus.
pfit possint and possunl.
010 omnino.
oiode omnimode.
p 9 p 9 t pos£.
p 9 m p 9 tmod postmodum.
op 1 oportet.
p° primo.
oppoTo opposito.
p°ea postea.
opp a opportuna.
obionib3 oblationibus.
PP P a P P a P a -
ppli popidi.
ppo populo.
p per, par, por.
priam patriam.
P 2>ro.
pronat 9 patronatus.
p J9r^, jor«.
P3 p l patet, potest.
p 1 pn.
p a prima.
p a persona.
pstate p 9 tate potestate.
pbre prohibere.
psbr presbiter.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
pin proinde.
px° px* proximo, pro xima.
q qui, qua:, quod, quern.
q' qui.
% que, quia, quod.
q quod, quern.
q a si quasi.
q a qua.
q a quam.
q's quas.
q's quis.
q° c/mo.
q°s g'z/os.
qn quando, quoniam.
qrn quoniam, quern, quo-
modo.
q°m° quomodo.
q°ni°l3 quomodolibet
q°l3 quolibet.
q"q, quoque.
q'l} quilibet.
cj'b} quibus.
qd ^wirf, r/woc/.
qddm quoddam.
qctl} quodlibet.
q a i quasi.
qle q a le quale.
q°a quorum.
qsq a m quisquam.
qa r/wm.
q'cuq^ quicunque.
q'cq'd quicquid.
q a ten"' quatenus.
q'ppt quapropter.
Br ife,r a?zo? *7s cases.
rone ratione.
relq reliqua.
rfia regina.
roi rationi.
ronabilit roabitr rationa-
biliter.
vr rez rerum.
rspcu respect u.
ret° re/ro.
rnd3 respondet.
rnsum responsum.
rns r us responsurus.
r. regni.
S. Sanctus and its cases.
•s. scilicet.
s. smw£.
s. solidus and its cases.
s a supra, secunda.
Sfeifei Sabbati.
Scs Sanctus.
Sci Sancti.
Scis Sanctis.
Scos Sancios.
sat salt saft'm salutem.
sfc s^/6.
sbt 5 subtus.
s c sic.-.
sic 1 sic?//.
sic s/V/z//.
Plan of this
Publication.
G 2
48
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Plan of this s c ' sicut.
Publication
Smpir simpliciter.
singla singula.
sn sine.
si sive.
snia sententia.
sol 3 sold.
spale speciale.
splr specialiter.
sps spiritus.
sr super.
sup super.
sem 1 semel.
seq 1 ' sequitur.
s' sioi.
sittr similiter.
signicas significas.
sig a sti significasti.
S l SWW/.
sv szu£.
S3 set pro sed.
slj scilicet.
T. /esfe awe? z7s cas^.
TT. £/£«&' or titulo.
? /er.
t'a fra.
tat talis, taliter.
tatr taliter.
tn tamen, tantum.
tm tantum.
t c /wwc.
tc tarcc.
tuc ta?zc.
tpre tempore.
temp re tempore.
tepib3 temporibus.
tec tecum.
ten tenementum and its
cases.
t3 fene£.
ten 1 zVne/.
t 1 ftfj.
tmm° tantummodo.
tr terra arcc? its cases.
t r r i T"- i
jvLrhdkiion. titude or petitions laid before the King, the
greatest part whereof might be dispatched by
the Chancellor and the justices,) it was ordered,
that all petitions, prior to their being presented
to the Council, should first be discussed before
each of the judicial officers at the head of that
department to which those petitions respec-
tively and properly belonged ; and if the
matter were of such importance, or of grace
and favour, so that the Chancellor and others
could not administer relief without the King,
that then such petitions should be brought
before the King in Council, by the hands of the
Chancellor, to abide his (the King's) and their
decision. 2
Thus it is evident that to the Chancellor
had already been assigned the important duty
of attending to and judging of the merit of
petitions. That he was always attendant on
the King is proved by the statute 28th Ed-
ward I. c. 5., ordaining that the Chancellor and
other wise men of the law should always be
near the King 3 , to assist him with their advice
1 Rot. Claus. 8 Edw. I. m. 6. in dorso in ced. et Ryl.
Pla. Pari. 442.
2 Claus. 8 Ed. I. m. 6. in dorso in ced.
3 See 2 Inst. 551. 552. Lambard's Archion. 70. 129.
131.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
109
Courts of
Law.
in cases of difficulty and need. When, there-
fore, the Court of Chancery ceased to be
J Equitable
ambulatory, (which was in the commencement Jurisdiction.
of the reign of Edward the Third,) and be-
came fixed in a settled and appointed place,
the King and his Council, from that time,
were necessarily deprived of the ready and
immediate assistance of the Chancellor, who
had theretofore taken such an active and im-
portant part in advising on and devising reme-
dies for such causes of complaint as were laid
before them. 1 The Council was consequently
obliged, from that time forward, in cases of
need, to send to the Chancellor ; and hence
it is, that after this period the petitions are
often indorsed with the answer of the Coun-
cil, expressed thus, " Adeat in Cancellaria"
" Sequatur in Cancellaria"
The commencement of the Chancellor's
separate and independent equitable jurisdiction
most probably took place about the 223. year
of the reign of Edward III. 2 A writ addressed
1 According to Fleta, lib. ii. cap. 13. pp.75, 76, one
of the principal duties of the Chancellor was to hear and
examine petitions and complaints, and to afford the peti-
tioners due remedy by writ, according to the merits of the
case.
2 Lord Coke has stated that there was not any mention
in the books, &c. of a Court of Equity before the reign of
Henry V. See 2d Inst. 551.
110 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Courts of to the sheriffs of London, entered on the Close
Law.
Rolls, as of that year, p. 2. m. C Z. in dorso, is
jurudktion. almost conclusive on this point : " Rex Vice-
comitibus London, salutem. Quia circa diversa
negotia nos et statum regni nostri Angliae
concernentia sumus indies multipliciter occu-
pati, Volumus quod quilibet negotia tarn com-
munem legem regni nostri Anglian quam gratiam
nostram specialem concernentia penes nosmet-
ipsos habens exnuncprosequenda, eadem negotia,
videlicet, negotia ad communem legem penes
venerabilem virum electum Cantuariensem coiifir-
matum Cancellarium nostrum, per ipsum eocpe-
dienda, et alia negotia de gratia nostra con-
cedenda penes eundem Cancellarium, sen dilec-
tum clericum nostrum custodem sigilli nostri prz-
vati prosequantur ; ita quod ipsi vel eorum alter
petitiones negotiorum quae per eos, nobis incon-
sultis, expediri non poterunt, una cum avisa-
mentis suis inde ad nos transmittant vel trans-
mittat, absque alia prosecutione penes nos inde
facienda, ut hiis inspectis ulterius praefato Can-
cellario, seu custodi inde significemus velle
nostrum ; et quod nullus alius hujusmodi negotia
penes nosmetipsos de caatero prosequatur, vobis
praecipimus quod statim visis praesentibus prae-
miss omnia et singula in Civitate praadicta in
locis ubi expedire videritis publice proclamari
faciatis in forma pracdicta. Et hoc nullatenus
omittatis. Teste Rege apud Langele xxiiij.
die Januarii. per ipsum Regem."
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Ill
The words " et alia negotia de gratia
nostra concedenda penes eundem Cancellarium "
seem to have first laid the basis on which the
equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery
was built, for previously the granting of matters
of grace and favour was peculiar to the King
alone ' ; but this enabled the Chancellor to pro-
ceed in suits {C secundum cequum et bonum"
Although the Chancellor had, prior to this
time, taken the most active, and perhaps the
principal part in administering wquam et rec-
tam justitiam ; he does not appear previous!?/
to have been the only responsible person, nor
to have had for such exercise of judgment
and authority a positive appointment from the
King ; Mr. George Jeremy, in his elaborate
treatise of the Equity Jurisdiction of the Court
of Chancery, says, " Although the Chancery,
and the name of the high officer who presided
therein, are mentioned in many early statutes,
it is not until the latter portion of the reign
of Edward the Third that a statute is met with
which can be considered to give any sanction
or even to bear any reference to the peculiar
or equity part of his jurisdiction. By the 36th
Courts of
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
1 The following passage on the Close Rolls shows that
in the reign of Henry III. a distinction was evidently drawn
between common law and equity. " Sciatis etiam quod
Willielmo de London unde nobis mandastis nihil fieri faciemus
per Dei gratiam nisi quod justum fuerit et consonum
JEQUiTATI."
112 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Courts of Edward III. c. 9-, which forms part of a capitu-
lary of very comprehensive articles granted by
jurisdiction, the King with the assent of Parliament, it was
enacted, ' that if any man feel aggrieved con-
trary to any of the articles above written, or
others contained in divers statutes, and will
come into the Chancery, or any for him, and
thereof make complaint, he shall presently there
have remedy by force of the said articles and
statutes, without elsewhere pursuing to have
remedy.' Although this provision cannot be
considered to have laid the foundation of the
extraordinary jurisdiction of the Chancellor, it
might, according to the liberal interpretations
of those times, have been regarded as having
conferred upon him a more extensive and a
better sanctioned authority than he had previ-
ously any right to exercise ; but whether his
jurisdiction were assumed or delegated, it is
obvious that when once established, the more
diligently he and his officers exerted their inge-
nuity in the framing of new writs to the courts
of law, the more confined would be the oppor-
tunity or necessity of his extending it ; and it
is a matter of fact, that after the reign of this
monarch the number of the writs to the courts
of law was little, if at all, increased." '
1 A Treatise on the Equity Jurisdiction of the High
Court of Chancery, p. 20, hy George Jeremy esq., Lond.
8vo. 1828.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION'.
113
That the Chancellor, however, did, from
this time forward, proceed to exercise a juris-
diction in matters of equity, is evident from
a petition addressed to him in the 38th Ed-
ward III. ', and that the powerful and compli-
cated machinery of equitable jurisdiction, as
Courts or
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
1 Au Chaunceller n're seign r le Roi J . monstre William
de Middelton' p'sone del esglise de Hamrae Preston q' come
la disme garbe de totes man's des bleedz cressantz dedeinz
sa dite paroche de Hamme Preston' a lui app'tinent & de
co'e droit deivent app'tenir i nientmeins le Dean de Wym-
burne mynstre ad acroche a lui p' usurpacion la disme garbe
de iiij xx . acres de waste t're de novel assart dedeinz sa dite
paroche a la value de xl. s . p' an en disheretison de sa dite
esglise i s r quey le dit William ad sui en consistoire levesq'
de Salesbury dev's Henry Bodyn & Wauter Caperon qi
occupieront la dite disme garbe en noun du dit Dean p r avoir
restitucion de mesme la disme garbe j et p r ce q' la chapelle
de Wymburne mynstre est la franche chapelle n're seign r le
Roi & exempt de jurisdiction de ordinarie mande feust
p'hibicion hors de la Chauncellerie au dit evesq' & son
official qils ne deussent riens attempter en p'judice de n're
s r le Roi ne de sa dite tranche chappelle :' p' quey le dit
official ad s v sys daler avant en la dite cause : p' quey le dit
William prie a v're g a ciouse seign r ie q' vous pleise ordiner
remedie q' sa dite esglise ne soit disherite encontre co'e
droit.
In dorso. — Me d q'd xxiij. die April' anno regni Regis
E. t'cij t'cesimo octavo tarn Will's de Middelton infrascript'
in p'pria p'sona sua q a m Decanus de Wymbourmynstre p'
Joh'em Tamworth attorn' suu' venerunt in cancellar' R'
apud Westm' j & de assensu eor'dem datus est eis dies in
eadem cancellar' in quindena S'c'e Trinitatis p'x' futur' ad
faciend' & recipicnd' de contentis in ista petic'o'e quod cur'
d'ni Regis considerav'it. Miscel. Petit, in Turr. Lond.
