UC-NRLF 
 
 lit, 71 
 
GIFT OF 
 
The Language 
 
 of the 
 
 Rushworth Gloss 
 
 to the 
 
 Gospel of Matthew 
 
 and the 
 
 Mercian Dialect 
 
 Part II. 
 
 The vowels of other syllables than stem-syllables; 
 Consonants; Inflection. 
 
 Edward Miles Brown, Ph. D. 
 
 Professor of English in the umvSrSif^of Cincinnati. 
 
 Gottingen 1892. 
 
 Druck der Dieterich'schen Universitats-Buchdruckerei. 
 (W. Fr. Kaestner.) 
 
The Language 
 
 of the 
 
 Rushworth Gloss 
 
 to the 
 
 Gospel of Matthew 
 
 and the 
 
 Mercian Dialect 
 
 Part II. 
 
 The vowels of other syllables than stem-syllables; 
 Consonants; Inflection. 
 
 by 
 Edward Miles Brown, Ph. D. 
 
 Professor of English in the University of Cincinnati. 
 
 Gottingen 1892. 
 
 Druck der Dieterich'schen Universitats-Buchdruckerei. 
 (W. Fr. Kaestner.) 
 
The Vowels of Medial and Final Syllables, 
 and of Prefixes. 
 
 Here are considered the vowels of suffixes, whether old 
 or secondary and auxiliary (svarabhakti). Inflectional syllables 
 will be treated under the head of Inflection. Many prefixes 
 have been already considered in Part I. The arrangement of 
 the material is, in the main, that of Zeuner in Die Sprache 
 des Jcentischen Psalters . 
 
 Vowel-Gradation. 
 
 1. In WS. the Germanic back vowel of suffixes ap- 
 pears most commonly as 0, often weakened to a and e (cf. 
 Oosijn, 114 ff.). R' has both u and (sometimes e), with 
 the balance on the side of u. In Corpus Gl. u is in excess 
 of (cf. Dieter, p. 45). The Ritual fluctuates between u and 
 (cf. Lindelof, p. 46), while the Ps. has regularly u (cf. Zeu- 
 ner, p. 56 ff.). 
 
 a) ur-er (stems in -os, -es ; cf. Sievers, 288, Cosijn, II., 
 8 and 35, 10). The only forms in R' that show r are these: 
 
 cechir (ac. pi.) 12. 1 (WS. has ear from *ahur, cf. Pt. I., p. 24); 
 this -ir does not appear to be original ; & is probably due to the fol- 
 lowing palatal; sigor (dat. sg.) 12. 20 and, with syncope, cildra 21. 16. 
 The Ps. has -ur final, and -er before inflectional u (cf. Zeuner, p. 56); 
 Hit. has -er, or syncope, before a back vowel, and umlaut in lemb, 
 (cf. LindelSf, p. 46). 
 
 b) ud-ed. R' has : 
 
 heafud 14. 11 etc. (8) and -od (5) 6. 17; 10. 30; 14. 8; 21. 42; 
 27. 33; nacud 25.36.43; -ne 25.38 (for WS. cf. Cos. p. 127); e occurs 
 only in somed 13. 29; hcemed (coitus) 15. 19; 19. 18; hamep 5. 32, 
 with syncope hqmde 24. 38 (cf. Cos., p. 147 g); fremftnm appears only 
 with syncope as in the Ps. (cf. Zeuner, p. 57). 
 
 1* 
 
Here may be mentioned: 
 
 iugufte 19. 20 with loss of n before 8, and eorfepe 7. 14 from 
 the stem arbaidi- (cf. Kluge, Stammb., 131a); WS. has both o and e in 
 this word (cf. Cos., p. 137). 
 
 c) Adjectives ending in original -ag, -ig. 
 
 The suffixes -ag and -ig (from -ig) appear in 0. E. in 
 the form -iy (oftener written -eg in O.WS. cf. Cos. 120; 
 once -eg in Kit, and several times -eg, -ei, -ceg in Corp. GL, 
 cf. Lindelof p. 47, Dieter p. 46). R' has regularly -ig (94), 
 seldom -eg (7), once yg. The form -eg is found in: 
 
 dysege 25. 8 (but 4 dysig 5. 22 etc.); monegu 25. 21. 23 (but 30 
 monige) ; monegta 8. 30; 24. 12 (monigra 24. 24); ntsnegum 17. 9; 
 ncenegu 13. 38 (10 w<em> 12. 19 etc.; -ne 17. 8); scyldyg 23. 16(7sey/- 
 %). In all other cases -iy : e. g. hungrig , w&lig, stanig , ecte% etc. 
 Forms having original -ag show no trace of umlaut in WS., in the 
 Ps. (cf. Zeuner, p. 57), or in R', but Rit. has forms of monig and ha- 
 lig both with and without umlaut (cf. Lindelof, p. 47). 
 
 d) Abstract nouns in -nis, -nes (cf. Kluge, Stammb., 
 137 ff.). In O.WS. the form -nes appears almost without 
 exception (cf. Sievers, 258, Cosijn, I., pp. 1,34135, II, 
 p. 28.) In R' -nis prevails (139), -nes is found only 3 times: 
 
 &spyrnes 16.23 (but -nisse 26. 31); gewitnesse 18. 16 (but 5 -nisse); 
 gehernesse 13. 9 (but 4 -nisse 11. 15 etc.). In the Ps. -nis is the re- 
 gular ending, -nes occurs only 14 times (cf. Zeuner, p. 57); Rit. and 
 Corpus have only -nis (cf. Lindelof, p. 46 ; Dieter, p. 46) ; the charters 
 have -nis : gewitnisse 48. 17. 18; hernisse 48. 3; the Minora have 
 3 -nis, 1 -nes: Bl. 6. 12; Mt. 50; CA. 7. 
 
 e) Abstract feminine nouns in -ung , -ing (cf. Kluge, 
 Stammb., 158 ff.). O.WS. has regularly -ung, occasionally 
 -ing and -eng, once -ong (cf. Cos., II., p. 22 and pp. 23 25). 
 R' has -ung^ only 1 -ing, aeldwgq 24. 48. 
 
 In the Ps. -ing is found side by side with the more usual -ung, 
 but -ing alone (1 exception) in the dat. pi. (cf. Zeuner, p. 58); Rit. has 
 -ing (28), -eng (2), usually -ung, but -ing does not occur before back 
 vowfls as in Ps. (cf. Lindelof, pp. 4748). 
 
 f) Masculine nouns in -ing, -ling (cf. Kluge, Stammb., 
 22, 24 ff., 100) appear in O.WS. with i, sometimes e 
 (cf. Cosijn, p. 141), but cyning has always i or syncope. R' 
 has -ing: 
 
 casering 17.24 (2); settling 17.27; -a 27. 3. 9; 26. 15; -as 27. 5. 
 6; lytlingan 19. 14; baclinc 4. 10; cyning (s. Pt. I. 4.1). 
 
g) The gradation and -end. Only -end occurs in R': 
 fusend (6 times, s. I. 55); once fusenft 14. 21. So in 0. WS., 
 
 in Ps., and in Rit. 
 
 h) -end from -and appears in : 
 
 olbend (Got. ulbandus) 19. 24; -u 23. 24; -ena 3. 4. 
 
 i) Vowel -gradation before m. 0. WS. has o or <?, only 
 
 once u (cf. Cosijn p. 139). R' has 7 e, 4 , 2 M, 1 $ : 
 
 ineodnma 10. 37; 25. 45; weestem 13. 8; wc&stim 3. 10; western 
 12. 33 (2); 3. 8; 13. 22. 23. 26; wg0*tm 21. 19.41. 43; western 7. 19; 
 no auxiliary vowel in other forms of this word; 0. WS. has w&stm 
 (cf. Cosijn, 126). 
 
 The Ps. has e 3 times in gemeodemian (cf. Zeuner p. 59) ; Rit. 
 has o and u in this word, but wcestem (2); vaestim (4); vcestm (2), (cf. 
 Lindelof, p. 48). 
 
 j) Yowel- gradation before n. The frequent inflectional 
 endings (-an, -on) will be found, of course, under Inflec- 
 tion. Here it may be mentioned, however, that i-umlaut 
 occurs once (as in the Ps., Zeuner, p. 58) in the past part, 
 gedoen 28. 11; but gedoan 18. 31; 23. 15. Suffixes, not 
 inflectional or adverbial endings, have e, , 0, and u before n 
 in R', (for 0. WS. -on, -en s. Cos. 113 and p. 140). 
 
 -en appears in : 
 
 efen (evening) 23. 6 etc. (9); -enne 16. 2; 28. 1; cefenne 27.57; 
 lyrften 11. 30; byrgenne 23. 29 etc. (8); in the loan-word cymen 23. 23; 
 ciken 23. 37 (cf. Pt. I. 63) ; dryhten 25. 23 etc. (34) ; and abbrevia- 
 ted, dry hi 24. 45 etc. (21); 
 
 druncenn(m) 24. 49; magden (old -in) 9. 24. 25; 14. 11; menen (an- 
 cilla) 26. 69; worgen 6. 34; 20. 1 ; 27. 1 ; margen 6. 30 (with umlaut, 
 cf. Pt. I. 37c); seten- 12. 4; tacen 16. 3. 4 etc. (10); but tacun 
 24. 3; 26. 48; ticcen 25. 33; woesten 14. 13; -ne 3. 1 ; 4. 1; wastenne 
 11. 8; 15. 33; wqstene 24. 26; but once westinne 3. 3; wolken 17. 5. 
 
 -in occurs in: 
 
 farina 18. 17; -e 21. 31; -se 21. 32; gefirinade 27. 4, but once 
 firenfullra 11. 19; see also westinne above. 
 
 -on is found in: 
 
 nigon 18. 12. 13; -tig 18. 12. 13; wacone 14. 25; and twice in 
 heofona 23. 13 ; -on(um) 5. 45, though u appears regularly in this word, 
 heofuna (15); -unu (26), and always heofun, -unas (s. Pt. I. 17); 
 
 -un also in: 
 
 seofun 15. 34. 36; 18. 21. 22; siofun 16. 10 etc. (5); -una 22. 28; 
 -und (ord.) 22. 26. 
 
6 
 
 The Ps. has only e in words like these, but often o- t u- umlaut, 
 showing an older o, u (cf. Zeuner, p. 59); Hit. has both -on and -en, 
 often in the same word (s. Lindelof, p. 48); Corpus has -en, but of- 
 tener -in (cf. Dieter, p. 46). 
 
 The adverbial ending in R' is regularly -an, as in WS. 
 (cf. Cosijn, p. 125), seldom -on, -en; occasionally n has fallen 
 away : 
 
 bufan 2. 9; on-ufan 21. 7; butun 10. 29 etc. (11); utan 23. 25. 
 27. 28; beforan 5. 24 etc. (21); be-hyndan 9. 20; binnan 23. 27. 26; 
 but binne23. 25; ininnan 9. 3; 7. 15; innan 3.9; 9.21; 21. 38; 23.28; 
 but innse 24. 26; heonan 9. 24; 17. 20; feorran 26. 58; 27. 55; -ne 
 23. 14; easfan 2. 1 ; 8. 11; westan 8. 11; ftonan 19. 15 etc. (16); but 
 -on in hwonon 15. 33; -aw 18. 25; 21. 25; 13. 54. 56. 27; -en in 
 ftenden 25. 10; 26. 47; but without n, Sende 17.5 22; 9. 15; 12.46; 
 26. t>. 26; Sendi 1. 20. 
 
 Without auxiliary vowel appear: 
 
 efn, afn (s. Pt. I. 15 b) ; frsegn 16. 13; 27. 11; ongjegn 8.28 
 etc. (6); raegn 7. 25; starfn 17. 5; Ssegn 20. 26; 23. 11, (so in WS. 
 cf. Cosijn, 126). 
 
 h) The gradation ul-el. WS. has both u and o, some- 
 times e (cf. Cosijn, pp. 127 and 139; 127). 
 
 R' has -el (== -il causing umlaut) in: 
 
 (the loan-word) engel 2. 13; U. 10; foedel- 22. 4; oefel 13. 
 54. 57; micel 20. 29. etc. (16); -e 6. 30; -u 24. 21; -ne 27. 60 
 (often with syncope, s. Pt. I., p. 55); symbel 26. 5 ;27. 15; ftyrel 19, 24; 
 yfel 5. 11 etc. (8); -e 15. 19; -ne 12. 33 (usually with syncope in obi. 
 cas., s. Pt. I., p. 55). 
 
 -il once in lytilra 18. 10 (in other cases syncope, s. Pt. I. p. 67); 
 only with syncope, idla 5. 22. 
 
 -ul (for -il causing umlaut, cf. Pog. 107, 260) in esules 18. 6; 
 and 3 times with u- umlaut eosule 21. 5; -a 21. 7; <zoml 21. 2. 
 
 -el not causing umlaut appears in : 
 
 candel 5. 15; gcefel 5. 46 etc. (6 times, s. Pt. I. p. 25), WS. has 
 regularly -ol in this word (cf. Cosijn, p. l,b); -scamel 5. 35 ; sepelS. 34; 
 but satil 23. 6, and twice with -M/; setule 23. 2; -as 23. 6; tcBppel 
 5. 35 (cf . teped, Pog., 42) ; but tappil 22. 44 ; Kecele 25. 1 may have 
 umlaut; in cuidele 5. 44 the i need not be due to the suffix. 
 
 -ul appears in: 
 
 degullice 1. 19; 17. 19; 20. 17; 24. 3; -nisse 6. 4. 6. 18; deoful 
 4. 5. 8 etc. (20); efulsuny 12. 31; but six times -al in this word (s. 
 Pt. I. 17 a); gestafulad 7. 25; tungul- 2. 1. 7. 16; -scoful 3. 12; 
 and twice in setule (s. above). 
 
Without auxiliary vowel are: 
 
 rtegl 28. 3; hragl 17. 2 etc. (11); spaftl 27. 30. 
 
 The Ps. has -el (= -il causing umlaut), in other cases both -ul 
 and -el (-ul usually in the uninflected , -el in the inflected forms , cf. 
 Zeuner p. 59); Rit. has -el, often -il (= il}, otherwise -ul, -ol , only 
 once -el (cf. Lindelof, pp. 48, 49) ; the Corpus Gl. has chiefly -el, but 
 often -il (cf. Dieter, p. 45). 
 
 1) The gradation ur-er (excluding -os, -es stems, s. above, 
 1. a). The vowel is in part old, in part secondary or aux- 
 iliary (for 0. WS. s. Cosijn, pp. 125, 139). R' has -er, often 
 -or, -ur. 
 
 -er appears in: after (15); -ere (1); -era (2); (abbreviated) <zft- 
 (18); hider (4); fiider (2); niper (9): nider 11. 23; hwider 8. 19; ofier 
 (18); -eru ; -ere etc. (s. Ft. I. 11); hwafer (4j; hwefer (2); under 
 (5); ofer (31); c&fer- 26. 3. 58; -e 26. 69; feower 16. 10, (cf. Oosijn, 
 p. 128); sumer 24. 32; winter 9.20; suner (grex) 8. 30. 32; eower (30); 
 once eowor 9. 11; only -or in sundor 14. 13. 14; (abbreviated) sund- 
 17. 1; -ur in e/cwr 6. 1 ; 9. 17 ; wat(er) appears only abbreviated or 
 with syncope. 
 
 In the following words the vowel is secondary and ap- 
 pears as o or u, seldom e: 
 
 aldor (10); aldur (16); sw&or (6) j wuldor 4. 8; 16. 27; morfur 
 15. 19; 19. 18; wundur 21. 15; -lie. 21. 42; sylfur 10. 9; -er occurs 
 ;n hunger 24. 7; snotter 24. 45, other cases of this word show syncope. 
 The Ps. has chiefly e for the old, u for the secondary vowel (cf. 
 Zeuner, pp. 60, 61); Rit. has -er, -ir; -or, -ur, with occasional inter- 
 change of -ir, -ur etc. (cf. Lindelof , p. 49); Corpus has -er, only once 
 -ir (cf. Dieter, p. 46). 
 
 m) The nouns of relationship, which in R' have -er through- 
 out, will be found under Inflection. 
 
 n) The suffix -els, -Us (= -isl) appears in: 
 
 gyrdels 3. 4; 10. 9; recils 2. 11. 
 
 o) The second syllable of certain loan-words : 
 
 -ic is preserved in calic (4), calie (1), (cf. Pt. I. p. 28 c) ; for 
 -es in almesse 6. 3; celmes 6. 4 occurs once -i, celmisse 6. 2, (cf. Pog. 
 237). 
 
 p) Other suffixes occurring in R', e. g., -ere (-an), -sum, 
 -isc require no special mention. 
 
 The vowels in the second member of compounds have 
 been sufficiently treated in Pt. I., 
 
 e. g., -geard, -weard (s. I. p. 21); -tern, -em, -fast, -fest (s. I. 
 
8 
 
 pp. 14. 15); -fald (s. I. p. 22); -wiht (s. I. 25 d) wioe contracted, 
 nohte 5. 13; neeht 23. 16; -fteow in lareu etc. (s. I. 23 b); -bed etc. 
 in wibed (s. I. 52). 
 
 Prefixes. 
 
 2. The following prefixes occur in R' : a-, &-, or-, 
 cet-, &ft-, el-, of-, cef-, on-, ond- , and-, in-, tin-, upp-, ut-, 
 ymb-, be-, bi-, ge-, to-, for-, fore-, forth-, mis-, purh-, wip-, 
 wiper-. Most of these have been included under the respec- 
 tive vowels in Pi I. 
 
 Here it is only necessary to single out the following for 
 special mention: 
 
 a- (older ar-, Got. MS-) occurs frequently as a- (169), but a- (8); 
 the accented form or- occurs once, orsorge 28. 14; ce appears in ceriste 
 22. 23. 28. 30. 31. 
 
 in- is not common. It is found only about 15 times, chiefly in 
 the verb ingann interchanging with on- (10 in-, 6 on-). In general 
 and-, ond-, appears in nouns, on- in verbs (cf. Zeuner p. 63 g), but 
 there are occasional exceptions, e. g., andfoa 11. 14; ondfoaS 17. 25; 
 -fooS 21. 21; -foj) 26. 26; -foep 18.5(2), beside 16 forms with on-; and 
 ondfeng 25. 16; -on 17.24, but 17 forms with OM-; on the other hand 
 onswarade 21. 24. 27; 13. 11, but 7 times and-, 21 times ond-. 
 
 un- is written vn- in 10. 26; 9. 12. on- has become a- (as in WS.) 
 in awffig (8); aweg (2). ge- is never written gi- in R', and to- remains 
 unchanged in all cases, Ps. and Corpus have ge--, Hit. chiefly gi-, also 
 ge- (cf. Zeuner, p. 62. a, n. 1; Dieter, 29; LindelSf, 26). 
 
 Syncope of Middle Vowels. 
 
 The laws for the syncope of middle vowels in O.E. estab- 
 lished by Sievers (cf. Sievers, zur Accent- und Lautlehre der 
 germ. Spr. p. 21 ff. ; also Beitr. IY and V) are observed in 
 R' with comparatively few exceptions. 
 
 3. Every middle vowel of a trisyllabic word, when 
 originally short, and not rendered long by position, is synco- 
 pated after a long radical syllable*. (Cook's tr. of Sievers' 
 
 E' shows the following cases: 
 
 a) Before I: 
 
 The oblique cases of de'ofttl (5), engel (13); Ijtel (2), middel (5) 
 
9 
 
 sdwol (6), and the single forms; dtigles 10. 26; ewyrdlu 16. 26; idla 
 5. 22; ftonclum 11. 25; altogether 35 with syncope, no exceptions. 
 
 b) Before r: 
 
 The oblique cases ofbroper (7), ceaster (30), eower (33), 6per (23), 
 snotter (9), Seoster (9), winter (2) and the single forms: feuivre 24.31; 
 /w^v> 23. 4; M^/V- 7. 23; 26. 33; cildra 21. 16; kunyrig 21. 18; <yr- 
 Sra 22. 7; wuldre 6. 29; snytlro 12. 42; n//fo-f 11. 19. The excep- 
 tions noted are: alduras 26. 3; alduras 27. 62; o^ere 13. 5; 24. 41 
 (2, norn. s. f.); operu 12. 13; 24. 41 (fern, and neut. forms iu -u are 
 regularly excepted in O.E., cf. Siev. gr., 144 b), altogether 123 cases 
 with syncope, 7 without. Comparatves and the r -cases of adjectives 
 are excepted from the enumeration, as having syncope regularly, but 
 middere 25. 6 occurs. 
 
 c) Before m: 
 
 The obi. cases of western (9), also ytmcest 22. 13; -e 8. 12; 12.45, 
 but without syncope the comp. fultume 15. 25 (cf. Zeuner, 23. 
 HI. 4, Lindelof p. 54). 
 
 d) Before n: 
 
 the obi. cases of drykten (17), wolcen (3) and the single forms 
 fcemne 1. 23;/ewwan 25. 1. 7. 11; margne 21. 18; marne 6. 30 (from 
 morgeri), but mergenne 16. 3; ticnum 25. 32 (from tiecen)\ altogether, 
 with syncope 27, without, 1. The inflected forms of past participles 
 from strong verbs are less regular; with syncope: gefongnae (ac. p.) 
 4. 24; forletne (ac. s. f.) 5. 32; (nom. p.) 9. 2; -ae (nom. pi.) 9. 5; 
 eknum 24. 19; without syncope: agene (ac. s. n.) 27. 31; abolgenne 
 (nom. p. m.) 20. 24; 21. 15; druncennu(m} 24. 49; akongenne (nom. p. 
 m.) 27. 38. 44; aworpenne (nom. p. n.) 8. 12; altogether, with syn- 
 cope 5, without syn. 7. 
 
 To these must be added the ac. s. mas. of adjectives inflected 
 strong which regularly shows syncope, e. g., blindne, gecufine etc. 
 
 e) Before s: 
 
 Forms of bletsian (5), gecleensian (9), eorsian (2), tniltsian (10), 
 and the single forms: halsio 26. 63; boensendu 20. 20; neosadun 25. 36; 
 ricsade 2. 22; geunrotsed 14. 9; altogether 31 cases of syncope, no 
 exception. 
 
 f) Before d: 
 
 The obi. cases of keaftid do not occur in R'. Here belong the 
 preterits and the inflected past participles of weak verbs (Class. I) 
 which have long stems. In general these verbs have syncope ; for a 
 list of them , see under Inflection. The following exceptions occur: 
 abalgede 26. 8; bebyrgedun 14. 12; geeerrede 13. 15, (but gecerde 2. 22; 
 9. 22; cerdun 2. 12); fylgedun 19. 2, (but fylgdun 9. 27); gleosede 
 28. 20 ; altogether there are 182 cases of syncope, and only 5 without. 
 
10 
 
 Of course the following are excepted (cf. Siev. gr., 405. 5): afrde- 
 frede 5. 4; hynprede etc. (9); wuldradun 9. 8; wundrade etc. (12); 
 timbrade etc. (4). 
 
 g) Before g : 
 
 The obi. cases of adjectives in -ig, krceftgu 2. 1 ; Tcraftgu(m) 2. 7. 16; 
 senguin 18, 19; 22. 16; ncengum 8. 4; 16. 20; but ceniyum 19. 3; ncenegum. 
 
 17. 9; (nceneyu 13. 38 is excepted as neut. pi. in -u); halgu(tn) 12. 32; eadige 
 13. 16; stanige 13. 20; forms of the weak vb. hdlgian (8), and syngige 
 
 18. 15 show syncope, but scyldiyat 6. 12 ; altogether, the ratio is 17:6. 
 
 h) Before t: 
 
 Only emetig 12. 44 (= dmetig, Kluge, wb.). 
 
 4. A vowel long by position is usually protected 
 against the operation of syncope. (Cook's tr. of Sievers' gr., 
 145). R' regularly preserves the vowel except in the super- 
 lative of neah (the only other exceptions noted are hcepne, 
 riftra, -urn, mynetrce): 
 
 e. g , huliyra 27. 52 ; lytilru 18. \',(lytlera 18. 6, with metath.); men- 
 nisce 12. 41; nanigne 17. 8; cereste 23. 6 etc. (8); wyrresta 12. 45, 
 but nehsta 21. 37; nehstum 19. 19 etc. (12). The superlative of heah 
 does not occur. So likewise ceftere (= -erra) 22. 39; -a 21.31; 27. 64; 
 ytterre 25.30; -88 22. 13; wundurlic 21. 42; degullice (4); byrgenne (13); 
 woestenne 3. 1 ; 4. 1 ; ffifennv 27.57; efenne 28. 1; 16. 2; westinne 3. 3; 
 wqstene 24.26 etc. (6); haftenna 18. 17; hceftene 6. 7, but fog^we 23.15 
 with syncope; verbs in -ettan, bilketto 13. 35; roketto 13. 35. The mas. 
 suffix -$e has a long vowel (cf. Kluge, -arja bildungen , Stammb. 
 8, 9) which is regularly preserved, e. g., fisceras, leornere etc., but 
 riftra 13. 39; -urn 13. 30; mynetra 21. 12 (cf. myneterum 25. 27). 
 
 Present participles in -ende preserve e, except in contract verbs, 
 geseonde 8. 18 etc. 
 
 5. After a short radical syllable this syncopation 
 does not take place . (Cook's tr. of Sievers' gr., 144 a). 
 
 R' has the following cases: 
 a) Before I: 
 
 cuidele 5. 44; gegarelum 27. 28; gestapulad 7. 25; ftecele 25. 1; 
 and the loan-word esules 18. 6; eosule 21. 5; -a 21. 7; nricel and yfel 
 regularly show syncope as in WS. micel has 21 forms with syncope, 
 3 without: inicele 6. 30; -u 24. 21; 28. 2 (the u- forms follow the 
 general rule for long stems, cf. Siev. 144 c.); yfel has 24 forms 
 with syncope, and but 1 without: yfele 15. 19; in yfelne 12. 33, mt- 
 celne 27. 60 the vowel is long by position, but weorlde 12. 82 occurs 
 once (tveorulde seven times). 
 
11 
 
 b) Before r : 
 
 Without syncope only weleru(m] 15. 8; with syncope: atyqdre 
 14. 9; hicapre 26. 64; hwepre 18. 7 etc. (6); the comparatives bettra 
 12. 12; 10. 31; swipre 6. 3 etc (13); the weak verbs wfSroS 12. 42; 
 nttngaft 12. 41; nforud 12. 37; 27. 3; nforade 12. 7 (this vb. always 
 ivithont syncope in Ps., cf. Zeuner, p. 68); gegadrade 19. 6. 
 
 c) Before m: 
 
 meoduma 10. 37 ; 25. 45. 
 
 d) Before n: 
 
 heofunas 10. 7 ete. (81); mceyene 25. 15; mceycenes 26. 64, but 
 toyceynes 27. 61 (cf. Siev. zur Accent etc., p. 37) ; wacone 14. 25; Jirina 
 18. 17; -a 21. 32; -e 21. 31; gejirinade 27. 4, but firniye 18. 15; sio~ 
 funa 22. 28. 
 
 The past participles of strong verbs having short stems : yecorcena 
 22. 14; gecorenan 24. 24; -um 24. 22. 31; ucwadene 26. 30; forleyene 
 12. 39; 16. 4; ofslayene 22. 4; un$tcegenu(m) 15. 20; gewitence 2. 13; 
 awritene 27. 37; gewrigene 6. 31; bewrigenes 10. 26; once syncope* 
 agefnce. 18. 25. 
 
 e) Before s : 
 
 agm 14. 26; 28. 4; egsa 28. 8; axe 3. 10 (*acusi, cf. Siev. 
 50, n. 2). 
 
 f) Before t5: 
 
 itt^uSe (s. 1, b) 19. 20; nigopan 20. 5; 27. 45. 46; warafte 13. 
 2. 48; but/remSwm 17. 25. 26 (as in P., cf. Zeuner, p. 68 f.). 
 
 g) Before d: 
 
 The preterits and past participles of weak verbs (Class I) having short 
 stems. E' has: byrede 12. 4; styredun 27. 39; apenede 12. 13; 14.31; 
 but with syncope, as in WS., alcsgde 27. 60; -uu 15.30; yesette 13.24 
 etc. (14); in nacudne 25. 38 the vowel is in position. No other cases 
 are noted. 
 
 h) Before g: 
 
 There is less regularity; the obi. cases of the adj monig (34) 
 are without syncope, but mongum 23. 1; 26. 28; mongu(m} 10. 31; 
 
 20. 28; (in monegra 8. 30; 24. 12: monigra 24. 24 the vowel has po- 
 sition); in the sb. mcenigu 21. 36; menigu 9. 23 etc. (6), but mangu 
 
 21. 46 etc. (5); mengu 22. 33 etc. (27); hcefige 23. 4, but ahcefgad 26. 43 (and 
 with position, hafigra 23. 23; hefiglice 13. 15); dysige 25. 2. 3; dysege 
 25. 8; huniges 3. 4; weliga 19. 23, but welgan 19. 24; mynyaft 16. 9; 
 gemyngad 2. 22. Altogether 47 cases without, 40 with syncope. 
 
 i) Before t: 
 
 Only the foreign word myneterum 25. 27; mynetrce 21. 12 in 
 which the vowel is shortened from original 6 (= !, cf. Pog. 207. 2). 
 
12 
 
 6. An irrational* auxiliary vowel sometimes occurs 
 in oblique cases after the analogy of uninflected forms, (cf. 
 Siev. gr. 148). This is not very frequent in R'. 
 
 a) Before I: 
 
 setulas 23. 6; setttle 23. 2, but settlas 21. 12; -settle 27. 19; sedle 
 25. 31; 19. 28; 23. 22; -urn 19. 28; and always fuglas, gafle, -es, 
 hrcegle, nc&gled etc. 
 
 b) Before r: 
 
 fcederes 21. Z\*, feeder a 23. 32, but fadra 23. 30 ; jissere 21.21; 
 otherwise regularly swegre 10. 35; fepran 23. 37; acras 12. 1; w&ttre 
 3. 11 etc. (5). 
 
 c) Before n: 
 
 Always without vowel, e.g., skefne 24.31 etc. (%)', JxzgntM 5.1 ; 
 -urn 14. 2 etc. (13 forms); reynep 5. 45; afne 5. 47; efne 10. 42 etc* 
 (5); etc. 
 
 d) Before g\ 
 
 Only beligas 9. 17 (2); but belgas 9. 17 (2). 
 The cases where a vowel is introduced before -jo, -ivo, etc. may 
 be found under Inflection (cf. Siev., 246, n. 2; 249, n. 1. etc.). 
 
 7. When the same word contained two middle vo- 
 wels, . . . the second is always syncopated without regard to 
 the quantity of the radical syllable etc. (Cook's tr. of Sievers' 
 gr., 147). R' observes this rule regularly. Examples are: 
 
 micelne 27. 60; haligra 27. 52; monegra 24. 12; etc. 
 
 Detailed comparison of other texts in the matter of syn- 
 cope is, perhaps, hardly necessary. In general R' seems to 
 adhere even more closely to the rules than the Ps., and agrees 
 pretty well with Rit. (cf. Zeuner, pp. 6570 ; Lindelof, 27). 
 
13 
 
 The Consonants 1 ). 
 
 I. Sonorous Consonants. 
 
 The semi-vowels. 
 
 8. The semi-vowel w. For the Runic wen of the MS. 
 Skeat has substituted w throughout (edition of 1887). 
 
 In a few cases (42) u is written for initial w : 
 
 uulfum 10. 16 (North, has ulf, uldor with loss of w, cf. Bout, 
 glos.); uitgana 23. 30; geuitaS 17. 20; fulluihte 3. 7; after another 
 consonant: huat 16. 13; sua 5. 16; andsuari 2. 12; thuat5 15. 2; 
 unadnescendlice 3. 12; cuidele 5. 44; quartern 25. 39; and 29 times 
 cu-, twice qu- , in the pret. of the vb. cuman (but 41 cw- , 11 c- f 
 with loss of w, s. I. 47). WS. has quite often u for w after an 
 initial cons. (cf. Cosijn, 147). 
 
 Only once is uu found for w: uuiltu 26. 17. 
 
 a) Initial w in R' occurs : 
 a) Before all vowels, as in WS. (cf. Siev. gr., 172): 
 
 e. g., wses 2. 1 ; wearp 21. 12; warS 9. 22; wesa 3. 14; weora 
 14. 21 ; wile 16. 25; wyrse 9. 16; worhte 13. 58; wuldor 4. 8, etc. 
 
 Contrary to WS. usage w exerts a certain influence in 
 preventing the breaking of a, and in modifying e before 
 r + cons, into a, a, (s. I. p. 80, and 5, 6, 13, 19). Other 
 cases of ^-influence are: 
 
 1) The effect of certain consonants in R' upon preceding or 
 following vowels has been exhibited in Ft. I. Here it will be suffi- 
 cient to note the general usage of the text and point out such ex- 
 ceptions to WS. custom as have either not been already mentioned, 
 or not been made prominent enough. Reference will be made to other 
 dialects, but a detailed comparison, such as was given in Pt. I., will 
 here be impracticable. 
 
14 
 
 woestim 3. 10; awoerpep 12 24; worSum 12. 19; wutan 22. 16 
 etc. (5); wyre 10. 10 etc. <13); wyrse 9. 16 etc. (3), (cf. I., pp. 14, 
 36, 42, 48). 
 
 Initial w is lost only in compounds with ne: 
 e. g., nyle 10. 14; nellap 23. 8; nolde 27. 34; nyte 6. 3; niton 
 21. 27, etc. (cf. I., pp. 42, 44, 50). w is regularly preserved in nawiht 
 18. 32 etc. (4); nauwiht (with inorganic u before w] 17. 20 etc. (5), 
 except twice: nohte 5. 13; nseht 23. 16. In this compound w is trea- 
 ted as medial (s. below b, cc). 
 
 j8) Before the consonants 1 and r iv is preserved: 
 e. g, wlitige 23. 27; andwlitu 18. 10 etc.; awriten 4. 4 etc.; 
 gewrigene 6. 31, etc , etc. 
 
 y) In the combinations cw, hw, dw, 8w, tw, sw: 
 e. g., cwsep 2. 8; liwses 6. 8; dwaligaS 22. 29; pwah 6. 17; 
 betwih 18. 15; swselce 18. 5, etc. 
 
 Influence of w on the following vowel is seen in: 
 
 swuster 12. 50; 19. 29 (but cf. swsester 13. 56). 
 
 w is lost only in: 
 
 hu 7. 14 etc. (32); tu 9. 28; 25. 32; in the pres. of the vb. 
 cuman (common to all dialects), and sometimes in the pret. of the 
 same vb., com, -un etc. (s. above and I., 36, 47). 
 
 b) Medial and final w. 
 
 a) After vowels. After a (== ai) w appeal's as u al- 
 ways in: 
 
 sanle 10. 28 etc ; -urn 11. 29, (WS. has usually w, cf. Siev. gr. 
 174. 3), also, when final, in snau 17. 2; 28. 3, introduced by ana- 
 logy, cf. Siev. gr., 174, n. 1); blau (imp.) 6. 2. 
 
 But is preserved medially in: 
 
 gecnawan 16. 3; sawen 13. 19 etc. (5), and (with inorganic u, 
 indicating vocalization, as in nauwiht, s. above) sauwep 13. 37; ge- 
 sauwen 13. 20. 22. 23 (cf. I. p. 68). Jn these verbs w is inorganic. 
 According to Lindelo'f (p. 59 a) w is einfach als hiatustilgender 
 Consonant eingeschoben ; cf. also the explanation of Cosiju, (gr., I. 
 p. 198). 
 
 w is lost in all forms of the nouns: 
 
 ge, (ae) 23. 23 etc.; sse, ssee, saes, 4. 13: 13. 1 etc. (s. I. pp. 69, 
 70); wea 6. 34 (cf. Siev., 118. n. 1). 
 
 After 6 w appears in: 
 
 stowe 12. 43 etc. (once final with inorganic , stouw 27. 33); 
 prowige 26. 33 etc. 
 
15 
 
 After ea (?== Wg. au) w is preserved in: 
 
 eawan 16. 21; -ep 23. 27 etc. (16); twice with u for w^ eaude 
 2. 19; 16. 1; heawan 14. 2; sceawigap 6. 28; -erme 28. 1; gescawatS 
 5. 8 (s. I., p. 73). 
 
 The combination Wg. aw becomes eaw (as in WS. in: 
 
 feawe 7. 14 etc.; -urn 25. 23 etc.; but w ist lost in edses 26. 31 
 (s. I. 9, and cf. Lindelof, p. 43). 
 
 Wg. dw (= WS. ea, eaw) appears as eu in : 
 
 stren 7. 3. 4. 5 (s. I., 46). 
 
 In place of WS. w in the pret. ind. pi. and pret. opt. of 
 the vb. seon R' has always g (s. I. p. 57); in the perf. part, 
 contraction regularly occurs (s. I. p. 40). g for w appears 
 also in higu 10. 36 (= hiwan). 
 
 But w is lost or vocalized in the comp. heorod 24. 45; heore- 
 des 13. 27. 
 
 After eo (= Wg. eu) w is preserved: 
 
 e. g., eow 6. 8 etc.; eowic 10. 19 etc.; hreownisse 21. 30 etc.; 
 getreowe 9. 2 etc. (s. I. 62). 
 
 Occasionally there is simplification of eow to ew, iu, eu, 
 (euw), as in North, (cf. Siev., 156. 5; in Rit. this is the 
 rule, cf. Lindelof, p. 60; cf. also Zeuner, p. 122): 
 
 iu (vobis) 5. 32; ewer 7. 11; hrewnisse 4. 17; hreunisse 3. 2; 
 getrewe 24. 45. 
 
 euw is found in: 
 
 hreuwnisse, 11. 20. -e 21 ; ge- 21. 32; reuwe 18. 10; getreuwe 9. 22 
 
 After eo of the pret. in redup. verbs: 
 heow 26. 51, but -hen 27. 60; speou 27. 24. 
 
 eow developed from Wg. ew, iiv, is found in : 
 treowes 3. 10; 21. 34; -urn 21. 8; peowse 26. 69 etc.; feower 
 16. 10 etc.; neowe 13. 52 etc. (cf. I., 23, 31); also by analogy in 
 nom. and ace. sg., treow 3. 10 etc. (9); only once treo (dat.) 24. 32; 
 t5eow (dat.) 8. 9 ; w is lost by syncope in wintreos 26. 29; also in 
 feorpe 14. 25; -an 5. 26; but feowertig 4. 2 (cf. Siev. gr., 328). 
 
