THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 JOUKNAL 
 
 VOYAGE INTO THE MEDITERRANEAN 
 
 BY 
 
 SIK KENELM DIGBY, 
 
 A.D. 1628. 
 
 EDITED, FROM THE ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT IN THE POSSESSION OF 
 
 WILLIAM WATKIN E. WYNNE, ESQ. 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN BRUCE, ESQ., F.S.A. 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY. 
 
 M.DCCC.LXVIII.
 
 WESTMINSTER : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, 
 25, PARLIAMENT STREET. 
 
 [NO. XCVI.]
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 IftCt 
 COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY 
 
 FOR THE YEAR 1867-68. 
 
 President, 
 
 WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P., F.R.S., V.P.S.A. 
 ARTHUR ASHPITEL, ESQ. F.S.A. 
 JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director. 
 WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ. F.S.A. Treasurer. 
 WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A. 
 JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A. [Died 12th July, 1867.] 
 EDWARD FOSS, ESQ. F.S.A. 
 SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ. 
 THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A. 
 JOHN MACLEAN, ESQ. F.S.A. 
 SIR FREDERIC MADDEN, F.R.S. 
 FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas.S.A. 
 EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A. 
 WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary. 
 REV. JOHN WEBB, M.A., F.S.A. 
 SIR THOMAS E. WINNINGTON, BART. M.P. 
 
 1221105
 
 The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under- 
 stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- 
 tions that may appear in the Society's publications; the Editors 
 of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.
 
 PKEFACE. 
 
 THE family of Digby is stated by genealogists to have borne 
 originally the name of Tilton, which is that of a parish in the county 
 of Leicester in which they possessed lands. On the removal of 
 their residence to Digby, which is situate in the adjoining county of 
 Lincoln, they relinquished the name of Tilton and assumed their 
 present name, although still retaining their property in the former 
 parish. This change took place so long ago as in the reign of Henry 
 III., and Dugdale* shadows forth the descent of many generations 01 
 Digbys from that distant period. At the battle of Towton, which was 
 fought in 1461, three brothers of the name of Digby fell fighting on 
 the side of the House of Lancaster; and in the next generation it is 
 said that seven brethren, sons of an Everard Digby j eldest brother or 
 the three who fell at Towton, drew sword in the same cause on the 
 field of Bosworth. Henry VII. acknowledged his obligations to the 
 seven by giving them shares in the forfeited estates of the supporters or 
 the House of York; and from Everard and Simon Digby, two of those 
 seven, there descended two families of Digbys who established them- 
 selves, one at Drystoke in Rutlandshire, and the other at Coleshill 
 in Warwickshire. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth these two divi- 
 
 * Baronage, ii. 436. 
 CAMD. SOC. b
 
 Vi PREFACE. 
 
 sions of the family made themselves conspicuous ; that of Rutland- 
 shire bj having at its head a Kenelm Digby, six times sheriff of 
 the county, and an active, useful magistrate ; and that of Warwick- 
 shire, under a Sir George Digby, one of the noble band of English- 
 men who fought at Zutphen when Sir Philip Sidney received his 
 death-wound. Sir George earned his knighthood from the hand of 
 the Earl of Leicester for his gallantry on that occasion.* 
 
 The reign of James I. was a period of peculiar importance to both 
 these branches of the family of Digby. One special incident in that 
 reign made what is called the fortune of one of them, and over- 
 whelmed the other with disgrace. John Digby, a handsome 
 youngest son of the Warwickshire house, was despatched to the 
 Court by Lord Harrington to apprise the King of the design of the 
 Gunpowder Conspirators upon the Princess Elizabeth, and of the 
 measures taken for her security. The well-favoured messenger 
 attracted his Majesty's attention. After a preliminary course of 
 preferment in the royal household, he was sent to Spain as ambas- 
 sador; he afterwards played a conspicuous part in the difficulties 
 arising out of the intended Spanish match, and was created Earl of 
 Bristol in 1622. Nor was this the only dignity procured by the 
 Warwickshire branch of the family. The Earl of Bristol's eldest 
 surviving brother, Robert, was knighted by the Earl of Essex in 
 Ireland in 1596, and married the Baroness Offaley, heir-general of 
 the House of Kildare. He died in 1618, leaving as his eldest son 
 another Robert, who was created an Irish peer in 1620, by the title 
 of Lord Digby of Geashill, with the condition that his mother's dig- 
 nity, which had been a subject of dispute, should revert, upon her 
 decease, to the House of Kildare. t 
 
 * Stowe'a Annales, p. 739, ed. Howes. f Lodge's Peerage, ed. 1789, vi. 288.
 
 PREFACE. Vn 
 
 In the meantime, mere nopeless ruin seemed to have overtaken the 
 other branch of the family. Kenelm Digby died in 1590 ; his son, 
 a Sir Everard, the favourite Christian name of the family,* followed 
 him two years afterwards, leaving his eldest son, another Everard, 
 at the dangerous age of eleven. The boy inherited even more than 
 the good looks which belonged to all his house. He grew up to be 
 esteemed the handsomest man in England. He was knighted in 
 1603, and made a great match in marriage with Mary, daughter 
 and one of the co-heiresses of William Mulsho of Gayhurst, or, as 
 it was then called, Gotehurst, in the county of Buckingham. On 
 his marriage he removed from the more distant Drystoke to the 
 pleasant, or, as the poet Cowper designates it, the "happy," situa- 
 tion of Gayhurst. But during the few years of his occupancy 
 Gayhurst, however agreeable its commanding site, must have been 
 anything rather than a happy place. Sir Everard probably came 
 into his wife's religion as well as her property ; at any event he was 
 a Roman Catholic. Enthusiastically anxious to promote what he 
 deemed the interests of his Church, he entered, when little more 
 than a boy, into the intrigues and conspiracies of the day. Tradition 
 tells of secret chambers constructed by him at Gayhurst for conceal- 
 ment of priests, and of meetings held there of persons unknown, and 
 for purposes not disclosed, and therefore deemed culpable. Once 
 on this dangerous track, the love he bore to Catesby, who exercised 
 a singular fascination over all his friends, not merely kept the shal- 
 low and impetuous Sir Everard steady, but plunged him, at the age 
 of twenty-four, into the very depths of the Gunpowder Treason. 
 
 * There were six successive Everards as the heads of the house, in so many successive 
 generations, with the single interposition of the Kenelm above alluded to. Lodge's 
 Peerage of Ireland, ed. 1789, vi. 262.
 
 V1U PREFACE. 
 
 Seeing, as he said, that the cause of what he termed religion " lay 
 at the stake, he entered into resolution to neglect, in that behalf, his 
 estate, his life, his name, his memory, his posterity, and all worldly 
 and earthly felicity whatsoever ... for the restoring of the Catholic 
 religion in England."* He agreed to assist the atrocious project 
 with 1,500?. in money, and to be the leader of a pretended hunting 
 party which was to assemble at Dunchurch in Warwickshire on the 
 fatal 5th November, whilst the frightful deed was being transacted 
 at Westminster. On receiving notice that the blow was struck, he 
 and his companions were to proceed to Combe Abbey, to take pos- 
 session of the Princess Elizabeth, and to proclaim her Queen. 
 
 Sir Everard was so entirely blind to the moral character of the 
 action upon which he had embarked as to be astonished and shocked 
 when he found that even " Catholics and priests " condemned the 
 means resorted to by the conspirators as "a great sin." He began, 
 under such circumstances, even to question his own " good state," 
 a consideration which overwhelmed him with "more bitterness of 
 grief " than all his other miseries. Such is his own statement in 
 private letters which he found means to have conveyed from the 
 Tower to his friends.f He afterwards either settled his mind to a 
 contrary conclusion upon this point, or did not care to make so large 
 an admission to the audience assembled around his scaffold. To them 
 he declared, even at the moment of his death, that " in respect of his 
 religion " he held the action for which he was about to suffer to be 
 " no offence," although, in respect of the law, it was otherwise.! 
 
 * The Gunpowder Treason, ed. 1679, p. (55). 
 
 f They were discovered seventy years afterwards among the muniments of his son Sir 
 Kenelm, and were published in The Gunpowder Treason, ed. 1679, pp. 167 170. 
 Jardine's Gunpowder Treason, ed. 1857, p. 147.
 
 PREFACE. IX 
 
 On his trial, Sir Everard petitioned with earnestness that his 
 punishment might not extend beyond himself. He craved especially 
 that his wife might enjoy her jointure, and his son the benefit of an 
 entail made long before any thought was entertained of the Gun- 
 powder Conspiracy. Attorney-General Coke answered " Nimrod 
 Digby " with needless, but with him (it is to be feared) customary, 
 ferocity, that, inasmuch as for the Catholic cause he had been content 
 to neglect the ruin of himself, his wife, his estates, " and all," he 
 should have his desire " as 'tis in the Psalm, ' Let his wife be a 
 widow, and his children vagabonds, let his posterity be destroyed, 
 and in the next generation let his name be quite put out 5 '' The 
 anathema of the Hebrew poet, no less than the law of the Attorney- 
 General, failed in its application to the family of Sir Everard. 
 After a litigation of several years, the law upheld the conveyance 
 to uses which he had made, and thus lands stated to have been of 
 the value of 3,000/. per annum* were saved to his family, f 
 
 That family consisted of two sons, the elder named Kenelm, after 
 his paternal great-grandfather, the younger John, probably after his 
 distant relative the future Earl of Bristol. It is of the elder of these 
 two we have now to treat. He was the writer of the Journal which 
 is here published, and according to his own statement in certain 
 autobiographical memoranda, which will be mentioned hereafter, 
 was " about 20 days more than two years 6 months old " when his 
 father was put to death. 
 
 Many things relating to Sir Kenelm Digby have been in dispute, 
 and among them the day of his birth. Generally speaking absolute 
 exactness in that particular is of little moment for the purposes of 
 
 * Aubrey's Lives, ii. 328. 
 
 f There is a fine full-length portrait of Sir Everard at Peniarth ; the artist is unknown.
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 biography, but in Sir Kenelm's case the determination is a subject 
 of curiosity if not of importance. One precise day the llth June 
 has been assigned to his birth, his victory at Scanderoon one of 
 the most important incidents of his history and his death. Ben 
 Jonson stated his belief in the concurrency of the first and second 
 of these events in lines addressed to Sir Kenelm's wife, with an 
 amplification which seems to show that it was a belief in the fact, 
 and not the necessity of rhyme, which led him to that conclusion : 
 
 Witness his action done at Scanderoon, 
 Upon his birth-day, the eleventh of June, 
 When the Apostle Barnaby the bright * 
 Unto one year doth give the longest light ;f 
 
 and when Sir Kenelm had run his course, his friend and panegyrist 
 Dr. Richard Farrar composed some lines upon him by way of 
 epitaph, in which he asserted that he was 
 
 Born on the day he died, the eleventh of June, 
 And that day bravely fought at Scanderoon; 
 'Tis rare that one and the same day should be 
 His day of birth, of death, of victory. J 
 
 The Oxford antiquary, Anthony Wood, called in question the 
 first of these dates, on the authority of a Book of Nativities 
 collected by Dr. Richard Napier of Buckinghamshire,! a MS. then 
 
 * Before the change of style the llth June, the day of St. Barnabas, was the longest 
 day, a fact commemorated in an old popular invocation alluded to in Jonson's lines : 
 " Barnaby bright ! Barnaby bright ! 
 
 The longest day and the shortest night." 
 
 f Underwoods; Jonson's Works, ed. Gifford, ix. 47. Gifford sneers at Wood and 
 Aubrey, as a couple of dreamers, not worth an argument. 
 
 J Biog. Brit. ed. Kippis, art. Sir Kenelm Digby. 
 
 Ath. Oxon. iii. 688. 
 
 || The Dr. Napier, or perhaps rather Napper, who is here mentioned, was rector of Great 
 Linford, Bucks. He was a pupil of Simon Fonnan, whose papers came into his hands.
 
 PREFACE. XI 
 
 in the hands of Ellas Ashmole ; and also on that of an Almanack for 
 1673 published by John Gadbury. Dr. Campbell, the writer of the 
 article in the Biographia Britannica to which we have just referred, 
 disputed the value of Anthony Wood's authorities, upon the ground 
 that Dr. Napier's " work " was written in a very bad hand, and that 
 Gadbury probably merely borrowed from Napier, or, if not, that his 
 handwriting was no better than Napier's. Gadbury may be given up 
 as not worth defending upon any point ; but Wood's other authority, 
 which is now Ashmole MS. No. 174, is unimpeachable. Dr. Campbell 
 speaks of the MS., it will have been noticed, as a " work " of Dr. 
 Napier, and as if it were written in his hand. Wood describes it more 
 accurately as a Book of Nativities collected by him, and therefore 
 likely to consist of papers written in various hands. Such it is, and 
 the particular paper which relates to Sir Kenelm Digby, which occurs 
 at fol. 75 of the MS., is written in a large, bold, distinct hand a 
 clearer or plainer hand can scarcely be conceived. Dr. Campbell's 
 argument, therefore, falls to the ground entirely ; and to make the 
 date still more absolutely certain, the handwriting of the paper in 
 question is not only as legible as writing can be, but it is the hand- 
 writing of Sir Kenelm Digby himself.* The principal passage of 
 the manuscript which relates to this subject is written under an 
 astrological scheme of nativity, and is as follows: " This figure was 
 erected, not by the Ephemerides, but by Maginus his tables, for one 
 
 On Dr. Napper's death the papers passed to his brother, Sir Robert Napper, a Turkey 
 merchant, whose son Thomas Napper presented them to Elias Ashmole. Lilly's Hist, 
 ed. 1715, pp. 16, 52. 
 
 * I am indebted to the Rev. W. D. Macray, of the Bodleian Library, not only for most 
 kindly pointing out to me this MS. but for a transcript of it, and for comparing the hand- 
 writing with a fac-simile of a portion of the Journal now published, with which it entirely 
 agrees.
 
 Xll PREFACE. 
 
 borne as aforesaid 1603, according to the English account the 11 of 
 July, betweene 5 and 6 of the clocke in the morning, w ch is the 10th 
 day of that moneth, and 17 houres and a halfe after noone; ac- 
 cording to the reformed calendar it is so many houres after the 
 20th day."* 
 
 However we may endeavour to account for the mistakes of Ben 
 Jonson and Dr. Farrar, we cannot, in the face of these reiterated 
 assertions, conclude otherwise than that Sir Kenelm's birthday was 
 the llth July 1603, and, therefore, that it was not in the same month 
 as his victory or his death. 
 
 His early life is a period with respect to which our information is 
 extremely defective and contradictory. In childhood, and especially 
 whilst his right to his father's entailed estates remained in dispute, 
 it may well be supposed that he continued under the care of his 
 mother, who would bring him up in her own religious faith. But 
 it is asserted that after his right to considerable estates had been 
 confirmed by legal adjudication, he was placed under other guardian- 
 ship. " He seems to have been taken early out of her [i. e. his 
 mother's] hands," these are the words of Dr. Campbell,f " since it 
 is certain that he renounced the errors of Popery very young, and 
 was carefully bred in the Protestant religion, chiefly, as there is 
 
 * Following the above passage there are various autobiographical memoranda, prin- 
 cipally relating to sicknesses and accidents, which run on to the twenty-first year of Sir 
 Kenelm's age, about which time the MS. was probably written, and the whole concludes, 
 as if to make assurance upon the subject of the birthday doubly sure, with the following 
 reiteration of the explanation as to the application of the new and old style to the scheme 
 of nativity : " The places of the planets were collected out of the Ephemerides of 
 Origanus, who in the first columne on the left hand setting downe the dayes of the 
 moneth according to the Gregorian reformed account, they are thus the 20th day with 
 the odde houres, to w<* correspondeth on the right hand of the other page the 10th day 
 according to the Julian old Kalendar." 
 
 f Biog. Brit. ed. Kippis, v. 185.
 
 PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 good reason to believe, under the direction of Archbishop Laud, 
 then Dean of Gloucester, who had a very great affection for him, 
 and had reclaimed a near relation of his from Popery." Anthony 
 Wood in some degree confirms this statement by asserting that he 
 was " trained up in the Protestant religion."* All this is of course 
 very possible, nor is it at all at variance with the usages of that day ; 
 but we have failed to discover Dr. Campbell's "good reason" for 
 supposing any portion of it to be true. The course of Sir Kenelm's 
 religious history was, in short, as follows : Roman Catholicism had, 
 to use his own words, a right of possession in him from his birth. 
 At some time which has not yet been ascertained he cast off his 
 early faith and adhered to the Church of England. Early in 1636 
 he abjured the Church of England and returned to the Church of 
 Rome, in which he continued until his death. Now the question is : 
 What was the date of his first change? Is it "certain" that he 
 came over to the Church of England when " very young,'' and that 
 he was a subject of the careful tending and very great affection of 
 Archbishop Laud between November 1616 and October 1621, that 
 is, whilst he was Dean of Gloucester, the same prelate having pre- 
 viously reclaimed from Rome one of his near relations. From all 
 that we have seen these statements appear to be mere imagination. 
 Dr. Campbell refers to "Wharton's Troubles and Trials of Laud" as 
 his authority. No vouchee can be more satisfactory. Wharton was 
 not without prejudices, nor is his book without mistakes, but every one 
 will admit him to have been a true scholar and an honourable man. 
 All that Wharton states upon the subject is that Archbishop Laud 
 in his defence on his trial enumerated various persons whom he had 
 
 * Ath. Oxon. iii. 688. 
 CAMD. SOC. C
 
 XIV PREFACE. 
 
 brought over from the Church of Rome, and among them he named 
 a "Mr. Digby" who was "a priest." The whole passage is as 
 follows : " Mr. Digby was a priest and Mr. James Gentleman a 
 schoolmaster in a recusant's house. This latter was brought to me 
 by a minister (as far as I remember) in Buckinghamshire. I con- 
 verted both of them, and they remain settled."* There is nothing, 
 it will be observed, about any presumed relationship between Mr. 
 Digby and Sir Kenelm, nor anything to lead to the inference that 
 the conversion of the former was a link between the latter and the 
 Archbishop. 
 
 But what says Wharton about Digby's own conversion ? When 
 Digby was reconciled to Rome, in 1636, the Archbishop wrote to 
 him a long letter of regret and remonstrance, which Wharton pub- 
 lished. In the course of it there are many allusions to Digby's 
 previous change from Roman Catholicism to Protestantism. The 
 Archbishop appeals to the arguments which had then weighed upon 
 Digby's mind. He writes about them as one who had been familiar 
 with Digby at that time, and had known all the circumstances to 
 which he alludes. He contends that the reasons which were then 
 operative still existed unimpeached. Digby asserted that he had 
 learned that the Church of Rome left him free to believe or not to 
 believe certain particulars which constituted a motive for his previous 
 secession. Laud reminds him that the Church of Rome did not 
 leave him free to disbelieve the things which it had determined, and 
 inquired whether his former dislike was not grounded upon some 
 things of that kind. Again, Sir Kenelm had remarked that his 
 greatest difficulties as between the two Churches were solved, now 
 that he could distinguish between the opinions of new men, raised 
 
 * Wharton 's Troubles of Laud, p. 227.
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 upon wrested inferences, and the plain articles of faith delivered at 
 the first. The Archbishop appealed to him whether he could not 
 make this distinction long before he joined himself to the Church of 
 England, and reminded him that his dislike of the power claimed by 
 the Church of Rome of adding new articles to the old faith was 
 a leading motive which led him to his first revolt. Finally, when 
 Digby argued that he had allowed himself, on the occasion of his 
 first change, to be misled by a mere semblance of good reasons, the 
 Archbishop answered, Why may not that which seems clear to you 
 now be but apparent, as well as that which formerly seemed clear 
 to you seem but semblance now ? The double change established 
 nothing but the fallibility of his judgment. His return to Romanism 
 might be but a relapse into a former sickness, although he mistook 
 it for a recovery from a former fall.* Throughout his letter the 
 Archbishop treats Digby's adherence to the Church of England as 
 the result of consideration and mental conviction. His arguments 
 would lose all their force and meaning if it could be shown that 
 Digby's conversion was not the action of a manly intellect, but the 
 immature conclusion of a mere lad. 
 
 But we have more evidence upon this point than was known to 
 Dr. Campbell. There exists in the British Museum a manuscript 
 volume of Private Memoirs of Sir Kenelm Digby, which was pub- 
 lished by Sir Harris Nicolas in the year 1827. (Lond. 8vo.) It 
 is a book of a strange fantastic character; a history of Digby's 
 courtship and final attainment in marriage of a celebrated beauty, 
 related in the form of a romance. The places and persons mentioned 
 in it are disguised under fictitious and occasionally fanciful names. 
 This circumstance, and the long sentimental dialogues of which it is 
 
 * Wharton'a Troubles of Laud, p. 610.
 
 XVI PREFACE. 
 
 principally composed, give it an air of unreality, but in substance 
 it is true ; the facts stated are those which the writer believed, and 
 even the high-flown dialogues have a substratum of reality. The 
 body is actual ; it is the drapery only that is ideal. 
 
 In the course of this volume it is related that Digby was in Spain 
 during the embassy of his kinsman the future Earl of Bristol in 
 relation to the contemplated marriage between Prince Charles 
 and the Spanish Infanta. Whilst there Digby was occasionally 
 employed by his kinsman in the business of his mission. He 
 made his way wherever he went, and in Spain he was peculiarly 
 acceptable to the " Mufti of Egypt," under which disguise we 
 are to understand the Archbishop of Toledo, the principal ecclesi- 
 astical dignitary in Spain. Digby himself states two reasons for this 
 success : first, because, having been lately in Italy, he had there 
 been acquainted with some of the Archbishop's relations; and 
 secondly, because "their religion was the same." Again; Digby 
 tells us that in the course of conversation with his relation the 
 ambassador, he expressed his regret that Digby had been educated 
 in a religion contrary to what " now reigneth in Peloponnesus," i. e. 
 England ; and gave utterance to a hope that they should not be 
 long of different opinions, pointing out to him that he might thus 
 obtain employment in the service of their royal master. Digby 
 urged in reply the preference he was inclined to give to a life of 
 retirement; "but for what you say concerning religion," he con- 
 tinued, " I shall say as you did, that I wish we may not be long in 
 different opinions, but I mean by your embracing of mine, not I of 
 yours." Here, then, up to the year 1623, Digby^s twenty-first 
 year, we have him decidedly a Roman Catholic, a fact which gives 
 pith to the reasoning of Archbishop Laud's letter, but blows to the
 
 PREFACE. XV11 
 
 winds Dr. Campbell's theory of Digby's youthful conversion, and 
 the care and very great affection of his early bringing up under the 
 Dean of Gloucester. 
 
 These minute and uninteresting particulars have led us far away 
 from the current of our narrative but they involve questions which 
 must be followed out if our literature is ever to be freed from such 
 fallacies as those of Dr. Campbell. We now resume our course under 
 the safer guidance of Digby's own autobiographical memoranda. 
 
 In the summer of 1617, when 14 years of age, Digby crossed 
 the sea and took a long journey " into foreign nations," in which 
 he was absent "seven or eight months."* In whose companion- 
 ship he travelled, or what course he took, we are not informed ; but 
 in his later books he is liberal in the introduction of anecdotes of his 
 past travels, and from several of them it may be inferred that on 
 this occasion he stayed some considerable time in Spain. 
 
 On his return, imbued, we may believe, with foreign notions, if 
 not with foreign manners, he was sent, " about 161 8, "f to Gloucester 
 Hall, now Worcester College, at that time one of the minor collegiate 
 establishments at Oxford, where he was committed " to the care of 
 Thomas Allen, but to the tuition of another."! Digby's pro-guardian 
 was a man of considerable celebrity in his own day one of those 
 laborious inquirers who passed their lives in groping after philosophical 
 truth, but discovered little because they sought it by means altogether 
 mistaken. Allen's contemporaries spoke of him with superlative 
 admiration. One designated him as not only the prince or Coryphaeus, 
 but the original and sun of all the mathematicians of the time; and 
 
 * Ashmole MS. 174, fo. 77. t Ath. Oxon. iii. 688. : Ibid. 
 
 Burton's Orat. Funeb. Thom. Alleni, Lond. 1632, p. 6, quoted in Wood's Athenae, 
 ii. 542.
 
 XV1I1 PREFACE. 
 
 another termed him " the father of all learning and virtuous industry, 
 and an unfeigned lover and furtherer of all good arts and sciences."* 
 Such laudation is not merely excessive, but it tells us far less 
 about the man to whom it is applied than we may gather from a 
 single fact. Henry the ninth Earl of Northumberland occupied 
 himself during his long imprisonment in the Tower, and after it 
 came to an end at Penshurst, in gathering around him, for pur- 
 poses of study and experiment, a band of men who were ardent 
 pursuers of chemical and philosophical studies. Harriot, Dee, and 
 Warner were leading members of this association, and so was 
 Thomas Allen. Slaves to the prejudices of their age, the eminent 
 endowments of these men in learning and ability did not preserve 
 them from accepting the doctrine of astrological influences as the 
 foundation of their inquiries, and seeking in the movements of the 
 heavenly bodies for a clue to the accidents of life and the revolutions 
 of nations. " Making guilty of our disasters the sun, the moon, and 
 the stars," they wandered from truth in their endeavours to approach 
 towards it, and earned for the Earl the reputation of being a wizard, 
 and for themselves that of being his attendant magicians, f 
 
 Such a man was not the best possible mentor for a youth of an 
 active inquiring spirit. Nor was Allen likely to have been chosen 
 in that capacity by Archbishop Land. His love of the Church and 
 of St. John's would have led him to prefer an ecclesiastic and his 
 favourite college to an old astrologer and Gloucester Hall. The 
 
 * Wood's Athense Oxon., ii. 541, ed. Bliss. 
 
 t Raising spirits was managed by these men with a facility which may well excite the 
 envy of modern experimenters in that branch of inquiry. Allen's servitor at Gloucester 
 Hall thought it for the credit of his master to assure " freshmen and simple people," that 
 he sometimes met the spirits coming up Allen's staircase like bees. Aubrey's Lives, ii. 
 202.
 
 PREFACE. XIX 
 
 early foreign tour, and the supervision of a gentleman full of old- 
 world learning, and not likely to trouble himself about Digby's 
 religion, point rather to maternal than to clerical superintendence. 
 As a companion no one could have been more agreeable than Allen. 
 Remarkable for cheerfulness and facetiousness, even when he had 
 attained a very advanced period of life, everybody courted his 
 society, and every college made a point of securing his presence on 
 their gaudy days, whilst his long vacation was passed in a round of 
 visits to great people, ever happy as others are to throw open 
 their doors to a pleasant entertaining guest. * 
 
 Allen formed the very highest opinion of Digby's talents. The 
 youthful ardour of his pursuit after knowledge won the heart of the 
 old savant. He gave the young student the use of his books and 
 instruments, initiated him into his secrets, and trumpeted him forth 
 to the world as a universal genius. Digby imbibed Allen's opinions 
 and was probably even influenced by the pleasantness of his manners, 
 but did not stay at Oxford to take a degree. He remained there, as 
 a gentleman commoner, for more than two years, and then again 
 went to the continent. In this change we trace the influence of his 
 mother very distinctly. 
 
 Digby was now verging upon manhood, and it is clear from the 
 united testimony of his contemporaries and the evidence of portraits 
 
 * It is of him that a somewhat hackneyed story is related which we should not repeat 
 but for the evidence it gives to the general idea entertained of the character of his pur- 
 suits. In his day pocket-watches were little known in remote districts. Visiting at the 
 seat of the Scudamores in Herefordshire, Allen left his time-piece under his pillow. The 
 chambermaids finding the thing, and hearing it cry tick ! tick ! concluded it was Mr. 
 Allen's familiar. They determined to drown the infernal spirit, and canted it, with the 
 tongs, out of the window into the moat. Unfortunately for their good intentions, the 
 string by which it was suspended caught in an alder, and so, writes Aubrey, " the good 
 old gentleman got his watch again." (Aubrey's Lives, ii. 203.) A watch, in all proba- 
 bility the very subject of this anecdote, was bequeathed by Allen to Mrs. Martha Anian, 
 wife of Dr. Thomas Anian. Will proved at Doc. Com. 26 Nov. 1632.
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 that a handsomer young fellow has been seldom seen. The here- 
 ditary good looks of the father were scarcely less conspicuous in the 
 son, and in the latter, to a stature almost gigantic, there was added 
 a winning voice, "a flowing courtesy and civility, and such a 
 volubility of language as surprised and delighted."* Gifted with 
 such qualities, and endowed with many of the dispositions which are 
 most attractive in youth, sensitive in honour and unquestionable in 
 courage, it is not surprising that at an early age he became a subject 
 of the tender passion. His affection met with a return, and the 
 lady was on many accounts a singularly appropriate match. She 
 was a daughter of Sir Edward Stanley, of Tonge Castle, Shropshire, 
 eldest son of Sir Thomas Stanley, a younger son of Edward third 
 Earl of Derby. Her mother was Lucy, daughter of Thomas Percy 
 seventh Earl of Northumberland. " Truly," as Sir Harris Nicolas 
 has remarked, " might Digby boast " that his Venetia, for that was 
 the lady's Christian name, was " born of parents that in the antiquity 
 and lustre of their houses, and in the goods of fortune, were inferior 
 to none in Great Britain." But considerations of birth or wealth 
 were as nothing in comparison with the bodily and mental perfec- 
 tions of Venetia herself. All that in that age is recorded of female 
 beauty is thrown into the shade by what we read of her. Not 
 merely in the high-flown raptures of Sir Kenelm, but in the writings 
 of some of the gravest of her contemporaries, it is admitted that by 
 the beauty and regularity of her features, the perfection of her 
 figure, the grace and elegance of her movements, the splendour of 
 her hair, which Digby declares to have seemed " as though a stream 
 of the sun's beams had been gathered together and converted into a 
 solid substance,"f and above all by an intellect as clear as it was 
 
 * Clarendon's Autobiog. ed. 1843, p. 924. -f- Private Memoirs, p. 80.
 
 PREFACE. XXI 
 
 quick, and by manners soft but not weak, confiding and yet control- 
 ling, she commanded an admiration that was all but universal. 
 Unfortunately for Digby, her power was ineffectual in that very 
 quarter where he would have most liked that it should have been 
 triumphant. He was devotedly attached, but his mother was no 
 less strongly adverse. The grounds of her dislike do not appear, but 
 she did all she could to keep the lovers apart, and strongly urged 
 upon Digby another match. To evade her " earnest and daily soli- 
 citations/' he requested permission to complete his education abroad. 
 His mother saw in the proposal a separation from Venetia, and per- 
 haps also an escape from the contagion of Protestantism, and gladly 
 consented to his removal from Oxford to Paris, from whence in due 
 time he was to proceed upon the customary grand tour. Binding 
 himself to Venetia, and she to him, by the most impassioned vows, 
 he again left England, in April 1620.* 
 
 He remained for some months in Paris, and in the summer, to 
 avoid the plague, removed to Angers. At the latter place he tells 
 us that his constancy to Venetia was tempted by the Queen Mother 
 Marie de Medici, under whose observation he was brought at a 
 masqued ball. Flying from royal importunity, he spread a report 
 of his death in a civil tumult, and escaped into Italy by sea. He 
 remained in that country, chiefly at Florence, a considerable period. 
 Thence he was drawn into Spain by the invitation of his kinsman 
 the ambassador, as already related. 
 
 Digby's arrival in Madrid happened to agree within a few days 
 with that of Prince Charles and the Duke of Buckingham in their 
 stolen match-making visit to the Spanish Court. A handsome 
 
 * Ashmole MS. 174, fo. 77. 
 CAMD. SOC. d
 
 xxii PREFACE. 
 
 young Englishman, acquainted with foreign manners and with the 
 Spanish language, was an acceptable addition to the Prince's narrow 
 household, and Digby was at once taken into attendance upon the 
 heir to the English throne. His kinsman Bristol was not in favour 
 with Buckingham, and consequently not with the Prince; but 
 Digby's pleasant manners made him acceptable everywhere, and he 
 kept his place, in spite of all disagreements. 
 
 In one of Sir Kenelm's books there is an account of an incident 
 which happened at this period, and in which the Prince took part. 
 Digby was particularly curious in investigating the cases of all 
 persons who fell in his way who were in any degree physically 
 remarkable. In the place referred to,* he tells the story of a deaf- 
 mute, a distinguished person in the Court of Spain, a younger 
 brother of the Constable of Castile, who under the teaching of a 
 priest, and by dint of great natural quickness of observation, not 
 only learned to speak " as distinctly as any man whatever," but also 
 to " hear with his eyes " so as to understand so perfectly what others 
 said, " that he would not lose a word in a whole day's conversation." 
 Such cases were then extraordinarily rare, and Digby, who as a 
 writer is always diffuse, dwells upon the wonder with proportionable 
 minuteness. 
 
 "I have often discoursed with him," he remarks, "whilst I 
 waited on the Prince of Wales ( now our gracious sovereign ) in 
 Spain. And I doubt not but his Majesty remembers all I have 
 said of him, and much more, for his Majesty was very curious to 
 observe and inquire into the utmost of it. ... He could discern in 
 another whether he spoke shrill or low ; and he would repeat after 
 
 * " Of Bodies and of Man's Soul," 4 to. Lond. 1669, p. 320.
 
 PREFACE. XX111 
 
 any body any hard word whatever; which the Prince tried often, 
 not only in English, but by making some Welshmen that served 
 his Highness * speak words of their language, which he so perfectly 
 echoed that I confess I wondered more at that than at all the 
 rest."f 
 
 Digby continued with the Prince throughout his stay in Spain, 
 accompanied him on his return voyage from Santander, and landed 
 with him at Portsmouth on the 5th October 1623. Attended by 
 the Duke of Buckingham, the Prince immediately went on to Guild- 
 ford, setting the kingdom, as he proceeded, in a blaze of joy at his 
 return without a bride. The next morning early he reached the 
 metropolis, and the same evening the two " sweet boys and dear 
 venturous knights, worthy to be put in a new romanso,"J threw 
 themselves into the arms of their " dear dad and gossip." 
 
 Digby was unable to travel with such rapidity. " A great indis- 
 position took him " as he set foot on his native soil. As soon as he 
 could leave Portsmouth, he went across the country to Gayhurst, 
 
 * Sir Richard Wynne of Gwydir, afterwards Treasurer to Queen Henrietta Maria, was 
 with Prince Charles in Spain, and wrote a narrative of what he observed in that country, 
 which was printed by Hearne in his Historia Vitae Ricardi II. by a monk of Evesham ; 
 Oxford, 1729. It was reprinted by Mr. Halliwell in his edition of the Autobiography 
 of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ii. 415. 
 
 f It may be agreeable to some of our readers interested in this curious case of vox 
 oculis subjecta, to read what succeeds the passage we have quoted above : " And his 
 master himself would acknowledge that the rules of his art reached not to produce that 
 effect with any certainty; and therefore concluded this in him must spring from other 
 rules he had framed to himself.... The knowledge he had of what they said sprung from 
 his observing the motions they made, so that he could converse currently in the light, 
 though they he talked with whispered never so softly, and I have seen him, at the distance 
 of a large chamber's breadth, say words after one that I standing close by the speaker 
 could not hear a syllable of. But if he were in the dark, or if he turned his face out of 
 sight, he was capable of nothing he said." 
 
 J Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 399, Letter of King James.
 
 XXIV PREFACE. 
 
 where his mother continued to reside; and on the 23rd October 
 presented himself to the King at Hinchinbrooke, and received the 
 honour of knighthood, with many compliments on his learning. 
 Fortunately for him, the Prince and Buckingham were present on 
 the occasion ; for such was King James's timidity in the use of the 
 naked sword, that, not enduring to look upon it, he turned his face 
 another way, and in lieu of touching the shoulder of the knight-to-be, 
 would have thrust the point into one of his eyes. Buckingham, 
 perceiving the difficulty, stepped forward and guided the royal 
 hand.* Digby was about the same time also appointed a Gentleman 
 of the Privy Chamber to the Prince. 
 
