BERKELEY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 
 Columbia IhtftcrgttP 
 
* 
 
 ^ 
 
 German (ftoaturaai 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OP EMINENT 
 
 TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS 
 
 WITH 
 
 CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 REPUBLISHED PROM 
 
 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION. 
 
 EDITED BY HENRY BARNARD, LL. D. 
 
 REVISED EDITION. 
 
 HARTFORD: 
 
 BROWN & GROSS. 
 1878. 
 
LIB. 
 
 y HViXHDRAWN 
 FROM 
 
 BARNARD COLLEOE 
 
 THE ELLA WEED LIBRARY 
 
.4 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE following volume is a reproduction of the Treatise printed in 1863, 
 under the title of German Educational Reformers, with omissions and 
 additions to make the treatment more special and comprehensive of the 
 great teachers, educators, and organizers of school systems in Germany, 
 from the sixth to the nineteenth century. 
 
 The omissions are the chapters on Bacon, Locke, Montaigne, Rousseau, 
 and Pestalozzi, and their influence on German education, which will now 
 be found in the separate treatises on English, French, and Swiss 
 Pedagogy. 
 
 The additions include memoirs of the early Christian Teachers and 
 Founders of Schools, prior to the fourteenth century, and the Organizers 
 of Public Elementary Schools, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu- 
 ries, with a summary view of the present Systems and Statistics of 
 Public Instruction in the German States. 
 
 HENRY BARNARD. 
 
 Hartford, March 1, 1878. 
 
 672 
 
GERMAN EDUCATIONAL BIOGRAPHY : Memoirs of Founders and Teach- 
 ers, Organizers, and Reformers of Systems, Institutions and Methods of 
 Instruction in Germany, from the 7th to the 19th century. Republished 
 from The American Journal of Education: HENRY BARNARD, LL.D., 
 Editor. Revised Edition. Hartford: Brown & Gross. 672 pages. $3.50. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 I. EARLY CHRISTIAN TEACHERS, from 696 to 1300 1-40 
 
 WlLIBRORD AND WlNIFRED AT UTRECHT WlNFRED (ST. BONIFACE) AT FULDA.. 1 
 CHARLEMAGNE AND ALCUIN SEMINARIES CLOISTER AND GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.. 5 
 
 FULDA, HATTO AND RABANUS LUPUS OF FERRIERES HAMO ^, 11 
 
 PASCHASIUS OF OLD CORBY ANSCHARIUS OF NEW CORBY 10 
 
 BRUNO OF COLOGNE DITMAR BOPPO AND WOLFGANG OF WURTZBURG 20 
 
 UDALRIC OF AUGSBURG BERNWARD OF HILDESHEIM TANGMAR 22 
 
 BENNON OF MISNIA MEINWERC OF PADERBORN ADALBERT OF PRAGUE 24 
 
 OTHLONUS OF ST. EMMERAN WILLIAM OF HIRSCHAU 26 
 
 M ARiANrs ALBERT THE GRSAT *F OO^OGNE 30 
 
 II. HIERONYMIAN3 OR BRETHREN OF THF COMMON LIFE, from 1340 to 1500. 41-64 
 
 orlRARD GROOTK JOHN COLE FLORENTJ'JS RADEW1N 41 
 
 C.ERARD ZERBOLT THOMAS-A-KEMP*S FKNRY DE MESMES 46 
 
 JOHN WESSEL TEA.CHER o? GRZEF ^sf> HEBREW GOSWIN OF HARLON 50 
 
 3.UDOI.F AGRT.COL.:. TEACHER AT HEIDELBERG METHODS OF STUDY 53 
 
 /t'Er.ANDER HEGIUS AT WfiSSEL, EMMERICH, AND DfiVENTER 59 
 
 MURMELLIUS AT MUNSTER, AND ALCMAR, CjESARIUS, CODENIUS, HORLENIUS.. 60 
 
 RUDOLF LANGE AT MUNSTER HERMANN BUSCH AT WESSEL. 62 
 
 III. ERASMUS AND HIS EDUCATIONAL WORK, 1467 to 1536 65-80 
 
 MEMOIR SERVICE TO CLASSICAL AND BIBLICAL LEARNING 79 
 
 IV. REUCHLIN AND THE SCHLETTSTADT SCHOOL, 1360 81-92 
 
 SCHLETTSTADT SCHOOL AND ITS FIRST RECTOR, DRINGENBERG 81 
 
 JACOB WINPHELING RECTOR AT HEIDELBERG TEACHER AT STRASBURG 82 
 
 JOHN REUCHLIN SERVICES TO GREEK AND HEBREW STUDIES 84 
 
 V. RETROSPECT OF 15TH & 16TH CENTURIES 91 
 
 OLD AND NEW STUDIES MEDI/EVAL AND NEW SCHOOL BOOKS 91 
 
 VI. MARTIN LUTHER AND HIS EDUCATIONAL WORK 97-160 
 
 i. EDUCATION CONDITION OF THE TRIVIAL SCHOOLS 101 
 
 MONASTIC SCHOOL AT MAGDEBURG LATIN SCHOOL AT EISENACH 109 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ERFURT PROFESSOR AT WITTENBERG 119 
 
 n. VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS 131 
 
 HOME GOVERNMENT DOMESTIC TRAINING PARENTAL DUTY 131 
 
 SCHOOLS ADDRESS TO THE TOWN COUNCILS OF GERMANY UNIVERSITIES.... 139 
 
 in. SCHOOL ORGANIZATIONS OF BUGENHAGEN UNDER LUTHER'S DIRECTION 160 
 
 VII. PHILIP MELANCTHON AND HIS EDUCATIONAL WORK 161-184 
 
 i. EDUCATION AT PSFORSHEIM, HEIDELBERG, AND TUBINGEN 161 
 
 n. ACTIVITY AT WITTENBERG SCHOOL PLAN FOR THURINGIA 169 
 
 m. MANUALS OF GRAMMAR, LOGIC, RHETORIC, PHYSICS, ETHICS 175 
 
GERMAN TEACHERS CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 VIII. FOUNDERS OF SCHOOLS AND METHODOLOGY IN 16TH CENTURY.. .. 185-266 
 
 i. VALENTINE FRIKDLAND TROTZENDORF, 1490-1556 185 
 
 RECTOR OF THK GOLDBERG SCHOOL 185 
 
 ii JOHN STURM, 1507-1589 193 
 
 RECTOR OF GYMNASIUM AT STRASBUKG 193 
 
 SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION IN DETAIL 195 
 
 in. MICHAEL NEANDER, 1525-1595 225 
 
 RECTOR OF THE CLOISTER SCHOOL AT ILFELD 226 
 
 iv. THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS 229 
 
 LOYOLA CONSTITUTIONS RESPECTING INSTRUCTION 229 
 
 IX. INFLUENCE OF LUTHER'S ECCLESIASTICAL REVOLUTION 267-272 
 
 SCHOOLS AS THEY WERE UNIVERSITIES EARLY SCHOOL CODES 267 
 
 1 X. EDUCATIONAL REFORMERS OF THE I7TH & 18TH CENTURIES 273-352 
 
 i. WOLFGANG RATICH, 1571-1635 319 
 
 EDUCATIONAL WORK 324 
 
 n. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS, 1592-1635 347 
 
 LABORS IN GERMANY, HOLLAND, SWEDEN, AND ENGLAND 349 
 
 PEDAGOGICAL PUBLICATIONS STUDIES GRADES OF SCHOOLS 354 
 
 in. DUKE ERNEST THE Pious, 1643-1675 389 
 
 THE SCHOOL METHOD COMMON SCHOOLS OF GOTHA 389 
 
 iv. AUGUSTUS HKRMAN FRANKE, AND THE PIETISTS 1663-1727 407 
 
 ORIGIN OF TEACHERS' SEMINARIES 418 
 
 v. JOHN JULIUS HECKER, AND REALISTIC INSTRUCTION, 1739-1797 431 
 
 TECHNOLOGICAL INSTITUTIONS 445 
 
 vi. JOHN BERNHARD BASEDOW, 1723-1780 457 
 
 BASEDOW AND PESTALOZZI COMPARED 491 
 
 vii. EBERHARD VON ROCHOW, 1734-1805 491 
 
 vin. DEVELOPMENT OF PRIMARY SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS' SEMINARIES 500 
 
 XI REFORMATORY PHILOLOGISTS 521-578 
 
 i. JOHN MATHER GESNER, 1691-1761 521 
 
 ii. JOHN AUGUST ERNESTI, 1707-1781 530 
 
 in. JOHN GEORGE HAMANN, 1730-1888 533 
 
 iv. JOHN GOTFRIED HERDER, 1744-1803 557 
 
 v. FREDERICK AUGUST WOLF, 1759-1824 561 
 
 vi. CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE, 1729-1812 574 
 
 XII. ORGANIZERS OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION 579-624 
 
 i. FREDERIC II., SCHOOL REFORMS IN PRUSSIA 579 
 
 1. GENERAL REGULATIONS OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS, 1763 593 
 
 2. REGULATIONS OF THE CATHOLIC SCHOOLS OF SILESIA, 1764 609 
 
 ii. MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORMS IN AUSTRIA 613 
 
 1. HIGHER AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS, 1763 615 
 
 2. GENERAL LAW FOR THE SCHOOLS OF AUSTRIA, 1774 619 
 
 XIII. RESULTS GERMAN SYSTEMS OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION (J41-672 
 
 i. ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION ' 641 
 
 ii. SECONDARY INSTRUCTION 651 
 
 in SUPERIOR INSTRU< TION 655 
 
 iv. SPECIAL AND PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION 659 
 
 INDEX... 673 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 
 
 WILIBRORD WINFRED. 
 
