liliH?!- till III* •JmIjIIh' A DESCRIPTION OF THE CLOSE ROLLS IN THE TOWER OF LONDON. 4 1 & > 5 SI// instrument is wholly ineffective; and even if Pjanofthm 1'UISLICATION. the Privy Seal directing such Letters Patent to issue be not followed by the Patent itself in the life-time of the grantee, the authority for creating such Letters Patent becomes inopera- tive. But, before the act of sealing took place, the Chancellor necessarily required some proof of the authenticity of the order he received, as an indemnity for his act of ratification, and that he might know to whom to refer. This, it is submitted, is the reason of the appearance of so many other attestations besides those of the Sovereign, which are found to have been in use throughout the reign of King John and during the minority of King Henry III. Those persons, however, whose names appear as subscribing meum donum proprio sigillo confirmavi, and Ego Elf winus Wintori ecclesice Divinus speculator proprium sigillum impressi, cannot be relied upon as warranting such a con- clusion, the word sigillum, before the Conquest, having been used in the same sense with signum. On this sub- ject, vide Spelman, sub vocibus sigillum and signum, and Madox, Formulare Anglicanum Diss. 27. The celebrated charter of Offa, under seal, preserved in the Royal Library at Paris, is by many persons supposed to be a counterfeit or forgery. The opinion, however, that the use of seals in confirming charters was introduced in this country by the Confessor seems to be somewhat shaken by a recent dis- covery, made by some workmen whilst digging a bank near Winchester, of a seal bearing the inscription " Sigil- lum jfflfrici Al." and supposed to have belonged to Alfric Earl of Mercia, who flourished in the reign of King Ethelred. (36 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this witnesses were generally persons high in autho- PUBLICATION. ° J m rity, or holding some important trust in the Royal household. According to the nature of the mandate, so we find the attestation. Juri- dical mandates were attested by the King or the High Justiciary ; and mandates relating to the economy of the Royal household were either witnessed by the King, the Chamberlain, the Steward, or by the chief of the department to which the document more especially related ; but during these early periods no certain rule can be laid down. At the close of many of the documents are memoranda, such as per Radulphum Clericum y per Petrum de Rupibus, &c, meaning that those persons had given the instructions to the Chancellor, who thereupon issued precepts, whether Close or Patent, as the case required. Per breve signifies that the instructions given were by letter; per ipsum Regem, that the order was given by the King himself, verbally ; per eundem, per eosdem, that the same person or persons who attested the mandate had also given the order. The Kings of England, previous to the ac- cession of the House of Plantagenet, seldom performed the act of attesting their own diplo- mas, and when they did so, it was according to no fixed rule. Sometimes, in confirmation of the act, they made the sign of a cross GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 67 before their names; and sometimes they ab- PuN0FTHIS J Publication. stained from taking any active part in the ratifi- cation, otherwise than by their presence ; the usual ratification being generally made either by one, two, three, or more witnesses, as Teste, Galfrido de Bosco, &c, or Hits testibus ', or Tes- tibuSy Willielmo Archiep'o Ebor\ Johanne de Segrave, &c. Sometimes the Chancellor was the only attesting witness. But it was not until the reign of Richard I. that the Kings of England generally attested their own diplomas. Henry II. was the first who introduced into a royal diploma the formule of Teste meipso. The introduction of this formule into English diplomas has been attributed to Richard I. by Mabillon 2 and other diplomatic writers. But 1 The phrase of Hiis testibus in royal diplomas is pecu- liar to that species designated as charters, and continued to be the ratifying formule until charters were merged into letters patent in the 12th year of the reign of James I. 2 " Lapsu temporis inventa est ab Anglicanis Regibus compendiosior via, ut non aliis testibus, quam teste Rege ipso litteras quasdam suas roborarent. Hujusce ritus origi- nem Richardo Primo antiquiorem esse non puto, cujus Richardi complures litterae hac formula, Teste meipso, vel consimili praeditae reperiuntur apud Rogerum Hoveden (Fol. 375. 377. 380. 386. 413. 422. 445.) Ejusmodi formula Teste meipso, Testibus nobis ipsis, seu Teste Rege, propagata est ad Richardi successores Johannem, Henricum, Edwardos tres, aliosque Reges subsequentes, qui in rccognoscendis, seu restituendis vetustis instrumentis, eamdem formulam non raro adhibuerunt. At in concedendis privilegiis, aliis- F ? 68 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. plan of this tne erudite Authors of the Nouveau Traite Publication. have clearly proved that Henry II. x often used it ; and, indeed, they give an instance of the use of the same by Henry I. 2 The formule of que litteris quantivis momenti in posterum valituris, ab ilia abstinere solent, immo permultos testes laudant sub hac formula His testibus aut simili. Aliquando vero solum testem advocabant Cancellarium." Mab.de Re Diplomaticd, vii. p. 159. 1 Lobin. Hist, de Bret. torn. ii. p. 394. 2 Nouveau Traite, torn. v. p. 829. There is on the Patent Roll, 20Edw. IV. part 1. m. 4., an inspeximus char- ter of this King, confirming a charter said to be granted to the Priory of Armethwayt by William the Conqueror, where the formule " Teste meipso '' occurs. No one, however, who has any skill in documentary evidence, can fail to perceive instantly that Edward had confirmed a direct forgery, for who can produce an original charter of the Conqueror worded in the style of the one referred to? ~j Rex omnibus ad quos, -Pro Monialibus de Armathawyte. j- &q salutem> Inspexi . mus literas patentes domini Willielmi quondam Regis Angliae progenitoris nostri factas in haec verba. Williel- mus Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Dux Normanniae omnibus suis Christi fidelibus praesentes literas inspecturis salutem. Sciatis quod nos ex mero motu nostro et intuitu caritatis fundavimus construximus et imperpetuum ordinavimus in puram et perpetuam elemosinam unara domum et monas- terium Nigrarum Monialium ordinis Sancti Benedicti in honore Jesu Christi ac Beatae Marias Virginis pro animabus progenitorum nostrorum et omnium Christianorum prout situatur juxta aquam vocatam Croglyn' in comitatu Cum- brian. Etiam dedimus et concessimus Monialibus ibidem duas acras terrae super quas praedicta domus et monas- terium situantur. Et etiam dedimus et concessimus eisdem Monialibus tres carucatas terrae et decern acras prati cum omnimodis communis boscis et vastis eisdem tribus carucatis GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 09 Teste meipso, peculiar to the English diplomas, plan of this ± L ° * Publication. has been used by the Kings of England from terrae quovismodo pertinentibus jacentes juxta monasterium praedictum. Etiam dedimus et concessimus eisdem Moni- alibus et successoribus suis imperpetuum ducentas et sexdecim acras terrae existentes infra forestam nostram delngilwod' jacentes ex parte boriali cujusdam aquae vocatae Tarnwadelyn' cum omnibus boscis proficuis et commodi- tatibus super easdem existentibus sive unquam postmodum crescentibus. Etiam concessimus eisdem Monialibus com- raunam pasturam cum omnibus animalibus suis pro se et suis ibidem tenentibus per totam forestam nostram de Ingilvvod' capiendo ibidem sufficienter maeremium pro om- nibus suis edificiis quandocumque et quotiens necesse fuerit per deliberationem forestariorum nostrorum sive eorum unius ibidem existentium. Et etiam concessimus et con- firmavimus eisdem Monialibus et successoribus suis quen- dam annuum redditum quadraginta solidorum annuatim percipiendum imperpetuum de tenementis nostris in villa nostra de Karlile solvendum eisdem Monialibus et succes- soribus suis per manus custodis nostri villae de Karlile praedictae ad festa Pentecostes et Sancti Martini in 3'eme per equales portiones. Et etiam concedimus pro nobis et baeredibus nostris quod praedictae Moniales tenentes et sui servientes liberi sint de tolneto pacando per totum regnum nostrum Angliae pro aliquibus bestiis sive rebus quibuscumque per eas sive eorum aliquem tenentem seu servientem imposterum emendis. Et etiam concedimus et conrirmavimus quod monasterium et domus praedicta cum praedictis tribus carucatis duabus acris terrae cum decern acris prati in omnibus libera sint et habcant omnes libertates suas simili modo sicut conceditur nostro monastcrio de Westmynstr' absque vexatione molestatione sive aliqua in- quietatione seu lesione aliquorum vicecomitum escaetorum ballivorum seu aliquorum ministrorum seu ligeorum nos- trorum quorumcumque. Et etiam concedimus eisdem Monialibus communani pasturam cum animalibus suis infra villam et communam de .Aynstaplyth cum liberis introitibus F 3 70 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this Publication. that period to the present. The same formule appears also, by the enrolments, to have been used by the High Justiciary of England; but the Editor has seen only one original mandate, and that a judicial writ, wherein the clause " Teste meipso " is to be found ; and if an opinion founded upon a solitary instance may be regarded, it is submitted, that in most of the instances where this formule has been inserted, it has been done by clerical inadvertence ; for in an original precept, where the attesting et exitibus. Necnon concedimus quod praedictae Moniales liberae sint per totam terram suam pro quibuscumque te- nentibus et liberam habeant warennam tarn pro lettis curi- arum nostrarum quam in aquis boscis terris pJanis seu metis suis eidem monasterio spectantibus seu quovismodo perti- nentibus. Habenda et tenenda et occupanda omnia et sin- gula pnedicta recitata praefatis Monialibus et successoribus suis imperpetuum de nobis et haeredibus nostris in puram et perpetuam elemosinam spontanea ita voluntate et con- cessione as hert may it thynk or ygh may it se. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium sexto die mensis Januarii anno regni nostri secundo. Nos autem literas praedictas ac omnia et singula in eisdem contenta rata habentes et grata ea pro nobis et haeredibus nostri s quantum in nobis est acceptamus approbamus et dilectae nobis in Christo Isabella? nunc Priorissae dicti monasterii juxta aquam vocatam Croglyn' in dieto comitatu Cumbriae situati et ejusdem loci Monialibus et successoribus suis ratificamus et confirmamus prout literae praedictae rationabi- liter testantur. In cujus, &c. Teste Rege apud West- monasterium xx°. die Junii. Pro dimidio marcae soluto in hanaperio." Rot. Pat. 20 Edw. IV. p. 1. m. 4, GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 71 clause is Teste G. Fir Petri Justic 1 Angl\ the g^g^™ enrolment of the same precept is erroneously written " Teste meipso ;" and as one instance of an error can be produced, it is not unfair to assume that similar inaccuracies might have been committed upon other occasions. The anomaly of using the words Rex, fyc. and Teste meipso may be considered as an ad- ditional evidence of the want of accuracy in the enrolling clerks. Throughout the reign of John nearly all the documents are abbreviated at their commencement, and the style and titles of the King either curtailed or excluded, the words Rex, &c. being substituted. The clerk, however, not adhering to any uniformity in his abbreviations, has in many instances com- mitted a grammatical error, by neglecting to make a corresponding change in the attestation to agree with the address : thus, in those docu- ments tested by the King, he has preserved the Teste meipso instead of Teste Rege, whereby the first part of the document is in the third person, whilst the conclusion is in the first. The formule of Teste Rege has caused much discussion amongst diplomatic writers, both English and foreign, which has been owing to their not properly understanding that clause. 1 1 " La Formule Teste Rege qui tcrmine les lettres patentes des Rois d'Angleterre, est quelquefois exprimee F 4 7 2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. plan of this Mabillon, and the Authors of the Nouveau Publication. Traite, assert that some of the English Mo- narchs, amongst their various modes of attes- tation, used the form ule Teste Rege. Rymer's Fcedera and the diplomatic treatises of other English antiquaries have been the means of betraying these authors into this mistake ; for par ces deux siglis, T. R. Les actes de Henri III. finissent encore par ' Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium, 19 die Octobris.' " Nouv. Traite, torn. vi. page 32. " Les Rc-is d'Angleterre se donnent eux seuls, ou l'un de leurs officiers, pour temoins dans leurs mandemens et leurs chartes peu importantes. La formule Teste meipso est ordinairement jointe a la date ; mais le sceau, qui seul donne l'autenticite a ces lettres royaux, n'est point anonce. Le recueil de Rymer fournit une multitude de pieces en cette forme. Mais les traites et les actes de consequence sont attestes par un nombre de temoins, dont les noms pre- cedes de la formule ' Testibus, &c.' Jean Sans-terre anonce de plus sa bulle d'or dans l'acte, par lequel, comme vassal, il fait hommage avec serment au Pape Innocent III. apres avoir remis sa couronne entre les mains de Pandolfe, legat du S. Siege. Henri III. se sert de la formule suivante, ou il n'est point parle du sceau royal : ' In citjus rei testimonium has litteras nostras vobis mittimus patentes.' " Nouv. Traite, torn. vi. page 21. " Edward IV. premier Roi d'Angleterre de la maison d'York couronne a Westminster le 20 Juin 1461, commence souvent ses diplomes par ces formules : ' Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes, &c. salutem. Sciatis quod, &c. Rex ad perpetuam rei memoriam.' Edouard V. proclame Roi d'Angleterre fan 1483 emploie le meme style : ' Rex omni- bus ad quos, fyc. salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certd scientid et mero motu nostris concessimus, fyc. Dat. nostro sub privato sigillo apud Turrim nostram Londonice, duodecimo die Junii, anno regni nostri primo.' " Nouv. Traite, torn. vi. page 87- GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 73 which no blame ouffht to be attached to them, £ LAN 0F THIS ° Publication. since they had not the opportunity of obtaining access to the original instruments. The occa- sion of their error is easily explained. All original documents commence with the name, style, and title of the Sovereign, as Henricus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglian Dominus Hibernice, Dux Normannice, Aquitanice, et Comes Andegavice. The enrolling clerks or chancery scribes, either with a view of saving their own labour or the skins upon which they wrote, (for they were obliged to procure the latter themselves, 1 ) in- stead of writing the King's name and titles at full length, contented themselves with intro- ducing the same into the first entry on the Roll 2 only, and afterwards with limiting all the subsequent entries to Rex, 8$c. To make the concluding part of the document agree with the commencement, they substituted the formule Teste Rege for Teste meipso ; yet, strange as it may appear, the form of the rest of the instru- ment was suffered to remain unaltered, and con- sequently was not in accordance with the pre- 1 " Scriptor iste de proprio an de fisco Rotulos invenit?" asks the scholar in the Dialogus de Scaccario, to which the master answers ; " In termino iste Sancti Michaelis 5 solidos de fisco recipit, et scriptor Cancellariac alios nihil- ominus 5 ex quibus ad utrumque Rotulum, et ad summoni- tionesad receptas inferiorisScaccarii membranas inveniunt. 2 This was not a universal, although a general custom. 