 The course of time now brings us to an incident which may well 
 be looked upon as one of the turning-points of Digby's life. During 
 his absence from England there had occurred between himself and 
 Venetia many of those infinite mischances which ordinarily happen 
 in romances, but not elsewhere. The false rumour of his death had 
 travelled at the pace of all ill news. It found its way to Venetia 
 with certainty and ease. But his many letters from France and 
 Italy had all miscarried. The lady, on her part, after having been 
 all but drowned in the very lowest depths of grief, had ultimately 
 begun to find consolation in the attentions of another admirer, but 
 he had proved unworthy of his chains, and had been cast off. Digby, 
 on his part, deceived, as he afterwards believed, by false or exagge- 
 rated representations of Venetia's misconduct and unfaithfulness, 
 abandoned himself to rage and despair, consigned her love-tokens to 
 the fire, and forswore the sex. In the meantime the world was busy 
 with the lady's reputation. She lived in London, apart from her 
 
 * Digby's Discourse on the Powder of Sympathy, p. 105.
 
 PBEFACE. XXV 
 
 father and her other relations, a life of dangerous independence, and 
 was one of the attractions of the gayer part of what would now be 
 termed " society." Clarendon remarks that she acquired for herself 
 a reputation no less extraordinary than her beauty ; others tell us 
 that her lodging was a place of common resort for young men of 
 fashion ; and finally, an antiquarian gossip who loved to record the 
 minutest incidents which came to his knowledge, whether exactly 
 true or otherwise, says plainly that she had children by the Earl of 
 Dorset, who allowed her an annuity of 5001* Such rumours did 
 not of course tend to conciliate Lady Digby, who had a hand, as Sir 
 Kenelm believed, in causing his letters to miscarry, and would pro- 
 bably have done anything else to keep the lovers apart. But " the 
 stars who ruled their actions," to use the favourite language of 
 Digby, had ordained otherwise. He did not return to London until 
 near the end of December 1623. The day, as he tells us, was 
 bright and mild, a winter's day on which the sun threw forth " more 
 comfortable and glorious beams than it had done of many days 
 before." Its beauty tempted " persons of quality to come forth in 
 their coaches into the fields." f Among them was Venetia. Digby 
 met her just as he was entering the town. The sight of her, re- 
 clining pensively in her carriage alone,J renewed all his former 
 raptures. He sent his servant to find her out. He solicited per- 
 mission to call upon her on the following day. He went to the 
 appointment like the poor moth, " with resolution only to please 
 himself in so fair a sight, deeming her unworthy of his more serious 
 affection ." He even showed how entirely he had given credit to 
 the current rumours respecting her conduct, by treating her with a 
 
 * Aubrey's Lives, ii. 331. t Private Memoirs, p. 201. 
 
 J Ibid. p. 202. Ibid. p. 203.
 
 XXVI PREFACE. 
 
 freedom unwarranted even by their previous intimacy. With " noble 
 anger and disdain she banished him from her presence, and it was a 
 long time before he could take off that hard sentence, though he 
 daily offered up to her indignation much sorrow and unfeigned signs 
 of deep repentance."* In the end the humbled suppliant, or should 
 we not rather say the insulted beauty, triumphed. In spite of the 
 dissuasions of friends, and the remonstrances of his mother, they 
 were privately married, and the marriage was kept concealed, even 
 from the relatives of the lady, until the birth of their second child, 
 which took place on the 29th December 1627. 
 
 In his Private Memoirs Sir Kenelm has vindicated his marriage 
 by arguments which are strikingly characteristic. He urges strongly 
 the intensity of their mutual affection, which he mainly attributes to 
 "the stars ;"f he triumphantly enumerates Venetia's admirable 
 qualities, her noble descent, her beauty, the excellence of her wit, 
 the sweetness of her disposition, and the soundness of her judgment, 
 and scornfully contrasts a union with such a person with being 
 "tied in perpetual chains to one of the vulgar stamp." He slurs 
 over the imputations upon her former life as the " innocent error " 
 of " indiscreet unstayed youth, or rather childhood," which " cast a 
 mist over her judgment. "J " I know the worst," he remarks, " that 
 can be objected against her . . . and more than any man else doth ; 
 and if I err my judgment will be in fault as much as my affection. 
 . . . Actions of this quality," that is, such as his marriage, " are to 
 
 * Private Memoirs, p. 205. t Pp. 269, 289. 
 
 J P. 276. He describes the same " error " in other places as " a little indulgency of a 
 gentle nature which sprung from some indiscretion, or rather want of experience," p. 
 151; and again, at p. 273, " the sweetness of her disposition is such that, through the 
 virulent malice of this age, it hath been the only cause of all her misfortunes."
 
 PREFACE. XXV11 
 
 be condemned in them that do them through infirmity and weak- 
 ness, but not in those that do them out of a superiority and strength 
 of mind ; and I have so great confidence of myself as to think that 
 my doing a thing of this nature should, to the vulgar sort, warrant 
 the goodness of it. The best way to judge of any action is to inform 
 one's self first of him who did it; for that may be a virtue to one 
 man which in another may be a vice."* One scarcely knows 
 whether more to admire the blindness or the self-conceit of a line of 
 argument which would make female licentiousness blameless because 
 it was practised by Venetia, and justify the selection of such ladies 
 for wives by the example of Sir Kenelm. 
 
 The two or three years which followed Digby's marriage, although 
 devoted almost exclusively to the society of his wife, are distinguished 
 by one circumstance which has left an indelible impression in 
 connexion^ with his name his introduction to public notice of 
 the " Powder of Sympathy ." The story, as he tells it, is very 
 unmistakeable. 
 
 James Howell, the author of the Familiar Letters, and of many 
 other books, some of them extremely well known, coming suddenly 
 upon two of his friends who were engaged in a duel, threw himself 
 between them and received two desperate cuts from their drawn 
 swords, one on the front and the other on the back of his right hand. 
 King James I., " who much affected the said Mr. Howell," sent one 
 of his surgeons to attend him ; but after four or five days Howell, 
 who had known Digby in Spain, came to his residence and prayed 
 him to look at his hand, for "I understand," remarked Howell, 
 " that you have extraordinary remedies upon such occasions." The 
 hand was much inflamed, extremely painful, and threatened "to 
 
 * Private Mem. p. 278.
 
 XXV111 PREFACE. 
 
 grow to a gangrene." Digby asked to have given to him any 
 article that had upon it some of the blood which had issued from the 
 wound. The hand had at first been bound up with a garter. 
 Howell sent for that. In the meantime Digby called for a bason of 
 water, as if he would wash his hands, and taking a handful of 
 powder of vitriol dissolved it in the water. When the bloody garter 
 was brought to him, he immersed it in the bason. Howell was at 
 that time talking with a gentleman in another part of the room. 
 Of a sudden he started. Digby asked him what he ailed. " I 
 know not," he replied, " but I feel no more pain. Methinks a 
 pleasing kind of freshness, as it were a wet cold napkin spread 
 over my hand, has taken away the inflammation that tormented 
 me." Digby advised him, since he felt already so good an effect 
 of the new medicament, to cast away all his plaisters, and simply 
 to keep the wounds in a moderate temperature. " After dinner," 
 remarks Digby, " I took the garter out of the water, and put 
 it to dry before a great fire ; it was scarce dry, but Mr. HowelPs 
 servant came running that his master felt as much burning as ever 
 he had done, if not more, for the heat was such as if his hand were 
 'twixt coals of fire. I answered that ... I knew the reason . . . 
 and that his master should be free from that inflammation . . . 
 before he could return unto him. . . . He went, and at the instant 
 I did put again the garter into the water ; thereupon he found his 
 master without any pain at all. ... Within five or six days the 
 wounds were cicatrized and entirely healed."* 
 
 The King, astonished at the cure, and having, as Sir Kenelm 
 
 * A late discourse by Sir Kenelm Digby, touching the Cure of Wounds by the Powder 
 of Sympathy. Lond. 12mo. 1658, pp. 10, 11. The Rev. S. Blois Turner, of Halesworth, 
 F.S.A., very kindly presented the Editor with a copy of this book, which he has used on 
 the present occasion. The early editions differ in some particulars from that of 1669.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 assures us, "a particular talent and marvellous sagacity to discuss 
 natural things and penetrate them to the very marrow," after some 
 drolling, " which he could do with a very good grace, about a 
 magician and a sorcerer," asked Digby what was his secret. Ad- 
 mitted to an acquaintance with the mystery, his Majesty made 
 "sundry proofs" of his new power, and "received singular satisfac- 
 tion" from the results. Sir Theodore Mayerne, the royal physician, 
 finding the King practising with vitriol, applied to Digby for explana- 
 tion, which he willingly gave him. From him the secret, which 
 Digby professed to have received from a Carmelite who had brought 
 it from the East, got abroad, and at the end of five and thirty years 
 Digby remarked that there was scarcely a country barber but was 
 acquainted with it.* 
 
 Upon this narrative it may be remarked, that it was not written 
 until more than thirty years after the occurrence of the events to 
 which it relates, a lapse of time which is quite sufficient to account 
 for some of its more obvious touches of the marvellous. With 
 respect to the cure itself, it is strange that the gossiping subject of it, 
 who seems to have often racked his brains for a topic for a letter, 
 never mentions it. He writes to Sir Kenelm with extraordinary 
 deference, and refers to him always with the greatest respect, as to a 
 person his superior in station and acquirements, but there is never 
 an allusion to the Powder of Sympathy. Of the fact of the cure, or 
 that Sir Kenelm accompanied it with the vitriol and the dipped 
 garter, we would not be understood to express a doubt, but Sir 
 Kenelm's theories respecting a sympathetic cause will not bear con- 
 
 * The subject of Howell's cure by the Sympathetic Powder was treated by Sir Walter 
 Scott in note W to the Lay of the Last Minstrelj also by Mr. Pettigrew, in his book on 
 Superstitions connected with Medicine and Surgery. 
 CAMD. SOC.
 
 XXX PREFACE. 
 
 sideration for a moment. Without any of the pretended Carmelite's 
 nostrums there is quite sufficient in the narrative itself to account 
 for the cure. The severed parts had been brought together by the 
 King's surgeon ; he had also applied some stimulating plaisters which 
 irritated the wound, interfered with natural attempts at adhesion, and 
 caused pain ; upon their removal the relief was almost instantaneous. 
 Nature, set at liberty, proceeded in her own way to effect the cure, 
 and would have done so if the vitriol and the garter had never 
 existed. Such, however, was not the opinion of Sir Kenelm's con- 
 temporaries. King James probably thought it a wonder upon a par 
 with the virtues of his own royal touch, and the world at large looked 
 upon Sir Kenelm with a kind of awe. 
 
 Digby 's position at Court for the first four years after his appointment 
 was such that without a very considerable share of sound judgment 
 and self-command he would not have been able to have stood his 
 ground. During that time there was carrying on a thorough war 
 between his kinsman the Earl of Bristol and the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham ; the one honest and independent, the other beyond comparison 
 the most powerful, and probably also the most unscrupulous, of all 
 the royal servants. Standing between these hostile combatants, 
 each of whom was striving by all the means in his power to ruin 
 the other ; connected with one of them by intimacy and relationship, 
 and with the other by his appointment at Court ; even employed by 
 the Earl of Bristol occasionally as a medium of communication with 
 the King, Digby yet contrived to keep both his place and his friend 
 without offence. The times were stirring. England was at war 
 with both France and Spain, and consequently with the Netherlands. 
 There were military and naval expeditions, and all the youth of 
 England were on fire in the pursuit of glory ; but, depressed by the
 
 PREFACE. XXXI 
 
 unfriendly greatness of Buckingham, to whom the name of Digby 
 was as wormwood, and enchanted with his life as a husband, Sir 
 Kenelm took no part in any active services. Nothing was offered 
 him, and he did not put himself forward. His inactivity surprised 
 his friends. The expectations that had been formed of his great 
 qualities seemed about to be disappointed. The Earl of Bristol 
 remonstrated with him. He defended himself by alleging that he 
 was above fortune, which others had need of, and neither feared nor 
 desired anything ; that if employment were proposed to him he 
 would not avoid it; and that his affection to Venetia would be no 
 impediment to his undertaking any public and great action when he 
 should see a fit season. 
 
 Although he thus repelled his relative's friendly inculpation, he 
 was aroused by it. The feelings to which it was addressed had lain 
 dormant, but were not dead. " After many discourses in his under- 
 standing, he concluded that it was necessary for him to employ him- 
 self on some generous action that might give testimony to the world 
 how his affections had nothing impaired the nobleness of his mind 
 . . . whereupon he resolved to undertake speedily something that 
 might tend to the King's service, and gain himself honour and 
 experience." This was the origin of the Expedition of which we 
 now publish Sir Kenelm's own Journal. 
 
 The design was that of a general privateering voyage, similar to 
 one which had lately been carried out by the Earl of Warwick; 
 but with an ultimate, although concealed, intention to capture the 
 French ships which were usually to be found in the Venetian 
 harbour of Scanderoon. Buckingham had very much disliked 
 Warwick's expedition, as emanating from the royal authority, and not 
 from himself as Lord Admiral, but the power and public position of
 
 XXX11 PREFACE. 
 
 the Earl of Warwick had sufficed to carry him through in spite of 
 Buckingham's antagonism. Digby possessed but a small share of 
 the Earl of Warwick's advantages, but Buckingham was now absent 
 in the Isle of Rhe ; so Sir Kenelm explained his wishes to the King 
 himself, who not only gave him permission of absence, but promised 
 him a commission under the Great Seal, and that it should be as 
 ample as anything of the kind which " any gentleman of his quality" 
 had previously had. Upon this promise Sir Kenelm made his pre- 
 parations, and a bill for the proposed grant was drawn by Secretary 
 Coke and signed by the King. But as soon as the facts came to the 
 knowledge of the Admiralty, Edward Nicholas, Buckingham's 
 Secretary, was up in arms. He called upon Sir Henry Marten the 
 Judge of the Admiralty, and summoned the Duke's friends at Court, 
 to resist the proposed infringement upon his master's jurisdiction, 
 and especially to prevent the passing of such a grant during his 
 absence. Some of the results of the opposition that was thus raised 
 are very clear. The first who was called into council was Mr. 
 Attorney-General Heath. He objected to the power given to Sir 
 Kenelm to execute martial law. Thereupon the bill prepared by 
 Secretary Coke was laid aside, and the King signed another from 
 which the clause excepted against was omitted.* In the second 
 place, Lord Keeper Coventry was consulted. He disapproved of 
 many things. In conformity with his directions the Attorney- 
 General prepared another bill to which the King affixed a third 
 signature, f Hostile criticism had now proved thoroughly effective. 
 The King's approbation of the intended voyage, and any sanction of 
 
 * Coll. Sign Man. Car. I. vol. iv. No. 5. 
 
 f Ibid. No. 26; and see State Papers (Pub. Record Office) Dom. Car. I. vol. Ixxxiv., 
 Nos. 42, 43 and Nicholas's Letter Book, Dom. James I. vol. ccxix., pp. 51, 64.
 
 PREFACE. XXX111 
 
 Sir Kenelm's designs beyond mere licence, was struck out. The 
 expedition was carefully deprived of everything like a public cha- 
 racter. The bill as it now stood was little if anything more than a 
 permission to a gentleman who sought adventures to embark upon a 
 voyage " for the increase of his knowledge, whereby he should be 
 better able thereafter to do service" to the King and his realm, 
 with a charge to his crew of obedience to their commanders whilst 
 out of the King's dominions, under pain of the infliction, without 
 saying by whom, of such punishment as Sir Kenelm should " see 
 cause," and with a direction that proportionable partition should be 
 made among the co-adventurers of any prizes which Sir Kenelm might 
 take from the subjects of any power " not in league or amity " with 
 his Majesty. In this form the grant was ultimately passed.* 
 
 It had scarcely done so when the Duke of Buckingham returned 
 from Rhe'. The ground had then all to be gone over again, and the 
 terms were finally settled at an interview between the Duke and 
 Digby- Digby took out Letters of Marque from the Lord Admiral 
 in addition to his commission from the King. He also entered into 
 bonds for the performance of the stipulations of his Letters of Marque, 
 and signed some Declaration the nature of which does not appear. 
 The last document took some time to prepare, and was not ready 
 on the 21st December 1627, when Digby quitted London to take 
 the command of his ships in the Downs, leaving behind a person 
 charged to bring the important document after him.f On the day 
 following the Journal takes up the narrative. 
 
 In an Admiralty Book containing minutes of Letters of Marque 
 granted at this time J there is a notice of those issued to Digby, 
 
 * Rot. Pat. 3 Car. I. p. 3, n. 20, dorso. Foedera, xviii. 947. 
 
 f State Papers, Dom. Car. I. vol. Ixxxvii., No. 24. + Ibid. vol. cxv., p. 95.
 
 XXXIV PREFACE. 
 
 under the date of 13th December 1627. His two ships, the Eagle, 
 of 400 tons, and the George and Elizabeth, of 250 tons, are both 
 described as belonging to London. Sir Kenelrn is stated to be the 
 
 owner of both of them, and Milborne the captain of the Eagle, 
 
 and Sir Henry Stradling of the other vessel. The Christian name of 
 the latter captain was evidently either a clerical mistake, or an error 
 in carrying out an alteration rendered necessary by a change of plan 
 on the part of Sir Kenelm. The gentleman who really had the com- 
 mand of the George and Elizabeth, and who was not merely Digby's 
 companion on this occasion, but his close friend for many subsequent 
 years, was unquestionably Sir Edward Stradling, but he had a brother 
 Henry, who also went this voyage with him. The clerk who made 
 the entry of the Letters of Marque wrote at first " Henry Stradling, 
 Esq re ," but afterwards, as if his intention had been to alter the entry 
 according to what was the ultimate fact, he knighted the gentleman 
 by inserting " Sir " before the Christian name, and converting the 
 " Esq re " into " Knight," but omitted fully to carry out his intention 
 by altering the " Henry" into "Edward." Henry, it may be added, 
 was a sailor by profession, and after this time had commands in the 
 Royal Navy, but he did not become Sir Henry until 1642.* 
 
 Of Sir Edward Stradling we know but little. He was the eldest 
 of the eight sons of Sir John Stradling of St. Donat's, in the county 
 of Glamorgan, a man of considerable position and of some literary 
 talent. He was created a Baronet at the institution of the order in 
 1611, and died on the 9th September 1637, when Digby's friend 
 succeeded to the Baronetcy. In the civil war Sir Edward was a 
 decided royalist, but his services were brief and unfortunate. He 
 joined the King at Shrewsbury with 1,000 Welshmen. He com- 
 
 * Walkley's Cat. of Knights, 1658, p. 157.
 
 PREFACE. XXXV 
 
 manded them as Colonel at Edgehill, but was taken prisoner, and 
 was confined for some time in Warwick Castle. On obtaining his 
 release he went to the King at Oxford, where he died in 1644.* 
 His intimacy with Sir Kenelm indicates the possession of something 
 of his father's taste for literature, and there is one special fact con- 
 nected with this Voyage to the Mediterranean which points in the 
 same direction. Sir Kenelm was particularly delighted with Spenser's 
 Faerie Queen. Ben Jonson alludes to this partiality in the poem 
 from which we have already quoted. He bids Venetia go to her 
 husband in his study, and salute him : 
 
 Say he be 
 
 Busy, or frown at first; when he sees thee 
 He will clear up his forehead; think thou bringest 
 Good omen to him in the note thou singest, 
 For he doth love my verses, and will look 
 Upon them next to Spenser's noble book, 
 And praise them too. 
 
 " Spenser's noble book" beguiled the occasional tedium of Digby's 
 voyage in the Mediterranean. One passage in it of a very mysterious 
 character the 22nd section of the 9th canto of the 2nd Book had 
 been pointed out to him as " an indissoluble riddle." A solution in 
 accordance with his own mystical notions had instantly flashed 
 across his mind. In the course of his voyage this passage and its 
 meaning had been a theme of discourse between the two knights in 
 the cabin of the Eagle or as they paced the quarter deck. Digby 
 explained his thoughts to his friend vivd voce, and afterwards com- 
 mitted them to writing in a letter addressed to him " From aboard my 
 ship the Eagle, the 13th June, 1628."f It was subsequently published 
 
 * He was buried in the chapel of Jesus College. The history of this family has been 
 pleasantly illustrated in the volume of Stradling Correspondence, ably edited by the Rev. 
 J. M. Traherne, Lond. 12mo. 1840. 
 
 f Harl. MS. 7375.
 
 XXXVI PREFACE. 
 
 in a little pamphlet, Lond. 12mo. 1643. Without troubling our 
 readers with Digby's occult notions of Spenser's meaning we may 
 conclude that he would scarcely have presented them to Sir Edward 
 if he had not known that he took an interest in such subjects. 
 
 Having thus brought down our introductory matter to the time 
 when the Journal now printed takes up the history, we must leave 
 our readers to pursue it in Sir Kenelm's own narrative. The voyage 
 which is there described has been the subject of the same degree of 
 misunderstanding as many other parts of Sir Kenelm's biography. 
 The circumstances which induced him to embark upon it have been 
 totally mistaken; not less so its design, and in some degree also its 
 results. His exploits involved him in considerable trouble, their 
 legality being a matter of dispute among persons in authority ; but he 
 was more than compensated by the credit which they obtained him with 
 the people at large. -Among them Digby's actions called forth but 
 one voice, and that was in commendation of his daring and success. 
 " In that drowsy and unactive time," remarks Lord Clarendon, the 
 action at Scanderoon " was looked upon with general estimation." 
 " Drowsy and unactive!" Did the noble historian forget that he was 
 writing of a period in which England was at war with both France and 
 Spain? Had he alone amongst Englishmen ceased to remember 
 the expedition of Count Mansfeldt, and those to Cadiz, to Rhe', and to 
 Rochelle, all which, as they succeeded each other, within three of the 
 years which we are called upon to believe " drowsy and unactive," 
 excited emotions of grief and shame from Berwick to the Land's End ? 
 Epithets more inappropriate could scarcely have been selected. But 
 it did not suit the views of the historian of the Rebellion to admit 
 that these early years of the reign of Charles I. were a time of un- 
 paralleled mismanagement, and consequently of terrible misfortune.
 
 PREFACE. XXXV11 
 
 Disaster followed disaster without intermission. Everything failed. 
 England was discredited, and Englishmen were dispirited. Even our 
 ancient courage seemed to have departed from us. At such a time it 
 is easy to imagine how grateful it was to every English heart to hear 
 of Digby's successes. Men did not pause to weigh them in legal scales ; 
 official people might do that. It was believed that at Scanderoon 
 there had been provocation which was followed by chastisement, a 
 succession of seeming cause and effect in which there was sufficient 
 general equity to satisfy the popular judgment. In Sardinia he 
 had laid his ship close under the cannon of a fort, and had silenced 
 it by driving the gunners from their walls. At Scanderoon he had 
 attacked and defeated great Venetian galleazzes, at one time esteemed 
 invincible. In both cases he had dared and he had succeeded. 
 What might not have been accomplished it was argued if the 
 same spirit had presided at Rochelle ! 
 
 The manuscript from which we have printed is the property of 
 William Watkin E. Wynne, Esq., and is preserved in the cele- 
 brated Library of Peniarth.* It is as we have before remarked 
 entirely in the autograph of Sir Kenelm, and contains proof in sub- 
 sequent corrections and additions that he kept it by him for some 
 time after it was originally written. By placing it in the hands 
 of the Camden Society for publication Mr. Wynne has made a 
 valuable addition to our stores of materials for English History. 
 Its publication must lead to a rectification of many errors respecting 
 Sir Kenelm's Expedition, and will probably conduce some day to 
 the writing of a complete Life of its singular and in many respects 
 extraordinary author. What we have written, by way of giving 
 
 * A pedigree showing the descent of the MS. from Sir Kenelm to the present owner 
 is given in the Additional Notes, p. 97. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. f
 
 XXXV111 PREFACE. 
 
 our readers some insight into his character and his position at the 
 time when he wrote Mr. Wynne's manuscript, may do some little 
 towards showing that such a life of him if written by a competent 
 historical scholar, in a proper spirit, and founded upon a consultation 
 of all the many MSS. relating to him, could not be otherwise than 
 a most important and interesting work. 
 
 The MS. is written upon paper of a foolscap size and bound in a 
 parchment cover, which is indorsed in a large printing hand of the 
 last century, now nearly effaced, "A Journall 1627, 1628, 1629, 
 kept by Sir Kenelm Digby, and written by his own hand when 
 Admiral in the Narrow Seas." This is an example of the many 
 mistakes which are afloat concerning him. Every one who has 
 written about him seems to have thought it his duty to make him 
 appear to have been a much greater official person than he really 
 was. He is persistently termed a Gentleman of the " Bed-chamber" 
 instead of the " Privy Chamber," a very different thing ; his office 
 in connexion with the Navy is represented as one of high importance 
 instead of being a mere supernumerary ministerial appointment in 
 which he was altogether controlled by the Lords of the Admiralty ; 
 the office of Admiral of the Narrow Seas was one which he never 
 held ; and what are we to say to the dignities which are heaped 
 upon him in the new French General Biographical Dictionary, a 
 work which is often extremely well-informed upon English subjects? 
 He stands there as " Intendant Gdndral des armdes navales, et 
 Gouverneur de T arsenal maritime de la Trinite." * 
 
 J. B. 
 18 Jan. 1868. 
 
 * Nouvellc Biographic Generalc, xiv. 166.
 
 JOURNAL 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR KENELM DIGBY.
 
 JOUKNAL OF SIB KENELM DIGBY. 
 
 A IOURNALL beginning the 22. day of December 
 
 1627. 
 
 THE 22. day of December, being saterday and the next after St. 
 Thomas day, I begun my iourney towardes my shippes, which lay 
 att anchor in the Downes by Deale; where after my arriuall, con- 
 trarie windes att south and southwest kept me vntill the 6. of Ja- 
 nuary, which day (being Sunday and twelfth day) the wind came in 
 the morning att northeast, and about 2 of the clocke afternoone I 
 sett sayle in the Eagle, and Sir Edward Stradling (being my Vice- 
 admirall) in the Elizabeth and George of London, the rest of the 
 straightes fleete and men of warre being gone 4 houres before vs, 
 and then out of sight when wee sett sayle. 
 
 Whiles I remained in the Downes, on new yeares eve, a Hamburg 
 shippe called the Hunter of about 160 tonnes came in by me, whom 
 I made to cast anchor close by me, and sent some of my men abord 
 her, and caused the skipper to come to me ; who vpon my examina- 
 tion of him told me he came from Malaga and was laden with wines 
 and fruite, and that he was bound for London ; then I asked him for 
 his cockets and billes of lading, which he shewed me, and they were 
 all for Hamburg; but withall he told me that he carried those for 
 his security onely, in case he should meete with Spanish men of 
 warre, and that he had no letters of priuate aduise or other addresse 
 to London more then secret and verball instructions to deliuer his 
 goodes to one Mr. William Ashwell there. Whereupon I sent to 
 
 CAMD. SOC. B
 
 2 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Jan. 5, 
 
 Mr. Strode a to London to inform himselfe throughly of the truth of 
 this allegation; which he hauing done returned me notice that it 
 was true, and then after a diligent search, to see if his lading agreed 
 punctually with his billes (which I found it did), I did licence him 
 to depart on the 5. of January, and by him writt to Sir Henry Mar- 
 tin, Judge of the Admiraltie, to informe him what had passed, and 
 to protect the skipper from a like stay againe if he should meete 
 with other men of warre in his iorney to London. 
 
 All that night and the next day (being the 7. of January) the 
 winde continued faire att north and northeast, and by morning wee 
 were within 3 leagues of the straightes fleete ; and after the morning, 
 whereas before I did rather outsaile my Viceadmirall then loose to 
 her, the rest of the day shee outsailed me somewhat, which wee attri- 
 buted to the being then a lesse wind then before, which hath most 
 power vpon least ships, and that the tide was then against vs, which 
 had more power vpon my shippe then vpon the other, because it 
 did draw 4 or 5 foote more water. And in the euening I mustered 
 and distributed to their charges all my men, and caused my master 
 to deliuer to them such orders as I commanded to be obserued in 
 the shippe. The 8. my Viceadmirall and the Captaine and master 
 of his shippe came abord me, the wind being almost fully calmed, 
 and wee agreed together of the following pointes to be obserued be- 
 tweene vs, whiles in the meane time by euening we were gotten 
 within a league of the straightes fleete, and had the pointe of the 
 Lizard faire in sight on the starbord bowe of vs. 
 
 The pointes which wee agreed vpon to serue for directions vpon 
 all occasions in our intended voyage were as followeth, vizt. 
 
 1. That the Admirall so long as wee are in companie together (which 
 vpon no occasion is to be broken vnlesse by foule weather) shall each 
 seuerall night goe ahead and the Viceadmirall asterne. 
 
 a Probably George Strode, a merchant of London, to whom, with many others, a 
 royal commission was directed on the 16th February 1627-8, to inquire what money 
 had been collected by a per-centage upon shipping levied towards an expedition 
 against Algiers. See State Papers of Charles I. under that date.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 3 
 
 2. That each speake with other euerie morning and euening if the weather 
 
 permitt, to the end that the Admirall may giue directions vpon emer- 
 gent occasions. 
 
 3. That shippe in the day time which shall espye any saile vnto which 
 
 chace shall be giuen, shall (being headmost) putt abroad his auncient 
 vpon the poope and strike it three times, and the other answere with 
 his flag. 
 
 4. In darke weather the Admirall to keepe light nightly vpon his poope, 
 
 and if either vpon occasion do tacke or cast about in the night time, 
 he that doth so to keepe out two lightes a till he be answered from 
 the other by one : And if they shall trye or hull in the night, he 
 that first doth so to shew three lightes, b one aboue the other two, 
 and so to keepe them out till the other answere. And in resetting 
 saile to shew two lightes c one aboue an other. 
 
 5. If wee should chance at any time to loose each other, vpon sight againe, 
 
 the one to strike his toppesaile three times, and the other to answer 
 by haling vp his foresaile, (but if it be no topsaile weather, the one 
 to hale vp his foresaile, the other to answer with his mainsaile,) att 
 the same time shewing his ancient abroad, and then the other to giue 
 notice of vnderstanding the signe by putting abroad his flag. 
 
 6. If it chance to prooue thicke weather so that the one cannot see the 
 
 other, then to shoote of a peece of ordinance, and the other to answere. 
 
 7. If either should chance to breake or spring mast or yarde or sustayne 
 
 any leake or other damage or distresse, then to shewe three lightes d 
 of zequall height fore and aft, and to keepe them out till the other 
 answere him with one. 
 
 8. If it should fortune each to loose other before wee attayne vnto the 
 
 height of Cape St. Vincent (in the latitude of 37 deg. and odde 
 minutes) the one to stay there for the other in that height plying it 
 about 25 leagues off and on from seabord within 12 leagues of the 
 shore or sight thereof, for the space of 15 dayes; in which time if 
 
 In the margin of the original manuscript there are inserted here rough sketches 
 of two lanterns. 
 
 b Here occur similar sketches of three lanterns. 
 c Here similar sketches of two lanterns. 
 11 Here similar sketches of three lanterns.
 
 4 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'S [Jan. 8, 
 
 they meete not, then to enter into the straightes of Gibraltar and to 
 stand away for Marueiles a and Malaga, and to visit that roade, from 
 thence to the Hand of Alboran, and there to remayne plying betweene 
 that Hand and the Barbaric shore for the space of 5 dayes, in ex- 
 pectance of the others companie. Which if yet he faile of, then to 
 rune along the other coast to Alicant and to looke into that roade, 
 from thence to plye it betwixt luersa and Mayorke, b and soe betweene 
 Mayorke and the He of Cabreras. And from thence to the souther- 
 most end of the Hand of Sardinia. And so to runne along betweene 
 Sicilia and Malta to the Hand of Ciprus, and there to stay att the 
 eastward end of it or about that Hand, or to proceede from thence 
 into the bottome of the straightes, as the principall Commander in 
 that shippe shall thinke fitting and conuenient for the generall good 
 of the voyage. 
 
 This same day I sealed to Sir Edward Stradling a deputation of 
 being my Viceadmirall, substituting him Commander in chiefe in 
 case of my death. By the setting of the first watch wee had fetched 
 vp the straightes fleete and it continued calme all nighte. 
 
 The 9. day it continued calme till towardes euening, and then a 
 fresh gale rose att northwest, a little before which time wee mett 
 with a Flemish shippe of about 100 tonne which I made to come 
 vnder my lee and the skipper to come aboord me ; he shewed me his 
 billes of lading which were to Roterdam, but the shippe was called 
 the Blacke Horse of Scheydam ; he was loaden with wines and was 
 but few houres before licenced from an other English man of warre 
 that had detained him all night and rummiged his hold and opened 
 his letters, and suffered his mariners iniuriously to make pillage of 
 much that he had. 
 
 The 10. day by daybreake wee perceiued a sayle (which after- 
 wardes wee made to be a small Frenchman) and hauing a strong 
 gale att east wee gaue him chace, and for 3 or 4 houres wee did 
 fetch vpon him, he trying all tackes for his aduantage, but att length 
 he steered west full afore the wind, and then he gott of vs, so that 
 
 * Marbella. b Ivica and Majorca.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 5 
 
 in the euening wee left our chace. and steered on our course west- 
 south-west. 
 
 The 1 1 . day the wind blew strong att east, and in the morning 
 wee perceiued 5 sailes comming towardes vs, which when wee came 
 so neere that wee could hale them they told vs they were of Amster- 
 dam ; then I bad them lye by the lee, but they made all the saile 
 they could to gett away, which wee perceiuing made all hast wee 
 could to tacke about after them, but the sea went so high that it 
 was long before we could make our shippe stay, so that wee had a 
 stirne chace of it, which wee continued till night, they running 
 north northeast, but then seeing they gott away from vs wee stood 
 our owne course south and by west. That night wee sprung a leake 
 on the starbord bowe in the pouder roome, so that wee pumped all 
 night, 2,400 strokes a watch. 
 
 The 12. day the wind continued in the same place, and in the 
 morning after wee had mended our leake we discryed 2 saile which 
 when they came neere vs wee made to be Scotchmen. I sent for 
 their Admirall, who being not in case to come abord me, sent me 
 his commissions vnder the great seale of Scottland and the scale of 
 the Admiraltie, to sett out to sea in warrefare ; then I licenced him 
 to goe his owne course. 
 
 All that night wee had a strong storme of wind att north and by 
 east and a high sea, which continued all the 13. day, wee standing 
 our course southward with what saile wee could beare. It continued 
 also the 14. day till night, and the 15. day wee had a steedie fresh 
 gale att northeast, and we steared south and by east. On the 16. 
 day in the morning wee descryed a saile standing on her course 
 north and by east, which, when wee were within a league of meet- 
 ing, furled vp her maine saile, brought her spritsaile yard alongst 
 shippes, and in warrelike manner fitted herselfe for fight, and then 
 wee made her to be of about 500 tonnes, and her colors were of 
 Hamborg. In like manner wee fitted our selues for fight, which 
 wee had no sooner done but shee made all the saile shee could to 
 gett from vs, standing southeast in with the South Cape; wee
 
 6 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Jan. 16, 
 
 chaced her till it was darke, but then perceiuing she gott mainely 
 of vs wee gaue ouer our chace, the wind blowing hard att north- 
 east. 
 
