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^ THE
FRANCISCAN
MISSIONS
ARIZONA AND SONORA.
Scale of ililes.
50 J 011
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THE
FRANCISCANS IN ARIZONA
BY
Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, 0. F. M .,
Author of "-The Franciscans in California,''
WITH A MAP AND NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS.
CUM PERMISSU SUPERIORUM.
Printed And Publtshed At The
HOLY CHILDHOOD INDIAN SCHOOL,
HARBOR SPRINGS, MICHIGAN.
1899.
^t&fOBi accordiiiR to Act of Congress in the Year ViSSt, Uar
Zephyrin Engelhardt,
In the OiEco of the Librarian of Congress-
To
The Martyrs of the Colorado —
CO Fathers Francisco II. Garces^ Juan Diaz,,
=" ^^an Barreneche^ and Jose M atlas Moreno —
.^ ITiis Volume is Most Affectionately
^ J?£dicated by their Brother in Christ—
^ The Author.
zs
■•««
C3
27-
Some hints concerning the pronunciation of Spanish
names and words occurring in this book.
A like ci in a//. E like <> in ///cr.
I like the / in f/f. O like o in so.
U like 00 in tiioon.
C, (in America t^encrally), before / and e
has the sound of .? in so, otherwise
it has the sound of r in care.
G, (before c and /), is sounded like // in In 11:
otherwise like s: in ffix'c.
H is silent.
J is pronounced like // in hall or /////.
LL as in Wi//iam.
n as ni in o])i«/on, or like ny.
Q like k.
X has the sound of // in liat.
Y, when it stands alone, has the sound of pc:
otherwise as in Englis^h.
Z should be pronounced like /// in think
or halh: but it is frequently sounded as '
in English.
Ch is pronounced like ch in charily.
Other letters are sounded as in English,
— I —
PREFP(5E.
The present volume may, not inaptly, be regard-
ed as a kind of supplement to "The Franciscans in
California," since much that is related here occurred
on California soil, and will be better understood in
connection with that work.
We have chosen this title, however, because the
Fathers whose missionary labors we have attempted
% to describe, and whose principal field of activity was
Arizona, were sent out from entirely different head-
quarters. The Fathers of Southern Arizona and So-
nora came from the missionary colleges or semina-
ries of Queretaro and Jalisco, whereas the California
Fathers were subjects of the College of San Fernan-
do in the City of Mexico ; and the sons of St. Fran-
cis that entered Arizona in the north were members
of the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul of New
Mexico. Nor could the author confine this historical
narrative to Arizona alone, because, at the time the
Franciscans labored in that territory, the boundary
lines were not so distinctly defined as now. In fact
the region was known by another name — Pimeria Alta.
This comprised the southern part of Arizona and the
northern part of Sonora, and was in charge of the
Queretaranos, as the Franciscans from Queretaro
were called.
As a rule, the author has confined himself to a
recital of such historical facts as he deemed of suffi-
cient importance to preserve the memory of the he-
roic men that braved climate, hardships, and perils
for the honor of the Seraphic Order, the salvation
of the natives, and the love and glory of God. This
course may have rendered the book less entertaining,
— II —
but it secured accurate history in a smfrircoiflpa*ss.
For a long; time the field once cultivated by the*'
old "Padres'' lay deserted; but of late years the
work which Masonic malice and intrigue liad inter-
rupted, has been resumed by members of the same*'
Order that for three centuries made such faerifices in;
Arizona and other Spanish possessions. This time it"
is not the South that furnishes the labors, but the
East. The provinces of the Sacred Heart of Jesus;-
and of St. John the Baptist are now endeavoring to
reclaim the territory so long occupied l)y their Span-
ish predecessors. May the same ardent zeal, persist--
ent energy, and heroic patience that characterized
the Queretaranos animate their brethren of our time. '
The Province of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, St^-
Louis, Mo., has accepted Southern Arizona, and thua-
follows in the footsteps of the College of Santa Cruz,
Queretaro; whilst the Province of St. John the Bap-
tist has embraced the north, once under the jurisdic- -
tion of the New Mexican Fathers.
May the sons of both provinces vie with one an--
other' as true disciples of St. Francis in rescuing the •
natives from the dense ignorance and cold indilfer--
ence that have so firm a hold upon them now. The
dreams of the intrepid Fr. Mdrcos de Niza and off
the apostolic Fr. Carets may then be realized, and-
Arizona truly become "£/ Uuevo Reino del San Fran-
cisco'''' as the discoverer of the territory na-naed Ari--
zona in 1539.
— I i ^
Ill
PART I.
GENEEAL HISTORY
CHAPTER I.
The DiscoverRr of Arizona. His coursf^ through Sonora and
Arizona. Description of the Seven Cities. Incidents of his
'tour. The Seven Cities. Cibola or Zuni. The New Kin«:dom
of St. Francis. Niza's critics. Bancroft. Shea. Winship Pg,rk-
er. C. F. Lummis ^ !•
CHAPTER II.
Fr. Mdrcos and companions. Franciscans with Ofiate. March
througrh Arizona. First martyr. Other Franciscan martyrs.
The Pimerias. Fr. E. Kino, S. J. Other Jesuits. State of the
missions .^.. 20.
CHAPTER III.
Franciscans of Queretaro and Xalisco called. Ditliculties. The
missions accepted 'in the Pimerias. State of the missions.
Fathers Sarobe and Buena. Don Galvez. Mission temporali-
ties 30.
CHAPTER IV.
■Galvez and Buena visit the rebel Seri. Illness of Don Galvez.
Fr. Garc^s at San Xavier. His first trip to the Gila. Illness
of Fr. Garc^s. Guevavi destroyed. Epidemic. Second mission-
ary tour of Fr. Garces. Indian gods. Garc(?s proposes mis-
sions on the Gila. Fr. Buena resif^ns. New missionaries.
The Yumas. Third trip of Fr. Garc(js 15.
CHAPTER V.
Fr. Buena Resis^ns. His death and biography. The missiona-
aries slandered by the governor. Fr. Gil de Bernave made
president. Founding of tke missions among the Seri and the
Tiburones. Indifference of the Indians. Murder ©f Fr. Gil.
His Burial. Biography. The Queretaranos leave Texas.
Fr. Antonio Reyes's Report on the state of the missions in
J772.... 61.
— IV —
CHAPTER VI.
Captain Anza's first expedition overland to Monterey. Fathers
Garc^s and Diaz. The junction of the Gila and Colorado. Fr.
Garces' attempt to reach the Moqui. Appeal in behalf of the
missionaries. Preparations for a second expedition. Transfer
of the Pimeria Baja missions 77.
CHAPTER VII.
State of the missions. Petition of the procurador. Expedition
from Sonora to the Port of San Francisco, California. Fath-
ers Garces, Font, and Eyzarch 86.
CHAPTER VIII.
The missionary tour of Fr. Francisco Garces along the Colora-
do and through southern California. His reception every-
where 99-
CHAPTER IX.
Fr. Francisco Garces and his trip to Moqui. His reception. He
returns to San Xavier del Bac 110.
CHAPTER X.
State of the missions. Indian raids. Destruction of Mission
Santa Maria Magdalena. Murder of Fr. Felipe Guillen.... 120.
CHAPTER XI.
Reception of Palma in Mexico. Change in the government.
Promises to Pahua. De Croix's letters. Orders of the king.
Missions delayed. Indians and Fathers disappointed. Change
in the plans. Fathers Garces and Diaz go to the Colorado.
The situation on the Colorado. Fr. Juan Diaz visits De
Croix at Arizpe 124.
CHAPTER XII.
De Croix. Two pueblos to be founded on a new plan. Remark-
able regulations. Protest of Fr. Garces. Bancroft's opinion.
Spanish contempt for the Indians. Rage of the Yumas. Ef-
forts of the Fathers. Palma arrested. The Yumas. Don Rive-
ra 131.
CHAPTER XIII.
Indians grow insolent. Grief of the Fathers. Their efforts.
Attack on Concepcion. Fr. Barreneche's heroic deed. General
massacre at San Pedro y San Pablo. Slaughter of Rivera
and his men. Return of the savages to Concepcion. Murder
of Fathers Garces and Barreneche. Burial. Discovery of the
bodies of the four martyrs. Transfer of the bodies to Tubu-
tama 141.
CHAPTER XIV.
The martyrs of la Purisima Concepcion. Fr. Francisco Garcps
and Fr. Juan Barreneche l-^l.
CHAPTER XV.
Tho martyrs of San Pedro Y San Pablo. Fr. Juan Diaz and
Fr. Jose Matias Moreno 163.
CHAPTER XVI.
Founding of the Cnstodia de San Cdrlos. Magnanimity of the
defim'tors. Death of the first custos. His successor. The
statutes. Petition of the Fathers. The College of Queretaro.
Dissolution of the custody. Indian priests. Franciscan Bish-
ops in Souora 1^*^-
PART 11.
LOCAL HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
Arricivita's "Cronica Serafiea." Missions and visitas. Mission
de Caborca. Fr. Ambrose Calzada. Fr. Pedro Font. Fr. Iba-
nez. Mission de Ati. Fr. FeUx Gamarra. Mission de Tubuta-
m:i. Fr. Guillen. Mission de Saric. Mission de Caburica. Fr.
Carrasco. Mission de Suamca. Mission de Guevavi. Tumaca-
cori. Mission San Xavier del Bac. Tucson. State of the mis-
sion. Church of San Xavier and its builders 179.
CHAPTER II.
San Xavier's modern history. Means to build churches. Des-
cription of the church. Secularization 190.
CHAPTER III.
San Xavier del Bac. Bishop Bourgade's anxiety and generous
offer. Phoenix accepted. First Fathers and Brothers. Histo-
ry of St. Mary's. Improvements. Changes. Work of the Fja-
thers 19^'
CHAPTER IV.
The Moquis. Various efforts to christianize them. Their stub-
bornness. Their misfortunes. The Navajos. Rt. Rev. J. A.
Stephan. Rev. Mother Katharine. Founding of the Navajo
mission. The first Fathers. Prospects 201.
APPENDIX.
I.— Petition of Fr. President Barbastro, and reply of Don Fa-
ges regarding the martyrs of the Colorado 212.
II.— The Colorado River Mission Sites 216.
III.— Indians in Arizona 219.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Frontisijiece pagp-
Map of Arizona and Sonora Missions 1.
San Xavier del Rac 6.
Yumas, Young Men 26.
Pima Indians and Chapel 34.
Papago dwellings, (two) 47.
Fr. Francisco H. Garces 49.
Yuma Village 60.
Fr. Junipero Serra 78.
Mission San Francisco 89.
Casa Grande 92.
Giant Cactus 92.
Fr. Jayme's Death 96.
Mission San Gabriel 105.
Mission San Diego 117.
Yuma Boys 152.
College of Santa Cruz, Queretaro 168.
Very Rev. Fr. Kilian Schloesser 178.
Chapel at Tempe 179.
Nave of San Xavier 191.
Sanctuary of San Xavier 194.
Church at Phoenix 198.
Franciscan Community at Phoenix 199.
Most Rev. P. Bourgade 200.
School at Tempe 204.
Very Rev. Fr. Raphael Hesse 209.
San Miguel de los Navajos 210.
Navajo Indians 221.
The Colorado River 22.^.
/
CHAPTER I.
The Discoveree Of Arizona— His Course Tirr.ouGii Soxora A\d Arizo-
na—Description Or TiiE SEVE>f Cities -iN'ciDENTS Of His Tol-r-The
Seven Cities-Ctbola Or Zuni-The New Kingdom Of St. Francis -
Nizi's C.-itio3-3\N':?.J?r— j,iE\— WiX3!ii? Parcs-i-'J. F. L-j.m.ii3.
The honor of having' discovered the territory cova-
prising; Arizonn, and of havin«>; first phmted the Cross
in the very heart of the American continent, more
than a thonsand miles from either ocean, the Mexi-
can Gulf, or Hudson Bay, is due to the zeal of a
son of St. Francis. The survivors cf te ill-fated Flo-
rida expedition under Paniphilo do Narvaez, 1520-
]528, had given such glowing descriptions respecting
the populous towns of which they had heard on their
inarch across the country to Sinaloa, that Fr. Marcos
de Niza, a Franciscan friar, offored to explore those
regions and preach the Gospel to the natives. His o'-
fer was accepted by Viceroy Mendoza of Mexico, who
directed the Father to advance and penetrate into
the interior. "K God, Our Lord, is pleased," said the
pious Mendoza in his instructions, "that you find any
large town where it seems to you that there is a
good opportunity for establishing a convent, and of
sending religious to be employed in the conversion,
you are to advise me by Indians, or to return in per-
son to Culiacan. With all secrecy you are to give no-
tice, that preparations be made without delay, be-
cause the service of Our Lord and tlie good of the
people of the land is the aim of the pacification of
wdiatever is discovered." (1) "The religious was duly
(1) Cronica (le Xalisco, :!05--:«7 ; 325 ; Arricivita, Prol. : "Tlie Spanish PiO'
neers," 78-85; Shoa, Hist. Catli. Church, Vol. 1,114-115 "Soldiers of the
Cross," p. 28-29; Banc, Hist. Ariz. p. 27; Marce'liuoda Civozza. Vol. Vi.
authorized for his mission by letters of obedience
from the Superior, dated at Mexico Aug;ust 27th,
1538. The document also states that Fray Marcos de
Niza was a regular priest, pious, virtuous, and devot-
ed, a good theologian, and familiar Vv-ith the sciences
of cosmography and of navigation." (2)
(21 Salpointe "Soldiers of the Cros.*," paB3 2S ; "1-lth An. Eep." p. 352.
If Fr. .ViTicivita's stitoment in his "Croaica Spraflca," p. 3, bo correct,
tlio honor of being tho first wliito mon that entered Arizona is due to two
othor Francisciuis: Fr. Jaaa da l.i A-*uticiou aud Fr. Pedro Nadal. Thoy
nro faid to linvo loft Mexico in January l.'iUS, and liavo reached a point
on tlio Colorado River at about thirty-flvo dosreos latitude. Fr. .Vrricivita
pays: "El afio do quiuieiitoo treint » y ociio por Etiero salieroa do Mexico,
por el oi'den del Seilo:' Virrey, los Padres Fr. .Juan de la Asuncion y Fr.
Pedro Nadal; y carainando al noruasta conjo soidcientas lepuas, llesaron a
uu rio muy caudalo^o qua no padioron pasar; y el Padre Nadal, que era
muy inteliKent-? en las matamiticas, ob3arv6 1 1 altura del polo en treinta
y cinco prados." From this it seems clear that the two Fathers did not
po boyoud the Oila, thouprh Fr. Arricivita claims that they reached lati-
tude thirty-five, whicli is more liliely an error due to the imperfect iu-
btruments used to make the calculation,
Archbishop Salpointe, followinp Arricivitn, "Soldiers of tho Cross," pa-
pes 0, 2G. r29-i:i(), writes; "The Franciscan Fathers ware the first missiona-
ries who trod tlio soil of the country now called Arizona in its full lensth
from south to northeast. Two of tliesc rclifrious. Fray .Juan da la Asun-
cion and Fray Pedro Nadal, left Mexico in January ITkiV, by commission
of the viceroy, and went as far as a larj-e river which they could not
cross. Tliere Fray Pedro Nadal tooiv the latitude and found it to be thir-
ty five desreos. Tlio next year InWJ, Fray Mftrcos de Niza witli three other
religious joined tlio military (?) espHlitlo-.i, and, travelling north some
ClX) leagues, arrived at the same river, wliich thoy called the ' Rio de las
IJalsas,"' the river of rafts, on account of tho floating apparatus on whicli
tho Indians used to crossed it. The same author adds that this river had
been since called the Eio Colorado. Tlie latitude as they found it was
thirty-four and a lialf dogreos. Nobody will doubt tho identity of the riv-
er on account of the difference of latitude between tho two experiments,
which can bo accountad for by the difference of the instruments of that
time and of those of our day. Another proof of that identity is that the
Fathers, on botli occasions, found the same Indians, the .Vlquedunes (Jal-
clieduuesi, perhaps the same as tliose we call now tlie Algodoiies, who in
17S0 yet lived at the junction of the Gila with the Colorado Eiver."
Mr, Wiuship Parker, "14tli Annual Report of the Bureau of Etlinolopy,"
p. ;i')J, refers to the same story in these words: "About this time, 1537-15;}.H,
Friar Juan da la Avancioa seams to hava vi-iitad the inland tribes north
of the Spinish settlemauts. Tha most probable interpretation of the staff-
m>ntj which rafor t:i his wanderings is that Friar Juan went alone and
without otiicial assistance, and that lie may hava travelled as far north
a; tha River Gila. Tin datiils of his jourasy are hopelessly confused. It
is more than probable that there were a number of friars at work a-
mouc; tho outlyinj; Indian tribas, and tliera is no reason why one or more
of t'.iom may not have v>-antlercd north for some considerable distance."
— n —
"Tlie instructions of the viceroy, a model of care-
ful and explicit directions, Avere lianded to the zeal-
ous missionary in November 15^38. The choice ot a
leader was beyond question an excellent one, and
Mendoza had every reason to feel confidence in the
success of his undertakinji." (3)
After an ineffectual attempt by way of the prov-
ince of Topiza, Fr. Mrircos set out from the town
of San Miguel, in the province of Ouliacan, on
Friday March 7th, ICOO, "willi the assistance and
the favor of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, Our La-
dy, and our Seraphic Father St. Francis," as he him-
self writes in his narrative. Accompanied by Father
Honorato (-i), and taking with him the negro Este-
van, or Estevanico, one of the survivors of the Flori-
da expedition, togetlior with a number of Indians
from Cuchillo, Fr. Mrircos proceeded north to Petat-
Ian, or Rio Sinaloa. Here his companion, Friar Hor^o-
rato, fell sick, so that it was necessary to leave him
behind.
Thence, after tlirce days, "following as tiic Holy
Ghost did lead," lie travelled twenty-live or thirty
leagues, always kindly received l)y the natives. He
saw notliing worthy of notice, except that he met
some Indians from the island of Santiago, (Lower
California) where Cortes luid been.
Continuing for four days througli an uninhabited
district, wliich is the barren tract between the Kio
Yaqui and tlie liio Sonora, a distance of sometliing
more than one hundred miles, he came to a people
who had never heard of the Cliristiaiis. They enter-
tained him kindly, however, and called him "Havo=
(3) Parker, 14 Ann. Rop. papos :'jr,i-:i^:,. "Tlio ins^tructiotis trivcii to l^ri;lr
Marcos have been translated by Handelier in his "rontiibu: 'uiii'^ to tli >
History of the Southwest," p. 100. Tlie best account if Friar Marc<)s aiid
his explorations is tiiven in tliat volume." Ibid. [I) "IW.i \ i. Kj^>n-r.,
:!r)5, Friar Honorato is styled "lay brother."
Salpointo "Soldiers of the Cross," p. 26, ;i(). says that Fr. de Niza was hc
conipauiod on this trip by tho lay-brothers Daniel and Antonio de Siijt.i
Maria. I was unable ta find this informatiou anywhere olsc.
— 4 -
ta,*' or "Sayota," Avhicli in their language signifies
"a man from heaven." Tiiese Indians occupied the
valley of the Sonora River, called by Coronado the
Valley of the Corazones. Here Fr. Mdrcos was in-
formed that four or five days' journey into the coun-
try, at the foot of the mountains, "there was an ex-
tensive plain, v^iierein were many great towns and
people clad in cotton." When lie showed them cer-
tain metals which he had with him, ''they took the
mineral of gold," and told him tliat thereof were
vessels among tlie people of that plain, and that
they carried certain green stones hanging at their
nostrils and at their ears, and that they had certain
tliin plates of gold wherewith they scrape off their
sweat, and that the walls of their temples are cov-
ered therewith;" but as this valley or plain was dis-
tant from the sea-coast, he deferred "the discovery
thereof" until his return. By a reference to modern
maps, it will be perceived that this valley, which
Fr. Marcos was informed lies four or five days' travel
within the country, corresponds nearly with the llio
de las Casas Grandes, where at this day are ruins a-
bout one hundred and fifty miles east of the valley
of Rio Sonora. The ruins at the time of Fr. Mdrcos
must have been famous cities among the Indian
tribes. (5)
The seraphic explorer now travelled three days
through towns inhabited by the people of the Cora-
zones, and then, two days before Passion Sunday,
which in 1539 fell on March 28d, arrived at a town
of considerable size, called Yacupa or Vacapa, forty
leagues distant from the sea, i. e., the Gulf of Cali-
fornia. This place corresponds nearly with the pres-
ent Magdalena on the Rio San Miguel, (6) and its in-
(5) Shea, I. 115; Lieutonant A. W, Whipple in 'Pacific, Kail Boad Reports.'
Vol. III. p 10.5.
(6) Shea says, "San Luis de Vacapa in Sonora." Ibid. ; lltli An. Report
355; Bandelier identified Vacapa with the Eudevc settlement of Matapa
in central Sonora: Banc, agrees with Whipi)le; Hist, del Na.varit, 315;:W0.
habitants were probably the ancestors of tlie Cocopa
Indians, now scattered over the deserts northeastwaid,
and residing near the mouth of the Ixio (yolorado.
The people of Vacapa, he states, showed liini "great
courtesies, and give him large quantities of provis-
ions, because the soil is very fruitful ;;ud may be ir-
rigated." (7)
Fr. Marcos remained at A^acapa until April 6tli, in
order to send to the sea coast and summon fome In-
dians from whom he hoped to secure further inform-
ation about the pjarl islands of w'aich Oabeza de
Vaca had heard on his way from Florida. Meanwhile
he ordered the negro Estevan towards the north, in-
structing him to proceed lifty or sixty leagues and
see if he could find anything that might help them
in their search. If he found any sign of a rich and
populous country he was not to advance farther, but
to return to meet the Father, or else to wait where
he heard the news, sending some Indian messengers
l)ack to his superior witli a white cross the size of a
palm of his hand. If the news was very promising,
the cross was to be twice this size; and if the coun-
try about which he heard promised to 1)0 larger and
better tlian New Spain, a cross still larger than this
was to l)e sent liack.
Estevan started on Passion Sunday after dinner.
Four days later messengers sent l\v him lirought to
the Father "a very large cross, as tall as a man."
One of the Indians who had given the negro his in-
formation accompanied tlie messengers, and afhrmed,
as the friar carefully recorded, "that there are seven
very large cities in the first province, all under one
lord, with large houses of stone and lime; the small-
est one story higli, with a flat roof above, and others
two and three stories high, and the house of the lord
four stories high. They are all united under his rule,
(7) Whfpple p. 1C5.
nnd on the portals of the principal houses there are
many designs of turquoise stones, of which he says
tliey have a great abundance. And the people in
these cities are very well clothed Concerning other
provinces farther on, he said that each one of them
amounted to much more than seven cities."
''All that the Indian told Fr. Marcos was true,"
says Parker," and, what is more, the Spanish friar
seems to have correctly understood what the Indian
meant, except that the idea of several villages having
a common allied form of government was interpret-
ed as meaning the rule of a single lord, who lived in
what was to the Indians the chief, because the most
populous village. These villages of stone and lime,
or rather of stone and rolls or balls of adobe laid in
mud mortar, and sometimes whitened with a wadi of
; ypsum, were very large and wondrous alfairs when
compared with the Luts and shelters of the Seri and
tome of the Piman Indians in Sonora.
"The priest can h.ardly be blamed for translating
a house entrance into a doorway, instead of pictur-
ing it as a bulkhead, or as the hatchway of a ship.
The Spaniards, those who had seen service in the In-
dies, had outgrown their earlier custom of reading
into the Indian stories the ideas of government and
of civilization to which they were accustomed in Eu-
rope; but Friar Marcos was at a disadvantage hardly
less than that of tlie companions of Ccu'tes, when
they lirst heard of INIontezuma, because his experi-
ence with the wealth of the New World had been in
the realm of the Incas. He interpreted what he did
not understand, of necessity, by what he had seen in
Peru." (8)
The story of the Indian did not convince Fr. Mdr-
cos that what he had heard about the grandeur of
tliese cities was all true, and he decided not to
\b) lltli Annual Report, pftECS :;55-;;C6; Wiupplc.
i
»
F
\
*i
r-
>
X
>
<
d
n
r
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n
believe anytliiiii;' until he Imd seen it for liiniself,
or at least liad received additional proof. On the
same day that he received the mcsrajie from Este-
vanico, there canio to him throe Indians whom ho
called Pintados, because their faces, In-easts, and
arms were painted. "These dwell furtlier up in Ihe
country, towards the east, and some of them border
upon the Seven Cities.'' These Pintados, probal)ly the
Pimas and Papaii'os of tlie present day, are still scat-
tered over the country referred to l)y Fr, de Niza
from Santa Cruz Valley to the Gila River, whicli
perhaps may be said to border on the kingdom of Ci-
bol'-. (Zuni). These Indians also i2;ave the explorer an
extended account of the Seven Cities, very similar to
that of the Indian sent by Estevanico. (9)
With these Pintados and his other native atten-
dants Fr. Marcos departed from Vacapa on Easter
Tuesday. He expected to find Estevanico waiting at
the village wliere he had lirst heard about the Seven
Cities; but, though the negro ]iad been commanded
by the viceroy to obey Fr. Marcos in everything, un-
der pain of severe punishment, he had pushed on-
ward,
A second cross, as big as tlie first had l>een re-
ceived from the negro, and tlie messengers that
brought it gave a fuller and much more specific ac-
count of the cities, agreeing in every respect with
what had previously been related. When the Fatlier
reached the village where the negro liad obtained the
first information about tliose cities, he obtained ma-
ny new details. He was told that it was thirty days'
journey from this village to the city of Cibola, which
was the first of the Seven Cities. Not one person
alone, but many, described the houses very partic-
ularly and showed him the way in which they were
built, just as tlie messengers had done. Besides these
(9) Whipple p. 1C6; Uth Au, Rep., !556.
Seven Cities, he learned that there v/ere three other
"kingdoms, ' called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac.
The first of these, Marata, has since been identified
with Matyata or Makyata, a clur3tcr of pueblos,
about the salt lakes southeast of Zuni. Acus is the
Acoma pueblo, and Totonteac was in all probability
the province of Tusayan, northwestward from Zuni.
The explorer asked these people why they went so
far away from their homes, and vras told tliat they
went to get ti:rquoises and cow skins, besides other
valuable thiug>, of all of wliich he saw a considera-
able quantity in the viHage.
Friar Marcos tried to find out how tliese Indians
bartered for the things tliey brought from the north-
ern country, but all he could understand was tliat
"with the sw^eat and ccrvice of their persons they
w^ent to the tirst city, which is called Cibola, and
that they labored there by digging tlie earth and
by other services, and that for what they did they
received turquoises and skins of cows, such as those
people had.'' He noticed fine turquoises suspended
from the ears and the noses of many of the people
whom he saw, (10) and he was again informed that
the principal doorways of Cibola were ceremonially
ornamented with designs made of these stones. (11)
The Indians described the dress of t'.ie inhabitants of
Cibola to be a gown of cotton down to the feet, Avith
a button at the neck, and n long string hanging
down at lie same; and that the sleeves of those
gowns are as broad beneath as above." (12)
The cow skins, some of which were given him,
were tanned and finished so well that he thought
(10) For want of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa Indians to this day
frequently wear rings pendant from the ears and septum. (11) Mr.
Gushing has learned from tradition that this was their custom. 11th An.
Report, : 55-^57; Whipple in Pac. R. R. Report, Voh III.
(12) Ibid. This description is simply that of a Pima cotton blanltet tlirown
over the shoulders, Whipple says, and pinned with a wooden button at
the neck. The natural folds of this garment would prcduce sleeves as
broad beneath as above.
— 9 -
tliey had l)een prepared by men that were skilled in
this work. (13)
Fr. Marcos liad not heard from Estevan since leav-
ing' Vacapa, but the natives told him that the nei^ro
was advancinji toward Cibola, and that he had ijone
fonr or five days. The Father at once determined
to follow the negro, who had proceeded n]) Sonora
Vallej', as Mr. Bandelier traces the ronte. Esteva-
nico had planted several large crosses along the way,
and soon began to send niesseiigers urging the mis-
sionary to hasten, and promised to wait for him at
the edge of the desert whicli lay l)etween them and
the country of Cibola. Fr. Marcos continued his jour-
ney for five days when he crossed the present boun-
dary of Arizona and Sonora, probably west of the
Arizona Mountains. He then understood that after
two days' journey he should lind a desert, where
there would be no food. Before he readied the de-
sert, he arrived at a "very i^leasant town, by rea-
son of the great quantity of water conveyed thither
to irrigate the same." This is the present site of
Tucson. Here he met many people, Ixjth men and
women, cloth.ed in ^'otton, and some covered with
ox-hides, which generally they take for better ma-
terial than that of cotton. All the people of this
village,'' says Fr. Marcos, "go incaconados," that is
to say, with turquoises hanging at their nostrils and
ears,-' which tliey call cacona. (14)
The chief of the village and others visited him
appareled in cotton, "incaconados," and each with a
collar of turquoises about his neck. They gave him
rabbits, quails, nuiize, and nuts of pine-trees, and
offered turquoises, dressed ox-hides, and fair vessels
. to drink from, which h(^ declined. They informed
(lo) "If for ox hides it would be allowed to read buckskin, the account
\v( uld apply to the Pima of the present day," i. e., in l&.',, says Whipple.
(Ill Even at til ^ tini'.> Wliipple w.-otc, it was usual for tlie principal
Indian chiefs of the Gila and Colorado, as well as those of Zufii, to
wear blue stones pendant from the nose.
— 10 —
him that in Totoiiteac there was a great quantity of
woolen ck)th, such as he himself wore, made from
the tieeces of wild animals of the size of two spaniels
which Estevan had Avitli him; possibly the big horn
wild sheep.
The next day Fr. Marcos entered the wilderness or
desert, and where he was to dine he found bowers
erected and food in abundance by a river side, proba-
bly a creek then existing between Tucson and the
llio Gila. Thus the Indians provided for him during
four days that the "wilderness" continued. He then
entered the Gila Valley in the region of the Pima
villages, a valley Avell inhabited with people, who
were dressed in cotton robes, with turquoises pen-
dant from their ears and nostrils, and numerous
strings of the same encircling their necks. Through
this valley he travelled five days' journey, during
which he must have crossed over the Salinas, (Bio A-
zul,) and ascended that river. The country was well
Avatered, and "like a garden abounded in victuals
sufficient to feed above three thousands liorsemen."
The boroughs and towns were from a quarter to half
a league long.
Here he found a man born in Cibola, who had es-
caped from the governor or lieutenant of the same;
for the chief the Seven Cities lives in one of those
towns, called Abacus, and in the rest he appoints
lieutenants under him. "This townsman is a white
man (16) of good complexion, somewhat well in
years, and of far greater intelligence than the inhab-
itants of the valley," or thoFe left behind.
On questioning the Indian closely. Father Marcos
(IC) "If is rcmnrkable Ihnt at tlie picFcnt daj", many IndiaES of Zufli are
wlutP. They claim to bo full-blooded Zuflians, and havo no tradition of
intermarriaco with any foreien racp. The circumstance ereatps no sur-
prise amonp the people; for from time immemorial a similar clasH of por<
sons has existed in the tribe," Whipple, 107
— 11 —
leiirned that Cibola (17) "is a j;'reat city inliabitod by
a great mulitiide of people, and haviiifi many streets
and squares; in some parts of the city there are cer-
tain very i;reat houses, live stories high, in which
the chief men of the city assemble on certain days
of the year. The houses are of stone and lime; tlie
gates and small pillars of the principal houses are of
turquoises; and all the vessels wherein they are
served, and other ornaments of their houses, are of
gold. The other six cities are built like unto this,
whereof some are larger, and Abacus is the chief
of them. (18)
"At the southeast there is a kingdom called Ma-
rata (Casas Grandes?), where there w^ere wont to be
many cities which were built of houses of stone
with divers lofts; and these have and do Avage war
with the chief of the Seven Cities, through which
war the kingdom of Marata is for the most part
wasted, although it yet continues and nuiintains war
against the other.
"Likewise the kingdom of Totonteac lies toward
the w^est, a very mighty province, tilled with great
num])ers of pe()j)le and riches; and in said kingdom
they wear woolen cloth, made of the lieeces of those
beasts previously described; and they are a very civil
I^eople." Fr. Marcos also speaks of a kingdom called
Acus, but its position is not given. The inhabitants
requested him to stay three or four days, because
from this place there were "four days journey into
the desert, and from the entrance into the desert un-
to the city of Cibola are lifteen great days' journey
more." Accompanied by thirty of the principal Indi-
ans with others to carry their provisions, he entered
the second desert on the 0th of May, and travelled
(17) Bandeliar and Cmhin?: raiiutiiu that by Cibola the Indian meant
tli3 whole ran^e occupied by tho Zufii people. See Uth An. Rep. p. ;5W.
(1(S) Ahacus is loadily identified with Ilawikuh, one of the ijvosout ruina
near K'iapkwainakwin, or Ojo Calliouto, about 15 niilos sotithwcst of ZuUi,
-- 12 —
the first day by a very broad and beaten way. At
noon he came to a water, and at nia;ht to another
water, where the Indians provided him with a cottage
and food, and in this manner he travelled twelve
days' journey. At that point he met one of Estevans'
Indians, the son of one of the Indian chiefs accom-
panying the Father, who, in great fright and covered
with sweat, informed him that the people of the first
city had imprisoned and afterward killed the negro.
Estevan, contrary to orders, had hastened to reach
Cibola before his superior, and, just before arriving
at the first city, had sent a notice of his approach
to the chief of the place. As evidence of his position
or authority, he sent a gourd, to which were at-
tached a string of rattles and two plumes, one of
which was white and the other red. When the mes-
sengers bearing the gourd showed it to the chief of
the Cibola village, he threw it on the ground, and
told the messengers that when their people reached
The town they would find out what sort of men lived
there, and instead of entering the i)lace they should
all be killed. Estevan was not daunted on receiving
this answer. He proceeded to the village at once, but
instead of being admitted, he was placed under
guard in a house near by. (19) All the turquoises
and other gifts which he had received from the In-
dians during his march were taken from him, and
he was confined over night with the people who ac-
companied him, without receiving anything to eat
or drink. The next morning Estevan tried to run a-
way, but was overtaken and killed. The fugitives
who brought this news to Fr. Marcos said that most
of their companions also had been killed. There was
much wailing among the followers of Fr. Marcos, and
they threater.ed to decert him, but he pacified them
(191 Tills is precisely tlie method pursued by the Zufiis to day apaiust
any Mexicans vvlio may be found in their vicinity during the performan-
ces of an outdoor ceremonial.
— 13 —
by opening his bundles and distributins;' the trinkets
brought from Mexico. While they were enjoying
these, he v^ithdrew a short distance for an hour and
a half to pray. Meanwhile, the Indians again began
t') think of tiioir lost friends, and decided to kill tlio
Father as Vho indirect cause of th3 catastrophe.
But when hs returnad from his devotions rc-invigD-
rated, and learned of their determination, he divert-
ed their thoughts by producing some of the things
which had been kept back from the first distribu-
tion of the contents of his packs.
Then he explained to tlio Indians the folly of kill-
ing him, since this vs'ould do him no hurt, because he
was a Christian and so would go at once to his home
in the sky, while other Christians would come in
search of him and kill them all, in spite of his own
desires to prevent any such revenge. Moreover, he
told them that he 'proposed to see the city of Cibola
whatsoever came of it.' 'With many other words' he
succeeded at last in quieting them, and in persuading
two of the chief Indians to go with him to a point
whore he could obtain a view of the famous city. Fr.
Mdrcos then proceeded, and after ascending a moun-
tain he viewed the city from the summit. "It has a
very fine appearance for a village," he writes. "It is
situated on a plain, at the foot of a round hill, (20)
and makes show to be a fair city. It is larger than
Mexico, and it is better seated that any I have seen
in these parts." The houses "were built in order,"
according as the Indians had told him, "all made of
stone, with divers stories and Hat roofs."
He learned, moreover, "that the people are some-
what white; tiiey wear apparel, and lie in beds;
their weapons are bows ; they have emeralds and oth-
er jewels, although they esteem none so much as tur-
•.2di Tills J.^criptloa aaswjrj quits WdU for Zufii at tli3 praaaat day, 'says
WliLpplo,' 107.
— l4 —
quoises wherewith they adorn the walls of the por-
ches of their houses, their apparel, and vessels; and
they use them instead of money through all the
country. Their apparel is of cotton and of ox-hides,
and this is their most commendable and honorable
apparel. They use gold and silver, for tliey have no
other metal, whereof there is greater use and more
abundance than in Peru; and they buy the same
for turquoises in the province of the Pintados, wheie
there are said to be mines of great abundance."
Of other kingdoms, Fr. Mfircos says, ho could obtain
no information. (21)
When Fr. Mdrcos expressed his surprise to his In-
dian followers at the apparent greatnesc of the city
of Cibola, tliey told him that it was the least of
them all, because they had so many houses and peo-
ple that there seemed to be no end of them."
Having set up a cross amid a heap of stones in the
siglit of Cibola, Friar M^ircos took possession of that
region in the name of the king, and named the
country ""El N'tcevo Rcino de San Francf'sro:^^ "The
New kingdom of St. Francis." Then lie hastened
l)ack '-with far more fright than food." In two days
he overtook the people he had left behind, crossed
the desert, hurried from the valley, and piissed tlio
second desert. Having arrived at the valley of Santa
Cruz, he determined to visit the great plain he had
been informed of toward the east; but for fear of
the Indians he did not go into it. From it.^ entrance
he saw "but seven good-looking settlements in the
distance, in a low valley, being very green, and hav-
ing a most fruitful soil out of which ran many ri-
vers." (22) He was informed that there was much
irold in this vallev, and that the inliabitants worked
(W Whipple, 107-108. Historia del Nayarit, 315.
(22) Region of tho Casas Grandes in .\rizona, or tlio anciant kingdom of
Marata, Whipple thinks, p. 108; 14tli. An. Rop., Si2\
- 15 -
it into vessels and thin plates, but did not suffer
those of the other side of the i:)lain to traffic with
them. Having set up crosses and taken possession, he
returned to iSan Miguel, in the province of Culiacan,
and linally to Oonipostella, from M'here in June or
July he reported to the governor, whom he had kept
informed by means of messengers from various pla-
ces. In August Fr. Mdrcos went with Coronado to
Mexico, where on the 2d of September he presented
to tjie viceroy a written narrative of his famous ex-
pedition, (28)
''Fr. Mdrco3 de Niza thus stands in history as tlio
earliest of the priestly explorers, who unarmed and
on foot, penetrated into the heart of the country, in
advance of all Europeans, a barefooted friar effect-
ing more, as Viceroy Mendoza wrote, than well-armed
p}.rties of Spaniards had been able to accomplish, and
who more than three ard a half centuries ago initi-
ated a mission of the Franciscan Order, v»-hich was
for years to spread Christian light over the interior
of the continent long before the advance guard of
Protestantism appeared in either Virginia or Massa-
chusetts. Fr. Mdrcos opened the way, but the mis-
sion was not eifectively begun till many zealous
Franciscans had laid down their lives in the attempt
to win the natives to listen to the C-hristian doc-
trines of which ho was the first herald. The point
reached by him was certainly one of the Pueblo
towns near the boundary of Arizona and New Mexi-
co, at degree 85 latitude, whose remarkal^le dwellings
(2:{) Whipple p. 108; Bancroft, :;:!-;;."). The ]4tli Annual KciKUt cf the Eu-
reau of Ethnology, page ;jG2, on the other hand, has the following about
the report of the apostolic traveller: "Here" (Compostella) "ho wrote his
report, and sent the announcement of his safe return to the viceroy. A si"
milar notification to tlie provincial of lis Order contained a request for
instructions as to wliat he should do next. He was still in Compostella
on September 2(J, and as Mendoza and Ctironado also were tlxere ho took
occasion to certify under oath bsforo thorn to ths truth of all that ha
had written in the report of his expedition to Cibola,
— 16 —
and progress in civilization he was the first to make
known.'' (24)
Many Avriters, indeed, have questioned the veracity
of Fr. Marcos, and even chiinied that he did not pro-
ceed further than the dlila ruins, and imagined the
rest. H. H. Bancroft, (25) who does not like to give
the honor of having discovered Arizona to a monK\
and who ascribes the feat rather to his negro serv-
ant, nevertheless has manhood enough to declare;
"The fact that Oorouado, accompanied by Niza to
Cibola in 1540, with all his criticism does not seem
to doubt that the friar actually mnde the trip as he
claimed, is, of course, the best possible evidence a-
gainst the theory that he visited northern h'or.ora,
and imagined the rest. A close examination shows
that nearly all the statements most liable to criticism
rest solely on the reports of the natives, and only a
few, like the visit tothe coast, and the actual view
of a great city at Cibola, can be properly (?) re-
garded as worse than exaggeration ;.... but there is no
good reason to doubt that he really crossed 8onora
and Arizona to the region of Zuni." (26)
"It has been the custom", snys Shea, "to assail
this Franciscan in terms of coarse vituperation; but
the early translations of his narrative contained ex-
aggerations and interpolations not found in Iiis Span-
ish text. This is admitted. Haines, in "Winsor's Nar-
rative and Critical History," follows his real narra-
tive and does not note a ringle statement as false,
or bring any evidence to show any assertion untrue.
That the iSlavajos wove woolen goods, and other
tribes cotton; that turcfuoises were mined in Nev/
Mexico; that the Pue))l(> Indians entered their
houses by a door in the roof, reached by ladders,
(2t) Sh-a, Hist. Catliolic Church in the United States, I, 118; Shea, Catlio-
11c MisHions, 4142. (25) Hist. Arizona and Now Mexico, 27-32. (20) Banc,
Hist. Arizona, 'M; The Spanish Pioa?ors, 78--81 ; O'Gorman, IQ-^hi.
— ir —
miglit appear at the time as false statements, but
are now all admitted to l)e true." (27)
The latest critic on tlie subject, George Parker
Winship, Assistant in American History in Harvard
University, Avritinii' for the Government in the '14th
Annual Report of the Kureau of Ethn()h)iiy,' pai;es
862-;]()8, declares :
"In his official report it is evident that Friar Mar-
cos distinguished with care between what lie had
himself seen and what the Indians Iiad told liim; ))ut
Covins began ibe practice of attacking the veracity and
good faith of the friar, Castaiieda continued it,
and scarcely a writer on these events failed to follow
their guidance until Mr. Bandelier undertook to ex-
amine the facts of the case, and applied the rules of
ordinary fairness to his historical judgement. This
vigorous defender of tlie friar has successfully main-
tained his strenuous contention that Marcos neither
lied nor exaggerated, even when he said that the Ci-
bola pueblo appeared to him to l)e larger than the
City of Mexico. All the witnesses agree that there
light stone and adobe villages impress one who first
sees them from a distance as being much larger than
they really are. Mexico in ]539, on the other hand,
was neither imposing nor populous. The great com-
munal houses, the "palace of Montezuma," had Ijeen
destroyed during or soon after the siege of 1521.
The pueblo of Hawikuh, the one which the friar
doubtless saw, contained about 200 houses, or be-
tween 700 and 1,000 inhabitants. There is something
naive in Mr. Bandelier's comparison of this with Ro-
bert Tomson's report that the City of Mexico, in 1556,
contained 1,500 Spanish households. He ought to have
added, what we may be (luite sure was true, that
the poi^ulation of Mexico probably doubled in the
fifteen years preceding Tomson's visit, a fact which
makes uViza^s comparison even more reasonable-''^
(27) sjicft, Catholic Chureli in C5>!onial Daj^" vol. I, IIT-ILS. ~^
— 18 -
"The strange thing about all these reports is not
that they are true, and that we can identify them
by what is now known concerning these -Indians, but
the hard thing to understand is how the Sjianish fri-
ar cotdd have comprehended so well what the natives
must have tried to tell him.'''' (28)
Bancroft asserts that Fr. Marcos did not visit the
coast, as he seems to intimate, and that tlierefore on
this point at least the Father lies. On this subject
Mr. Parker (29) writes: ''On his way up the valley
of Sonora, Friar Marcos heard that the sea-coast
turned toward the west. Realizing the importance of
this point, he says that he "went in search of it
and saw clearly that it turns to the west in 35 de-
grees." He was at the time between 31 and 31^ de-
grees north, just opposite the head of the Gulf of
California. If Bandelier's identification of the friar's
route is accepted, and it has a great deal more in its
favor than any other that can be proposed with any
due regard to the topography of the country, Friar
Marcos was then near the head of San Pedro valley,
distant 200 miles in direct line from the coast, a-
cross a rough and barren country. Although the
Franciscan superior testified to Marcos' proficiency in
the arts of the sea, the friar's calculation was 3i de-
grees out of the wiiy, at a latitude where the usual
error in the contemi)orary accounts of expeditions i-'
on the average a degree and a half. The direction of
the coast line does change almost due west of where
the friar then was, and he may have gone to some
point among the mountains from which he could sat-
isfy himself that the report of the Indians Avas relia-
ble. There is a ivceh or ten days, during this part of
his journey., for which his narratives gives no specific
reckoning.''''
We shall quote one more non-Catholic writer in
behalf of Arizona's discoverer, and then continue our
(28) 14h An. Rop. ;i59. (29) Hth An. Rep. 359.
— 19 -
narrative. Mr. C. F. Lnmmis says of Fr. Marcos :
"And now we come to one of tlie best-slanderecT
men of them all, Fray Mdrcos de Nizza, the dis-
coverer of Arizona and New Mexico. He was the first
to explore the unknown lands of Avhich Vaca had
heard such wonderful reports from the Indians,
though he had never seen them himself, "the Sev-
en Cities of Cibola, full of gold," and countless oth-
er marvels Now here was a genuine Spanish ex-
ploration, a fair sample of hundreds, this fearless
priest, unarmed, with a score of unreliable men,
starting on a year's walk through a desert where e-
ven this day of railroads and highways and trails
and developed water men yearly lose their lives by
thirst, to say nothing of the thousands who have
been killed there by the Indians. . .Friy Marcos kept
his footsore "vn ay, until early in June, 1539, he actu-
ally came to the Seven Cities of Cibola. These were
in the extreme west of New Mexico, around the pre-
sent strange Indian pueblo of Zuiii, which is all that
is left of those famous cities, and is itself to-day ver-
y much as the hero-priest saw it three hundred and
fifty years ago. ...He has been accused of misrepre-
sentation and exaggeration in his reports; but if his
critics had not been so ignorant of the locality, of
the Indians, and of their traditions, they never would
have spoken. Frau Marcos'' statements ivere absolute-
Ijj truth fuV (30)
All this goes to show that Fr. Marcos told the
truth, and that his tradncers from Cortes down have
only given evidence of their ill-will towards the in-
trepid Franciscan explorer. Cortes himself had later
on to feel the tongue of the slanderer.
(31) "The Spanish Pioneers," 78-80, by C. F. Lummis, Chicago, A. C. Mc
Clurg and Company, 1893; 11. Haines, History of New Mexico, 42-52.
- 20 -
CHAPTEK 11.
Fr. Maecos Axd Companioks— Feaxciscaxs With Oxate— Maech
Through Aktzona— First MAETyR— Other Franciscan Martyrs— The
Pimerias— Fe. E. Kixo, S. J.— Other Jesuits— State Of The Missions.
As we have seen, the first white man to enter
what is now Arizona was the Franciscan Father Mar-
cos de Niza, who crossed the territory from south-
west to northeast in 1589. He again passed through
the same territory with Coronado on his march to
the Seven Cities in the year following. It does not
appear that Fr. Marcos preached to the natives on
either trip, or l)a'ptized any of them. He was accom-
panied on his second tour by Father Juan de la
Cruz, Father Juan de Padilla, and the lay-brother
Luis de Escalona or de Ubeda. (1)
Fr. Marcos did not long remain with tlie expedition
under Coronado after it had reached New Mexico,
but returned thence in the fall of 1540 on account of
feeble health. Hardships and physical sutrering had
nearly paralyzed the body of the already aged man.
(1) There were five friars when the expedition started out. "Los Relipio-
sos eran ciuco," Mendieta, Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana, pape 742; but
the fifth, Fray Antonio Victoria, broke liis thigh at three days' march
from Culiaciin, says Bandelier in American Quarterly Review, Vol, XV, p.
551. Shea, Vol. I, p. 128, tolls us that, "the Franciscan Fathers Juan de
Fadilla, Daniel, and Luis, together with the lay brothers Luis de E:calo-
ua and do la Cruz, also accompanied the expedition of Corouado. Arrici-
vita in "prologo" cited before has: "El siguente aiio de treinta y nuovo (?)
entr6 con otros tres Ecligiosos el Padre Fr. Mfircos de Niza en la eipedi-
cion militar." The "Cr6nica do la provincia de Xalisco,'' pag. 32», has:
"llevando" (i. c. Francisco Coronado) "i5n su compafila a los PP. Fr.
MArcos de Niza, Fr. Juan de Padilla, Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y Fr. Lliis de
Ubeda, y olros dos roligiosos, partioron de Tepic, a primero do Ffbre-
ro del aflo do 15-IU," otc; vUie nlfo 'CrOgie^ d? JvjiUsco,' Lit}. H, pigl.
XXII;XXI1J.
— 21 —
He never recovered his vigor, l)ut died at Mexico in
the year 155S, after havinji' in vain souiilit relief in
the delij;htful climate of Jalapa. (2)
Not till abont forty years later, ]588, did the feet
of foreij>;ners again tread the soil of Arizona; this
time it was an expedition under Espejt), accompaniiMl
by Fr. Beltran, a Franciscan from 8an Bartolome.
This party entered New Mexico from the south, and
crossed the line into Arizona near Zuni, on the way
to the Moqui towns in northern Arizona. Thence Es-
pejo penetrated about fifty leagues farther west or
southwest. He visited maize-producing tribes of Indi-
ans, obtained samples of rich ore in the region forty
or fifty miles north of th? modern Prescott, and
then returned by a more direct route to Zuni. Fif-
teen years later, 1598, just three centuries ago, a
Franciscan, Fr. Alonso Martinez, accompanied an ex-
pedition from New Mexico to Zuni under Ohate.
Like Espejo he not only found crosses at the Zuni
towns, but three Mexicans left there by Coronado in
15-t2. Mo(iui was reached, and formal suljmission was
rendered by the native chiefs on the 9th and loth of
November. (8)
' In IGOJ: Onate resumed his march with thirty men
to go in search of the Mar del Sur (South Sea). On
this memorable expedition he was acccompanied ])y
the Franciscan Fathers Francisco Escobar and San
(2) Fray MArcos was a native of Nizza, then a part of Savoy. lie camo
to Aniftrica probably in VVJl, and accoini)anio<l Francisco Pizarro to Pern
in tlie followiup year. There ho is said to liavo fountleil the Franciscan
province of Lima. In tlie "Croaica de Xalisco," pafje 280, he is styl(>d
"Comisario General del Peru." In the introduction to Velasco, Hist. Eo-
yaume de Quito, as published by Ternaux, also in the preface to Casta-
neda, Rel., V, h(^ is said to have been tlie author of several works on the
conquest anil native races of Quito and Peru. In 1540, on returninj,' from
his famous trip to Cibola, ho was elected third provincial of the Francis-
can province of the Holy Gospel; but during a jrreat part of his term ho
was absent in the north where he lost his health. The famous exjilorer
died in the convent of the City of Mexico on Marcli 2.)t]i, lo.iS. He was
held in preat esteem. Thus for instance, in the ('rfiuica de Xalico, pa.' o
2S0, Fr. Mrtrcos Is called "santisimo var6n ;" and on pape ;!()5 he is said to
be "hombrc docto y muy religioso.' (;i) Banc, Hist. Arizona, U-tC.
— 22 ^
Buenaventura. The former was the Gustos of the
Franciscans in New Mexico. After touching Zuiii and
Moqui, Ofiate crossed the Rio Colorado, as he called
the branch since named Colorado Chiquito, and bes-
towed the names of San Antonio and Sacramento up-
on two branches of the river later known as the Rio
Verde in the region north of Prescott. Much of the
route corresponds in a general way with the line of
the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad of our times. The
natives here wore crosses hanging from the hair on
the forehead, and were therefore called Cruzados.
Onate kept on south west ward down the San Andres
(Santa Maria or Big Williams Fork) to its junction
with the 'Rio Grande de Buena Quia or Colorado
River, called Bio de las Balzas by Father Nadal,
and '•lilo Tlson'' in Coronado's time. Accordiif^' to the
pious Spanish Catholic custom of applying sacred
names to every river, mountain, valley, or locality,
the main eastern branch of the Colorado was beauti-
fully christened Rio del Nonibre de Jesu\ it is now
known as the Gila River. In January 1605 the expe-
dition reached tidewater, and named a fine harbor
Puerto de la Conversion de San Pahlo^ because it
was discovered on the feast of the Conversion St.
Paul, January 25th. On their homeward march the
explorers returned by the same route they had come
along the Colorado. There were ten different lan-
guages spoken on the way by as many different
tribes of Indians; Fr. Escobar, it is said, learned to
speak them all. Food meanwhile became so scarce
that the weary travellers had to slaughter their
horses to sustain life, until they reached San Gabri-
el on the 25th of April. (4)
At the beginning of the seventeenth century the
(4) Banc. Hist. Arizona, 346-358. It was afterwards learned that a Fran-
ciscan had visited this people, and had taught them the eihcacy of the
Cross in making friends, not only of God, but of white and bear led
men who might one day ap,>ear among their!.
Moquis, who like the other Pueblo Indians accepted
Christianity, were often visited by the Franciscans,
and probably were under resident missionaries al-
most continually for eighty years. (5)
In 1G28 or 1629 Fathers Francisco de Porras and
Andres Gutierrez, besides the lay brother Cristobal
de la Concepcion, reached the country of the Moquis
assigned to them. They converted 800 Indians in a
few years. Fr. Francisco seems to have been especi-
ally active in the work of conversion. This exasperat-
ed the medicine men so much that they resolved to
remove him ; but fearing the consequences of an o-
pen attack, they secretly put poison into his food.
The Father felt he was doomed as soon as he had
eaten what was given him, and therefore hastened
to Fr. Francisco de San Buenaventura at Aguatuvi
to ask for the last sacraments. Then he began to
recite the psalm "In Te, Dcmine, speravi," and
while saying the words "In manus tuas, Domine,
commendo spiritum meum," he fell forward and
gave up his soul to its Creator, on the 28th of
June, 1633, at Aguatuvi or Aguatobi. Fr. Francisco
de Porras thus became the proto-martyr of Arizona.
It is not known what became of the other two Fran-
ciscans. (6)
In 1680 there were three Franciscan residences a-
raong the Moquis. One was at Aguatuvi, twenty-
six leagues from Zufii, where Fr. Jos6 de Figueroa,
or Ccfncepcion, was the resident missionary. The mis-
sion was dedicated to San Bernardino. Another resi-
dence was located at Jongopabi, or Xongopabi, seven
leagues from Aguatuvi. It was under the patronage
(5) Banc. His. Ariz. 349. (6) lib. "Martyrs of N. M.," ;)l-33. Fr. Francisco
de Porras was a Spaniard born at Villanueva de los Iiiiantes. Ho received
the liabit of St. Francis at tiie convent of San Franci.-^co, Mexico, on Sep-
tember 12th, 16()6. In 1623 he was master of novices which oihco lie held
for five years. He then asked to be sent to the Indians in New Mexico.
The petition was rranted, and he loft the motherhouse in 1G28, together
with Fr. Andres Giitierrsz and Brother Crist6bal do la Concepcion.
of San Bartolonie. This mission numbered 500 souls.
Attached to Jongopabi was the missionary station of
Moxainabi. Fr. Jose Trujillo was in charge of both
phices. The third residence was at Oraibi, or Oraybi,
more than seventy leagues west of Santa Fe. Its pa-
tron was San Francisco, or, as some claim, San Mig-
uel. The inhabitants at one time numbered 14,000, it
is said, but a pestilence destroyed nearly all. Gualpi,
now Volpi, with 1,200 inhabitants was a missionary
station attended from Oraibi. Fathers Jose de Espele-
ta and Agustin de Santa Maria were tlie mission-
aries. These four missionaries lost their lives in the
great Indian revolt of lOSO. (7)
The Moquis, in 1{)92, like the other native tribes,
professed a willingness to sul)mit to Spanish rule;
but no attempt was made on the part of the Spali-
iards in later years to compel sul)mission. In 1700,
fearing an invasion, the Moquis att'ected penitence,
and permitted the Franciscans Juan Garaicoechea
and Antonio Miranda to baptize seventy-three chil-
(7) Spe "Franciscans in New Mexico;" Banc. 17:5; ;Wn; "Martyrs," 46. Fr.
Jos6 de Fifjueroa was a native of the City of Mexico. He came to the
territory in 1674. His mission was at Ahuatu or Aguatuvi. It is not
known liow lie perislicd, but tlie date of his death was the tenth of
Augu.'-t.
Fr. Jos6 Trujillo was a native of (Mdiz, Spain. He was received into the
Order of St. Francis in 1634. After laboring for some time in the Pliilip-
:.'ine Islands, he came to New Mexico, and was put in charge of Xongo-
pabi, or Mieschongopavi. In 1674 he wroi s to a Father of the province a-
bout a little girl, wlio after ten years of sufferings had been cured of her
sickness through the intercession of Our Lady. The girl told him to warn
the people that after a few years this land would bo destroyed for the
want of respect towards the missionaries. For his part he hoped to see
that time, in order that he might return to his Redeemer the life he had
received from Him. His ardent desire for martyrdom was gratified on the
tentli of August 16*. ("Martyrs" .i:i-.57.)
Fr. Jos(5 de Espoleta was born at Estella, in tlie province of Navarre,
Spain, and camo to New Mexico in 1650. Vetancurt says Fr. Espeleta was
massacred on August 10, 16X0, at Oraibi, together with Fr. Augustia de
Santa Maria. Other writers claim that he was kept as a slave by the In-
dians, and used like a boast of burden, and as an object of ridicule for
old and young. If so his martyrdom was a slow one. ("Martyrs," 48-49.)
Fr. Augustin de Santa Maria was the assistant of Fr. Espoleta. He was
a native of Patzcuaro, MichoacAn, Mexico. He was sent to Oraibi in 1674.
Nothing is known of the manner in which ho suffered martyrdom. ("Mar-
tyrs," 16-47.)
(Ireii; at the same time, however, they declined to be
Christianized, (8) wherefore the Fathers returned to
Zniii, whence Fr. Garaicoechea made a report on Hie
9th of June. It seems that down to 1767, aV)ont sev-
enty-five years, Arizona had no resident Franciscan
missionary in the north, whereas tlie southern part
of the territory was in charge of the Jesuits. From
1719-1745 the Franciscans visited Aguatuvi several
times, but as far as can be ascertained none resided
there permanently.
It is to be observed here that in Spanish and Mex-
ican tim3s tliere was no such province as Arizona,
under tliat or any other name, nor was the territory
divided by any definite boundaries between adjoining-
provinces. The portion south of the Gila was part of
Pimeria Alta, the northern district of Sonora. A
small tract in the northeast was generally regarded
as belonging to New Llexico. The name Moqui pro-
vince was sometimes rather vaguely applied to the
whole region north of the Gila valley. (9) Arizonac,
whence probably Arizona is derived, was the name
applied to a place between Saric and Guevavi. It
is even now given to a mountain range in that vicin-
ity. (10)
Towards the close of the seventeenth century, or
about the year ]()9J, the Jesuit Fathers extended
(8) Bancroft 221-222; "Veto, padre, que todavia no lia llejrado el tiemp )
para quo volvainos a ser Cristianos,'" they said. Ilistoria del Nayarit, Li-
bro III, 4:W. (tl) "Todo aquel dilatado terreno que de.^de la playa do
Caborco so ostiendo liasta el Pre.sidio de Ternate, y comunmente so apel-
lida la Pimeria Alta A distincion de la Baja 6 antifjua, que comprenden
los Indios de la misma nacion Pima, y viven f-n varies puestos desde el
desemboque del Rio Yaqui con poca interpolaciou hasta las misiones de
Tecora y Moris confinatitos." (Historia del Nayarit, 2f<5.) Tims Pimeria
Baja may be said to include all tliat territory of Sonora oxtendins from
the mouth of tlxo Rio Yaqui east and then north to the Rio Altar. Pime-
ria Alt.i would include all tlie tin-ritory north to the' Rio Gila. "Toda la
Pimeria Alta se extiende desde el Presidio de Ternate eu el rumbo de O-
riente {i Poniente, hasta las playas de Caborca, mas de cien legiias, y des-
de la Mision de San Ifjnacio, de Sur 6. Norte, hasta el rio de Gila, otrna
ciea legwas. Arricivita 396. (10) Bancroft, Hist. Arizona, U41-I5.
-- 26 —
their missions in Sonora across the border into Arizo-
na, 160 years after the first Franciscan traversed
the territory, more than sixty years after the first
permanent Franciscan residence was established on
its soil, and about sixty years after the martyrdom
of Arizona's first martyr, the Franciscan Fr. Francis-
co de Porras.