74 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this yious changes : since the document began and Publication. ° ended in the third, whilst the body or the same was expressed as in the first person 1 , as Rex. Sfc, concessimus, §c, Teste Rege. This fact is unnoticed by Rymer, Madox, or Casley ; and it is therefore not surprising that foreign diplomatists should have been mislead, when it is considered that the only data from which they drew their conclusions were selected from the Fcedera and the Monasticon, the Editors of which two works have not made a distinction between Original Instruments and their Enrol- ments. Abbreviations. — Without some explana- tion of the Abbreviations used in this work, 1 King Richard the First was the first English Monarch who adopted the plural number, Nos. His predecessors used the first person singular, Ego. Ruddiman, in the preface to Anderson's " Selectus Diplomatum et Numismatum Scotice Thesaurus" p. 31, on the question whether the di- ploma whereby Malcomb did homage to Edward the Con- fessor be not spurious, advances in proof of its being a forgery, " Quod in hoc Milcolumbus, de se loquens, plurali numero utatur, qui mos nondum apud Angliae aut Scotiae Reges erat introductus : inter Anglos quippe Ricardus I. inter Scotos vero Alexander II. ; qui pluralem de se solis lo- quentes adhibuerint, primi reperiuntur ; quorum utrumque Milcolumbus 3 centum minimum annos praecessit.'' Nichol- son, author of the English Historical Library, part 3, page 2, is of opinion, that King John was the first English Monarch who used the plural number : this opinion, however, is contradicted by the existence of several original charters of King Richard I. wherein that Sovereign makes use of the plural number throughout, except in his attestation. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. J5 Readers in general would find great difficulty Plan of this ° ° J Publication. in understanding many of the entries ; espe- cially as the ancient style of punctuation rather obscures than elucidates the construction. A few general rules are therefore indispensable for the assistance of those who wish to acquire a knowledge of this peculiar species of literature. A Table will also be given of the Abbreviations of such words as invariably occur in one form. The most usual mode of abbreviating words is to retain some of the letters of which such words consist, and to substitute certain marks or symbols in place of those left out. The Abbreviations most common are a right line thus (-), and a curve, approaching the form of the Greek circumflex accent, thus (~), placed horizontally over a letter. The Jirst of these marks, over a vowel, in the middle or at the end of a word, denotes that one letter is wanting, as in vedfit for vendant, bonu for bonum, terra for terrain, &c. ; and the latter, when seen above or through a letter, either in the middle or at the end of a word, signi- fies the omission of more than one letter ; but the number of letters wanted is left to be ascertained by the Reader, as in aia for anima, air for aliter, alia for animalia, ablaco for ablatio, Winton for Wintonia, nob for nobis, manct for 70 Plan of this Publication. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. mandatum, &c. A straight line through a con- sonant also denotes the omission of one or more letters, as in vod for vobis, qd for quod, &c. Several symbols have positive and fixed significations. Thus, the character I always stands for er or re, as the sense requires, as rra for terra, pdictus for prcedictus. x A straight or a curved line through the let- ter p thus p p, stands for per, por, and par. The curved line through the same letter p de- notes pro. This character 3, at the end of a word, signifies us, as omnib} for omnibus, and likewise et, as deb3 for debet. The figure £, represents rum, ras, res, ris, and ram, as eo& for eorum, lib£ for libras or Ubris, Windeso^ for Windesores, Alieno^ for Alienoram, ancesso^ for antecessorum and ante- cessors. Etiam is thus denoted &, and que, quia, and quod thus q v The character represented in type by the figure of 9, is sometimes called the c cursive, or c reversed. When found at the commencement 1 The diphthong was not. in use at this period, but sometimes at the end of a word, is represented by a cha- racter similar to the French c ; thus, terre for terrce. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 77 of a word this character signifies com or con, as Plan of THls Publication. Qimtto for committo, 9victo for convicto ; but placed in the middle or at the end of a word, a little out of the line, it signifies us, as De 9 for Deus, reb 9 for rebus, Aug 9 ti for Augusti. It also occasionally stands for ost and os, as p 9 p 9 t for post, and p 9 quam for postquam. The word est is abridged either by a hori- zontal line or by the Greek circumflex accent between two points thus t , *. Points or Dots, placed after letters, are also signs of abbreviations, as di. et fi. for dilectus etjidelis, e. for est, plurib. for pluribus. 1 Two points, thus ( •• ) or (*), serve as marks of transposition, as ' Magnus " Albertus, for Albertus Magnus. For the word et is substituted a character thus ^. 2 A small superior letter denotes an omis- sion, of which such letter forms a part, as over p*us for prius, i x for tibi, q°s for quos, q* for qui, &c. 1 A point placed under a letter shows that such letter is redundant. It was a very common mode of making a deletion of a letter, or of a word, instead of disfiguring the face of the document with obliterations. 2 In very early times it was represented by a figure something resembling the numeral 7, thus, ~. 78 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this Publication'. Xps, Xpc, Xpo, Xpi,all stand for Christus, and its different cases. 1 The Abbreviations following have defined and explicit significations a a an, am. ate ante. aplo& apostolorum. aimus animus. libra apli 9 amplius. libram. Arepc Areps archiepisco- a. a. annus and its cases. pus. sl au autem. appne ajppellatione. "a. out. adfr adhuc. an ante. ag r agitur. ana antea. b b for, fo's, as libtate aia aie ai aio < 2nima, libertate, Merlebge anivuSf animi, ammo. aial animal. aiai animalis. ailia animalia. a a a aliarum, aliquarum. am amodo. Merleberge, nob nobis, vob z;oZ>is. b' b f e bte beatce. bi fofltfz. bapt baptiste. bn force. anq* anteguam. a ap apd apud. aq ajwa and its cases. br foeue a/ze? #s cases. bre bri bria foeve, brevi, brevia. at a/ms and its cases. air aliter. c cer, ere. abnia absentia. c cum. abne absolutione. c a io crastino. assu assensu. C' CWZ. a'd aliquid. c r ewr. 1 In sacred words the Latins retained the Greek letters. Jesus is generally written IH2 or irj?, abbreviations of was ; is, xs> for Christus, Ike. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 79 c r a cura. c r ca circa. capttm capitulum. c a ca causa. cas causas. coa coe coam communa, communal, communam. coi 9' communi. coe cois commune, com- munis. con a dcoe contra diction e. c co cont a 9 a 9t a contra. 9 a io contrario. con tu 9 tu conventu. co 9p computate, com- putabitur, fyc. con a 9* concessa. c 5 cf cujus. 9P3 comparet. 9°br 9t°br 9 a bre 9°bria contra breve,co?i t robreve, controbrevia. c'a cit a ciYra. c 2 l3 cujuslibet. clt as civitas. clcs clericus. I> L>s DeyDeus. di Z)f?. d d f7er, t/e, denarius and its cases. d 9 dicimus. dr dicitur. Dd Z)awrf. dd dedit. din a divina. dinr dicuntur. dca cftcta. dcs dictus. dco J/c/o. dns diie dfii dfio iijr. mre matre. mris matris, martyris. mtr mulier. mirs mulieres. mltm multum. mltiptr midtipliciter. m° mod; Twoefo. mo r monemur, movemur, fyc. m a x a maxima. Memo* Memorandum. n ffliw, wow. n. n. nosfri. ncce necesse. neccia necessaria. n c w^c. nc WZ2WC. neci, neque. n' w*«, nemini. n 1 nz7z?7. nfta nulla. nm numerum. n c ii necnon. nob 11003 72062s. nobc nob}c nobiscum. noia nomina. nole nomine. nolum nominum. nolatl nominatim. n'o 9 nihilominus nr noster. Plan of this Publication. G 82 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this Publication. lira nostra. p a ir personaliter . nri nostri. pp propter. nro nostro. nram nostram. p'us p' 9 prius, primus. pb3 prcebet. nrm nostrum. no nlio numero. pcci peccati. pd pdic? prcedictus and nego negotio. neq a q a nequaqaam. 6 ob obolus and its cases. its cases. pdca predict a. pdcas prcedictas. pdcm prcBdictum. ob obiit. occo occasio. pdco pr adict o. pdcos prccdictos. occoe occone occasione. pr pater. om omnis and its cases. pri patri. 6e omne. pris patris. oes omnes. pta plura. os omnes, omnis. pima plurima. oia omnia. pies plures. oim oium omnium. piia placita. 6105 omnibus. pfit possint and possunl. 010 omnino. oiode omnimode. p 9 p 9 t pos£. p 9 m p 9 tmod postmodum. op 1 oportet. p° primo. oppoTo opposito. p°ea postea. opp a opportuna. obionib3 oblationibus. PP P a P P a P a - ppli popidi. ppo populo. p per, par, por. priam patriam. P 2>ro. pronat 9 patronatus. p J9r^, jor«. P3 p l patet, potest. p 1 pn. p a prima. p a persona. pstate p 9 tate potestate. pbre prohibere. psbr presbiter. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. pin proinde. px° px* proximo, pro xima. q qui, qua:, quod, quern. q' qui. % que, quia, quod. q quod, quern. q a si quasi. q a qua. q a quam. q's quas. q's quis. q° c/mo. q°s g'z/os. qn quando, quoniam. qrn quoniam, quern, quo- modo. q°m° quomodo. q°ni°l3 quomodolibet q°l3 quolibet. q"q, quoque. q'l} quilibet. cj'b} quibus. qd ^wirf, r/woc/. qddm quoddam. qctl} quodlibet. q a i quasi. qle q a le quale. q°a quorum. qsq a m quisquam. qa r/wm. q'cuq^ quicunque. q'cq'd quicquid. q a ten"' quatenus. q'ppt quapropter. Br ife,r a?zo? *7s cases. rone ratione. relq reliqua. rfia regina. roi rationi. ronabilit roabitr rationa- biliter. vr rez rerum. rspcu respect u. ret° re/ro. rnd3 respondet. rnsum responsum. rns r us responsurus. r. regni. S. Sanctus and its cases. •s. scilicet. s. smw£. s. solidus and its cases. s a supra, secunda. Sfeifei Sabbati. Scs Sanctus. Sci Sancti. Scis Sanctis. Scos Sancios. sat salt saft'm salutem. sfc s^/6. sbt 5 subtus. s c sic.-. sic 1 sic?//. sic s/V/z//. Plan of this Publication. G 2 48 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Plan of this s c ' sicut. Publication Smpir simpliciter. singla singula. sn sine. si sive. snia sententia. sol 3 sold. spale speciale. splr specialiter. sps spiritus. sr super. sup super. sem 1 semel. seq 1 ' sequitur. s' sioi. sittr similiter. signicas significas. sig a sti significasti. S l SWW/. sv szu£. S3 set pro sed. slj scilicet. T. /esfe awe? z7s cas^. TT. £/£«&' or titulo. ? /er. t'a fra. tat talis, taliter. tatr taliter. tn tamen, tantum. tm tantum. t c /wwc. tc tarcc. tuc ta?zc. tpre tempore. temp re tempore. tepib3 temporibus. tec tecum. ten tenementum and its cases. t3 fene£. ten 1 zVne/. t 1 ftfj. tmm° tantummodo. tr terra arcc? its cases. t r r i T"- i jvLrhdkiion. titude or petitions laid before the King, the greatest part whereof might be dispatched by the Chancellor and the justices,) it was ordered, that all petitions, prior to their being presented to the Council, should first be discussed before each of the judicial officers at the head of that department to which those petitions respec- tively and properly belonged ; and if the matter were of such importance, or of grace and favour, so that the Chancellor and others could not administer relief without the King, that then such petitions should be brought before the King in Council, by the hands of the Chancellor, to abide his (the King's) and their decision. 2 Thus it is evident that to the Chancellor had already been assigned the important duty of attending to and judging of the merit of petitions. That he was always attendant on the King is proved by the statute 28th Ed- ward I. c. 5., ordaining that the Chancellor and other wise men of the law should always be near the King 3 , to assist him with their advice 1 Rot. Claus. 8 Edw. I. m. 6. in dorso in ced. et Ryl. Pla. Pari. 442. 2 Claus. 8 Ed. I. m. 6. in dorso in ced. 3 See 2 Inst. 551. 552. Lambard's Archion. 70. 129. 131. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 109 Courts of Law. in cases of difficulty and need. When, there- fore, the Court of Chancery ceased to be J Equitable ambulatory, (which was in the commencement Jurisdiction. of the reign of Edward the Third,) and be- came fixed in a settled and appointed place, the King and his Council, from that time, were necessarily deprived of the ready and immediate assistance of the Chancellor, who had theretofore taken such an active and im- portant part in advising on and devising reme- dies for such causes of complaint as were laid before them. 1 The Council was consequently obliged, from that time forward, in cases of need, to send to the Chancellor ; and hence it is, that after this period the petitions are often indorsed with the answer of the Coun- cil, expressed thus, " Adeat in Cancellaria" " Sequatur in Cancellaria" The commencement of the Chancellor's separate and independent equitable jurisdiction most probably took place about the 223. year of the reign of Edward III. 2 A writ addressed 1 According to Fleta, lib. ii. cap. 13. pp.75, 76, one of the principal duties of the Chancellor was to hear and examine petitions and complaints, and to afford the peti- tioners due remedy by writ, according to the merits of the case. 2 Lord Coke has stated that there was not any mention in the books, &c. of a Court of Equity before the reign of Henry V. See 2d Inst. 551. 110 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Courts of to the sheriffs of London, entered on the Close Law. Rolls, as of that year, p. 2. m. C Z. in dorso, is jurudktion. almost conclusive on this point : " Rex Vice- comitibus London, salutem. Quia circa diversa negotia nos et statum regni nostri Angliae concernentia sumus indies multipliciter occu- pati, Volumus quod quilibet negotia tarn com- munem legem regni nostri Anglian quam gratiam nostram specialem concernentia penes nosmet- ipsos habens exnuncprosequenda, eadem negotia, videlicet, negotia ad communem legem penes venerabilem virum electum Cantuariensem coiifir- matum Cancellarium nostrum, per ipsum eocpe- dienda, et alia negotia de gratia nostra con- cedenda penes eundem Cancellarium, sen dilec- tum clericum nostrum custodem sigilli nostri prz- vati prosequantur ; ita quod ipsi vel eorum alter petitiones negotiorum quae per eos, nobis incon- sultis, expediri non poterunt, una cum avisa- mentis suis inde ad nos transmittant vel trans- mittat, absque alia prosecutione penes nos inde facienda, ut hiis inspectis ulterius praefato Can- cellario, seu custodi inde significemus velle nostrum ; et quod nullus alius hujusmodi negotia penes nosmetipsos de caatero prosequatur, vobis praecipimus quod statim visis praesentibus prae- miss omnia et singula in Civitate praadicta in locis ubi expedire videritis publice proclamari faciatis in forma pracdicta. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Langele xxiiij. die Januarii. per ipsum Regem." GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Ill The words " et alia negotia de gratia nostra concedenda penes eundem Cancellarium " seem to have first laid the basis on which the equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery was built, for previously the granting of matters of grace and favour was peculiar to the King alone ' ; but this enabled the Chancellor to pro- ceed in suits {C secundum cequum et bonum" Although the Chancellor had, prior to this time, taken the most active, and perhaps the principal part in administering wquam et rec- tam justitiam ; he does not appear previous!?