 The 17. day wee came to the latitude of the South Cape of Spaine 
 called the Cape of St. Vincent, the weather being calme till night, 
 but then there came violent, suddaine, and dangerous gustes of 
 winde, which continued not long, but ended in raine. a 
 
 The 18. day wee had like weather, the wind att northwest, and 
 came in height of the gutt of the straightes which bore east from 
 vs about 27 leagues, and then I called the Commanders in my Vice- 
 admirall to come abord me to consult of our future proceedinges. 
 That night there rose a strong storme of wind at north, and the 
 next morning, being the 19. day, we descryed land, with which 
 wee steered vntill wee came faire in sight of Cape Spratt, b Apehill, c 
 and all the high land on the Barbaric coast, as also the land on the 
 Spanish coast, and being at noone about 8 leagues from the entrance 
 of the gutt wee stood out to sea till 4 of the clocke, the weather 
 being almost dead calme, and then the wind comming att west north- 
 west, wee made all the sayle wee could to gett through the narrow of 
 the straightes that night, so to auoide being discouered by the 
 shippes at Gibraltar, and to giue notice of vs vpon the coast. 
 That night by 11. of the clocke wee had brought Apehill and the 
 innermost point of Gibraltar upon our beame, and then being out 
 of the narrow of the straightes wee stood east northeast close along 
 the Spanish shore to come into Marbelas, d which wee brought vpon 
 our beame by breake of day the 20. of January, but the winde was 
 so directely from the shore that wee could not gett in, and seeing no 
 
 a The following is a note in the margin of the manuscript, " Here the wind is so 
 vncertaine that sometimes I haue had a fresh gale att east, and my viceadmirall 
 within a cables length of me hath had it att west, and it is continually shifting." 
 
 b Spartel. 
 
 c Abyla, the rock on the African coast which, with Calpe (Gibraltar) on the 
 European side of the Straits, formed the pillars or columns of Hercules. 
 
 d Marbella.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 7 
 
 vessels in the roade (which wee could plainely discover) we did not 
 tacke about to come in, and the same reason detained vs from 
 comming into Malaga roade, which we brought vpon our beame by 
 noone, but at Velis Malaga, 3 ouer against which wee came by 2 of 
 the clocke afternoone, seeing a shippe in the roade with a Hamburg 
 colors, I made in towardes her, when cormning neere her shee made 
 a shott from me wardes, which I not answering, shee made an other 
 att me with a bullet. Then I caused 3 to be made to her, of which 
 one or 2 shott her through, and the like did my Viceadmirall, 
 which I no sooner had done but shee shott againe att me 3 or 4 
 shott, and the like did the Castle vnder whose shott shee rode at 
 anchor, which I perceiuing, and that shee was light loaden, and that 
 there was no fitt proportion betweene the damage I might receiue 
 and the good I might gett (for I could have from thence but wine 
 and fruites, and an vnfortunate shott among my mastes might 
 hazard the ouerthrow of my future designe), by the aduise of all 
 my commanders I steered from the shore, and the wind rising 
 fresh from thence, I was soone out of shott either of the Castle or 
 the shippe. 
 
 The 21. wee had verie litle winde, and about noone wee dis- 
 couered 6 sailes, with which wee made, and by 3 of the clocke wee 
 were among them, whom wee perceiued to be English men, and 
 with them one Fleming; then I putt abroad my flag, and all the 
 captaines and masters came abord me, they being a fleet of mer- 
 chant men bound homewardes, so that I writt by them, and the 
 next day being a dead calme Captaine Steuens feasted me abord his 
 shippe. And they having bin a long time from any port, and in 
 great distresse for water and beere, I supplyed them with what I 
 could spare. 
 
 The 23. day the wind came easterly, so that wee plyed to and 
 againe along the Spanish shore, onely to keepe our selues from 
 beeing driven backward. 
 
 The 24. day we descryed 3 sailes in the morning, to which wee 
 1 Velez Malaga.
 
 8 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Jan. 24, 
 
 gluing chace, they all took seueral wayes, and I followed that which 
 appeared biggest, and about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone I fetched 
 her vp : then I caused the skipper to come abord me, whose name 
 was Nicolas Paules, and the shippe the Gray Horse of Home, of about 
 300 tonnes. After I had searched her and found her to be laden 
 with salt taken in att the lies of Yeres, a and to carrie some silke 
 stuffes for Holland, I licenced the skipper to depart the next day, 
 when att the euening there arose some easterly wind, it hauing bin 
 a dead calme all that day and the night before. This chace carried 
 vs south, in following which wee passed by the He of Alboran, and 
 came within some 4 leagues of the Barbaric shore. And here I 
 perceiued by our driuing westward a great distance whiles it was 
 dead calme, that the current did then sett strongly out of the 
 straightes, which I vnderstand is vsuall after settled Leuant windes. 
 And all the while that I lay neere the Spanish or Barbaric shore, 
 I obserued that once att least in 24 houres, and vsually about 4 a 
 clocke in the morning, the wind came fresh off of the shore. 
 
 The 26. day wee were in the morning come againe in sight of 
 the Spanish shore westward of Cape de Gatt, and descryed 2 sayles, 
 with which wee made, and were up with them by 1 1 of the clocke. 
 They were the Litle Saphire of London and a litle shippe of the 
 west countrie, homewardes bound from Liuorno. Before wee 
 parted with them wee descryed 2 other sailes with which wee 
 steered, and for 3 houres neered them verie much, and wee could 
 perceiue they were big shippes, and that one of them had spent her 
 maine mast and sailed but with a iurie mast; but about 3 of the 
 clocke wee were becalmed, and they had a fresh gale, so that by 
 night they were gotten out of sight of vs. 
 
 The 27. day the winde continued still contrarie att east. About 10 
 a clocke before noone wee descryed 2 sayles with which wee steered, 
 and were with them before sunnesett ; they were two litle English 
 shippes of a 100 tonnes a peece that had laden att Liuorno, and 
 were homewardes bound for London. Now my men begun to 
 
 * Hyeres.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 9 
 
 sicken apace, for 16 fell downe this afternoone. The course I tooke 
 whiles the wind continued thus contrarie was to plye in to the shore 
 att night, and att the morning off againe to seabord, so that no 
 shippe scarcely could passe that way and misse my sight, the gutt of 
 sea being here but narrow. 
 
 The 28. day standing in to the shore, and in sight of the Hand of 
 Alboran, I descryed a sayle, with which I made, and shee stood off 
 from me a while, which afterwardes I perceiued was but to fitt her 
 selfe for fight, and, hauing done that, she bore vp with me; then 
 I made her to be an English shippe of neere 300 tonnes. It was 
 Captaine Michel in the Patience, who had bin att Tituan with 
 letters from the King, and to restore some persons and artillerie 
 iniuriously taken from thence, and was now bound for Argiers ; a 
 and by the way this obseruation is worthy noting, that, whereas all 
 other shippes did runne from vs as fast and as long as they could, 
 I yett neuer mett with any English, were they in neuer so litle or 
 contemptible vessels, but they steyed for vs and made readie for 
 fight : at night wee stood in for the shore hoping to reach Cape de 
 Gatt. 
 
 The 29. it was a dead calme, and in the morning we descryed a 
 saile, wherefore with all my boates I towed vp my Viceadmirall 
 till being so neere that wee made one an other; then the master 
 came abord me, his shippe being the Helene of London, who came 
 from Livorne and was homewardes bound. By the way this I may 
 note, that I neuer yet saw store of porposes playing, but soone a 
 storme ensewed, for I haue not scene greater abundance then to day, 
 and att night wee had foule weather (and lost sight of my Vicead- 
 mirall), which continued all the next day with a high growne head- 
 sea. 
 
 The 31. the wind slacked, but still continued contrary, and in 
 the morning I recouered sight of my Viceadmirall. About noone 
 I discryed 2 sayles with which I made, and before night I had 
 fetched them vp and brought the masters abord me; they were 2 
 
 a So Algiers was at this time usually termed, or, as in The Tempest, Argier. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. C
 
 10 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Jan. 31, 
 
 Fleminges of about 250 tonnes a peece, one of Inchusen the other 
 of Home : they had made ready for fight, and (as their manner is 
 vpon such an occasion) their men were all drunke, so that they were 
 verie vnruly and quarrelsome with my men that I sent abord him, 
 which made me send more, to the number of 40, to master them, 
 but my men were disorderly in pillaging their mariners' chestes and 
 clothes, which vpon their complaintes I made be restored, and my 
 people that were faultie to be brought to punishment; and the next 
 day, being the 1. of February, I searched them and perused their let- 
 ters and billes of lading, which I found agreable to their goods, that 
 were salt, aniseedes, cominseedes, and corantes consigned to Amster- 
 dam, so that the next day I licenced them, although in my priuate 
 opinion I belieue they were faultie if I could haue prooued it, for 
 after my men were abord them, they threw many letters ouerbord 
 before they were aware, and in their iournall bookes I found mention 
 of their hauing carryed munition and prohibited commodities to 
 St. Lucar the voyages before, and they all had beades and Catholike 
 primers, which when they saw vs they did throw ouerbord, and wee 
 tooke vp floting in the water. 
 
 On the 1. of February aforesaid, being our Ladyes eve, a about 5 
 a clocke att night, I descryed 7 sayles comming along the Spanish 
 shore. I stood with them, and hauing (as it grew darke) lost sight 
 of them, yet hauing sett them by the compasse, by 7 of the clocke 
 I was close by them. Their Admirall (which seemed to be a big 
 shippe of 400 tonnes) shott a peece at me which grazed close by my 
 stirne, but I returned him none, intending first to hale him, but 
 then he went so fast from me that I feared he would haue gott 
 away, wherefore I made 2 of my fore-peeces to be shott among 
 them, to see if they would strike, but they returned me their broade 
 sides, which detained their course, so that I came vp into the mid- 
 dest of them and singled out the Admirall, att which I shott not 
 till I was within pistoll reach, then I gaue him my gunnes as fast 
 as wee could discharge them, he doing the like with me, and all 
 1 The 2nd of February is termed the day of the Purification of the Virgin.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 11 
 
 the while my Vice-Admirall entertained some of the rest in the 
 same manner. Then their Admiral! haled me, and I did the like 
 to him, causing my great shott in the meane time to cease. He told 
 me he was of Home, and I bad him amaine for the King of Eng- 
 land ; whereto he bad me come abord him, and att the instant shott 
 2 great shott, both which raked through my shippe. I then gaue 
 ouer all other discourse but of my great gunnes, which wee plyed 
 so well that by nine of the clocke hee begun to fall off from vs with 
 his consortes, for wee missed verie few shottes, and at 2 or three of 
 them that wee perceiued to come among his people wee heard them 
 make lamentable cryes. Wee were then, much against our willes, 
 forced to lett them goe away, for wee fought with the disaduantages 
 of the night, and it being a head sea it was dangerous to bord, but 
 that which was of greatest consequence was that I had not men 
 enough abord me to vse our great gunnes and to trimme our sailes, 
 so that if wee would wee could not in any time haue tacked after 
 them, else I should not haue left them vntill I had either made them 
 lye by the lee or sunke some of them ; for I had neere 50 men sicke 
 abord me, and almost 40 abord the Fleminges (which kept aloofe 
 off as also Captaine Michell in the Patience), so that I had not 30 
 good seamen in my shippe, and I was fain to distribute my gentle- 
 men to the seruice of the ordinance, and I had not then men enough 
 to loade and putt out the gonnes, so that after neere 2 houres fight, 
 and hauing giuen them betweene 60 and 80 shotte, wee lett them 
 goe [by constraint, for, going to bring the shippe about that wee 
 might giue him the starrebord broadside, wee brought her vpon the 
 lee, and then wee had not men enough to till our sailes vntill the 
 other shippes were gone past our discerning,] a the moone being 
 neere setting and the night ouercast. I receiued but 4 shottes 
 through the hull of my shippe, one of which was through my owne 
 cabin, and (besides the other) 2 shottes through the fore saile, and 
 an other which passed close by my head and cut asunder the mizen 
 
 The passage within brackets has been subsequently added by Sir Kenelm in 
 the margin of the MS.
 
 12 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Feb. 1, 
 
 stay and the toppesaile halliardes, and wee had one man's arme shott 
 off and an others eare. [In the beginning of the fight I had all 
 my gunnes in, and all my sailes out (for otherwise I could not haue 
 reached them), so that I suffred much for want of men before I 
 could fitt the sailes and bring the gonnes to their due bearing, other- 
 wise they should haue had many more shottes out of my shipped] 
 The Viceadmirall. that was a litle further off, receued onely 2 shott, 
 one in her fore mast, the other in her rudder, and had no men hurt. 
 I imagine wee did the enemyes much hurt and spoyled many of 
 their men. 
 
 The 2. of February I released the 2 Fleminges, and the wind 
 continued still contrarie att east, so that wee were but ouer against 
 Motevill. 
 
 The 3. the wind continued as before, and hourely my men sick- 
 ned more of an infectious disease that tooke them with great paine 
 in the head, stomake. and reines, and putrifyed the whole masse of 
 the blood, and caused much vomiting, yet they dyed not soddaiuely 
 of it, but lingred on with paine and extreme weakenesse. b 
 
 The 4th. day it was a dead calme, and the number of my sicke 
 men was vpon the point of 60, and in generall all drooping, so that 
 
 * This is another passage added in the margin of the MS. 
 
 b In the Private Memoirs of Sir Kenelm Digby, published by Sir Harris Nicolas, 
 there occur some striking remarks on the infectiousness of this terrible disease, with 
 a notice of the calenture in which it terminated. " For the nature of it being such, 
 that from those who were infected with it, it took hold of others that were in perfect 
 health, like fire when it is joined to combustible matter, if they did but come within 
 distance of each other's breath, or touch any part of their garments, it came to pass 
 that in a very short time almost all were possessed with it, by reason of the great 
 number of men enclosed in a small room; and, although every one strived to avoid 
 those that were sick, whereby they died in much desolation without any help, yet 
 the infection was so rooted in the ship that they could not fly from it ; and if 
 natural affection to his friend, or charity, moved any one to be so tender as to do 
 another the offices belonging to a sick man, many times with a sudden death he pre- 
 vented the other's languishing one, and by this means it happened often that dead 
 bodies lay many days in their cabins and hamacas, nobody daring to go overlook 
 them, and much less to throw the noisome carcases overboard, until their intolerable 
 stink discovered them; but sometimes there were mean fellows that would come to
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 13 
 
 I was verie vnable for fight and scarce to trimme the sailes; where- 
 uppon I resolued by the aduise of all my commanders (who deemed 
 it an vndispensable necessitie) to putt into Argiers with the first 
 good winde, and being in the roade to putt my sicke men ashore in 
 fitting manner to be cured and refreshed, if att my comming thither 
 I found no inconueniencie, and then to take that opportunitie to 
 cleanse my shippes and to furnish myselfe with a sattie a and other 
 necessaries, and to change my ballast. 
 
 The 5. day wee had a fresh gale att east, and E. and by S., and 
 att the euening I sent in 3 shalloppes fitted with a brasse faucon in 
 one of them, and a murderer in each of the other, and all with small 
 shott, swordes, and halfe pikes, to range all along the Spanish shore, 
 whiles with my shippes I kept within 2 miles of it. 
 
 The 6. day the wind continued east, and I stood for the Barbaric 
 shore, with intention to anchor somewhere there if I could find a 
 fitting place, to gett some reliefe from the shore for my sicke men. 
 In the afternoone I passed close by Alboran, and the 7. day by morn- 
 ing I was close by a litle craggie iland about halfe a league from 
 the shore. I sent my shalloppes out with leades to sound the depth 
 and to see if there about were good riding : the water was all about 
 deep enough, and it is a bold shore, and the ground a sandie oaze, 
 but with the Leuant wind it was such a rolling sea that wee could 
 
 steal what they found about the bodies of those that were,of better quality, and then 
 by their own sudden death in the same place they would bewray their theft. But 
 that which of all others seemed to cause most compassion was the furious madness 
 of those who were near their end, the sickness then taking their brain; and those 
 were in so great abundance that there were scarce men enough to keep them from 
 running overboard or from creeping out of the ports, the extreme heat of their 
 disease being such that they desired all refreshings, and their depraved fantasy made 
 them believe the sea to be a spacious and pleasant green meadow. This extremity 
 of evil taught the meanest rank of people what the noblest of philosophy can scarcely 
 do to the most elevated minds, that is, a most resupine patience in their sufferance, 
 the familiarity and inevitableness of which made them in the end not to apprehend 
 or fear it." (8vo. Lond. 1817, pp. 311313.) 
 
 a A small swift-sailing vessel, probably named from satteau, the boat used in the 
 Mediterranean for coral fishing.
 
 14 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Feb. 7, 
 
 not ride there, so that towardes euening, after wee had sought long 
 in vaine, wee stood out to sea, which when the inhabitantes saw 
 they made fires all along the shore, which I was told was to inuite 
 vs in, but withall I was informed that they were a treacherous and 
 false people thereabouts. Now I was in such distresse with the 
 sicknesse of my men, that it was all that both the watches could do 
 together to tacke about the sailes. 
 
 The 8. day there rose a strong storm e of wind at east, whiles wee 
 plyed too and againe to keepe our owne about the Spanish coast. 
 
 The 9. day the storm e continued still, and I tooke a view of my 
 well men, the number of which did but aequall the sicke and dead. 
 
 The 10. day the wind lessened somewhat, but still continued east, 
 and the Patience, that was in my companie, sprung hir foretoppe 
 maste and maine toppe gallant mast. 
 
 The 11. day wee had litle wind and that att east, and my sicke 
 and vnable men were aboue 80, so that in few dayes longer con- 
 tinuance in this maner of sickening I should not haue men enough 
 to saile my shippe. 
 
 The 12. day it was a dead calme till towardes euening, then the 
 wind came fresh att west, and carried vs on in our wished course 
 off from about the lowe land of Rocquita, about which paralelle of 
 longitude wee had bin beating 24 dayes with much sufferance 
 through the infection among vs : about night wee descryed a saile, 
 with which wee stood, but, growing darke, wee soone lost sight of 
 her, and then wee returned to stand on our course : to day I brought 
 my maine mast more forward, to see if it would mend my shippes 
 sailing, for before it hanged so aft that the toppe gallant toppe was 
 ouer the poupe. The current did all the time of this Leuant sett 
 strongly out of the straightes mouth. 
 
 The 13. day the wind continued faire att west. 
 
 The 14. day att noone wee counted to be [within 24 leagues of 
 Argiers, and there rose a great storme att west and northwest, and 
 wee, fearing in the night to runne beyond Argires, tooke in all our 
 sayles, and did lett our shippe spoone away before the wind, and
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 15 
 
 then she made 7 leagues a watch; which perceiuing, and that so 
 wee should yet be too forward, wee continued all night making 
 seuerall hordes close vpon a tacke to delay our course; all that 
 night it continued a furious and cruell storme of wind, with often 
 and violent gustes of raine, snow, and haile, and so continued all 
 the next day. 
 
 The 15. day by breake of day wee perceiued our selues to be 
 within 5 leagues of the point of Argiers, with which we bore, 
 making a verie litle saile, hauing lost my Viceadmirall and Cap- 
 taine Michel in the storme in the night, and about noone wee were 
 come to an anchor a little eastward of the mole end, and then I 
 saluted the castle with 9 peeces of ordinance. Before wee came in 
 the wind scanted much vpon vs, so that wee had much adoe to 
 double the point, and then the violence of the storme caused vs to 
 be in much danger, but my Viceadmirall that came in the next day 
 was in farre greater, for, mistaking the place, they had embayed 
 themselues in a rockie bay, and if the wind had not suddainely 
 enlarged they had runne hazard of casting away. If I had stayed 
 out 48 houres longer I had not had men enough to saile my shippe. 
 The Patience came in 4 houres after me. I sent that day to the 
 Bassa to haue a safe conduct to come ashore, but it was deferred 
 till the next day, then the Duana being to meete of course, but then 
 there was so much combustion among themselues about the dis- 
 placing the Agaw (the principall officer next to the Bassa) that my 
 businesse could not be treated of. 
 
 The 17. day they sent me two safe conductes, one of the Bassa the 
 other of the Duana, and I came that night ashore to the English 
 Consul's house, Mr. Friswell. 
 
 The 18. day I went to the King, who treated me with much 
 courtesie I told him that vpon confidence of the safe conductes 
 which the Consul had sent into England from him to serue for 
 securitie to our nation, I was come thither, and that my example, if 
 I receiued good vsage, would bring many other English thither, and 
 be the cause of a neerer correspondence for the future betweene the
 
 16 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Feb. 18, 
 
 two nationes. He assured me of all friendshippe, and told me he hoped 
 the King of England would redresse some iniuries done to subiectes 
 of this state by some of his. I answered him that my master would 
 not faile of doing exact iustioe whensoeuer complaint should be made 
 to his Majestic and the offenders be found out : and in the meanetime 
 I deemed it great iniustice for them to satisfie priuate wronges with 
 the goodes and substance of such marchantes as had vpon their en- 
 gagements and wordes subiected themselves vnto them; whereupon 
 he promised that all former errors should be redressed, and the 
 capitulations punctually observed. In the afternoone I went to the 
 Duana, where the Aga sate chiefe, next him the Caya, and the gran 
 Hogi (that is secretarie) paying the soldiers. After due cortesies 
 passed, they assured me not onely of all iustice but fauor, and 
 caused a proclamation to be made much to my aduantage, and to 
 secure vs from the abuse of the barbarous people, and in euery 
 respect made more demonstration then could be expected of their 
 good intentions towardes me. 
 
 The 19. day the generall of the shippes and the generall of the 
 gallyes visited me. 
 
 The 20. day the Cort Raez and the Caya (gouernor) of Sally (who 
 was casually at Argire) feasted me. 
 
 The 21. day the generall of the gallyes feasted me. 
 
 The 22. and 23. many Captaines and of the principall men of 
 the towne visited me. 
 
 The 24. day I came againe before the Duana, and the King came 
 downe thither on purpose, and caused me to sitt by him (an honor 
 which they did not to the French Ambassador when he was there 
 not long before), and then they all swore solemnely that they would 
 religiously obserue the capitulations, and that priuate wronges done 
 to any of their men att sea by our men should not be righted by 
 them vpon our Consull .or marchantes here, whereby to interrupt 
 the scale of trade, but complaint should be made to the King of 
 England ; and they deferred further discourse to a day that should 
 speedily be appointed to have wronges debated on both sides.
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 17 
 
 The 26. day I went abord my shippes to see if they were cleansed 
 fully and other thinges done to them as I had ordered. 
 
 The 2. of March I went to the King to intimate to him the 
 wronges that our subiectes had receiued by theirs, and to desire ac- 
 commodation of all thinges past, in which businesse I did the more 
 willingly interesse my selfe because of the danger that our Consull 
 there had lately bin in (for not six weekes before my comming he was 
 brought out to be burned and hardely scaped,) and would be in againe 
 after my departure if I left not thinges settled, and for the hopes that 
 I had of weauing into the treatie the libertie of the English captives 
 there, which were about 40 or 50, and principally because I had priuate 
 intelligence that the French vpon verie lowe conditions treated a 
 peace with the Argire men with intention to joyne with them to 
 ouerthrow the English trade in the Straightes, and the settling of 
 our peace would ouerthrow theirs. Then the King told me that 
 within 4 or 5 dayes the campe would be dispatched for Tunis 
 (against which they sent an armie of 15,000 men), and till then it 
 would not be seasonable to treate with them, whereupon I left solli- 
 citing it in publike, and all that while negotiated priuately to prepare 
 the persons that were of most authority. 
 
 The 6. of March I went abord my shippes to take order for the 
 suppressing of a designe that some of the men in my Viceadmirall 
 had plotted : it was to lay a shippe that was bound for Liuorne 
 aboord that night that her sailes were brought her to be gone, and 
 so to steale her away. Vpon due examination I found that one 
 Carueigh (who had bin purser of the Viceadmirall, but for his dis- 
 honistie had bin lately turned out of his place,) was the plotter and 
 persuader of it. Whereupon I layed him in chaines for future 
 punishment, and after a publike reprehension and admonition 
 pardoned the rest. 
 
 The 12. of March (the campe being departed for Tunis) there was 
 a Duana called on purpose att my sollicitation, and their 2 Muftis and 
 Cadies (which are as their Bishoppes and Chiefe Justices) were called 
 as assistantes. To whom my propositions were as followeth, viz. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. D
 
 18 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Mar. 12, 
 
 That they would confirme all that was agreed of by them in the Articles 
 
 and Capitulations of the Peace made Anno 162 . 
 That when their subiectes receiue losse by oures att sea, they do not come 
 
 for satisfaction vpon our marchantes that vpon the engagement of 
 
 their wordes haue subiected their persons and goods to their power, 
 
 but in a legall manner informe our King of it, and ask justice 
 
 of him. 
 That they permitt our shippes to come into their port and goe freely att 
 
 their owne will, and that they take not their own sailes from them. 
 That our shippes of warre may come freely hither, and bring their prizes, 
 
 and pay nothing but such dues as belong to the state for what they 
 
 sell as by way of marchandize. 
 
 That satisfaction be made for the wronges they haue done vs. 
 That vpon the account of that (they being greater then what they pretend 
 
 from vs) I may de bene esse haue away with me the Englishe cap- 
 
 tiues here. 
 
 The Bassa, Muftis, Cadis, and Duana answered that these propo- 
 sitions seemed reasonable to them, but appointed an other day to 
 giue their finall resolution therein, and for the present some of their 
 captaines that had bin iniured by our men att sea asked iustice 
 against the English Consull, who had formerly obliged himselfe to 
 giue satisfaction to one of them within 8 monethes, if in that time 
 they had not satisfaction from England ; now the 8 monethes and 8 
 more were expired, yett att my intreatie they gaue him 10 monethes 
 more respite to informe our King and councell to haue redresse 
 therein, and all the rest they referred to another day. 
 
 After many meetinges in Duana, and priuate negotiations, they dis- 
 patched me away with full satisfaction : they swore to the obseruation 
 of the capitulations, they promised to repay (and settled it in a way) 
 a great summe of money that the last Bassha before had taken from 
 Mr. Frizel, and to restore 3 prizes taken by some captaines of theirs 
 from some of my lord of Warwikes, and writt in a faire manner to 
 the King for redresse of wronges done to them, and gaue safe con- 
 ductes for any English shippes of warre or their prizes to come in
 
 1627-8.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 19 
 
 hither with all freedome without paying any extraordinarie duties, 
 and to victual here, and lastly gaue me leaue to carrie away all the 
 English captiues that remained here (which were near 50), paying 
 onely the money they cost vnto their patrones, which formerly could 
 not be effected, for these were the best and the vsefullest men they 
 had, gunners, carpenters, and pilotes. 
 
 The 25. of March (our Lady Day) 1628, I came abord, hauing 
 dispatched all my businesse on shore, and together with the Consul 
 dispatched away Mr. Vernon for England with the Bassha and 
 Duanas letters to the King, giuing also by him particular account to 
 Sir John Cooke, secretarie of state, of what had passed here. 
 
 The 27. day about 3 of the clocke-in the afternoone I weighed 
 anchor and sett sayle with a faire westerly wind, hauing agreed 
 with my Viceadmirall to visit the east side of Mayorke, so to Minorke, 
 and (if the wind came not verie faire to carrie vs for the bottome) 
 to go thence to the lies of Yeres to seeke for a sattie, the want of 
 which I apprehended verie much. 
 
 The 28. I sailed on north, the wind blowing strong att west, and 
 Captaine Michel (who came out of Argires with me, as also in,) 
 parted with me to goe for Zant. 
 
 The 29. the wind continued in the same place, and by noone I 
 came in sight of Mayorke: towardes euening I descryed a saile 
 standing in for that place, wherefore I stood to intercept him at his 
 comming in betweene Cabreras and Mayorke. 
 
 The 30. wee had the wind still westward and southerly, with 
 which I sailed round about Mayorke on the south and east sides close 
 to the shore, and about 2 of the clocke in the afternoone, as the 
 furthest point eastward opened to vs, wee descryed a shippe riding 
 att anchor in the bay of Alcuda. Wee were vpon her so of a sud- 
 daine that she could not weigh anchor, but cutt her cables and loosed 
 her sailes to be gone from vs, but wee plyed our great shott and 
 small shott so well that we cut her toppesaile halliardes, and kept 
 her men from comming vpon the deckes to mend them. Then I 
 soonc bordcd her on the starrebord quarter with my shippe, and I
 
 20 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY J S [Mar. 30, 
 
 entered about 60 men, which fortunately received no hurt, for when 
 he went to fire his pouder chestes that were on the deckes they 
 would not take, but in the meane time, as I lay bord and bord, they 
 shott four great ordinance that raked through the fore part of my 
 shippe and did some hurt. By that time my men had cutt open the 
 hatches, and then the Frenchmen yielded, and I tooke order that 
 after that time they had no more hurt. As I lay by her and shott 
 her through, my Viceadmirall being in the same line with her, 
 some of my shott had like to haue done mischiefe there, and one 
 great shott neerely missed Sir Edward Stradling. 
 
 This flyboate was of St. Malos, called the White Lyon, a Dutch 
 built and of about 250 tonnes burthen ; she had in her 30 men, the 
 Captaines name , and the masters 
 
 She had in her about 25 bales of linen cloth and canuas, and 
 some other thinges of small value, and 6 good sacre and 2 minion, 
 and was verie well fitted with ground tackle. She was to lade oyle 
 att Mayorke and was fraighted from Alicante. 
 
 That night the wind blew verie hard and 1 anchored in the bay. 
 
 The 31. day I spent in mending the prizes boatespritt (which was 
 broken) and fitting her vp to saile with me, and I made her my 
 Reread mirall, placing Mr. Henry Stradling captaine in her, and 
 the seamen among them named her the Hopewell. I did putt 
 betweene 40 and 50 men into her, and in the euening I gaue the 
 French Captaine his owne boate to sett him on shore, and gaue him 
 and his companie all their owne clothes that I could gett out of the 
 sailers handes, and gaue them victuals for a day or two, and 5 of 
 money, which was all the coine I had, and so he parted verie well 
 satisfy ed from me, and I kept with me 12 of his men, which I dis- 
 tributed into my 3 shippes. 
 
 The 1. of Aprill, the wind came att east, and I steered straight for 
 the neerest part of the Christian shore, and I displaced my gunner 
 for several insufficiencies (and in particular for great defects in the 
 last fight), and did putt another able man in the place. The same . 
 day about noone, the wind being calme, I descryed a sattia about 2
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 21 
 
 leagues of, to the which I manned out 2 of my boates with some 35 
 men, and a brasse fauconet and a murderer, and good small shott, 
 swordes and halfe pikes, but before they could rowe to her the wind 
 freshed and shee sailed away. The boates had not bin long re- 
 turned when I perceiued an other sattia close by the shore of Minorke 
 in the bottome of a bay, and could not dubble the point to gett from 
 vs. I sent my boates off to her, but her men haled her so deepe into 
 a creeke, and about 100 small shott and horsemen vpon the shore 
 (from whence they might kill our men with stones if they came in, it 
 being a high cliffe, and wee not hurt them,) guarded her, so that, 
 after exchanging a few shott, my boates came away and left her, and 
 were no sooner abord but wee saw the sattia againe vnder saile, for 
 when wee were come with our shippes as neere the shore (to succour 
 our boates with the great ordinance) as wee could, for feare of being 
 embayed (it being a lee shore) wee then lay vpon the stayes, so that in 
 the meane time the wind droue vs so farre leeward beyond the N. point 
 of the west end of the ile as wee could not dubble it to follow her, there- 
 fore we continued our course att N. E. by N. for the lies of Yeres. 
 
 The 2. day the wind came northerly, and about noone wee des- 
 cryed a sayle standing with vs ; as he neered vs wee made him for a 
 Frenchman, and he sprung his loofe a and went as neere the wind 
 as he could; towardes euening it calmed, and wee lay faire in sight 
 of one another, but att night the wind freshed and we had then (by 
 darkenesse) lost sight of her, yet wee stood as shee did, which was 
 E. N. E. hoping to see her againe by morning. But in the night 
 wee had violent gustes of wind and raine, and in the morning, there 
 being little wind westerly, and it being a growne sea comming from 
 the north, wee made no way in our course towardes the Ilandes of 
 Yeres, whereupon I altered my course and stood afore the wind the 
 3. day, for the S. end of Sardinia, but before noone the wind came 
 southerly againe, and then wee stood as before N. N. E. But it con- 
 tinued not so long, but came at N. and N. W. with great violence, 
 and with raine and haile, so that when I was about 30 leagues from 
 
 * i. e. luff.
 
 22 JOURNAL OF SIB KENELM DIGBY'S [April 3, 
 
 the ilandes, I altered my course to S. E. and stood for Sardinia, 
 hoping for some sattia or such vessell about the He of St. Peters or 
 the Bay of Cagliari. All the while we were in the Gulfe of Lyons 
 wee had verie vncertaine weather, and great and suddaine gustes, 
 and exceeding cold, and seuerall courses of the sea in the same place. 
 
 That night and the 4th day wee had a great storme of wind, 
 before which we went flying with onely our fore course, with which 
 wee went about 60 leagues in 24 houres. That afternoone we saw 
 land of Sardinia, about the middle of the W. side, all along which 
 wee sayled, till att night, comming by the Hand of St. Peters, wee 
 lay att hull and with our sayles vpon the backe stayes till morning, 
 the 5. day, and then wee haled in close by the shore, and a litle off 
 the W. point wee descryed a boate vnder saile, to which I manned 
 out my boates. Then her men ranne ashore, and before my boates 
 could come in shee was halfe sunke; shee had litle of value in her. 
 
 By and by wee descryed a sattia in a bay westward of the Bay of 
 Cagliari. I sent my boates to her, and went in as neere as I could 
 with my shippes to defend her [sic] from violence on shore. She lay 
 vnder command of a towre which shott both at my boates and 
 shippes [and wee att it a ], but they went on shore, and, entering the 
 sattia, found her old and vnseruiceable and much hurt with running 
 on ground, and they that were in her had taken out all her sailes 
 and what else she had in her. 
 
 Then we stood on and visited the Bay of Cagliari and the Bay of 
 Salinas ; in the first of which we saw 5 shippes ride at anchor close 
 vnder the cittie of Cagliari, where on a platforme I had intelligence 
 there lay planted 12 brasse peeces, besides much ordinance in the 
 castle, which together with our being descryed there made vs attempt 
 nothing in that place. In the Bay of Salinas wee saw nothing, but in 
 the beginning of the night I sent of my boates, well fitted, betweene 
 the maine and the Hand of Serpentera, whiles I stood on the outside 
 with my shippes. Within, in the bay, they found by the shore a 
 fisher boate with 6 men asleepe in her; with the noise of their 
 
 * An after insertion.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 23 
 
 hording her they awaked, and 5 leaped ouer bord, thinking our men 
 had bin Turkes ; the other we tooke, and he gaue vs notice of 
 seuerall vessels in the bay, but that they rid vnder watch towers, the 
 least of which had 3 brasse gunnes in them : they sett the man on 
 shore, and brought off the boate, which was loaden with mullets and 
 excellent fish, and was the best rower that euer I saw. 
 
 In the morning the 6. day, about breake of day, I sent in my 
 boates againe and stood in with my shippes, and one of my boates 
 layed a Marsilian sattia abord that rid att anchor by the shore 
 loaden, and towed her off; the other layed a fregate abord, and 
 towed her off, that had neer 20 tonnes of wine in her, and 
 all this while the fortes played vpon the boates and our shippes : 
 then perceiuing a great and faire sattia well appointed riding close 
 vnder one of the strongest fortes, I iudged she had good lading in her; 
 wherefore I fitted out my boates againe, and my selfe to encourage 
 my men went abord my Rereadmirall, because shee was a flotie 
 shippe and drew but litle water, and sailed in close vnder the fort 
 neere within muskett shott, and there I cast anchor, whiles the fort 
 played as fast as it could vpon me and I the like vpon it, and in the 
 meane time I sent off my litle boates to bord the sattia, which they 
 att first went slowely vpon, but my calling to them and example of 
 like danger preuayled with them, so that at length they went brauely 
 on, and borded and driue [sic] out a great many that were in her 
 with store of small shott, and towed her off, hauing onely 2 men 
 killed outright and 6 or 7 wounded. By that time I had with my 
 shippe beaten them from their gunnes in the fort, and the sattia 
 being off wee weighed anchor and came off likewise; it hauing 
 bin of all sides a verie hott seruice for the time. 
 