 Vocalization occurs in: 
 
 kneu (ac. sg.) 27. 29; cneu (ac. pi.?) 17. 14; 
 
 Simplification in : 
 t5ewige 4. 10. 
 
 euw appears, in : 
 
 treuw 12. 33; -Seuw 18. 29. 33; -e 18. 31 etc. 
 
16 
 
 In the second part of compounds simplification and con- 
 traction is the rule: 
 
 e. g., lareu, latewas etc. (full list of examples, I., 23 b). In 
 Rit. w is always lost in these wo- stems (cf. Lindelof, p. 61). 
 
 I fail to find in R' the forms cneo, cne'om, tree, treona cited by 
 Sievers (s. gr., 250. 2). 
 
 /3) After consonants. R' has w after consonants in the 
 following words: 
 
 arwunga 10. 8 etc.; bearwes 21. 1; 24. 3; 26. 30; gearwe (nom. 
 p. m.) 24. 44; 25. 10; iarwan 26. 17 etc. (14 forms); gearwunga 27, 
 62; naarwe 7. 13; spearwas 10. 29 etc., (s. I. pp. 20, 21); herwep 
 6. 24; merwe 24. 32 ; melwaes 13. 33 ; fr^twsep 23. 29; fretwan 25. 7 ; ge- 
 frgtwad 12. 44; but widuwana 23. 14, as in WS. (cf. Siev., 156. 4) 
 instead of widto- (cf. Zeuner, p. 74; Lindelof, p. 61)., 
 
 w is lost in the following : 
 
 gegeradne 22. 11; ungeredun 27. 31; gegaerelum 27. 28 (cf. Co- 
 sijn I. p. 197); suiere 6. !7; -nisse 26. 12 etc.; bismerene 20. 19 etc. 
 (s. I. p. 36); wselede 27. 60; 28. 2; scade (dat.) 4. 16 (cf. Siev., 
 260). 
 
 Vocalization of final w takes place in: 
 
 gearo (nom. s.) 26. 41; iare (nom. s.) 22. 8; iara (nom. p. n.) 
 22. 4 ; naru (nom s. n.) 7. 14. 
 
 For the influence of w, or cons. + w, on preceding vow- 
 els in certain cases s. I., p. 80, and 5, 13, 43 etc. 
 
 9. The semi-vowel j (g). 
 
 a) Initial j appears in R' as g in: 
 
 ge (vos) 12. 7 etc. (67); ge (conj.) 12. 8. 50; 10. 28; 13. 12; gse 
 (adv.) 17. 25; gif 16. 24 etc. (59); ge.f 28. 14; perhaps in the advs. 
 gen 19. 20; get 24. 6; 27. 63; -a 15. 16; 18. 16; 24. 24 (cf. Aca- 
 demy, Dec. 19. 1891; Mod. Lang. Notes, April and May 1892); with 
 palatal influence on the following back vowel in : geond 4. 23 etc. 
 (7); begeonda 4. 2">. 
 
 In other cases, with two exceptions, it appears as i: 
 
 iu- 5. 21, (but gu- 5. 27. 33); iungse 19. 20; -e 19. 22; iugutSe 
 19. 20 (cf. I. 38 e); ioc 11. 29; loc 11. 30; Iara (olim) 11. 21. 
 This lack of pal. infl. seems to be a special characteristic of Mercian. 
 
 Of course , /, occurs regularly in proper names of for- 
 eign origin: 
 
 iacob 8. 11 etc. iesus 4. 7 etc.; iohannes 9. 14 etc.; ionas 12. 
 41 etc.; iordane 4. 15 etc.: iudas 27. 3 etc.; iudeum 28. 15 etc.; 
 Joseph 1. 19 etc. 
 
17 
 
 b) Medial and final j. Medial j is preserved (as i, g, ig) 
 in OE. only after short stems ending in r, and after stems 
 ending in a vowel. R' has g (5 ig) in the following forms: 
 
 After r : 
 
 ferganne 5. 41; hergas 22. 7; herigas 26. 53; styrgan 23. 4; 
 sweriga (opt. s.) 5. 36; -e (inf.) 26. 74; swerge (opt. p.) 5. 34., 
 
 After f in the dialect forms (cf. Siev. 416 n. 2): 
 
 lifgap 4. 4; lifgende 26. 63 (2); -a 16. 16; -ra 22. 32 (cf. Zeu- 
 ner, p. 75). 
 
 After vowels in: 
 
 cegan 22. 3 ; cegende 8. 29 ; ceigde 20. 25 ; cegde 14. 30 etc., (s. I. 
 61); fiegap 24. 10; fiegse 5. 44; gefreoge 27. 43. 49; Kreiga (inf.) 
 16. 22 (cf. I. p. 75). 
 
 But before i germ. ,; is lost, hence in pres. ind. 3 sg. : 
 
 fiaS 6. 24; swserap 23. 18; swerap 23. 16 etc. (8 forms); leofap 
 9. 18; but csegep 15. 23 preserves/ 
 
 Final j appears only in : 
 
 h6eg 6. 30; 14. 19. 
 
 For the vocalic i, ig of weak verbs (01. II.) see Inflection. 
 
 The Liquids. 
 
 r,l 
 
 10. In R,', as in WS., r occurs as an initial, medial 
 and final consonant, also geminated and in combination with 
 other consonants : 
 
 e. g., rent 20. 4; lore 5.29; bser 8. 17; eorra 18. 34; feorr 15. 8; 
 bryde 25. 1; dryge 12. 43; gegripan 21. 35; hrsepe 5. 25; treow 
 3. 10; Srymme 24. 30; awriten 4. 4 etc.; geard 21. 33; pserf 9. 12; 
 eorpe 6. 10, etc. 
 
 r is lost only in : 
 
 foletende (= for-) 4. 20, (often lost in prefix for- in WS., cf. 
 Cosijn, 143). 
 
 The vb. sprecan 12. 34 etc. always preserves r (26 forms), 
 as in Ps. and Kit. (cf. Zeuner 30; Lindelof p. 90), but in 
 Kent r is early lost in this word (cf. Zupit. Kt. gl., p. 12); occasion- 
 ally in WS. (cf. Siev. 180), but not in OWS. (cf. Cosijn, II., 94. 6). 
 Rarely inorganic r is introduced by anticipation or analogy : 
 gepriostra 27. 45, but peostra 25. 30 etc. (7); larward ( gear- 
 wad) 20. 23; ge- 25. 41. 
 
 2 
 
18 
 
 Substitution of I for r takes place (by dissimulation) in : 
 bloprae 1. 2; of r for n in forlegernisae (= -ennisse) 19. 9. 
 
 Metathesis of r occurs in R' not only when r precedes 
 a vowel followed by nn or s + cons., as in WS., but also 
 sometimes in the converse direction before ht , as in North, 
 (cf. Siev. 179) : 
 
 a) Before nn: arn 27. 48; urnon 8. 28; -en 8. 24; eornende 28. 8; 
 beornende 13. 42; beornane 13. 30: beornaS 5. 15; forbernde 22. 7; 
 -sern (in carkaern, berern etc.) 25. 36 etc. (cf. I., p. 14), once car- 
 crsennse 25. 44; 
 
 b) Before s -f cons.: toberst 27. 51; -ep 9. 17; but brustan 
 27. 51 ; (grses- 3. 4 before single s; WS. gars, cf. Cosijn I. p. 7 ; Siev. 
 79. n. 2). 
 
 Metath. occurs before g in : tinterga 8. 29 (cf. Cosijn I. p. 45). 
 In Sefra (= <5erfa) 26. 17 metath. may be due to the influence 
 of the familiar comb. fr. 
 
 c) Before ht: frohtade 14. 30; -un 27.54: frohtende 25. 25; but 
 forhtige 28. 5; -ap 10. 31; forhtap 14. 27. 
 
 d) In weleru(m) 15. 8 (got. wairilo) there is metath. of another 
 kind, i. e. , exchange of place between r and I (cf. Paul, Princ. d. 
 Sprachg., 2* ed., p. 59). 
 
 Medial r in OE. often corresponds to Germ, e (cf. Siev., 
 181. 2). R' has: 
 
 e. g., eare 10. 27; geheran 13. 15; forloren 15.24; reord 26. 73; 
 mara 12. 6, etc. 
 
 Gemination of medial r occurs in: 
 
 cerrap 24. 18; cerre 10. 13; cerrede (by anal, of short stems) 
 13. 15, but (with simplification) cerde 2. 22 etc. (3); feorran 26. 58; 
 27. 55; -ne 23. 14; afirred 9. 15 etc. (3); afyrred 25. 29; fearras 
 22. 4; steorra 2. 2. 7. 9; -an 2. 10; 24. 29; eorra (rr = rz) 
 18. 34; -e 2. 16 etc. (3); wyrresta (by assimilation); and the compa- 
 ratives: serran (= rz) 27. 64; erran 12. 45; diorre 6. 26; nserra 21. 
 31 ; ytterre 25. 30, -se 22. 13; with single r, only aftera 21. 31. 
 
 Gemination of final r is simplified in: 
 unfeor 8. 30; but feorr 15. 8; gecer 26. 52; rr is preserved in 
 torr 21. 33. 
 
 The breaking of a, e before r -f- cons, is the rule in 
 R'. For exceptions see L, 5, 13, 19. 
 11. I occurs in R' in all positions: 
 e. g., loc 5. 36; scale 6. 7; elne 6. 27; aid 9. 16; hsel 14. 30 
 
19 
 
 etc.; also geminated and in cons, combinations: e. g., belle 5. 22; 
 call 1. 22 etc.; blsecne 5. 36; clsene 5.8; flod 24. 39; hleonede 26. 20; 
 pleagade 14. 6; slep 25. 5; wlitige 23. 27 etc. 
 
 Methathesis of I occurs in: 
 
 gyrdels (== isl) 3. 4 ; 10. 9; recils 2. 11 (cf. also II . 10 d). 
 
 Inorganic I occurs by anticipation in: 
 
 fluglas (= fuglas) 13. 32. 
 
 Final vocalic I appears in: 
 
 rsegl 28. 3; hrsegl 17. 2 etc. (12); spaSl 27. 30; tempi 12. 5. 6; 
 27. 5. 40; in other cases a vowel is developed, e. g., seetil 23. 6 (cf. 
 II., 1. k). 
 
 Gemination of medial I occurs, of course, before Germ, j 
 which is then lost, 
 
 e. g., elles 6. 1; belle 11. 23; sellap 5. 34, etc. 
 
 Older gemination appears in : 
 
 ealle 2. 3 etc.; gallan 27. 34; stalle 6. 5; fallen 15. 14 etc. 
 (18 forms); fellen (skin) 3. 4; godspelles 4. 23 etc.; scilling 17. 27 
 etc.; fulle 14. 20 etc.; gefylled 12. 17, etc.; II for / by anal, with 
 other forms is found in the pres. ind. 3 sg. of sellan, e.g., sellep 7. 11 
 etc. (8), see inflections. 
 
 Before a consonant simplification of II to I usually takes 
 place (cf. Cosijn 139) : 
 
 e. g., alra 6. 32 etc.; fulne 10. 42 ; synfulra 26. 45; fultume 15. 25 ; 
 
 but II remains in: 
 
 fullra 11. 19; fullwiht (as comp.) 21. 25; gefylldsest 21. 16 (but 
 fylde 15. 37; 27. 48); fyllnisse 9. 16. 
 
 Final II is preserved in : 
 
 call, all (52); gefeoll 7. 25. 27; bispell 21. 33 etc. (3); godspell 
 24. 14; but godspel 26. 13; WS. has often I for final U (cf. Cosijn, I. 
 p. 185 ff.). 
 
 Breaking of a before 1 -f~ cons, is not the rule in R'. 
 
 The ratio of a to ea is 12 : 5 (cf. I., 6). 
 
 The Nasals. 
 
 m, n. 
 
 12. The labial nasal m occurs in all positions in IT, 
 as in WS. : 
 
 e. g., mon 9. 16; sumer 24. 32; cwom 4. 13 etc.; also medially 
 in the combs, mp, mb aud before n: e. g., gelamp 11.1; cempa 8. 9; 
 wombe 12. 40 etc.; to- somne 10. 1. 
 
 2* 
 
20 
 
 mn for fn occurs in: 
 
 stemn 3. 3. 17; 12. 19, but staefn 17. 5 etc. (5), s. I. p. 31. 
 
 m is lost before f in : 
 
 fif 16. 9 etc. (of. Siev. 186). 
 
 Gemination of m before Germ, j appears in : 
 fremme 19. 18 etc.; prymmes 25. 31 etc. 
 Older Gemination in: 
 grimme 8. 28; hwommes 21. 42; -urn 6. 5. 
 
 Final mm is not found ; final m is preserved in the 1 sg. 
 pres. ind.: 
 
 beom 9. 21 etc. (3); dom 19. 16; 27. 22; gedom 4. 19 (so Ps 
 and Kit., cf. Zeuner p. 92; Lindelof p. 101); 
 
 but lost in: 
 
 do 20. 13; 21. 24; also in prep, fro 27. 51 (cf. I. 4), probably 
 only by omission of the abbreviation for m, common in the MS. 
 
 n for final m (cf. Siev. 187) occurs in: 
 !-, eldran 26. 47; 27. 12; 
 
 m for final n by mistake in: 
 gebohtum (pret. pi.) 27. 9. 
 
 13. n is the dental and also the guttural and palatal 
 nasal in OE. As dental nasal it is common in all positions 
 in K': 
 
 e. g., Byte 7. 16; noma 1. 21; tune 26. 6; con 11. 27, etc. 
 and in cons, combinations: cneht 2. 9; snottre 25. 2; gebond 14. 3 etc. 
 
 As guttural and palatal nasal before c, #,: 
 e. g., pencende 5. 25; sincan 14. 30; longe 25. 40; pinge 5. 32; 
 breng 8. 4. 
 
 Gemination of n before Germ. /: 
 
 e. g., henne 23. 37; cynne 13. 47; synne 9. 5 etc. 
 
 Older gemination: 
 
 monnes 20. 18; onginnap 24.49; -panne- 27. 33; spinnap 6. 28; 
 winnap 6. 28; innan 23. 28; binnan 23. 26; innope 1. 18. 23; hwanne 
 (adv.) 13. 15 etc. and by syncope: minne 8. 8; pinne 5. 40 etc. 
 
 Gemination is unjustifiable in : 
 neowenne (adv.) 9. 16; ponne (ac. s. in.) 17. 27. 
 Simplification of nn to n takes place often in the inflec. 
 infin. (cf. Siev. 363): 
 
 breccane 5. 17; cwepane 9. 5; bismerene 20. 19; eellane 22, 17; 
 
21 
 
 healdene 16. 12; 28. 20; beornane 13. 30; cumene 24. 48; niomane 
 15. 33; nimene 24. 18. 
 
 Occasionally in other forms: 
 
 gebundene (ac. s. in.) 27. 2; we,stene 24. 26 (but 5 nn, s. I. 
 54); haeSene 6. 7; emirenisse (smer-) 26. 7. 12, (smerennis 2. 11); 
 forlegenisse 19. 9; -Iseg- 21. 32; -legnisse 21. 31; cunun 20. 25 (but 7 
 nn) ; pone (conj.) 27. 64. 
 
 Final nn is sometimes simplified, but is often preserved: 
 conn 26. 72 (3 times con); -gonn 11. 20 etc. (3); -gann 4. 17 
 
 (5 -gon, -gan); monn 20. 1 etc. (31), but rnon (7); menn 12. 13 etc. 
 
 (21); inn (adv.) 7. 13; 22, 11. 12; 23. 13; blan 14. 32; of course 
 
 arn 27. 48. 
 
 Final n is often lost, as in North, (cf. Siev., . 188 ; Lin- 
 delof, 33) in : . 
 
 Nouns and adjectives inflected weak (about 245); infinitives (38) ; 
 opt. pi., pres. and. pret. (49, ten in vb. sie* for examples s. Inflec- 
 tion); perf. part. (3); ge-, un-bunde 16. 19; lore 5. 30; pret. ind. 
 pi. (2): eet-eawde 13. 26; reordade 19. 4; adverbs in -an (6): binne 
 23. 25; innaj 24. 26; beniupa 2. 16; pende 17. 5. 22; -i 1. 20, the 
 numeral twege 5. 41; 18. 20, (28 times -en). 
 
 On the other hand inorganic final n occurs rarely (4) by 
 anal, in the nom. sg. of weak nouns: 
 
 cuman 25. 43; egan 20. 15; eagan 18. 9; lichoman 26. 26 (but 
 6 lichoma). 
 
 Inorganic n is introduced, 
 
 by anticipation in: constungae 6. 13 (cf. costunge 26. 41); by 
 influence of pres. part, in fylgendun (pret. pi.) 4. 25; by influence of 
 onettan in onretta 22. 6. 
 
 n is lost in: 
 
 assegdnisse 9. 13 (cf. aweg 16. 4 etc.); by error of scribe in wi- 
 dende 27. 29 (= wind-). 
 
 Before spirants, S, s (cf. Siev., 185) in : 
 
 sop 3. 9 etc.; t6p 5. 38 etc.; oper 2. 12 etc.; swiSor 12. 12 etc; 
 
 cuc5e 26. 74 etc.; muft 12. 34 etc.; supan 12. 42; ypum 14. 24 etc.; 
 
 us 6. 11 etc. 
 
 For the effect of m and n on preceding vowels s. I. 
 4, 12, 26, 36, 47. 
 
22 
 
 2. Non-sonorous Consonants. 
 
 Labials. 
 
 14. The surd labial stop p. 
 
 Initial p is rare in words of Germ, origin, except in the 
 comb. sp. 
 
 R' has p in : 
 
 panne 27. 33; plagadun 11. 17; pleagade 14. 6; sp in: spree 
 14. 27 etc.; -spell 11. 5 etc.; spittende 27. 30 etc., etc. 
 
 Words of foreign origin : 
 
 punde 10. 29; preoste 8. 4; pytt 12. 11; proper names: petrus 
 4. 18 ; pilatus 27. 58 etc. ; p seems to stand for b in prod-, prot-bore 
 11. 16; 20. 3 (of ON. or OCel. origin, cf. Oxford Die., Brod). 
 
 Medial and final p is more common : 
 
 e. g., ripes 25. 24; stopen 28. 9; wurpon 21. 39; gelimpep 
 18. 13; terapel 21. 12; slep 25. 5; wop 8. 12; gelamp 19. 1 etc., etc. 
 
 In foreign proper names p sometimes stands for Lat. ph ; 
 e. g., iosep 2. 13 etc. (6); -e 1. 16. 
 
 Gemination occurs only in : 
 
 graes - hoppa 3. 4 ; steppan (passus) 5. 41 (by anal, with vb. 
 steppan ; WS. has staepas etc., cf. Cosijn , I. p. 25) ; and the foreign 
 word tseppel 5. 35; -il 22. 44 (for tapped, cf. Pog., 73). 
 
 Final pp appears in: 
 
 upp 4. 16; 13. 5. 6: (prefix) 5. 45; 13. 48; 17. 27; up- 22. 23. 
 
 15. The sonant labial stop b. 
 
 Initial b is common in R', as in WS.: 
 
 e. g., bldu 14. 27 ; borg 5. 42; beorma 13. 33 etc.; brord 13. 26; 
 blind 15. 14 etc. 
 
 Medial and final b occurs geminated and in the comb, mb : 
 
 e. g., hebbende 17. 8: habbaj) 14. 27 etc. (47 forms); once b for 
 
 bb, hsebende 4. 24; sibb 10. 12 etc.; wombe 12. 40; 15. 17; adum- 
 
 bede 22. 12; symbel 26. 5; 27. 15; getimbru 24. 1 etc.; dumb 9. 32 
 
 etc.; ymb 3. 4 etc. 
 
 f regularly stands for single medial or final b in OE. 
 R' has: 
 
 e. g., hsefep 9. 6 etc.; ahofan 17. 8; deoful 4. 8 etc.; but also 
 lifgap 4. 4 etc. (5 forms) for WS. libbap (cf. Cosijn. II. p. 193). 
 
23 
 
 Older b is preserved in: 
 
 olbend (got. ulbandus) 19. 24 ; -u 23. 24 ; -ena 3. 4 (WS. olfend, 
 cf. Cosijn, I. p. 70). 
 
 b, originally initial (cf. Siev., 43 n. 4), is preserved: 
 in the comp. wibed 5. 24 etc. (5 forms), but with /: weofud 
 5. 23 etc. (o) s. I., 52. 
 
 Proper names follow the Latin spelling: 
 e. g., abeles 23. 35; iacobus 10. 2 etc., but sometimes simplify 
 bb to b, e. g. barrabas 27. 16. 17. 
 
 With the exception of prot-bore etc. (s. . 14) initial and 
 final b seems to be stable. 
 
 16. f stands for the surd and for the sonant labio- 
 dental spirant in OE. (cf. Siev., 192). 
 
 Initial f (surd) is common. R. has: 
 
 e. g., folc 4. 16; finde 18. 13 etc.; fleop 10. 23; freo 17. 26 etc. 
 
 Medial f is a surd in the comb, ft : 
 setter 17. 1 etc. kreftgu(m) 2. 16 etc.; 
 
 and originally when medial or final /' corresponds to 
 Germ, f: 
 
 e. g., wulfas 7. 15; Searf 21. 3; fif 16. 9 etc. 
 
 In other cases f is a spirant in R' in Germ, words: 
 e. g., ofer 5. 45 etc.; hlafa 16. 12 etc.; ngefre 12. 7; yfle 15.22; 
 efulsung 12. 31 etc.: hlaf 26. 26; bedself 25. 18 etc. 
 
 mn for fn occurs in stemn (s. 12). 
 u = f spirant is found in : 
 
 wiue 1. 24 (but wife 19. 5 etc., 9 forms); always (= v cons.) in 
 the proper name dauiS 12. 3 etc. (15); and in uiperana 23. 33. 
 
 f = Lat. ph occurs in proper names : 
 
 iosefae 1. 18 (oftener p, s. 14); filippes (Lat. pilippi) 16. 13; 
 in other cases following the spelling of the Latin text: e. g., alfee,s 
 10. 3; caifan 26 57; fariseas 16. 1 etc. (28). 
 
 ph = Lat. ph also occurs: 
 
 philippus 10. 3; -es 14. 3; capharnaum 17. 24 (the Lat. has caf-). 
 
 For the effect of f on preceding or following vowels s. I. 
 p. 80, and 13, 20, 25, 27. 
 
 17. , the surd dental stop, is common in all positions 
 in OE. (cf. Siev., 195). R' has: 
 
24 
 
 e. g., tacen 16. 3; witan 24. 32; gemot 26. 59; treow 7. 17 ; twseni 
 2. 16: stondep 12. 26; eft 18. 19; nseht 28. 13 etc., etc. 
 
 Gemination occurs: 
 
 e. g., sceatta (cf. got. skatts) 25. 27; mittum 13. 33 etc.; nytte 
 20. 3; spittadun 26. 67 etc. 
 
 Usually before r (cf. Siev., 229): 
 
 bettra 10. 31; 12. 12; snotter 24. 45; snottre 13. 54 etc. (9); 
 snyttro 12. 42, (but snytru 11. 19); wsettre 3. 1 1 etc. (5 forms) ; y tterre 
 25. 30, (but yterrse 22. 13). 
 
 Occasionally before I: 
 
 settlas 21. 12; -e 27. 19 (but 7 forms with single t, d, p, see 
 below); 
 
 By assimilation in the pret. of weak verbs : 
 e. g., groette 1. 25; gemoette 18. 28 etc. (4); but, by an oppo- 
 site change, abriodde 22. 7. 
 
 Final tt is preserved: 
 
 nett 13. 47 etc. (5), un-nytt 12. 36; pytt 12. 11. 
 
 Simplification of tt to t occurs frequently: 
 
 liceteras 6. 2 etc. (6); -urn 24. 51, (also 6 forms with tt 22. 18 
 
 etc.); nyte 7. 16 (3 nytte 20. 3 etc.); ondetu 7. 23 etc. (4 forms); 
 
 haletep 10. 12, (but halettap 5. 47; roket-to 13. 35); gesete (1. sg. 
 
 pres. ind.) 25. 23, (2 sette, 12. 18 etc.); setun (pret. pi.) 23. 2; 15. 35 
 
 (but settun 27. 29. 37). 
 
 d + 8 gives #, as in WS. (cf. Siev., 359. 3) in : 
 
 bit (3 sg.) 7. 8 (but biddep 7. 10); the comp. latuwas 23. 24 etc. 
 
 (s. I., 23 b), but latteuw 2. 6. 
 
 * + gives t, of course, after a cons, in : uuiltu 26. 17 ; wiltu 
 
 13. 28; 20. 21; (but arpu 11. 3; cf. earS 6. 9). 
 
 Gemination is unjustified in : 
 
 sittep (3 sg.) 19. 28. 29 (anal, with pi.); gesette (imp. s.) 9. 18; 
 settep (3 sg.) 9. 16; 24. 47, (but setep 21.41 etc.); settnisse 15. 2.3.6 
 (3 set- 13. 35 etc.); gefsetted 13. 15; metta 26. 17, (7 mete 24. 45 
 etc.); Srittig 27. 9, (but pritig 13. 8. 23); geatt 7. 13, (but geate 
 7. 13. 14); ssett (pret. 3. sg.) 4. 16; 26. 55. 69; sett 15. 29 etc. (4), 
 (but 3 sset 24. 3 etc.). 
 
 tl becomes SZ, as -in North., (cf. Siev., 196. 2), in : 
 spaSl 27. 30; sepel 5. 34, (but sgetil 23. 6, and 3 t, 4 d in obi. 
 cases, see I. p. 31). 
 
 t stands for final J5, th, (common in Corpus , cf. Dieter, 
 41) in : 
 
25 
 
 the verbs: scyldigat 6. 12; swerat 23. 22; raeccet 2. 6: soecet 
 12. 39 (but 3 -ep 7. 8 etc.); neolicet 4. 17, (4 -ep 10. 7 etc.); ad- 
 wsescet 12. 20: gehnyscet 21. 44; 
 
 the proper name nazaret 4. 13. (but -ep 2. 23; 21. 11); 
 
 for initial th (indicating the pronunciation): 
 tomas 10. 3 ; taddeus 10. 3. 
 
 C for final t (in WS.) in: 
 
 ear 6. 9 (but 10 eart 14. 33 etc., cf. Siev. 427. 1). 
 
 t stands for d, before and after surds (cf. Siev. 198. 4), in : 
 sint 5. 12 etc. (6); prot-bore 20. 3 (but prod- 11. 16); bletsade 
 
 26. 26; ge- 25. 34; geblcetsad 21. 9; 23. 39 (but bledsade 14. 19? 
 
 rniltsa 20.30 etc. (9 forms), but t is lost (cf. Siev. 196 n. 3; Zeuner 
 
 46. 2) in milsade 14. 14. 
 
 Lat. t is preserved (cf. Lindelof, 38 anm.) in: 
 
 lat(in) 27. 46, (WS. Lseden, cf. Cosijn, I. 63); but becomes d 
 
 in: ecedes 27. 48 (cf. Pog. 319); of course rnynetrse 21. 12 etc., as 
 
 regularly in OE. (cf. Pog. 318). 
 
 18. d is the sonant dental stop in OE. It is common 
 in all positions. R' has : 
 
 e. g., dure 6. 6 etc.; seda 13. 32; g6d 7. 11 etc.; drincande 
 20. 22; dwale 6. 24; stondep 12. 26; gebond 14. 3; hald 19. 17; 
 geard 21. 33; adle 9. 35 etc. 
 
 Geminated : 
 
 biddan 6. 8 etc.; bedde 9. 2 etc.; bewedded 1. 18; midden- 
 16. 26 etc.; in the proper name taddeus 10. 3 (Lat. text thatheus). 
 
 d -f- d = dd in the pret. of weak verbs: 
 e. g., laeddon 26. 57; hydde 13. 33 etc., etc.; but t + d = dd 
 in abriodde (cf. 17). 
 
 Final dd is preserved in : 
 bedd 9. 6. 
 
 Simplification of dd to d appears in: 
 
 bidap (pi). 20. 22 (8 biddap 21. 22 etc.); of course in sendon 
 22. 16 etc. (cf. Siev. 198. 5). Usage varies in the foreign word 
 saducea 3. 7 etc. (3), but sadducea 16. 6 etc. (3), though the Latin 
 text has a single d in every case. 
 
 Gemination is unjustifiable in: 
 
 togebgdd (pret. sg.). 8. 2; bedd (pret. sg.) 18. 26; following the 
 present forms, (but 3 bed , 2 bsed , 1 gebgd, see I., p. 14) ; biddeth 
 (3. sg.) 7. 10; bidde (imp.) 6. 6; gebiddes (2. sg.) 4. 9, these after 
 anal, of the pi. 
 
26 
 
 d for 8 in the following is probably due to neglect of 
 the scribe in crossing d, scarcely to older usage (cf. Siev. 
 199. n. 1): 
 
 eordu 23. 15; -an 18. 18 (but 38 forms with 3, p) ; dead (ab.) 
 2. 15; 10. 21; 26. 66; -e 4. 16; 20. 19 (but 9 forms with 3, p) ; creed 
 (cantet) 26. 34. 75; geweorSaed (3. sg.) 13. 22; cymid (3. sg.) 24. 42; 
 dsegne 5. 25 (but 8 forms with 3, p) ; nider (inn. of pider) 11. 23, 
 (8 times with 3, p. 
 
 dm for ftm in: 
 
 eadmedap 18. A, eadmod 11. 29 is also found in LWS. (cf. Siev., 
 201. n. 3). 
 
 dz for 8s occurs in: 
 
 baedzere 16. 14; 17. 13 (but bsezere 11. 11 etc., cf. I., p. 28). 
 
 On the other hand 6, p for (?, medial and final, is quite 
 frequently found: 
 
 In the perf. parts.: nemnep 5. 19; gensegep 23. 12, (cf. Linde- 
 lof, 38); in the prets. without gramm. change: wyrfton (ind.) 10. 6; 
 wyrcSe (opt.) 24. 22; in other words: pune 4. 8 (but 16 dune 5. 1 
 etc.); miS 9. 10 etc. (28), (but 53 mid 27. 66 etc.); hseinep 5. 32 (but 
 3 hseraed 15. 19 etc.); pusenS 14. 21 (but 6 forms with d) ; doubtful: 
 gepo 7. 5 ; in the foreign proper name: dauiS 12. 3; -e 1. 17 ; -es 
 9. 27 etc. (9); dauipes 1. 20, (but dauid 22. 43. 45; -e 1. 17). 
 
 d for Lat. t in: 
 ecedes 27. 48 (cf. 17). 
 
 For change of d to t before and after surds, 
 e. g., sint, prot-, etc., see 17. 
 
 Final d is often, but not always, lost in the proclitic on- 
 (= ond-) in verbs: 
 
 e. g. onfeng 25. 24 etc. (cf. I., p. 19, and II., 2). 
 
 Id stands for older Ip, as regularly in OE., in: 
 gold 2. 11 etc.; wuldor 4. 8 etc. (cf. Siev., 201. 2). 
 
 dl for older $1 in: 
 
 nedle 19. 24; adle 4. 23 etc., (cf. Siev., 201. 3); p is preserved 
 ofter short vowels in: gestapulad 7. 25 (cf. Siev., 201. n. 2). 
 
 19. 3 and {> represent the interdental spirant in OE., 
 8 being most used in the best early MSS. and taking the 
 place of older tli (cf. Siev., 199 and n.). R' shows a marked 
 preference for |), but has th in a few cases. Our text 
 is plainly distinguished in this particular from Lind., Kit., Ps., 
 
27 
 
 Cura Past, Corpus, the Merc. Charters and the Minora. The 
 relative frequency of p and ft in R' may be seen from the 
 following analysis : 
 
 Initial p, S: 
 
 In the dern. pro. : pset, 62 p, 1 3; pses, 47 p, 2 6 ; psere, 37 p ; 
 psem, 164 p, 28 S; pone, 59 p, 2 ; pa, 156 p, 8 6; para, 41 p, 1 ; 
 all forms of pes, pis etc., 132 p, 5 3. 
 
 In the second per. pro. 3 is more common than in the dem. 
 pro.: pu, 81 p, 18 3; pe, 49 p, 38 3 ; pin, -es, etc., 84 p, 9 3; also 
 in the advs. peer, 47 p, 8 5 ; pas, 6 p, 1 3 ; Only p have: pset (conj.), 
 70; psette, 23; ponne, 91; purb, 30. 
 
 In nouns and adjectives initial (5 is quite frequent : 58 p, 35 "8 ; 
 also in verbs: 49 p, 23 <5. But in some words 3 occurs as often as 
 p, or oftener: e. g. Sreattari 20. 81 etc., 2 3, 2 p ; Surfun 6. 32 etc., 
 
 2 6, 2 p; Sjegnade 8. 15 etc., 4 , 2 p; Swog 27. 24 etc., 2 6, 1 p, 
 (1 th); Syrstep 5. 6 etc., 2 t5, 1 p ; Srymrne 24. 30 etc., 3 t5, 1 p ; 
 Srycnisse 24. 9 etc., 3 3 ; etc. 
 
 There is differentiation of the verbs: Syncan , 6 8, 1 p; and 
 pencan, 8 p, (s. I. 12, 41, 48). 
 
 Again other words, which have surd th in Mod. E., are written 
 always, or in most cases, with p in R' : psece (thatch) 24. 17 etc., 3 f) ; 
 pornas 13. 7 etc., 4 p, 1 3; peof 6. 20 etc., 3 p, 2 3 ; pinge 5. 32 
 etc., 3 p, 1 S; prowiap 11. 12 etc., 16 p, 1 3, etc. 
 
 Medial p, S : 
 
 Usage varies in R' : e. g., broper 10. 2 etc., 37 p, 2 S ; oper 
 20. 21 etc., 53 p; hrsepe 5. 25 etc., 8 p, 4 ; swiSe 17. 23 etc., 9 3, 
 5 p; swiSor 12. 12 etc., 14 3, 5 p; eorSe 13. 5 etc., 24 3, 14 p; niper 
 7. 25 etc., 6 p, 2 S; eaSe 19. 26 etc., 2 8, 1 p ; wyrSe 8. 8 etc., 
 8 6, 5 p; warape 13. 2 etc., 1 p, 1 6; ypum 14. 24 etc., 1 p, 1 S ; 
 byrSen 11, 30 etc., 1 S, 1 p; scape 26. 55 etc., 3 p; imbliSe 19. 22 
 etc., 2 6; frenrSum 17. 25 etc., 2 6; foe^e 14. 13; iuguSe 19. 20, etc. 
 
 Final, p, t5 : 
 
 In pres. ind. and in imp.: a) in strong verbs: 271 p, 57 "5; b) in 
 weak verbs: 306 p, 76 S; but the ratio is different in bi3 16. 4 etc., 
 72 3, 30 p. In the pret. sg. of strong verbs: wearS 22. 2 etc., 8 5; 
 but cwsep (pres. or pret., s. 46) 2. 8 etc., 197 p, 3 S. 
 
 In other words S occurs oftener than f : a) in particles: wi"5 
 5. 11 etc., 29 , 5 p; mi 9. 11 etc., 28 S; for 13. 23 etc., 5 , 
 
 3 p; but op 18. 30 etc., 23 p, 8 3; b) in nouns: mut5 12. 34 etc,, 
 3 , 2 p; deaS 16. 28 etc., 6 S, 3 p ; fri 10. 12 etc., 3 3; sop 3. 9 etc., 
 
28 
 
 30 p, 5 3; cyp-nisse 8. 4 etc., 5 p, 16; wrseft 8. 32; weorp (adj.) 
 27. 9 etc., 1 p, 1 "5. 
 
 For OWS., Ps., Kit., Corpus, cf. Cosijn, L, 148; Zeuner, 38; 
 Lindelof, 39; Dieter, 41. 
 
 The Merc. Charters have initial 6 22; medial p 2, 6 29, (th 7, 
 td 1, d 1); final 3 17, p 1, (th 1). 
 
 The Minora have initial p 3, 3 141, (th 3, foreign names); me- 
 dial 5 42 ; final 3 26. 
 
 th stands for ^, S, in R' in : 
 
 Germ, words: the 23. 17; thi 21. 42; thsem 7. 9; thuatS 15. 2; 
 biddeth 7. 10; ripath 6. 26; foreign prop, names (following the Lat.): 
 e. g., bethlem 2. 5.8. 16; bethania 26. 6; 21. 17; Matheus 9. 9 etc.; 
 suarioth 10. 4; 26. 14, etc.; but p, <5, for Lat. th also occurs: <5arnar 
 1. 3; bepfage 21. 1; arimaSia 27. 57; golgopa 27. 33; ru3 1. 5 ; 5 
 stands for d in: dauiS 12. 3, -es 1. 1 etc. (s. 18). 
 
 Gemination occurs : 
 
 unsceppende 27. 24; -pt5- 12.7; oppe 5. 36 etc. (51); opp (= oppe) 
 12. 5; 19. 29; eppa 5. 17. 18; opSe 25. 39 (2). 44; hp for pp in the 
 north, formniohpa 6.19. 20, (cf. Siev., 199. n.2; Eng. ed., 200 n.) ; 
 gemination before r (cf. Cosijn, I., p. 200) is wanting, e. g., opre, 
 hwepre (s. L, 2. 11). 
 
 f + P = PP, Mn: 
 
 seoppan 5. 13; 26. 16; seoSpan 4. 17. 
 