38 Ed. III.
114
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
courts of afterwards displayed, had been set in motion
by this proclamation is clearly to be collected
jurisdiction, from the petition of the Commons in the 7th of
Richard II. 1 , which prayeth, " que desormes
mile comision soit directe hors de la Chancel-
lerie, ne lettere de prive seal, pur destourber
la possession d'aucum liege le Roy, sanz due
proces & respons du partie, & especialment
quant la partie est prest de faire ce que la Loy
demande, &c." the answer to which petition
was, " Ceux qi se sentent grevez monstrent
lour grevance en especial a Chanceller, qi lour
purvoiera de remede, &c." In the 13th year of
the same King, the Commons pray, that " neither
the Chancellor, nor any other person, may make
any ordinance against the common law, or an-
cient custom of the realm, and the statutes
already made, or to be made in this present
parliament, but that the Common Law may run
impartially for all the people ; and that no judg-
ment given shall be annulled without due pro-
cess of law." The reply was as evasive as the
generality of royal answers to petitions were at
that period : " Soit use come ad este use devant
ces hures, issint que la Regalie du Roi soit
sauve. Et si ascun soi sente greve, monstre en
especial, et droit luy serra fait." 2 And by another
i Rot. Pari. 7 Ric. II. vol. iii. p. 162, 163.
-' Rot. Pari. 13 Ric. II. vol. iii. p. 266, 267.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
116
petition in the same year, " the Commons prayed
that none of the King's lieges be made to come
by writ Quibusdam certis de causis, nor by any
other such writ, to appear before the Chancellor
or the King's Council to answer any matter for
which remedy might be obtained at Common
Law, &c, on penalty to the Chancellor of one
hundred pounds, to be levied to the use of the
King, and the clerk who wrote the writ to lose
his office in the Chancery, and never to be
placed in any other office in the Chancery."
To which petition the King made answer, " Le
Roy voet sauver sa Regalie, come ses proge-
nitours ont faitz devant luy," J The answers were
doubtless equivalent to a negative, as no statute
was made thereupon ; and it is evident that the
Commons did not gain any thing by their peti-
tions, as appears by the act 17th Richard II.
cap. 6., which, reciting that people were com-
courts ok
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction,
1 In the 15th of Richard II. two petitions were ad-
dressed to the King and the Lords of parliament, the answer
to each of which was the same; " Soit ceste peticion
mandez en la Chancellerie, et le Chanceller par auctorite
du Parlement face venir les parties devant luy en la dite
Chancellerie, et illoeqez la matire en ceste peticion compris
dilitreaument vieue et examine, et oiez les resons dune
parte et dautre, outre soit fait par auctorite de Parlement
ce que droit et reson et bone foy et bone conscience de-
mandent en le cas." Hot. Pari. vol. iii. p. 297. From the
above words it is evident that the Chancellor exercised
equitable jurisdiction as well by Royal authority as by that
of the parliament.
I 2
116
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Courts of
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
pelled to come before the King's Council, or into
Chancery, by writs grounded on untrue sugges-
tions, enacts, that the Chancellor for the time
being, presently after such suggestions be duly
found and proved to be untrue, shall have power
to award and ordain damages, according to his
discretion, to him who is so unduly troubled as
aforesaid. This statute merely gives the Chan-
cellor power to award damages to such as were
compelled to come before him in Chancery by
writs grounded on untrue suggestions. The
untrue suggestions here mentioned, which seem
to have been the causes of so much animadver-
sion, were false allegations made by persons
applying to the Chancery for writs of subpoena,
upon which the Chancellor granted writs return-
able before himself, instead of making the same
returnable in the Courts of Common Law ;
" paront les loialx liges du Roialme sont tor-
cenousement travaillez et vexez, &c. sanz re-
coverir ent avoir de lour damages et coustages."
It has been suggested 1 that bills and petitions
addressed to the Chancellor 2 were first filed in
1 See Cooper on the Public Records, vol. i. p. 457.
2 Many valuable and curious specimens of ancient bills
and petitions addressed to the Chancellor during the reigns
of Richard , II., Henry V., Henry VI., Edward IV., and
Richard III., are prefixed to the first and second volumes
of the Calendars of Chancery proceedings in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, published by direction of the Record
Commission.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
117
the seventeenth of Richard II., in consequence
of this statute.
The equitable jurisdiction of the Court of
Chancery made rapid advancement during the
reigns of Richard the Second and the three
succeeding Sovereigns, though many attempts
were made to subvert it, all of which, however,
proved ineffective. That portion of equitable
interference which appeared the most obnoxious
to the people, was the writ of subpoena, now
the leading and principal process of an Equity
Court. The general distaste exhibited by the
Commons in their petitions during several years
after the first use of this writ is remarkable,
and their feelings on the subject may be esti-
mated by the uncourteous way they speak of
the framer of the writ. " Item priont les Com-
munes que come plusours gentz de vostre
roialme soy sentent graundment grevez de ceo
que vos briefs appelles briefs sub pena, et certis
de causis, faitz et suez hors de vostre Chaun-
celerie et Escheqer, des matiers determinables
par vostre commune ley, que unques ne furent
grauntez ne usez devaunt le temps le darrein
Roy Richard, que Johan Waltham ' nadgairs
1 Though John de Waltham has been handed down
to posterity by the parliament of the 3d Hen. V. as the first
framer of the mueh-eondemned writ of subpoena, yet there
is reason to believe that it did not originate with him, but
I 3
Courts of
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
118
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
Co t ^w ° F Evesque de Salesbirs, de sa subtiltee fist trover
et commencier tiel novelrie encountre la fourme
de la commune ley de vostre roialme, si bien
a tres graunde perde et arrerisment des profitz
que duissent sourder a vous soveraigne seigneur
en voz courtes, &c. Et en outre, que si bien
la peyne contenue en tieux briefs patentz, come
tout la proces d'ycelles, soient voidez et tenuz
pur null ; et si ascuns tieux briefs appellez sub
pe?ia, et certis de causis, et Quia datum est nobis
intelligi, soient suez hors de vos ditz courtz,
encontre cest ordinance en temps a venir, que
mesmes les briefs et tout la proces dependants
sur ycelles, soient tout outrement voidez et
tenuz pur null." The answer of the King was
" Le Roy soy avisera, 1 " which shows that the
that he merely modified and augmented a writ somewhat
similar in its effects, and which was very prevalent in the
reign of Edward III. Numerous entries on the Close Rolls
of the reign of that King are to be found, which show that
parties became surety, " sub poena centum librarum de terris
et catallis suis ad opus regis levandis," that defendants
should be in the Court of Chancery at a fixed day ; and
on the Close Roll of 37 Edw. III. it appears that, upon
petition exhibited, the defendants were commanded " quod
essent in Cancellaria Regis ad certum diem ubicumque tunc
foret ad ostendendum si quid pro se haberent vel dicere
scirent quare, &c. et ad faciendum ulterius quod curia con-
sideraret, &c. et quia praedicti defendentes qui de essendo in
Cancellaria praedicta ad diem prasdictum sufBcienter prae-
muniti fuerunt in eadem Cancellaria ad diem ilium solem-
niter vocati non venerunt," the sheriff was commanded to
levy distress on the land in dispute.
1 Rot. Pari. 3 Hen. V. vol. iv. p. 84.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
119
writ of subpoena was esteemed, by those who
knew its value, too efficacious a mode of effecting
justice, to be subverted without sufficient cause.
The Commons, however, presented another
petition on the subject, in the ninth of Henry
the Fifth, which was not more successful in its
results than the former one : " Soit il advisee
par le Roi. Et dureront tres toutz les ordinances
suisditz tanque a le Parlement proscheinement
a tenir, 1 " was the equivocal and unsatisfactory
answer. King Henry the Fifth did not, how-
ever, live to convoke another Parliament, nor
did the Commons rest satisfied, but they again
petitioned the Parliament, holden in the name
of the young King, to put a restriction on the
equitable jurisdiction of the Chancery. The
answer given to this petition was et soit l'estatut
ent fait Tan xvij. del regne du Roi Richard
Secounde gardez et mys en due execution."
Notwithstanding this positive answer of the Par-
liament, the Commons renewed their remon-
strances in the fifteenth of Henry the Sixth :
" Also prayen the Communes }>at for asmuche
as divers persones have been gretly vexed and
greved by writtes subpena purchased for maters
determinables be the commune lawe of this
lande, to ]?e grete harmes of the persones so
vexed, and in subversion and lettying of the
Courts of
Law.
E(]uitalle
Jurisdiction.
1 Rot. Pari. U Hun. V. vol.iv. p. 156.
I 4
120
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Courts of
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction.
saide commune lawe," &c. To this petition the
following answer was given, " J?e King will that
the statuits made J>erof be duely kept after the
forme and effect of J)e same ; and ty no writ of
sub pena be grauntid hereafter till seurtee be
founde to satisfie J)e partie so vexed and greved
for his damages and expenses, if it so be J>at the
matier may not be made goode which is con-
tenyd in the byll." ' It may be inferred that
this statute satisfied the Commons, or else they
found it useless to make further remonstrances
against the increasing power of equitable juris-
diction; and in the seventh of Edward IV., when
Robert Kirkham, Master of the Rolls, had the
Great Seal delivered to him by the King, the
following memorandum was entered on the Close
Roll 2 of that year : " And, over this, the King
willed and commanded there and thanne that all
manere of maters, to be examyned and discussed
in the Court of Chauncery, should be directed
and determined accordyng to eqtjite and con-
science, and to the old cours and laudable cus-
tume of the same Court, so that if in any such
maters any difficultie or question of lawe happen
to ryse, that he herein take th' advis and coun-
sel of sume of the Kynges justices, so that
right and justice may be duely ministred to every
man."
i Stat, of Realm, 15 Hen. VI. c. 4.
2 Rot. Claus. 7. Ed. IV. m. 12. in dorso.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
From this time the jurisdiction of the Court
of Equity went on smoothly, and the Chancellor
daily acquired additional power and importance,
transacting every thing vice nomine et loco Regis 1 ,
and deciding causes by the rules of his own con-
science ; in fact, he had become sole judge in
matters of equity, and almost possessed potes-
tatem absolutam ; but Mr. Jeremy is of opinion
that the Chancellor's power in all its important
functions was not finally determined until the
reign of James I.
121
Courts of
Law.
Equitable
Jurisdiction-
LAWS.
Having attempted a brief description of
the early Courts of Law and Equity, it may be
necessary to show in what manner a reference
to the instruments in this Volume may be made
available in explaining and illustrating old laws
and law maxims, and for this purpose a few
subjects have been selected to draw attention
to the species of legal matter found in the Close
Rolls.
Laws.
1 The first occurrence of these words is in the patent
of the first of Henry VI., granted by the advice and assent
of the King's Council in Parliament, which created Thomas
bishop of Durham, Chancellor.
122 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws.
Leprosy. — On the subject of this loath-
some disease, little has been stated either in our
histories, chronicles, or laws. Glanville makes
no mention of leprosy; and Theloall, in le Digest
des Briefs originals, lib. 1. cap. 9, says " Je ne
ay leu e ascun de nostres livres q leprosy serroit
ascun impediment pur home de user action, sinon
en Bracton, mes il sembleroit bone reason, q il
ne suyroit en propre person, eins touz foitz p
attorney, si come la ley est que il serra separee
a communione popul\ Les parols de Bracton
sont tiels ; lib. 5. tract. 5. cap. 20. 421 : Datur
etiam exceptio tenenti ex persona petentis
peremptoria propter morbum petentis incura-
bilem, et corporis deformitatem : ut si petens
leprosus fuerit, et tarn deformis quod aspectus
eum sustinere non possit, et ita quod a commu-
nione gentium sit separatus, talis quidem placi-
tare non potest, nee hsereditatem petere," &c.