 I had scarce gott my fleete out of command of the fortes and free 
 of the ilandes but I descryed a saile standing towardes me, but when 
 shee came neere she tacked about and stood away, but with my 
 sattias I soone fetched her vp, and without stroke or shott shee 
 yielded. Shee was a Fleming, and laden with Spaniardes goods 
 from Naples, and had brought corne from Apulia thither, and the
 
 24 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT's [April 6, 
 
 skipper told me that not aboue 7 or 8 leagues behind him came 4 
 rich Marsilia shippes from the Leuante, wherevpon I shortened saile 
 all that night, and the next morning, the 7. day, by breake of day, I 
 descryed 2 shippes standing with me. When wee were come some- 
 what neere one an other they tacked from me, and I gaue them 
 chace with all my fleete, of which some fetched vpon them, but it 
 was so dead a calme att the last that I sent off all my shallopes to 
 to we on the headmost shippe, which was the Eereadmirall, and was 
 almost within shott. But then after an houre the wind freshed, and 
 all the shippes stood after our chace, till I perceiuing he gott of vs, 
 and by chance discerning 3 boates rowing farre leeward I tacked 
 about to them, and in a good houre for them, for I saued so all my 
 shalloppes and one of my sattias that was verie leakie with running 
 on shore, and stayed for Captain Woodcocke (who was the sternemost 
 in my Flemish prize), and I stood on with a litle sayle towardes our 
 rendevous on the cost of Sicily, whiles it seemeth my Viceadmirall, 
 Rereadmirall, and bigger sattia stood after the chace. But that night 
 there rose such a stormeof wind as separated Captaine Woodcocke from 
 me (who towed and had lost my Rereadmirals shallope), and, least I 
 should loose the sattia, and not being able to unlode her, though 
 seuerall times I attempted it (of which I was preuented by following 
 the chace), I towed her att my shippe, together with my great shallope, 
 which in the night broke off, and I lost it with a man and a brasse 
 faucon in it, and soone after the sattia broke of with 8 men in her, 
 and it was such a storme and so high a growne sea as I could not 
 relieue them, but in the morning, the 8. day, they found meanes to 
 beare a litle saile, and I spooned before the wind till I came to 
 Maritime (a litle iland on the S. W. end of Sicily) , but there I could 
 find no anchoring, so that I sailed on till Fauigniana another iland 
 by it, where close vnder the shore, and verie neer to the maine of 
 Sicilie, I cast anchor. Yet such was the storme as I could not take 
 in my men nor vnlade the sattia, but as shee drove by me I cast her 
 out roapes, and then with 2 hausers and a litle cable I moored her 
 att my stirne, whiles I rid in much danger, for the storme was
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 25 
 
 violent, the sea high, the ground foule and rockie, and if my ground 
 tackle should faile the wind was verie scant to bring me off of the 
 lee shore. All that night the storme continued in great violence, 
 and the sattia rolled so as euerie time shee tooke in water, wherefore 
 I called out to the men in her to cutt her mastes by the bord, which 
 they did, and then shee made a litle fairer weather, but shee was so 
 leakie, and the storme so great, that shee was not able to hold out 
 long, but about the middle of the second watch the men in her cryde 
 out for helpe, that shee was sinking. I made her straight to be 
 haled vp to the shippes side, where, beginning to vnlade her, I had not 
 taken out aboue 10 clothes but she began to sinke, whereupon I 
 cutt the ropes that held her, and with much adoe saued my men. 
 She was certainly verie rich, for she was deepe laden, and full of 
 chestes and drie fattes, and cloth was of so litle value in respect of 
 the other commodities that it lay loose and exposed to the wett. She 
 was of burthen neere 40 tonnes. In the morning the wind was so 
 great as my master said he had neuer felt so much. Then we were 
 in much danger, for we knew not the ground, but by our lead it 
 appeared foule and rockie, and if our anchor hold and ground tackle 
 had failed, no Industrie could haue preserued vs from running on the 
 shoules on the lee shore [on which wee saw the sea breake a leage 
 from land.]* 
 
 All the 9th day the storme continued, but aboute 4 a clocke 
 afternoone the wind came a litle larger, and wee tooke the benefitt 
 of that snatch and weighed our anchors, which had taken so fast hold 
 in the earth (which proued good where our anchors fell) as wee 
 thought wee should haue bin constrained to cutt the cables, but 
 much paines preuailed and by 5 a clocke wee were vnder saile. By 
 the way this is worth obseruing, what a difference of state 2 dayes 
 wrought in vs; for on the Sunday night I had a fleete of 7 sayles, 
 and had taken so much as I am confident would haue payed my 
 charges of the voyage and haue left a good ouerplus, whereas now 
 I was but one shippe, and wee had hardely scaped with our Hues, and 
 
 a The words within brackets added afterwards. 
 CAMD. SOC. E
 
 26 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'S [April 9, 
 
 were verie weakely manned (for all ray best men were abord my 
 prizes) and before my eyes had lost one of my prizes, and was in 
 much doubt of the other sattia, wherein Mr. Healey was, and no lesse 
 of the Dutch prize, wherein I had putt Captaine Woodcocke, and 
 my wine prize was left afloate but halfe vnladen, and I knew not 
 where to meete my Vice and Rereadmirall ; for vpon this occasion 
 wee had failed of appointing a rendezvous beyond Sicilia; to witt, 
 being att Mayorke, if stormes should seuer vs, wee appointed to stay 
 for one the other vpon the coast of Sardinia, and so to go to Sicilie. 
 Here wee were busied a whole day in taking prizes, the next day I 
 had resolued to call a generall councell, and to sett downe orders 
 for our future proceedinges, when by breake of day the sight of 2 
 shippes called vs to chace, which if I had followed so long as my 
 companie would haue had me, I had lost all my shallopes, and the 
 men in them and in the sattia, and Captaine Woodcocke, for whom 
 I stayed till he was close by me, and therefore do much admire how 
 he lost me, for I carried out 2 lightes all night both for him and the 
 other shippes. 
 
 The 10. day we had a faire gale of wind at west northerly, with 
 which wee haled close along the coast of Sicily, and by sunne sett 
 wee were euen with Cape Passer, where vnder the castle wee descryed 
 4 shippes att anchor. The beginning of the night I carried out three 
 lightes fore and aft, that if I passed by my consortes they might see 
 them ; and shortened saile, least before morning I might ouerslippe 
 them. 
 
 The 1 1 . day the wind continued as before, and about noone I de- 
 scryed a shippe plying to gett into the fare a of Messina. I stood 
 with her, and shee as boldely to me, and fitted her selfe in euerie 
 point for fight. Being neere her, I haled her, and the captaine told 
 me he was of Alcmser. I desired him to come abord, that I might 
 see his commission and billes of lading, but he told me he would 
 not; and when I warned him that if he did not come I would shoote 
 att him, he said he would defend himselfe the best he could: where- 
 The Strait of Messina.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 27 
 
 uppon I gaue him a broade side, and then he strooke his toppesailes 
 and lay by the lee. He confessed that he had laded come att Bar- 
 leta in Apulia, and was to carrie it to Naples. He had 13 peece 
 of ordinance, good gunnes, and was of burthen vpward of 300 
 tonnes. He said he tooke my shippe for a litle one att the first, and 
 meaned to haue done by me as I did by him, and att last would 
 haue fought, but that his men forced him to yield. 
 
 I came that night in sight of Cape Spartauent, and lay by it all 
 the next day, hoping to haue newes of my fleete, and landed there 
 7 Spaniardes that I had taken out of the prize wherein I had putt Cap- 
 taine Woodcocke : and att the euening I sett sayle for Zant, where 
 I entended to sell the corne of the prize, because shee was so leakie 
 as was a great cumber for me to haue her with me till shee were 
 vnladen and mended thyte. a 
 
 The 13. day, being Easter day, wee held on our course for Zant, 
 the wind being att S. W. and with halfe my sailes I out went my 
 prize. 
 
 The 14. day it was for the most part calme, and that wind which 
 blew was verie scant. About 3 of the clocke afternoone (being in 
 sight of Cephalonia) I descryed 2. sayles plying to windward for 
 Zant ; I stood with them and they came roome with me. As they 
 came neere I made them for my Viceadmirall and Rereadmirall, 
 and made the signe to them as wee had formerly agreed vpon, which 
 in due manner they answered : when they were come faire by the 
 lee of me (neither of them hauing a boate) I went abord the Vice- 
 admirall, and there I receiued newes how they missed taking the 
 shippe they chaced (which parted vs) onely by their being much 
 out of trimme, by reason of wines they had taken in the day before 
 and that were not then well stowed ; but they knew nothing of Cap- 
 taine Woodcocke, or the sattia, and as they rid att anchor vnder 
 Cape Passer they missed taking a polacra and 3 and 4 sattias onely 
 for want of boates; which defect also made the Rereadmirall suffer 
 much for want of victuals and water, the Viceadmirall being not 
 
 tight.
 
 28 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [April 14, 
 
 able to furnish her till one faire day that they came bord and bord 
 one another. 
 
 The 15. day wee saw Zant, and it was calme all day. 
 
 The 16. day it was all day a dead calme; and I made a generall 
 search through my fleete, to see what was purloined by the saylors 
 vnduely out of the prizes I had taken. 
 
 The 17. day wee had a faire gale, and standing ia for Zant wee 
 descryed 2 shippes plying to windward. Wee steered to them, and 
 the biggest of them stood with me, and was Captaine Trenchfield 
 in the William and Ralph, who came from Zant and was to goe 
 for Venice; the other was a Venetian that stood along the shore, 
 whom my Eereadmirall chaced, and comming vp with him (hauing 
 his colours out and the Venetian none,) he haled him. The Vene- 
 tian bad him peremptorily come abord him, whereupon they ex- 
 changed some shott, and the Venetian (whom the Rereadmirall knew 
 not, but Captaine Trenchfield gaue me notice of him,) ranne into 
 the harbor att Cephalonia. Captaine Trenchfield told me that my 
 prizes were both safe att Zant, and that he had taken a prize of corne 
 and newly sold it there; which (together with other reasons) made 
 me judge fitt to putt in first at Cephalonia. 
 
 The 18. day in the morning (hauing stood off all night,) I came 
 to an anchor in Cephalonia roade, and sent to the Proueditore to 
 giue him notice of my arriuall, who immediately gaue me free prat- 
 tike a for my selfe and shippes ; a thing vnheard of in these partes, 
 and att the same time an English marchant shippe lay in the harbor 
 that had bin here a fortenight and yet had no prattike, although he 
 came but from Zant, where he had full prattike. That night I dis- 
 patched away my Rereadmirall to Zant to Captaine Woodcocke and 
 Mr. Healey to bid them make all possible hast to me. The newes 
 of my Rereadmirall fighting the day before with the Venetian 
 shippe caused the Generall of the States Gallies (of which there 
 were then here and at Zant 11,) to send out 2 to see who I was. 
 When they came neere me, they saluted me first, with their ordi- 
 
 Pratique, a permission to trade and have free intercourse with the inhabitants.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 29 
 
 nance, which I returned to them, and sent my boate abord the Ad- 
 mirall with a complement, which was well taken and the beginning 
 cause of their extraordinarie courtesie to me. 
 
 The 19. day I came to an anchor within the harbor, and treated 
 with the Greeke marchantes concerning the saile of the corne I had 
 taken. 
 
 The 20. my shippes came in from Zant, and wee concluded the 
 bargaine for the corne, which was att a better rate then Captaine 
 Trenchfield had sold his at Zant, and was to be measured and the 
 money payed abord. 
 
 The 21. wee began to vnlade her, and I was entertained on shore 
 by the English marchantes, who had prouided and furnished a house 
 for me. After that I lay nightly on shore, and in the day attended 
 to the dispatch of my businesse, the maine of which was to dispose 
 of my prizes, to fitt the shippes that I kept to go forth, with sailes, 
 yardes, and many other defectes, to cleanse and tallow them, and to 
 buy boates, hauing lost mine att the sea. The pinke which Cap- 
 taine Woodcocke was in was laden with pipestaues and hoopes, 
 which were combersome to putt into any of my shippes, and to 
 keepe the shippe was verie inconuenient, for she had no force in 
 her, was old and rotten, and I wanted men to putt in her, therefore 
 by aduise of my captaines, masters, pursers, and boateswaines, I sold 
 the goods in her, and, intending to giue the skipper his shippe 
 againe (which had bin employed the returne before in the same 
 voyage for corne from Apulia to Naples), I was forced also to sell 
 her to the marchantes, who would not otherwise haue bought the 
 goods. And the sattia being laden with oyle, wee could find no 
 meanes to send it for England, nor were permitted to land it on 
 shore in expectance of an opportunitie, and to carrie it with vs 
 would be verie inconuenient and certaine losse; whereupon, with 
 aduise as before, I sold it to the marchantes here, together with 
 some other triuiall thinges in her. And other thinges that I had 
 which would vent better in that place then in England, and were 
 troublesome to carrie with me, and begun to perish and suffer
 
 30 JOURNAL OP SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [April 21, 
 
 damage, I also sold ; the pursers and boateswaine keeping account 
 of all. 
 
 But vpon this, some ill-disposed persons in my fleete tooke occa- 
 sion to sowe mutinous discourses, alledging that they would haue 
 the sale of thinges carried wholy by the companie in generall, and 
 that they would immediately haue their partes and shares of the 
 money ; but I, perceiuing that this proceeded either from some that 
 were discontented because they were not preferred to such places as 
 they expected (wherein they were verie partiall iudges of their owne 
 merits), or from others that desired money to supply their present 
 dissolute spending in port, I vsed my best industrie to settle these 
 commotions by standing vigorously vpon the force of my commis- 
 sion, and maintaining it with resolution and a strong hand to the 
 former, and by employing the other in such dayly worke as might 
 make them forgett the shore; and to this end the 23. day of Aprill 
 I called a generall assembly abord my shippe of all my men to heare 
 their propositions, which I peremptorily refused to condiscend vnto, 
 and represented to them (besides the danger) how much vnmanner- 
 linesse it was to allott the King and my Lord Admirall their partes 
 before they knew what wee had taken, and to precede them in the 
 shares: so that in conclusion I flatly refused all they desired, and 
 assured them that if any man did vse any more such seditious 
 speeches, I would send him into England with a complaint to the 
 court of the Admiraltie, there to be punished for his misdemeanour. 
 The next day, perceiuing that my former speech had quite putt them 
 off from their vnreasonable demandes, I called a generall assembly, 
 and gaue them the strongest assurance I could that I would carrie 
 all thinges euenly and to their best aduantage, which I did in such 
 a manner and was so vnexpected to them that it wonne much upon 
 them, so much that then they referred all thinges to me, and in 
 euery particular exceeded my desires; such is the effect of gentle- 
 nesse and faire wordes after rigour vpon a iust ground, with the 
 vulgar. 
 
 The 1. of May I called a generall councell of all my commanders
 
 1628.] VOTAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 31 
 
 and masters to heare Captaine Woodcocke defend himselfe of many 
 aspersions layed vpon him, that he had imbezilled away much of the 
 goods that were in the pinke that I placed him in. The testimo- 
 nyes of many came in against him, but they concluded not vpon 
 certaineties but surmises, yet such as I could not free him from 
 much faultinesse : but the maine author of all the disorder was one 
 Tillingham, a quarter master in my shippe, whom I putt the first 
 night to looke to the hold: but in steed of that, in the night he 
 broke it open, and to engage the rest of the companie in the conceal- 
 ing of it, he was a meanes that all the goods of value were shared 
 among the companie, which they had sould att Zant before my 
 meeting with them. Therefore I did putt him in chaines, designing 
 him to be sent as a delinquent to Sir Henry Martin, by the English 
 shippes that were then in the port bound homewardes. And Cap- 
 taine Woodcocke desiring licence to returne home I gaue it him, 
 he giuing me his word that he would be readie to answere any 
 thing that he should be charged with att my comming home. But 
 as he was vpon departure, the English marchantes, by my leave, 
 employed him in a vessell of theirs; [but new occasions diuerted 
 that employment. a ] 
 
 The 6. of May I deuided all my company anew into my flue ves- 
 sells, to witt, 98 into the Eagle, 70 into my Viceadmirall, 45 into 
 the Kereadmirall the Lyon, into the Hopewell 35, and into the 
 Swallow, the sattia, 22 ; all these English, besides Fleminges, 
 French, Greekes, and Italians. 
 
 The 12. I sent to the Proueditore to acquaint him with what I 
 had done concerning the Dutch prizes, and to shew him my com- 
 mission, which was vpon this occasion. The skipper of the corne 
 prize, being a factious and seditious man, had bin the causer of 
 many disorders, both among his owne people and mine, for which 
 I reprehending him, he did maliciously goe to informe, first the 
 Generall of the Gallies, then the Proucditore, that I had treated him 
 in a verie ignoble manner, and was but a pirate hauing no commis- 
 
 * Afterwards added.
 
 32 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [May 12, 
 
 sion, and therefore besought them to arrest my shippes, and to cause 
 the deliuerie of his shippe and goods to him. I had, to gratifie 
 him (as in euery thing I vsed him and all his people with much 
 gentlenesse), giuen him liberty to remaine on shore when he would, 
 so that it was. then out of my power to force him abord, wherefore 
 I sent to the Proueditore to desire his assistance in it, and he with 
 much courtesie (approouing all I had done) gaue me leaue to vse 
 my discretion vpon him a on shore as freely as in my owne shippes ; 
 but the skipper hauing notice of it hired a barke secretely that 
 night, with the money I had giuen him for expences, and inticed 
 all the company, both of his owne shippe and the pinke, away with 
 him. Two or three dayes before, the Dutch Consull of Zante had 
 bin with me in their behalfe, and I had giuen him full satisfaction 
 how they were prizes. 
 
 The 18. day I came abord to sett sayle for Zante, but the wind 
 was full against vs, and blew so hard that wee could not get out, 
 and so it continued all the next day. 
 
 The 20. it lessened a litle, and with much Industrie wee turned 
 vp against the wind (all our shippes being verie yare b and working 
 passing well), and being gott out of the locked harbor, it was verie 
 faire to carrie vs to Zant, whither I came and was att an anchor in 
 6 houres; and in the euening I sent on shore to giue notice of my 
 comming thither to the Proueditore. In this passage wee had 
 meanes to try our shippes going with a Dutch pinke and an Eng- 
 lish marchanteman, and found they all sayled admirable well beyond 
 hope or expectation. In the euening a French sattie came in, and 
 by reason wee rid neere vnder a point shee was within the roade in 
 vpon vs before my sattie could be vnder sayle, though, vpon my 
 command, shee slipped her cables, so that mine came to an anchor 
 againe, and by the experience of this, and hearing that 3 or 4 more 
 rich French satties were dayly expected here, I resolved whiles I 
 was to stay in this roade to send out my sattie euery day to sea, 
 
 a " thim " in MS. b Nimble, quick.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 33 
 
 well manned, to plye about betweene Zant, Cephalonia, and Morea, 
 and to returne euery night. 
 
 The 21.1 went out to sea in the sattia well manned, hauing giuen 
 order to my shippes to keepe in any gallies that, if it prooued calme, 
 might make after me out of the port (for I found not much expres- 
 sion of good will from the ministers of the state there), and hauing 
 mett with no vessels but 3 or 4 Greekes (which I made strike) att 
 night I came in againe. 
 
 The 22. wee had a great gust of winde, and the Proueditore deli- 
 uered me his answere that he would not graunt me prattike, in re- 
 spect to the kinges of Spaine and France, whose enemie I professed 
 myselfe to be, and, being a man of warre, had taken prizes of both 
 those Princes subiectes. 
 
 The 23., about noone, I descryed 2 shippes comming in from the 
 eastward; the wind being faire for me I weighed anchor and made 
 with them. I had soone made my selfe master of them, and after 
 due examinations I lett them goe free, the one being a Venetian 
 of 300 tonnes, bound to Venise, laden with oyle from Candie, the 
 other a Hollander bound for Amsterdam, laden with silke and galles 
 from Scandirone. As I was readie to tacke about againe for Zant, 
 I descryed a sayle which I made for a sattie ; therefore I dispatched 
 the Hopewell and my sattie after her, who soone fetched her vp, 
 and then I made her for a carmizale,* of which seuerall had come 
 the day before into Zante, laden by Greekes with corne in the 
 Arches. b The wind was so contrarie that I could not that day gett 
 to Zante, but I plyed it vp till the next day, the 24., and about 
 noone I came to an anchor where I had bin before. 
 
 In the euening the Proueditore did send one of the Syndics of 
 the towne to me, to represent to me the interresses of state that im- 
 ported him to looke vnto in the point of my stay here, and rissent- 
 ing my going out of their port to inuade any shippes that came 
 thither, which (if permitted) would interrupt the scale of their 
 
 * Caramussale, a Turkish merchant vessel. 
 b The Archipelago. 
 CAMD. SOC. F
 
 34 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [May 24, 
 
 trade; therefore he desired me, in a faire and respectiue manner, to 
 make what hast I could to be gone from thence, and he would see 
 that I should be immediately accommodated with whatsoeuer I de- 
 sired for my voyage that the Hand would afford. I returned him 
 a respectiue answere, assuring him that (were it but for my own 
 sake) 1 would vse all diligence for my speedie departure, and with- 
 all debated with the Syndike the interestes of state that he objected 
 to me, and endeared to him the respect I had expressed to the state 
 there in not taking the French sattie that came in very rich (which 
 I had notice of and could easily haue done in the port), nor the 
 shippe which was sayled by French and the owners were Genueses, 
 and (as I might conceuie) Spaniardes, yet their being linked in 
 commerce with Venetians made me vse them with all frindelinesse. 
 In fine, wee parted vpon very good termes, and I perceiued that 
 inwardly he had better satisfaction when he vnderstood that my 
 intent was not to stay here and goe out vpon such as I saw comming 
 in, which was by them doubted. 
 
 This night the captaine and marchant of the Genua- Venetian 
 shippe sent me a gentile present, expressing much thankefulnesse 
 for the courtesie wherewith I treated them att sea, which present 
 they would haue sent me before whiles I was out, but I would not 
 permit them, telling them I deemed it verie ignoble to receiue any 
 guift from such as were vnder my power. 
 
 Having fitted my selfe with wine, water, and other necessarie 
 prouisions att Zant, and made vp the accountes with the English 
 marchantes that bought of my goods, and leauing 5000 peeces of 
 eight reals in Mr. Hobson's handes for my vse, I weighed anchor 
 the 28. day verie early in the morning, and was vnder sayle by day 
 breake, and with a faire westerly wind steered south to come to 
 Sarigo. a The current eastward made vs make a verie leeward way, 
 for before wee were aware wee were right ahead of the lie of Ithaca, 
 now called Theaca by the inhabitants, and Litle Cephalonia by the 
 English. By noone we were faire by the lies of Strauali (the Stro- 
 
 Cerigo.
 
 1628.J VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 35 
 
 phades a ), which in fertilitie exceede all the Ilandes of the Arches, 
 and in conuenience of watering in euerie part of them, and are inha- 
 bited by onely 40 Collieres or Greeke monkes. The afternoone I 
 spent in shifting and ordering my men, and in furnishing the other 
 shippes of my neete with such prouisions as they wanted, victualling 
 them all compleately for 4 monethes. 
 
 The 29. with a stiffe gale of wind I sailed in sight of Cape Mata- 
 pan, and att night came faire by Serigo (Cythera), within 2 miles 
 of which I had a soddaine dead calme, so that being a high popping 
 sea some of my shippes had like to haue bin foule of one another, so 
 wee lay all that night. 
 
 The 30. in the morning wee had a fresh gale, and comming faire 
 by the harbor I descryed 3 vessels at anchor, but perceiuing the 
 Venetian colours I stood off againe, but before with all my vessels 
 I could gett out, the castle made seuerall shottes, and some of them 
 ouer vs. The castle standeth so high it can not defend the harbour 
 within; it is strong, and hath about 36 peeces of good brasse ordi- 
 nance. From thence I sailed along by L'Ouo, in sight of Oso, Doi, 
 Poro, Poresa, and Serigotto, b to Candia, after I had a while chaced 
 in vaine a sattia that was much to windward of vs betweene Poresa 
 and Serigotto. This afternoone I gaue to all the seuerall com- 
 manders of my fleete directions and orders for sundry emergent 
 occasions [and sealed the commissions that I gaue them. c ] 
 
 The 31. wee were becalmed in sight of Gozo. 
 
 The 1. of June (being Whitsunday) it was calme most part of the 
 day, whiles wee lay betweene Candie and Gozo, but towardes night 
 wee had a fresh gale at northeast. 
 
 The 2. we came over against the lies of Cabres. 
 
 The 3. wee brought the lies of Calderoni a sterne, and the lies of 
 Christiana on our quarter. 
 
 a -ffineid, iii. 210. 
 
 b Cerigotto and the other islands or rocks here named all lie between the southern 
 extremity of the Morea and Candia. 
 e Added afterwards.
 
 36 - JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [June 4, 
 
 The 4. wee sailed east and by north in sight of the He of Caxo 
 and of Scarpanto : all this way from Serigo wee had the wind verie 
 vncertaine, but the current did sett strongly downeward : now I 
 found my shippe to be in perfect good trimme, she drew 15 foote 
 abaft and 14 before, and the maine mast was remooued in the part- 
 ners a much forwarder than when I came out of England in her. 
 
 The 5. wee passed along Roades and the coast of Lydia [Lycia?] 
 (not in sight), and had a constant west winde. 
 
 The 6. wee passed along the coast of Lycia in Natolia (Asia 
 Minor), in sight of Castelrossa and Fenica, where I was told there 
 is a great fresh river disimbogues into the sea, and is excellent 
 watering. In the morning I descryed 2 sayles, with which I stood, 
 and soone fetched them vp (although they said they sayled well) ; they 
 were Greekes, and had laden wood on the Caramania side, and were 
 carrying it to Alexandria. By noone I descryed and soone fetched 
 vp another laden where the former were, and bound for Damiata. 
 All these gave me newes of 2 French satties lading cotton att Sata- 
 lia, b and of many at Scanderone. The wind calmed that night, 
 and all day the 7th. wee were busied to repaire the sattia, whose 
 maine yard was broken by the Viceadmirall's running abord her 
 the day before. In the euening wee had a fresh gale att west, which 
 brought vs past Satalia, and to see att one sight before sunnesett 
 both the maine of Pamphilia and the Hand of Cyprus. 
 
 The 8. wee were by morning betweene Cyprus and the maine 
 ouer against Antiochia c in Caramania ; then it calmed till about 
 2 of the clock afternoone, when wee descryed a vessell (which wee 
 made for a polacra d ) plying vp to windeward; but shee soone tacked 
 about and stood from vs before the wind as wee did. Wee gott of 
 her till night, and, the moone shining cleare, my sattia (that was 
 headmost by much) kept sight of her all night; wee seeing her, did 
 all continue the chace. About 2 a clocke next day afternoone, as 
 
 Strong pieces of timber so placed as to keep the masts steady. 
 b Adalia or Satalieh. c Antiochetta. 
 
 d A vessel rigged after the Levantine fashion.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 37 
 
 farre off as wee could descrye, wee iudged the sattia to be come vp 
 with her; all this while it was a fine loome gale. a Wee then de- 
 scryed another sayle by her, and soone after a sattia plying to wind- 
 ward, northward of vs, which prooued to be the same. I stood 
 after her with the Eagle, that being the best shippe in the fleete 
 vpon a tacke in smooth water. 
 
 In the morning this day, the 9th, I descryed a boate floating vpon 
 the sea; I sent off to take it. In it were 2 men that had bin long 
 dead, for their flesh was all rotten ; the boate seemed to be a fine 
 one and thite, but with long driuing was halfe full of water. I 
 caused her to be left where wee found her. By 4 a clocke we had 
 fetched vp the vessell which wee made to be a sattia, but it was but 
 a boate belonging to some shippe, a fine vessell, with all thinges 
 fitting, but neuer a man in her, the sailes fitted and the rudder 
 made fast amidships. Before this wee could from the toppegallant 
 toppe descry our sattia and the other chace, bord and bord together, 
 a long time, and the Eereadmirall close by them ; so after wee had 
 moored the newfound boate att our sterne, wee stood with them, 
 they being alreadie euen with the eastermost point of Cyprus, 
 which wee discerned plainely. Wee then saw Mount Ararat, 
 whereon Noah's arke rested, plaine from att least 10 leagues to the 
 westward of the east point of Cyprus [but I beleiue they that in- 
 formed me so were mistaken, but it is a vulgar opinion among 
 seamen, yet I thinke Mount Ararat is higher within the land and 
 more eastward. 1 *] Neere night the head shippes gaue other [over?] 
 their chace and stood backe to me; the sattia onely came vp to her, 
 and, when she was close vpon her on her broade side, haled her, 
 who answered shee was a Malta man of warre, whereuppon after 
 some courtesies they parted, and shee stood to the southward of 
 Cyprus. Shee was a shippe of a 100 tonnes, a prime sayler, had 11 
 peeces of ordinance and 120 men, and it was her boate which I 
 tooke vp, that they had cutt of because my sattia got so mainely of 
 
 A gentle, easy gale. 
 
 b Inserted afterwards. The addition is of course more accurate than the original 
 statement.
 
 38 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT*8 [June 9, 
 
 her, both to lighten her selfe and to make the aattia peraduenture 
 tacke after her. In the night I brailed vp my sailes and putt out a 
 light for my Viceadmirall, that was much asterne. 
 
 The 10th day the wind came (as of custome) fresh about 10 a 
 clocke in the morning, and continued so till 6, when wee came so 
 neere Cape Cangiere * as wee thought they might descrye a shippe 
 from shore. I tooke in all my sailes and lay a hull till night, then 
 I stood in for the shore to anchor within a point about 4 leagues 
 from Scandirone, where for the land they could not descrye vs from 
 thence, intending to goe in in the morning with the brize. 
 
 This day I hung out a flag of councell, and consulted with all 
 my captaines and masters what was fitt to be done, and made the 
 exactest preparations I could for a fight, and to fire powerfull ene- 
 mies, for I had intelligence that there was great force of galliones 
 and galligrosses in the roade that might happily oppose me. In the 
 night I caused my boate to be well fitted to discouer the roade (vn- 
 seene) and to bring me word early in the morning. Euer since 
 wee came within Cyprus wee found it exceeding hott when it was 
 calme, and a strange thicke viscous dew (the serene) fell after sunne- 
 sett, which some that had bin formerly here said was verie vn- 
 wholsome, but most of my men had their health well. 
 
 The 11. in the forenoone my boate came backe to me, who 
 brought me certaine newes that in the roade were 4 French vessels, 
 whereof one was come in but a day before, and had still a hundred 
 thousand reals of eight abord her ; that withall there were 2 English 
 shippes, 2 Venice galliegrosses, and 2 of their galliones. I stood in 
 with the roade as fast as I could, but before, hauing first made a 
 short speech to encourage my men, I sent my sattia with letters to 
 the Venetian Generall and the English Captaines, to acquaint them 
 who I was, contriuing it so that my letters should be deliuered euen 
 as I came within shott. The Venetian Generall b treated my men 
 
 * The headland to the southward of Scanderoon, now termed Has (i.e. Cape) el 
 Kansir. 
 
 b " The General of the Galleazzes was called Signer Antonio alias Marino Capello, 
 the commander of most fame and reputation for valour among the Venetians, and
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 39 
 
 ill, and sent me word he would sinke my shippes if I went not 
 immediately out of the roade. He did his best, and shott att my 
 flagge, but after I had endured 8 shotte from him patiently, and 
 saluted him with gonnes from him [sic], I then fell vpon his vessels 
 with all my might. It continued a cruell fight for about 3 houres. It 
 was most part calme, else I had offended him much more. Towardes 
 night the wind freshed; then I prepared to bord the gallioones, and 
 so meaned to stemme the galeazzes, for I could easily gett the wind 
 of them, hauing much maimed their oares, and they being so 
 frighted (as it appeared by their working and the issue) that they 
 lost all their aduantages. Then the Generall sent to me beseeching 
 peace, and acknowledging his error in a verie abiect manner, hauing 
 hoissed his yardes atrippe to be gone out of the roade in case I re- 
 fused it. Att the English Viceconsuls entreatie (who came abord 
 me) I granted it to him, but somewhat vpon hard termes, the prin- 
 cipall of which was that he should abandon the French to my dis- 
 cretion. 8 I had taken them all but one, who was runne aground. 
 During our fight they had carried all their goods on shore. Then 
 I sent to take the gunnes and any thing of value out of them, and 
 to fire the vessels, but the Viceconsul representing to me how much 
 our nation might suffer in hauanias b (though I had fairely taken 
 them, they beginning with me, not I with them,) I onely tooke 
 away their flagges and some brasse bases for my boates heads, and 
 sent for my men off of them, and the next day rendered them to 
 their owners. 
 
 Whiles I stayed here I heard from Aleppo that all our marchants 
 were putt in prison, by the Venetians getting the start of sending 
 the first complaint; but they gott liberty to send downe 3 English 
 
 these were their best vessels by much, as well galleazzes as galliones; the captaine 
 of them was named Signer Giouan Paulo Gradenigo." [Note in MS.] 
 
 " In this fight I lost noe men, but killed 49, and hurt many of the Venetians, 
 and shott from my shippe 200 shott, 500 from my fleete, and they as many att me." 
 [Note in MS.] 
 
 b Avania, an impost.
 
 40 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [June 11, 
 
 marchantes to the roade to informe themselues of the truth, who 
 before I went out (I staying vpon their intreatie) had well accom- 
 modated the businesse, and told me they were confident that both 
 the French and Venetians (but especially the Venetians) would 
 haue hauanias passed vpon them for their beginning with me. 
 
 Whiles I stayed here the Venetians quitted to me the signiority 
 of the roade. The weather was extreme hott ; the brize comes from 
 the sea duely euerie day about noone, and continueth till sunnesett, 
 which bloweth the clowdes that way, and the land is so high that 
 they can not passe it, so that the hils are euer couered with fogges, 
 which maketh the place exceedingly vnwholesome; and, because the 
 windes can not refine the aire, those cloudes being alwayes perma- 
 nent engender much corruption and stinkes, which we were annoyed 
 with if att any time (as vsually in the night) any breath came of 
 from the shore. Our men were verie sensible of the badnesse of the 
 aire, and generally all broke out in their bodies to a sharpe itch. 
 
 The 16. of June I departed the roade, and then all the Venetians 
 saluted me. The next morning I descryed 2 sailes, which hauing 
 taken, and being Greekes, I dismissed. Thence I stood for Cape 
 Cangiere, where I entended to anchor with some of my vessels, and 
 with the rest att a point betweene it and Scanderone (where we 
 could not be descryed) for 12 or 14 dayes; for I had certaine intelli- 
 gence of 2 verie rich vessels loaden with money from Marseilles, 
 that must come in sight of Cape Cangiere, and had contrived it so 
 that I should haue them betweene my vessels before they could 
 descrye me, being att anchor vnder the land. From thence I re- 
 solved to goe to Sidon, where I had intelligence of 5 sattias that 
 were there a loading. 
 
 The 17. I came to an anchor in a sandie bay, about 7 leagues 
 from Scanderone and 3 from Cape Cangiere. The latter part of 
 the day the wind blew verie stiffe, but all along that coast is good 
 anchorage. Before night some horsemen on the shore held vp to 
 me a white flagge of peace, and from the shippe I answered them 
 with an other. All about this coast, to the foote of the mountaines,
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 41 
 
 was a good extent of plaine ground, which seemed to be a good 
 soyle, and to haue fresh rivers and much wood, and the ayre to be 
 much better than at Alexandretta. a 
 
 The 18. I sent a shore to wood and water. The inhabitantes pro- 
 mised me in the morning store of fresh provisions, but before night 
 they were commanded from Scanderone, vpon paine of death, to 
 furnish me with none. They came down in troopes on horse backe 
 to our men. The valley is verie fruitfull; groues of figges, mirtle, 
 laurell, and trees that giue aromatike gummes, and of wild vines; 
 many brookes and much fish in them. The wind blew as it vsed 
 certainely, the day stiffe from sea, the beginning of the night from 
 shore, then till noone calme. 
 
 The 20. I descryed a sayle, and sent the Hope-well and sattia in 
 chase of her, who took her and brought her to me. Shee was a 
 Greeke carmisale, of which the Vice, Rereadmirall and Hope well 
 had 2 dayes before taken 4, and dismissed them, as I did this. 
 
 The 21. 1 went ashore, and spent there all the day in much recre- 
 ation, leauing order abord to haue a signe made that wee might 
 repaire to our shippes if they saw any sayle. This day the Turkes 
 came to me and promised to bring me store of beefes, sheepe, hens, 
 and other prouisions. 
 
 The 22. being aduertised of a disgust betweene Captaine Strad- 
 ling, my Rereadmirall, and Mr. Herris a gentleman of my shippe, 
 they being both in the Viceadmirall, I went after them to the 
 shore so seasonably that I came betweene them in their first assault 
 with their swordes. They resigned their weapons to me, and I 
 tooke order for the safe custodie of them both that night. 
 