 Simplification : 
 
 siSet (= siS pset) 26. 29. The pres. ind. 3. sg. is usually pre- 
 served without contraction and simplification (cf. Cosijn, I., p. 200) : 
 weorpap 24. 21; -aS 21. 21; -aed 13. 22; gecypsep 26. 73; cwepap 
 12. 32 (2); but cwft 15. 5. 
 
 S + d gives dd (cf. Siev., 201. 5) : 
 cwiddun 11. 17; cyddun 14. 12 (but cySdon 8. 33). 
 
 t + t gives tt: 
 paette 8. 28 etc. (23); but t in: wiltu 13. 28 etc. (s. 17). 
 
 Final d becomes S in rniS (11 times) before initial J5, t$, 
 in next word: 
 
 13. 29; 18. 16; 25. 31; 26. 18 etc.; but also (14 times) rniS 
 when the next word begins with a vowel or some other cons, than 
 p, 6: e. g., 13. 56; 19. 26 etc. 
 
 s + p (in next word) gives st, as in WS. (cf. Siev., 
 201. 6): 
 
 getwiodestu 14. 31; gesihstu 7. 3; cwepestu 7.. 4. 
 
29 
 
 Final f is lost (of. Siev. 360. 2) in : 
 wite ge (imp.) 24. 33. 
 
 p takes the place of s 13 times (infl. of obi. cases) in: 
 the nom. s. m. of the dem. pro.: pe (= se) 16. 3 etc.; Se 
 17. 27. 
 
 J5, S experiences gram, change to d: 
 
 cwsep, cwaedon ; wearS, wurdon, but (5 remains: 10. 6; 24. 22. 
 
 For the changes: 
 
 t for final , 3 ; 6 for final t; d + S = t (U); 31 for tl, see 17. 
 
 For the changes: 
 
 d for J5, 6, and the converse ; dm for 6m ; dz for S* ; /d, c?/ for 
 Germ. $, pi, see 18. 
 
 20. s, originally a surd dental spirant, is common in 
 all positions in OE. (cf. Siev., 202, 203, 204). R' has : 
 
 e. g., sundor 14. 14; sincan 14. 30; scade 4. 16; slep 25. 5; 
 smiSes 13. 55;.spa31 27. 30; stigas 3. 3; stream 8. 18; swina 8. 30; 
 sweord 10. 34, dysig 5. 22; pyrstigne 25. 37; fseste 6. 17; fisc 
 17. 27 etc. 
 
 Gemination occurs in: 
 
 cysse 26. 48; cnyssap 7. 7; -ande 7. 8; the suffix-nisse 1. 1 etc.; 
 the foreign word selmesse 6. 3; -isse 6. 2 (cf. Pog., 75); by assimi- 
 lation, as for sr: lessa 11. 11 ; pisse 17. 20 etc.; -a 18. 6 etc. 
 
 Gemination is unjustifiable in : 
 
 fsess 9. 20; 14. 36; wsess 2. 18 (but 129 times with s) ; pisses 
 20. 12 etc. (3); -ere 21. 21; -urn 8. 9 etc. (9): passum 8. 32; 
 
 Foreign proper names have ss for s occasionally, following the 
 Lat. text: farisseas 23. 25; -seis 12. 2; -ea 16. 6; 23. 26 (but 24 forms 
 with *); essaias 15. 7j -m 4. 14; 21. 4 (but 6 with s). 
 
 ss is simplified to s in: 
 
 cneoris 17. 17; cneuris 16. 4; selmes (s. above) 6. 4; the suffix 
 -nis, Ws. -nes(s), (cf. Cosijn, II. p. 28 ff) : gemnis 22. 16; hreanis 16.3; 
 hreornis 8. 24; be-hygdnis 13. 22; gelicnis 22. 20; smerennis 2. 11; 
 styrennis 28. 2; gemsenes 27. 19; -spyrnes 16. 23; of course before a 
 cons.: cyste 26.49; and after a cons.: wyrse 12.45 etc. (3), (cf. Siev., 
 180). 
 
 Metathesis of sc (== hs, xs, x) occurs in: 
 
 ahsadun 12. 10 etc. (5 forms); axsadun 22. 23; -e 22. 35; geax- 
 ast 19. 17 (but 3 forms with sc ascaden 17. 10 etc.); ruxlende 9. 23; 
 betwihs 21. 25; betwix 20. 26; 27. 56; without metath., ascan 
 (ashes) 11. 21. 
 
30 
 
 Grammatical change of s to r: 
 
 geceaa 12. 18; gecuron 13. 48 etc.; forleoseS 10. 39 etc.; for- 
 loren 15. 24. 
 
 st arises from t + t (cf. Siev., 232 c) in: 
 wast 15. 12; wiste 16. 8 etc.; mostun 14. 36. 
 
 Final s is lost in : 
 foedel- (= -els) 22. 4. 
 
 Medial s is lost by assimilation in : 
 
 ure (pro.) 6. 12 etc. (9); -u 21. 38; -urn 8. 17; 21. 42. 
 
 Inorganic s appears in: 
 asceorf 18. 8 (but aceorf 5. 30). 
 
 21. 8 is occasionally used in OE. to represent the 
 sound ts (cf. Siev., 205 and n.). 
 
 R' has z, dz (= fSs) in the Germ, word: 
 
 bezeres 11. 12 etc. (5); bsedzere 16. 14; 17. 13 (cf. I. p. 28). 
 
 With this exception 2 appears only in foreign proper 
 names : 
 
 e. g., zebedeaes 4. 21 etc. (5); zabulones 4. 13. 15; zacharias 
 23.35; belzebub 10. 25 etc. (3); chorazam 11.21; gezernani (Lat. 
 gethsamani) 26. 36 ; nazaret 4. 13 etc. (5). 
 
 Gutturals and Palatals. 
 
 c (k, q), g, h (x). 
 
 22. c (k, q, x) is the surd stop, both guttural and 
 palatal in OE. (cf. Siev., 206, 207; Sweet, HES. 535). 
 It is common in all positions and before all vowels. R' has : 
 
 e. g., carcern 5. 25; corn 17. 20; cuma 25. 35; ceke 5. 39; ceaf 
 3. 12; csestra 8. 34; cild 19. 13; cirm 25. 6; cyning 14. 9; clap 9. 16; 
 cromum 15. 27; cnehtas 18. 3; cwern 18. 6; scua 4. 16; sceatta 25. 27; 
 nacud 25. 36; fsece 25. 19; fisceras 4. 18; loc 5. 36; were 11. 2; 
 hwelc 12. 48; unc 20. 30 etc. 
 
 qu for ew occurs in: 
 
 quartern 25. 39; quom 28. 9; -on 2. 1. (cf. 8). 
 
 K for the guttural stop c occurs often (130 times) in R', 
 (cf. Siev., 207, n. 2; Sweet, HES. 538): 
 
 a) Initial: kennisse 1. 1. 18; a- 19. 28; kennep 1. 21. 23; akenned 
 1. 16 etc., 8 k; kende 1. 2 16; a- 19. 12; -u 1. 25; kgmpe 27. 27 etc., 
 
31 
 
 2 k, 1 c; kining 2. 2 etc., 6 k, 16 c, (always c in cynn, 10 forms); 
 ksegen 16. 19; kselic 20. 22 etc., 2 k, 3 c; kasere 22. 17 etc., 4 k; 
 unklene 8. 16 etc., 2 k, 4 c ; kneorisse 1. 17 etc., 4 k, 9 c; kneu 27. 
 29, (cneu 17. 14); krseftgu(m) 2. 1. 7. 16; krist 2. 4 etc., 6 k, 11 c. 
 Initial k occurs 28 times in chapters 1 and 2; after this only once 
 or twice in a chap. (3 times in cb. 22), altogether but 20 times. 
 
 b) Medial: gebroken 21. 44 (but 7 forms with c); bokera 8. 19 
 etc., 19 k, 3 c (always c in boc, 4 times); lokigsep 27. 24; lokende 
 19. 26 (3 forms with c); roketto 13. 35; sukendra 21. 16; ascakep 
 10. 14; taken 12. 39 etc., 2 k, 11 c; onsaekep 10.33 (3 forms with c) ; 
 to-eke 25. 20; -an 15. 38; eknum 24. 19; eknisse 21. 19; ceke 5. 39; 
 seoke 8. 33 etc., 5 k, 2 c ; ciken 23. 37; smikende 12. 20; folkes 2. 4 
 etc., 3 k, 20 c; wolken 17. 5; bilket-to 13. 35; arke, 24, 38; carkern 
 25. 43 etc., 2 k, 5 c ; inerkade 27. 66; besenked 18. 6. 
 
 c) Final: ek 5. 39 etc., 31 k, 9 c; -sek 17. 15 etc. (2). Medial and 
 final k is pretty evenly distributed throughout E' after ch. 3, (cb. 2 
 has but 1 case; chaps. 1, 3, 6, 7, 9, none); ch. 23 has the most (10), 
 other chaps, not more than 5 or 6; altogether 82. Ps. and Kit. have 
 only c, (cf. Zeuner, 41; Lindelof, 42); Corpus, 2 k, (cf. Dieter, 
 p. 63). For k in WS. see Cosijn, I., 131. 
 
 h for c appears always in: 
 
 ah (conj.) 4. 4 etc. (74), (cf. Siev., 210. 3). 
 
 g for c (sonant for surd) occurs in: 
 
 galdes 10. 42. 
 
 ng for nc in: 
 
 pongunge 15. 36 ; pongade 26. 27, (but gepanc 16. 8). 
 
 nc for ng occurs in : 
 
 baeclinc 4. 10; twice, ngc: cyningc 21. 5; 27. 37 (cf. Sweet, HES. 
 533). 
 
 Gemination occurs in : 
 
 gemeccum 11. 16; loccas 10. 30; ticcen 25. 33 ; awseccan 3. 9 etc. ; 
 before I (cf. Siev., 228): micclap 23. 5, (micladun 15. 31); miccles 
 8. 26; 14. 31; (-miclses 16. 8); micclan 5. 35; -urn 25. 19; iniccle 
 15. 33 etc. (9), (but 24 forms with c, 6. 23 etc). 
 
 cc for eg (= gg) appears in : 
 
 liccende 9. 36, and simplified licende 9. 2 (with eg, 5.28; 8. 14); 
 
 Simplification of cc to c takes place in: 
 
 waecep (imp. pi.) 25. 13; wa3cende 24. 43, (but 7 forms with cc); 
 before a cons, in : ticnum 25. 32 ; when final : loc 5. 36. 
 
 Gemination is unjustifiable in: 
 
 breccane 5. 17 (cf. brecanne 5. 17); rseccet (3. sg.) 2. 6; arecce 
 (imp. s.) 13. 36; 15. 15; geneleccende 4. 3, (but neolicep 10. 7 etc.). 
 
32 
 
 c + t gives ht (cf. Siev., 232) in : 
 
 wyrhte 27. 7 etc.; worhte 13. 58 etc.; pohte 1. 20 etc.; but ct 
 in: geneolicte 9. 20, (cf. -lehte 21. 34); and hci in: nealehctun 21. 1. 
 
 Final c is lost in: 
 
 ewis- 21. 32; sewis- 21. 31; eawis 18. 17. 
 
 x stands for cs in: 
 
 axe 3. 10; exlan 23. 4; geaxast 19. 17 etc. 
 
 ch (= Lat. ch, = k) occurs in proper names : 
 e. g., chorazam 11. 21; rachel 2. 18; rachab (Lat. racab) 1. 5; 
 hierieho 20. 29 etc. 
 
 For metathesis of sc see 20. 
 
 For the effect of c on preceding and following vowels see I., 
 pp. 16, 25, 28, 36, 58, 69, 74, 78. 
 
 23. g is regarded by Sievers as a spirant in OE. (cf. 
 gr., 212, 213), but Sweet considers it a stop (cf. HES., 
 546, 547). It is sonant, guttural or palatal according to 
 position (cf. Siev., 206), and is common in all positions. 
 
 K' has: 
 
 e. g., gaste 12. 32; gallan 27. 34; gold 2. 11; guma 9. 15; 
 grornadun 20. 11 ; grist- 13. 42; gsefel 22. 17; geard 21.33; geld 16. 
 26; gyrdels 10. 9; egan 20. 15; maegden 9. 25; endunge 13. 39; Ssegn 
 20. 26; belgas 9. 17; bseg 27. 29; senig 6. 24; onfeng 25. 18 etc. 
 
 i stands for initial g in: 
 
 iare 22. 8; -a 22. 4; iarwan 26. 17; larwede 26. 12 etc., 6 forms 
 with t, 9 with g (s. I, 5. b) ; ierde 10. 10; ion-gap 10.5 (cf. -gangap 
 15. 9 etc.). 
 
 g stands for medial w in: 
 
 segun (pret. pi., cf. Siev., 391. n. 5) 11. 4 etc. (25 forms); 
 higu 10. 36. 
 
 g stands for medial h (indicating its spirant quality) in: 
 dogter 15. 22 (but 7 dohter, 21. 5 etc.); ofslsegp 17. 23 (perhaps 
 infl. of pret.). 
 
 More frequently g stands for final h: 
 
 betwig 24. 10 (2), (but 3 h, 1 he, 18. 15 etc.); gesaeg (pret. s. of 
 seon) 3. 16 (but 18 times h, 3. 7 etc.; once gh, -seegb 4. 21); slag 
 (imp.) 5. 21, (but pwah 6. 17; fleoh 2. 13; ateoh 18. 9); always, of 
 course, slog (anal, with pi., as in WS., cf. Siev, 392. 2) 26.51 etc. 
 (4) ; Swog 27. 24. 
 
33 
 
 h and hg for final g (further indication of spirant g) 
 
 occur in : 
 
 burh 10. 11 (cf. burg 22. 7); astahg (pret. sg.) 5. 1 (but 7 stag, 
 7. 27 etc.). 
 
 On the other hand g for c (indicating a stop) appears once : 
 
 galdes 10. 42. 
 
 For the interchange of ng (surd gut. stop, cf. Siev., 215) 
 and nc see 22. 
 
 Gemination of g is written eg (surd pal. stop, cf. Siev., 
 216), as in WS.: 
 
 -licgan 5. 28 etc.; ssecge 8. 4 etc. bycgan 25. 10 etc., but gc 
 in: sagce 23. 3; scegcap 23. 3; 27. 13, (cf. Siev., 216. n. 1); and cc 
 in: liccende 9. 36; reduced to c in licende 9. 2. 
 
 Gemination is unjustified in : 
 ssecge (imp. s.) 18. 17. 
 
 g occurs by erorr in: 
 ingingende (incipiens) 20. 8. 
 
 g is rarely lost in B/: 
 
 After / (cf. Siev., 214 n. 11; Eng. ed., 213 n.): geoldun 
 (= ge-algodun) 27. 66. 
 
 Between cons. (cf. Siev., 214. n. 10; Eng. ed., n. 4): marne 
 6. 30 (but msergne 21. 18; mergenne 16. 3). 
 
 Before n after a palatal vowel (cf. Siev., 214. 3): only ongsen 
 27. 32, (6 forms preserve g, 8. 34 etc. ; also frsegn 27. 1 1 etc. ; psegn 
 23. 1 1 etc.). Before ]> and d, g is always preserved : e. g., tsegpigap 
 23. 23; gebrsegd 26. 51; strsegde 25. 26 etc.; alsegde 27. 60; ssegde 
 14. 4 etc. 
 
 Loss of g occurs once (probably a clerical error) in the 
 prefix ge-: 
 
 ewisade 12. 16. 
 
 Medial g introduced from the 3d and 4th stems occurs 
 in wrigan (= WS. wreon) 11. 27. 
 
 Gram, change between h and g is interfered with by 
 analogy; see above, slog etc. 
 
 For g = Germ. ,; see 9. For the efiect of g on pre- 
 ceding and following vowels see I., pp. 16, 25, 28, 58, 69,74, 78. 
 
 24. h represents the guttural and palatal surd spirant 
 in OE. (cf. Siev., 170). 
 
 3 
 
34 
 
 It is weakened to a mere breath as an initial cons. (cf. 
 Siev., 217; Sweet, HES. 497), and often lost in the me- 
 dial position. 
 
 a) Initial h is common before vowels and ,,vowellike a 
 consonants. R' has: 
 
 e. g, hal 9. 22; herd 6. 20; hine 21. 33 etc.; hlisa 9. 26; hreof 
 8. 2; hwa 3. 7 etc. 
 
 Initial h is occasionally lost in WS. (in Hatton MS., 
 nach vocal oder d, cf. Cosijn, I. p. 181), in Kit. and 
 North, (cf. Lindelof, 44; Bout, p. cxLiff.; Hilmer, p. 42), 
 rarely in Ps. and Corpus (cf. Zeuner, 43. 1 ; Dieter, p. 66). 
 
 This loss of h is rather more frequent in R': 
 
 Before vowels (the preceding word often ending in a vowel or 
 nasal, but also in c t, d, f, s, 3) : is 7. 24; 22. 24; 24. 46, (but 52 
 his); us 17. 25, (but 37 forms with h); eard 25. 24; eorta 6.21; -um 
 18. 35, (but 16 with h) ; eora 6. 15; 7. 16. 20; 8. 34; 9. 30; 10. 18; 
 15. 8; 23. 30; 24. 31, (but 75 heora) ; eo 16. 18, (16 heo, hio) ; sefdon 
 8. 33; seft5 13. 12, (76 forms with h; of course nsefS 8. 20; nsefdon 
 13. 5 etc., as regularly in OE.); ge-yrdon 19. 25, (63 with h, geherap 
 11. 5 etc.); yngrade 25. 35, (8 with h) ; and, less important, the foreign 
 words: yinne 26. 30; erodes 2. 1, (but 13 with h). 
 
 Before consonants: wilce 21. 24, (36 hw) ; segwilc 7. 17; 12. 36, 
 (33 seghw-); werfe 18. 3; weorfe 10. 13; werfde 9. 22; 17. 17; wser- 
 fende 21. 18; weorfap 6. 16, gewyrfep 6. 19. 20; (gehwerfsep 7. 6; 
 -ad 16. 23); welpas 15 27; wilen 13. 21; wser 8. 20, (5 hwser); wa 
 22. 24, (20 hwa); rape 14. 31; 24. 29, (10 br) ; ruxlende 9. 23; rsegl 
 28. 3, (but 16 hr); read 11. 8, (but 4 hr, s. I. 62); reuwe 18. 10, 
 (hreowep 15. 32); gensegep 23. 12(2); naescum 11.8(2). 
 
 On the other hand inorganic initial h appears rarely in 
 WS. , more commonly in Rit. and North, (cf. refs. above). 
 R' has inorganic h: 
 
 Before vowels: his (est) 3. 3; 5. 3; 17. 4 ; 22, 20, (but 72 is); 
 heow 6. 14, (151 eow); ha3 5. 34. 36; hape 26. 72; -as 5. 33, (ap, 
 4 forms, s. I. p. 68); hoehtnisse 5. 10; hoehtende 5. 12; hehtende 
 5. 11, (but ehtende etc., 5 forms, s. I. 49); hefalsunge 15. 19; he- 
 falsap 9. 3: -adun 27, 39, (but efalsade 26. 65); in foreign names, 
 following Lat. text: hierusalem 21. 1 etc. (13); hiericho 20. 29. 
 
 Before consonants: hwute27.49; hrsefnaS 6. 24 ; gehroefa 27.11; 
 gehrefum 9. 11; -hroefe 9. 10, (but geroefe 28. 14 etc. 13 forms); 
 hryft 5. 40, (but ryfte etc., 3 forms, s. I., 27. c); hripe,s 9. 38, (cf. 
 npae 9. 38); gehreorde 15. 33; hreordep 12. 3; hreordun 22. 31, (but 
 reordade 19. 4 etc., 5 forms). 
 
35 
 
 b) Medial h and (original) liw are lost in R', as regularly 
 in OE. (cf. Siev., 218), before a vowel: 
 
 e. g., fere 6. 25; feo 28. 15; hea 17. 1; slau 24. 49; geseon 
 13. 17; teonde 13. 48; fleop 24. 16; ten 18. 24 etc., (cf. I. 10, 
 24, 48). 
 
 But h (g) appears (by infl. of 2. 3. sg.) in: 
 
 slsehp (pi.) 24. 9; ofslaegp 17. 23, (but sleep 5. 21; 23. 34). 
 
 Of course h remains in foreign proper names : 
 iohaimes 9. 14 etc.; israhel 9. 33 etc. 
 
 Medial h is also lost between a vowel and one of the 
 consonants 7, r, m. n, (cf. Siev., 222. 2) : 
 
 e. g., fleam 24. 20 ; between 3. 9 etc. ; in the couaps. : heanisse 
 13. 5 etc. (5); hreanis 16. 3; nealehte 21. 34 etc. (9); and, before b, 
 (f), in : wibed 5. 24 etc., (8 forms, s. I. 52). 
 
 Medial h is preserved in the combs, ht, hs (x), (cf. Siev., 
 221), and is then usually a palatal spirant in R', (cf. I. 
 7, 21, etc.): 
 
 e. g., cneht 2. 9 etc.; reht 20. 4 etc.; maehte 8. 28 etc. 
 
 But with ct, hot, gt for ht: 
 
 geneolicte 9. 20; nealehctun 21. 1; dogter 15. 22. 
 
 Inorganic h appears before t in : 
 wihtga 21. 46; 24. 15, (but 36 witga etc.). 
 
 hs (written x) appears in: 
 
 wexan 13. 30 etc.; sex 17. 1; sextig 13. 8 etc. For hs = sc 
 see 20. 
 
 h is lost before s in: 
 
 western 3. 8 etc. (cf. Siev., 221. 2). 
 
 h is preserved in WS. and Kt, but lost in North., in 
 the collocation As, /$, due to vowel-syncope (cf. Siev., 222). 
 R' fluctuates in this respect: 
 
 in 2. and 3. sg. pres. ind. of contract verbs: onfoeS 10. 40 etc. 
 (11); -foop 19. 29, (only once onfoehp 13. 20); sleep 5. 21, (but slsebp 
 10. 28; slsegst 23. 37); sis 7. 3; gese^s 7. 3, (but gesihst 7. 5 ; -u 
 7. 3); gesiS 6. 4 ; geseop (sg.) 6. 18, (but gesihS 5. 28; 6. 6). 
 
 h always remains in the superl. ; nsehsta 20. 14 etc., (12 forms, 
 cf. I. 45); (once a 1 *, nexstan 5. 43); and in the comps. : hehsynne 
 12. 5; -settle 27. 19; 
 
 Gemination (ch for lih) appears only in : 
 the North, form sechir 12. 1, (before r, cf. Sicv, 228). 
 
 3*. 
 
36 
 
 c) Final h is a surd spirant in OE. (cf. Sweet, HES. 
 502), usually palatal in Ps. and North, (cf. Siev., 206. 
 4), and always preserved. R' has: 
 
 e. g., genoh 6. 34 etc.; onfoh 1. 20; pwab 6. 17; ateoh 18. 9; 
 neh 16. 27; heh 4. 5; purh 1. 22 etc. 
 
 ch for "h appears in : 
 
 gesech 8. 4, (cf. beseoh 18. 10). 
 
 he for h in: 
 
 betwihc 20. 26, (cf. betwih 18. 15; 26. 58). 
 
 g for h in : 
 
 betwig 24. 10 (2); slag (imp.) 5. 21, and the prets. slog, <5wog 
 etc, (s. 23). 
 
 h for c in : 
 
 ah 4. 4 etc. (74). 
 
 For h|> = medial J>]} see 19. For the effect of final 
 li on a preceding vowel see t. 7, 13, 21, 60, 63. 
 
37 
 
 Inflection, 
 
 I. The Verb. 
 
 Personal Endings of the Verb. 
 
 The Present. 
 
 25. The singular pres. ind. 
 
 First person : The regular ending in WS. (except for 
 verbs in -mi) is -e, (cf. Siev., 355 ; Cosijn, II., 72) ; for 
 weak verbs 01. II. , -ie, ige (cf. Siev., 414, n. 1; Cosijn, 
 II., p. 181). In the Ps. the ending is -u (weak II., -iu, rarely 
 -igu), occasionally -0, rarely -a and -e (cf. Zeuner, 47, I. b ; 
 53). Kit. has -o (weak II., -igo), sometimes -e and -a (cf. 
 Lindelof, 46). 
 
 R' has regularly -e (99), -ige (2), seldom -o (5), -io (1), 
 -u (5), -a (2): 
 
 a) in strong verbs: 
 
 arise 26. 32 etc. (2); ripe 25. 26; drince 26. 29 (2); cwepe 8. 9 
 etc. (7); sprece 13. 13; bidde 26. 36; agefe 18. 26; but ageofu 18.29; 
 cume 8. 7; -saece 10. 33; -sace 26. 35; forlete 18. 21; gange 21. 29; 
 26. 36; (altogether -e 21, -u 1). & for WS. ea occurs in the contr. 
 vb. site 26. 31. 
 
 b) in weak verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., sette 12. 18 etc. (3); gesete 25. 23 ; cysse 26. 48; gereorde 
 11. 28; sende 10. 16; 11. 10; dyppe 3. 11; but depu 3. 11; geheele 
 8. 7; but Mo 13. 15; bilket-to 13. 35; roket-to 13. 35; on-tyno 13. 35; 
 ondeto 10. 32; ondetu 7. 23; 11. 25; selle 4. 9 etc. (3); wyrce 21. 27 
 etc. (3); (-e 16, -o 5, -u 3). Cl. II, getimbre 16. 18; 26. 61; prowc 
 26. 33; but ftrowa 17. 17; ahsige 21. 24; somnige 25. 26; lialsio 
 26. 63; ehtu 11. 16; (-e 3, -ige 2, -io 1, -u 1, -a 1). This class has 
 
38 
 
 -ig, -i, before the final vowel but 3 times in a total of 10. 01. III., 
 ssecge 2. 13 etc. (59); scecga 5. 26. 
 
 For the endings of verbs in -mi see 53. 
 
 Second person: The ending in OE., for st. verbs and 
 01. I. weak, is -es (-is), later -est (-stf) ; for weak verbs, Cls. 
 II. and IE., -a*, -ast (st5), (cf. Siev., 356). The Ps. has -es, 
 seldom -est (in st. vbs. and Cl. I. wk.), ratio of -s to -st, 
 107 : 10; -as, seldom -ast (Cls. II. and III. wk.), ratio, 44 : 3, 
 (cf. Zeuner, p. 94). In pit. -st is ziemlich selten; weak 
 vbs., 01. II. have -as (-ast), sometimes -ias and -cs ; 12 forms 
 (weak vbs. of all classes) have -e%, -afi , due to analogy , (cf. 
 Lindelof, pp. 73, 74). 
 
 In R' -st prevails. The ratio of -st to -s is 31 : 9. The 
 endings are: (in st. vbs. and 01. I. wk.) -est 17, -st 1, -sest 
 1, -es 7, (contr. forms) -st 4, -s 2; (in 01. II. wk.) -ast 4; 
 (in 01. III. wk.) -est 4, ej> 1. The following forms occur: 
 
 a) Strong verbs: 
 
 astigest 11.23; ripes 25. 24; bindes 16. 19 (2); frcegnast 19. 17; 
 cumest 5. 24; cymest 3. 14; cwepest 12. 23; -u 7. 4; cwfost 27. 11 
 (syncope is frequent in WS. and Kt. , very rare in North., cf. Siev., 
 358. n.); agefes 5. 24; spreces 13. 10; gebiddes 4. 9; gesihst 7. 5; 
 u 7. 3; geseqs 7. 3; sis 7. 3; onssecest 26. 34; slsegst 23. 37; ganges 
 8. 19; (-est 6, -aest 1, -es 7, contr. forms -st 4, -s 2). 
 
 b) weak verbs: 
 
 01. I., geherest 21. 16; gehoerest 27. 13; laerest 22. 16; gemoe- 
 test 17. 27; nemnest 1. 21; gestreonest 18. 15; stanest 23. 37; &wyr- 
 dest 26. 62; wenest 18. 1 etc. (3); wircest 21. 23; (-est 11, -st 1). 
 01. II., somnast 25. 24; geaxast 19. 17; locast 22. 16; on'dsacast 26. 
 75. 01. III., stegest 26. 70; hafest 19. 21 (2); 22. 12, (these follow I. 
 instead of II., as in WS., cf. also 3. per. below) ; haftf (habes) 25. 25, 
 (cf. Lindelof, p. 74). 
 
 Third person: The ending for WS., in st. vbs. and wk. L, 
 is -et5 (older -ift, -id, -et, etc.) , often with syncope (cf. Siev., 
 3578); in wk. vbs. II. and III., -at$ (cf. Siev., 4145). 
 The Ps. has -e% (-ed, -seft 2), and -aft (-ad), carefully distin- 
 guishing the classes as in WS. (cf. Zeuner, p. 94). Bit. has 
 -eft (-ift), -t5 , interchanging occasionally without regard to 
 class, and (less commonly) -es, -as (cf. Lindelof pp. 746). 
 
39 
 
 Syncope is almost unknown in Ps. and North., common 
 in WS. and Kt. (cf. id. and Siev., 358, n.). 
 
 R' has these endings: (in st. vbs. and wk. L), -ej>(8) 160, 
 -al>(S) 44, i|> 6, -et 5, -sep 2, -at 1, "-red 1, -id 1 , with syn- 
 cope 28 (+ 91 ?), contract vbs. 20 ; (in wk. vbs. II. and III.), 
 -ai>(8) 37, -iap 3, -e|> 16, -sep 3, ej) 1, with syncope 6, 
 contr. vb. 1. 
 
 The following forms occur : a) In strong verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., ariseS 12. 42 etc. (5); smitep 15. 11 (2); stigaft 17. 27; 
 24. 17; geuituft 17. 20; (e 7, -a 3.) Cl. IL, bebeodep 4. 6 ; forleoseS 
 10. 39 etc. (3); abreope3 21. 41. Cl. 01., gelimpep 18. 13; drincep 
 24. 49; findep 13. 44 etc. (2); yebindap 12. 29; onginnep 1. R. ; -ap 
 
 24. 49; swseltep 15. 4; geldep 6. 4 etc. (3); helped 16. 26; gewyrfep 
 6. 19. 20; awoerpep 12. 24; ut-weorpep 9. 34 etc. (2); geweorfiaft 
 21. 21; 24. 21; geweorftad 13. 22; werpeS 9. 16; with syn., gewyr* 
 13. 32, tobre.gdep 12. 29; (-ep 18, -ap 4, -sed 1, syn. 1). Cl. IV., 
 cymep 25. 6 etc. (14); -id 24. 42; -op 23. 35; with syncope, cywp 
 13. 19; 24. 50; genimep 12. 11. 45; -ap 10. 38; berep 7. 17 etc. 
 (9); brecep 12. 20; 27. 40; (-ep 27, -ap 2, -id 1, syncope 2). Cl. V., 
 cwepap 12. 32 (2); with syn., cwift 15. 5, probably cwep (ait) 8. 32 etc. 
 (14);(dicit) 7. 21; 8.26; ?(inquid) 14.8; cwsep (future) 25.34.40. 41; 
 21.25; 24. 48; cwaep 5.25. The following forms of this word are un- 
 certain. There may be change of tense (pret. for pres.) as is most pro- 
 bable, or a may stand for e (cf. I., . 12, b): cwsep (ait) 4. 7 etc. (66); 
 cw ? p 11. 4 etc. (3); cwsep '(elicit) 8. 20 etc. (17); (dicente) 17. 26; 
 (diceus) 25. 22 etc. (3); cwej) (dicit) 12. 44. etep 9. 1 1 ; agfep 16. 
 27 ; agefep 17. 11 ; ongeteS 13. 23; -op 13. 19; sprecap 10.20; spreocap 
 12.34; bit 7. 8; but biddeth 7. 10; ligep 8. 6; sitep 23.22; gesilap 
 
 25. 31; sittep 19. 28; ge- 19. 29; gefeap 18. 13'; gesihp 5. 28; 6. 6 ; getfo 
 Q.lgeseop 6. 18; (-ep 9, -ap 5, -sep 1, syncope 25 + 91 ?). Cl. VI., ahefep 
 9. 16; 12. 11; dhafap 23. 12; slsehp 10. 28; sleep 5. 21; stondep 12. 
 
 25. 26; swerap 23. 16. 20. 21. 22; swcerap 23. 18; sweraep 23. 16; 
 swerat 23. 22; wexep 13. 32; onsaekep 10. 33; (-ep 6. -ap 6, -at 1). 
 
 Red. vbs., foehp 13. 20; -/oet5 10. 40 etc. (11); foof 19. 29; 
 forletep 5. 32 etc. (6); gangeS 15. 17; fallep 17. 15 etc. (4); feallep 
 12. 11; slepep 9. 24; sauwep 13. 37; gesceadip 25. 32; with, syn., 
 crd (cantel) 26. 34. 75; (-ep 14, -ip 1). 
 
 b) In weak verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., frrmmaf 19. 9 (2); 7. 24. 26; settep 9. 16; 24. 47; 
 setep 21. 41 etc. (3); forbarnep 3. 12; cerrap 24. 18; gecypcep 
 
 26. 73; kennep 1. 21. 23; depfo 3. 11; 26. 23; dyppep 3. 11; ge- 
 
40 
 
 dcelaf 24. 51; doemeS 12. 18; adicascet 12. 20; ondetep 10. 32; 
 afsellep 18. 6. 8; fylgep 10. 38; foedep 6. 26; geherep 13. 20 etc. 
 (7); -a3 12. 19; 18. 17 (2); 13. 19; gehselep 1. 21; ahydep 13. 44; 
 hyngr$ 5. 6; gehnyscet 21. 44; gensegep 23. 12; Iserep 5. 19 (2); 
 Isedep 5. 32 etc. (5); -ap 19. 9 ; lioraft 17.20; geliorep 5. 18 ; geleorep 5. 18 ; 
 -ap 24. 34; tolesep 5. 19; gemoetep 16. 25 etc. (5); nemnep 22. 43. 
 45; regnep 5. 45; hrcefnaft 6. 24; sendep 12. 20 etc. (4); stencep 
 12. 30; wenap 24. 50; awerdaft 5. 13; irreg. vbs., bygip 13. 44 (2); 
 rsecep 7. 9. 10; raccet 2. 6; soecep 7. 8; 16. 4; -op 2. 13; -et 12. 39; 
 selep 16. 26 etc. (3); with syn. sefo 23. 20; sellep 7. 11; 25. 29; -af 
 10.21; 13.44; 23.18; 26.23.46; 5.25; pyncep 17. 25 etc. (3); Kincaf 
 18. 12 ; wyrcep 7. 17 etc. (6) ; wtergaS 5. 1 1 ; neolicep 3. 2 etc. (4) ; -et\. 17 ; 
 herwep 6. 24; eawep 24. 27. 30 (cf. Siev , 408. 2); csegep 15. 23; 
 (-ep 73, -ap 25, ip 5, -et 5, -sep 1, syncope 1). Cl. II., ariaS 15. 6; 
 gearwep 11. 10; -ap 6. 30; eardap 23. 21; set-clifaS 19. 5; clsensaf) 
 3. 12; cliopap 12. 19 etc. (2); acolap 24. 12; eadrnedap 18. 4; hefal- 
 sap 9. 3; endep 28. 20; eorsap 5. 22; 18. 21; hate]) 6. 24; halgap 
 23. 17; hongaS 22. 40; lufaS 10. 37 etc. (3); genyhtsumnp 24. 12 
 etc. (3); niSraS 12. 42; readap 16. 3; ascadrp 25. 32; asmorap 13. 
 22; sornnap 12. 30 etc. (3); sorgap 6. 34; kswarep 25. 45; aswicep 
 18. 9; getimbraS 27. 40; bepearfaS 16. 26; beparfep 5.29. 30; 15. 5; 
 18. 6-, 19. 10; apiostrap 24. 29; prowaS 13. 21; 17. 15; -iaf (infl. of 
 pi.) 11. 12; 16. 26; weorSap 15. 8; purhwunap 10. 22; 24. 13; (-ap 
 35, -iap 3, -ep 11, -sep 1, -p 1). Cl. Ill, liafep 9. 6; 13. 21. 44; 
 ~a$ 11. 18; heftef 5. 32; hasf* 1. 23; 13. 12 (3); 25. 28; nafb 8. 20 ; 
 naefep 25. 29; sagef 12. 18; leofap 9. 18; fiaS 6. 24; (-ep 5, -a?p 2, 
 -ap 1, syncope 6). Note 1. In the 3. per., as well as the 2., this 
 class has assumed (with one exception) the endings of Cl. I., and 
 therefore conforms to that class throughout the pres. ind. contrary to 
 WS. usage (cf. the imp. sg. 29). Note 2. For certain cases of 
 pres. 3. sg. in -e etc. see 27, and cf. Lindelof p. 76 if. 
 
 26. The plural pres. ind. The regular ending for the 
 three persons in "WS. or Kt. is -ot5 (-ad, -at), often -e be- 
 fore the pronouns we, ge, (cf. Siev., 360) ; weak vbs., Cl. II., 
 have -%)at5, (cf. Siev., 414; Cosijn, II., p. 179 ff.). The Ps. 
 has -afi, resp. -iaft (Cl. II. wk.), (cf. Zeuner, p. 95). Eit. has 
 -at5 (-eft), less commonly -as (-es) ; in Cl. II. wk., -i(g)a8 (-at5 2, 
 -eft 1), less often -as (-ias 1) ; farther a considerable number 
 of forms in -a, or -e, probably ind., but doubtful, (cf. Lindelof 
 pp. 77, 78). 
 
 E' has these endings: (st. vbs., and Cls. I. and III. wk.), 
 
41 
 
 -a]? () 153, -ep (3) 30, -sep 2, -e 1, contr. forms 23; (Cl. 
 
 11. wk.) -igaE (6) 20, -igaej) 1, -lap 5, -ap 6, -ep 2, -ao|> 1, 
 -at 1, contr. vb. 1. 
 