Amongst the Normans, leprosy was an im-
pediment to succession ', when any person was
solemnly adjudged to be afflicted with that dis-
temper by sentence of the church 2 ; but Bracton
1 " Celuy qui est juge et separe pcur maladie de lepre
ne peut succeder, et neanmoins il retient l'heritage qu'il
avoit lors qu'il fut rendu, pour en jouyr par usufruit tant
qu'il est vivant, sans le pouvoir aliener." La Coustume d?
Normandie, Art. 274.
'-' La Coustume de Norm. p. 308.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 123
says, that with us in England, though it be an laws .
exception to a plaintiff, on account of the danger
of the disease being spread incurred by his ap-
pearance in the courts of law, yet it is not an
impediment to descent ; and my Lord Coke says,
(2 Inst.,) that " a leper may be heir to another."
Notwithstanding these high authorities, it may,
however, be inferred from an entry at page 1 of
this Volume, that according to the ancient law
of England, leprosy in England, as in France,
was an impediment to descent. It appears that
a grant made by a person after he fell sick of
the leprosy was void : " The King, &c. to the
sheriff of Somerset, greeting. We command
you to give to Geoffry de St. Martin seizin of
the lands which belonged to William of New-
march, in your bailiwick. For we have com-
mitted to him the custody thereof, so that he
answer for them to us at our exchequer ; and
if he (William of Newmarch) have given away
any of his lands after he fell sick of the leprosy,
cause the same to be restored to his barony.
Witness, &c." In the Abbreviatio Placilorum,
page 9, leprosy was pleaded and allowed, in the
reign of King John, and the land thereupon
adjudged from a leprous brother to the sister.
Breve de ventre inspiciendo. — The ear-
liest entry on this subject upon record occurs
in a document presented in this Volume at
124 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws - page 435. The intent of this writ was to prevent
a supposititious heir from being set up to the
prejudice of the heir presumptive, and was
granted to such heir presumptive against the
widow of the deceased, through whom the pro-
perty descended, upon suspicion of her feign-
ing herself with child, according to the rule of
law set forth in the Registrum Brevium, made
for the benefit and safety of right heirs, contra
partus suppositos. 1
That the practice of the species of decep-
tion here alluded to was frequently attempted
in those times is evident from the numerous
regulations devised for the purpose of preventing
the success of such attempts ; and the seventh
1 The words are these : " Nota quod si quis habens
haereditatem duxerit aliquam in uxorem, et postea moriatur
ille sine haerede de corpore suo exeunte, per quod haereditas
ilia fratri ipsius defuncti descendere debeat, et uxor ilia
dicit se esse pregnantem de ipso defuncto cum non sit,
habeat frater et haeres ejus breve de ventre inspiciendo."
" It seemeth,'' says Lord Coke, page 8 b , by Bracton (lib. ii.
fo.69.) and Fleta (lib. i. c. 14.) " that this writ doth lie ' ubi
uxor alicujus in vita viri sui se pregnantem finxit cum non
sit, vel post mortem viri sui se pregnantem fecit, cum non
sit de viro suo mortuo, ad exhaeredationem veri haeredis &c.
ad querelam veri haeredis per praeceptum domini Regis, &c.'
which is to be understood according to the rule of the
Registr. ; when a man, having lands in fee simple, dieth,
and his wife soon after marrieth again, and feigns herself
with child by her former husband, in this case, though she
be married, the writ • de ventre inspiciendo' doth lie."
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 125
clause in Magna Charta, namely, il that the Laws .
widow should remain « in capitali mesuagio mariti
sui per quadraginta dies post obitum mariti sai,' "
though doubtless intended for the benefit of the
widow, yet, nevertheless, says Barrington, in
his observations on the statute, it was to prevent
a supposititious child ; and in the laws of Hoel
Dda (p. 164) it appears that the anxiety to pre-
vent this imposition was greater still : " Fcemina,
quae se pregnantem qffirmaverit tempore mortis
mariti sui, in domo ejus manebit, donee constiterit
utrnm pregnans fuerit vel non ; et tunc, si non
fuerit pregnans, mulctam solvat trium 'vaccarum,
et domum et fundum hceredi relinquat. ,y If the
widow, upon due examination, were, however
found to be enceinte, she was to be kept under
restraint until delivered ; but if not found to
be pregnant, then the presumptive heir was to
be forthwith admitted to the inheritance. Upon
comparison, the entry at page 435 of this Volume
will be found to agree in most particulars with
the writ in the Registrum Brevium. See also
the entry in the Abbreviatio Placitorum, 26th
Henry III. p. 119.
Adultery. — Being only an offence of spi-
ritual cognizance, it was never criminal in this
country, either by common or statute law, except
during the time of the Protectorate, when to
commit adultery and fornication w r as made
126 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws.
felony, in both man and woman, without benefit
of clergy. 1
By the laws of Solon, if a man detected
another in the act of adultery with his wife,
he was allowed to kill him upon the spot ; so
likewise by the Roman law, when the adulterer
was found in the husband's own house : it was
also the same among the Goths. With us, how-
ever, such slaying is not ranked in the class of
justifiable homicide, as in cases of forcible
rape, but in that of manslaughter. 2
A curious case of adultery may be noticed
at page 126, whence it appears that the husband
inflicted summary punishment, for which offence
he was not held as cognizable at law, because he
had prohibited the adulterer from coming to his
house.
Original Writs. — It has been already
stated that one of the principal duties of the
1 This borders on the severity of a law in Sicily, that
" si quis cum volente et acquiesceute vidua stuprum commi-
serit, Jlammis ultricibus exureturT Vide Const. Sic. p. 251.
Concerning the punishment of women taken in adultery
in France, see some instances in La Coustume de Normandie,
p. 402. Also see the case of a woman banished out of the
town of Calais for adultery, by the law and custom of that
place, in the Registrum, p. 551.
2 Black. Com. vol. iv. p. 191.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 1^7
Chancellor was to frame original writs and man- Laws.
dates, according as the circumstances which the
cases submitted to him by the King demanded,
to relieve suitors who found the existing law, as
administered, oppressive ; or wherein the law
did not provide a proper or sufficient remedy. 1
In process of time, however, the framing of
writs became a matter of so much certainty that
hardly any case could arise for which an estab-
lished precedent could not be found to give the
specific redress required. From several instances
in this Volume it appears that new forms of
writs were frequently ordered to be used for
the future, without any reason assigned, as at
page 32, " Hoc breve de ccvtero erit de cursu."
Again, new forms were adopted, without any
remark, as at page 114, for in that entry letters
are substituted for the names of the parties.
New forms again occur, without any other notice
than the word forma, as at p. 210. These and
similar entries cannot, however, but be deemed
important, because they show that the Officina
brevium was at that time in existence. 2 The
1 On the subject of the Chancellor, John of Salishcry
says, in his Polycraticon, written about the year 1170,
" Hie est, qui leges regni cancellat iniquas,
Et mandata pii principis aequa facto."
2 It is evidently implied, by the statute of Westmin-
ster 2, 13 Edward I. c.24, that the Officina brevium had been
some time established, for in that statute it is provided that
128 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws. entry at page 32 is an early specimen of those
writs intituled " de cursu" which were issued
out of Chancery upon the applicant finding
pledges, and swearing that he had a true cause
of action. It was in consequence of this assump-
tion of authority on the part of the Chancellor,
which was considered as exceeding the duties
of his office, that it was provided by the Council
at Oxford, in the year 1258, that the Chancellor
was not to have the power of issuing any other
" et quotienscumque decaetero evenerit in Cancellaria quod
in uno casu reperitur breve et in consimili casu cadente sub
eodem jure et simili indigente remedio concordent clerici
de Cancellaria in brevi faciendo vel atterminent quaerentes
in proximo parliamento et scribant casus in quibus concor-
dare non possunt et referant eos ad proximum parliamentum
et de consensu jurisperitorum fiat breve ne contingat de-
caetero quod curia diu deficiat quaerentibus in justitia per-
quirenda." Upon consulting the Registrum de Cancellaria,
better known as the Registrum Brevium, it will be found
that remedies were to be had for almost every species of
wrong that could be committed, by suing for a writ spe-
cially adapted to the case. Hence Blackstone argues, that
with a little accuracy on the part of the clerks of Chancery,
and a little liberality on that of the judges, by extending
rather than narrowing the remedial effects of the writ, the
provision of the statute of Westminster might have effec-
tually answered all the purposes of an equity court, except
that of obtaining a discovery by the oath of the defendant.
This was also the opinion of Fairfax, a very learned judge
in the time of Edward IV. " Le subpama " (says he) " ne
serroit my cy soventement use come il est ore, si nous attendo-
mons dels actions sur les cases, et mainteinoums la jurisdiction
de ceo court, et d'auter courts." Year Book, 21 Edward IV.
p. 23.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. I 1 *)
writs than such as were by the direct command laws
of the King or of his Council. 1
Falsifying. — The crime of falsifying- may
be divided into several species, as relating to
false charters, false measures, false money, and
others. 3 From instruments in pages 15 and 32
it appears that William Scrubz being convicted,
" per feloniam quam fecit de fals'ificatiorie sigilli
Regis" all his lands were escheated to the
Crown ; at page 367, that William Kocaine had
given security " quod stabit recto in curia Regis
de falsis cartis et falsis sigillis et aliis de quibus
rcttatusfuit et imprisonatus"
" It should be observed," says Glanville,
" that if a person be convicted of falsifying a
charter it becomes necessary to distinguish
whether it be a royal 4 or a private one ; be-
cause, when convicted of the offence, the party
shall, in the former case, be condemned as in
i Annal. Burt. 413.
2 Vide Bract. 1 19 b . Fleta, lib. i. c. 22. Britton. c. 4.
a Vide Glan. lib. xiv. c. 7.
4 Of the King's charters Bracton says, " neither the
justices nor private individuals can dispute nor inter-
pret them if a doubt arise, but recourse must be had to the
King himself; and if the charters be defective, through
rasure, or from a false seal being attached to them, it is
better and safer to decide the matter in the King's
presence."
K
130 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
laws, t ] ie cr i me f i i eese Majesty ;' but in the latter
the convict is to be dealt with in a milder man-
ner." The case of Scrubz may be placed under
the first of these heads ; that of Kocaine under
the second.
Will and Testament. — Blackstone says,
that in England the power of bequeathing
is coeval with the first rudiments of law ', for
we have no traces or memorials of any time
when it did not exist. There seems to be no
doubt of lands having been devisable by will
before the Conquest 2 ; but upon the introduction
of military tenures a restraint upon devising
lands (except those holden in socage) took
place, as it was one of the qualities of feuds,
that the feudatory could not alien or dispose of
his feud ; neither could he devise it by will. 3
Since the Conquest the common law had
given to every one a right to dispose of personal
property, but no estate greater than for a term
of years could be disposed of by will. The
restraints upon alienation by will continued for
some centuries after the restraint on aliena-
tion by deed had been removed ; and it was
not till the reign of Henry VIII. that lands
i Vol. ii. p. 491.
2 Wright on Tenures, p. 172. 3 Ibid. p. 29.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 131
were permitted to be disposed of by will ' ; and Laws -
not till the Restoration, that the power of de-
vising real property became valid, which was
occasioned by the conversion of all lands (ex-
cept some copyholds) into socage tenure.