 ABOUT the year 664, an English piiest named Egbert, who had 
 been taught at Lindisfarne by Bishop Colrnan, was studying in the 
 monastery of Rathmelsigi, in Connaught, Ireland, formed the pur- 
 pose of planting Christian institutions in Friesland, and after seven 
 ineffectual attempts, inspired Wilibrord, who, with twelve com- 
 panions, proceeded there, and as bishop of Utrecht, founded a 
 school about 696, to which he afterwards sent thirty young Danes. . 
 He was joined for a time by Winfred, ' the philosopher of Christ,' 
 but who subsequently extended his labors into Hesse and Thuringia. 
 Winfred was born in Devonshire, near the border lands' of English 
 Saxony, about the year 766. He studied at Exeter, and subse- 
 quently in the school of Nutscell in Hampshire, under the direction 
 of Abbot Winbert. Of this school he became scholasticus, and 
 his teaching of grammar, poetry, and the sacred sciences, drew stu- 
 dents from all the southern provinces. But his zeal to preach the 
 Gospel among the races of Germany, from whom he was descended, 
 took him even to Utrecht. In one of his journeys he stopped at 
 Treves, and attached to him a grandson of the daughter of King 
 Dagobert, Gregory by name, a boy of fifteen years, who after- 
 wards became bishop of Utrecht, on the death of Wilibrord, and 
 founded the Episcopal seminary of that place. Of this school 
 Luidger, the son of a Friesland noble, was an alumnus. He after- 
 wards studied in the English school of York, then under Alcuin. 
 When the latter became fixed at the court of Charlemagne, he re- 
 commended Luidger for the first bishop of Mimigardford, which 
 he caused to be changed to Minster, or Munster, and where he 
 founded a monastery and episcopal school, in which he deposited 
 the books he had brought with him from England. 
 
 WINFRID AS ST. BONIFACE. 
 
 Winfred, after pursuing his apostolic career along the banks of 
 the Rhine and the Danube, was summoned to Rome, and there 
 consecrated bishop of the German nation, and took the name of 
 Boniface. He applied to the bishops and abbots of England for 
 
2 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 assistance, and was joined by a band of missioners, among whom 
 was Burchard, Lullus, Wilibald, and Winibald, who formed a com- 
 munity, wherever they labored. In addition to the church and epis- 
 copal schools at Utrecht, Treves, Ordorp, Munster, &c., Boniface 
 established schools at Fritislar and Fulda (in 744), and just before 
 his violent death, he wrote to King Pepin, asking protection for 
 such of his disciples as were engaged in the work of educating 
 (magistic infanticum), as they were principally foreigners. In 748 
 Boniface established several congregations of ladies under the aus- 
 pices of English women, who devoted themselves to the education 
 of girls Lioba at Bischoffsheim, and Walburga at Hildesheim. 
 
 In 747, the Council of Cloveshoe was held, at the instigation 
 of Boniface, who had then received the pallium from the hands 
 of Pope Gregory III., together with the authority of Papal Legate 
 and Vicar over the bishops of France and Germany his own seal 
 being at Mentz, and his jurisdiction as archbishop extending from 
 Utrecht to the Rhetian Alps. In this council, whose proceedings 
 were inspired by the archbishop of Mentz, there was much action 
 touching on schools and instruction. Bishops, abbots, and abbesses, 
 must diligently see that all their people learn to read, and that 
 boys are brought up so as to be useful to the church of God, and 
 are not overworked in bodily labors. Sunday was to be strictly 
 observed as a day of freedom {freolsunff), even for the serfs, lasting 
 from noontide on Saturday to the dawn of light on Monday morn- 
 ing. In church schools every one must learn the psalter by heart, 
 and the .chant must conform exactly to the custom of the Roman 
 church. Mass priests must always have a school of learners, for 
 which they shall make no demand of any thing from their parents, 
 beyond what they may give of their own will. This decree was 
 first issued in the Council of Vaison in 529, and was re-enacted in 
 the same words at Orleans and at Vercilli. Boniface was cruelly 
 slaughtered at Dokkum, in East Friesland, but his body was res- 
 cued, and borne to Mentz, and afterwards to Fulda, where, in a 
 crypt still preserved in the chapel of the monastery founded by 
 him, his ashes have reposed undisturbed in the revolutions of a 
 thousand years. 
 
 PEPTN AND CHARLEMAGNE. 
 
 Pepin extended his protection to the schools and teachers which 
 Boniface had established in Germany. After his death in 768, and 
 his son Carleman in 771, Charlemagne became master of all the 
 Frankish territories, and extended the boundaries of his empire 
 from the shores of the Baltic to the banks of the Elsa, and from 
 the Danube to the Atlantic Ocean. 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. ^ 
 
 CIVILIZATION AND EDUCATION IN THE BRITISH ISLES. 
 
 High up in the North, above the continent of Europe, lay two sister islands, 
 a.mple in size, happy in soil and climate, and. beautiful in the face of the coun- 
 try. Alas ! that the passions of man should alienate from one another, those 
 whom nature and religion had bound together ! So far away were they from 
 foreign foes, that one of them the barbarians had never reached, and though a 
 solitary wave of their invasion has passed over the other, it was not destined 
 to be followed by a second for some centuries. In those days the larger of the 
 two was called Britannia, the lesser Hiberuia. The latter was early the seat 
 of a flourishing church, abounding in the fruits of sanctity, learning, and zeal; 
 the former, at least its southern half, had formed part of the Empire, had par- 
 taken both of its civilization and its Christianity, but had lately been occupied, 
 with the extermination of its population, by the right wing of the great bar- 
 baric host which was overrunning Europe. 
 
 "During the sixth and seventh centuries," says Dr. Dollinger, " the Church 
 of Ireland stood in the full beauty of its bloom. The spirit of the gospel ope- 
 rated amongst the people with a vigorous and vivifying power ; troops of holy 
 men, from the highest to the lowest ranks of society, obeyed the counsel of 
 Christ, and forsook all things, that they might follow Him. There was not a 
 country of the world, during this period, which could boast of pious founda- 
 tions or of religious communities equal to those that adorned this far distant 
 island. Among the Irish, the doctrines of the Christian Religion were pre- 
 served pure and entire ; the names of heresy or of schism were not known to 
 them; and in the Bishop of Rome they acknowledged and venerated the Su- 
 preme Head of the Church on earth, and continued with him, and through him 
 with the whole Church, in a never interrupted communion. The schools in the 
 Irish cloisters were at this time the most celebrated in all the West; and in ad- 
 dition to those which have been already mentioned, there flourished the Schools 
 of St. Finiari of Clonard, founded in 530, and those of Cataldus, founded in 
 640. Whilst almost the whole of Europe was desolated by war, peaceful Ire- 
 land, free from the invasions of external foes, opened to the lovers of learning 
 and piety a welcome asylum. The strangers, who visited the island, not only 
 from the neighboring shores of Britain, but also from the most remote nations 
 of the Continent, received from the Irish people the most hospitable reception, 
 a gratuitous entertainment, free instruction, and even the books that were nec- 
 essary for their studies. Thus in the year 536, in the time of St. Senanus, 
 there arrived at Cork, from the Continent, fifteen monks, who were led thither 
 by their desire to perfect themselves in the practices of an ascetic life under 
 Irish directors, and to study the Sacred Scriptures in the school established 
 near that city. At a later period, after the year 650, the Anglo-Saxons in par- 
 ticular passed over to Ireland in great numbers for the same laudable purposes. 
 On the other hand, many holy and learned Irishmen left their own country to 
 proclaim the faith, to establish or to reform monasteries in distant lands, and 
 thus to become the benefactors of almost every nation in Europe." 
 
 Such was St. Columba, who is the Apostle of the Northern Picts in the sixth 
 century ; such St. Fridolin in the beginning of the same century, who, after 
 long labors in France, established himself on the Rhine ; such the far-famed 
 Columbanus, who, at its end, was sent with twelve of his brethren to preach in 
 France, Burgundy, Switzerland, and Lombardy, where he died. All these 
 
4 DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. 
 
 great acts and encouraging events had taken place, ere yet the Anglo-Saxon 
 race was converted to the faith, or at least while it was still under education 
 for its own part in extending it ; and thus in the contemporary or previous la- 
 bors of the Irish, the Pope found an encouragement, as time went on, boldly 
 to prosecute that conversion and education of the English, which was begin- 
 ning with such good promise, in the labors of the Irish missionaries. 
 
 " The foundation of many English sees," says Dollinger, " is due to Irish 
 men ; the Northumbrian diocese was for many years governed by them, and the 
 abbey of Lindisfarne, which was peopled by Irish monks and their Saxon dis- 
 ciples, spread far around it its all-blessing influence. These holy men served 
 God and not the world ; they possessed neither gold nor silver, and all that 
 they received from the rich, passed through their hands into the hands of the 
 poor. Kings and nobles visited them from time to time, only to pray in their 
 churches, or to listen to their sermons ; and as long as they remained in the 
 cloisters, they were content with the humble food of the brethren. Wherever 
 one of these ecclesiastics or monks came, he was received by all with joy ; and 
 whenever he was seen journeying across the country, the people streamed 
 around him to implore his benediction and to hearken to his words. The 
 priests entered the villages only to preach or to administer the sacraments; and 
 so free were they from avarice, that it was only when compelled by the rich 
 and noble, that they would accept lands for the erection of monasteries. Thus 
 has Bede described the Irish bishops, priests, and monks of Northumbria, al- 
 though so displeased with their custom of celebrating Easter. Many Anglo- 
 Saxons passed over to Ireland, where they received a most hospitable recep- 
 tion in the monasteries and schools. In crowds, numerous as bees, as Aldhelm 
 writes, the English went to Ireland, or the Irish visited P]ngland, where the 
 Archbishop Theodore was surrounded by Irish scholars. Of the most cele- 
 brated Anglo-Saxon scholars and saints, many had studied in Ireland ; among 
 these were St. Egbert, the author of the first Anglo-Saxon mission to the pagan 
 continent, and the blessed Willebrod, the Apostle of the Frieslanders, who had 
 resided twelve years in Ireland. From the same abode of virtue and of learn- 
 ing, came forth two English priests, both named Ewald, who in 690, went as 
 messengers of the gospel to the German Saxons, and received from them the 
 crown of martyrdom. An Irishman, Mailduf, founded, in the year 670, a 
 school, which afterwards grew into the famed Abbey of Malmesbury ; among 
 his scholars was St. Aldhelm, afterwards Abbot of Malmesbury, and first bishop 
 of Sherburne or Salisbury, and whom, after two centuries, Alfred pronounced 
 to be the best of the Anglo-Saxon poets." 
 