 These are the forms ID R': a) strong verbs: 
 01. I., arisap 24. 11 etc. (4); -ep 10. 21; gerisap 11. 12; astigaS 
 20. 18; ripath 6. 26; scinap 13. 43; besmitap 15. 20 (2); on-wreop 
 16. 17; (-ap 10, -ep 1, contr. 1). Cl. II., geotap 9. 17 (2); hreowep 
 15. 32; gelucap 23. 13; fleop 24. 16; fleap 23. 33; (-ap 3, -ep 1, 
 contr. 2). Cl. III., drincap 6. 31; spinnap 6. 28; winnap 6. 28; 11. 
 28; bindap 18. 18 (2); 23. 4; swingap 10. 17; 23. 34; adelfap 6. 19. 
 20; geweorpaS 24. 34; for- 8. 25 etc. (4); awyrpep 12. 27; toberstep 
 9. 17; (h) weorfap 6. 16; beornaS 5. 15; -spurnap 24. 10; (-ap 19, 
 -ep 2). Cl. IV., cumap 9. 15 etc. (5); cymep 23. 36; 7. 14; nirnap 
 19. 11; niomap 26. 52; forstelap 6. 19. 20; (-ap 9, -ep 2). Cl. V., 
 cwepaS 17. 10 etc. (5); cwsepaS 11. 18 etc. (5); cweopap 1G. 13 etc. 
 (4); etap 6. 19 etc. (6); ageofaS 21. 41 ; 12. 36; ongetap 13. 51 etc. 
 (7); ongeotap 13. 13; begetap 5. 7; metap 7. 2; gesprecap 10. 20; 
 geseop 24. 2 etc. (13); geseap 13. 14; 24. 30; yeseep 11. 5; buldap 
 7. 11 etc. (3); bidap 20. 22; sittap 26. 36; ge- 5. 5 etc. (3); (ap 41, 
 contr. vbs. 16). Cl. VI., slsebp 24. 9; ofslsegp 17. 23; ofslap 23. 34; 
 stondep 20. 7; -ap 12. 47; ahebbap 4. 6; waexap 6. 28; thuaS 15. 2; 
 (-ap 3, -ep 1, contr. 4). Red. vbs., ondfooS 21. 22; foa 17. 25; 
 onfoep 23. 14; hoap 23. 34; letap 23. 13; for- 18. 35; - 6. 14 (2). 
 15 (2); gangap 11. 5 etc. (3); fallef 15. 27; 24. 29; saweti 6. 26; 
 ondredap 21. 26; wepap 24. 30; asceadep 13. 49; (-ap 7, -ep 8, 
 contr. 4). 
 
 b) Weak verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., settap 5. 15; -fj5 23. 4; wemmap 12. 5; bergap 16. 28; 
 brsedap 23. 5; cwelmap 10. 21; doemep 7. 2; 20. 19; oehtap 23. 34; 
 fcestaf) 9. 14 (2); geheraS 13. 14 etc. (6); hcemep 22. 30; halettap 
 5. 47; byhtap 12. 21; forlarcep 24. 5; -ef 24. 11; gelefap 9. 28; 
 18. 6; -cep 27. 42; leoraS 24. 35 (2); tolesep 5. 19; moetap 7. 7. 14; 
 -ep 2. 8; 21. 2; 11. 29; nemnap 1. 23; restap 8. 20; sendap 13. 50; 
 ftyrstep 5. 6; woenap 6. 7; sellap 24. 9 etc. (6); -ep 10. 19; gesoecap 
 28. 5; soecep 6. 32; gettecep 28. 14; pencap 9. 4; 16. 8; wyrcap 7. 
 23; 23. 5; eawep 23. 27. 28; scyap 28. 14; (-ap 38, -ep 15, -sep 2). 
 Cl. II., clsensigap 23. 25; costigaS 22. 18; dwaligaS 22. 29; eardigap 
 
 12. 45; 13. 32; ge-endigap 10. 23;/r^J5 23. 29; hatep 5. 44; hleo- 
 nigap 8. 11; lufigap 5. 46 etc. (4); lokigap 27. 24; micclqp 23. 5; 
 myngaft 16. 9; niSrigaS 12. 41; re or dap 12. 5; hrcordep 12. 3; som- 
 niap 6. 26; soninigap 7. 16 etc. (3); gesomnap 24. 31; gescawaft 5. 8; 
 sorgiap 6.28; scyldigatQ. 12; &swserigap 25. 37 etc. (2); ofer-swiSiap 
 
42 
 
 16. 18; timbrap 23. 29 ; tsegpigap 23. 23 ; twigqp 21. 21 ; gepafigap 18. 19; 
 prowigap 26.31 ; prowiap 5. 10; warniap 16. 6,- (for list of endings see 
 above). Cl. III., habbap 27. 65 etc. (11); nabbap 14. 16. 17; 15. 32; 
 habbe we 21. 38 (cf. Siev. 360. n.); fiegap 24. 10; lifgaf 4. 4; 
 ssecgap 17. 9 etc. (4); secgap 11. 5; ssegeap 23. 3; 27. 13; (-ap 23, -e 1). 
 Note 1. In the above collection of examples (both sg. and pi.), -S, 
 op etc. in forms otherwise the same are reckoned together. An esti- 
 mate of the relative frequency of final p and 3 in verbs may be 
 found in 19. Note 2. For certain cases of pi. pres. ind. in -en, 
 -an, -e etc. see 28, and cf. Lindelof, p. 78 E 
 
 27. The singular pres. opt. The WS. ending is -e 
 (anciently -); for Cl. II. wk., -i(g)e, (cf. Siev., 361, 414; 
 Cosijn, pp. 123, 181). The Ps. has -e, resp. -4e (Cl. II. wk.), 
 once -ae, (cf. Zeuner, p. 96). In Kit the st. vbs. and CL I. 
 wk. have -e and -a ; Cl. II. (and III), -za, -iga (-age 2, -ega 
 1, -ege 1, etc.), (cf. Lindelof, pp. 79, 80). 
 
 R' has the endings: (st. vbs. and Cls. I. and III. wk.) 
 -e 79, -se 7, 3 3, -a 2, contr. vbs. 2; (Cl. II. wk.) -ige 6, 
 -igso 1, -e 2. 
 
 In R' the opt. pres. is often used to translate the Lat. fut., fut. 
 perf., and sometimes even the pres. ind. (cf. Hit., Lindelof, p. 76 if.)- 
 The sentence is then usually conditional , or begins with sepe (qui) 
 = whoever. Where necessary the Lat. verb will be given. 
 
 The following forms occur : a) In strong verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., aris$ 17. 9; astiga 27. 42; gehrine (si tetigero) 9.21 (this 
 
 may be ind. as well). Cl. II., forleose 16. 25; (perdet) 10. 39; 
 
 (h)reuwe 18. 10. Cl. III., drince 26. 42; finde 18. 13; weorpe 6. 10; 
 
 ge- 5. 18; 18. 19; -a 23. 26; weorSe 5. 29; 18. 14; ge- 8. 13; 9. 29; 
 
 15. 28; wearpe 5. 30; werpe 24. 20; weorpe 15. 26; awearpa 8. 31; 
 
 ut-wyrpe (si eicio) 12. 27. 28 (may be ind.); weorfe 10. 13; &spurne 
 
 4. 6. Cl. IV., cyme 10. 13; 8. 9; cume 6. 10; 10. 23; 27. 49; nime 
 
 19. 12; ge- 15. 26; bere 16. 24. Cl. V., cwsepe (dixerit) 5. 22; 21. 3; 
 
 agefe 5. 26; &gete 24. 15; bidde (petit) 5. 42; (petierit) 7. 9; ge- 
 
 (orabis) 6. 6; 4. 10; (adorem) 2. 8; licgce 5. 32. Cl. VI., &s8ec$ 16. 24; 
 
 slae (percusserit) 5. 39; stonde 18. 16; swerigce (iuraveris) 5. 36. Red. 
 
 vbs., foe 22. 24; onfoia 1. 20; forlete 27. 17; -ae (dimiserit) 5. 31; 
 
 rq&$ (legit) 24. 15; sceade 19. 6. 
 
 b) In weak verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., fremine 19. 18; faille (scandalizat) 5. 29. 30; pu faeste 
 (ieiunas) 6. 17 ; gecerre 10. 13; gehere 11. 15; 13. 9; gehosere 13.43; 
 19. 10; ahelde 8. 20; forlsere 24. 4; leore 26. 39; lihte 5. 15. 
 
43 
 
 16; se pe gemoete (qui iuvenit) 10. 39; nede (angarizauerit) 5. 41; 
 sende 9. 38; gestreone 16. 26; selle 5. 25. 31. 36; 24. 45; (exibebit 
 26. 53; wirce (fades) 6. 2; pynce (videtnr) 25. 29; 3- 21. 28; 
 -CE 22. 17; wsecce 22. 24; tccerge (maledixerit) 15. 4; pu bringa (offe- 
 ris) 5. 23. Cl. II., 6ewige (seruies) 4. 10; lufige (dileges) 19. 19; ge- 
 dwalige (erranerit) 18. 12; firnige (peccauerit) 18. 15; syngige (id.) 
 18. 15; genihtsumige (habuudauerit) 5. 20; vyht-sunnya 25. 9; folge 
 16. 24; getriowe 27. 43. Cl. III., hsebbe 5. 23 etc. (5); (habet) 11. 
 15; 13. 9. 43; gefreoge 27. 43. 49; ssecge (dixeris) 8. 4; (-it) 24. 23; 
 (dices) 19. 18. 
 
 28. The plural pres. opt. The ending in WS. is -en 
 (-e), -an , (anciently -an) , later -on (-un) , (cf. Siev., 361 ; 
 Cosijn, II., 77) ; Cl. II. wk., -i(g)en, etc., (cf. Siev., 414). 
 The Ps. has -en (resp. -ien\ (cf. Zeuner, p. 96). In Kit. final 
 -n is lost and the pi. becomes like the sg. ; the vowel is -e, 
 -a, -<, (seldom -o, -u) ; Cl. II. wk., -?'#, -iga, etc. (cf. Lin- 
 delof, p. 80). 
 
 In R' -n is lost 23 times, preserved 22 times. The 
 endings are : (st. vbs. and Cls. I. and III. wk.) -an 14, -en 
 5, -on 1, -e 12, -se 2, (contr. forms) -n 1, -n lost 2 ; (Cl. II. wk.) 
 -ige 5. igso 2, -an 1. In a few cases -en (-an) appears to 
 stand for -a, pres. ind. pi. The following forms occur: 
 
 a) In strong verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., toslite 7. 6; Cl. II, alucce 13. 29. Cl. III., git drincan 
 (bibitis) 20. 23 (cf. fallen, cypan, etc. below); geicarpe 4. 3. Cl. IV., 
 cuman 27. 64; cweopan 23. 39; cwsepan 5. 11; gecwefte (dixeritis) 
 21. 21; for-staelan 27. 64. Cl. V., etan 6. 25; on-geton 13. \-, ( sprece 
 10. 19; -an 10. 19; tredan 7. 6; geseo 13. 15; 16. 28; geseon 5. 16; 
 ponne ge bidde eow (cum oratis) 6. 5 (perhaps ind., cf. Lindelof, 
 p. 78); biddan 6. 8; ge- 18. 19. Cl. VI., Vfift-stonde 5. 39; swerge 
 5. 34. Red. vbs., gangan 26. 41; 28. 10; gehalden 4. 6; fallen (ca- 
 dunt) 15. 14; swa swa we forleten (sicut nos remittiraus) 6. 12. The- 
 reason for the opt. in these last two cases is not clear (cf. also cypan, 
 faesten, below) ; these seem to be early examples of the ,,extension u 
 of -en to the pres. ind. pi., which afterwards became ,,the characte- 
 ristic feature of the Midland verb", (cf. Sweet, New Eng. Gr. 1230). 
 
 b) In weak verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., cypau (testificantur) 26. 62; faesten (cum ieiunatis) 6. 16, 
 the scribe may have mistaken the Lat. ; (ieiunabunt) 9. 15; geheran 
 13. 15; moefe 22. 9; yehreorde 15. 33; gebycge 14. 15; gewyrce we 
 (faciamus) 17. 4; (cf. Siev., 360, n.) Cl. II., (cwedun him wiltu we 
 
44 
 
 gsen &) gesomnige (dixerunt ei uis imus et colligimus) 13. 28; iarwan 
 
 26. 17; gearwige 6. 25; geincfulliga 17. 27; firowige 26. 33; sorgige 
 6. 25; geteorige 15. 32; wuldriga 5. 16. Cl. III., ssecge (dixerint) 
 24. 26; (psem pe eowic hatep ve/) ./<?< (his qui oderunt vos) 5. 44, 
 here the form should be ind. like hatep (cf. several such forms in 
 Kit., Lindelo'f p. 78). 
 
 29. The singular imperative. In WS. st. vbs. (except 
 short stems in -jo-) and wk. vbs. Cl. I., with long stems, 
 have no ending; but short stems (st. vbs. in -jo-, and Cl. I. 
 wk.) end in -e (older -i); wk. vbs. Cls. II. and III. have -a 
 (cf. Siev., 362, 410. 3, 414, etc.). The Ps. agrees with 
 WS., (cf. Zeuner p. 96 ff.). In Kit. st. vbs. in -jo- and Cl. I. 
 wk. (short stems) often have no ending but forms with -e 
 also occur; Cl. II. wk. usually has -a (once, -e), but in some 
 cases a special North, ending, -ig\ a few forms (anal, of st. 
 vbs.) are without ending, (cf. Lindelof, p. 81 ff., and Siev., 
 372, n.). 
 
 R' agrees with Rit. in having some forms (short stems, 
 st. vbs. in -jo-, and wk. I.) without final -e\ conversely at 
 least 2 long stems (wk. I.) have -e\ wk. vbs. Cl. II. have: 
 -a 13, -e 9, -se 1 ; wk. vbs. Cl. III. have -e 4, wanting 1, 
 (Cl. III. has therefore taken the endings of Cl. I. wk. throug- 
 hout, cf. above, 25, note). 
 
 The following forms occur : a) strong verbs : 
 
 Cl. L, aris 2. 13 etc. (4); astig 27. 40; abid 7.4; 27.49; gewit 
 
 17. 20. Cl. II., fleoh 2. 13; ateoh 18. 9. Cl. III., aceorf 5. 30; 
 
 (rniswritten) asceorf 18. 8; weorp 18. 8; a- 5. 30; 18. 9; wearp 
 
 21. 21; awerp 5. 29. Cl., IV., cum 14. 29; cym 9. 18; 19. 21; 
 
 genirn 9. 6 etc. (7). Cl. V., gecwep 8. 8; cwsep 20. 21; ge- 4. 3; 
 
 gef 20. 8; a- 5. 33; 18. 28; beseoh 18. 10; gesech 8. 4; bidde 6. 6; 
 
 lige 5. 27; site 22. 44. Cl. VI., slag 5. 21; pwah 6. 17; fcer 2. 20; 
 
 hef (without -e) 21. 21; also swer 5. 33. Red. vbs., blau 6. 2 ; ondred 
 
 1. 20; onfoh 1. 20; gang 16. 23 etc. (5); hald 19. 17; hat 14. 28; 
 
 27. 64; let 3. 15; forlet 8. 22 etc. (5); feet 8. 21; gelaet 6. 13. 
 
 b) weak verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., gesette 9. 18; apene 12. 13; gecer 26. 52;/y/^ (infl. of 
 folga, Cl. II.) 8. 22; -(B (alt. in MS., folgse to fylgse) 9. 9; hl 8. 25; 
 27. 40; ge- 21. 9. 15; hl 14. 30; leor (transi) 17. 20; gelese 6. 13; 
 poud 4. 6 etc. (3); ontyn 17. 27; 25. 11; betuu (= -tyn?) 6. 6} sele 
 
45 
 
 i 
 
 14. 8; 5. 42; selle 17. 27; 19. 21; (prob. opt.) 5. 36; sylle 19. 21; 
 with loss of -e, sel 5. 39; 6. 11; bebycge 19. 21; breng 8. 4; arecce 
 13. 36; 15. 15; wyrc 21. 28; seteaw 8. 4; cege 20. 8 (the Ps. has 
 gece, cf. Zeuner, p. 97; Lindis. has ceig). Cl. II., ahloca 5. 29 ; 18. 9; 
 are 15. 4; 19. 19; geclsensa 23. 26; costa 4. 7; folga 19. 21; fultume 
 
 15. 25; hate 5. 43: locce 27. 4; lufa 5. 43; 22. 37. 39; miltsa 9. 27 
 etc. (3); ge- 20. 31; nriltse 17. 15; smere 6. 17; getreowe 9. 2; -treuwe 
 9. 22; preata 18. 15; gepinge 5. 24. Cl. III., hafe 18. 26. 29; sage 
 24. 3; s&cge 18. 17; sag (with loss of -e) 22. 17; (4 forms with -e t 
 like Cl. I.). 
 
 . 30. The plural imperative. In OE. the 2d pi. imp. 
 is just like the pi. pres. ind (s. 26 above). There is also 
 a 1st per. pi. (not common) in -aw, (cf. Siev., 362). The 
 Ps. is normal (cf. Zeuner, p. 97). Kit. shows the same inter- 
 change of -at5, -e$, -as, -es as in the pi. pres. ind., (cf. Lin- 
 delof, p. 82). 
 
 E' has these endings : (st. vbs., and wk., Cls. I. and III.), 
 -ap(S) 72, -e{)(S) 30, -sep 3, ej 1, contr. vbs. 8, -e 1, -a 1, 
 -an (1st. pi.) 1 (?) ; (wk., Cl. II.) -igap(S) 11, -igeep 2, igaep 
 1, -iaS 3, -aft 4, -ige 1. These forms occur: 
 
 a) strong verbs: 
 
 Cl. L, abid<$ 26. 38; arisap 17. 7; 26. 46; gewitap 9. 24 etc. 
 (3). Cl. II., fleop 10. 23; (ne wernaS vel) forbeode (nolite prohibere) 
 19. 14. Cl. III., drincap 26. 27; gebindap 22. 13; -tp 13. 30; bergap 
 
 16. 11; weorpaS 25. 30; 10. 8; gewearpap 7. 6. Cl. IV., cumap 4. 19 
 etc. (3); -ef 11. 28; cymep 21. 38; 25. 34; nimap 11. 29; ge- 25. 28; 
 -ep 26. 48. Cl. V., cwepap 10. 27; cwsepaS 26. 18; etaf* 26. 26; 
 ageofap 22. 21; ongetep 15. 10; gefeap 5. 12; geseop 6. 26; 28. 6; 
 gesedep 24. 4. 6; -seae]> 9. 30; biddap 7. 7; 9. 38; ge- 5. 44 etc. (3); 
 gesittaS 25. 34; 26. 36. Cl. VI., fqrep 11. 3; ascdkep 10. 14. Red. 
 vbs., ondredep 28. 10; -ap 10. 26 etc. (4); ond- fop 26. 26; gangap 
 28. 7 ; ion-gap 10. 5; gangan (1st per, or inf.?) 26. 46; haldep 23. 3; 
 27. 65; be- 6. 1. 26; 7. 15; 10. 17; behealdep 16. 6; letfp 13. 30; 
 19. 14; for- 15. 14; slepaS 26. 45. 
 
 b) weak verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., cnyssap 7. 7; cypap 11. 4; doemep 7. 1; gefyllap 23. 32; 
 geheraS 13. 18 etc. (4); hahp 10. 8; hydep 6. 19. 20; haletef 10. 12; 
 larep 28. 19; ledap 21. 2; lefaS 24. 26; ge- 24. 23; nemnap 23. 9; 
 restaip 26. 45; sendep 22. 13; unsalep 21. 2; wenap 5. 17; 10. 34; 
 sellap 25. 8 etc. (3); ge- 10.8; sel/a heom ge 14.16; wyrc<$ 12. 33 (2); 
 wircap 3. 3 ; wernaS 19. \\ gebycgap 25. 9; pencap 10. 19; soecap 6. 33; 
 
46 
 
 wseccap 26. 38; 24. 42; -ep 10. 8; 26. 41; wsecep 25. 13; bringap 
 17. 17; ge- 14. 18; eawaS 22. 19. Cl. II., ahsiaS 2. 8; ahsigap 10. 11; 
 geblissiaS 5. 12; bodigaS 10. 7. 27; clcensigce]) 10. 8; cliopaS 22. 9; 
 forhtaf 14. 27; -igap 10. 31 ; ne forhtige eow 28. 5; gearwigaS 3. 3; 
 leorniaS 11. 29; leornap 24. 32; geleornigap 9. 13; lufigap 5. 44; 
 sceawigap 6. 28; gesonmigap 13. 30; -tep 13. 30; sorgigap 6. 34; 
 -aef 6. 31; war nap 16. 12; wynigap 10. 11. Cl. III., habbap 11. 29; 
 
 14. 27; ssecgap 21. 5 etc. (8); scgap 11. 3. 
 
 31. The uninflected infinitive. 
 
 The regular "WS. ending is -an (rarely -a, older texts 
 less commonly -on)] wk. vbs., Cl. II., -i(y)an , (cf. Siev., 
 363, 414; Cosijn, II., 69). The Ps. has -an (resp. -fan), 
 (cf. Zeuner, p. 97). In Kit. final n of the infin. suffers apocope 
 in all cases; the ending is -a, seldom -e, (resp. -za, -iga), 
 (cf. Lindelof, p. 82). 
 
 In K' -n is preserved 94 (96?) times, lost 25 times. 
 The endings are : (st. vbs. arid Cls. I. and III. wk.) -an 78 
 (80?), -en 5, -on 1, -un 1, -e 17, -ige 1, -a 3, -ee 1, contr. 
 vbs. -n 9, -n lost 3 ; (wk. vbs., Cl. II.) -igan 4, -ian 2 , -an 
 
 I, -ige 5, -iga 1, -a 1, -e 1. 
 
 These forms occur: a) Strong verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., arisan 16. 21; astigan 14. 22; set-witan 11. 20; sethrinan 14. 
 36 ; onwrigan (s. 23) 1 1. 27 ; hriopan 12. 1 ; geflitan 5. 40. Cl. III., drin- 
 can 20. 22 etc. (7); sincan 14. 30: sweltan 26. 35; delfan 24. 43; 
 geweorSan 20. 26; weorfran 24. 6; aweorpan 17. 19; to- 26. 61; 
 awearpe 7. 5 ; to-bregdan 12. 29. Cl. IV., cuman 22. 3 etc. (4) ; cume 
 
 II. 14; 14. 28; 16. 24; nioman 19. 12; ge- 5. 40; nioma 5. 42; beoran 
 7. 18 (2). Cl. V., cwepan 4. 17 etc. (4); etan 14. 16 etc. (3); ete 
 
 15. 20; ageofan 27. 58; sprecan 12. 34; spreocan 6. 7; geseon 12. 38; 
 13. 17; hwute geseon (1st imp.?) 27. 49; biddan 26. 53; ge- 14. 23; 
 gebidde 6. 5; forlicgan 5. 28; gesittan 14. 19; sitte 20. 23. Cl. VI., 
 slan 24. 49; ofslan 21. 38; ofslean 12. 14; 14. 5; ofsl&an 10. 28; 
 of slogan 10. 28; sla 10. 28; stonde 6. 5; swerige 26. 74; wexan 13.30; 
 faran 8. 28; fseran 2. 22; 16. 21. Red. vbs., on foon 20. 10; and 
 foa 11. 14; on/o 10. 14; letan 24. 43; for- 19. 3. 8; 23. 23; -en 
 1. 19; -e 15. 32 ; gangan 2. 22 etc. (3) ; (1st. imp. ?) 26. 46 ; ingangen 
 23. 13; gehaldan 27. 64; wepan 9. 15; heawan 14.2; gecnawan 16. 3. 
 
 b) weak verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., styrgan 23. 4; bebyrgen 8. 21. 22; doemc, 16.3; ge- 16. 3; 
 atece 6. 27; gefyllan 3. 15; feran 8. 18; for3/er* 14. 22 ; heran 10. 14; 
 
47 
 
 gehera 13. 17; gehcelen 17. 16; ge-heelun 27. 42; hcelon 12. 10; laeran 
 
 4. 17; gelaede 6. 13; leoran 26. 42; neiunan 23. 10; sende 27. 6; 
 ge- andwyrdan 22. 46; wendan 12. 44; sellan 20. 14 etc. (5); yewirce 
 
 5. 36; bycgan 25. 10; be- 18. 25; bycgce 20. 1 ; soece 18. 12; awaeccan 
 3. 9; 26. 40; eawan 16. 21; cegan 22. 3. Cl. II., geascigan 22. 46; 
 gelcl^nsiye 8. 2; -clcen~ 8. 3; folgian 8. 19; fretwan 25. 7; motdge 18. 
 
 23. 24; gesonmian 23. 37; stalle 6. 5; tinterga (= trega) 8. 29; 3eo- 
 wigan 6. 24; -ige 6. 24; prowigan 27. 31; ge- 16. 21; kustriga 26. 74. 
 Cl. III., secgan 28. 8; ftreiga 16. 22. 
 
 32. The inflected infin. The WS. ending is -anne, 
 older -enne (-ene), -onne, (rarely -an); Cl. II., wk., of course, 
 -ianne etc. (cf. Siev., 363; Cosijn, II, 70 and p. 178). 
 The Ps. has -enne (occasionally -ende) ; -i is sometimes wan- 
 ting in Cl. II., wk. (cf. Zeuner, p. 97 ff.; 53. 1). Kit. has 
 -anne, sometimes -enne, (cf. Lindelof, p. 82 ff.). 
 
 R' has the endings: -anne 18, -ane 5, -enne 11, -ene 6, 
 (contr. vbs.) -nne 5, -ne 1 ; (Cl. II. wk. is without -i- and so 
 is not distinguised from other classes). 
 
 The forms are: a) strong verbs: 
 
 Cl. III., swinganne 20. 19; beornane 13. 30. Cl. IV., cumene 
 
 24. 48; nioniane 15. 33; nimene 24. 18; genirnaime 24. 17; beranne 
 3. 11; breccane 5. 17; brecanne 5. 17. Cl. V., cwepane 9. 5; gecwe- 
 panne 9. 5; etaune 12. 4; 26. 17; seenne 11. 9; ge- 11. 8; geseonne 
 11. 8; gebiddenne 2. 2; -anne 20. 20. Cl. VI., ofslceanne 2. 13. Red. 
 vbs, to fone 26. 55; hoanne 20. 19 ; forletenne 9. 6; gangenne 14. 16; 
 -ene 19. 24; sawenne 13. 3; healdene 28. 20; be- 16. 12; sceadenne 
 10. 35. 
 
 b) weak verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., bebyrgenne 26. 12; 27. 7; cypenne 1. R. ; delanne 10. 35; 
 gefyllenne 5. 17; geheranne 12. 42; gehejanne 18. 11; Icedenne 5. 41 ; 
 lioranne 19. 24; sendaime 10. 34; sellanne 20. 23; -ane 22. 17; ce- 
 ganne 9. 13. Cl. II, bismerene 20. 19; ferganne 5. 41; to gitsanne 
 (vel forlicgan) 5. 28; sceawenne 28. 1. Cl. III., habbanne 14. 4. 
 
 33. The present participle. The regular ending in 
 OE. is -ende (older -cendi, seldom -indi), rarely -onde, (cf. 
 Siev., 363. 2); wk. vbs., Cl. II, have -i(g)ende (cf. Cosijn, 
 II., p. 181). The Ps. has -ende (-cende 1), -onde (only in 
 contr. vbs.) ; in Cl. II., wk. , -i- is sometimes wanting , (cf. 
 Zeuner, p. 98 and 53. 1). The normal ending in Rit. is 
 
48 
 
 -ende (-cende 3) ; -ande is etwas haufiger in verbs of 01. II. 
 wk., and in certain coutr. vbs. 
 
 R' has the endings: (st. vbs. and Cls. I. and III. wk.) 
 -ende 331, (- 1, -se 1, -ae 1, -a 1, -es 1, -u 3, -urn 6, -ra 4, 
 -re 1, -end 2), -ande 11, (-ne 1), -eende 4, (contr. vbs.) 
 -ende 6. (- 1), -onde 4, -aonde 1; (wk. vbs., 01. II.) -ende 
 18, (-es 1, -u 1, -um 1), -ande 3, -amde 1, -iende 1, -igende 
 1 ; (it is to be noted that -i-, -ig- appear in this class but 
 once each in a total of 27). 
 
 These forms occur, a) strong verbs : 
 
 Cl. I., arisende 2. 14 etc. (5); riscende (rapaces) 7. 15; -stigende 
 9. 1 etc. (5) ; -um 17. 9 ; -ne 3. 16 ; asiend^ (excolantes) 23. 24. Cl. II., upp- 
 teoude 13. 48; sukendra 21. 16. Cl. III., drincende 11. 18 etc. (3); 
 -ande 11. 19; 20. 22; grindende 24. 41; ingingende (incipiens) 20. 8 
 (error of scribe); eornende 28. 8; beornende 13. 42; swelyande 11. 19. 
 Cl. IV., cumende 8. 2 etc. (22) ; cyuiende 2. 8 etc. (3) ; -3 16. 28 ; 
 nednimende 23. 25; genim- 16. 22 etc. (6); -ande 25. 3. Cl. V., 
 cwepende 19. 3 etc. (56); cwe> 18. 1 etc. (3); cwseS- 18. .26 etc. (3); 
 cwsep- 28. 9 etc. (55); -endum 22. 31; etende 24. 38 etc. (4); -ra 
 14. 21; -u(rn) 26. 21; ongetende 14. 35; 22. 18; sprecende 9. 33 etc. 
 (3); geseonde 8. 18 etc. (3); geseende 5. 1 ; 8. 34; 9. 2. 4; 13. 13. 14; 
 gesesende 2. 10; biddende 9. 28 etc. (3); ge- 26. 39; -ae 6. 7; licende 
 9. 2; lice- 9. 36 ; licg- 8. 14 ; sittende 11. 16 etc. (9); -u 22. 11 ; -um 
 4. 16; -ra 22. 10. Cl. VI., standende 20. 3. 6; stond- 6. 5 etc. (3); 
 -ra 16. 28; fserende 25. 14; hebbende 17. 8; unsceppende 27. 24 etc. 
 (2). Red. vbs., forletende 13. 36 etc. (7); -re 11. 22; (forletennse alt. 
 to) -enda 11. 24; gongende 15. 21 etc. (15); ingang- 23. 13 etc. (4); 
 ut- 8.32 etc. (7); to- 15. 12. 23; gangande 22. 15; gangande 15. 31 etc. 
 (7); -ne 14. 26; fallende 4. 9; 2. 11; -fsell- 18. 26. 29; slepende 26. 
 43 etc. (3); haldende 27. 54; sawendes (sb.) 13. 18; wepende 2. 18. 
 
 b) weak verbs: 
 
 Cl. I., cnyssande 7. 8; fremmende 13. 41; ge- 18. 3; sett- 4. 18; 
 apen- 8. 3 etc. (4); beg- 17. 14; 27. 29; boet- 4. 21; dypp- 28. 19; 
 doem- 19. 28; heht- 5. 11; hoeht- 5. 12; eht- 10. 23; -uin 5. 44; 
 oihtende 5. 44; ondent- 3. 6; fylg- 19. 28 etc. (2); -un 8. 10 ; fyl- 
 gande 9.9; fdedendum 24. 19; fsestende 6. 18 etc. (3); glendr- 11. 19; 
 23. 24; hsel- 9. 35 etc. (3); (abrev.) 26. 49 etc. (3); (as sb. oft., see 
 stems in -nd)-, hem- 24. 38; hoel- 5. 44; hroer- 27. 39; hyngr- 
 25. 37. 44; ruxl- 9. 23; Iser- 15. 9 etc. (5); gelsef- 21. 22; forelior- 
 27. 39; gemoetend (lacks -e, clerical error) 13. 46; sendende 2. 8 etc. 
 (3); -u 26. 12; smikende 12. 20; swaenc- 2G. 10; woed- 7. 15; wid- 
 
40 
 
 (= wind-) 27. 29; wserf- 21. 18; sell- 21. 12 etc. (5); -urn 21. 12; 
 sellend (lacks -e, see above); bebycgendu(m) 25. 9; gebycgende 21. 
 12; soec- 21. 46 etc. (5); penc- 5. 25; 6. 27; wsec- 24. 43; wyrc- 
 7. 18 ; wircendum 6. 3 ; cegende 8. 29 etc. (6); genelecc- 4. 3. Cl. II., -t- is 
 found in wundriende 8. 10; -ig~ in clipigende 21. 15; but clipende 
 11. 16. The rest lack -'-, -ig-: bifgende 8. 14; bod- 3. 1; 4. 23; boen- 
 sendu 20. 20; costende 16. 1; -<znde 22. 35; frohtende 25. 25; gser- 
 wende 27. 28; hlengendes 26. 7; locande 14. 19; lokende 19.26; milts- 
 18. 27; 20 34; bismer- 27. 41; gesomn- 13. 29; somnendum 13. 47; 
 spittende 27. 30; seswic- 24. 10; ondswar- 3. 15; -ande 4. 4; 8. 8 ; 
 psegnende 27. 55; prow- 17. 12; wag- 12. 20. Cl. DL, bsebbende 
 18. 9 etc. (17); hseb- 4. 24; lifg- 26. 63 (2); -a (= -an) 16. 16; -ra 
 22. 32. 
 
 The Preterit 1 ). 
 
 34. The singular pret. ind. of strong verbs. 
 
 The 1st and 3d sg. have no ending in OE. The 2d 
 sg. ends regularly in -e in WS. , in Ps., and in Kit; but 
 certain redup. verbs in Rit. (stems in -d and -t) have est 
 like wk. vbs. (cf. Lindelof, 47. 1 ; also Siev., 364, n. 2). 
 
 R' is normal with exception of the ending -es twice in 
 a redup. vb. 
 
 a) 1st and 3d: 
 
 e. g., ras 27. 64; ic geceas 12. 18; he beer 8. 17 etc. (for full 
 list see Tense-formation of strong vbs.). 
 
 b) 2d per. (all forms) : 
 
 Cl. I., onwrige 11. 25; Cl. IV., cwome 8. 29; 26. 50; Cl. V., 
 cwsede 26. 25. 64; bede 18. 32; and the redup. verbs: sewe 25. 24; 
 geseowe 13. 27; forletes (dereliquisti) 27. 46 (2). 
 
 35. The plural pret. ind. of strong verbs. 
 
 The regular ending in WS. is -on, often -an, seldom 
 (the older) -un (cf. Cosijn, II, 76 ; Siev., 364. 2). The 
 Ps. has 235 -un , 16 -on, 1 -an (cf. Zeuner, 48. 1). Rit. 
 has regularly -on (1 -an), (cf. Lindelof, 47. 1). 
 
 R' has usually -un, but also -on, -an, seldom -en ; (-un 
 
 1) For the Preteritive Presents and verbs in -mi see 52, 53. 
 
 4 
 
50 
 
 121, -on 55, -an 39, -en 8, -aen 1). Four forms apparently 
 ind. (translating Lat. ind.) have umlaut, which belongs pro- 
 perly to the opt, but is rarely found (cf. Siev., 377). 
 Four preterits inflected weak occur. These are the forms 
 in R': 
 
 Cl. I., arisan 25. 7; -en 27. 52; astigan 14. 32; sethrinan 14. 36; 
 gegripan 21. 35; -on 21. 39; wreogan 25. 38. 43; wriogan 25. 36; 
 cnidun 21. 35; (set-, of-) witun 27. 44; 21. 37; (-an 7, -un 3, -on 1, 
 -en 1). Cl. II., gecuron 13. 48; wi3-curun 21. 42; flugon 8. 33; -en 
 
 26. 56. Cl. III., funden 26. 60; ongunnon 12. 1; in- 25. 7; -un 26. 
 22; sungan 11. 17; urnou 8. 28; wvrdon 14. 36; -un 14. 20; wurdon 
 8. 32 etc. (3); -un 15. 37; ge- 18. 31; 27. 54; wyrdun (with umlaut, 
 s. 44) 27. 45; -on 15. 24; also wyrfton (without gram, change) 10. 
 6; and wyrpon 7. 22; but wurpon 21. 39; brusteen 27. 51; frugnon 
 22. 23; -un 17. 10; but frugan 12. 10, (perhaps a relic of the older 
 conj., cf. Siev., 389, note); strcegdun (weak) 21. 8 (2). This vb. is 
 usually weak in WS. prose, (cf. Siev., ibid.); (-on 12, -un 9, -an 2, 
 -sen 1, -en 1). Cl. IV., beron 20. 12; cwomun 19. 3 etc. (3); cuom- 
 13. 5 etc. (5); com- 25. 11 ; cwomon 9. 10; cuom- 2. 2 etc. (3); quom- 
 2. 1; cwoman 4. 11 etc. (7); com- 21. 1 etc, (3); cnmen (uenerant) 
 20. 9; noman 26. 55; ge- 27. 27 etc. (12); -un 14. 12; 26. 50; -en 
 
 15. 37; 28. 9; (-an 23, -un 11, -on 6, -en 3). Cl. V., bedun 15. 23 
 etc. (5); ge- 2. 11 etc. (4); bedon 16. 1; cwsedun 27. 4 etc. (23); 
 cwed- 27. 6 etc. (16); cwsedon 2. 5 etc. (4); cwed- 19. 10; etun 15. 
 37 etc. (3); ton 12. 1 ; frsetun 13. 4; ongetun 21. 45 etc. (3); for- 
 
 16. 5; ongeotun 24. 39, (s. I., 44); ongeton 17. 13; sprecun 26. 47; 
 gefegon 2. 10, (s. I., 43, b) ; segon 15. 31 ; ge- 9. 8 etc. (6); gessegon 
 12. 2 etc. (4); segun 17. 8 etc. (3); ge- 14. 26 etc. (3); gessegun 20. 
 34; gesagun 25. 37. 38. 44; setun 23. 2; (-un 69, -on 20). Cl. VI., 
 ahofan 17. 8; slogun 26. 67 etc. (4); of- 22. 6; 23. 35; -an 21. 35. 
 39; stodun 26. 73; stopen 28. 9; wexon (infl. of redup. vbs.) 13. 7, in 
 the same verse Lindis. has woxon, Corpus MS. weoxon. (-un 7, -an 4, 
 -on 1, -en 1). Red. vbs., blewan 7. 25; bleowen 7. 27; dreordun 9. 8; 
 on- 17. 6; &- 21. 46; 19. 25; fellun 7. 25; feallan 15. 30; feollan 
 
 17. 6; -un 7. 27; ge- 13. 4; -on 13. 5; yefetun (ceciderunt) 13. 7. 8 
 must be miswritten; fengon 21. 35; 26. 50; on- 10. 8 etc. (7); ond- 
 17. 24; &- 20. 9; onfengun 6. 2. 5. 16 ; ahengon 27. 35; heoldun 
 
 27. 36; for- letun 23. 23; 4. 22; forleortun 19. 27, (cf. L, 50. b) ; 
 reordun 21. 42; h- 22. 31; weopun 11. 17; sleptun (following Cl. I. 
 wk., cf. Siev., 395, n. 2) 13. 25; 27. 52; slepade (Cl. II. wk., with 
 loss of -w) 25. 5; (-un 21, -on 13, -an 3, -en 1, -e 1). 
 