From a mandate in page 1 69 it appears that
a man could not devise land which he had of the
King's gift : by which it evidently is intended
to mean lands holden in capite, which before
the statute of Quia Emptores could not be de-
vised without the consent of the chief lord of
the fee. The words are these : " Rex domino
P. Winton' Episcopo Justiciario Anglice, 8$c t
Mandamus nobis quod tenerifaciatis test amentum
Adce de Gurdun quod fecit de rebus suis mo-
bilibus et omnibus aliis in Anglid secundum
dispositionem testamenti excepta terra quam de
dono nostro habuit." (Vide p. 169.)
Many other documents will be found eluci-
datory of testamentary laws and customs.
Ecclesiastical Law. — Instruments illus-
trative of matters and causes liable to eccle-
siastical cognizance are of frequent occurrence
in this Volume : the following is not unworthy
of attention, as being a curious instance of the
1 By 32 Hen. VIII. c. 1. all socage lands were made
devisable, and two thirds of land held by military tenure,
K 2
132 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws. Ecclesiastical Court having exceeded its power,
in the 8th of Hen. III., by appealing to the
Court of Rome in a case of bastardy, and for
which it appears to have received a severe re-
buke from the King.
" The King to the Archbishop of Dublin,
Justiciary of Ireland, greeting. In reply to the
charge we lately gave you, to write to us again
in what manner you had proceeded in the cause
of Nicholas de Felda, who sued the abbot and
canons of St. Thomas at Dublin, before our
judges in our court, for two carucates of land,
with their appurtenances, in Kelredheri, by an
assize of mort d'ancestor, but against whom,
before the said judges, the bar of bastardy
having been objected, it was by the samejudges
referred to you in the Ecclesiastical Court to
pronounce upon his bastardy or legitimacy, —
you declare to us by your letters, that as he
sued for the said land in the Civil Court, by
our letters of mort d'ancestor, against the afore-
mentioned abbot and canons, and the bar of
bastardy having been objected to him, you
have therefore proceeded no further in that
court. And, moreover, that the afore-mentioned
Nicholas, by mandate from our judges, being
willing to prove his legitimacy before you in the
Ecclesiastical Court, produced his witnesses,
and their attestations being declared, after long-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 133
continued controversies and altercations as well laws.
on the part of the abbot as of the same Nicholas,
when you were proceeding to give final judg-
ment, two girls appeared, who were in their
minority, and were the daughters of Richard
de la Feld, father of the aforesaid Nicholas, and
appealed to you not to proceed in giving judg-
ment, since this would manifestly be converted
to their prejudice, in as much as they would be
precluded from seeking elsewhere the inherit-
ance claimed, neither could they be relieved
by putting it in its former state. Whereupon,
deferring to that appeal, by the advice of pru-
dent men, as you say, you transmitted the cause
to the Pope, drawn out as it had been discussed
before you ; at which we are greatly astonished,
and not without just cause provoked, that, not-
withstanding the said Nicholas's legitimacy was
made fully evident to you by the production
of the witnesses and their declared attestations,
you should nevertheless, because of the appeal
of the girls aforesaid, who were in no wise con-
cerned nor even mentioned in the assize referred
to, nor was either of them a party to the suit,
have therefore put off pronouncing final judg-
ment, and improperly, as it were declining our
trial, have wished to refer to a foreign dignity
what was within our jurisdiction, and apper-
tained to our dignity alone to determine, thereby
setting a most pernicious precedent. And fur-
k 3
134. GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Laws. £} ier> even if ^g aforesaid Nicholas had obtained
possession of the land aforesaid by the said
assize, the benefit of petition for the inheritance
was clearly open to the aforesaid girls, in our
court, by writ of right, especially as by our
letters of mort d'ancestor the question was of
the possession, and not of the property ; and
in the case offered for your consideration,
nothing more belonged to your authority than
to admit the proofs of the said Nicholas's legi-
timacy, and then to send him back to our judges,
with your letters testimonial. By the advice,
therefore, of our ' Magnates ' and * Fideles '
assisting us, we command and firmly enjoin
you, notwithstanding the appeal premised, not
on that account to delay your judgment, remit-
ting him (the said Nicholas), with your letters
testimonial, to our judges, in order that they
may, in the imparlance to be argued before
them, be enabled to exhibit to him plenitude
of justice, according to the laws and customs
of our land of Ireland. Witness H. &c. (Hubert
de Burgh, Chief Justice of England) at
Gloucester, on the 10th day of November."
p. 629.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 135
Illustrations
of HlSTOnY.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF HISTORY.
Commencements of the Kings' Reigns. —
It does not appear to have been the ancient
practice of the English Constitution at the
decease of a Kin": to consider his successor as
King until he had been inaugurated : the modern
law maxim is that the King never dies, which
supposes that in England there can be no inter-
regnum l 3 the next heir succeeding as King im-
mediately upon the throne becoming vacant.
King John did not assume the regal dignity
and prerogatives until he had been crowned,
although his brother Richard had been dead
1 This is not in accordance with what is laid down as
law in Dyer and Anderson, which is " that the King, who
is heir or successor to the deceased King, may write him-
self as King and begin his reign the same day that his pro-
genitor or predecessor dies." Since the accession of
Edward I. there has been no interregnum. " The Crown
has always been claimed, though not constantly enjoyed,
by right of blood ;" and from the precedents adduced and
opinions taken at the accession of James I. it was declared
to be the law of England, " that there can be no inter-
regnum within the same.'' (HowelFs State Trials, vol. ii.
p. 626.) " It is now therefore an established maxim of
constitutional law, that immediately on the death of the
King the right of the Crown is vested in his heir, who com-
mences his reign from that moment." Allen on Prerogative,
p. 49. Black. Com. vol. i. p. 96. Tyrrell's Bibliotheca Poli-
tica, p. 169.
K 4
lot) GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations upwards of seven weeks ' before the coronation
of History.
took place ; and the reign of Henry III., like
that of his father, was reckoned from the day
of his enthronement. 2 The accession of Ed-
ward I. was held to be upon the day of his
recognition, and not upon the day of his father's
demise, which happened four days previously. 3
The fact that all the Rolls of Chancery, namely,
i Richard I. died on the 6th of April 1199. King
John was crowned on the 27th of the following May,
which was Ascension Day, and his regnal year was com-
puted from one Ascension Day to the next ; consequently
some of the years of his reign exhibit an increase of seven
weeks more than others, owing to the day of his corona-
tion being that of a moveable feast, which of course some-
times fell earlier or later, as Easter happened.
2 Henry III. was not elected king till the feast of
Saint Simon and Saint Jude ; and his coronation took
place on the following day, though John had been then
dead since the eighteenth. " II est remarquable qu'on
ne commenca a dater du regne de ce prince que du jour
de son couronnement, comme il est marque dans le Livre
Rouge de l'Echiquier. ' Notandum ' y est-il dit, ' quod
data Regis Henrici filii Johannis mutavit* in festo Apostolo-
rum Simonis et Judae, videlicet, 28 a die mensis Octobris.'"
L Art de verifier les Dates.
3 " Anno Domini M°CC°LXXII mense Novembri obiit
dominus Henricus illustris Rex Anglise, anno vero regni
sui LVII , incepto in festo Apostolorum Symonis et Judae
proximo praecedente.
" Anno Domini M°CC°LXXII mense Novembri in
festo beati Edmundi incepit regnare Edwardus illustris Rex
Angliae post sepulturam Henrici patris sui," Ex vetusL
Mcmb. in Turr. Lond.
* This word in the original Record appears to be iniilavit for inUidvit.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 137
the Patent, Charter, Close, and Fine Rolls, illustrations
of History.
commence the regnal year of each King agree-
ably to this mode of computation supports this
hypothesis ; and, moreover, it does not appear
that any of the early English Monarchs exer-
cised any act of sovereign power, or disposed
of public affairs, till after their election or coro-
nation. These few examples appear to be un-
deniable proofs, that the fundamental laws and
constitutions of this kingdom, based on the
Anglo-Saxon custom, were, at that time, against
an hereditary succession, unless by common
consent of the whole realm : however, " the
Crown of England (says Allen l ) has been for
ages hereditary, and it has been long a settled
principle of English law, that on the death of
the King his royal dignity descends immediately
to his successor. That principle is not now to
be controverted. It has been sanctioned by the
practice of many centuries, and is become a
fundamental maxim of constitutional law."
The Close Rolls have been stated to abound
in information concerning the condition of
society ; it belongs, however, to the historian
to select and apply such instruments as may
correct the errors and prejudices of previous
writers. With the view of testing the integrity
and comparative merits of the elder historians
1 Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal
Prerogative in England, by John Allen, p. 46.
138 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations anc ] chroniclers, a few entries, and those of
of History. '
minor importance, have been selected from the
Close Rolls ; because, if it be shown that those
writers have detailed with exactness and accu-
racy trifling and unimportant events, they
become more entitled to confidence in their
narrations of matters of greater moment.
It is related by Matthew Paris, that " Eodem
anno (1222) sexto idus Februarii, audita sunt
tonitrua terribilia ; ex quorum collisione fulmen
exiliens," &c. Again, " in eodem anno in die
exaltationis Sanctas Crucis, per totam Angliam
mugierunt horrenda tonitrua; et sequuta est
inundatio pluviarum, cum turbine, et impetu
ventorum : quae tempestas, cum aeris intem-
perie, usque ad purificationem Beatag Marias
perseverans multis et maxime colonis, molesta
fuit." And again, " Eodem etiam anno (1222)
in festo Sancti Andreas Apostoli audita sunt
tonitrua per totam Angliam generalia ; quag
ecclesias et ecclesiarum turres, domos et asdificia,
castrorum muros, etpropugnacula subverterunt."
All of which is corroborated by the Close Roll
of the seventh year of King Henry III. which
contains numerous entries concerning the ravages
and destruction occasioned by tempests and
impetuous hurricanes, whereby houses and large
forest trees were blown to the ground.
Matthew Paris says, at page lGl, " Eodem
tempore (1211) Reginaldus Comes Bononiae vir
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 139
strenuus et in arte militari probatissimus a Phi- illustrations
* of History.
lippo Rege Francorum de comitatu suo injuste
expulsus et bonis omnibus privatus est, &c.
Comes vero Reginaldus in Angliam veniens,
a Rege Johanne honorifice susceptus est." This
statement is corroborated by three or four
entries ', which prove that Reginald Dammartin,
Count of Bologne, was in England at that
time, and did homage to King John at London
on Ascension Day, and that he had a grant of
several manors ; a fact which is ample evidence
of an honorable reception and of royal favor.
Most of the contemporary historians relate,
that King John, in the year 1202, during the
siege of Mirabel Castle in Poictou, made
prisoners of his nephew Arthur Duke of Brit-
tany and the Princess Elianor his sister, called
the " Beauty of Brittany." Arthur is sup-
posed to have been murdered by his uncle, and
of Elianor it is stated that she was imprisoned
in Bristol Castle for forty years ; the incarcera-
tion of that young and guiltless Princess is one
of the many actions of King John, for which
his memory has been deservedly stigmatized.
The entries on the Close Rolls relating to the
Princess Elianor confirm the narrations of the
monkish writers as to her imprisonment, though
i Vide pp. 116. 129. 130. 133.
140 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustration* a fc £] ie same time they sllOW that she Was not ill
of History. J
want of the necessaries of life, as has been
alleged by some modern historians, but on the
contrary that she enjoyed many indulgences.