The celebrated Jesuit, Father Kino, crossed the
line from Sonora as far as Tumacacori with Fr. Sal-
vatierra in 1691, and both reached San Javier del
Bac about nine miles south of Tucson in 1692. (11)
In November 1694, he penetrated alone to the Gila
valley in quest of ruins reported by the Indians. He
reached the Casa Grande and said Mass in the a-
dobe structure which had been visited by Fr. Marcos
de Niza in 1539. In 1696 another visit to San Xavier
del Bac is mentioned. (12)
The first formal exploration on the part of the gov-
ernment authorities in this direction was undertaken
in November 1697, by a detachment of military ac-
companied by the Jesuit Father Kino. This party
reached the Gila River at its junction with the San
Pedro, whence they returned southward. Fr. Kino
baptized 89 natives. Again in 1698 Fr. Kino returned
by w^ay of Bac to the Gila ; but no particulars of
this trip are extant. In the next year he reached the
Gila about ten miles above the Colorado junction.
The natives refused to guide him down the river,
wherefore he went up the river eastward, and re-
turned home by way of Bac. On this trip Fr. Kino
named the Colorado Eio de los Jfartires, the Gila
Bio de los Ajjostoles^ and the four branches of the
latter, that is, the Salado, Verde, Santa Cruz, and
San Pedro, Los Evangelistas, names they did retain.
In October of the same year he made another jour-
ney to Bac in the company of two Jesuit Fathers. In
(11) Historia del J ayarit, Libro II, Cap. V. p. ^11-312. (121 Ibid. 315.
YUMAS IN FESTIVAL ARRAY.
- ^7-
April and May 1700 Fr. Kino was again at Bac and
laid the foundation of a large church, which the na-
tives were eager to build, but respecting the further
progress of which nothing is known. In September
Fr. Kino was in the Yuma country, and gave the
name San Dionisio to a Yuma rancheria at the junc-
tion of the Gila with the Colorado. In 1701 Fr. Kino
and Fr. Salvatierra again appeared at Bac and Tum-
acacori. Some time after, the venerable explorer
passed from Sonoita to the Gila and the Colorado,
and visited the Yumas in their rancherias. Early in
1702 Fr. Kino made his last trip to the Gila and Col-
orado, and this was also, as far as known, the last
time he crossed the Arizona line. ''There is no satis-
factory evidence," says Bancroft, "that Arizona had
either a regular mission or a resident Jesuit before
Kino's death in 1711. A few rumors of padres sta-
tioned there can be traced to no definite source ; and
the whole tenor of such records as exist is against
them." (13)
After Fr. Kino's death, for more than twenty
years, no Sj^aniard is known to have entered Arizona.
It is not unlikely that a missionary may have visited
the rancherias of the Santa Cruz valley, but there is
no record of such trips into Arizona. All communica-
tion gradually ceased ; the Gila tribes forgot what Fr.
Kino had taught them, and even the nearer Pimas
and Sobaipuris lost much of their zeal for mission
life. Only two or three Jesuits are known to have
worked in the field of the Pimeria Alta near the Ar-
izona line before 1730. (14)
In 1731 there came a small reenforcement of Jes-
uits; two of them were sent to the n(n"th and ef-
fected what may ])e regarded as the first Spanish
settlement in southern Arizona. Fr. Felipe Segesser
(13) Historia del Nayarit Libro II, 330-:»2; Banc. Hist. Ariz. 352-361.
(14) "Eq casi veinte afios quedaron sin ministros," Hist, del Nayarit, L.
Ill, 423-436; Banc. Hist. Ariz., 364-306.
— 28 —
took charge of San Javier del Bac. and Fr. Juan
Baptista Grasslioffer of San Miguel de Guevavi,
which from this time may be regarded as regular
missions, the other rancherias becoming visitas or
missionary stations. It is probal)le that during the
rest of the Jesuit period the two missions were but
rarely without priests. Fr. Grasslioffer died ; Fr. Gas-
par Steiger w^a3 at Bac in 1733-1736; and in 1750 the
missionaries were Fr. Jose Carucho at Guevavi, and
Fr. Francisco Paver at San Javier del Bac. In 1736-
1737 Fr. Ignacio Keller of Suamca in Sonora mado
two trips to the Gila and visited the Casa Grande.
He found that many of the rancherias of Kino's
time had been broken up.
In 3743 Fr. Jacol) Sedelmair of Tubutama reached
the Gila, and in the following year attempted to vis-
it the Moqui in the north, but owing to the unwill-
ingness of the Indians to guide him he did not get
beyond the Big Williams Fork.
In 1750 occurred the second revolt of the Pima
tribes, in wliich two missionaries, at Caborca and
Sonoita, were killed, as were about 100 Spaniards.
Bac and Guevavi were i)lundered and abandoned, but
the two Jesuits escaped -to Suamca. Peace was re-
stored in 1752 and the 'missions reoccupied in _1754.
(15)
During the remaining years of the Jesuit period,
1754-1767, the missions of the Pimeria Alta barely
maintained a precarious existence. "A few neophytes
were induced to remain faithful, but the natives
lived for the most part as they i)leased, not openly
rebellious, nor disposed to molest tlie padres, so long
as the latter attempted no control of their actions,
and were willing to take their part in quarrels with
settlers or soldiers. Missionary work was at a stand-
still." Exactly h.ow long the missions had been aban-
(15J Dane. Hist. Ariz. 362-369; Hist, del Najarit, 43>153.
— 29 —
cloned after the revolt of IToO is not known ; but in
lT(v] Fr. Alonso Espinosa was in cliariie of Bac, as
lie was still at the time of the Jesuit expulsion in
1707. At (juevavi the missionaries were Fr. I^iiacio
Pfelferkorn in 170^5, Fr. Jinieno in 17<)4, and Fr. Pe-
dro Rafael Diez in 1 7(57. The ranchcria of Tucson
was a visita of Pac in tliese years, and a few iSi)an-
isli settlers seem to have lived there; but in 17(58 it
was, like the mission, aba!idoned by all except a
few sick and inlirni Indians. Tliere were also nearly
200 Spanish settlers at Guevavi, Santa Barlnira, and
Buenavista. The missionary stations of Tumacacori
and Calabazas were composed of Pima and Papai:;o
neophytes; but the latter had run away in 17()8. Rr-
specting the expulsion of the devoted Jesuit Fathers
by the Free Mason government of S])ain in 17()7
nothing is known, except the names of the three Fa-
thers Espinoza, Diaz, and Barera, the latter at Suam-
ca. The whole nundjer of neophytes in 17G4-1767
seems to have been about 1,250.
From the Si)anisli names on early maps the conclu-
sion has been drawn that, ui) to the Gila valley, Ari-
zona was covered with ])rosperous Spanish missions
and settlements which had to be abandoned later in
consequence of Apache raids; but the truth is, there
was no Spanish occupation beyond a narrow region of
the Santa Cruz valley, and even there were only the
two missions Bac and Guevavi, with a few rancher-
ias de visita under resident missionaries from 17o2,
or possibly 1720, and protected in tlieir precarious
existence by the Tubac presidio from 1752. The Span-
ish names of saints were simply those applied by Kino
and his associates to the rancherias visited on their
exploring tours, whose inhabitants, in some instances,
were induced to make preparations for the reception
of the missionaries promised, but who never came. It
has also been the fashion to regard Tucson as a more
or less prosperous town from a very early time,
— 30 —
Some writers even date its foundation in the six-
teentli century, though, as a matter of fact, it is not
heard of even as an Indian rancheria till the middle
of the eighteenth century, and was not properly a
Spanish settlement till the presidio was moved there
in later years. (IG)
After the Masonic government of Spain in 1767
had expelled the devoted Jesuits, all the mission
property, since it was regarded as belonging to the
missionaries and not to the Indians, was confiscated,
and its care temporarily intrusted to royal comisiona-
dos. The result was that in 1798 the viceroy wrote :
"There is no reason to doubt that they either wasted
or embezzled the rich temporalities of all or most of
the missions, and that these funds were lost, and de-
cadence or ruin could not be prevented." (17)
CHAPTER III.
Franciscans Of Queretaeo And Xalisco Called— Difficulties— The
Missions Accepted In The Pimerias— State Of The Missions— Fath-
ers Saeobe And Buena— Don Galvez— Mission Temporalities.
When the Masons had succeeded in getting the Je-
suits removed, the southern Sonora missions were se-
cularized and placed in charge of secular priests, but
those of Pimeria Baja and Pimeria Alta, which lat-
ter included the southern part of Arizona to the Gila
River, were offered to the Franciscans. For this pur-
pose Viceroy La Croix requested the guardian of
the missionary college of Santa Cruz at Queretaro
to furnish fourteen or at least twelve religious to
(16) Banc. 37;!-374. (17) Banc. Hist. Texas and North Pacific States, I, 704;
Hi.st. Arizona, 375; Vide also "The Franciscans in California" (or .simi-
lar results,
— 81 —
take charge of the missions in Pimeria Alta and Ba-
A numl)er of missions in Pimeria Baja were given
to the Franciscans of the province of Xalisco, who
were to furnish eleven missionaries.
Fourteen religious out of a larger number that had
volunteered were therefore selected at Queretaro for
the northern missions. On the 5th of August, 17B7,
the whole community assembled in the chapel, and
after singing the Tota pulchra es^ Maria^ to obtain
the protection of the Mother of God, the new a-
postles embraced their brethren, and then set out
for their long journey "with the blessing of God and .
St. Francis." The superior of the little seraphic band
was Fr. Mariano Antonio de Buena y Alcalde. (1)
On the 26 of the same month they reached Tepic in
Xalisco, where they were hospitably received at the
convent of Santa Cruz belonging to the Franciscans of
Xalisco. The Jaliscans who were to take charge of
the missions in Pimeria Baja, and the Fernandinos
who were on their way to Lower California for the
same work, also met at the hospice about this time.
The religious were all detained at Tepic for about
five months before they found an opportunity to de-
part for the north. At last, on the 17th of January
the Fathers left Tepic, and on the 20th the fourteen
destined for Pimeria Alta, together with those ap-
pointed for California, embarked at San Bias on
the two ships San Carlos and Lauretana. One of
the vessels was driven back to San Bias by a
storm, and the other Avas forced to make for Mat-
(1) Arricivita, 394-95. Arricivita says that Fr. Euena was also appointed
Apostolic Prefect. He does not give the names of the thirt<^en compan-
ions, but as nearly as can be puessed from Bancroft they were as
follows: Francisco Garc^s, Juan Chris<6stomo Gil de Bernave, Francis-
co Roche, Antonio de los Reyes, Juan Sarobe, Martin Garcia, Jos6 del
Rio, Jos^ Soler, Juan Diaz, and probably Est^van Salazar, Jos<^ Maria
Espinoza, Juan Zuf.iga, and Felipe Guillen; Bancroft, Hist. Tes, I, 794;
Hist. Ariz., 375.
— 32 —
zatlan, whence six Fathers amidst unspeakable hard-
ships travelled over land. Those that had returned to
San Bias again took to the sea and finally landed at
the port of Guaimas, after a voyage lasting three
months and nineteen days. They rested only four
days and then journeyed the remainder of the way
by land, a distance of two hundred leagues. Before
the end of June all the missionaries had reached the
stations assigned to them. Their only grief was that
each one was left alone at his mission. Before sep-
arating from the missionaries destined for Californin,
the Queretaro Fathers had formed a compact with
them according to which each Father was to say nine
Masses for the repose of the soul of any of the other
band who should die on the mission. (3)
The missions of Pimeria Baja accepted by the
Franciscans of Jalisco in 1768 were the following:
Yecora, or Tecora., with the two mission stations
Zaraichi and Onapa. Here, it seems, Yw Fernando
Ponce de Leon was placed in charge. The mission
was attacked by rebel Pinuis in 17(38, and the visi-
tas a))andoned before 1784.
Arivechi with Bacanora as a station. Fr. Jose Maria
Cabrera was the missionary.
Sahuaripa with the station Teopari. Both places
were attended by Fr. Joaquin Ramirez.
Guazaba with the visitas Oputo and Cumpas.
■Boca de Gandii besides the stations Nacori and Mo-
chapa.
Boseraca with Guachimera and Babispe.
Bacoachi.
Cuguiarachi .
Unfortunately their is no record of the distribution
of the Fathers to be found, nor even of the mission-
aries' names, except the three mentioned; neither is
(2) Airicivita, 395-396; falou, Moticias, I, 7-t2; Banc, Hist. North Mex,
Statos, I, 706,
— 33 —
anything known definitely about their early work in
the new field. Presumably they encountered the same
obstacles, and strugjjjled to overcome Uk ni in tiie
same manner, as their associates of the fci'anta Cruz
College in the north. (3)
The missions in Pimeria Baja assigned to the Que-
retaro Franciscans and taken charge of in 1768 were:
Cumuripa ten leagues from the presidio of Bu-
ena Vista. Its population was 136 in 1772.
Tecoripa with the mission station of Suaqui,
nine leagues, and 8an Jose de Pimas with the presi-
dio, 15 leagues distant, flere Fr. Juan Sarobe was
stationed.
Ures with the mission station Santa Kosalia, dis-
tant twelve leagues. This was Fr. Buena's residence
for a while.
Opodepe with Nucameri, six leagues away.
Ciicuipe with the visita of Tuape, distant six
leagues. This mission was properly in Pimeria Alta,
and at first given to Fr. Antonio lleyes.
Onahas or Onavas^ with the stations Tonichi, four
leagues, and Suapa, ten leagues away. In 1772 the
population was 1,141. It was formed into a curacy
before 1784.
Carrizal was a mission newly established in 1772,
but destroyed in 1773.
In 1774 the Queretaro Fathers transferred their
missions in Pimeria Baja to the Franciscans of Jalis-
co, and devoted themselves to the missions in Pime-
ria Alta. As we intend to give a history of the Fran-
ciscans in Pimeria Alta only, which included Arizo-
na, the Jaliscan Fathers and their missions in Pim-
eria Baja will not concern us further. (4)
The missions accepted by the Franciscans of Qiie-
(3) Banc. Hist. Texas, I, 710; 722. (4) Arricivita, 390; Banc. Hist. Texas,
I, 722. Pitic, a pueblo where in 1770-1771 many of the repentant iferi In-
dians assembled, was for a time in charge of Fr. Matlas Gallo. It later
on passed into the hands of the Jaliscaus. Banc, 'bid. 709.
— 34 —
letaro in Pimeria Alta during 1768 weve as follows;
San Ir/nacio with the mission station Santa Maria
Magdalena, two leagues, and San Jose de Himuris,
three leagues distant. Fr, Diego Garcia was the first
Franciscan stationed here from 1768-1772.
Santa Maria de Suamca with the visita Santiago
de Coc6spera. It was put in charge of Fr. 'Francisco
Roche in June 1768. In November of the same year
the mission was destroyed by the Apaches after a
hard fight with the Pima neophytes. The missionary
then transferred his fiock to Cocospera, which also
suffered in 1769.
Dolores de Saric with San Jose Aquimuri as visi-
ta. Formerly two other stations existed, Arizona and
Busanig, which were deserted in 176G on account of
savage raids.
San Pedro y San Pablo de Tuhutama with the vi-
sita Santa Teresa, two leagues away. The Fr. Presi-
dent, Fr. Buena, took charge of this mission in 1768.
San Francisco de Ati with the pueblo of San Anto-
nio Aquitoa as visita, five miles distant, besides two
other stations near the presidio of Altar. There was
no church at Aquitoa, and the one at Ati was a very
small and poor structure. Fr. Jose Soler was the first
Franciscan to take charge in 1768.
Purishna Coneej)cion de Cahorca with San Antonio
Pitiqui, five leagues, and Nuestra Senora del Populo,
or San Juan de Bisanig, two leagues distant. There
was neither church nor house for the priest at Piti-
qui. Fr. Juan Diaz, 1768-1773, was the first Francis-
can missionary.
Santos Angeles de Guevavi with the three visitas
San Jose de Tumacacori, San Cayetano de Calabazas,
and San Ignacio de Sonoitac. Fr. Juan Gil de Ber-
nave was appointed to these missions in 1768. There
was no church at Calabazas, and the others are de-
scribed as poor. Tumacacori was one league from the
presidio of Tubac, and it had adobe houses for the
13
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— 35 -
Indians and some walls for defense.
San Xavier del Bac with the visita or rather pre-
sidio of San Jose de Tucson, three leap;ues north of
Bac. Here Fr. Francisco Garces took np his residence
in 1708. (5)
According to a register ])repared by order of Yisi-
tador General Galvez in ]T6i), a year after the Fran-
ciscans had taken possession, there were in Pimeria
Baja, Avith its eight missions and fifteen ((>) pueblos,
3,011 Indians and 792 gente fie razoii\ while in the
eight missions and sixteen (7) pueblos of Fimeria
Alta there were 2,018 Indians and only 178 gente de
razon^ besides tiie soldiers and their families, or a
total of 6,489 souls, not counting those in the presi-
dios whose spiritual needs were attended , to by the
Queretaro Fathers. (8)
"The missions," says Bancroft following Arricivita,
"were found by the Franciscans in a sad state. Some
of the establishments had been plundered by the A
paches, and were again plundered, as at Suamca and
Bac, during the lirst year of the Franciscan occu-
pation. In some cases the comisarios had grossly neg-
lected their duties. Everywhere the neophytes had
been for a year free from all control, and had not
been improved by their freedom. Not only had they
relapsed to a great extent into their roving and
improvident habits, but they had imbibed new ideas
of independence, fostered largely by settlers and sol-
diers. They regarded themselves as entirely free from
all control of the missionaries, whose whole duty in
these latter times was to attend to religious mat-
ters. The padres might not, so these independent ab-
origines thought, give orders, but must prefer re-
quests to the native otTicials ; if they required work
for them they must pay for it. (9)
(5) Arricivita 090; Bancroft, Hist. Texas, I, 723-724. (61 Arricivita says 7,
(7) Arricivita has », (8) Arricivita, -lO'J; Banc. Hist. Te:?as, 723-724.
(9) Baiic. Hist. Texas, I, 706-707.
~ 30 -
"The friars at first liad nothing to do with the
temporalities, but, after examining the situation in
tb.e provinces, Galvez in 1769 ordered the property
returned to the control of the missionaries, and the
slight remnants were thus restored. Some of the Fa-
thers thought this was incompatible with the apos-
tolic ministry, and therefore made humble represen-
tations against the transfer, giving as an excuse their
natural inability for such a charge. Galvez, however,
thought their objections additional reasons why they
should accept the control of the temporalities for
the benefit of the natives, as may be seen from the
following decree :
"In order that I can with due knowledge and all
possible promptness take the measures which I desire
for the benefit of the natives of the missions, who
are in charge and under the administration of the
very reverend missionaries of the College of the
Propaganda Fide of the Holy Cross of Queretaro, I
command all and each one of the comisarios reales,
to whose care the temporal administration of the mis-
sions mentioned has been committed, that they im-
mediately by inventories deliver all the effects, prop-
erty, flocks, and the management to the Reverend
Fathers without delay, etc."
"The administration of the temporalities," Arricivi-
ta continues, "was not prohibited as some over-scru-
pulous Fathers contended ; it was a charitable charge,
and a fortunate though burdensome means to estab-
lish and maintain the missions, with which they at-
tracted and held together numerous souls from pagan-
ism ; and, as the Indians in the Pimerias were not
of a different character from those of the coast, nor
of a more industrious and economical nature, it was
necessary to look after both their spiritual and tem-
poral affairs. For these reasons the Fr. President in
a letter to the visitador general accepted the trust,
and submitted to the double work of teaching them
• — 'Jt
Christianity by making them settle down first to till
the soil, instead of seekin*; their livelihood in the
mountains, and to provide for the sick and infirm,
orphans and old people; for the Indians were so
heartless as to leave the dying, even the little chil-
dren, alone and unattended, and when dead to leave
them unburied." (10)
After the Fathers had explained to the secular au-
thorities that the missionaries would have to depend
upon themselves for their maintenance, and that it
would be disastrous for their Avork to force the In-
dians in their present state of mind to support the
religious, "they received a stipend of ,$800 each from
the royal treasury, and spent what they did not need
for themselves on their churches and neophhytes.
They worked faithfully, though often discouraged,
and presently the state of affairs became, in all es-
sential respects, similar to that of Chihuahua, the pa-
dres keeping together the skeleton communities, in-
structing the children, caring for the sick, and by
gifts and persuasion exercising slight and varying
control over the masses of Indians who were Chris-
tians only in name.'''' (11)
"Officers intrusted with the expulsion of the Jesu-
its, in order to reconcile the Indians to the change
and prevent disturbances, had taken pains to make
them regard the measure as a release from bondage.
This had much to do with the independent spirit that
proved so troublesome to the new missionaries,
though the systems followed by the two Orders did
not differ in any important respect.
"By no means all existing troubles, however, arose
from the natives' new-born independence of mission-
ary control. Each establishment had a large number
of native officials who cjuarreled among themselves ;
and the few settlers of Spanish or mixed blood had
their separate Jueces Rcales., who were not slow to
(K') Arricivita, 409-412. (11) Arricivita 401 ; Bancroft Hist. Texas, I, 707.
27G47C)
— as —
interfere in matters that did not concern them. There
was likewise confusion in ecclesiastical affairs ; for
the friars were forbidden to exercise control over
other than Indians." (12)
The Pimerias were largely inhabited by the Pi-
ma and Seri Indians, tribes very much addicted
to witchcraft and other heathen practices, which were
among the worst obstacles to tlie spread of Chris-
tianity. Many of the natives had indeed been bap-
tized, and seemed to be converted, but secretly they
continued their superstitious practices, (trato del de-
monio). Moreover, they were so vindictive that they
w^ould fight a duel for the slightest offense. Nor were
even the missionaries safe from the fury of their un-
grateful wards; for, liad the Indians not feared de-
tection and punishment, the lives of the Fathers,
while out on their mission tours, would often have
been in imminent danger. In a few of the pue])los
some of the natives that understood Spanish would
come to the religious instructions, but the vast ma-
jority remained Avholly indifferent, particularly so du-
ring the early years when the missionaries could not
converse with them in tlie native language, and the
Indians could not understand the Fathers. This was
a source of much grief to the poor religious. (18)
(12) ArricivLta, 409-413; Banc. Hist. Texas, I, 70G-70« ; 723-24 ; Banc. Hist.
Ariz., 37.')-370.
(13) "Aunqae se von muclios que parecen convertidos & la F6 Cat6Iica y
como tales bautizados, pero intimamonte estdn infoctos con el trato del
demonio, y contagiados de padros A liijos, de amigos y vecinos, sin tener
en sus corazones ni el mas leve seutimionto de Cristianos, ni la instruc-
cion de los mi.sterios que les es nocesaria para salvarse.'
"Ea pocoi pueblos se oncusntran algunos que sepan liablar en Castilla,
y en niuguuo, uno siquiera, sepa on ella la Doctrina Christiana, por lo
que noo liallamos sin iut(5i-prete, para poder en casos urgentes ministrar-
los los Santos Sacramentos.
"Y quo el libortinagt^ on que vagueban era mas de paganos, que de Ca-
t61icos, y totalmente impedia su catequismo, del que no teuian la instru-
cion debida, para administrarl?s los Sacramentos en caso necessario, no
obstante que todos rstaban ya bautizados "Pues nos ha parecido 4 to-
dos los miuistros, despues de muchas reflexiones y exameujes de los mas
advertldo~, cultivados y morigerados, no tienen otra cosa de Christ.'anos,
qu3 el inde'abl' car.icter del Santo Bautismo. Arricivita, 397-399; 401-403.
— 89 —
Nor (lid it lighten the work of the Fathers that a
royal decree was issued which directed that the
C:!hristian doctrine shoiihl be taught in the Spanisli
language. This added consideral)ly to the difficulties
under which the Religious labored, and gave tlie in-
dolent savages additional excuses to rove about the
uiountains rather than listen to their spiritual guides.
However in this matter the missionaries used their
good sense; they instructed the savages in the verna-
cular as soon as they had acquired sufficient know-
ledge to make themselves understood. (14)
Disheartening as the difficulties and hardships of
the Fathers were, the want of a sufficient number of
missionaries weighed far more heavily upon the de-
voted men. Their missions were far apart, and so
numerous that one priest alone could effect Init little
in the manner lie was obliged to visit his people. All
he could do was to say Mass and administer the Sa-
craments to the dying. Then he would be forced to
hasten to the next station, though with a bleeding
heart, because he saw the necessity of remaining lon-
ger to instruct old and young in the very rudiments
of what it was so necessary for them to know, in or-
der that they might profit by the presence of the mis-
sionary who could come around ])ut rarely. For want
of these religious instructions the poor Indians re-
mained in their superstitions and died in their errors.
This unhappy state of affairs was repeatedly,
brought to the knowledge of Discretory at the college
of Queretaro and also to the notice of the secular
authorities who had to provide the missionaries with
the means to reach the missions and maintain them-
selves among the natives; but unfortunately the wel-
fare of the missions was often sacrificed to politics.
(14) Quiore nuestro rey y senor que los pArrocos y misioneros se dediquon
con particular csmero y aplLcacion a que los Indies aprendan y hableu el
Castellano, segun esta prevenido pn las leyes, y tan justamente recomen.
dado a los ministros eclesiasticos." Arricivita, 403. See "Franciscans in
California," 126-127 ; 140, 14S.
— 40 —
At the close of a petition directed to Don Galvez
the Fathers declare: ''We are convinced, and from
experience we know, that it is morally impossible to
educate the Indians sufficiently, as it is right and ne-
cessary to do in order to bring about their salvation,
if the pueblos remain as they are, having only one
missionary, and in his charge the stations which he
must attend as now, where the Indians are allowed
unlimited freedom in their errors, barbarities, and
vile habits." (15)
Notwithstanding these most unfavorable conditions,
the Fatliers did not sit down to lament and dream
about Avhat ought to be done, but at once set them-
selves to work to make tlie most of the circumstan-
ces, often risking their lives to win the Indians back
to a sense of tlieir duties, as may be gathered from
the following incident.
The Seri Indians, an indomitable tribe occupying
the western part of Sonora, were in open rebellion
at this time. Though they had been among the first
to receive missionaries, and many were baptized,
their barbarous character frustrated all efforts to sub-
due them. With a view to establish peace among
them and to punish the guilty ones, Don Jose Galvez
was sent to their country by the viceroy in 1768 ; but
having to perform similar duties in Lower California,
the visitador general did not reach Sonora until the
following year. Meanwhile he wrote to Fr. President
Mariano Buena, "and directed him to make known
to the Indians that he wished to have them submit
I)eaceably; that all that would give up their rebell-
ious ways should be pardoned, but that the obstinate
should be punished."
(15) Arricivita. "Crocica Serafica," ;X)S-399; 400-402. Estamos persuadidos
y ya por experiencia conoceno^, ser niorHlmente impossible educarlos su-
ficientemente permineciendo los pueblos como hoy est&n, y es-
tando solo un ministro, y & su cargo las visitas que hasta ahora ban te-
nido, en las que estda viv.eudo los Indies & su total libortad, y en el uso
libre de sus errores, barbariedades y p^simas inclinaciones."
— 41 —
The Fr. rresident gladly accepted this coniniissiou
of peace. Leaving; his mission of Ures, he went from
station to station to persuade the rebels to submit,
but met with so little success that he reached Teco-
ripa completely discouraged. Fr. Juan Sarobe, then
at Tecoripa, now oifered to continue his superior's
efforts among the rebels, whilst Fr. Buena went to
Mission Onabas in the province of Ostimuri. Fr. Sa-
robe just came in time to prevent an attack upon
the Indians, which had been arranged by the coman-
dante of Pitic. In the name of the visitador general
he announced a suspension of hostilities during fort}^
days, in order to give the Indians time to consider
the terms of peace.
At the same time he started out for the Indian
country, in spite of the oljjections of the comman-
dant and friendly Indians, who declared such an at-
tempt to be a most hazardous undertaking. They in-
formed him that a priest had been killed two months
before, and that the savages would not respect tlie
priestly character in any one else ; but the intre-
pid Fr. Sarobe replied that he would nevertheless go
and see if he could not liberate those souls from
hell whither they were going, as they were vrorse
for being apostates who had committed sacrilegious
murders and robberies; and that, after all, if they
killed him, he should be dying for his God. (16)
Animated by this noble spirit, without any other
baggage than his Ijreviary, a crucifix, and u. picture
of Our Lady of Guadalupe, without more provi-
sions than a little ground corn (pinole) and some
jerked beef, and with but two Indians from Tecoripa
and two from Suaqui as guides or interpreters, he
started out towards the southeast on May 13th, 1760.
No one ever expected him to return. Travelling on
foot he reached a rugged place in the mountains on
(16) Who the murdered priest was Arricivita does not say.
- 4'i —
in the morning of the 15th. Here he staid with one
Indian to say his office, and sent the other three to
examine the neighboring country. Soon a number of
savages appeared. Fortunately Ignacio Tuaspa, who
had fled from the missions a year before, a brother-
in-law of one of the messengers, was among the re-
bels. After a few words had been exchanged, one of
the savages suddenly grasped the crucifix which Fr.
Sarobe wore on his breast, and exclaimed: "Here you
shall die, liar." The Father at once recomended him-
self to God, and asked forgiveness for his assailant;
but, in the confusion that ensued, Ignacio Tuaspa
seized the missionary, and fled with him to the
woods where he succeeded in eluding the savages.
After four days, during which time the two fugi-
tives had eaten nothing and tasted water but once,
Fr. Sarobe again appeared at Tecoripa, where he
was welcomed by Fr. Jose Caxa Avho had been sent
there by the Fr. President. Having rested for Hwo
days, Fr. Sarobe went to Onabas where the Fr. Pre-
sident received him cordially. Thougli this attempt
to make the rebels submit was unsucc3:^stul in the
main, ten women left the rebels and returned to
the missions. (17)
The authorities now decided to chastise the mur-
derous savages. In 1769, therefore, the troops marched
out accompanied by Fr. Garces, who thus had an op-
portunity to satisfy his curiosity regarding new coun-
tries and their inhabitants, ever on the alert to find
suitable sites for establishing new missions. He re-
duced his observations among the natives, including
a trip to the Gila, to writing, and turned the manu-
script over to the Fr. President, Fr. Mariano Buena,
who later on handed the papers to Don Galvez.
But the troubles experienced by the devoted Relig-
ious were as nothing compared to the grief and scru-
(]7) Arricivita, 40.')-409.
__ 4y —
pies they suffered at finding themselves compelled to
work alone at their respective missions. Again and a-
gain this complaint recurs in the reports and letters
of the Fathers at this period; and on one occasion,
especially, the Fr. President, in the nam^. of all, di-
rected the attention of the visitador general to this
matter in the most urgent manner.
"It is evident, my Lord," he wrote, among other
things, "that the Indian neophytes who are not un-
der the watchful eyes of llie missionaries do not at-
tend the instructions, forget them as quickly as they
learn them, and despise all Christian manners, and
live in constant idleness, planning only damage to
tiieir neighbor, because they have not and do not
desire any other means to maintain themselves than
to live by theft, without work, and to be free at all
times to give themselves up to their vile passions,
superstitious customs, and disgraceful dances, with-
out it being possible for the most zealous mission-
ary to remedy such disastrous evils. Hence it is a
torture to the conscience of the Fathers to be called
suddenly to administer the sacraments to any of
those unfortunate creatures ; for even if there be
time to examine them concerning the points of faith
which it is necessary to know, the fever, or pain,
or their natural indolence cause them to pay no at-
tention, and thus they die in their ignorance. The
danger is almost inevitable on account of the dis-
tance, which is often as far as fifteen leagues from
the mission to the visitas; for, as carelessness is na-
tural with the natives, and especially in matters of
religion, it is necessary for the Lord to work a mira-
cle in order that each one that falls sick may die fit
to receive the Holy Sacraments ; for he that brings
the information has to travel many leagues, and the
missionary many more, particularly if lie dwells at
another settlement, and he always goes exposed to
perils from the enemies, as he has no stronger escort
-44-
than two or three Indians, who usually take to flight
on the first appearance of danger." (18)
The condi:ions complained of show that the In-
dians of those times were in nearly every particular
the same as now. The same indifference and inatten-
tion to spiritual matters, the same longing for a
life without work or steady exertion or worry for
any puri)ose, and the same desire for nothing but eat
and drink, and plenty of it, characterized the In-
dians then as now.
Nevertheless, the question of giving each mission-
ary a companion, so much desired by the Fathers,
seems to have again been dropped ; at all events
no assistants arrived, for the reason that the salary
allowed each missionary would not reach to main-
tain two Fathers in each of the missions in that poor
region. When the visitator general himself came to
the missionary district, and convinced himself that
the reports of the Fathers regarding the needs of the
missions were truthful, one mission at least profited
by the visit; for when, on going from Tecoripa to
San Jose, its visita, he found the distance to be fif-
teen leagues, Galvez immediately directed that a mis-
sionary be stationed at the latter place, and so in-
formed the viceroy, who in turn notified the Fr.
Guardian that he might now attend to the matter.
Until such an order arrived from the secular author-
ities, the college could not send additional mission-
aries if they did not wish to expose them to the chi-
canery of petty officials at the missions. (19)
(IS) See "Franciscans in California," IIU-IU. (19) Arricivita, 41o-4U.
45
CHAPTER IV.
Galvez And Buena Visit The Rebel Seri— Illness Of Don Galvez -Fk.
Garces At San Xavier— His First Trip To The Gila— Illness Of Fr.
Gaeces— GuEvAvi Destroyed— Epidemic— Second Missionary Toun Of
Fh. Garces— Indian Gods— Garces ;Proposes Missions On The Gila—
Fk. Buena Resigns— New Missionaries -The Yumas— Third Ieip Of
Fe. Garces.
On reaching Ures, from Fitic in the Seris country,
where Fr. President Buena resided, Don Galvez com-
municated to him the intention of founding a mission
among the Seri if they would only be pacified. The
Fr. President gladly agreed to this plan, and offered
to accompany the visitador; but when the rebels re-
mained obstinate, he returned to Ures with Fr. Bu-
ena. There he received the interesting reports of Fr.
Garces who urged the establishing of missions among
the Indians along the Gila and the Colorado. Galvez
resolved to visit those regions, but his failing health
compelled him to remain at Ures under the care of
Fr. Buena, from October 1769 until May 1770. He
then left Sonora in company of the Fr. President,
and went to Chihuahua. For having nursed the visi-
tador Fr. Buena received a letter of thanks from the
viceroy dated early in 1770.
In May of the same year the Seri Indians finally
submitted, with exception of a small band of eleven
men captained by a mulatto, who contini*ed a source
of much annoyance for a time.
A promising field was opened to the Fathers in
the countrv around Mission San Xavier del Bac, and
— 4C —
in Fr. Francisco Garces, who was placed there in
June 17H8, the mission found a man equal to the
situation. Soon after reaching the post assigned to
him, he put himself in communication with the ran-
cherias of the pagan Indians, and gave them to un-
derstand that he desired to become acquainted with
the j)eople in their own country solely for the pur-
pose of speaking to them regarding their Creator. At
this declaration they expressed much satisfaction,
but also intimated that they wished him to come a-
lone, and that they would send some Indians to
guide him.
A military officer became aware of the missionary's
plan, and endeavored to frustra<"e it by asserting
that an uprising of the Papagos was feared. Fr. Gar-
ces nevertheless started out from San Xavier on Au-
gust 29th, 1768, accompanied only by one Indian and
tlie four guides sent to meet and protect him. He
travelled southeast through the country of the Papa-
gos about eighty leagues west, then north, and then
as far as the; Gila. On arriving at a rancheria Fr.
Garces always preached to the Indians through an
interpreter about the mysteries of religion. They
readily listened to his instructions, but shrewdly in-
quired of him the real reason for entering their
country, how and why he had crossed the great
sea, what he expected to gain among them, or
whether he had come merely out of curiosity to see
their territory. They then assured him that they were
on friendly terms with the Spaniards, and that tiiey
did not object to have missions established among
their people. While the missionary replied to their
numerous questions, they greatly wondered at his ap-
pearance, closely examined his sandals, habit, and
cord, and finally begged him to baptize their chil-
dren. When he explained that this could not be done
as yet, owing to the uncertainty of a mission among
them, the poor Indians expressed deep regret.
15
'I
X---S^5S.-
♦"*
iJ^T -'■■■
PAPAGO INDIAN DWELLINGS.
_ 47 •-
Fr. Garces was very well pleased with the result
of his first visit, and he later on confessed that of
all the Indians he met anywhere those of the Gila
River occupied the first place in his aifections. He
baptized only four children who were at the point of
death among; them. As he had left his mission with-
out a priest, he was forced to hasten back, but the
Indians gave him a guard from one rancheria to an-
other. The news of the arrival of a new missionary
in the Indian territory soon spread in all directions.
Full of joy and zeal at having discovered such a
rich field, he reached his mission, but at once suf-
fered a fit of apoplexy which rendered him uncon-
scious for twenty four hours, at the end of which he
was seized with a chill from which he suffered for a
long time. Fortunately the Father stationed at Gue-
vavi arrived to visit his fellow missionary, and in-
duced him to rest from work, because tlie life of Fr.
Garces was in imminent danger. While at San Xa-
vier, liis own mission Guevavi was sacked and des-
troyed by the ferocious Apaches, who killed all the
soldiers but two whom they carried along in order to
torture them as only demons can inspire. (1)
During the month of October 1770 the whole pro-
vince sulfered from an epidemic of measles, accompa-
nied with malignant fever and diarrhea. Many of the
natives died. On one occasion, Avhen a married wo-
man had fied from San Xavier del Bac, the Pimas of
the Rio Gila informed Fr. Garces that she had ar-
rived among them, and they most earnestly begged
liim to come and assist them in their afllictions. As
there were no cases of serious sickness at his own
mission just then, Fr. Garces set out on the 18th of
October on his second missionary tour, 'equipped only
with charity and apostolic zeal,' intending to remain
away but five days. Going northwest of his mission
(1) Arrici vita, 403-104.
— 48 —
through the Papago country, he traversed a new val-
ley and passed the rancherias of Cuitoat, Oapars,
and Tubasa, from Avhich places there were Indians at
his mission. On the 19th he turned towards the west
and came to the rancheria of Aquitun, and on the
same day discovered a very old Indian woman who
was at the point of deatli. After instructing her as
well as possible, the missionary Ijaptized her. She
died immediately after. On the 20th Fr. Garces
reached the Gila, where the Indians of the rancheria
of Pitac received him with much pleasure. There he
baptized the children tliat were in imminent danger
of death. On the 21st tlie apostolic traveller reached
a village which he had seen on his trip two years
before. It was necessary to bai)tize 22 children, after
Avhich he experienced some difficulty of getting away,
as the Indians wanted to detain him by force in
order to hear him speak on the mysteries of reli-
gion. He crossed the river, and on the 22d said
Mass at a large rancheria called Napeut, where he
also baptized two persons seriously sick. The Indians
informed him that the Opas, a tribe that spoke the
language of the Yuma and Oocomaricopa Indians,
inhabited a territory adjoining their own.
Accordingly, Fr. Garces, accompanied by a Gila In-
dian who carried a little pinole and jerked beef, set
out for their country. Passing by the village of Suta-
quison, down the river, on the 23d he reached a sali-
na, and proceeding northwest at night time came up-
on the Opas. As the Father was already somewhat
versed in the Pima tongue, he gave the Indians an
instruction in that language, which was understood by
a number of the older men and the Pimas that hap-
pened to be present. These Indians had never seen a
missionary, nor even any white men, and were there-
fore full of wonder particularly at his singular garb.
They asked him whether he was a man or a woman,
whether he was married, and similar impertinent
■ \
'"k
n-
FR. GARCES AMONG THE TULES OF ARIZONA.
— 49 —
things indicative of their rudeness, ("3- otras imper-
tinencias iguales a su rudeza"). On account of Mis-
sion San Xavier, which he had left Avithout a priest,
Fr. Garces did not proceed farther, but turninj::
south arrived at a rancheria Avhere he Avas told that
white men from Moqui had visited one of the In-
dian villages. On the 28th he travelled past several
rancherias and cultivated fields, and in the house of
a Pima from Sutaquison he met six Indians from the
Colorado.
Having l)aptized a child that was in a dying con-
dition, the missionary turned towards the east, and,
after Avandering three days, during which he was
told that the greater part of the children and also
the Avoman he had baptized on his Avay out Avere
dead, he at last again reached San Xavier del Bac.
Fr. Garces concluded that he must have travelled a-
bout ninety leagues since leaving his mission on the
eighteenth of October.
In his diary of this trip the Father says "the In-
dians Avere everywhere agreeably surprised to find
that the missionary travelled alone, and that he
sought nothing but their souls, in order to preach to
them about heaven and hell, and explain Avho God
is, of which truths they Avere whollj' ignorant; for
although they had some notion of a supreme poAver,
and some claimed they invoked it Avhen they planted
their corn and Avhen they Avere sick, Fr. Garces dis-
covered, after investigating the matter thoroughly,
that what the}' looked upon as gods Avas Avith some
Indians the sun, and Avith others only the moon;
and this Avas the case even among those tribes that
dwelt in the neighborhood of the missions."
The immediate result of Fr. Garces' travels Avas
that a large number of Papago Indians came to join
the mission; but Avhen they found that many of the
mission Indians died, and that others suffered severe-
ly from chills and fevers, they ceased to shoAv them-
- .^(1 ^
selves. The good Father then pi(>i)Ose<l the fuuiidiiig
of missions on the River GHa, whither the Indians
would be less nnwillinjr to go. For the information of
the Fr. Guardian and the college discretory Fr. Gar-
ees wrote a long diary about this whole missionary
tour. Fr. President Mariano considered its contents
so important tliat lie deprived himself of his own as-
sistant, Fr. Joseph del Eio, and ordered him to take
the manuscript to Queretaro. The college, energetic-
ally s^econded by Don Galvez, at once urged the mat-
ter before the court of Mexico. The royal court at
Madrid, however, had to give the final order for es-
tablishing new missions; and as the royal llscal was
opposed to such expenditures at that time, nothing
came of the plan so dear to the heart of the mission-
ary at San Xavier del Bac. Fr. Joseph del Kio had
meanwhile been sent back to Sonora together with
live new religious, who were to hold themselves read-
y to proceed north as soon as the king should decree
the iounding of missions on the Gila Kiver : so confi-
dent were all that the petition would be granted.
Before these missionaries arrived in the Pimerias, in-
formation reached the Fathers that no new missions
were to be established at that time; still they felt so
certain of an ultimate favorable decree that Fr. Pres-
ident Mariano allowed Fr. Garces to make another
trip of exploration to the region north, with a view
of obtaining further information about the Indians
and suitable missif)n sites.
Fr. Garces deemed it advisable to travel without
military escort, as he was accustomed to do, notwith-
standing the objections of the soldiers who proplie-
sied all manner of dangers from the Indians, from
hunger, and thirst, and other hardships, especially
from the Yumas whose language he did not speak.
The experienced missionary, however, knew better
than to excite the suspicions of the natives, not to
speak of the necessities of the soldiery on the route
- :a -
for whose w.ints lu* would luivc to ]irovi(le. For the
rest he relied upon Divine i^rovidence ; this left him
unhampered. As to the Yumas, Fv. (liarces declared
they were docile, and besides l)adly e(iui])pe(l with
weapons, many not even havin<i' bows, or if so, they
were m a l)ad condition, ajid with only two or three
arrows. In his travels, Fr. F'rancisco invariably found
them very aliectionate and hospitable, for they pro-
vided him witli everything in the way of food, so
that it was easier to pass through their country than
through the territory of other tribes along the river
farther north. "(.)nly one awkward thing," says he,
'•'happened to me among them. In all jjlaces, and not
only once, they oilered me women etc; but I, fix-
ing my eyes on the crucifix which I wore on my
breast, and raising it up towards heaven, gave them
to understand that in that i^articular I tlid not live
as they did. On this account they showed me much
affection, and obtained a higher idea al)0ut a matter
which to them appeared strange." (2)
As it was not possible to obtain an interi)reter
who could speak the various dialects along the road
he intended to travel, Fr. Garces had to be contented
with the company of a Papago Indian and a horse
which carried the things necessary for celebrating
Holy Mass. Leaving San Xavier del Bac on the 8th
of August, 1771, he travelled towards the west, and
visited many rancherias in which he preached, said
Mass, and baptized those that were in grave danger
of death. Thus on the 11th he found in one of the
rancherias a very old wonuin who appeared to have
(2) "Solo una cosa ridicula me succdio eutre ellos, a mas de los bayles c^iic
f!On al compAs muy violeuto. que haceu con uu Kuagi con jjiedrecillas. >■
canto muy ayroso, que ea todas parte.<, y no una voz, me poniau mugere.«
delante, con sefias de que fuese con ellas, y hubo veces que cllas mismas
me preguutaban con acciouos muy feas, s^i yo no comerciaba con la:? nui-
(jerea como sus hombros. Y poniendo yo la vista en el Santo Cliristo que
Uevaba al peeho, y levautandolo al cielo, les .signiflcaba que en ese parti-
cular no vivia yo como olios, de lo que resultaba hacerm« mas carifto, y
mas concepto de una cosa que para ellos era muy particular." ;Arricivita,
41s-4)9.
— 52 —
passed the age of one hundred years. He instructed
and then baptized lier. The Father was much grati-
tied on the next day for being able to baptize two
sick adults and some children at the pueblo of Ati.
On the loth our traveller saw the pueblo of Cubac
where he was received by a vast multitude of people
Avho entertained him hospitably. On the following
day after Mass, at which all these Indians and many
rimas assisted, Fr. Garces preached through an in-
terpreter. Among other things he tried to persuade
them to live in peace with other Indian tribes, and
to cause no injury to any one; but the interpreter,
who supposed the missit)nary would not notice the
perversion, to please his people, said the Cocomarico-
pas were a bad set, with whom they might carry on
war, hut that the Vumas had a good heart; with
them it was riglit to trade. The Father, however, did
notice the trick. In relating the story he writes: "I
dared not show any anger, and at the same time I
could scarcely refrain from laughing, when I found I
had to speak for myself, though with difficulty only
]>y means of signs and tigures. I became convinced,
Iiuwever, that as long as the Indians do not under-
stand each other, nor understand the missionary, lie
is as good as sold, and exposed to thousand decep-
tions."
On the l()th Fr. Garces spoke with the chief of
Sonoi (8onoita?), and announced his intention of go-
ing to the Yumas. After giving his usual catechetical
instructions in the evening, he asked for two guides,
but it was difficult to obtain them. He, nevertheless,
persisted in his determination. Starting out the next
morning he reached a rancheria beyond which the
guides refused to go, claiming that no water was to
be found. The Father was determined, however, and
they reluctantly followed him westward until they
reached what iiad once been a calabazas held, but
tiien abandoned for want of water. In this distress
^3 -
the party continued their course idoni;' tlie sierr;i, or
volcano of Santa CUara, and wide sand ])kiins until
they arrived at the Rio Gila on the 22d. A branch
river was soon discovered which ¥i\ Garcei su])i)osed
to be the liio Azul. He travelled all day when, just
before sunset, he and his companions were seen by
some Nora^ua Indians who lived on the otiier bank ol"
the river. They treated him kindly and invited liim
to their village for the night; but the I'ima jiuides
were anxious to reach their own ])eople, and there-
fore told the Father that these Indians were not
good, and that they Avould steal what tiiey coif id if
'he remained with them.
On the 23d many from the other side of the river
came over to see the Father, as did also a number
from below the river, and with them the chief of
the Pimas who brought the wearied traveller a dish
of corn. The chief offered to accompany him until he
returned; but when the Indian heard that the mis-
sionary intended to go to the Colorado Kiver, he and
his followers declined to guide him, and moreover
did all they could to dissuade the Father from tiik-
ing that course as the distance was too great. Tiie
reason was, however, they were not at peace with
the Qniquimas who infested the roads. Dances and
songs continued throughout the night until daybreak.
This Avas done to divert the Father from his purpose.
After waiting two days Fr. Garces attempted to iind
the Colorado alone, because the guides refused to ac-
company him. Proceeding westward until it was too
dark to travel, he reached a lint in wliich lie passed
the night. Some young men next day put the mis-
sionary on the road toward the Yuma country, but
would not venture to proceed farther. After wander-
ing about all day, hunger, thirst, mosquitoes, and the
loss of his cloak compelled the weary traveller and
his horse to return to the last rancheria. The Indians
were delighted to see him come back, and they again
— 54 —
tried to persuade him not to look for tlie Yumas ;
l)ut the Father was intiexible. He now marched for
iwo days in a northwesterly direction, but on the
^JOth liis faithful anin)al twice sank so deep into the
mire thar he iiave it up for lost. His helpless misery
once more nuide liim take refuge at the rancheria.
Indescril)a1)le A\as the joy with which the Indian
friends weh'omed the Fatlier. Tliey resolved tliat lie
should not again l)e allowed to proceed west, because
tlie Yumas were their enemies; ])ut Fr. Garces could
not be shaken in his resolution, so after many warm
disputes they at last gave him another guide. After
baptizing an adult and a child that Avere in a dy-
ing condition, he set out on September eighth, this
time provided with some vii.'tuals. The Indian pur-
])osely broke the water-jug after a while, and then
declared he could not go farther without it. Though
Fr. Garces replied it was not needed, as they were
travelling along the river, the guide, about noon,
took one of the horses and rode l)ack. The intrepid
missionary now went on alone for two days, when
he discovered the footsteps of some boys that led to
an Indian camp, which was as usual hidden away in
the jungles among the lagoons of the river. Great
was the amazement of the savages at seeing the Fa-
ther alone, and equally demonstrative was the res-
l)ect they showed him while he was with them. Leav-
ing these i)eople, the tireless wanderer passed from
ranch to ranch as far as the river. On the 12th he
came to some ranches whose inhabitants had lately
snlfered a cruel attack from their enemies, the Qui-
([uimas, in consequence of which many of their war-
riors were wounded, and many huts destroyed. The
Father fearlessly proceeded nn his way until night
overtook him, when he slept near the river. On the
next <lay he discovered a trail, and on the other
l>ank sonic smoke arising. As he could not cross the
stream, Fr. Garces followed its course downward to
.J»>
the wost, almost to its juiiotioii with the Cohn'ado,
which the higoons and tiiles prevented him from
reac'liing at that time. Poinding further attempts in
that direction useless, he turned to the south.
On tiie nth Fr. Francisco ])assed a beautilul i)lain
and came to sojne pools of very salty water. ISot ]>e-
ing able t(! penetrate to the river on account of the
lagunas, he turned somewhat towards the east to
look for fresh watei-; but he found only the skeletons
of Indians and the signs of war. (\)nvinced at last
that there was neither Avater, nor grass, nor seeds to
be found in that region, he went north after travel-
ling the greater part of the night. Towards dawn he
tried to rest awhile, and therefore allowed his liorse
to graze at will. When he awoke the animal was
gone. After some doul)t as to Avhat direction to take,
he decided to proceed west, and thus came out at a
river which seemed smaller than the Colorado, and
larger than the Clila. Of course it must have l)een
one or the other. He was at a loss what to do, as
nothing eatal)le could be found along the shore, for
it only produced a weed that looked very much like
hemyi. In this extremity the weary tntveller conclud-
ed to turn back. With no hope of recovering the
horse, he wandered among the tule jungles and la-
gunas all day of the 15th until nightfall, when he
was made happy by the appearance of the faithful
animal which had followed his tracks through the
labyrinth of tulares and marshes.
On the 16th Fr. Garces thought he could reach the
mouth of the river and lind the Quiquimas by going
directly south. He accordingly took that course, and
after marching two leagues came to a melon patch.
While refreshing himself, fourteen armed Indians ap-
peared who were amazed at seeing the strange man.
By means of signs they inquired Avhence he came
and whither he w^as going. They gave him to under-
stand that the Quiquimas were their enemies, and
that ii' lie would go along they would give hiiu to
eat, and at once offered him some lish. Soon after
he came with them to a party of thirty Yuma In-
dians who were fishing. He eat with them, 'and,' he
says, 'among those savages one could learn what hu-
manity, politeness, and attention is, from the pleas-
ure with which they led me to their settlement, and
from the work and pains they took to prepare two
commodious rafts to pass me over the stream.' As
soon as the village was reached they gave expression
to their esteem for him by dances, songs, and visits,
in consequence of which he could not sleep; for they
did not cease until near daybreak.
On the ITth Fr. Garces proceeded on his way to
the mouth of the river, but could persuade only one
old Indian to accompany him. In one rancheria he
found a very sick child which he baptized. When the
Indians saw this, they at once produced another that
the Father might perform the same ceremony over
it. The old Indian soon refused to follow the mis-
sionary onward; so that he had to continue alone. On
the next day he found himself so entirely lost amid
tula res, mud holes, and lagunas that he feared he
should not be able to extricate himself. Nor could his
horse overcome the difficulties. In this affliction poor
Fr. Garces passed the night; and when on the follow-
ing day he discovered even greater obstacles he made
his way back to the Yuma camps, where he was re-
ceived with shouts of joy. Some Indians promised to
guide him after a few days; but as usual they were
unreliable. Finding himself on the other (3) bank of
the river, the explorer thought it rather hard to re-
turn without seeing all that could be of interest,
and therefore moved onward with some Indians who
(:!) It is impossible, from the narrative as given by Arricivita, to trace Fr.
Garc(?s' rout<>, or to state at what river, or on what side of the river the
traveller appeared on the various dates; nor is it possible here to deter-
mine whether or not Fr. Garces crossed the Colorado River.
happened to he in camp from some rancheria fartliei*
west; in tlieir company lie passed a laguna on the
20tli. He also ])assed many ranches and after sunset
entered one of them for the nijrlit. A iireat crowd
had assem1)led, when he Jiave liis usual instructions
on God and the Divine mysteries.
On the whole of the 21st he travelled west, always
through well-peopled ranches, to a laguna many
leagues in length. As he insisted on crossing it, the
Indians made balsas or rafts for that purpose. When
he came upon another large body of water, he wished
to cross in the same manner, but the savages, de-
claring that the water was too deep and swift, re-
fused to assist him. Fr. Garces thought the stream
was the Colorado. An Indian presented the hungry
wanderer with a goose, but as there was no means of
preparing the tlesh for want fuel to start a fire, he
returned to the rancheria where he received food in
abundance. Then, following the current of the large
laguna on the 22d, he came upon many rancherias,
where he was agreeably surprised to hear the sweet
names of Jesus and Mary pronounced by the natives.
8ome uttered the names correctly, others with much
reverence would say Mensus and Marria, whilst near-
ly all added Asafi to Jesus, which word in their lan-
guage signified something celestial.
In the afternoon the Father travelled two leagues
and a half through an uninhal)it^d region, and then
through a well-settled district. Indians from the oth-
er side of the river came to see him there. By about
five o'clock he reached a number of very poor ranch-
es. On the 28d the guides refused to so farther west
for fear of their enemies, so the Father started out
alone. When they saw him so inflexible, they at last
put him on the right road; but nothing could induce
them to go along. Moving from north to west, he
discovered a dry lagoon; and, while x^assing a thick
growth of mezquit along a sierra, he also found a
— .jb —
pool of fresh water; and proceeding thence throngh
land that contained nmch alkali he came to a dry
stream (arroyo), where he passed tlie night. Follow-
ing the bent of liis mind on the 24th lie travelled
between east and north; and though he saw much
smoke, he could not make the horse go oji for fear
of sinking into some of the salty lagunas. Discover-
ing more smoke in the east, he turned in that di-
rection where he found some Indians who Avelcomed
him with much joy, and as usual honored him with
dances and other marks of esteem. He diad the con-
solation, also, of baptizing a very sick child. On the
following day the Indians insisted that he give up
the jjlan of going to the Avest ; l)ut he remained im-
movable. After passing a large pueblo, he came to
the previous arroyo, where the Indians left him on
the 20th for fear of those beyond.
Fr. Garces then travelled alone all day through a
sandy desert, meeting with none but salty water any-
where. He hoped to reach the Colorado, and there-
fore continued on his wav even after niirhtfall; but
when instead of the river he only found a sierra,
hunger and thirst forced him to take refuge with
the friendly people of the village at. which he had
stopped last. When the Indians found the exhausted
Father at the well outside the rancheria, they otfered
him what food they had. On this occasion he ob-
tained some news Ji'rom them concerning the mis-
sionaries in California and New Mexico. At the
same time a very sick child was brought which he
l)aptized ; a number of other children were also of-
fered for the same purpose, but upon these the same
l)lesssing could not be bestowed, because they were
in sound health.
Fr. Garces sult'ered somewhat from cold Aveather
after marching northwest all day of:the 28th and suc-
ceeding night, and resting only an hour and a half;
but on the morniuii' of the '29th he saw the Sierra
4
Madre, and what appeared to be the opening or pass
througli which tlie Colorado entered the sea. He trav-
elled about two leajiues towards the east in quest ot"
fresh water, but was disappointed and compelled to
return once more to the well, reachini;- it on the
morning of the 20th of Sept. There he was told that
some Pimas were waiting for him, and urging his
return lest they should be blamed if any misfortune
befell him. The Pinuis bordering on the Yuma coun-
try also advised them to hurry the Father home, for
fear of being attacked by the soldiers and Papagos.
The missionary would not hear of this, and, on prt)m-
ising to return to their village, they gave him ii
guide Avlio was to direct him to a tribe called Ma-
cueyues. He set out on the 2d of October, and was
soon joined by two other Indians; but after a march
of half a dav thev showed signs of fear, and insist-
ed that he return, to which demand he tinallv vield-
ed with utmost disgust.
Great numbers of ppo])le now tlocked together at
the settlement from the east and the west, an<l
even from the south, for tlie purpose of seeing the
Father and the things he carried with him, which
Avere little more than his Ijreviary, his crucifix,
and the picture of the Blessed Virgin. They gazed
at these in wonder, as also at the bridle of the
horse, his compass, and other trifies. Fr. Garces had
already mounted his horse on the 8d, but no one was
willing to guide him, neitlier to the west nor to the
other side of the river south, in which direction he
found it necessary to go. After sull'ering their in-
terminable disputes for a time, he started out with
a few men and went through a very tine country,
and then moved towards the north until night which
he passed in camp on the road.
On the 4th of October he was cautiously led
through a forest or thicket, in order not to be sur-
prised by hostile Indians, and then deserted for fear
^ (.^0 -^
fo tlieni. He proceeded alone northward and happily
found a well. On the 6th he made his way through
sandy soil which proved very tiresome to his horse ;
and as he found neither fresli water nor pasture for
the poor beast, he turned east to find the Gila, going
all day of the 7th. On the 8th he arrived at some
ranches and discovered that he was near the Yumas
who expected him. After baptizing a little girl that
was at the point of death, he determined to proceed
up the river. Thus two days later Fr. Garces came to
the spot where the Oocomaricopas, Opas, and Gile-
nos had fought against the Yumas, of whom eleven
had been killed. On tlie 11th he arrived at the camp
of the Yumas where the mourning ceremonies were
in progress. More than six hundred Indians were par-
ticipating divided into three groups. About 200 were
weeping, 20() were playing, and 200 were moving a-
l)Out. Fr. Garces entered the place of mourning. He
sympathized Avith them, but through an old Pima In-
dian censured them severely for always carrying on
war with the other tribes. He showed them that it
was the plan of the devil that they should destroy
one another, but that he would do all in his power
to get Fathers to teach them Christianity, that there
might be peace among all Indian tribes. The savages
ciuietly listened to the reproof and then continued
their wailing, groaning, sobbing, dancing, and chant-
ing. He Avas now told l)y the Pimas that soldiers
were looking for him, as they had letters from the
captain and the Fathers addressed to him.
On the October 12th the Yumas concluded their
funeral ceremonies by setting lire to the hut of
weeping, (4) which had been constructed of brush-
wood, and then oli'ered to guide Fr. Garces to the In-
dians of Cujant or to the Zunigas in four days. He
chose the former road to Sonoaitac. Turning back he
(4) The Yumas to this day burn the bodies of their dead and everything
that belonged to them.
G
>
a
>
r
r
>
Q
— ()1 —
*
on the l>3tli recrossed the River Gih\; but soon a
dispute arose between the Pinias and the Yumas as
to wlio should direct the missionary. Fr. Garces fin-
ally settled the matter l^y declarinjj; that, as he loved
both tribes equally well, a few of each band might
go along. Thus he was able to start homeward on the
15th, and to reach Caborca by the usual road. In his
diary, under date of October 27th, the famous tra-
veller makes the remark that he was ailing when
he began his laborious journey, but that at the end
he found himself in the best of health. He had been
absent from San Xavier two months and 25 days. (5)
CHAPTER VI.