 The next day, the 23., after hearing the matter and finding 
 nothing to lye heavie vpon the honors of either of them, I was a 
 meanes to accommodate the businesse, and represented to Sir Ed- 
 ward Stradling how much he swarued from the office of commander 
 in giuing way to their fighting, when he might haue preuented it; 
 as likewise to the two gentlemen how euill it beseemed them to pro- 
 
 Scanderoon. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. G
 
 42 JOUKNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY*S [June 23, 
 
 ceede in such a manner whiles they were vnder command, and how 
 their examples (being persons of eminencie) might haue drawne on 
 further inconueniencies. Which proceedinges I did not performe 
 slackely, though still with due respect. Although on shore, I knew 
 it belonged to me to do seruice to either of them, for I weighed that 
 the dutie of one in a publike charge and of a priuate man were farre 
 different, and that where order is not punctually obserued, and obe- 
 dience duely performed to them into whose handes authoritie is con- 
 signed, it is impossible but such actions (as I was bound vpon) 
 should miscarrie. Vpon this occasion I will take this note, which 
 will hereafter reduce to my memorie thoughtes of much content, 
 that (excepting this onely accident) all the companie vnder my rule 
 did behaue themselues to one an other with such loue and quietnesse 
 as (by the witnesse of them with me trained in like actions) could 
 not haue bin expected, nor could be paralleled. 
 
 This day wee descry ed 3 sayle. I sent out after them and tooke 
 one; the rest they chaced no longer, because they were carmisales. 
 After speaking with him I dismissed him forthwith. 
 
 The 24. the English Viceconsull att Scanderone came to me with 
 a letter from the Aga there desiring me to be gone, for that I dis- 
 turbed the Gran Signiors scale there. He told me how it cost the 
 English marchantes att Aleppo much money in bribes about my 
 comming into the roade, but that they doubted not of recouering it 
 of the Venetians, among whom att Aleppo there was great dissen- 
 tion, and it came to blowes, some of them much condemning the 
 Generall of their Galleazzes for beginning with me, others (that were 
 his frendes) commending him because I did not strike flag nor do 
 other ceremonies of dutie, which they said were due to him being 
 lord of the port and of these seas with those vessels. He likewise 
 told me that the Turkes on shore were much pleased to see me when 
 I went out of the roade, plying against the winde, to come att the 
 second bord close among the galleazzes and gallioones, which putt 
 them in much feare, and was the cause they saluted me. And neuer 
 since my going away they haue had that confidence, either on shore
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 43 
 
 or abord, as they had before ; and some dayes passed before any 
 drum, trumpet, or muskets were heard (which formerly was neuer 
 omitted) in setting their watches. 
 
 This day the wind and sea were verie high, so that I going on 
 shore at the consuls entreatie to speake with him, my boate was 
 billaged and all of vs tumbled in the sea, likewise two other of my 
 shippes boates were sunke ; and I thought wee should haue laine all 
 night on shore, but att the euening a slent of calme came, and from 
 the shippes they sent me a boate which carried me abord. Wee 
 descryed a sayle to day, which afterwardes perceiuing to be a carmi- 
 sale wee lett passe. 
 
 The 25. I sent the Viceadmirall and sattia to lye close by Cape 
 Cangiere, and the Rereadmirall to lye on the north shore neere 
 Ayassa, and sent to recouer and mend my sunke boates on shore. 
 
 The 26. the Viceconsul came to me with letters from the consul 
 and all the inarchantes att Aleppo, expressing their hard condition 
 in verie pittifull manner, and earnestly desiring me to depart from 
 this coast, for the Venetians had spred newes that I had taken and 
 burnt 2 carmisales; but as the Viceconsul was readie to come to 
 me, they arriued att Scanderone and spoke of me and my good vsing 
 them with much applause. To day my shippes abroad chaced 7 
 sayles, which when they made to be carmisales they lett passe. The 
 sattia with the rough sea broke her maineyard, so that now I was 
 forced to order her to be fitted with crosse maine sayle and toppe 
 saile. 
 
 The 27. my boates tooke a fregate which was loaden with beefes, 
 sheepe, hens, goates, wine, and much prouision, going to Scande- 
 rone, to the Generall of the Galeazzes, which I dismissed without 
 suffering the value of an egge to be diminished of her. 
 
 The last of June the Viceconsul sent to me from Scanderone to 
 desire me againe to depart out of this gulfe, for that our nation att 
 Aleppo fared much the worse for my abode here. 
 
 The 1. of July some Turkes, growing confident vpon the newes 
 they had how fairely I treated all the Gran Signiors subiectes that
 
 44 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'8 [July 1, 
 
 I tooke, came to me with some small prouisions. They told me 
 that the Venetians att Scanderone had, since my comming from 
 thence, buried 45 men more that dyed of the hurtes they had re- 
 ceiued in their fight with me, and that they still dyed dayly. 
 
 By this time I had certaine aduise that the Frenchmen who were 
 to come hither had aduise of my being here, and that therefore 
 they did stay and would stay in places by the way till they were 
 sure I was gone; and they att Sidon roade had taken all thinges 
 out of their vessels, and others that were to haue come to Scande- 
 rone had vnloaden all their money att Cyprus; the knowledge of 
 which made me thinke fit to loose no more time in these partes. 
 Therefore, hauing now fitted my sattia with crosse sailes, and wood- 
 ded and watered in a large proportion, I resolued (with the aduise 
 of the commanders in my fleete) to shape my course backe agane 
 in the tracke that the French vsed, in the knowledge of which I 
 was well confirmed by some plattes that were pricked which I tooke 
 in the French vessels att Scanderone. 
 
 The 3. 1 went a shore, inuited by the countrie people to hunt the 
 wilde boare. I tooke with me 100 small shott and pikes, and went 
 3 or 4 miles vp into the countrie. At night when 1 would haue 
 gone abord, the wind was so high that I could not. Wherefore 
 I gaue a Turke some money (he leauing his bow and quiuer of 
 arrowes in pawne for his honesty) to provide vs some victuals; who 
 went to one that I had treated well abord me, and he brought downe 
 goates, sheepe, hens, milke, egges, mellons, and bread baked as 
 thinne as strong paper. Wee made great fires in a groue by the sea 
 side, and rosted the flesh vpon the endes of pikes, and passed the 
 night verie well. 
 
 The next morning, being the 4th of July, the wind lessened and 
 I gott abord; then about noone, when the brize came in, I weighed 
 anchor and sett sayle, when perceiuing some men on the shore 
 wauing to me, I sent thither, and it was the Viceconsull of Scan- 
 derone, who came againe to renew his sollicitation for my departure. 
 Wee sayled all that night with an easterly wind.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 45 
 
 The nex tmorning, the 5., wee descryed a sayle plying to wind- 
 ward, which when wee chased stayed for vs. It was Mr. Ellis in 
 the Tyger of London, going for Scanderone. Then I descryed an 
 other sayle much ahead. I stood with her, and shee being becalmed 
 I neered her apace, so that I descryed her to be a French polacra. 
 Then I was becalmed, therefore manned 4 boates out to her, but 
 a westerne brize came soone in, so that wee tooke them vp againe, 
 and she then hauing the wind first and the weather of vs, gott 
 mainely away, yet wee kept sight of her till night. Then I caused 
 the Hopewell and sattia to stand in to stay vnder Cape Cangiere, 
 the Kereadmirall to stand to the north shore where it was narrow, 
 and the Viceadmirall and myselfe spred our selues in the offing to 
 be sure thus to see her if shee should stand in for Scanderone. 
 
 The 6. day I spent by my selfe att sea. 
 
 The 7th I came in, and att the appointed signe all my fleete came 
 to mee neere Cape Cangiere, and conferring together all that wee 
 had scene of this sayle, wee concluded that it was a Malta man of 
 warre that had lately taken 2 Greeke carmisales, and landed the men 
 there, for the Rereadmirals boate had spoken with 2 of his. Like- 
 wise Captaine Stradling told me how riding at anchor on the north 
 coast, he went on shore with a flag of truce, hoping to gett prattike 
 and commerce for fresh victuals, seeing some horsemen in the ap- 
 pearance of gentlemen on shore. They discoursed with them some 
 time, till he that bore the flag being somewhat aduanced from the 
 rest, the horsemen surprised him and Carried him away with them ; 
 and afterwardes when they came to treate to haue him againe, or att 
 the worst to ransom him, they would not, but layed ambushes to 
 gett more of our men. I could haue reuenged this iniurie with 
 much aduantage, if I would haue landed in a night 100 men or 2, and 
 haue surprised their villages by the shore, and burned the countrie 
 (which was full of grapes and corne) but I was almost assured our 
 marchantes must answere the hurt I did. 
 
 The 8. wee had the wind southerly (as wee had the night before) 
 so that wee came in sight of Cyprus. The brize came alwayes con-
 
 46 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'S [July 8, 
 
 stantly att noone, and then continued till midnight. Now my shippe 
 outsayled all my fleete by much, for she was in excellent trimme 
 (drawing 15 foote abaft and 14 and 3 inches before) and in smooth 
 water, and by a wind, was her best way. Here again wee felt the 
 dew fall in great aboundance, as wee did before att our comming 
 downe, which was much more then att Scanderone, or in the Bay 
 of Arsous a where I rid att anchor. 
 
 The 9. wee had litle wind, but the former hauing sett vs much to 
 the northward, the current did sett vs in strongly. In the after- 
 noone, ouer against the east end of Cyprus, wee saw the relikes of a 
 brave great and stately cittie, as it seemed to vs. The Greekes with 
 with me told me it was called Alayassa. b The current had by next 
 day that the brize came, set vs so farre in betweene Cyprus and the 
 north maine, that I deemed it losse of too much time to goe about 
 the other way, therefore continued on this course. Here I mett 
 with the Greeke boate that I had spoken with before, which carried 
 prouisions to the . Galeazzes. He told me he was sent by their 
 Captaine for wine, and that he had commanded him if he mett with 
 me to do a verie respectiue message to me, and in his name to 
 present me with all the prouision that he had ; and withall he 
 told me that he was afraid of his head att his returne for his 
 rash action with me, and that the Venetians had an auania raised 
 vpon them for spreading scandalous rumors of me that I had 
 pillaged some Greeke carmizales, for the Greekes were so gratefull 
 for the courtesies that I had done them, that they came and deposed 
 before an officer how courteously they were vsed, and supplyed with 
 many necessaries for their voyage. 
 
 Till the 13. in the morning wee plyed vp with litle and contrarie 
 wind, yet with help of the current, and taking all aduantages, we 
 were gott vp halfe way [to] the Hand of Cyprus; then the wind 
 came east southerly, and I stood W. N. W. for Satalia, where I heard 
 2 French sattias were lading. 
 
 Arsus, to the northward of Cape Cangieri, and between it and Scanderoon. 
 b Laodicea, or as it is now termed Latikia?
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 47 
 
 The 14. I came into the Bay of Satalia, 8 where I descryed a 
 vessell att anchor in a creeke, to which I sent of my boates and 
 brought their men abord. It was a Greeke carmizale, and he gaue 
 me intelligence that there was but one sattia att the port, and shee 
 not laden ; besides the port is but a litle cricke, no broader thana 
 ship is long and not aboue twise as deepe, and that the ground is all 
 rockie and they can anchor no where, but moore their sattias to the 
 toppe of two toures that are built att the entrance of the cricke, and 
 haue a strong guard in them to defend it. Wherefore considering 
 these reasons, and that the wind blew strongly in, and that a great 
 current sett into the bay, being deepe, I stood of to sea, and had a 
 great wind and head sea att west, and the weather was verie cold 
 with it. 
 
 Till the 19. day I stood of to the seabord, plying as neere the wind 
 as I could, and then att noone I was 84 leagues southwest halfe a 
 point southerly, from the cape or head land that is on the westward 
 of the mouth of the Bay of Satalia ; and then I tacked about againe 
 to get to the northward, for I perceiued there ranne such a violent 
 current to the eastward in the open sea as I could do no good in 
 plying there, therefore hasted to get vnder the north shore, where 
 the He of Candie and those of the Arcipelago might breake the 
 current, and wee haue sometimes the wind off of the shore. But 
 then the winde came so northerly that I could do no good that way, 
 wherefore I stood off to the southwest, and came within 20 leagues 
 of the Coast of jEgipt, all along which way wee saw store of flying 
 fishes. The aduerse windes had hindered my designe of going 
 straight into the Arcipelago; for the 23. day att noone, the east 
 point of Candie bore N. by W. from me 24 leagues, and the wind 
 came at N. N. E. so that I resolued to sayle along Candie, and att 
 the west end (if I had time and saw it fitt) intended to come in to 
 lye betweene Cape Angelo and Milo, for the French that trade to 
 
 " Here in this bay I saw land so high above high clondes that it was long before 
 I could belieue it to be land. I think it is not lesse high then the Pike of Tenariffa." 
 [Note in MS.]
 
 48 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [July 23, 
 
 Srairna, Sio, Constantinople, and those partes. This day the Swallow 
 broke her fore misen yard, and hitherto we had constant and strong 
 windes, and a growne sea. 
 
 The windes putt me so farre off that the 25. day we were close 
 within three leagues of the maine of Afrike, about Luceho a in 
 Barcha, ouer against the middest of Candie. Wee plyed along that 
 shore intending to looke into some portes where wee heard that 
 [the] French traded for wooll, hides, waxe, and feathers, but the 26. 
 day there arose a storme att N.W. which made vs stand off N.N.E. to 
 gett cleare of the shore. "Wee had so long had calme weather that 
 att the beginning of this storme, seuerall of our ancientest seamen, 
 and some that had bin in the East Indiaes, were sea sicke. All the 
 while before wee had great fogges and serenes att nightes. 
 
 The 28. wee stood in to shore againe, the storme being ceased, 
 and when wee were as neere the land as before, and about the same 
 place, we stood off to sea againe att night. Thus we continued to 
 do the 29. 30. and 31. dayes, the wind continuing stiffe att north- 
 west, and so much sea that wee gained litle. The most that wee 
 had bin to the southward was 32 and 10'. The shore is low 
 ground, and seemes to be sandie and barren, for wee could descrye 
 nothing to grow there all along nor could we come verie neere, for 
 farre off into sea it was showle water, and in many places foule 
 ground, so that our desire was to gett off from it as soone as wee 
 could, though with some losse, to the eastward. 
 
 The 1 . of August it was calme, onely a litle breath stirring att 
 E.N.E. By this time all our water which wee had filled att Zante 
 and Arsous was recouered againe, which before gaue vs much an- 
 noyance, for within 3 dayes after it was filled it stunke, as also the 
 beuarage that was made of it, and grew not sweete in long time ; 
 but for my owne prouision, after I had tryed many other wayes in 
 vaine, I found that putting some litle peble stones and gravell, and 
 hanging some lead, in the iarres, it continued perfect good. That 
 night the wind came stiffe againe at N.W. and I stood off N.N.E. 
 
 a Lucho.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 49 
 
 to endeauour to gaine the other shore, for I saw there was litle hope 
 of a wind off of this, there being nothing to engender a wind, for it 
 was lowe ground and all drie sand. 
 
 The 2. wee continued to stand of as before. 
 
 The 3. likewise, and the Swallow being almost out of sight to lee- 
 wardes, I bore vp the helme south east to stand with her. She was 
 verie leakie and in bad plight. 
 
 The 4th I stood off as before, and the more I came off to sea the 
 more the wind did wester vpon vs. 
 
 The 5. in the morning wee saw the land of Candie all a high, 
 about 23 leagues off; and wee descry ed a sayle with which we 
 stood, and the Hopewell and sattia fetcht her vp first. Shee did 
 first putt out English colours, but then Captaine Beaumont putting 
 out French colors, shee also putt out French colors. Shee said shee 
 was of S to Mauro, but had no commission nor formall instrument to 
 testifie of whence they were. Captaine Beamond told me that one 
 of them had confessed to him (in Italian by interpreter) that they 
 had 20,000' dollers in readie money. When I sent for him he 
 denyed it, and would not acknowledge that he could speake or vn- 
 derstand Italian, whereuppon I sent him abord my owne shippe to 
 threaten him with tormentes to make him confesse, but they could 
 get nothing out of him but that if he said any such thing it was in 
 iest. I concerned it might be that they had French mens moneyes, 
 because they told me there were 2 French satties come to Zant with 
 money that were to goe downe to the bottome, a but that hearing of 
 vs they durst not, but stayed thereabouts till they should heare 
 newes that I was gone from those partes, and finding them besides 
 verie vncertaine in their discourses, I conceiued it possible (if they 
 had had so much money as att first was said) that the French know- 
 ing them had trusted them to carrie it for them, they going downe 
 into the bottome; and to adde to this surmise, was their hauing 
 seuerall colors and many muskets and other armes, but I caused 
 search to be made and could find nothing but such moneyes as they 
 
 i.e. of the Levant? 
 
 CAMD. SOC. H
 
 50 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Aug. 5, 
 
 said was their stocke, which was about 1,000 dollers, which I deli- 
 uered backe to them as I found it. So fitting the sattie with a toppe 
 mast from them and a cocke boate (both which they had to spare), 
 and taking 3 Candie barrels or rundlets of wine (of which wee had 
 neuer a droppe, nor of beuurage in all our fleete, but all dranke 
 water,) I dismissed her. The pilote told me there were 4 French 
 vessels expected daily att Zante from Smirna, and some from Con- 
 stantinople, and that they must come close by Micono, and perad- 
 uenture would touch att Milo. 
 
 The 6. wee fell in with the land of Candia, about 8 leagues to 
 the westward of the east point, and (by the way) this I obserued by 
 the pricking of our plottes a backewardes from the place where we 
 were, which wee knew, to the place from whence we came on the 
 coast of Barcha, which wee knew not, that our English plottes are 
 verie ill made, and the land wrong drawne where wee haue litle 
 trade, (as there), which troubled vs much in our accountes, but 
 where wee haue frequent trade all is most exactly described. To- 
 wardes euening it was calme. 
 
 The 7th att day breake wee descryed a saile neere the Hand of 
 Christiana, which is close to the south east end of Candia. I sent 3 
 shippes about to meete her on the other side the litle Hand, and my 
 selfe with an other stood in after her. Soone after I espyed neere 
 me 4 galliottes of warre, which I conceiue were of Messina, and 
 were verie full of men. I also conceiue that the caramisale which 
 I followed was their prize, for all the men left her, and when I came 
 to her shee was a floate att sea without any liuing thing in her. I 
 stood after the 4 galliottes, but they rowed into the windes eye so 
 fast that it was labor lost to follow them, so that it being calme I 
 spent the afternoone to take the mastes sayles and cordage (which I 
 had vse of) out of the caramisale, as also her lading, which was only 
 rise about 25 tonnes, and then I turned her off to floate (as I found 
 her) a wrecke in the sea. This chace drew me to the furthest point 
 of the S. E. end of Candia, and then the wind being faire for that, I 
 
 a Charts.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 51 
 
 deemed it much my best and shortest way for Milo and Cape St. 
 Angelo to go on the N. side of Candia; but by that time I was come 
 halfe way of the East end, it was calme, but in the euening a litle 
 wind rose, and in the night it blew fresh att northwest. 
 
 The 8. it was calme till towardes euening, then the wind rose iust 
 as the night before. By sunne sett wee were come as farre as Spina- 
 longo. It blew hard all night, and encreased so much that the next 
 morning that wee sought some sandie bay about Candie to anchor, 
 wee came neere many but liked them not, so that wee kept of att 
 sea, and bore vp to gett the Hand to weather of vs, which was well 
 for vs, for if that had happened to vs in a deepe bay, where we 
 could not haue speedily gott out, which hapned afterwardes, wee 
 had certainly perished. For in a bay where 3 of my shippes went 
 in before me and rid att anchor, I lett fall mine, and the wind was 
 so violent and our shippe being high carued so that it had much 
 power on the vpper workes. The cable broke in peeces as the shippe 
 wound vp ; then I lett fall the sheate anchor, and that coming home, I 
 was forced to keepe the sea vnder a low sayle, hauing splitt my fore- 
 toppesaile, and when I had wound in the anchor I saw that one 
 flooke of it was broke of close to the shanke, and with it it brought 
 vp a branch of corall. It was a maine storme, and a furious fretting 
 wind, and in gustes there came most violent flawes, but such as wee 
 could make readie to receiue, for wee could see them come tearing 
 vp the water halfe a league off; yet was it reasonable smooth water, 
 for the Hand was to windward of us. Towardes night it was lesse 
 wind, but came vncertainely and by flawes. 
 
 The 10th the storme rose againe in the morning betimes, but 
 calmed againe about 9 of the clocke, and then the wind came verie 
 vncertaine. Wee had it vpon all the pointes of the compasse in 
 space of an houre, and blew so variously that our maine course 
 would be filled with one wind, and the fore course filled with an 
 other directly opposite, bringing it on the backestayes; and furious 
 gustes would come tearing the water close by vs, and be spent before 
 they arriued to vs. I conceiue that the cause of this varietie was, 
 that it was a storme att north on the other side of Candie, and the
 
 52 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'S [Aug. 10, 
 
 land being high ouer against where wee were did keepe it off from 
 vs, but there being a lowe gullet a litle head of vs, and another a 
 litle a sterne, the wind came pouring downe through them, and so 
 it was an eddie wind that came to vs: for when wee were past that 
 highest point of the land, and were driuen a litle further off to sea 
 (which was about noone) then wee had the wind constant att north 
 with a great storme. Before night wee were arriued to halfe the 
 length of Candia. It is all about it high cliffie land, and no anchor- 
 ing but close by the shore, and that in deepe water. It is so hilly 
 that for the most part it is vncultiuated, but here and there are fer- 
 tile valleyes which beare a rich grape ; so that there are few townes 
 or villages in it ; one familie being enough to manure all the 
 ground that in a great distance is fitt to make profitt of. It con- 
 tinued much wind all that night, but the next morning it calmed, 
 about noone blew a gentle gale at N. W., and by night that day, the 
 llth., wee had gained the length of the Hand of Candia, and were 
 aU the west end of it. 
 
 The 12. wee doubled the end of Candia with faire weather. 
 
 The 13. wee descryed a sayle comming out from betweene the 
 Ilandes called the Grabugi, a att the end of Candia. When I stood 
 towardes her, shee stood in againe, and gott vnder a castle that is 
 there, wherein is 40 brasse peeces of ordinance. I then stood off 
 againe, as though I had plyed to windward, and shee came off and 
 stood as I did. Then I putt out dragges and a bight of a cable, so 
 that shee fetched mainely of me ; but when shee was halfe way with 
 me shee bore vp againe and anchored vnder the castle. I then 
 stood on towardes Serigotto, the wind at north east, faire weather. 
 That night I saw Cape St. Angelo in Morea, but the wind comminor 
 N. I stood E.N.E.; and the 14th in the morning I saw Milo all a 
 high, about 12 leagues off N.N.E. 
 
 I plyed it vp with contrarie wind, and the 15. by night I came 
 
 faire by it, but shortened saile that I might not come in before 
 
 morning, because I had intelligence some French had lately bin 
 
 there, and peraduenture were not yet gone, and in the night I could 
 
 Grabusa is now the name of the principal island of this little gronpe.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 53 
 
 not spye all my opportunities, but might cause such a bruit as to 
 make them putt their best thinges ashore. Close by Milo lyes an 
 Hand that my cardes call Anania,* but the Greekes I had in my 
 shippe named \tUIsola de Diauoli, because they say no men inha- 
 bite there, but is infested with diuels; and that when they moore 
 their cables vpon the shore (for it is high land, and the water deepe 
 by the shore) they all loose of themselues, vnlesse they make them 
 fast, making a crosse with the endes of euerie two cables. One of 
 them said that not long before he was there with the Florentine 
 gallyes, and they were moored without a crosse, and in the night 
 they heard a loud voice out of the sea that bad them quickely rowe 
 away, and cry'd " Halo, I Hala ! " for their cables were loose, which 
 they found to be true. b The like is said to be att Strombolo. We 
 were now in great want of water. 
 
 The 16. I came into Milo. It is a braue port, able to containe a 
 vast number of shippes, and is land locked; it is of much more 
 capacitie then that att Cephalonia. The entrance is verie narrow, 
 and so deepe water that all the way without, and a good way with- 
 in, wee had no ground though wee were close abord the shore; but 
 we anchored in a sandie bay att 15 faddome water. The people 
 were so confident that they immediately came abord me, and one 
 that is consull there for strangers ; and sending to acquaint the Caya 
 (who is the Turkish gouernor) with my comming, he assured me of 
 all faire correspondence from him, and supplye with all necessaries. 
 
 The 17. I went to visit the Caya and Cadi, of whom I receiued 
 much courtesie. There are but them two Turkes in the Hand, and 
 a few seruantes with them. They are sent by the Behi of Koades, 
 
 a " Af terwardes I found they were 3 litle Ilandes, not Anania, which lyes more W." 
 b " Many of the towne told me it was true, and familiar to them ; euerie daye fisher boates 
 were serued so, and many that spoke with me had heard the voice "ITala! Hala!" 
 which is, " Haile in the roape!" And some old men remembred when there were no 
 Ilandes there, but they grew by litle and litle out of the sea, first with great thund- 
 ring noises like shooting of peeces of artillerie, and dayly grew more and more, and 
 now lately one litle one was growing out." [This and the preceding note were 
 added afterwards by Sir Kenelm Digby.]
 
 54 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Aug. 17, 
 
 to whom the Gran Signior hath giuen the profit of that and some 
 other Hand in the Archipelago towardes the defraying of his gallyes 
 that he armes. This Hand liueth freer then any other of the Turkes 
 dominions, and hath indeed nothing but the name of seruitude, for 
 they pay a reasonable tribute, and are no further molested, nor haue 
 Turkes come to oppresse them. It seemes to be verie fruitfull ; wee 
 had excellent fruites, and very good other prouisions, but especially 
 abundance of partridges, and as cheape as larkes in England. 
 
 The 18. I went ashore and lay att the consuls house, whiles my 
 men were filling water, which there is bad conueniency for, and the 
 water not good. During that time I feasted the Turkes, who were 
 verie barbarous and bestiall in respect of others that I haue seene. 
 
 The 22. I came abord againe; and, for disorders on shore and 
 disrespect to his Captaine, I did putt the master of the Rereadmii-all 
 out of his place. But vpon his humble submission, and such satis- 
 faction to his Captaine that he became a solicitor for him, I restored 
 him to his charge. 
 
 The 23. I sett sayle to be gone, but was becalmed in the mouth 
 of the harbor, so that I came to an anchor of one side close to the 
 shore. Vpon humble submission I restored my principall masters 
 mate to his place, that I had turned before the mast for some dis- 
 respectiue misdemeanour. 
 
 The 24. in the morning I gott out, and neere to Antimilo I mett 
 with my other 3 shippes, who had had [sic] taken 2 French sattias 
 that came from Alexandria. One of them they tooke without re- 
 sistance, the men ruuning on shore att Candia ; but the other fought 
 2 houres with the boate that afterwardes tooke them, and whiles 
 they went to the shippes for more pouder (for it was dead calme) 
 the men ranne a shore in the boate, so that in this neither they tooke 
 any men. This afternoone wee deserved 5 sayles betweene Milo 
 and Cape St. Angelo, after which wee stood, but in the night wee 
 lost them. One of the sattias proouing an excellent sayler wee kept, 
 the other being almost billaged with running aground, they turned 
 off when they had vnladen and spoyled her. In the taking these
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 55 
 
 Sir Edward Stradling gaue testimonie of much iudgement and dis- 
 cretion, for they were so much beyond our vessels in sayling that 
 had it not bin by artifice they could neuer haue taken them. 
 
 The 25. it was calme a great part of the day. 
 
 The 26. the wind came at S. W. so that not being able to gett 
 any thing towardes Zant, and hearing there were 4 French sattias 
 come or coming from Smyrna, which had or would putt in att 
 Micono vntill they heard of our being out of the Arches, I stood 
 that way, which was about 20 leagues off, although with vnwillinge- 
 ness of my masters, in which I was the more forward out of confi- 
 dence that in Delos I should not loose my labour; besides that att 
 Micono I entended to make my prouision of wines, where it is verie 
 good and exceeding cheape. 
 
 The same day it was calme most part of the day. We passed 
 betweene Serfou and Sifanto, and saw Argentera, Calipodi, Serfu- 
 podi, Fermina, Cea, Sira, Tino, Canate, Antiparisi, Parisi, Naxia, 
 and some other ilandes. Towardes night it came a fine gale 
 att S. W. 
 
 The 27. in the morning wee were faire by Dilles, hauing shortened 
 saile and plyed to and againe all night least wee should haue ouer- 
 shott it; then wee saw Andria and the castle vpon Tino, which 
 being impregnable by being seated vpon a high rocke, hath preserued 
 that Hand for the Venetians. Before noone I came to an anchor in 
 Micono roade, and in the afternoone I tooke a boate to goe to Delos, 
 but the wind rose so strong against me when I was gone two thirdes 
 of the way, and there came withall furious raine and lightning, that 
 I was forced to returne. That night was the foulest for raine, for 
 vehemence of thunder and lightning, for extreme darkenesse and 
 violent snatches of winde, that euer I saw. 
 
 The 28. it cleared vp, and being verie faire I spent the day att 
 Delos in search of antiquities. In these partes, as well as att Milo, 
 they had heard a punctuall relation of my fight att Scanderone with 
 the galeazzes, which made me be much welcomed by them all, out 
 of the disaffection they generally beare here to the Venetians and
 
 56 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY ? S [Sept. 3, 
 
 the extraordinarinesse of the action; and the Viceconsull of the 
 English here told me that he was at Smyrna when the newes of it 
 came to our ambassador Sir Thomas Rowe (then there) and to the 
 consull and English marchantes, all who made much joy att it. 
 
 The 29. going out with the Rereadmirall, Hopewell and sattia, I 
 saw a great shippe (bigger then the Eagle) ouer the low land of 
 Delphos. I stood with her, but before I could doubble the point to 
 come to her, shee was gott so farre from vs that night drawing on I 
 deemed it best to giue ouer the chace and anchored att Delos. 
 
 The 30. 1 spent there looking of antiquities. 
 
 The 31. I returned to Micono, onely the sattia came not in. 
 
 This day I ended a difference betweene Captaine Windesor (whom 
 I had caused to surrender his commission some dayes before) and 
 Mr. Harris. 
 
 I gaue order for the speedy dispatch of the polacra, and with halfe 
 of my shippes went to Delphos, which is a verie good port, and 
 there I spent my time taking in some marble stones and statues till 
 the Viceadmirall and polacra and sattia came to me, which was the 
 3. of September. Then the wind being contrarie I vnladed the 
 sattia, and tooke the rest of her goods (which the Viceadmirall and 
 Hopewell had left) into my shippe. 
 
 The reasons that mooved me to come to Micono were these. Mr. 
 Tauerner said the polacra was so leakie and in euill plight that he 
 would not venture to saile in her to Patras, and to stay att Milo to 
 carine and fitt her I saw was verie inconuenient, for it was a place 
 that administred meanes of such debauchednesse that I found by 
 experience I could haue no command of my men there, and the 
 wind came faire to carrie vs to Micono in a day, and it was too 
 soone by 3 week [es] to come into our port to make prouisions, for 
 it was so hott that all men said in a moneth yet meate could not take 
 salt, and wine is extreamely cheape att Micono, so that I entended 
 to make all my prouisions there of that, but was frustrated, for they 
 had filled vp all their old caske and store with new wines which 
 were naught for beuurage, and in the litle channell between Tino
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 57 
 
 and Micono, did passe all those vessels that went for Constantinople, 
 Sio, or Smy[r]na, where I heard there were 6 Frenchmen readie to 
 come out, and more dayly expected to come thither. But being at 
 Micono I found that my men likewise haunted that shore, which 
 yet was not comparably so bad as Milo, and were vneasie to be kept 
 abord; so that I went with most of my shippes to Delphos, a desert 
 iland, where staying till the rest were readie, because idlenesse should 
 not fixe their mindes vpon any vntoward fansies (as is vsuall among 
 seamen), and together to auayle myselfe of the conueniencie of 
 carrying away some antiquities there, I busied them in rolling of 
 stones downe to the sea side, which they did with such eagernesse 
 as though it had bin the earnestest businesse that they came out 
 for, and they mastered prodigious massie weightes ; but one stone, the 
 greatest and fairest of all, containing 4 statues, they gaue ouer after 
 they had bin, 300 men, a whole day about it, whiles the dispatching 
 some businesse with some Venetians come from Tino detained me 
 abord. But the next day I contriued a way with mastes of shippes 
 and another shippe to ride oueragainst it, that brought it downe 
 with much ease and speede. In the litle Delphos there are braue 
 marble stones heaped vp in the great ruines of Apollos temple, and 
 within the circuit of it is a huge statue, but broken in two peeces 
 about the wast, which the Greekes told me was Apollos. It 
 weigheth att least 30 tonnes, and time hath worn out much a the 
 softnesses and gentilenesses of the worke, yet all the proportions 
 remaine perfect and in grosse; the yieldinges of the flesh and the 
 musculous partes are visible, so that it is still a braue noble piece, 
 and hath by diuers bin attempted to be carried away, but they haue 
 all failed in it. 
 
 The 4th and 5th I spent in vnlading the sugars and other goods 
 out of the sattia. 
 
 The 6th shee tooke in ballast. 
 
 The 7th I descryed a sayle coming in betweene Tino and Mi- 
 
 a This passage was written in the first instance without the " much." On insert- 
 ing it perhaps Sir Kenelm omitted to add " of." 
 CAMD. SOC. I
 
 58 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Sept. 7, 
 
 cono, to which I sent out 2 vessels, who soone fetched her vppe. 
 She was a French polacra, bought by Greekes, and now employed 
 by the English consull att Smyrna to goe to one of the ilandes 
 neere for wine, and by her he writt to me. The master said that 
 they had heard of me att Sio and Smyrna 6 dayes before, but that 
 since my being in these partes 5 or 6 French vessels had passed to 
 and againe close by me ; but it was their fortune to scape by com- 
 ming in the night. It was now so hott that swimming a nightes I 
 found the water warmer then att any time in England. 
 
 The 8. I restored his commission to Captaine Windesor, did putt 
 an other master in the polacra, settled Captaine Digby and Mr. 
 Aires in the sattia, and for some impertinencies and arrogancies did 
 putt my chiefe masters mate out of his place : and by noone did sett 
 saile with a faire wind. Towardes night it lessened and scanted. 
 
 The 9th the wind was att southwest. 
 
 The 10. it came faire, and by 10 of the clocke in the morning 
 wee were faire by Antimilo, whiles some of my shippes were betweene 
 it and Milo to speake with two boates that they saw there. By night 
 wee were faire by Cape St. Angelo, and then I shortened saile to ex- 
 pect my shippes that I sent in by Milo; yet, notwithstanding that, 
 wee had so fresh and faire a gale that wee made 70 leaguesin 24houres. 
 
 The 1 1 . I passed by Corone, a that shewed to be a fine cittie, and 
 a fruitfull countrie about it, and descrying some sailes (that wee 
 made for sattias) and not liking the working of the shippes I sent, 
 I came abord the Hopewell, and in her, with the polacra, I came 
 betweene Sapienza and Modona (which seems to be a fine strong 
 towne) and tooke two vessels, but soone dismissed them, for they 
 were Greekes with dubble misen sailes. I saluted Modona, two 
 leagues from it. To the westward is an other fine port, and two 
 strong castles. Before night wee saw Strofali. b All that night and 
 the next day was calme, and we were about 8 leagues from Zante. 
 I was in some perplexitie for the sattia, the Starre, which departed 
 from me, indiscreetely following a Greeke vessell (that I had dis- 
 a Koroni. b Strophadia.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 59 
 
 missed in their sight) vnder Corone, although I shott towardes them 
 and weaued [sic] them to follow me. 
 
 The 13th I came into Zante roade, where I anchored without all 
 the English shippes that I found there, and the next day the sattia 
 came in to me. 
 