/ to have been the only responsible person, nor to have had for such exercise of judgment and authority a positive appointment from the King ; Mr. George Jeremy, in his elaborate treatise of the Equity Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery, says, " Although the Chancery, and the name of the high officer who presided therein, are mentioned in many early statutes, it is not until the latter portion of the reign of Edward the Third that a statute is met with which can be considered to give any sanction or even to bear any reference to the peculiar or equity part of his jurisdiction. By the 36th Courts of Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. 1 The following passage on the Close Rolls shows that in the reign of Henry III. a distinction was evidently drawn between common law and equity. " Sciatis etiam quod Willielmo de London unde nobis mandastis nihil fieri faciemus per Dei gratiam nisi quod justum fuerit et consonum JEQUiTATI." 112 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Courts of Edward III. c. 9-, which forms part of a capitu- lary of very comprehensive articles granted by jurisdiction, the King with the assent of Parliament, it was enacted, ' that if any man feel aggrieved con- trary to any of the articles above written, or others contained in divers statutes, and will come into the Chancery, or any for him, and thereof make complaint, he shall presently there have remedy by force of the said articles and statutes, without elsewhere pursuing to have remedy.' Although this provision cannot be considered to have laid the foundation of the extraordinary jurisdiction of the Chancellor, it might, according to the liberal interpretations of those times, have been regarded as having conferred upon him a more extensive and a better sanctioned authority than he had previ- ously any right to exercise ; but whether his jurisdiction were assumed or delegated, it is obvious that when once established, the more diligently he and his officers exerted their inge- nuity in the framing of new writs to the courts of law, the more confined would be the oppor- tunity or necessity of his extending it ; and it is a matter of fact, that after the reign of this monarch the number of the writs to the courts of law was little, if at all, increased." ' 1 A Treatise on the Equity Jurisdiction of the High Court of Chancery, p. 20, hy George Jeremy esq., Lond. 8vo. 1828. GENERAL INTRODUCTION'. 113 That the Chancellor, however, did, from this time forward, proceed to exercise a juris- diction in matters of equity, is evident from a petition addressed to him in the 38th Ed- ward III. ', and that the powerful and compli- cated machinery of equitable jurisdiction, as Courts or Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. 1 Au Chaunceller n're seign r le Roi J . monstre William de Middelton' p'sone del esglise de Hamrae Preston q' come la disme garbe de totes man's des bleedz cressantz dedeinz sa dite paroche de Hamme Preston' a lui app'tinent & de co'e droit deivent app'tenir i nientmeins le Dean de Wym- burne mynstre ad acroche a lui p' usurpacion la disme garbe de iiij xx . acres de waste t're de novel assart dedeinz sa dite paroche a la value de xl. s . p' an en disheretison de sa dite esglise i s r quey le dit William ad sui en consistoire levesq' de Salesbury dev's Henry Bodyn & Wauter Caperon qi occupieront la dite disme garbe en noun du dit Dean p r avoir restitucion de mesme la disme garbe j et p r ce q' la chapelle de Wymburne mynstre est la franche chapelle n're seign r le Roi & exempt de jurisdiction de ordinarie mande feust p'hibicion hors de la Chauncellerie au dit evesq' & son official qils ne deussent riens attempter en p'judice de n're s r le Roi ne de sa dite tranche chappelle :' p' quey le dit official ad s v sys daler avant en la dite cause : p' quey le dit William prie a v're g a ciouse seign r ie q' vous pleise ordiner remedie q' sa dite esglise ne soit disherite encontre co'e droit. In dorso. — Me d q'd xxiij. die April' anno regni Regis E. t'cij t'cesimo octavo tarn Will's de Middelton infrascript' in p'pria p'sona sua q a m Decanus de Wymbourmynstre p' Joh'em Tamworth attorn' suu' venerunt in cancellar' R' apud Westm' j & de assensu eor'dem datus est eis dies in eadem cancellar' in quindena S'c'e Trinitatis p'x' futur' ad faciend' & recipicnd' de contentis in ista petic'o'e quod cur' d'ni Regis considerav'it. Miscel. Petit, in Turr. Lond. 38 Ed. III. 114 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. courts of afterwards displayed, had been set in motion by this proclamation is clearly to be collected jurisdiction, from the petition of the Commons in the 7th of Richard II. 1 , which prayeth, " que desormes mile comision soit directe hors de la Chancel- lerie, ne lettere de prive seal, pur destourber la possession d'aucum liege le Roy, sanz due proces & respons du partie, & especialment quant la partie est prest de faire ce que la Loy demande, &c." the answer to which petition was, " Ceux qi se sentent grevez monstrent lour grevance en especial a Chanceller, qi lour purvoiera de remede, &c." In the 13th year of the same King, the Commons pray, that " neither the Chancellor, nor any other person, may make any ordinance against the common law, or an- cient custom of the realm, and the statutes already made, or to be made in this present parliament, but that the Common Law may run impartially for all the people ; and that no judg- ment given shall be annulled without due pro- cess of law." The reply was as evasive as the generality of royal answers to petitions were at that period : " Soit use come ad este use devant ces hures, issint que la Regalie du Roi soit sauve. Et si ascun soi sente greve, monstre en especial, et droit luy serra fait." 2 And by another i Rot. Pari. 7 Ric. II. vol. iii. p. 162, 163. -' Rot. Pari. 13 Ric. II. vol. iii. p. 266, 267. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 116 petition in the same year, " the Commons prayed that none of the King's lieges be made to come by writ Quibusdam certis de causis, nor by any other such writ, to appear before the Chancellor or the King's Council to answer any matter for which remedy might be obtained at Common Law, &c, on penalty to the Chancellor of one hundred pounds, to be levied to the use of the King, and the clerk who wrote the writ to lose his office in the Chancery, and never to be placed in any other office in the Chancery." To which petition the King made answer, " Le Roy voet sauver sa Regalie, come ses proge- nitours ont faitz devant luy," J The answers were doubtless equivalent to a negative, as no statute was made thereupon ; and it is evident that the Commons did not gain any thing by their peti- tions, as appears by the act 17th Richard II. cap. 6., which, reciting that people were com- courts ok Law. Equitable Jurisdiction, 1 In the 15th of Richard II. two petitions were ad- dressed to the King and the Lords of parliament, the answer to each of which was the same; " Soit ceste peticion mandez en la Chancellerie, et le Chanceller par auctorite du Parlement face venir les parties devant luy en la dite Chancellerie, et illoeqez la matire en ceste peticion compris dilitreaument vieue et examine, et oiez les resons dune parte et dautre, outre soit fait par auctorite de Parlement ce que droit et reson et bone foy et bone conscience de- mandent en le cas." Hot. Pari. vol. iii. p. 297. From the above words it is evident that the Chancellor exercised equitable jurisdiction as well by Royal authority as by that of the parliament. I 2 116 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Courts of Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. pelled to come before the King's Council, or into Chancery, by writs grounded on untrue sugges- tions, enacts, that the Chancellor for the time being, presently after such suggestions be duly found and proved to be untrue, shall have power to award and ordain damages, according to his discretion, to him who is so unduly troubled as aforesaid. This statute merely gives the Chan- cellor power to award damages to such as were compelled to come before him in Chancery by writs grounded on untrue suggestions. The untrue suggestions here mentioned, which seem to have been the causes of so much animadver- sion, were false allegations made by persons applying to the Chancery for writs of subpoena, upon which the Chancellor granted writs return- able before himself, instead of making the same returnable in the Courts of Common Law ; " paront les loialx liges du Roialme sont tor- cenousement travaillez et vexez, &c. sanz re- coverir ent avoir de lour damages et coustages." It has been suggested 1 that bills and petitions addressed to the Chancellor 2 were first filed in 1 See Cooper on the Public Records, vol. i. p. 457. 2 Many valuable and curious specimens of ancient bills and petitions addressed to the Chancellor during the reigns of Richard , II., Henry V., Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III., are prefixed to the first and second volumes of the Calendars of Chancery proceedings in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, published by direction of the Record Commission. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 117 the seventeenth of Richard II., in consequence of this statute. The equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery made rapid advancement during the reigns of Richard the Second and the three succeeding Sovereigns, though many attempts were made to subvert it, all of which, however, proved ineffective. That portion of equitable interference which appeared the most obnoxious to the people, was the writ of subpoena, now the leading and principal process of an Equity Court. The general distaste exhibited by the Commons in their petitions during several years after the first use of this writ is remarkable, and their feelings on the subject may be esti- mated by the uncourteous way they speak of the framer of the writ. " Item priont les Com- munes que come plusours gentz de vostre roialme soy sentent graundment grevez de ceo que vos briefs appelles briefs sub pena, et certis de causis, faitz et suez hors de vostre Chaun- celerie et Escheqer, des matiers determinables par vostre commune ley, que unques ne furent grauntez ne usez devaunt le temps le darrein Roy Richard, que Johan Waltham ' nadgairs 1 Though John de Waltham has been handed down to posterity by the parliament of the 3d Hen. V. as the first framer of the mueh-eondemned writ of subpoena, yet there is reason to believe that it did not originate with him, but I 3 Courts of Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. 118 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. Co t ^w ° F Evesque de Salesbirs, de sa subtiltee fist trover et commencier tiel novelrie encountre la fourme de la commune ley de vostre roialme, si bien a tres graunde perde et arrerisment des profitz que duissent sourder a vous soveraigne seigneur en voz courtes, &c. Et en outre, que si bien la peyne contenue en tieux briefs patentz, come tout la proces d'ycelles, soient voidez et tenuz pur null ; et si ascuns tieux briefs appellez sub pe?ia, et certis de causis, et Quia datum est nobis intelligi, soient suez hors de vos ditz courtz, encontre cest ordinance en temps a venir, que mesmes les briefs et tout la proces dependants sur ycelles, soient tout outrement voidez et tenuz pur null." The answer of the King was " Le Roy soy avisera, 1 " which shows that the that he merely modified and augmented a writ somewhat similar in its effects, and which was very prevalent in the reign of Edward III. Numerous entries on the Close Rolls of the reign of that King are to be found, which show that parties became surety, " sub poena centum librarum de terris et catallis suis ad opus regis levandis," that defendants should be in the Court of Chancery at a fixed day ; and on the Close Roll of 37 Edw. III. it appears that, upon petition exhibited, the defendants were commanded " quod essent in Cancellaria Regis ad certum diem ubicumque tunc foret ad ostendendum si quid pro se haberent vel dicere scirent quare, &c. et ad faciendum ulterius quod curia con- sideraret, &c. et quia praedicti defendentes qui de essendo in Cancellaria praedicta ad diem prasdictum sufBcienter prae- muniti fuerunt in eadem Cancellaria ad diem ilium solem- niter vocati non venerunt," the sheriff was commanded to levy distress on the land in dispute. 1 Rot. Pari. 3 Hen. V. vol. iv. p. 84. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 119 writ of subpoena was esteemed, by those who knew its value, too efficacious a mode of effecting justice, to be subverted without sufficient cause. The Commons, however, presented another petition on the subject, in the ninth of Henry the Fifth, which was not more successful in its results than the former one : " Soit il advisee par le Roi. Et dureront tres toutz les ordinances suisditz tanque a le Parlement proscheinement a tenir, 1 " was the equivocal and unsatisfactory answer. King Henry the Fifth did not, how- ever, live to convoke another Parliament, nor did the Commons rest satisfied, but they again petitioned the Parliament, holden in the name of the young King, to put a restriction on the equitable jurisdiction of the Chancery. The answer given to this petition was et soit l'estatut ent fait Tan xvij. del regne du Roi Richard Secounde gardez et mys en due execution." Notwithstanding this positive answer of the Par- liament, the Commons renewed their remon- strances in the fifteenth of Henry the Sixth : " Also prayen the Communes }>at for asmuche as divers persones have been gretly vexed and greved by writtes subpena purchased for maters determinables be the commune lawe of this lande, to ]?e grete harmes of the persones so vexed, and in subversion and lettying of the Courts of Law. E(]uitalle Jurisdiction. 1 Rot. Pari. U Hun. V. vol.iv. p. 156. I 4 120 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Courts of Law. Equitable Jurisdiction. saide commune lawe," &c. To this petition the following answer was given, " J?e King will that the statuits made J>erof be duely kept after the forme and effect of J)e same ; and ty no writ of sub pena be grauntid hereafter till seurtee be founde to satisfie J)e partie so vexed and greved for his damages and expenses, if it so be J>at the matier may not be made goode which is con- tenyd in the byll." ' It may be inferred that this statute satisfied the Commons, or else they found it useless to make further remonstrances against the increasing power of equitable juris- diction; and in the seventh of Edward IV., when Robert Kirkham, Master of the Rolls, had the Great Seal delivered to him by the King, the following memorandum was entered on the Close Roll 2 of that year : " And, over this, the King willed and commanded there and thanne that all manere of maters, to be examyned and discussed in the Court of Chauncery, should be directed and determined accordyng to eqtjite and con- science, and to the old cours and laudable cus- tume of the same Court, so that if in any such maters any difficultie or question of lawe happen to ryse, that he herein take th' advis and coun- sel of sume of the Kynges justices, so that right and justice may be duely ministred to every man." i Stat, of Realm, 15 Hen. VI. c. 4. 2 Rot. Claus. 7. Ed. IV. m. 12. in dorso. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. From this time the jurisdiction of the Court of Equity went on smoothly, and the Chancellor daily acquired additional power and importance, transacting every thing vice nomine et loco Regis 1 , and deciding causes by the rules of his own con- science ; in fact, he had become sole judge in matters of equity, and almost possessed potes- tatem absolutam ; but Mr. Jeremy is of opinion that the Chancellor's power in all its important functions was not finally determined until the reign of James I. 121 Courts of Law. Equitable Jurisdiction- LAWS. Having attempted a brief description of the early Courts of Law and Equity, it may be necessary to show in what manner a reference to the instruments in this Volume may be made available in explaining and illustrating old laws and law maxims, and for this purpose a few subjects have been selected to draw attention to the species of legal matter found in the Close Rolls. Laws. 1 The first occurrence of these words is in the patent of the first of Henry VI., granted by the advice and assent of the King's Council in Parliament, which created Thomas bishop of Durham, Chancellor. 