Fr. Bcena Resigns— His Death And Biogkaphv— The Missioxaeies
Slandered By The Govehnor— Fe. Gil De Bernave Made President-
Founding Of The Misstons Among The Seri And The Ttburones— In-
ditference Or The Indians— Murder Of Fr. Gil— His Burial -Biogea-
PHT— The Queretaeanos Leave Texas— Fr. Antonio Reyes's REroEx
On The State Of The Missions In n7J.
While P'r. Francisco Garces was exploring the re-
gions of the Gila and Colorado rivers, important e-
vents occurred in the southern part of the Pimeria
Alta missions. Fr. Mariano had repeatedly asked to
be relieved of the office of president of the missions,
on the ground that his bodily infirmities made it im-
Ijossible for him to visit the missions even on horse-
back. His request was at last granted in 1771, and he
retired to one of the missions, where owing to the
hardships he had endured he sank into a premature
grave in the following year. (1)
(.")) Arricivita, Ceonica Serafica, 415-426. (1) Arricivita, 418. Fr,
Mariano de Buena y .Alcalde was the first among the missionaries
— 0"i —^
Before the rebel kSeri in the mountains had laid
doAvn their arms and suhmitted to Spanish rule, and
while Don Galvez was still at Titie with Fr. Buena,
the latter had oliered to ho the missionary at the
mission which Ualvez contemplated foundinii' amoiiii
those savages. ISothiuii' came of the plan, as we have
seen, owing; to the stubbornness of the iSeri. AVhen
later on they had settled down, the governor request-
ed the Fr. President to send a priest among them.
Instead of imposing this difficult work upon another,
Fr. Buena again declared himself ready to go on con-
dition that a church building and dwelling l)e erect-
ed and furnished with the necessary outfit, and that
some arrangements l>e made for the maintenance of
the missionary. The (iovernor in reply stated that he
had no authority to supply these things, and that he
sent to the Pimerias from the ColleRe of Quoretare to lay down his life
for the conversion of the Indians in that region. He was born in Mexico
iu March 1717, and in baptism received the name Antonio Joseph. His
parents, who belonged to tlie liigliest nobility, were Don Antonio de Rue-
na y Alcalde and Dona Nicolasa de Valero y Alfaro. Before ho was four-
teen years of age he entered the course of jihilosoy'liy in which he re-
ceived the degree of bachelor at the university. To the surprise of al'
the young man renounced all brilliant prospects, and entered tlie mission-
ary college of Santa ('rnz at Quer^taro, receiving the habit on April 27th,
17.S4. In the following year he made liis jirofessiou and received tlie name
Mariano .Jesus de San Joseph, as he desired; and thus he was ever after
known by the name Fr. Mariano de l^uena y Alcahie.
After finishing his theological studies at tlie college of Our Lady of
(ruadalupo, Zacatocas, he was elevated to the priesthood. Desirous of
working for the conversion of the Indians, he was sent to the missions on
the Rio Grande del Norte, Texas, where Mission San Juan Bantista was
assigned him. Aft<>r laboring there witli niucli zeal for many years, his
liealth broke down, wherefore he returned to the solitude of the college,
and in 1751 lie was elected vicar, and at the same time was one of the
discretes. When his term of ofKce expired, he worked as missionary in
the diocese of Michoacfin. In 17fi2 He was appointe'l prefect apostolic of
all the western Indian missions, and confirmed by Pope Benedict XIV,
much against his own wishes. In 17tj7 lie was made president of the band
of fourteen religious destineil for the Piraerias. Though in ill health be
set out for that laborious field, and readied Guaimas on the ninth of May.
On reaching the missions he labored with restless zeal for the conversion
and pacification of the various tribes, especially the treacherous Seri,
until his health gave way. In the following year, 1772, on September l.'ith,
he passed to his eternal reward while on the mission at the Real de San
Antonio, at the ago of .").") years, of which he had passed :i8 in religion.
He was buried universally lamented at Mission de Ures. Arricivit., ."iS-Voa).
should have t(» reiiiiirc them from Mexico.
When Fr. Juun Ciirysostomo (Jil de Eernave was
appointed president of the missions in Pimeria Alta,
he inherited tlie task of founding; a mission ^itliout
any means whatever. Like his i)redecespor, however,
Fr. Gil devoted himself with zeal and enerjiv to
the welfare of the former rebels .-'t i'itic, and en-
deavored to satisfy the governor as well as the In-
dians wlio were constantly clamoring for missionar-
ies. As no provisions had been made by the authori-
ties at Mexico, he collected some Avax and wine from
a few kindhearted benefactors, iu order to be able
to celebrate the Holy Sacrifice, which was the only
consolation the missionaries enjoyed in their afflic-
tions. Other private parties furnished some assistance
for the support of the Fathers, and then Fr. (;il and
Fr. Matias Gallo started out for the rancherias of
the 8eri. They found neither shelter nor anything
else on their arrival; but trusting to Divine Provi-
dence they formally took possession of their mission
on November ]7th, 1772. It so happened that the
viceroy on the same day notiiied the Fr. Guardian
of Queretaro that a fi/'nod or salary had been grant-
ed to the missionary of that mission, and he more-
over directed the college to make out a list of the
sacred vessels, vestments, and other things re((uired
at the new mission.
A considerable nr.mlier of Seri Indians now with-
drew to the island of Tiburon. Pretending to be
most anxious to receive Christian instruction, they
came to the presidio of Horcasitas, ami })eggeu the
governor not to compel them to leave the island, but
to send a missionary to instruct and baptize them at
their camps. The Indians knew very well that for
want of water and tillable soil the land was not in-
habitable, but to conceal their plans they asked that
they be allowed to erect a pueblo on the coast.
Though the scarcity of timber, water, and arrable soil
— (U —
rendered the coast no more suitable than the interior
for a mission, the governor decided that the Indians
should form a settlement there, and urged the Fr.
President to send them a missionary. Fr. Gil saw
that the mission could not be made self-supporting;
that the king would forever have to furnish subsist-
ence ; and that the Indians, under pretext of looking
for food, would merely rove about to the neglect of
religious instructions. He therefore remonstrated with
the governor, and remarked that, if those Indians
were really so desirous of Baptism, they could join
their tribe near Pitic where a missionary resided.
Instead of considering the objections of the experi-
enced missionary, the governor reported to the vice-
roy that the Fathers refused to found a mission a-
mong the iSeri, which was a palpable slander; for,
long before the Seris abandoned their haunts be-
tween Guaimas and Hermosillo, Fr. Buena had gone
to Pitic for tlie purpose of founding a mission among
them. Tlie viceroy accepted the statement of his sub-
bordinate, and at once complained to the Fr. Guar-
dian and his counsellors at Queretaro. The college,
to avoid furth.er annoyance and the repetition of
what they knew were false charges, directed the
Fr. President to agree to the governor's demands,
imprudent as they might be. Fr. Gil then proceeded
in person to Carrizal, accompanied only by a little
boy who was to serve at the altar, and founded the
mission among the Tiburones on November 26th 1772.
The missionary at once erected a hut which served
as a church, and also constructed a s^mall dwelling for
himself and the boy. With the utmost kindness he
invited the natives to listen to the catechism ; but he
soon discovered that the desire they had exhibited to
the governor of becoming Christians was not power-
ful enough to make them listen to his instructions.
Only a few presented themselves when they pleased.
The pueblo which the Indians had wanted and the
— 65 —
governor ordered consisted only of tljree slianties.
Just so pretentious was their desire to beccme Chris-
tians as shown ])y their conduct. Tlie viceroy liad
written to the college: "Name a Father missionary
in whom are united the best qualities; for the re-
cently pacified Seri need a missionary who will treat
them with much affection, and will zealously devote
himself to incline them to cultivate the soil and
take up other occupations, so that insensibly he
will make them learn the benefits of civil life and
enjoy the fruits of religious teaching."
Though these well-meant directions might be put
into practise among the Seri around Pitic, they were
useless at Carrizal ; for the only fruit the missionary
could expect among them, on account of their mode
of living, was the occasional baptism of a child or
adult whom he might find at the point of death. Yet
Fr. Gil from his barren mission wrote to the gov-
ernor, Don Mateo Sastre, he was fo satisfied that
all he desired was to end his life among his Tibu-
rones. (3) The wisli was realized sooner than he ex-
pected; for after three months and nine days of
hard, but almost fruitless labor, Fr. Gil, on the 7th
of March, 1773, was cruelly put to death with
stones and clubs by three Indians.
It is but just to relate that the tribe as a whole
was not implicate<i in the murder for which there
can be no reason given, except that, as Arricivita re-
marks, it was suggested hy the devil. The chief of
the band had the body decently buried and the grave
marked with a cross. The governor reported the death
of th3 missionary to the viceroy, who in turn com-
municated the news in a long sympathetic letter to
the Fr. Guardian. The viceroy then ordered the re-
moval of the body of the murdered priest for inter-
ment to the nearest church, which was at the prosi-
er) "Quo estaba tan contento, que solo deseaba acabar ca compafiii de
sus Tiburones la vida," Arricivita, 521.
— 66 —
dio de San Mij;uel at Horcasitas. The governor and
curate of San Miguel accordingly repaired to Carrizal,
and found the grave of the murdered missionary aft-
er six months still guarded by two Indians. On being
opened only the skeleton was found, which how-
ever sent forth no disagreeible odor. The remains
were then transferred to a casket and brought to
Horcasitas. Fr. Jose de C-axa, who had meanwhile
been appointed president, asked permission to take
the l)ody to Mission de Ures, in order that even in
death the missionary might not be separated from
his brethren. The petition was granted. Two Fathers
then transported the body to the church of the mis-
sion, and buried it on the epistle side of the main
altar, after the usual funeral ceremonies had taken
place on October 7th, 17To, seven months after the
murder occurred. (5)
The necessity of having two religious at each mis-
(5) Fr. Juan Chrisostomo Gil de Bornave, the first martjT among the
Quprt?t;iranos in Sonora, was a native of the Villa do Aljainbra, Aragou.
Of liis parents and early youth nothing is know. He studied theology in
the monastery de Jesus at Zaragoza, and was regarded as a most exem-
plary religious. He was ordained to the priesthood iu due time and em-
ployed in preaching and other missionary duties. When the Fr. Commis-
sary arrived at the convent to obtain volunteers for the missionary col-
lege of Quer^taro, Fr. Gil, then thirty-four years of ate, asked permission
to go to America. His reqviest was granted. Leaving Cadiz, he arrived at
Quer^taro, by way of Merida and Vera Cruz, and remained at the college
for four years. In 1767 he was one of the fourteen selected for the mis'
sions in Sonora. He reached mission Santos .\ngeles de Guevavi by way
of Tepic, Guaimas, and Horcasitas about June 170:!. There were attached
to his mission the stations of Calabazas, Sonoytac, and Tumac.lcori,
twelve, six, and .seven leagues d'stant respectively. The presidio of Tubac
also required his services. Not knowing the language of the Indians, Fr.
(iil went his rounds always accompanied by an interpreter, who after the
Father's death dechuvd him a saint. Fr. Gil was accustomed to use the
discipline and wore on his body a cilieiuni, as th3 interpreter testified.
On the resignation of Fr. Buena, Fr. Gil was appointed president which
office he had occupied barely two years when lii^ was murdered.
Of the three criminals who had acknowledged their crime, two were at
once tried, found guilty, and executed by the Indian chief of the isle.
The third one, Yxquisitis tlie chii>f conspirator and real perpetrator of
the crime, attempted to escape by casting himself into the sea; but on
being retaken he wa.s brought before the judge at the presidio and put
into prison, where he died with consumption three years later, after bav-
in been baptized by the curate of tlie I'.residio. Arricivita, 12(3-4:50; 51.5-24.
— 07 —
sion, and of providing' for the new establishments on
the Gila and Colorado rivers, moved the college of
Queretaro to abandon the hospice or convent in the
city of Pueblo de los Angeles. (6)
For the same reason .it was resolved to cede the
seven niissions of Pimeria Baja to the Bishop of the
diocese. The viceroy, however, would not consent to
this arrangement at the time. Permission was then
asked to Avitlidraw from the missions in Texas and
Ooahuila, where twelve of the Queretaro Fathers
were active among the Indians. This was granted on
condition that the Franciscans of Guadalajara and
Zacatecas accepted those missions. Thus it was that
the transfer came about. (7)
On July 6th, 1772, Fr. Antonio Beyes, one of the
Sonora missionaries, but then in the City of Mexico,
drew up a most interesting report on the state of
the missions in both Pimerias. (8) From his state-
ment we learn that the whole territory comprising
Pimeria Alta and Pimeria Baja in ecclesiastical mat-
ters was then subject to the Bishop of Durango.
Down to that date three Bishops had visited parts of
this missionary district, and issued decrees of which
some produced no little confusion, as we have al-
ready intimated. (9)
One regulation, which especially was a source of
much annoyance, forbade the missionaries to admin-
ister the sacraments in their churches to any but In-
dians and the guards that happened to be stationed
at the mission ; or only by permission of the curate
as the real parish priest. For that reason the entire
province of Sonora was divided into two curacies.
The missions of Pimeria Alta and Baja, a territory
(6) ArrLcivita, 431-437. (7) See "Franciscans in Texas." (S) "Noticia
Del Estado Actual de las Missiones quo en la gubernacion de Sonora
Administran los Padres del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa Cruz
de Queretaro," por el Fray Antonio de los Reyes. Vide "Documentos" pa-
ra la Historia de Mexico," i)ag. 724-76.S. (9) See page 38 this work.
— 68 —
measuring one hundred and fifty leagues from north
to south, and eighty leagues from east to west, be-
longed to the one curacy of San Miguel de Horcasi-
tas; whilst southern Sonora was subject to the curate
of Tonibavi. There were no parish churches in either
curacy. All the churches in the entire province of
Sonora belonged to the missionaries. Only at the pre-
sidio of Horcasitas, where the governor resided, and
at San Antonio de la Huerta, Tonibavi, and other
places were there chapels for the governor, or miners
and traders. Hence the episcopal decree worked no
little hardship and annoyance to the missionaries, as
Fr. Reyes, who himself later on became Bishop,
demonstrated with some disgust.
Despite tlie efforts of the devoted missionaries, e-
ven at this period the Indians were so ignorant of
religious truths that only Baptism distinguished them
from the pagans. To remedy the evil the Fathers
established a uniform method in their missions, an
arrangement which had become more feasible by
the arrival of several suiDernumerary religious. This
method, which the Fatliers had practised in Tex-
as and Coaliuila, liad been proposed to Don Galvez
by Fr. Mariano Buena, whilst the visitador General
was at Mission de Ures, and heartily approved.
According to Fr. Reyes every morning at sunrise
the bell called the faithful to Holy Mass, when an
old Indian, commonly known as Mador^ and two
Uscales^ would pass through the village and order all
the children and unmarried persons to the church for
Holy Mass. At its conclusion all recited the prayers
and the catechism together with the missionary in
the Spanish language. At sunset the Christian doc-
trine and prayers would be repeated in the little
court in front of the church, when the rosary would
be said, and the whole concluded with the chanting
of the Salve Regina and the Glory be to the Father
and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. On Sundavs
— 69 —
and liolydays the Mador and fiscales were odered to
see that the men, women, and children, waslied and
combed, and in clean clothes, attended Holy Mass.
On these days Hig;li Mass was sung; by a choir con-
sisting; of four or six Indian men or women accom-
panied with harps and violins.
In the season of Lent all were obliged to assist at
Holy Mass daily, and recite the prayers in Spanish,
when the missionary in the Indian language would
explain the necessity and the manner of a good con-
fession. On Sunday evenings a plain instruction
would be given on sui.di points as death, judgement,
purgatory, hell, and heaven. In Holy Week in the
principal mission churches the ceremonies and office
would be performed as prescribed, and addresses
made explaining those sacred functions.
At Easter time all had to comply with the obliga-
tions of the Church as far as capable. At first it
seemed impossible to overcome the obtuseness of the
Indians far enough to prepare them for confession
and Holy Communion ; but in later years all the
young people, and a few of the old ones, had ad-
vanced sufficiently to make their confession in Span-
ish. In the principal villages, where the missionaries
resided permanently, many Indian men and women
frequented the Sacraments at Easter and on the prin-
cipal holydays.
On the more solemn days of Our Lady there would
be processions through the village, during which the
rosary was chanted.
As regards civil and political affairs, Fr. Reyes
says that annually, in the presence of the mission-
ary, a chief, or mayor, or governor, and other officials
or alcaldes were elected. In order to enjoy the prop-
er esteem of the rest of the people these officials oc-
cupied the place of honor inside the church. The
missionary had charge of all the temporalities of the
mission as directed by the visitador general, but it
— 70 —
was the duty of the chief and alcaldes to see that
the land was cultivated and the cattle taken care of.
When the season for planting the corn and other
cereals arrived, all the Indians assembled at the lit-
tle convent, where in the presence of the chief or
justices the missionary distributed to each one as
much seed as be wanted to plant. The chief or alcal-
des kept account of the implements and yokes which
each one took from the mission warehouse, and saw
that they were properly returned.
The Indians, however, were free to work for them-
selves or for the mission. The former had to look to
themselves for their maintenance. The fruit of the
labor of the others was stored up in the general
warehouse, whence they received food and clothing
for themselves and families. When there were two
priests at a mission, one of them wovild oversee the
laborers, and often set an example by taking a
hand in the work ; otherwise they would employ
some trustworthy Mexican to represent them. The
sick, the orphans, and aged, and all others incapaci-*
tated for manual labor, likewise received food and
clothing from the mission warehouse. Thus the mis-
sionary was the central figure in the whole system.
He Avas the teacher, the physician, the attorney, the
father and defender of the orphans, widows, op-
pressed, and the helpless of every description.
The churches and dwellings of the missionaries, as
a rule, were constructed of adobes and roofed with
timber, grass, and earth. The cottages of the Indians
were grouped around the church, l)ut as a rule poor-
ly constructed of boughs. In some cases the Indians
to please the Fathers would build their cottages of
adobes with thatched roofs. At the time Fr. Reyes
wrote, the natives cultivated little land, and for this
little the missionary had to provide the tools and
seeds, or there was no tilling of the soil.
The Indians generally used their own language. In
- 71 —
some of the vilhiii'es there was not one that couhl
speak Spanish; so tliat tlie missionary, nntil lie had
learnt to speak their lanjinaue, was oblijied to em-
ploy an interpreter in explaininti; tlie catechism.
Fr. Reyes tells us the Indians were corpulent and
above medium height. Their faces appeared ferocious,
on account of the manner in Avhich they painted
temples, eyes, and lips with black stripes.
As they walked al)Out entirely naked, except for a
breechcloth, shame and modesty were unknown to
them. The men were armed with l)ows and arrows;
Avhicli were reeds having a point of tlint- Furniture
and other utensils were not in use. Some women
painted their hands, arms, and breasts, their dress
consisting only of a petticoat or an ajn'on made of
the skins of aninnils. They were very unclean, brutal
(bestiales) and frightful (horrorosas) to Ijehold. One
or the other Indian that served the missionary at
the altar, whom the Father induced to wear some-
what more clothing, must of course be excepted fr(jm
this description, says Fr. Reyes.
As to the moral and Christian virtues, the Indians
of the missions generally were in a more lamentable
state thati the pagans of tlie border regions. There
was some excuse for the latter on the score of ignor-
ance which those of the missions could not claim,
because they enjoyed the instructions and examples
of the missionaries; but it was impossible to instruct
as it should have been done under the temj)oral and
spiritual government that existed.
Fr. Antonio Reyes in his report descril)es the sev-
eral missions of both Rimeria Alta and Rimeria Ba-
ja. The latter soon passed out of the hands of the
Queretaranos, as we have already stated, and there-
fore may omit them in connection with the Arizona
missions. There were, at the time Fr. Reyes wrote,
eight missions in Rimeria Alta which included the
present Arizona, only two of which were within the
— 72 —
limits of the territory, as follows :
San Francisco Xavier del Bac. The church here
was situated in a fertile plain, where the Indians
cultivated a little soil, raising; wheat, corn, and other
cereals. The building- was sufileiently spacious. The
sacristy was well supi)lied with altar vessels and or-
naments, hut in a poor condition.
From the records, which Fr. Reyes had before him,
we learn that at the close of 1771 there lived at San
Xavier forty-eight families, besides seven widowers,
(viudos) twelve widows, {vmdas) and twenty-six or-
X)hans; or a community consisting of 170 souls.
The village, or visita, of San Jose del Tucson was
situated six leagues (sels Icgiias) to the north of San
Xavier. It had neither church nor dwelling for the
missionary. Fr. Keyes found no record, but estimat-
ed that the heads of families, Christian and jjagan,
would number above two hundred.
Los Santos Angeles de Guevavi^ the only other mis-
sion in what is now Arizona, was the most eastern of
the Pimeria Alta missions. It had three visitas : Tu-
macdcori, Calabazas, and Sonoitac. One league east
of the pueblo of Tumacacori was the presidio of
Tubac. To the Avest, about two leagues, Avas Mission
Suamca; and to the north lay San Xavier.
The pue])lo of Guevavi was situated on an arroyo
in a fertile region, where a little farming was done
by the Indians. The church and sacristy were well
furnished witli vestments of every color and with
altar utensils. There were nineteen families in the
mission, besides five widowers, seven widows, and
twelve orphans, or a total of eighty-six souls.
Tlie pueblo or visita of San Cajetano de Calabazas
st3od two leagues east of Guevavi, in a district
very favorable to farming; but the Indians cultivated
little or no land. There was neither churcli nor house
f(.>r the visiting priest. Seventeen families, four wid-
owers, seven widows, or a total of sixty-four souls
73
was all that remained faithful to the missionaries.
The village of San Ignacio de Sonoitac was situated
in a valley surrounded by mountains, six leagues
east of (juevavi and two from Calabazas. The soil
was good, l)ut little was cultivated. There was a
church and house for Uhe missionary at the jdace,
but l)oth Avere devoid of ornaments or furniture,
^hen the Father appeared to administer the sacra-
Uients, or to celebrate Holy Mass, he was obliged to
bring along all that was needed. Eighteen families,
twenty widowers and single men, and twelve widows,
or in all ninety-four Indians resided here.
The village of Tumacacori, was situated six leagues
to the south of Guevavi, and one league from the
presidio de Tubac in a very fertile region. The
church and priest's house, however, were bare of fur-
niture and ornaments. The population consisted of
ninety-three souls, i. e. twenty-two families, twelve
widowers, and ten orphans.
3Iission Santa Maria de Suamca. This establish-
ment was assaulted by savage Apaches in ]768, dur-
ing which the church and mission house was de-
stroyed. The missionary with some men, women, and
children tied to the visita of Santiago de Cocospera,
where the missionary thereafter resided at the
church of the place ; but the soil was sterile at Co-
cospera on account of the scarcity of water. Attempts
were made to rebuild Mission Suamca, which is in
fertile soil tive leagues from the presidio of Terren-
ate, but it seems without success. The whole popula-
tion of the mission with its visita did not exceed one
hundred and ten souls, namely, thirty families, five
widowers, and twenty widows.
Mission San Ignacio de Cahurica. This mission was
situated on an extensive and elevated fertile plain,
surrounded by high mountains. Twelve leagues to the
east was the village of Cocospera. Five leagues south-
east some Spaniards occupied the real of Santa Clara,
- 74 -
which had neither church nor dwellinji' for a priest.
Further south from Santa Clara, al^out fifteen leagues
from Caburica, la}' Mission de Oucurpe. To the north
as far as the Gila was a region covered with i^agan
Indians.
The Indians about the pueblo or mission of San
Ignacio cultivated some wheat, corn, beans, etc. The
church had three altars, and the sacristy was weH
furnished. The house of the Fathers adjoined tlie
church. There were thirty-six families of Indians,
four widowers, seven widows, and fifteen orphans in
charge of the missionary, or altogether one huncked
and forty-eight souls.
The visita of San Jose de Himuris, lay three
leagues east of San Ignacio, Ijounded north and east
by mountains. The soil was good, but the Indians
cared little for farming. The church and priest's
house was almost in ruins. (July one chalice, three
chasubles, two all)s, three amices, and other old and
unserviceable articles formed the whole wealth of the
vestry. Seven Indian families, six widowers, and nine
orphans, or in all thirty-nine souls still lived m the
neighborhood.
Mission Nuestra Senora de Los Dolores del Sarie-
The village of Saric lay in a fertile valley sourround-
ed by mountains. Some of the Indians raised wheat,
corn, etc. A church existed with a complete outfit.
There were still attached to the mission thirty-two
families, fifteen widowers, four widows and twelve or-
phans, or in all one hundred and thirty-seven souls.
The pueblo of Santa Maria Magdalena was situated
two leagues to the east of San Ignacio, and three
leagues from the town of Santa Ana. The house of
the missionary was entirely in ruins. The church was
a grand structure, l)ut in a ruinous condition, and
only the chapel of San Xavier was decently orna-
mented. The sacristy contained a chalice and a few
old altar ornaments and some furniture. Onlv nine-
teen families, five widowers, one widow, ;ind six or-
phans, or eighty-six souls in all formed the commu-
nity. Twenty leagues east was Mission San Ignacio;
eight leagues west lay Tubutama. The village of San
Jose de Aquimuri two leagues from Saric southeast
had no church; nor was there a dwelling for the vis-
siting missionary. The community had dwindled down
to fourteen families, tive widowers, and two widows,
or fifty-eight souls in all.
Mission San Pedro y San PaJdo de Tid>vtama.
This establishment was situated in an extensive and
fertile plain eight leagues northeast of Mission Saric,
and between seventy and eighty leagues south of the
Gila River. A little wheat, corn, beans, etc., was
cultivated by the natives. The house of the Fathers
was neat and spacious, and a garden furnished the
missionaries with some of the produce they needed.
The church was well supplied; the sacristy contained
three chalices and everything else required for the
divine service. The population consisted of forty-five
families, twelve widowers, six widows and eighteen
orphans, or in all one hundred and seventy-six souls.
The mission station of Santa Teresa, two leagues
to the east of Tubutama, had a little church devoid
of ornaments and a house for the Father. Thirteen
families, seven widowers and single men, and two
widows composed the Indian population of fifty-two
souls.
Mission San Francisco de Ati. The old mission
establishment of Ati and its visita occupied a valley
six or seven leagues long and two or three leagues
wide. Northeast four leagues distant was the mis-
sion of Tubutama ; seven leagues southeast soldiers
were stationed at the presidio de Altar. Though the
soil around Ati was good, the Indians did little in
the way of cultivation. The church at the pueblo
was a small unadorned chapel. The sacristy outfit
was poor. The Indian population numbered one hun-
— 76 —
dred and thirty-seven souls, i. e. thirty-six married
couples with their children, seven widowers, two wid-
ows and fifteen orphans.
The village station of San Antonio de Aquitoa
(Oquitoa), five leagues to the west of Ati, had
neither church nor house for the visiting missionary.
The records at this time give a population of one
hundred and six souls, or twenty-three families, nine
widowers, five widows, and ten orphans.
Mission Pur'isima Concepcion de Cahorca. This mis-
sion with its two stations was situated in the most
westerly part of Pimeria Alta, eight leagues from
Mission de Ati, and sixteen leagues from the Gulf of
California. The pueblo of Caborca occupied a part of
an extensive plain much exposed to inundations from
a stream whose name Fr. Reyes does not mention.
The missionary in 1771 asked permission to remove
the establishment to a more elevated locality, with
what result is not known. The soil was fertile, and
especially favorable for the raising of cotton. The In-
dians cultivated some land in common, and also did
some farming or ''gardening on their own account,
raising wheat, corn, beans, etc. The house of the
missionary was neat and had sufficient room. A gar-
den adjoined the little convent. The church and sac-
risty were well supplied. One hundred and thirty-
three families, seventeen widowers and single men,
twenty-six widows, and eight orphans composed the
Indian population numbering six hundred and thirty-
four souls.
The visita of San Antonio del Pitiquin, distant two
leagues east from Caborca, had neither church nor
house for the Father. Seventy-five families, eight
widowers, and eleven widows, or in all three hundred
and sixty souls resided at this station.
The little station of San Juan del Bisanig, six
leagues from Caborca possessed a church and also a
house for the visiting missionary, but both were de-
- 77 -
void of ornaments or furniture. The land was fertile,
but the Indians preferred fishing in tlie gulf, eight
or ten leagues distant, to farming. Here too was a
good-sized population consisting of sixty-three mar-
ried couples with their children, eleven widowers,
eight widows, and six orphans, or a total of two hun-
dred and seventy-one souls. (2)
CHAPTER Aa.
Captain Anza's First Expedition Overland To Monteeey— Fathers
Garces And Diaz— The Junction Of The Gila And Colorado— Fk.
Garces' Attempt To Reach The Moqui— Appeal In Behalf Of The
Missionakhs— Preparations For A Second Expidit:on— Transfer Of
The Pimeria Baja Missions.
The prospects for an early founding of mifesions on
the Gila and Colorado rivers, deemed so encouraging
for awhile, disappeared in the course of time, and
nothing was done for three years ; but new interest
was awakened in the region about the Colorado
through the private speculations of a military officer.
The captain of the presidio of Tubac had more than
any cne else opposed the explorations of Fr. Garces ;
but when from the latter's diary he discovered that
the Colorado could be i^assed without the use of
ships, a feat till then believed impossible. Captain
Don Juan Bautista Anza conceived the plan of ad-
vancing his own interest by opening a route to Mon-
terey, on the coast, by way of Sonora and the Colo
rado River. After consulting with Fr. Garces, who
(2) Unfortunately Fr. Reyes in his report does not mention the names of
the missionaries stationed at the different missions. This is a great
drawback to the proper understanding of the work of the Fathers. We
shall endeavor liter on to supply some of the names from other sources.
— 78 —
was enthusiastic over tlie project for missionary rea-
sons, the Captain asked permission of the viceroy to
undertake the trip overhmd.
Anza's petition fortunately reached Mexico at the
time when Fr. Junipero Serra, superior of the Cali-
fornia missions, was pleading in behalf of the mis-
sions before the viceroyal court. He was at once con-
sulted regarding the feasibility of a route to Califor-
nia overland, and heartily approved the plan. There-
upon the captain was ordered to proceed to Monterey,
l)ut to take Fr. Garces with him, and in all cases to
follow the advice of that experienced traveller. The
Father was to be accompanied by another religious.
The viceroy moreover sent a personal letter to Fr.
Garces which concluded in these words : "I was
moved to agree to this expedition mainly by the ac-
counts your Reverence forwarded regarding the re-
sult of your three successful journeys to the rivers
Colorado and Gila; and I hope that in this one your
Reverence will continue, as I request and charge you,
Ijroving your apostolic spirit ; and that your hard-
ships may be useful and agreeable to God and the
king." (1)
Fr. Garces and Fr. Juan Diaz accordingly joined
the expedition which started out from the presidio
of Tubac on the 8th of January, 1774, guided by an
Indian from the mission of San Gabriel, California,
Sabastian by name. This Indian had left San Gabriel
in company of his father, mother, and wife, and had
reached the Colorado in safety on account of his ro-
bust health, whilst his relatives had perished for
want of water and food.
The story of the Indian brought consternation to
(1) Arricivita, 450-451, "Mi condescencia A que se execute (la expodicion)
la lian movido primeramente las notieias que V; R. ha cotnunicado de re-
sulta de sus tres dichosas entradas hasta los rios Colorado y Gila ; y es-
pero que en la de ahora continue V. R., como se lo ruego y encargo, acre-
ditando bu espiritu apostolico, y que sus fatigas sean utiles y agradable &
Dios y al Rey." V <lr Bancroft, Hist, of Texas, Vol. I. p. 717; Hist. Arizo-
na, 3H9; Hist. California, Vol. I, 2-.il.
FR. JUNIPERO SERRA. O. P. M.
— 79 —
the ranks of tlie troops; but Sebastian encouraged
them by sliowing tliat, if he couhl thus have crossed
the desert without provisions, then surely a number
of soldiers ought to bo able to pass over the same
road when provided witli everything necessary. This
reasoning quieted the fears of the Spaniards, and the
party of thirty-four men, 140 horses, and Go cattle,
set out and marched by way of Caborca through a
disagreeable and waterless district until the 2Sth,
when they arrived at San Marcelo de Sonoitac. Great-
er were the hardships encountered after that until a
spring was discovered on the 5th of February in a
deep arroyo. A Papago Indian here warned the com-
mander against the Yumas who intended to rob the
travellers, in spite of Chief Palma. However, on find-
ing that a messenger despatched to the Yumas had
been received kindly, the party proceeded, and were
soon welcomed on the road by Palma and his people.
The chief explained that the unfriendly Indians be-
longed to another band of the tribe. Captain Anza
now placed a silver medal, showing the image of the
king, around the neck of Chief Palma, as a sign of
fealty to the Spanish ruler, and gravely coniirmed
him in his office of chief over tiie Indians. The Fa-
thers, on the other hand, at once exerted themselves
in trying to instruct the great multitude that had
gathered at their camp. Palma was much pleased
with what he heard and saw, and therefore invited
the Avhole party to his rancheria, which lay between
two rivers, "estaba entre los dos rios.'' (2)
(2) Arricivita, 4r>2. It is difficult to explain wliat Arricivita meaus liere aft-
er one has become acquainted with tlie country around the junction of
the rivers Gila and Colorado. It must i e tliat a brancli of tli<? Gila exist-
ed at that time wliich entered tiie Colorado below what is now Yuma Cit-
y, Arizona. Palma's rancheria in that case would have been where Yuma
now stands. This view would easily explain the difficulty, and it would
seem to be confirmed by a note on page 222 of I^ancroft's History of Cali-
fornia, Vol. I. After sayinff: "Palma, a famous Yuma chief, entertained
tlie Spaniards at his rancheria at San Dioiiisio, Isla de Trinidad, a kind
of island formed by a double channel of tlie Gila at its junction %vitli th(i
^ 80 •-
More than 200 persons of both sexes followed the
Fathers. Going down the river (3) about half a
league, Palma led the Spaniards to a ford where
they could cross on horseback without any danger.
On ascending an elevation on the bank of the river,
(4) they found about 600 Indians gathered at the
top. All treated the Fathers with the utmost famili-
arity ; they were not contented to merely see the
priests, but wanted to touch their habit and other
things, so that in the end they became very annoy-
iiig. From the captain and the missionaries the In-
dians received tobacco, beads, and other trinkets;
and in turn obtained from the Indians the products
of their little gardens or fields.
At this place a small stream which some leagues
above separates from the River Colorado joins the
Gila, thus forming an island sufficiently large to of-
fer Chief Palma and his band of Indians a home, (5)
The united streams measured 125 varas in width,
and were five palmos deep. The water was somewhat
brackish, (6) but the soil around was good for the
cultivation of fruits v»'hich without labor afforded
the Indians abundant food.
On the following day, February 9th, the party, ac-
companied by crowds of natives, crossed the Colorado
below the junction. The stream at that time of the
year is usually verv low, Anza found that it was 200
varas wide and somewhat more than two varas
deep. Proceeding for five days, the expedition passed
Colorado," Baneroft tells us: "One of the cliannels no longer carries wa-
ter, and perhaps did so then only at high water. In Kino's map of 1701
San Dionisio i.s not represented as an island. Emory, "Notes," 95-6, in
1846 noted that the Gila once flowed to the south of its present channel,
and says: "During freshets it is probable the rivers now discharge their
surplus waters through these old channels."
(3) The Gila must be meant. (4) Probably the liill at the month of
the Gila. (5) The writer in 1886 did find that the Colorado about two
leagues above Yuma City separat:>.s into two streams, but united again
just before the Gila enters the river. The island thus formed was noth-
ing more than a sandbank a iew feet above the water.
(6) Which is true of the Gila, but not of the Colorado,
— 81 •-
called Santa Ohiya within the country of the Caju-
enches. Here Palma for fear of their enemies with.
drew with Ids people. From tlie Htli of February An-
za's party continued without i;uide throujih a desert,
but on the 16th resolved to return to Santa (Jlaya
and rest their animals, for whom neither feed nor wa-
ter could be found. The caravan entirely worn out
reached the lagoon on the 19th. Tlie fact somehow
became known to the Yumas, who with Palma agaiii
appeared and showed their sympathy. The rest lasted
until the 2d of March, during which time Fathers
Garces and Didz exercised themselves in instructini>;
the large number of natives that flocked together at
their camp. Though the missionaries had no interpret-
er, they had the satisfaction to see that they w^ere
understood to a large extent, as proof of wliicli many
Indians brought th^ir idols to the priests to be put
in a heap. Nearly all thereafter repeated tlie holy
Names of Jesus and Mary, and others learned to
make the Sign of the Cross. Fr. Garces for six days
also wandered about among tlie rancherias situated
on the lagoon, in order to satisfy iiib zeal for souls,
and then returned to the camp on the 1st of March.
Captain Anza now resolved to leave the greater
part of the cattle and the goods behind witli tliree
soldiers and three mule drivers in charge of Chief
Palma, who was much elated at the confidence
placed in him. The march was then resumed on the
2d, and some rancherias of Cajuenches found, which
Fr. Garces had seen on his trip in 1771. Ten Indians
saluted the soldiers, and l^rought to Fr. Garces four
idols which he brolce before their eyes.
The explorers continued along sierras, lagoons, and
through sandy deserts to the Puerto de San Carlos, or
Gorgonio Pass, wdiere the country of the Cajuenches
ended and that of another tribe began. Fr. Garces,
on a former visit, for want of a better name, had
called them Danzarines, on account of the violent
.•as §Sl 3?n
movements of their hands and feet in speaking. (7)
The Rio Sta Ana was crossed by means of a bridge
of boughs on the 20th of March, and on the 22d the
weary jjarty entered Mission San Gabriel. Since leav-
ing Caborca the party had travelled 214 leagues;
but in a direct line the road would have been less
than 200 leagues.
The travellers had exhausted their supply of food,
and found equal destitution at San Gabriel : but the
resident missionaries, Fathers Paterna and Cruzado,
entertained them as well as they could, and wel-
comed them with a Mass, sermon, and Te Deum. A
cow was slaughtered, and in ten days four of An-
za's men returned from San Diego with supplies that
had come on the ship Santiago. While at San Gabri-
el, ou March 24th, Anza stood as sponsor for a child
baptized by Fr, Diaz. About the same time Fr. Juni-
pero Serra came up from San Diego, and lirought to
Fr. Diaz the interesting news that a Father had
arrived at the port with all the instruments for the
]>roper measurement of latitude and longitude. The
mathematically inclined religious at once hastened
to San Diego to see the instruments. Fr. Garces on
the other hand, returned with the remainder of the
troops to the Colorado, in ol^edience to the request
of Captain Anza. The return did not take more than
12 days and a half, during which the party travelled
86 leagues ; whereas in coming they had marched 20
days and made 109 leagues. However, the men left at
the river to care for tlie cattle, had run away to
Caborca on hearing that Anza, the Father, and sol-
diers had been killed 1)y the savages. Captain Anza
resumed his march to the presidio of Monterey with
six men (8) on the 10th of April, and returned to
S;iii Gabriel on the 1st of May.
(7) This would show that Fr. Garc(?s had indeed crossed the Colorado be-
fore, a fact tliat could not be learnt from the confused narrative of
ArriciTita siven on pa^^'e 56 of this work. (S) Arricivita says four.
** Qf) flsw
On Mny ;],1, he, witli, Fr. Diaz and the ouard^
started for tlie Colorado, where thev were welcomed
ei-ht days later. As the river had be-un to rise, the
whole ])arty cros.sed it on rafts constructed by the
Indians; and, beoinnin,-; tjie home marcii on the loth
of May, 1774, they arrived at Tnbac on the i«5th.
The expedition had accomplished all that it Jiad'
been intended to do, i„ showin- the practicabilitv
ot the new route. (9)
r9, Arr.c>v,ta 4oM5r,. W. supply from Bancroft a description of the
vl.o. rout,, o, tins famous exp.,lition which may be of int«.vst to ihl
ocal iH.-^orians and missionaries Jan. S, 1774, from Tubac 1 league to
ord of han Is:nac.o; Jan. 9th, southwest to Arivac va]lev ; l„th . s w
to Agua t.condida, 7 1.; mh, to Saric, 7 1.; 14th, to La Estancia 4 1 •
2 1. 19th, w n. sv. to Pitic, 5 1.; 2()th, to Caborca, 2 1. ; 2u^d, n w to S
Ildetonso 4 L:mi to Aribaipia or S. Eduardo, 9 i. ; 24 h, to p^ol of S
Juan de Mata, 4 L ; 25th. 6 leagues; 26th, w. n. w. to rancheria of Quito!
bac or S. Louis Bacapa, 6 1. ; 27th, n. to foot of a hilj, :. .:, 1. • 2,sth u
n. e. to bono.ta, 5 J.; 29th, w. to Carrizal, 9 J. ; »,t.l,, n. n. w 6 {■ 3ist' w^
n w. 9 1 Febr 1st. n w. to P,.rificacio„. .S ]. ; 4th, to springs, 's 1.; .5th
to A^„a Lsco„d;da. 7 J.; .M, .. w. .U, J. ; 7th, to TrinidAd Lsland and
Palmas ranchena, mi I., called by the Jesuits Sa„ Dionisio; 8th, ford
ed the G.la ; 9th, forded the Colorado, near the site of later Mission Con-
cepcion. ->■ K'u vyiMi
ta Ola^a. , According to the r.turn trip Sta Olaya was 4 1. w. of the river
and 8 1. w. s. w. of San Dionisio, or Isla de Trinidad.) Feb. 18th to 19th
off mto the desert and back to the laguna ; March 2d, 5 1 w s w to T a '
suna del Predicador: March M to 5th, 3 1. w. s. w., 6.5 1 w n' \v • 6 1 w
n. w. with low sierra on left; :J 1. n. w. across the hills- 21 w ''l 5 1 n'
and n w., in sifcht of an estero or marsh, to Pozo de San Eusebio- March'
bth, 4 . w. to Santo TomAs, in middle of sierra; March 7th and 8th 4 1 n
w, and one 1. n. e. to Pozos de Sta Eosa de las Lajas; (18 l.-agues in a
direct hue from Santa Olaya.) March Sth and 10th, H 1. n. to S Sebastian
Peresnno, a larffe cienega in the Cajuenche nation; (22 1. w and w n w
from Sta Olaya . March llth, 1.5 1. w. on same cienega; March 12th 6^'
Lns''s"h'';'""f«^ '''""'' "'i^' ''• °- ^"- ^"-^ *« «t^ Catarina; '(10 l'.
from S. Seb.ist.an.) 6 1. n. n. w. to Puerto de S. CMrlos following the cana-
da ; March 16th and 17th, 3 I. n. w. and n. n. w. to Lacuna and ValW of
rincipe: u>r S. Patricio. 8 1. w. n. w. from Sta Catarina.. March K.th' (4)
. n. and n. n. w. to Valle de S.Jose on a fine stream; March 19th, 6 51
1. n. w. to Laf,'una de S. Antonio de Bucareli; March 20th, 5 1 n w and
..,1 w. „. w. to Rio Sta Ana; March 21st. 7 1. w. n. w. to Arn.vode o"
(or Ahsosi ; March 22d to San Gabriel.
Return. May 10th, to the junction at San Dionisio; l,-,th, „p the south
8 1., 18th. to the first Cocomaricopa rancheria or S. Bernardino 4 1 ■ 19th
up the no.-t^, bank of the «ila, 8 I. ; 30th, up south bank, 5 1. to withhi on^
league of SS. Simon y Ju.ids de Upasoitac; 21st, through Upasoitac. leav-
msr the nver where .t turns north, 81.; 22d. to the Pima rancheria of Sn^
- 54 -
Frohi Tuijac Captain Aiiza went to Mexico to lay
the result of his trip overland to California before
the viceroy. His Excellency had also wished to learn
whether or not it was possible to open a route and
Inaintain communication between New Mexico ahd
Monterey, California, and had requested the Fr.
Guardian of the college at Queretaro to make the
necessary investigations. The Fr. Guardian had se-
lected Fr. Garces for that work, and directed him to
forward a letter to the nearest missionary iii NeW
Mexico, and to have himself informed as to the dis-
tances. For this reason Fr. Garces did not accompany
the troops back to Tubac, but remained at Oparsoi-
tac, (Upasoitac) which was called SS. Simon and Ju-
d^s, about 38 leagues above the junction of the Gila
with the Colorado, below the Big Bend. He resolved
to go alone, save for a servant of Captain Anza who
was to be his companion. Fr. Garces i)roposed to enter
the country of the Yavipais and Niforas Indians, but
as usual there was trouble about obtaining guides ;
none of the Pimas or Cocomaricopas would show him
the road, because they were not on good terms with
the Yavipais. Penally two Jalchedunes from the Col-
orado River offered to guide the Father; then the
valiant servant of the captain objected for fear of
the Indians. He was therefore allowed to remain
with tlie Pimas.
Trusting to the Providence of God and the good
will of his guides, Fr. Garces travelled thirty leagues
to a large lagoon, where he found two well populated
settlements of Jalchedunes. These Indians cultivated
wheat to a great extent. Near them began the front-
ier of a most hostile tribe, the Quilmurs, wherefore
taquison, where are some old ruins at C'asas Graudes, 6 1. ; 2::id, to Tutiri-
tucar, or S. Jaan Capistrano, a rancherla of 300 souls, 2 1. : 24th, along- the
Gila, 2 1. to within 2 1. cf the Cas-a Grande, thence south; SSth, south to
Tucson, 24 1. from the Gila ; 26th, 5 1. to Bac and 15 1. to Tubac, 103 leagues
from San Dionisio. Bancroft, Hist. Calif., Vol. I, 222-223; Hist. Arizona,
v69; Hist. Texas Vol. I, 717.
I
— 85 —
the explorer thought it wiser not to proceed through
their hind up the river (10). The Jalchedunes ad-
vised him to leave the letter with them, and when
the mezquites were ripe they would forward it to
the missionary in New Mexico. He inquired about the
distance to the people that made the "mantas prie-
tas," and was told it was five day's travel; and that
the nearest missionary resided seven day's travel
from their own camps. These Indians treated the
Father with even more kindness than he had experi-
enced at the hands of those farther down the river;
and besides he noticed that more people wore blank-
ets made by the Moqui, or by the Gileilos. The
missionary saw that it was useless to try to reach
the Moqui at that time, on account of the scarcity
of water, and also, because the Fr. President had
forbidden him to venture too far into the interior;
he therefore resolved to return. Several Jalchedunes
offered to guide him back, but as poor Fr. Garces
had no more presents to bestow on so many, he se-
lected only one Indian wdio carried the provisions,
and prepared the meals for him consisting only of
the atole made of wheat flour. The good native also
urged on the horse which showed signs of exhaus-
tion. On reaching the Cocomaricopas, they were o-
bliged to rest for several days. Fr. Garces gladly re-
mained with these Indians because of their good dis-
positions towards Christianity. After many hardships
the intrepid wanderer at last arrived at his mission,
San Xavier del Bac, on July 10th, having seen on
his journey, as he thought, about 24,000 pagan In-
dians. (11)
(10) Cglort^dq Qf g^|;ita Maria Rivor, Bancroft sajs, (11) Arricivita, 455-456,
— 86 —
CHAPTER VII.
State Of The Missioxs— Petition Of The Peo( i rajjok— f^xPEDiTiox
From Sonoea To The Port Of Sax Fraxcisco, Califorxia.— Fathers
Garces, Foxt, Axd Etzarc h.
The state of the missions in tlie Piiuerias during
this period remained the same. Notliing had been
done to ease the snperlniman yet almost fruitless
work of the devoted religious, as no action had been
taken by the government regarding the oft-repeated
complaints and recommendations. The Apaches contin-
ued to devastate the mission establishments with tire
and l)l<)()d. and drovt* away cattle and Iiorsc^s. The In-
dians who had settled d(»wn near tlu- missions or vis-
itas were the same indolent, inditlerent, and immor-
al creatnres as before, to the intense grief of the Fa-
thers who found it impossible to change the condi-
tions. The territory in charge of the individual mis-
sionaries was too extensive to permit that anything
])ermanent l)e etfected. Once nu)re, therefore, the col-
lege of Queretaro through the procurador in August
177^5 appealed to the viceroy in behalf of the Fa-
thers on the missions; but his statement of the
f;icts did not meet with the reception that was ex-
l)ected. The cold reply came from Mexico that in the
emergency of an attack by the Apaches, the mission-
aries could easily have recourse to the nearest presi-
dio. As to an assistant, or second priest at the sever-
al missions, whom all desired, not only for the sake
of the Indians, but also in order that two Fathers
might live together as became religious, the viceroy
declared that this could not be permitted generally.
There were many districts, he claimed, in wliich the
— 87 —
missioimries resided so close together tliat they couhl
very well meet and enjoy each otlier's company and
assistance.
The procurador did not hnd it difficult to prove
that the viceroy hibored under a misapprehension.
He showed his Excellency that usually the cunning-
savages fell upon the establishments without a previ-
ous warning, and tliat often the missions were in
ruins before the soldiers of the presidio could be no-
tified. In answer to the viceroy's second point, the
procurador, in the same letter of September 18th,
I'urnished a list of the missions with their distances
from one anotiier, according to the report of Fr. Re-
yes of tlie previous year. From this statement his Ex-
cellency learned that the Fathers of the two missions
San Ignacio and Tubutama, which lay nearest to-
gether, had to travel IG leagues in order to make
their confession to each other. The missions in other
parts of the country were much farther apart, and
this rendered life for the lonely religious deprived
of the counsel and assistance of a brother priest, ex-
tremely burdensome. (1)
The simple statement of the procurador this time
at least had some effect. The viceroy requested the
college to hold a regular visitation of the missions in
Sonora, to draw up a report, and to hand it to the
governor, who was to forward the same to the court
of Mexico. In obedience to this order the Fr. Guardi-
an directed the Fr. President of the missions to visit
the establishments, or, in the event of sickness or in-
ability, to delegate another Father to do so and re-
port as directed. This was done to the intense satis-
faction of the missionaries, who felt happy to be a-
ble to unburden their consciences freely, and have
their scruples regarding the insufficient catechetical
instructions of the neophytes, especially at the out-
l!) 896 Frauoiscaiis ju California, iiBKes IKi-JUi AiricLvita, loS,
— 88 —
side stations, examined by one wlio understood them
frv)ni pergonal observations. The whole report was
then transmitted as ordered by the viceroy, and cop-
ies of the same forwarded to the college. Arricivita
does" not say who held the visitation ; but there the
matter ended, for nothing came of the whole transac-
tion. The old misery continued u itil Captain Anza
arrived in Mexico after having demonstrated the fea-
sibility of the overland route. Anza also brought Fr.
Garces' diary and letters in which he again proposed
the founding of missions on the Colorado and the Gi-
la, under the protection of a strong military guard a-
gainst the everlasting attacks of the restless Apaches.
As Anza conld not say that he had seen the sites
recommended by Fr. Garces, nothing again came of
the report, except that the viceroy declared the
places should be first examined. (2)
However, towards the close of 1774 royal orders ar-
rived from Spain directing Viceroy Bucareli to send
reenforcements to the California missions. Another
expedition Avas therefore equipped and placed in
charge of Don Anza. He was instructed to examine
theproposed mission sites in company of the Fa-
thers, on the Gila as wellas the Cohu'ado, because it
was the intention of the government to found the
missions as soon as he should return from the coast.
It was also given out that the two presidios of San
Bliguel de Horcasitas and Buenavista should be re-
moved, one to the Gila and the other to the Colora-
do, as protection for the contem[)lated missions. The
inspector-general, Don Hugo O'Conor, then visiting
the military posts of the country, was advised of
the plan, and he accordingly Avrote to Fr. Garces on
December 18th, 1775, among other things as follows:
"The whole proposition regarding the transfer of
the presidios of Horcasitas and Buenavista to the
(2) Ai-riclvita, 456-Wl,
— 89 —
rivers Gila and Colorado has my approval ; and
tliouj;h the execution of the order is left to me, the
transfer cannot be accomplished until your Reverence
returns from the journey." (?J) It was now plain
that the viceroy earnestly desired tlie founding of
missions on the Colorado and Gila under the protec-
tion of the presidios named, and that for this reason
he directed Kr. Garces and a companion priest to re-
main behind at the Colorado awaiting the return of
the expedition, and meanwhile to prepare the na-
tives for the blessings in store for them.
On learning of the intentions of the government,
the college in turn made preparations to meet the
wishes of the viceroy. It was, however, found impos-
sible to furnish the required number of missionaries.
The Father Guardian with his counsellors, therefore,
resolved to cede the missions in Pimeria Baja to the
fit. Rev. Bishop of Durango, in order to transfer the
missionaries stationed there to the northern estab-
lishments; but the Bishop thought it was too early
to place those missions in charge of secular priests.
Thereupon the provincial of the Franciscans m Xalis-
co was informed that the viceroy would be pleased
if the province took charge of the missions in Rime-
ria Baja. The transfer was harmoniously effected in
1774. These missions had been in the care of the
Queretaranos since the year 1768. (i)
Immediately after the Board of War had approved
the plan of Viceroy Bucareli to send out an expedi-
tion for the Port of San Francisco, preparations were
made to collect the necessary num.ber of soldiers, col-
onists, cattle, etc At San Felipe in Sinaloa a regu-
lar recruiting-office was opened, and men and materi-
al forwarded to San Miguel de Horcasitas which
(3) O'Conor recommended as sites for frontier presidios S. Bamardo Xagui-
oaar, Sta Cruz, and Juata de los Rios. The only cliauge over made was
that of Tubac to Tucson. Bat-Ci-oft, Hist, Arizona, a9J,
[i) Arricivita, 460; 489,
— 90 —
was the headquarters. The expedition was in charge
of Don Juan Bautista Anza, who had been promoted
to the rank of lieutenant colonel. By request of the
viceroy, the Fr. Guardian ordered Fr. Pedro Font to
acconi])any the troops for the purpose of gaining the
good will of the natives along the road, to instruct
them as the opportunity ofi'ered, and to take down
the geological observations along the whole route.
Likewise by recjuest of the viceroy Fathers Garces
and Tomas Eyzarrh were told to accompany the ex-
pedition as far as the Rio Golorado, there to exam-
ine suital)le sites for the proposed missions, and to
l)repare the minds of the Indians for the great bless-
ings planned in their liehalf. From experience J>.
Garces knew that it would l)e impossible to obtain
interpreters for all the different dialects spoken by
the natives along the route which it was intended to
travel, and that he sliouhl have to converse with the
Indians l)y means of signs to a great extent. He
tlierefore had a canvas pi-epared showing on one side
the pii'ture of the Blessed Virgin, and on the other
that of a condemned soul in hell. On his breast, as
bcfoie, lie wore a crucilix which he was accustomed
to kiss fre(iuently before his hearers. This had excit-
ed wonder and provoked questions on their part
wliich \\v h;id always 1)een ready to answer.
The expedition was not in marching order until
the 21st of n,.tol)er, ITTr,. (5) It then left Tubac
under tlie i)rotection oT Our Lady of Guadalupe, St.
Michael, and St. Fran( is of Assisi, after the celebra-
tion of Holy Mass. (0)
(5( Bancroft .-^h.vs it \v:is Tiics.liy t!ie 23iJ. Hist. Cal., 258-260.
I()i "Tlic foirc tl.at set out liciii Tiihac coni^isted. First, of Anza. commaiiil-
cr. Fr. Pedro Font of tlie Queretaro Franc iscan.<, chaplain, ten soldiers of
the Horcasita.-i presidio, cii-dit muleteers, four servant.*, and Mariano Vid-
al purveyor— twent.v-live persons in all who were to return to Sonora ; sec-
ond. Fathers Francisco (inrc^s and Tomas Eyzarcli, (Eixarch, Esiare,)
destined to remain on the Rio Colorado with three servants and three in-
t('r|)ret(rs; and TUIRD. .^Ifi^rez .Jos^ Joaquin Moraica and Sorg-eant Juan
Pahlo Grijalvii, twenty-'Mirht soldior-, finht fro'" 'he iii"-idio foici- an'l
1
— 1)1 —
The route passed by San Xavier del Bae and Tuc-
son. On tlie 2i)tli Cerro Tacca was reached. From
there Fr. Garces sent a messenjzer to the Pinias on
the Gila to notify them of the advance of the expe-
dition, in conseipience of which next day the chief
of three pnehlos, with a lari;e number of Indians on
horseback, came to welcome the Fathers. He rei)eat-
edly uri;ed the missionaries to remain with his peo-
ple, in order to instruct and baptize them. The
troops on tlie ;>lst encamped at a lag;oon near the
Gila River.
"November 1st we left the lajiuna," says Fr. Pedro
Font, ''at hall i)ast nine a. m., and at one p. m. ar-
rived at Uturituc. The Indians, accordinii to my cal-
culation about one thousand, received us in two tiles,
the men on one side, the women on the other; and
when we aliiihted. they all came by turns to salute
us, and shake hands witii us, first the men and then
Ihe women, when they manifested great joy at see-
iuii' us. They lodged lis in a shed of boughs, which
they had erected on })urpose, and, although gentiles,
planted a large cross in front thereof, and then went
and fetched watei- to the camp for the people- On
All Souls' Day we three priests said nine Masses. (7)
"We then left I'turitnc at 11 a.m., and at 3 p. m.
stopped on the banlis of the (iila, near the village of
wSutaquison, having travelled about four leagues. The
inhabitants of the puel»lo, some five hundred souls,
came out to receive and salute us with demonstra-
tions of great joy. On the road we passed two other
towns." (S) ''In tiiis small district," says Fr. Gar-
twenty new recruits; twenty-nine women who were wives of .soldiers: I'M
persons of both sexes belonjri'ifr to tlie sohiiers' families, and four extra
families of colonists; sev. n muleteers, two interjjreters, and three vaciue-
ros — altogether 207 desi .c! for- Oalifovnia, niakinsr a Krand total of 2;iir), to
say nothiuK of eight infants burn on the way. The live-stock of the expe-
ilition consisted of 16.') m des, :i4() horses, and 320 head of cattle." Ban-
croft, Ibid.
(7) A privilege t^njoved by the clergy of Mexico to tliis day, we believe.
(«) Fr. Font as (juoted [)y Bartlett' "Pergonal Narrative," Vol. II, 268.
— 92 —
ces, "there are five pueblos inhabited by about 2,500
Indians. They cultivate extensive fields of wheat,
corn, cotton, calabazas, and various other kinds of
fruit, for which purpose good water ditches surround
and run through the fields. The natives were dressed
in cloaks made of cotton or wool."'
When Fr. Garces noticed their good disposition to-
wards Christianity, he preached to them in their
own language, which was the same spoken at his
mission. Meanwhile he explained to them the mean-
ing of the picture of the Blessed Virgin, and then
that of the condemned soul. His words and pictures
produced a great commotion which spread among the
Indians of the whole country.
"The commandant determined that we should rest
to-day," Fr. Font writes, "and thus we had an op-
portunity to examine the large building called Mon-
tezumas House (Casa Grande), situated at the dis-
tance of a league from the Rio Gila, and three
leagues E. S. E. of the laguna. We were accompanied
thither by gome Indians, and by the chief of Uturi-
tuc, who on his way related to us the history and
tradition respecting said house as handed down from
their forefathers, which is composed altogether of
fiction confusedly mixed with some Catholic truths.
We carefully examined this edifice and its ruins, of
which 1 give the following explanation and descrip-
tion :
"The large house, or palace of Montezuma, accord-
ing to the histories and meagre account of it which
we have from the Indians, may have been built
some five hundred years ago; for, as it appears, this
building was erected by the Mexicans, when, during
their transmigration, the devil led them through va-
rious countries until they arrived at the promised
land of Mexico. In their sojourns, which were long
ones, they built edifices and formed towns. The
site on which this house is built is level on all sides,
— 03 —
and at the distance of about one league from the
Rio Giha. The ruins of the houses which composed
this town extend more than one league towards the
east and other cardinal points; and all this hlnd is
partially covered with pieces of i;Ots, jars, plates,
etc., some common and others painted with different
colors, white, blue, red, etc., Avhicli is a sign that
this has been a large town, inhabited by a peoj)le
distinct from the Pimas of the Gila River, who do
not know how to manufacture such earthenware.
We made an exact survey of this structure and of
its location, which we measured in the mean time
with a lance ; and the measure I afterwards reduced
to geometrical feet, which gave a little more or less
than the following result :
'•The house forms an oblong square, facing exactly
to the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and
south; and round about it there are ruins, indicating
a fence or wall, which surrounded the house and oth-
er buildings, particularly in the corners, where it
appears there has been some edifice like an interior
castle or watch-tower; for in the angle which faces
towards the southwest there stands a ruin with its
divisions and an upper story. The exterior wall ex-
tends from north to south four hundred and twenty
feet, and from east to we&t two hundred and sixty
feet. The interior of the house consists of five halls;
the three middle ones being of one size, but the two
extreme ones are longer. The three middle ones are
twenty-six feet in length from north to south, and
ten feet in breadth from east to west. The two ex-
treme ones measure twelve feet from north to south,
and thirty-eight feet from east to west.-' (9) "All
these apartments are eleven feet high, and the Avails
constructed of adobes are four feet thick." (10)
After proceeding on their way for two leagues, the
(9) Fr. Font, ibid ; IStli Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, 296-297.
llO) Arricivita, page 182.
ffss; '1^^ ^3!
expedition arrived at a laii'iina wliose water sickened
those that drank of it, bnt on continning, always a-
long the Gila, a place called Agua Caliente was
reached. Here a stop was made in order to give a
needed rest to the sick, the horses, and cattle. A
town of the Cocomaricopas v ;is (dose ))y; Fr. Garces
therefore took occasion to preacli l»y means of an in-
terpreter to abont 1000 Indians, The pictnre of the
condemned sonl, snpplemented l)y the fervent ad-
dress of the zealons missionary, cansed so much con-
sternation that they desired to l)ec()me Christians
in order to escape hell.