 The seventh and eighth centuries are the glory of the Anglo-Saxon Church, 
 as are the sixth and seventh of the Irish. As the Irish missionaries traveled 
 down through England, France, and Switzerland, to lower Italy, and attempted 
 Germany at the peril of their lives, converting the barbarian, restoring the 
 lapsed, encouraging the desolate, collecting the scattered, and founding churches, 
 schools, and. monasteries, as they went along; so, amid the deep pagan woods 
 of Germany and round about, the English Benedictine plied his axe and drove 
 his plough, planted his rude dwelling, and raised his rustic altar upon the ruins 
 of idolatry, and then settling down as a colonist upon the soil, began to sing 
 his chants and to copy his old volumes, and thus to lay the slow but sure 
 foundations of the new civilization. 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. 
 
 SCHOOLS OF CHARLEMAGNE.* 
 
 When Charlemagne arose upon the Continent, the special mission of the two 
 islands was at an end ; and accordingly Ragnor Lodbrog with his Danes then 
 began his descents upon their coasts. Yet they were not superseded, till they 
 had formally handed over the tradition of learning to the schools of France, 
 and had written their immortal names on one and the same page of history. 
 The Anglo-Saxon Alcuin was the first Rector, and the Irish Clement the 
 second, of the Studium of Paris. In the same age the Irish John was sent to 
 found the school of Pavia ; and, when the heretical Claudius of Turin exulted 
 over the ignorance of the devastated Churches of the Continent, and called 
 the Synod of Bishops, who summoned him, "a congregation of asses," it was 
 no other than the Irish Dungall, who met and overthrew the presumptuous 
 railer. * * * 
 
 Under Charlemagne, secular teaching was united to sacred, and the Church, 
 which had before hardly recognized the education of the laity, but confined itself 
 mainly to the clergy arid their ecclesiastical education, took supervision of both, of 
 lay students and of profane learning. Charlemagne indeed betook himself to the 
 two Islands of the North for a tradition ; Alcuin, an Englishman, was at the head 
 of his educational establishments; he came to France, not with sacred learn- 
 ing only, but with profane ; he set up schools for laity as well as clergy ; but 
 whence was it that he in turn got the tradition which he brought ? His his- 
 tory takes us back to that earlier age, when Theodore of Tarsus, Primate of 
 England, brought with him thither from Rome the classics, and made Greek 
 and Latin as familiar to the Anglo-Saxons as their native tongue. Alcuin was 
 the scholar of Bede and Egbert ; Egbert was educated in the York school of 
 Theodore, and Bede in that of Benedict Biscop and of John precentor of the 
 Vatican Basilica. Here was the germ of the new civilization of Europe, which 
 was to join together what man had divided, to adjust the claims of Reason and 
 of Revelation, and to fit men for this world while it trained them for another. 
 Charlemagne has the glory of commencing this noble work; and, whether his 
 school at Paris be called a University or not, he laid down principles of which 
 a University is the result, in that he aimed at educating all classes, and under- 
 took all subjects of teaching. 
 
 In the first place, however, he turned his attention to the Episcopal Semi- 
 naries, which seem to have been institutions of the earliest times of Chris- 
 tianity, though they had been in great measure interrupted amid the dissolution 
 of society consequent upon the barbarian inroads, as various passages in these 
 Essays have already suggested. His restoration lasted for four centuries, till 
 Universities rose in their turn, and indirectly interfered with the efficiency of 
 the Seminaries, by absorbing them into the larger institution. This inconve- 
 nience was set right at a later period by the Council of Trent, whose wise regu- 
 lations were in turn the objects of the jealousy of the Josephism of the last 
 century, which used or rather abused the University system to their prejudice. 
 The present policy of the Church in most places has been to return to the 
 model both of the first ages and of Charlemagne. 
 
 To these Seminaries he added, what I have spoken of as his characteristic in- 
 stitution, grammar and public schools, as preparatory both to the Seminaries 
 
 * NEWMAN'S Rise and Progress of Universities. Schools of Charlemagne. 
 
6 DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. 
 
 and to secular professions. Not that they were confined to grammar, for they 
 recognized the trivium and quadrivium ; but grammar, in the sense of litera- 
 ture, seems to have been the principle subject of their teaching. These schools 
 were established in connection with the Cathedral or the Cloister ; and they re- 
 ceived ecclesiastics and the sons of the nobility, though not to the exclusion 
 of the poorer class. 
 
 Charlemagne probably did not do much more than this ; though it was once 
 the custom to represent him as the actual founder of the University of Paris. 
 But great creations are not perfected in a day ; without doing every thing 
 which had to be done, he did many things, and opened the way for more. It 
 will throw light upon his position in the history of Christian education, to quote 
 a passage from the elaborate work of Bulasus, on the University of Paris, 
 though he not unnaturally claims the great Emperor as its founder, maintain- 
 ing that he established, not only the grammar or public schools already men- 
 tioned, but the higher Studia Generalia. 
 
 It is observable that Charles, in seeking out masters, had in view, not merely 
 the education of his own family, but of his subjects generally, and of all lovers 
 of the Christian Religion ; and wished to be of service to all students and cul- 
 tivators of the liberal arts. It is indeed certain that he sought out learned 
 men and celebrated teachers from all parts of the world, and induced them to 
 accept his invitation by rewards and honors, on which Alcuin lays great stress. 
 'I was well aware, my Lord David,' he says, 'that it has been your praise- 
 worthy solicitude ever to love and to extol wisdom ; and to exhort all men to 
 cultivate it, nay, to incite them by means of prizes and honors ; and out of 
 divers parts of the world to bring together its lovers as the helpers of your 
 good purpose ; among whom you have taken pains to secure even me, the 
 meanest slave of that holy wisdom, from the extremes! boundaries of Britain.' 
 
 It is evident hence, that Charles's intention was not to found any common 
 sort of schools, such, that is, as would have required only a few instructors, 
 but public schools, open to all, and 4 possessing all kinds of learning. Hence the 
 necessity of a multiplicity of Professors, who from their number and the re- 
 moteness of their homes might seem a formidable charge, not only to the court, 
 or to one city, but even to his whole kingdom. Sucli is the testimony of Egin- 
 hart, who says: 'Charles loved foreigners, and took great pains to support 
 them ; so that their number was a real charge, not to the Palace alone, but 
 even to the realm. Such, however, was his greatness of soul, that the burden 
 of them was no trouble to him, because even of great inconveniences the praise 
 of munificence is a compensation.' 
 
 Charles had in mind to found two kinds of schools, less and greater. The 
 less he placed in Bishops' palaces, canons' cloisters, monasteries, and elsewhere ; 
 the greater, however, he established in places which were public, and suitable 
 for public teaching ; and he intended them, not only for ecclesiastics, but for 
 the nobility and their children, and on the other hand for poor scholars too ; in 
 short, for every rank, class, and race. 
 
 He seems to have had two institutions before his mind, when he contem- 
 plated this object; the first of them was the ancient schools. Certainly, a man 
 of so active and inquiring a mind as Charles, with his intercourse with learned 
 persons and his knowledge of mankind, must have been well aware that in 
 former ages these two kinds of schools were to be found everywhere; the one 
 kind few in number, public, and of great reputation, possessed moreover of 
 privileges, and planted in certain conspicuous and central sites. Such was the 
 Alexandrian in Egypt, the Athenian in Greece ; such under the Roman em- 
 perors, the schools of Rome, of Constantinople, of Berytus, which are known 
 to have been attended by multitudes, and amply privileged by Theodosius, 
 Justinian, and other princes ; whereas the other kind of schools, which were 
 far more numerous, were to be found up and down the country, in cHies, 
 towns, villages, and were remarkable neither in number of students nor in n**nae. 
 
 The other pattern which was open to Charles was to be found in the pc- 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. 7 
 
 tice of monasteries, if it really existed there. The Benedictines, from the very 
 beginning of their institution, had applied themselves to the profession of lite- 
 rature, and it has been their purpose to have in their houses two kinds of 
 school, a greater or a less, according to the size of the house ; and the greater 
 they wished to throw open to all students, at a time when there were but few 
 laymen at all who could teach, so that externs, seculars, laymen, as well as 
 clerics, might be free to attend to them. However, true as it was that boys, 
 who were there from childhood intrusted to the monks, bound themselves by 
 no vow, but could leave when they pleased, marry, go to court, or enter the 
 army, still a great many of the cleverest of them were led, either by the habits 
 which they acquired from their intercourse with their teachers, or by their per- 
 suasion, to embrace the monastic life. And thus, while the Church in conse- 
 quence gained her most powerful supports, the State, on the other hand, was 
 wanting in men of judgment, learning, and experience, to conduct its affairs. 
 This led very frequently to kings choosing monks for civil administration, be- 
 cause no others were to be found capable of undertaking it. 
 
 Charles then, consulting for the common good, made literature in a certain 
 sense secular, and transplanted it from the convents to the royal palace ; hi a 
 word, he established in Paris a 'Universal School like that at Rome. 
 
 Not that he deprived monks of the license to teach and profess, though he 
 certainly limited it, from a clear view that that variety of sciences, human and 
 profane, which secular academies require, is inconsistent with the profession 
 and devotion of ascetics ; and accordingly, in conformity to the spirit of their 
 institute, it was his wish that the lesser schools should be set up or retained in 
 the Bishops' palaces and monasteries, while he prescribed the subjects which 
 they were to teach. The case was different with the schools which are higher 
 and public, which, instead of multiplying, he confined to certain central and 
 celebrated spots, not more than to three in his whole empire Paris, and in 
 Italy, Pavia and Bologna. 
 
 But, after all, it was not in an Emperor's power, though he were Charle- 
 magne, to carry into effect in any case, by the resources peculiar to himself, so 
 great an idea as a University. Benefactors and patrons may supply the frame- 
 work of a Studium Generale ; but there must be a popular interest and sym- 
 pathy, a spontaneous cooperation of the many, the concurrence of genius, and 
 a spreading thirst for knowlelge, if it is to live. Centuries passed before these 
 conditions were supplied, and then at length about the year 1200 a remarkable 
 intellectual movement took place in Christendom ; and to it must be ascribed 
 the development of Universities, out of the public or grammar schools, which 
 I have already described. No such movement could happen, without the rise 
 of some deep and comprehensive philosophy ; and, when it rose, then the ex- 
 isting Trivium and Quadrivium became the subjects, and the existing seats of 
 learning the scene, of its victories ; and next the curiosity and enthusiasm, 
 which it excited, attracted larger and larger numbers to places which were 
 hitherto but local centers of education. Such a gathering of students, such a 
 systematizing of knowledge, are the notes of a University. 
 