 36. The preterit opt. of strong verbs. 
 
61 
 
 The regular ending of the sg. in OE. is -e-, of the plur., 
 originally -en, later -on, -an, (cf. Siev. , 365). The few 
 forms in Rit. have -e (1 -i) in the sg. , and -e with loss of 
 n (1 -on?) in the pi. 
 
 R' has -e in the sg. , and usually preserves -n in the 
 pi. The endings are : -en 4, -an 4, -un 2, -e 4. Three forms 
 in the sg. have umlaut (s. 35). The following forms occur: 
 
 a) The sing.: 
 
 Cl. III., wyrfte (with umlaut and without gram, change) 24. 22; 
 gewyrde 26. 5; (swselte alt. to) swylte 22. 24. Cl. IV., here 27. 32; 
 cuome 14. 29; c(u)ome 5. 17; cwome 10. 34; 23. 39; the gloss in 
 11. 3, sepe cwome scalt (qui venturus es) is an anomaly; cwome, as 
 opt. sg., translates the Lat., yet scalt is added as if the infin. had 
 been used. Cl. V., bede 14. 7; ge- 19. 13; agsefe 18. 30; agefe 18. 
 
 25. 34 ; gessege 22. 11; 26. 58. Red. vbs. , onfenge 25. 27 ; forlete 
 19. 7; 27. 15. 
 
 b) The pi. : 
 
 Cl. II., flugan 3. 7. Cl. III., ut- awurpe 10. 1. Cl. IV., noman 
 
 26. 4; ge- 21. 46; genome 16. 5; cwomun (indirect dis.) 28. 13; for- 
 stselen 28. 13. The last two forms may be considered doubtful; the 
 Lat. has the ind. Cl. V., abeden 27. 20; cweden 13. 54; sprece 12. 
 46; gesetun 15. 35. Cl. VI., slogan 27. 20; of-slogen 26. 4. Red. 
 vb., (jefenge 22. 15. 
 
 37. The singular pret. ind. of weak verbs. 
 
 The usual ending of the 1st and 3d sg. is -e\ of the 
 2d sg. -es(t), (cf. Siev., 353, 364). The Ps. has one form 
 in -a, one in -as, otherwise regularly -e, -es (212), -est (6, 
 all but 1 in dydest), (cf. Zeuner, p. 99). Rit. has -e (1 -a), 
 and -est much oftener than -es, (cf. Lindelof, p. 84). 
 
 R' has the endings: (1st and 3d) -e 287, -ae 5, -ae 1; 
 (2d sg.) -est 6, -sest 1, -s 1. 
 
 a) 1st and 3d: 
 
 e. g., Cl. I., byrede 12. 4; gesette 13. 24 etc.; foerde 9. 27 etc.; 
 gehoerde 14. 1 etc.; but with -ce : geherdce 4. 12; afcelda 21. 12; 
 fcestcB 4. 2; getahtce 3. 7; worhtce 25. 16; but worhte 13. 58 etc. Cl_ 
 II., clsensade 11. 5; folgade 9. 19 etc.; licade 14. 6 etc.; with -ae . 
 biatadae 9. 30. Cl. III., ssegde 13. 31 etc.; htefde 18. 25 etc. For 
 more examples see Tense-formation of weak verbs, 4951. 
 
 4* 
 
52 
 
 b) 2d per. (all forms): 
 
 Cl. I., gefylldast 21. 16; gelefdest 8. 13; sendest 25. 27; stendqs 
 25. 24 (cf. the pret. pres. wistqa 25. 26); saldest 25. 20. 22. Cl. II., 
 getwiodestu 14. 31, (cf. Siev. , 414. n. 1); gepingdest (conuenisti) 
 20. 13 (with syncope of the middle vowel). 
 
 38. The plural preterit ind. of weak verbs. 
 
 The ending in WS. is the same as for the strong verbs: 
 usually -on, often -aw, seldom -un, (cf. 35 above). The 
 Ps. has in Cl. II., -un 54, -on 38 ; in all other wk. preterits 
 (incl. sindun), -un 223, -on 71, -an 3, -en 1. (cf. Zeuner, 
 p. 99). Kit. has -on (1 -en), (cf. Lindelof, p. 84). 
 
 In R' -un prevails: -n is wanting twice and, perhaps, 
 three times. The endings are: -un 152, -on 17, -an 4, -en 
 3, -e 3 (?). These forms occur: 
 
 Cl. I., Isegdun 15. 30; settun 27. 37; ge- 26. 15; 27. 29; (in 
 22. 34 the form should be gesette , opt. sg.); styredun 27. 39; on- 
 brseddon 21. 7; bebyrgedun 14. 12: cySdon 8. 33; cyddun 14. 12; 
 cwiddun 11. 17; gedseldun 27. 35; fylgedun 19. 2; fylgendun (mis- 
 written) 4. 25; fylgdun 9. 27; foerdon 25. 15; afyrdun 19. 12; foeddan 
 
 25. 37; geherdun 11. 4 etc. (12); -on 2. 9; ge-yrdon 19. 25; Iserdun 
 27. 20; Iseddon 26. 57; -un 27. 2. 31; gelefdun 21. 32 (2); -an 21. 
 25; gemettun 22. 10; gemoettun 2. 11; 27. 32; gemerdon 9. 31; 
 nemdun 10. 25; nseddun 27. 32; sendun 13. 48; 14. 35; -on 22. 16; 
 sneddun 21. 8; steordon 19. 13; stsendun 21. 35; fortyndon 13. 15; 
 ontynden 2. 11: &wyrdan 27. 25; wendon 20. 10; gewendun 2. 12; 
 saldun 13. 8 etc. (11); ymb- 27. 28; salden 25. 35; worhtun 20. 12; 
 .on 7. 22 ; gebohtun 27. 7 ; -urn (= un) 27. 9; pohtun 16. 7; 21. 25 ; 
 rohtun 22. 5 ; sohtun 2. 20 ; 26. 59 ; wehton 8. 25 ; brohtun 9. 32 
 etc. (7); to- 21. 7; nealehctun 21. 1; ungeredun (cf. Siev., 408. 1) 
 27. 31; seteawdun 27. 53; ateawde 13. 26; (-un 70, -urn 1, -on 12, 
 -an 3, -en 2, -e 1). Cl. II., ahsadun 12. 10; axsadun 22. 23; ascaden 
 17. 10; cleopadun 20. 31; 21. 9; 27. 23; cliop- 14. 26; 20. 30; droh- 
 tadun 17. 22; gedwaladun 18. 13; hefalsadun 27. 39; feormadun 25. 
 35. 43; ge- 25. 38; folgadun 12. 15 etc. (6); folge- 4. 20; 8. 1; 14. 
 13; frohtadun 27. 54; geoldun (for geealgodun) 27. 66; gearwadun 
 
 26. 19; gege- 27. 31; grornadun 20. 11; hatedun 13. 6; hleonudun 
 14. 9; hliona- 9. 10; gemerkade (signantes) 27. 66 (it may be mis- 
 written for -merkande , but cf. Lindis. gloss in which pres. part, and 
 pret. ind. pi. stand side by side); micladun 15. 31 ; neosadun 25. 36. 
 43; plagadun 11. 17; ge ne reordade (non legistis) 19. 4; -adun 21. 
 16; bismeradun 9. 24; 27. 29. 31; srnoradun 13. 7; somnadun 22. 10; 
 
53 
 
 ge- 13. 2 etc. (4); spittadun 26. 67; (ond-, and-, &) swaredun 26. 
 66; 14. 17; 25. 9; -adun 12. 38; swigadun 20. 31; tweodun 28. 17; 
 tSsegnadun 4. 11; pegne- 25. 44; gepingadun 20. 2; gepreatadun 19. 
 13; (ftreattan 20. 31 follows Cl. I.); prowadun 13. 57; wilnadun 13. 
 17; for-wisnadun 13. 6; witgadun 7. 22; 11. 13; wuldradun 9. 8; 
 -wunadun 15. 32; wundradun 7. 28 etc. (9); (-un 71, -an 1, -en 1, 
 -e 2?). Cl. III., hsefdon 21. 21; 14. 34; -un 14. 5 etc. (6); sefdon 
 8. 33; nsefdon 13. 5; ngfdun 13. 6; ssegdon 18. 31; -un 8. 33 etc. 
 (4); (-un 11, -on 5). 
 
 39. The pret opt. of weak verbs. 
 
 The ending is the same as for the strong verbs : sg., -e ; 
 pi., -en, later -on, -an (cf. 36). The Ps. has -e, -en, (cf. 
 Zeuner, p. 99). Kit. has -e (but borrows -est for the 2d sg.), 
 and wants the pi., (cf. Lindelof, p. 84). 
 
 In R' the sg. ends in -e', the pi. has 5 forms without -n 
 (cf, Siev., 365. n.), 5 with -n. The pi. endings are : -en 2, 
 -un 2 , -on 1 , -e 5. The examples are not numerous and 
 some may be doubtful, a) In the sg.: 
 
 Cl. L, onsette 19. 13; (the gloss he gesettun, impossuisset, 22.34 
 seems to be a mistake for the opt. sg.); foerde 20. 30; ferde 8. 34; 
 Igerde 11. 1; Horde 8. 34; 20. 30; salde 14. 7 ; 19. 7 ; 20.28; 26.59; 
 27. 31; eaude 16. 1. Cl. II., miltsade 18. 33; bodade 11. 1 ; Ssegnade 
 
 20. 28. 
 
 b) in the pi: 
 
 Cl. I., cerdun 2. 12 ; in cwsemdon vel acuste (accusarent) 12. 10 
 there is evidently a misunderstanding of the text; cwcemdon does not 
 translate the Lat. verb and the glosser, in uncertainty, has formed 
 a new vb., acuste, on the basis of the Latin; hcelde 10. 1; gelefde 
 
 21. 32; salden 27. 1; eawden 24. 1. Cl. II., nftrade 12. 7; wunade 
 11. 23; wundradun 13. 54 may be ind., but cf. cweden, same verse 
 and same constr. 
 
 The Past Participle. 
 
 . 40. The past part, of strong verbs. 
 
 The regular ending is -en, rarely -on (-an, -un). There 
 is also usually a prefix ge- (older gi-), when the verb is not 
 already compounded with a preposition or particle (cf. Siev., 
 366; Cosijn, II., 71). Inflected forms seldom show syn- 
 
54 
 
 cope, (cf. Siev., 296. n. 2; Eng. ed. , n. 1). The Ps. and 
 Rit. are normal, (cf. Zeuner, p. 58; Lindelof, 48). 
 
 R' has usually -en (3 forms lack w), seldom -aw, -cen, 
 -MW; (-en 122, 19 inflected forms inch; -an 7, -aense 1, -un 
 1, -e 3, inflected forms with syncope 7). Fifty forms, other- 
 wise uncompounded , have the prefix ge-, but 25 are without 
 ge-. The following occur: 
 
 01. 1., astigen 8. 1 ; gewitense 2. 13; gewriten 4. 6 ; awriten 4. 7 etc. (8) ; 
 -e27.37; gewrigene 6. 31 ; bewrigenes 10.26; vnwrigan 10.26. 01. II., 
 gecoren 20. 16; -enan 24. 24; -enu(m) 24. 31 ; -enum 24. 22; gecorcena 
 22. 14; agoten 9. 17 etc. (3); lore 5. 30; forloren 15. 24; belocen 
 25. 10. 01. III., druncennu(m) 24. 49; unbunde 16. 19; -en 18. 18; 
 gebunde 16. 19; -en 18. 18; -ene (ac. s. m.) 27. 2; enne 27. 15. 16; 
 geswunganne (ac. s. m.) 27. 26; urnen 8. 24; aswolten 9. 18; abolgenue 
 (pi.) 21. 15; 20. 24; geworden 9. 10 etc. (15); worpen 5. 13; 14.24; 
 a- 9. 25; 17. 21; -ne 8. 12; toworpen 24. 2; acorfen 3. 10; 7. 19. 
 01. IV., genumen 24. 40 etc. (3); genoman 27. 59; gebroken 21. 44. 
 01. V., cwseden 5. 21 etc. (7); ge- 5. 31; 8. 17; a- 4. 14; 22. 31; 
 -e 26. 30; cweden 2. 17 etc. (3); ge- 21. 4; 13. 35; a- 2. 23 etc. (4); 
 -an 12. 17; agefen 12. 13; agefna (ac. s. f.) 18. 25; ongeten 12. 33; 
 meten 7. 2; 18. 23; gesprecan 12. 36; tredan 5. 13; forlegene 12. 39; 
 16. 4. 01. VI., ofer-fseren 14. 34; ahsefen 11. 23; a- 23. 12; ofslaegen 
 16. 21; -slsegene 22. 4; un'Swegenu(m) 15. 20. Red. vbs., afongen 
 4. 12; gefongna (n. pi. m.) 4. 24; hongen 28. 5; a- 18. 6; 26. 2; 
 -enne 27. 38. 44; -agongen 15. 22; gegangan 10. 12; forleten 27. 21 
 etc. (9); f(or)- 12. 32; forletne 5. 32; 9. 2; -ae 9. 5; haten 9. 9 etc. 
 (4); gehalden 9. 17; salten 5. 13; sawen (sown) 13. 19 (2); gesauwen 
 13. 20. 22. 23; aswopen 12. 44 (cf. Siev., 397); eknum 24. 19. 
 
 Note. Instead of the past/ pt. of agon, forms of an adj , WS. 
 gesiene, occur: gesene 6. 18; geseanse 6. 1; gessense 6. 5; 23. 5; ge- 
 seanse 6. 16. The form ge- ssegun 27. 55, gloss to videntes, is like the 
 pret. pi. (cf. 35), but the sense requires the pastj pt. 
 
 41. The past part, of weak verbs. 
 
 The regular ending of 01. I. is -ed , -d , (after certain 
 final cons.) -*, (cf. Siev., 402, 406, 407); of 01. II., (in 
 order of frequency) -od, -ad, -ud, (before back vowels of 
 inflectional endings usually -ed), (cf. Siev., 413 ; Cosijn II., 
 p. 190) ; of 01. III., originally -d , later modified by analogy, 
 (cf. Siev., 416). The prefix ge- occurs usually, as in st. 
 vbs., (cf. 40). The Ps. is normal in general; but 01. II. 
 has -ad (8 -ed in inflected forms), and 2 forms with syncope, 
 
55 
 
 (cf. Zeuner, 53. 2). Rit shows no special peculiarity; -ad 
 (2 -aft) is the ending in Cl. II., seldom (chiefly uninflected 
 forms) -ed, rarely -od. The prefix gi- is sometimes wanting, 
 (cf. Lindelof, pp. 85, 98). 
 
 R' has the endings: 01. L, -ed 102, -id 2, -ede 5, -d 20, 
 -de 28 (-u 1, un 1), -ad 4, -ep 2, -eep 1, -t 13, -tee 2, -te 1 ; 
 01. II., -ad 26 (-ard 2), -ade 7, -adne 1, -adum 1, -sed 1, 
 -ed 8, -ede 1 ; CL III., -d 1. The prefix ge- occurs in verbs 
 otherwise uncompounded: 01. L, (64); 01. II., (33). ge- is 
 wanting: 01. L, (59); 01. II., (11); 01. IE., (1). 
 
 These forms are found: 
 
 Cl. I., alegd (with syncope as in WS.) 1. 18; aseted 3. 10; 5. 14; 
 28. 6; geseted 8. 9, (as in Bit., cf. Lindelof, p. 96. a); but gesett 5. 1, 
 (as regularly in WS., cf. Cosijn, II., 117); styred 11. 8; 27. 51; 
 gewemmed 5. 28; forberned 13. 40; gebyrde (onerati) 11. 28; abcelgede 
 26. 8 preserves the middle vowel, also ge-cerrede 13. 15; akenned 
 
 1. 16 etc. (8); akende 19. 12; frum-kendu (sb.) 1. 25; depid 3. 13; 
 -ed 3. 14; ge- 3. 16; gedseled 12. 25. 26; gede>d 12. 25; doemed 
 7. 1; doemde 7. 2; gedroefed 2. 3; gedryfed 14. 26; gedrsefde 24. 6; 
 adwsesced 25. 8; geeced 6. 33; gefylled 1. 22 etc. (14); -ad 27. 9; 
 fylde 15. 37; befest (with syn.) 1. 18; afirred (auferetur) 9. 15; 13. 
 12; 21. 43; afyrred 25. 29; afirde (exterriti) 28. 4 seems due to a 
 misunderstanding of the Latin; afyrde (eunuchi) 19. 12 (3); afroefred 
 
 2. 18; -ede 5. 4 (as in WS., cf. Siev., 406); gehered 6. 7; gehered 
 2. 18; gehoered 28. 14; geherde 15. 12; gehseled 8. 8 etc. (3); ge- 
 hled 8. 13; ahyded 5. 14; ahyded 13. 35; ge- 13. 44; hsemde 22. 30; 
 gehroered 24. 29; inhroered 21. 10. 30; genage]> (for -ed) 23. 12; 
 hyngrede (as in WS.) 12. 1; gehwerfap 7. 6; -ad 16. 23; mis-werfde 
 17. 17; gelsered 13. 52; but for-lard (with syn.) 27. 63; gelserde (pi.) 
 28. 15; laded 4. 1; ladde (ductus) 27. 3 is evidently a mistake; ge- 
 Isedde (pi.) 10. 18; 24. 24; alefed 12. 2; 14. 4; alefed 12. 12; Isefed 
 24. 2; ge- 12. 4; a- 20. 15; 22. 17; gemo&ed 1. 18; gernsered 28. 15; 
 gemsenged 27. 34; nemned 4. 18 etc. (5); ge- 21. 13; nemde 23. 7.8; 
 ge- 5. 9; nsemned 27. 8; ge- 27. 33; nemnad 26. 14; nemnep 5. 19; 
 rsesed 8. 32; gerimde 10. 30; ge-onretta (for -orrette, 6rette) 22. 6; 
 sended 18. 8 etc. (6); ge- 18. 9; a- 15. 24 etc. (3); sende 23. 37; 
 asendun (= urn) 13. 47; gesaelde (alligatam) 21. 2; scynde 24. 22; 
 scynde 24. 22; besenked 18. 6; to-stsenced 26. 31; astrfed 15. 13; 
 ontyned 7. 7 etc. (4); ontynde 3. 16; 27. 52; wseled 15. 22; -id 8.6; 
 gewselde 9. 36; awseged 2. 16; wepned 19. 4; awSested 12. 25; ge- 
 wroeged 27. 12; se wcergad 13. 19,' awargede (without syn.) 25. 41; 
 
56 
 
 beboht 26. 9; bohte 10. 29; ge-bohte (gen. sg. wk., with loss of n) 
 27. 9; broht 14. 11; 18. 24; ge- 12. 22; gereht 1. 23; said 7. 7 etc. 
 (17); ge- 28 18; bepseht 6. 29; worht 11. 21. 23 (2); 14. 2; ge- 11. 
 21; gecseged (cf. Siev., 408. 3) 20. 16; gecsegde 22. 14. 
 
 Note. 1. It may be seen from the above examples that the middle 
 vowel is usually (only 2 exceptions) preserved in R' after stems in 
 -d, -t, when uninflected, (as in North, and Kt., cf. Siev., 402), but 
 is syncopated in inflected forms. Three inflected forms (stems in -lg t 
 -rg, -rr) preserve -e- t Stems in vocalic r preserve the vowel as 
 in WS. 
 
 Cl. II., gebloetsad 21.9; 23.39; gebletsade 25. 34; gebeormad 13. 
 33; bodad 24. 14; 26. 13; geclensad 8. 3; costad 4. 1 ; adrugade 12. 10; 
 geendad 7. 28 ; gefatted 13. 15; gefre.twad 12. 44 ; fullwihted 3. 14; ge- 
 iarwad 22. 4; -larwad 25. 34; larward (= ad) 20. 23; ge- 25.41; ge- 
 gearwad 11. 8; gegearwade 11. 8; ungegeradne 22. 11; ahsefgad 26. 
 43; gehalgad 6. 9; ofer- heowad 17. 2; ge-inc-fullad 11. 6; gelaSadum 
 22. 3. 4; gemyngad 2. 22; ncegled 27. 23. 26; genaeglad 27. 22; ge- 
 nihtsumaS 5. 12; niSrad 12. 37; 27. 3; gesomnad 13. 40; -e 26. 3 
 etc. (5); -ede 25. 32; gestapulad 7. 25; gesoff tested 12. 37; -fe.st- 11. 
 19} Saegnad 20. 28; prowad 27. 44; ge-unrotsad 17. 23; -ed 14. 9; 
 -ade 18. 31; 26. 22; bewedded 1. 18; weorpade 6. 2; ewisade 12. 16. 
 Cl. in., ssegd 26. 13. 
 
 Note. 2. The participles (strong and weak) might, perhaps, have 
 been better placed under Tense-formation of the several classes (cf. 
 Lindelof, 49), but have been collected here for convenience of 
 reference. 
 
 Tense- formation. 
 A. Strong Verbs. 
 1. Ablaut Verbs. 
 
 42. Class I. of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 382). There 
 are 16 simple verbs of this class in R'. 
 
 a) The vowel of the present is i\ 
 
 e. g. f ariseS 12. 42; astigest 11. 23 etc., (s. I., 51. a; II., 
 2533); but hriopan (for ripan) 12. 1 has a short vowel and it-, o- 
 umlaut as in the North, (cf. Siev. , 382 , n. 3). Of contract verbs 
 only these occur: asiendq (preserving , cf. Siev., 166. 4) 23. 24; 
 -wreop (ind. pi.) 16. 17; and the infin. -wrigan 11. 27, with g from 
 the 3d and 4th stems, and with *, as in North, (cf. Siev., 
 383 n. 2). 
 
57 
 
 b) The vowel of the 1st and 3d pret ind. is a: 
 
 gegrap 14. 31; hran 20. 34; set- 8. 3. 15; set-bran 9. 20. 29; 
 17. 7; oferlap 9. 1; ras 27. 64; geras 25. 27; a- 9. 7 etc. (8); a- 8. 
 15; scan 17. 2; slat 26. 65; stag 8. 23; a- 7. 27 etc. (3); astag 7. 
 25; 15. 39; a- 3. 16; astahg 5. 1; gewat 2. 14 etc. (7), (cf. I., 
 57. a). 
 
 c) The vowel of the 2d sg. and of the pi. pret. ind. 
 (R' wants the pret. opt) is i: 
 
 e. g., onwrige 11. 25; cnidun 21. 35; etc., (cf. 34, 35). M-, 
 o- umlaut of the stem (cf. Siev., 376) occurs in: wreogan 25. 38. 
 43; wriogan 25. 36. 
 
 d) The vowel of the past part, is i: 
 
 e. g., awriten 4. 7 etc. (cf. I., 27. a; II, 40). 
 
 43. Class II. of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 3845). 
 Thirteen verbs of this class occur in R'. 
 
 a) The vowel of the present is eo (2 forms have 2), in 
 certain verbs u\ 
 
 e. g., bebeodep 4. 6; geotap 9. 17 etc. (cf. I., 62. a; II., 
 2533); eu occurs before w in reuwe 18. 10; (but hreowep 15. 32). 
 H occurs in: gelucap 23. 13; alucse (opt. pi.) 13. 29; sukendra 21. 16. 
 These forms of the contr. vbs. tdon, flfon, are found: -teonde 13. 48; 
 ateoh 18. 9; fleap (ind. pi.) 23. 33; fleop 24. 16; (imp.) 10. 23; fleoh 
 2. 13. The 3d sg. (2d is wanting) does not have umlaut (B. 25, 
 and cf. Cosijn, II., 81). An 2 appears in ligende 5. 11 ; smikende 
 12. 20, ^without apparent cause for umlaut* (cf. Siev., 165. note ; 
 384. note 1. a), but probably due to the following palatal, (s. I., 
 63, and cf. Lindelof, p. 87). 
 
 b) The 1st and 3d sg. pret. ind. has ea: 
 
 bebead 8. 4 etc. (11); for- 9. 30; geceas 12. 18; ageat 26. 7. 
 
 c) The plural pret. ind. (2d sg. is wanting in R') , and 
 the pret. opt. have the vowel u: 
 
 e g-> gecuron 13. 48 etc., (s. 34); flugan 3. 7 is the only opt. 
 form. Grammatical change (s r; h g) appears regularly as in 
 examples cited. 
 
 d) The past part has the vowel o: 
 
 e. g., belocen 25. 10, (s. 40). Gram, change (s r) appears in: 
 gecoren 20. 16 etc.; forloren 15. 24 etc. 
 
 44. Class III of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 3869). 
 There are 31 verbs of this class in R'. 
 
58 
 
 a) The original vowel of the present is e, changed to 
 i, eo , in WS. before certain consonants. There are three 
 main cases. 
 
 a) Verbs in nasal + cons, have *, as in WS. : 
 
 e. g., gelimpep 18. 13; drincap 6. 31 etc., (s. 2533). Here 
 belong the verbs run and burn which , after experiencing meta- 
 thesis, have followed verbs in r + cons, in modifying e to eo , (cf. 
 Siev., 386. note 2). These forms occur: eornende 28. 8; beornane 
 13. 30; beornende 13. 42; beornaS 5. 15. Kit. has iorna (cf. Linde- 
 lof, p. 88). 
 
 0) Verbs in 1 + cons - ^ ave tne vowel e: 
 e. g., helped 16. 26; delfan 24. 43; etc., (s. 25-33); CB for 6 
 occurs once (cf. I. 15), swaltep 15. 4; but sweltan 26. 35. 
 
 y) Verbs in r + cons - ( y bs. in h + cons, are wanting) 
 usually have the vowel eo as in WS., but sometimes ea, e 
 (CB etc.). eo occurs in : 
 
 e. g., weorpan 24. 6 ; weorp 18. 8; aceorf 5. 30 etc., (34 forms 
 with eo), (s. I., 19. b; II., 2533). ea in: wearp (imp.) 21.21; 
 awearpa (opt. s.) 8. 31; awearpe (inf.) 7. 5; gewearpap 7. 6 ; wearpe 
 (opt s.) 5. 30. e (without apparent reason) in: awerp 5. 29; toerpe 
 (opt. s.) 24. 20; but beryap (cauete) 16. 11 has e on account of the 
 following palatal. Other variations are : gew&rpe (opt., pi.) 4. 3 ; 
 awoerpep 12. 24; i-umlaut appears in utwyrpe (eicio) 12. 27. 28 ; 
 also in awyrpep (ind. pi.) 12. 27, probably inflected weak. The 2d 
 and 3d sg. pres. ind. are regularly without umlaut, e. g. werpeS 9. 
 16 (cf. Siev. 871. n.), but gewyrfep (demolitur) 6. 19. 20, gewyrS 13. 
 32. Hit. has o (a) after win the above verbs, (cf. Lindelof, p. 88). 
 
 d) Other verbs of this class are irregular in the present, 
 (cf. Siev., 389). R' has: 
 
 toberstep (ind. pi.) 9. 17, where r + cons, is due to metath.j 
 to-bregdan 12. 29; -br^gdef 12. 29; fragnast (WS. frignan) 19. 17; 
 -spume (opt. s.) 4. 6; -spurnap 24. 10. 
 
 b) The vowel of the 1st and 3d. sg. pret. ind. , origi- 
 nally a, is also modified in WS. by following consonants. 
 
 a) Verbs in nasal + cons, have a, o, (cf. L, 4): 
 gelamp 11. 1 etc. (3); blan 14. 32; gebond 14. 3; ongan 16. 22; 
 
 26. 37; in-gann 4. 17; ongon 26. 74; in- 11. 7; 14. 30; -gonn 11. 20 
 
 etc. (3) ; bewand 27. 59. 
 
59 
 
 Here belongs am (with metath.) 27. 48. (WS. orn, cf. Cosijn, 
 II, 85. 2). 
 
 /J) Yerbs in 1 + cons, have ea in WS. (cf. Siev., 387). 
 R' has a (3), a (2) : 
 
 S ald 17. 24; aswalt 22. 25. 27; (be-, go-) daelf 25. 18; 21. 33, 
 anal, with bar, sat etc., (cf. I., p. 22). 
 
 y) Yerbs in r -f- cons, have ea in WS. (cf. Siev., 
 
 388). 
 
 R' has a (7), ea (6) : 
 
 war-S 9. 22; ge- 7. 28 etc. (6); wearS 22. 2; for- 18. 11 ; wearp 
 21. 12; 27. 5; ut- 9. 33; a- 8. 16. 
 
 d) Other variations of this class have chiefly ce, (cf. Siev., 
 389). R' has & (1 e): 
 
 gebraegd 26. 51; frsegn 16. 13; 27. 11; ge- 22. 41; strayde (1. 
 8g.) 25. 26 is inflected weak as in WS., (cf. Siev., ibid, note); toberst 
 27. 51 has e for , (cf. !.,!. c). 
 
 c) The vowel of the pret. ind. pi. (2d sg. is wanting) 
 and of the pret. opt. is regularly u, as in WS. , but R' has 
 several forms with umlaut, (20 w, 7 y) ; u in : 
 
 e. g., funden 26. 60; sungan 11. 17; urnon 8. 28; wurdon 19. 
 12 etc. (s. 35. 36). y occurs (only after w) in the opt. (proper 
 but rare, cf. Siev., 377): wyrfte 24. 22; gewyrde 26. 5; (swselte 
 alt. to) swylte 22. 24; the following forms may, perhaps, be opt., 
 though I have considered them ind., in which case y must be due 
 to analogy: wyrdun 27. 45; -on 15. 24; wyrSon 10. 6; wyrpon 7.22. 
 Gram, change (<5-d) is disturbed by infl. of the present in 2 cases 
 out of 13. strceydun 21. 8 (2) is weak as in the sg. brustcen 27. 51 
 is without metath., (cf. the sg.). g is preserved in frugnon, 22. 23; 
 -un 17. 10; but frugan 12. 10 wauts n, (s. 35). 
 
 d) The vowel of the past part, is u before n + cons., o 
 in all other cases : 
 
 e. g., gebunden 18. 18 etc.; (of course urnen 8. 24); aswolten 
 9. 18; acorfen 3. 10 etc. (s. 40). The part, of Jrignan is wanting. 
 Gram, change (5 d) is always observed in geworden 9. 10 etc. (15). 
 
 45. Class IY of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 390). 
 R' has 5 verbs of this class. 
 
 a) The vowel of the present is e\ 
 
 e. g., bere (opt. sg.) 16. 24; brecanne 5. 17; forstelap 6. 19 etc. 
 One form has <z\ forstalan (opt. pi.) 27. 64, (cf. I., 15. b). 
 
60 
 
 The irreg. verbs, cuman, niman, have w, i as in WS.: 
 e. g., cume (incl. 1. s.) 8. 7; genim 2. 20 etc. (for all forms see 
 25 33). Only cuman has i-umlaut in the 2d and 3dsg. ind. : 
 cyraest 3. 14; but also cumest 5. 24; the 3d sg., however, has y in 
 all cases (18), and y has even passed over into the pi.: cymep 23. 
 36; -3 7. 14, (but 5 forms with w); into the opt. (cf. Zeuner, p. 105; 
 Lindelof, p. 89): cyme 8. 9; 10. 13; (but 4 with M); into the imp.: 
 cym 9. 18; 19. 21; -ep 21. 38; 25. 34, (but 5 with u); and into the 
 pres. part.: cymende 2. 8 etc. (3); -e. 16. 28, (but 22 with u). u-, 
 o-, umlaut (cf. Siev., 370; LindelSf, p. 89) occurs in: beoran 7. 18 
 (2); niomap (ind. pi.) 26. 52, but nimap 19. 11); nioman (inf.) 5. 40; 
 19. 12; nioma 5. 42; and even the inflected inf., niomane 15. 33, 
 (but 2 have ). 
 
 b) The 1st and 3d sg. pret. ind have ce (3): 
 
 baer 8. 17; ge- 1. 25; br 14. 11; braec 15. 36; 26. 26; bre.c 
 14. 19. cuman and niman have o, probably = o, (cf. Siev., 390, 
 note 2), though in no case geminated or provided with an accent; 
 for a, common before nasals in this text, never appears in these 
 forms: cwoni 4. 13 etc. (23); cwo(m) 21. 23; 26. 36; quoin 28. 9; 
 cuom 5. 17 etc. (20); fore- 17. 25; cuo(m) 2. 21; 15. 29; com 17. 12; 
 24. 39; 25. 10; genom 27. 24 etc. (15). 
 
 c) The 2d sg. and the pi. pret. ind. together with the 
 pret. opt. have # (6 in cuman, niman) in WS. R' has e, <e, 
 (cf. I. 43. b), and 6 in the irreg. vbs.: 
 
 beron (ind.) 20. 12, (Bit. has ^, cf. LindelSf, p. 89); forstaelen 
 (opt.) 28. 13; cwome (2d sg.) 8. 29; 26.50; cwomun 19. 3 etc.; noman 
 26. 55 etc. (s. 35, 36 for all forms). 
 
 d) The past part, has o (w, one o, in niman; the part, 
 of cuman is wanting): 
 
 gebroken 21. 44; genumen 24. 40. 41 (2); but genoman 27. 59, 
 perhaps due to the influence of the pret. (cf. I., 38). 
 
 46. Class Y. of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 391). 
 R' has 13 verbs of this class. 
 
 a) The vowel of the present is regularly e in WS., but 
 those verbs that form the pres. with jo have t. R' has e, 
 but very often ce, characteristic of this text, (s. L, . 15). 
 For all examples see 25 33. Forms with CB (ej are: 
 
 cwaepe (ind. 1. s.) 5. 39. 44; (opt. s.) 5. 22; 21. 3; cwsepaS 
 (ind. pi*) 11. 18. 19; 23. 16. 30; -p 21. 25; (imp. pi.) 26. 18; cwzepan 
 
61 
 
 (opt. pi.) 5. 11; cwsepende 2. 5 etc. (58); -cnd(m) 22. 31; cwpende 
 10. 7 etc. (3); cwaep (imp. s.) 20. 21 ; ge- 4. 3; here belong certainly: 
 cwaep (pres. ind. 3. s., as fut.) 25. 34. 40. 41; 21. 25; 24. 48; cwaep 
 
 5. 22; probably also (though there may be change of tense to the 
 pret. in some cases, the form being just the same, s. b, below) the 
 following: cwsep (ait) 4. 7 etc. (66); (dicit) 8. 20 etc. (17); (dicens) 
 25. 22 etc. (3); (dicente) 17. 26; cwej)(ait) 11. 4 etc. (3); (dicit) 12. 
 44; agsefep (ind. 3. s.) 16. 27; This <z for e is confined, with a single 
 exception, to the vb. cweftan, and is probably due to the preceding 
 w. Rit. has oe (1 &) in the same vb. (cf. Lindelof, p. 90). 
 
 Note 1. i- umlaut and syncope of the 2d and 3d pres. ind. 
 appear in cwiSst 27. 11; but cwepest 12. 23; -u 7. 4; cwit5 15. 5; but 
 cwepap 12. 32 (2), and with syncope, cwep(ait) 8. 32 etc. (14); (dicit) 
 7. 21; 8. 26; -6 (inquid, pres. or pret.?); see also cwcef above; other 
 regular verbs have e; etep, ongetep etc. (s. 25). The contract verb 
 B&on usually has the modified vowel z, and preserves A, as in WS. 
 and Kt., (cf. Siev., 374); gesihst 7. 5; -u 7. 3; but gese$s 7. 3; 
 sis 7. 3; gesihp 5. 28; 3 6. 6; gestt 6. 4; but geseof (infl. of pi.) 
 
 6. 18; cf. also gefeap (gandebit) 18. 13, (Lindis. has the same form). 
 
 Note 2. Verbs in jo , for uniformity, often introduce the gemi- 
 nated cons, into the 2d and 3d sg.: gebiddes 4. 9; biddeth 7. 10; 
 but with syn., bit 7. 8; sittep 19. 28. 29, (but 3 forms with t); bidde 
 (imp.) 6. 6; (but lige, site, s. 29). 
 
 Note 3. -, o- umlaut is quite common (cf, Siev, 370): 
 cweopap (ind. pi.) 16. 13; - 16. 2. 15; ge- 17. 20; cweopan (opt. 
 pi.) 23. 39; ageofu (ind. 1. s.) 18. 29; ageofaS (ind. pi.) 21. 41; -p 
 
 12. 36; (imp. pi.) 22. 21; ageofan (inf.) 27. 58; ongeotaS (ind. pi.) 
 