Elianor is said to have possessed a high and
invincible spirit, and to have constantly insisted
on her right to the Crown ! , which, perhaps, was
the reason of her being kept under restraint
during the whole of her life-time. If the Crown
of England was at that period considered as
hereditary, she had a priority of right to her
uncle, and consequently to King Henry; but
if it was an established law in England, as ap-
pears by the Close Roll 13th Henry III., that
" non est consuetudo vel lea: in terra nostra
Anglice quod Jilia jratris alicujus primogeniti
Jratrem juniorem patri suo succedentem hcere-
ditarie super hcereditate sua possit vel debeat
impetere 2 ," then it would seem that King Henry
need have had no apprehension of her being
able legally to deprive him of the Crown. A
few of the instruments relating to this illustrious
Prisoner are here inserted ; the others are, how-
ever, exceedingly interesting, and well worthy
of attention, not only as concerning a Princess
of whom little has been written, but as illus-
trative of the domestic economy of that period.
1 General History of England by James Tyrrell, esq.,
vol. iii. p.915, Fol. 1700.
2 Hot. Claus. 13 Hen. III. m. 15. in dorso.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 141
The Mayor of Winchester is commanded I"-us™at.ons
J of History.
to send in haste to the King, for the use of his
niece Elianor and the two daughters of the
King of Scotland \ robes of dark green, namely,
tunics and supertunics, with capes of cambric,
and fur of miniver, and twenty-three yards of
good linen cloth ; also, for the use of the King's
niece, one good cap of dark brown, furred with
miniver, and one hood for rainy weather, for
the use of the same ; besides robes of bright
green for the use of her three waiting maids,
namely, tunics and supertunics, and cloaks,
with caps of miniver or rabbit skins, and furs
of lamb's-skin ; and thin shoes for the use of
the daughters of the King of Scotland, the
King's niece, and her three waiting maids ; and
also, for the use of the King's niece, one saddle
with gilded reins ; and the mayor is to come
himself, with all the above articles, to Corf
there to receive the money for the cost of the
same.— 6th July, 15 John. Page 144.
1 About the year 1209 King John marched toward
Scotland with a powerful army, but when the Scottish King
was informed of his approach, being aware of the cruelty
of John's disposition, he grpw alarmed, and made an ad-
vance to treat for peace ; by the mediation of friends of
both kingdoms this was at length effected upon these
terms ; namely, that the King of Scotland should pay to
the King of England 1,100 marks of silver, and moreover
that his two daughters should be delivered to him as hos-
tages, for the better securing of the peace. Math. Paris,
p. 158. Edit. Par.
142 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations The m ayor and reeves of Winchester are
of History. j
ordered to send, without delay, to Corf con-
stabulary, for the use of the King's niece, a
beautiful saddle, with scarlet ornaments and
gilded reins. — 9th Aug.,15 John. Page 150.
The mayor and reeves of Winchester are
commanded to send to the Queen, the King's
niece, and the two daughters of the King of
Scotland, who are at Corf, certain robes, caps,
and other things necessary for their vestment,
as Robert de Vipont will inform them by his
letters patent. — 29th Jan., 15 John. Page 157.
Peter de Maulay is commanded to procure
for the King's niece, who is in the custody of
Robert de Vipont, one scarlet robe, namely, a
cloak, and a tunic with cendal, and another
for the wife of Robert de Vipont ; and also,
for the King's niece, some good and fine linen
cloth, enough to make four or five chemises
and four sheets, not, however, of the King's
finest cloth, but rather, if they have none suited
for this except the King's finest cloth, to pur-
chase it as good as they can with the King's
money ; and she is also to have two pair of
boots delivered to her by the messenger of
Robert de Vipont, the bearer of this order. —
15th July, 16 John. Page 168.
The barons of the Exchequer are ordered
to make allowance to Peter de Maulay of 7,000
marks, demanded of him as part of his fine
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 143
made with Kinc; John for having married Illustrations
° ° OF IIlSTORV.
Isabella daughter and heiress of Robert de
Turneham, which he had laid out on the works
of Corf Castle, and in expenses consequent upon
the custody of Elianor the King's cousin, the
custody of the daughters of the King of Scot-
land, and the custody of Richard, the King's
brother ; and also in the expences incurred by
King John at divers times at Corf, after Louis,
the French King's son, had landed in England.
Witness Hubert de Burgh, &c. — 5 Hen. 3.
Page 466.
The treasurer and chamberlains are ordered
to pay to Andrew Bukerel .£6 145. 2d. which
he laid out, by the King's command, in the fol.
lowing articles ; namely, a silken couch, price
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations honour, restrain you in future from the like,
of History.
neither making such attempts yourself, nor suf-
fering them to be made by others against us ;
or else be assured that we shall take the affair
seriously in hand, being in no wise inclined to
allow such things to gain strength against us.
Witness Hubert de Burgh, &c. at the Tower
of London, 8th of August, 7 Hen. 3. Page
570.
Henry, by the grace of God, King of Eng-
land, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and
Aquitain, Earl of Anjou, to Hubert de Burgh,
Justiciary of England, greeting. We remember
having given an order ! that such seizin should
be given you of the marsh between Wiggenholt
and Wells and Hakebech and Tilney and Ter-
rington, as you had when last you sailed for
Poictou in the service of King John our father j
but because we are given to understand for
certain that Eustace, formerly bishop of Ely,
was seized of the aforesaid marsh on the day of
his death 2 , and that the church of Ely has
always since been seized thereof; and as it there-
fore seems to our Council that the form of our
aforesaid order was unreasonable, we command
you, as our justiciary, to restore without delay
to the church of Ely seizin of the marsh in
1 2Q December 1217. 2 Died 16 John.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 155
question, notwithstanding our said order by lLLUS1
which you entered upon the seizin thereof;
and since to you especially it belongs to main-
tain and cherish justice, do you so demean
yourself in this behalf that you may not set
an example, or be yourself the occasion, of
injuring others. Witness the Earl of Pembroke,
at Worcester, 14th March, 2 Hen. 3, A.D. 1218.
Page 378.
There has prevailed among historians a dif-
ference of opinion as to the probability of Prince
Louis having received from our government a
sum of money for restoring the hostages he had
taken from the barons, upon the treaty of peace
being concluded in the September of the year
1218. The French historians relate that a large
sum of money was secured to him on that occa-
sion, " which," says Tyrrell, " is certainly false,
" for Louis was so far from standing upon terms,
" that he was glad to agree upon any condi-
" tions ; and as for hostages, there could be
" nothing due from the King on that account,
" but from the barons, his enemies, whose rela-
" tions they were ; but our writers do not men-
" tion any money paid for them, and therefore
" it is most likely they were delivered gratis,
" though they are not particularly mentioned."
The following instrument seems corroborative
of the statement of the French writers, which,
USTRATIONS
ISTORY.
156 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations if Tyrrell had been aware of, he would perhaps
of History. *■
have formed a different opinion.
The King to Geoffry de Mariscis, Justiciary
of Ireland, greeting. Whereas we before com-
manded you to come to us into England to do
homage to us, and certify us respecting the state
of our land of Ireland, we are greatly astonished
that you have not yet come ; and therefore we
command you a second time, all delay and ex-
cuses set aside, to come to us into England be-
fore the approaching Easter, in the second year
of our reign, to do your homage to us, and to
treat with us, through our t( fideles " of our
Council, respecting the state of our land afore-
said. And since we owe a heavy debt to Louis,
the French King's son, by agreement made be-
tween us, that he would depart out of our realm,
which at length the Lord hath marvellously
and mercifully procured ; and are moreover
indebted to his Holiness the Pope in an annual
tribute of 300 marks, due to him from our king-
dom of Ireland, which yet remains to be paid
for the last two years ; it would greatly relieve
us, and much advance the tranquillity of our
realm, if our faithful people and bailiffs would
afford all the assistance they were able to pro-
vide us with money ; and therefore we command
and entreat you to come, as aforesaid, and bring
with you as much money as you can, so demean-
ing yourself in this respect that we may have
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 157
cause to commend your honesty and zeal ; for illustrations
•r- iiii-ii i 0F History.
it you should be induced to act otherwise, con-
siderable loss and grievance might accrue to us
and our realm on this account. Witness the Earl
of Pembroke, at Exeter, 12th Feb., 2 Hen. 3.
Page 376. see also page 465.
Immediately after Louis's departure the
Legate dispatched inquisitors over every part
of England to suspend all ecclesiastics whom
they found to have been in the slightest degree
favourable to the cause of Louis, of whatever
rank or dignity they might be ; and after de-
priving them of all their benefices, he distributed
the same among his own clerks. The bishop of
Lincoln, upon his return to England, paid 1000
marks to the Pope, and 100 more to the Legate,
for the recovery of his bishoprick ; and many
other bishops, and the rest of the clergy, fol-
lowing his example, were compelled to purchase
the Legate's favour by the payment of large
sums of money. It seems, however, from the
following proclamation, which is not noticed in
any of the contemporary chronicles, that several
of the clergy, being perhaps unwilling to submit
to this species of imposition, chose rather to
remain in excommunication than to purchase
absolution on such degrading terms.
The King to the sheriffs of Kent [and
of Essex], greeting. We order you, without
158 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations delay, to cause proclamation to be made through-
OF History. •/*■*. o
out your bailiwick, that all the clergy who were
excommunicated because thev were adherents to
Louis or his favourers, and have not yet received
absolution, shall depart our realm before Midlent
next, in the second year of our reign ; and that
all who are found in England after the aforesaid
term shall be taken ; and whomsoever of the
clergy that you shall find in your bailiwick after
that term abiding in excommunication on the
account aforesaid, do you take and safely keep
until we give you further order thereupon. —
18th Feb., 2 Hen. 3. Page 377.
The order of knighthood was a dignity
which formerly added a lustre to the highest
degree of nobility, and was esteemed even by
Princes and Kings themselves. The ceremony
of creating a knight was generally performed in
the royal palace, and robes of different colours
were given to the intended objects of that royal
mark of distinction. The following entry gives
an account of the robes presented to a knight
on his receiving the order :
The King to the sheriff of Southampton,
greeting. We order you to allow Thomas Es-
turmy, our valet, a scarlet robe ', with a cloak
1 William of Malmsbury, in his account of Athelstan's
being knighted by King Alfred, his grandfather, mentions
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 159
of fine linen, and another robe of green or Illustrations
° of History.
brown, and a saddle, and a pair of reins, and a
cloak for wet weather, and a couch ', and a pair
of linen sheets, as he is to be made a knight.
The robes and other knightly insignia pre-
sented by King Henry III. to Alexander the
young King of Scotland, when he knighted him
at York' 2 , in the year 1251, is thus described
on the Close Roll of that year ; 3
Edward of Westminster is commanded to
procure immediately a handsome sword, and
scabbard of silk, the hilt to be of silver and
well ornamented, and also a handsome belt, on
which to hang the same ; the sword is to be sent
to York by Christmas-day, that the King may
decorate Alexander the illustrious King of Scot-
land therewith, in his belt of knighthood 4 , &c.
the giving him a sword and a rich belt, with a crimson or
scarlet robe, as the ensigns of knighthood. Malmsb. de
Gestit, Reg. Angl. 1. ii. c. 6.
1 It was usual for the person who was to be knighted
to watch all the previous night in the church, and the
couch was given for him to rest on.
2 ' ; Anno Domini MCClii. qui est annus regni domini
Regis Henrici trigesimus quintus, fuit idem dominus Rex
ad Natale Domini apud Eboracum, ut filia sua Margareta,
aetatc jam, Alexandro Regi Scotiae matrimonio copularctur,
et nuptiae, ut inter tantas personas decuit, celebrarentur."
Matt. Par. 554. Paris Edit.