 The increase of members and the multiplication of sciences both involved 
 changes in the organization of the schools of Charlemagne ; and of these the 
 increase of members came first. Hitherto there had been but one governor 
 over the students, who were but few at the most, and came from the neighbor- 
 hood; but now the academic body was divided into Nations, according to the 
 part of Europe from which they joined it, and each Nation had a head of its 
 own, under the title of Procurator or Proctor. There were traces of this di- 
 vision, as we have seen in a former chapter, in Athens ; where the students 
 were arranged under the names of Attic, Oriental, Arab, and Po'ntic, with a 
 protector for each class. In like manner, in the University of Paris, there 
 
8 DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCT^,... 
 
 were four nations, first, the French, which included the middle and south of 
 France, Spain, Italy, and Greece; secondly, the English, which, besides the 
 two British Islands, comprehended Germany and Scandinavia; thirdly, the 
 Norman ; and fourthly, the Picards, who carried with them the inhabitants of 
 Flanders and Brabant. Again, in the University of Vienna, there were also 
 four nations, Austria, the Rhine, Hungary, and Bohemia. Oxford recognized 
 only two Nations ; the north English, which comprehended the Scotch ; and 
 the south English, which comprehended the Irish and Welsh. The Proctors 
 of the Nations both governed and represented them ; the double office is still 
 traceable, unless the recent Act of Parliament has destroyed it, in the modern 
 constitution of Oxford, in which the two Proctors on the one hand represent 
 the Masters of Arts in the Hebdomadal Board, and on the other have in their 
 hands the discipline of the University. 
 
 And as Nations and their Proctors arose out of the metropolitan character 
 of a University, to which students congregated from the farthest and most 
 various places, so are Faculties and Deans of Faculties the consequence of its 
 encyclopaedic profession. According to the idea of the institutions of Charle- 
 magne, each school had its own teacher, who was called Rector, or Master, In 
 Paris, however, where the school was founded in St. Genevieve's, the Chan- 
 cellor of that Church became the Rector, and he kept his old title of Chancellor 
 in his new office. Elsewhere the head of the University was called Provost. 
 However, it was not every one who would be qualified to profess even the 
 Seven Sciences, of which the old course of instruction consisted, though the 
 teaching was only elementary, and to become the Rector, Chancellor, or Prov- 
 ost, of the University ; but, when these sciences became only parts of a whole 
 system of instruction, which demanded in addition a knowledge of philosophy, 
 scholastic theology, civil and canon law, medicine, natural history, and the 
 Semitic languages, no one person was equal to the undertaking. The Rector 
 fell back from the position of a teacher to that of a governor ; and the instruc- 
 tion was divided among a board of Doctors, each of whom represented a special 
 province in Science. This is the origin of Deans of Faculties; and, inasmuch 
 as they undertook among themselves one of those departments of academical 
 duty, which the Chancellor or Rector had hitherto fulfilled, they naturally be- 
 came his Council. In some places the Proctors of the Nations were added. 
 Thus, in Vienna the Council consisted of the Four Deans of Faculties, and the 
 Four Proctors. 
 
 As Nations preceded Faculties, we may suppose that Degrees, which are 
 naturally connected with the latter, either did not enter into the original pro- 
 visions of a University, or had not the same meaning as afterwards. And this 
 seems to have been the case. At first they were only testimonials that a resi- 
 dent was fit to take part in the public teaching of the place ; and hence, in the 
 Oxford forms still observed, the Vice-Chancellor admits the person taking a 
 degree to the "lectio" of certain books. Degrees would not at that time be 
 considered mere honors or testimonials, to be enjoyed by persons who at once 
 left the University and mixed in the world. The University would only con- 
 fer them for its own purposes; and to its own subjects, for the sake of its own 
 subjects. It would claim nothing for them external to its own limits ; and, if 
 so, only used a power obviously connate with its own existence. But of 
 course the recognition of a University by the State, not to say by other Uni- 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION. 
 
 9 
 
 versities, would change the import of degree, and, since such recognition has 
 commonly been granted from the first, degrees have seldom been only what 
 they were in their original idea ; but the formal words by which they are de- 
 noted, still preserve its memory. As students on taking degrees are admitted 
 "legere et disputare," so are they called " Magistri," that is, of the schools; 
 and " Doctors," that is, teachers, or in some places " Professors," as the let- 
 ters S.T.P. show, used instead of D.D. 
 
 I conclude by enumerating the characteristic distinctions, laid down by 
 Bulreus, between the public or grammar schools founded by Charlemagne, and 
 the Universities into which eventually some of them grew, or, as he would 
 say, which Charlemagne also founded. 
 
 First, he says, they differ from each other ratione disciplines. The Scholae 
 Minores only taught the Trivium (viz., Grammar, Logic, Rhetoric,) and the 
 Quadrivium (viz., Geometry, Astronomy, Arithmetic, and Music,) the seven 
 liberal Arts ; whereas the Scholae Majores added Medicine, Law, and Theology. 
 
 Next, ratione loci; for the Minores were man} 7 - and everywhere, but the Ma- 
 jores only in great cities, and few in number. I have already remarked on the 
 physical and social qualifications necessary for a place which is to become the 
 seat of a great school of learning: Bulaeus observes, that the Muses were said 
 to inhabit mountains, Parnassus or Helicon, spots high and healthy and se- 
 cured against the perils of war, and that the Academy was a grove ; though of 
 course he does not forget that the place must be accessible too, and in the high- 
 way of the world. "That the c\iy of Paris," he says, "is ample in size, 
 largely frequented, healthy and pleasant in site, there can be no doubt." 
 Frederic the Second spoke the general sentiment, when he gave as a reason for 
 establishing a University at Naples, the convenience of the sea-coast and the 
 fertility of the soil. "We are informed by Matamorus, in his account of the 
 Spanish Universities,* that Salamanca was but the second site of its Univer- 
 sity, which was transferred thither from Palencia on account of the fertility of 
 the neighborhood, and the mildness of its climate. And Mr. Prescott speaks 
 of Alcala being chosen by Cardinal Ximenes as the site for his celebrated 
 foundations, because " the salubrity of the air, and the sober, tranquil com- 
 plexion of the scenery, on the beautiful borders of the Henares, seemed well 
 suited to academic study and meditation." 
 
 The third difference between the greater and lesser schools lies ratione fun- 
 datorum. Popes, Emperors, and Kings, are the founders of Universities ; lesser 
 authorities in Church and State are the founders of Colleges and Schools. 
 
 Fourthly, ratione privikgiorum. The very notion of a University, I believe, 
 is, that it is an institution of privilege. I think it is Bulaeus who says, " Stu- 
 dia Generalia can not exist without privileges, any more than the body without 
 the soul. And in this all writers on Universities agree." He reduces those 
 privileges to two heads, " Patrocinium " and "Prsemium ;" and these, it is ob- 
 vious, may be either of a civil or an ecclesiastical nature. There were for- 
 merly five Universities endowed with singular privileges : those of Rome, of 
 Paris, of Bologna, of Oxford, and of Salamanca ; but Antony a Wood quotes 
 an author who seems to substitute Padua for Rome in this list. 
 
 Lastly, the greater and lesser schools differ ratione regiminis. The head of 
 a College is one ; but a University is a " respublica litteraria." 
 * Hispnn. Illustr. t. p. 2, 801. 
 
10 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 DUNGAL AND CLEMENT. 
 
 Two Irish scholars, Dungal and Clement, arrived in France soon after the re- 
 tirement of Alcuin from court who on landing excited curiosity by crying 
 aloud, Wisdom to sell ! Who'll buy ? Charlemagne attached them both to his 
 service Clement at Paris, where he soon was put in charge of the Palatine 
 School, and Dungal at Pavia, where he opened a school in the monastery of 
 St. Augustine, and in 811 addressed a letter to the emperor on the solar 
 eclipse, which was predicted for the next year. Clemen^ seems to have been 
 deeply imbued with the learned mysticism of the school of Toulouse, and in a 
 treatise on the eight parts of speech, which is still preserved, quotes the rules 
 of the grammarian Virgil, and the writings of the noble doctors Glengus, Gal- 
 bungus, Eneas, and the rest. Alcuin complained much of the disorder intro- 
 duced into the studies of the court school after his departure. 'I left them 
 Latins,' he exclaimed, ' arid now I find them Egyptians.' This was a double 
 hit at the gibberish of the twelve Latiuites, which Alcuin could not abide, and 
 at the hankering which the Irish professors always displayed, both in science 
 and theology, for the teaching of the school of Alexandria, many of them hav- 
 ing embraced the peculiar views of the Neo-Platonists. The Egyptians, how- 
 ever, found a welcome at the court of Charlemagne in spite of their eccen- 
 tricities ; for there no one was ever coldly received who could calculate 
 eclipses, or charm the ears of the learned monarch with Latin hexameters. 
 And it is perhaps to one of these Irish professors that we must attribute those 
 verses preserved by Martene, and professing to be written by an ' Irish exile,' 
 which contain such agreeable flattery of the Frankish sovereign and of his 
 people, and which were presented to the emperor as he held one of those 
 solemn New-year courts, at which his subjects vied one with another in offer- 
 ing him jewels, tissues, horses, and bags of money. 
 
 The School of the Palace declined under the management of Clement, and 
 of his successor Claud, bishop of Turin, and during the reign of Louis le De- 
 bonnaire. It revived under Charles the Bald, when it was much resorted to by 
 Irish and English scholars, 
 
 JOHN SCOTUS ERIGENA. 
 