122 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws. Leprosy. — On the subject of this loath- some disease, little has been stated either in our histories, chronicles, or laws. Glanville makes no mention of leprosy; and Theloall, in le Digest des Briefs originals, lib. 1. cap. 9, says " Je ne ay leu e ascun de nostres livres q leprosy serroit ascun impediment pur home de user action, sinon en Bracton, mes il sembleroit bone reason, q il ne suyroit en propre person, eins touz foitz p attorney, si come la ley est que il serra separee a communione popul\ Les parols de Bracton sont tiels ; lib. 5. tract. 5. cap. 20. 421 : Datur etiam exceptio tenenti ex persona petentis peremptoria propter morbum petentis incura- bilem, et corporis deformitatem : ut si petens leprosus fuerit, et tarn deformis quod aspectus eum sustinere non possit, et ita quod a commu- nione gentium sit separatus, talis quidem placi- tare non potest, nee hsereditatem petere," &c. Amongst the Normans, leprosy was an im- pediment to succession ', when any person was solemnly adjudged to be afflicted with that dis- temper by sentence of the church 2 ; but Bracton 1 " Celuy qui est juge et separe pcur maladie de lepre ne peut succeder, et neanmoins il retient l'heritage qu'il avoit lors qu'il fut rendu, pour en jouyr par usufruit tant qu'il est vivant, sans le pouvoir aliener." La Coustume d? Normandie, Art. 274. '-' La Coustume de Norm. p. 308. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 123 says, that with us in England, though it be an laws . exception to a plaintiff, on account of the danger of the disease being spread incurred by his ap- pearance in the courts of law, yet it is not an impediment to descent ; and my Lord Coke says, (2 Inst.,) that " a leper may be heir to another." Notwithstanding these high authorities, it may, however, be inferred from an entry at page 1 of this Volume, that according to the ancient law of England, leprosy in England, as in France, was an impediment to descent. It appears that a grant made by a person after he fell sick of the leprosy was void : " The King, &c. to the sheriff of Somerset, greeting. We command you to give to Geoffry de St. Martin seizin of the lands which belonged to William of New- march, in your bailiwick. For we have com- mitted to him the custody thereof, so that he answer for them to us at our exchequer ; and if he (William of Newmarch) have given away any of his lands after he fell sick of the leprosy, cause the same to be restored to his barony. Witness, &c." In the Abbreviatio Placilorum, page 9, leprosy was pleaded and allowed, in the reign of King John, and the land thereupon adjudged from a leprous brother to the sister. Breve de ventre inspiciendo. — The ear- liest entry on this subject upon record occurs in a document presented in this Volume at 124 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws - page 435. The intent of this writ was to prevent a supposititious heir from being set up to the prejudice of the heir presumptive, and was granted to such heir presumptive against the widow of the deceased, through whom the pro- perty descended, upon suspicion of her feign- ing herself with child, according to the rule of law set forth in the Registrum Brevium, made for the benefit and safety of right heirs, contra partus suppositos. 1 That the practice of the species of decep- tion here alluded to was frequently attempted in those times is evident from the numerous regulations devised for the purpose of preventing the success of such attempts ; and the seventh 1 The words are these : " Nota quod si quis habens haereditatem duxerit aliquam in uxorem, et postea moriatur ille sine haerede de corpore suo exeunte, per quod haereditas ilia fratri ipsius defuncti descendere debeat, et uxor ilia dicit se esse pregnantem de ipso defuncto cum non sit, habeat frater et haeres ejus breve de ventre inspiciendo." " It seemeth,'' says Lord Coke, page 8 b , by Bracton (lib. ii. fo.69.) and Fleta (lib. i. c. 14.) " that this writ doth lie ' ubi uxor alicujus in vita viri sui se pregnantem finxit cum non sit, vel post mortem viri sui se pregnantem fecit, cum non sit de viro suo mortuo, ad exhaeredationem veri haeredis &c. ad querelam veri haeredis per praeceptum domini Regis, &c.' which is to be understood according to the rule of the Registr. ; when a man, having lands in fee simple, dieth, and his wife soon after marrieth again, and feigns herself with child by her former husband, in this case, though she be married, the writ • de ventre inspiciendo' doth lie." GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 125 clause in Magna Charta, namely, il that the Laws . widow should remain « in capitali mesuagio mariti sui per quadraginta dies post obitum mariti sai,' " though doubtless intended for the benefit of the widow, yet, nevertheless, says Barrington, in his observations on the statute, it was to prevent a supposititious child ; and in the laws of Hoel Dda (p. 164) it appears that the anxiety to pre- vent this imposition was greater still : " Fcemina, quae se pregnantem qffirmaverit tempore mortis mariti sui, in domo ejus manebit, donee constiterit utrnm pregnans fuerit vel non ; et tunc, si non fuerit pregnans, mulctam solvat trium 'vaccarum, et domum et fundum hceredi relinquat. ,y If the widow, upon due examination, were, however found to be enceinte, she was to be kept under restraint until delivered ; but if not found to be pregnant, then the presumptive heir was to be forthwith admitted to the inheritance. Upon comparison, the entry at page 435 of this Volume will be found to agree in most particulars with the writ in the Registrum Brevium. See also the entry in the Abbreviatio Placitorum, 26th Henry III. p. 119. Adultery. — Being only an offence of spi- ritual cognizance, it was never criminal in this country, either by common or statute law, except during the time of the Protectorate, when to commit adultery and fornication w r as made 126 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws. felony, in both man and woman, without benefit of clergy. 1 By the laws of Solon, if a man detected another in the act of adultery with his wife, he was allowed to kill him upon the spot ; so likewise by the Roman law, when the adulterer was found in the husband's own house : it was also the same among the Goths. With us, how- ever, such slaying is not ranked in the class of justifiable homicide, as in cases of forcible rape, but in that of manslaughter. 2 A curious case of adultery may be noticed at page 126, whence it appears that the husband inflicted summary punishment, for which offence he was not held as cognizable at law, because he had prohibited the adulterer from coming to his house. Original Writs. — It has been already stated that one of the principal duties of the 1 This borders on the severity of a law in Sicily, that " si quis cum volente et acquiesceute vidua stuprum commi- serit, Jlammis ultricibus exureturT Vide Const. Sic. p. 251. Concerning the punishment of women taken in adultery in France, see some instances in La Coustume de Normandie, p. 402. Also see the case of a woman banished out of the town of Calais for adultery, by the law and custom of that place, in the Registrum, p. 551. 2 Black. Com. vol. iv. p. 191. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 1^7 Chancellor was to frame original writs and man- Laws. dates, according as the circumstances which the cases submitted to him by the King demanded, to relieve suitors who found the existing law, as administered, oppressive ; or wherein the law did not provide a proper or sufficient remedy. 1 In process of time, however, the framing of writs became a matter of so much certainty that hardly any case could arise for which an estab- lished precedent could not be found to give the specific redress required. From several instances in this Volume it appears that new forms of writs were frequently ordered to be used for the future, without any reason assigned, as at page 32, " Hoc breve de ccvtero erit de cursu." Again, new forms were adopted, without any remark, as at page 114, for in that entry letters are substituted for the names of the parties. New forms again occur, without any other notice than the word forma, as at p. 210. These and similar entries cannot, however, but be deemed important, because they show that the Officina brevium was at that time in existence. 2 The 1 On the subject of the Chancellor, John of Salishcry says, in his Polycraticon, written about the year 1170, " Hie est, qui leges regni cancellat iniquas, Et mandata pii principis aequa facto." 2 It is evidently implied, by the statute of Westmin- ster 2, 13 Edward I. c.24, that the Officina brevium had been some time established, for in that statute it is provided that 128 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws. entry at page 32 is an early specimen of those writs intituled " de cursu" which were issued out of Chancery upon the applicant finding pledges, and swearing that he had a true cause of action. It was in consequence of this assump- tion of authority on the part of the Chancellor, which was considered as exceeding the duties of his office, that it was provided by the Council at Oxford, in the year 1258, that the Chancellor was not to have the power of issuing any other " et quotienscumque decaetero evenerit in Cancellaria quod in uno casu reperitur breve et in consimili casu cadente sub eodem jure et simili indigente remedio concordent clerici de Cancellaria in brevi faciendo vel atterminent quaerentes in proximo parliamento et scribant casus in quibus concor- dare non possunt et referant eos ad proximum parliamentum et de consensu jurisperitorum fiat breve ne contingat de- caetero quod curia diu deficiat quaerentibus in justitia per- quirenda." Upon consulting the Registrum de Cancellaria, better known as the Registrum Brevium, it will be found that remedies were to be had for almost every species of wrong that could be committed, by suing for a writ spe- cially adapted to the case. Hence Blackstone argues, that with a little accuracy on the part of the clerks of Chancery, and a little liberality on that of the judges, by extending rather than narrowing the remedial effects of the writ, the provision of the statute of Westminster might have effec- tually answered all the purposes of an equity court, except that of obtaining a discovery by the oath of the defendant. This was also the opinion of Fairfax, a very learned judge in the time of Edward IV. " Le subpama " (says he) " ne serroit my cy soventement use come il est ore, si nous attendo- mons dels actions sur les cases, et mainteinoums la jurisdiction de ceo court, et d'auter courts." Year Book, 21 Edward IV. p. 23. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. I 1 *) writs than such as were by the direct command laws of the King or of his Council. 1 Falsifying. — The crime of falsifying- may be divided into several species, as relating to false charters, false measures, false money, and others. 3 From instruments in pages 15 and 32 it appears that William Scrubz being convicted, " per feloniam quam fecit de fals'ificatiorie sigilli Regis" all his lands were escheated to the Crown ; at page 367, that William Kocaine had given security " quod stabit recto in curia Regis de falsis cartis et falsis sigillis et aliis de quibus rcttatusfuit et imprisonatus" " It should be observed," says Glanville, " that if a person be convicted of falsifying a charter it becomes necessary to distinguish whether it be a royal 4 or a private one ; be- cause, when convicted of the offence, the party shall, in the former case, be condemned as in i Annal. Burt. 413. 2 Vide Bract. 1 19 b . Fleta, lib. i. c. 22. Britton. c. 4. a Vide Glan. lib. xiv. c. 7. 4 Of the King's charters Bracton says, " neither the justices nor private individuals can dispute nor inter- pret them if a doubt arise, but recourse must be had to the King himself; and if the charters be defective, through rasure, or from a false seal being attached to them, it is better and safer to decide the matter in the King's presence." K 130 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. laws, t ] ie cr i me f i i eese Majesty ;' but in the latter the convict is to be dealt with in a milder man- ner." The case of Scrubz may be placed under the first of these heads ; that of Kocaine under the second. Will and Testament. — Blackstone says, that in England the power of bequeathing is coeval with the first rudiments of law ', for we have no traces or memorials of any time when it did not exist. There seems to be no doubt of lands having been devisable by will before the Conquest 2 ; but upon the introduction of military tenures a restraint upon devising lands (except those holden in socage) took place, as it was one of the qualities of feuds, that the feudatory could not alien or dispose of his feud ; neither could he devise it by will. 3 Since the Conquest the common law had given to every one a right to dispose of personal property, but no estate greater than for a term of years could be disposed of by will. The restraints upon alienation by will continued for some centuries after the restraint on aliena- tion by deed had been removed ; and it was not till the reign of Henry VIII. that lands i Vol. ii. p. 491. 2 Wright on Tenures, p. 172. 3 Ibid. p. 29. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 131 were permitted to be disposed of by will ' ; and Laws - not till the Restoration, that the power of de- vising real property became valid, which was occasioned by the conversion of all lands (ex- cept some copyholds) into socage tenure. From a mandate in page 1 69 it appears that a man could not devise land which he had of the King's gift : by which it evidently is intended to mean lands holden in capite, which before the statute of Quia Emptores could not be de- vised without the consent of the chief lord of the fee. The words are these : " Rex domino P. Winton' Episcopo Justiciario Anglice, 8$c t Mandamus nobis quod tenerifaciatis test amentum Adce de Gurdun quod fecit de rebus suis mo- bilibus et omnibus aliis in Anglid secundum dispositionem testamenti excepta terra quam de dono nostro habuit." (Vide p. 169.) Many other documents will be found eluci- datory of testamentary laws and customs. Ecclesiastical Law. — Instruments illus- trative of matters and causes liable to eccle- siastical cognizance are of frequent occurrence in this Volume : the following is not unworthy of attention, as being a curious instance of the 1 By 32 Hen. VIII. c. 1. all socage lands were made devisable, and two thirds of land held by military tenure, K 2 132 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws. Ecclesiastical Court having exceeded its power, in the 8th of Hen. III., by appealing to the Court of Rome in a case of bastardy, and for which it appears to have received a severe re- buke from the King. " The King to the Archbishop of Dublin, Justiciary of Ireland, greeting. In reply to the charge we lately gave you, to write to us again in what manner you had proceeded in the cause of Nicholas de Felda, who sued the abbot and canons of St. Thomas at Dublin, before our judges in our court, for two carucates of land, with their appurtenances, in Kelredheri, by an assize of mort d'ancestor, but against whom, before the said judges, the bar of bastardy having been objected, it was by the samejudges referred to you in the Ecclesiastical Court to pronounce upon his bastardy or legitimacy, — you declare to us by your letters, that as he sued for the said land in the Civil Court, by our letters of mort d'ancestor, against the afore- mentioned abbot and canons, and the bar of bastardy having been objected to him, you have therefore proceeded no further in that court. And, moreover, that the afore-mentioned Nicholas, by mandate from our judges, being willing to prove his legitimacy before you in the Ecclesiastical Court, produced his witnesses, and their attestations being declared, after long- GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 133 continued controversies and altercations as well laws. on the part of the abbot as of the same Nicholas, when you were proceeding to give final judg- ment, two girls appeared, who were in their minority, and were the daughters of Richard de la Feld, father of the aforesaid Nicholas, and appealed to you not to proceed in giving judg- ment, since this would manifestly be converted to their prejudice, in as much as they would be precluded from seeking elsewhere the inherit- ance claimed, neither could they be relieved by putting it in its former state. Whereupon, deferring to that appeal, by the advice of pru- dent men, as you say, you transmitted the cause to the Pope, drawn out as it had been discussed before you ; at which we are greatly astonished, and not without just cause provoked, that, not- withstanding the said Nicholas's legitimacy was made fully evident to you by the production of the witnesses and their declared attestations, you should nevertheless, because of the appeal of the girls aforesaid, who were in no wise con- cerned nor even mentioned in the assize referred to, nor was either of them a party to the suit, have therefore put off pronouncing final judg- ment, and improperly, as it were declining our trial, have wished to refer to a foreign dignity what was within our jurisdiction, and apper- tained to our dignity alone to determine, thereby setting a most pernicious precedent. And fur- k 3 134. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Laws. £} ier> even if ^g aforesaid Nicholas had obtained possession of the land aforesaid by the said assize, the benefit of petition for the inheritance was clearly open to the aforesaid girls, in our court, by writ of right, especially as by our letters of mort d'ancestor the question was of the possession, and not of the property ; and in the case offered for your consideration, nothing more belonged to your authority than to admit the proofs of the said Nicholas's legi- timacy, and then to send him back to our judges, with your letters testimonial. By the advice, therefore, of our ' Magnates ' and * Fideles ' assisting us, we command and firmly enjoin you, notwithstanding the appeal premised, not on that account to delay your judgment, remit- ting him (the said Nicholas), with your letters testimonial, to our judges, in order that they may, in the imparlance to be argued before them, be enabled to exhibit to him plenitude of justice, according to the laws and customs of our land of Ireland. Witness H. &c. (Hubert de Burgh, Chief Justice of England) at Gloucester, on the 10th day of November." p. 629. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 135 Illustrations of HlSTOnY. ILLUSTRATIONS OF HISTORY. Commencements of the Kings' Reigns. — It does not appear to have been the ancient practice of the English Constitution at the decease of a Kin": to consider his successor as King until he had been inaugurated : the modern law maxim is that the King never dies, which supposes that in England there can be no inter- regnum l 3 the next heir succeeding as King im- mediately upon the throne becoming vacant. King John did not assume the regal dignity and prerogatives until he had been crowned, although his brother Richard had been dead 1 This is not in accordance with what is laid down as law in Dyer and Anderson, which is " that the King, who is heir or successor to the deceased King, may write him- self as King and begin his reign the same day that his pro- genitor or predecessor dies." Since the accession of Edward I. there has been no interregnum. " The Crown has always been claimed, though not constantly enjoyed, by right of blood ;" and from the precedents adduced and opinions taken at the accession of James I. it was declared to be the law of England, " that there can be no inter- regnum within the same.'' (HowelFs State Trials, vol. ii. p. 626.) " It is now therefore an established maxim of constitutional law, that immediately on the death of the King the right of the Crown is vested in his heir, who com- mences his reign from that moment." Allen on Prerogative, p. 49. Black. Com. vol. i. p. 96. Tyrrell's Bibliotheca Poli- tica, p. 169. K 4 lot) GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations upwards of seven weeks ' before the coronation of History. took place ; and the reign of Henry III., like that of his father, was reckoned from the day of his enthronement. 2 The accession of Ed- ward I. was held to be upon the day of his recognition, and not upon the day of his father's demise, which happened four days previously. 3 The fact that all the Rolls of Chancery, namely, i Richard I. died on the 6th of April 1199. King John was crowned on the 27th of the following May, which was Ascension Day, and his regnal year was com- puted from one Ascension Day to the next ; consequently some of the years of his reign exhibit an increase of seven weeks more than others, owing to the day of his corona- tion being that of a moveable feast, which of course some- times fell earlier or later, as Easter happened. 2 Henry III. was not elected king till the feast of Saint Simon and Saint Jude ; and his coronation took place on the following day, though John had been then dead since the eighteenth. " II est remarquable qu'on ne commenca a dater du regne de ce prince que du jour de son couronnement, comme il est marque dans le Livre Rouge de l'Echiquier. ' Notandum ' y est-il dit, ' quod data Regis Henrici filii Johannis mutavit* in festo Apostolo- rum Simonis et Judae, videlicet, 28 a die mensis Octobris.'" L Art de verifier les Dates. 3 " Anno Domini M°CC°LXXII mense Novembri obiit dominus Henricus illustris Rex Anglise, anno vero regni sui LVII , incepto in festo Apostolorum Symonis et Judae proximo praecedente. " Anno Domini M°CC°LXXII mense Novembri in festo beati Edmundi incepit regnare Edwardus illustris Rex Angliae post sepulturam Henrici patris sui," Ex vetusL Mcmb. in Turr. Lond. * This word in the original Record appears to be iniilavit for inUidvit. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 137 the Patent, Charter, Close, and Fine Rolls, illustrations of History. commence the regnal year of each King agree- ably to this mode of computation supports this hypothesis ; and, moreover, it does not appear that any of the early English Monarchs exer- cised any act of sovereign power, or disposed of public affairs, till after their election or coro- nation. These few examples appear to be un- deniable proofs, that the fundamental laws and constitutions of this kingdom, based on the Anglo-Saxon custom, were, at that time, against an hereditary succession, unless by common consent of the whole realm : however, " the Crown of England (says Allen l ) has been for ages hereditary, and it has been long a settled principle of English law, that on the death of the King his royal dignity descends immediately to his successor. That principle is not now to be controverted. It has been sanctioned by the practice of many centuries, and is become a fundamental maxim of constitutional law." The Close Rolls have been stated to abound in information concerning the condition of society ; it belongs, however, to the historian to select and apply such instruments as may correct the errors and prejudices of previous writers. With the view of testing the integrity and comparative merits of the elder historians 1 Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England, by John Allen, p. 46. 138 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations anc ] chroniclers, a few entries, and those of of History. ' minor importance, have been selected from the Close Rolls ; because, if it be shown that those writers have detailed with exactness and accu- racy trifling and unimportant events, they become more entitled to confidence in their narrations of matters of greater moment. It is related by Matthew Paris, that " Eodem anno (1222) sexto idus Februarii, audita sunt tonitrua terribilia ; ex quorum collisione fulmen exiliens," &c. Again, " in eodem anno in die exaltationis Sanctas Crucis, per totam Angliam mugierunt horrenda tonitrua; et sequuta est inundatio pluviarum, cum turbine, et impetu ventorum : quae tempestas, cum aeris intem- perie, usque ad purificationem Beatag Marias perseverans multis et maxime colonis, molesta fuit." And again, " Eodem etiam anno (1222) in festo Sancti Andreas Apostoli audita sunt tonitrua per totam Angliam generalia ; quag ecclesias et ecclesiarum turres, domos et asdificia, castrorum muros, etpropugnacula subverterunt." All of which is corroborated by the Close Roll of the seventh year of King Henry III. which contains numerous entries concerning the ravages and destruction occasioned by tempests and impetuous hurricanes, whereby houses and large forest trees were blown to the ground. Matthew Paris says, at page lGl, " Eodem tempore (1211) Reginaldus Comes Bononiae vir GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 139 strenuus et in arte militari probatissimus a Phi- illustrations * of History. lippo Rege Francorum de comitatu suo injuste expulsus et bonis omnibus privatus est, &c. Comes vero Reginaldus in Angliam veniens, a Rege Johanne honorifice susceptus est." This statement is corroborated by three or four entries ', which prove that Reginald Dammartin, Count of Bologne, was in England at that time, and did homage to King John at London on Ascension Day, and that he had a grant of several manors ; a fact which is ample evidence of an honorable reception and of royal favor. Most of the contemporary historians relate, that King John, in the year 1202, during the siege of Mirabel Castle in Poictou, made prisoners of his nephew Arthur Duke of Brit- tany and the Princess Elianor his sister, called the " Beauty of Brittany." Arthur is sup- posed to have been murdered by his uncle, and of Elianor it is stated that she was imprisoned in Bristol Castle for forty years ; the incarcera- tion of that young and guiltless Princess is one of the many actions of King John, for which his memory has been deservedly stigmatized. The entries on the Close Rolls relating to the Princess Elianor confirm the narrations of the monkish writers as to her imprisonment, though i Vide pp. 116. 129. 130. 133. 140 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustration* a fc £] ie same time they sllOW that she Was not ill of History. J want of the necessaries of life, as has been alleged by some modern historians, but on the contrary that she enjoyed many indulgences. Elianor is said to have possessed a high and invincible spirit, and to have constantly insisted on her right to the Crown ! , which, perhaps, was the reason of her being kept under restraint during the whole of her life-time. If the Crown of England was at that period considered as hereditary, she had a priority of right to her uncle, and consequently to King Henry; but if it was an established law in England, as ap- pears by the Close Roll 13th Henry III., that " non est consuetudo vel lea: in terra nostra Anglice quod Jilia jratris alicujus primogeniti Jratrem juniorem patri suo succedentem hcere- ditarie super hcereditate sua possit vel debeat impetere 2 ," then it would seem that King Henry need have had no apprehension of her being able legally to deprive him of the Crown. A few of the instruments relating to this illustrious Prisoner are here inserted ; the others are, how- ever, exceedingly interesting, and well worthy of attention, not only as concerning a Princess of whom little has been written, but as illus- trative of the domestic economy of that period. 1 General History of England by James Tyrrell, esq., vol. iii. p.915, Fol. 1700. 2 Hot. Claus. 13 Hen. III. m. 15. in dorso. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 141 The Mayor of Winchester is commanded I"-us™at.ons J of History. to send in haste to the King, for the use of his niece Elianor and the two daughters of the King of Scotland \ robes of dark green, namely, tunics and supertunics, with capes of cambric, and fur of miniver, and twenty-three yards of good linen cloth ; also, for the use of the King's niece, one good cap of dark brown, furred with miniver, and one hood for rainy weather, for the use of the same ; besides robes of bright green for the use of her three waiting maids, namely, tunics and supertunics, and cloaks, with caps of miniver or rabbit skins, and furs of lamb's-skin ; and thin shoes for the use of the daughters of the King of Scotland, the King's niece, and her three waiting maids ; and also, for the use of the King's niece, one saddle with gilded reins ; and the mayor is to come himself, with all the above articles, to Corf there to receive the money for the cost of the same.— 6th July, 15 John. Page 144. 1 About the year 1209 King John marched toward Scotland with a powerful army, but when the Scottish King was informed of his approach, being aware of the cruelty of John's disposition, he grpw alarmed, and made an ad- vance to treat for peace ; by the mediation of friends of both kingdoms this was at length effected upon these terms ; namely, that the King of Scotland should pay to the King of England 1,100 marks of silver, and moreover that his two daughters should be delivered to him as hos- tages, for the better securing of the peace. Math. Paris, p. 158. Edit. Par. 142 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations The m ayor and reeves of Winchester are of History. j ordered to send, without delay, to Corf con- stabulary, for the use of the King's niece, a beautiful saddle, with scarlet ornaments and gilded reins. — 9th Aug.,15 John. Page 150. The mayor and reeves of Winchester are commanded to send to the Queen, the King's niece, and the two daughters of the King of Scotland, who are at Corf, certain robes, caps, and other things necessary for their vestment, as Robert de Vipont will inform them by his letters patent. — 29th Jan., 15 John. Page 157. Peter de Maulay is commanded to procure for the King's niece, who is in the custody of Robert de Vipont, one scarlet robe, namely, a cloak, and a tunic with cendal, and another for the wife of Robert de Vipont ; and also, for the King's niece, some good and fine linen cloth, enough to make four or five chemises and four sheets, not, however, of the King's finest cloth, but rather, if they have none suited for this except the King's finest cloth, to pur- chase it as good as they can with the King's money ; and she is also to have two pair of boots delivered to her by the messenger of Robert de Vipont, the bearer of this order. — 15th July, 16 John. Page 168. The barons of the Exchequer are ordered to make allowance to Peter de Maulay of 7,000 marks, demanded of him as part of his fine GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 143 made with Kinc; John for having married Illustrations ° ° OF IIlSTORV. Isabella daughter and heiress of Robert de Turneham, which he had laid out on the works of Corf Castle, and in expenses consequent upon the custody of Elianor the King's cousin, the custody of the daughters of the King of Scot- land, and the custody of Richard, the King's brother ; and also in the expences incurred by King John at divers times at Corf, after Louis, the French King's son, had landed in England. Witness Hubert de Burgh, &c. — 5 Hen. 3. Page 466. The treasurer and chamberlains are ordered to pay to Andrew Bukerel .£6 145. 