After marching for three da>s the party crossed
the River Gila, and on the fifteenth they rested near
some Indian rancherias where Fr. Garces' pictures
had a similar effect to that produced among other
Indians. In one place an old Indian made a remark-
able reply to the Father. When the missionary pro-
posed that all the men c )me together in order that
the commander of the troops might appoint one to
act as chief or judge, this old Indian answered : 'Be-
hold, P'ather, justice exists to punish the bad; but
our people are not bad. AVhy then have justice? You
Spaniards Imve already seen that we do not steal,
we do :iot quarrel; and though we have one wife,
we have no license to commit anything bad.' (11)
Ul) "Mira, Padre, el Justicia es para castigar lo inalo; pues no siendo no-
sotros malos; para que es la Justicia? Ya liabeis visto los Espafioles, que
no hurtamos, que uo renimos, y aunque estenios cerca de una muger, no
tenenios licencia de hacer una cosa mala." "It is not easy to believe in
such a degree of virtue." says Arricivita ; 'but if true we must admire the
natural light of reason which tlie Lord liad bestowed upon those barbari-
ans, by means of wliicli they could know His Commandments, wliich seem
to be effaced in the detestible ways of many ('atliolics."' Tlie writer, from
California to Michigan, never found a tribe of Indians that could truly
speak as tlie old Indian did ; nor does lie believe they existed anywhere
within the boundaries of tlie United States ; or if so they have degene-
rated to a low degree. It must be observed that, in the sight of a Christ-
inn, many things are wrong that cause an Indian no scruples whatever.
When among the Yumas years ago, the writer questioned a pagan :
"Where do the bad Yumas go when they die?" He shook his head and
declared: "We have no bad Indians." Yet, their women and girls especial-
ly were very lascivious.
Tlie expedition now advanced more sJowJy on ac-
count of tlie women. After three days they recrossed
the Gila, and on tlie tentli of November came to the
Cerro de Metate. Here a Yuma Indian told them,
in the name of Chief Palma, that a liearty welcome
awaited them among- the Yumas and Jalchedunes at
the jnnction of the rivers. Two days latter Chief
Palma, his brother, and another chief came to meet
Anza and his followin«>-. A third time the (iila was
crossed, and on the next day tlie Spaniards were en-
camped under a shed constructed by the Yumas for
their white <i;uests.
Very soon many Indians of Imtli sexes appeared in
festival array, when in the presence of all the treaty
formed between the two tril)es of the ^'umas and
Cocomaricopas was ratified. The junction of the Gila
with the Colorado was only one leai-ue distant from
the camp. The fore part of the next day was spent
in passing the soldiers, colonists, horses, and cattle
over the Rio Colorado. It was accomplished without
accident by one o'clock. The width of the river was
found to be 400 yards, and the depth onlv one yard,
as this was the season for low water. A dwelling was
now constructed at the rancheria of Chief Palma, op-
posite the mouth of the Gila, for Fathers Garces'and
Eyzarch, who, according to the directions of the
viceroy, were to remain with these Indians during
the time of the expedition, in order to find suitable
sites for the proposed missions.
On the oth of December the expedition proceeded
on its way for four days when it reached the laguna
de Santa Olaya. A number of Cajuenche Indians ap-
peared there with eataliles for the wanderers, hi
return they received tobacco, glass beads, and other
things. More than 3000 Indians liocked together at
the lagoon to gaze at the novel sight. On the 24th of
January 1776 all arrived at San Gabriel, which was
111 charge of Franciscans from the great monasterv
— 96 -^
of Sail Fernando, Mexico. About the same time Hiv-
era, the governor of California, passed through kSan
Gabriel on his way to San Diego to punish the In-
dians at that place for the murder of Fr. Jauine
(Jayme) on November -1th. Don Anza left the expe-
dition at San Gabriel and went with Rivera to San
Diego accompanied by Fr. Font and seventeen sol-
diers. They returned on the 12th of February and re-
sumed the march to the coast on the 21st. On the 2d
of March the immigrants reached San Luis Obispo,
where next day Don Anza stood as godfather to sev-
eral native children baptized by Fr. Font. Four days
later they entered Mission San Antonio, and finally,
on the lOtli of March all arrived safely at the presi-
dio of Monterey. Next morning Fr. Junipero Serra,
the president of the missions in California, with four
religious came to congratulate the commander and Fr.
Font upon the safe termination of their long journey.
Then both turned to pay a visit to Mission San Cdr-
los del Carmelo, where they were welcomed by seven
other Franciscans singing the Te Deum Laudamus.
Commander Anza here was attacked with a severe
pain in the thigh which compelled him to take to his
bed. It Avas not till eleven days after that he could
mount his horse and proceed with Fr. Font to the
port of San Francisco. Four days later they came to
a lagoon or spring in the immediate neighborhood of
the port. After erecting a cross at the "mouth of
the port," now know as Lobos Creek, they returned
to Monterey on the 8tli of April. They had been
unable to converse with the natives near the port,
as those Indians spoke a dialect entirely different
from any known to them. On the lltli of April,
having turned over his company, and all connected
with the proposed Mission of San Francisco, to Mora-
ga, Don Anza began his return march with Fr. Pedro
Font and twenty men. Fr. Font says there were 193
souls of the new colony left at Monterey. About fif-
— 97 —
teen days later they again appeared at Mission San
Gabriel. (12)
After resting for some time Don Anza, Fr. Font,
and the soldiers set out for the Colorado, and on
the nth of May reached the I'uerto de la Con-
cept'ion, just below Talma's rancheria, nearly, if not
exactly, identical with the site of the modern Fort
Ynma, Calif., now utilized as an Indian school in
charge of the Sisters of St. Joseph. They found that
Fr. Eyzarch and Chief Talma had removed their
habitations to a more elevated location on account of
the overflow of the Colorado. Fr. Garces had gone a-
way long before in order to visit other Indian tribes.
On hearing that he w-.s among the Jalchedunes,
Colonel Anza sent an Indian messenger with a letter
to Fr. Garces, requesting him to return within three
days in order to accompany the troops homeward. As
neither missionary nor Indian appeared, it was
thought that he had penetrated into New Mexico, or
that possibly he was sick, or had been killed. With-
out waiting the commander moved the troops across
the river by means of rafts on the ]4th. (13)
Chief Talma had often conversed with Fr. Eyz-
arch about the glories of the Church, Spanish gran-
deur, and other topics of interest, so that he deter-
mined to accompany the Spaniards to see the vice-
roy. He therefore requested Fr. Eyzarcii to obtain
Don Anza's cqnsent. The commander agreed to the
proposition, and thus it was that Talma, his broth-
er, the son of Chief Tablo, and a Cajuenche Indian
had the opportunity of presenting their petition for
missionaries to the court of Mexico themselves.
Following the banks of the Gila for two days,
they turned to the right, and arrived at San Miguel
de Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca, and Altar
(12) Arricivita, 462-465. See "Franciscans in California," 7-t, 79, 138, 227, 26J>,
282, 290; Bancroft, Hist. Cal. ; Hist. Texas, Vol. I.; Hist. Arizona; Palou,
Vida del Jnniparo Serra, 159; 187-187; 204-5. (1:5) Arricivita, 4G7, 477, 489.
— 98 —
on the first of June. The trip had lasted 145 days,
during; which, under the protection of Our Lady of
Guadalupe, they had marched wore than 1150
leagues without any mishap worth recording. (14)
(U) Arriclvita, 4S8; Bancroft. Hist. California, Vol. I, 273.
Th:* diary kept by Anza, Fr. Font, and Fr. Garc6s of the expedition
through Arizona was as follows: October 23d, 1775, Tubac to La Canoa, 4
leagues; 24th, to Llano Grande or Punta de los Llanos, 4 1.; 25th, to San
Xavier del Bac, 5 1.; 26th, to a point one league past Tucson, (Tuison, or
or Tuquison,) 5 1.; 27th, to Tutuotac, or Frentf Nepra Mts, or Llano del A-
zotado, 5 1. ; 28th, to Ditt-pax, pueblo viejo, or Oitapars (Oytapayts), 6 1.;
29th, to Bajiode Aquituno, Quitac, Ttacca, or Mt. Taceo, 5 1.; 30th, to Ca-
mani, or La Laguna, on the Gila, 10 1. ; 31st, devoted to rest and to an ex-
amination of the Casa Grande; Nov. 1st, down the river to Tutuuitucan,
or S. Juan Capistrano de Uturituc (Utilltuc), 4 1.; 2d, to Encarnacion Su-
taquison, last of the Pimas (other Pima rancherias were S. Andres, Tu-
buscabors, Atison, and S. Serafino del Napcub), 2 or 4 1.; 3d, to Laguna
del Hospital, not far above the junction of the Asuncion, 2 1. ; 4th to 6th,
detained by illness of a woman; 7th s. w., to cut off the bend, to Puerto
de los Cocomaricopas, 6 1.; J:th, to SS. Simon y JudSs de Opasoitac, or
Uparsoitac, or Posociom, 7 1. ; Uth, to rancherias de S. Martin of the O-
pas, li4 1. ; 12th, to San Diego on the river, 4 1. ; i;tth, to Rinconada, or Ari-
toac, across the river, 4 1. ; 14th, to Agua Caliente, 4 1. ; 16th, to San Ber-
nardino, 7 1.: 17th, to El Pescadero, in the Yuma country, lyjl. ; 18th, to
S. Pascual, recrossing the river, 3 1. ; 22d, to hill of Santa Cecilia, or Meta-
te, 5 1. ; 25th, to Laguna Salada, 4 1. ; 26th, to cerros del Cajon, 4 1. ; 27th,
to L-)^ Carritos, 3 1.; 2Sth, to junction of the Gila and Colorado, which
was c#ossed, 4 1. ; December 4th, off for Monterey. The route followed was
nearly the same as in Anza's trip, and substantially that of the modern
railroad through Coahuila Valley and San Gorgonio Pass. The first halt
was at the rancherias of San Pablo, or of Chief Pablo, as Fr. Font says,
where a mission was founded later on between 3 and 4 leagues from the
junction. The distances are from Anza; Fr. Font often makes them
greater.
The return march from the Colorado was as follows: May 14th, crossing
of the Colorado below the Gila ; 15th, up the Gila to Cerros del Cajon,
5 1.; (or 7); ISth, t) tlie Laguna Silada, 7 1. (or 4); 17th, leaving the river
for the southeast to Pozos do Enmedio, or Zacatal Duro, 8 1. (or 11) ; 18th,
o. s. o. past Tinajas de Candclaria to Puerto Blanco, or Llano del Fuzal
9 1. (or 18) ; 19th, southeast to Arroyo del Sonbitac, or Carrifal, 8 1. (or
iO) ; 20th, past the ruined mission of S. Marcelo de Sonoitat, 12 1.; 21st,
rlist San Luis Quitobac to San Juan de Mata, 14 1. (or 17) ; 22d, past
San Eduardo ds Ariijicipla to San Udefonsd, llVj 1. (15); 23d, to CabOrca)
t) 1; Bancroft; Hist. Arizona, 392-393.
-99
OHAPTEK VIII.
Thr Missionary Tour Of Fr. Franc. Garces Along The Colorado And
Through Southern California— His Eeception Everywhere.
"Fr, Francisco Garces was never more happy than
when engaged in converting sonls from paganism,"
says Arricivita; "and it seemed as thongh he lived
on the bread of Divine Providence alone. He carried
no provisions, but subsisted upon what the Indians
would offer him. No road, be it ever so rough or
dangerous, could deter him; the most perilous situa-
tions were sweet to him, if only he could give the
natives an idea of Almighty God Avho created them,
and of the loving Savior who redeemed them."
With such a disposition the famous traveller be-
gan a journey which was indeed apostolic. Leaving
his companion, Fr. Tomas Eyzarch at Falma's ran-
cheria, opposite the mouth of the Gila, he started
Out on December 6th, 1775, to visit the tribes along
the Colorado down to where it enters the Gulf of
Calif drhicl. He travelled without other baggage than
his breviary, oiie tunicj and the picture of Our La-
dy, aild without other escort thaii a California In-
dian and two Pima interpreters, who carried a little
stobk of tobacco and glass beads with which to gaiii
the gbo'cl will of the natives; He reached tlie rancher-
ia of chief Pablo on the samfe day. At the first op-
portunity he addressed the Indians on the divine
mysteries and the last things bf man, illustrating his
speech by means of the picture of the Blessed Vir"*
gin and theit of the condemned souL
— 100 —
From this band of Yiimas Fr. Garces passed on to
the Lagiina de Santa EuLalia (Ohiya), where he once
more met Fr. Pedro Font with Anza's expedition.
He now turned to the country of the Oajuenches
where he was heartily welcomed. After instructing
them through the interpreters on the truths of relig-
ion, he explained his pictures. That of Our Lady
pleased the people exceedingly, but at sight of the
condemned soul they showed such horror that they
would not look at it again. Wlien Fr. Garces visited
this tribe in 1771, (1) he found their land uncultiva-
ted, but now it was covered with vegetation and
fruits. He incjuired into the cause of this change,
and was told that, since he had seen them last, they
had lived in peace with the Yumas, and that there-
fore everything had jjrospered among them. For this
reason they showed particular all'ection for the mis-
sionary, and ottered him so many things that, he de-
clared, there was a veritable confusion of melons,
corn, bread, atoles of seeds, and fishes. Every day
the crowd of hearers increased. He also instructed
and baptized an Indian who had received an arrow
wound from which he died a few hours after.
Fr. Garces had determined to visit the Cucapas
who resided near the mouth of the Colorado; but as
these were hostile to the Uajuenclies, the latter in-
timidated the interpreters so that they refused to ac-
company him. He then visited the Tallicuamais who
received him with much pleasure. He observed that
these Indians were much cleaner than the Yumas or
Oajuenches. After conversing with them as well as
he could on the subjects dear to his heart, he exhib-
ited the pictures with the same result as among the
members of other tribes. He then resolved to cross
the river to find the Oucapas, but on ])eing informed
that the whole country was deserted on account
(1) Arricivita, 420; -454; See page 56 this work
— 101 —
of the incursions of hostile Indians, he reluctantly
returned to the country of tlie Cajuenches.
From tliere Fr. Francisco, accompanied only l)y
the Indian named Sebastian, proceeded to the lai^ooii
of San Mateo, whose Indians helped Jiim reach the
other bank of the river where the territory of tlieir
enemies, the Cucapas, began. The land lay waste,
indeed, as it had been the battle ground where Yu-
mas, Cajuenches, and Tallicuamais had fouglit a-
gainstlthe Cucapas (Cocopas).
Next day he met some Cucapa Indians v,'ho had
expected him. They led the missionary to tlieir ran-
cherias where he was kindly received. An old Indian
offered his hut to the Father, who, availing himself
of an old Pima woman for an interpreter, began
at once to instruct his hearers regarding the l^enefits
of peace with other tribes. They readily admitted
his arguments. Unfortunately Fr. Garces had left his
pictures at the camp of the Cajuenches; instead of
these he showed the poor Cucapas his breviary and
the crucifix which they kissed reverently.
Proceeding he passed through several rancherias,
and then found himself in a sandy desert without
fresh water. After wandering about for some time,
he luckily met with some Indians who in 1771 liad
assisted him to cross the river. They led him to Iheir
rancherias where he was liospitably entertained. In
return the missionary instructed them in the truths
of religion. They kindly showed him tlie way to the
mouth of the Colorado, where he passed a night.
Leaving the Cucapas he visited tlie camps of the Ser-
ranos, to wdiom in a former visit he had applied tlie
name Danzarines. Fr. Garces now foHowed t!ie course
of the river upward and arrived at the Puerto de
la Concepcion on the ^3(1 of January, received by
the Yumas with sliouts of joy. During those 28 days
of travel the Father had seen and instructed about
3,000 Cajuenches, 2,000 Tallicuamais, and 8,000 Cuca-
- lo^ -
pas, wlio all had manifested a desire to have mis-
sionaries in their territories.
Fr. Garc^s "vvas much pleased with the solicitude
of Chief Palma and his Indians for Fr. Tomas Ej'z-
arch. They had provided him with everything, as
though they were members of a mission long estab-
lished. He was still more surprised to hear the boys
sing religious hvmns taught them bv Fr. Tomas.
Many of the older Indians also attended Holy Mass,
attracted by the example of Chief Palma, who as-
sisted witli much lively devotion, striking his breast
and blessing himself as though he were a real Chris-
tian, and not the unbaptized head of a pagan tribe.
Fr. Tomas had employed his time well. The Yavipais
and Cocomaj'icopas now reported that the Rio Gila
had begun to rise, wherefore the two Fathers moved
their residence from Palma' s ranclieria to a small el-
evation of land which they called Puerto, or Porte-
zuelo de Concepcion, the site, as already stated, of
the modern Fort Yuma, California. They also exam-
ined the ranclieria, or puey^to^ of San Pablo down the
river, and pronounced it a suitable site for a mis-
sion. Here Indians flocked together from different
tribes, entreating the Fathers to come and reside
with their people.
At this time an Indian of the Quemaya (Quema-
yab) tribe brought the news that two or three na-
tions had attacked the Spaniards on the coast, killed
the missionary, and burnt the pueblo. (2) Fr. Garces
paid little attention to this story, for he had not
heard of the murder of Fr. Luis Jaume which liad
occurred three months before; yet he lost no oppor-
tunity to insist on tlie necessity of maintaining the
most friendly relations with the Indian tribes.
The Yavipais Teliuas, indomitable Apaches, also
visited the Fathers. Fr. Garces endeavored to have
(2) See "Franciscans in California, 222-226,"
— i03 -^
them make peace with their neighbors, a matter
which lie was constantly urging upon the natives for
their own sake. The Apaches replied that they
would return to their people and let him know tiie
result. The Jalchedunes were now eagerly requesting
the Father to go to their country. He consented on
condition that they led him to the camps of the Ja-
ma jabs (Yamajab), as the Mojaves were originally
called. This they declined to do, because they were
not on friendly terms with the Jamajal)s. A Jama-
jab, however, happened to be at Yuma; under his
guidance the indefatigable traveller and peacemaker
resolved to visit that tribe in company of the In-
dian Sebastian and two interpreters.
On the 14th of February, 1776, ho took leave of
Fr. Tomas and started up the west side of the liio
Colorado. After eight days of rough toil the^^ en-
countered about 800 Jamajab Indians who were on
their way down to the Yuma country to see the mis-
sionaries, and profit by the peace that had been
brought about there.
Two captive Jalchedune girls were reluctantly re-
leased at the request of Fr. Garces, but not until a
horse and other things had been offered in return.
Four days after, in company of the Jamajab chief
and some of his men, he reached a current of water
whence he turned in the direction of the Jalchedune
territory. The two women with the old interpreter
were sent ahead to their people, and the latter noti-
fied that the Jamajabs were their enemies no longer,
and that war should cease. On receiving this mes-
sage the chief of the Jalchedunes made a speech,
and, in order to emphasize the fact that there was
l^eace, he broke his bow and arrows.
On descending a sierra 400 Chemevet Indians were
seen who received the Father very kindly. They in-
habited the banks of the Colorado down to the Yum-
a country, but spoke a dialect of their own. Going
— 104 --
Onward for three days, Fr. Garces arrived at the rali-
clierias of the Jamajabs, or rather opposite, for they
lived on the east of the river, between what are now
the Needles and Fort Mojave. (3) Dnring his short
stay 2,000 natives came across the Colorado to see
the first white man that had ever been in that re^
gion. The zealous missionary, according to his cus-
tom, addressed all on the principal points of faith,
and especially urged them to live in peace with oth-
er Indians, which was his favorite subject. Thereup-
on they earnestly asked him to make his home with
them and to baptize them ; for they seemed to com-
prehend that by this means everything good would
come to them. Fr. Garces was very favorably im-
pressed with tlieir manners, for lie writes in his
diary : "I can say with truth that these Indians are
superior to the Yumas and the other tribes which I
have so far seen on the Colorado ; they are less trou-
blesome, and they do not steal. As I am the first
Spaniard who entered their country, they made much
of this event.-' It was impossible for Fr. Garces to
get away as soon as he desired, because of the
crowds of Indians that came to see him. Three chiefs
also wanted to become acquainted witli the Father,
and the principal one of these was so pleased with
the missionary that he declared none o" his follow-
ers shoukl do anytliing against the priest's wishes;
lie urged Fr. Garces to say what should, be done. The
(3) This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west
of the river, the route is here given in full. Puerto de la Concepcion, 6.5
1. n. w. ; 2 1. w. n. w. through pass in Sierra de S. Pablo to S. Marcelo
watering-place; 5 1. n. w. in sight of Cabeza del Gigaute in the east, Gran-
de Medanal, and vicinity of S. Sabastian. passing near Penon de la Cam-
panu ; 8 1. n. and n. n. w. through pass in the sierra on north of the Me-
danal to San Jos(5 watering-place 'A'A degrees and 28 minutes; 3.5 1. n. n.
w, and e. n. e. across sierra to a valley; 6 1. u. n. w. and e. n. e: 6 1. e.
u, e. and n. into Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across
valley to watering-place in 33 degress 25 minutes; 1.5 1 w. ; 6 or 11 1. n.
\v. and w. n. w. to Tinajas del Tezquien, one day's journey from river;
S 1. (or 1.) n. n. w. and n, across a sierra, to Santo Angel springs 34
degress and 31 minutes (in Chemehueves country) ; 6 1. n. e. and n. w. ;
7 1. n. n. e, across a sierra to Yamaiyab nation, whose ranchorias, La
Pasiou, wore across the river. (Bancroft, Hist. Cal, I, 275.)
— 105 -
latter then spoke about the truths of the Gospel to
the great satisfaction of the chief.
Fr. Garces noAV expressed a desire to visit the mis-
sionaries on the coast of California. Some of the In-
dians at once ottered to guide liim, as they knew
the road quite well. Leaving most of his not bulky
effects and one of his interpreters behind, he set out
for the west with Sebastian and the head chief of
the Jama jabs until the ranch of the .chief was
reached. The chief of the Chemevet Indians awaited
him there for the purpose of seeing and hearing the
Father. To gratify the Indians Fr. Garces spoke on
his favorite theme : the knowledge of divine truths
and peace among the tribes. Next day with a few
Jamajabs he continued his march over very rough
roads, suffering a great deal from rain and cold for
twelve days. Their provisions then gave out so that
the little party was compelled to slaughter a horse,
and to sul)sist on this until some settlement of peo-
ple could be found. As the cold was intense, and his
two Indian guides were naked, except for a breech
cloth, Fr. Garces gave his own tunic to one and the
blanket to the otlier. After four days more of toil-
some travelling they found themselves at the first
rancheria of the Beiieme Indians, where they were
received most hospitaldy. At the ranch of the chief,
a league distant farther onward, Fr. Garces met
with a hearty welcome from the chief and his two
wives. Several rancherias were visited, in all of
which the missionary experienced kind treatment.
Five days later the wanderer was heartily welcomed
by his brethren at San Gabriel. Fr. Garces had been
at this mission establishment with Anza in 1774,
linding it "muy adelantada en lo spiritual y temi)o-
ral," and remained for over two weeks.
On leaving the Jamajabs on the Colorado Fr. Gar-
ces had intended to proceed directly to San Luis O-
bispo, in order to ascertain whether or not communi-
— i06 ~
fcation could be maintained overland between Sonora,
Monterey, Calif., and New Mexico, as the viceroy
hoped; but the Janiajab jiuides refused to pass with
iiim through the territory of their enemies. He then
determined to go up to San Luis Obispo by the high-
way, and thence to return eastward across the tu-
lares to the Colorado. On applying to the corporal of
the mission guard for an escort and supplies for the
trip, he was refused. Rivera, to whom he appealed
at San Diego, also refused to allow '^he favor. The
commandant soon arrived, however, on his way to
Monterey, and a discussion folloAved, which Unally e-
licited from Kivera, after various excuses, the dec-
laration tliat he had no orders from the viceroy to
grant what Fr. Garces asked ; that he did not wish
any communication between the natives of the Colo-
rado and those of the missions; and that he had al-
ready taken steps to prevent it by ordering the ar-
rest of eastern Indians who came to the missions to
trade.
Fr. Garces was not pleased with tlie measures tak-
en by Rivera, because they would only serve to ex-
cite the Indians against the white people. Nor could
the killing of the missionary and the destruction of
mission San Diego, be a sufficient reason for un-
friendliness towards tlie innocent Colorado Indians,
since Fr. Junipero himself had interceded with the
viceroy for the very perpetrators of the crime. After
all, Fr. Arricivita justly remarks, that uprising of
the Indians, like others, was due to the outrages
suffered by them at the hands of the soldiers, and
especially deserters. The Fathers at San Gabriel, how-
ever, sui)plied the traveller with provisions wliich
enabled him to carry out his plans partially, though
he did not venture along the Channel shores. (4)
Leaving San Gabriel on the 9th of April, Fr. Gar-
ces travelled for five days to a cienega or marsh.
»■■ — — ■ --..-■■, — — ■
(4) Arricivita, 472-174; Bancroft, Hist. Cal. I, 274-27G.
— lot -^
Here one of his Jamajab ft'uides fell sick ; the Father
therefore remained with him, and nursed and in-
structed him until the Indian was able to travel ten
days later. Meanwhile the zealous missionary em-
ployed his time in visiting the surrounding rancheri-
as. In one of them he discovered a sick old man
who happened to be the father of the Jamajab chief.
After instructing him through Sebnstian, Fr. Garces
baptized him. A number of Beiiames, together with
five Jamajabs, came to the rancheria and invited tlie
Father to visit their people. He therefore accompan-
ied them over a sierra, when the sick guide had
recovered, and was hospitably entertained by the
Benames. After instructing them on the principal
points of faith, Fr. Garces proceeded on his way to
the tribe of the Cuabajais. As one of the Jama-
jab guides wore the Father's tunic and the otlier
was covered with the ])lanket, they were at first tak-
en for Spaniards. They were asked whether the mis-
sionary belonged to the east or the west. When the
Cubabajais learned that the Father came from the
east, they dropped their suspicions and reserve; and
hastily recalling the children, who had concealed
themselves in the mountains for fear of the Span-
iards, they gladly listened to what the white man
had to say. Thus the very missionaries had fallen in-
to bad repute with the natives on account of what
they had seen of the soldiers, and particularly the
deserters. The Cuabajais also reverently kissed the
Father's crucifix. At nightfall Fr. Garces recited the
rosary with Sebastian and tlie two Jamajalis, who by
this time had learned the Ave Maria. Whilst these
prayers were said all dancing and noisy plays of the
Indians ceased.
On tlie following day the chief accompanied the
Father to the next rancheria, but he would not go
farther, nor would his guides proceed, because tliey
and the Indians in that direction, called Noches, were
— 108 —
not on friendly terms with one another. Finally Fr.
Garces discovered a Noche Indian who was married
to a Cuabajais Avoman. With this Indian he set out
and wandered north until he came to a wide river
through which an Indian carried him. At one of the
rancherias Fr. Garces passed the night. The next day
he found a dying child which he baptized. Here
some Noches Indians invited him to their camps
which lay east ; but, as he had promised Sebastian to
return after four days, he had to decline the invi-
tation lest his guides believe him killed. He was al-
so informed of the murder of two soldiers, probably
Spanish deserters, because they had outraged Indian
women.
In one rancheria a chief told the missionary about
a Spaniard, probably a deserter, who was married to
an Indian woman of the Noches Colteches. Two In-
dians now led him to the top of a hill, and, after
pointing out the road to a rancheria and a river,
they deserted him. He thereupon placed himself in
the hands of Divine Providence, but when night
came on he found himself on the brink of a preci-
pice. Though he discovered a footpath, his mule
could not travel on it. In this affliction the poor Fa-
ther had recourse to prayer, and after some time ap-
I)roached a river along which he walked most of the
night, when he suddenly met four Indians who took
him to their rancheria where he was received with
much x)leasure. From here he continued and, after
crossing a river, came to the San Felipe. At all the
rancherias he was hospitably entertained.
Accompanied l)y three Cuabajais Indians, Fr. Gar-
ces now traversed fertile plains, and reached the Cu-
abajais camps which were in festival array. They
danced and sang all night and the following day.
One of the Jama jabs arrived here with two mules, in
order to bring the Father back to the place Avhere
he had left Sabastian. Thence he was led to the
— ]09 —
country of the Cliemevet and Cuajala, a\1io in turn
bi'ou^'lit liini to the Cobaji. Only women and chil-
dren were at the latter camp; tlie men were out
hunting. After wandering jiljout for fifteen days Fr.
Garces reached the Jamajahs, ''It is dilficult to de-
scribe the joy manifested by this tribe," says Fr.
Garces, "to see me again in their country. Thej- noti-
fied the Teluia Yavipais, the Jaguallapais, the Chem-
evets, and the Jalchedunes of my arrival, in order
that in my i)resence they might celebrate the peace
among them; and to that end they told me it was
necessary to detain me eight days, although they
knew that I had received letters from the comman-
der of the expedition, and from ujy companion Fr.
Tomas, wherein they urged me to return at once to
the Yumas. The crowds were so large, however, and
the good spirit, manifested by these Indians so sin-
cere, that 1 feared to leave them. They ratified the
general peace among the tribes with much satisfac-
tion to themselves and pleasure to me." (5)
(5) Arricivita, 4(3j;-4.TS. Tlie full route over a country which Fr. Garc<^f; was
the first, as also for many years the last, to traverse is worth recording
as follows: Three leagues a. w. to rancherlas of Santa Isabel; 3 1. n. w.
and o. n. w. [Ti to San Pedro de los Yaniajabs in 35 degrees and one min-
ute, still near the river; 2!^4 1. southwest to San Casimiro wells; 81. w. hi
1. w. s. w. to wells; 5 1. w., 3 1. w. s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta ; 41. w.
n. w. across ?ierra (Providence Mts.) to Canada de Santo Tomfts; 61. w.
&. w. to wells of San Juan de Di63, where the country of the Beuame's
begins; 5 1. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Mdrtires (Kio Mojave) ; 121^1.
w. s. w. on same stream ; 2 1. w. n. w., and 2 1. s. w. and s. to 34 degrees and
37 minutes; 5 1. s. w. up the stream: HV2 1. up the stream; 3 1. s. w. and s.
to San Benito rancherla ; 3 1. s. s. w. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight
of sea, and 3 1. e. s. e. to Arroyo de los Alisos ; 2K 1. w. s. w. into Anza's
trail, and 8 1. w. n. w. ; 21. w. n. w. to San Gabriel. At San Gabriel Fr.
Garces on April 6tli baptized an Indian of 20 years named Miguel Garces ;
Sergeant Grijalva was godfather.
Leaving San Gabriel on the 9th of April Fr. Garces travelled as follows :
IVil. n. w, and w. n. w. ; bVil. n.w. at foot of sierra: 2^1. n. w. to a ran-
cheria in vicinity of San Fernado mission ; 2 1. n. to Santa Clara Valley and
IV2 1. w. n. w. to a ci^nega or marsh; 9 1. w. and n. across tlie Sierra Gran-
de; Yil. n. e. to a lake where Fages had been, possibly Elisabeth Lake;
.') 1. across valley to Sierra de San MArcos; 2f4 1. n. and 3^41. w. across the
Sierra to San Pascual rancheria of the Cuabajai nation in the edge of
Tulare Valley; IK2I. w. n. w. to rancheria in degree 35 and ^ minutes; 81.
u. to Arrcyj de Santa Catarina in the country of the Noclies; one 1. n. w.
to a great river San Felipe flowing with rapid current from eastern
— 110 —
CHAPTER IX.
Fr. Francisco Garces And His Trip To Moqui— .lis Reception— He Re-
turns To San Xavier Del, Bac.
While Fr. Garces succeeded in moving the differ-
-ent tribes along the Colorado and Gila to make
peace among themselves, he learned from the Gual-
]apais the distance to the Moqni villages and the
missions in New Mexico. Though he had received
Anza's letter, and had started down the river, he
changed his mind and decided to visit the Moqui
towns. The interpreters who had followed the mis-
sionary thus far had returned to their people; and
Sebastian was told to wait for him among the Jal-
I'hedunes. Fr. Garces then set out from the Mojave
region on the 4th of June, 1776. "This journey,"
says Bancroft, "as the second [through this region,
and the lirst of which we have a detailed account, is
a most interesting and important one, to which noth-
ing like justice can be done in the appended resume
of the diary, which, however, as a record cannot be
omitted." (1)
mountains, possibly Kern Eivor above Bak?rsfield, and 31. n. w. and n.
to smaller stream SantiaKo (Posa Creek?); 4^4 1. n ; 2^4 1. n. to River Santa
Cruz (White River?) ; one 1. e. to a raneheria. Back to San Miguel at
junction of two branches of River San Felipe; back to San Pascual ran-
eheria; 2 I. e. and n. e. in the sierra to lagoon of San Venancio: 3^4 1. n,
w. and s. e; I'ri 1. s. e. to Arroyo de la Asuncion; 6^4 1. s. s. w. out of the
mountains and over the plains; 7 1. s. s. \v. to Rio Mftrtires at old station
in 31 degrees and 37 niinntos ; back to San Juan de Di6s by the old route ;
21, 0, n. 0. to M^dano; i'/il. o. a. e. across Sierra of Santa Coleta ; 3 1. e.
n. 0. to well of San Felipe Nori; 51. n, e. ; 1.5 n. o. to Triniddd; 1.51. n.
c. ; Gl, e, ond s. e. to San Casirairo; 2 1. e. s. w. to starting point, (Banc,
Hist. Gnli Ii 276.277.) (1) 8oe chd of thie ebaptsn
— Ill —
The starting-point was probably in the region of
the later Fort Mojave, or latitude 35 degrees. The
winding and complicated route corresponded in a
general sense with that of Onate in 1604-1605, and
the line of the modern Atlantic and Pacific Railroad.
After travelling four days Fr. Garces reached the
rancherias of the Juallapais (Juagnapais), where a
hut had already been prepared for him.
They listened attentively to his instructions and
kissed the crucifix, and had the children do the
same. On hearing that he wished to go to the Mo-
quis, they made every efl'ort to change his mind, nor
would any one show him the road. Finally a Jamajab
Indian consented to take him to the Yavipais where
he was invited to remain. The next day a great ma-
ny Indians arrived in groups of four, six, and eight
men to see the stranger.
Thence a married couple and another Indian, Avho
claimed to be from Moqui, offered to accompany the
Father. The rancheria of the single Indian was
gained on the third day. Fr. Garces lost no time,
but as usual spoke of God and the delights of heav-
en, to wjilch all listened with much interest. The
children, like the adults, kissed the crucifix which
passed from hand to hand. Every Indian in the place
was brought to the missionary, the blind, the infirm,
and the crippled, that he might lay his hand upon
them and pray over them. The wondering traveller
in vain tried to ascertain where they had learned
this beautiful custom. He met with the same experi-
ence among the Yavipais. Fr. Garces entered the lat-
ter's territory over a very rough road, and was
heartily welcomed. They succeeded in detaining him
for five days.
In the company of five Indians he left this friend-
ly tribe, and arrived at the camp of the Jabesua In-
dians, after ah exceedingly toilsome march througji
the mountaihs. There the amarM c^xplorsy beheld
— 112 —
the deep gorges through which tlie Colorado wends
its way; a pass in the sierra he named after Viceroy
Bucareli. Proceeding with three Indian families that
were on the road to another rancheria, Fr. Garces
reached the Rio Jaquesila. They crossed it and, after
indescribable hardships, arrived at a Yavipais ranche-
ria. Two Moqui Indians made their appearance here.
One of them kissed the hand of the missionary, but
declined to accept either tobacco or anything else.
The other would not so much as kiss the crucifix
offered him by the Yavipais.
On the following day,- guided by some Yavipais,
the traveller crossed the Rio Jaquesila, and passed
through a ruined pueblo of the Moqui. He was now
twelve leagues from the Moqui town of Muca or O-
raybe. On" approaching to within three leagues of
the pueblo, he met a Moqui youth who would not ac-
cept the tobacco offered him. Tiiis was a most suspi-
cious sign that he would not be well received; but
nothing daunted the Father proceeded to within two
leages of Muca, when he encountered two well-
dressed Indians on horseback. They refused to shake
hands with him, and moreover by signs gave him to
understand that he should turn back. The Yavipais
guides endeavored to explain the missionary's inten-
tion, but the Moquis would not listen, so that his
companions advised him not to continue in that di-
rection. Fr. Garces, then, determined to proceed a-
lone, as he knew the Moqui village must be near.
The six Yavipais Indians, therefore deserted him, and
only one old man with a boy followed the Father to
tlie mesa or table land on which the town stood.
The elevation from which the pueblo rose was very
rough and steep, but after climbing the zigzag course
upw^ards, he almost suddenly found himself inside
the pueblo. From the entrance a narrow lane ran
through the town and was crossed by others just as
narrow. There were two small plazas.
As soon as the Father with liis two Indiahs Gh'-
tered the pueblo, a great crowd of women and cdiil-
dren gathered on the roofs of the terrace-like build-
ings to gaze at the strange white man. Fr. Garces
followed the guides to the house of a woman ac-
quainted with his companions. The two Yavipais sa-
luted her from l)elow ; whereupon she invited them
into her home, but declined to admit the missionary.
The weary traveller then retired to a corner of the
lane and prepared to settle down with his mule. All
day long men, women, and children would come to
look at the priest, l)ut no one would speak; nor
would they accept the white beads of which they
are very fond.
The old Yavipais told the Father that the Moquis
did not want him there; nevertheless Fr. Garces kin-
dled a lire and prepared a meal consisting of atole de
pinole., (cake of ground corn or barley), which he had
fortunately brought along. This was his only nour-
ishment in a town well provided with everything. To-
wards night an old Indian drew near and kissed the
crucitix. After receiving some tobacco and beads he
said to the Father: "God repay you." Soon after a
young Indian approached and said in Spanish: "Fa-
ther, these are Chichimecos, and they do not want
to be baptized; nor do they believe you are a priest;
but I recognize you, for I am baptized and a Zuiii.
You may come to our people along with the three
of us, and to-morrow before noon we shall reach a
pueblo, and the day after we shall come to the mis-
sion of Acoma.
Fr. Garces would not promise this, but asked for
the chief of the town, when it was found that the
latter had concealed himself. The missionary tlien
asked the Zufii to inform the people that he had
come for no other purpose than to speak to them of
God. This the Indian did in vain; no one would list-
en. The kindhearted Zufii now invited the Father to
— 114 —
his own stopping place, but Fr. Garces declined, be-
cause the mistress of the house had not invited him.
When night set in, the villagers huddled together
on the roofs and made an almost intolerable noise
with flutes, songs, and shouts. After awhile this
ceased, wdien some one in a sharp voice made a
long speech. Then the hideous music would contin-
ue for awhile to be interrupted by another long-
winded speaker with a hoarse voice. This was kept
up until near the dawn of morning. In the after-
noon the Yavipais Indians visited the missionary in
his corner. On learning that he might go to the Zu-
fiis, they refused to accompany him. Fr. Garces of-
fered them some beads with which to purchase corn
meal. They would not accept the beads, and the two
younger ones even threw away those he had given
them before.
At daybreak of the second day the Zuhis again
came to invite the Father to their towni; but he
informed them that, as the Yavipais refused to
accompany him for fear of the Moquis, he would
have to refrain from going to Zuni. He asked them
to take a letter to their missionary in which he had
described his experience at Moqui. Some time after
the old Yavipai approached Fr. Garc6s with one of
the Moqui chiefs. The latter requested him to visit
other villages, where he would get something to eat,
as he was not wanted there. Thereupon the poor
messenger of peace mounted his mule, and accompa-
nied by the two Yavipais proceeded to leave the in
hospitable pueblo. The Yavipais soon deserted him,
and when, on ascending a height similar to that on
which Muca was situated, he noticed that every In-
dian fled from him, he suspected some foul designs.
He therefore resolved to return the three leagues he
had come in order to find the Yavipais. A little be-
fore nightfall the intrepid explorer once more en-
tered the village before the eyes of the amazed pop-
— 115 —
ulace. He soon found tlie little recess in which he
had passed the previous niglit; but afi;ain received
no invitation nor favor of any kind. He was then
convinced that every one must have received orders
from tlie chief not to ofi'er food or hospitality to
the unwelcome stranger, and that this command
Avas being carried out to tlie letter.
One of the Yavipais now approached and without
a word led away tlie missionary's mule. At the dawn
of the third day Fr. Garces heard singing and dan-
cing along the narrow lanes, and noticed Indians,
their hair adorned with feathers, moving hither and
thither, shouting and whistling. At sunrise a great
crowd of people, in festive array, gathered in tlie pla-
azs and when the multitude drew nigh he concluded
that they intended to take his life. Grasping his
crucifix more firmly, and recommending himself to
God, he prepared to suller death. Four chiefs ap-
proached him, and one of them said: "Why did you
come here? You cannot remain in this place; go
back to your country." Fr. Garces replied Ijy mak-
ing a sign requesting silence ; but they would not
listen. Thereupon the intrepid missionary "raised the
crucifix, and in a liery speech, mixing Yuma, Yavi-
pais, and Spanish words, illustrated by means of
signs, he told them of the tribes he had visited; that
all had kissed the crucifix ; that not one had treated
him badly ; that for the love he bore towards the
Moquis he had come to speak to them of the one
God in heaven, and of the Lord Jesus Christ wlio in
His goodness had allowed Himself to be crucified for
their welfare." When the Father had finished, an
old Indian shouted in Spanish, "No, No." Thereupon
Fr. Garces asked for his mule, and started off sur-
rounded by the multitude until he was outside the
pueblo.
The weary wanderer commenced the march under
the most disheartening circumstances ; for, not only
^as li3 unacquainted with the country, but hunget
made itself keenly felt. Two Moquis whom he met
showed themselves less unfriendly, but they would
accept neither beads nor tobacco; he was treated in
like manner by every Moqui he addressed on the
road. He continued to wander about^ and once
found himself in a place from which he tould not
find an outlet. There he Avas discovered by the Ya-
vipiiis who had deserted him at the Moqui village.
They requested hiin to make haste, as they had
seen the smoke by which means the Yavipais Tehua
called their men to war.
Happily the Father soon arrived at the rancheria
of an old Y^avipais whose family showed much sym-
pathy for the traveller, on account of the treatment
he had received at the hands of the Moquis. They
slaughtered a pair of cattle and entertained him
most hospitably. Moreover they urged him to remain
with them for at least six days, because, as they
said, he must have suffered exceedingly from hun-
ger. However, Fr. Garces soon again started out to
ascend a sierra, and four days later came to a ran-
cheria of the Jabesua where he was received with
indescribable joy. They succeeded in keeping him for
six days, during which time he enlightened them on
the truths of religion. They were particularly de-
lighted to hear the missionary sing the litany. To
please these simple ijeople, at the name of St. Antho-
ny he would sing: Saint Anthony of the Jabesua;
and at the name St. Peter, he would sing : Saint
Peter of the Y^avipais, etc., which little devise i)ro-
duced much good feeling.
Accompanied by two of the chief Jabesuas, Fr.
Garces left these good people, and three days after
was found by four Y^avipais who had been ordered
by their chief to search for him. The next day he
reached a rancheria where he remained a day to sat-
isfy their eagerness for his presence. For the same
MISSION SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA.
- 117 —
reason he passed two tlaj-s at another ranclieria, and
then liastened to the country of tlie Jamajabs on
the Colorado. His appearance Avas the si^inal for ex-
traordinary rejoicings, for they were under the im-
pression that the missionary liad been murdered by
the Moquis. With Fr. Garces some Yavipais, Jabe-
suas, and tlie chief of the Cuercomaches also arrived.
Proceeding' on his way the traveller visited several
rancherias; at one of them, called La Pasion, he was
detained for two days. There he Avas informed that
peace existed between the Yavipais Tejuas and the
Cocomaricopas, and that he could reach his mission
in four or five days without having to go around
through the Yuma territory. Having learned, how-
ever, that the Yumas had killed three Jalchedunes,
and that in consecjuence a very bitter feeling ex-
isted between the two tribes, the peacemaker de-
termined to undergo the additional hardships of vis-
iting the Yumas, in order to bring about a reconcil-
iation. Moreover, he wished to ascertain their pres-
ent disposition towards Christian Doctrine and feal-
ty to the king of Spain.
Before leaving he had the consolation of baptizing
a dying girl and three very sick old men. At an-
other rancheria a Yavipais Tejua, or Apache In-
dian, had waited for the Father for some time, but
had gone away in despair. He had been sent by his
chief to invite the missionary to the Apache conn.
t;y. Eleven days after Fr. Garces found himself a-
mong the Jalchedunes, where he remained the wel-
come guest for two days. Three days later the In-
dians helped him cress the Colorado on a raft to the
California side. At one rancheria some of his things
were stolen. On notifying the chief men search was
made and everything recovered, though the thieves
had already reduced the cloak to pieces. After seven
days of marching Fr. Garces arrived at the last
rtinbherjo, of the Jalchedunes, There he also met the
— 118 —
Yumas, and had the pleasure of seeing peace reestab-
lished between the two tribes. It was shown that the
three Jalchedunes had been killed for attempting to
steal some horses.
Continuing on the road for two days, he recrossed
the Colorado twelve leagues above the Port of Con-
tepcion, or mouth of the Gila. The Yumas, too, had
bewailed him for dead. During his several days' stay
Fr. Garces explained the divine mysteries, and par-
ticularly urged upon his hearers the necessity of
ipreserving peace among the tribes. The Indians list-
ened to the instructions attentively, and begged the
missionary to remain with them always. It was with
regret that he parted from them. He crossed the riv-
er and in time entered the country of the Cocomari-
copas. Among them also he pleaded for peace with
the surrounding tribes. From there the indefatigable
traveller passed to the Opas and the Pimas on the
Gila, accompanied by the chief of the Cocomaricopas.
Everywhere tlie natives were delighted to find that
the rumor regarding the Father's death was false.
Among the Pimas Fr. Garces noticed tliat some In-
dians were suiTering from the effects of strong drink.
Tlieir chief by way of excuse said it occurred but
rarely. The Father was much pleased to learn that
no woman had forgotten herself in this matter. (2)
(2) Arricivita, p. 478-484; Bauc. Hist. Arizona, 394-395. Tlie route to Mo-
qui was as follows: June 4th, (lUltli day's journey), 2 leagues n. w.
up the Colorado to a place in latitude 34 degrees and one minute; 5tli,
one 1. n., ^41. south, 3 1. e. n. e. ; 6th, e. n. e. over Sierra de Santia-
go, 1.51. e. s. s. e. to Agnage do San Pacifico, 21. s. s. e., one 1. e. ; 7th,
4 1. o. to t!ie Jaquallapais (Hualapais), on a little stream; 8th, 3.5 1. u.
e. by the skirt of the Sierra Morena, 2.5 1. u. e. to a rancheria; 9th, 5 1. e.
to Arroyo de S. Bernab(S, oue 1. on the stream to with two pozos, in
sight of a valley near a river, 41. to a rancheria of tlie Cueromaches;
25th, 2 1. p. V,'. to Sierra of Santiago, w. to Aguage de Sta Ana, IVii- s.
w. to Rio Colorado, 2 1. south down the river to Punta de los Jamajabs;
26th, 2Y2I. s. down the river to rancheria of S. Pedro; 27th, one 1. s. to
anotlier rancheria; 28tli, 3 1. s. e. to rancheria de la Pasion; 31st, 21. s.
s. w. to rancheria.
, August 1st, 2 1. s. to Sierra de S. Ildefonso, at end of the Jamajab
country, a good place for two missions: 2d to 5th, down the river south
111. to Rio Santa Maria (now Bill Williams Fork) ; 6-Stli, 14 leagues s. to
— 119 —
At last the famous missionary reached San Xaviei'
del Bac on September 17, 1776, after an absence of
eleven months minus four days. He had travelled
about one thousand leagues; liad visited nine tribes';
and had met with 25,000 souls since leaving liis mis-
sion on October 21, 1775.
an abandoned raucheria, where many Indians soon gathered and new
guides were obtained; 15th, up tho airoyo n. e. and n. past Pozos do S.
Basilio to a ranclieria, 4.5.; ICtli, 4 1. n. o. and n. over pine hills, 5 l._ n.
to a sierra of red earth, said to be near tho Colorado, deep bajonos; 17th,
2.5 1. n. e. over a roufrli sierra to a ranclieria, where there was a junta of
Indians and much fV.-itivity. From here ho might have gone more directly
ta Moqui, but turned off to sfeo mdrc people; 19th. one I. e. to Pozo do la
Eosa, 21. n. ; 2Uth, 5 1. e., 2 L n. e., over a bad wooded country, with deep
daflons, to a ranclieria on the Eio Cabezua, or Jabozua, named S. Antonio,
througli a deep canon pass. Here wore a few cattle and horses from Mo-
qui, also iron implements. This seemed the largest river of the Yavipais.
The river runs w., n. w., and n. into the Colorado near by; wat^r used
for irrigation; 25th, 21. s. to summit of a sierra, 31. s. e. and n. , tlirough
forest, to a Cabazua rancherla ; 26th, 4 1. s. e. and s. to a place in sight
of tlie gorges, tlirougli which flows tho Colorado, through a cut in tho
blue sierra named Bucareli Pass, towards the e. n. e., but difficult to
reacli ; also saw in the north smoke of tlie Payuclias nortli of the river,
From the sierra stretching west the Rio Asuncion is thought to rise, 4 1.
s. e. to a pinal; 27tli, 41. s. e. and e. ; 2Stli, 115 1. southeast, south, and
east to Rio Jaquevila, or S. Pedro, which runs w. n. w. into the Colorado
a little above tho Puerto do Bucareli, tlirough a deep canon cut iu living
rock, 8 1. n. by another cajon to a rancheria of Yavipais, where two
Moquis w^ro seen.
July 1st, 1.5 e. s. e. to a river that seemed to be tho S. Pedro do Jaque-
sua, and a ruined pueblo said to be of tho Moquis, 6 1. across treeless
plains; 2d, 3 1. e. s. c, 3 1. e. and s. to tho Moqui town of Oraive, called
by tlie Yavipais Muca; 3d, 31. toward another pueblo, but returned; 4th,
started on return, 12 1. e. n. w. to Rio S. Pedro Jaquecila. The names of*
the Moqui towns in Yavipais language are SesepaulabA, Masaqueve, Jan-
ogualpa, Muqui, Concabe, and Muca, called Oraive by the Zuilis; 5th, 1.5
I.e. n. w. to Yavipais rancherla: heard of the Guamua, Guaiiavepe, Gual-
liba, and Aguachacha, also different tribes of the Yavipais, including tho
Yavipais Tejua in tho sierras of tho Rio Asuncion; also on tlio Colorado
the Yutas, Chemoguabas, Payuclias, Japul, Gualta, and Baquiyoba, per-
haps rancherias of one nation; Gth, 4 1. s. w. to Rio S. Pedro again; 7th,
2 1. n. w. and w. to near a cave; Sth, over the sierra and past the Bajlo,
4 1. w. and s. w. to Poza de Santa Isabel; 9th, 51. n, w., 31. e. n. w. to
ranclieria in the cajones of the Jabesua, staying six days: 15th, 5 1. w.
and s. by the new Canfrau, tliough tlio natives wislied him to go by (lie
Escalera route; IGth, 61. w. to Pozo de las Rosas; 17th, s. w. past Sierra
de Finales and S. Diego to Arroyo de S. Alejo at a Yavipais ranclieria,
leaving the former route; 18th, IHl. down the Arroyo u. w. over hills to
valley of Lino witli niucli wild flax, 3.5 1. w. to a rancherla; 19th, Val. ii.
to Agnage de Sta Margarita, over the Sierra Morena, 2 1. w. to Pozo de .\-
vispas into a valley 4 1. wide, and 4 1. more to a rancherla; 2;M, 21. s. w.
to a poza and raucheria; 24th, up the sierra e. 2 1., one 1. u. to ranclieria
— 120 —
CHAPTER X.
State Of The Missions — Indian Eaids-^-Desteuction Of Mission
Santa Makia Magdalena— Murdek Of Fk. Felipe Guillen.
Most lamentable was the state of the missions in
Pimeria Alta at this period. The Seri, Piatos, and
Apaches continued to be as unruly as ever, and
made every eltort to move the mission Indians to
withdraw from the g;uidance of the missionaries.
This caused the Fathers no end of trouble. Not suc-
ceeding as they desired, the savages began to us9
force. Thus one day in November 1776, at eight in
the morning, forty Seri, Piatos, and Apaches fell up-
on Mission Santa Maria Magdalena, and succeeded in
destroying most of the buildings. The Father had just
said Mass, and the women and children had finished
the doctrina, or recitation of the catechism, when
the savages appeared. Only four able-bpdied men had
been left behind to defend the village. The people
hastily took refuge in the missionary's quarters and
barricaded the doors. The leader of the enemy was
an apostate by the name of Juan Cocinero. By
means of a ladder he ascended to the roof of the a-
dol)e building, in Avhich tlie priest and people had
of Jalchedunes, before named San AntonLo; 11th, 2 1. w. s. w. to ran-
cheria Sta Coleta near tho river; 12tli, 2H 1. s. \v. to rancheria near Lagu-
na de TrlnidAd ; 14th, crossed the Colorado on a balsa to rancheria de
Asuncion on the California side; 16th to 21st, 7 1. down river; 22d, re-
rrossed the river and went one 1. s. , 23, Ihi 1. s. to last rancheria of the
Jalchedvines ; 24th, 4 1. s. s. w. ; 26th, crossed the river, s. w. to a g-eat
pool, 5 1. s. ; 4 1 s. e. to Puerto de la Concepcion. Returned to San Xavier
del Bac by the same route Anza's expedition had come, arriving Septi
37th. Fr. Garc6s' Diary is dated Tubutatna, January 30, 1777;
_ 121 —
gathered, and set fire to the dry grass which covered
the rafters. Then he proceeded to rob the church and
vestry- In their diabolical fury the savages broke or
desecrated everything they could not carry away, be-
fore departing with the vestments, altar vessels, etc.
On the way tliey tore the leaves from the missal
and scattered them to t]ie winds. The cattle had
meanwhile also been driven to the mountains. After
a short time the savages returned to complete the
destruction of the missionary's dwelling. The fire
had reached the rooms in which the frightened wom
en and children vrere huddled together; and they
were on the point of perishing from suffocation. The
enemies on the outside were endeavoring to batter
down the doors with great stones, and succeeded in
making an opening. The three Indian men within
took advantage of this by discharging their arrows
through the hole with such effect that the surprised
assaulters discontinued their efforts for a while. The
final result, however, was only a question of minutes.
The good Father, therefore, exliorted all to make an
act of fervent contrition, in order that he might give
them absolution before perishing in the fire or at the
hands of the Apaches. In this extremity relief came
in the shape of a body of troops who drove the
savages into the mountains. At the beginning of the
attack one of the four men liad escaped unseen to
San Ignacio, two leagues distant. The soldiers had
hastened to Santa Magdalena, and had just come in
time to deliver a large number of women and chil-
dren from a frightful death. One of the women had
been mortally wounded, and another woman with
two children had been carried away as captives by
the Indians.
As the savages had been so successful in destroy-
ing and pillaging a mission without any loss to
themselves, they resolved to attack Mission Saric
eight days later; They found little resistance when
^ i22 —
they fell upon tlie establishment in broad day Tight.
One mission Indian was killed, and a number of
others were wounded, whilst ten perished in the
flames. An Indian woman was taken captive, but es-
caped to Cocospera bringing the information that the
lavages planned the ruin of all the missions. At Sa-
ric the majority of the dwellings were burned, oxen
and cows driven away, and 200 of tlie smaller flock
wantonly killed. Fortunately, the hostile Indians
were not able to force open the church. As it was, it
seemed a miracle that the entire settlement was not
consumed by the flames. On returning, the Indians
passed San Ignacio and drove away twenty head of
cattle. Soon after thirty-five soldiers from the pre-
sidio appeared at the pueblo to punish the murder-
ers; but, as usual, too late to overtake them.
The Fr. President of the missions now asked for
troops to protect the other six establishment; but the
commander replied that soldiers could not be sent
until higlier oflicers so ordered. The governor was
then informed of the danger to which the missions
were exposed; but that official did not even reply
to the appeal. Thus the missionaries with tlieir neo-
phytes continued exposed all through the year 1777,
and in consequence one of tlie Fatliers became a
victim to savage hatred in the year following.
In April 1778 the missionary of Tubutama, Fr.
Felipe Guillen, went to the visita or station of San-
ta Teresa, in order to give his usual instructions and
perform other priestly duties. After saying Mass, and
finishing instructing the neophytes on the morning of
the 27th, he returned to Mission Ati, two leagues
distant. While going his way seven Indians, Seri or
Apaches, fell upon the unsuspecting missionary, and
one of them drove a lance into the breast of the
priest, who fell mortally wounded from his horse and
expired. The savages then hurried to Ati, and after
killing four mission Indians fled to their haunts. The
— 123 —
body of the murdered Father was discovered by
some Indians from Ati and brought to the mission.
The neighboring missionaries were informed of tlie
calamity and invited to the burial. This took place
next day, after the Office and Requiem, in the pres-
ence of four Fathers and the Indian;i from Tubuta-
ma, Santa Teresa, Oquitoa, and Ati. (1)
However, neither perils nor hardships, says Arrici-
vita, terrified the apostolic men to whose charge the
missions were intrusted. They continued, as well as
possible, to keep the faith alive among the Indians,
and even made some material progress ; for they e-
rected brick churches at Pitic, Tubutama, San Igna-
cio, Sau Xavier del Bac, Saric, and Tucson. Other
church buildings were repaired and roofed, as at Tu-
macacori, (yocospera, and Calabazas, or decorated and
furnished with new vestments, altar vessels, etc.
They also continually urged the neophytes to aban-
don their wild life, to erect dwellings of adobe in
regular order, and roof them with more substantial
material than grass, so that tliey might defend them-
selves more successfully. (2)
(1) Fr. Felipe Guillen, the second missionary from Quer6taro, who suffered
a violent death at the hands of pagan Indians, was a native, of Piles,
Valencia, Spain. He received the habit of St. Francis in the province of
Valencia. When tlic Fr. Commissary arrived from Quer6taro to obtain
recruits for the missions in Mexico, Fr. Felipe made aiaplication and
was accepted. At the college of Quer(5taro he was known as one of
the most exact and fervent observers of the Seraphic Rule. At his request
he was sent to the Indian missions in Texas, and labored at Mission San
Francisco for two years, when he was sent to Pimeria Alta. He was
placed in charge of Mission San Pedro y Pablo, at Tubutama, eiglit
leagues from the nearest mission. There Fr. Felipe worked with much
zeal, giving instructions morning and evening, first in Spanish then in In-
dian. On these occasions he led in reciting the rosary, and would never
be absent except for grave reasons. His kindness did not preserve him
from savage fury. At tlie time of his death which occurred on April "iTtli,
1778. Fr. Felipe was 11 years of ago, of which l;o had passed nine years
in the apostolic ministry. For eight years he had labored among the na-
tives. Arricivita, 524-,=i29. (2) Arricivita, 485-489.
— 124 —
CHAPTER XL
Eeception Of Palma In Mexico— Change In The Government— Pkomises
To Palma— De Croix's Letters— Orders Of The King— Missions De-
layed—Indians And fathers Disappointed— Change In The Plans-
Fathers Garces And Diaz Go To The Colorado— The Situation On
The Colorado— Fr. Juan Diaz Visits De Croix At Arizpe.
When Don Anza arrived in Mexico to report on
the result of his expedition to the Port of San Fran-
cisco, he was most graciously received by Viceroy
Bucareli. His excellency only waited for the account
of Fr. Garces, in order to make proper arrangements
for the founding of the proposed missions and the
removal of the Buenavista and the Horcasitas presi-
dios to the Colorado and Gila Rivers. The famous
traveller completed his report in January 1777.
Meanwhile Chief Palma and his three companions,
who had followed Don Anza to the capital, were pre-
sented to the viceroy and most kindly treated. Pal-
ma was so pleased with his reception that he peti-
tioned his excellency for permission to be baptized.