 John Scotus Erigena, born in Ireland in 796, and educated at York and Lin- 
 disfarne, resorted to Paris in 826, where he was placed by Charles the Bald 
 over the Palatine school. He had early applied himself to the study of Greek, 
 and embraced the doctrines of the Neo-Platonic school. His translation of the 
 works of St. Denys the Arcopagite, astonished the scholars at Rome, who 
 looked upon all beyond the Alps as barbarians. In his philosophical treatise, 
 De Natura Rerum, he sets forth the doctrines of the Greek Platonists, and 
 flings- defiance at his adversaries at Rome. "They are all deceived, owing to 
 their ignorance of liberal studies. They have none of them studied Greek, and 
 with a knowledge of the Latin language alone, it is impossible for them to un- 
 derstand the distinctions of science." In 855, certain propositions drawn from 
 his writings were condemned as heretical by the Council of Valence. He 
 withdrew from the school in 865, on the remonstrance of Pope Nicholas I., on 
 the ground of the perversion of his authority by the enemies of the church. 
 He retired to England, where, according to some historians, he taught 
 mathematics and astronomy at Oxford, and, to others, opened a school at 
 Malmsbury. 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 11 
 
 FULDA. HATTO AND RABANUS. 
 
 The Abbey of Fulda, where the monks were organized into a community 
 under the rule of St. Benedict, was one of the earliest to carry out the educa- 
 tional work begun by Alcuin at Aix and Tours. Two of the younger brothers 
 were selected to study with the great master at Tours Hatto and Rabanus, 
 who resorted to him in 802. The name of Maurus was bestowed by Alcuin 
 on his favorite disciple, and was afterwards retained by Rabauus in addition to 
 his own. He studied both sacred and profane sciences, as appears from the 
 letter he addressed many years later to his old schoolfellow, Haimo, bishop of 
 Halberstadt, in which he reminds him of the pleasant days they had spent to- 
 gether in studious exercises, reading, not only the Sacred books, and the ex- 
 positions of the Fathers, but also investigating all the seven liberal arts. In 
 813, being then twenty-five years of age, Rabanus was recalled to Fulda, by 
 the abbot Ratgar, and placed at the head of the school, with the strict injunc- 
 tion that he was to follow in all things the method of his master Alcuin. The 
 latter was still alive, and addressed a letter to the young preceptor, which is 
 printed among his other works, and is- addressed to ' the boy Maurus,' in which 
 he wishes him good luck with his scholars. His success was so extraordinary 
 that the abbots of other monasteries sent their monks to study under him, and 
 were eager -to obtain his pupils as professors in their own schools. The Ger- 
 man nobles also gladly confided their sons to his care, and he taught them with 
 wonderful gentleness and patience. He carried out the system which had 
 been adopted by Alcuin of thoroughly exercising his scholars in grammar be- 
 fore entering on the study of the other liberal arts. 'All the generations of 
 Germany,' says Trithemius, 'are bound to celebrate the praise of Rabanus, who 
 first taught them to articulate the sound of Greek and Latin.' At his lectures 
 every one was trained to write equally well in prose or verse on any subject 
 placed before him, and was afterwards taken through a course of rhetoric, 
 logic, and natural philosophy, according to the capacities of each. 
 
 Every variety of useful occupation was embraced by the monks ; while some 
 were at work hewing down the old forest which a few years before had given 
 shelter to the mysteries of Pagan worship, or tilling the soil on those numerous 
 farms which to this day perpetuate the memory of the great abbey in the 
 names of the towns and villages which have sprung up on their site, other 
 kinds of industry were kept up within doors, where the visitor might have be- 
 held a huge range of workshops in which cunning hands were kept constantly 
 busy on every description of useful and ornamental work in wood, stone, and 
 metal. It was a scene, not of artistic dileltanteism, but of earnest, honest la- 
 bor, and the treasurer of the abbey was charged to take care that the sculp- 
 tors, engravers, and carvers in wood, were always furnished with plenty to do. 
 Passing on to the interior of the building the stranger would have been intro- 
 duced to the scriptorium, over the door of which was an inscription warning 
 the copyists to abstain from idle words, to be diligent in copying good books, 
 and to take care not to alter the text by careless mistakes. Twelve monks al- 
 ways sat here employed in the labor of transcription, as was also the custom 
 at Hirsauge, a colony sent out from Fulda in 830, and the huge library which 
 was thus gradually formed, survived till the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, when it was destroyed in the troubles of the thirty years' war. Not far 
 
12 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 from the scriptorium was the interior school, where the studies were carried on 
 with an ardor and a largeness of views, which might have been little expected 
 from an academy of the ninth century. Our visitor, where he from the more 
 civilized south, might well have stood in mute surprise in the midst of these 
 fancied barbarians, whom he would have found engaged in pursuits not unwor- 
 thy of the schools of Rome. The monk Probus is perhaps lecturing on Virgil 
 and Cicero, and that with such hearty enthusiasm that his brother professors 
 accuse him, in good-natured jesting, of ranking them with the saints. Else- 
 where disputations are being carried on over the Categories of Aristotle, and 
 an attentive ear will discover that the controversy which made such a noise in 
 the twelfth century, and divided the philosophers of Europe into the rival x sects 
 of the Nominalists and Realists, is perfectly well understood at Fulda, though 
 it does not seem to have disturbed the peace of the school. To your delight, 
 if you be not altogether wedded to the dead languages, you may find some en- 
 gaged on the uncouth language of their fatherland, and, looking over their 
 shoulders, you may smile to see the barbarous words which they are cataloguing 
 in their glossaries ; words, nevertheless, destined to reappear centuries hence in 
 the most philosophic literature of Europe. Fulda derived its scholastic tra- 
 ditions from Alcuin and Bede, and could not neglect the vernacular. 
 
 In the midst of this world of intellectual life and labor, Rabanus continued 
 for some years to train the first minds of Germany, and counted among his pu- 
 pils the most celebrated men of the age, such as Lupus of Ferrieres, Walafrid 
 Strabo, and Ruthard of Hirsange, the latter of whom was the first who read 
 profane letters to the brethren of his convent 'after the manner of Fulda.' 
 Lupus was a monk of Ferrieres, where he had been carefully educated by the 
 abbot Aldric, who was a pupil of Sigulf, and had acted for some time as as- 
 sistant to Alcuin in the school of Tours. Aldric afterwards became archbishop 
 of Sens, and sent Lupus to complete his education at Fulda, under Rabanus. 
 Like all the scholars of Ferrieres, Lupus had a decided taste for classical litera- 
 ture ; the love of letters had been, to use his own expression, innate in him 
 from a child, and he was considered the best Latinist of his time. His studies 
 at Fulda were chiefly theological, and he applied to them with great ardor, 
 without, however, forgetting ' his dear humanities.' It would even seem that 
 he taught them at Fulda, thus returning one benefit for another. The monas- 
 tery was not far from that of Seligenstadt, where Eginhard, the secretary and 
 biographer of Charlemagne, was their abbot. A friendship, based on simi- 
 larity of tastes, sprang up between him afnd Lupus, and was maintained by a 
 correspondence, much of which is still preserved. Lupus always reckoned 
 Eginhard as one of his masters ; not that he directly received any lessons from 
 him, but on account of the assistance which the abbot rendered him by the 
 loan of valuable books. In one of his earliest letters to this good friend he 
 begs for a copy of Cicero's ' Rhetoric,' his own being imperfect, as well as for 
 the 'Attic Nights ' of Aulus Gellius, which were not then to be found in the 
 Fulda library. In another letter, he consults him on the exact prosody of cer- 
 tain Latin words, and begs him to send the proper size of the Uncial letters 
 used in manuscripts of that century. 
 
 Among the fellow-students of Lupus at this time was Walafrid Strabo, a 
 man of very humble birth, whose precocious genius had early made him known 
 in the world of letters. In spite of the unfortunate personal defect which 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 13 
 
 earned him his surname, "Walafrid's Latin verses had gained him respect among 
 learned men at the age of fifteen, and they are favorably noticed even by critics 
 of our own time. He had received his early training in the monastery of 
 Reichnau, the situation of which was well fitted to nurture a poetic genius. 
 His masters had been Tetto and Wettin, the latter of whom was author of that 
 terrible ' Vision of Purgatory ' which left an indelible impress on the popular 
 devotion of Christendom. From Reichnau he was sent by his superiors to 
 study at Fulda, where he acquired a taste for historical pursuits, and is said to 
 have assisted in the compilation of the annals of the monastery. It was out 
 of the Fulda library that he collected the materials for his great work, the 
 G'oss, or Commentary on the Text of Scripture, gathered from the writings of 
 the Fathers. It received many additions and improvements from subsequent 
 writers, and, for more than six hundred years, continued to be the most popu- 
 lar explanation of the Sacred text in use among theologians. Returning to 
 Reichnau, Walafrid was appointed to the office of scholasticus, and filled it 
 with such success as fairly to establish the reputation of that monastic school. 
 Ermanric, one of his pupils, says of him, that to the end of his life he contin- 
 ued to exhibit the same delightful union of learning and simplicity which had 
 endeared him to his masters and schoolfellows. Even after he was appointed 
 abbot, he found his chief pleasure in study, teaching, and writing verses, and 
 would steal away from the weightier cares of his office to take a class in his 
 old school and expound to them a passage of Yirgil. Neither old age nor 
 busy practical duties dried up the fount of Abbot Walafrid's inspiration, and 
 we find him in his declining years writing his poem entitled ' Hortulus,' 1 wherein 
 he describes with charming freshness of imagery, the little garden blooming 
 beneath the window of his cell, and the beauty and virtue of the different 
 flowers which he loved to cultivate with his own hands. 
 
 Another of the Fulda scholars contemporary with those named above, was 
 Otfried, a monk of Weissemburg, who entered with singular ardor into the 
 study of the Tudesque dialect. Rabanus himself devoted much attention to 
 this subject, and composed a Latin and German glossary on the books of Scrip- 
 ture, together with some other etymological works, among which is a curious 
 treatise on the origin of languages. Otfried took up his master's favorite pur- 
 suits with great warmth, and the completion of Charlemagne's German gram- 
 mar is thought to be in reality his work, though generally assigned to Rabanus. 
 On retiring to his own monastery, where he was charged with the direction of 
 the school, he continued to make the improvement of his native language the 
 chief object of his study. A noble zeal prompted him to produce something 
 in the vernacular idiom which should take the place of those profane songs, 
 often of heathen origin, which had hitherto been the only production of the 
 German muse. 
 