 13. 13; even before a palatal in spreocan (inf.) 6. 7; and contrary 
 to usage in North., (cf. Siev., 371. note), spreocaf (ind. 3. sg.) 12. 
 34. The verbs give and get show no palatal infl. in the pres. 
 (cf. I., 16. a). 
 
 b) The 1st and 3d pret. ind. have a in WS. R' has 
 a (<?); often e, (cf. L, 1. c): 
 
 cwsep (dixit) 2. 8 etc. (73); (dicebat 9. 21. 24; (dixerit, perf. 
 subj.) 16. 12; (dixerat) 26. 75; -3 (dixit) 20. 7; cwe.p (dixit) 13. 57; 
 17. 26; cwep (dixit) 9. 22; 11. 25; 12. 25; 15. 16. 27; - 12. 3, (s. 
 also cwsep, cwep under a, above); Rit. has usually oe in this vb. , as 
 in the pres., (cf. Lindelof, p. 90. 2) 
 
 Other preterits in R' are: et (cf. Siev., 391. n. 3) 12. 4; spree 
 13. 3 etc. (6); spre,c 12. 46; sprsec 9. 18 etc. (3); ge- 17. 5; sseh (s. 
 I., 7. a) 21. 19; ge- 3. 7 etc. (11); gesseg 3. 16; gessegh 4. 21; 
 geseah 9. 36 etc. (6); bsed 27. 58; ge- 9. 18; togeb^dd 8. 2; gebgd 
 
62 
 
 26. 42; bed 18. 29; ge- 15. 25; 26 44; bedd 18. 26; sset 24. 3; ge- 
 13. 1 ; 26. 58; ssett 4. 16; 26. 55. 69; sett 15. 29 ; 27. 19; ge- 13. 2: 
 28. 2, (gemination due to infl. of pres.). 
 
 c) The vowel of the remainder of the pret. ind. and of 
 the opt. is & in WS. K' has e and & in about the ratio of 
 6': 4, (s. L, 43, b; II, 34,^35, 36): 
 
 cwsede 26. 25; cwedun 9. 34 etc'. ; bedon 16. 1 <etc. 
 
 Note. The only case of palatal influence appears in ongeotun 
 24. 3J, (but 6 forms with ^). seon has g instead of w : e. g., segon 
 15. 31 etc., (cf., Siev., 39' \, note 5; Lindelof, p. 91); the vowel is 
 usually e and & in this vb., as in -other verbs, but a 3 times: gesa- 
 gun 25. 37. 38. 44. 
 
 d) The past part, has e in WS. R' has e, but often ce 
 in cwseden 5. 21 etc. (12), (s. 40). 
 
 Gram, change (8 d) is observed without exception in the pret. 
 and past part, of cweftan. 13 participles, not already cornpouded, 
 want the prefix ge-, 14 have ge-. 
 
 47. Class VI. of ablaut verbs, (cf. Siev., 392). 
 R' has eleven verbs of this class. 
 
 a) The vowel of the present is a, modified in certain 
 verbs by surrounding consonants or by following /. For all 
 forms s. 2533. 
 
 Note 1. R' prefers a (<?) in faeran (inf.) 2. 22; 16. 21; but 
 faran 8. 28. Analogy has not carried a into the remaining forms : 
 fserende (s. T., 2. aj 25. 14 ; fser (imp) 2. 20, (cf. Siev., 49. note 
 2); butx fqrep (imp. pi., following the sg.) 11. 3. 
 
 Note 2. Palatal umlaut affects the vowel in wexan 13. 30 etc. 
 (s. I., p f 25) ; but onsaecest 26. 34 ; onsaekep 10. 33 may have - um- 
 laut (cf. I., p. 28); other forms of this vb. are; onsaece (ind. 1. s.) 
 10. 33; &sace 26. 35; -saece, (opt.) 16. 24, (cf. I., 2. b); in ascakep 
 (impl. pi.) 10. 14 the vowel is unchanged but accented. 
 
 Note 3. The imp. of verbs which form their pres. with Jo lacks 
 e, as in North., (cf. Siev., 372, note): hef 21. 21; swer 5. 33 (cf. 
 46. a). Otherwise these vbs. conform to WS. usage). 
 
 Note 4. The contr. vb. sldn has umlaut (s. I. , p. 24 and 
 Nachtrage) and twice preserves h (g) in the 2d and 3d sg. ind.: 
 stegst 23. 37; slsehp 10. 28 ; but tlap 5. 21 ; h is even extended to 
 the pi.; and the vowel is like that of the sg. : slcehj) (Occident) 24. 
 9; ofslagp 17. 23; but ofslsep 23. 34 (cf. Siev., 374. note). 
 
63 
 
 The other contr. vb. in R' (pwah etc.) wants the 2d and 3d sg. 
 
 b) The vowel of the pret. is 6 throughout: 
 
 ' The 1st and 3d eg.: slog 26. 51. 68; of- 2. 16; 14. 10; &soc 
 26. 72; ons6c 2G. 70; stod 13. 2 ; ge- 2. 9; st6d 27. 11 ; ge- 20. 32; 
 Swog 27. 24 ; weox 13. 26 follows the redup. vbs. (cf. Siev., 392, 
 note 3); the pi. is wexon 13. 7. For all forms of the pi. ind., and 
 of the opt. sg. and pi. s. 35. 36. Gram, change (h g) is disturbed 
 in slog, Swog by the infl. of the pi. , and g has made its way even 
 into the pres., see above, and cf. slag (imp.) 5. 21. 
 
 c) The past part, has a, sometimes <e in WS. R' has 
 5 (B (ae), 1 e (before g): 
 
 e. g., -feren 14. 34 etc., (s. & 40). 
 
 2. Reduplicating Verbs. 
 
 48. Reduplicating verbs, (cf. Siev., 3937). 
 There are 21 verbs of this class in R'. 
 
 a) The s whole present and the past part. "have the same 
 vowel in these verbs. The only exceptions in R' are the 
 contr. vbs. fon, Mn , and the past. pt. aswopen 12. 44, the 
 only form (in text) of aswapan, (cf. Siev., 397:). 
 
 Note 1. i- umlaut of the 2d and 3d sg. pres. ind. occurs 
 only in: onfoet5 10. 40 etc. (10 forms); and with h preserved, onfoehft 
 13. 20; but onfoop (accipiet) 19. 29 ; crd (cantet) 20. 75; crsed 26. 34.;, 
 For all forms of the pres. s. 2533; of the past part. s. 40 f - 
 
 Note 2. The passive form hatte occurs in 2. 23; 13. 55; 26, 36; 
 27. 33 (all. pres.). 
 
 b) The pret. has either e, e or eo, eo throughput in WS. 
 (cf. Siev. , 395). R' has occasionally e (usually before w) 
 interchanging with eo in the same verb. In the sg. .'(1st" 
 and 3d), the forms are: 
 
 creow 26. 74; dreord 14. 5; feng 1. 24; on- 8. 17 etc. (6); ond- ' 
 25; 16; heht 14. 2 etc. (7); ge- 14. 7; geheold 19. 20; heow 2& 51; 
 ge-heu 27. 60; let 19. 8; for- 14. 15 etc. (11); seow 25. 26 etc. (5) ; 
 speou 27. 24; slepte 8. 24 is weak as in WS., ,(cf. Cosijn, II, -p. 145 jr; 
 Siev., 395, n. 2; Lindelof, p. 93); the pi. is slpptun (2), but akp , 
 slepade 25. 5. For all forms of the pi. and of the opt. s. 35, 36.^ 
 
 Note. 3. Those preterits having e and eo are: fellun 7. 25, (but 
 4 forms with eo , 1 'with ea); cf. also gefetun 13. 7. 8 probably a 
 mistake for -fellun - } sewe (2d sg. ind.) 25. 24 , but geseowe 13. ^7/- 
 
64 
 
 (s. also above); blewan 7. 25; but bleowen 7. 27; forleortun 19. 27 
 occurs only once (18 forms sg. and pi. with e); but dreord, -un is the 
 only form found (s. 25). 
 
 B. Weak Verbs. 
 
 49. Class I. of weak verbs, (cf. Siev., 400, 410). 
 There are about 114 verbs of this class in R'. 
 
 a) The present stem has i- umlaut throughout. For all 
 forms see 25 33. Original short stems (except those in 
 r) regularly have the middle cons, geminated in OE., with 
 the exception of the 2d and 3d sg. ind. and the sg. imp. In 
 R' gemination is occasionally wanting : 
 
 gesete (ind. 1. s.) 25. 23 , (but 3 forms with tt) ; apenede 8. 3 
 etc. (3); wsecep (imp. pi.) 25. 13, (but 4 with ec); waeeende 24. 43. 
 Oftener, for uniformity, gemination is extended to the 3d sg. and to 
 the imp. sg. (cf. 46. a): fremmap (3d sg.) 7. 24 etc. (5): settep 
 9. 16; 24. 47, (but 3 with t) ; sellep 7. 11; 25. 29; -ap 5. 25 etc. (6); 
 rseccet 2. 6; gesette (imp. s.) 9. 18; selle 17. 27 etc. (3) ; sylle 19. 21, 
 (but 2 sele, 2 sel); arecce 13. 36; 15. 15; Rit shows similar variation 
 (cf. LindelSf, 45, 51). 
 
 Note. The j is preserved in styrgan (inf.) 23. 4, (2d and 3d 
 sg. are wanting); cf. also swerige (inf.) 26. 74 etc.; but swerap (ind. 
 3. s.) 23. 16 etc. regular, (Cl. VI., st.). Of long stems only cegan 
 22. 3 etc. preserves j. 
 
 b) Formation of the preterit. There are three main 
 cases. 
 
 a) Original short stems. Some of these have -ed + -^ 
 -est etc. (s. 37, 38), the final consonant of the stem re- 
 maining ungeminated; but verbs in d, t have -d -f- e etc. 
 (which becomes -te, -test etc. after f), (cf. Siev., 401). 
 
 R' has: 
 
 byrede 12. 4; styredun 27. 39; apenede 12. 13; 14. 31; werede 
 3. 14 bat alsegde (as in WS.) 27. 60; laegdun 15. 30; sette 18. 2 etc. 
 (7); ge- 13. 24 etc. (5); gessette 28. 16; settun 27. 37; ge- 26. 15; 
 27. 29. 
 
 0) Original long stems join -de etc. (-te etc. after p, t, 
 c, /f, ss, and x) immediately to the radical syllable*, and 
 
65 
 
 have i-umlaut like the short stems. Gemination is simplified 
 before the ending -de etc. After p, t, c, ff, ss, x, the ending 
 -de usually becomes -te; -Sde becomes -dde in late texts. The 
 comb, dd, (tt) resulting fromadding the pret ending to verbs in d 
 and t is simplified after a cons. Stems in cons. + n -> ^ r ar e 
 irregular and often have -ede (-ode), (cf. Siev., 404, 405). 
 
 R' is normal in the main, but occasionally introduces a 
 middle vowel, and in some cases lacks umlaut. Regular 
 forms of the sg. are : 
 
 lde 25. 5; inbergde 27. 34; forbernde 22. 7; kende 1. 2. 16; 
 gecerde 2. 22; 9. 22; cyste 26. 49; depte 3. 6; ge-fylde 27. 48; 
 fsestse 4. 2; foerde 9. 27 etc.; afseldse 21. 12; groette 1. 25; geherde 
 2. 3 etc.; gehselde 4. 24 etc.; ahydde 25. 18 etc.; Iserde 5. 2 etc.; 
 Isefde 22. 25; Jsedde 17. 1 etc.; -lihte 28. 1; gemette 20. 6 etc.; 
 sende 18. 30 etc.; ontynde 5. 2 etc.; pyrste 25. 35 etc.; ondwyrde 
 11. 25 etc.; werfde 9. 22; awyrgde 27. 5; (for plural forms s. 38). 
 
 The middle vowel appears in : 
 
 bebyrgedun 14. 12; fylgedun (orig. Cl. III., cf. Siev., 416 n. 6) 
 19. 2; fylgendun (for -edun) 4. 25; (but fylgdun 9. 27); gleosede 28. 
 20; of course in: hyngrede (cf. Siev., 405. 5) 12. 3; 25. 42; -ade 
 (as in North.) 4. 2; hingr- 21. 18; yngr- 25. 35; with loss of w\ waelede 
 27. 60; 28. 2; ungeredun 27. 31, (cf. Siev., 408. 1). 
 
 The following are without umlaut: 
 
 gernotte (prob. an error) 8. 10 (but 8, forms, sg. and pi., with ^, oe, s. 
 I., 54. a); abriodde 22. 7 (fr. breoSan, st. vb. 01. II., infl. wk.) set-eawde 
 (cf. Siev., 408. 2) 2. 13 etc. (7); -un 27. 53; -en (opt.) 24. 1; eaude 
 2. 19; leorde 11. 1; ge- 19. 1; Horde 9. 27; ge- 12. 9, (cf. Siev., 
 403. n. 1); steordon 19. 13; gestrionde 25. 20 etc. (4). 
 
 Note, n is: lost in nemde 1. 25; -un 10. 25, (cf. Cosijn, II., 
 p. 166). j is preserved in: cegde 14. 30 etc. (3); ceigde 20. 25 etc. 
 (s. L, 61). 
 
 y) Certain irregular verbs in Germanic add -de (-te) 
 directly to the radical syl. without any middle vowel, and 
 therefore want i-umlaut. R' has these forms: 
 
 salde 10. 1 etc. (18); ge- 9. 8; getahta 3. 1, (cf. Siev., 407. 
 n. 4); worhte 13. 58 etc. (6); ge- 11. 20; 19. 4; -se 25. 16; gebohte 
 13. 46; 20. 7; J>ohte 1. 20; sohte 13. 45; ge- 26. 16; a- 2. 16; brohte 
 17. 16 etc. (4). The pi. and opt. forms may be found in 38, 39. 
 
 Note. In imitation of these is formed (cf. Siev., 407. b): 
 -nealehte 21. 34; nealehctun 21. 1 ; but geneolicte 9. 20. (s. I, 58d.) 
 
 5 
 
66 
 
 c) The past part, has been treated already at sufficient 
 length in 41. 
 
 50. Class II. of weak verbs (cf. Siev., 411414). 
 There are about 118 verbs of this class in R'. 
 
 a) The characteristic middle vowel of the present, WS. 
 -i- (-ig-), appears in R' chiefly in the form -ig- (about 63 ig, 
 15 i, 1 g), but is is often wanting altogether (56 times). The 
 inflected inf. (4 forms) lacks this vowel (s. 32), and the 
 pres. part, lacks it 24 times in 27, (s. 33). Rarely (3 times) 
 the vowel i appears in the 3d sg. pres. ind. (after the analogy 
 of the pi.) , but not at all in the 2d sg. or in the imp. sg. 
 For all forms and full statistics see 25 33. 
 
 Note. M-, o-umlaut appears in : hleonigap (ind. pi.) 8. 1 1 ; geteo- 
 rige (opt. pi.) 15. 32; cliopaft (imp.) 22. 9; and even in the 3d sg. 
 ind. (anal, of pi. forms), cliopap 12. 19; cleopap 27. 47. 
 
 b) The preterit in WS. usually has the ending -od -f the 
 personal endiogs -e, -est etc., sometimes -ad + -e etc., seldom 
 -ude, -ede etc. (cf. Siev., 412). The Ps. has the middle 
 vowel -a-, sometimes -e- (in sg., 173 a, 31 e; in pi. 55 a, 
 40 e), (cf. Zeuner, p. 115). Rit. has a, in very few cases e, 
 (cf. Lindelof, p. 98). 
 
 R' has in the sg., 86 a, 17 e; in the pi., 66 a, 8 e, I u. 
 These verbs occur in the sg., 1 st and 3d, (for the 2d sg. 
 s. 37, b): 
 
 ahsade 2. 4 ; axsade 22. 35 ; biatadae 9. 30 ; bled-, bletsade, 14. 
 19; 26. 26; bodcde 9. 35 (may be for bodende); clsensade 11. 5; clio- 
 pade 20. 32 etc. (4); costade 19. 3; gedsefnade 18. 33; -df- 23. 23; 
 adumbede 22. 12; adrugade 21. 20; gedwalade 18. 12; eardade 2. 23; 
 ge- 4. 13; efalsade 26. 65; ge-endade 19. 1 etc. (4); gefirinade 27. 
 4; folgade (cf. Siev., 416. n. 6) 9. 19 etc. (2); frohtade 14. 30; ge- 
 gadrade 19. 6; larwede 26. 12; hleonede (cf. Siev., 416. n. 6) 26. 20; 
 hlion- 9. 10; ge-iacfullade 15. 12; gelapede 22. 8; licade 14. 6; ge- 
 3. 17 etc. (4); geliornade 2. 7; miltsade 18. 33; milsade 14. 14; mo- 
 nade 25. 19; ge- 14.8; pleagade (cf. Siev., 416. n. 6) 14. 6; ricsade 
 2. 22; ofer-scuade 17. 5; smorede 18. 28; gesomnade 2. 4; 22. 41; 
 (ond-, and-, on-) swarade 24. 2 etc. (26); -ede 21. 21 etc. (7); ond- 
 sweorede 16. 17; swigade (cf. Siev., 416. n. 8) 26. 63; timbrade 7.26; 
 ge- 7. 24; 21. 33; "Ssegnade 8. 15; pongade 26. 27; Sreatade 17. 18; 
 prowade 9. 20 etc. (3); for-wisnade 21. 19; witgade 15. 7; wunade 
 21. 17; gewunede 27. 15; wundrade 27. 1"4. For pi. forms see 38. 
 
67 
 
 Note. -, 0-umlaut appears in 15 forms: cliopade , -un etc. (9); 
 hleonede, -un, etc. (4); pleagade ; ondsweorede, (s. above and 38). 
 
 c) The past part, has been sufficiently treated in 41. 
 
 51. Class III. of weak verbs (cf. Siev., 415, 416). 
 
 K' has numerous forms of secgan, Jiabban] a few of lifgan, 
 feogan; and the single forms: Sreiga (inf.) 16. 22; gefreoge 
 (pres. opt. s.) 27. 43. 49. Other verbs originally belonging 
 to this class, (cf. Siev., 416, note 6) may be found under 
 Classes I. and II. 
 
 a) The present. In WS. the 2d and 3d sg. pres. ind. 
 and the sg. imp. of these verbs belong to 01. II., all other 
 present forms to 01. I. 
 
 In R' secgan conforms to 01. I. throughout the present 
 as in Ps. The vowel of the radical syl. is ae (2 e). This 
 may be due to the infl. of the pret. or, more probably, it is 
 only CB for umlaut-e characteristic of this text, (s. I., 12. b). 
 Rit. also has & (1 e) throughout (cf. Lindelof, p. 99). 
 habban has in R': 
 
 ind. 2d and 3d sg., hsefest (3), hsefep (il), but hefsep 5. 32; 
 imp. s., hsefe (2); opt. s., hsebbe (8); pres. part., hsebbende (17), hse- 
 bende 4. 24; but keeps a always in tbe ind. and imp. pi. and in the 
 one inf., habbanne 14. 4. Rit. shows a like interchange of a and a, 
 (cf. Lindelof, 53). The Ps. has only a in the pres. (cf. Zeuner, 
 p. 117). For all forms of these vbs. see 2533. 
 
 Note 1. lifgan has fg, instead of bb (cf. Siev., 416, note 2; 
 Lindelof 53), in all forms of the pres. (5) except the 3d sg. ind., 
 which has u-, o-umlaut, leofap 9. 18. 
 
 Note 2. The few forms of feogan have the diphthongs ie, ia: fiat5 
 (ind. 3. s.) 6. 24; fiegap (pi.) 24. 10; fiegse (opt. pi.) 5. 44. 
 
 b) The preterit adds -de etc. to the radical syl. without 
 any middle vowel. 
 
 R' has: 
 
 ssegde 13. 31 etc. (5); ge- 13. 24; fore- 28. 7; hsefde 18. 25 etc. 
 (8); hgfde 13. 5; nsefde 18. 25; 22. 25; lifde 27. 63. The 2d sg. is 
 wanting; for the pi. see 38. 
 
 c) The past part, adds -d to the radical syl. R' has only 
 seegd 26. 13. 
 
 C. Minor Groups. 
 
 52. The Preteritive Presents (cf. Siev., 417425). 
 The following occur in R': 
 
 5* 
 
68 
 
 a) wat (scio) 25. 24; 28. 5 ; (scit) 6. 32 ; 24. 36; without fusion with 
 neg. (cf. Siev., 420) ne wat (neseio) 26. 70; (ignorat) 24. 50; wast 
 (scis) 15. 12; ind. pi., witan 24. 32. 44; wutan (s. I., 33. d) 22. 16; 
 26. 2, (cf. Siev., 420. note; Lindelof, 54. 1); with negative, niton 
 
 21. 27; nytan 20. 22; opt. sg., wite 9. 30; with neg., nyte 6. 3; opt. 
 pi. wite (sciatis) 9. 6; introducing a hortatory clause and followed 
 by the inf., wutu 21.38; 26.46; hwute 27. 49; imp. pi., witap 24.43; 
 wite ge 24. 33; pres. part., witende 12. 25; 26. 10; pret. ind. 3. s., 
 wiste 12. 15; 16. 8; 27. 18; opt. s. 24.43; opt. pi, wiston 12. 7; ind. 
 2. s., wists 25. 26; past part., witen 10. 26. 
 
 b) Pres. ind. pi., agun 20. 25; inf., agan 10. 9; pret. ind. 3. s., 
 ahte 1. 6; past part, as adj., agene (ins.) 27. 31. conn (noui) 26. 72; 
 con (nescio) 25. 12; (nouit) 11. 27 (2); const (sapis) 16. 23; ind. pi., 
 cunnun 27. 65; -an 22. 29; 24. 42; 25. 13; cunun 20. 25; with sub- 
 stitution of the regular ending of the pres. pi., cunnaft (nostis) 16. 3 
 (2); -ep (nostis) 7. 11 ; inf., gecunnan 13. 11 ; pret. opt. s., cupe 7. 23 ; 
 cut5e 26. 74; past. part, as adj., ge-cuc5ne 12. 16. 
 
 c) Searf (opus habet) 21. 3; pi., Surfun 6. 32; Surfe we 26. 65; 
 pres. part., Jmrfende (with vowel of pi.) 5. 3; porfende 11. 5. Rit. has 
 Sorfende, (cf. Lindelof, 54. 5); Lindis., Sorfendo Mt. 5. 3; 11. 5. 
 
 d) durste (timuit) 2. 22; dy(r)ste (ausus fuit) 22. 46. 
 
 e) Pres. ind. 1st' and 3d s., sceal 3. 14; 26. 54; seal .11. 14 (cf. 
 Lindelof, 54. 6); 2d s., scealt 18. 28; scalt 11.3; pi., sculon 10. 9; 
 23. 10; 24. 6; 3. 15; ne scule ge (nolite) 6. 7; (without ge) 6. 8; opt. 
 sg. scyle 17. 10; 26. 35; pret. ind. s., sculde 18. 28; scalde 18. 24; 
 pi. sculdon 12. 14; 20. 10-, opt. s., scylde 16. 21, (cf. Siev., 423, 
 note 1). 
 
 f) Pres. ind. 2. s., gemynest 27. 63; pret. ind. 3. s,, gemunde 26. 75. 
 
 g) Pres. 1st and 3d sg., maeg 19. 12; 10. 28 etc. (12); 2d s., maeht 
 (s. I. 7. a) 5. 36; 8. 2; pi., magun 6. 24; 9. 15 etc. (6); -on 20. 22; 
 opt. s., mcege 9. 28; 24. 24; 26. 39. 42. 53; pret. 3. s., msehte 8. 28; 
 
 22. 46; 26. 9; 2d. s., msehtest 26. 40; pi., maebton 17. 16. 19. 
 
 h) Pres. 3. s. mot 12. 10; 27. 6; mot 19. 3; pret. pi. mostun 
 14. 36. 
 
 53. Verbs in -mi (cf. Siev., 426430). 
 
 R' has the following forms: 
 
 a) The substantive verb (cf. Siev., 427). 
 
 a) Root es : 
 
 pres. ind. 1. sg., earn 8. 9; 9. 21 etc. (13), (s. I., 26. b) with 
 neg., nam 8. 8; nsem 3. 11 ; 2d sg., eart 14. 33 etc. (10); earS 6. 9; 
 arpu 11. 3, (cf. LindelSf, 55, a); 3d sg., is 15. 8 etc. (72); with 
 inorganic h, his 3. 3 ; 5. 3; 17. 4; 22. 20; neg., nis 18. 14 etc. (19); 
 pi., arun 19. 28; sint 1. 17 (3); 5. 12; 6. 23; 24. 16; sindun 17. 26 
 
69 
 
 etc. (48); -on 13. 56; 15. 14, 20; syndun 12. 48; -on 12. 5; 13. 38; 
 sy(n)dun 13. 39; sendun 2. 18; 22. 14; 23. 27; -on 22. 30; opt. 1. 
 sg., seo 16. 15; 2d sg., sie 4. 6; 5. 25 ; 6. 18; 18. 9; sice 4. 3; 18. 
 8; si% 14. 28; ay 26. 63; se 5. 25; 3d sg., sie 5. 13 etc. (14); siq 16. 
 13; 18. 6; site 24. 17 etc. (9); syce 27. 42; siae 10. 13 (2); sy 24. 2. 
 18; 27. 22; se 18. 6; pi., sie 6. 1. 2. 5. 7. 16; 5. 45; 17. 4; 20. 33; 
 sice 23. 5; sy 24. 6; sien 24. 24; sin 7. 1. Kit. has sie, sg. and pi., 
 about 210 times, se about 20 times (cf. Lind., ibid.). Ps. has sg., sie, 
 pi., sien (cf. Zeuner, 56). 
 
 /3) Root bheu: 
 
 ind. l.sg., beom 9.21; 17. 17; 20. 22; 2d sg., bist 5.23; 11. 23; 
 12. 37 (2); 3d sg., bi 16.4 etc. (72); bip ^16. 3 etc. (27); bip 12. 25; 
 beqp 6. 23. 34 (borrowed fr. pi.); pi., beoS 24. 40; 25. 32; -p 7. 2 
 etc. (18); biop 8. 12 etc. (7); -3 6. 33; beopan 4. 19; 5. 11; 12. 36; 
 18. 18; 19. 3tf; 25. 41; -t5- 16. 19; bition 16. 19; opt. 3. sg., beo 6. 9 ; 
 
 18. 17; 20. 26. 27; 23. 11; 26. 42; pi., beon 4. 3; 5. 6. 30; 18. 3; 
 25. 34; imp. sg., beo 5. 25. 42; pi., beop 6. 5. 16 etc. (5); biop 10 
 16; inf., beon 16. 21 etc. (18). Kit. has ind, pi., biSon, Ps. has bioS. 
 
 y) Root wes: 
 
 Imp. sg., wees 2. 13; 5. 25, (s. L, 15. b) ; pi., wesap 10. 16; 
 inf., wesa 3. 14; pret. ind. 1. and 3., wses 14. 24 etc. (126); wsess 2. 
 18; ws 6. 29; 27. 32; was 26. 1; 2d sg., we.re 25. 21. 23; were 26, 
 69; pi., weron 15. 38 etc. (16); -un 4. 18 etc. (31); wserun (s. I., 
 43. b) 11. 20 etc. (6); -on 25. 10; wgron 12, 3; 18. 31; (wer)un 
 3. 6; opt. sg., wsere 26. 24 etc. (13); wre 8. 17; 13.35; were 27. 26. 
 pi. with loss of -n, were 11. 23; wsere 24. 22; 26. 56. Kit. has inf. 
 vosa, ind., wosa<5 etc. (cf. Lindelof, 55). 
 
 b) The verb will (cf. Siev., 428): 
 
 Pres. ind. 1. sg., wille 15. 32 etc. (9); neg., nyll ic 21. 30, (cf. 
 Siev., 428, note 1); 2d sg. , wilt 8. 2; 19. 17. 21; 26. 39; wiltu 
 20. 21; 13. 28; uuiltu 26. 17; 3d sg., wile (with 1 I) 11. 27; 16. 25; 
 20. 27; but wille 5. 40; neg., nyle 10. 14; pi., willap 12. 38 etc. (4); 
 -3 11. 14 etc. (3); neg., nyllep 23. 4; imp. pi., ne wellaS (without 
 fusion) 3. 9; nellap 23. 8; opt. sg., wille 5. 42; 15.28; 16.24; 17.4; 
 20. 26; wile 27. 43; pret. ind. sg., wolde 1. 19; 14. 5; 18. 30; 23. 
 37; walde 1. 19; 2. 18; 18. 23; 24. 43 (2); neg., nolde 27. 34; pi. 
 waldun 17. 12; neg., naldun 23. 37; noldan 22. 3; opt. pi., walden 
 27. 15. (s. I. 34. c). 
 
 c) The verb do (cf. Siev., 429): 
 
 Pres. ind. 1. sg., do 20. 13; 21. 24; dom 27. 22; ge- 4. 19; dom 
 
 19. 16; 2d sg., doest 21. 23 ; 3d sg., doep 5. 32 ; 8. 9 ; 21. 40; 24. 48; 
 doep 5. 45; 18. 35; ind. pi., do3 23. 3; d6p 23. 15 (2); doap 5. 47 
 (2); 12. 2; 21. 21; ge- 9. 17; 28. 14; doep (faciunt) 5. 46; opt. sg., 
 
70 
 
 do 19. 18 ; 20. 32; of- 7. 4; d6a 6. 3; opt. pi., doa 7. 12; doan 6. 1. 
 2. 7; imp. sg., do 8.9; gepo (for -do?) 7. 5; pi., doS 23. 3 (2); doap 
 4. 17; 7. 12; doep 3. 2 ; 5. 44; inf., doan 20. 15; for- 10. 28; gedoa 
 9. 28; 16. 25; to doanne 12. 2. 12; pres. part, ddnde 24. 46; doende 
 15. 36; pret. ind. 1. and 3. sg. , dyde 1. 24 etc. (7); ge- 13. 28; 2d 
 sg, dydest 20. 12; ind. pi., dydun 25. 45 etc. (10); -on 11. 20 etc. 
 (7); ge- 21. 13; opt. sg., dyde 23. 23; pi., fordydun 27. 20; past part., 
 gedoan 18.31; ged6an 23. 15; gedoen 28.11, (with umlaut), (cf. Lin- 
 delof, p. 102; Zeuner, p. 118). 
 
 d) The verb go, (cf. Siev., 430): 
 
 Pres. ind. 1. sg., fore-ga 26. 32; 2d sg., gses 5. 26; gsest 8. 19; 
 3d sg., gsep 8. 9 etc. (10); fortS- 15. 11; in- 15. 11; gsoS 15. 18; 26. 
 24; in- 15. 17; gaep 4. 4 ; gaep 7. 21 ; utgaep 12. 43; #a3 18. 12; 
 ind. pi., gap 5. 20; 25. 46; oftener gsep 13. 49; 18. 3; 21. 31; ofer- 
 15. 2. 3; be- 20. 25; gp 23. 13; gaep 15. 19; opt. sg., ga 8. 8; pi., 
 gsen 13. 28; ut- 10. 11; in- 10. 11 ; ingan 7. 13; imp. sg., ga 9. 5. 
 6; 8. 4. 9; ga 4. 10 etc. (7); gae 5. 24; pi., gap 7. 13; 10. 6; gap 
 20. 7; 22. 9; gaS 10. 14; 21. 2; oftener gsep 2. 8; 10. 5 etc. (10); 
 gp 9. 13; 11. 4; gaeS 8. 32; infin., gse 18. 9; innga 19. 17; pret. 
 ind. 1. and 3. sg., eode 13. 46 etc. (40); ut- 8. 34 etc. (5); ofer- 25. 
 5; eode 8. 5; eade 4. 23; 24. 38; fore- 2. 9; 2d. sg., eodest 22. 12; 
 pi., eodun 14.15 etc. (34); -an 21.9; -en 11.7.8.9; 25.1; 26.50.55; 
 ut- 27.32; opt. pi., eoden 26.55; 11. 7 (?), (B. I. p. 71. b, and 29). 
 
 2. Nouns. 
 
 Declension of Nouns. 
 I. The Strong Declension. 
 
 Most nouns of the strong dec. in E' are inflected regularly 
 as in WS. It will be sufficient, therefore, to give such varia- 
 tions from standard WS. (cf. the paradigms in Sievers gram.) 
 as have been noted. While in general R' is rather a trans- 
 lation than a mere gloss, there are not wanting cases in which 
 syntactical relations seem to be ignored. 
 
 A. The o-Declension. 
 
 This dec. embraces masculine and neuter nouns. There 
 are three subdivisions : simple o-stems , ^'o-stems , and we- 
 sterns (cf. Siev., 235). 
 
71 
 
 54. Masculine nouns of the o-dec. 
 a) Simple o-stems (cf. Siev., 238): 
 
 ) Singular. Nom.-acc. No ending. 
 
 Exceptions: eosula (ace.) 21. 7, probably weak (cf. 65), (but 
 seosul 21. 2); gaste (nom.) 12. 43, (but 3 gast, 10. 20 etc.); caseringe 
 (ace., as if fern.) 17. 24, (but casering, same verse). 
 
 Gen. Ending -es. 
 
 In certain words -as (-os), -&& occur, (cf. Siev., 237, note 1) : 
 heofunas (gl. to caelorum) 18. 3 etc. (19); (caeli) 8. 20; 24. 30; 26. 
 64; -ses 11. 25; heofun (without ending) 13. 4. 32; 16. 3; pses aldor- 
 sacerdas 26. 3; -ses 26. 58; -os 26. 51; -dsegas 28. 1, (but -es 12. 8; 
 20. 12); cselcses 23. 26, (but -es 23. 25); fiscses 7. 10. Isolated varia- 
 tions, prob. errors of scribe: dryhten (doniini) 25. 18, (9 forms with 
 -es); gode (dei) 12. 4, (31 godes); dead (mortis) 26, 66; deade (for 
 deaSes) 4. 16 may be a form of the orig. u-dec. (cf. Siev., 273, 
 and s. Dat. below). 
 
 Dat.-ins. Ending -e. 
 
 Rarely a (ft occurs (cf. Siev. 237. note 2): domse 12. 41. 42; 
 (but 4 -e, 5. 21 etc.); wegse 21. 32, (but 11 -e, 21. 8 etc.); tun? 22. 5, 
 (but -e 26. 6. 69); stane, 24. 2, (but 6 -e, 27. 60 etc.); fcemplse 26.55, 
 (but 4 -e, 24. 1 etc.) ; deaSa 15. 4 is an old dat. of the u- dec. (but 
 7 forms have -e, 14. 2 etc.); -sceatta 25. 27 may perhaps be wk.; 
 psem aldor-sacerdos (sg.) 26. 57 with Lat. nom. Without ending, 
 disregarding syntax: win - geard minum 21. 28; of western 12. 33; 
 bebead wind 8. 26 ; hlaferd rninne (gl. to domino meo) 22. 44 is 
 ace., though the construction requires the dat. R' has to dsege 
 16. 3; 27. 19 etc.; formse dsege 26. 17; but Sridde dseg 16.21 etc.; 
 oper dseg 27. 62; hwilc dseg 24.42; in forma dseg 28. 1 etc. 
 
 /3) Plural. Nom.-acc. Ending -as. 
 
 A few nouns have the weakened ending -es (12), -ses (4) ; one 
 or two, the weak -a, (cf. Siev., 237. note 3; Lindelof, p. 104): 
 gastes 12. 45, (but -as 8. 16); hlafes 4. 3; 14. 17. 19, (but 7 -as, 
 15. 36 etc.); stanes 4. 3; 27. 51 ; foxes 8.20; peofes 27. 44; Siofes 6. 19 
 (but -as 21. 13); earnes 24. 28; nodes 24. 38, (orig. u-dec., cf. Siev., 
 273); sacerdes 12. 5; principes sacerdotum is variously glossed : 
 aldor(-ur)-sacerdas 21. 23. 45; 27. 6; -os 2. 4; 21. 15; -ses 26. 14. 
 59; 27. 1 ; -um 27. 20; -un 27. 41; alduras (-ses) sacerdas 26.3; 27. 62. 
 
 Minor variations: riftra 13. 39; daga 12. 40, (perhaps gen., but 
 cf. preo dagas, same verse); discipuli (after the Lat.) 5. 1 (but 3 -as, 
 12. 2 etc.); ficos 7. 16 (transfer of Lat. word, but cf. sacerdos above) ; 
 winter, orig. of the u-dec. and mas. in WS., has ace. pi. winter 9. 20. 
 
72 
 
 Gen. Ending -a. 
 
 hlaferde 15. 27 has -e for -a; the weak -ana (cf. Siev., 237. 
 note 4) appears in dagana 24. 29, (but daga 4. 2) ; without regard 
 to case: gastas unclenra (spiritum immundorurn) 10. 1. 
 
 Dot. Ending -um. 
 
 Often abbreviated in the MS. (28 -um, 85 -um); rarely wanting: 
 aldor sacerd 20. 18, (but 5 -um, 16. 21 etc.); gyrdels eowrum 10. 9. 
 
 Note 1. For a in pi. of dceg etc. s. I., 2. b ; for syncope in 
 words of more than one syl. s. II., 3. 
 
 Note 2. Mas. proper names follow the o-dec. quite regularly. 
 There are some variations: e. g. nom. sg. lone 12. 40, (but ionas 12. 
 41); pilatse 27. 58; -os 27. 13, (but 4 -us, 27. 17 etc.); iosepe (ace.) 
 1. 16, (but Joseph, nom. 1. 19 etc.); petre (nom.) 18. 21; 26. 33 (but 
 13 petrus); gen. sg., alfes 10. 3; zebedeaes 4. 21 ; -eses 27. 56; -ees 
 10. 2; -es 20. 20; (-eo 26. 37 may be an error); nouns in -as un- 
 changed: esaias 13. 14; Ionas 12. 39. 41; Zacharias 23.35; barachias 
 23. 35; s is wanting in: herode 14. 6, (but -es 22. 16 etc.); kasere 
 
 22. 21, (but -es, same verse); neglecting case, petrus (petri) 8. 14; 
 otherwise -es: abeles 23. 35 ; dauiSes 9. 27 etc. ; dat. sg., iosefae 1. 18; 
 psem petra 16. 18 (but -e 26. 73 etc.); pylato 27. 2; otherwise regu- 
 larly -e: criste 22. 42; daniele 24. 15; abrahame 1. 17 etc.; nom.-acc 
 pi., fariseos 21. 45; 22. 34; -seis 12. 2; -ei 9. 11. 14. 34, (but 16 -as 
 
 23. 13 etc., and 3 saduceas 16. 1 etc.); gen. pi., saducese 16. 11, (but 
 -a 3. 7; 16. 6; gomorringa 10.15; sodominga 10.15; gerasinga 8. 28 ; 
 farisea 3. 7 etc.); dat. pi., iudeum 28. 15. A few follow the w-dec. : 
 e. g., nom. caifas 26. 3; dat. caifan 26. 57; nom. and ace., barrabas 
 27. 16. 17; ace. -an 27. 20; gen. pi., iudeana 2. 2 etc. (7). 
 
 b) jo-stems (cf. Siev., 2468) : 
 
 a) Singular. 
 