3 Claus. 36 Hen. 3.
4 " Die igitur Natalis Domini, dominus Rex Angliaj
baltheo apud Eboracum donavit militari Regem Scotiae et
160 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations j onn j e Summercotes and the Kind's tailor
of History. °
are commanded to make, without delay, a costly
couch, and to send it to the King at York, to
present to the illustrious King of Scotland on
Christmas-day :
And, Edward of Westminster is com-
manded to procure immediately a pair of silver
gilt spurs, with fastenings of silk, and to let the
King have them at York on Christmas-day, for
the use of Alexander King of Scotland, &c.
The orders for the dresses worn by the
King and Queen of England at the marriage
ceremony of the Princess Margaret with the
King of Scotland, the day after he was knighted,
are as follows :
"Concerning Robes for ^ I. de Sumercote and Roger
the use of the King >the tailor are commanded
and Queen. J to get made, without delay,
four robes of the best brocade which they can
procure, namely, two for the King's use, and
two for the Queen's, with orfraies, and gems
of various colours ; the tunics are to be of softer
brocade than the mantles and the supertunics ;
and the mantles are to be furred with ermine,
cum eo tyrones fecit viginti. Qui omnes vestibus preciosis
et excogitatis, sicut in tam celebri tyrocinio decuit, orna-
bantur :" and see Rot. Pat. 36 Hen. III. m. 13. and Fcedera,
New Ed. vol. i. part 1. p. 279.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. l6l
and the supertunics with miniver : the Kins; re- Illustrations
ok History.
quires that the aforesaid robes, elegantly made,
should be at York by Christmas."
The same are commanded to get, besides
the two robes which the King ordered for his own
use, three robes with " Queyntisis " {devices)
made for the Queen's use, namely, one robe of
the best violet-coloured brocade they can pro-
cure, with three small leopards in the front, and
three others behind ; and two robes of other
cloth, the best that can be procured. And these,
seemly and elegantly made, are to be at York by
Christmas.
The instruments on the Close Rolls respect-
ing maritime affairs are very numerous, and
exhibit many interesting particulars of the naval
force kept for the defence of the realm and for
the security of the British seas. At page S3
the number of ships attached to each of the
principal ports is stated, together with the names
of their commanders ; and there are several
notices confirmatory of the fact, that the Cinque
Ports were obliged to find fifty-two ships for
fifteen days, at their own charge, for the ser-
vice of the state. The materials used for ship-
building, and the tonnage and dimensions of
ships and galleys, are described, some as being
capable of carrying eight or ten horses, and
M
162 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations others of a different description, large enough
of History. l C7
to admit of twenty oars. From an instrument
at page 117 it may be inferred that the first
establishment of a dock-yard at Portsmouth took
place in the reign of King John ; viz.
The King to the sheriff of Southampton,
&c. We order you, without delay, by the view
of lawful men, to cause our docks ' at Ports-
mouth to be inclosed with a good and strong
wall, in such manner as our beloved and faith-
ful William archdeacon of Taunton will tell you,
for the preservation of our ships and galleys ;
and likewise to cause penthouses to be made to
the same walls, as the same archdeacon will also
tell you, in which all our ships' tackle may
be safely kept : and use as much dispatch as
you can, in order that the same may be com-
pleted this summer, lest in the ensuing winter
our ships and galleys and their rigging should
incur any damage by your default. And when
we know the cost, it shall be accounted to you.
—20th May, 14 John, A.D. 1212. Page 117
The King to Geoffry de Nevill/and the
mayor of Angouleme, and Ralph de Fay, and
1 " Exclusa. Locus in flumine saepe coarctatus pisca-
tionis gratia; alias wera alias clausura dictus. Et etiam
exclusa, id quo in stagnis et fossatis aquas retinentur et
emittuntur, Anglice, ' a sluice ;' exclusae practerea dicuntur
aditus in Italiam per angustias Alpium." Spelm.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 163
all the soldiers and mariners of their company, Illustrations
r J ' of History.
&c. We command you, together with Geoffry
de Lucy and William de Wika, and our sailors,
to arrest and take into our hands all ships coming
from Poictou, which you may fall in with in your
voyage, and send them safely to us in England,
with all the chattels found in them ; and take
such counsel for guarding them that we may
in nowise be deceived. — 20th May, 14 John.
Page 117.
The archdeacon of Taunton is ordered to
send immediately to the King, at the Tower of
London, all the cloth which came to Portsmouth
in the three ships which were captured by the
King's sailors in the port of Barfleur, and sent
to Portsmouth.
The King to William archdeacon of Taun-
ton, &c. Know ye that we have given to our
dear brother William earl of Salisbury the ship
called the Countess, which was captured by our
sailors. And therefore we command you to let
him have the same. — 20th May, 14 John. Page
117.
The King to William archdeacon of Taun-
ton, &c. Know ye that we have given to our
beloved R. de Mariscis, archdeacon of Northum-
berland, and W. Briwer, two of the ships, with
all their apparel, which our sailors captured.
And therefore we command you to retain to
m 2
164-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations our use f-] ie }j est Q f those ships, and ffive the
of History. * 7 ~
second best to Richard de Mariscis, and the
third best to W. Briwer, with all their apparel.
—2d June, 14 John. Page 118.
The King to William archdeacon of Taun-
ton. Know ye that we have given to our beloved
and faithful E. archdeacon of Durham, and
Philip de Ulcot, one good ship of those which
were captured by our sailors off the coast of
Normandy. And therefore we command you
to let them have that ship. — 9th July, 14 John,
A.D. 1212. Page 120.
Peter ', &c. to the sheriff of Norfolk and
Nicholas de Thorp, greeting. We order you
to cause a hundred men of Dunwich to be
chosen, fit to guard the sea-coast, and to per-
form this business with such secrecy, discretion,
and prudence, that the lord the King and ourself
may be enabled with good reason to commend
your labour. And the expence which you incur
for this shall be accounted to you at the Ex-
chequer. Witness ourself at Dunton, on the
5th of Sept., 16 John. Page 211.
Matthew Paris relates, that about the year
1237 the King's anger was again inflamed against
1 Peter de Rupibus, bishop of Winchester, lieutenant
of the kingdom while the King was abroad.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 165
Hubert de Burgh the earl of Kent, because illustrations
# of History.
Richard earl of Gloucester, while he was yet
in his minority and a ward of the King, had
privately espoused Earl Hubert's daughter Mar-
garet, without the King's licence or consent ;
for it was reported that Henry had sought a
matrimonial alliance with the young Earl of
Gloucester for a near relative of William elect
of Valentia, a Provencois by birth. At length,
however, Earl Hubert having asserted that lie
had no knowledge of the affair, and that he
was guiltless of any participation in the act, a
reconciliation was effected, after much inter-
cession, and the royal indignation appeased by
the promise of a sum of money. Matth. Paris,
p. 299.
The following account of the transaction
occurs on the Close Roll of the 22d Hen. III. :
On Tuesday, the morrow of St. Michael,
Hubert de Burgh earl of Kent came to Eckles,
by the King's command ; and the King, ad-
dressing him, demanded if he were then willing
to resign to him the marriage of Richard de
Clare, according to the promise he made at
Gloucester, when the King admitted him to his
peace, on his giving up all claim to the said
marriage ; but Hubert, on being called upon by
the King to fulfil his part of the agreement,
replied, that as he had not his counsel there
m 3
166 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations present he could not well make answer there-
of History. a
unto ; and, after some delays, the Earl at length
came to Kennington, and there acknowledged,
that, after the reconciliation had taken place
at Gloucester, the King sent for him in the
evening, and leading him up to the altar, said
that he wished him to swear thereon never again
to mention the subject of Richard de Clare,
and this he swore, nor ever after either spoke
thereof, or took any further measures respect-
ing it. But some of the nobles speaking with
him on the subject of his daughter's marriage,
said, that as it had proceeded so far she ought
to be affianced ; and then came the Countess
his wife, and fell at his feet, saying, that her
daughter had so far committed herself to Richard
de Clare that she could not be wedded to
another, and that her daughter could not, there-
fore, be married then : however, from his wife's
speech he could not be certain whether a mar-
riage had taken place between the said Richard
and his daughter ; and he said that his wife
told him that a marriage had been celebrated
between them at St. Edmonds whilst the Earl
was besieged at Merton ; and on being asked
how he interpreted the oath, he replied, that
the King understood it as meaning to resign
to him all claim to the marriage, and he un-
derstood it so too. And the Earl further ac-
knowledged that the King told him when he
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 167
made the Oath that he should not have his Illustrations
of History.
favour unless he did so. And the Earl after-
wards came and asked for a further day to cer-
tify himself fully, in order that on such day he
might positively resign the marriage if he could,
and if he were not able to do so, he would
make amends according to the judgment of his
peers ; and a day was appointed him, on a pro-
mise not to ask for farther delay.
Peter de Colechurch, the celebrated archi-
tect of the first London Bridge built with stone,
is stated, in the Annals of Waverly, to have died
in the year 1205, and to have been buried on
the bridge. 1 At page 49 of this Volume is an
entry, from which it may be inferred that Peter
de Colechurch was, at that time, just deceased.
A few of the numerous entries relating to
the royal diversions are selected, as showing the
partiality of our early monarchs to hawking and
the sports of the field.
1 During the demolition of old London bridge in the
year 1832, the remains of a body were discovered in clear-
ing away the chapel pier, and were probably those of Peter
de Colechurch, the original architect of the bridge, who
was here interred : the supposition is strengthened by the
fact that the place in which they were found was under
the lower floor of the chapel, in an inclosure built up in
small courses of free stone.
M 4
168 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations The King to his beloved friend Walde-
of History. °
mer, by the grace of God, the illustrious King
of the Danes and Sclavonians, and duke and
lord of Holsace, sends greeting, and the affec-
tion of sincere love. We send into your land
our faithful Brien Hostiarius to purchase birds
for our use, and we most anxiously entreat your
love to be pleased to maintain him and those
who shall accompany him for that purpose, and
to suffer them to be under your safe conduct
and protection, so that we may be indebted to
you for this favour. And the ships which shall
convey our birds may come in security to Eng-
land to negotiate, according to the form of the
letters patent which we have caused to be made
thereupon.
In the same form a letter was addressed to
Absalon earl of Zealand, with this addition, that
if the same Brien should stand in need of money,
to let him have it, and the lord the King will
transmit to him by his messenger such money,
when he pleases. Witness Peter lord bishop of
Winchester, at Lambeth, 2d Oct., 14th John.—
Page 132.
The King to John Fitz Hugh, &c. We
send to you, by William de Merc and R. de
Erleham, three girefalcons, and Gibbun the
girefalcon, than which we do not possess a
better, and one falcon gentle, commanding you
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
169
to receive them, and place them in the mewes, illustrations
* 'of History.
and provide for their food plump goats, and
sometimes good hens ; and once every week let
them have the flesh of hares, and procure good
mastiffs to guard the mewes. And the cost
which you incur in keeping those falcons, and
the expences of Spark, the man of W. de Merc,
who will attend them, with one man and one
horse, shall be accounted to you at the Ex-
chequer. — 21st March, 16 John. Page 192.
The King to the sheriff of Dorsetshire,
&c. We send to you our three girefalcons to
be mewed at Dorchester, commanding you to
find whatever is required by Robin de Hauville,
their keeper, with his horse and man, and pro-
cure for him, for the food of the said girefalcons,
young pigeons and swine's flesh, and once a
week the flesh of fowl. And the cost, &c. shall
be accounted to you at the Exchequer. —
12th May, 14 John. Page 118.
The King to Philip Marc, sheriff of Not-
tingham, greeting. We send to you Thomas de
Weston, with our two girefalcons, namely, Blake-
man and the foolish falcon, and with three grey-
hounds, and Haukinus de Hauvill with le Refuse
our girefalcon, and two greyhounds, command-
ing you to let our aforesaid girefalcons be mewed
and well kept, and to find necessaries for the
aforesaid Thomas, with one horse and his groom,
170 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations an( j the aforesaid Haukinus, with one horse and
of History. , .
his groom, during their stay with you ; and it
shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. —
16th Feb., 4 Hen. 3. Page 412.