 The character of Rabanus may be gathered from that of his pupils. He was 
 in every respect a true example of the monastic scholar, and took St. Bede for 
 the model on which his own life was formed. All the time not taken up with 
 religious duties he devoted to reading, teaching, writing, or ' feeding himself 
 on the Divine Scriptures.' The best lesson he gave his scholars was the ex- 
 ample of his own life, as Eginhard indicates in a letter written to his son, then 
 studying as a novice at Fulda. ' I would have you apply to literary exercises,' 
 he says, ' and try as far as you can to acquire the learning of your master, 
 
14 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 whose lessons are so clear and solid. But specially imitate his holy life. . . . 
 For grammar and rhetoric and all human sciences are vain and even injurious 
 to the servants of God, unless by Divine grace they know how to follow the law 
 of God; for science puffeth up, but charity buildeth up. I would rather see 
 you dead than inflated with vice.' 
 
 Nevertheless, the career of Rabanus was far from being one of unruffled re- 
 pose, and the history of his troubles presents us with a singular episode in 
 monastic annals. The abbot Ratgar was one of those men whose activity of 
 mind and body was a cross to every one about him. He could neither rest 
 himself nor suffer anybody else to be quiet. The ordinary routine of life at 
 Fulda, with its prodigious amount of daily labor, both mental and physical, did 
 not satisfy the requirements of his peculiar organization. He had a fancy for 
 rearranging the whole discipline of the monastery, and was specially desirous 
 of providing himself with more splendid buildings than those which had been 
 raised by the followers of the humble Sturm. Every one knows that the pas- 
 sion for building has in it a directly revolutionary element ; it is synonymous 
 with a passion for upsetting, destroying, and reducing every thing to chaos. 
 Hence, the monks of Fulda had but an uncomfortable time of it, and what was 
 worse, Ratgar was so eager to get his fine buildings completed, that he not 
 only compelled his monks to work as masons, but shortened their prayers and 
 masses, and obliged them to labor on festivals. Rabanus himself could claim 
 no exemption ; he had to exchange the pen for the trowel ; and to take away 
 all possibility of excuse, Ratgar deprived him of his books, and even of "the 
 private notes which he had made of Alcuin's lectures. Rabanus was too good 
 a monk to protest against his change of employment, and carried his bricks 
 and mortar as cheerfully as ever he had applied himself to a copy of Cicero ; 
 but he did not conceive it. contrary to religious obedience humbly to protest 
 against the confiscation of his papers, and attempted to soften the hard heart 
 of his abbot with a copy of verses. 
 
 The building grievance at last grew to such a pitch, that the monks in de- 
 spair appealed to Charlemagne, who summoned Ratgar to court to answer 
 their charges, and appointed a commission of bishops and abbots to inquire 
 into the whole matter. Their decision allayed the discord for a time, and so 
 long as the emperor lived, Ratgar showed his monks some consideration. But 
 no sooner was he dead than the persecution recommenced, and Rabanus, again 
 deprived of his books arid papers, seems to have consoled himself by making a 
 pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The abbot, however, raised again such a storm that 
 a new commission was appointed by the emperor (Louis). On its report, Rat- 
 gar was deposed, and Eigil, a disciple of Sturm, elected in his place. Under 
 his gentle administration the peace of the community was restored, and Raba- 
 nus resumed his teaching, which he soon after gave up (except the Holy Scrip- 
 tures), on becoming the successor of Eigil in 822. The notes of his oral in- 
 struction on the chief duties of ecclesiastics and the rites of the church were 
 afterwards revised and arranged in the Treatise De Institutione Ctericorum, an 
 invaluable monument of the faith and practice of the Church in the ninth cen- 
 tury. It treats in three books of the Sacraments, the Divine office, the feasts 
 and fasts of the Church, and the learning necessary for ecclesiastics, concluding 
 with instructions and rules for the guidance of preachers. On the last subject 
 he observes that three things are necessary in order to become a good preacher; 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 15 
 
 first, to be a good man yourself, that you may be able to teach others to be so; 
 secondly, to be skilled in the Holy Scriptures and the interpretations of the 
 Fathers ; thirdly, and above all, to prepare for the work of preaching by that 
 of prayer. As to the studies proper to ecclesiastics, he distinctly requires them 
 to be learned not only in the Scriptures, but also in the seven liberal arts, pro- 
 vided only that these are treated as the handmaids of theology, and he explains 
 his views on this subject much in the same way as Bede had done before him. 
 In 847, Rabanus was raised to the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, and died in 
 856, leaving his books to the abbeys of Fulda, and St. Alban's of Mentz. 
 
 LUPUS OF FERRIERES. 
 
 Lupus became abbot of the monastery in 856, but continued to teach and 
 labor for his school particularly in collecting a noble library. He took extra- 
 ordinary pains in seeking for his treasures even in distant countries, in causing 
 them to be transcribed, and sometimes in lovingly transcribing them himself. 
 His interesting correspondence contains frequent allusions to these biblio- 
 graphical researches. At one time he asks a friend to bring him the ' Wars 
 of Catiline and of Jugurtha ' by Sallust, and the ' Verrines of Cicero.' At 
 another, he writes to Pope Benedict III., begging him to send by two of his 
 monks, about to journey to Rome, certain books which he could not obtain in 
 his own country, and which he promises to have speedily copied and faithfully 
 returned. They are, the 'Commentaries of St. Jerome on Jeremias,' 'Cicero 
 de Oratore,' the twelve books of Quintilian's Institutes, and the ' Commentary 
 of Donatus on Terence.' With all his taste for the classics, however, Lupus 
 had too much good sense not to see the importance of cultivating the barbarous 
 dialects, and sent his nephew with two other noble youths to Prom, to learn 
 the Tudesque idiom. In his school he made it his chief aim to train his pupils, 
 not only in grammar and rhetoric, but also in the higher art of a holy life. 
 The monastic seminaries were proverbially schools of good living as well as 
 good learning, rede faciendi d bene dicendi, as Mabillon -expresses it ; and 
 there was nothing that Lupus had more at heart than the inculcation of this 
 principle, that the cultivation of head and heart must go together. ' We too 
 often seek in study,' he writes in his epistle to the monk Ebradus, 'nothing but 
 ornament of style ; few are found who desire to acquire by its means purity of 
 manners, which is of far greater value. We are very much afraid of vices of 
 language, and use every effort to correct them, but we regard with indifference 
 the vices of the heart.' His favorite Cicero had before his time lifted a warn- 
 ing voice against the capital error of disjoining mental from moral culture, and 
 in the Christian system of the earlier centuries they were never regarded apart. 
 
 Lupus was not too great a scholar to condescend to labor for beginners, and 
 drew up, for the benefit of his pupils, an abridgment of Roman history, in 
 which he proposes the characters of Trajan and Theodosius for the study of 
 Christian princes. He was wont to boast of his double descent from Alcuin, 
 as being a pupil of Sigulf and Rabanus, both of them disciples of the great 
 master. His own favorite scholar Heiric, or Henry of Auxerre, indulged in a 
 similar morsel of scholastic pride. He had studied under both Lupus and 
 Haimo of Halberstadt, the former schoolfellow of Rabanus, at St. Martin of 
 Tours. Haimo seems to have lectured for some time at Ferrieres, and Heiric 
 tells us in some not inelegant verses that it was the custom of the two peda- 
 
16 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 gogues to give their pupils a very pleasant sort of recreation, relating to them 
 whatever they had found in the course of their reading that was worthy of re- 
 membrance, whether in Christian or Pagan authors. Heiric, who was some- 
 what of an intellectual glutton, and had a craving for learning of all sorts and 
 on all imaginable subjects, made for himself a little book, in which he diligently 
 noted down every scrap that fell from the lips of his masters. This book he 
 subsequently published, and dedicated to Hildebold, bishop of Auxerre. 
 Heiric himself afterwards became a man of letters ; he was appointed scholas- 
 ticus of St. Germain's of Auxerre, and was instrusted with the education of 
 Lothaire, son of Charles the Bald, as we learn from the epistle addressed to 
 that monarch which he prefixed to his Life of St. Germanus, in which he speaks 
 of the young prince, recently dead, as in years a boy, but in mind a philoso- 
 pher. Another of his pupils was the famous Remigius of Auxerre, who, to- 
 wards the end of the ninth century, was summoned to Rheims by archbishop 
 Fulk, to reestablish sacred studies in that city, and worked there in concert 
 with his former schoolfellow, Hucbald of St. Amand, who attained a curious 
 sort of reputation by his poem on bald men, each line of which began with the 
 letter C. the whole being intended as a compliment to Charles the Bald. Fulk 
 himself became their first pupil, and after thoroughly restoring the school of 
 Rheims, Remigius passed on to Paris, where we shall have occasion to notice 
 him among the teachers of the tenth century. From his time the schools of 
 Paris continued to increase in reputation and importance till they developed 
 into the great university which may thus be distinctly traced through a pedi- 
 gree of learned men up to the great Alcuin himself. This genealogy of peda- 
 gogues is of no small interest, as showing the efforts made in the worst of 
 times to keep alive the spark of science, and the persistence with which, in 
 spite of civil wars and Norman invasions, the scholastic traditions of Alcuin 
 were maintained. 
 
 PASCHASIUS RADPERT OP OLD CORBY. 
 
 The school attached to the monastery of Corby (under Adalhard, a prince of 
 the blood royal), was chosen by Charlemagne for the training of Saxon youth 
 to act as missionaries on their return to their own country. The master chosen 
 for the task of rearing these future missionaries was Paschasius Radpert, one 
 of the most remarkable men of his time. Originally of very humble birth, he 
 owed his education to the charity of he nuns of Soissons, who first received 
 the desolate child into their own out-quarters, and then sent him to some 
 monks in the same city, under whose tuition he acquired a fair amount of 
 learning, and addicted himself to the study of Virgil, Horace, Cicero, and Ter- 
 ence. He never forgot the kindness of his early benefactresses, and in after 
 years dedicated his Treatise on the Virginity of the Blessed Virgin to the good 
 nuns, styling himself therein their alumnus, or foster-son. 
 