He also begged that missionaries be sent to instruct
and make Christians of his people. The viceroy there-
upon ordered Palma and his companions to be well
instructed and to be baptized. Palma had given every
proof of his sincerity and good will to Fr. Garces
from the latter's first appearance among the Yumas.
Unfortunately, Palma was not the chief of his whole
tribe, but the recognized head of only one band of
Yumas. His friendship alone could not be depended
upon to secure the safety of the missions.
At this stage the proposed missions on the Colora-
do again received a set-back : the original plan of
- I2g -
founding tiiein under the protection of two presidios
was abandoned, because of a change in the govern-
ment. A new office was created, that of comandan-
te general, and the affairs of the missions taken
frOm the jurisdiction of the viceroy and ph\ced into
the liands of this Official, who acted independently
of the viceroy. The first com andante general was
Don Teodoro De Croix. Inspector O'Conor was promo-
ted to the governorship of Campeche, and Don Anza
appointed governor of New Mexico. Thus the fate
bf the missions was in the hands of new meU, who
knew nothing of the circumstances.
However, the zealous viceroy was not willing that
the Colorado establishments should fail of realization.
He, therefore, earnestly recommended those mis-
sions to the Comandante General De Croix, whilst
he acquainted him with all the plans and steps that
had been taken to found them. De Croix, in conse-
quence, treated Palma and companions with marked
consideration. He promised to send missionaries and
troops, and other things t^iat caused the Fathers
much annoyance later on, as Arricivita remarks. Tal-
ma departed for home much pleased, because he did
not doubt the promises would be kept.
Among the documents given him by the viceroy,
De Croix also found a letter from Fr. Garces; to
this he made reply in March 1777. He acquainted
the Father with the changes, and informed him that
the comandante of Monterey had been ordered to
treat the Colorado Indians kindly whenever they
came to the coast missions; that the founding of the
missions should not be delayed; and that the project
of transferring the presidios of Buenavista and Hor-
casitas to the Colorado and Gila would be further
considered. Fr. Garces in turn forwarded a map, pre-
pared by Fr. Font, of the region he had travelled to
San Francisco and back to the Colorado, with a nar-
rative of his visit to the Moquis. De Croix in anoth-
— 126 —
er letter thanked the missionai\y, and said he hoped
to visit that country in person, in order to execute
the plans that had been formed to establish the mis-
sions. A severe illness, which detained the coman-
dante general in Chihuahua, prevented further steps.
Meanwhile the king himself had seen a copy of
Fr. Garces' diaries and Chief Palma's memorial to
the viceroy in which the latter asked for missiona-
ries. His Majesty, tliereuf)on, instructed De Croix to
attend to Falma's wishes as the viceroy had done,
and to have the missions and presidios established as
proposed by Fr. Garces. Had these instructions of
the king been executed, the missions would have
been placed on a firm basis, and paganism on the Gi-
la and Colorado, like elsewhere, would have disap-
peared, instead of flourishing for more than a hun-
dred years after. Viceroy Bucareli, moreover, in Au-
gust of the same yeav 1777, was requested to thank
the indefatigable missionary Fr. Garces in the name
of the king.
Fr. Garces, like Fr. Junipero Serra in California,
(1) soon discovered that his projects regarding the
missions, for which he had travelled, labored, and
suffered so much, would not be realized, despite the
fine promises of the men in power. Nothing whatever
was done, because De Croix lay sick in Chihuahua,
and when he had recovered he did not find it con-
venient to visit Sonora. The Yumas waited for
some sign of the Spaniards until March 1778, when
Chief Palma journeyed to the presidio of Altar to
ascertain the cause of the delay. The captain of the
troops was not a little embarrassed how to satisfy
the Indian. He endeavored to quiet Palma by saying
that the comandante general was on a tour of in-
spection in the east, and that in due time he would
reach the west when the proposed work would pro-
(1) Seo Franciscans in Caiifornia, page 82i
— 127 —
ceed. Palma apparently satisfied returned to his peo-
ple and waited patiently, trusting to the good faith
of the Avhite men.
He saw the time pass by, however, and the close
of the year at hand, without finding any of the prom-
ises made to him in Mexico realized. His anxiety
grew day by day, and his people began to ridicule
him, and declare that he had been deceived; and
that neither missionaries nor soldiers would ever set-
tle on the Colorado. Palma, therefore, undertook an-
other journey to Altar. He there explained the crit-
ical situation among his jjeople, and his own awk-
ward predicament in consequence of the failure of
the Spaniards to keep their promises. Don Pedro Tu-
eros, the commander, at once reported the matter to
Com andante General De Croix at Chihuahua.
The latter was now thoroughly aroused. Bound by
orders from the king, and l)y the promises he him-
self had made to Palma at the Mexican capital, and
understanding the chief's dilemma, De Croix re
solved to have missionaries go to the Colorado imme-
diately. Under date of Febr. 5th, 1779, he wrote to
the Fr. President of the missions and to Fr. Garces,
urging them to take the matter in hand without
delay.
The Fr. President resolved to send Fr. Garces with
another Religious to the Yuma country, and for this
purpose invited Fr. Garces and Fr. Juan Diaz to a
conference with him. De Croix's wishes and the sit-
uation among the Indians were discussed, and it was
decided that Fr. Diaz, who had accompanied Anza
on the first expedition, should proceed to the Colora-
do with Fr. Garces as soon as the secular authorities
had furnished the necessary guards and supplies. Tlie
Fathers deemed it worse than useless, under the cir-
cumstances, to make an attempt at founding missions
unless a strong guard and sufficient provisions had
been supplied from the very beginning. These precau-
«- i28 —
tions were more necessary on the Colorado than any-
where else; for the Indians had lost confidence in
the good faith of the Spaniards, so that there was
good reason to fear the new missions might share
the fate of tlie mission at Pitiqui.
The comandante general was informed of the de-
cision of the Fathers, whereupon he ordered the civ-
il and military officers to furnish whatever wiis
Heeded. Governor Pedro Oorbalen readily agreed to
procure the provisions; but Captain Fed. Tueros con*
ceded a few soldiers with much reluctance, claiming
that he had not enough good soldiers to defend the
IDrovince.
Nevertheless, Fr. Garces declared: "We must have
confidence in God for whose sake we go; nor should
we fear in this case what happened to the mission at
Pitiqui. 1 am convinced that the king's charge will
be carried out, and that soon a presidio will arise on
the Colorado."
When Don Anza was consulted he also urged the
necessity of missions on the Colorado, but at the
same time declared that for the protection of the
missions a garrison should be placed there consisting
of a greater number of soldiers than usually are
found at presidios. He did not approve of the trans-
fer of the jjresidios of Buenavista and Horcasitas,
because they were needed in their resi3ective locali-
ties.
The Fathers realized that in establishing so distant
a mission under these circumstances there was great
danger ; but delay was undesirable, and they hoped
for an early establishment of the presidio. When
therefore Fr. Garces heard of the scarcity of troops
in the province, lie contented himself with asking
for only fifteen soldiers and a sergeant ; but twelve
was all he could obtain. Though the case was urgent,
the time from February to July was spent in prepa-
rations. At last the necessary supplies were accumu-
lilted so that Fathers Garces and Din2 could set out
on August first, 1779, by way of Sonoitac wliich they
left on the tenth. Lack of fresh water after some
time compelled them to return to Sonoitac. There it
was decided that Fr. Diaz should remain with the
expedition until rain set in, and that Fr. Garces
with two soldiers and a guide should proceed to the
Colorado which he reached on the last of August. On
September 3d he sent back the two soldiers with a
letter to Fr. Diaz in which he reported "that he had
found the people very discontented ; that the Jalche-
dunes had risen against the Yumas belonging to Pal-
ma's band; that the latter and his people were
cheerful enough, but that the others were disagreea-
, ble; that there was much want of everything; that
if he (Fr. Diaz) could not come soon he should send
two soldiers with beads, some flannel, and cloth,
with which to procure food." Together with this let-
ter he sent another to tiie comandante general in
which he described the situation, and declared that
"extraordinary and effective measures must be taken
to prevent certain destruction. A third letter some
time after was directed to the college at Queretaro.
The two soldiers with their letters arrived at Sono-
itac about the same time that a Papago Indian
spread the rumor of an Indian outbreak. Two sol-
diers had gone to Altar for supplies, and the four
with Fr. Diaz, on hearing the news, at once fled
to the presidio leaving the Father alone. AVhen Cap-
tain Tueros lieard the story he requested the Fathers
to abandon the Colorado mission plan; but Fr. Diaz
replied that the rumor of an Indian revolt was un-
founded; that the missionaries were not at liberty to
withdraw ; that Fr. Garces was already at his post in
obedience to the will of the comandante general; and
that therefore they would continue what was begun.
Accordingly he set out alone and, after many hard-
ships, joined his companion on the Colorado. Fr.
^ 130 -^
i)iaz, tdge'lier with Fr. Garces, then wrote to the
governor under date of November 5th, asking him
for some assistance that they might procure food. A
report of what so far had been accomplished, in obe-
dience to his orders, was also forwarded to the co-
mandante general v/ith a petition to take effective
steps to place the missions on a firm basis. They de-
clared that they and twelve soldiers could not sub-
sist on their salaries alone and retain the good will
of the Indians who from day to day were growing
more dissatisfied with the Spaniards.
The Fathers were quite justified to make this
statement; for as soon as Fr. Diaz reached the Colo-
rado on October 2d, 1779, the missionaries found
themselves surrounded by an eager and noisy crowd,
of Yumas who came to receive the tobacco, cloth,
and other articles which Palma, relying on the prom-
ises of De Croix in Mexico, had led them to expect
from the Fathers and soldiers. With promises of
such things the natives had so far been kept quiet;
it was but natural that they should give expression
to their disappointment when they saw the missiona-
ries appear with empty hands. In a letter to the Fa-
thers of the college Fr. Garces mildly gave vent to
what he felt at seeing himself a victim of unkept
promises: "When the Caballero ordered me to come
to this tribe, he commanded me to catechize and bap-
tize every one, because he had conceived a lofty idea
of the disposition of the tribe towards Christianity,
and of the imaginary dominion of Palma. The Cabal-
lero should have come in person, and I supposed,
judging from Captain Anza's letters, that at least
eighty men had been destined for this river mission ;
the force is not so large, yet it is expected to be
sulRcient to avert Avar." In the mean time the Fa-
thers, with the twelve soldiers and two interpreters
who had joined the missionaries on the Colorado, act-
ually suffered for want of something to eat. To ob-
- 13i -
trtin wliat was needed they offered to the Indians
clothing, tobacco, beads, and other things in ex-
cliange for food.
The soldiers particularly were discontented, because
of the absence of cigarettos, tortillas, and even more
necessary articles, so that Fr. Garces found himself
obliged once more to expose the situation to the
comandante general under date of November 6th. The
Father intimated that all had expected to be pro-
vided with the necessaries of life at least, since they
had come in obedience to his wishes. De Croix re-
ceived Fr. Garces' letters on November 13th at Aris-
pe, whither he had gone after his recovery. When
the Fathers heard of this they sent Fr. Juan Diaz
to Arispe in order to explain their needs more
graphically. Fr. Juan Antonio Barraueche was ordered
to replace Fr. Diaz on the Colorado in the mean
time. (1)
CHAPTER XII.
De Croix— Two Pueblos To Be Founded 0>j A New Plan— Remarkable
Regulations— Protest Of Fr. Garces— Bancroft's Opinion— Spanish
Contempt For The Indians— Rage Of The Yumas— Efforts Of Teie
Fathers— Palma Arrested -The Yumas— Don Rn'ERA.
On arriving at the residence of De Croix, Fr. Juan
Diaz explained the perilous and embarrassing j)o-
sition of the Fathers to the comandante, and clearly
described the situation among the soldiers and In-
dians. He repeated what Fr. Garces had time and a-
gain asked of the secular authorities: that more ef-
fective measures should be taken to insure the safety
(IJ Arricivita. 4S9-197.
- I3^i --
of all concerned, because not much reliance could be
placed upon the fidelity of Palnia, as his authority
was recognized in one small rancheria only, while
there vrere many Indians exceedingly hostile to the
Spaniards.
"Unhappily" says Arricivita, "it is the misfortune
of those in authority to be surrounded by political
schemers, who through flattery gain their objects not-
withstanding the plain and convincing statements of
disinterested and experienced men."
Thus it was that De Croix, though he listened to
Fr. Diaz's report, came to the remarkable determina-
tion of establishing two mission pueblos among the
Yumas, in accordance Avith an entirely new and un-
tried system devised for the occasion. The principal
aim seems to have been to do that which could not
be avoided, without displeasing the king, at the
smallest possible cost.
Accordingly, formal instructions for organizing and
governing two pueblos were issued on March 20,
1780. Tliese regulations, dictated by a spirit inflated
with lofty political notions, were practicable at
towns establislied in the heart of Christianity and
civilization, whose inhabitants were of a peaceful
and submissive turn of mind, but out of place
among a wild people unused to restraint of any
kind. In these instructions the missionaries appeared
to be ornaments rather than the spiritual fathers the
Indians had learned to consider them. They had on-
ly to give catechetical instructions and administer
the Sacraments, but were deprived of the means
wherewith to attract the savages, and without the
authority which the Indians had learned to respect.
In regard to the temporal matters of the new pue-
blos, the regulations directed "That the sites should
be surveyed and divided into lots on which houses of
uniform size and shape should be erected, and that
— 13.3 —
this slioiild also be observed in the buildings con-
structed lor those Indians who, persuaded by the
missionaries and attracted by the good example
and sweet manners of the settlers, might Avish to
join themselves to the puel)l()." Hence the Indians
were not to live in community, as at other missions,
but they were to be at liberty, like the pagans,
to roam wherever they pleased ; this made it very
difficult for the missionaries to instruct them, and to
extinguish the fire of hatred against the Spaniards
burning within them. In this system the Indians
were under no obligations to listen to the missiona-
ries, and, as the hitter had no presents where^vith to
attract the natives, very few could be induced to
become Christians. Each pueblo was to have ten sol-
diers, ten settlers, and six laborers.
Nor was there any lack of rules and regulations
concerning the spiritual all'airs of the new settle-
ments. "All shall look upon the Rev. missionaries as
their true and legitimate pastors, and shall reverence
them as such," these wonderful instructions declare.
"On the other hand the Rev. Fathers shall watch
over the observance of the Divine Law, frequently
exhorting all to lead a Christian life; a^iid if any one
shall disregard their admonitions and shall give l)ad
example in the pueblos, the military commander shall
be notified, and the case examined. If the accused be
found guilty he shall be punished in proportion to the
gravity of the matter. Tlie same practise shall be
observed by the Fathers in correcting the Christian
Indians." "Hence," Arricivita continues, "the mis-
sionaries, charged with the conversion of the Indians,
were to proceed in accordance with the Divine Laws
and the rules of the king, with sweetness and kind-
ness teaching them the saving truths of our religion,
to exhort those that voluntarily asked for Baptism,
and to instruct them regarding the obligations of a
Christian, so that they might obtain udniission into
— 134 —
the pale of the Church with more understanding,
and thus ground themselves more firmly in the Cath-
olic faith which they were to profess.'"
The missionaries must have felt much elated, says
Arricivita, at the lofty titles applied to them, and at
the information that they were true and legitimate
pastors; but from this lofty pinnacle they were
quickly brought to the proper level on learning that
their jurisdiction was confined to exhorting, saying
Mass, and administering the sacraments to Spaniards
and Indians; and that in case their exhortations
were despised, these true and legitimate pastors en-
joyed the distinguished privilege of informing the
sergeant who could decide for himself which of the
two was right, the missionary or the accused; but if
he himself happened to be the guilty one, the mis-
sionaries found no remedy and would have to sufl'er
the consequences, as eventually they did.
It was strange that De Croix should have gone be-
yond his jurisdiction and obtruded himself as the
teacher of the missionaries in what concerned the a-
postolic ministry. Had he read attentively the re-
ports and diaries of those very missionaries, he must
have seen that those Fathers knew very well how to
attract and convert pagan Indians "according to the
Divine Law." De Croix's instructions gave evidence
of a mind full of conceit, but devoid of experience.
A learned author and practical missionary, quoted
but not named by Arricivita, writing about the im-
portance of missionary establishments in which the
natives should be civilized and Christianized at the
same time, rightly says: ''The first care of the gov-
ernment should be to conquer the fierceness and un-
restraint of those people, teach them the knowledge
of what they are, and lead tliem to the practice of
a social and civilis^ed life; for othorwisQ W'e teach in
vain what is divine and ccleatial to thoae that are
incapable of undefstancling even materJul tilings.''
— 135 -
De Croix also went beyond his powers in the
temporal affairs of the missions; Tor he wanted the
Indians and Spaniards to live together in one pue-
blo, an arrangement the king had expressly forbid-
den, as being a principal cause of oppression' and
annoyance of the Indians at the hands of the Span-
iards. As soon as Fr. Garces heard of the new plan
he repeatedly protested, and gave warning that the
aspect of affairs was worse than ever; that the
brother of Palma and the son of Chief Pablo, who
likewise had been baptized in ivlexico, were stirring
up the whole tribe ; that a conspiracy was on foot
among the young men Avhich aimed at nothing less
than the slaughter of the missionaries together with
the Spaniards, when the latter should have arrived
at the Colorado; that he thought them capable of
the deed and therefore he pleaded for a superior
force; that of the twelve soldiers assigned as
guards, one by one had been retained at Altar every
time he had had occasion to send one there with
reports; that there was extreme want of food, and
also of everything with which food could be pur-
chased ; that in view of the danger he could not
spare another soldier, and therefore sent the inter-
preter, though he was needed, etc.
The entreaties were in vain. De Croix ordered the
soldiers and settlers to proceed to the Colorado as he
had directed. They suddenly arrived at the Puerto
de la Concepcion, the place designated for the begin-
ning of the mission, in the autumn of 1780. The ex-
pedition consisted of twenty colonists, twelve labor-
ers, and twenty-one soldiers. All brought their wives
and children.
"It must be admitted that De Croix acted unwise-
ly," says Bancroft, who, when possible, defends the
seculav against the missionary autliorities. "The time
Rnd placo were not well chosen for such an experi-
meat. Anm a wai'iu uclvocate of tlie Colorado uns-
— 136 —
sions, a man of great ability and experience, and
one moreover who had seen the "Yumas and their
neighbors at their best, had expressed his opinion
that missions could not safely be founded in this re-
gion except under the protection of a strong presi-
dio. At the time of Anza's return it would have
been hazardous to try ^the experiment, but in the
light of the reports of the friars it was a criminally
stupid hhindery (1)
The first yjueblo was at once erected under the ti-
tle of Concepcion, and the settlers took possession of
the fields despite the royal law which forbade them
to take the lands of the Indians. The missionaries
could not prevent the encroachment, because they
had nothing whatever to do with the temporal man-
agement. Tliey saw with deep pain that there was
not to 1)0 as much tis a similarity to a real mission
for the conversion of the pagans on the Colorado.
It was a lamentable error for the Spaniards to
come under tli9 impression that the best pieces of
land, even those that were cultivated by the Indians,
belonged to the settlers. At first the Indians bore the
affronts of the Spaniards with a moderation foreign
to their fierce nature, l)ut they were greatly disgust-
ed when, on complaining to the officer in command
about the unjust treatment of the Spaniards, they re-
ceived the reply that he could not prevent the dam-
age. The natives then resolved to apply a remedy
themselves. Nor could the commander take effective
measures to frustrate their plans of revenge; for he
knew that with his force of twenty soldiers, some of
Avhom were sick, he could not seize the brother of
Palma, nor the son of Chief Pablo, in the midst of
a thousand unfriendly Indians. The settlers could a-
vail him nothing, for they had neither weapons nor
ammunition.
Notwithstanding these unfavorable conditions, De
— — 'i-W
(1) IJaucroft, Hist. Calif. I, :35S; "Franciscans in CtUifornia," 80-92,
— 137 —
Croix organized a second ])nel)lo amons; tlie Yumas,
three leagues down the river from the lirst, under
the title of San Pedro y San Pablo del Bicuiier. Fa-
thers Juan Diaz and Matias Moreno were appointed
missionaries at this place, while Fathers Francisco
Garces and Juan Barraneche had charge of Concep-
cion. The same number of soldiers, settlers, and la-
borers with their families took possession of the new
mission as at Concepcion.
A similar disregard for the rights and feelings of
tlie In.dians was displayed at the second colony, thus
destroying any slight feeling of friendship previously
existing. The Fathers for a time A\ith difficulty re-
tained a degree of influence. They established a
kind of missionary station at some distance from
the pueblo, where the natives were occasionally as-
sembled for religious instruction. Some of them were
faithful notwithstanding the unpopularity thus in-
curred; but their influence amounted to nothing com-
pared with the growing hatred among the thousands
of Yumas and neighboring tribes.
After the provisions brought from Sonora had
been exhausted there was much suffering among the
Spaniards. T!ie natives refused to part with the lit-
tle corn in their possession, and asked exorbitant
prices for the wild products they gathered. In their
great need the Spaniards sent to San Gabriel for as-
sistance, and were given those articles of food that
could be spared by that mission. In asking for this
aid, says Palou, they declared that' if it were not
sent they would have to abandon the Colorado es-
tablishments.
Nevertheless the Spaniards continued in their con-
tempt for the feelings of the natives. To make mat-
ters worse they administered an occasional flogging,
or confineni.ent in the stocks, to offending Indians to
show their superiority. This was most galling to the
natives. The Fathers went on Avith their fruitless
— 188 —
task, and performed their duties as well as possible,
though well aware that trouble was brewing which
would result in their own destruction. A few leading
spirits among the Yumas were constantly inciting
their people to active hostilities in order to revenge
themselves upon their oppressors. Even Palma lost
all patience with the Spaniards and joined the ring-
leaders. This unpleasant state of affairs might have
continued for an indefinite time, but in the spring of
1781 the military officer took it into his head to
frighten the Indians into submission to Spanish
whims. He had chief Palma arrested and put in the
stocks. This most stupid measure was an overwhelm-
ing blow for the missionaries v»dio well understood
what must follow as a matter of course ; for natural-
ly the chief would feel the humiliation intensely, and
leave the prison more furious than submissive ; nor
would his people fail to avenge the insult offered to
their cliief. It is no wonder the Indians regretted
having allowed themselves to be so deceived by An-
za's kindness as to admit into their country men
who conducted themselves as though they owned the
whole region together with its inhabitants.
When Captain Anza and his soldiers had passed
through the Yuma country, they had proved them-
selves liberal with tobacco, beads, and other articles,
and this had lead them to believe that the Spaniards
possessed inexhaustible riches, and would furnish
everything that Indian appetite might desire. Instead
of this they received injury and abuse, and dis-
covered that the intruders were too poor to provide
even the most necessary articles for themselves.
This turned their former friendship into contempt
and implacable liatred. The Y^umas, seeing how little
resistance could be made by the small guard, re-
solved to rid themselvesi of the Spaniards and thus
become niaateva of all they poesegsed. When Falma
was released the I»diau§ feigned penitence and sub*
— 139 —
mission, but at the same time plans were laid for a
general massacre. Fr. Garces, who had been enthu-
siastic about the disposition sliown by the Yumas,
when he occasionally visited them during liis tours,
had learned b.y this time, as did many a missionary
since, that to visit the Indians at rare intervals
and see little of their vices, was one thing, while
to live among them for the purpose of instructing
them, was another and a very different tl)ing.
In speaking of the Yuma nation about this time,
he says: "Since they are not accustomed to hunting,
drunkenness, roving in the mountains, eating mezcal-
es, or other food tlian that gathered on the shore or
in their little plots of ground, nor addicted to any
kind of idolatry, they are naturally well disposed to-
wards Christianity. Nevertheless there are many diffi-
culties to be overcome: they dislike any kind of re-
straint; they have little necessity for food, which is
usually the principal inducement for the Indians;
and they are scattered on both sides of the river.
Moreover, the Yumas being the most ignorant of
the frontier tribes, and exceedingly dull of compre-
hension, and because of the concubinage generally
practised, few between the ages of twenty and sixty
can be baptized."
These obstacles, however, were but stimulants to
the zeal of Fr. Garces, Arricivita tells us. By separat-
ing the catechumens from those unwilling to accept
Christianity, and by placing them in regular missions,
he claimed these obstacles could be overcome. Un-
fortunately, De Croix' system made this arrangement
impossible. Tlie Fathers, therefore, devised another
means of gathering the Indians apart from the Span-
iards. They erected a shanty, aliout a league and a
half from the pueblo, wh.ere they said Mass on
festival days, and often remained for some time to
visit the sick in tho neighboring hovel?, to coAcili*
ate tho turbulent (characters, and to induce tho In-
— 140 —
dians to frequent the instructions. It was while at-
tending to their priestly duties in this way that the
missionaries discovered the bloodthirsty x)lans of the
Yumas.
Late in June Capt. Don Fernando Rivera y Mon-
cada arrived from Sonora with a company of about
forty recruits and their families, who were on their
wa}^ to the newly formed establishments along the
Santa Barbara Channel. From the Colorado he sent
back most of his Sonoran escort, despatched the
main company to San Gabriel in charge of Alferez
Simon and nine men, recrossed the Colorado, and,
with eleven or twelve men, including Sergeant Rob-
les and five or six soldiers sent from the California
presidios to meet him, encamped on the eastern bank
opposite Concepcion, where he proposed to remain for
some weeks to restore the horses and cattle to their
proper condition, before beginning the trip to San
Gabriel.
Rivera's coming contributed nothing to the pacifi-
cation of the natives, but had a contrary effect : for
his large herd of live-stock destroyed the mesquite
plants which furnished much of the food the Indians
w^ere accustomed to use. Nor was he liberal in the
distribution of gifts, and for this reason the Jalche-
dunes sent him word that they did not care to re-
tain the badges of office formerly given their chiefs
by the Spaniards. From his choice of a location for
his camft, it is evident that he attached little im-
portance to this significant action of the Yuma
neighbors, nor shared the apprehensions of the mis-
sionaries. (2)
l2) Arricivita 4f.7-5C6; Banc. Hist. Cal. I. 353-363; Vida del Junipero Ser-
ra," 241-249.
^tf» » ■ ^ ■
— 141 -
CHAPTER XIIL
Indians Grow Insolent— Grief Op The Fathers— tiiEiR I^ffohts- At-
tack On Concepcion— Fe. Baeeaneche's HeEoic Deed— General Mas-
sacre At San Pedeo Y San Pablo^Slaughter Of Rivera And His
Men— Return Of The Savages To Concepcion— Murder Of Fathers
Garces And Baeeaneche— Burial— Discovert Of The Bodies Of The
Four Martyrs— Transfer Of The Bodies To Tubutama.
Meanwhile the Indians became more insolent, and
often visited the towns armed and in a quarrelsome
mood. These signs of an impending storm should
have awakened the kSpaniards to see the necessity of
taking steps to insure their safety; but nothing was
done to avert the disaster which the Fathers had
predicted. These found themselves powerless with
botli the Indians and the Spaniards. With the former
their intiuence was gone, because the}' "were of the
same nation as the oppressors; and as to the sol-
diers and settlers, they would accept neither counsel
nor correction. Nor would the comandante credit the
missionaries' reports about the bad example of the
Spaniards. There was nothing for the missionaries to
do but to submit to the inevitable. Filled with grief
they now turned their attention to their misguided
countrymen, and for many days they devoted almost
their entire work (o re-awaken interest in religious
exercises. '
By fervent addresses they strove to excite the
Spaniards to contrition for their past sins, and thus
prepared the souls of the unsuspecting men, women,
and children for the death that was imminent. Their
zealous instructions and exhortations opened the
eyes of many so that they frequently received the
- i4S -
Sacraments of Penance and Holy Eucharist. So re-
markable was the attendance at the llosary, Sta-
tions, and other spiritual devotions that the two lit-
tle settlements had the axjpearance of two communi-
ties of Religious.
On Tuesday July 17th, 1881, the storm burst upon
the unsuspecting Spaniards. The bell had called the
faithful to the earlv morning Mass as usual. The on-
ly soldiers at Concepcion were Comandante Don San-
tiago Islas and Corporal Baylon. These with the wom-
en and children proceeded to the little church, while
the men performed their duties in the fields. The cor-
poral remained on guard to see that the Indians, who
as on the day before were prowling about with their
weapons, made no disturljance. Fr. Barraneche had
already celebrated the Holy Sacrifice and was making
his thanksgiving, and Fr. Garces had commenced
the second Mass. After the Epistle, while the missal
was removed to the Gospel side, the wild yells of the
Indians, who had surrounded the church, burst on the
ears of the worshippers. Instantly Comandante Islas
rushed out to get his weapons, but was beaten to
death with clubs and sticks as soon as he appeared.
Fr. Garces left the altar, and Fr. Juan Barraneche
hastened out. On seeing the corporal surrounded by
a crowd of savages, who were beating him with
clubs, the intrepid missionary threw himself into
their midst, and, though receiving many a blow
himself, gave the dying soldier absolution. After this
courageous act he escaped back into the church. Aft-
er throwing the body of the comandante into the
river, the Indians began to rob the dwellings of the
Spaniards. Some of the savages ran to the fields in
search of tlie white men, of whom they killed all but
a few who had found it possible to take refuge in
the church or f)riests' house which were not molested
that day.
In the afternoon Fr. Juan Barraneche slipped out
— 143 —
to bestow the last sacraments on some Spaniards
whom he found in a dying condition. The niglit fol-
lowing, the Fathers exhorted all to lose no time in
idle lamentation, but to receive the blow in a spirit
of Christian resignation, and as a j)unishment for
their sins.
Much more thoroughly and quickly did the savages
complete their work at the town of San Pedro y San
Pablo, three leagues below, where Fathers Juan Diaz
and Matias Moreno were stationed. The priests had
not yet celebrated the Holy Sacrifice, but were about
to give the last sacraments to a dying person, when
the mob of howling savages fell upon the settlement
Avith diabolical fury. The Fathers were among the
first victims. Fr. Moreno's head was cut off with an
ax. Some of the inhal)itants were taken captive, and
compelled to cast all the sacred images and the al-
tar vessels into the river. Other ornaments, and what-
ever else in the pueblo seemed of value to the ene-
mies, were carried away together with the women.
To complete the work of destruction the Yumas set
fire to the church and Spanish 'dwellings.
As the Indians did not reapx^ear on the morning
of the 18th, the Fathers at Concepcion thought that
savage furv had subsided. Fr. Barraneche therefore
proposed that all survivors praise God and the Bless-
ed Virgin for their x)reservation> Holy Mass was
then celebrated, and coming events awaited until a-
bout three o'clock in the afternoon, when Fr. Bar-
raneche espied the savages api)roaching the mission.
The Yumas had meanwhile crossed the Colorado
and attacked the camp of Don Fernando Rivera on
the Arizona side of the river. Don Fernando Rivei'a
had hastily thrown up some slight intrenchments,
and his men, consisting of one sergeant and six sol-
diers, had made a gallant defence. They killed many
of the Indians, but the numbers against them were
too great. One by one the vSpaniards fell under the
— 144 —
&,rro\vs and clubs of tlie enemy until hot One was
left. When the bloody encounter, which lasted till
noon on the 18th, had ceased, the savages recrossed
the river in order to finish their bloody work at
Concepcion.
Fr. Barraneche quickly advised each one to make
his escape as well as possible, as no one need look
for mercy at the hands of the infuriated Yumas. The
Fathers then hastened from the church followed by
their people. They reached a long but narrow lagoon,
and were at once seen by a Spaniard, who lay
wounded on the other bank, crying for absolution.
Fr. Barraneche immediately cast himself into the
water. As the lagoon was deep he got into imminent
peril, and was compelled to let go his breviary and
crucifix in order to save himself by seizing an over-
hanging branch. After reaching the shore he heard
the wounded soldier's confession, and helped him to
die with resignation.
Fr. Garces meanwhile divested himself of his cloak
and habit, which he tore into suital:)le pieces and dis-
tributed to some of ^lis followers who were naked.
Then clad in his tunic only, he also crossed the la-
goon, and together with Fr. Barraneche proceeded to
the hut of an Indian woman who had always mani-
fested a kind interest for their welfare. The husband
of the woman also kindly received the missionaries,
wherefore both Fathers remained in hiding at their
habitation until the 19th.
When the savages discovered the escape of the
missionaries, they gave vent to their passions by
plundering or destroying the chapel and the homes of
the Spaniards. A discussion then arose. Many of the
Indians declared tjiat they had enough revenge; that
the Fathers should be allowed to go free because
they had a good heart; and that no effort should be
made to find them.
l^ahna on the next day took advantage of this pre*
— l45 —
disposition, and gave orders that search sliouhl be
made for the Fathers; that, if tliey were alive, they
should be kindly brought back because they were in-
nocent and good ; and that no injury should be
done them. Unhappily, among those sent out to look
for the missionaries was an Indian of the Nifora
tribe. Fr. Garces had employed this wretch as in-
terpreter; but the Indian had deserted his benefac-
tor as soon as the revolt broke out.
In their search the Yumas finally came to the hut
that sheltered the two missionaries. As soon as they
were discovered, the Nifora traitor exclaimed: "If
these are allowed to live everything is lost, because
they are the worst." In the excitement which these
w^ords produced, the Indians forgot Falma's orders;
they fell upon the two i^riests with clubs and sticks,
and beat them to death before the eyes of the old
Indian couple who could do nothing to prevent the
murder. After the dei^arture of the murderers they
reverently buried the bodies in the sandy soil, and
placed a cross over the grave.
Soon the news of the massacre reached the Pimas
on the Gila, and from them it travelled to the Papa-
gos around Tucson. Some days later, in August, the
rumor was confirmed l)y the appearance at Altar of
one of the captives who had escaped. The captain
immediately reported the matter to the comandante
general, and at the same time despatched a soldier
to the Colorado to ascertain the facts. The soldier
was put to death as soon as he arrived. Comandante
General De Croix, whose folly had brought the ca-
lamity about, was at last convinced that something
serious had occurred on the Colorado. He therefore
ordered Captain Don Pedro Pages with his company,
likewise Don Pedro Tueros, commander of the pre-
sidio at Altar, to proceed to the Colorado, to ran-
som the captives by means of beads, ilannels, etc.,
— 146 —
M to chastise the murderers afterwards, (i)
While the Spaniards in September were slowly get-
ting ready to start for the Yuma country, a soldier
who had been a captive arrived with a letter from
Chief Palma, in which the latter expressed regret
for what had happened, and asked pardon for the
misdeeds. The letter was written by Don Matias an-
other prisoner. The Spaniards, however, considered
the offence so perfidions that it deserved exemplary
punishment, and for that purpose at last left the
presidio of Altar.
On hearing of the expedition and its purpose,
the Fr. President of the missions begged the coman-
dante general to have the bodies of the four mur-
dered priests brought to Tubutama for burial. De
Croix readily granted the request, and to that effect
ordered a courier to follow the troops who had ah
ready departed some time before.
The Spaniards crossed the Colorado at tlie mouth
of the Gila; but not an Indian could be found any-
where. The buildings had been reduced to ashes; the
bodies of some dead settlers or soldiers still unbur-
ied were interred, when the Spaniards resolved to
return to Sonora.
They had already reached Sonoytac late in Octo-
ber, (2) when the courier bearing orders to bring
back the bodies of the missionaries arrived. As Don
Fages could not say tiiat he had made diligent
search, he returned with his soldiers to the Colorado,
and this time first examined the second mission site,
of San Pedro y San Pablo del Bicuner, on December
7th, nearly five months after the massacre. The bod-
(1) Arricivita, 504-5n ; Bancroft Hist. Cal. Vol. 1. 365-367.
(2) Bancroft says with the captives; and lie also states that before retur-
ning to the Colorado Fapi§s held an examination at Sonita, October 31st,
and took the testimony of six men who had survived the massacre. Why
Fag(5s should do this on the road and not wait till ho had recovered the
bodies of the missionaries, is not clear. We, therefore, prefer to follow
Arricivita's and Palou's narrative.
^ 147 -
les of the rIqiii still lay where they had fallen. The
remains of Fathers Diaz and Moreno were found
close together. Those of Fr. Diaz were recognized at
once ; but the head of Fr. Moreno was gone ; the bod-
y, however, was identified by the patched habit, liis
cord, and the crucifix which he always liad worn on
his breast. Otherwise the bodies were intact, and no
one, from their condition, could have guessed that
five months had elapsed since the two religious had
been murdered. Here also nothing vras left of the
pueblo, but ashes and a few remnants of buildings.
The remains of the two Fathers were placed in a
box, and preparations made to transfer them to So-
nora as directed.
Search was now instituted at Concepcion, three
leagues up the river, for Fathers Garces and Barran-
eche. As they could not be found anywhere near the
mission site, it was fondly hoped that the missiona-
ries had been spared, because Fr. Garces was much
beloved by the Indians all over the country. Al-
mighty God, however, says Arricivita, would not de-
prive his servant of the honor and merit of shedding
his blood for the faith ; the faithful religious there-
fore shared the lot of his brethren.
While the soldiers were scouring the surrounding
country in search of the Fathers, dead or alive, they
espied a piece of ground wliich, unlike the parched
laud around, was covered witli a green growth. On
drawing nearer they found a spot covered with green
grass and a variety of beautiful flowers, some known
and some unknown to them, among wliich the ir.ari-
gold was conspicuous. Captain Pedro Tueros (3)
ordered the soldiers to dig, and after some time to
the joy and surprise of all, the uncorrupted l)cdies of
Fathers Garces and Barraneche were discovered lying
side by side, clad in their tunics, and girdles.
The remains of the four faithful religious were
(3) Bancroft has Fueros.
— l48 —
then placed in one chest and later on conveyed tQ
Tubutanm, where after the nsnal ceremonies they re-
ceived a most honorable burial on the Epistle side of
the main altar.
After having discovered the bodies of the fonr
martyred priests, the commander of the troops direct-
ed his attention to the rescue of the captives which
lie effected after some difficulty ; for the Yumas had
fled from that part of the country in consequence
of a singular incident Avhich had thrown them
into consternation. According to the testimony of
the captives, every night after the massacre at San
Pedro y San Pablo a procession was seen of people
dressed in white, holding burning candles in their
hands, who proceeded by one carrying a cross and
two candle bearers, marched round about the place
where the mission had stood ; that the members
of the procession sang hymns which could not be
understood; and that after having marched around
many times the procession disappeared.
This occurred for many nights, and was seen not
only by the Christian prisoners, but likewise by the
savages among whom it caused such a dread that
they abandoned their land and removed eight
leagues farther down the river. For this reason the
soldiers at first could not discover the Indian camps.
The commander now saw^ that for the time being he
could take no further action; he therefore deter-
mined to return with the women and cliildren he
had rescued, and to bear the precious relics of the
martyrs to Sonora as directed.
De Croix was determined to have the ringleaders
of the revolt captured and the whole tribe punished.
On September 10th he had forwarded to Governor
JSfeve of California the resolutions of the council of
the day before, to the end that he, as the proper of-
ficial to direct all military operations in California,
might on hearing of Fages' arrival at the Colorado
— 149 --
send orders or go in person to take command. Neve
accordingly lind prepared a force, composed chiefly
of men waiting to found Santa Barbara. Fages liad
later on been instructed to march without delay to
attack tlie Yumas, He was to announce his arrival
to Neve, and if his lirst charge on the foe was not
decisively successful in securing the death of the Yu-
ma leaders, and establishing a permanent peace, the
command was to be transferred to Neve, and milita-
ry operations were to be continued. After the enemy
was fully conquered the governor was to select a
proper site for a presidio on the Colorado, which
would afford adequate protection to future settle-
ments, and report in full as to the number of men
and otlier help required. Government aid was to be
furnished to the families who had survived the mas-
sacre.
These resolutions of the council Vv^ere not received
by Fages until he had returned from his second trip,
or at least not until it was too late to carry them
out. The orders Avere therefore somewhat modified by
the council on January 2d, 1782. Fages with forty
men was then ordered to press on as rapidly as pos-
sible to San Gabriel, where he should receive instruc-
tions and aid from Neve. Meanwhile Tueros with a
sufficient force was to reach the Colorado by April
1st, and there await orders from Neve. The governor
was instructed to take all the available troops in
California, and to begin the campaign by the 1st of
April.
Fages seems to have arrived at San Gabriel late in
March. After reading the despatches brought by this
officer, the governor decided that it was too early in
the season for effective operations on the Colorado,
on account of the high water, and therefore he post-
poned the campaign until September, when the riv3r
would be fordable, and the Yuma harvest serve as
desirable spoils for native allies. Fag^s was sent to
— 150 —
the Colorado to give corresponding instructions to
Tueros, who Avns to proceed to Sonora and wait,
while Fages returned to wait in California. De Croix
seems to have approved the change of the plan, for
on May ICth the council once more met at Arizpe
to issue thirteen resolutions respecting the fall cam-
paign, the substance of which was that about one
hundred and sixty men were to be on the east bank
of the Colorado on the morning of September 15th
to meet the California troops, and show the rebell-
ious Yumas the power of Spanish arms.
The resolutions were executed to a certain extent.
The campaign began at the time stated, but Palma
find other ringleaders Avere not captured, nor the
Yumas subdued. After killing one hundred and
eight Indians, capturing eighty-five others of both
sexes, liberating ten Christian prisoners, and driving
away 1,108(?) horses, the officers persuaded them-
selves that peace was restored. Yet the tribe of the
Yumas remained independent of all Spanish control,
and Avas more or less hostile to the whites, until se-
verely chastised and subdued by the troops of the
United States about the middle of the nineteenth
century. ''Neither presidio, mission, nor pueblo was
ever again established on the Colorado; and commu-
nication by tliis route never ceased to be attended
with danger. Truly, as the Franciscan chroniclers do
not fail to point out, the old way was best; the in-
novations of Croix had led to nothing but disaster;
the nuevo modo de conquisiar was a failure." (4)
Naturally the Fr. President of the missions, Fr.
Francisco Antonio Barbastro, was anxious to have
the memory of the four murdered Fathers cleared
from all blame of the calamity that befel the pue-
blos on the Colorado. Moreover many particulars
Were obtained from the ransomed captives which ap-
(4) Arricivita 504-515; Palou, "Vida," 240-253; Bancroft, Hist. Calif. I.
362-371 ; Uloesen, llist; Catholic Churclj in California, 87=93i
— 151 —
peared so remarkable that under date of February 4,
1782, he petitioned Don Fages to institute a juridi-
cal inquiry as to the virtues, labors, conduct, and
death of the four Franciscans wlio had lost their
lives on the banks of the Colorado. Don Fages a-
greed to the request. The information gathered was
drawn up in writing and sworn to by the witnesses.
From this report (5) it is evident that the private
lives and public conduct of the four priests were a-
bove reproach ; that their zeal for the conversion of
the pagans was fervent and unceasing, despite the
many hardships and the hopelessness of their labors
on account of the circumstances surrounding them;
that in no way were they the cause of the revolt
and of the ruin of the mission pueblos, which must
on the contrary be attributed to the shortsightedness
of the government officials ; that, according to the
narrative of Captain Pedro Tueros, who was present
at the exhumation of the bodies of Fathers Garces
and Barraneche, these appeared fresh and entire ;
and that on the spot where the remains had been
buried [by an Indian woman, many fragrant flowers,
of a kind not seen about there, had grown up, whilst
the soil all around was dry and parched.
This satisfied the Fathers, wherefore some years
later the relics were taken to the mother house at
Quer6taro, and there solemnly interred on July 19th,
1794. A sermon on the virtues and merits of the
four martyrs was delivered in Spanish by Father Di-
ego Miguel Bringas de Manzande, and another in
Latitl by Father Jose Maria Carranza. (6)
Thus came to an end the work and the grand
plans of Fr. Garces fol- the conversion of the Indians
on the Gila and the Colorado rivers. No other son of
(f)) For full report see Appendix. (6) Arrlcivita, 510-514; Palou, "Vi-
da", 247-252; Bancroft, Hist. Cal. Vol. I, 367-271; Glefeson, Hist. Cath.
Church, 92; Shea, Hist. Cath. Church* Vol, IV, 33:f-348: Shea's acctotiht
is erroneous in several places.
— 152 —
St, Francis ever again visited the Yumas in their
camps on the Colorado until more than a hundred
years after.
About the middle of the century the Government
of the United States erected a military post on the
hill opposite the mouth of the Gila Kiver. The
buildings were constructed at an expense of 1,000,000
dollars. In 1884 the structures were transferred to the
Department of the Interior for the education of the
Yuma children. After experimenting with a Protest-
ant teacher for a year, and finding that the Indians
would not send their children, the Commissioner of
Indian Aifairs resolved to put the place in charge of
Catholic Sisters. The proposition was to be accepted
or declined immediately. At the earnest solicitation
of Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, O. F. M., who during
January and February 1886 was at Wasliington in be-
half of the Menominee missions of Wisconsin, the
Rev. Mother Agatha, Superioress General of the Sis-
ters of St. Josepli of Carondelet, by despatch dated
St. Louis, Mo., Febr. 28, 1886, agreed to send Sisters
to Yuma. Accordingly Mother Julia, assistant to Rev.
Mother Agatha, early in March with a number of
Sisters arrived at their convent, Yuma, Arizona, and
• remained for six weeks until the delapidated build-
ings were ready to receive them. Mother Ambrose,
under the official name of Mary O'Neil, on May
1st, was duly installed and made government super-
intendent, independent of any reservation agent, and
has held the position to this day. The other Sisters
were: Sisters Leontius, Salesia, Aniceta, Alphons,
Mary Joseph, and Modesta. Two of the Sisters were
Mexicans.
In the same year Fr. Zephyrin, having permission,
at the invitation of the Rev. Mother Agatha, passed
three months, Sept. 26 to Dec. 26, at old Fort
Yuma to find relief from general ill health, the re-
sult of hardships and overwork in the Menominee
YUMA BOYS.
— 153 —
mission. He was, as far as known, the first Francis-
can to visit the scene of Fr. Garces' hibors, and had
the good fortune to baptize the first Yuma adult, a
girl of 17, then dying in the Yuma camps below. She
passed away the next morning, and her body with
all her belongings, according to Yuma custom, were
burned a few hours after. The parents like all the
Yumas were pagans. Since then a great many of the
Indians, mostly children, have been baptized; thus
after a century the blood of the four martyrs of the
Colorado is bearing fruit.
The Father meanwhile endeavored to obtain the
story of the massacre from the Indians themselves.
They must have had some tradition about the affair.
He questioned their chief Pasqual, who appeared to
be over 90 years of age, and in his youth must have
heard the story from his elders; but neither he nor
any one else would acknowledge that the Yumas had
anything to do with the matter. One at last declared
that he had heard of the killing, but that the Yu-
mas had been deceived by other Indians. (7)
The Father also endeavored to prepare a vocabula-
ry of their language, and succeeded, after loosening
the tongues of the unwilling Indians witJi many a
cigarette, in collecting about 500 words. With the
exception of a short vocabulary, not entirely correct,
pre-pared by a military officer and published in the
Pacific Kailroad Reports, \^ol. Ill, pages 95-101, there
never had been anything printed in the Yuma lan-
guage. As to the exact spot where Fr. Garces' mis-
sion stood, which the writer tried to discover, see the
appendix.
(7) Chief Pasqual was baptized on the first of May 1887, and soon after
died.
— 154 —
CHAPTER XIV.
The Martyrs Of La Pueisima Concepcion— Fe. Feancisco Garces And
Fe. Juan Babeaneche.
tr. Francisco Garces^ the leader of the little band
of missionaries that were stationed on the Colorado,
was born at Morata del Conde, Aragon, Spain, on
the 12th of April, 1738. The child was baptized on
the next day when he received the names Francisco,
Tomas, Hermenegildo, names which foreshadowed his
career; for he became a son of St. Francis of Asissi,
imitated St. Thomas by preaching the Gospel to the
Indians, and died like St. Hermenegildo for the faith
of Christ.
His parents were Juan Garces and Antonia Maes-
tro. When tliey noticed the boy's inclination to pi-
ety, they put him in charge of his uncle, the Rev.
Moses Domingo Garces, curate in his native town.
At the age of fifteen Garces left his relative to enter
the Franciscan Order in the province of Aragon.
After finishing the study of philosophy he was sent
to the monastery of Calatayud to enter upon the
study of theolog}'. It was customary there to have
the clerics go out into the country to pass their re-
creations. At such occasions Garces would withdraw
from his companions in order to search for poor la-
borers to whom he would speak about the divine
mysteries and other points of religion, thus early giv-
ing evidence of his fitness to instruct the ignorant.
Having finished his studies he was ordained priest
at the age of twenty-five. Moved to pity for the In-
dians in America he asked to be allowed to join the-
— lo5 —
college of Quer^taro, whose commissary at the time
was collecting recruits in Spain. At Madrid Fr. Gar-
ces met Fr. Juan Chrysostomo Gil who had also
volunteered for tlie missions in America.
Wlien Garces entered the famous missionary col-
lege of Santa Cruz de Queretaro he was 28 years of
age. The young priest was among the most exact in
the community, and took especial delight to be pres-
ent in the choir. It not being customary to let Fa-
thers of his age hear the confession of women, Gar-
ces was the more indefatigable with the men and
boys. He took particular pains to instruct the boys
well in Christian Doctrine, and infuse into their in-
nocent souls the fear of God in order to counteract
the evil example of their elders.
When the missions of Sonora in 1767 were trans-
ferred from the Jesuits to the Franciscan Fathers,
Garces at once asked to be sent to that wild country.
After waiting three months at Tepic, Fr. Garces and
other missionaries set sail from San Bias on January
20, 1768. The voyage had lasted three months and a
half when Guaimas was reached. At Horcasitas the
missions were distributed among the missionaries,
and Fr. Garces was assigned to San Xavier del Bac
in Arizona, the most northern of the missions, and
the one most exposed to the raids of the Apaches.
There he lived in extreme poverty; for in his zeal
he accommodated himself to the customs of the na-
tives in order to gain their good will. His bed was
the bare floor, and he had no other covering than
his habit. His food was that of the Indians, atole for
breakfast, tortillas for his bread, seeds of the coun-
try served as victuals, and often he satisfied his hun-
ger with a little roasted corn. He never used tobac-
co, neither in the shape of snuff nor in that of ci-
gars, but he always carried some along for the In-
dians. What the government allowed him for his dai-
ly sustenance he shared with the Indians, and in
— 156 —
turn would accept fruits or roots. The rumor of liis
kindness and liberality soon spread far and wide, so
that curiosity brought many to see him who were
then captivated by his gentle manners and councils.
All over Pimeria Alta Fr. Garces was highly es-
teemed and looked upon as an oracle. Many came
to visit him, notably the Papagos, whose idiom he
did not understand. These he would receive with op-
en arms, a language understood by all. Many articles
the college sent to the missionary at his destitute
mission Fr. Garces did not use, such as chocolate,
sugar, tobacco, etc, ; with them he would procure
farm implements and other necessary articles for his
neophytes, such as flannels, beads, blankets, sack-
cloth, etc. In this way Fr. Garces attracted the pa-
gans to his mission for instructions. Though only
thirty years of age he Avas called "old man" by
the natives, and under that affectionate appellation
they would seek him. At first he made many blun-
ders in learning the language, and the Indians would
laugh heartily at his efforts, but by degrees he
learnt to speak the native idiom as correctly as any
of them.
Soon after his arrival at San Xavier the new mis-
sionary was invited by the Pdpagos to visit their
country. He accordingly left his mission, and without
o-uards or provisions set out in August 1768 on his
first missionary tour, preaching the divine truths
wherever he went. In the following year he entered
the Apache country. In 1770 an epidemic of measles
devastated the rancherias on the Gila. On hearing of
this Fr. Garces hastened thither and baptized many
children before they died. This time he made a more
extensive trip, travelling ninety leagues. In 1771 he
reached the Colorado where the Yumas received the
now famous "old man" with delight. He also went
down the river to its mouth, and returned after an
- 157 -
absence of nearlj'^ three months, having travelled 300
leagues.
Fr. Garces closed the description of his lengthy
trip in this humorous strain: "Little by little, eating
most delicate pltahaUas^ I reached Caborca, girt
with my handkerchief; since the cord was worn
out I had to avail myself of it as a cord; the hand-
kerchief, too, was worn out. When I started on the
journey I was not well, my legs were swollen, and I
thought to cure myself in going out, and now I am,
thanks be to God, neither thin nor fleshy, and thus
although I had no other motive, it is sufficient that
through those journeys I became useful enough to
live at San Xavier."
On the 2d of January, 1774, Fr. Garces started out
from Tubac and accompanied an expedition as far as
San Gabriel, California, whence he endeavored to
find a road to New Mexico. He did not return to
San Xavier until the latter part of May.
In September 1775 he accompanied an expedition
bound for San Francisco as far as the Colorado Riv-
er. He then visited all the tribes on the Colorado
from its mouth to the Mojave country, when he
turned east to the Moqui Indians in northern Arizo-
na, returning to his mission on September 17th of
the next year.
•'By order of the Comandante General De Croix,
Garces visited the Yumas in August 1779, and found
the Indians very much changed on account of the
duplicity of the Spanish officials. Garces warned and
protested, but his counsels were not heeded by the
Spanish authorities. During the ten months that the
mission pueblos existed on the Colorado, Fr. Garc6s,
with his three companions in the missionary field, in
vain did all he could to avert the disastrous revolt
of the infuriated Indians; and he remained at his
post to the last. Death and life seemed to be
equally acceptable to him, provided either was ac-
i" 158 —
eeptabl© to Christ, the Lord. He only wished to
serve in the apostolic ministry if destined to live, or
receive eternal rest, if destined to die at the hands
of those he had benefitted. With these sentiments he
journeyed about the country and fearlessly exi^osed
himself to a violent death, and to untold perils from
hunger and thirst, from going about without protec-
tion, through waterless deserts, along frightful preci-
pices, through mountains, swamps, and lagoons. He
feared neither wild beasts nor savages, as he knew
neither could injure him until the Lord so willed. On
one occasion he had knelt down on the ground all
absorbed with devotion to recite his office, when a
I^arty of Indians surrounded him, with bows bent to
shoot. A mysterious awe held them ; but wdien he at
last perceived them he continued his devotion undis-
turbed ; and after he had concluded won them by
his affectionate address."
"He was received everywhere, except among the
Moquis, with veneration and affection; and tlie
worst annoyance he experienced among the natives
proceeded from this very affection fcr the "old
man;" for they would refuse to guide him in order
to compel him to remain among them. Such conduct
on the yjart of haughty, barbarous, and warlike In-
dians was the best proof that truth, humility, and
evangelical poverty are the most effective weapons
for subduing savage fierceness and stubbornness.
These, at any rate, were the charms Fr. Garces em-
ployed to win the esteem and submission of the na-
tives of Arizona."
Fr. Garces, Arricivita continues, loved prayer in
the missions as w^ell as at his convent; for this unit-
ed him to his Divine Master, and preserved strong
the faith for the sake oi whicli he underwent indes-
cribable hardships.
By order of his superiors Fr. Garc6s kept a diary
of his journeys in which he described the country
— 150 —
tiu'ougli which he passed and the Indians that occu-
pied it. He tlierein also made suggestions regarding
the manner in which missions should be founded and
conducted in order to make them successful. (1)
Unfortunately the political authorities, as whose
agents the Fathers later on were unhappily con-
sidered by the natives in their fury, and whose
orders had to be awaited, paid little attention to the
advice and warnings of the experienced apostolic
traveller. The result was that even Fr. Garc^s, the
"old man," as the natives affectionately called him,
W'as not spared by the Indians in their blind rage a-
gainst the Spaniards, but was butchered together
with the guilty on July 19th, 1781, at the age of 43
years, 28 of wdiich he had passed in religion. (2)
Fr- Juan Antonio BaiTaneche^ Fr. Garc6s' assist-
ant, was born in 1749 at Lacazor, diocese of Pampe-
lona, Navarra, Spain. When quite young his parents
entrusted the boy to a nobleman who took him to
Havana, where he entered upon a commercial career.
For the innocent youth this was a perilous position
at a seaport, wdiere he was lialjle to fall in with
the worst class of sailors and ruffians ; but young Bar-
raneche was preserved from the contagion of immor-
ality, and from indifferentism in religious matters.
On one occasion Juan Antonio gave an alms to a
blind man, who in return spoke to the boy so earn-
estly about the dangers of the world that he began
seriously to ponder on the truths of salvation. The
outcome was that Barraneche resolved to enter the
Seraphic Order. His confessor apjDroved of the plan,
(1) His Diaries were brought to the notice of the king of Spain whose
minister in tlie name of his majesty addressing the viceroy says of the
intrepid missionary : "Que el rey liabia visto con mucha satisfaccion las
noticias que lo dd de oste religiose de sus peregriiiacioncs dosdo el Eio
Colorado a la mision de San Gabriel, y de osta al Moqui: quo espera S.
M. ol Diario que tiene ofrecido, y manda que en su real nombre se le
don las gracias por ol zelo y fervor con quo se emploa en descubrir, tra-
tar y atraor naciones tan ignoradas." (2) Arricivita, 426: 51U-517.
— 160 —
but in order to try liim, the priest informed Juan
Antonio that he must first learn grammar. The
young man providentially found a suitable teacher
Avith whom for two years he not only learned gram-
mar, but progress in piety as well. Having proved
his vocation Juan Antonio was admitted to the
Franciscan Order at Havana in 1768, when nineteen
years of age.
After making his profession Barraneche gave him-
self up to the practice of prayer and virtue, and es-
pecially to the observance of poverty and rigid mor-
tification, even more so than he was permitted to do
in the novitiate.
His occupation after finishing Divine Office in the
choir, were repeated visits to the Blessed Sacrament,
the care of the sanctuary lamp, begging alms, and
passing a large part of the night in fervent prayer.
At the same time he pursued the stud}' of philoso-
ph}^, and looked upon the lessons and exercises as
so many acts of obedience. He was also zealous in
teaching Christian Doctrine to the boys.
While Fr- Antonio was preparing for Holy Orders,
Fr. Henrique Echasco arrived at Havana, having
completed his twelve years in the missions. The con-
versations Barraneche held with the venerable mis-
sionary resulted in an apijlication for admission in-
to the missionary college of Queretaro, in order that
he might be able to preacli the Gospel to the In-
dians. Fr. Echasco recommended the young cleric who
was accepted on June 14:th, 1773. Leaving Havana on
August 12th Barraneche arrived at the Panuco River,
and disembarked at the Port of Tampico which was
about 200 leagues from Queretaro. Having no other
baggage than a breviary, he travelled the whole dis-
tance on foot and reached the college on September
13th. At his own request he was allowed to be sub-
ject to the master of novices, and perform the exer-
cises of the novices. Punctual as ever in the regula-
- ICl —
tions of the community, ho moreover look the dipci-
pline every day and slept on bare boards. After J\Jat-
ins and meditations lie would remain in the choir to
perform the Station or other devotions until the hour
for Holy Mass at which he served the priest, and
this he continued to do even after he had become
priest himself. The young cleric observed all the
fasts after the manner of St. Francis; and on many
days of the year he would use bread and water on-
ly. At supper he would be contented with herbs;
and only wlien the confessor so ordered would he
use meat. There were, indeed, few days in the year
on which he did not fast; on such days he would
deprive himself of the customary chocolate. Barrane-
che wished to fast on bread and water at all times,
but this he was permitted to do only once for five
days.
Nevertheless Barraneche was friendly, kind, and
assiduous in helping others, anxious to be a burden
or annoyance to no one. For this reason he would
say Mass after all other Fathers had finished. He
was a great reader of spiritual books, but found es-
pecial delight in St. Bonaventure's Stimulus Anioris-
It is needless to state that he was zealous for the
souls of others as well. Hence in visiting the sick,
in helping them to recite the divine office, and in
hearing confessions Barraneche was tireless. After
six years of a most exemplary life at the missionary
college, the superiors deemed him w^orthy to take
part in the labors of an apostolic missionary among
the pagans. On finding the young i^riest willing 1 e
was sent to Sonora. The Fr. President w\as not
slow to recognize Barraneche's worth, for he made
him assistant to Fr. Garces at the most difficult
and dangerous post in the province.
There must be harmony am nc the missionaries,
Arricivita remarks, if they would do effective wor'.v ;
one must conform to the other; little differences and
— 162 —
even great ones must he entirelj^ set aside for the
sake of the souls for whom Christ died. The younger
must defer to the elder or superior as to one more
experienced, clothed with authority, and burdened
with responsibility. Happily for both there existed
the most affectionate harmony between Fr. Garces
and his young fellow lalorer. Theirs was a holy al-
liance which mndc hoih equal in zeal for the good of
souls, in apostolic poverty, in extraordinary frugality,
in solicitude for the pagans, in corporal mortifica-
tion, in prayer, and in other functions of the minis-
try, which united them in all the hardships, and did
not permit a separation even in death, as both were
lowered into the same grave.
It is difficult to say which of the two was more
zenlous to spread the faith ; which was more solici-
tous to convert the pagans; which more liberal with
them; which more huninne, poor, ingenuous, and
apt to attract them. This great hnrmony of virtues
and sameness of principle made the two bodies ap-
pear to be moved by one spirit, and in both it was a
truly apostolic spirit.