The King to the sheriff of Nottingham,
greeting. We command you to find necessaries
for our beloved and faithful Walter de Hauvill
during his stay with you at Northampton, to
ensaim Blakeman our girefalcon, and to make
him fly three or four times ; and it shall be
accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 21st Sept.,
3 Hen. 3. Page 400.
Gilbert de Hauvill is commanded to let
Refuse, the King's girefalcon, which is under
the care of Ralph de Hauvill, fly with Blakeman,
the King's girefalcon, which is under his care,,
and to pay such diligent attention thereto as to
merit the King's thanks. — 10th Oct., 3 Hen. 3.
Page 401.
The King to Philip Marc, greeting. We
command you, upon sight hereof, to send to
us, in Gloucestershire, Gilbert de Hauvill, with
Blakeman our girefalcon, which he has had to
mew, and find him his reasonable expences in
going thither to us ; also discharge for him the
expences which he has incurred since his gire-
falcon began to fly after its moulting ; and it
shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. —
5th Nov., 4 Hen. 3. Page 407-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 171
The King to William de Pratell, and the illustrations
of History.
bailiffs of Falk de Breaut of the Isle of Ely,
greeting. We command you to find, out of the
issues of the see of Ely, necessaries for Richard
the huntsman, who was with the Bishop of Ely,
and for his two horses and four grooms ; also
find for his fifteen greyhounds and twenty-one
hounds de mota their allowance of bread or
paste, as they may require it, and let them hunt
sometimes in the Bishop's chase for the flesh
upon which they are fed. — 13th March, 17 John.
Page 253.
The King to Thomas de Samford, greeting.
We send to you Robert de Halingee, com-
manding you to find for him and Nicholas his
companion, with eight of our greyhounds, which
they have under their care, such necessaries as
they shall in reason require. — 13th March,
17 John. Page 253.
The seneschal of Angoulesme is commanded
to defray the reasonable expences of the King's
huntsmen, " valtrarii," and dogs and their keep-
ers ; and if they should take any fat stag, the
flitch or sides, haunches and flank are to be re-
served for the King's use ; and the tongue and
the lard are to be sent to the Queen. — 1214.
Page 169.
Prices, Wages, and Household Matters.
— It would seem, from the numerous payments
17^ GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
I «t D w.^] r I?' s ordered to be made, and the innumerable man-
Or Xi ISTOR i . J
dates for provisions, dresses, and other domestic
necessaries, that the whole of the civil and privy
purse expenditure must have passed through
the Chancery, as the most minute expences and
allowances were never satisfied until the order
for payment had issued under the Great Seal.
In process of time, however, when the business
transacted by the Chancery Court became more
important and defined in its nature, the exe-
cution of this species of business was transferred
to other departments.
From the account given in Fleta, (lib. 2.
cap. 14.) the author of which treatise was con-
temporary with Edward I., it appears that all
the civil, military, and domestic expences of
the Crown were liquidated in the department
called the Wardrobe. The description ' of the
1 " Thesaurario [garderobae] cura expensarum Regis
et familiae suae committitur, qui cum clerico provido sibi
associato pro contrarotulatore recordum habet, ut in hiis
quae officium suum contingunt. Officium autem thesaurarii
garderobae est pecuniam, jocalia, et exenia Regi facta reci-
pere, recepta que Regis secreta custodire, et de receptis
expensas facere rationabiles, expensarumque particulas in-
breviare, et de particulis compotum reddere ad scaccarium
singulis annis in festo Sanctae Margaretae, absque sacramento
praestando, eo quod de concilio Regis est juratus, et unde
post debent distincte et aperte compotum reddere de om-
nibus receptis separatim per se in uno rotulo ; in alio autem
rotulo de expensis quotidianis de quibus senescallus audi-
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 173
office of Treasurer of the Wardrobe fully proves Illustrations
J r of History.
that all the expenditure which, up to this period,
had passed through the Chancery, now devolved
upon the Wardrobe. The separation, it is con-
jectured, took place about the latter part of
the reign of Henry III., which may be inferred
from the omission (though not entirely so) of
similar entries to those which occur in the early
part of his reign, as also in that of his pre-
decessor.
Prices, &c. — The prices of most commodi-
ties then in use may here be ascertained, and the
following are a few illustrative extracts.
Wine 1 . — Cost of 50 tuns, 125 marks. Some-
verit compotum simul cum thesaurario et consocio suo ;
item de necessariis expensis, in quibus emptiones equorum,
cariagia, et plura alia continentur ; item de donis, item de
eleemosynis et oblationibus ; item de vadiis militum, item
de vadiis balistariorum, item de feodis forinsecis, item dc
praestitis vel accommodationibus. Item de expensis garde-
robae, in quibus emptiones pannorum, pelurae, cerse, specie-
rum, telse et hujusmodi comprehenduntur, item de jocalibus,
item de expensis forinsecis, in quibus diversis onerantur in
compoto reddendo ; item de nunciis ; item de falconariis."
(Fleta, lib. ii. cap. 1 14. p. 78, of Selderis Edition.)
1 Hoveden relates, (pp. 796, 797,) that King John, on
his return to England in October 1200, ordered that wine
of Poictou should not be sold in this country for more than
20*. per tun ; wine of Anjou for not more than 24*. per
tun; and French wine for not more than 25s. per tun. By
retail, that Poictou wine should not be sold at above 4c?. per
quart, and White wi?ie not above 6d. per quart. But this
174" GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations times ^7^ ^{ n Q f GaSCOnV, 30s. per tllll.
of History. j r
Wine of Aucerne, 2 and 3£ marks per tun.
French wine, 2^ marks per tun.
Horses. — The prices of these animals vary
from d J l4> to £50 Anjou.
Fat Hogs. (Bacones.) — Prices, from 2s. to 4s.
each.
Wool. — Price, £Q 15 s. per sack. Taking the
bad with the good, 6 marks per sack.
Salt. — Price, 10s. 4d. to 5s. per quarter.
A mow of Oats, £4> 13s. 4 —
from - - - - lo 6J
" Arbalisters, " with two
horses - - each 13 —
with one horse 7j —
" Servientes pedites" each 3 —
(as appears at page 250. " Sci-
entes quod tat est consuetudo
curie nre quod servientes
pedites non percipiant per
diem nisi tres denar")
Sappers and Miners each
Sailors - each
The Esterman (Steersman ?)
Notices of wages due and payments made
to nuncios and messengers, sent with letters or
messages on the affairs of the King, are also very
numerous.
Messengers going from place to place in
England received 3d. per diem.
Persons employed upon missions out of the
country were paid accordingly. One who went
into Gascony had three shillings for his expences;
another, for going into Germany, had four
marks.
6
—
3
—
7
—
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 177
Some of the foregoing entries are curious, Illustrations
° of History.
as showing the intercourse and constant com-
munication then existing between this and
foreign countries, and may at the same time
lead to the elucidation of many points in history
relative to our connexion with the Continent.
Arts. — One or two items relating to the
arts in general will be here sufficient to excite
attention to numerous similar entries with which
the Rolls abound. At page 381 is a writ of
liberate, whereby the Treasurer of the Ex-
chequer was commanded to reimburse Walter,
the goldsmith who made the King's seal, the
five marks of silver used in making the same ;
he is also to have, for the workmanship, what
will content him ; and, at page 383, we find
that the said Walter, whose surname appears to
have been " de Ripa" was content to receive
405. for the labour he had bestowed on that
work. The beauty and elegance of the seal
here alluded to still excites great admiration, on
account of the perfection of which it is a proof
the graphic art had attained in an age which has
been called barbarous. 1
The low rate of remuneration which is said
to have contented Walter, the goldsmith, when
1 An engraving of this seal may he seen in the first
volume of the late edition of Rvmer's Fcedera.
'
178 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations brought into contrast with modern charges for
of History. ° °
similar works, leads us to reflect on the com-
parative value of labour in that age as op-
posed to the present ; but, in so doing, we must
not forget that money then bore a value, ac-
cording to the best calculations, about fifteen
times greater than it does at present. The shil-
lings of that day were three times the weight
they are now ; and yet a modern shilling would
at that time have bought about five times as
much as it will at present ; consequently, one
shilling of the coin of Henry III. would pro-
duce fifteen times as much as one of William IV. 1
Allowing this mode of computation to be just,
if the 42s. received by Walter de Ripa be
multiplied by the number 3, to make up for the
difference in the weight of silver, and then
by 5, for the difference in the value of money
at the two periods, the whole will amount
to j£3L 10s. of modern English money, as the
sum charged for such elaborate work, when
artists were scarce, and no competition going
on. The same mode of computation is appli-
1 Silver was then twenty pence per ounce. Twelve
ounces, or a pound of silver, constituted a pound sterling.
A pound of silver in weight now makes three pounds ster-
ling ; and consequently as every shilling of that time was
in weight the twentieth part of a pound, it must have been
equal in value to three shillings of this. Matt. Paris,
p. 208.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 170
cable to the other prices of different articles Illustrations
r of History.
mentioned in this Work.
It appears by various entries on the Close
Rolls of the reign of King Henry III. that this
monarch was a great encourager of the arts,
and of painting in particular.
The Master of the Knights Templars is
commanded to allow Henry of the Wardrobe,
the bearer of these letters, to have for the
Queen's use a certain great book which is in
the house of his order in London, written in
the French dialect, wherein are contained the
exploits of Antioch ! , and of the Kings and
others.— 17th May, 34 Hen. 3. And the fol-
lowing instrument probably explains for what
reason this book was wanted :
Edward of Westminster is commanded to
cause the History of Antioch to be painted
in the King's chamber in the Tower of London,
as Thomas Espernir shall direct him, and the
King will allow him the cost incurred therein.
— 5th June, 35 Henry 3.
1 Joseph of Exeter, called Josephus Iscanus, a Latin
poet of some note, wrote an heroic poem called the War of
Antioch, or the Third Crusade under King Richard. It
was probably a French translation of this poem that is here
alluded to.
N 2
180 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations r f lie Subject of the History of Atltioch ap-
of History. ° J
pears to have been a favourite one with King
Henry, for in the twenty-first year of his reign
he ordered the History of Antioch, with King
Richard's single combat, to be painted in a
chamber at his palace of Clarendon.
The King, in presence of Master William
the painter, a monk of Westminster, lately at
Winchester, contrived and gave orders for a
certain picture to be made at Westminster, in
the wardrobe where he was accustomed to wash
his face, representing the King who was rescued
by his dogs from the seditions which were plotted
against that King by his subjects ; respecting
which same picture the King addressed other
letters to you, Edward of Westminster ; and the
King commands Philip Luvel his treasurer, and
the aforesaid Edward of Westminster, to cause
the same Master William to have his costs and
charges for painting the aforesaid picture, with-
out delay ; and when he shall know the cost, he
will give them a writ of Liberate therefor.
Witness the King at Winchester, on the 30th
June.— 40 Hen. 3.
Otho the goldsmith is commanded, with-
out delay, to put aside the picture which was
begun to be painted in the King's great chamber
at Westminster, beneath the large historical
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 181
painting: of the same chamber, with the scrolls illustrations
L ° of History.
containing the figures and representations of
lions, birds, and other beasts, and to paint it
green, after the fashion of a curtain or hang-
ing, so that the effect of the great history may
be kept unimpaired. Witness the King at
Windsor, on 24th August. — 34 Hen. 3. m. J.