2d. which he laid out, by the King's command, in the fol. lowing articles ; namely, a silken couch, price GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations honour, restrain you in future from the like, of History. neither making such attempts yourself, nor suf- fering them to be made by others against us ; or else be assured that we shall take the affair seriously in hand, being in no wise inclined to allow such things to gain strength against us. Witness Hubert de Burgh, &c. at the Tower of London, 8th of August, 7 Hen. 3. Page 570. Henry, by the grace of God, King of Eng- land, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitain, Earl of Anjou, to Hubert de Burgh, Justiciary of England, greeting. We remember having given an order ! that such seizin should be given you of the marsh between Wiggenholt and Wells and Hakebech and Tilney and Ter- rington, as you had when last you sailed for Poictou in the service of King John our father j but because we are given to understand for certain that Eustace, formerly bishop of Ely, was seized of the aforesaid marsh on the day of his death 2 , and that the church of Ely has always since been seized thereof; and as it there- fore seems to our Council that the form of our aforesaid order was unreasonable, we command you, as our justiciary, to restore without delay to the church of Ely seizin of the marsh in 1 2Q December 1217. 2 Died 16 John. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 155 question, notwithstanding our said order by lLLUS1 which you entered upon the seizin thereof; and since to you especially it belongs to main- tain and cherish justice, do you so demean yourself in this behalf that you may not set an example, or be yourself the occasion, of injuring others. Witness the Earl of Pembroke, at Worcester, 14th March, 2 Hen. 3, A.D. 1218. Page 378. There has prevailed among historians a dif- ference of opinion as to the probability of Prince Louis having received from our government a sum of money for restoring the hostages he had taken from the barons, upon the treaty of peace being concluded in the September of the year 1218. The French historians relate that a large sum of money was secured to him on that occa- sion, " which," says Tyrrell, " is certainly false, " for Louis was so far from standing upon terms, " that he was glad to agree upon any condi- " tions ; and as for hostages, there could be " nothing due from the King on that account, " but from the barons, his enemies, whose rela- " tions they were ; but our writers do not men- " tion any money paid for them, and therefore " it is most likely they were delivered gratis, " though they are not particularly mentioned." The following instrument seems corroborative of the statement of the French writers, which, USTRATIONS ISTORY. 156 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations if Tyrrell had been aware of, he would perhaps of History. *■ have formed a different opinion. The King to Geoffry de Mariscis, Justiciary of Ireland, greeting. Whereas we before com- manded you to come to us into England to do homage to us, and certify us respecting the state of our land of Ireland, we are greatly astonished that you have not yet come ; and therefore we command you a second time, all delay and ex- cuses set aside, to come to us into England be- fore the approaching Easter, in the second year of our reign, to do your homage to us, and to treat with us, through our t( fideles " of our Council, respecting the state of our land afore- said. And since we owe a heavy debt to Louis, the French King's son, by agreement made be- tween us, that he would depart out of our realm, which at length the Lord hath marvellously and mercifully procured ; and are moreover indebted to his Holiness the Pope in an annual tribute of 300 marks, due to him from our king- dom of Ireland, which yet remains to be paid for the last two years ; it would greatly relieve us, and much advance the tranquillity of our realm, if our faithful people and bailiffs would afford all the assistance they were able to pro- vide us with money ; and therefore we command and entreat you to come, as aforesaid, and bring with you as much money as you can, so demean- ing yourself in this respect that we may have GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 157 cause to commend your honesty and zeal ; for illustrations •r- iiii-ii i 0F History. it you should be induced to act otherwise, con- siderable loss and grievance might accrue to us and our realm on this account. Witness the Earl of Pembroke, at Exeter, 12th Feb., 2 Hen. 3. Page 376. see also page 465. Immediately after Louis's departure the Legate dispatched inquisitors over every part of England to suspend all ecclesiastics whom they found to have been in the slightest degree favourable to the cause of Louis, of whatever rank or dignity they might be ; and after de- priving them of all their benefices, he distributed the same among his own clerks. The bishop of Lincoln, upon his return to England, paid 1000 marks to the Pope, and 100 more to the Legate, for the recovery of his bishoprick ; and many other bishops, and the rest of the clergy, fol- lowing his example, were compelled to purchase the Legate's favour by the payment of large sums of money. It seems, however, from the following proclamation, which is not noticed in any of the contemporary chronicles, that several of the clergy, being perhaps unwilling to submit to this species of imposition, chose rather to remain in excommunication than to purchase absolution on such degrading terms. The King to the sheriffs of Kent [and of Essex], greeting. We order you, without 158 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations delay, to cause proclamation to be made through- OF History. •/*■*. o out your bailiwick, that all the clergy who were excommunicated because thev were adherents to Louis or his favourers, and have not yet received absolution, shall depart our realm before Midlent next, in the second year of our reign ; and that all who are found in England after the aforesaid term shall be taken ; and whomsoever of the clergy that you shall find in your bailiwick after that term abiding in excommunication on the account aforesaid, do you take and safely keep until we give you further order thereupon. — 18th Feb., 2 Hen. 3. Page 377. The order of knighthood was a dignity which formerly added a lustre to the highest degree of nobility, and was esteemed even by Princes and Kings themselves. The ceremony of creating a knight was generally performed in the royal palace, and robes of different colours were given to the intended objects of that royal mark of distinction. The following entry gives an account of the robes presented to a knight on his receiving the order : The King to the sheriff of Southampton, greeting. We order you to allow Thomas Es- turmy, our valet, a scarlet robe ', with a cloak 1 William of Malmsbury, in his account of Athelstan's being knighted by King Alfred, his grandfather, mentions GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 159 of fine linen, and another robe of green or Illustrations ° of History. brown, and a saddle, and a pair of reins, and a cloak for wet weather, and a couch ', and a pair of linen sheets, as he is to be made a knight. The robes and other knightly insignia pre- sented by King Henry III. to Alexander the young King of Scotland, when he knighted him at York' 2 , in the year 1251, is thus described on the Close Roll of that year ; 3 Edward of Westminster is commanded to procure immediately a handsome sword, and scabbard of silk, the hilt to be of silver and well ornamented, and also a handsome belt, on which to hang the same ; the sword is to be sent to York by Christmas-day, that the King may decorate Alexander the illustrious King of Scot- land therewith, in his belt of knighthood 4 , &c. the giving him a sword and a rich belt, with a crimson or scarlet robe, as the ensigns of knighthood. Malmsb. de Gestit, Reg. Angl. 1. ii. c. 6. 1 It was usual for the person who was to be knighted to watch all the previous night in the church, and the couch was given for him to rest on. 2 ' ; Anno Domini MCClii. qui est annus regni domini Regis Henrici trigesimus quintus, fuit idem dominus Rex ad Natale Domini apud Eboracum, ut filia sua Margareta, aetatc jam, Alexandro Regi Scotiae matrimonio copularctur, et nuptiae, ut inter tantas personas decuit, celebrarentur." Matt. Par. 554. Paris Edit. 3 Claus. 36 Hen. 3. 4 " Die igitur Natalis Domini, dominus Rex Angliaj baltheo apud Eboracum donavit militari Regem Scotiae et 160 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations j onn j e Summercotes and the Kind's tailor of History. ° are commanded to make, without delay, a costly couch, and to send it to the King at York, to present to the illustrious King of Scotland on Christmas-day : And, Edward of Westminster is com- manded to procure immediately a pair of silver gilt spurs, with fastenings of silk, and to let the King have them at York on Christmas-day, for the use of Alexander King of Scotland, &c. The orders for the dresses worn by the King and Queen of England at the marriage ceremony of the Princess Margaret with the King of Scotland, the day after he was knighted, are as follows : "Concerning Robes for ^ I. de Sumercote and Roger the use of the King >the tailor are commanded and Queen. J to get made, without delay, four robes of the best brocade which they can procure, namely, two for the King's use, and two for the Queen's, with orfraies, and gems of various colours ; the tunics are to be of softer brocade than the mantles and the supertunics ; and the mantles are to be furred with ermine, cum eo tyrones fecit viginti. Qui omnes vestibus preciosis et excogitatis, sicut in tam celebri tyrocinio decuit, orna- bantur :" and see Rot. Pat. 36 Hen. III. m. 13. and Fcedera, New Ed. vol. i. part 1. p. 279. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. l6l and the supertunics with miniver : the Kins; re- Illustrations ok History. quires that the aforesaid robes, elegantly made, should be at York by Christmas." The same are commanded to get, besides the two robes which the King ordered for his own use, three robes with " Queyntisis " {devices) made for the Queen's use, namely, one robe of the best violet-coloured brocade they can pro- cure, with three small leopards in the front, and three others behind ; and two robes of other cloth, the best that can be procured. And these, seemly and elegantly made, are to be at York by Christmas. The instruments on the Close Rolls respect- ing maritime affairs are very numerous, and exhibit many interesting particulars of the naval force kept for the defence of the realm and for the security of the British seas. At page S3 the number of ships attached to each of the principal ports is stated, together with the names of their commanders ; and there are several notices confirmatory of the fact, that the Cinque Ports were obliged to find fifty-two ships for fifteen days, at their own charge, for the ser- vice of the state. The materials used for ship- building, and the tonnage and dimensions of ships and galleys, are described, some as being capable of carrying eight or ten horses, and M 162 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations others of a different description, large enough of History. l C7 to admit of twenty oars. From an instrument at page 117 it may be inferred that the first establishment of a dock-yard at Portsmouth took place in the reign of King John ; viz. The King to the sheriff of Southampton, &c. We order you, without delay, by the view of lawful men, to cause our docks ' at Ports- mouth to be inclosed with a good and strong wall, in such manner as our beloved and faith- ful William archdeacon of Taunton will tell you, for the preservation of our ships and galleys ; and likewise to cause penthouses to be made to the same walls, as the same archdeacon will also tell you, in which all our ships' tackle may be safely kept : and use as much dispatch as you can, in order that the same may be com- pleted this summer, lest in the ensuing winter our ships and galleys and their rigging should incur any damage by your default. And when we know the cost, it shall be accounted to you. —20th May, 14 John, A.D. 1212. Page 117 The King to Geoffry de Nevill/and the mayor of Angouleme, and Ralph de Fay, and 1 " Exclusa. Locus in flumine saepe coarctatus pisca- tionis gratia; alias wera alias clausura dictus. Et etiam exclusa, id quo in stagnis et fossatis aquas retinentur et emittuntur, Anglice, ' a sluice ;' exclusae practerea dicuntur aditus in Italiam per angustias Alpium." Spelm. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 163 all the soldiers and mariners of their company, Illustrations r J ' of History. &c. We command you, together with Geoffry de Lucy and William de Wika, and our sailors, to arrest and take into our hands all ships coming from Poictou, which you may fall in with in your voyage, and send them safely to us in England, with all the chattels found in them ; and take such counsel for guarding them that we may in nowise be deceived. — 20th May, 14 John. Page 117. The archdeacon of Taunton is ordered to send immediately to the King, at the Tower of London, all the cloth which came to Portsmouth in the three ships which were captured by the King's sailors in the port of Barfleur, and sent to Portsmouth. The King to William archdeacon of Taun- ton, &c. Know ye that we have given to our dear brother William earl of Salisbury the ship called the Countess, which was captured by our sailors. And therefore we command you to let him have the same. — 20th May, 14 John. Page 117. The King to William archdeacon of Taun- ton, &c. Know ye that we have given to our beloved R. de Mariscis, archdeacon of Northum- berland, and W. Briwer, two of the ships, with all their apparel, which our sailors captured. And therefore we command you to retain to m 2 164- GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations our use f-] ie }j est Q f those ships, and ffive the of History. * 7 ~ second best to Richard de Mariscis, and the third best to W. Briwer, with all their apparel. —2d June, 14 John. Page 118. The King to William archdeacon of Taun- ton. Know ye that we have given to our beloved and faithful E. archdeacon of Durham, and Philip de Ulcot, one good ship of those which were captured by our sailors off the coast of Normandy. And therefore we command you to let them have that ship. — 9th July, 14 John, A.D. 1212. Page 120. Peter ', &c. to the sheriff of Norfolk and Nicholas de Thorp, greeting. We order you to cause a hundred men of Dunwich to be chosen, fit to guard the sea-coast, and to per- form this business with such secrecy, discretion, and prudence, that the lord the King and ourself may be enabled with good reason to commend your labour. And the expence which you incur for this shall be accounted to you at the Ex- chequer. Witness ourself at Dunton, on the 5th of Sept., 16 John. Page 211. Matthew Paris relates, that about the year 1237 the King's anger was again inflamed against 1 Peter de Rupibus, bishop of Winchester, lieutenant of the kingdom while the King was abroad. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 165 Hubert de Burgh the earl of Kent, because illustrations # of History. Richard earl of Gloucester, while he was yet in his minority and a ward of the King, had privately espoused Earl Hubert's daughter Mar- garet, without the King's licence or consent ; for it was reported that Henry had sought a matrimonial alliance with the young Earl of Gloucester for a near relative of William elect of Valentia, a Provencois by birth. At length, however, Earl Hubert having asserted that lie had no knowledge of the affair, and that he was guiltless of any participation in the act, a reconciliation was effected, after much inter- cession, and the royal indignation appeased by the promise of a sum of money. Matth. Paris, p. 299. The following account of the transaction occurs on the Close Roll of the 22d Hen. III. : On Tuesday, the morrow of St. Michael, Hubert de Burgh earl of Kent came to Eckles, by the King's command ; and the King, ad- dressing him, demanded if he were then willing to resign to him the marriage of Richard de Clare, according to the promise he made at Gloucester, when the King admitted him to his peace, on his giving up all claim to the said marriage ; but Hubert, on being called upon by the King to fulfil his part of the agreement, replied, that as he had not his counsel there m 3 166 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations present he could not well make answer there- of History. a unto ; and, after some delays, the Earl at length came to Kennington, and there acknowledged, that, after the reconciliation had taken place at Gloucester, the King sent for him in the evening, and leading him up to the altar, said that he wished him to swear thereon never again to mention the subject of Richard de Clare, and this he swore, nor ever after either spoke thereof, or took any further measures respect- ing it. But some of the nobles speaking with him on the subject of his daughter's marriage, said, that as it had proceeded so far she ought to be affianced ; and then came the Countess his wife, and fell at his feet, saying, that her daughter had so far committed herself to Richard de Clare that she could not be wedded to another, and that her daughter could not, there- fore, be married then : however, from his wife's speech he could not be certain whether a mar- riage had taken place between the said Richard and his daughter ; and he said that his wife told him that a marriage had been celebrated between them at St. Edmonds whilst the Earl was besieged at Merton ; and on being asked how he interpreted the oath, he replied, that the King understood it as meaning to resign to him all claim to the marriage, and he un- derstood it so too. And the Earl further ac- knowledged that the King told him when he GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 167 made the Oath that he should not have his Illustrations of History. favour unless he did so. And the Earl after- wards came and asked for a further day to cer- tify himself fully, in order that on such day he might positively resign the marriage if he could, and if he were not able to do so, he would make amends according to the judgment of his peers ; and a day was appointed him, on a pro- mise not to ask for farther delay. Peter de Colechurch, the celebrated archi- tect of the first London Bridge built with stone, is stated, in the Annals of Waverly, to have died in the year 1205, and to have been buried on the bridge. 1 At page 49 of this Volume is an entry, from which it may be inferred that Peter de Colechurch was, at that time, just deceased. A few of the numerous entries relating to the royal diversions are selected, as showing the partiality of our early monarchs to hawking and the sports of the field. 1 During the demolition of old London bridge in the year 1832, the remains of a body were discovered in clear- ing away the chapel pier, and were probably those of Peter de Colechurch, the original architect of the bridge, who was here interred : the supposition is strengthened by the fact that the place in which they were found was under the lower floor of the chapel, in an inclosure built up in small courses of free stone. M 4 168 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations The King to his beloved friend Walde- of History. ° mer, by the grace of God, the illustrious King of the Danes and Sclavonians, and duke and lord of Holsace, sends greeting, and the affec- tion of sincere love. We send into your land our faithful Brien Hostiarius to purchase birds for our use, and we most anxiously entreat your love to be pleased to maintain him and those who shall accompany him for that purpose, and to suffer them to be under your safe conduct and protection, so that we may be indebted to you for this favour. And the ships which shall convey our birds may come in security to Eng- land to negotiate, according to the form of the letters patent which we have caused to be made thereupon. In the same form a letter was addressed to Absalon earl of Zealand, with this addition, that if the same Brien should stand in need of money, to let him have it, and the lord the King will transmit to him by his messenger such money, when he pleases. Witness Peter lord bishop of Winchester, at Lambeth, 2d Oct., 14th John.— Page 132. The King to John Fitz Hugh, &c. We send to you, by William de Merc and R. de Erleham, three girefalcons, and Gibbun the girefalcon, than which we do not possess a better, and one falcon gentle, commanding you GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 169 to receive them, and place them in the mewes, illustrations * 'of History. and provide for their food plump goats, and sometimes good hens ; and once every week let them have the flesh of hares, and procure good mastiffs to guard the mewes. And the cost which you incur in keeping those falcons, and the expences of Spark, the man of W. de Merc, who will attend them, with one man and one horse, shall be accounted to you at the Ex- chequer. — 21st March, 16 John. Page 192. The King to the sheriff of Dorsetshire, &c. We send to you our three girefalcons to be mewed at Dorchester, commanding you to find whatever is required by Robin de Hauville, their keeper, with his horse and man, and pro- cure for him, for the food of the said girefalcons, young pigeons and swine's flesh, and once a week the flesh of fowl. And the cost, &c. shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 12th May, 14 John. Page 118. The King to Philip Marc, sheriff of Not- tingham, greeting. We send to you Thomas de Weston, with our two girefalcons, namely, Blake- man and the foolish falcon, and with three grey- hounds, and Haukinus de Hauvill with le Refuse our girefalcon, and two greyhounds, command- ing you to let our aforesaid girefalcons be mewed and well kept, and to find necessaries for the aforesaid Thomas, with one horse and his groom, 170 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations an( j the aforesaid Haukinus, with one horse and of History. , . his groom, during their stay with you ; and it shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 16th Feb., 4 Hen. 3. Page 412. The King to the sheriff of Nottingham, greeting. We command you to find necessaries for our beloved and faithful Walter de Hauvill during his stay with you at Northampton, to ensaim Blakeman our girefalcon, and to make him fly three or four times ; and it shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 21st Sept., 3 Hen. 3. Page 400. Gilbert de Hauvill is commanded to let Refuse, the King's girefalcon, which is under the care of Ralph de Hauvill, fly with Blakeman, the King's girefalcon, which is under his care,, and to pay such diligent attention thereto as to merit the King's thanks. — 10th Oct., 3 Hen. 3. Page 401. The King to Philip Marc, greeting. We command you, upon sight hereof, to send to us, in Gloucestershire, Gilbert de Hauvill, with Blakeman our girefalcon, which he has had to mew, and find him his reasonable expences in going thither to us ; also discharge for him the expences which he has incurred since his gire- falcon began to fly after its moulting ; and it shall be accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 5th Nov., 4 Hen. 3. Page 407- GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 171 The King to William de Pratell, and the illustrations of History. bailiffs of Falk de Breaut of the Isle of Ely, greeting. We command you to find, out of the issues of the see of Ely, necessaries for Richard the huntsman, who was with the Bishop of Ely, and for his two horses and four grooms ; also find for his fifteen greyhounds and twenty-one hounds de mota their allowance of bread or paste, as they may require it, and let them hunt sometimes in the Bishop's chase for the flesh upon which they are fed. — 13th March, 17 John. Page 253. The King to Thomas de Samford, greeting. We send to you Robert de Halingee, com- manding you to find for him and Nicholas his companion, with eight of our greyhounds, which they have under their care, such necessaries as they shall in reason require. — 13th March, 17 John. Page 253. The seneschal of Angoulesme is commanded to defray the reasonable expences of the King's huntsmen, " valtrarii," and dogs and their keep- ers ; and if they should take any fat stag, the flitch or sides, haunches and flank are to be re- served for the King's use ; and the tongue and the lard are to be sent to the Queen. — 1214. Page 169. Prices, Wages, and Household Matters. — It would seem, from the numerous payments 17^ GENERAL INTRODUCTION. I «t D w.^] r I?' s ordered to be made, and the innumerable man- Or Xi ISTOR i . J dates for provisions, dresses, and other domestic necessaries, that the whole of the civil and privy purse expenditure must have passed through the Chancery, as the most minute expences and allowances were never satisfied until the order for payment had issued under the Great Seal. In process of time, however, when the business transacted by the Chancery Court became more important and defined in its nature, the exe- cution of this species of business was transferred to other departments. From the account given in Fleta, (lib. 2. cap. 14.) the author of which treatise was con- temporary with Edward I., it appears that all the civil, military, and domestic expences of the Crown were liquidated in the department called the Wardrobe. The description ' of the 1 " Thesaurario [garderobae] cura expensarum Regis et familiae suae committitur, qui cum clerico provido sibi associato pro contrarotulatore recordum habet, ut in hiis quae officium suum contingunt. Officium autem thesaurarii garderobae est pecuniam, jocalia, et exenia Regi facta reci- pere, recepta que Regis secreta custodire, et de receptis expensas facere rationabiles, expensarumque particulas in- breviare, et de particulis compotum reddere ad scaccarium singulis annis in festo Sanctae Margaretae, absque sacramento praestando, eo quod de concilio Regis est juratus, et unde post debent distincte et aperte compotum reddere de om- nibus receptis separatim per se in uno rotulo ; in alio autem rotulo de expensis quotidianis de quibus senescallus audi- GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 173 office of Treasurer of the Wardrobe fully proves Illustrations J r of History. that all the expenditure which, up to this period, had passed through the Chancery, now devolved upon the Wardrobe. The separation, it is con- jectured, took place about the latter part of the reign of Henry III., which may be inferred from the omission (though not entirely so) of similar entries to those which occur in the early part of his reign, as also in that of his pre- decessor. Prices, &c. — The prices of most commodi- ties then in use may here be ascertained, and the following are a few illustrative extracts. Wine 1 . — Cost of 50 tuns, 125 marks. Some- verit compotum simul cum thesaurario et consocio suo ; item de necessariis expensis, in quibus emptiones equorum, cariagia, et plura alia continentur ; item de donis, item de eleemosynis et oblationibus ; item de vadiis militum, item de vadiis balistariorum, item de feodis forinsecis, item dc praestitis vel accommodationibus. Item de expensis garde- robae, in quibus emptiones pannorum, pelurae, cerse, specie- rum, telse et hujusmodi comprehenduntur, item de jocalibus, item de expensis forinsecis, in quibus diversis onerantur in compoto reddendo ; item de nunciis ; item de falconariis." (Fleta, lib. ii. cap. 1 14. p. 78, of Selderis Edition.) 1 Hoveden relates, (pp. 796, 797,) that King John, on his return to England in October 1200, ordered that wine of Poictou should not be sold in this country for more than 20*. per tun ; wine of Anjou for not more than 24*. per tun; and French wine for not more than 25s. per tun. By retail, that Poictou wine should not be sold at above 4c?. per quart, and White wi?ie not above 6d. per quart. But this 174" GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations times ^7^ ^{ n Q f GaSCOnV, 30s. per tllll. of History. j r Wine of Aucerne, 2 and 3£ marks per tun. French wine, 2^ marks per tun. Horses. — The prices of these animals vary from d J l4> to £50 Anjou. Fat Hogs. (Bacones.) — Prices, from 2s. to 4s. each. Wool. — Price, £Q 15 s. per sack. Taking the bad with the good, 6 marks per sack. Salt. — Price, 10s. 4d. to 5s. per quarter. A mow of Oats, £4> 13s. 4 — from - - - - lo 6J " Arbalisters, " with two horses - - each 13 — with one horse 7j — " Servientes pedites" each 3 — (as appears at page 250. " Sci- entes quod tat est consuetudo curie nre quod servientes pedites non percipiant per diem nisi tres denar") Sappers and Miners each Sailors - each The Esterman (Steersman ?) Notices of wages due and payments made to nuncios and messengers, sent with letters or messages on the affairs of the King, are also very numerous. Messengers going from place to place in England received 3d. per diem. Persons employed upon missions out of the country were paid accordingly. One who went into Gascony had three shillings for his expences; another, for going into Germany, had four marks. 6 — 3 — 7 — GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 177 Some of the foregoing entries are curious, Illustrations ° of History. as showing the intercourse and constant com- munication then existing between this and foreign countries, and may at the same time lead to the elucidation of many points in history relative to our connexion with the Continent. Arts. — One or two items relating to the arts in general will be here sufficient to excite attention to numerous similar entries with which the Rolls abound. At page 381 is a writ of liberate, whereby the Treasurer of the Ex- chequer was commanded to reimburse Walter, the goldsmith who made the King's seal, the five marks of silver used in making the same ; he is also to have, for the workmanship, what will content him ; and, at page 383, we find that the said Walter, whose surname appears to have been " de Ripa" was content to receive 405. for the labour he had bestowed on that work. The beauty and elegance of the seal here alluded to still excites great admiration, on account of the perfection of which it is a proof the graphic art had attained in an age which has been called barbarous. 1 The low rate of remuneration which is said to have contented Walter, the goldsmith, when 1 An engraving of this seal may he seen in the first volume of the late edition of Rvmer's Fcedera. ' 178 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations brought into contrast with modern charges for of History. ° ° similar works, leads us to reflect on the com- parative value of labour in that age as op- posed to the present ; but, in so doing, we must not forget that money then bore a value, ac- cording to the best calculations, about fifteen times greater than it does at present. The shil- lings of that day were three times the weight they are now ; and yet a modern shilling would at that time have bought about five times as much as it will at present ; consequently, one shilling of the coin of Henry III. would pro- duce fifteen times as much as one of William IV. 1 Allowing this mode of computation to be just, if the 42s. received by Walter de Ripa be multiplied by the number 3, to make up for the difference in the weight of silver, and then by 5, for the difference in the value of money at the two periods, the whole will amount to j£3L 10s. of modern English money, as the sum charged for such elaborate work, when artists were scarce, and no competition going on. The same mode of computation is appli- 1 Silver was then twenty pence per ounce. Twelve ounces, or a pound of silver, constituted a pound sterling. A pound of silver in weight now makes three pounds ster- ling ; and consequently as every shilling of that time was in weight the twentieth part of a pound, it must have been equal in value to three shillings of this. Matt. Paris, p. 208. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 170 cable to the other prices of different articles Illustrations r of History. mentioned in this Work. It appears by various entries on the Close Rolls of the reign of King Henry III. that this monarch was a great encourager of the arts, and of painting in particular. The Master of the Knights Templars is commanded to allow Henry of the Wardrobe, the bearer of these letters, to have for the Queen's use a certain great book which is in the house of his order in London, written in the French dialect, wherein are contained the exploits of Antioch ! , and of the Kings and others.— 17th May, 34 Hen. 3. And the fol- lowing instrument probably explains for what reason this book was wanted : Edward of Westminster is commanded to cause the History of Antioch to be painted in the King's chamber in the Tower of London, as Thomas Espernir shall direct him, and the King will allow him the cost incurred therein. — 5th June, 35 Henry 3. 1 Joseph of Exeter, called Josephus Iscanus, a Latin poet of some note, wrote an heroic poem called the War of Antioch, or the Third Crusade under King Richard. It was probably a French translation of this poem that is here alluded to. N 2 180 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations r f lie Subject of the History of Atltioch ap- of History. ° J pears to have been a favourite one with King Henry, for in the twenty-first year of his reign he ordered the History of Antioch, with King Richard's single combat, to be painted in a chamber at his palace of Clarendon. The King, in presence of Master William the painter, a monk of Westminster, lately at Winchester, contrived and gave orders for a certain picture to be made at Westminster, in the wardrobe where he was accustomed to wash his face, representing the King who was rescued by his dogs from the seditions which were plotted against that King by his subjects ; respecting which same picture the King addressed other letters to you, Edward of Westminster ; and the King commands Philip Luvel his treasurer, and the aforesaid Edward of Westminster, to cause the same Master William to have his costs and charges for painting the aforesaid picture, with- out delay ; and when he shall know the cost, he will give them a writ of Liberate therefor. Witness the King at Winchester, on the 30th June.— 40 Hen. 3. Otho the goldsmith is commanded, with- out delay, to put aside the picture which was begun to be painted in the King's great chamber at Westminster, beneath the large historical GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 181 painting: of the same chamber, with the scrolls illustrations L ° of History. containing the figures and representations of lions, birds, and other beasts, and to paint it green, after the fashion of a curtain or hang- ing, so that the effect of the great history may be kept unimpaired. Witness the King at Windsor, on 24th August. — 34 Hen. 3. m. J. Edward of Westminster is commanded to cause effigies of the apostles to be painted round St. Stephen's Chapel, and the judgment-day on the western side ; and in like manner to cause the figure of the blessed Virgin Mary to be painted on a tablet ; so that these may be ready at the King's coming here. Witness the King at Bridgwater, — 14th August, 34 Hen. 3. Edward of Westminster is commanded to order a banner to be made of white silk, and in the centre of the banner there is to be a repre- sentation of the crucifixion, with the effigies of the blessed Mary and St. John, embroidered in orfraies, and on the top a star and a new moon crescent ; and the said banner is to be got ready by Easter. Also to search for a large bough, if it can be procured, for the shrine of St. Edward. — 11th March. Claus. 85 Hen. 3. m. 17. Edward Fitz Otho is commanded to order a bell to be made out of the metal which is n 3 182 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations of History. in his custody, larger than those which were made under his direction the year before ; and if that metal be not sufficient to make it, to buy in London or elsewhere as much metal as shall be wanting, because the King does not wish any of the old bells to be broken up on account of any deficiency of metal ; and he is also to take care that the bell be completed before St. Ed- ward's day. — Claus. 34 Hen. 3. m. 8. Edward of Westminster is again com- manded to get a bell made by the advice of the founder, which, though not so large as the great bell at Westminster, may nevertheless cor- respond therewith in tone. Also to have a large cross placed in the nave of the church at Westminster, and to buy two angels, repre- senting the cherubim, to stand on each side of the cross. — Claus. 35 Hen. 3. m. 19. Miscellanea. — Pensions and Presents to the Nurses of the Royal Family. — The King to his Barons of the Exchequer, greeting. Know ye that we have granted to William Mer- chant, falconer, the Rent of j£7 in Chippeham, which Hodierna, the nurse of the lord King Richard our uncle, had, to support himself during our pleasure ; and therefore we command you to allow the same William so to have that rent of £7, charged in the account of the GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 183 ok History. sheriff of Wiltshire. — 26th April, 4 Hen. 3. illustrations Page 416 b. A similar order to the sheriff of Wiltshire. The King to the sheriff of Gloucester, greeting. We order you, as we have elsewhere ordered you, without let or difficulty, to pay to our beloved Elena, our nurse, the alms which the lord King John our father gave to her, to be received out of your county, to wit, two-pence a day ; and render to her without delay the arrears thereof which are due to her, namely, for three terms ; and you shall have it accounted to you at the Exchequer. — 24th January, 2 Henry 3. Page 349. The King to his barons of the Exchequer greeting. We command you, upon inspection of our rolls of our Exchequer, to allow Eva, the nurse of Richard our brother, to have the pay- ments which you shall find by the inrolment that she had by the hands of the sheriffs of Surrey* Hertford, and London, by gift of the lord King John our father, before the war raised between the aforesaid King John our father and his batons of England ; and likewise to pay her the arrears which are due to her from the day on which peace was concluded between us and Louis. — 26th March, 2 Hen. 3. Page 356. n 4 184 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations The mayor and reeves of AVinchester are of History. j commanded to cause Christiana de Rumes, nurse to the King's daughter Joane, to have every day two-pence to support herself. — 9th Aug. 15 John. Page 150. The King to his barons of the Exchequer, greeting. Know ye that we have given to Margaret, the nurse of Isabella our sister, one penny a day, to be received of our alms by the hands of the sheriff of Hereford, as Roesia la Custurere, deceased, was accustomed to receive it by the hands of the same sheriff; and there- fore we command you to allow the aforesaid Margaret to have the same alms of one penny a day, as is aforesaid.; — 19th June, 3 Hen. 3. Page 393. The keepers of the King's wines at Waltham are commanded to allow Alice, the nurse of Edward the King's son, to have half a cask of wine out of the King's wines which are in their custody, as a present from the King. Witness the King at Winchester, on the 12th July. — 34 Henry 3. Treatment of Prisoners. — The constable of Bristol is commanded to mitigate the duresse of Hugh Poinz, who is under his custody, still GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 185 taking care that his ffuard be ^ood ; and to illustrations ° ° ° of History. allow his friends to bring him what succour - — they please in food and clothing, so that he be safely guarded. Witness the King at Ayles- bury.— 1 6th Sept., 18 John. Page 288. The King to the sheriff of Oxford, greet- ing. We order you to guard safely Gilbert de Stanford, who is in our prison, so that he incur no risk of his life ; and allow Amicia, the wife of the same Gilbert, to have, without trouble, his land of Ricot, with its appurtenances, to support herself and her children therewith whilst the said Gilbert is in our prison. Witness Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciary, at Westminster. —23d July, 3 Hen. 3. Page 397- Prisoners allowed to go out of custody to practice fencing, preparatory to a wager of battle. The King to the sheriff of Lincoln, greet- ing. We order you, that if Walter de Stiveton, taken and imprisoned at the Tower of London for the death of William de Tillebroc, where- upon duel is waged between the same Walter and Roger de Chelvestun, who offers him chal- lenge on this occasion, shall find you four and twenty good and lawful men of your county, who will undertake to have him before our justices at Westminster, in eight days of 186 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations St. Michael, to fight that duel with him, then of History. . to accept for this such four and twenty good and lawful men, and signify the same by your letters to the constable of the Tower of Lon- don, making known to him their names ; and we have commanded him, upon your signifying this to him, to deliver from prison the aforesaid Walter on the bail of the aforesaid lawful men, in manner aforesaid. And the said constable is commanded, upon receipt of the sheriff's in- structions by letter, informing him of his having done as has been said, immediately to deliver the aforesaid Walter from prison in the manner prescribed ; and in the meantime to keep the same Walter in free prison, so that he may live on his own resources, and learn to fence. — 25th July, 4 Hen. 3. Page 424. The King to the constable of Winchester, &c. We command you to permit Sir Jordan de Bianney, knight, whom you have in our prison, to go out of custody twice a day, or oftener, to fence, and in his place retain in prison Oliver de Vaux until his return ; and when he returns then permit the same Oliver to depart and go where he will ; and as you love all you possess, and your own body, do you see that the same Jordan be safely kept. Wit- ness ourself at Brockenborough. — 22d July, 9 John. Page 88. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 187 Erection of Gibbets. — Henry, by the grace ^ummmm u j j OF History. of God, &c., to the sheriff of Middlesex, greeting. We order you to cause to be made, without any delay, in the place where the gallows were formerly erected, that is to say, at the Elms, (ad Ulmellos,) two good gibbets of strong and excellent timber, for hanging robbers and other malefactors ; and the cost which you may incur for this shall be accounted to you, by the view and testimony of lawful men, at the Exchequer. Witness Hubert de Burgh, our Justiciary, at St. Albans. — 22d May, 4 Hen. 3. Page 419. Political Economy. — The King to Thomas Fitz Anthony, greeting. We command you not to suffer the men of Waterford, or any other persons of our dominion, to prevent Geoffry de Campvill, or our other barons of England, from bringing freely and without let into England their stock as well of corn as other things, for the improvement of our realm of England.— 25th April, 2 Hen. 3. Page 359. Articles ordered by the King. — The King to Hubert de Burgh, &c. We command you to send to us immediately, upon the sight of these letters, of sulphur, of tallow, of gum, and of pitch, each ten pounds, and four pounds of quicksilver; and if we stand in need of more 188 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. illustrations to p rov ide us therewith. Witness ourself at of History. l Roche-aux-Moines. — 23d July, 16th John. Page 167. Secrecy observed in moving the King's trea- sure. — The sheriff of Devon is ordered to find a good and secure ship for the King's messen- gers, whom he is sending to Poictou, to convey his treasure thither, and to take care that such ship be the first that goes, lest rumours be divulged of the King's treasure before it arrives in Poictou ; and the cost will be allowed at the Exchequer. — 25th July, 9 John. And on the 30th of July following the same sheriff is ordered to procure such ship at the lowest possible price. Page 89. Persecution of the Jews. — The sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk is commanded to make proclamation in the city of Norwich, and in all the good towns of those counties, that no christian woman shall henceforth serve the Jews in nursing their young children, or in any other office. Witness the King at Westminster. — 20th Nov. 19 Hen. 3. Attendance on the Queen at dinner. — The King to Ralph de Ralegh and Geoffry de Martigny. We send to you the two sons of Richard de Umframville, namely, Odinell and GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 189 Robert, and command you to let them wait daily illustrations " •'of History. before the Queen at dinner. But their pre- ceptor is not to come before the Queen. Let them also sleep at night in the hall, and see that they be honourably attended to. Witness the King at Durham. — 3d Sept. 14< John. A.D. 1212. Page 123. Co stly Drinks prepared for* the King. — The keepers of the King's wines at Winchester are commanded to deliver to Robert de Monte Passalano any quantity and quality of wine that he may choose to have, to make therewith costly and delicate drinks for the King. Witness the King at Ludgershall.-—26th Nov. 34 Hen. 3. Some of the entries relative to the build- ing and repairing of the King's palaces, castles, and houses, are extremely curious. In one, at page 52, Ralph de Neville is there ordered to have the King's kitchen at Clarendon covered with shingles l , and the King's houses there to 1 Cindula in orig., for Scindula or Scandula, ' a lath or shingle.' " Scindula est latus asser quo domus cooperitur." Ducange. " Tenuis lamina ex ligno fissili ad varios usus, et praesertim ad tecta domorum, a sca?idendo, quia in tectis ita disponuntur scandulae ut alia aliam scandat. Sunt qui putant non a scandendo, sed a scindendo duci, et scindula scribi jubent." Facciolati. See also An Account of a survey of the manor and forest of Clarendon, 1 Ed. I. 1272, in the Archaeologia, vol. xxv. 190 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Illustrations be properly repaired ; also to procure two new kitchens to be built for cooking the King's dinner, one at Marlborough, and another at Ludgershall ; and in each kitchen to cause a furnace to be erected large enough to cook two or three oocen. Godfrey de Lyston, the keeper of the King's forest of Windsor, is commanded to give from out of that forest to Gilbert the King's carpenter at Windsor, as much timber as he will require to repair the hall and chambers in the upper castle of Windsor, where the King's children were nursed. — 22d Jan., 40 Hen. 3. At page 95 is an entry which touches upon a domestic custom, then, and long afterwards, practised in this country. The Barons of the Exchequer are ordered to account with Robert de Leveland for what he had expended in straw, and for the laying Jlne sand in the King's houses at Westminster, when the King slept there on the Friday \ Saturday, and Sunday next before the feast of All Saints, in the ninth year of his reign. 1 The King was at Westminster on the 26th, 27th, and 28th of October 1207, the days here mentioned. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 1£)1 The Editor cannot close this Introduction without acknowledging with thanks the zeal and talent evinced by His Majesty's Printers during the progress of this Work through the press. Thomas Duffus Hardy. Record Office Tower, 18th April 183.1. London: Printed by George Eyri and Amhmw Spottiswoode, Pi inters to the King's most Excellent Majesty. 1833. 4tl » 5 5 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below U, MAY 2 4 1956 Oec 26 '58 APR 14 1959 JAN 1 1 1960 APR i 3 1961 REC'D MID SEP 1 l ^ 61 3 I "»r&\ jj» l.XS*" 1 RECE IV MAIN LOAN DdSK iN - A.M. or in 1,-9 PM-1,' 12(8310) D P.M. -|j2| ? l4lBlfe.J UNIVERSITY OFCALIPG AT LOS ANGELSS UBRARr