 Nom.-acc. The wk. ending -a appears in bokera 8. 19 (but -e 
 13. 52); se bezera 3. 1, (but 3 -e, 14. 2 etc.); other nouns in -ere are 
 regular; pytt 12. 11 has gemination; orig. long stems have -e as in 
 WS., e. g., hwete 13. 29; esne 10. 25; ende 24. 13 etc. Gen., s is 
 wanting in: hwsete (tritici) 13. 36, (but -es 13. 25); leornere 10. 42; 
 -as occur in : liceteras (hippochrissi) 23. 28 (mistake for licettunge) ; 
 otherwise -es, e. g., laeces 9. 12 etc. Dat.-ins. is regular , e. g., esne 
 8. 9 etc. 
 
 0) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. A weak ending -a, -e (see above) appears in : bocera 
 7. 29; -e 15. 1; in 12. 38 quidam (pi.) de scribis is glossed, sumne 
 bokere, as if ace. sg. ; -es appears in: bokeres 23. 25, (but 11 -as, 26. 
 57 etc.); fisceres 4. 19, (-as 4. 18); hiordes 8. 33; in other cases -as. 
 
73 
 
 Gen. bokere 5. 20, (but -a 9. 3; esna 25. 19). Dat. -urn (6); abbrev., 
 -urn (5). In 8. 21 de discipulis is glossed, of leornere ; to with ace. 
 appears in 9. 37, to leorneras. 
 
 c) wo-stems (cf. Siev., 249, 250): 
 
 a) Singular. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Besides snau 17. 2; 28. 3, only compounds of fteow 
 occur: lareuw 19. 16 etc. (17 forms, 10 in -u, 1 in -uw a. I., 22 b); 
 latteivw 2. 6; efn-peuw 18. 29. Gen. -bearwes 21. 1 etc. (3). Dat.- 
 ins. Ending wanting: sefn-t5euw pinum 18. 33; <5eow minum 8. 9. 
 
 ft) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Ending wanting or weak (cf. Siev., 250 note 3) : 
 efnpeu (conseruos) 24. 49; gfn-peuwe (conserui) 18. 31 ; lateuw (duces) 
 15. 14, (but latewas 23. 16; latuwas 23. 24; larewas 23. 8). Gen. 
 sefn-para (for peowa?) 18. 28. 
 
 55. Neuter nouns of the 0-dec. 
 
 a) Simple o-stems, (cf. Siev., as above, for all cases). 
 
 ) Singular. Nom.-acc. No ending. 
 
 The only exception noted is geate 7. 14 (should be nom.) ; in 
 the phrase, purh naarwe geate 7. 13, geate must be taken as fern., if ace. 
 Gemination is the rule: godspell, bispell (s. II. 11); even unjusti- 
 fiable gem.: fsess, geatt, (s. II., 17. 20). 
 
 Gen. Ending -es. 
 
 These have -CBS (-gs) : huss 15. 24, (but -es 10. 6); hrip<js 9. 38, 
 -es 13. 30); folcses 21. 23, (6 -es, 26. 47 etc.); rentes 25. 19; -ryhtses 
 23. 28, (gerihtes 18. 23. 24); gseflaes 9. 9. Without ending, hrsegl his 
 9. 20, (hraegles his 14. 36); heafod 10. 30. 
 
 Dat.-ins. Ending -e. 
 
 A few (11) have -a (<?, ae)\ folcg 27. 24 (8 -e, 9. 35 etc.); hrsegle, 
 6. 28, (-e 9. 16; 22. 11); gebedge 21. 22; carcrsennse 25. 44, (carcerne 
 14. 10); husae 5. 15, (11 -e, 8. 14 etc.); londse 24. 18, (7 -e, 19. 1 
 etc.); midlse 18. 2, (4 -e, 18.20 etc.); weorcse 16.27; ripae 9. 38, (ripe 
 13. 30); yflse 5. 37. 39, (2 -e 6. 13; 21. 41). Ending wanting after 
 prep.: to blod 23. 35; of goldhord 13. 52; butan ondget 15. 16; to 
 weofud 5. 23, (to wibede 5. 23); in wuldor 16. 27, (in wuldre 6. 29 
 etc.); other cases: psem msegden 14. 11; in wit (dolo) 26. 4 (= 'by 
 means of); wif 14. 3 (in appos. with dal, but gl. to Lat. ace.; the 
 Lat. prevails). 
 
 /3) Plural. Nom.-acc. Long stems of one syl. have no 
 ending, short stems have -w, -o. 
 
74 
 
 R' has -n in short stems : e. g., fasu 23. 5 ; fatu 12. 29 etc. 
 gewritu 22. 29; 26. 54; gewriotu 26. 56 etc.; rarely -a, -e: sele-scota 
 8. 20, (-u 17. 4); getala 14, 21, (-u 24. 30); hole 8. 20, (cf. Siev., 
 242, note 3, Ger. ed.). Ending wanting in: pa ceaf 3. 12. Words of 
 more than one syl., except tintergu 25. 46, are without ending, (cf. 
 Siev., 243. 1): e. g., msegen 13. 58 etc. (7), (WS. has msegenu, cf. 
 Cosijn, 1L, p. 11. b); tacen 16. 3 etc; ticcen 25.33; ciken 23. 37; 
 deoful 7. 22; 12. 27. 28 is neut. as in WS., (cf. n. p. deofla, Cosijn, 
 II. p. 7; Lindis. has dioules, diowles). 
 
 Note. Setl, neut. in WS. (cf., Cosijn, II., p. 10. hot.), is mas. in R' 
 (and Lindis.): settlas (ace.) 21. 12; setulas 23. 6, (cf. Lindis., same verse). 
 
 Gen. Ending -a. 
 
 For -a appears -e, -se in: weode 13. 36; para mynetrae 21. 12. 
 The wk. ending only in: leoman (= -ana) 5. 30, (but lioma 5. 29), 
 Lindis. has liomana in both cases. 
 
 Dat. Ending -urn. 
 
 Often abbrev. (9 -urn, 32 -urn), e. g. wsercu(m) 23. 3 etc. In 
 
 5. 19 de mandatis istis is glossed: of (5isse beboda; Lindis. has of 
 bobodum Sissum). 
 
 b) ^o-stems : a) Singular. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Regular, but gemination is preserved in orig. short 
 stems: cynn 24. 30 etc. (6); nett 4. 21 etc. (4); bedd 9. 6, (cf. Siev., 
 231). Gen. Only excep. noted: edges (= eowdes) 26. 31 ; neglecting 
 case: rice peos (f. ?) 8. 12 (gl. to regni hujus); also rice (regni) 13. 11, 
 (but 5 rices, 16. 19 etc.). Dat.-ins. -e wanting in : nett asendun (= urn) 
 13. 47; otherwise regular: e. g. rice 8. 11 etc. 
 
 P) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Short stems are wanting; long stems have -u (-a, -e): 
 getimbru 24. 1; mseru 15. 39; geme.ru 24. 31; lendu 3. 4, (Corp. MS. 
 has lendenu); with -e: geryne 13. 11; rice (regna) 4. 8; with -a: 
 pwsenga 23. 5. The form peostre 6. 23; 10. 27; piostre 4. 16; 8. 12; 
 6- 22. 13, may be sing, cf. pset peostre bip 6. 23; but peostru sint 
 
 6. 23; and with -a (prob. pi.): peostra 25. 30; gepriostra 27. 45. 
 Gen. No examp. Dat. -urn (3); gemseru(m) 15. 22. 
 
 c) wo-stems. a) Singular. 
 
 Nom.-acc., kneu 27. 29; treow 7. 17 etc. (11); treuw 12. 33; 
 streu 7. 3. 4. 5. Gen., melwses 13. 33; treowes 3. 10; win- 21. 34; 
 wintreos 26. 29, (with loss of w). Dat.-ins. from treo 24. 32. 
 
 0) Plural. 
 
 Ace, cneu 17. 14; Gen. No examp. Dat. treowum 21. 8. 
 
75 
 
 B. The a-Decle n sion. 
 
 Nouns of this class are feminine. There are simple d- 
 stems, ;a-stems, and' wa-stems (cf. Siev., 251). 
 
 56. Simple a-stems (cf. Siev., 252255). 
 
 a) Singular. Nom.-voc. Long stems have no ending, 
 short stems, -u. 
 
 The -e of the obi. cases appears in: endunge 13. 39; 24. 14; 
 gemunge 22. 8, (gemung 22. 10). csestra (ciuitas) 5. 14. 35; 8. 34; 
 -e 12. 25; 21. 10 is plainly due to the clas. Lat. form; saul 26. 38 
 has syncope as in obi. cas. Other nouns are regular: e. g., hwil 14. 
 15 etc.; lufu 24. 12; geofu 23. 19 etc. 
 
 Acc. Ending -e. 
 
 A few nouns (11) have -& (3, ae) (cf. Siev. 252, note 1.): ael- 
 dingg 24. 48; constungae (for cost-) 6. 13; gepsehtunge. 26. 4; -se 22. 
 15, (-e 12. 14); arkg 24. 38; &ustrungse (abominationem) 24. 15; in 
 pas sunrae 8. 31; csestrae 8. 33; 27. 53; caestrae 4. 13 (2), (but 7 
 csestre, 10. 23 etc.). Minor variations: Sa geofu 23. 19 is prob. due 
 to geofu (nom.), same verse ; stemn (vocem) 12. 19 may be m., n. or 
 mere gloss, neglecting case, (Lindis has stefn). 
 
 Gen. Ending -e. 
 
 gearwunga 27. 62 has -a (cf. Siev. 255. 1); in other cases -e 
 appears: ge-endunge 24. 3; nedle 19. 24 etc. No case of -es, (cf. 
 Siev., 252, note 2; Lindelof, p. 108). 
 
 Dat. Ending -e. 
 
 Rarely -& occurs, once each, -a, -': stsefnse 27. 46, (-e 24. 31; 
 27. 50); ge-mungse 25. 10; pae(m) gemungse 22. 4, (m., n., if the 
 abbrev. is properly expanded); cf. also pse(m) gemunge 22. 3. 9; 
 ceastrse 21. 17, (but 2 ceastre, 5 caestre, 10. 15 etc.); ceapunga 22. 5; 
 andsuari 2. 12, (cf. Siev., 252, n. 1); variation of gend. is seen in: 
 on pse(m) halfe 25. 41 ; on pa halfe 22. 44. Taken with the norn. 
 and ace. above, psere geofu 23. 18, shows geofu invariable in the sgj 
 
 b) Plural. Nom.-acc. Ending -a (-e). 
 
 Variations: csestras 9. 35 takes mas. ending, (but -a 10. 5; -e 
 10. 23); hselettungae 23. 7; neglecting case: ble.d 7. 17. 18. Except 
 wseda 28. 3; and culfra 10. 16 (perhaps wk.), other nouns have -e : 
 e. g., peode 12. 21; hlafe (= lafe) 14. 20; stale 15. 19; efalsunge 
 26. 65 etc. 
 
 Gen. Ending -a. 
 
 e occurs in Seode 10. 5, (but -a 4. 15; 20. 25). No examp. of 
 wk. ending. 
 
76 
 
 Dat. Ending -urn. 
 
 R' has 19 -urn, 2 -u( m ) 5 under fepran 23. 37 (-an for -urn? or 
 is it ace. pi. wk. ?). 
 
 57. Jo-stems (cf. Siev., 2568). 
 
 a) Singular. 
 
 Notn.-voc. No ending (few exceptions in WS., cf. Siev., 258. 
 1). The -e of obi. cases appears in: Srycnisse 24. 21; smyltnisse 8. 
 26; sopfsestnisse 5. 20; -hroernisse 24. 7; kennisse 1. 18, (but 9 forms 
 have -m, -nes, gelicnis 22. 20 etc.); cneorisse 12. 39; 24. 34, (cf. 
 Siev., 258. note 4); synne 12. 31, (Lindis. has synnse alt. to synn) ; 
 henne 23. 37, (Lindis., same); axe 3. 10, (Lindis. acas); peowee 26. 69, 
 has -M, -e in WS. (cf. Siev., 258. note 2); gemination is preserved 
 in: sibb 10. 12. 13. Ace. Variations: cneorisse, 23. 36, (4 -e, 12. 41 
 etc.); (and) spurnisse, 13. 57, (-e 13. 21; 26. 31); hreuwnisse, 11. 20 
 (5 -e, 12. 41 etc.); other nouns -nisse (41); neglecting case sibb (pacem) 
 10. 34 ; otherwise regularly -e. Gemination simplified in : nyte 7. 16, 
 (but belle 5. 30 etc.; byrgenne 27. 64 etc.). Gen. helles 23. 15 
 shows the m.-n. ending (cf. Siev., 252. note 2), (but helle 5. 22; 
 16. 18; 23. 33); unsyfernisse. 23. 27 with ; other forms -nisse (12); 
 byrgenne 27. 60. Dat. Regular, -e throughout: helle 10. 28 etc.; 
 about 30 forms in -nisse. 
 
 b) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. R' has -e, rarely -a, -ae : e. g., byrgenne 27. 52 ; adle 
 24, 7; cySnisse 27. 13 etc.; but synna 6. 14; -ae 9. 2, (5 synne 9. 5 
 etc.). Gen. -e for -a: gewitnesse (testium) 18. 16; synne (peccatorum) 
 26. 28 are the only Forms noted. Dat. 15 -um, 3 -u(m): e. g. synnum 
 1. 21 etc. 
 
 58. wa-stems (cf. Siev., 259, 260). 
 
 a) Sing. Norn, stowe peos (cf. 57 a) 14. 15, (but -stouw 27. 33). 
 Ace. stowe 12. 43 etc. (14). Gen. stowe 14. 35. Dat. stowe 24. 15; 
 26. 52; -se 27. 33; scada 4. 16, (cf. Siev., 260. note 2). b) PL Ace. 
 stowa 24. 7. 
 
 Note. Fern, proper names follow the a-dec. or take a Lat. 
 termination, but often retain the Lat. nom. (when -a) unchanged in 
 obi. cases, (such forms might be considered wk* with loss of n, com- 
 mon in R'): e. g., Ace. syria 4. 24; galilea 26. 32 etc.; bethanise 21. 
 17; but hierusalem 5. 35 etc.; regypti (Lat. -um) 2. 13. 14. Gen. 
 sidone 15. 21; tyre 15. 21 (Lindis., tyres); herodiade 14. 6; cessari$ 
 (Lat. ae) 16. 13; but rnaria 1. 16; iudea 3. 1; galilea 21. 11 etc. 
 Dat. sidone 11. 21. 22; iordane 3. 5. 13 etc.; herodiadi (Lat. -em) 
 14. 3; bethsaidse 11. 21 ; but bethania 26. 6; rnaria 1. 20; iudea 4. 25 
 
77 
 
 etc.; galilea 3. 13 etc.; arimac5ia 27. 57; chorazam 11. 21; hiericho 
 20. 29; tyro 11. 21; segypto 2. 15. 19; hierosolimis 15. 1 etc. 
 
 C. The - Declension. 
 
 Most nouns of this class are mas. or fern. , a few are 
 neuter (cf. Siev., 261). 
 
 59. Masculine nouns of the i-dec. (cf. Siev., 2626). 
 
 a) Singular. Nom.-acc. Short stems end in -e, long 
 stems in a cons. 
 
 R' has: cyme 24. 27. 37. 39; hryre 7. 27; mete 3. 4; 14. 15 
 etc. (5); stede 27. 33; hete 22. 18; dile 23. 23; oele 25. 3. 4; slite 
 (nom.) 9. 16 seems to belong here, (Corp. MS. has se slite). Long 
 stems: cirm 25. 6; dsel 24. 51 etc.; drync 10. 42; sel 26. 16; ymb- 
 hwyrft 24. 14. The -e of short stems is often lost in North., (cf. Siev., 
 263. note 5; Lindelof, 57. 1), but not in R'. 
 
 Gen. Ending -es: 
 
 cymes 24. 3; oeles 25. 8; dseles 12. 42. 
 
 Dat.-ins. Ending -e: 
 
 mete 10. 10 etc.; -gyte 23. 30; styde 21. 19. 20; 27. 48; dgele 
 16. 13 etc. 
 
 b) Plural. Nom.-acc. In WS. short stems have -e, oftener 
 -as from the o-dec. (cf. Siev. , 263, note 2) ; long stems 
 with few exceptions, -as, (cf. Siev., 264- 5). 
 
 R' has: steppan 5. 41, weak, (WS. steepas, cf. Cosijn, II., p. 34) ; 
 beligas 9. 17; dales 27. 51; but daele (partes) 2. 22. 
 
 Gen. Ending -a : 
 
 metta 26. 17 as if >-stem, (cf. Siev., 263. n. 3). 
 
 Dat, Ending -um : 
 
 bendum 11. 2; stsengum 26. 47. 55. 
 
 Note. s is mas. in R' so far as gender is indicated. The forms 
 are: nom. sae 8. 27; gen. seses 18. 6 ; saes 4. 15; dat. p2e(m) s 8. 24; 
 to s 17. 27; bi ssee 13. 1; on iniddu(m) sae 14.24; bi sae 4. 18; 15. 
 29; sae 8. 26; ace. see 16. 5; 21. 21;- see 23. 15; sae 8. 18. 28. 32; 
 sao 4. 18; 13. 47; sae 14. 22; pone sae 14. 26; pone ssee 9. 1; pone 
 ssee 14. 25. see 4. 13 is first part of comp. 
 
 60. Neuter nouns of the i-dec. (cf. Siev., 267). A 
 few nouns originally of other declensions are so clashed by 
 Sievers. R' has: 
 
 gehseld (ace. s.) 27. 65, (cf. Siev,, 288. note 1); fullwiht (nom. 
 
78 
 
 8.) 21. 25 (orig. fern., cf. Siev.. 267. b) ; fulluibte (dat. s.) 3. 7; this 
 word and gepyld (ace. s.) 18. 26. 29 are undetermined in gender in 
 R'; other nouns of this group show fern, forms, (s. 61). Here may 
 be placed (cf. Cosijn, II., 23), -ryft (nom. s.) 27. 51 ; hryft (ace. s.) 
 5. 40; reade ryfte (ins.? or ace. f., a-dec.?) 27. 28; cf. 3y ryhte 
 (= ryfte), (ins.) 27. 31. 
 
 61. Feminine nouns of the ?-dec. (cf. Siev., 2689). 
 R' has only long stems. 
 
 a) Singular. Nom. No ending : 
 
 cwaen 12. 42; mseht 28. 18; ned 18. 7 ; tid (gend. undeter.) 
 14. 15; 26. 18; but pset tid 21. 34, (s. below, dat. and pi.); the comp. 
 nawiht 18. 32 etc. (cf. Siev., 267, note 3); Seos forwyrd 26. 8, 
 (cf. Cosijo, II., 23); onseone 28. 3 (wk.? cf. Siev., 269. note 4); 
 ariste 22. 23. 
 
 Acc. No ending in WS. 
 
 In R' these nouns often take the -e of the a-dec.: sefeste 27. 18, 
 (Lindis. has sefista alt. to sefist) ; maehte 9. 6. 8; 20. 25; -ae 10. 1, 
 (but mseht 7. 29; 21. 23); scylde 18. 25. 32. 34, (but scyld 18. 27. 
 30); tide 20. 12, (but 9 tid, 12. 1 etc.); without ending: gemynd 
 26. 13; owiht 24. 17 etc. 
 
 Gen. Ending -e: 
 
 gebyrde 14. 6; weorulde 13. 22. 39. 40; 24. 3; 28. 20; but -es 
 (cf. Siev., 269. note 5) 13. 49 ; 24. 14. 
 
 Dat.-ins. Ending -e: 
 
 seriste 22. 28 etc. (3); -ce 27. 53, (gender undetermined in R'); 
 mcshti 8.e9 (cf. Siev., 252, note 1); but, in hwilcse (-e) msehte (ace.?) 
 21. 23. 27; in wilce mseh(t)e 21. 24; weorlde 12. 32; forwyrde 7. 13; 
 tide 8. 13 etc. (9); but, without ending, paere tid 20. 3; 27. 45. 46. 
 
 b) Plural. Nom.-acc. Ending -e : 
 
 sehte 19. 22; gemynde 23. 29 ; scylde 6. 12 ; -te 6. 14; tide 16. 3. 
 Dat. tidum 21. 41. 
 
 Note, se (law) is indecl. : Nom. ae 22. 40; ae 7. 12; 11. 13; 
 ace. ae 5. 17; gen. se 23. 23; dat. ae 5. 18; 22. 36; ae 12. 5, (cf. 
 Siev., 269. n. 3). 
 
 D. Thew-Declension. 
 
 There are a few mas. and fern, nouns of this dec. in WS. 
 and but a single neuter (cf. Siev. 270 5). 
 
 62. Mas. nouns of the w-dec. Most nouns, originally 
 of this dec., have gone over to the o-dec. 
 
79 
 
 R' has: 
 
 deat5, flod, friS, ferh, hunger, had, seap, sumer, winter, (s. 54). 
 The only form among these clearly of the w-dec. is deafia (dat. s.) 
 15. 4, (cf. Siev., 273, note 1). sunu alone preserves the old infl. 
 pretty well, but has -e, -ce, -it, (1 -a) in obi. cases: a) singular. 
 Nom.-voc., sunu 26. 2 etc. (43); -e 17. 12 etc. (11). Ace., sunu 23. 15, 
 etc. (16). Gen., sun? 24. 39; -el. 1; 24. 30. 37; -u 1. 1; 23. 35; 
 28. 19. Dat., minurn sunse 2. 15; sunu 22. 2; (on, wip) sunu 21. 5; 
 12. 32 may be ace. b) Plural. Norn., suna 10. 21; -se 20. 21. Ace., 
 sunu 18. 25; 20. 20; but with -as (-es) from the o-dec., sunas 26. 37; 
 -es 21. 28. Gen. weak, sunena 27. 56; but sunu 20. 20. 
 
 63. Fern, nouns of the w-dec. (cf. Siev., 274). 
 
 R' has the following : 
 
 a) Singular. Nom., hond 5. 30; se hond 6. 3 ; se dure 25. 10, 
 (these mas.? or se for seo, cf. sio 6. 3); cwern 18. 6. Ace., -flor 3. 12, 
 (cf. Siev., 274. n. 1); hond 9. 18 etc. (6); but honde 26. 23; -a 12. 
 13; -a 12. 13, (with ending from a-dec. , or weak); dure 6. 6. Dat., 
 honda 3. 12; but dure 26. 71; 27. 60; cweorne 24. 41. b) Plural. 
 Nom., honde 18. 8; duru 16. 18. Ace. honda 8. 15; 22. 13 etc. (12); 
 mid honde 26. 67. Dat. hondum 10. 10; 15. 20; -u(m) 4. 6; 26. 67; 
 durum 24. 33. 
 
 64. The only neut. is feola 27. 19 etc. (6), (cf. Siev. 
 275). 
 
 For feh. feoh, dat. feo, s. I. 21. a. 
 
 II. The Weak Declension. 
 
 Most nouns of this dec. are mas. or fern., very few 
 neuter (cf. Siev., 276280). 
 
 65. Mas. nouns of the weak dec. (cf. Siev. , 277). 
 Final -n of this dec. is usually lost in R', regularly in North, 
 (cf. Siev., 276, note 2). 
 
 a) Singular. Nom. Ending -a. 
 
 Variations: -a weakened to -e, -a: doeme 5. 25; intinge 19. 10; 
 ge-roefe 10. 3; -se 27. 15, (but -a 27. 11. 14. 21. 23). -an from the 
 obi. cases appears in: lichoman 26. 26 (but 6 -a, 5. 30 etc.); cuman 
 25. 43, (-a 25. 35); willan 18. 14; but -se 26. 42, (-a 6. 10); other 
 forms regular: noma 27. 32 etc. 
 
 Acc. Ending -an. 
 
 -n is lost (and vowel often modified) in: andwlitu 18. 10; ond- 
 
80 
 
 wliotu 16. 3; 17. 6; 26. 67; witgu 4. H etc. (13); witga 21. 26; wihtga 
 21. 46, (-an 12. 17; 27. 9); ewyrdlu (detrimentum) 16. 26; wyrtryma 
 13. 21; wy(r)tryme 13. 6; wille 7. 21, (-an 12. 50; 21. 31); steorra 
 2. 2, (-an 2. 10); stsena fulle, 26. 7 (seems to be fern.); olbend (at.) 
 19. 24; but with -u 23. 24; noma 1. 21. 23. 25, (perhaps neglecting 
 case); Ionia 9. 2; lichoma 10. 28; 14. 12; leafa 9. 2; ge- 8. 10; 17. 
 20; -u 23. 23; 21. 21; intinge 27. 37; hlisa 14. 1; fola 21. 7, (-an 
 21. 2); gefea 25. 21. 23; bryd-guma 25. 1; teane 20. 13. These have 
 an: scetan 27. 59; cuman 25. 38. 44; cofan 6. 6. 
 
 Gen. Ending -an. 
 
 w is lost except once: geroefe 27. 27; steorra 2. 7; witgu 10. 41 
 (2); lamwyrhtse 27. 10; -e 27. 7; lichoma 6. 22; geleafa 8.26; 16. 8; 
 -e 6. 30, (gelefan 14. 31); brydguma 9. 15. 
 
 Dat.-ins. Ending -an. 
 
 n is lost in : segsa 14. 26 ; 28. 4 ; egsa 28. 8; aeldra 21. 28 ; bearma 
 16. 6 etc. (4); doeme 5. 25; dwale 6. 24 (gedwolan 24. 24); gefea 
 13. 20 etc. (4); heage 21. 33, (cf. Lindis., Mark 12. 1); geroefe 28. 14; 
 -se 27. 2; -a 20. 8; gehrSefa 27. 11; -geleafa 13. 58; 17. 20, (-an 
 9. 29); loma 9. 2 (-an 9. 6); lichoma 6. 25; intinge 19. 3; -a 5. 32; 
 mytte 5. 15; noma 7. 22 etc. (6), (but 10 -an, 7. 22 etc.); scape 
 
 26. 55; scua 4. 16; swira 18. 6; wihtga 24. 15; andwliota 11. 10; 
 -u 26. 39. 67; wyrtruma 3. 10; -eke 25. 20; (-an 15. 38). A few have 
 -an: folan 21. 5; fruman 19. 4 etc. (3); gallan 27. 34; willan 24. 13; 
 tosagan 1. rub. 
 
 b) Plural. Nom.-acc. Ending -an. 
 
 n is lost in: scape 27. 38; -hroefe 9. 10; ge- 5. 46; noma 10. 2; 
 inyrSra 22. 7; hlisu 24. 6; grses-hoppa 3. 4; cempa 8. 9; kgmpe 
 
 27. 27; doeme 12.27; begengu 21.35.38; higu 10. 36; hiwse 10.25; 
 (hiwen 10. 36); hine JO. 25. 36, (wk.?); seldre 27. 1; -u 26. 57; eldre 
 21. 23; aeldra 26. 3, (seldran 27. 20; eldran 27.3); nedniomu 11. 12; 
 wyrhte 9. 38; -a 20. 1 ; -u 9. 37 ; andwliotu 6. 16; andwlitu 6. 17; 
 gewitu 26. 60 (2); witga 5. 17 etc. (4); -u 11. 13 etc. (5), (-an 23. 31. 
 34); spearwas 10. 29. 31 has the st. ending -as. 
 
 These have -an: foeran 23. 30; Ionian 4. 24; lytlingan 19. 14; 
 telgran 21. 8; steorran 24. 29; pearfan 26. 11. 
 
 Gen. Ending -ena. 
 
 R' has also -ana (cf. Siev., 276, n. 1): witgana 16. 14 etc. (4); 
 (ena 5. 12); worpana 6. 5; but scapena 21. 13; geroefena 11. 19; 
 olbendena 3. 4; weolan 13. 22 lacks -a; seldra 15. 2 has the -a of 
 the o-dec.; hina 13. 52; 20. 1. 11, (cf. Siev., 277, n. 1). 
 
 Dat. Ending -um. 
 
81 
 
 Weakened to -an in : seldran 26. 47 ; eldran 27. 12, (but 3 -urn 
 16. 21 etc.). In other cases -urn (13), -u(m), (4). 
 
 Note, eawis firina (publicanus) 18. 17; (nom. pi.) ewis-firinse 
 21. 32; sewisfirine 21. 31 seems to be a weak noun. Lindis. has 
 bsersynnig; the other texts, manfull. 
 
 66. Fern, nouns of the weak dec. (cf. Siev. 2789). 
 -n is usually wanting as above ; vowel often -e. 
 
 a) Sing. 
 
 Nom.-voc. Ending -e. The borrowed -u of indecl. abstract 
 nouns (cf. Siev., 279) appears in: eorftu 2. 6; 4. 15, (but 4 -e, 
 5. 18 etc.); -a in: eorta 6. 21, (-e 13. 15); mohpa 6. 19. 20; without 
 the usual -esse (as if a ja-stem), selmes 6. 4. Others have -e: sunne 
 13. 6 etc. (4); fsemne 1. 23. Ace. selmesse 6.3; -isse 6. 2 (following 
 the dec. of ja-stems,); n lost: ceke 5. 39; circae 16. 18; eorSu 5. 5; 
 2. 21; eordu 23. 15; eorSe 13. 5. 8. 23; -JB 5. 35; flega 23. 24; nedra 
 7. 10; sunne 5.45; spynge 27. 48; mintse 23. 23; murra 2. 11; tonica 
 5. 40, (tunican 24. 18); beman 6. 2 has -an. Gen., eorSu 5. 13 etc. (3); 
 -e 11. 25 etc. (4); teoma 21. 5; heorta 12. 34. 35 (2), (-an 19. 8; 5.8 
 dat.?). Dat.-ins., eorSe 10. 15 etc. (10); -u 2. 20; (8 -an, 10.29 etc.); 
 heorte 5. 28 etc. (7); -a 15. 19; (-an 22. 37); -an have: circan 18. 17 
 (2); beman 24. 31; ascan 11. 21. 
 
 b) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Without n: nedra 10. 16; 23. 33; eastra 26. 17. 18, 
 (-an 26. 2. 19); lilia 6. 28 (prob. fr. Lai text) Secele 25. 1, (cf. 
 Ett., p. 581); sperta 15. 37; 16. 10, (cf. Toll.-Bos., spyrte); tunica 
 10. 4 10. With -aw; culfran 21. 12; exlan 23. 4; femnan 25. 1. 7. 11 j 
 en: ksegen 16. 19. Gen. only ana: nedrana 3. 7; 12. 34; widuwana 
 23. 14 ; uiperana 23. 33 (with Eng. in place of Lat. ending). Dat. 
 heortum 9. 4; eortum 18. 35. 
 
 Note. Indeclinable except in dat. pi. (cf. Siev., 279): 
 mengu (nom.-acc.) 15. 39 etc. (25); msengu 21. 26 etc. (5); menigu 
 9. 8 etc. (5); msenigu 21. 36; to mengu 17. 14; to pse(m) menigu 
 (turbas) 11. 7; pse(m) mengu (as if neut.) 15. 35 (Lindis. has Sseni 
 rnenigo); mengum (dat. p.) -12. 46; maengum 13. 34 etc. Other nouns 
 of this class are: btu (ace.) 20. 12; to lengo 6. 27; bldu (ace.) 14. 27; 
 haelo (dat.) 12. 13; snytru (nom.) 11. 19; snyttro (ace.) 12. 42. 
 
 67. Neuter nouns of the weak dec. (cf. Siev., 280). 
 
 R' has these forms: 
 
 a) Singular. Nom., ege 5. 38 etc. (5); ge 5. 29. With -an 
 from the obi. cases : eagan 18. 9 ; egan 20. 15. Ace., ege 18. 9 ; eare 10. 27 ; 
 eara 26. 51 (as if m. or f. with loss of n); wonge 5. 39 (cf. Siev., 
 280, note 1). Dat., n lost, ege 7. 3. 4. 5. (6); 5. 38. b) Plural. 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 Nom.-acc. Most forms have -an: eagan 18. 9; egan 9.29. 30; 17. 8; 
 egna (for-an) 20. 33; eagun (with -uri) 26. 43; but egu 13. 15; ege 
 13. 16; earan 11. 15; 13. 16. 43; eara 13. 9. Eat. egum 13. 15 etc. 
 (3); earu(m) 13. 15; earan (= urn) 13. 15. 
 
 HI. Minor Declensions. 
 
 68. Isolated consonant stems (cf. Siev. , 281 4). 
 R' has only a few masculines and feminines. 
 
 a) Mas. nouns (cf. Siev., 281. 1): 
 
 u) Singular. Nom.-acc. monn 12. 12 etc. (29); mon 9. 16 etc. 
 (4); (aldur-) 9. 18; (naenig-) 9. 30; an ace. monnu occurs, 9. 9. 32; 
 10. 35; 11. 8; 15. 11 (2); 22. 11, as in North, (cf. Siev., 281, note 1); 
 tot5 5. 38. Gen., monnes 9. 6 etc. (33); -CBS 10. 23. Dot., menn 
 26. 24 etc. (9); men 26. 18; neglecting case: monn (homini) 20. 1; 
 
 22. 2; for t6p 5. 38, (Hatton has same; Lindis. fore totJe; Corp. for 
 teS). p) Plural. Nom.-acc., menn 5. 19 etc. (12); (aldor-) 20. 25; 
 monna 15. 38, (cf. Siev. ibid.); foet 18. 8 etc. (4). Gen. monna 
 16. 23 etc. (8); fota 5. 35; 22. 44; toSa 24. 51 etc. (6). Dat. monnuni 
 
 23. 13 etc. (23); -u(m) 19. 12 etc. (7); fotum 7. 6 etc. (4). 
 
 b) Fern, nouns (cf. Siev., 2824). R' has only 
 long stems: 
 
 a) Singular. Ace. (now. wanting), boc 28. 20 ; boec (libellum) 
 5. 31; b6ec (librum) 19. 7 (perhaps pi. for sg., cf. boec 1. 1); burg 
 22. 7; burh 10. 11. Gen. nsehtes (cf. Siev., 284, note 4, end) 14. 25. 
 Dat. (set) niht 25. 6; (on) 2. 14; (on) nseht 28. 13; (to pisse) niht 
 26. 34; nsehte 26. 31, (cf. Siev., ibid.). /?) Plural. Nom.-acc., niht 
 12. 40; ne.ht 12. 40; eae 7. 27; eae 7. 25, follows o-dec. (cf. Siev., 
 ibid.); burgas 9. 35 with ending of o-dec. (Lindis. has same; Hatt. 
 and Corp., burga). Gen., nsehta 4. 2. 
 
 69. Stems in -r (cf. Siev., 285). 
 a) Mas. Nouns: 
 
 a) Singular. Nom.-acc., feeder 25. 41 etc. (41) ; broper 17. 1 etc. 
 (13); b(r)oper 5. 23. Gen., feeder 10.20 etc. (9); fader 13.43; (-es in: 
 fsederes 21. 31); broper 7. 3. 5; 14. 3. Dat., fseder 5. 16 etc. (11); 
 (dat. or ace.) 4. 21 ; 10. 29. 35; 13. 27; 15. 5; 20. 1; broper 5. 22 etc. 
 (5). p) Plural. Nom.-acc., broper 12. 46 etc. (7); ge- 4. 18. 21; 
 bropre 22. 25; 25. 40; ge- 23. 8; bloprse 1. 2; broefre (with umlaut) 
 1. 11. Gen. fsedera 23. 32; faedra 23. 30. Dat. broprum 28. 10; 
 -u(m) 20. 24. 
 
 b) Fern, nouns: 
 
 ) Singular. Nom.-acc., moder 12. 50 etc. (22); dohter 10. 35 etc.- 
 
83 
 
 (6); dogter 15. 22; swuster 12. 50. Gen. moder 19. 12. Dot. moder 
 
 14. 8. 11; 15. 5; 2. 11 (ace.?); dohter 21. 5. /?) Plural. Nom.-acc., 
 
 swsester 13. 56; swust(er) 19. 29. 
 
 Note. Only -er occurs in the above forms (cf. Siev., 285. 
 
 note 1). 
 
 70. Stems in -nd (cf. Siev., 286). K' has: 
 
 a) Singular. Nom.-acc., hselend 20. 30 etc. (about 106); helend 
 
 14. 27 etc. (8); helend 12. 1; abbrev. hsel(end) 17. 18 etc. (28); once, 
 
 hselende (ieeus) 16. 20; freond 20. 13 etc. (4); fiond 5. 43; 13. 39; 
 
 feond 13. 25; sawend 13. 3. Gen. haelendes 1. 1; 27. 58. 59; abbr. 
 
 hel(endes) 26. 75; pses hselend 27. 57. Dat. helende 14. 29; without 
 
 ending: pse(m) hselend 26. 71; 27. 1; to haelend 18. 1; 17. 4; 26.17; 
 
 (prob. dat.) 8. 29; in other cases (4) abbrev., 26. 49 etc. /?) Plural. 
 
 Nom.-acc. Only with -as from the o-dec. : feondas 22. 44; fiondas 
 
 5. 44; 10. 36. Gen. sukendra 21. 16. Dat. freondum 10. 21; ehten- 
 
 dum 5. 44; -fogdendum 24. 19. 
 