Edward of Westminster is commanded to
cause effigies of the apostles to be painted round
St. Stephen's Chapel, and the judgment-day on
the western side ; and in like manner to cause
the figure of the blessed Virgin Mary to be
painted on a tablet ; so that these may be ready
at the King's coming here. Witness the King
at Bridgwater, — 14th August, 34 Hen. 3.
Edward of Westminster is commanded to
order a banner to be made of white silk, and in
the centre of the banner there is to be a repre-
sentation of the crucifixion, with the effigies of
the blessed Mary and St. John, embroidered in
orfraies, and on the top a star and a new moon
crescent ; and the said banner is to be got
ready by Easter. Also to search for a large
bough, if it can be procured, for the shrine of
St. Edward. — 11th March. Claus. 85 Hen. 3.
m. 17.
Edward Fitz Otho is commanded to order
a bell to be made out of the metal which is
n 3
182 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations
of History.
in his custody, larger than those which were
made under his direction the year before ; and
if that metal be not sufficient to make it, to buy
in London or elsewhere as much metal as shall
be wanting, because the King does not wish any
of the old bells to be broken up on account of
any deficiency of metal ; and he is also to take
care that the bell be completed before St. Ed-
ward's day. — Claus. 34 Hen. 3. m. 8.
Edward of Westminster is again com-
manded to get a bell made by the advice of
the founder, which, though not so large as the
great bell at Westminster, may nevertheless cor-
respond therewith in tone. Also to have a
large cross placed in the nave of the church
at Westminster, and to buy two angels, repre-
senting the cherubim, to stand on each side of
the cross. — Claus. 35 Hen. 3. m. 19.
Miscellanea. — Pensions and Presents to
the Nurses of the Royal Family. — The King
to his Barons of the Exchequer, greeting.
Know ye that we have granted to William Mer-
chant, falconer, the Rent of j£7 in Chippeham,
which Hodierna, the nurse of the lord King
Richard our uncle, had, to support himself
during our pleasure ; and therefore we command
you to allow the same William so to have that
rent of £7, charged in the account of the
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 183
ok History.
sheriff of Wiltshire. — 26th April, 4 Hen. 3. illustrations
Page 416 b. A similar order to the sheriff of
Wiltshire.
The King to the sheriff of Gloucester,
greeting. We order you, as we have elsewhere
ordered you, without let or difficulty, to pay to
our beloved Elena, our nurse, the alms which
the lord King John our father gave to her, to be
received out of your county, to wit, two-pence a
day ; and render to her without delay the
arrears thereof which are due to her, namely,
for three terms ; and you shall have it accounted
to you at the Exchequer. — 24th January,
2 Henry 3. Page 349.
The King to his barons of the Exchequer
greeting. We command you, upon inspection
of our rolls of our Exchequer, to allow Eva, the
nurse of Richard our brother, to have the pay-
ments which you shall find by the inrolment that
she had by the hands of the sheriffs of Surrey*
Hertford, and London, by gift of the lord King
John our father, before the war raised between
the aforesaid King John our father and his
batons of England ; and likewise to pay her the
arrears which are due to her from the day on
which peace was concluded between us and
Louis. — 26th March, 2 Hen. 3. Page 356.
n 4
184 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations The mayor and reeves of AVinchester are
of History. j
commanded to cause Christiana de Rumes,
nurse to the King's daughter Joane, to have
every day two-pence to support herself. —
9th Aug. 15 John. Page 150.
The King to his barons of the Exchequer,
greeting. Know ye that we have given to
Margaret, the nurse of Isabella our sister, one
penny a day, to be received of our alms by the
hands of the sheriff of Hereford, as Roesia la
Custurere, deceased, was accustomed to receive
it by the hands of the same sheriff; and there-
fore we command you to allow the aforesaid
Margaret to have the same alms of one penny
a day, as is aforesaid.; — 19th June, 3 Hen. 3.
Page 393.
The keepers of the King's wines at
Waltham are commanded to allow Alice, the
nurse of Edward the King's son, to have half a
cask of wine out of the King's wines which are
in their custody, as a present from the King.
Witness the King at Winchester, on the 12th July.
— 34 Henry 3.
Treatment of Prisoners. — The constable
of Bristol is commanded to mitigate the duresse
of Hugh Poinz, who is under his custody, still
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 185
taking care that his ffuard be ^ood ; and to illustrations
° ° ° of History.
allow his friends to bring him what succour - —
they please in food and clothing, so that he
be safely guarded. Witness the King at Ayles-
bury.— 1 6th Sept., 18 John. Page 288.
The King to the sheriff of Oxford, greet-
ing. We order you to guard safely Gilbert de
Stanford, who is in our prison, so that he incur
no risk of his life ; and allow Amicia, the wife
of the same Gilbert, to have, without trouble,
his land of Ricot, with its appurtenances, to
support herself and her children therewith whilst
the said Gilbert is in our prison. Witness
Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciary, at Westminster.
—23d July, 3 Hen. 3. Page 397-
Prisoners allowed to go out of custody
to practice fencing, preparatory to a wager of
battle.
The King to the sheriff of Lincoln, greet-
ing. We order you, that if Walter de Stiveton,
taken and imprisoned at the Tower of London
for the death of William de Tillebroc, where-
upon duel is waged between the same Walter
and Roger de Chelvestun, who offers him chal-
lenge on this occasion, shall find you four and
twenty good and lawful men of your county,
who will undertake to have him before our
justices at Westminster, in eight days of
186 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations St. Michael, to fight that duel with him, then
of History.
. to accept for this such four and twenty good
and lawful men, and signify the same by your
letters to the constable of the Tower of Lon-
don, making known to him their names ; and
we have commanded him, upon your signifying
this to him, to deliver from prison the aforesaid
Walter on the bail of the aforesaid lawful men,
in manner aforesaid. And the said constable is
commanded, upon receipt of the sheriff's in-
structions by letter, informing him of his having
done as has been said, immediately to deliver
the aforesaid Walter from prison in the manner
prescribed ; and in the meantime to keep the
same Walter in free prison, so that he may
live on his own resources, and learn to fence.
— 25th July, 4 Hen. 3. Page 424.
The King to the constable of Winchester,
&c. We command you to permit Sir Jordan
de Bianney, knight, whom you have in our
prison, to go out of custody twice a day, or
oftener, to fence, and in his place retain in
prison Oliver de Vaux until his return ; and
when he returns then permit the same Oliver to
depart and go where he will ; and as you love
all you possess, and your own body, do you
see that the same Jordan be safely kept. Wit-
ness ourself at Brockenborough. — 22d July,
9 John. Page 88.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 187
Erection of Gibbets. — Henry, by the grace ^ummmm
u j j OF History.
of God, &c., to the sheriff of Middlesex,
greeting. We order you to cause to be made,
without any delay, in the place where the
gallows were formerly erected, that is to say,
at the Elms, (ad Ulmellos,) two good gibbets
of strong and excellent timber, for hanging
robbers and other malefactors ; and the cost
which you may incur for this shall be accounted
to you, by the view and testimony of lawful
men, at the Exchequer. Witness Hubert de
Burgh, our Justiciary, at St. Albans. — 22d May,
4 Hen. 3. Page 419.
Political Economy. — The King to Thomas
Fitz Anthony, greeting. We command you
not to suffer the men of Waterford, or any
other persons of our dominion, to prevent
Geoffry de Campvill, or our other barons of
England, from bringing freely and without let
into England their stock as well of corn as
other things, for the improvement of our realm
of England.— 25th April, 2 Hen. 3. Page 359.
Articles ordered by the King. — The King
to Hubert de Burgh, &c. We command you
to send to us immediately, upon the sight of
these letters, of sulphur, of tallow, of gum, and
of pitch, each ten pounds, and four pounds of
quicksilver; and if we stand in need of more
188 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
illustrations to p rov ide us therewith. Witness ourself at
of History. l
Roche-aux-Moines. — 23d July, 16th John.
Page 167.
Secrecy observed in moving the King's trea-
sure. — The sheriff of Devon is ordered to find
a good and secure ship for the King's messen-
gers, whom he is sending to Poictou, to convey
his treasure thither, and to take care that such
ship be the first that goes, lest rumours be
divulged of the King's treasure before it arrives
in Poictou ; and the cost will be allowed at
the Exchequer. — 25th July, 9 John. And on
the 30th of July following the same sheriff is
ordered to procure such ship at the lowest
possible price. Page 89.
Persecution of the Jews. — The sheriff of
Norfolk and Suffolk is commanded to make
proclamation in the city of Norwich, and in
all the good towns of those counties, that no
christian woman shall henceforth serve the Jews
in nursing their young children, or in any other
office. Witness the King at Westminster. —
20th Nov. 19 Hen. 3.
Attendance on the Queen at dinner. — The
King to Ralph de Ralegh and Geoffry de
Martigny. We send to you the two sons of
Richard de Umframville, namely, Odinell and
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 189
Robert, and command you to let them wait daily illustrations
" •'of History.
before the Queen at dinner. But their pre-
ceptor is not to come before the Queen. Let
them also sleep at night in the hall, and see
that they be honourably attended to. Witness
the King at Durham. — 3d Sept. 14< John.
A.D. 1212. Page 123.
Co stly Drinks prepared for* the King. — The
keepers of the King's wines at Winchester are
commanded to deliver to Robert de Monte
Passalano any quantity and quality of wine that
he may choose to have, to make therewith costly
and delicate drinks for the King. Witness the
King at Ludgershall.-—26th Nov. 34 Hen. 3.
Some of the entries relative to the build-
ing and repairing of the King's palaces, castles,
and houses, are extremely curious. In one, at
page 52, Ralph de Neville is there ordered to
have the King's kitchen at Clarendon covered
with shingles l , and the King's houses there to
1 Cindula in orig., for Scindula or Scandula, ' a lath or
shingle.' " Scindula est latus asser quo domus cooperitur."
Ducange. " Tenuis lamina ex ligno fissili ad varios usus, et
praesertim ad tecta domorum, a sca?idendo, quia in tectis ita
disponuntur scandulae ut alia aliam scandat. Sunt qui putant
non a scandendo, sed a scindendo duci, et scindula scribi
jubent." Facciolati. See also An Account of a survey of
the manor and forest of Clarendon, 1 Ed. I. 1272, in the
Archaeologia, vol. xxv.
190 GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Illustrations be properly repaired ; also to procure two new
kitchens to be built for cooking the King's
dinner, one at Marlborough, and another at
Ludgershall ; and in each kitchen to cause a
furnace to be erected large enough to cook two
or three oocen.
Godfrey de Lyston, the keeper of the
King's forest of Windsor, is commanded to give
from out of that forest to Gilbert the King's
carpenter at Windsor, as much timber as he
will require to repair the hall and chambers
in the upper castle of Windsor, where the
King's children were nursed. — 22d Jan.,
40 Hen. 3.
At page 95 is an entry which touches upon
a domestic custom, then, and long afterwards,
practised in this country. The Barons of the
Exchequer are ordered to account with Robert
de Leveland for what he had expended in
straw, and for the laying Jlne sand in the King's
houses at Westminster, when the King slept
there on the Friday \ Saturday, and Sunday
next before the feast of All Saints, in the ninth
year of his reign.
1 The King was at Westminster on the 26th, 27th, and
28th of October 1207, the days here mentioned.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 1£)1
The Editor cannot close this Introduction
without acknowledging with thanks the zeal
and talent evinced by His Majesty's Printers
during the progress of this Work through the
press.
Thomas Duffus Hardy.
Record Office Tower,
18th April 183.1.
London: Printed by George Eyri and Amhmw Spottiswoode,
Pi inters to the King's most Excellent Majesty. 1833.
4tl » 5
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