 After receiving the tonsure in early youth, Paschasius, whose tastes for 
 Terence and Cicero rather predominated at that time over his relish for more 
 sacred studies, abandoned his first inclination for the cloister, and lived for 
 some years a secular life. Touched at last by divine grace, he entered the 
 abbey of Old Corby, and there made his profession under the abbot Adalhard. 
 All the ardor he had previously shown in the pursuit of profane literature he 
 now applied to the study of the Divine Scriptures. Yet he only devoted to 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 17 
 
 study of any kind those ' furtive hours,' as he calls them, which he was able 
 to steal from the duties of regular discipline, and was never seen so happy as 
 when engaged in the choral office or the meaner occupations of community 
 life. Such, then, was the master chosen by Adalhard for the responsible office 
 of scholasticus, and a very minute account is left us of his manner of discharg- 
 ing its duties. Every day he delivered lectures on the sacred sciences, besides 
 preaching to the monks on Sundays and Festivals. His thorough familiarity 
 with the best Latin authors appears from the frequent allusions to them which 
 occur in his writings. Quotations from the classic poets drop from his pen, as 
 it were, half unconsciously, and we are told that he continued to keep up his 
 acquaintance with them, so far as was necessary for teaching others. But his 
 own study was now chiefly confined to the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers; 
 and among the latter, his favorites were St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Am- 
 brose, St. John Chrysostom, Bede, and St. Gregory the Great. 'He did not 
 approve,' says his biographer, 'of the diligence displayed by some men of the 
 time in explaining and meditating on profane authors. In a passage which 
 occurs in the preface to his exposition of St. Matthew's Gospel, he blames those 
 lovers of secular learning ' who seek various and divers expounders' that so 
 they may attain to the understanding of beautiful lies concerning shameful 
 things, arid who will not pass over I do not say a single page, but a single 
 line or syllable, without thoroughly investigating it, with the utmost labor and 
 vigilance, while at the same time they utterly neglect the Sacred Scriptures. 
 
 Few were more keenly alive than he to the charms of polite literature, 
 neither did he at all condemn its use within proper limits, even among 
 cloistered students. It would, indeed, have been a difficult matter to have 
 eradicated the love of the beautiful from the heart of Paschasius. He pos- 
 sessed it in every shape, and was not merely a poet, but a musician also. 
 In one of his writings he lets fall an observation which might be taken for a 
 prose rendering of a verse of Shelley's, although the Christian scholar goes 
 beyond the infidel poet, and does not merely describe the sentiment which all 
 have felt, but traces it to its proper source. Shelley complains that 
 
 Our sincerest laughter 
 
 With some pain is fraught; 
 Our sweetest songs are those that tell of saddest thought. 
 
 Paschasius explains the mystery : ' There is no song to be found without a 
 tone of sadness in it ; even as here below there are no joys without a mixture 
 of sorrow; for songs of pure joy belong only to the heavenly Sion, but 
 lamentation is the property of our earthly pilgrimage.' His musical tastes 
 were perfectly shared and understood by his master St. Adalhard, whose sensi- 
 bility to the influence of melodious sounds is spoken of by his biographer, 
 Gerard. Even during his residence at the court of Charlemagne, it is said of 
 him that ' he was always so full of a sweet intention towards God, that if 
 while assisting at the royal council he heard the sound of some chance melody, 
 he had it not in his power to refrain from tears, for all sweet music seemed to 
 remind him of his heavenly country.' In fact, it can not be denied that the 
 men of the dark ages had a singular susceptibility of temperament, and that 
 the monastic type in particular exhibited a remarkable union of strength 
 with tenderness, of practical sense with poetic sensibility. 
 
 The importance they attached to music as an essential branch of education 
 2 
 
18 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. 
 
 is not, however, to be attributed so much to any peculiar sensitiveness of or- 
 ganization as to the fact that they inherited the traditions of the ancients, and 
 with them had learned to look on music as a science intimately associated with 
 the knowledge of divine things. They were the true descendants of those 
 holy fathers of olden time, concerning whom the Son of Sirach tells us that 
 ' they sought out musical tunes and published Canticles of the Scriptures, and 
 were rich in virtue, studying beautifulness, and living at peace in their houses.' 
 The narrative of the early English schools which counted it their chief glory 
 to have been instructed in sacred chant by a Roman choir master, will suf- 
 ficiently have illustrated the fact that music held a very prominent place in the 
 system of education which held sway in the early centuries; and the theory on 
 which this high esteem was based will nowhere be found better explained than 
 in the writings of Rabanus. 'Musical discipline, 1 he says, 'is so noble and 
 useful a thing, that without it no one can properly discharge the ecclesiastical 
 office. For whatsoever in reading is correctly pronounced, and whatsoever in 
 chanting is sweetly modulated, is regulated by a knowledge of this discipline ; 
 and by it we nof only learn how to read and sing in the church, but also 
 rightly perform every rite in the divine service. Moreover, the discipline of 
 music is diffused through all the acts of our life. For when we keep the com- 
 mandments of God, and observe His law, it is certain that our words and acts 
 are associated by musical rhythm with the virtues of harmony. If we observe 
 a good conversation, we prove ourselves associated with this discipline ; but 
 when we act sinfully, we have in us no music.' 
 
 ANSCHARIUS OF NEW CORBY. 
 
 Anscharius was one of those chosen to colonize the monastery of New 
 Corby, the mention of which requires a few words of explanation. The 
 foundation of this daughter-house was the great work of St. Adalhard, who so 
 soon as his young Saxons were sufficiently trained in learning and monastic 
 discipline, consulted them on the possibilities of their obtaining a suitable site 
 for a foundation in their native land. After many difficulties had been raised 
 and overcome, ground was procured, and the building of the abbey was 
 begun. Adalhard repaired thither to superintend operations in company with 
 Paschasius and his own brother Wala, who, brought up like himself as a 
 soldier and courtier, had in former years held military command in Saxon}-, 
 and won the affections of the people by his wise and gentle rule. When the 
 Saxons saw their old governor among them again in the monastic habit, 
 nothing could exceed their wonder and delight ; they ran after him in crowds, 
 looking at him, and feeling him with their hands to satisfy themselves that it 
 was really he, paying no attention whatever to the presence of the abbot of 
 any other of his companions. The first stone of the new abbey was laid on 
 September 26, 822 ; Old Corby made over to the new colony all the lands held 
 by the community in Saxony; the Emperor Louis gave them a charter, and 
 some precious relics from his private chapel, and in a few years that great 
 seminary was completed which was destined to carry the light of faith and 
 science to the pagan natives of the farther north. It would be hard to say 
 which of the two Corbies held the highest place in monastic history ; a noble 
 emulation existed between them, each trying to outstrip the other in the per- 
 fection of monastic discipline. New Corby, in her turn, became the mother- 
 house of a vast number of German colonies. 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 19 
 
 ST. BRUNO AT COLOGNE.* 
 
 ST. BRUNO was the younger brother of the Emperor, Otho the Great, and 
 like him a pupil of Heraclius of Liege. His education began at Utrecht, where 
 he was sent at the mature age of four to commence his studies under the good 
 abbot Baldric. Utrecht had never entirely lost its scholastic reputation 
 since the days of St. Gregory. Only a few years before the birth of Bruno, the 
 see had been filled by St. Radbod, a great-grandson of that other Radbod, duke 
 of Oriesland, who had so fiercely opposed the preaching of St. Boniface. Rad- 
 bod the bishop, however, was a very different man from his savage ancestor ; 
 he was not only a pious ecclesiastic, but an excellent scholar, for he had been 
 educated in the Palatine school of Charles the Bald, under the learned Mannon, 
 whose heart he won by his facility in writing verses, and the cares of the epis- 
 copate never induced him altogether to neglect the Muses. Besides a great 
 number of poems which he wrote during his residence at Utrecht, we have a 
 Latin epigram, which he improvised at the moment of receiving the Holy Viat- 
 icum, and which is perhaps as worthy of being preserved as the dying epigram 
 of the Emperor Hadrian.* 
 
 Esuries Te, Christe Deus, sitis atque videndi 
 
 Jam moilo carnales me vetat esse dapes. 
 Da mihi Te vesci, Te potum haurire salutis, 
 
 Unicus ignota? Tu cibus esto via? ; 
 Et quern longa fames errantem ambedit in orbe 
 
 Hunc satia vultu. Patris Imngo, Tuo. 
 
 In consequence of the encouragement given to learning by so many of its 
 bishops, Utrecht became the fashionable place of education, and it had grown 
 a sort of custom with the German sovereigns to send their sons thither at an 
 early age. Little Bruno made rapid progress both in Greek and Latin litera- 
 ture ; he particularly relished the works of Prudentius, which he learnt by 
 heart ; never let himself be disturbed by his noisy companions, and took great 
 care of his books. Indeed, the only thing that ever moved him to anger was 
 the sight of any one negligently handling a book. His reading included some- 
 thing of all sorts; historians, orators, poets, and philosophers nothing came 
 amiss. He had native Greeks to instruct him in their language, and became 
 so proficient in it as afterwards to act as interpreter for his brother to the 
 Greek ambassador who frequented the German court. "With all this he did not 
 neglect the sacred sciences, and a certain Isaac, a Scotch, or rather Irish -pro- 
 fessor, who taught at Utrecht, spoke of him as not merely a scholar, but a 
 saint. The monk Ditmar, one of his school-fellows, himself afterwards cele- 
 brated in the literary world by his chronicle of the royal house of Saxony, 
 bears witness to the habits of piety which adorned the very childhood of the 
 young prince. 'Every morning,' he says, 'before he left his room to go to the 
 school, he would be at his prayers, while the rest of us were at play.' A cer- 
 tain tone of exaggeration is not unfrequently indulged in by early writers 
 when extolling the subjects of their biographies as prodigies of every literary 
 excellence, but the description left us of Bruno's intellectual achievements does 
 not admit of being understood as mere figures of speech. His love of reading 
 was almost a passion. He read every thing, ' even comedies,' says his bi- 
 ographer, who seems a little scandalized at the fact, but explains that he at- 
 tended only to the style, and neglected the matter. To complete the picture 
 * Christian Schools and Scholars, Vol. I., p. 346. 
 
20 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 of Bruno's school-days, it must be added that he was an excellent manager of 
 his time, and always made the most of his morning hours, a good habit he re- 
 tained through life. I will say nothing of his early career as the reformer of 
 Lauresheim Abbey ; he was still young when his brother Otho succeeded to 
 the throne, and at once summoned Bruno to Court, charging him with the task 
 of erecting there a Palatine academy, after the model of that of Charlemagne. 
 Nothing was better suited to Bruno's wishes and capacity, and he began at 
 once to teach the entire curriculum of the liberal arts to a crowd of noble pu- 
 pils. Whatever was most beautiful in the historians and poets of Greece or 
 Rome, he made known to his disciples, and not content with the labor entailed 
 on him by his own lectures, he did not allow the professors whom he chose to 
 assist him, to commence theirs till he had previously conferred with them on 
 the subjects they were about to explain. 
 