 71. Stems in -os, -es (cf. Siev., 288290). The 
 only forms in R' showing any trace of this dec. are: 
 
 sechir (ace. pi.) 12. 1 (WS. gar); sigor (dat.-ins.) 12. 20 (cf. Siev., 
 289 and note 1). did has nom.-acc. pi., cild 19. 13. 14; gen. cildra 
 21. 16. Other words in R' originally belonging here are: hrife 
 1. 23 etc. ; gehseld 27. 65 ; scip 8. 24 etc., (s. z-dec., o-dec.). 
 
 3. Adjectives. 
 
 Declension of Adjectives. 
 
 72. The strong dec. of adjectives (cf. Siev., 292303). 
 
 a) Mas. and neut. adjectives: 
 
 a] Singular. Nom. o-stems: no ending. Variations: gelice 
 20. 1 ; genyhtsume 5. 37 ; opre 27. 38 (9 oper) ; wiSerdune (angusta) 
 7. 14; most forms regular, jo-stems: short, un-nytt 12. 36; long, 
 clsene 23. 26 etc.; excep., eorra 18. 34, (but -e 2. 16; 22. 7). we- 
 sterns: naru 7. 14; excep., merwe (tener) 24. 32. Gen. Ending -es. 
 Excep.: medmiclees 16. 8, (-es 8. 26; 14.31); ending wanting: sopfest 
 
 23. 35; 10. 41, (-es 10. 41). Dat. Ending -um (8): sengum 22. 16 etc.; 
 -u(rn), (6); middu(m) 14. 24 etc.; neglecting case: micel (ace.?) 28.8; 
 dysig 7. 26; oper 27. 62; yfle (ins.?) 12. 35. Ins.: miccle 2. 10; 
 
 24. 30 etc.; opre 26. 42. Ace. o-stems: Neuters, no ending; mascu- 
 lines, -ne. Excep. alne, 24. 14, (3 -ne, 16. 26 etc.); neglecting case: 
 untrum 25.44; dumb, deaf 9. 32; oper 2. 12; most forms (21) regular, 
 -ne. Only long-stem neuters of thejo*cl. occur: neowe 26. 29 etc.; 
 wyrpe 3. 8 etc. /3) Plural. Nom.-acc. Mas. o-stems: Ending -e. 
 Excep.: -sekae 4. 24, (3 -e, 8. 33 etc.)j sopfeste. 23. 28, (-e 13. 17); 
 
 6* 
 
84 
 
 godne (mere error) 7. 17; ealla 21. 12, (35 -e, 10. 30 etc.); without 
 ending: dysig 23. 17; eadig 5. 3. 11; monig 24. 5; 27. 52; oper 
 15. 30; Jo-stems regular: unnytte 20. 3. 7; freo 17. 26; neowe 13. 
 52 etc.; wo-stems reg.: gearwe 24. 44; feawe 20. 16 etc. (4). Nent. 
 o-si. Long monosyls., no ending: eall 24. 8 etc.; polysyls., -u (-e) : 
 monegu 25. 21. 23; -ige 7. 22; 13. 58; 27. 55; nsenegu 13. 38; yflu 
 21. 41; eadige 13. 16; opre 25. 16. 20. 22, (Lindis. has oSero); with- 
 out ending: micel 24. 24;/o-st.: eaSe 19. 26; Seostru 6. 23; wo-st.: 
 iara 22. 4. Gen. o-st. Ending -ra: ealra 1. 17; blindra 15. 14 etc.; 
 jo-st, unclenra 10. 1. Dat. Ending -um (29), -u(m), (14): allum 
 10. 22 etc. ; fremSum 17. 25 etc. ; feawum 25. 23 etc. 
 
 Note. Foreign names with Eng. ending: cananisc 15. 22; naza- 
 renisc 2. 23; cyreniscnse (ace. m.) 27. 32; iudiscne 23. 15. 
 
 b) Feminine adjectives: 
 
 a) Singular. Nom. a-stems : Long monosyls., no ending. Excep. : 
 ealle 22. 40, (but eall 21. 10 etc.). Others have -u, -o in WS.; but 
 polysyls. with short rad. syl. usually, no ending, (cf. Siev., 296, 
 n. 1). E' has: micelu 28. 2; 24. 21, (but micel 8. 24. 26; 20. 29; 
 26. 47); with -e: yfle 16. 4, (yfel 12. 39). Sometimes long stems 
 lack ending: oper 27. 61; 28. 1 (but operu 12. 13; 24. 41; -e 
 24. 41); woestig 14. 15. -se occurs in: un-geleaf-fullse 17. 17. -e for 
 -M in wa-st.: iare 22. 8. Dat. ending -re, -ra: a curious fluctuation 
 in gender is found in 22. 37, of alre heortan pines, of alra saule pinre, 
 of alra mode pin(um). Neglecting case: halig 24. 15. In the gl. : 
 miclae stsefnse 27. 46; miccle stsefne 27. 50, stcefn seems to be m. n., 
 and the case, ins. A middle vowel appears in ja-st. middere 25. 6, 
 (cf. Siev., 297 and 293, note 4). Ace. Ending -e: gode 13. 8 etc. 
 Without ending: hen 4. 5; oper 13. 24. 31. 33; 19. 9 (-e 10. 23: 
 21. 33). 
 
 @) Plural. Nom.-acc. Ending -e, not -a, in R': ealle 18. 34 etc. 
 (3); monige 19. 22 etc. (6); snottre 25. 2; dysige 25. 2; hsefige 23. 4; 
 dryge 12. 43 etc. wd-st.: gearwe 25. 10. 
 
 Note. For the inflected forms of participles see 33, 40, 41. 
 
 73. The weak dec. of adjectives (cf. Siev., 304): 
 
 a) Singular. Nom.-voc. Mas. Ending -a. also -e, -<z\ leofa 3. 17. 
 goda 25. 21 (but -u 25. 23); seftera 27. 64 etc.; with -e, -ce\ dole 
 5. 22; blinde. 23. 26; yfle 24. 48; 25. 26; se iungse 19. 20; -e 19. 22; 
 se stronge (fortem) 12. 29 (object in constr.); se dumbe 9. 33; se 
 wiSerwearde 5. 25; (voc.) 4. 10; 16. 23; deoful-seoke 12. 22. Neut. 
 One -: swiSrae (m.?) 26.51, (-e 5. 29); otherwise -e: gode 13.38; aeftere 
 22.39 etc. Fern, -ce in: winstrae (m.?)6. 3; but swipre 6. 3; 5.30; -a 
 in proper adj.: magdalenisca 27. 56. 61; 28. 1. Gen. -n wanting in: 
 
85 
 
 neowe 26. 28; sopfseste 27.24; but halgan 28.19; micclan 5. 35; 
 hreofan (as sb.) 26. 6. Dat. -n wanting in: sopfseste 27. 19; 25. 37; 
 swselce 18.5; towarde 12.32 (-an 3.7); wiSerwearde 5. 25; ufa-warde, 
 neopewearde 27. 51; snottra 7.24. Other cases (9) have -an: halgan 
 1. 20 etc. Ace. Mas. -n wanting: instondenlice 6. 11; dseghwsemlicu 
 6. 11; unnytte 25. 30; nazarenisco 26. 71; galiliscu 26.69; with -an : 
 ondwardan 28. 15. Fern, regular, -an: swi(5ran 20. 21 etc. (7); 
 winstran 20. 23 etc. (3); halgan 4. 5; 27. 53. Neut. reg.: sopfseste 
 27. 4; but, on pset swiftran wonge 5. 39. 
 
 b) Plural. Nom.-acc. -n wanting (perhaps st. instead of wk. 
 in some cases): bliude 11. 5; 15. 30 etc. (7); dumbe 15. 30. 31; 
 deafe 11. 5; deaSe (= -de) 10. 8; -a 8. 32; deade 11. 5; -a 8. 22; 
 dysige 25. 3; -ege 25. 8; gode 13. 48; 5. 45; sopfeste 13. 43 etc. (4); 
 snottre 25. 4 etc. (3); stanige 13. 20; ealde 13. 52; healte 15. 31; 
 21. 14; halte 15. 30; 11. 5; hreofe 11. 5. 8; untryme 14. 14; tungul- 
 krseftgu 2. 1; deoful-seoka 8.28; but -an: erran 12.45. Gen. elt5eo- 
 digra 27. 7 ; but meoduma pissa 25. 45* For ord. numerals see 77. 
 
 Comparison of Adjectives. 
 
 74. Regular comp. (cf. Siev., 30711). 
 
 a) Comparative : in aldre -(as. sb.) 9. 34 5 diorre (n. p.) 6. 26 ; 
 epre (n. s. n.) 9. 5; 19. 24; wisfsestre (n. s. m.) 19. 21; arefrendlicre 
 (n. s. n.) 10. 15; strsengra (n. s. m.) 3. 11; hsefigra (n. p.) 23.23. 
 
 b) Superlative: msengistu (n.pl.) 11.20(cf. Lindelof, 64); sereste 
 (n. and a. s. m.) 23. 6; 22. 25. 38; (n. p.) 20. 16; -u 19. 30 (2); 
 20. 8. 10; erestu 20. 16. 
 
 75. Irregular comp. (cf. Siev., 31214). 
 
 a) Comparative: wyrse (n. s. m.) 12.45; 27. 64; bettra (n. s. m.) 
 12. 12; (n. p.) 10. 31; lessa (n. s. m.) 11. 11; se nserra 21. 31; mare 
 (n. s. m.) 23. 11 etc.; -a 12. 6. 41. 42; (n. s. n.) 13. 32; -se (n. s. m.) 
 11. 11; -ae (n. s. n.) 5. 47; -e 6. 25 etc. (3); (n. pi.) 20. 25; ytterre 
 (a. s. n.) 25. 30; -*e 22. 13. 
 
 b) Superlative: wyrresta (ac. s.) 12. 45; set nihste 25. 11; set 
 nehsta 21. 37; nsehsta (d. s. m.) 20. 14; -u (a. s. m.) 5. 26; 22. 39; 
 (n. p.) 20. 12. 16; 19. 30; nehstu(m) 19. 19; nsehsturn 20. 8; nextan 
 (a. p.) 5. 43; mseste (n. s. f.) 21. 8; (n. s. n.) 22.38; Isesest (cf. Siev., 
 312, note 1; Lindelof, 64, 2) 5. 19; 10. 42; 13. 32; -aest 2. 6; (pe, 
 se) Isesesta 5. 19; 25. 40; pe Isetest (for Iseteruest, cf. Siev., 314) 22. 
 27; pa ytmseste (cf. Siev., ibid, note 2) 8. 12; pe ytmaeste dseg 12.45; 
 forpmestu (a. p.) 23. 6; pses medmasta 6.30 (cf. Siev., 312, note 1); 
 forma (n. s. m.) 20. 27; in forma dseg 28. 1; formse (d. s. m.) 26. 17. 
 
86 
 
 4. Numerals. 
 
 76. Cardinal numerals (cf. Siev., 32427): 
 1) an (n. m.) 5. 29 etc. (21); ane (solus) 24. 36; 14. 23 (2), (in- 
 flected wk.); an (n. n.) 6. 29 etc. (5); (n. f.) 5. 41 ; with neg. : nan 
 5. 34; 6. 23; 22. 25; anes (g.) 21. 24; anum (d. s.) 18. 5 etc. (11); 
 -u(m) 25. 40; 27. 14; senne (a. m.) 5. 36; 13. 46; 18. 16. 28; 23. 15; 
 enne (cf. Siev., 324, 1) 17. 8; 18. 6. 10; 27. 15. 16; an (a. n.) 
 18. 9 etc. (10); ane (a. f.) 6. 27 etc. (3); anra (g. p.) 16. 27; 18. 35; 
 anum (d. p.) 12. 4. 2) twsegen 19. 5. 6 etc. (16); twegen 4. 18 etc. 
 (12); twege 5. 41; 18. 20; twegra 21. 31; 27. 21; begen 15. 14; 13. 
 30; ba (m.) 27. 44; bu (n.) 9. 17; tu (n.) ; 25. 32; (twa alt. to) tu 
 (m.!) 9. 28; twa (n.) 18. 9; (f.) 10. 10; 18. 8; 24. 41; (mas.!) 9. 27; 
 18. 8; twsem 6. 24 etc. (4); twse(m) 23. 15; 26. 2. 3) preo (m.) 
 12. 40; 18.20; (f) 15.32; 12.40; (n.) 17.4; neglecting case: 
 twegen oppe preo (for twegra, preora) 18. 16; Srirn (prim) 13. 33 etc. 
 (4). 4) feower 16. 10; fro(m) feowre windu(rn) 24. 31 (cf. Siev., 325). 
 5) fif 14. 17. 19 etc. (10); fife (attrib.) 25. 3; (alone) 25. 2 (2); 25. 
 
 16. 20. 6) sex 17. 1. 7) seofun 18. 21. 22; 15. 34. 36; siofun 
 12.45 etc. (5); siofuna (alone) 22. 28. 9) nigon 18. 12.13. 10) ten 
 
 25. 1; ten 18. 24; 25. 28; tene (alone) 20. 24. 11) enlefan 28. 16. 
 12) twself 10. 1; 14. 20; 26. 20. 53; twelf 9.20; 10. 2; 20. 17; twelfe 
 (attrib.) 19. 28 (2); 26. 47 ; (alone) 11.1; twselfe 10. 5 ; 26. 14. 14) feower- 
 tene 1. 17 (3). 30) Sritig 26. 15; 27. 3; p- 13. 8. 23; Srittig 27.9. 
 40) feowertig 4. 2 (2). 60) sextig 13. 8. 23. 70) huud-seofuntigum 
 18. 22. 90) hund-nigontig 18. 12. 13. 100) hund-teantig 19. 29; 
 ,-teontig 13. 8. 23; 18. 12; hundred 18. 28, (cf. Siev., 327). 1000) 
 pusend 5. 41 etc. (3); pusenS 14. 21; (fif, feower) pusenda 16. 9. 10; 
 ten pusende 18. 24. 
 
 77. Other numerals (cf. Siev., 32831). 
 
 a) Ordinals: 
 
 1st) forma 20. 27; 28. 1; -se 26. 17, (s. 75); sereste 23. 6 etc. 
 (s. 74). 2d) oper 22. 26 etc. (s. 72); seftera 21. 31 etc. (s. I., 
 1, c). 3d) pridde (n. m.) 22. 26; S- (ac. m.) 27. 64; (d.-i.?) 26.44; 
 
 17. 23; 16. 21; -a (d. f.) 20. 3; Srydda (d.-i. m.) 20. 19. 4th) feorpe 
 (d. f.) 14. 25; feorpan (a. m.) 5. 26. 6th) sextan (d. f.) 20. 5; syxta 
 (d. f.) 27. 45. 7th) paem siofund 22. 26 (Lindis. seofunda). 9th) nigopan 
 20. 5; 27. 45. 46. llth) sellefta (d. f.) 20. 6; elleftan 20. 9. 
 
 b) Distributives (cf. Siev., 329): 
 
 Here belong by origin the prepositions: betwih 18. 15; 26. 58; 
 (also written betwihc 20. 26; -twig 24. 10); between 3. 9 ; 11. 11; 
 -twion 16. 8. 7; 23. 35; betwihs 21. 25; -twix 20. 26; 27. 56. In 
 
 26. 22, ainguli is glossed : anlepum (cf. Siev., ibid., note 2). 
 
87 
 
 c) Multiplicatives : 
 
 anfald 6. 22; twse(m) f8eldu(m) 23. 15; hundteantig falde 19.29. 
 
 d) Numeral adverb: 
 priowa 26. 34; priuwa 26. 75. 
 
 5. Pronouns. 
 
 78. Personal pronouns without distinction of gender 
 (cf. Siev., 332). 
 a) First person. 
 
 a) Sing. Norn., ic 10. 35; 12. 6 etc.: with neg.; nic 13. 29; 
 25. 9. Gen., min 22. 18; 25. 36 etc. (often as possessive, s. 79). 
 Dat., me 20. 13; 21. 2 etc. (about 66); Ace., me 18. 32; 19. 21 etc. 
 (19); mec 18.21; 19. 17; 25. 35 etc. (33). } Dual. Norn., wit 20. 22. 
 Dat., unc 9. 27. Ace., unc 20. 30. 31. y) Plural. Nom., we 3. 15; 
 6. 12; 7. 22 etc. (37); wse 6. 31 (2); we. 23. 30. Gen., (as pos.) ure 
 23. 30; 8. 17 etc. Dat., us 27.4; 22. 17 etc. (23). Ace., us 6.13(2); 
 27. 25; 6. 12 (dat.?); usic 1. 23; 8. 25. 29. 31 (2); 20. 7. 
 
 b) Second person. 
 
 a) Sing. Nom., pu 5. 25; 6. 18 etc.; 3u 5. 25 etc.; Gen., (as 
 pos.) pin 15. 28; 6. 22 etc. Dat., f)e 18. 32 etc. (37); 3e 11. 23 etc. 
 (30). Ace., pe 4. 6; 5 29 etc. (12); 3e 25. 38 etc. (8); pec 5. 25; 
 9. 22 etc. (11); Sec 18. 8. 9 etc. (6); psec 19. 19; 26. 73; Ssec 21. 21. 
 p) Dual. Nom., git 4. 19; 9. 28 etc. (8). Dat., inc 9. 28. 29; 20. 
 23; 21. 2. 3; 28. 10. y) Plural. Nom., ge 12. 7; 13. 14 etc. Gen., 
 eower 12. 11; 18. 19; 23. 11 etc., (often pos, 5. 16 etc.). Dat., eow 
 6. 8. 9 etc. (about 122); heow 6. 14; iu 5. 32. Ace., eow 7. 23 j 
 5. 46 etc. (26); eowic 10. 23; 11. 29 etc. (19). 
 
 79. Possessive Pronouns (cf. Siev., 335): 
 
 a) Gen., mines 12. 50 etc. Dat. (sg.), minum 2. 15 etc.; (pi.), 
 13. 30 etc. Ace. (sg. mas.), minne 20. 23 etc. (5); mine 20. 4. 7; 
 (sg. fern.) 19. 20; 16. 18* etc. Nom. (pi. mas.), mine 12. 48 etc. 
 
 b) Nom.-acc. (s. and p.), ure 24.42; 6. 12 etc. (9); uru (n. s. n.) 
 21. 38; userne (a. s. m.) 6. 11; Dat. (pi.) urum 8. 17; 21. 42. 
 
 c) Gen., pines 7. 5 etc. (pine 7. 3). Dat. (s. mas. neut.), pinum 
 1. 20 etc.; (pi.), 12.37 etc.; (fern.) pinre 22. 37. Ace. (s. m.), pinne 11. 
 10 etc. (3): pine 5.43 etc. (3); (fern.), 6.6; 12. 13 etc. Nom.-acc. (pi. 
 m.), 9. 14; 12. 2 etc.; (fern.), 18.8 etc. Gen. (pi.), pinra 22.44; pine 
 (for pinra?) 5. 29. 30. 
 
 d) Dat. (s.), incrum 9. 29. 
 
 e) Gen., eowres 5. 45; 25. 8. Dat. (m. and n.), eowrum 7. 11; 
 9. 4 etc.; (fern.), eowre 19. 8. Ace. (s. f.), eowre 6. 1; 15. 3. Norn.- 
 
88 
 
 ace. (p). eowre (m.) 5.44 etc.; (f.) 6. 14; (n.) 13. 16 etc. -a 19. 8; (3.) 
 23.38; Gen. (p)., eowra 23.32; (nom. s. f.) 5.12; 10. 13; (ac. p.) 6.15. 
 
 80. Pronoun of the third person (cf. Siev., 334): 
 
 a) Sing. ) Mas. and neut.: Nom. (m.) he 8.23; 13.3 etc.; (n.), 
 hit 13. 27. 32 etc. Gen., his 7. 9. 26 etc.; is 7. 24; 22. 24; 24. 46. 
 Dot. him 15. 12 etc. (174); hi(m) 16. 17 etc. (34); heo(m) 26. 64; 
 27. 11. Ace. (m.), hine 5. 15. 25 etc. (120); hinse 22. 15; 26. 16 etc. 
 (8); hinae 8. 31; (n.), hit 12. 44; 14. 12 etc. 0) Fern.: Nom., heo 
 9. 18. 21; hio 1. 18; 5. 35 etc. (&); biu &.; 32; 8. 15 etc. (7). Gen., 
 hire 2. 18; 9.25 etc. (6); him 23.37; 26. 13. Dat., hire 14.4. 7 etc. 
 (15). Ace., heo 9. 18. 22; hio 1. 19; eo 16. 18; hie 1. 19; 16. 4; 
 hiae 5. 30; 8. 15; hise 10. 13; 12. 41. 42; 15. 23 (2). 
 
 b) Plur. Nom.-acc., heo 7. 20; 20. 33 etc. (11); hio 20. 2; 21. 
 37; hiae 28. 8; 13. 28 etc. (83); hie. 17. 5. 24 etc. (13); hiae 6. 7; 
 9. 31 etc. (8); hie 10. 25; 16. 4 etc. (64); bye 27. 4; by 26. 4. 5; hi 
 21. 34 etc. (4); hi 20. 31; 21. 15. 25; he (for heo) 4. 6; 7. 16; 14. 
 17; 16. 28; 27. 15. Gen., heora 23. 31 etc. (75); heor 27. 30; 
 eora 6. 15; 7. 16 etc. (9); hiora 1. 21; 4. 21; 9. 2; 17. 6; 23. 5. 
 Dat., heom 6. 1 etc. (64); heo(m) 15. 3 etc. (67); him 2. 7; 3. 7 etc. 
 (9); hi(m) 26. 19. 
 
 81. The simple demonstrative pronoun (cf. Siev., 337). 
 
 a) Sing, cc) Mas. and neut.: Nom., (m.), se 6. 4; 7. 21 etc. 
 (often); se 21. 42; 27. 15; pe 16. 3; 18. 14 etc. (13); (n.), pset 2. 23; 
 3. 5 etc. Gen., pses 18. 10 etc. (44); Sees 1. 1 ; 2. 9; pas 2. 20; 9. 
 23; 13. 27. Dat., paem 18. 14 etc. (50); thsem 7. 9; Ssem 21. 33 etc. 
 (13); Sem 2. 8; pse(m) 25. 28.29 etc. (53); pe,m 8.22; 12. 13; 17. 13; 
 t5ae(m) 3. 11 etc. (3). Ace. (m.), pone 1. 6. 25 etc. (43); pon 27. 66; 
 pon(e) 5. 26; ponne 17. 27; pon(ne) 18. 2; pane 4. 18; 7. 14; 21. 38; 
 Sane 21. 33; psene 6. 1 ; 7. 13; 21. 39; 25. 28; 26. 29; pe.ne 24. 45; 
 pene 25. 30; 27. 15; Sene 20. 22; (n.), pset 5. 24. 39 etc. (35); Saat 
 5. 39. Ins., py 6. 14; 5. 25 etc. (14); y 16. 7 etc. (3); 
 pon 4. 2; 6. 8 etc. |3) Fern. Nom., sio 16. 4 etc. (5); seo 5. 30; 
 13. 2; 22. 23; se (for seo? cf. he for heo) 6. 3; 25. 10; 27. 61; siu 
 9. 25; 8. 32 etc. (4); sie 21. 10. Gen., psere 21. 5; 27. 60; pare 1.1; 
 5. 31; para 24. 15; 23. 23; 26. 28; 14. 35; 21. 17. Dat,, psere 9.22; 
 18. 1 etc, (24); para 7. 14; 21. 43; 24. 36; 27. 61. Ace., pa 2. 7; 
 12. 1 etc. (23); a 23. 19; 24. 38. 
 
 b) Plur. Nom.-acc., pa 5. 5; 21. 9; 23. 13 etc. (128); 3a 7. 6 etc. 
 (6). Gen., para 14. 20. 21 etc. (36); Sara 18. 12; parse 25. 2; pserse 
 16. 28; psere 10. 29; 21. 31; 27. 52. Dat., pgem 18. 17 etc. (58); 
 Ssem 19. 11 etc. (10). 
 
 82. The compound demonstrative pronoun (cf. Siev., 
 338). 
 
89 
 
 a) Sing, a) Mas. and neut. : Nom. (m.), pes 21. 10 etc. (7); pe,s 
 9. 3; 8eos 27. 47; pios 18. 4, (Lindis. has ftes in both cases); (n.), 
 pis 3. 3. 17 etc. Gen. pisses 13. 15; 20. 12; 27. 24; neglecting 
 case: rice peos (regni hujus) 8. 12. Dat., pissum 13. 54. 56; pissu(in) 
 8. 9 etc. (4); neglecting case: pios 18. 1. Ace. (m.), pisne 11. 23; 
 28. 15; peosne 27. 8; n., pis 1. 20; 8. 9 etc. |?) Fern. Nom., peos 
 14. 15 etc. (3); Seos 26. 8; pios 26. 13. Gen., pisse 13. 22. Dat., 
 pisse 17.20 etc. (5); Sisse 19. 28; pissere 21. 21. Ace., pas 11. 16 etc. 
 (16); 3as 17. 9. 
 
 b) Plur. Nom.-acc. pas 4. 3; 19. 20 etc. (38). Gen., pissa 6. 32; 
 18. 6; 25. 45; -e 5. 19: 18. 14; -e, 10. 42. Dat., pissu(ra) 3. 9; 22. 
 40; Sissum 18 10; passu(m) 8. 32. 
 
 83. The relative pronoun (cf. Siev., 340): 
 
 The particle pe (used alone) 10. 6. 32; 9. 8 ; 7. 2 etc.; oftener 
 
 with demonstrative: sepe 10. 37; 11. 11 etc.; se pe 26. 14. 25 etc.; 
 
 t5e pe 17. 27 ; pone pe 28. 5 etc.; pa pe 16. 23 etc.; (pa pa, same 
 
 verse); excep. : forpon pi 5. 35; psem thi 21. 42. 
 
 84. The simple interrogative pronoun (cf. 341): 
 Nom. (m.), hwa 10.11.42 etc.; (n.), hwset 9. 13; 12.7 etc. (15); 
 
 Gen., hwses 6.8; 18.19 etc. Dat., hwsem 12. 27; 17.25; hwse(m) 11. 
 
 16 etc. (3). Ace. (n.), hwet 6.3.25 etc. (31); huat 16. 13. Ins., (for) 
 
 hwon 8. 26; 9. 14; (to) 26. 8. 50; forhwon 9. 4 etc. (16); forwon 
 
 17. 19 ; 22. 18. 
 
 Note. The comp. (cf. Siev., 341. n. 2 : gehwset (quisque) 15. 17 ; 
 
 gehwsem 16. 27. 
 
 85. Interrog. pronouns inflected as adjectives (cf. 
 Siev., 342): 
 
 a) hwseper 23. 19 etc. (4); hweper 9. 5; 21. 31; hwepre 23.'17; 
 b) hwilc 15. 5; 6. 27 etc.; hwylc 24. 3; hwelc 12. 48; hwselc 7. 9; 
 12. 32; 14. 36 etc.; hwylces 2*2. 28; hwilce 21. 27; 12. 48; - 21. 
 23; hwylce 5. 46; 18. 18; c) hulic 8. 27; d) Correlative to hwilc: 
 swilce 9, 8; 24. 21. 
 
 86. Other pronouns (cf. Siev., 343-49). 
 
 sum (quidam) 12. 47 etc.; -ne 8. 2; 12. 38; sume 21. 8; 16. 
 14 etc.; sumu(m) 25. 15 etc. hwset-hwugu (aliquid) 5. 23; 20. 20. 
 awiht (aliquid) 21.3; owiht 24. 17 etc.; neg. : nawiht 26.62; nauwiht 
 21. 19 etc.; nseht 23. 16; nohte 5. 13. aeghwilc (omnis) 12. 25 etc.; 
 -re 23. 27; -e 13. 47 etc.; seghwelcu(rn) 4. 4; segwilc 7. 17; 12. 36. 
 pset ilce (eundem) 26. 44; (ipsum) 27. 44. sylf (ipse) 3. 4; -e 12. 48; 
 23. 3; selfe 1. 21; -a 6. 34; selfne 27. 42; seolfne 19. 19; 22. 39; 
 27. 40; eylfum 19. 12; seolfum 12. 25 etc. (5). Swa hwa swa (qui- 
 cumque) 15. 5 etc. For oper, senig, nsenig, see 72. 
 
90 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 The evidence afforded by the vowel-system of R' (cf. 
 Pt. I. 1 ) that the language of the gloss in question occupies an 
 intermediate and independent position between the Northum- 
 brian dialect on one side, and the dialects of Wessex and 
 Kent on the other, is still farther confirmed by the preceding 
 examination. 
 
 Lindelof has pointed out (Spr. d. Kit. v. D. p. IY.) that 
 the chief characteristics of the Northumbrian dialect, in contra- 
 distinction to other dialects, are to be found in the inflectional 
 system. He says: Die alten Flexionsverhaltnisse sind in 
 dieser Mundart durch Analogiebildungen jeder Art in eine 
 vollstandige Auflosung geraten, und zwar zu einer Zeit, wo 
 das WS. noch ein regelmassiges Flexionssystem aufzuweisen 
 hatte. In dieser Zerriittung spielt fremder Einfluss sicher 
 keine Rolle etc.* 
 
 The effect of analogy in reducing inflectional forms to 
 uniformity and in confusing declensions has not gone so far 
 in R' as in Rit, but its disturbing influence is, nevertheless, 
 plain. 
 
 Gemination is preserved by analogy in the nom.-acc. sg. 
 of jo- and ;a-stems (cf. 54, 55, 57), and a geminated cons, 
 is often introduced into the 2d and 3d sg. pres. ind., and 
 into the sg. imp. of verbs in -jo (cf. 46 and 49), also in 
 the nom.-acc. sg. of nouns not ;o-stems , (cf. 55). The 
 ending of the nom.-acc. pi. of mas. nouns of the o-dec. is 
 extended in some cases to fern, and neut. nouns (cf. 55. 
 56. 68), and even to the mas. sunu of the w-dec. (cf. 62). 
 The ending of the obi. cases sometimes appears in the nom. 
 sg. (cf. 56. 57. 65 etc.). 
 
 While the consonants (except ri) of inflectional termina- 
 tions are preserved, there is a tendency to reduce vowels to 
 -e. To be sure this has not gone very far (see below), yet 
 even at the period of this gloss (s. I, p. 83) a beginning had 
 
 1) Pt. I. was presented as a dissertation to the Phil. Faculty of 
 the University of Gottingen in July. 1890, and was published in 1891. 
 
91 
 
 been distinctly made in the direction along which the dialect 
 of the Midland region advanced toward Middle and Modern 
 English. 
 
 A comparison of the forms in R', given above, with the 
 chief characteristics of the North, dialect based upon peculia- 
 rities of inflection (cf. Bouterwek, p. CLIX ff. ; Lindelof, p. IV.), 
 shows a clear line of demarcation. 
 
 1. The characteristic of the nom.-acc. pi. of .mas. nouns 
 of the o-dec. is the frequent weakening of -as to -es (ses), 
 (cf. 54) ; -o never occurs and -a very rarely. 
 
 2. The nom.-acc. pi. of the fern, a-dec. has the ending -e 
 (-8B), rarely -or, (cf. 56. 57), never -o from the n-dec., as 
 often in Rit. 
 
 3. The ending -es rarely (2) appears in the gen. of st. 
 fern, nouns, while it is more common in Rit, than the proper 
 ending -e. There is however some confusion of gender as 
 indicated by modifying pronouns and adjectives (cf. 54 72). 
 
 4. The 3d sg. pres. ind. and the pi. pres. ind. and pi. 
 imp. (st. vbs. and Class L, wk.) are not kept clearly apart by 
 difference of ending; -ep often occurs in the pi. (ind. and 
 imp.), and af often in the 3d sg. pres. (cf. 25. 26. 30). 
 But there is no case of the ending -es, -as characteristic of 
 North., (cf. Lindelof, ibid., and pp. 76-78). 
 
 5. The loss t of n in the inf., the opt. pi., and the weak 
 dec. of nouns, which is the rule in North., is very common 
 in R' (s. 28. 31. TS 7. 73), but n is often retained. 
 
 6. fe for SG (dem. pro.) occurs (cf. 83), but not fiio 
 for seo^~ 
 
 For other minor variations, e. g., -as for -es in gen. sg., 
 -ana in gen. pi., of mas. and neut. "nouns of the st. dec. ; 
 him (sg.), heom (pi.), etc., see the several paragraphs above. 
 The departure of the text from standard WS. has been noted 
 in each case and need only be referred to here. 
 
 The prepositions in and mid (wi'tJ) furnish valuable evi- 
 dence in regard to dialect (cf. Napier, Ang. X., 138. 139) 
 and deserve a few words in closing, in is common in North., 
 seldom used in WS., which prefers on (an). R' has 428 in, 
 94 on, 1 an. In echtws. denkmalern wird mid stets mit 
 
92 
 
 dem dat. bezw. instrumental konstruiert* (cf, Napier, ibid.). 
 In R' mid (mffi) appears frequently (21 times) with the ace., 
 as in Chad, and North. Gl. (cf., for the latter, Bouterwek, 
 p. CLXIY): 
 
 With the dat. 17 mid, 17 miS 34 
 
 ins- 1 1 2 
 
 ace. 16 5 21 
 
 Undetermined 19 ,, 4 23 
 
 In conclusion I gladly acknowledge again my obligation 
 to my friend and teacher, Prof. Dr. Alois Brandl, of the 
 Strassburg University, at whose suggestion the work was be- 
 gun, and whose encouragement and helpful criticism have never 
 failed me. 
 
 Corrections and Additions to Pt. I. 
 
 P. 5, n. 1. C. 3, comma after gloss. 
 P. 6, 1. 15, read 'hand'. 
 
 P. 13, 
 P. 14, 
 P. 16, 
 P. 21, 
 P. 21, 
 P. 24, 
 P. 24, 
 P. 24, 
 P. 28, 
 P. 29, 
 
 10, read '126 Mai'. 
 
 14, add 'was 26. 1'. 
 
 22, add 'hefep 5. 32'. 
 
 12, add 'oelebearwes 21. 1 ; 24. 3 ; 26. 30'. 
 
 10, (fr. bot.) read <uulf-'. 
 
 11, read '2 Mai' instead of 'niehrmals'. 
 8, (fr. bot.) read 'aelmaehtgan'. 
 
 12, erase '24. 9'. 
 
 20, (fr. bot.) read 'nissum'. 
 
 16, erase 'gewerfe 18. 3', and introduce, p. 36, 1. 16. 
 
 P. 29, 1. 16, after '9. 22' add '17. 7'; after '16. 23' add '-sep 7. 6'. 
 
 P. 30, 1. 8, (fr. bot.) read 'heagospinnu(m)'. 
 
 P. 31, 1. 10, read 'eprece (pres. ind. st. sg.) 13. 13'. 
 
 P. 31, 1. 13, (fr. bot.) read '-peuwa'. 
 
 P. 32, 
 P. 32, 
 P. 36, 
 
 P. 36, 
 P. 36, 
 P. 36, 
 
 . 2, read '56 Mai'. 
 . 17, read 'aeegberht'. 
 
 . 16, erase 'gehwerfsep (PI.) 7. 6; mis-werfde (Part.) 17. 17 
 neben'. 
 
 .. 7, introduce 'wyrpe (opt.?) 12. 27. 28 ; awyrpep (Ind. pi.) 12. 27'. 
 . 16, introduce 'gewyrfep 6. 19. 20 (schw. ?)'. 
 . 10, (fr. bot.) introduce 'vor g : bergap cauete 16. II 1 . 
 
93 
 
 P. 40, 1. 5, read 'Stratmann'. 
 
 P. 41, 1. 10, (fr. bot.) read '-Sap 15. 8'; 1. 11, '-e3 9. 34;'. 
 
 P. 42, 1. 3, introduce semi-colon before 'lige'. 
 
 P. 42, 1. 7 (fr. bot.) erase 'Pog. schreibt etc.' and transfer to p. 63, 1. 2. 
 
 P. 42, 1. 11, (fr. bot.) read ' 27. c.' 
 
 P. 43, 1. 17, (fr. bot.) after 'brymstream' add '(cf. Brenner, Eng. Stud. 
 
 16. 87)'. 
 P. 44, 1. 13, erase 'einmal e\ sneddun 21.8' and introduce p. 70, 1. 4 
 
 fr. bot. 
 
 P. 54, i. 11 (fr. bot.), introduce 'drync 10. 42'. 
 P. 55, 1. 16, after 'pytt' add '12. 11'. 
 
 P. 55, 1. 22, introduce 'spittende 27. 30 ; spittadun 26. 67'. 
 P. 56, 1. 10, (fr. bot.) read '242 e, 155 <z\ 
 P. 56, 1. 21, read 'im Altenglischen'. 
 P. 57, 1. 21, introduce 'efen 14. 15. 23; 20. 8; 26. 20. 26; 8. 16; 
 
 23. 6; -ne 28. 1; 16. 2; sefenne 27. 57'. 
 P. 68, 1. 20, (fr. bot.) introduce 'man 5. 33'. 
 P. 73, 1. 15, read 'Gloss' for 'Gbs'. 
 P. 75, 1. 6. 7, (fr. bot.) introduce '( )' before 'cf.' and after 'Anm. 5'. 
 
 P. 77, 1. 5. 6, erase 'neowe 9. 17 etc niowe 9. 17' and s. 31. 
 
 P. 78, 1. 10. 11, erase all in parenthesis '(das eo etc. . . . An. 1)'. 
 For the phonology of the advs., gen 19. 20; get 24. 6 etc. s. Pt. II., 
 
 9. a. 
 
 Corrections to Pt. II. 
 
 In 1, 1) introduce '-r in winbegr 7. 16, (cf. OET. p. 609.)'. 
 In 1, d) introduce 'gemsenes (= gomsen-nes) 27. 19'. 
 In 1, f) add 'Prop, names in -ing: gemoringa 10. 15; gerasinga 
 8. 28; sodominga 10. 15, (cf. Kluge, Stammb., 26)'.