 Att my first arrivall the new Proueditore sent me verie courteous 
 messages, and a kind of promise of prattike within a day or two : 
 but I saw that I was delayed from time to time with much praeiu- 
 dice to me, and therefore resolued to goe carine my vessels att an 
 other port, and to victuall att Patras. Mr. Leate shewed me his 
 fathers and brothers letters aduertising him how Mr. Strode had 
 refused to pay the billes of exchange for 4,000 dollers made vpon 
 him from Argieres (whereby they came protested), and had vsed 
 speeches of much disrespect and disgrace to me : whereupon I payed 
 him the money here, and had billes from him to his father for re- 
 payment of it backe in case Mr. Strode should haue payed it. I 
 stayed here to gett some prouisions, as hoopes, tallow, tarre, pitch, 
 wine, bread, and to procure some English men and pouder from the 
 English shippes here. 
 
 The 18. Sir Edward Stradling went in an English shippe to Pa- 
 tras, to haue conuenience to attend to his health there whiles I 
 carined my vessels, (he being then indisposed,) and he was pleased 
 to take charge of bespeaking some thinges necessarie for my fleete, 
 as victuals and other prouisions. Some of the English marchantes 
 come from Aleppo told me, abord Captaine Hatches shippe, that the 
 paying money by the English, vpon occasion of the action done by 
 me att Scanderone, proceeded from the consuls feare and weake- 
 nesse, and that now there were certificates sent vp to Constantinople 
 by the Bassha of Aleppo and the Cadi and Agaw att Scanderone to 
 witnesse that the Venetians began to fight with me, and offred me 
 much affront, and that the French shott the first shottes att me, 
 and that I had taken them, but had afterwardes giuen them backe 
 att the entreatie of the English and of the Agaw, and had taken 
 nothing from them
 
 60 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Sept. 18, 
 
 The 19. I punished by ducking a and other wayes a dozen or six- 
 teen of my men that had been disorderly on shore, and that I had 
 much difficultie to gett abord againe; and tooke order that for the 
 future none of my men should goe ashore in port, but would hire a 
 boate of the place to goe to and againe to doe businesse. 
 
 The 20. I sett saile from Zante to goe to Petalas, a fitt port, ouer 
 against Ithaca, to carine my shippes in. 
 
 The 21. in the morning I came in there, and found it an ill roade 
 without, and within the harbor was fitt onely for gallies, so that I 
 stood on further, and came to the bay of Drogomaster, which deui- 
 deth itselfe in the bottome into two portes, the one bearing that 
 name, the other called S 4 * Pantalemona. Into this last I came, and 
 is the best port that either I or any with me euer saw. There I 
 careend and breemed my shippes with verie great diligence, and 
 kept all the day sentinels vpon the hilles, and the night boates to 
 watch att sea, that so I might be aduertised if any gallies or boates 
 should come to surprise me and fire my vessels. I had so fitted my 
 selfe that gallies could not hurt mee att length, for they could not 
 open my shippes till they were within halfe the length of our ordi- 
 nance, and I had the mouth of the harbor alwayes barred vp with 
 two shippes riding each with 4 hawsers to keepe their broad sides 
 to beare, so that I had alwayes aboue 50 peeces of ordinance to 
 beare for my defence. I was thus cautious, because whiles I was 
 att Zant there came in boates to spye what I did, sent by the Sici- 
 lian and Naples gallies (which were in all 28), that I heard traced 
 me all about to surprise me att some aduantage. 
 
 There came in here seuerall sayles to layde corne and valagni* 
 for Venice; the pinke that I had sold to the marchantes att Zant 
 came hither to lade corne for Corfu, sent by the Proueditore, and 
 the master (a Venetian) told me that 2 galleazzes and 15 gallies 
 were gone downe towardes Scanderone to carrie mastes to the other 
 
 * "With the much and violent motion of the roape the blocke did take fire." 
 [Note by Sir Kenelm Digby.] 
 
 b Valonea, the acorn-cup of a peculiar kind of oak (QuercugjEgilops), much used 
 in tunning.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 61 
 
 galleazzes (which I had shott downe) and a 100 oares, and said that 
 he heard there I had killed them aboue 100 men. 
 
 During my stay here I sold some rise and flaxe, the rise because 
 it lying abaft in an emptied bread roome it did putt my shippe out 
 of trimme, and began to be full of wormes, and the flaxe because it 
 was a dangerous commoditie for a shippe that hath often occasions 
 to fighte. Here also I saw the inconueniencie of breeming aloft to 
 pay the shippe ouer with pitch, for of my six vessels not one scaped 
 being sett on fire in the doing them, and would haue consumed 
 them if great diligence had not bin vsed, and care taken before hand 
 to remedie such an inconvenience if it should happen. 
 
 I made here an incredible expedition, for I calked, carined, and 
 tallowed all my shippes, and breemed and blacked them, putt out 
 their ballast and tooke it in againe and all their goods, and hooped 
 aboue 100 tonnes of caske, and lined many old sailes and made new, 
 and tooke in six monethes prouision of wood, besides the doing of 
 many other businesse of lesse importance. 
 
 The last of September, hauing done all businesse in that port, I 
 came out of the harbor in the euening, and lay in the roade be- 
 calmed all night. 
 
 The 1 . of October a gentle wind off of the shore brought vs out 
 betimes in the morning, but by that time we were halfe way to 
 Patras, a strong Leuante out of the gulfe of Lepanto tooke vs so 
 that we plyed it vp, and anchored vnder the lee of Cape Papao, 
 neere the bay of Clarenzia. 
 
 The second in the morning I waighed from thence, and plyed it 
 vp with a verie strong contrarie wind, and by night came to anchor 
 in the bay neere Patras. 
 
 The next day, the 3d, in the morning, I gott into the roade with 
 much difficultie, by the varietie of the windes caused by the hilles 
 making eddie windes. That day the consull came abord me, and 
 told me how he had taken order for all such prouisions as I writt for. 
 
 The 4th, 5th, and 6th, wee spent before wee could reconcile some 
 differences betweene the Caya and Cadi of the place and my selfe,
 
 62 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Oct. 4, 
 
 for they, conceiuing that I had taken rich prizes, would force me to 
 sell goods att their rates, and to giue them and other officers great 
 presentes (as I was faine to do att Argires) before they would lett 
 me haue any prouisions. Necessity forced me to condiscend to 
 some inconueniencies, and the 7th my men began to kill hogges, 
 and the bakers to make bread. 
 
 That day att the consuls instance, and to oblige some of the prin- 
 cipall officers that were interessed in it, and that could aduance my 
 businesse, I dispatched my Rereadrairall to Zante with a parcell of 
 silke of theirs, which if I had not done the consul would haue bin 
 much intrigued, and much prseiudice haue come to an English 
 shippe then in the roade, that otherwise would haue bin forced to 
 take it in and deliuer it in a place out of his way to goe vnto. 
 
 [The 6th, after a sharpe reprehension, I accommodated a diffe- 
 rence hapned betweene the master of my shippe and the purcer of 
 my fleete, they both making an humble submission and acknow- 
 ledgement of their error to me.] * 
 
 The 8th, in the morning, hauing discouered that my steward had 
 purloined away some sugar and rise, I made him be first ducked- 
 (with a gunne shott off) and then towed att my boate's sterne to 
 euery one of my shippes, expressing his fault to them. 
 
 The 9th I went on shore to the consuls house, intending from 
 thence to goe to visite the Caya and Cadi, to treate of accommodating 
 vpon reasonable termes the demandes that they made for the port 
 charges of my seuerall vessels (which were verie great) ; but, as soone 
 as I was come into the consuls house, some seruantes of the Cayas 
 came in there with violence to haue me from thence, and to affront 
 me, and did beate seuerall of my followers in outragious maner, and 
 carried them away prisoners (for I subtilely gott out of their handes) 
 and then the Caya consulted to take and keepe me prisoner in the 
 castle, vntill I had brought all the goods out of my shippes to the 
 shore, that they might haue them att their pleasure; but by indus- 
 trious negotiation I preuented this, and with presentes procured my 
 Inserted afterwards by Sir Kenelm Digby in the margin of the MS.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 63 
 
 selfe a strong faction in the place, so that I secured myselfe and 
 companie from danger, and gott a promise of 20,000 Ibs. of bread 
 (which before was denyed me) and more hogges and beeues and 
 other prouisions than I had neede of; all which before my comming 
 into the port was promised me by them, in a large manner, to the 
 messenger that I sent before hand to know what welcome I should 
 find there; yet, besides the presentes, I was forced to part with a 
 good quantity of flaxe and other goods att an inferior value, for 
 whatsoeuer it cost me I was necessitated to take in victuals and 
 prouisions there, by reason that my coming into any of the Vene- 
 tians dominions was interdicted me. The Duke of Florence, I 
 heard, began to vse our nation discourteously, and arrested those 
 English shippes that had taken Spanish or French prizes, and raised 
 hauanias vpon them. To Argires or Tunis I was vnwilling to come 
 without extreme necessity, as not beeing verie confident of their 
 faith; and to go further northward, as to Villafranca, besides the 
 loosing of the season vpon the coast of Spaine without the Straightes, 
 my victuall was verie short, therefore patience and temporising with 
 their furies was my best remedies in these perplexities with this 
 people, that is unresistable and uncouncelleable in the violence of 
 their motions. 
 
 The 13th I heard, in publike presence of all the principall com- 
 manders in my fleete, the accusations that the gunner and boate- 
 swaine of my shippe made against the master, of hauing purloined 
 away some goods; but, after strict examination, I found that the 
 gunner raised the aspersion vpon malice, and the boateson through 
 indiscretion was drawne in to confirme it, so that I cleared the 
 master with honor, and gaue the others the sharpest rebuke that I 
 could, and had punished them in a most disgracefull manner if I 
 could haue taken hold of anything that they had affirmed of them- 
 selues, but (after the manner of seamen) they had taken vp an euill 
 grounded rumor, which, being traced from one to an other, euery 
 time with some additions, came att length to vanish without finding 
 any precise author.
 
 64 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Oct. 13, 
 
 All this past weeke it was exceeding cold, and most niglites 
 frostes, and there fell a great quantity of snow and raine. 
 
 A great man of Lepanto that gouerneth all those partes, called 
 Signior Bego, and a great soldior, came to Patras to buy my sattia, 
 which I had offered to sell because shee was an auncient vessell and 
 could not brooke the winter season and our English seas, and that 
 it caused too great a diuision and consequently a weakening of my 
 strength, and that I wanted money to buy victuals and necessaries 
 for my voyage home ; whereupon I sold it to him for 200 loades of 
 winne and 60 kintals of biskett, and entertained him one night abord 
 my shippe. 
 
 All the time of my staying in this port I had continual vexation 
 and trouble through the injustice and tyrannic of the Turkes, which 
 I passed by in the best manner that I could till I had my victualls 
 abord, and in 18 dayes after my comming in I had dispatched my 
 businesse here, so that the 21. of October in the cuening I sett sayle 
 from Patras with the wind off of the shore. 
 
 The 22. I plyed it vp and sometimes led it along with a scant 
 wind. This night was verie tempestuous both for wind, raine, and 
 lightning. 
 
 The 23. by noone I came to an anchor in Clarenzia roade, be- 
 tweene Cape Ternese and Cape Clarenzia, vnder Castle Ternese. 
 Here I had bespoke 40 beefes and 60 hogges more, which were 
 readie at my coming. This had bin a much fitter place then Patras 
 to victual in, much cheaper, and with farre greater expedition; but 
 the consull, either through misaprehension or a dishonest desire to 
 helpe himselfe of my being there, aduised me to come into Patras, I 
 hauing sent a fortenight before hand to him to be enformed what 
 entertainment I should haue there. [I found the consull to faile me 
 in many thinges of honesty and humanitye, and he cheated Sir 
 Edward Stradling with a false diamond, selling it to him vpon his 
 word for a true one.] a 
 
 * Subsequently added, in the margin of the MS., by Sir Kenelm Digby.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 65 
 
 All the country of Morea is verie fruitfull in all thinges vsefull to 
 men, and maintaineth Zant, Cephalonia, and other ilandes about it 
 out of the superfluitie thereof. It maketh a great store of silke, and 
 I heare it is rich in mines. The Turke hath litle force in it now, 
 and by reason of his warres in other places could not assist it if it 
 were inuaded. One may land all about, and a castle att Corinth 
 would preserue it from any forces to be brought by land ; and the 
 Greekes of the countrie would infallibly take part with a Christian in- 
 uader, and would soone become a belliguous nation, as alreadie the 
 Albaneses are, which Hue within the land and attend to keepe cattle. 
 This soyle, but especially Lepanto, produceth excellent tobacco, and 
 it is cheape, for they of my companie that tooke of it told me that 
 some would be worth 20*. a lib. in England which they bought 
 for Is. Certainely great aduantage might be made by sending 
 one out of England that knew how to cure it and make it vp 
 well, for the Turkes vse the leafe rudely gathered and conserued 
 without any art. Vpon all this coast is great store of excel- 
 lent fish. 
 
 The 27th day I sent my Rereadmirall to my other two vessels on 
 the Lepanto side, to preuent any treacherous intention of the Turkes 
 and Jewes, with whom I parted att Clarenzia vpon verie ill termes, 
 they hauing vsed me verie dishonestly. In the night I weighed 
 anchor to go for Zante, but as soon as I was cleare of the pointes of 
 the land, there came a furious storme at S. E. and E. and by S. which 
 droue vs out of Zante roade when wee were gott in (but not come 
 to an anchor) ; so wee bore vp for Zephalonia. In the mid way be- 
 tweene the ilandes, my boate broke from my sterne with a man in 
 her, but the storme was so great and the sea so high that I could 
 not helpe him ; yet the sea drove the boat ashore, and the man 
 swimming well he saued himselfe with much difficultie, the boate 
 being staued in many peeces. 
 
 The 28. about 1 of the clocke afternoone, I came to anchor in the 
 open roade without Argostoli in Cefalonia, neere the fleete of the 
 currant shippes homewardes bound, consisting of 8 English and 5 
 
 CAMD. SOC. K
 
 66 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Oct. 28, 
 
 Fleminges, and a' head of them did ride a sattia, which at the first I 
 thought to be some prize of the English, but soone I perceiued 4 or 
 5 boates come to her, and those putt off againe, and shee lett slippe 
 2 cables and left her anchors behind and hoissed vp her sayles, and 
 then I made a shott att her, att which shee not amaining I made 2 
 more that came verie neere her, and then shee bore vp to come to 
 me, whereas before shee would haue gott into the porte for her safetie. 
 But by the way, as shee was comming to my shippe, hauing yielded 
 vpon my shott, Captaine Driuer made a shott att her and came with 
 his boate to bord her, so did all the rest of the captaines, and hauing 
 aboue 100 men abord her they treated verie ill those few men that I 
 had sent abord her, and with a hawser made her fast to one of their 
 shippes, and their men broke open the hold, and committed great 
 disorder, and in particular Captaine Trenchfield carried away seue- 
 rall bagges of money; all which I vnderstanding did goe abord my 
 selfe, and tooke her from the shippe Paragone (though with much 
 reluctation), and putt off all their men and anchored with her 
 neere one of my owne shippes, and streight nailed vp the hatches of 
 the hold. The French master of her told me then, that he had bin 
 there euer since 9 a clocke in the morning, and that the English 
 captaines told him they durst not nor would not meddle with him, 
 but gaue him notice of me that was comming in ; which when he 
 perceiued me, and that I was sending off my boate to him, then he 
 did lett slippe his cables, the storme not letting him go in or gett 
 vnder saile before. And after I had shott att him, then the other 
 captaines of the marchant shippes would haue taken him, for so 
 they had bin free of any intrigue from the Venetians (who they 
 doubted would rissent it vpon their owners), and would haue pre- 
 tended to them that they had done no act of hostilitie, but they 
 would haue had the principall benefitt ; and so my comming in for a 
 small share should haue borne the weight of all and haue warranted 
 their atjtion. But I carried it in an another manner, for I did putt 
 them all out, and kept (as in deposito till I came to haue it decided in 
 England) the money which I found there (which was 3 litle cases
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 67 
 
 buried in the ballast), and the goods ; and kept the French captaine, 
 the English hauing taken all the other men away in their boates. 
 
 The 29. in the euening the currant fleete did sett sayle. 
 
 The 30. it was foule weather. In the afternoone I weighed an- 
 chor and came out of the roade into the port, which I saluted with 
 3 peeces of ordinance. The Paragone and others the marchant 
 shippes hauing the Frenchmen abord them (all but the captaine) 
 did putt them ashore, so that they complained to the Proueditore, 
 and much incensed him against our nation. Whereupon I gaue the 
 captaine leaue to goe a shore to see if he could procure them to 
 come abord, offring great conditions in my name; and I was con- 
 fident to permitt him to goe, because I had promised him much 
 courtesie in England, and he seemed to be verie well pleased, as he 
 had reason. 
 
 The last of October I stayed all day expecting leaue from the 
 Proueditore to take in water, of which I was in great necessity, 
 hauing att Patras and Clarenzia referred that to this place and 
 Zante ; but I heard that the Proueditore had commanded, vpon 
 paine of death and confiscation of goods, no man should sell me any 
 thing, and would guard the water perforce against me. 
 
 The 1 . of Nouember wee had verie vncertaine weather. There 
 
 fell the greatest storme of raine that euer I saw, and a whirlewind 
 o 
 
 tooke vp the sea by me and carried it almost as high as the moun- 
 taines. I expected euer since my comming in to haue licence to 
 water, and 2 dayes before had sent a respectiue message to the Pro- 
 ueditore that, for his sake, I would restore the sattia to the French- 
 men. Hearing no answere from him, I sent this afternoone my 
 boates into the bottome of the harbor for water (the sattia being 
 well prouided), and sent in as farre as I could to guard them. That 
 day and the next I had done watering, and perceiuing that the 
 Proueditore did vse me onely with delayes, and doubting that (be- 
 sides my losse of time) the Venetians subtle and false dealing might 
 draw me into cumber, and not hearing any thing of my Rereadmi- 
 rall and pinnace, the Swallow, I resolued to sett sayle for Zante the
 
 68 JOURNAL OP SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Nov. 1, 
 
 3d day, the Venetian soldiers keeping the water in the towne from 
 me with muskets and other armes, but I watered completely here. 
 
 The 3d and 4th it was verie foule weather. The 4th my pin- 
 nace came in with wine and bread from Signior Bego att Lepanto, 
 who did complye verie honorably with his word in all thinges but 
 time. He treated my men verie courteously, and made an order 
 that they that came on shore should pay nothing for whatsoeuer 
 they called for, so that none of the towne durst take any money of 
 them ; and he made a proclamation that vpon paine of death (which 
 was fleaing and resting aliue) that no Turke should iniure any of 
 my men. 
 
 The 5th was boisterous weather. 
 
 The 6th the Vicechancellor of Zefalonia came to me by order of 
 the Proveditore to giue me thankes for the sattia which att his 
 earnest request I gaue backe to the Frenchmen, and brought me a 
 coppie of the captaines examination and deposition before the 
 gouernors of the iland, publikely authenticated, wherein he auerred 
 how I onely had taken him, and that the captaines of the mar- 
 chantes shippes had promised him protection, and other [under?] 
 that pretence (it seemeth) would haue pillaged him, abused my Lord 
 Admirall, deceiued me, and yet haue putt the fault (if there were 
 any) vpon me for taking her there, I onely committing a publike 
 act of hostility by shooting. Wherein it is also probable he should 
 haue had the assistance of the French, who doubtlessely had rather 
 loose but part then all, as they knew they should do with me. I 
 also gaue the Frenchmen att the Proueditores entreatie 60 peeces 
 of eight, and a monethes bread. I could not haue the captaine 
 along with me, for when he came on shore (I permitting that vpon 
 his word) the French consull there would not suffer him to returne. 
 The marchantes were also now released, who were in the castle de- 
 tained vpon color that the marchant shippes had taken the prize, 
 but indeed it was because the gouernors would take this occasion to 
 make them buy their currantes (which lay vpon their handes) att 
 what prizes they would, which they knew would turne the mar-
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 69 
 
 chantes more to account then to be detained from following their 
 occasions. 
 
 The 7th I did sett sayle for Zante, to take in the thinges pro- 
 uided, and to meete with my Rereadmirall, which I did in the 
 morning, who related to me how nobly Signior Bego had comply ed 
 with him, and that when he saw his shippe comming in he conceiued 
 I had intended to do so with my fleete, and thereuppon made offer 
 to deliuer into my handes the vpper castle of Lepanto to seme for 
 my security whiles I should stay on shore, to keepe it with as many 
 men as I would, it being an inuincible forte. The towne is diuided 
 into fiue of them, and this commandeth them all. The Rereadmi- 
 rall was putt into Zant by the foule weather, and could haue taken 
 two French sattias there (one a verie rich one bound for Scande- 
 rone) had it not bin for respect to the port which they were in, not 
 out, as that which I tooke att Cefalonia. Wee had litle wind all 
 this day. Repacking our English beefe, wee found it to be verie 
 bad. I beleeue the marchantes that looked to my victualling att 
 home did putt it vp ignorantely, and drew not the bloodie pickle 
 from it, for att the first the flesh was excellent good. By midnight 
 I came to an anchor att Zante. 
 
 The 9th in the morning a sattia went out by me, but I would 
 not send out after her, or take her as shee passed, out of respect of 
 the place. I could also haue taken the rich sattia that ridde still 
 there, with litle or no danger, if I would. This day I new diuided, 
 ordered, and shifted my men, for my voyage homewardes, and dis- 
 placed the master and gunner of the pinnace for great disorders that 
 they committed when they were on the Lepanto side for wine. 
 
 The 10th in the morning, about day breake, a French sattia 
 with a French flagge came into porte, and I causing watch to be 
 kept about my shippes in boates because the French had threatned 
 firing my fleete in the night, the two boates that kept the watch 
 (neither of them being my shippes boate) went off without any 
 order from their commanders, through an indiscreete curiositie of 
 haling and viewing the sattia, but they had no weapons att all in
 
 70 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Nov. 10, 
 
 the boates. When they returned, and that it was related to me, I 
 punished those that were in the boates for their going from the 
 shippes without order; and afterwardes vnderstanding that the Pro- 
 ueditore tooke it very ill, as though they intended to haue surprised 
 the sattia (although they ofired no act of hostilitie or disrespect att 
 all), I sent him word how the truth was, and that if he were not 
 satisfyed with the punishment I had made of them, I would putt 
 the men of my boates into his handes that he might examine the 
 fact and punish them as he thought fitt. But he would heare no- 
 thing from me, but made proclamation, vpon paine of death, that 
 no Englishman should come on shore, nor any man there deliuer 
 money or any prouision to me ; whereas vpon his word I had bought 
 and payed for oyle, wine, bread, fish, clothes for my men, and many 
 other prouisions that were necessary to me, and the English and 
 some Italian marchantes there ought me a good summe of money 
 for goods deliuered them vpon sale. Whereuppon I sent the next 
 day to represent to him the great necessity I had of those proui- 
 sions ; and, in case he would not lett me haue them, to protest 
 against him as the author of any inconueniency might arise, if ne- 
 cessity compelled me to take any victualles or clothes from any 
 Venetian or their friendes that I might meete withall. But he was 
 so harsh to the marchantes that he would not heare them speake, 
 but threatned them that went vp to him to throw them ouer the 
 castle walles, and to send the rest to the gallies, and att euery word 
 called the King of Englandes shippes of warre ladroni e corsari. 
 All this while I was under saile making bordes on and off, till after 
 noone vnderstanding how peremptory he was, that day being the 
 11. of November, I shaped my course homewardes; and did sett 
 downe orders for all the fleete how to worke, and where to make 
 our seuerall rendezvous in case we should lose companie by foule 
 weather. 
 
 The 12th faire weather and litle winde; that southerly. 
 
 The 13. like weather. In the morning I descry ed a sayle a head 
 of me to windewardes standing towardes me, wherefore I ordered
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 71 
 
 the Viceadmirall and pinnace to stand vpon the other tacke that 
 they might gett the wind of her, though withall they fell a sterne. 
 In the afternoone and all night I shortened saile for my shippes. 
 
 The 14. in the morning I mett with my shippes againe, who per- 
 ceiuing her to be a carmisale gaue ouer the chace. It was a stiffe 
 gale att south, and a growne sea. 
 
 The 15. faire weather, the wind easterly, a gentle gale, which 
 calmed towardes euening. 
 
 The 16. in the morning wee saw Cape Spartauento, and descryed 
 a sayle about a league to windeward of vs [open of the faro a ]. It 
 was litle wind, with which in a short time, being close vpon a tacke, 
 I gott halfe way vpon him. Then it fell dead calme; wherefore I 
 caused our boates to towe vp the Swallow, who being within shott 
 the vessell putt abroad the Florentine colours. Then by my boate 
 that he called abord him he sent me a verie courteous letter. He 
 had taken a towne of the Turkes. and carried away men and women 
 aboue 100 captiues. It was calme all day. 
 
 The 17. it was calme till euening. The night before the Here- 
 admirall and Swallow lost companie of me, b although it was litle 
 wind and I carried out 2 lightes, one ahead another a sterne, in the 
 lanterne, all night, and had but litle sayle abroad. Wee easily saw 
 Mont Gibello c casting out much smoake, and sayled along neere 
 
 a These words seem to have been a subsequent insertion. The Faro alluded to 
 was of course that of Messina. 
 
 b " They stood after that vessell, and not knowing what had pased betweene them 
 and me, Captaine Stradling made the Florentine strike and tacke towardes me, and 
 come abord him, though att the first he was very peremptorie till Captaine Stradling 
 told him he would shoote att him. He knew the exact relation as I haue sett it 
 downe, of my fight with the galligrosses at Scandirone, with addition of much 
 spoken by him to our honor; but with all said how by Bruer Raers his meanes it 
 was bruited through Italy that I was very cruell, and heaued them all ouer bord 
 that I tooke. When Cap [tain] Strad[ling] had perfect satisfaction of the shippe 
 he dismissed him, seing I stood off. The third day after being calme 3 gallies came 
 out to him from Messina, but a litle breath came, and he then standing to them 
 they ranne away." [All this has been subsequently added in the margin of the 
 MS. as a note.] c ^Etna.
 
 72 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBT'S [Nov. 17, 
 
 the shore in sight of Syracusa, and towardes euening tacked about 
 because we could not dubble Cape Passer, the wind being southerly. 
 I carried out lightes all night, in hope my vessels that lost me might 
 see them ; att midnight I stood in againe. 
 
 The 18. in the morning I descry ed a polacra to leeward, and a 
 sattia much to windward; I chaced the former that stood in for the 
 shore, and gott vpon her. Neither could shee dubble the head of 
 Cape Passer, so shee ranne into shoule water vnder a castle that I 
 saw to haue 6 brasse gunnes, and anchored there. I standing in 
 after her, the castle hauing verie good ordinance made sundrie 
 shottes beyond some of my vessels, but I went on till I came so 
 neere that I made her for a Greeke (her hull, rigging and colours 
 being such) ; and then, it being a verie vntoward rockie place and 
 a lee shore and shoule water, I stood off againe. This night I gott 
 about Cape Passer. 
 
 The 19. the wind came at W.N.W. so that I plyed it vp along 
 the coast of Sicilia in sight of land, which is a beautifull countrie 
 and full of habitations. 
 
 The 20. it was calme till noone, and then the wind came hard att 
 N.W. By night I gott as farre as I had bin the day before, which 
 was in sight of Malta. 
 
 The 21. in the morning the wind was more northerly. Wee 
 were all day becalmed in sight of the Hand Lanasso. a By this 
 iland is an other litle one called Lampadosso, b on which dwell no 
 persons (according to the information by some of my men that had 
 bin there seuerall times with the Turkes) but there is a lampe con- 
 tinually burning. The Turkes beare great reuerence to the place, 
 and all way es leaue oyle or bread or something behind them (through 
 deuotion) but they know not for whom ; and it hath prooued very 
 fatall to carry away anything from thence, as well to Christians as 
 to Turkes, onely one may safely water there. 
 
 The 22. wee were faire by the Iland of Pantalaria, and saw the 
 
 * Added in the margin, " Limosa." b The like, " Lampidosa."
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 73 
 
 westerne end of Sicilia in the euening about 15 leagues of, the wind 
 south easterly, a faire gale. 
 
 The 23. by noone wee were in the middway betweene Pantalaria 
 and Maritimo, which we passed that euening ; it was faire weather, 
 and the wind N.W. I haue constantly obserued that when it is not 
 stormie, the wind commeth about according to the course of the 
 sunne, as these last dayes it did, from west to north, then to east 
 (passing all the pointes according to the time of the day and height 
 of the sunne) then to south, so to west, and about againe to north. 
 Att sunnesett the wind came backe westerly, and it blew a stiffe 
 gale. We had a great storme of wind all that night at W.N.W. 
 
 The 24. by breake of day wee descryed a saile standing afore the 
 wind, and I caused the helme to be borne vp after her, the storme 
 still encreasing. Shee bore all the saile shee could, and stood trying 
 all the wayes she could to scape vs; but we ouerbore her, and she 
 splitt her sailes (her toppesaile blew quite away) and lay much along. 
 The sea was extreme high, and my shippe in good working exceeded 
 beliefe, yet I did splitt some of my sailes and broke some of my 
 shroudes, and the ancientest in my shippe said they had not scene 
 nor heard of a chace giuen in such a gale of wind, but I had many 
 reasons to mooue me to be eager in it. By noone I fetched her vp. 
 [I found I had runne 14 leagues in one wat[c]h, though most of the 
 time I stood close vpon a tacke,] a and being so great a sea and storme 
 that no boate could liue in it, I made him loofe vnder the lee of the 
 Hand of Pantalaria, which wee were about 10 leagues from. Then 
 in smooth water I made him come abord, and finding him to be of 
 Amsterdam, laden with pilchers in Ireland, and consigned for 
 Venise, I dismissed him without taking anything from him. His 
 vessell was of burthen neere 300 tonnes, and was the finest mould 
 that euer I saw, and he said he thought no vessell vpon the sea could 
 haue wronged her in sailing or have outborne her. 
 
 He confirmed to me the newes which the captaine of the sattia that 
 I took att Cephalonia told me, of the Duke of Buckinghams death. 
 a The words within brackets were a subsequent insertion. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. L
 
 74 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Nov. 24, 
 
 In this chace I lost my Viceadmirall and the Hopewell, so that I 
 was now alone; att 3 in the afternoone I plyed backe my course for 
 Sardinia (our next rendezvous) the wind at N. N. W. *> 
 
 Att the end of the chace I pumped and found 3 foote water in 
 hold, but I conceiue it came in by our shipping a sea that filled our 
 deckes with water, and though our vpper workes were verie high 
 yet washed ouer them and the shippe all through fore and aft, and 
 carried me with the rest, ouerwhelmed in water, to the leeside; and 
 all our gunne portes from the quarter forward on had their vpper 
 sides vnder water ; [also with bearing so much sayle all the seames 
 in the shippe opened and spewed out the okam] . a The putting 
 abroad my toppesailes when I saw else I should haue a long chace, 
 putt him out of courage, and made him in a maner abandon the 
 trimming his sailes and grow desperate, doubting I had bin a Turke. 
 When he was gone from me he shott of all the gunnes he had, and 
 I saluted him with one. 
 
 The 25. the wind lessened somewhat and the sea. In the 
 morning I was in sight of the middle of Sicilia, the wind W. and by 
 N. Before night I was faire by a verie great and beautifull cittie, 
 with a strong castle on a hill ouer it. In my booke of mappes there 
 was the name of Sergento b written where I conceiued myselfe to be 
 neere; the wind then came W. S. W. After sunne sett the wind 
 came att S. 
 
 The 26. in the morning I was faire by Maritime, the wind S. E. 
 a great head sea ; in the afternoone it rained and calmed. After 
 sunne sett the wind came by the north to the N. E. smooth water. 
 
 The 27. in the morning a stiffe gale came at S. and by E. that 
 carried vs vppwardes of 1 1 leagues a watch. Att noone it came S. 
 afterwardes westerly, and after sunnesett it northered, and blew a 
 verie stiffe gale; some raine. 
 
 The 28. it was very hasie, yet by breake of day wee saw the land 
 of Sardinia, and the lie of Serpentera and the others about. A while 
 after wee descryed 2 sayles standing in, which when wee came 
 
 Added subsequently in the margin of the MS. b Girgenti?
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 75 
 
 neerer together, by the answering of my signes I knew to be of my 
 fleete; it was my Viceadmirall and the Hopewell. A litle before 
 noone there came att N. W. the most violent gust of wind, with ex- 
 tremity of raine, that could be imagined; but continued not long. 
 Before I could lower the yardes I splitt the foresaile. It continued 
 all day verie foule weather, variable windes, and a growne cockling 
 sea, the waues meeting from all sides: in the end it settled a stiffe 
 gale at N. W. which continued all night, and in this storme wee all 
 lost company againe, but in the morning had [the 29.] a sight of 
 one an other close by Serpentera. Wee desc[r]yed there 6 sattias 
 standing to the northward ; the Viceadmirall and my shippe gott 3 
 of them between vs, the other 3 gott away ahead. Of the 3 wee 
 tooke, one ranne a shore among rockes and sunke, so that wee 
 could saue nothing but her sailes and 2 murderers, and brought 
 away her colours ; the other 2 wee fetched off, all the men but one 
 being runne on shore. All sixe were laden with wheate, garauanzas* 
 and cheese, and came from Naples. As I came vnder the castles, 
 where I had bin att my coming this way before, they shott att me, 
 and I likewise att them. 
 
 The 30. it was a stiffe gale att W. and in the night the biggest 
 and newest of the sattias did spend her foremast, and by that meanes 
 fell much to leeward. 
 
 The 1. of December, it being a stiffe gale, and I seeing that the 
 great sattia could not worke to seaze the shore, I bore vp to her, and 
 by a barrell viered her out a long hawser, intending to towe her 
 into smooth water that there I might vnlade her. But shee missed 
 taking the barrell, and came neere me to haue from my shippe a 
 roape throwne into her, so that being vnder the lee of it her sailes 
 were becalmed, and I, lying with my foresaile abackestayes, could 
 not fill time enough to stretch out a head of her till shee was gott 
 abord me vpon the bowe, hauing torne my maine course and fore 
 course quite through. There shee lay beating herselfe a long time, 
 and all the industry I could vse could but saue the men in her, and 
 
 * Inserted afterwards. b Garlanzos, Spanish, or chick pease?
 
 76 JOUENAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Dec. 1, 
 
 shee sunke all att once directly downe vnder my stemme, so that 
 nothing appeared afterwardes of her but some peeces of broken 
 bordes. I conceiue the vessell and lading was worth about 1000. 
 Then wee lay a hull till wee gott a new maine course to the yard ; 
 then tryed with that till the forecourse was mended, and in getting 
 that to the yard it splitt againe quite through ; so that wee were 
 force to trye againe, and I ordered the Viceadmirall to endeauour 
 what they could to gett into smooth water vnder the shore with the 
 other sattia that was leakie, and not to stay for me, because I could 
 plye it vp better when my saile was mended; the wind W. S. W. 
 
 The 2. I came to anchor in a faire sandie bay by noone, and sent 
 off boates to towe vp the sattia, which, being much to leewardes, 
 came not in till towardes night. 
 
 The 3. wee spent in vnlading the sattia, which I would haue 
 giuen to the Frenchman that I tooke in her, but he durst not ven- 
 ture himselfe with those men that offered to goe with him (though 
 his countrimen), and therefore chose to stay with me, so that the 
 4th I broke her vp for fire wood, which I wanted. These dayes 
 it was calme and warme weather, whereas before all the while 
 the wind was N. westerly, it was exceeding cold. In the euening I 
 weighed anchor, there comming a gentle gale off of the shore ; litle 
 wind all night. 
 
 The 5. in the morning I descryed 2 sayles ahead that stood with 
 me, and att the first I thought them to be the Kereadmirall and 
 Swallow, but growing calme I sent of my boate to discouer them, 
 who made them for Turkes, but they had Flemish auncients out. 
 By their working I perceiued them to be men of warre ; yet when 
 they were come within a sacres shott att twice of me, they tacked 
 from me, though I had haled in all my gunnes that they might not 
 feare me, and had putt abroad no cullors. Then it grew dead 
 calme, and I towed vp my shippe till the wind freshed, and then 
 they gott much of me, whereuppon night growing on I shortened 
 sayle to stay for my other shippes that were asterne; the wind S.E. 
 
 The 6. I stood off to sea, the wind westerly.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 77 
 
 The 7. I stood in againe to the Bay of Cagliari to gett smooth 
 water. Being in sight of the towne, I descryed two shippes to the 
 eastward, to which I bore vp, and comming neere found them to be 
 my Rereadmirall and my pinnace the Swallow. 
 