Aft(r being 1w(. years at work instructing the In-
dians, Barraneche wrote: "It is deplorable that be-
fore our very eyes many innocent souls perish, man-
y children die without Baptism; and though we do
not neglect to go through the whole tribe in search
of sick children, we cannot prevent many from dy-
ing without the grace of Baptism." This was one
result of the stupid plan of attempting to found
missions without gathering the Indians in one place,
but letting tliem rove about the mountains or la-
goons, so that it was necessary to wander over eight
leagues of country in order to find them.
The ministry of the Fathers was, therefore, ex-
ceedingly diflicult; but as they redoubled their ef-
forts, it was not altogether fruitless, for Barraneche
writers; "Of the children whom pagan parents voluii*
— 163 —
tarily brought for the purpose, fherc were baptized
more than two hundred, many of whom died, as did
also a numl^er of okl people, and some others." Thus
about JJOO in all received the grace of Baptism. In
another letter lie says: "Likewise some old people,
first instructed, as far as possible, in tlie mysteries
and duties of our faith, have been baptized, together
with a number of sick men who were in danger of
deatli, some of whom died. In as far as we baptize
old people and others that are sick, we indeed have
some doubts regarding their dispositions to receive
Baptism; but charity obliges us to favor them in
what manner we can."
Fr. Garces' opinion of Fr. Barrancche is contained
in these few characteristic words: "Fr. Juan is very
much contented; he is of that calibre which con-
quers many; he is another St. Patrick." Fr. Juan
Antonio Bavraneche died at the hands of the In-
dians, nevertheless, at the age of thirty-two, when a
Ivdigious thirteen years, and after nine years as a
missionary apostolic. (2)
CHAPTEPv XV.
The Martyrs Of San Pedro Y San Pablo— Fr. Juan Dcaz And Fr. Jose
Matias Moreno.
Fr. Jaaii Diaz was born in May 1736, at Alazar
in the archdiocese of Sevilla, Spain. His father was
Juan Marcelo and his mother Feliciana Basquez. (1)
(2) Arricivita, 517-r)r)t. (1) TliP name DLaz was frivpn him by tliP Rorl-
fithor Alonso Diaz. Whoa rocelvlntj the lioly h.iblt ho called himsolf
Jnnn Marctlo DinZl but bhiro bis profoHsicm bo wont, by tbo nnmo Jtum
— 16-i —
Wlion 18 years of og'? he began his novitiate in the
Seraphic Order at the convent of Hornachos in the
province of San Miguel de Estremadurn. After finish-
ing hig studies and recaiving Holy Orders he found
himself at the ag3 of 27 years. When the commissary
of the colleg3 of Querei;aro arrived in Spain to obtain
recruits for the missions in Mexico, Fr. Diaz volun-
teered for the harder life of a missionary among the
pagans. He was accepted and arrived at the college
or seminary in 1703. On noticing the strictness with
which the Seraphic Riile wai observed liis soul was
lilled with much consolation, for he had been among
the most fervent in the mother province. As he Avas
much given to prayer, and very zealous in hearing
confessions and in preaching, he was chosen by his
superiors to do missionary work in Sonora when tliat
district was taken from the devoted Jesuits by the
Masonic government of Spain and Mexico. With the
other Fathers Fr. Juan L>iaz proceeded to Tepic,
and thence by way of San Bias and Guaimas
reached San Miguel de Horcasitas in May, where the
Fr. President assigned him to the mission of Purissi-
ma Ooncepcion de Caborca. From this place he at-
tended the visita of Pitic, two leagues east, and the
visita of Bisanig, six leagues west.
The Indians. al)out 1,1-15 altogether, Avere of the
tribe of the Pimas. The work was too immense for
one man, considering the people Fr. Diaz had to deal
witli, and the territory over which they were scat-
tered. Employing firmness, fearlessness, and sweet-
ness, as the occasions required, Fr. Juan nevertheless
succeeded in bringing these slaves of evil passions
to assist at tlie instructions, to work for their living,
to build houses, and fortify their ranclierias against
enemies. When the Fr. President after six years
visited tlie mission, he was astonislied at the pro-
gress made in spiritual as well as temporal alTairs.
Fr. Diaz was, therefore, selected to accompany Fr.
— 165 —
Garces on the expedition which Captain Anza had
been ordered to lead to Monterey. He went as far as
(^an DiegvT, and then returned to tlio Colorado with
Don Anza. When tlie college at one time ordered
the Fr. President to hold a regular visitation of all
the missions, Fr. Juan Diaz was sulxlelegated by the
Fr. Pi-esident to visit the oiglit missions of Piineria
Baja, which he did in dune 1775.
On account of his zeal, activity, and aptitude Fr.
Diaz was himself appointed president or superior of
the missions by the college. Fr. Arricivita does not
state the time v»'hen Diaz held that office; but he
must have been elected before the year 1778. (2)
When Do Croix ordered the Fathers to hasten to Iho
Colorado to (juiet the Indians, the Fr. President (8)
called the missionaries together for a conference, an
he was not willing to expose any of them to certain
danger of death, uulefis he volunteered. Among those
that offered to go was Fr. Diaz himself. It was then
decided that he and Fr. Garcds proceed to the Yu-
mas together. They accordingly started out on Au-
gust 1st. After an attempt to proceed, Fr. Diaz had
to stay behind at Sonoitac with the soldiers and cat-
tle, because of the scarcity of water, whilst Fr. Oar-
ers continued onward with two soldiers. During the
month of October, however, he joined his companion,
though the governor had asked the Fathers to aban-
don the plan of founding missions on account of the
peril involved.
On arriving at the Colorado he saw the disappoint-
ed crowds of Indians who had expected to receive an
abundance of tobacco, cloth, etc!, which had l)een
(2) "Vleiiilo ol R. Padro puardian v V. Discrctorio cl zc-lo, actividad y aci"
oi'to con quo el p idro" (Vr. .Juan Diaz) "habia des>mpouaJo, no r^olo lag
tiroi-i del niiuistsrio, siiio tani'iion las quo se lo liabian encatsrado para
ol proirreso dol lu.stituto," (i. o. Quor^taro C\>llepo) "^p nombrarou presi'
dputo do uqiiellas mis:^ioiji ;." "Y no les salio fullido csto couceptU,
porque de«mp^flD con rolLsriosidad el ofico."
(:i) Mo.-t likely this Fr. President was Fr. Diaz himselfi
- 166 -
promised them by De Croix ; lie therefore went back
to Arizpe to see the Comandaiite General in person;
but De Croix was not moved from his imprudent
course by anything the missionary said. Two Spanish
pueblos, instead of real missions, were to be estab-
lished on the Colorado, and the pagan Indians might
join these if they wished, otherwise the zealous mis-
sionaries were to find and instruct them wherever
possible. The foolish project was carried out despite
the profcasts of tho Fathers. Fr. Diaz then, after soli-
citing some alms, returned to the Yumas, and took
charge of the second pueblo, three leagues below
tho mouth of the Gila at which Fr. Garcds was sta-
tioned. Tho Fathers endeavored lo nuike the most of
those unfavorable circumstances; they spoke to the
disgusted Indians of God and the welfare of their
souls; but, says Arricivita, it was like singing a mel-
ody to a l)loodthirsty tiger. Seeing that tlie places
were doomed to destructio:i, the Father.^ turned their
attention to the Spaniards, and succeeded in getting
them to frequent the Sacraments in order to be pre-
pared lor the coming storm which burst upon the
settlement of San Pedro y San Fablo on the 17th of
July 1781. The Fathers were among the first to fall
under tho deadly clubs of the savages. Fr. Diaz was
forty-five years of age at tho time; of these ho had
passed twenty-seven in religion, seventeen in the sa-
cred ministry, and thirteen among tho Indians. (4)
Fi\ Jose Mailas Moreno^ a native of Almarza, di*
oee§o of Osmn, Spain, was baptized on May 21th,
1744. His parents? were MaliaB Moreno and Maria Ca»
tnlina Gil. He was? happy in having a pious and sen*
Kible sister, who by her example animated him to
the love of every virtue. At the age of seventeen he
took the holy habit in the convent of St. Francis at
Logrono, province of Burgos, on June 22d, 1764. Aft*
(4) An-ii-ivita, 520--5o5.
er Ills profession Moreno made the usual studies and
was ordained priest.
Wlion a petition arrived from the commissary ask-
ing for recruits to go to America in order to hibor
in the missions of the Queretaro college, Moreno
volunteered and was accepted. Before leaving Madrid
for tha western hemisphere, he wrote the following
beautiful letter to his sister which gives a good idea
of his innocent soul, and of the spirit that pervaded
the famous seraphic seminary of Santa Cruz, Que-
retaro.
"Dear Sisteu: — If you have ever co-operated in
my holy desires as you did in my resolution to take
tlio habit, for which 1 shall over bo grateful to you
as doubly my sister, 1 can never esteem you more
than now, when by the letter you write, I see you
instructing mo by your advice, and encouraging me
by your joy. I never indeed expected less from
your prudence, virUie, and love for me; nor should I
comply with njy duty to you, did I nut tell you a-
bout the purpose, the college, and tlie motives of my
vocation, and so I dech^re to vou that I banish my-
self from our country, leave my parents, sever my-
self from my kindred and friends, tsolely for zeal for
the faith, tlie conversion of souls, and a longing for
martyrdom. 1 have very long battled with these de-
sires; placing before me self-love and my own ease,
the esteem I might enjoy in our own province, the
posts of rector and other hon()ra])le ones which I
might expect, the good I might do by preaching and
example, health by no means robust, tliu grief of my
parents, the liardships of so long a voyage, and the
perils of tlie inconstant sea were all before me. They
Were motives which long prevented my writing to
you; but linding no rest and unable to repel my de^
sires for extending the faith, and for martyrdom, and
finding them all to be the sophistry of self-love, I
resolved to solicit admission, and such was my Joy
— 168 -^
bn receiving my patent, that for the first time in a
month I slept quietly ; and such was my delight that
many told mo I must have received good news.
Could it 1)6 auglit else v.'hen I go to a college (5)
where the observance of our seraphic rule and regu-
lar discipline are supremely strict and easy, and the
opportunities of planting the faith of Christ and suf-
fering martyrdom continues. In that college, sister,
Ave are all equal. The Father Guardian goes to all
the hours of choir and other community exercises
like the humblest, even to the Matins which are in-
dispensably at midnight. The community meditation
lasts two hours, one at complin and one at Matins.
The seclusion is as great as in the strictest convent,
because no one can spcalc (u- enter nnother's cell ex-
cept on the accustomed da>', ami then in determined
places. The seclusion from seculars is great, as they
never enter the convent, and we never leave except
to go and hear confessions, and then only those de-
puted by the superior. To all is given what is neces-
sary, without any distinction between the Guardian
and the humblest. In fine the observance of the j'ule
is most easy; its trangressions difficult; its labor cnsy
to be borne, the Guardian being the first in tliem.
The opportunities for spreading the faith of Christ
and suffering martyrdom, so longed for by our Fa-
thers St. Francis, St. Anthony, and other Saints of
the Order, you may consider must be frequent in the
twenty-eight missions of the college, amid the remote
and savage regions of Texas and Sonora, where man-
y have died with the palm of martyrs, and tiie con-
versions are creat. It is true that there it much
hardship, hunger and tliirst, intolera])le heat and
painful journeys, but what is this in comparison
with what the souls cost Christ? Unless some are a-
(5) Tlie coUesre of S\nta Cruz, Quor6fc;iro, was aot a collepe as wo undor-
staud tlio tonn, l)ut a soniiiiary for the cducaticu of mittiotiaiks >\ho
\vero to lcb<.r pui.ciially ;uict.g iLe iLciaLE.
o
o
r
r
o
a
w
o
>
>
D
>
5
w
<o
c
w
1^
>
o
^ 1G9 —
i*oused to the spiritual coiuiuest of these souls, they
will constantly fall into the nets of Satan. So I com-
mend myself to Cod, to give me strengtli to l)ear
them and all the hardships of embarkation, and to
grant a safe voyage besides the health and grace ne-
cessary for so holy an enterprise."
With the other volunteers Moreno left the port of
Santa Maria, al)ont March 1709, and after a voyage
extending to November reached Queretaro. At the
college he was among the most exact observers of
the Rule. At his own request he was sent to Sonora
as supernumerary. The Fr. President soon discovered
liis valuable qualities and employed him around his
own mission, whore the young Fatlier exercised him-
sell" in teaching tho catechism and in learning the
Indian language, until the pueblo of San Pedro y
San Pablo was established on the Colorado, when
Moreno was made assistant to Fr. Juan Diaz. There
his desire for martyrdom was satisfied on July fTth,
17S1. His hody witli that of Fr. Diaz lay unburied
for five months. When discovered the head was mis-
sing, but the remains were recognized by the survi-
vors from his patched habit, his cord, and the cruci-
fix which Moreno always wore on his breast. Both
bodies were placed in one coffin and transferred to
Tubutama for burial, whence in ITOi they were re-
moved to the mother college at Quer6taro. (G)
(0) Arricivita 536-510.
m
Chapter xvi.
tbihmsG Of The CrsTODiA De San Cai^los— Mag\-ammity Of The De
FiNiTORs— Death Of The First Custos— Hjs Successoe— The Statctep-
Fetition Of The Fathers— The College Of QvEEETAHo-DissoLrTioN
Of The Custody— Indian Priests— Franciscan Bishops In Konoea. ^
Wliilc llie events related in the last chapters oc-
fin-red, the Fathers at the missions in other parts of
riineiii Alia as /.ealouely as ever devoted themselves
to the v/ork of iniproviiij:;' their wards in both spirit-
iial and teni[)()ral mailers. The Kelifiious wove with-
out (exception men of solid virtue and karnin,!;;;
eacli one a credit to llu^ mother college that rent
them forth. Of not one could it he Iruly said, Ar-
rii'ivita proudly declares, that ho had broug'hr the
least sliame ujjon the sacred ministry. This happy
state of all'airs was lar<>;ely due to the canonical vis-
itations which were held regularly, and which pre-
served the religious spirit in the missionaries. Six
new Fathers arrived before the year 1779 to take
the place of deceased or infirm missionaries.
Nothing of importance is on record down to the
year 1770, when on May 7th Pope Pius VI. erected
tlie dioceeo of Sonora which was to embrace Sinaloa
{ind Soiiori with Upper and Lower California. Thc
FrancJRcaii Father Antonio de los Keyes, formerly
himself a member of the Querctaro college and a
iniiriionary in Sonora, whose report of the missions
is given in Chapter VL, was api)ointed lirst Bisliop
of the new diocese on December 12th, 1780. He was
t'onsccratul at Tucubaya, Mexico, on the 15th of
September, 17b2. The new Bishop reached his flock
in tliG next year, and chcse Arizpe, Sonora, as his
place of residence.
The Bishop's arrival was awaited by the missiona-
ries with no little concern, for he had been autlio-
rized by King- Charles III. to form the Francisciin
missions of his diocese into two independent custo-
dies, an arrangement tlie Fathers did not desire.
Concerning the custody to l)e formed in Sonora nr.-
der the patronage of St. Charles, the Fr. Guardian
of the college at Queretaro received a decree di
rectly from King Carlos III. dated Arnnjuez, Spain,
May 20th, 1782, together with a copy of the statutes
of the new custody prepared by Fr. Manuel do la
Vega, Franciscan Commissary General for the In
dies.
The Guardinn waa thereby informed of the decis-
ion of the king, and comnuinded not to put iiny ob-
stacles in the wny, l)ut to see tliat the missionaries
from liis college observed the royal mandate whicii
it was claimed would redound to the service of God
and the king. In reply the Fr. Guardian with liis
definitors declared that tliey would comply witli the
king's wishes, and that the missionaries of tlieir
college would likewise obey and observe the sta-
tutes as arranged by the Commissary General.
This royal order was a sword with two edges,
says Arricivita. One cut off from the seminary all
its missions which were the principal reason for
whicii the college existed, since it was a eeminary
for the education of apostolic priests who, according
to the intention of its venerable founders, were to
labor for the propagation of the faith among the
gentiles.
The other edge cut olT the missions ttnd its mis-^
sionaries from their base of -upplies in a niateria!
as well as in a spiritual sense. Thus all that liad
been achieved at the cost of untold hardships and
Bufferings, in order to put the missions on a solid
— 172 —
basis, was doomed to destruction. For naturally the
province could not raise a sufficient number of novi-
ces to replace the Fathers that died at their post, or
became iucaj)acitated through age or infirmit}'.
Hence the Guardian and his consultors thought
themselves obliged to humbly state tb.cse and other
facts to the viceroy. Their statement was communi-
cated to the representative of the new Bishop, who
had not as yet arrived, and together with his reply
forwarded to the king of Spain. Despite the weighty
reasons oli'ered by the college, the royal decree was
ordered to be executed and the custody erected. This
was probably the only instance of its kind in the
history of the Seraphic Order: a king decreeing the
organization of -i religious jn'ovince against the wilh
and better judgement of those concerned!
As soon as the new Bishop reached Sonora, he sent
a circular letter to all the missions, informiiig the
niissionarios of his powers and faculties. At the same
time he called the Queretaranos and Xaliscans to
meet in his apartments at Mission de Ures. In (ibe-
dience to this order, fifteen Fathers, including their
respective presidents or superiors, assembled on the
23d of October, 1783. The Bisliop's secretary then
read the decree of the king, in which his lordship
was delegated to found the Custodia de San Cdrlos,
together with a letter of the Most llev. Fr. Commis-
sary General for the Indies, which remarkably e-
nougli authorized the Bishop to appoint the first cus-
tos and four definitors.
Thereupon the Bishop questioned the president of
the Querdtaro Fathers: ''What have you to say?''
The Father replied, "I obey the orders of his majes-
ty and of our Most Rev. Commissary General for tiie
Indies, and acknowledge your Lordsliip as true de-
legate." The Fr. President of the Xaliscan Francis-
cans answered in similar terms. The other Fathers
did likewise; no one made any objections. They had
—- 1 ( u —
presented their opinions nnd objections to the proper
authority before; their objections hcd been strangely
enough overruled; there was nothing left for them to
do but to bow to the inevitable, no UTntter how un-
reasonable the A\hole transaction might appear to
their experienced minds. Almighty God must see to
the consequences. They were men of strong faith,
those missionaries in botli Pimeiias, therefore obe-
dience to strange regulations, in which they had had
no voice, was not so difficult after all.
The Bishop immediately exercised his extraordi-
nary powers by appointing as fust custos of the new
Custody of San Carlos in iSonora the Rev. Fr. Sebas-
tian Flores, one of the fourteen missionaries his
lordship had brought over from Spain. Fr. Sebas-
tian had been twice Guardian of the college, but he
was a new man and unacquainted with the state of
these missions.
The four Fathers nam.cd by the Bishop as defmi-
tors were Fathers Roque Monares, Francisco Jurado,
Francisco Barbastro, till then president of the Pime-
lia Alta missions, and Antonio Ahurnada, up to that
date president of the Pimeria Baja or Xaliscan mis-
sions.
On the following day the new custos and th.e defi-
nitors assembled in the apartments of the Bishop,
and at his direction elevated nine of the missions to
the rank of a hospice or convent. The hopice of Bo-
namiehi was chosen as the principal house. The
boundaries of each hospice was described, and the
friars or pastors were then appointed for all the mis-
sions and hospices of the custody.
The new^ custody at its foundation was composed
of nine hospices or convents, sixteen missions, and
twenty-five pueblos de visita or mission stations. The
missions and hospices were in charge of thirty-four
Fathers, eight of whom were from the Queretaro
College, twelve from the Xalisco Province, and
- 174 —
fourteen were new-comers who had arrived from
Spain with the Bishop. Twenty other Fathers de-
clined to be incorporated into the new custody , be-
cause tliey did not Avish to sever their connection
with the colleg;e or province.
From the beginning serious difficulties confronted
the Fathers which the new custos and his counsel-
lors placed before the Bishop at tl.e same chapter.
Thus they declared impossible the observance of the
following point in the statutes of the new custody:
"The four delini'ors sliould likewise be the dis-
cretes of the i:)rincipal house; they should have a vo-
tum, consiiltivum and decisivitm in all important af-
fairs of the custody; and all that may be determined
upon witliout the knowledge or consent of the ma-
ioritv of the delinitors shall be null and void." It
was impossible, the Fathers declared, for all the deli-
nitors to reside at the hospice of Bonamichi which
could l)arely maintain one missionary notwithstand-
ing the alms of the sinodo. Besides it was absolutely
necessary for two of the delinitors, Fathers Ahuma-
da and Barbastro, to return to their respective mis-
sions, becai S3 there were none to take their place?.
Hence the statute which required the definitors to
reside at Bonamichi, or at least near it, would have
to be altered.
With all his powers the Rt. Rev. Delegate found it
no easy matt-er to put his ideas into practise; for at
the very founding of the custody his lordship dis-
covered that the most essential statutes which he
had devised for the government of the custody must
be set aside.
This is the more remarkable as the Bishop only a
decade before had himself been a missionary in that
very i^rovince, and therefore should have been ac-
quainted Avith its needs. He now yielded to a coni-
promiEc proposed by the defmltors. In their unsel-
fisliucsa ntul mngnnnimity they proposed tO WftVS
1 ,*■ >^
their rights of being consulted, in order to leave
the custos unlinnipered, and to nllovr liini to direct
and- govern as he sav\' fit. The Bisliop agreed to this
arrangement, and tlnis P'atliers Ahnniada and I>ar-
bastro were free to return to tlieir respective mis-
sions eighty leagues distant.
The Custody of San Carlos had been founded, and
enjoyed a nominal existence for two montlis, when
the first custos, Fr. Sebastian Flores, died on Janu-
ary 6th, 17S4, while at Mission de Ures. By virtue
of the statute providing for such an emergency, the
definitors assembled for the election of a vice-custos
to till the unexpired term of the deceased super-
ior. Fr. Francisco Barbastro, having received the
votes of all the defir.itors, was declared vice-custos
or superior of the province of San C-arlos. The newly
elected custos had l)een president of those missions
before. He had been a missionary himself, and there-
fore possessed the experience necessary to govern the
religious and their missions in tlie lamentable condi-
tions under wliich the province sulfered.
Fr. Barbastro soon discovered that the custos could
establish nothing, nor his sul)ieets observe any of the
new regulations forced u])on them. He therefore ex-
plained the matter to the definih)rs who agreed with
him that the statutes were well enough in a civilized
and Christianized commiunity, but altogether out of
place in their missions. They also agreed that it
would be impossible to contiinio the custody on ac-
count of the extreme i)overty of the country. The? ar-
rangement had been given a trial for five years, and
therefore they proposed that steps be taken to have
the custody dissolved, in order that the missions
could be again taken care of as before by the Que-
retaro College and the Province of Xalisco.
The custos, thereupon, informed tlie Most Kev.
Oommisary General for the Indies, Fr. Manuel Maria
Triixillo, of theii* unanimoiiR opinion, and petitioned
— 176 -.
for the dissolution of the custody. The Coinmisfary
General in turn referred the matter to the eupreme
council of the Indies, v,'hich upon examination sus-
pended all elections prescribed by the statutes of the
custody, and for the present directed Fr. Barbastro
to govern as he might find possible.
Since the statutes had been found impossible of
observance, things in the missions had remained
pretty much tlie same as before. The naming of tlie
custos, definitors, and vicars had produced little or
no change in the government of tlie religious, be-
cause all had remained under their former superior.
No changes had been nnide in th.e temporal and
spiritual affairs of the Indians at the respective
missions, as the new statutes made no mention of
them ; nor were any changes effected among the
missionaries, for one of the statutes directed "that
no one should leave his mission until the definito-
rium had appointed another for the place." Each
l*"ather had remained at his post and conducted the
affairs of th.e mission as before.
A vital change took place in another direction,
hovrever. Tlie missions had formerly been supplied by
the college or province with missionaries, and it also
had maintained them. This was stopped. The custody
had to depend upon its own resources which were
insufficient. There could be no recruits expected
from the people, who were either uncivilized or only
have civilized, and it was too costly to import them
from Spain; If.us tlie new custody was doomed from
the beginning. For charity's sake the mother college,
when informed of the death or infirmityv of a Relig-
ious, would indeed, help out the mission by sending
another Father, lest the neophytes scatter and the
mission be wrecked. In tliis way, says Fr. Arricivi-
ta, even the Indians on the Gila were not neglect-
ed, but visited and cared for as well as possible.
However, the college could not be expected to pro-
-- 1^7 -
vule missionaries forever. Naturally the Fathers
were much disturbed because of their helplessness.
During this whole period the collejie observed a
discreet silence regarding the difliculties under wliich
her sons sulFered since the new arrangement went
into effect; nevertheless the petitions of the Fathers
in Sonora were brought to the knowledge of the
same king who had ordered the custody to be organ-
ized. Referring to such a petition of Fr. Barbastro,
his majesty under date of July 16th, 1790, addressed
a letter to tlie Guardian and discretes of the Quer6-
taro College, requesting them to investigate the mat-
ter, and to take such steps as they might consider
to be in keeping with the royal intent. After ex-
amining the circumstances carefully, the college au-
thorities reported in accordance with the wishes of
the custos, Fr. Barbastro, and advised the dissolu-
tion of the custody in order to save the missions
from destruction. The reasons given were : the pov-
erty of the country ; the hostility of the Indians ;
the founding of many convents which could be only
poor missions with one Father; the want of subsis-
tence for the religious; the impossibility of obtaining
novices as recruits in the missions so that the custo-
dy must eventually die out; the costliness of bring-
ing missionaries from Spain. Finally the college de-
clared that in planning a custody, and in bringing
the project before the king and before Rome, the
new Bishop had not represented nor expressed, the
wishes of the college or missionaries, but merely his
own ideas wdiich had been found impracticable.
Accordingly, on the 17th of August, 1791, the king
declared the custody dissolved and the old order
of things restored. In California, owing to the oppo-
sition of the Fathers and the great distance from
the Bishop, the custody never took shape. Bishop
Antonio de los Reyes did not live to see the dissolu-
tion of the custody, for he died on March 6th, 1778,
— Its -^
Another Franciscan, Fr. Jose Joaquin Granados;
Hucceeded him, and f2;overned the diocese of Sonora
from 1787 to 1794, when he was transferred to Dn-
rango; but ]ie died beiore taking possession of the
new episcopal see. The most noted occurrence of his
administration was the ordaining of two natives as
priests at Ahimos, an event celeljrated by the native
t)opuhition with dancing and other festivities as a
notable step in the annals of the race. The next
l>ishop, albt) a Franciscan, was Fr. Damian Martinez
de Galinzoga, wlio ruled from 1794 to 1795, when he
was transferred to Tarragona, Spain. (1) Tlie fourth
nishop was a Franciscan from the Zacatecas college,
Fr. Francisco de Jesus Kouset, who governed the
bishopric from 1790 to 1814, when he died. (2)
(II AiTicivitii, 502-57,'); nancroft, Hist. Texas and North Mejcicaa States I,
IVZ-IVA: 7)9-720; "Franciscans in California," 8.S ; 108.
(2) ITo was cousocratpd at Zacatecas by the Hisliop of Guadalajara on
Auprust ."ith, 1706. (Bancroft lias 1799.) Bishop Rouset was a native of Ha-
vana. He was professed at Zacatecas on May I!, 1775. and became one of
the most zealous missionaries in Taraliiimara. Fuc ''Obispo ejemplarisi-
mo, y muy celoso de los chMechos de la Tplesia, i)or cuya defeosa padecio
mucho." Ue ilicd ou December "29, iyi4. Sotanii'.yor, 475-476.
m
FR. KILIAN SCHLCESSER, O. F. M.
CHAPEL AT TEMPE.
m ••-
m st^ » ■ ■<- ^^ —
Ppii-T SESOJID.
LOCAL HISTOEY.
CHAPTER I.
ARP.icivrTA's "CnoNioA Skhatica"— MisiToNa And Vi>;itA9— Missiont De
Cabokca—Fb. Asri). Calzada— Fu. Pedho Font— Fn. Ibanez— .Mission Dk
ATI— Fk. Felix Gamakba— Mission Dk Tubutama-Fr. Guillen— Mis-
, sioN De Saric— mission De Cabubica— Fr. Carrasco— Mission De Su-
AMCA— Mission De Guevavi—Tumacacori— Mission San Xavif.r Del
Bac— Tucson— State Of The Mission-Church Of San Xayier And Its
bcildees.
There is little on i-pcord corcerniiii; tlie locnl e-
vents of the several missions in Piineria Alta. AVliat
could be learned is given here mostly upon the au-
thority of Bancroft, as Arricivita's "Cronica Serafi-
ca," which brings the record down to tlie year 1701,
was published at Mexico in 1792. (1) For other par-
ticulars see chapters III aiid VI.
(I) Bancroft, History North Moxlcati States, 720 Rnys of tliis '.vrik :
•'Arriclvlt:i's stnndnrtl clironicln of the mission wnik of the Santi Crna
CollcRo Qiieri*taro, was p'lblish^d in I7sl2 In M<^xico, brinrrlnt: tliR rnrnnl
down toJ791. Tiie llrpt book of 157 pagos is occupird with tho llfo cf P.
Antonio Marjril dp Jesua, including somn historical matorial for tlm
nortliern rocions. The srcond hook, pares l.'iS-lCO. pivos the early mission
annals of \ne%'a Leon, Coahnila, and Texas in the form of bififraplurnl
sketches of half a dozen leadiirp friars of the collcpe. Twelve chapters f>f
book III, papes S21-;3f3, are doTOted to the Texas missions; and the re--
mainder of tlie work is Occupied almost exclusively vvith the FrJiiiciscnn
annals of Sonera, on WlilCH SUBJECT IT IS BEYOND COMPARISON THE EES*
authority.
"As indicated in tlie title I'ape, Crnnica SeraCca Y Apo toliea Eel TcJe'
gio Do Fropaganda Fide De La Santa Cruz Do Querctaro".. . .Escrita For
— ISO —
MISSION PURISIxMA CONCEPCION DE CABORCA.
This mission with its two visitas, San Antonio Pit-
iqui and Nuestra Seilora del Populo, (or San Juan
del Bisanioj), in 1782 still had 1,265 Indians. There
was no church nor house for the missionary at Piti-
qui, Bancroft tells us; but Arricivita declares: "Se
han fabricado do cal y ladrillo de boveda las i<i;lesias
de San Ignacio, Tubutama, y del Pitiqui^^'' the Fa-
thers constructed a church of brick and mortar at
that station. The church at Caborca was also reno-
vated by the Fathers. Fr. Juan Diaz, one of the
victims in the Colorado massacre of 17S0, was the
first Franciscan stationed at Caborca from 1768 to
1773. Ilis successors were Fr. Antonio Calzada 1773-
1782, when lie died on December 20th; (2) Fr. Jos^
Soler 1773; Fr. Clemente Moreno 1775-1781; Fr. Jo?^
Maria Espinosa 1776; Fr. Juan Gorfi;;ol 1772-1786; Fr.
Francisco H. Garces 1779; Fr. Antonio Ramos 1781-
1792; Fr. Jose Mora 1790-171»3; Fr. Angel Collazo
1792-1791; Fr. Lorenzo Sim6 1791-1795; Fr. Alonso
Prado 1796-1797; Fr. Andres Sanchez 1796-1803: Fr.
Pablo Mota 1797-1798; Fr. Ramon Lopez 1799-1800;
Fr. Pedro Font 1779-1781, who died in the latter
year; (3) Fr. Francisco Moyano 1785-1790; Fr. Fran-
cisc) Iturralde 1778; Fr. Francisco Antonio Barbas-
ol r. Fr. Juan DorahiKo Arricivita. Secunda Paete, Mexico 1792, this
work was a second part. Tlie first part was: "Cronica Apostolica Y Sera
pliica," Escrita Por El P. Fr. Isidore Felix de Espinosa, Paete Peimeea,
Mexico 174G. Padre Espinosa's work covers a wider range of territory
than that of Arricivita, whi'li was intended as a supplement. The two
works tofrether form one of the best of the old missionary chronicles.
The works are very rare as well as valuable."
(2) Fr. Ambrosio Calzada had been a member of the Franciscan province
of Burpfos, Spain, before joining tlio Quer^taro missionary college in
1770. After passing over to the Sonora missions Fr. Calzada labored with
much zeal among the natives until he lost the use of his limbs through
a stroke of jjaralysis. He suffered from this misfortune until his death
on December 2()th, 1782. Arricivita 561-562.
(;^l Fr. Pedro Font cime to tlie College of Santa Cruz, Quer^taro,
from the province of Catalonia. At his own request he was sent to the
missions of Sonora in 177.3, and assigned to Mission San Jos6 de Pimas,
which had been recently elevated to the rank of a mission. Fr. Font con-
sequently had to suffer a great deal for want of things that aie usually
- 181 —
t-o 1780; Fr. Mariano Bordoy 179G; Fr. Floreiicio I-
bauez 1790. (4)
MISSION BAN FRANCISCO DE ATI.
There was only one station, San Antonio Oqnitoa
or Aqnitoa, attached to this mission. During their
administration the Franciscans repaired and renovat-
ed the churches at Ati and Oquitoa. The Fathers
that hibored here among the Indians and a few set-
tlers were the following: Fr. Jos^ Soler 1708-1774;
Fr. Felipe Guillen 1773; Fr. Jose Maria Espinosa 1773-
1775; Fr. Juan Gorgol 1773-1787; Fr. Antonio Ramos
1774-1775; Fr. Eizarch 1776-1781; Fr. Felix Gamarra,
1777-1779, when he died at Tubutama; (5) Fr. Cle-
mente Moreno 1789; Fr. Juan Baptist Llorenes 1787-
1790; Fr. Francisco Antonio Barbastro 1789; Fr.
Francisco Moyano 1790-1817; Fr. Bedro Amoros 1790;
Fr. Ramon Lopez 1797-1798; Fr. Jose Gomez 1797-
1798. Of these some doubtless were only visitors. (0)
MISSION SAN PEDRO Y SAN PABLO DE TUBUTAMA.
Fr. President Mariano Buena took charge of this
mission and its visita, Santa Teresa, in 1708; but he
was soon succeeded by Fr. Jose del Rio 1768-1769.
The other Fathers serving here according to the re-
abundant at older missions. In January 177.5 he was chosen to accompan"
y Don Juan B. Anza's expedition to the Port of San Francisco as chaplain.
The trip lasted till Juno 1776. On his return, he found his mission had
been ceded to the Jaliscans, wherefore he proceeded to the visita de San=
1 1 Maria Masdalona. Thence obedience placed him at Mission del Pitic;
Arricivita, 560-nCl.
(4) Fr. Ibaftez, after being a member of the Queretaro College for 17
years, rejoined San Fernando College Mexico, when he was sent to Cali-
fornia, where he died at Soledad in 1M18. Vide Franciscans in Californiai
382. Some of tlio Fathers named doubtless were only visitors who adminis^
tered the Sacraments while at the missioiu Arricivita, 418; Bancrofti
Hist. Texas I, 7-24.
(.5) Fr. Felix Gamarra was a native of Spain and had belonjrcd to the
Franciscan province of Cantabria. While still a dBacbn he urRcutlv beprfred
to be sent to the American missions, and reaclied tlie college of Quereta-
ro in 1771). After serving in several liumble positions he was ordained
priest and sent to Sonora, where he labored among the Indians until
May 1779, when he was stricken down by a m lUinant fever. He died for-
tified witli the Sacraments in the thirty-sebOnd ySur of his lifei Arricivi^
t.», f.iJO. (fij Raucroft, Hist, Tox. I. 72ii
-. 182 —
gistoi's were: Fr. Estdvan Salazar 1769-1772; Fr. Jos^
Maria Eapinosa 1773-1774; (?) (7) Fr. Felipe Guillen
1774-1778, in whicli latter year ho was murdered by
tlie Indians on his way from Santa Teresa to All;
(8) Fr. Manuel Carrasco who died at Magdalena 1776;
Fr. Francisco A. Barbastro 1778-1783; Fr. Francisco
Iturralde 1784; Fr. Francisco Moyano 1788-179G; Fr.
Bartolome Socies 1791; and Fr. Jose Gomez 1800. At
Tubulama the Fathers, especially through Fr. Guil-
len's efforts, erected and nicely ornamented a brick
church. Fr. Gamarra of Ati died at this mission in
1779. The bodies of the Colorado Martyrs rested here
from 1781 to 1794, Avhen they were transferred to
Quer6taro. (9)
MISSION DOLORES DE SARIC.
Very little is known of this mission; not even the
names of the missionaries are on record. San Jose de
Aquimuri was the only station or visita. Saric was
plundered by the savages in 177G, but the church
was saved. Fr. Florencio Ibafiez was the missionary
from 1783-1790. The visita was abandoned before
1784. (10)
MISSION SAN IGNACIO DE CABURICA.
The Fathers erected a brick church at San Ignacio,
and continued in charge of the two stations San
(7) Vide precedinp: mission.
(8) Fr. Folipo Guillen was a native of Piles, Valencia, Spain. Ho re-
nounced very flatterinpr worldly prospects and took tlie habit of St. Fran-
cis in the province of Valencia. Aftor tlio usual studies he was ordained
priest, and later in 17GJ was amons the forty reliffious whom the Fr.
Commissary had collected in Spain for the College of Santa Cruz, Que-
idtiro. Aftor givincj proof of his fitness for the missions by his fervent
observance of the rules at the college, Fr. Felipe was permitted to enter
the missionary field of Texas. He remained two years at Mission San
Francisco. Wlieu the Texas missions were ceded to the Zacatecan Fathers
Fr. Guillen returned to the college, but he was soon despatched to Sono-
ra, wliore ho was stationed at Tubutama. There lie taught the Christian
Doctrine morning and evening to the natives in both the Spanish and Pi-
ma tongue like the other missionaries. At the time of his death, April
27th, 1778, Fr. Guillen was 41 years of age, of which he passed nine in
the missions. Arricivita, 524-5211.
(il) Bancroft, Hist. Texas, I, 724; Shea, Hist. Cath. Church, Vol. IV 3;C»
;U:;; Arricivita, 41H. (10) Hiiicroft, HLst. Texas, I, 724,
— 183 —
Jos^ Imuris and Santa Maria Magdelcna. In 1776
Magdalena was attacked and nearly destroyed by the
lebel i\pacliGs.
The following Religions were in charge of the mis-
sion at dilFerent times: Fr. Diego Martin Garcia
1768-1772; Fr. Francisco S. Zufiiga 1772-1780; Fr.
Manuel Carrasco 1771-1776, Avhen he died on May
9th: (11) Fr. Pedro Arriquibar 1780-1794; Fr. Francis-
co Tobas 1796-1799; Fr. Jose Perez 1799 et seq. (12)
MISSION SANTA MARIA DE SUAMCA.
Fr. Francisco Koche in June 17G8 took charge of
this mission and ita visita Santiago de Cocospera. In
November of the eamo year the mission was de-
stroyed by the Apaches, after a hard light with the
I*ima neophytes; wherefore the Father transferred
Jiis flock to Cocospera, which also sulfered from the
savages in the same year. A church was in course of
erection in 1772, but the location was not a good
one. The missionary intended to restore the mission
on a good site nearer Terrenate; but as late as 1784
Suamca had not been reoccupied, and was probably
never rebuilt. There were 110 Indians still attached
to the mission in 1772. (18)
MISSION SANTOS ANGELES DE GUEVAVI.
This mission was one of the two situated in what
is now the Territory of Arizona. It lay one league
from the presidio (jf Tubac. In 1769 it was attacked
at midday by the Apaches. Before 1791 a new roof
(11) Fr. Manuel Carrasco was a native of Spain, and received the liabit of
tlie Seraphic Order in the province of San Miguel do Estrcmadura. He
was incorporated into tlie College of Quer^taro in 1770 when twenty-seven
j-rtirs of HK?. After residing at the college for three years, Fr. Manuel was
sent to Souora where he labored nearly always in ill health. He died at
the visita of Santa Maria Magdalena on the 9th of May 1776, at the ago
of thirty-three. Arricivita, 5fO.
Arricivita also mentions Fr. Joaquin Velarde as having died in a niis-
.cion of Piineria Alta, the name of which ho omits. Fr. Velarde camo
from the province of Cantabria. He died in March 17«. Arricivita, Ibid.
(12) Bancroft, Hist. Texas, I, 728-724; Arricivita, 448.
(i:!) Bancroft, Hiit. Texas. I, 72S.
— 184 —
was put on the church buihlin^, though it ceased to
be a mission about the year 1781, wh.en the mission-
ary in charge removed to Tumacdcori. Under the ad-
ministration of the Franciscans alobe houses for the
Indians and a wall for their protection were erected.
A new church of adobe was also built at Tumaca-
cori much after the style of San Javier's at Bac
Fr. Gil de Bernave was the lirst Franciscan who
resided at Guevavi. He arrived in 17GS, and from
here attended the visitas of Tumacacori, Calabazas,
and kSan Ignacio de Sonoita, together with the presi-
dio of Tubac. Fr. Gil remained till 1772, when he was
succeeded by Fr. Baltazar Carillo, it seems.
Tumacacori^ or San Jose, became the residence of
the missionary about 178-1 or earlier, when Guevavi
was deserted together with San Ignacio de Sonoita or
Sonoitac across tlie line in Mexico. The name of the
latter is still retained, but Guevavi opposite Calabr-
zas sev-^ms to have disappeared from modern maps.
At Sonoitac the Franciscan Fathers had erected a
new brick church, but this did not prevent the aban-
doning of the place. TLimacd::ori for a long time was
a flourishing mission. Before 1791 a new roof was
put on the church bui'ding, and many other im-
provements made. Houses of adobe for the Indians
and a wall of the same material for the protection
of the mission were likewise constructed. A new
ciiurch of adobe was })uilt in the beginning of the
eig'.iteenth century and completed, it seems, in 1822.
It is now only a mass of ruins on the west bank
of the Santa Cruz Kiver.
Fr. Baltazar Carillo was stationed at Tumacacori
until 1798 or 1799, when ho died. Fr. Narciso Gutier-
rez was the next missionary, and he also resided
here ui\til his death which occurred probally in 1820.
l*'r. Ramon Liberos then took charge of the mission,
:1s we may gather from tlie following note found in
the mission records; "I, Fr; Bnmon Liberos, mission^
— 185 —
arv at tlie missicn of Saii Jcs^ do Tumacdcori, on
the 13th of December, 1822, transferred the remains
of the Rev. Baltazar Carillo and the Rev. Narciso
Gutierrez from tlie old cliiirch to the new one, and
buried them in tlie sanctuary on the Gospel side.
Fr. Kamon Liberos." (14)
Calahazas^ or San Cayetano, the only pueblo de
visita v.'hich seems to have survived 1784, had C4
neophytes in 1772, but no church nor a house for the
missionary; these were erected before 1701, however.
In 1828 Calabazas is mentioned as a rancho near
which some poor people worked a gold mine.
Tuhac is a name that appears as a presidio in
1762. About the years 181-4-1821 the place is denomi-
nated both presidio and "pueblo y mission." In 1821
the books were inspected by the Bishop of Sonora.
The spiritual wants were attended to by the Fathers
of the adjoining mission of Guevavi, and later from
Tuma?acori. (15)
SAN XAVIER DEL BAG.
Enc, (IC) or San Xavier del Bac, known as a ran-
che;ia since the seventeenth century, became a mis-
sion about 1732, or perhaps 1720. It is situated in
the Santa Cruz Valley, about nine miles south of
Tucson, Arizona, and was founded by the Jesuit Fa-
thers for the Papago Indians. (17)
For several years after its establishment by the
Jesuits it had no resident priest, but was attended
from Guevavi. The population must have been con-
siderable, judgir-g from the number of Baptisms ad-
ministered between the years 1720 and 1767. During
this period, according to the baptismal records, twen-
(14) "Soldiers of the Cross," 181. (15) Bancroft, Hist. Texas 723; Hist.
Arizona, :iyJ-3S4 ; Arricivita, IWC; 448.
(]f5) The word 13ac in tlio languape of the natives moans a place where
tliere is wator. (17 > PApago means "cnt hair," thns desitrnatinK In-
dians who cut their hair, i. e. Christians. Tlio Yuma men to this day let
the hair grow and hang down to the hips.
— 180 —
ty-t\vo Jesuit missionaries succecssivoly administered
the Sacraments at San Xaviev,
In June 17C8 the mission was committed to the
care of Fr. Francisco Hermenegildo Garcia, 0. F. M.,
who was in cliarge until 1778, when lie removed to
the Colorado River. (18) Fr. Jos6 del Rio is named as
com'panero of Fr. Garc^s, and he may have served at
Bac, though his own mission station, 1768-1769, was
Tubutama in Sonora. In 1770-1771 Fr. Jos6 went to
Mexico in behalf of the Pimeria Alta missions, Fr.
Baltasar Carrillo was superior of the mission at Bac
from May 22d, 1780-1791. His successor as superior
was the former assistant, Fr. Narcisso Gutierrez, who
remained in charge until 1799. His assistants succes-
sively were Fathers Mariano Bordoy, Ramon Lopez,
and Angel Alonzo de Prado. Fr. Pedro Arriquibar
probably was the resident missionary in 1819, for his
name appears on the Tubac register as chaplain of
Tucson. (19) What other Fathers were stationed at
San Xavier it is impossible to state, for there are no
records extant of the period beginning with the
third decade. (20)
Tucson,, or San Jos^ de Tucson, since the year
1763 was a visita of Bac. In 1772 it was still without
either church or priest's house. It was situated in a
fertile locality where a large number of pagan and
Christian Indians had congregated.
The population in that year was estimated at over
(IS) Seo chapters XII and XIII. (19) Arricivita, 396; 448; Bancroft,
Hist. Arizona, 379-3S1.
(20) Accordins to Bancroft a writer in tlie Tucson "Dos Republicas" of
Sopt. 16, 1877, wlio lias apparently examined some of the mission registers,
names tlio following Fathers as having served in Arizona between 1768-
1828: Francisco Carets, Juan Diaz, Jose Matias Moreno, Juan Antonio
Barraneche, Bartolom6 Jimenez, Gaspar de Clemente, Juan CarzoU, Cle-
mento Moreno, Clemento Rijarch, Pedro Arriquibar. Juan B. Nelderrain,
Joaquin Antonio Velarde, Baltasar Carrillo, Narciso Gutierrez, Mariano
Bonloy, Ramon Lopez, Ramon Liberos, Juan Maldonado, and Rafael Di-
az, who was in charge of San Agustin del Pueblito de Tucson in 1826. It
is to be noted that this list d-^es not include Fr. Gil de Bernave, the ori-
ginal missionary of Guevavi, nor Fr. Juan B. Estelrie who both belonged
to Arizona. Banc. Hist. Ariz. 179-380
-- 187 —
200 families. Many of these seem to have been sub-
sequently Gcnttered, as in 1774 there were found only
eighty families of Pinia Indians. According to Arrici-
vita "the Apaches have always sought to destroy a
small rancheria at Tugson, it being the point of en-
try for tlieir irrnptiona; but by tlie efforts of Father
Francisco Carets a pueblo was built there, with a
church, house for the missionary, and a wall for de-
fence; and it is to-day a presidio of Spaniards." (21)
The presidio was removed there from Tubac in or be-
fore 1777, so that the date of the founding of Tucson
as a Spanish settlement may be set down as 1776.
The church, like tliat of Bac, was of l)rick and de
hovedas. "The Indians were quartered in a little
pue1)lo adjoining the presidio, and called from tliis
time "San Augustin del pueblito de Tucson." The
j)residio Avas sometimes also called San Agustin. Fa-
ther Rafael Diaz was in charge of San Agustin del
Pueblito de Tucson in 1820; he probably left the
place in the following year.
On the arrival of the Franciscans the Indians were
scattered and had forgotten their catechism, as we
had occasion to relate before ; but they consented to
return if not compelled to work. Before the end of
the year 1768 the mission was destroyed by Apaches,
who killed the native chief, or mission governor,
and captured two soldiers. Fr. Garces lay sick at
Guevavi Avhen this occurred. In several subsequent
raids the mission live-stock disappeared, but after
1772 lost ground was more than regained, though Fr.
Garces Avas for a large part of the time engaged, in
northern and western exi^lorations.
"The official report of 1772 shows a population of
270 on the registers, and describes the adobe church
as moderately capacious, but poorly supplied with
furniture and vestments. (22)
(21) Arricivita, 44i<> (22) Bancroft, Hist. Arizona, 381 382.
— ]88 —
Tli3 clmrfih abovo the front door bears the date of
1797, which is probably the year of its completion.
The building was probably begun soon after the date
of the reports on which Arricivita based his account,
and completed in the last decade of the century.
There is a tradition that the church was built on
the site of the old Jesuit church; that its construc-
tion occupied fourteen years, and that two brothers
Gaona were the l)uilders under the supervision of
the Fathers. (23) No mention is made of their names
in any record. "Nor did those true sons of humble
St. Francis put on the walls any mark that could
manifest their personal merit to future generations.
What they did was to x^lace the coat-of-arms of their
Order on the frontispiece of the church, as if to say
to us: We i)oor Religious of St. Francis, unknown to
you, have built this for you; pray for us! The mis-
sionaries who had left their country to go after the
conquest of souls for heaven, were not working for
fame or any personal interest. What they aimed at
wa's to please God in the discharge of their duties,
leaving to Him to take note of the little good they
might be able to do." Nevertheless, if the tradition
about the time spent in constructing the church be
right, we can raise the veil of humility by looking
at the names of the missionaries of whom mention
is made in the church records during that period.
"According to this tradition the present church,
which replaced the old one left by the Jesuits, was
commenced in 1788, during the administration of Fr.
Baltasar Carrillo, O. F. M., whose name is men-
tioned in the records from May 22d, 1780, to 1794.
His successor as superior of the mission was his as-
sistant priest, Fr. Narciso Gutierrez, O. F. M., Avho
remained in charge until 1709, having successively as
assistants his Brethren in religion Fathers Mariano
(23^ Banc. Hist. Arizona, ;W1 ; "SoJdiors of tlio Cros.^" 1S2.
— 189 —
Bordoy, Kanion Lopez, and Aloiizo de Prado. \Ve
may therefore safely conclude that to tiie Fathers
named, and especially to the two superiors, the still
rich and elegant church of San Xavier del Bac owes
its existence." This effectually disposes of the asser-
tion that the structure was erected bv the Jesuit
Fathers. (24)
B.incrort, too, (25) says: "All the churches of
Pimeria Alta at this period are described as of ad-
obes, covered with wood, grass, and earth. Arricivi-
ta, writing in 1791, mentions on one page (26) that
the Franciscans have built here adobe houses for the
natives and walls for defence against the Apaches;
but though specifying somewhat minutely the vari-
ous churches that had been built or repaired, ho says
nothing of such work at Bac. In a similar statement
on another page, however, he includes Bac, as well
as Tucson, among the places where churches of brick
had been built. (27) Yet I think the chronicler
would not have dismissed with so slight a notice the
magnificent structure still standing at San Xavier,
which has elicited many a description from modern
visitors."
Fathers Baltasar Carrillo and Narciso Gutierrez
were not permitted to remain at San Xavier until
the end of their useful career. Both were assigned,
one after the other, to the mission of Tumacacori,
where they died. In erecting San Xavier del Bac as
also in building the church at Tumacacori tradition
has it that the Fathers employed two brothers by
the name of Caona. Whether these Avere in any way
connected with the Franciscan Order it is impossible
to say. (28)
(24) "Mission of Saa Xavier del Bac," pages 7-9; "Soldiers of the
Crosi," 1S2.
(25) Bancroft, Hist. Arizona, 3S0. (26j Arricivita, 448. (27) Ibid. "Todaa
do ladrillo y b6vedas."
(28) "San Xavier del Bac." 8.
-Wo
CHAPTER II.
San Xavier's Modekn History— Means To Build Chueciies— Eesceip'
TiON Of The Chukch— Secularization.
Before giving a description of the beautiful church
of San Xavier del Eac, south of Tucson, Arizona, a
little must be said of tlie modern history of the mis*
pion subsequent to tlie expulsion of the Frnnciscans.
It remained without a priest for a long time. Though
never abandoned by the Bishop of Sonora, but
placed in charge of the parish priest of Magdalena,
the Indians saw a minister of God only on rare oc-
casions. This state of tilings lasted until 1859. At
that time the territory of Arizoiux was attached to
the diocese of Santa Fe, New JMexico, whose Bishop,
the Rt. Rev. J. B. Lamy saw tliat tlie new Held be
visited by a priest. The first priest his lordship sent
for that purpose was his worthy Vicar-General, the
active and energetic J. P. Machobeuf, who later on
became the first Bishop of Denver, Colorado. Father
Machebeuf found the church of San Xavier to be the
only one in Arizona which had not been complete-
ly ruined. He saw, however, that the vaults of the
once beautiful temple had been greatly injured by
leakage, and his first care was to have a coat of
mortar put on the outside surface, in order to pre-
vent any further damage. Tlie repairs, whicli no
doubt paved the structure from falling to pieces,
were eiFected by UK^ans of voluntary worlv or con*
tributions of tlie poor peoi)le who lived in the vi'
cinity at that time. The Indians of San Xavier had
not entirely forgotten what they had been tauglit by
•ir-
.:^"'
^ '"
-. v-^
THE NAVE OF SAN XAVIER CHURCH.
the old missionaries. As soon as they heard that a
priest was cominf^- amonf^-st them, t!iey rushed to the
church and ran^ tlie hells to welcome him as the
minister of (!od. They listened to jiis instructions
and brouf^'ht their chiklren to be baptized. In a very
siiort time Fatlier Machebeuf asce tained that the
natives still knew some prayers, and, to his amaze-
ment, even two or three were able to sin^- a mass.
Another agreeable surprise awaited the priest when
he saw the Indians bringing to him several church
articles, which they had kept in their houses for
years lest Ihey should be carried off by strangers. (1)
In March, 18G1, the lit. Rev. Bishop came to Ari-
zona and held the visitation at both San Xavier and
Tucson. Father C. Mesea attended the former and
Fatlier L. Bosco ilie latter mission. Both priests were
members of the Society of Jesus.
In September 1873 the Sisters of St. Joseph of Ca-
rondelet. Mo., established a day school at San Xavier
for t!ie IVipag) Indians. They occupied the quarters
formerly used as a convent by the Franciscans. It
was closed again in April 187(3 for want of means.
"It may be asked here what were the means the
missionaries had at their disposal for the erection of
such structures. According to the writers of the Ru.
do Ensayo and Noticia^ Estadhiicas, the churches
"were built by tho missionaries with th.c sole product
of the land assigned by th.o government to each one
of the missions, which land was cultivated by tho
Indians under the direction of their respective min-
isters. To this resource we might add the product of
the live stock, which was considerable at times in
several of tho missions, and also what the missiona-
i-ies were able to spare of tlie scant allowance of
provisions which were isGucd to th.cm by tlie govern-
(1) For Uie informatlun contained in tliis cliapter we aio indcbtrd priu'
cipally to "Mit^sion San Xavier del Bac," pages C-15, and ArclibUliop
Salpointo'a 'Soldiers of the Cross," i\ 185-Uj;; i'59 2G1.
- 192-
hient, amounting yearly to $300 for each one. This
explains why the building of the churches required
so long a time, and also why some of them renu\ined
unfinished in some of their parts.''
"The church, as can be seen by its arches, surpas-
sing the semicircle and the ornamental work in low
relief which covers the Hat surfaces of some parts of
its walls, belongs to the Moorish style. The first
thing to be noticed is the atrium, a little enclosure
6Gx33 feet, whicii separates the church from the pla-
za, and which was used, for the place of meetings
relating to matters not directly connected with re-
ligion.
"On tho frontispiece, which shows the width of the
church with its two towers, is placed, in low relief,
the coat-of-arms of the Order of St. Francis of Assi-
si. It consists of an escutcheon, with a white ground
filled in Avith a twisted cord, and a cross on which
are nailed one arm of Our Savior and one of St.
Francis, representing the union of the disciple with
the Divine Master in charity and the love of suffer-
ing. The arm of Our Lord is bare, while that of St.
Francis, is covered. On the right side of the escut-
cheon is the monogram of Jesus the Savior of men,
and that of the Blessed Virgin Mary on the left.
The frontispiece was surmounted by a life-size statue
of St. Francis, whicli has now gone pretty nearly all
to pieces under the action of time.
"The church, which is built of stone and brick, is
105 by 27 feet inside the walls. Its form is that of a
cross, the transept forming on each side of the nave
a chapel of twenty-one feet square.
"The building has only one nave, which is divided
into six portions, marked by as many arches, each
one resting on two pillars set against the walls. A-
bove the transept is a cupola of about fifty feet in
elevation, the remainder of the vaults in the build-
ing being only about thirty feet high.
— ]93 —
"Going from the front door to the main altars,
there is on the rig;ht liand side wall a fresco repre-
senting the coming of the Holy Gliost upon the dis-
ciples. Opposite to it is the picture, also in fresco, of
the Last Supper. Both paintings measure about 9 by
5 feet.
"In the first chapel to the right are two altars,
one, facing the nave, with the image of Our Lady
of Sorrows standing at the foot of a large cross
which is deeply engraved in the wall, and the other
one with the image of the Immaculate Conception.
In tlie same chapel are two frescoes representing
Our Lady of the liosary and the hidden life of Our
Savior. The opposite chapel is also adorned with two
altars. One of them is dedicated to tlie Passion of
Our Lord, and tiie other to St. Joseph. There
are also two paintings, the subjects of which are:
Our Lady of the Pillar, wliich represents the Mother
of God appearing at Saragosa, and the Presentation
of Our Lord in the Temple.
"The main altar, is dedicated to St. Francis Xa-
vier, the patron saint the Jesuits had chosen for the
first church they had established in the mission.
When erecting tliis more spacious building, the Fran-
ciscan Fathers retained the name and protection of
St. Francis Xavier. Above the image of St. Francis
Xavier is that of the Holy Virgin between the sta-
tues of Sts. Peter and Paul, and at the summit of
the altar piece is the bust of God, the Creator. The
pictures seen on the walls near this altar, on the
right hand side, are, "The Adoration of Wise Men,"
with the "Flight into Egypt;" on the left, "The Ado-
ration of the Shepherds" with the "Annunciation."
"The altars, and especially the principal one, are
decorated with columns and a great profusion of ar-
abesques in low relief, nil gilded or painted in dif-
ferent colors, according to tlie requirements of the
Moorish style. Besides the images mentioued, there
— 194 —
nre the statues of the twelve apostles, placed in the
niches cut in the piHars of the church, and many
others, representing generally some saint of the Or-
der of St. Francis. There are also in the dome of the
cupola the pictures of several personages of the Or-
der who occupied a high rank in the Church.
"Going again to the front door, we find two small
openings communicating with the towers. The first
room on the right, wliich is formed by the inside of
the tower, is about twelve feet square, and is used
for the administration of baptism.
"A similar room, which is of no x^'^rticular use
now, but which corresponds to the mortuary chapel
of the old basilicas, is located in the left tower.
From each one of these rooms c(mimence the stairs,
cut in the thickness of the w^alls, and leading to the
upper stories. Starting from the baptistery, the second
flight reaches the choir of the church. A good view
of the upper part of the monument can be had from
that place.
"There are also some frescoes worth noticing. These
are the Holy Family, facing the main altar; St.
Francis, represented as raptured by heavenly love, in
a fiery chariot; St. Dominic, receiving from the
Blessed Virgin the mission to promote the devotion
of the Rosary in the world; and the four Evangel-
ists Avith tluir characteristic attributes.
"Two flights more lead to the belfry, where are
four rough and home-made bells of small size- Twen-
ty-two steps more bring the visitor to the top story,
and under the little dome covering the tower, an el-
evation of about seventy-five feet above the ground.
Here one may have a good view of the beautiful
and extensive Santa Cruz Valley and surround-
ing mountains. One of the towers w^as never complet-
ed, prol aMy for want of means; it lacks the dome
ftnd the plastering from the second story upward.
"On the west side of the church, separated from it
INTERIOR OF SAN XAVIER.
~ 195 —
by a narrow passage, is an enclosure with an open-
ing on the nortli and a small chapel standing at its
western side. The ground enclosed was fornierl}' used
as a cemetery, and the chapel was the place where
the dead bodies were kept until tlie ceremony of the
burial could be performed.
''On the east side of the church is the mission
building, which formerly occupied a somewhat exten-
sive space, and consisted of the rooms necessary for
the priests, of a soap factory, and stores for the pro-
visions. Besides, there were several farm houses con-
veniently located on the mission land. Of these
buildings tiiere are now only two rooms making a
body ^vith the church, and four rooms extending
south and facing on the church plaza. All these
, rooms were repaired by the government in 1873,
with the consent and under the supervision of the
Bishop, and used as schoolrooms until 1876.
"The little butte adjoining the church, and sur-
mounted by a cross, shows on its top the crater of
an extinct volcano.