 The 8. I stood in againe to the Bay of Cagliari, and with my 
 boates tooke a barke like a sattia (vnder the towers of the shore), 
 laden with salt, which I gaue to a Frenchman that I tooke in one 
 of the last sattias, and sent him ashore att his desire with an other 
 Frenchman I had formerly taken, and a Genuese that I had deli- 
 uered from captiuity of the Turkes, and gaue them victuals and 40 
 crownes in money, and by them sent some letters to the Vicequeene 
 of Sardinia (la Marquesa de Vayona) and to some other ladyes, that 
 I had taken in a Napolitane shippe bound thither. Att night I 
 stood off, the wind northerly, a small breath. 
 
 The 9. it was dead calme, and the current sagged me into the 
 bay deeper towardes the eastward. It was verie hott weather. 
 
 The 10. the wind came easterly, a fine gale. I was inuited abord 
 Captaine Stradling, and being there I descryed two sailes a litle off 
 of the Hand of St. Peters standing boldly with vs, but by reason 
 that all the boates of the fleete were abord the Rereadmirall, I could 
 not come vp with the rest of my fleete so timely, but that all the 
 shooting on both sides was ended first, and the two vessels lay by 
 the lee. The Swallow came first vp with their Admirall (hauing 
 Hamburg colors out), and being asked of whence they were, they 
 answered " Of London and the sea;" and asked the other of whence 
 they were, who answered " Of the sea." Then the Swallow (hau- 
 ing putt out the Kinges colors long before) bad them " Amaine for 
 the King of England !" to which the captaine spoke wordes of high 
 disrespect to the King, and wauing him with a bright sword called 
 to the gunner to giue fire, which by and by he did, and shott 7 
 peeces att my pinnace, all which hatt [sic] her, and one shott downe 
 her mizen mast, and others cutt her rigging so much that shee was 
 faine to beare speedily from them, without hauing giuing [sic] euill 
 word or made any shott att them. Then the Eagle came vp with them
 
 78 JOUENAL OF SIE KENELM DIGBY'S [Dec. 10, 
 
 next, and neuer putt out gunne till she was within pistole shott, but 
 then did it with great soddainenesse, and with as much dexterity; 
 then furled her maine saile, and bad the Hamburgher " Amaine for 
 the King of England !" whereuppon he then stroke his flagge thrice 
 and hoised it att last aloft, and so lett it stand. Then Mr. Milburne 
 (my master) bad him lye by the lee to stay for the Generall, but he 
 answered in a muttering manner (but not to be distinguished so 
 farre what he said), and of a soddaine all his men ranne downe and 
 were scene buisie trauersing their, gunnes vpon the Eagle ; where- 
 uppon the master bad our men giue fire, which they did in a verie 
 quicke manner, and after one broad side and 2 vollies of small shott 
 he came by the lee and strooke his toppesailes. Then Mr. Mil- 
 burne left him to the guard of the shippes asterne that were com- 
 ming vp, and lett fall his mainesaile and chaced their Viceadmirall 
 that was standing away with all the saile she could make. But 
 wee soone fetched her vp, and after 5 shott shee lay by the lee. 
 Then I sent for men out of each of their shippes, and sent of my 
 owne into them, and stood off and on all that night neere the Hand 
 of St. Pedro (with a verie stiffe gale and a high sea att N.W.), and 
 the next morning came to anchor betweene it and Sardinia. 
 
 The 11. after examining the principall parties, I was informed 
 that the biggest was a shippe of Hamburg, sold by the first owners 
 to some Flemish marchantes att Venice, from whence shee had car- 
 ried prohibited goods to Sardinia and Spaine, and from thence was 
 now loaden with the peculiar proper goods of some Genua mar- 
 chantes dwelling there, and was consigned for Venice. Shee was 
 loaden with barrila and wooll of Granada (some of the marchantes 
 dwelling and being married in that towne), and was of burthen 
 about 500 tonnes, and had 24 peeces of ordinance. The other 
 was a Ragusa shippe, that had continually traded with corne to 
 Naples, and had this voyage carried some to Alicante and Cartagena, 
 and there loaden in the same manner and with the same goods as 
 the other. She was of about 400 tonnes, and had 14 peeces of 
 ordinance.
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 79 
 
 The 12. in the morning came a most violent gust of wind, and 
 continued all day, a stiffe gale att N.W. Yet I begun to vnlade 
 the Ragusa shippe. I caused all the roade about to be sounded, and 
 found good ground and excellent riding, but no going out for a 
 great shippe to the northward, for there is litle aboue 2 fadome 
 water. [It is an excellent harbor, open onely to the S. wind, and 
 that seldome bloweth home and neuer long. You may go in so 
 farre as to ride land locked.] a 
 
 The 13. faire weather. I caused all expedition possible to be vsed 
 in vnlading the shippe, and employed all my carpenters daily to 
 helpe the leakes of the Hamburg shippe that made verie much water. 
 
 The 18. 1 descry ed a sayle open of the port to seabord, whereunto 
 I sent out my pinnace and a falluca well armed and manned. The 
 pinnaces mizen mast being shott downe by the Hamburgher, shee 
 could not hold a wind nor come vp with her, but the falluca did, 
 and seeing they were Turkes, and that they shott att them, they left 
 them. All this time faire and warme weather. 
 
 The 19. the wind came very gently to the eastward. 
 
 The 20. day the wind easterly; this day we ended vnlading the 
 Raguses, and I settled Sir Edward Stradling and his company in 
 the Jonas (the Hamburg shippe) making that my Viceadmirall. and 
 Captaine Stradling and his companie in the Elizabeth and George, 
 making that my Rereadmirall, and putt Mr. Harris captaine in the 
 Lyon, and gaue my pinnace, the Swallow, to the Dutch captaine 
 (whom I lett goe for Italic vpon his earnest sollicitation, because he 
 was sicke), with 50 sackes of wheate, and 260 sackes of wheate to 
 the Ragusa captaine and his company. Here all my Greekes (but 
 two) and Italians left me, because they heard of great preparations 
 to be made in Spaine to fight with me about the Streightes mouth. 
 
 The 21. the wind continued easterly. In the morning it was so, 
 
 but in the afternoone it vsed to come southerly, but by midnight it 
 
 still came about againe to the east ; faire milde weather. This day 
 
 wee ended all our businesse of the shippes, and watering here, which 
 
 Added subsequently in the margin.
 
 80 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Dec. 21, 
 
 is to be done by digging shallow pittes of sand by the sea side, and 
 they in a litle time fill with fresh water; but I belieue it dreaneth 
 thither from the higher land, not from the sea, for if the bottome of 
 the pitt were digged lower then the superficies of the sea, then the 
 water came of an other colour, and salt; and digging in one lowe 
 necke of land that was not broad, but had sea on both sides of it, 
 the water came likewise salt, and fresh water came onely where, on 
 the backe of the sand by the sea side, there were high hilles close by 
 that were full of trees, a signe of moisture. 
 
 This night a boate full of fine wooll taken out of the Jonas to 
 make roome for their victuals, sunke by the Rereadmiralls side, but 
 they recouered all but 3 sackes, that were lost with the boate. 
 
 The 22. the wind easterly in the morning; then I weighed anchor, 
 and licensed the Ragusa and Dutch captaine, who went both for 
 Liuorne. About noone the wind came southerly, but as soone as 
 wee were out att sea wee had it S.E. 
 
 The 23. the wind came about from the east by the S. and W. to 
 the N., and about euening hardened in att N.N.W. It was a great 
 storme of wind all night, and quickely the sea grew verie high. 
 
 The Viceadmirall was so leakie that we were all faine to lye a 
 trye with our maine saile to keepe her coinpanye, that was not able 
 to carrie more. 
 
 The 24. the storme continued still ; towardes euening the wind 
 lessened somewhat, but the sea still went high. 
 
 The 25. in the morning a faire gale att N.N.E., still a troubled 
 sea. In the afternoone the Jonas came by me, and Sir Edward 
 Stradling told me that from 2,000 strokes of the pumpe euery 
 glasse, they grew to pumpe continually, and could not free her with 
 both pumpes; so that if the storme had not ceased euen when it 
 did, they intended to haue borne vp before the wind, and yet would 
 haue bin in great danger of foundering in the sea had it still con- 
 tinued to goe so high. I now perceived that what the Dutch cap- 
 taine of her told me was not dissembled feare to putt me out of loue 
 with her, saying, that I should neuer be able to bring her into Eng-
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 81 
 
 land. In the afternoone wee descryed a shippe to leeward of vs, 
 but so farre off that being out of hope to fetch her vp before night, 
 I thought fitt not to chace her, being it would but cast me to lee- 
 ward to no purpose. 
 
 The 26. a gentle gale att S.W., smooth water. It came about by 
 the west to the N.W. after sunnesett. Faire weather. 
 
 The 27. in the morning wee were in sight of the coast of Barba- 
 ric, high land, some 15 leagues. Cape Buget (which is about 15 
 leagues to the eastward of Argire) bore S.S.W. of vs about 20 
 leagues of. Faire weather, the wind W.N.W. 
 
 The 28. about noone Argire bore S.S.W. of vs, and in the morn- 
 ing wee saw that shore. In the afternoone there came first a rolling 
 sea out of the N.E. bord, and soone after a forcible gale from thence 
 with raine; wherefore, it being laborious to gett vp much to the 
 northward, and the Jonas (a rich shippe esteemed worth aboue two 
 hundred thousand crownes) verie extremely leakie, I thought it the 
 best to make vse of this faire wind to carry me out of the Straightes, 
 and therefore steered for Cape de Palos. It was calme a great part 
 of the night. 
 
 The 29. there came a fresh gale att S. E. ; which before noone 
 settled att east, and blowed constantely a strong Leuante, which I 
 vnderstand reigneth much in the narrow betweene Ivica and 
 Gibraltar, as the N. W. windes do in the Gulfe of Lyons. The bad 
 going of the Jonas hindered vs very much in our way, for wee 
 spared her very much sayle, and yet it was so fresh a wind, or rather 
 storme, that with our litle sayle wee made vpwardes of 8 leagues a 
 watch. 
 
 The 30., one houre after midnight, wee descryed a sayle very 
 neere vs, a head, the moone shining bright. Then wee all 
 chaced with all the sayle we could make (and wee added seuerali 
 boomed sayles) shee standing away before the wind, and a while wee 
 neered her [Captain Beamortd was so neere him that he made 2 
 shottes att him, and then made him for a Turke] a but after it was 
 day shee got of vs, yet wee continued our chace till towardes night ; 
 a Added subsequently in the margin. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. M
 
 82 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM BIGBY'S [Dec. 30, 
 
 then, seeing there was was no hope of fetching her vp, I stayed for 
 the Viceadmirall. It blew a verie forcible Leuant. In the euening 
 it came E. N. E. It was all night a great storme, there being as 
 much wind as canvasse would hold. 
 
 The 31., in the morning, wee passed faire by Cape de Gat, and 
 sayled along by the mountaines of Granada, which were all couered 
 with snow, and by noone wee brought the high land of Salabrine 
 vpon our beame. Wee passed all along faire by the Spannish 
 [coast?], but being hasie wee could descrye no sailes in any of the 
 portes, and if wee had, the weather would not haue permitted vs to 
 attempt any thing. 
 
 The 1. of January, about 4 of the clocke in the morning, we were 
 faire by Gibraltar, but it was 10 before we were cleare of Cape 
 Spratt, and had brought the lowe land of Trafalgara vpon our 
 beame. "Wee passed the straightes with many stormy gustes of wind 
 and raine, the Leuant blowing still constantly and more forcibly then 
 before, but att our entrance into the narrow of the channell it came 
 awhile southerly of the east. Apehill is easy to be knowne by the 
 swampe like a saddle vpon the toppe of it, and is to be scene 20 
 leagues to the eastward and as much to the westward, if the weather 
 be faire and cleare. Gibraltar hill may be scene about 12 leagues 
 off to the eastward, and the north side of it is so steepe vpright that 
 the toppe hangeth ouer the foote of it. 
 
 In these last 48 houres we made vpon the point of 120 leagues, 
 although I seldome had aboue halfe my sailes abroad, by reason of 
 the ill going of the Jonas, for whom yet I was faine to stay often 
 times. In the afternoone I descryed a vessell comming after vs 
 before the winde ; wherefore I packed on all the saile I could to take 
 away all iealousies from her (standing away from her) and putt out a- 
 sterne coyled hawsers, a bight of a cable, two filled buttes, and other 
 dragges to hinder my way that shee might fetch me vp. But when 
 he was gott neere me (which was in the euening) he lay by the lee, 
 and would come no further; wherefore I tooke in my dragges and 
 stood on my course (least he should outgoe me in the night), hoping 
 that my manner of working might begett confidence in him, and
 
 1628.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITEREANEAN. 83 
 
 draw him so farre on that I might haue hopes of him the next 
 day. 
 
 The 2., att breake of day, I was faire by 4 sailes of shippes, who 
 stayed for me vntill I was almost within muskett shott of them, and 
 some of them had their toppesailes strooke, and but one course 
 abroad (for it bio wed a strong Leuante). I then, putting abroad 
 my colors, made readie to runne the biggest of them abord, they 
 shewing; but all in an instant, with incredible quickenesse, they 
 gott vp their toppemastes and sett all their sailes, and one stood from 
 me before the winde, others went a little differing courses, and all 
 were chaced by my seuerall shippes, who had euery one a chace, 
 being that soone after wee saw the first wee saw another sayle to 
 westward. Wee made seuerall shottes att them, and a while kept 
 our owne. Wee had shott more but for hindering our way, yet they 
 gott all cleare from vs, onely one of them lingered to speake with my 
 Rereadmirall, betweene whom there passed salutes, for these were 
 Turkes. 
 
 In my chace I tried all the wayes for aduantage that I could 
 imagine, and being before the wind I found that I lost least when I 
 followed him with all my sailes drawing, though I lengthened my 
 way; and I thinke I may defend this paradoxe with good reason, 
 that with some shippes, chacing one that goeth before the wind, 
 with an other quartering with one tacke abord till you gett your 
 chace vpon your beame, then making an angle and lying as farre on 
 the other side with your other tacke abord vntill you haue gott him 
 againe vpon the beame (which now will bee neerer to him), is better 
 then to chace in a straight line ; for you aduantage yourselfe more 
 by the freshnesse of your way (all sailes drawing) then you hinder 
 yourselfe by lengthning it, especially if there be one shippe of yours 
 to leeward, vpon whom you may drive the chace when you are shott 
 ahead [of] her : and all this is to be vnderstood, onely when your chace 
 goeth best before the wind, and that you can outbeare her, by [sz'c]. 
 By noone wee were faire vnder the South Cape (Cape St. Vincentes), 
 on which is a strong castle, and another on Cape Saker. 8 Wee saw 
 Sagres : the southern point of Cape St. Vincent.
 
 84 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY*S [Jan. 2, 
 
 Mont Ciego still verie plaine, which is farre vp in the land, and that 
 wee saw plaine almost euer since wee came out of the Straightes. 
 
 This strong and sett Leuante hindering other shippes that might 
 into Spaine from the westward, and the Turkes lying here keeping 
 them in from comming out of the places of Spaine hereabouts, and 
 the Viceadmirall being very leaky, I thought fit to spend no time 
 hereabouts, but to make vse of the faire winde, and goe for the 
 Burlinges, 3 where I might hope to meete with some comming out of 
 Lisbone, and with this wind I was as like to meete with shippes 
 comming from the northward to Spaine as well in the faire way, as 
 by lying any where. 
 
 In the afternoone I descryed 3 sayles comming after vs, which I 
 concerned might haue come with this wind from Gales or St. Lucar; 
 wherefore I shortened saile for them ; but, seeing they wrought iea- 
 lously of me and kept close vnder the shore, I maintained a faire 
 saile that they might take vs for a fleete of marchantes, and att the 
 closing in of the day I caused the Hopewell to carrie a light, and 
 runne as much as shee could ahead, somewhat a westerly course, 
 and I tacked in to the shore hoping to gett a sterne of them and 
 thus to haue them betweene vs, they thinking all the fleete to be 
 where the light was, and I tooke good order for our meeting againe 
 before morning close by the shore. I kept the Kereadmirall and 
 the Lyon with me, and appointed the Viceadmirall to keepe with 
 the Hopewell because of her leakinesse and ill sayling, an4 there- 
 fore I would haue her loose no aduantage. When I was close by 
 the shore I lay by the lee two glasses, vntill the moone being of 
 some height made me discouer a good way, then not seeing them I 
 stood on my course close by the shore, and in the morning mett 
 with my two shippes ahead. The wind lessened att night. 
 
 The 3. it blew a fresh Leuant. By 8. of the clocke in the morn- 
 ing wee had the riuer of Lisbone E. and by N. of vs, and then it is 
 all open. Wee saw the hill that the towne standeth vpon, and 
 could discerne plainely the Castle of St. Julians att the riuers mouth y 
 and others thereabouts. Wee had sailed close vnder Cape Picher, b 
 Islands or rocks off the coast of Portugal. b Cape Espichel.
 
 1628-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 85 
 
 and so wee did vnder the Rocke ; a then wee descryed some small 
 vessels a head with mizen sailes, which wee thought might be 
 caruels, but wee found them fisher boates who ranne into a creeke 
 vnder a towne, close vnder which wee were a litle before noone, the 
 wind off of shore making vs bold to come in. The many sailes of 
 Turkes lying hereabouts made the trading of shippes very dead. 
 Before the euening wee were faire by the Burlinges. 
 
 The 4. it was litle winde all day, and wee kept neere the Bur- 
 linges, but haled a litle off to seabord, doubting the change of the 
 winde. In the morning I descryed 3 sayles, with which I stood. 
 Two of them stood away from me, and went faster then I. They 
 were Turkes. But the other stood with me, and he was an English 
 man of warre of about 200 tonnes, who had bin here about 6 weekes 
 but had mett with no purchase. He told me there were vpon this 
 coast aboue 40 sayles of Turkes, and verie many English, so that I 
 concluded I had litle reason to stay longer hereabouts then for a 
 faire winde. 
 
 The seeing of the litle order and obedience among his men (euery 
 one of which would pretend an interest in aduise, and the whole 
 bodie in command,) made me apprehend the happinesse and quiett 
 that I had by the good discipline in my fleete, for I thinke that in 
 no priuate vessels, or of the Kinges, there was euer better correspon- 
 dencie in generall, and better performance of euery mans duty in 
 particular, then was among my men. 
 
 To day I caused the 3 chestes of money that I had in the French 
 saitia [sic] att Cefalonia to be told in publike vpon the decke, all 
 the commanders of my fleete being present, which for some good 
 respectes I would not open before, and thought fitt now that wee 
 were neere home to giue my men the satisfaction to see what there 
 was; and I found 5,800 peeces of eight and some odde money. 
 
 Captaine Limmery told me the Dunkerkers ranged much and in 
 great fleetes about our channell, and that in all probabilities I could 
 not misse of a hott encounter with them, for the which I was very 
 a Cabo da Roca, the Rock of Lisbon.
 
 86 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY J S [Jan. 4, 
 
 well prouided, and had a very good strength of 5 good shippes and 
 aboue 120 good peeces of ordinance; but the maine thing that I 
 relyed vpon was the courage and expertenesse of my men, who were 
 such as I thinke for their number were not to be bettered, and had 
 had both continuall victory and frequent occasions to fight, to traine 
 them vp and to breede confidence in them. I vnderstood by Cap- 
 taine Limmery (who was well acquainted with this coast) that there 
 are verie good harbors [and without command 3 ] and for great 
 shippes, vpon the Spanish shore betweene the North Cape of Finis 
 terrae and the Burlinges, of which I was ignorant before, and had 
 no good pilote in my fleete for this coast; which made me the 
 more apprehensive of a westerly storme, which causeth an extreme 
 high sea here. 
 
 The 5. it was calme all day, and a verie smooth sea. 
 
 The 6. the wind came northerly. Att night it settled in att 
 N.E. with some raine and snow, and was all day exceeding cold. 
 
 The 7th the wind continued att N.E. with some disposition to 
 snow, and the sea was somewhat growne. In the afternoone the 
 wind shifted too and againe very vncertainely and soddainelv, and 
 blew in frequent gustes, accompanied with misling raine and snow. 
 The sea was now by night growne high. 
 
 The 8. the storme encreased, and by example of the Jonas (to 
 whom wee continually fitted saile by reason of her leanesse [leaki- 
 nesse?], and made her continually go ahead with the light all night,) 
 wee tooke in our fore course and lay a trie with our maine course. 
 
 The 9. the storme encreased, and the sea went very high and 
 hollow; the wind veered more easterly, att E. by N., and still wee 
 had often gustes of misling raine and snow. All that wee could do 
 was to make our way good att west these 3 dayes, although our 
 shippe for the most part looked north, and this was by reason of the 
 litle sayle that wee could beare, and a growne sea vpon the weather 
 bowe heauing vs off to leeward, so that our way was litle before the 
 beame. 
 
 * Subsequent insertion.
 
 1 628-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 87 
 
 The 10. the wind lessened much and came at E.S.E., and the sea 
 was very soddainely downe. I vnderstood of my Viceadmirall that 
 her leakes encreased, and their men suffered much in pumping, 
 although I had formerly supplyed them seuerall times with fresh 
 and able men, so that now they had a greater number then I had 
 in my owne shippe; yet I sent them an other fresh spell of men, 
 and tooke order to encrease their allowance of victualles because of 
 their hard labour, and spared them wine, beefe and rise, out of the 
 proportion of my shippe. Towardes the euening the wind did 
 norther againe. Captaine Beamond now complained that many of 
 his men fell sicke, of which cold (through want of clothes, occa- 
 sioned by the Proueditore of Zante his perfidious dealing with me,) 
 was the cause. 
 
 The 11. the wind was in the morning att north, a gentle gale, 
 and the sea very smooth; by noone it came about to the N.E., and 
 wee had some gustes as the dayes before. In the forenoone wee 
 descryed a sayle ahead standing to the westward, which wee chaced ; 
 but then shee standing close vpon a wind and reaching from vs 
 made vs haue no hope to speake with her, wherevppon all my 
 shippes gaue ouer the chace and tacked backe againe to the Vice- 
 admirall. Att noone wee were in the height of 41g r> 46', about 70 
 leagues from Cape Finis terras. 
 
 The 12. wee were by noone in the height of 4 is- 58'. It was 
 litle wind all night, and that easterly, from which it varied litle, 
 shifting litle and often to the S. and to the N., and thus it continued 
 all this day, whiles I eased the Jonas of some barrila and some 
 sackes of wooll (which I tooke into my owne shippe), to the end 
 that shee might stowe her cables alowe. 
 
 To day I sent to take an exact suruey of all the stores (as the 
 gunners, the boateswaines, the corporals, etcet.) that were in my 
 seuerall shippes, because that I was now so farre aduanced in my 
 iourney homewardes that a litle faire wind would bring me to the 
 periode of my iourney, and when it should come it would probably 
 be such as would not afford conueniency of making this search
 
 88 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY*S [Jan. 12, 
 
 before wee should come into porte, by sending any out of my owne 
 shippe, which I deemed necessary. In the euening the wind came 
 to the southward of the east, but shifting very vnconstantely, and 
 faire weather with smooth water. 
 
 The 13., after sunne rise and a litle raine, the wind came S.E. a 
 litle easterly; att noone our height was 42 g> 39'. . 
 
 The 14. att noone by our reckoning our height was 43 g - 48'., 
 from Cape Finis terras 66 leagues, for it was so darke weather that 
 wee could make no obseruation. About noone wee saw a shippe 
 stand towardes vs, but shee weathered vs much, and putt abroad 
 English colours, yet I tacked after her, and stood so aboue 2 glasses, 
 but perceiuing shee windered and gott of me, I then gaue ouer my 
 chace. By her working I iudged her to be a man of warre. 
 
 In the afternoone wee descryed an other shippe standing with vs, 
 which fell in among mine that were all ahead of me, and they were 
 so long in tacking that she stretched away from them; but then, 
 with 2 pieces of ordinance from my shippe as he came neere me, I 
 made him beare vp by my sterne, and he stroke his colors, which 
 were of Holland. He was a man of warre of the West India Com- 
 pany in Holland, and a prime sayler, and had many and lusty men. 
 The wind S.E., a stiffe gale and a growne sea; at night it came 
 S.S.E. 
 
 The 15. in the morning the wind came E.S.E. ; att noone we 
 had a good obseruation, and the height was 45 g- 18', about 126 
 leagues from Silly. 
 
 The 16. the wind was in the morning E., faire weather; att noone 
 wee obserued and were in 46&' and 17', and from St. Maries iland 
 att Silly 105 leagues; it was then almost calme, but what breath 
 was did come from the S.S.E. and a rolling easterne sea, as we had 
 euer since wee came out of the Straightes, which is seldome scene 
 hereabouts, where a great westerne sea is so constant. It was calme 
 most part of the night. 
 
 The 17. the wind came about by the S. to the west, with very 
 faire weather, and the easterne sea began to goe downe. Att noone
 
 1628-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 89 
 
 wee obserued and were in 46 g> 52', Silly bearing N.E. from vs. In the 
 afternoone it rained, and the wind came northerly and blew very hard. 
 
 The 18. the wind continued still N. a very hard gale, and was a 
 great sea, and wee had often gustes of raine. Att noone wee ob- 
 serued and were in 47 g- 5', from Silly 79 leagues. It blew so hard 
 that wee lay a trye with our maine saile and mizen onely abroad. 
 
 The 19. the storme continued, the wind being att E. by N. and 
 N. by E. Wee kept our height, but stretched out to the westward. 
 In the night, ouer against the moone, there appeared part of a cir- 
 cle exactly like vnto a rainebow, and wee had many gustes of winde 
 and raine, mingled with snow. 
 
 The 20. wee obserued att noone and were in 47 s ' 40', the mid- 
 dle of the English channell bearing E.N.E. from vs, and Silly about 
 85 leagues from vs N.E. by E. a litle easterly. The wind att E., 
 with often frettes; towardes night it did souther a litle. 
 
 The 21. faire weather, the wind S.E. Wee were at noone in 
 48 g - 25', and from Silly 70 leagues. 
 
 The 22. faire weather, the wind att S.S.E.; at noone we were in 
 48 g - 52', and by our reckoning were distant from the banke of 
 Silly 18 leagues, and from St. Maries of Silly 52 leagues. Before 
 sunne sett it was almost calme, and we haled out fore sailes vpon 
 the backestayes and sounded the depth of the water, but we could 
 find no ground att 110 fathomes. There rose then a great thigge 
 fogge which dimmed the sunnes light, and soone resolued itselfe 
 into misling droppes. Towardes night there came a litle breath of 
 aire, as before att S.S.E. 
 
 The 23. the wind was S., close weather but drye. In the morn- 
 ing wee sounded, but had no ground att 135 fathomes; att noone by 
 our dead reckoning we made account to be in 49s- 8', Silly bearing 
 N.E. by E. a litle easterly, 38 leagues from vs. Att 3 of the clocke 
 wee sounded and had ground att 90 fathomes, verie small sand, 
 making account to be on the northward part of the banke of Silly, 
 about 34 leagues from St. Maries. At 4 of the clocke wee sounded 
 and had 88 fathome, such ground as before. Att 5 a clocke wee 
 
 CAMD SOC. N
 
 90 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Jan. 23, 
 
 sounded and had 95 fathome, smaller sand somewhat enclining to 
 owes, a whereby wee concerned wee might be to the northward of 
 our reckoning. 
 
 One thing deserueth to be obserued about steering our course, 
 which is, that guiding our selues by the compasse in the steerage 
 att the bittacle, wee might haue some error, for the iron gunnes 
 there caused alwayes neere a point difference in all compasses there 
 from the others in the shippe, and from what they pointed vnto 
 when they were brought aloft. 
 
 Att night wee obserued by the north starre, and found our selues 
 to be in the height of 49 g- 19'. Now wee steered away east, the 
 wind att S.S.W. 
 
 The 24. wee sounded at 8 of the clocke in the morning, and had 
 ground att 78 fathome, bigger sand and browner then before, with 
 some litle blackes in it. Since yesterday att noone wee had runne 
 35 leagues vpon an east halfe northerly course, and made our selues 
 now to be in 49 gt 19', from the middle of Vshent S.E. by E. almost 
 19 leagues off, and from the Lizard N.E. almost 23 leagues off; 
 the wind att W.S.W. mistie and rainy weather. Att noone wee 
 obserued and were in 49 s * 37', and sounded, hauing ground att 76 
 fathome, sand like the other, with litle blackes in it like small beaten 
 pepper, and litle glistening thinges like peeces of christall. Wee made 
 account to haue the middle of Silly Ilandes N. by W. of us, and the 
 Lizard N.E. 16 leagues off; the wind W.N. W. faire weather ; and wee 
 stearedN.E.by E., hauing made since noone yesterday 39 leagues vpon 
 an E. course halfe N. Att 4 a clocke wee sounded, and had ground 
 att 68 fathome, whitish sand enclining to owes, of which the tallow 
 brought vp very litle. We now conceiued that wee were by our 
 reckoning too farre eastward, and that now Silly bore N.E. by E. of 
 vs, about 15 leagues off, hauing runne 7 leagues att N.E. by E. 
 since noone; now wee steered E. by N. halfe northerly. Att 8 
 a clocke att night wee had runne 9 leagues more, and sounding wee 
 had ground att 64 fathome (sounding from a shippe in a forcible 
 
 a Ouse.
 
 1628-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 91 
 
 gale is very vncertaine, because of the much stray of the line), but 
 brought litle vp vpon the lead, onely a litle signe of owes vpon the 
 tallow, but with a red cloth wee had no signe att all. This caused 
 vs to thinke that wee were to the N. of the channell, and therefore 
 (and because of the growing sea) wee steered E.S.E. The wind att 
 W.S.W. an extreme violent gale. 
 
 Then the wind came att S.S.W. the cruellest storme that euer 
 I was in, or that any in my shippe had scene (as they said), and wee 
 lay a trye with our mainesaile, being in much perplexity because of 
 the bad satisfaction wee had by our soundinges, and of the ill 
 agreeing of them with our obseruations. After a while the wind 
 came W.S.W. (brought about by a great gust of raine), and a mighty 
 growne sea that continually raked ouer our shippe. 
 
 The 25. day at 2 a clocke in the morning wee sounded (the wind 
 being a litle slackened), had ground at 62 fathome, broune sand, 
 somewhat great, and two or 3 litle shels in it. Att 6 a clocke wee 
 sounded againe, and had ground att 65 fathome, a litle sand as before. 
 Then wee sett both our courses, and steered E.N.E. Before noone 
 wee sounded and had ground att 48 fathome, grosse sandes somewhat 
 reddish, fishing ground full of litle shels, and some litle blacke stones. 
 Wee supposed then that the Deadman bore N. of vs about 8 leagues 
 of. Att noone wee had a good obseruation (the wind att west by 
 N.) and were in 47 gt 50', and an houre after a wee made land of 
 England. It was the Mount a , and by 3 a clocke wee were faire 
 vnder the Lizard. 
 
 For the soundinges, I conceiue this, that the depths and the sub- 
 stance of the ground that you bring vp are to be regarded ; but not 
 the colour of the sand much. For latitude, our obseruations are in- 
 fallible. But for easting and westing, great diligence is required not 
 to fall into error, for vsually the logge is heaued att the steedie times 
 of the gale, and many times puffes come that encrease much the way 
 of a shippe, and in lying a trye, or with two courses lowe sett close 
 vpon a tacke, all shippes do not make a like leeward way, and 
 St. Michael's Mount.
 
 92 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY'S [Jan. 25, 
 
 whiles one lyeth with the foresaile on the backestayes, or that one 
 shorteneth some saile close vpon a tacke to stay for an other shippe, 
 much iudgement is necessary to allow fitting leeward way, which 
 was the thing that did putt vs out of our reckoning ; for lingring euery 
 day for the Jonas, wee could but roue att what to allow for our way : 
 so that if God had not blessed vs with punctuall obseruations, and 
 with a large wind in the point of extremity, and with some good 
 soundinges then (whereby wee were made certaine of the channell, 
 though not how farre in), wee had bin very ill to passe this fearefull 
 night. I lost all my fleete in the night, but this next day wee saw 
 one shippe a head, after whom wee steered, hauing perfectly made 
 the land that wee saw. In the euening wee descryed an other shippe 
 not farre from that. When we came vp with them wee found them 
 to be the Jonas and the Rereadmirall. 
 
 About 10 a clocke at night we had the Start on our beanie, which 
 wee saw plaine about 3 leagues off, and itt had lightened much a 
 head (which I haue euer scene to be certaine signes of stormy gustes 
 soone ensuing directly opposite to it), and of a soddaine (the wind 
 comming W.S.W.) there came the most furious gust of wind that 
 can be imagined, and splitt our sailes and endangered the killing 
 some men, and tryed the strength of the shippe. It was soone 
 ouer, and the wind came W. by N. About midnight wee had an 
 other such gust. In the first of these I lost my Viceadmirall and 
 Rereadmirall. 
 
 The 26., att 9 of the clocke in the morning, the two white cliffes 
 about the middle of the Isle of Wight, a litle to the eastward of the 
 Needles, were vpon our beame. Then wee descryed a shippe lying 
 a trye a head of vs. As wee came neere her, she sett her courses 
 and toppesailes, and bore vpp from vs. Then wee chaced her with 
 all the saile wee could make (hauing neuer a foretopsaile, the last 
 being blowne away in the night) and did putt abroad our colours. 
 He then did putt abroad Flemish colours, but still stood from vs with 
 all the saile he could, which with the built of his shippe and his lying 
 to hereabouts made me conceiue he was a Dunkerke man of warre.
 
 1828-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 93 
 
 Att length I patched together an old toppesaile and gott it vp, but 
 after two houres chace, seing he gott of me, and that he stood for the 
 French shore, I gaue ouer chace and stood on my course for the Downes, 
 E.N.E. with a very stiffe gale of wind att W.N.W. My standing 
 one point large after him, which made the tyde take my shippe 
 a litle on the weather bowe (not aboue a point), I was thereby cast 
 so farre to leewardes that in treble the time, and standing two pointes 
 within my course, I could not recouer it. It was extreme cold, and 
 the wind northered vpon vs. Att night it westered againe. By 8 
 of the clocke att night wee had passed the Seven Cliffes and all the 
 white shore of Beachie, and were close by within a mile of Beachie 
 Point, which shewed verie white. Att 1 1 a clocke att night wee 
 were by Fare Lee. a 
 
 The 27. in the morning wee passed by Douer, where the Hope- 
 well rode att anchor, but seeing me shee weighed and followed me. 
 An houre after sunnerise I came into the Downes, where I found 
 the Lyon, one shippe, and two of the Whelpes of the Kinges, and 
 some Flemish great shippes bound for the East Indias, and some 
 men of warre to waft them, and seuerall other shippes. About 
 noone my Rereadmirall came in, and 3 houres after that the Jonas. 
 The gust of wind on the 25. att night had blowne away all their 
 sailes, and they were in much distresse. The Lyon and the Hope- 
 well anchored the 26. att Douer, but the Lyon that night broke a 
 cable and lost an anchor, and was forced into the Downes. 
 
 This night it was a verie great storme att N.W., and the Reread- 
 mirall broke two cables and lost two anchors; the third, and onely 
 one left, being on ground, would not take hold, but with the furie 
 of the wind the shippe droue as if there had bin no anchor downe (I 
 beleeue that the fast driuing permitted not the anchor to breake and 
 enter the ground), and they were very neere the Goodwine sandes, 
 and had litle or no hopes of sauing either shippe or men; but, as 
 soone as they had cutt their maine mast by the bord, the shippe 
 ridde and wound vp. 
 
 Fairlight.
 
 94 JOURNAL OF SIR KENELM DIGBY's [Jan. 28, 
 
 The 28. I tooke order for fitting her with new ground tackle 
 and a iury mast, and, hauing pilotes abord all my shippes, I stayed 
 watching the first opportunity to goe ouer the flattes. 
 
 Whiles I stayed here, the captaine of the Kinges shippe told me 
 that the East India shippes of the Fleminges had behaued them- 
 selues in seuerall thinges very insolently towardes him, and kept 
 many English men by force abord their shippes to goe the voyage, 
 wherefore he desired me to assist him if they should remaine vpon 
 their former injurious and high termes, which I made ready for; and, 
 that he might complye fairely on his part, he went abord the Vice- 
 admirall of the Fleminges in a friendly maner (taking me with 
 him), vnderstanding that he had most authoritye, and had 44 Eng- 
 lish aborde him. From the generalitye he receiued very slight re- 
 spect, but from the commander very good satisfaction in wordes, 
 who assured him that no English man should be detained against 
 his will, and that he desired onely such to goe with him as were 
 marryed in Holland, and had long serued the state, and had receiued 
 wages before hand. Whereupon they parted vpon good termes, the 
 Kinges captaine [relying upon ?] the performance of what he said. It 
 was the goodliest shippe that euer I saw, vpwardes of 1400 tonnes, had 
 aboue 600 persons in her, men, women and children, and carried 
 44 peeces of great ordinance, and had vast roome in her great cabin 
 and betweene deckes. 
 
 Wee were with contrarie windes and foule weather detained in 
 this roade vntill the last of the moneth. 
 
 The 31. wee weighed anchor about sunne rise, with the wind att 
 S. by E., and, hauing a good pilote in euery shippe, wee shaped our 
 course to gett ouer the flattes into the riuer of Thames. 
 
 That night wee came to an anchor off of the point that is att the 
 east end of Tilbury Hope, the tide then failing vs, and the wind 
 scanting; it was foule and rainie weather. Att the next tide wee 
 came to Grauesend, but the pilote of the Lyon (being weake through 
 age) brought that shippe aground almost att the high water marke, 
 so that att the ebbe shee remained all adrye.
 
 1628-9.] VOYAGE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN. 95 
 
 The 1. of February wee remained there to gett the Lyon off the 
 ground, which wee did att the height of the tide. 
 
 The 2. wee came to an anchor by Woolwidge. 
 
 The 3. the Earl of Bristol, the Lord of Geshill, a and much other 
 company came abord me, and I went ashore and receiued gratious 
 entertainment from the King, and a happy welcome from all my 
 frendes. 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 P. xvii. In whose companionship he travelled, or what course he took, 
 we are not informed; but . ... it may be inferred .... that he stayed some 
 considerable time in Spain. A kind and fortunate suggestion of Mr. Gar- 
 diner, author of the History of James I. (Lond. 2 vols. 8vo. 1863,) 
 that Digby might have accompanied his relative Sir John Digby, the 
 future Earl of Bristol, on his extraordinary mission to Spain to open 
 negotiations for the marriage of Prince Charles and the future Infanta, 
 has led to the clear establishment that such was the fact. In a list of 
 gentlemen who were to accompany Sir John Digby, prepared by Sir 
 John himself, the tenth name is that of " Mr. Kenelme Digbye." (State 
 Papers, Spain, 1618, fol. 20.) They sailed from Plymouth on or about 
 the 28th August, 1617, and quitted Santander on their return to Eng- 
 land on the 27th April in the year following. (State Papers, Spain, 22nd 
 August, 1617, and 12th May, 1618.) 
 
 P. xixn. Allen's will proved at Doc. Com. 26th Nov. 1632. Several 
 passages in Allen's will and codicil are worthy of publication, especially 
 
 Robert Digby, eldest son of Sir Robert Digby of Coleshill, brother of John 
 Earl of Bristol, created Lord Digby of Geashill in the peerage of Ireland, on the 
 29th July, 1610. 
 
 CAMD. SOC. O
 
 96 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 those relating to the gift of his books to Sir Kenelm Digby a circum- 
 stance which has been the subject of considerable misrepresentation. In 
 his will he remarks, " As for my bookes, how they shalbe disposed, and 
 to whom, I doe purpose (God permitting) to leave a noate to my executor, 
 which I desire him to performe accordinglie as a codicill annexed to this 
 my will." In a codicil, dated 26th October, 1630, he bequeaths as fol- 
 lows: "I give to Sir Kenelme Digbie knight, my noble friend, all my 
 manuscripts, and what other of my bookes he shall or may take a likinge 
 unto excepting some such of my bookes as I shall dispose of to some of 
 my friendes at the discretion of my executor mentioned in my last will." 
 Acting upon this bequest Digby, as is well known, presented the books 
 to the Bodleian Library. A catalogue of them is included in the " Cata- 
 logus Manuscriptorum Angliae," p. 77. Dr. John Tolson, provost of 
 Oriel, was Allen's sole executor, and proved his will. 
 
 The following other bequests are perhaps worthy of observation; they 
 both occur in the codicil: "I give to Sir Thomas Aylesburie knight 
 my great concave glasse, whereof he made mention in a letter of his 
 
 to his sonne, a student of Christchurche Item, I give to my 
 
 good friend Dr. Kettle, president of Trinity College, Oxon. my furred 
 coat or jackett." 
 
 P. xx. Such a volubility of language as surprised and delighted. Miss 
 Stokes of Cheltenham, whose acquaintance with the sources of English 
 history in the seventeenth centmy is no less remarkable than her kind- 
 ness in communicating her knowledge to inquirers, has, among many 
 valuable suggestions, reminded me of a striking passage in Sir Roger 
 Twysden's Diary, published in the "Archaeologia Cantiana," under the 
 able editorship of the Rev. L. B. Larking, which bears upon this subject. 
 Sir Roger having surrendered to the Parliament, was committed to the 
 Serjeant-at-Arms, " who sent me," he says, " to the Three Tobacco Pipes, 
 
 nigh Charing Cross, as a prisoner Whilst I continued there I 
 
 grew acquainted with two noble gentlemen, Sir Basil Brook and Sir 
 Kenelm Digby, persons of great worth and honour, who, whilst they 
 remained with me, made the prison a place of delight, such was their con- 
 versation and so great their knowledge." Archceologia Cantiana, ii. 190.
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 97 
 
 P. xxii. Who under the teaching of a priest . . . learned to speak " as 
 distinctly as any man whatever" We ought to have introduced into the 
 text the name of this good priest, but the omission enables us to say a 
 word or two more upon the subject in this place. To Spain belongs the 
 honour of having taken the lead in the practical business of the education 
 of deaf mutes, and to Pedro de Ponce, a Benedictine of Ona in Leon, the 
 individual glory of having led the way in this great work of benevolence. 
 Ponce died in 1584, and it almost seems as if the good work died with 
 him. But it was only for a few years. After about a quarter of a 
 century, John Paul Bonet, who was also a Spaniard and a priest, stepped 
 into the vacant place, and in 1630 published at Madrid the first book 
 upon the subject, in which he explained the manual alphabet which was 
 much the same as that now in use, and laid open the whole of his mode of 
 instruction. This was the person alluded to by Digby. Most works upon 
 this interesting branch of philanthropy make mention of him, and his 
 name is now very properly finding its way into biographical dictionaries. 
 
 P. xxxvii. Pedigree showing the family connexion between Sir Kenelm 
 Digby and Mr. Wynne, the present owner of the MS. 
 
 Charlotta Theophila Digby, dau. an d^= Richard Mostyn, 3rd son of Sir Roger 
 
 coheiress of John Digby, son and 
 heir of Sir Kenelm, by Venetia Stan- 
 ley, his wife. 
 
 Mostyn, of Mostyn, Bart. 
 
 Annabella Lloyd, =f=Richard Williams, M.P. for Flint, youngest^=Charlotte, coheir. 
 
 of Trenewith, co. 
 Salop, 2nd wife, 
 ob. 1795. 
 
 son of Sir William Williams, Bart, of Llan- 
 vorda,and brother to Sir Watkin Williams 
 Wynn, Bart, died 1759. 
 
 
 r n 
 
 Watkin Williams, of Penbedw, = Eliz. dau. Annabella= 
 c.Denb. M.P. for c. Montgom. and co- Williams, 
 afterwards for Flint, Ld. Lt. heir of coheiress 
 for counties of Denbigh and James ob. 1824. 
 Merioneth ; ob. 1808, s. p. Russell 
 Stapleton, 
 Esq. ob. 1825. 
 
 pRev. Philip 
 Puleston, 
 D.D. See 
 Baronetage, 
 Puleston. 
 
 Richard died 
 at Wynnstay, 
 aged 15, bur. 
 at Rhuabon. 
 
 Elizabeth Puleston, co-heir, ob.^=William Wynne, of Peniarth, 
 1822. 
 
 i.j- TT unaui ynne, ui rei 
 Esq. ob. 1834. 
 
 William W. E. Wynne, of Peniarth, Esq. 1868.
 
 98- ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 P. xxxvii. At Scanderoon he had attacked and defeated great Vene- 
 tian galeazzes, at one time esteemed invincible. Howell, in a letter to Sir 
 Kenelm congratulating him on his success, remarks, " I do not remember 
 to have read or heard that those huge galeasses of St. Mark were beaten 
 afore." (Howell's Letters, p. 225, ed. 1737.) Such may have been the 
 fact with reference to the " Galeasses of St. Mark," but Mr. Collier, in 
 his recently-printed very interesting Book of Black Letter Ballads, has 
 given one in which the great Spanish ship, one of those of the Armada, 
 which surrendered to Drake in the English Channel, is termed a Galeazzo. 
 At the head of the poem Mr. Collier has placed a representation of a mighty 
 naval monster. We are told that she was three score yards in length, 
 mounted a hundred guns, and was assisted by 200 oars, each stated to be 
 72 feet in length, "well measured to be seen." Stowe describes the ship 
 as having accidentally fouled one of her fellows. Losing her foremast 
 she fell astern and " lay like a stiff elephant in the open field beset with 
 eager hounds." Her captain, Don Pedro de Valdez, refused to sur- 
 render to any but a commander like himself, but hearing the name of 
 Drake, exclaimed, " Fetch him ! " and on his approach yielded himself 
 and his vessel without conditions. Stowe, p. 747, ed. Howes. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 2. "/ resolued . ... to putt into Argiers." In the Private 
 Memoirs of Sir Kenelm Digby this place is mentioned under the name of 
 Khodes, and in the " Private Key " to the proper understanding of the 
 names of the persons and places in the Memoirs, Rhodes is stated to be, 
 "Uncertain, perhaps Sally or Algiers." It is clear that it was the latter. 
 
 During Digby's stay at Algiers his love of investigating curious cases 
 in natural history found the following subject for its exercise. " I saw 
 when I was at Argiers .... a woman that having two thumbs upon 
 the left hand, four daughters that she had all resembled her in the same 
 accident, and so did a little girl, a child of her daughter's, but none of 
 her sons. Whiles I was there I had a particular curiosity to see them 
 all, and though it be not easily permitted to Christians to speak familiarly 
 with Mahometan women, yet the condition I was in there, and the civility 
 of the Basha, gave me the opportunity of full view and discourse with 
 them. And the old woman told me that her mother and grandmother
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 99 
 
 had been in the same manner. But for them it rests upon her credit, the 
 others I saw myself." Digby on Bodies, ed. Lond. 1669, p. 266. 
 
 P. 34. Having fitted my selfe with .... prouisions att Zant, and made 
 up the accountes with the English marchantes that bought of my goods, . . . 
 I weighed anchor. In his " Treatise of Bodies," Digby mentions the follow- 
 ing circumstance, as told him by " the Merchants in the Isles of Zante 
 and of Cephalonia." " They told me," he says, "'when I was there, it 
 
 was the custom of our English dogs to run into the sea in the 
 
 heat of summer, and lie there most part of the day, with only their noses 
 out of the water, that they might draw breath; and would sleep there 
 with their heads laid upon some stone, which raised them up whiles their 
 bodies were covered with the sea; and those dogs which did not thus, 
 would in one summer usually be killed with heat and fleas." (p. 393.) 
 
 Digby was extremely observant of the characteristic qualities of animals. 
 His books contain many anecdotes of their peculiarities, told with his 
 customary large faith in the accuracy of his informants. The following 
 reminds us of an old and well-known puzzle. Digby describes it as " a 
 famous tale of one of these crafty animals." A fox "having killed a goose 
 on the other side of the river, and being desirous to swim over with it, 
 to carry it to his den, before he would attempt it (lest his prey might 
 prove too heavy for him to swim withal, and so he might lose it), he first 
 weighed the goose with a piece of wood, and then tried to carry that over 
 the river, whiles he left his goose behind in a safe place, which when he 
 perceived he was able to do with ease, he then came back again and ven- 
 tured over with his heavy bird." (p. 390.) 
 
 Again, after telling a story of a tiger and a deer that had been bred to- 
 gether, and being encaged together and no meat given them, the tiger used 
 means to break prison and never attempted to hurt his familiar friend. 
 " You will not suspect that it was a moral consideration which made him 
 so kind, but the deer had never come into his fantasy accompanied with 
 other circumstances than of play or of warmth, and therefore hunger 
 (which calls only the species of meat out of the memory into the fantasy) 
 
 would never bring the deer thither for remedy of that passion 
 
 The like of this tiger and deer is to be seen every day in the Tower of
 
 100 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 London, where a little dog, that was bred with a lion from his birth, is so 
 familiar and bold with him, that they not only sleep together, but some- 
 times the dog will be angry with him, though any other dog that is put 
 to him he presently tears in pieces." (pp. 424, 5.) 
 
 It may be added, by the way, that Digby in the same book " Of Bodies " 
 attributes to " Montague " (no doubt Richard Montague afterwards Bishop 
 of Chichester) the celebrated argument that so tickled the fancy of James 
 I. that dogs make syllogisms, which is usually set down to Dr. John 
 Preston. Digby puts the case thus, as if quoting from Montague, " for 
 (says he) when they [i. e. dogs in hunting] have followed their chase 
 down a lane, that at length divides itself into three others, they will 
 carefully smell at the first and second, and not finding it has gone in 
 either of those, they boldly run upon the third, without ever laying their 
 noses to the ground, as being assured by their discourse and reason that 
 .... it must of necessity have gone there." (p. 395.) This is different 
 from the story told with many circumstantial details by Dr. Preston's 
 biographer, which may be read in Chalmers' Biog. Diet, article Preston 
 (John). 
 
 P. 39. Alt the English ViceconsuTs entreatie (who came aboard me). 
 Digby mentions this visit in his " Treatise of Bodies," although he there 
 terms the English functionary Consul and not Viceconsul. " After a fight I 
 once had with some Galleasses and Galliones in the rode of Scanderone 
 (which was a very hot one for the time, and a scarce credible number of 
 pieces of ordnance were shot from my fleet), the English Consul of that 
 place coming afterwards aboard my ship told me that the report of our 
 guns had, during all the time of the fight, shaken the drinking glasses 
 that stood upon shelves in his house, and split the paper windows all 
 about, and spoiled and cracked all the eggs that his pigeons were then 
 sitting upon, which loss he lamented exceedingly, for they were of that 
 kind which commonly is called carriers, and serve them daily in their 
 commerce between that place and Aleppo. 
 
 " And I have often observed at sea in smooth water, that the ordnance 
 shot off in a ship some miles distance would violently shake the glass win- 
 dows in another. And I have perceived this effect in my own more than
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 101 
 
 once at the report of a single gun from a ship so far off that we could not 
 descry her. I remember how at one time upon such occasion we altered 
 our course and steered with the sound, or rather with the motion, at first 
 observing upon which point of the compass the shaking appeared, for we 
 heard nothing, though soon after, with much attention and silence, we 
 could discern a dull clumsy noise. And such a motion grows at the end 
 of it so faint, that if any strong resisting body check it in its course, 'tis 
 presently deaded, and will afterwards shake nothing beyond that body ; 
 and therefore 'tis perceptible only at the outside of the ship, if some 
 light and very moveable body hung loosely on that side it comes, to 
 receive the impression of it ; as this sound at the gallery windows of my 
 cabin upon the poop, which were of Moscovia glass. And by then we 
 had run somewhat more than a watch, with all the sails abroad we could 
 make, and in a fair loom gale, we found ourselves near enough to part the 
 fray of two ships, that in a little while longer fighting would have sunk 
 one another." (p. 316). 
 
 P. 72. " Lampadosso, on which dwell no persons . . . .but there is a lampe 
 continually burning. The Turkes beare geat reuerence to the place ....and 
 it hath proued very fatall to carry away anything from thence" The late 
 Mr. Joseph Hunter, whose name should never be mentioned without 
 liberal acknowledgment of his great merits as a laborious and accurate 
 investigator, published in his interesting " Disquisition on Shakespeare's 
 Tempest" (Lond. 8vo. 1839) many particulars of this " desert island in a 
 stormy sea." His wide reading enabled him to bring together many 
 authorities upon the subject from the year 1584 downwards. It would 
 have been a great delight to him to have added Sir Kenelm Digby to 
 their number. 
 
 p. 38. I sent my sattia with letters to the Venetian Generall and the 
 English Captaines, to acquaint them who I was. The English Levant 
 Company stated, in some propositions addressed by them to the Council, in 
 the way of complaint for the loss they had suffered inconsequence of Digby's 
 fight at Scanderoon, that in the letter here alluded to Digby signified 
 to the Venetian General his " intent to make prize of the French in
 
 102 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 that port," which, they add, occasioned the ensuing fight, and " thereupon 
 the loss and damage to the Merchants." (State Papers, Dom. Car. I. 
 vol. cxxi. art. 103.)
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abyla, 6 
 
 Adalia, 36 
 
 jEtna, 71 
 
 Aires, Mr., 58 
 
 Alayassa, 46 
 
 Albaneses, the, 65 
 
 Alboran, Isle of, 4, 8, 9, 13 
 
 Alcmser, 26 
 
 Alcuda, Bay of, 19 
 
 AJeppo, 39,42,43, 59 
 
 Alexandretta, 41 
 
 Alexandria, 36, 54 
 
 Algiers, 9, 13, 14, 1519, 
 
 59, 62, 63, 81 
 Alicant, 4, 20, 78 
 Allen, Thomas, xvii., 95 
 Amsterdam, 5, 10, 33, 73. 95, 
 
 96 
 
 Andria, 55 
 Anania, 53 
 Angelo, Cape, 47 
 Angers, xxi. 
 
 Anian, Dr. Thomas, xix, 
 Antimilo, 54, 58 
 Antiparisi, 55 
 Antiochetta, 36 
 Antonio alias Marino Capello, 
 
 Signer, 38, 42, 43, 46 
 Apehill, 6, 82 
 Apollo, Temple of, 57 
 Apulia, 23, 27, 29 
 Ararat, Mount, 37 
 Arches, the, see Archipelago 
 Archipelago, 33, 35, 47, 54, 55 
 Argentera, 55 
 Argiers, see Algiers 
 Argostoli, 65 
 Arsus, Bay of, 46, 48 
 Ashmole, Elias, xi. 
 Ashwell, William, 1 
 Ayassa, 43 
 
 Aylesbury, Sir Thomas, 96 
 Barbary, 4, 6, 8, 13, 81 
 
 CAMD. SOC. 
 
 Barka, 48, 50 
 
 Barlseta, 27 
 
 Beachy head, 93 
 
 Beaumont, Capt., 49, 81, 87 
 
 Bego, Signor, 68, 69 
 
 Black Horse, the, 4 
 
 Bonet, J. P., 97 
 
 Bos worth, Battle of, v. 
 
 Brook, Sir Basil, 96 
 
 Bristol, Earl of, see Digby, 
 
 John 
 Buckingham, Duke of, see 
 
 Villiers, George 
 Buget, Cape, 81 
 Burlings, the, 84, 85, 86 
 
 Cabreras, 4, 19 
 
 Cabres, 35 
 
 Cadiz, 84 
 
 Cagliari, 22, 76 
 
 Calenture, 12, n. 
 
 Calderoni, 35 
 
 Cales, 84 
 
 Calipodi, 55 
 
 Calpe, 6 
 
 Campbell, Dr., xi., xii., xiii. 
 
 Canate, 55 
 
 Candia, 33, 35, 47, 48, 49, 
 
 50, 51, 52, 54 
 Cangiere, Cape, 38, 40, 43 
 Caramania, 36 
 Carthagena, 78 
 
 Carveigh, , 17 
 
 Castelrossa, 36 
 
 Caxo, 36 
 
 Cea, 55 
 
 Cerigo, 34, 35, 36 
 
 Cephalonia, 27, 2832, 33, 
 
 53, 65, 69, 73, 99 
 Little, 34 
 
 Cerigotto, 35, 52 
 Christiana, 35, 50 
 Ciego, Mont, 84 
 P 
 
 Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde, 
 
 Edward 
 
 Clarenzia, 61, 64, 67 
 Coke, Sir Edward, ix. 
 Coke, Sir John, Sec. of State, 
 
 xxxii , 19 
 
 Coleshill, co. Warwick, v. 
 Collier, J. P., 99 
 Collieres, Greek monks, 35 
 Constantinople, 48, 50, 59 
 Consul at Algiers, see Fris- 
 
 well, Mr. 
 Corfu, 60 
 Corinth, 65 
 Corone, see Koroni 
 Coventry, Lord Keeper, xxxii. 
 Currants, 10, 65, 68 
 Cyprus, 4, 36, 37, 38 44, 45,46 
 Cythera, 35 
 
 Deadman, the, 91 
 
 Deal, 1 
 
 Delos, 55 
 
 Delphos, 56, 57 
 
 Devereux, Robert, Earl of 
 
 Essex, vi. 
 
 Diavoli, Isola dei, 53 
 Digby, family, origin of name, 
 
 v. 
 
 , two branches 
 
 of, v. 
 
 97 
 
 . Charlotta Theophila, 
 
 Everard, v. vi. n. 
 i Sir Everard, vii ix. 
 
 Sir George, vi. 
 
 John, afterwards Earl 
 
 of Bristol, vi., xvi., xxx., 
 
 xxxi., 95 
 John, son of Sir Ke- 
 
 nelm, 97 
 Kenelm, temp. Q. 
 
 Eliz. vi., vii.
 
 104 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Digby, Kenelm, afterwards Sir 
 Kenelm, date of his birth, 
 ix. xii. 
 
 his conversion 
 
 to the Church of England, 
 and re-conversion to Rome, 
 xii. xv. 
 
 his first visit 
 
 to the Continent, xvii., 95. 
 his attachment 
 
 to Venetia Stanley, xx., 
 xxi., xxiv. xxvii. 
 his second visit 
 
 to the Continent, xxi. 
 
 is in Spain 
 
 with Prince Charles, xxi. 
 returns with 
 
 him and is knighted, xxiii., 
 xxiv. 
 his " Powder 
 
 of Sympathy," xxvii. xxx. 
 origin and de- 
 
 sign of his voyage to the 
 Mediterranean, xxxi. 
 his commis- 
 
 sion, XXXll., XXXlll. 
 
 popular esti- 
 mation of his success, xxxvi., 
 xxxvii. 
 
 his offices mag- 
 nified, xxxviii. 
 
 pleasantness of 
 
 his conversation, xx., 
 his handwrit- 
 
 ing, xii. 
 
 his private Me- 
 moirs, xv., 12, 98 
 
 Mr. 58 ; a priest, xiv. 
 
 Robert, Lord Digby 
 
 of Geashill, vi., 95 
 
 Sir Robert, vi 95. 
 
 Simon, v. 
 
 Dilles, 55 
 Doi, 35 
 Dover, 93 
 Downs, the, 1, 93 
 Driver, Capt., 66 
 Drogomaster, 60 
 Drystoke, co. Rutland, vi. vii. 
 Dudley, Robert, Earl of Lei- 
 cester, vi. 
 Dunkirkers, the, 85, 92 
 
 Eagle, the, 1, 31, 37, 56, 77 
 
 East India, 93, 94 
 
 Egypt, 47 
 
 Elizabeth and George, the, 
 
 1, 2, 7, 9, 17, 20, 27, 31, 
 
 38, 41, 45, 56, 74, 75, 76, 
 
 77, 79, 84, 92, 93 
 Ellis, Mr., 45 
 English ships, when hailed 
 
 made ready for fight, 9 
 Espichel, Cape, 84 
 Essex, Earl of, see Devereux, 
 
 Robert 
 
 Fair Lee, 93 
 Fairlight, 93 
 Farrer, Dr., x. 
 Favigniana, 24, 26 
 Fenica, 36 
 Fermina, 55 
 
 Finisterre, Cape, 86, 87, 88 
 Flemings, 93, 94 
 Florence, Duke of, 63 
 Forman, Simon, x. 
 France, Ambasador of, to Al- 
 giers, 16 
 Friswell, Mr. 15,16,18 
 
 Gadbury, John, xi. 
 Gatt, Cape de, 8, 9, 82 
 Gayhurst, vii., xxiii. 
 Genoa, 78 
 
 Gentleman, John, xiv. 
 George and Elizabeth, the, see 
 
 Elizabeth and George, the 
 Gibello, Mont, 71 
 Gibraltar, 4, 6, 81, 82 
 Girgenti, 74 
 
 Gloucester Hall, Oxford, xvii. 
 Goodwip Sands, 93 
 Gozo, 35 
 Grabusa, 52 
 Gradenigo, Giovanni Paulo, 
 
 Signor, 38 
 Granada, 78, 82 
 Gravesend, 94 
 Gray Horse, the, 8 
 
 Hamburgh, 1, 5, 7, 77, 78, 79 
 ships of, 1, 5, 7 
 
 Harrington, John, Lord, vi. 
 Harris, Mr. 56, 79, and see 
 
 Herris 
 
 Hatch, Capt., 59 
 Healey, Mr., 26, 28 
 
 Heath, Sir Robert, Attorney 
 
 General, xxxii. 
 Helene, the, 9 
 Hercules, Pillars of, 6 
 Herris, Mr., 41 , and see Harris 
 Hobson, Mr., 34 
 Hoorn, Holland, 8, 10, 11 
 Holland, 88 
 
 West India Company 
 
 of, 88 
 
 Ships of, bound for the 
 East Indies, 93, 94 
 
 Consul of, at Zante, 32 
 
 Hopewell, the, 20, 23, 27, 31, 
 33, 36, 45, 49, 56, 58, 74, 
 75, 84, 93 
 
 Howell, James, xxvii. xxx. 
 
 Hunter, Joseph, 101 
 
 Hunter, the, 1 
 
 Hyde, Edward, Earl of Cla- 
 rendon, his statement of the 
 popular estimation of Dig- 
 by's victory at Scanderoon, 
 xxxvi. 
 
 Hyeres, Isles of, 8, 19, 21 
 
 Inchusen, 10 
 Ireland, 73 
 Ithaca, 34, 60 
 Ivica, 4, 81 
 
 James I., vi. xxiii. xxiv. xxvii. 
 xxx. 
 
 Jonas, the, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 
 
 86, 87, 92, 93 
 Jonson, Ben, x. xxxv. 
 
 Kansir, Ras el, 38 
 Kettle, Dr., 96 
 Koroni, 58, 59 
 
 Lampedusa, 72, 101 
 
 Lanasso, 72 
 
 Laodicea, 46 
 
 Larking, Rev. L. B., 96 
 
 Latikia, 46 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, xiii. xvii. 
 
 Leate, Mr., 59 
 
 Leghorn, 8, 9, 17,80 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, see Dudley, 
 
 Robert 
 
 Lepanto, 61, 64, 65, 68, 69 
 Lion, the, see White Lion, the 
 Limmery, Capt., 85-, 86-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 105 
 
 Lisbon, 84, 85 
 Lizard, the, 2, 91 
 London, 1, 2, 8, 9 
 L'Ovo, 35 
 Lucar, St., 84 
 Lucho, 48 
 Lycia, 36 
 Lyons, Gulf of, 22, 81 
 
 Macray, Rev. W. D. xi. n. 
 Maginus, his Ephemerides,xii. 
 Majorca, 4, 19, 20 
 Malaga, 1, 4, 7 
 Malta, 4, 37, 72 
 Marbella, 4, 6 
 Maritime, 24, 73, 74 
 Marseilles, 23, 24, 40 
 Marten, Sir Henry, Judge of 
 
 the Admiralty, xxxii. 2, 31 
 Matapan, Cape, 35 
 Mayerne, Sir Theodore, xxix. 
 Medici, Marie de, xxi. 
 Messina, 26, 50, 71 
 Michell, Capt. 9, 11, 15, 19 
 Micono, 50, 55, 56, 57 
 
 Milborne, xxx.,xxxiv., 78 
 
 Milo, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 
 
 56, 57, 58 
 Minorca, 19, 21 
 Modona, 58 
 Montague, Richard, Bishop of 
 
 Chichester, 100 
 Morea, 33, 35, 52, 65 
 Moscovia glass, 101 
 Mostyn, Charlotte, 97 
 
 Richard, ib. 
 
 Sir Roger, ib. 
 Moteville, 12 
 Mulsbo, Mary, vii. 
 .- William, ib. 
 
 Napier, Dr. Richard, x. 
 Naples, 23, 27, 29, 78 
 Natolia, 36 
 Naxia, 55 
 Needles, the, 92 
 Nicholas, Edward, xxxii. 
 Nicolas, Sir Harris, xv., 12 71. 
 North Cape of Spain, 86 
 Northumberland, Earl of, see 
 Percy, Henry 
 
 Origanus, Ephemerides of, xii. 
 Oso, 35 
 
 Palos, Cape de, 81 
 
 Pamphylia, 36 
 
 Pantalaria, 72, 73 
 
 Papao, Cape, 61 
 
 Paragon, the, 66, 67 
 
 Parisi, 55 
 
 Passer, Cape, 26, 27 
 
 Patience, the, 9, 14 
 
 Patras, 56, 59, 64, 67, 72 
 
 Paules, Nicholas, 8 
 
 Peniarth, library at, xxxvii. 
 
 Pecher, Cape, 84 
 
 Percy, Henry, 9th Earl of 
 
 Northumberland, xviii. 
 Petalas, 60, 61 
 Pettigrew, Joseph, xxix. n. 
 Ponce, Pedro de, 97 
 Poresa, 35 
 Poro, 35 
 Porpoises, 9 
 Portugal, 85 
 Preston, Dr. John, 100 
 Puleston, Elizabeth, 97 
 Philip, ib. 
 
 Raers, Bruer, 71 
 
 Ragusa, 78, 80 
 
 Rear- Admiral, Officer, see 
 Stradling, Henry 
 
 Rear-Admiral, ship, see Hope- 
 well, the ; and afterwards 
 the White Lion ; the Eliza- 
 beth and George 
 
 Rhodes, 36, 53 
 
 Rich, Robert, Earl of War- 
 wick, xxxi. 
 
 Roca, Cabo de, 84 
 
 Rocquita, 14 
 
 Roe, Sir Thomas, 56 
 
 Rotterdam, 4 
 
 Sagres, Cape, 83 
 
 St. Angelo.Cape, 51, 52, 54, 
 
 58 
 St. Donat's, co. Glamorgan, 
 
 xxxiv. 
 
 St. Julian's, Cape, 84 
 St. Lucar, 10 
 St. Malo, 20 
 St. Mary's, Scilly, 88, 89 
 St. Mauro, 49 
 St. Michael's Mount, 91 
 St. Pantalemona, 60 
 
 St. Pedro, Island of, 78 
 
 St. Peter's, Bay of, 22 
 
 St. Peter's, Isle of, 77 
 
 St. Thomas's Day, 1 
 
 St. Vincent, Cape, 3, 6, 83 
 
 Saker, Cape, 83 
 
 Salabrine, 82 
 
 Salinas, Bay of, 22 
 
 Sallee, Governor of, 16 
 
 Sapienza, 58 
 
 Sapphire, the Little, of Lon. 
 
 don, 8 
 
 Sardinia, 4, 21, 22, 26,74, 78 
 the Vice-Queen of, 77 
 
 Satalia, 36, 46, 47 
 Scanderoon, 33, 36, 38, 40, 
 
 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 55, 59, 
 
 60,71,101 
 Scarpanto, 36 
 Schiedam, 4 
 Scilly, 88, 89, 90 
 Scio, 48, 57, 58 
 Scotland, ship of, 5 
 Scott, Sir Walter, xxix. n. 
 Serfou, 55 
 Serfupodi, 55 
 Serpentera, 22, 74, 75 
 Sergento, 74 
 Seven Cliffs, the, 93 
 Sicily, 4, 24, 26, 72, 73, 74 
 Sidon, 40, 44 
 Sidney, Sir Philip, vi. 
 Sifanto, 55 
 Sira, 55 
 
 Smyrna. 48, 50, 55,56, 57, 58 
 Soundings, at the mouth of 
 
 the Channel, 88, 89, 90 
 
 peculiarities of, 88, 
 
 89, 90, 91 
 
 South Cape of Spain, 6, 83 
 
 Spain, 63, 78, 84 
 
 Spartavento, Cape, 27, 71 
 
 Spartel, Cape, 6 
 
 Spratt, Cape, 82 
 
 Spinalongo, 51 
 
 Stapleton, Elizabeth, 97 
 
 J. R., Ib. 
 
 Star, the, ship, 58 
 
 Start, the, 92 
 
 Stevens, Capt. 7 
 
 Stokes, Miss, 96 
 
 Stradling, Henry, Capt . xxxiv. . 
 20, 24, 26, 27, 28, 41, 43, 
 45,59,71,77,79,83
 
 106 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Stradling, Sir Edward, xxxiv. 
 
 xxxvi.,1, 2, 4,19,20,26, 
 
 27, 41,43, 55,59, 64, 71, 
 
 80, 82, 87 
 
 Sir John, xxxiv. 
 
 Straits, the 1, 2, 4, 17, 84, 88 
 Stravali, Isles of, 34 
 Strode, George, 2 
 
 Mr., 2, 59 
 
 Stromboli, 53 
 
 Strophadia, 58 
 
 Swallow, the, 31, 48, 49, 67, 
 
 71,76,77,79 
 Syracusa, 72 
 
 Taverner, Mr. 56 
 Teneriffe, Peak of, 47 
 Ternese, Cape, 64 
 
 Castle, 64 
 
 Tetuan, 9 
 
 Thames, the, 94 
 
 Theaca, 34 
 
 Tiger, of London, the, 45 
 
 Tilbury Hope, 94 
 
 Tillingham, , 31 
 
 Tilton, co. Leicester, v. 
 Tino, 55, 57 
 
 Tobacco, price of, 65 
 Tolson, Dr. John, 96 
 Towton, Battle of, v. 
 Trafalgara, 82 
 
 Trenchfleld, Capt., 28, 29; 66 
 Tunis, 17, 63 
 Turner, Rev. S. B., xxviii. 
 Twysden, Sir Roger, 96 
 
 Ushant, 90 
 
 Vayona, Marquisa de, 77 
 
 Velez Malaga, 7 
 
 Venice, 28, 33, 60, 73, 78 
 
 Vernon, Mr, 19 
 
 Vice- Admiral, (person) see 
 Stradling, Sir Edward 
 
 Vice-Admiral (ship), see Eli- 
 zabeth and George ; Jonas, 
 the 
 
 Villafranca, 63 
 
 Villiers, George, Duke of 
 Buckingham, xxi., xxiii., 
 xxiv., xxxi. xxxiii., 73 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, see Rich, 
 Robert. 
 
 Water, mode of obtaining, 80 
 
 Wharton's Troubles of Laud, 
 xiii., xiv. 
 
 Whelps, the, 93 
 
 White Lion, the, 20, 31, 45, 
 54, 56, 62, 65, 67, 69, 71, 
 79, 84, 92, 93, 94, 95 
 
 Wight, Isle of, 92 
 
 William and Ralph, the, 28 
 
 Williams, Annabella, 97, Ri- 
 chard, ib., Watkin, ib., Sir 
 William, ib., Sir W. W.ib. 
 
 Windesor, Capt., 56, 58 
 
 Woodcock, Capt., 24, 26, 27, 
 28, 29, 31 
 
 Woolwich, 95 
 
 Wynne, Sir Richard, xxiii. 
 
 William, 97 
 
 William Watkin E. 
 
 xxxvii. ; pedigree showing 
 his family connection with 
 Sir K. Digby, 97 
 
 Zante, 19, 27(3), 28, 31, 32 
 34, 48, 49, 50, 55, 58, 59, 
 60, 62, 65, 67, 69 
 
 Zephalonia, 65, 68 
 
 Zutphen, Battle of, vi. 
 
 Nichols and Sons, Printers, 25, Parliament Street, Westminster.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY, LOS ANGELES 
 
 COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 
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