San Xavier, like all other missions, flourished until
the year 1810, when the cry of "Independence" was
heard all over Mexico. Thereafter they sulFered eith-
er from revolutions, or for want of aid, until the
blight of ''''secularization'''' or rather confiscation (7)
fell upon the once happy refuges of the poor na-
tives.
This calamity put an end to mission prosperity in
Pimeria Alta as well as elsewhere under Spanish
Masonic rule. On Septeml)er 1.3th, 1813, the Spanish
C6rtes. dominated by Free Masons, passed a decree
to the effect that all missions in America that had
existed ten years should at once be given up to the
Bishop, "without excuse or pretext whatever, in ac-
cordance with the laws." The missionaries mifjlit bo
7) Sue Fi-nneiacnns in OaUfornin 16M51.
— 196 —
appointed if necessary as temporary curates^ and one
or two might remain in each district where they had
convents and had been serving as curates; but with
these few and temporary exceptions they must move
on to new conversions, and must at once yield the
management of tlie temporalities to royal comisiona-
dos ; the mission lands were to be reduced to private
ownership, and the neophytes were to be governed
by their town councils and the civil authorities. (2)
This was called "secularization," in other words,
consigning to profane use what had hitherto been
devoted to the spread of religion and the welfare of
the natives. Confiscation or plunder would have been
the proper name for the transaction; for "these [sec-
ularization] laws, whose ostensible purpose was to
convert the missionary establishments into Indian
pueblos, their churches into parisli churches, and to
elevate the Christianized Indians to tlie rank of citi-
zens, were after all executed in such a manner that
the so-called secularization of the missions resulted
only in their plunder and complete ruin, and in the
demoralization and dispersion of the Christianized
Indians." (:i)
In defense of the arbitrar}" and foolish measure,
the enemies of the Jesuit and Franciscan mission
system declared that no injustice was done the mis-
sionaries; that the missions were never intended to
be permanent establishments ; that they were to give
way in the course of some years to the regular ec-
clesiastical system, when the civilized Indians would
be formed into parishes, attended by a secular cler-
gy. (4)
The Franciscans, on the other hand, took an entire-
ly different view of their work among the natives ;
nor did they enter upon their missionary duties with
(2) Bancroft, Hi?t, Colif. Vol, II, 390-400.
(3) Dwinal.ln, Ctdonitil History, as quoted by Gleoson Vol, 11, 118; Bane,
IV, lo.sy. [i) Us^ncroft, Iliat, Cal, H, see : 43Uaa ; eieeson, If, 110.
— 19? ~
tlie understand i 11,2; that after a certain time, to be
limited by those who knew nothing of the needs of
the natives, they would have to leave their wards
and seek other fields of labor. From the first tlie Fa-
thers contended that the missionaries stood to the
Indians in loco parentis^ and therefore had exclusive
control of them and their property. "Tlie standard
position of all the missionaries was that the Indians
were absolute owners of the soil and all the mission
property, but that they were still children requiring
parental control, and that the missionaries alone
were qualified to exercise that control." (5)
For this reason the Fathers made strenuous efforts
to secure for their w^ards what of right belonged to
them. The land belonged to the Indians, they stead-
fastly claimed, and should be turned over to them
only when they Avere capable of taking care of it
themselves. AVhen that time was at hand no one was
capable to decide except their guardians, the mis-
sionaries. Doubtless the Fathers in the Pimerias took
the same stand, though there is no record extant of
their missions or the steps they took after the decree
passed. There conduct in this matter may be easily
concluded from the action of the California Fathers.
However, the motives which urged the change at a
time when the Indians were entirely unprepared for
the measure, were other than those assigned by the
government. "Beneath these specious pretexts," says
Dwindle in his Colonial History, "was, undoubtedly,
a perfect understanding between the government at
Mexico and the leading men in California, that in
such a condition of things the supreme government
might absorb the Pious Fund, under the pretense
that it was no longer necessary for missionary pur-
poses, and thus had reverted to the State as a quasi
escheat ; while the co-actors in California should
(5) The Franciscaus in Calif., 153; 260, Banc. Hist. Cal. II. 431; III, 309-310,
- i9§ -
^^appropriate-' the local wealth of the missions by a
rapid and sure process of administering their tempo-
ralities." (B) It was for this reason the arguments of
the Fathers were without avail : they were arguing
with men whose aim was plunder.
After an unexplained delay of seven years, the
l*oyal conlirmation of the decree of secularization was
published by Viceroy Venadito on January 20th,
1821. The news was at once forwarded by the Fr.
Guardian of the monastery of San Fernando, Mexico,
to Fr. Payeras, the prefect of the California missions,
with instructions to comply at once with the require-
ments of the decree by surrendering the administra-
tion of the temporalities to the government, but to
insist on exact inventories and other requisite form-
alities.
He was also to notify the Bishop that the Fathers
were ready to give up the missions as soon as de-
manded. Accordingly, in July he notified Governor
Sola that the missionaries rejoiced at the prospect of
being free to engage in new spiritual conquests, or
to seek retirement at their college. A similar notice
was sent to the Bishop of Sonora, and a correspond-
ing notice was forwarded to all the missionaries.
^'In the communications of the Fr. Guordian and
the Fr. Prefect," says Bancroft, "there appears no
word of protest, no complaint, but only joy ns at
relief from a burden.'' .... "In his letter to the Fa-
ce) Oleoson, II, 118. "Tlic dfcice ordpiirp Iliii> crirmrrcps tin followo:
"The C6rtP9 Genoml nnd Extraordinnr.v, considoritiR thitt the reduction of
common Innd to private pri^perty, 1? ono of the mensurc.i most imperiou.'-
ly demanded fof the welfuie of tlie pueblos, nnd tho improvement of a-
Kriculture nnd industry, and wishinp at tlie .same time to derive from
this class of land AID To relieve thE pl'BLIC nkceshities, a reward
to THE WOETHr DEFENDERS OB" THE COUNTRY, AND RELIEF TO THE CITl'
feENS NOT PROPRIETORS, dpcreo, etc., without prejudice to the forcRoiiiK
provisions, one half of tho vacant land and lands belonRinR to the royal
patrimony of the monarchy, except the .suburbs of the pueblos, is hereby
reserved, to be in whole or in p.art, as may bo deemed necessary, hypo-
thecated for the PAYMENT OF THE NATIONAL DEBT, ETC." (GleeSOU. Hht.
Cath; Cliurch In Califi, Vol. II, 113.
CHURCH AT PHCENIX, ARIZONA.
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tilers, Fr. Payeras exhorts them to liave all in read-
iness, both temporal and spiritual, so as to reply
with sonorous voice to the first lawful call, whether
ecclesiastical or political, Domlne^ ecce adsum.'''' (7)
In ]821 Mexico declared itself independent of
Spain and estal)lished a government of its own. The
Fathers in Caliiomia all took the oath of alle<i;iance
to the new j>;overnment, and very likely the Fathers
in Sonora did the same. The government was over-
thrown, however, and another established to which
the majority of the Fathers refused to swear alle-
giance. Like Fr. President Duran they declared that
they were tired of taking so many oaths, when oaths
seemed to have become mere playthings. "1 ofl'er,"
lie wrote "an oath to do nothing against the estab-
lished government, and if this be not accepted, I
am resigned to the penalty of expatriation which the
constitution imposes,"' (8)
What action the Fathers in Sonora took is not
known; but it seems all declined the oath and were
expelled, at least there is no mention of a Francis-
can in Arizona or Pimeria Alta after 1824. With
their departure also departed the prosperity of the
missions.
CHAPTEK 111.
San Xavier Del Bac— Bishop Bovkgade's Anxiety And GenekoL's Op>
FER— Phoenix Accepted— First Fatiierh And Brothers— Hjstorv Ob*
St. Mary's— Improvements— Changes^Work Of The Fathers.
The Indians of San Xavier del Bac were thus left
(7) Ban-^. Hist. Cal- II, 432-4:«; Franciscans in California, 152.
(8) Franciscans in California, 156 i Banc. Ilist. Cal. Ill, 7i 16-19 j 87.
— 200 —
to themselves until the arrival of the Very Rev. J.P.
Machebeuf. The ecclesiastical authorities, however,
could barely provide for the needs of the Mexicans
and immigrants from the States, so that much to
their regret little could be done for the Tapagos be-
yond saying Mass occasionally at the old church. Nat-
urally, ignorance and immorality resulted from half
a century's want of instruction and guidance.
Among tlie Bishops of Arizona the Rt. Rev. P.
Bourgade above all keenly felt the condition of the
thousands of Indians under his jurisdiction, and lie
made every effort, for a long time in vain, to en-
list some zealous x>i'iests or religious in their be-
half. Thus in the fall of 1886 his lordship offered
Mission San Xavier del Bac to the Franciscans
through the writer, while the latter was staying at
Fort Yuma for his health. As a further inducement
the Bishop offered to give $4,000 in money and a
Mexican parish besides by means of which the Fath-
ers could establish and maintain themselves for some
years. This was a most generous offer, as it deprived
the Bishop of his entire income.
The writer was willing to undertake the task, but
owing to the scarcity of Fathers the earnest desire of
the good Bishop to have the Franciscan Fathers in
Arizona could not be gratified until nine years later.
At his urgent request the Very Rev. Michael Rich-
ardt, O. F. M., provincial of the Province of the Sa-
cred Heart, towards the close 1895 at last accepted
St. Mary's congregation at Phoenix, (1) and with it
the care of the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indian
tribes. Fr. Seraphin Lampe of Fruitvale, California,
was appointed superior, and Fr. Jose Godyol of Pa-
jaro, Cal., was made assistant. Botli arrived on Jan-
uary 12th, 1896. Two weeks later Fr. Novatus Benzing
of St. Louis was added to tlie community find
(I) Phoenix is about 130 milos northwest of Mission San Xavier del Bac.
MOST REV. P. BOURGADE.
— 201 —
reached Phoenix witli Brothers Ildefons Lethert arid
Robert Rechsteiner.
The congregation of tlie Immaculate Heart of
Mar}^ composed of Mexicans and English speaking
Catholics, was founded in 188J. The lirst church was
erected in the same year under the direction of Bev.
Ed. Gerard, the parish priest of Florence. The new
structure was blessed on June 24th of the same year
by the Rt. Rev. J. B. Salpointe, Vicar Apostolic of
Arizona, assisted by Rev'ds. Fr. Gerard, Deraches
of Rrescott, Chaucot of Yuma, and A. Jouvenceau of
Tucson. Before the advent of the Franciscans St.
Mary's was in charge of Rev. Gerard from its foun-
dation to 1883; Rev. Joseph Bloise from 1883 to
1886; and Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau from 18SG to 1895.
The latter had as assistants the Rev. P. Timmermans,
and from 1892 to 1895 the Rev. M. Vandermaesen.
Soon after the arrival of the Fathers in 1795 the
old adobe church proved much too small and unsuit-
able for its purpose. Under the direction of Brother
Adrian Wiewer, the provincial arcliitect, and at
the hands of Brothers Eugene and Ildefons the
old structure before long assumed quite a different
and more agreeable appearance. A vaulted ceiling
was put in early in 1897, the roof repaired, and a
new floor laid. Two new altars, a communion railing,
and other needed furniture were added during the
summer. A new brick foundation gave the building
solidity, and a new sacristy supplied a long-felt
want. The dwelling which received the Fathers on
their arrival consisted of two small adol)e buildings
besides a small brick house containing two rooms.
Early in 1897 a convent for the community was
erected, according to plans prepared by Br. Adrian,
at a cost of $1U,000.
A new school house of brick for the Mexican
children completed the material work of the Fathers
— i>02 —
at Phoenix for tlie year 1897. The erection of this
febliool biiihling was one of the greatest needs of the
parish of St. Mary's. The poverty of the Mexicans
liere is so extreme and their ignorance so surpris-
ing, that most of tliem scarcely know what is ne-
cessary ''necessitate praecepti ad salutem." The re-
sult is that many lead had lives, and that the pas-
tbral wbrk of the Fathers among them is very diffi-
cult and discouraging.
Ih July 189G Fr; iSeraphiii Lahipe was transferred
to Pajaro, Calif., Wlieli Fr. Novatus Benzing succeed'
ed to the office of superior and rector of tlie parish.
On account of age and ill health Fr. Jos^ Godyol re-
turned to California, and was succeeded by Fr. Sev-
eriii Westholf of St. Louis, Mo. In October of the
same year Fr. Alban Schwarze of St. Louis was also
statioaed at Phoenix. Towards the end of November
1896 the A''ery Pev. Commissary Provincial for Cali-
fornia, Fr. Clementin Deymann, arrived at St. Mary's
ii the hoi>e of i-ecovering his health; but he expired
a few days later, a victim to Pright's disease. Kis
remains were brought to Sta Barbara, Cal. (2)
In order to arouse the people to a sense of their
duties, two Paulist Fathers from San Francisco,
Rev'ds Clark and Doherty, were invited to conduct a
mission for non-Catholics at the opera house from
January 17-23, and another for Catholics at the
church from the 24-31; but owing to the astonishing
religious indifference of the people the missions re-
sulted in little permanent good.
In 1807 the 'Catliolic Social Union' Avas established
for the purpose of vrithdrnwing the people from sin-
ful amusements by oil'ering them opportunities of
entertaining and amusing themselves in a Christian
Inanner. The society meets at 'St. Anthony's Hall,'
en the second floor of the Mexican Catholic school.
(2) Soe '•Franciscans in Califuruia," pages 4C1-463.
— 203 —
The Sisters' academy on Monroe and -ith Streets,
having been built originally by and for the parish
under the direction of the secular priests preceding
the Franciscans, was utilized by the Sisters of Mercy
until the summer of 1898, when it was again turned
over to the parish. The congregation of St. Mary's
shouldered the debts and rave the Sisters two build-
ing lots situated on Monroe and 4th Streets towards
the east.
During the past two years some changes occurred
among the Brothers stationed at Phoenix. Br. Ilde-
I'ons was transferred to Santa Barbara in the begin-
ning of July 1897. Br. Erasmus replaced him until
December when he, too, was sent to California. Br.
liobert was called to Watsonville, Calif., and hi?"
place was filled by Br. Anthony Huolsbring during
the latter part of 1897. Br. Frederic Zeller arrived
in October of the same year.
In the beginning of June 1897 the Very Rev. Louis
Havttrbeck, O. F. M., of Cincinnati, O., held the ca-
nonical visitation at the convent; and on September
1st the Very Rev. Kilian Schhesser, O.F.M-, Commis-
sary Provincial for the Commissariat of Culifcrnia,
which includes Phoenix, arrived here on his wtiy
from St. Louis, where he had attended the chai -
ter. He again called upon the community for the
purpose of holding the annual visitation in Novcm-
bar 1808. The Very Rev. Fr. Theodora Arentz, Minis-
ter Provincial of the Province of the Sacred Heart,
paid the commujiity a visit on his way to California
in the same year.
The Fathers practically have charge of entire Mar*
icopa County, in which besides Phoenix they attend
Tempe, Mesa, Buckey, Gila Bend, AVickenburg, San-
to Domingo, and Fort McDowell, together with the
various Indian tribes of Pimas, Pdpagos, and Mari'
copas. These tribes have been visited by the Father^
more than a century ago, as may be seen from the
- 204 -
pl'eceding pages. The Catholics rft Tenlpe oil the Salt
River are visited every two weeks. At this place a
little school was erected early in 1898 for the Mex-
ican children.
For the Pima liidians at Santa Cruz, about fifteen
rililes southwest of Phoenix, a church was built in
the summer of 189! aild placed under the patronage
of St. John the Baptist. A small schoolhouse and
dwelling for the teacher are in course of building
near the church for the Pimas. The missions are
visited at intervals by Fr. Severin.
the most important station outside of Phoenix is
tempe. As early as March 10th, 1889, a little church
Was blessed there by the Rt. Kev. Vicar Apostolic
and dedicated to Our Lady of Mt. Carmel. Since the
Fathers took charge, the building was renovated and
a dwelling for the priest erected. The cemetery ad-
joining the church was removed to a tract of land
outside the town. (8)
I ^
CHAPTER IV.
The Moquis— Various Efforts To Christianize Them— Their Stubborn-
ness—Their Misfortunes— The Navajos— Rt. Rev. J. A. Stephan—
Rev. Mother Katharine— Founding Of The Navajo Mission— The
First Fathers- Prospects.
While the Indians of Pimeria Alta, or southern
Arizona, were more or less submissive to the mis-
sionaries, the natives of the region north of the Gila
River, sometimes called Moqui, (1) after the year
1680 remained stubbornly insensible to all missionary
efforts. The principal reason probably was that the
(3) See "Franciscans in California," 491-492. (1) See page 25, this work.
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miisionaries were too mncli subject to the whims of
civil and militaiy officers, so that gradually they
shared in the hatred with which the Indians regard-
ed the soldiers.
The Moquis, in particular, persistently refused to
submit to Spanish rule. Governor Martinez of New
Mexico, in August 1736, marched to the Moqui coun-
try with sixty-eiglit soldiers accompanied bj' Fathers
Antonio Camargo and Domingo Araos. Fr. Camargo
at the time was the custos of the Franciscan pro-
vince of New Mexico. Some of the Moquis seemed
Avilling to submit, but the people of Gualpi (2) re-
fused. The expedition therefore returned to Santa Fe
on October 8th without having effected anything. (3)
In 1724 Fathers Miranda and Irazabel visited the
Moqui district, and obtained what they considered
favorable assurances for the future ; and in 1730-1731
Fathers Francisco Archundi and Jose Narvaez Yal-
verde seem to have had a like experience. Some
time previous Fr. Francisco Techungui had entered
Moqui and brought away five Tiguas to Isleta with-
out being moles ted. This shows that when the mis-
sionaries were at liberty to deal with the natives
alone, they were successful as a rule. The Moquis had
no objections to Christianity itself, provided it left
them independent of the Spaniards. (4)
In 1742 Fathers Delgado and Ignacio Pino went to
the Moqui towns, and succeeded in bringing away
441 apostate Tiguas, who before the great revolt had
lived in the pueblos of Sandia, Alameda, and Pajari-
to, New Mexico. (5)
In 1743, and again in 1744, the Fathers desired to
enter the Moqui towns, but the governor of New
Mexico refused to give the required permission. In
the following year, 1745, however, Fathers Delgado,
Irigoyen, and Juan Jose Toledo obtained the re-
{•i) Volpl. (3) Bancroft, Hl8t. New MpxIoo, 234; Halnea, New Mesicoi
MB; U». ii) BmQ,, lUt. N, Mn m, (@) Bane mZii,
— 20G —
quired license. With an escort of 80 Indians under
an ex-soldier they visited the Moqui villages, and
counted 10,8-iG Indians who gladly listened to their
instructions. (6)
In 1755 Fr. Rodriguez de la Torre, witli a small
party of neophytes, visited the Moqui towns. He was
well received and i>^i'i^^itted to preach. As usual,
whenever the masses showed any sign of yielding to
the persuasion of the missionaries, some chief would
rise and with his authority put to naught the
priest's elforts by an address in Avhicli he would de-
clare the Fathers to be good men, but his people
were too old and sensible to become the slaves of
the alcaldes. (7)
In June 1775, or possibly 1771, Fr. Escalante spent
ei"-lit days in the Moqui towns endeavoring to lind a
road from New Mexico to the missions on the Paci-
fic coast- lie reported to the governor of New Mexi-
co and gave a description of tiie pueblos. He found
7 -191 souls, two thirds of whom were at Oraibe in
seven pueblos on three separate mesas. The Moquinos
were well disposed, but their chiefs had determined
not to give up their power.
With a party of nine, including Fr. Francisco A.
Domin'^uez, in 177G he endeavered to reach Monte-
rey California, but instead arrived at Utah Lake.
Thev were the iirst white men to enter that region.
Scarcity of food forced them back to Santa F6 by
wav of Moqui. The Moquinos furnished food and
shelter, Init refused to become Christians, much less
Spanisli subjects- (8)
Fr. Garces, as we have seen, (9) reached the Mo-
qui in July 1776, but they would neither admit him,
(6» Bancroft, Hist. New Mexico, 2J6; See 'Franciscans in New Mexico.'
(7) 'n;>ncroft, Hi>t. Arizona, 25R. The Father li-aid a curious .story there,
tliat the Moqnl.'i luul a board on wliich they luid made one mark each
voiiv since tlio revolt of lOiSO; when tho hoard »liould be covered with
nmrk,', thev wonW submit to ChriNtianlty.
(81 Bancroft 262; "Fr»nclso.in» in Now Mosloo. (0) Vldo Chnpter JX,
I
— L'or —
nor listen to him, nor wpuld they offer liini food. The
attempt to stiirve poor Fr. Uarce>! away from their
country Avas visited npon tiie Moquis thenK.elves,
A failure of crops only a few years later reduced
the people to such straits that in August 17S0 forty
families offered to mi<rrate to New Mexico, if tho
Governor Avould come in person to bi-ina' tliem. Anza
started in vSeptember 1780 with Fathers Fernandez
and Garcia, and visited all tlie towns, two of which
were completely abandoued. Tl)e forty families had
been forced by liunjier fifteen days l)cf()re to iio to
the Navajo country, where the men had been killed
and the women and children seized as slaves. Moqui
affairs were indeed in a sad condition. Only TC8
were left of the 7,494 souls Fr. Escalante had found
in 1775. No rain had fallen in three yean^^, and in
that time deaths had numbered 6,(508. Of r.O,0(JO
sheep 300 remained, and there were but live horses
and no cattle. Only 500 fanegas (10) of maize and
beans could be expected from the coming crop. Pes-
tilence had aided famine in the deadly work, and
the raids from the Yutas and Navajos liad never
ceased, so that some of tlie people themselves
believed their misfortunes a judgement for the treat^
inent ofFr. Garces four years previous.
Despite this sad state of affairs, the chief at Orai*
be haughtily declined a load of provisions to relieve
immediate wants, as he had nothing to ofl'er in re^
turn. He refused to listen to the Fathers, and in re-
ply to Arza's txhortations declared that as liis na^
tion was apparently doomed to annihilation, the few
who remained were resolved to die in tlieir homes
and in tlieir own faith. Yet his subjects were free
to go and become Chris<:ians ; and finally thirty iV.mi^
lies were induced to depart witi) the Spaniards ir.^
eluding the chief of Gualpi. (11)
(JO; FHneKa-~-about onelUBhe'i
(11) il.inc, IIiKt. Now Ml xipo and Arizonn 205-200; Ilnlnps, 110,
— 208 —
The Navajos (12) attracted still more attention
than the Moquinos. Fathers Delgado and Irigoyen
started in March 1744 by way of Jemes, New Mexi-
co, for the Navajo country. They found about 4,000
Indians who were apparently eager to become Chris
tians and receive missionaries. The viceroy accord-
ingly authorized the founding of four missions in
the Navajo country under the protection of a garri-
son of thirty men. This Avas in 1746. Fr. Menchero,
the visitador, took up the plan with much zeal. He
visited the gentiles in person, and by means of pre-
sents and promises induced live or six hundred to
return with him and settle temporarily at CeboUeta
in the Acoma region; but nothing came of all the
great plans. (13)
In this condition, independent of all Christian in-
fluence, the Navajos remained down to recent years.
It is true, some years ago two Protestant ministers
opened a "mission" at Fort Defiance for the Nava-
jos, but despairing of ever mastering their singularly
difficult language, they limit their ministrations to
preaching to the children in the iion- sectarian (?)
(12) "The Navajo, since fir.--t known to liistory, liavo occupied the country
on and south t)f tho San .Juan River in noitliern New Mexico and Arizo-
na extending into CoUirado and Utah. Tliey were surrounded on all
sides by the connate Apaches, excrft i:pon the north, where they meet
Shoshonoan tribes." Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, page
54.
The name ''Navajo'" is undoubtly of Spanish origin. It is generally
supposed to be derived from the Spanish word "nav.aja," which means
clasp-knife, and to have been applied, because the navajo warriors car-
ried great stone knives. According to Salpointe, page 61, it means "large
family." They call themselves Dine, which moans men or people; they
belong to the Apache stock
(13) Banc, '247-248. According to Salpointe, page 102, two missions were
actually established in 1746 while Don Auza was Governor. These were Se-
villeta and Encinal, distant twelve leagues from each other, and five or
six leagues from the old missions of Acoma and Laguna, along the Cabo-
ro River. The missions wore very promising when, on June 24th, 1750, the
Indians deserted and returned to their old haunts, leaving the vestmente
in chiirgo of the Laguna mission. (State Archives, No. S52.)
For further particulars regardinff tho Navajo and Moqui regions, which
were attended by the Fatlwru of Now Mexico, soe "Frunciscans in Now
^Joji.ico,"
FR. RAPHAEL HESSE, O. F. M.
— 209 —
government school at that place. Hence only a feAV
children living outside the reservation among Catho-
lics have Ijeon baptized. As far as could be ascer-
tained, these are the only Iniptized (/liristians of that
numerous tribe.
It Avas again Bisliop IJourgade wliose efforts for
the Indians brought the means of salvation to tl:e
very door of the Navajo country. At his solicitation
the Catholic Indian Bureau, Washington, D. C, be-
came interested in tlieir cause. The resiilt was that
on October 28th, 1895, the well known Director of
the Bureau, Bt. Bev. Monsignor J. A. Stephan, pur-
chased ]()0 acres of land at a place called Cienega
Anuirillo, outside the reservatioii, in order to estab-
lish a Catholic mission for the NaVajos, The incipient
mission is situated a quarter of a mile south of the
Navajo Indian Beserve, 27 miles northwest of Gallup,
New Mexico, the nearest railroad station on the San-
ta Fe Boute, eight miles south of Fort Deliance,
Apache Co., Arizona, and 45 miles from Ft. Wingate.
The purchase was made at the direction of the Bev.
Mother Katherine Drexel, foundress of the Sisters of
the I-jlessed Sacrament for the Conversion of Indians
and Negroes, whose motherhouse is at Maud P. O.,
Pa. Thereupon Bt. Bev. Stephan and Bev. Mother Ka-
tharine petitioned the Franciscan Fathers of the Pro-
vince of St. John the Baptist, Cincinnati, to accept
this difficult but most promising missionary field. At
a meeting of the definitors held at Cincinnati on
Oct. 13th, 1897, the Very Bev. Provincial Baphael
Hesse presiding, the mission for the Navajos was
unanimously accepted. At the chapter, held on July
26th, 1898, Fathers Juvenal Schnorbus and Anselm
Weber, together with Brother Placidus Buerger,
were selected from auu)ng a numbei- of volunteers to
pave the way for future spiritual conquests in north-
ern Arizona.
There was an incomplete stone building on the
— 210 —
proposed mission site, but in no condition to receive
a religious community. Fr. Juvenal was, therefore,
sent out to Arizona on August 8d, in order to finish
the structure, and make arrangements for the re-
ception of the missionaries. This was not a pleasant
task, as the material had to be brought up from
Gallup, New Mexico, a distance of 27 miles. The
transportation cost much more than the material it-
self. Nor were expert laborers abundant or willing.
The work was at last brought under way, when Vr.
Juvenal returned to Cincinnati.
On October 3d the three seraphic pioneers left the
mother-house on the Ohio River, and turned their
faces w^estward. They arrived at Gallup on the morn-
ing of October 7th, and towards evening entered
their future home. The chapel was blessed on Octo-
ber 9th, and dedicated, like the whole mission, to
the prince of angels, St. Michael.
Unfortunately very few of the Indians understand
any other than their own tongue, hence for some
time the principal hardship of the Fathers will be
the learning of the Indian language, a most weari-
8ome task, as the language has yet to be construct-
ed, for there are no Navajo books to consult. It
is the only way, however, to do effective work and
gain the confidence of the natives. Realizing this
condition of things, the Fathers in the Navajo mis-
sion have entered heart and soul into the work of
hastening the time of their usefulness by collecting
words and constructing a dictionary together with a
grammar. After nine months of energetic efforts they
have gathered as many as three thousand words.
MeanAvhile an old log cabin has been fitted up to
receive a limited number of boys for the purpose of
education. The intention is to begin mission work
with the little ones. For this reason Rev. Mother
Katharine has resolved to erect a large boarding
school, and place it in charge of her Sisters.
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— 211 —
In this work the Fathers and Sisters have one ad-
vantage over the missionaries of old : They are inde-
pendent of civil or military chicanery, the bane of
the old Spanish missions, since the new convent is
situated outside the Indian Keservation.
Mission San Miguel de los Navajos comprises the
whole territory of the Navajo tribe, located princi-
pally in northeastern Arizona, but extending into
New Mexico, Utah, and Colorado. The reservation
has an area of 16,500 square miles, and an Indian
population of about 20,500 souls, according to the
census of 1898, only 1,000 of whom wear citizen's
dress. The Navajos, therefore, are the most numer-
ous Indian tribe west of the Rocky Mountains. East
of the Rockies only the Cherokees in the Indian
Territory, and the Sioux in the Dakotas can boast of
greater numbers. (14)
The Moqui reservation joins the Navajo country
on the west and south, and may be considered part
of the district that fell to the share of the Fran-
ciscans of the Province of St. John the Baptist.
Theirs is an immense field, but it promises a rich
harvest if a sufficient number of zealous and pru-
dent men are set to work.
(li) See Appendix for Indian population of Arizona.
212 —
APPENDIX.
Petition of Fr. President Barbastro, and Reply of Don Pages
R3garding the Marbyrs of the Colorado.
(See Note 5, page 151.)
"Sr. Teniente Coronel D. Pedro Fagez,
Fr. Francisco
Antonio Barbastro de la regular ol^servancia de N. S.
P. S. Francisco, hijo del Colegio de la Santa Cruz de
Queretaro y Presidente de todos los misioneros que
dicho Colegio tiene en esta Pimeria Alta, sabiendo
que Y. tiene pasado de 6rden del Sr. Comandante
General D. Teodoro de Croix, Comandante de la ex-
X^edicion que Su Senoria despacho a los arruinadas
Misiones del Rio Colorado, se persuade est^ instrui-
do de todo lo acaecido en su destruccion, y por esta
causa comparece en su non)l)re y de su santo Colegio
ante Vm. y me dice. Que aunque es notoria en esta
Primeria Alta la religiosidad, zelo del bien de las al-
mas y virtuoso proceder (como puede hacerse paten-
te con repetidos argumentos) de los RR. PP. aposto-
licos e hijos de mi santo Colegio Fr. Juan Diaz, Fr,
Francisco Garces, Fr. Jose Matias Moreno y Fr. Juan
Barrenoche, muertos inhumanamente por los gentiles
y neotitos de la Nacion Yuma, en cuya conversion es-
taban empleados, necesita una informacion juridica:
1. De la conducta, zelo y fatigas extraordinarias
que se les vieron poner para lograr la conversion de
aquellos gentiles, y el conato que pusieron para que
los soldados y demas espanoles que asistian en las
Misiones, cooperarsen a este fm, y k la perseverancia
de los neoUtos en su primitivo fervor.
2. Si estan libres aun de ser causa remota de los
alborotos que ocasionaron la ruina de las Misiones, y
si trabajaron cuanto los fue posible para impedirla
desde que fue temida.
— 213 —
k Qu6 dia y d que liora fue su miierte, y con qii4
instrumentos les qiiitaroii la vida.
4; Ell qu6 dia se recogieron siis venerables cehi-
Hs; y ei igstadb eii se liallar'oii.
5. Si al exluimar sus cadaveres se bbservaron al-
gunas circunstaiicias que infuudieran devocion-
6. Si se saben algunas otras circunstancias que
persuadan sea santa su muerte delante del Seiior.
En todo lo cual recibire favor, y digo, tecto pectore,
no ser esta mi stiplica por fin alguno siniestro- Para
que conste donde convenga, lo firmo en este pueblo
de Sta. Teresa, en 4 de Febrcro do 1782.
Fr. Francisco Antonio Barhasiro, Presidente.
En atcncion ii la solicitud del informe que antece-
de y V. 11. me presenta con feclia 4 de Febrero del
corriente ano, que coiitiene G puntos concernientes A
los PtR. PP. Fr. Juan Diaz, Fr. Francisco Garces,
Fr. Jose Matias Moreno y Fr. Juan Barreneche, niu^
ertos tiltiinamente por los gentiles de la Nacion Yu-
ma, arreglado a las declaraciones bajo de juramento,
y (i lo demas que he podido adquirir de algunos cau-
tivos y causa, cuyas diligencias me fueron precisas en
cumplimiento de mi obligacion por liallarme coman-
dando la expedicion, respondo d los expresados seis
puntos en la forma que sigue :
En cuanto al primero digo: que con virtuoso pro-
ceder, ejemplos, modestia y caridad, estaban dedica-
dos dichos religiosos al santo fin de atraer al coiioci-
miento de la verdadera Ley, la numerosa gentilidad
de aquel establecimiento, sin escusar fatiga alguna,
dirigi^ndose por los monies a la solicitud de todos re-
galandoles cuanto tenian, y que jamds se vio en ellos
otro interns que el fervoroso anlielo de recoger al re-
baiio de la Iglesia a los que estan sin conocimiento
de ella, procurando al mismo tiempo cpie los solda-
dos y demas espanoles cooperarsen al mismo fin.
En cuanto al segundo, digo : que en nada fueron
causantes del alboroto y ruina de diclias misiones, ni
— 214 —
remotamente, y se persuade que no dejarian de coo-
perar con aquel primitive fervor apost61ico d impe-
dirla.
En cuanto al tercero, digo : que como i las diez de
la manana del dia 19 de Julio de 1781 a palos dieron
muerte d los RR. PP. Fr. Francisco Garces y Fr,
Juan Barreneche ; y lo mismo ejecutaron el dia 17 de
dicho, como a las ocho de la manana, con los RR.
PP. Fr. Juan Diaz y Fr. Jos6 M.itias Moreno, y d es-
te despues de muerto le cortaron la cabeza con una
acha, quedando las venerables cenizas tiradas en los
mismos sitios que padecieron sacrificio.
En cuanto al cuarto, digo: que los dos RR. PP.
Fr. Juan Diaz y Fr. Jos^ Matlas Moreno como d las
diez de la manana del dia 7 de Diciembre tiltimo
lialldndose el cuerpo del R. P. Fr. Juan Diaz, lo que
hace las coyunturas de todos los liuesos enteros y la
cabeza casi incompleta, pues se conocio por el cer-
quillo, que lo tenia entero, su cabello en ser, y las
Unas de las manos pegadas, cuyas seiiales no demos-
traban hacia mucho tiempo que le dieran muerte. El
cadaver del R. P. Fr. Jos6 Matias Moreno se ha 116
con la cabeza menos, y aunque descoyuntados sus hu-
esos se encontraron todos juntos con varios pedacitos
del santo hdbito y cordon, como tambien una cruz de
un Santo Cristo que sin duda acostumbraria llevar
consigo. Los cadaveres de los RR. PP. Fr. Francisco
Garces y Fr. Juan Barreneche se encontraron como
d las diez de dicho dia 7 de Diciembre ultimo, los
que estaban enterrados en el campo casi incorruptos
y sepultados juntos, compuestos en sus panes meno-
res.
En cuanto al quinto, digo : segun informe del capi-
tan de caballeria D. Pedro Fueros, quien presenci6
que ambos cuerpos estaban casi frescos y enteros, en
especial el del R. P. Garces, y que d orillas del sitio
donde estaban sepultados, habia nacido mucha man-
zanilla muy olorosa, con la circunstancia de que los
— 215 —
que asistieron con dicho capitan, aseguraron que no
habian visto en toclas aquellas inmediaciones, y que
segun declaran algunos cautivos y cautivas, una India
que los estimaba muclio Labia hecho la buena obra
de enterrarlos, dejando por senal una cruz pequena
de palo, por lo que se conocio el ^itio.
En cuanto al sexto, digo : segun declaracion de los
cautivos y cautivas, que cuando el alevoso insulto de
los gentiles, asisti6 a bien morir a los que estaban
padeciendo sacrificio, llamando a voces, queriendolos
confesar y absolver, sin temer el que le dieren muer-
te, el mismo R. P. Fr. Juan Barreneche, quien se les
aparecia y desaparecia d los enemigos inhumanos, sin
que lograran hacerle dafio, hasta que acabaron su en-
orme atentado : y que en el pueblo de S. Pedro y S.
Pablo de Bicuner oyeron cdnticos suaves, y de noclie
les parecia que andaban en procesion al contorno de
la Iglesia, en cuyas inmediaciones se liallal)an tiradas
las venerables cenizas de los RR. FR. Fr. Juan Diaz
y Fr. Jos6 Matias Moreno, y que este ruido les cuus6
teinor para arrimarse a dicho pueblo.
Que es constante como los cuatro RR. PP. que an-
teceden trabajaron continuamente en la conversion de
los gentiles de aquel establecimiento, a fin de atraer-
les al conocimiento de la verdadera Ley, sin escusar-
se d salir 4 los montes, solicitandolos por las ranche-
rias, regalando les cuanto tenian; y que el R. P.
Garc6s pas6 a bautizar Lasta la nacion de Jalchedu-
nes, y el R. P. Barreneche d los Cocomaricopas, sin
temor del riesgo d que se exponian, sin mas interes
que recoger al rebaiio de la Iglesia aquellas pobres
almas. Todo lo cual certifico sobre las informaciones
que bajo la formalidad del juramento recibi, como ya
dejo espresado. Y para que conste donde convenga
firme en el Pitic de Caborca, 4 16 de Febrero de
178''2." (*) Pedro Fagez.
(*) Historia del Apostolico Colegio do nuostra Senora do Guadalupe do
Zacatecas, por el presbitero JosC Francisco Sotomajor. Zacatetas, lb74.
-. 216 -
The Colorado River Mission Sites.
(Sec page 153.)
The aiitlior here desires to correct u statement
made by him and published in the Catholic Histori-
cal Revievv' of New York in 188G or 1887. Wliile at
Fort Yuma in 1886 he wished to find the exact spot
where the Fathers on the Colorado had perished.
Not having at hand Arricivita's account, and finding
old chief Pasqual with his Indians denying that
there ever were priests at Fort Yuma, he addressed
Dr. Gilmary Shea regarding the point in question,
and received the following reply:
"The mission of La Purisima Ooncepcion was at
the Port of that name on the Colorado river on the
westside. The mission of San Pedro y San Pablo del
Bicuner was three leagues north of it.
"Tlie map in Father Palou's work is not very
clear; lie makes the two missions parallel to a point
between San Diego and Santa Barbara, This would
bring them within the United States; but he puts
them south of the Gila whicli takes them out."
Thus far Dr. Sliea. The eminent historian was mis-
taken in declaring that, if the missions were south
of the Gila, thev must have been bevond the bound-
ary of the United States.
Dr. Shea also erred in stating that San Pedro y
San Pablo del Bicuner lay three leagues north of
Concepcion. The Indians at Yuma, indeed, insisted
that a mission had been on tlie hills north of Yuma,
a distance of about ten miles. They knew of but one,
however, llev. J. M. Chaucot, for 11 years pastor at
Yuma City, agreed with them tliat the site of Mis-
sion Concepcion was at the foot of the mountains,
ten miles north. In company of an Indian, therefore,
the writer made a trip on horseback to the spot in-
dicated. He found some remnants of a stockade and
- 217 -
of some Liiildiiigs wliich nii?;ht have been el'ected at
a later date by miners or immigrants jnst as well.
The Indian insisted that tliat was the place, and
that the Mexicans after the destruction had come to
find the gold which the Fathers were said to 1iave
concealed. This led to the report published in the
Historical Review.
Since then the "Oronica Serafica" of Arricivita
came into the possession of the writer. There Ave find
the following statement which leaves no room for
doubt :
''El dia once de Mayo llegaron a el Puerto de la
Concepcion en el Ivio Colorado. Estil este d la ot7'a
[^. e. California] banda del rio, situado 2)0C0 mas a-
laxo de la junta de loa rios, en unos cerros dc medi-
ana elevaeion, que forman el Puerto^ ]>or donde el rio
Colorado, que se extiende tanto par las llanos, j9a6'«
muij recogido, y luego vuelve 4 extcnderse: esto lo ha-
ce de la mas deliciosa vista, muy alegre, y el mejor
sitio para poblacion, porque esta inmediato al rio, y
librc de svs crecicntcs, aiinque en su meea solo cab-
rfm la Iglcsia y pocas casas."
"They reached the Port of Concepcion on the Co-
lorado River on May 11th. This is situated on the
other'''' (California) "bank of the river, a little below
the junction of the rivers, on an elevation of moder-
ate height, which forms the port through Avhich the
Colorado river, which takes such a wide course
through the land, passes much narrowed, and soon
resumes its broad course. It offers a most delightful
and pleasant view, and a better location for the
people, because it is close to the river, and free
from its overflows, altliough on its top tiiere are only
a church and a few houses." (1)
From this passage it is clear that Mission Con-
cepcion was on the very spot once occupied by a
(1) Arricivita, 467.
— ^218 —
garrison of U. S. soldiers and callod Fort Yuma,
Calif., opposite the mouth of the Gila River. It is
now a school in charge of tlie Sisters of St. Joseph
of Carondelet. (2)
Again on page 503 Arricivita says: ^
"Llegaron al Puerto de la Conoepcion, que era el
parage destinado desde el principio para establec3r
la Mision de los Indies."
'•They reached tlie port of Concepcion, which was
'the spot designated from the beginning for establish-
ing a mission among the Indians."
-Furthermore, on page 510 Arricivita tells us:
"Llegaron al rio Colorado, y vadeado al Puerto de,
U Concepcion y primer pueblo.''''
"The [soldiers] arrived at the Colorado, and crossed
it at the Port of Concepcion and iirat pueblo or town.
Ag.iin Arricivita declares on page 535:
"Pusose el primero [pueblo] en el Puerto de la Con-
cepcion.'''
"Y a las tres legnas distante del otro se puso el de San
Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuner.'''
"The first pueblo was founded at the Port of Con-
cepcion.'''' "And three leagues distant from'
the other was established that of San Pedro y San
Pablo de Bicuner,"
The location of each is quite plainly desc;-ibed on pages 503--4:
"No obsttaite todo lo dicho, trato el Comandante
de que se estableciera el segundo pueblo en los Yu-
mas cle ahctxo, tres leguas distante del primero., y • • • •
se fundo el de San Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuner."
"Notwithstanding all tliat was said, the Coman-
dante resolved that the second pueblo among the
Yumas should be established leloiL\ three leagues from
the first., and, thns was founded that of
San Pedro v San Pablo de Bicuner."
(2) Sco papo 152, this wovk.
— 219
INDIANS IN ARIZONA.
{See Note l.}, fagc 211.)
COLORADO RIVER AGENCY, YUMA COUNTY.
Dvfojaves: Male, 348; female, 335; total. 083-
Chemebueves in Cbemchiieve Valley, about forty miles
north of the agency, but not residing on the res-
ervation : 141. (1)
Mojaves, independent About Ft. Mojave, Arizona, and
Needles, Cal., from 80 to 125 miles north of the
agency, dwell the majority of the Mojaves who never
could be induced to retire to the reservation. They
number about 1,700.
Until recently no religious denomination ever at-
tempted to work among these Indians whose fore-
fathers treated Fr. Garces with such great kindness.
During the past two years an Episcopalian minister
has labored among them and baptized 125 of the
tribe. The minister then received an offer to work in
a more advanced field, and therefore left the reser-
vation in April 1898.
"The Mohaves living in the vicinity of Needles
and Fort Mohave, are in a deplorable condition as to
morals and progress toward civilization," Agent Mc
Nichols reported in August 1898. "They retain the
vices of a border railroad and mining town. Drunk-
enness, gambling, and prostitution prevail to a
shocking extent. . . • They live under sheds made of
sticks in summer, and in sweathouses or artificial
caves in winter. When one of their number dies all
his property, ponies, etc., is burned along with the
body. In addition, relatives sacrifice large amounts of
property, buying calicoes, silks, and clothing to add
to the splendor of the funeral pyre. This custom, a-
(1) Annual Reports, of tho Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1898, paces 111
and 598.
- 220 —
long with drunkenness and gambling, absorbs all tiie
Indian's earnings, and leaves the children and aged
destitute." (2) The same is true of the Yumas on
the Colorado River, and generally wherever the na-
tives are left to themselves near white settlements.
FORT APACHE AGENCY.
This agency comprises all the territory north of
the Black River, and includes the White Mountain
Apaches, Apaches: Males, 836; females, 1,002; total,
1,838, a gain of 24 over the year 1897.
Hualapais, 598; Yava Supais, 261.
The German Lutherans have entered this reserva-
tion and built a neat cottage for the preacher on
ground allotted to him. The denomination contribut-
ed $1,217 in 1897 for work among the Apaches, and
$216 for the Hualapais. There are no church mem-
bers reported. (3)
PIMA AGENCY,
There are four distinct reservations of Indians of
three different tribes of Indians embraced in this
agency. The largest near Phoenix has S57,120 acres
of land.
Pimas: 4,260; Maricopas: 340; Papagos, nomadic : 2,
046; Papagos near San Xavier del Bac : 531. Of the
San Xavier Indians 210 are Catholics ; thev are visit-
ed twice a month from Tucson. Among the Pimas,
Maricopas, and roving Papagos there are five male
and two female preachers, presumably Presbyterians,
at work at a cost to their denominations of $4,100 in
1897. The total church membership is only 174 souls,
who are addressed in four church buildings. For the
Catholic Indians there are two churches : one at San
Xavier del Bac nine miles from Tucson, and one
at Santa Cruz fifteen miles southwest of Phoenix.
There are Catholic schools for the Indians at both
(2) Animal Reports, page 112; see page 153, this work.
(3) Auuual Reports, pages 115--116 ; 5y8-599.
NAVAJO INDIANS IN HOLIDAY ATTIRE.
— 221 —
places. The school at San Xaxier is conducted by the
Sisters of St. Josepli of Garondelet, Mo., for 37 girls
and 46 boys. (4)
SAN CARLOS AGENCY.
Apaches: 2,806; Mojaves: GOT; total, 3,503. A Protes-
tant preacher of an nn known denomination is labor-
ing among the Apaches, but there are no church
members on record. (5)
NAVAJO AGENCY.
The Navajos number 20,500 souls. According to
Annual Report of 1898, two male and three female
preachers of the Methodist persuasion endeavor to
make converts to their peculiar ideas ; but no church
members are reported.
The Moqnis are 2,641 strong, and tolerate one male
and two female Menonite preachers. Church members
there are none on record in the report of the Com-
missioner of Indian Afl'airs for ]898. (6)
Hence in Arizona there are still more than 38,000
Indians. (7) among whom but a mere handful recog-
nize their Creator. Thus it will be seen that "£/ rci-
110 de San Francisco,'' 'The kingdom of St. Francis,' (8)
i. e., Arizona, in the words of the Divine Master, ap-
peals to the children of the Seraphic Saint v.ith a
loud voice :
''Behold I say to you: Lift np your eyes, and see the
countries, for they are -white already to harvest.'' {John IV,
55- ) '^And seeing the multitudes, He had compassion on
them, because they were distressed, and lying like sheep
that have no shepherd. Then He said to His disciples: The
harvest indeed is great, but the laborers are few. Prav ye
therefore the Lord of the harvest, that He send forth labon
ers into His harvest.'' {Matt., IX, 36-38:)
(4) Annual Roports, p. 129; 598-599. Soe also papo 204, tliis work.
(5) Annual Reports p. 598-599. (6) Annual Reports p. 123-124; 598-599.
(7) This number does not include the Yunias on both sides Of the Cole
rado Eiver. (8) See pagR 11 thia work;
— 222 —
List Of Th3 Franciscans Serving In Arizona And Northern
Sonora From 1538 To 1826.
Adnn, Manuel,
A^'orreta, Juan Joseph,
Ahuinada, Antonio,
Amords, Pedro,
Araos, Domingo,
Archundi, Francisco,
Arriqjibar, Pedro,
Asaneion, Ja:in ds la,
Carbastro, Francisco Antonio,
Barreneche, Juan Antonio,
B?ltran. Francisco
B?ltran, Bernardino,
Bordoy, Mariano,
Basna y Alcalde, Mariano,
Cabrera, Jos5 Maria,
Caja, Jos.',
Calzada, Ambrosio,
Cimargo, Antonio
Cirrillo, Baltazar,
C.irrasco, Manuel,
CarzoU, Juan,
Clem3nte, Gaspar de,
CoUazo, Angol,
Cristdbal, Brother,
Cruz, Juan de la,
D.^l.'',-ado, Carlos,
Diaz, Antonio,
Diaz. Juan,
Diaz, Rifael,
Doniinguez, Francisco,
Eixarch, Tomls,
Escobar, Francisco,
Escalona, Brother,
Escalante, Silvestre, V.
Espeleta, Jose de,
Espinosa, J036 Maria,
Estelric, Juan B.,
Felix, Ildefonso,
Fernandez, ?
Figueroa, Jofse de,
Flores, Sebastian,
Font, Pedro,
Gallo, Matias,
Gamarra, Felix,
Garaicoechea, Juan,
Garces, Francisco Hermenegildo,
Garcia, Diego Martin,
Garcia, Franci;co Solano,
Gil, Diego,
Gil d3 Barnave, Juan C,
Gomez, Jos6,
Gonzalez, Faustino,
Gorgol, Juan,
Guillen, Felipe,
Gutierrez, Andres,
Gutierrez, Narciso,
Ibanez, Fiorencio,
Irazabel, ?
Irigoyen, ?
Tturalde, Francisco,
Jimenez Vincent Bartolom^,
Jurado, Francisco,
Libcrds, Ramon,
Llorenes, Juan B.,
Lopez, Ramon,
Maducho y Cobo, Fernando,
Maldonado, Juan,
Martinez, Alonzo,
Menchero, Juan M.
Miranda, Antonio.
Moiiares, Roque,
Mora. Jose,
Moreno, Clemente,
Moreno, Jose Matias,
Mota. Pablo,
Moyano, Francisco,
Nadal, Pedro,
Nelderain, Juan B.,
Niz:i, Mdrcos.
Ocahl, Antonio G.,
Pad ilia, Juan de,
Perez, Jost^,
Pino, Ignacio, ^
Ponce de Leon, Fernando,
— 223 —
Porras, Francisco de,
Prado, Alonso,
Ramirez, Joaquin,
Ramirez, Jos6 Ignacio,
Ramos, Antonio,
Rijarch, Clemente,
San Buenaventura,
Santa Maria, Agustin de,
Sim6, Lorenzo,
Socies, Bartolom^,
Soler, Jose,
Techungui, Francisco,
ON THE COLORADO RIVER.
Ric, Jos^ del,
Roche, Francisco,
Romero, Francisco,
Rviiz, Gregorio,
Salazar, Est^van,
Sanc'ae?, Andres,
SaraTial, Manuel,
Sarob?, Juan.
Tobas, Francisco,
Toledo, Juan Jos^,
Valverde, Jos6 Narvaez,
Vario, Juan,
Velarde, Joaquin Antonio,
Villaseca, Francisco,
Zuniga, Francisco S. *
* Banc, Hist Arizona, :i79--380; Banc, Hist. Tex. I, 725; Salpointe, 144.
— 22i —
GENERAL INDEX.
Acoma. 203.
Actiou of the Fathers, 173-174.
Action of the College of Quer^
taro, 177.
Acus, 8, 11.
Adrian, Bro. 201^
Affairs, civil, C9-70.
Agatha, Rev. Mother, 152.
Agency, Colorado River, 219.
Agency, Fort Apache, 220.
Agency Navajo, 221.
Agency, Pima, 220.
Agency, San Carlos, 221.
Aguactiacha, 119.
Agua Caliente, 91, 98.
Agua Escondida, 83.
Agaage de Santa Ana, 118.
Aguage de Sta Margarita, 118.
Aguage de San Paciilco, 118. i
Aguatuvi, 23-25. i
Agustin, Fr. Santa Maria, 21.
Ahacus, 10, 11.
Ahuatu. 21.
Ahumada, Fr. 173-175.
Alameda, 205.
Alamos, 178.
Alban, Fr. 202.
Alcaldes, Indian, CO.
Alcalde, Fr. see Buena.
Allegiance, oath of, 199.
Algodones, see Jalchedunes.
AljaniVjra, 66.
Alphons, Sister, 1.52.
Alquedunes, see Jalchedunes.
Ahnarza, IbO.
Alta, Pimeria, see Pimeria Alta.
Altar, Rio, 25.
Altar, presidio de, 31, 75, 97,
126, 127, 129, 145, 146.
Amarillo, 209.
Ambrose. Mother, 152.
Amor^se, Fr. 181.
Aniceta, Sister. 152.
Anselm, Fr. 209.
Antonio, Fr. Victoria, 20.
Anthony, Bro. 203.
An7.n, Don, 77-81, 88. 90, 95-98
100 109-110. 124 128, 130, 136.
138. 165, 181. 207, 208.^
Anza's expctlition, 79, 83, 88-98.
100.
Apaches, 29, 34, 47, 73, 86, 102,
1U3, 117, 120-122, 183, 187, 208,
220, 221.
Appendix 212-223.
Apostolic, Prefect, 31.
Aquimuri, 34, 75, 182.
Aqitun, 48.
Aauitca or Oquitoa, 34, 76, 83,
123, 181.
Arag6n, 154.
|Araos, Fr. 205.
jAranjuez, 171.
lArchundi, Fr. 205.
jArentz, Very Rev. Fr. 203.
lArizonac, 25.
jAriveci, mission, 32.
Arivac, 83.
iAritoac 98.
JArizpe, 131, 150, 171.
Arizona, 1, 2, 9, 15, 16, 20, 21,
23, 25-27, 29, 30, 33, 34, 71, 72,
79, 98, 143, 152, 155, 157, 158,
183, 185, 186, 190, 191, 199, 200,
201, 204, 208, 210, 211, 219-221.
Arizona missions, 72.
Arrest of Palma, 1.38.
Arriquibar, Fr. 183, 180.
Arricivita. Fr. 2, 20, 31, 34-36,
.38, 65, 82, 88, 94, 99, 106, 125,
132-134, 139, 147, 158, 161, 165,
166, 171, 176, 179-181, 187-189,
I 216-218.
lArroyo de San Alejo, 119.
Arroyo de los Aliso3, 109.
I Arroyo de la Asuncion, 110.
Arroyo de Sau Bernabe, 118.
Arroyo de Sta Catarina, 109.
Arroyo de los Martires, 109.
Assertion, remarkable, 94.
Astronomical instruments, 82,
JAssistant priest. 86, 87.
Asuncion, Fr. Juan, 2.
Asuncion, 98.
Atf, 34, 52, 75, 122, 123, 182, 75,
76, 181, 182.
jAtison, 98.
Atlantic and Pacific R. R. 22.
!Atole, 113.
Authorities, 1.32.
Awkward predicament, 51,
Azul, Rio, 10, 53.
— 225
Babispe, 32.
Bae, San Xavior del, 26-29, 35
45-47, 40-51, GI, 72, 74, [85, dl,
98, 119, 120, 123, 155-157, 184-
187, 189-191, 199,-201, 220 221.
Bacanora, 32.
Baeoachi, 32.
Bajh-i. Piaieria, see Pimen'a Baja.
Bajio tie Aquitiiuo, 98.
Bakersfield, 110.
Balsas, Rio de las, 2, 22.
Bancroft. H. H. 16, 18. 27, 31,
35, 80. 83, 110, 1.35, 146, ICO,
179, 180, 186, 189, 198,
Bandelier. 3, 4, 9, 11, 17, 18, 20.
Baptism of Chief Pasqual, 153.
Baquiyoba, 119.
Barbastro, Fr. 150, 173-177, 180-
182, 212, 213.
Barera, P'r. S. J. 29.
Bartlett, 91.
Barreneche, Fr. 131, 1.37, 14^-
144, 147, 151, 159, 163, 186, 212-
215,
Barreneche's courage, 142, 144.
Barreneche's bioyrai liy, 159-163.
Baylon, Corporal, 142."
Beier, Bro. 203.
Beltran, Fr. 21.
Benedict, XIV, 62.
Benzing, Fr. 200, 202.
Beneiue Indians, 101, 107.
Bicuner, 137, 146, 215-218.
Big Bend, 84.
Bill Williams Fork, 22, 28, 118.
Biographical sketches of:
Barrencehe, L59-163.
Buena, 61-62.
Calzada, 180.
Carrasco, 181 .
Diaz, 16.3-166.
Font, 180.
Gamarra, 181.
Gftirces, 154-1,59.
Gil, 66.
Guillen, 123, 182.
Ibanez, 181.
Marcos, 21.
Moreno, 166-169.
Eisanig, 34. 76, 180.
Eishop of Sonora, 170, 198,
Bishop Bourgade, 200, 209,
F.ishop Reyes, 170-178.
Bishop Reyes, convenes first
Chapter, 172.
Bishop Granados, 178.
Bishop Galinzoga, 178.
Bishop Rouset, 178.
Bishop Salpointe, 201, 208.
Bishop's Regulations, 67.
Bishop's visits, 67.
Black Riv(!r, 220.
Bk'ssed "'
209.
Blessed Virgin's picture, 59,
92, 99.
Bloise, Rev 201.
Blunder, criminal, 136.
Sacrament, Sisters of,
GO.
189.
Boca de Gandu, ,32.
Bonamichi, 173, 174.
Bordoy, Fr. 180. 18o,
Bosco, Rev. L. 191.
Bcseraca, 32.
Bourgade. Bishop, 200, 209.
Bravery of Fr. Sarobe, 41-42.
Bringas, Fr. 151.
Buckey, 203.
Bucareli, 83, 88. 89, 112, 125.
Bucareli Pass, 119.
Buena, Fr. 31, 33, .34, 40, 42, 45,
50, 61-63, 68, 68, 181.
Bu-rger, Bro.. 209.
Burgos, 166, 180.
Buena vista 29, 3% 88, 124, 125,
128.
Builders of San Xavier. 188.
Bureau of Ethnologv, 2, 15, 17,
208.
Bureau, Catholic Indian, 209.
Burial of martyrs, 151.
Cabero River, 208.
Cabeza do Vaca, 5.
Cabeza del Gigante,
Caborca, 25, 28, .34,
82, 83, 97, 157, 164,
Cabrera, Fr. .32.
Caburica, 73-74, 182.
Cddiz, 66.
Cajuenches, 81, 83, 95, 97,
101.
Calabazas, 29, 34, 66,
184, 185.
Calatayud, 154.
California, Lower,
California, L8, 78,
97, 102, 105, 117,
148, 1.50, 157, 170, 177, 10^
200, 202, 203, 206.
California, Gulf of, 76.
Calzada, Fr. 180.
Camargo, Fr. 205.
Campeche, 125.
104.
61, 76. 79,
ISO, 215.
100,
123.
>2.
«o..
31, 32. 40.
81, 88, 94.
120, 126
93,
140,
199,
— 226 —
Cannda de Santo Tomas, 109.
Canfran, 119.
Cantabria, 181.
Carmelo, Californin, 96.
Carondelet, 152, 191, 221.
Carranza, Fr. 151.
Carraaco, Fr. 182, 183.
Carrizal, 33, 61-63, 83, 98.
Carzoll, Fr. 186.
Carucho, 25, 28, 34.
Carrillo, Fr. 184-186, 188. 189.
Casi Grande, 11, 15, 26, t'S, 92,
98.
Castafieda, 17, 21.
Catechism, 68.
Catalonia, 180,
Catholic Ind. Bureau, 209.
Catholic Historical Review, 216.
Catholic Social Union, 202.
Caxa, or Caja, Fr. Jose, 42, 66.
Cerro del Cajon, 98.
Cerro de Metate, 95.
Cebolleta, 208.
Chapter, first, 172, 173.
Chaucot, Rev. 201, 216.
Charles III, 171.
Chemehueves. 104, 119, 219.
Chemevets, 103, 105, 109.
Cherokees, 211.
Chichiuiecos, 117, 118.
Chihuahua 37, 45, 126, 127.
Church of San Xavier, 188-192.
Choir, Indian. 69.
Cibola, 7- 17. 19, 21.
Cienega Amarillo. 209.
City of Mexico, 17, 21.
Civil Affairs. 69-70.
Cincinnati, 203, 209, 210.
Clark, Rev. 202.
Clemeute, Fr. Gaspar, 136.
Clementine, Fr. 202.
Coahuila, 67, 68, 179.
Coahuila Vallev, 98.
Cobaji, 109.
Cocinero. Juan, 120.
Coc'opas, S3e Cucapas.
Coc<5spera, 34, 73, 123, 183.
Cocomaricopas. 48, 52, 60, 83-85,
94, 95, 93, 102, 117, 215.
College, sec Quer^taro.
Coilazo, Fr. 180.
Colonial History, 197.
Colorado River, 2, 5, 9, 22. 23,
27, 45, 49, 53. 55-59, 61, 67, 77-
80, 82-84. 88-90, 95, 93-101, 103-
103, 110, 112, 117-120, 123-131,
1.35, 140, 143, 145, 146, 1^8-152,.
156, 157, 165, 166, 180, 186, 2-12,-
216-221.
Colorado Chiquito, 22.
Colorado Missions, 88, 129-140,
141-149, 182, 216-218..
Colorado Massacre, 142-145.
Colorado State, 208, 211.
Colorado Martyrs 182.
Colteches, 103.
Comandaute General, vide Croix.
Commissioner Indian Affairs, 152.
Conuuissiouer Indian Affair -s, Re-
port of, 219-221.
Commissariat, California, 203.
Commissary General, 171, 172,
175, 176.
Commissary Provincial, 202, 203.
Compact, 32.
Companion Father, 39, 44, 86..
87.
Comisionados, 30, 37.
Compostella, 15.
Concepcion, Fr. Jose, 23.
Concabe, 119.
Concepcion, Bro. 23.
Concepcion, Cal. 83.
Coifirmation, 196.
Concepcion, see Puerto de Con.
Concepcion, Purisima, see Puri-
sima.
Concepcion, Pueblo de, 136, 140,
142, 143, 147.
Conspiracy, 138-143.
Conversion of St. Paul, Port of,.
22.
Corazones. 4.
Corbalen, Fr. 128.
Coronado, 4, 15, 16. 20-22.
C(')rtes, Spanish, 195.
Cortes, 3, 6, 17, 19.
Courage of Barreneche, 142-143.
Cremation. 153, 219.
Criminal blunder, 1.36.
Croix, Don Theodor, 125-127,
130-136, 1.39, 145. 146, 148, 150,.
157, 165, ]63. 212.
Cronica de Xalisco, 20, 21.
Cronica Serafica, 179, 216-218.
Cruz, Fr. 20.
Cruzados, 22.
Cruzado, Fr. 82.
Cuabajais, 107, 108.
Cubae, 52.
Cucurpe, 33.
Cucapa, 5, 100, 101.
90
— — I
Cuchillo, 3.
Cuercomaches, 117, 118.
Cuitoat, 48.
Caigniarchi, 32.
Cujant, GO.
Culiacan, 1, 3, 15, 20.
Cumuripa, 33.
Cumijas, 32.
Curiosity, Indian, 48.
Curates, teiupory, 19G.
Cushing, 8, 11.
Custodies, two, 171.
Custody of San Carlos, 170-178.
Custody, state of, 173.
Custody, statutes of, 174-17G,
Custody, disolved, 177.
Custos, first, 173.
Custos, death of, 175.
Dakotas, 211.
Dances, 53, 60, 107.
Danzarines, 81, 101.
Death of Fr. Gil, 65-66.
., ,, Guillen, 122.
„ „ Diaz, 143.
„ „ Moreno, 143.
„ „ Garces, 115.
,, ,, ,, Barreneche, l-lo.
Death of Don Rivera, 144.
,, ,, the first Custos, 175.
,, ,, first martyr, 23
Deception, Indian. 52.
Defiance, Fort, 208, 209.
Definitors, 173.
Delgado, Fr. 205, 208.
Denver, Bishop cf, 190.
Dependence of missionaries, 44.
Department, Interior, 152.
Deserters, 108.
Destruction of San Pedro y oan
Pablo, 143.
Deymann, Fr. 202.
Diaz, Fr. Juan, 31, 34, 78, 81-83,
127, 128, 130-132, 137, 143, 147,
180. 163-166, 169, 186, 212-215.
Diaz, Fr. Juan, President, 16o.
Dia-z. Fr. Raphael, 186, 187.
Diary of Fr. Garces, 50, 88, 98,
104, 109, 110, 120, 158, 159.
Diary of Fr. Font, 98.
Diary of Don Anza, 98.
Diez or Diaz, Fr. P. (S.J.), 29.
Diaz's Fr. Juan, biography, 163
166.
Difficulty, see mission difficulty.
Diocese of Sonora, 170.
Discretory, 39.
Discontent of soldiers, 131.
Ditt-pax, 98.
Dohertv, Rev. 202.
Dolores de Saric. .34, 182.
Dominguez, Fr. 206.
Dos Reimblicas, 186.
Drexel, Rev. Mother, 209.
Duran, Fr. 199.
Durango Bishop of, 67, 89, 178.
Dwindle, 193, 197.
Ecclesiastical government, 38.
Echasco, Fr. 160.
Electioii of Custos, 175.
El Pescadero, 98.
Elisabeth Lake, 109.
Emory, 80.
Encarnacion, 98.
Encinal, 208.
Engelhardt, Fr. Z. 152, 200, 210.
Epidemics, 47.
Episcopalian, 219.
Erasmus, Bro. 203.
Escalante, Fr. 206, 207.
Escalona, Bro. 20.
Escobar, Fr. 21, 22.
Escalera, 119.
Espejo, 21.
Espeleta, Fr. 24.
Espinosa, Fr. J. M. 31, 18C-182.
Espinosa, Fr. Al. S. J., 29.
Estelric, Fr. 186,
Estremadura, 164. ^ ^
Estevanico, or Estevan, 3, 5, 7,
9, 12.
Eugene, Bro. 201.
Exercises, mission, 69.
Expedition of Anza, 79, 83, 88-
98.
Expedition, patron of, 90.
Evzarch, Fr. 90, 95, 97, 99, 102,
'10»3, 109, 181. .^ ..o
Pages, Don, 109, 145, 146, 148-
151, 212, 215
Failure, 150.
False charges, 64.
Fathers, action of, 173-174.
Favorite subject, 105, 109.
Fernandez, Fr. 207.
Fernaudinos, 31.
Figueroa Fr. Jose, 23, 24.
First Bishop of Sonora, 172.
First Custos. 173.
First Definitors, 173.
First Exploration. 104, 109.
First Martyr, 23.
First White Man, 104, 103, 206.
— 22S —
Discovery of bodies, 148-151.
Disregard for Indinus, 137.
Fiscales, G8-69.
Florence, 201.
Flores, Fr. 173, 175.
Florida Expedition, 1, 3, 5.
Font's, Fr. Eeport, 91-93.
Font. Fr. Pedro, 90-93, 93-98,
100, 1-25, 180.
Fort Apache, 220.
Fort Defiance, 208, 209.
Fort Mojave, 101. Ill', 219.
Fort McDowelJ, 203.
Fort Wingate. 209.
Fort Yuma, 97, 102, 152, 200,
216-218.
Francisc.-."3, 2, 15, 23, 25, 30,
153, 193, 230, 201, 203, 209.
Franciscan Martyrs, 151.
Franciscan system, 196.
Franciscan view, 19G-197.
Free Masons, 29. 30, 195.
Frederic. Bro. 203.
Frente Negra, 98.
Fruitvale, Cal. 200.
Faeros, Sie Tueros.
Fund, Pii)U;=!, 197.
Galinzoga, Bishop, 178.
Galio, Fr. 33, 63.
Gallup, New Mexico, 209 210.
Galvez, Don, 34, 35, 40, 42, 43.
44, 45, 50, 62, 68.
Gaona, Brothers, 188, 189.
Gamarra, Fr. 180-182.
Garaicoechea, Fr. 21, 25.
Garc-es, Fr. 31, 35, 42, 45-50, 61,
77, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88-92, 94,
95, 97, 99-118, 120, 124-131,
i;3;5, 137-1.39, 142, 144-145, 147,
151, 1;5.3-159, 161, 163, 165, 166,
180, 186, 187, 206, 207, 212-215,
219.
Garces' anxiety, 135.
Garces at Moqui, 112-116.
Garces' death 145.
Garces' illness, 47, 187.
Garces' missionarv tours, 46-49,
59-61, 82-85, 90-98, 99-109, 110-
119.
Garces' biography, 154-159.
Garci^s' opinion, 1.39.
Garces" picture. 90, 92, 99, 100.
Garces" relatives, 154.
Garces' opinion of Fr. Barrene-
che, 163.
Garcia, Fr. D., 31, 34, 183, 207.
Gerard, Rev. 201.
German Lutherans, 220.
Gil, Fr, 31, 34, 63-65, 155, 164.
Gil's, Fr. death. 65-66.
Gil's, Fr. Biography, 66,
Gii's, Fr. protest, 64.
Gila River, 2, 7, 9, 10, 22, 25-30,
42, 45, 47, 48, 50, 53, 55, 60,
ei, 67, 74, 75, 77-80, 83, 88, 89,
91-95, 98, 102, 103, 110, 118,
124, 125, 145, 146, 151, 152,
156, 166, 176, 204, 216, 217.
Gila Bend, 203.
Gila tribes, 27.
Gilefios, 60, 85.
Gila missions, 50.
Godyol, Fr. Jose, 200.
Gomez, Fr. 181, 182.
Gorgol, Fr. ISO, 181.
Gorgonio Fas-;, 81, 98.
Gran ados. Bishop, 178.
Grande xMedanal, 104.
Grasshoffer, Fr. (S. J.), 28.
Grief of the Fathers, 141.
Grijalva, 90, 109.
(juachimera, .32.
Guadalajara, 67, 178.
Giiaimas, 32, 62, 64, 66, 155, 164.
Gualpi, 25, 204, 205.
Gualiba, 119.
Guallapais see Juallapais.
Gualta, 119.
Guamua, 119.
Guafiavepe, 114.
Guazaba, .32.
Guevavi, 25, 28, 29, 47, 63, 72,
73, 183-187.
Guillen, Fr. 31, 181. 182.
Guillen, Fr. killed, 122.
Gulf of California, 18, 76, 99.
Gutierrez, Fr. Andres, 23.
Gutierrez, Fr. Narciso, 184-183,
188, 189.
Haines, 16.
Harmouv among
181-162.
Havana, 159, 160.
Haverbeck. Fr. 203.
Hawikuh, 11, 17.
Hayata, 3.
Hermosillo, 64.
Hesse, Fr. Raphael, 209.
Himuris cr Imuris, 34, 74, 183.
Historical Review. 216, 217.
Holy Names, 57, 81.
Honorato, Fr. 3.
missionaries.
— 229
Horcasitas, G3, 6G, 68, 88-90, 97,
125, 128, 155, 161.
Hornachos, 161.
Hualapais, see Juallajmis.
Hudson Bay, 1.
Iluelsbring, Bro. 203.
Iluerta 68.
Ibanez, Fr. 180, 182.
Idols, 81.
Ignorance, Mexican, 202.
Ignorance Indian, 68, 70, 71, 86.
lidefons, Bro. 200-203.
Imuris see Hiniuris.
Independence, Mexican, 195.
Indians, 35-39, 43.
Indian Affairs, Com. of, 152.
Indian attacks, 121, 112, 115,
182.
Indian criminals, 66, 102.
Indian customs, 71.
Indian curiosity, 18, 80.
Indian deception, 52.
Indian discontent, 129.
Indian dress, 71, 105.
Indian dullness. 69.
Indian funeral, GO.
Indian houses, 70.
Indian indifference, 38, 43, 44,
202.
Indian insolence, 141.
Indian kindness, 100-105.
Indian owners of land, 197.
Indian language, 38, 69-71, 210.
Indian morality, 71, 86, 219.
Indian officers, 69.
Indian piety, 102, 107, 111.
Indian priests, 178.
Indian raids, 17, 102, 106, 121.
Indian revolt, 40, 42, 129- 140.
Indians and the Sacraments, 69.
Indian school, 97, 210.
Indian surprise, 46, 49, 54, 55.
Indian singing, 69,
Indian superstition, 38.
Indian suspicion, 107.
Indian Territory, 211.
Indian treachery, 145.
Indian treasury, 63.
Indian work, 70.
Indian women, 71.
Interior Department, 152.
Inventory, 198.
Instructions, 38, 39.
Irazabel, Fr. 205.
Irigoyen, Fr. 206-208.
Jslas, Don, 142.
Isleta. 205.
Iturraldc, Fr. 180, 182.
Indian tribes mentioned:
Apache,3,
Baquiyoba,
Beficme,
Cajuenches,
Chemehueves,
Chemevet,
Cherokees,
Chichiniecas,
Cobaji,
Cocomaricopas,
Conajale,
Cuabajais,
Cucapas, or Cocopas,
Cuercomaches,
Danzarines,
Gualta,
Huallapais see Juallapais,
Jabesu;>,
.lalchedunes,
Jamajab, see Mojave,
Japal,
Juaguallapais,
Juallapais,
Mojave,
Moquinos,
Maricopas,
Navajo,
Niforas,
Noches,
Papagos,
Piatos,
Pimas,
Quilmurs,
Quemajab,
Seri,
Serranos,
Sioux,
Tallicuamais,
Yavipais Tehuas,
Yumas,
Yutas,
Zuni,
Jabesua, 111, 116, 117.
Jaguallapais, 109, 111, 118.
Jalap.i., 21.
Jalchedunes, 2, 84, 85, 95, 97,
103, 109, 117, 118, 120, 129,
140, 215.
Jalisco, see Xalisco.
Jamajab, 103, 105, 107, 103, 1C9,
111, 117, 118.
Jangogualpa, 119.
Japul, 119.
— 230 —
210.
. Mother, 209,
.1,28.
Jayme, Fr. 98, 102.
Jemes, 208.
Jesuits, 23, 27, 28, 30. 37. 155,
185, 186, 191. 196.
Jimenez, Fr. 186.
Jimeno, Rev. (S. J.^, 29.
Jongopabi, see Xongopabi.
Jose, Fr. 200, 202.
Jouvenceau, Rev. 201.
Juallapais, 110, 111, 220.
Jnau, Fr. de la Cruz, 20.
Juan, Fr. de Padilla, 20.
Jueces reales, 37.
Julia, Mother, 152.
Juuipero. Fr. see Serra.
Junta de los Rios, 89.
Jurado, Fr. 173.
Juvenal. Fr. 209,
Katharine, Eev
210.
Keller, Rev. (S. J
Kern River, 110.
Kilian, Fr. 203.
Kino, Rev. (S. J.), 26, 27, 29, 80.
King Charles. 172.
King, request of. 177.
Kingdom of St. Francis, 14, 221.
La Caaoa, 93.
Lacazor, 159.
La Croix, 30.
La Estancia, 83.
L:t, Laguna, 98.
Laguua, New Mexico, 208.
Laguna del Hospital, 98.
Laguna Salada, 98.
Laguna de Trinidad, 120.
Lampe, Fr. 200, 202.
Lamy, Bishojj, 190.
Language, Indian, 69, 210.
Language, Spanish, 68.
Language, Navajo, 210.
Language, Yuma, 153.
Lay Brothers, 3.
Lauretana, 31.
La Pasion, 104.
Leontius, Sister. 152.
Lethert. Bro, 200.
Tjetter of Fr. Garces, 1.30.
of the viceroy, 65, 78.
of Fr. Moreno, 167-169.
of Fr. Barreueche, 162-
Lotter
Letter
Letter
163.
Letter of Fr
Liberos. Fr.
Lima, 21.
Llano de Fuza
Buena, 43.
184-180.
93.
Llano Grande, 98.
Llorenes, 181.
Lobos Creek, 96.
Logroiio, 166.
Lopez, Fr. 180, 181, 186, 189.
Los Cerritos, 98.
Louis, Fr. 203.
Lower California. 3.
Lummis, C. F., 19.
Luis de Escalona, Bro., 20.
Lutherans, 220.
Machebeuf, Very Eev. 190, 199.
Macueyues, 59.
Mador, 68, 69.
Madre, Sierra. 59.
Madrid, 50, 155.
Magdalena, 4, ,34, 74, 181-183,
190.
Maid on ado, Fr. 186.
Marata, 8, 11. 14.
Mdrco3, Fr. 1-21, 26.
Marcellino da Civezza, 1.
Margil, Fr. 179.
Maricopas, 8, 200, 203, 220.
Maricopa County, 203.
Martinez, Fr. 21.
Martinez, Gov., 205.
Mariano. Fr. see Buena.
Martyr, First in Arizona, 23, 26.
Martyrs of the Colorado, 151.
Mary .Joseph. Sister, 152.
Masaqueve, 119.
Masonic Government, 164.
Massacre on the Colorado, 142-
145, 180.
Massachusetts, 15.
Masses, three, privilege of, 91.
Matapa, 4.
Matias, Don, 146.
Matvata. ,8.
Maud, Pa., 209.
Medano, 110.
Menchero, Fr. 208.
Mendieta, 20.
Mendoza, 1. .3, 15.
Menominee Missions, 152.
Menonites, 221.
Merida, 66.
Mercv, Sisters of, 203.
Mesa, 203.
Mesea, Rev. C. 191.
Metate, 95, 98.
Method, mission, 68-70.
Methodists, 221.
Mexican gulf, 1.
Mexican Independence, 194.
— 231 —
Mexicans, 200-202.
Mexican Sisters, 152.
Mexico, 13, 50, 02, 63, G7, 77,
78, 84, 86, 87, 92, 97, 126, 130,
164, 170, 179, 184, 180, 195, 197.
Michael, Fr. 2C0.
Michigan, 94.
Michoacdn. 62.
Miranda, Fr. 24, 203.
Mission de Atf, 75, 76, 122, 123,
181.
Mission del Bac. see Bac.
Mission de Caburica, 73.
Mission de Caborca see Cabor-
ca.
Mission de Guevavi, 72.
Mission de Suanica, 73.
Mission de Saric, 74-75.
Mission de San Mi^^uel, 210.
Mission de Tubutaina, 75,
Mission de Ures. 62, 66.
Mission Maria Magd., 120, 121.
Mission San Juan B., Texas, 62.
Mission statistics, 72-77.
Missions, state of, .'35-40, 43, 44,
72-77, 86-90.
Missions on "he Gila, 50.
Missions, Spanish, 210.
Missions, Protestant, 208.
Missions in Pirnerfa Alta, 72-77.
Missions, founding of, 63, 64.
Missions, transferred. 67, 71.
Mission teuiporalities, 34-36.
Mission difficulties, 35-40, 43, 44.
Mission churches, 70,
Mission devotions, 69.
Mission routine, 68-70.
Mission system, 68-70, 198,
Mission sites, 216-218.
Missions endangered, 122.
Missions, Narajo, 208.
Missionary, qualities of, 65.
Missionary tours, 46, see Tour.
Missions to Nou-CatholicG, 202.
Mochapa, .32.
Modesta, Sistsr, 152.
Mojaves, 103, 104, 110, 157, 21D-
221.
Monares, Fr. 173.
Monterey, 77, 78. 82, 84, 96, 98,
106, 125, 165, 206.
Moraga, 90, 96.
Morata del Condo, 154.
Montezuma. 6, 17, 92.
Mora, Fr. 180.
Moreno, Fr. CI., 180, 131, 186.
Moreno, Fr. Mati'as. L37, 143,
147, 1G6-169, 186. 212-215.
Moreno's letter, 167-169.
Moris, miss-on of, 25.
Moqui, 21-25, 28. 49, 85, 110-
120, 125, 157-159, 204-208, 211,
221.
Moqui unkindness. 112-21G.
Moqui distress, 207.
Mota, Fr. 180.
Moxaiuabi, 24.
Moyano. Fr. lSO-182.
Muca. 119.
Nacameri, 33.
Nacori, 32.
Nadal, Fr. Pedro, 2, 22.
Names, Holv, 57, 81.
Napeut, 48."
Narvaez, 1.
Navarra, 159.
Navajo, meaning of, 208.
Navajo agency. 221.
Navajo countrv, 207-209, 211.
Navajcs, lb, 207-210. 221.
Needles, The, 104. 219.
Neve, Gov.. 148, 149.
Nelderain, Fr. 186.
New Mexico, 15, 16. 19-22, 25,
58, 85, 97. lot;. 110, 125, 157,
190, 205-211.
New Mexico. Province of, 205.
New York, 216.
Niforas, 84, 145.
Nightly procession, 148.
Niza, see Marccs.
Noches, 107-109.
Nombre de Jesus, Rio. 22.
Non-sectarian school, 208.
Noraguas, 53.
Noticias Estadisticas. 191.
Nuestra Sefiora del Populo, 34.
Nuestra Seficr," de Saric, 7.4..
Nueva Leon, 179;
Oapars, 48.
Oath of allegiance, 199.
Obert, Bro.,- 201.
O'Conor, Don, 88, 89, 125..
Ohio River, 210.
Oj'j Caliente, 11.
"Old Man," 156.
Onabas, mission, 33, 41..
Onapa, 32.
Onate, 21. 22, 111.
O'Neil, Marv, 1.52;
Opas, 48, 61. lis.
Oparsoitac, 98..
— 232
Opinion of the Yumas, 139.
Opodepe, mission, 33.
Oputo, 32.
Oquitoa, see Aquitoa.
Oraibi, 2i, 112, 119. 208, 207.
Order, daily. 68-70.
Ostimviri, 4l.
Otoac, 98.
Outrages, Spanish, 1.36, 137.
Overland Route, 78, 83, 84.
Pablo, chief, 97-99, 135.
Pacific Kaiiroad. 22, 153.
Pacific coast, 206.
Pajaro, Cal., 200, 202.
Pajarito, £05.
Palma, chief's arrest, 1.38.
Palma, chief, 79-81, 83, 95, 97,
99, 102, 124, 126, 127, 129, 130,
132, 135, 138. 144, 145, 146, 150.
Pamphilo de Narvaez, 1.
Papagos, 7, 29, 46, 48, 49, 51, 59,
79 129, 145, 156-157, 185, 200,
203, 220.
Palou, Fr., 137, 146, 216.
Pauuco River, 160.
Parentis locus, 197.
Parker. Winship, 2, .3, 6, 17, 18.
Pasqual, chief, 153, 216.
Paterna, Fr., 82.
Paulists, 202.
Paver, Rev. F. (S. J.) 28.
Payeras, Fr., 198.
Payuchas, 119.
Penon de la Campana, 101.
Perez, Fr. Jose, 183.
Peru, 6, 14. 21.
Petatlan, 3.
Petitions of the Fathers, 40, 86,
87.
Petition of Fr. Garces, 135.
Phoenix, 200-204, 2i0.
Pfefferkorn, Rev. Ig. (S. J.) i9.
Piatos, 120.
Picture Bl. Virgin Marv, 90.
Piles, 23, 182.
Pimas, 6-10, 25, 27-29, 32. .34, 47-
49, 52, 53, 59-61, 83. 84, 91, 13,
98, 99, 101. 118, 129, 145, 184,.
187, 191, 200, 203, 204, 220.
Pima tongue, 182.
Pimeria Alta, 25, 27. 28, 30, 31,
33-,35, 63, 67, 71. 76, 120, 156,
170, 179, 189, 195. 199. 20^. 212.
Pinien'a Baja, 25, 30-33, 35, 67,
71, 89, 165, 173.
Pimerias, 50, 62, 67, 86.
Pima agencv, 220. ~
Pinole, 41, 48, 113..
Pino, Fr. 205.
Pintados, 7, 14.
Pinta Pass, 109.
Pious Fund, 197.
Pitac, 48.
Pitic, ,33, 41, 45, 63-65, 123, 180',
181, 215.
Pitiqui, 34.
Pitiquin, 76, 128, 180.
Pizarro, 21.
Placidus, Bro., 209.
Ponce de Leon, Fr., 32.
Pope Benedict, XIV, 62.
Pope Pius VI, 170.
Porras, Fr. 23, 26.
Port of Santa Maria, 169..
Posa Creek, 110.
Poverty of Garces, 155.
Poverty, Mexican, 202.
Posociom, 98.
Pozo de Avispas, 119.
Pozo de San Basilio, 119L'.
Pozo de Sta Isabel. 119.
Pozo de la Rosa. 119.
Pozos de Enmedia, 98.
Prescott. 21, 22, 201.
Prisoners, girls, 103.
Providence Moun,tains, 109..
Prado, Fr. 180, 186, 188.
Priests, Indian, 178.
Presbyterians, 220.
Protest of Fr. Gil, 64.
Protestantism, 15.
Province of the Sacred Heart,.
200, 203.
Province of St. John the Bap-
tist. 209, 211.
Pueblo Indians, 16. S3.
Pueblo Missious, 132-136..
Puebla de Ics Angeles, 67.
Pueblito de S. Agu.stin, 186, 187.-
Puerto de San Pablo, 22.
Puerto Blanco, 98.
Puerto de Bucareli, 119.
Puerto cle la Coccepcion, 97,
101, 102, 104, 118, 120,135,216-
218..
Puerto de San Carlos, 81. 83.
Punta de los Jamajahs, 118.
Puuta de los Llancs, 98.
Purisima Coni epcicn de Cabor-
ca, 34, 76, 180.
Purissima Concepcion, see Puer-
to de Concepjcion.
— 283 —
Queretaro, College, 30, 31, 35,
39, 14 63, 64, 66, 67, 84, 86,
123, 151, 155, 160, 164, 165,
167-169, 170, 171, 173, 175-177,
179-182, 212.
Queretaranos, 32, 33, 35, 66, 6(,
71, 89, 90, 172.
Quilmurs, 85.
Quiquimas, 53-55.
Quitac, 98.
Quitobac, 83.
Quito, 21.
Raphael, Very Rev. Fr. 209.,
Ramirez, Fr. 32.
Ramos, Fr. 180, 181.
Rebellion, Indian, 40.
Rechtsteiner, Bro., 200, 203.
Regulations, remarkable, 132-134
Relatives of Fr. Garees, 154
Relatives of Fr. Diaz, 163.
Relatives of Fr. Moreno, 166.
Religious of Pimeria Alta, 170.
Remarkable assertion, 94.
Replies of the Fathers, 172.
Report, Annual, 217-221.
Report of Fr. Font, 91, 92.
Report, Pacific R.R., 153.
Report of Fr. Reyes, 67-77, 87.
Reyes, Fr., 31, 33, 67-76, 77.
Richardt, Fr. M., 200.
Rijarch, Fr., 186. \
Rinconada, 98.
Rio Altar, 25.
Rio Asuncion, 119.
Rio Azul, 10, 53.
Rio Colorado, see Colorado.
Rio Gila, see Gila.
Rio Grande, 62.
Rio Colorado Chiquito, 22.
Rio Jabesua, 119.
Rio Jaquesila, 112.
Rio Mojave, 109,
Rio Martires. 110. .
Rio Grande de Buena Guia, or
Colorado, 22.
Rio Pciuneo, 160.
Rio Verde, 22, 26.
Rio S-'linas, 10.
Rio Sonora, 3, 4.
Rio Sinaloa, 3.
Rio Salado, 26.
Rio Yaqui, 3, 25.
Rio Tison or Colorado, 22.
Rio de los Martires or Color., 26.
Rio de las Balsas, or Col., 2, ZZ.
Rio de las Casas Grandes, 4.
Rio de la Esperanza, or Colora-
do, 26.
Rio del Nombre de Jesu, 22.
Rio de los Apostoles, or Gila 22.
Rio de los Evangelistas, 26.
Rio San Andres, 22.
Rio San Antonio, 22, 119.
Rio San Felipe, 109.
Rio San Pedro, or Jague.silla,
119.
Rio Sacramento, 22,
Rio San Miguel, 4.
Rio San Pedro, 26.
Rio Santa Ana, 82, 83.
Rio Santa Cruz, 26, 110, 184.
Rio Santa Maria, 118.
Rio, Fr. Jo3^, 31, 50, 181, 186.
I Rivera, 106, 140, 143.
1 Robles, Sergeant, 140.
I Robert, Bro. 200, 203.
1 Rocky Mountains, 211.
Roche, Fr. 31, 34.
1 Rome, 177.
i Rosary. 68.
1 Rouset, 178.
Route to Moqui, 118 120.
Routine, mission, 68.
Rudo Ensayo, 191.
Sacramento River, 22.
Sacraments, administration of,
67.
Sacred Heart Province, 200, 203.
Sahuaripa, 32.
Salary or stipend, 37.
Salazar, Fr. 31, 182.
Salesia, Sister, 153,
Salinas, 10.
Salpointe, Bishop, 2, 3, 201, 208.
Salt River, 204.
Salvatierra, Rev. (S. J.) 26, 27.
San Agustin Pueblito, 186, 187.
San Andres, 98.
! San Antonio, Cal., 96.
\ San Antonio del Bisanlg, 180.
1 San Antonio de Bucareli, 83.
San Antonio de la Huerta, 68-
San Antonio del Pitiqui, 34, 76,
180, 181.
San Antonio de Oquitoa, .34, 76,
181.
San Antonio Rancheria, 120.
San Antonio River, 22.
San Bias, 31, 32, 155, 164.
San Benito, 109.
San Bernardino, Ariz. 96.
San Bernardino, Cal., 23, 83.
— 2.34 —
San Bernardo, 89.
San Buenaventura, Fr. 22, 23.
San Carlos Agency, 221.
San Carlos, 96.
San Carlos, puerto de, 83.
San Carlos, ship, 31.
San Casimiro Wells, 109, 110.
San Cayetauo, 34, 72, 185.
San Diego, Ariz., 98.
San Diego, Cal., 82, 96, 106, 165,
216.
San Dionisio, 27, 79, 80, 83, 84.
San Eduardo, 83.
San Eusebio, 83.
San Felipe, 89.
San Felipe River, 108, 110.
San Fernando, Cal., 109.
San Fernando, Mex., 96, 181,
198.
San Francisco de Ati, 34.
San Francisco, Cal., 89, 96, 125,
157, 181, 202.
San Francisco, el Reino de, 14.
San Francisco, Texas, 182.
San Gabriel, Ariz., 22.
San Gabriel, Cal., 78. 82, &3, 95-
97, 105, 106, 109, 137, 140, 149,
157.
San Gorgonio Pass, 98.
San Gregorio, 83.
San Ignacio, 25, 34, 73, 74, 75,
87, 121-123, 180, 182, 184.
San Ignacio Ford, 83.
San lldefonso, 83.
San Jos6 de Aquimuri, 34, 75,
182.
San Jos6 de Imuris, 34, 74.
San Jos6 de Pimas, 34, 44, 180.
San Jose de Tucson, 34, 72, 186.
San Jos6 de Tumacdcori, 34,
184, 185.
San Juan del Bisanig, .34, 76.
San Juan B., Texas, 62.
San Juan Capistrano, 84, 98.
San Juan de Di6s, 109, 110.
San Juan de Mata, 83.
San Juan Pitiquf, 180.
San Juan River, 208.
San Luis de Bacapa, 83.
San Lui3 Obispo, Cal., 96, 105,
106.
San Marcelo, 79, 104.
San Martin, 98.
San Mateo, 101.
San Miguel, 3, 15, 28, 110.
San Miguel de Horcasitas, see
Horcaaitas.
San Miguel River, 4.
San Miguel de los Navajos, 211.
San Pablo, 102.
San Pascual, a3, 98, 109.
Snn Patricio, 83.
San Pedro, 109.
San Pedro, rancheria, 118.
San Pedro Valley, 18.
San Pedro y San Pablo Pueblos,
1.37, 146, 166, 169, 181, 215-218.
San Pedro y San Pablo de Tu-
butama. 34.
San Serafino, 98.
San Sebastian, 8;^, 104.
San Venancio, 110.
San Xavier del Bac, see Bac.
Sanchez, Fr. 180.
Santo Angel, 104.
Santo Domingo, 203.
Santo Tomas, 83.
Santos Angeles, 34, 183.
Santos Simon y Judas, 83, 84,
98.
Santa Ana, 74.
San Barbara, Cal., 149, 202, 203,
216.
San Barbara Channel, 140.
Santa Catarina, 83.
Santa Cecilia, 98.
Santa Clara Real, 73, 74.
Santa Clara Valley, 109, 185,
195.
Santa Clara Volcano, 53.
Santa Coleta, 120.
Santa Cruz, 89, 204, 220.
Santa Cruz River, 184.
Santa Cruz Valley, 7, 14, 27, 29.
Santa Eulalia, 81, 83, 95, 100.
Santa Fe, 24, 190, 205, 206, 209.
Santa Isabel, 109.
Santa Maria, Fr. 24.
Santa Maria de Suamca, 73, 183.
Santa M. Magdalena, 34, 74, 120,
121.
Santa Olaya, see Eulalia.
Santa Rosalia, .33.
Santa Rosa, 83.
Santa Teresa, 34, 74, 122, 123,
181.
Santiago, ship, 82.
Santiago, .3, 34, 73, 183.
Saric, 25, 34, 74, 75, 83, 121, 123,
182
Sarobe, Fr. 31, 33, 41-42.
Sastre, Don, 65.
Sayota, 4.
235
Schwarze, Fr. 202.
Sfhloesser, Fr. 203.
Schnorbus, Fr., 209.
Schools, 152, 201, 202, 201, 210.
Sebastian, 78, 79, 101, 101, 105,
107, 108, 110.
Secularization, 195-199.
Sedelmaier, Rev. (S. J.), 28.
Segesser, Rev. (S. J.), 27.
Seminary, 168.
Serranos, 101.
Seraphin, Fr. 200, 202.
Seri, 40, 45, 62-65, 120.
Serra, Fr. 78, 82, 96, 106, 126.
Sesepaulaba, 119.
Seven Cities, 6, 7, 10, 11, 19, 20.
Severin, Fr. 202, 201.
Sevilleta, 208.
Shea, Dr. 1, 4, 16, 216.
Sierra de Santa Coleta, 109, 110,
Sierra de San Ildefonso, 118.
Sierra Moreno, 118.
Sierra de Finales, 119.
Sierra Grande, 109.
Sierra de San Marcos, 109.
Sierra de Santiago, 118.
Sierra de San Pablo, 104.
Sierra Santa Magarita, 104.
Sinio, Fr. 180.
Simon, Alferez, 140.
Sinaloa, 1, 2, 89, 170.
Sinodo, or stipend, 37, 63.
Sioux, 211.
Sisters of St. Joseph, 97, 153, 191,
Sisters^of Mercy, 203.
Sobaipuris, 27.
Socies, Fr. 182.
Soledad, 181.
Soler, Fr. .31, 34, 180, 181.
Sonoitac, 6, 9, 16, 18, 25, 28, 34,
52, 60, 66, 72, 73, 79, 83, 97,
129, 146, 165, 184.
Souora, 28, 45, 50, 66-68, 77, 90,
126, 140, 146, 148, 150, 161, 164,
169-173, 177, 178, 180, 185, 186,
190, 199.
Sonora, Rio, 3, 4, 25, 40.
Sonora, Bishop of, 198.
Sonora diocese, 170.
Sotomayor, 215.
South Sea, 21.
Spanish outrages, 108, 1.36-137.
Spanish language, 39, 68.
Spain, king of, 117.
State of the Missions, 35-40, 43-
44.
Statement of Fr. Guardian, 172.
Statistics, 35,
Steiger, Rev. (S. J.) 28.
Stephan, Rt. Rev. 209.
Stimulus Amoris, 161.
Stubborness, Indian, 205.
St. Anthony's Hall, 202.
St. Francis, 3.
St. Francis, sons of, 1.
St. Francis, kingdom of, 14.
St. Louis, Mo., 152, 200. 202,
203.
St. Mary's. Phoenix, 200-203.
St. Michael's, 210.
Suapa, 33.
Suamca, 28, 29, 34, 35, 72, 73,
183.
Suaqui, .33, 41.
Supai, 220.
Superstition, 38.
Sutaquison, 48, 49, 83, 91, 98.
Sweathouse, 219.
System, mission, 37, 196.
System, new, 132-140.
Tacca, 91.
Tallicuamais, 100, 101.
Tampico, 160.
Tarragona, 178.
Techungui, Fr., 205.
Tecora, 25, 32.
Tecoripa, 33, 41, 42-44.
Tehua, see Yavipais.
Tempe, 203, 204.
Temporalities, 34-37.
Teopari, 32.
Tepic, 20, 31, 66, 155.
Terrenate, 25, 73, 183.
Texas, 62, 67, 68, 133, 179, 182.
Theodor, Verv Rev., Fr. 203.
Tiburon, 63, 65.
Tiguas, 205.
Timmermanns. Rev. 201.
Tiuajas, 98, 104.
Tison, Rio, 22.
Tabas, Fr. 183.
Toledo, Fr. 206.
Tomson, 17.
Tonibavi, 68.
Tonichi, '33.
Topiza, 3.
Torre, Fr. 206.
Totonteac, 8, 10, 11.
Tours of Fr. Garc^s, 46, 82-85,
90-98: 99-109, 110-119.
Transfer of missions, 67, 71, 89.
Trinidad, 79, 83, 110.
— 23n
Tribes, Indian, 229.
Tiuxillo, Fr. 24, 175.
Ttacca, 98.
Tuape. 33.
Tuaspa, 42.
Tubac, 34, 66, 72. 73, 77, 78, 83,
84, 89, 90, 98, 157, 183-187.
Tubasa. 48.
Tubutama, 28, 34, 75. 87, 120.
122, 123, 146, 148, 169, 180-182,
182, 186.
Tnbuscabors, 98.
Tucson, 9, 26, 29, 35, 72, 84, 89,
91, 98, 123, 145, 185-187, 189,
190, 201, 220.
Tucubaya, 170.
Tueros. Don 127, 129, 145, 147,
149-151, 214.
Tulare Valley, 109.
Tumacdcori, 26, 27, .34, 66, 72,
73, 123, 184, 185, 189.
Tusayan, 8.
Tutuetac, 98.
Tutunitucan, 98.
Ubeda Bro., 20.
Ures, a3, 41, 45, 62, 66, 68, 172,
175.
Upasoitac, 83, 84.
Utah, 208, 211.
Utah Lake, 206.
Uturituc, 91, 98.
Vacapa, 4, 5, 7. 9.
Valencia, 123, 182.
Valverde, Fr. 205.
Vandermaesen, Rev. 201.
Vega, Fr. 171.
Velarde, Fr. 186.
Velasco, 21.
Verde, Rio, 22.
Venadito, 198.
Victoria, Fr. 20.
Vicar Apostolic, 201, 204.
Vidal, 90.
Vision on the Colorado, 148.
Visitador Galvez, see Galvez.
Visitations, 87, 170.
Vocabulary, Yuma, 153.
Vocabulary, Navajo, 210.
Volpi, 24.
Washington, D. C, 209.
Watsonvilie, Cal., 203.
Weber, Fr. 209.
WesthoflF, Fr. 202, 204.
Whipple, 4, 8, 9,
White Mountain, 220.
White River, 110.
Wickenburg, 203.
Wiewer, Bro., 201.
Wingate, Fort, 209.
Winsor's History, 16.
Wisconsin, 153.
Xaguionar, 89.
Xaliscans, 172, 173.
Xalisco, province of, 31-33, 89,
173, 175.
Xalisco, Cronica de, 20.
Xongopabi. 23.
Yamajab, 103, 104.
Yaqui Rio. 3, 12, 25.
Yava Supais, 220.
Yavipais, 84, 109, 111-117, 119.
Yecora, see Tecora.
Yumas, 27, 48-54. 56, 59-61, 79,
81, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103,
104, 106, 109, 117, 118, 124, 125,
127-130, 132. 137-140, 143-146,
148-150, 152, 153, 156, 157, 165,
185. 212, 213, 220, 221.
Yuma Baptism, 153.
Yuma City, 79, 80, 152, 201, 216.
Yuma funeral, 153, see crema-
tion.
Yuma heaven, 94.
Yuma, Fort, see Fort Yuma.
Yutas, 119, 207.
Yxquisitas, 66.
Zacatecas, 62, 67, 178, 182.
Zacatal, Duro, 98.
Zaragoza, 66.
Zaraichi, 32,
Zeller, Bro., 203.
Zephyrin, Fr. 152, 200, 216.
Zuni, 7-13, 16, 19, 21-23, 25, 113,
114, 119.
Zufiiga, Fr. 31, 183.
Zufiigas, 60.
Preface pase ii
Pape 1, line
•>
—•I ' »
6, „
Oorrijieiula.
(In some copies.)
laborers for labors.
6, the for te.
19, from bottom read— cross for crossed.
1 ,, ,, read— decided for docidod.
10, note, read— It for If.
22. line 18, read— Bill for BIr.
22, ,, 11, Conversion of St. Paul.
28, read— Bill for Big Williams.
42, first line omit — in.
42 line 10 read — recommended for recomended.
60, first line read — of for fo.
66, read — known for know, in tliird line of note.
66, read — having, in last line.
67, read — Puebla for Pueblo.
73, read — north of Guevavi for south.
78, read — Sebastian for Sabastiau.
80, read — passed a lacuna, in the last line.
94, line 8, of note read— detestable for detestible.
107, read— Cuabajais for Cubabajais.
118, read — .\guaffe for agnage, in the note.
119, read— Pozo for Poza, in the note.
144, omit— pre, in last line.
1.52, line 14, read — dilapidated for delapidated.
159. read Barrenec-he for Barraneche.
174, read — waive for wave, in last line.
182, read — field for field, in the note.
183, read— fight for fight.
-^-■Xy.i-iiale ^Vuii A^-'
U:c^us*ijU.l|-»
JO R
G O N
THE OLD
FRANCISCAN
MISSIONS
IN
U CALIFORNIA. -
.^ ■' I'l''''^'" '^^J'("{;^..^^':'iF''A'"CISCO SOLANO- ''^ -^
. ,M. SAN ^iViOnklund
FRAVlCISCO+ti,^F,,,i.l.u,l 1 ,.^_^ j „,,Tf
OR 'JOLORES '\_X V^ J—* .f.cSl":^
Liu' ■?«. SANT)t\C\-ARA ^^ ■,
\\\-tW.rSAN CARLOS +\x i • fe - . . -
'Uv'AVv^e PAP,,',.'" ■ + - ' )^—
A New Historical Wokk Which Should Find A Place In
EvKRY Library. Price, Bound In Cloth, 5:i2 Pages:
.lil.-Vt Net. Free By Mail, it;i.7(). Paper Covers,
Free Bv Mail $1.20
THE
FRANCISCANS IN CALIFORNIA
BY'
Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, 0. F. M.,
Author of ""The Fyauciscans in Arizona,''^
WITH A MAP AND NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS.
CUM PERMISSU SUPERIORUM.
Printed And Published At The
HOLY CHILDHOOD INDIAN SCHOOL.
HARBOR SPRINGS, MICHIGAN.
181HK
(Sold For The Benefit Of The Indian School.)
SOME KIND >YORDS
From the Most Rcx'. Archbisliop of Pliihid<-lp]iia.
Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1897.
Rev. and Dear Father,
Please accept my thanks for the copy
of your work "The Franciscans in California" which you have
been kind enough to send to me.
I have had time to only "dip into" it, but from what I have
read, I believe it to be an excellent and opportune contribution
to the ecclesiastical historical literature of the country.
Yours faithfully in Dno.
>J< P. J. Ryan, Archb.
From the Rt . Rev. Henry Joseph Richter, D. D.,
Bishop of Grand Rapids, MicJiiffan.
Grand Rapids, Mich., Nov. 7, 1897.
Rev. Dear Fatlier:
Please accept uiy thanks for your book
entitled: "The Franciscans In California.'" I have not had time
to read the book through; but what I read 1 found very inter-
esting. I wonder how amid your many labors you could find
leisure for the research which the composition of your valuable
contribution to history required. I think the German proverb:
"Lust und Liebe zum Dinge, macht alle Muehe und Arbeit ger-
inge," is applicable here. It certainly was a labor of love to a
son of St. Francis to describe the trials, labors and achievements
of his brethren, especially to one engaged in a similar work.
I am Rev. Father,
Sincerely yours in Xto,
g[< Henry Joseph,
Bp. of Gd. Rapids.
-» —
From the Rt. Rev. George Montgomery, D. D., Bishop of
Monterey and Los Angeles, California.
Los Angeles, Cal.,"Oct. 27, 1897.
Rev. and Dear Father:
I beg leave to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of a copy of "The Franciscans In California,'' and to thank
you for the noble work that you have done in gathering togeth-
er the scattered fragments of history of those missions, which e-
ven yet are the glory of California.
There is one thing that I regret is absent in the work, except
a mention of it from time to time, namely an accurate account
of the secularization of the missions. If you would ever bring
out a second edition I would suggest that you add, as a kind of
appendix, a history of that secularization and a vindication of
the missionaries.
There are the most erroneous ideas abroad concerning the mat
ter, and scribblers in all kinds of publications sometimes take up-
on themselves to give out a so-called history of ' those things
which is only perpetuating falsehood. With such an appendix the
book would bd invahiable.
There is manifested at present a disposition to appreciate more
fully and fairly the worK and worth of the Franciscan missionar-
ies in California. As you may know we have here in Southern
C'lifornia a "Landmark Club," whose purpose is to preserve the
historic monuments of the State: and it is a significant fact that
the first work done by them is to preserve, at least in their pres-
ent state, the old missions of San Juan Capistrano and San Fer-
nando. They have spent several thousand dollars on these mis-
sions with that view. The Club is headed by a most enthusiastic
and able nou-C-athoiic literary man, Mr. Chas. Lummis, and
the Club is entirely non-Catholic, so far as support is con-
cerned.
Besides there is a growing admiration for the mission architec-
ture here. All over this part of California we see it represented
in buildings of almost every character._
As a chronicle of facts your book is invaluable, and [ hope
that you may bo asked s )metime to bring out a second edition
to which you" can niiike the appendix I suggest.
You deserve much credit for printing and jjublisiiiug it at
your Indian school. I send yo\i a few dollars. I wish it were in
my power to send more, but you know we have here many poor
Intlian missii .ns.
Voiirs very truly,
^ Geo. Montgomery,
Bisho]) of Monterey and Los Angeles.
-^
F I 0)11 tlif l\t. Rev. Thomas Giuice., JJ. D.,
Jii.shop of Sacraiiieiifo, California.
Sacramento, Cal., Nov. 9th, 1897.
Rev. Dear Fr. Engelhardt.
I return my most sincere thanks
for your valuaV'le and timely work ''The Franciscans In Califor-
nia." For us who live here the book is a treasure, and for all
who are interested in the missionary enterprise of the Church it
is most valuable and entertaining.
Sincerely and thankfully.
Yours in Our Lord,
Thomas Grace.
From the Verv Rev. Raphael Hesse, O. F. M.
Provincial of the Province of St. John the Baptist.
Cincinnati, O., Dec. 2, 1897!
Rev. Conf.:
I hereVjy acknowledge the receipt of a copy of
your book entitled: "The Franciscans in California." Please ac-
cept my thanks and congratulations. May the trials and labors
of our brethren inspire us to work for the greater honor and
glory of God.
Yours in Christ,
Fr. Raphael Hesse, O. F. M.,
Min. Prov.
From the J'ery Rev. Kilian Schloesser, O. F. M.. the Superior
of the Franciscans on the Pacijic Coast.
Santa Barbara, Cal., Nov. 18, 1897.
My dear Fr. Zephyrin,
The volume which you have com-
pleted amid so many labors and unfavorable circumstances has
reached me. Well, now you have reason to be proud of your
work, for the book will surely meet with great satisfaction.
Though I have read only a small part, I must admit that the
work pleases me exceedingly, above all in its arrangement.
I am with the same old affection, in the Most Sacred Heart,
Yours,
Fr. Kilian.
From the I'ery Rev. Custos Fr. Maximilian Schaefcr, O. F. M .,
Editor German ''Messenger of the Sacred Heart.^^
Cincinnati, O., Dec. 7, 1897.
Dear Father Zephyrin,
Your excellent historical work has
surprised me indeed. It offers the best proof of tireless zeal. The
work will surely receive approval from every direction, because it
is compiled, throughout, from documents and reliable sources. It
will therefore serve the historian of the old missions as a fount-
ain where he can obtain reliable information. Please accept my
best thanks for sending the book.
With much respect
Your confrere,
Fr. Maximilian, O. F. M.
From the auilior of '•'■Mission Santa Barbara.''''
Mission San Luis Rey, Cal., Nov. 10, 1897.
Rev. dear Con f rater:
Through your kindness I received a few
days ago a coxjy of your work entitled "The Franciscans In Cali-
fornia," for which I return you my sincere thanks. I have had
but little time so far to look over it, as I intend, carefully, but
from what I have noticed hurriedly, I can say you have done
very well. You certainly deserve a great amount of credit for the
pains you have taken. I hope you may be able to dispose of ver-
y many copies. The price is certainly very low. No publishing
house in the country could publish it at that price. Send me an-
other copy, and I will remit a money order for the amount.
Wishing you all success, 1 am as ever in SS. Corde,
Your Confrater,
Jos. J. O'Keefe, O. F. M.
From the editor of '"'St. Anthony' s Me*isens;er.''''
Cincinnati, O., Nov. 16, 1897.
Rev. and dear Confrere,
Today I received your long looked
for work "The Franciscans In California." Let me congratulate
yovi most sincerely on the grand work you have brought out in
such splendid style. I know well enough the arduous labor spent
in the compilation of such a work, and therefore appreciate it all
the more. Wishing you God's blessing.
I remain vour old friend,
Fr PhiUp, O. F. M.
From the Secretary of the Historical Societr, Philadelphia.
/Author of the ^^Cj'clopccdia Bihliographica
of the Bishops of the United States.''''
Philadelphia, Pa., Nov. 16, 1897.
Dear Fr. Zephyrin,
Your work is the best I have seen for
detail and particular history. It gives just what is wanted — Rec-
ord — without a great lot of multiplied words just to fill up.
There is too much imagination put into our histories of all kind,
little or none of proof and copy of records.
Sincerely yours
Francis X. Renss.
"What impressed me greatly was the amount of researches
you have made and the many interesting details which the book
contains." Mesquat Mission, B. C, A. J, Brabant, S. y.
I thank you from my heart that you have send me your great
book "The Franciscans in California." The work pleases me ex-
ceedingly. Fr. Bonaventure, O. F. M., Butler, New Jersey.
I have read but a few chapters of "The Franciscans in Cali-
fornia" with as much interest as I would a novel. The relation
of true facts written by a venerable and experienced missionary
renders the book invaluable. /ost'/)/' y4. Drolet, S.J., Garden River, Otit.
"The book 'Franciscans in California" unravels many obscure
historical points in regard to the Golden State in the past. It
oui^ht to be T)erused by every lover of history."
H. IVeber, C. SS. R., Nrw Orleans, La.
It appears to be a splendid and very practical work which re-
flects much credit upon you. To-morrow we shall begin to use it
as English table lecture. Fr. Polycarp, O. F. A/., Teittopolis, III.
We shall read your beautiful and interesting work at table in
the refectory. Sister M. Teresa, Abbess, Poor Clares, Cleveland, Ohio.
We have received your valuable book and are now reading it
in the refectory. Sister Veronica, Abbess, Poor Clares, Chicago.
"I am glad you found my labors in the same field of so much
service to you, and that you were fair enough to give me due
credit. Hubert Howe Bancroft.''^
We heartily welcome this history of "The Franciscans in Cal-
ifornia." By mentioning the original sources on almost every
page, the author proves that he has not composed a book by
merely copying from books, but that he has labored independ-
ently. '•'California Volksfreund.''''
From the "AMERICA," German Daily, St. Louis, Mo.
In this excellent work the Rev. author not only relates the
first attempts of the Spaniards to colonize California, but he al-
so gives a minute history of all the missions that partly, though
in ruins, exist to this day The volume is compiled from o-
riginal sources and may be regarded as an important contribu-
tion to the history of American civilization.
From the MICHIGAN CATHOLIC.
One of the most valuable books which has ever reached us is,
"The Franciscans in California," by Father Zephyrin Engel-
hardt, O. F. M. The book is printed and published at the Holy
Childhood Indian School, Harbor Springs, Mich. The proceeds
of the sale of this book will be given for the benifit of the In-
dian School. This in itself should insure the book a wide circu-
lation. The volume is an excellent contribution to the ecclesiasti-
cal literature of America.
From the NEW WORLD, Chicago, III.
To the scant list of monographs that we possess on the history
of the missions in the early days in this country and on the
lives of the zealous men that labored among the Indians and
settlers in various parts of the United States, a friar minor of
the Seraphic Order has added a valuable contribution.
Imbued with an ardent veneration for those among the sons
of the great saint of Asissi who followed Fr. Junipero Serra
into California, and with no mean talent for writing a historical
narrative, the author, Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt, has followed m
the footsteps of that legion of men in habit and cowl to whom,
as writers of annals and chronicles, we are indebted for much of
the knowledge we jjossess of by-gone days. Although this book
does not purport to be a panegyric on the virtues and fortitude
of the brave friars, many of whom left the sheltering abodes of
learning and their native country to carry the blessings of the
faith into that then remote part of the world, one cannot read
the records of these missionaries without exulting over the un-
selfish heroism displayed by the Franciscans in California, and
the success obtained by them in dealing with the problem of
Christianizing and civilizing the Indian
Of so many shattered hopes, of so mauy missions destroyed
and in ruins do these pages tell that we would lay this book
sadly down, were it not tV)r the faet that the old Spanish friars,
driven from their tioeks and cloisters by revolutions and the ig-
norant and malicious officials of the Mexican Republic, have
been followed by a new generation of priests and brothers of the
same Order
The pictures c>f the mission churches that adorn the pages of
this book, tell us how successsful the followers of the great Um-
brian saint have been in tutoring the American Indian; and, in-
deed, the book itself stands proof of this, having been set in type
and printed by Indian boys at the Holy Childhood Indian
School, Harbor Sprii:)gs, Michigan, under the supervision of the
author. And thus we possess a history treating of Indian mis-
sions and missionaries, written by a missionary among Indians,
and printed at an Indian school
Walter Lecky in the CATHOLIC NEWS, Nc-.v I'ork.
The "Franciscans in California," by Father Zephyrin Engel-
hardt, O. F. M., is a volume that was sure of a welcome in my
den. There is a glamor about these old missions that is positively
fascinating. There are no ruins on this continent whose history
is so inviting as the old missions of California. I have often
envied their lover, Mr. Lummis, his nearness to them. This book
is printed and published at the Indian School, Harbor Springs,
Michigan
The author (in his preface) is unduly mode.st. His book, des-
pite the drawbacks he mentions, is full of interest, and is writ-
ten with no little historical grasp and spirit. It was a work of
love, and Fr. Engelhardt has bvit followed his brethren of the
cowl in preserving from the past the records of the valiant mep
and their godly work. There is sorrow in the pages of this book,
telling, as it does, the hopes and ambitions of the old Spanish
friars, while recalling tliat nothing remains save the romantic
ruins of cloisters and churches. No book of late years should
find from Catholics a warmer welcome than Father Engelhardt's.
Not only is it valuable to the historian, but its pages will be
eagerly perused by all those who love to read a tale of valor and
nobleness.
From "THE TIDINGS," Los Angeles, Cal.
Much of the statistical matter pertaining to the missions, des-
cribed herein, (New Year's souvenir number), is adapted from
Father Zephyrin Engelhardt's "The Franciscans in California, '*
a concise but complete compilation of the history of the Califor-
nia missions. This book, the latest and perhaps most valuable of
the many works on this exhaustless theme, has but recently
been published, and is from the Holy Childhood Indian School,
Harbor Springs, Michigan.
From the "CHURCH NEWS" Washington, D. C.
This is a very interesting and valuable book, especially to
those interested in the early history of the Church in the West.
It contains information taken from the original reports of the
missionaries, including the statistics of the missions. Considering
the fact that so much that is false has been written regarding
the introduction of Christianity into California, we must appre-
ciate a reliable publication treating of the work of the Seraphic
Pioneers. As stated in the preface, "Ignorance and malice,
through exaggeration and misstatement, have succeeded in mak-
ing the old Fathers appear in so strange a light that even their
frifuds fail to rccognizL' tlitiii."" There is SdUietliiug uniqiu- a-
bout the volume, it having been written and published at an In-
dian mission school.
From the "HEROLD DES GLAUBENS," St.' Louis.
Fr. Zephyrin, formerly in California, but now missionary araonsf
the Indians of Michigan, has studied the .sad history of his
brethern for many years. In this volume he unfolds in simple
language a most touching picture The beautiful book is
heartily recommended to all friends of Church history.
J^rom the "INDEPENDENT DEMOCRAT." Petoskey, Mich.,
lion. C. S. Ilcunpton, Editor.
A valuable book of historical reference has just been added to
the editor's library. It is entitled "The Franciscans in Californ-
ia," and is a history of the explorations and missionary work of
the devoted Catholic Fathers on the Pacific coast from the ear-
liest times, together with an interesting summary of the fruit of
the seed planted in stubborn soil, but watered by the blood of
martyrdom. The work is from the pen of Rev. Father Zephyrin
Engelhardt, O. F. M., who has charge of the Holy Childhood
Indian School at Harbor Springs. The author disclaims all at-
tempt at literary embellishment, his object being to preserve for
future ages a correct and comjjrehensive history of labors of ear-
ly missionaries, and particularly those of his own order. At the
same time the events related are so interesting in themselves
and are told with such strict adherence to the mass of manu-
script records through which the author was obliged to wade in
order to secure facts, that the book is interesting to every read-
er, and must be intensely so to Catholics. The most surprising
and gratifying thing about the book, however, is that it is a
home product, printed by Indians educated and trained at the
Harbor Springs mission. That a book of this character, of over
five hundred pages, with a large number of illustrations, can be
printed in the Indian school printing office in a manner which
would do credit to the average city book printing establishment,
is the best possible testimonial of the practical benefit of this
noble charity, of which the Independent Democrat has fre-
qviently had occasion to speak.
From the CATHOLIC UNIVERSE, Cleveland, O.
Father Zephyrin, O. F. M., formerly of the Franciscan con-
vent, this city, who has charge of the Indian mission school at
Harbor Springs, Michigan, has written a history of the Francis-
cans in California. It is an intensely interesting and attractive
work apart altogether from the literary freshness and sincerity
which characterizes it, because the subject of the early missions
on the Pacific coast is one that is full of historical and relio-ious
interest to Catholics. Many friends of Father Zephyrin in'' this
city will be glad of aa opportunity to assist him in the arduous
task to which he is assigned, especially when the doing so adds
to their literary possessions a volume of rare interest enhanced
by the peculiar sense of personal satisfaction arising from their
friendship with the author.
From the CHURCH PROGRESS, St. Louis, Mo.
It is a rare pleasure to read a history of the wonderful Fran-
ciscan missions of California written by a" member of the Sera-
phic Order and printed by the Indians of a flourishing mission
of our own day.
The first part of the book is devoted to the general mission
history of California, the twenty-third and last chapter describ-
ing the methods pursued in conducting the missions prior to
their "secularization" by the Mexican government.
The second part, in tvt^enty-six chapters, gives the local history
of each of the twenty-one missions: San Diego. San Carlos, Ssn
Antonio, San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Francisco, San Ju-
an Capistrano, Santa Clara, San Buenaventu7-e, Santa Barbara,
La Purisima Concepcion, Santa Cruz, La Soledad, San Jose, San
Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, San Luis Rey, Santa
Inez, San Rafael, San Francisco Solano,
The third part gives the history of their nine houses included
in the Pacific Commissariat of the American Friars Minor at
the present day: Santa Barbara, Piijaro, St. Turibius, St. Elisa-
beth's at Fruitvale, St. Joseph's at Los Angeles, St. Francis' at
Sacramento, St. Mary's at Phoenix, Arizona, and St. Boniface's
and St. Anthony's at San Francisco.
A reading of Father Zephyrinus Engelhardt's narrative cannot
fail to impress the mind with the terrible evils associated with
that subjection of the church to the Stiite that exists in Spain
and the Spanish-speaking countries. From the very beginning
the friars engaged in the Pacific coast apostolate suffered from
the interference of godless Spanish civil officers, and in the end
the Spanish government robbed the mission Indians of no less
than half a million dollars. The pious Fund of California, a-
mounting to about 81,300,000 all contributed by private persons
for the support of the missions in perpetuity, with the exception
of about §18,000 contributed by the government, was seized by
Spain in 1768, and administered, or rather mal-administered, by
her civil officers and those of Mexico, until finally confiscated by
the infamous tool of the lodges, Santa Anna, in 1842.
From the WAHREITSFREUND. Cincinnati, O.
An extraordinarily interesting work, "The Franciscans in Cali-
fornia," has reached us. The rich and important contents of this
exquisite literary work makes it entertaining as well as instruc-
tive reading. The world-despising and world-conquering Christian
faith, as it was preached amid the greatest hardships to the In-
dians by the pious sons of St. Francis in the southwest, shines
here with a most brilliant light. The labors and expeditions of
the Fathers are described so vividly and truthfully that we act-
ually imagine om-selves in the midst of the hardships of those
times
In our days, when certain individuals seem to strain every
nerve to attack and slander priests of religious Orders, it is high-
ly important to draw the attention of the world to the exceed-
ingly great merits of the monks in Christianizing and civilizing
distant countries, not the least of which is America.
The writer of this was especially touched by the Rev. author's
presentation of the early history of San Francisco and other se-
raphic settlements. What he there paints to our mind is a vivid
picture of faithful labor in the vineyard of the Lord. In spirit
we wander amid the wonderful surroundings of the "Golden Cit-
y," to the venerable groves of the "Big Trees," and to old, pict-
uresque Monterey with the neighboring resting-place of Califor-
nia's famous apostle, the poor, humble son of St. Francis, Fath-
er Junfpero Serra, whose name, as a noble Protestant American
writes, will not perish, and whose fame will not suffer want, be
his grave a hundred times deeper, and the real spot forgotten.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES
THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below
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