 In 953, Bruno, in spite of his youth, was demanded by the clergy and people 
 of Cologne for their archbishop, and being consecrated, he at once entered on a 
 career of gigantic labors, everywhere re-establishing ecclesiastical discipline 
 and social order throughout a province long wasted by war and barbaric inva- 
 sions. His political position, moreover, imposed on him yet more extensive 
 caves ; for Otho, who called him his second soul, when summoned into Italy, 
 created his brother duke of Lorraine, and imperial lieutenant in Germany. 
 The dukedom of Lorraine at that time included all the country from the Alps 
 to the Moselle, which now, therefore, acknowledged Bruno as its actual sov- 
 ereign. But these multiplied dignities and the accumulation of business which 
 they entailed, did not quench Bruno's love of study. Whenever he traveled, 
 whether in the visitation of his diocese, or when accompanying his brother's 
 court, he always carried his library with him, ; as if it had been the ark of the 
 Lord,' says the monk Rotger, who, moreover, remarks that this library was 
 stored both with sacred and profane authors, for, like a good householder, he 
 knew how to bring out of his treasury things new and old. Nothing ever pre- 
 vented his finding time for reading, and he excited every one about him to cul- 
 tivate similar tastes, specially his nephew Otho, who was for some time his pu- 
 pil. Indeed, Rotger goes so far as to say that the archbishop felt a certain 
 want of confidence in those who had no attraction to study; meaning probably 
 to those unlettered clerks, who cared not to acquire the learning proper to their 
 sacred calling. Of these there was no lack in Lorraine ; but Bruno effected a 
 great change in the condition of that afflicted province, by appointing good 
 bishops, healing feuds, reforming monasteries, and making men love one an- 
 other in spite of themselves. In all these good works he was assisted by the 
 learning and martial valor of Ansfrid, count of Lorraine, who was well read 
 both in law and Scripture, and who used his sword exclusively to repress pil- 
 lage, and defend the helpless. This feudal noble of the Iron Age spent all his 
 leisure hours in study, arid when at last he embraced the ecclesiastical state, 
 and at the entreaties of the emperor accepted a bishopric, he was able to lay 
 his sword on the altar, and render witness that it had never been drawn in an 
 unjust cause. 
 
 BOPPO OF WURTZBURG. WOLFGANG. 
 
 Bruno's example made a great stir in Germany, and moved many bishops to 
 exert themselves in the work of reform. Boppo, bishop of Wurtzburg, sent to 
 Rome for a celebrated master named Stephen, and with his help the episcopal 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 21 
 
 seminary was restored, and soon boasted of a ' crowd of students, and a great 
 store of books.' Among other pupils educated under Master Stephen were two 
 friends, named Wolfgang and Henry. Wolfgang was a student of Bruno's 
 type, possessing an avidity for all sorts of learning ; and though he began his 
 school life at seven, he is said in a few years not only to have acquired an ex- 
 tensive acquaintance with the letter of the Scriptures, but to have penetrated 
 into the pith and marrow of their mystical sense. His father had thought it 
 sufficient to place him under a certain priest, to receive a very scanty ele- 
 mentary education, but Wolfgang entreated that he might be sent to Reichenau, 
 which then enjoyed a high reputation ; and here he first met with his friend 
 Henry. Henry was the younger brother of Bishop Boppo, and easily per- 
 suaded Wolfgang to migrate with him to Wurtzberg, for the sake of studying 
 under the famous Master Stephen. It soon appeared, however, that the dis- 
 ciple was more learned than the master, and when the Wurtzburg students 
 found Master Stephen's lectures very dull, or very obscure, they were in the 
 habit of applying to Wolfgang, who possessed that peculiar gift of perspicacity 
 which marked him from his boyhood as called to the functions of teaching. 
 Moreover, he was so kind, and so willing to impart his knowledge, that his 
 companions declared he made daylight out of the darkest matters ; when Ste- 
 phen's prosy abstruseness had fairly mystified them, five words from Wolfgang 
 seemed like the Fiat lux, and these observations reaching the ears of Stephen, 
 had the proverbial fate of all comparisons. At last, one day, when Wolfgang 
 was surrounded by a knot of his school-fellows, who entreated him to expound 
 a passage in Marcian Capella, Master Stephen, moved to jealous anger, forbade 
 Wolfgang any longer to attend the lectures. This ungenerous command 
 obliged him to continue his studies alone, but he seems to have lost little by 
 being deprived of the benefit of an instructor, whom he had already far out- 
 stripped in learning. 
 
 Henry and Boppo were both of them relatives of Otho, who, in 956, caused 
 the former to be raised to the archbishopric of Treves. Henry insisted on car- 
 rying his friend with him into his new diocese, and wished to load him with 
 benefices and honors, all of which, however, Wolfgang refused. He would ac- 
 cept of no other employment than that of teaching youth, for which he knew 
 his aptitude, and which he heartily loved; and, in the true spirit of a Christian 
 teacher, he chose to discharge this office gratuitously, not as a means of pri- 
 vate gain, but as a work for souls, even supporting many of his scholars out of 
 his own purse. He cared as much for their spiritual as their intellectual prog- 
 ress, and set them the example of a holy and mortified life. The archbishop, 
 is despair at not being able to promote him as he desired, at last got him to ac- 
 cept the office of dean to a certain college of canons. Wolfgang did not allow 
 the dignity to be a nominal one, but obliged his canons to embrace community 
 life, and to commence a course of sacred studies, assuring them that the sus- 
 tenance of the inner man is as necessary as that of the body. Archbishop 
 Henry dying in 964, Wolfgang, who had only remained at Treves out of affec- 
 tion to him, prepared to return into Swabia, which was his native country. 
 But Bruno had his eye on him, and inviting him to Cologne, offered him every 
 dignity, even the episcopate itself, if he would only remain in his duchy. Wolf- 
 gang, though he persisted in refusing to accept any promotion, felt himself 
 obliged to pass some time at the prince-bishop's court, and testified afterwards 
 
22 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 to the fact of his great sanctity. Finding that he could not move the resolu- 
 tion of his friend, Bruno at last reluctantly allowed him to return to Swabia, 
 where he remained only just long enough formally to renounce his hereditary 
 possessions, after which he withdrew to Einsidlen, and took the monastic habit 
 under the English abbot Gregory. 
 
 ST. UDALRIC OF AUGSBURGH. 
 
 Udalric was a scholar of St. Gall's, and had given marks of sanctity even 
 during his school days. A minute account of his manner of life when arch- 
 bishop, is given in the beautiful life written by his friend Gerard. Let it suffice 
 to say, that besides singing the Divine Office in the cathedral with his canons, 
 and daily celebrating two or three masses (a privilege then permitted to priests, 
 as we learn from Walafrid Strabo), he every day recited the entire Psalter, the 
 Office of our lady, together with that of the Holy Cross, and of All Saints ; 
 that he entertained a number of poor persons at his table, exercised hospitality 
 on a right loyal scale, administered strict justice to his people, and courageous- 
 ly defended them against the oppression of their feudal lords; finally, that he 
 took particular care of the education of his clergy, and directed the studies of 
 his cathedral school in person, none being better fitted to do so than himself. 
 "When he made the visitation of his diocese, he traveled in a wagon drawn by 
 oxen, which he preferred to riding on horseback, as it enabled him to recite the 
 Psalms with his chaplains with less interruption. In this arrangement he cer- 
 tainly displayed a sound discretion, for in the ancient chronicles of these times, 
 more than one story is preserved of the disasters which befell traveling monks 
 and bishops, owing to their habit of reading on horseback. His cathedral city 
 of Augsburgh was repeatedly attacked by the Huns; and during one of their 
 sieges, the holy bishop, sending the able-bodied men to the walls, collected all 
 the infants in arms whom he could find, and laying them on the floor of the 
 cathedral, before the altar, prostrated himself in prayer, hoping that their tender 
 cries might ascend as prayer before the Throne of God. His prayers were 
 heard, and Augsburgh was delivered. Such was the prelate who at last suc- 
 ceeded in drawing Wolfgang out of his retirement, and compelling him to re- 
 ceive priestly ordination. And in 972 the Emperor Otho II., at the united en- 
 treaties of his bishops, appointed him Bishop of Ratisbon, which he governed 
 for twenty -two years, never, however, laying aside his monastic habit. Henry, 
 duke of Bavaria, thoroughly understood his merits, and knowing his love of 
 the office of teaching, entreated him to take charge of his four children, St. 
 Henry, afterwards emperor of Germany, St. Bruno, who succeeded Udalric in 
 the diocese of Augsburgh, and the two princesses, Gisela and Brigit, who both 
 died in the odor of sanctity. The singular blessing which attended his labor 
 with these and other noble children committed to his care, gave rise to a 
 proverb which deserves remembrance : ' Find saints for masters, and we shall 
 have saints for emperors.' 
 
 ST. BERXWARD OF HILDESHEIM. 
 
 Emperor Otho II. was brought up among the canons of Hildesheim, and ac- 
 quired there a taste for letters, which was still further increased by his mar- 
 riage with the Greek princess Theophania, who was brought up at Constanti- 
 nople, then the center of all that remained of the old imperial civilization. She 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS 23 
 
 infused into the court circle a rage for Greek literature, and Gerbert speaks in 
 one of his letters of the " Socratic conversation " which he found among the 
 learned men who thronged the company of the empress. As guardian of the 
 young Emperor Otho III., she secured the services, as tutor, of a noble Saxon 
 named Bernward. He was nephew to Folcmar, bishop of Utrecht, who sent 
 him when a child of seven years old to be educated in the episcopal school of 
 Hildesheim, by the grave and holy master Tangmar. This good old man, who 
 afterwards wrote his life, received him kindly, and to test his capacities, set 
 him to learn by heart some of the select passages from Holy Scripture which 
 were usually given to beginners. Little Beruward set himself to learn and 
 meditate on them wiih wonderful ardor, and associating himself to the most 
 studious of his companions, tried with their help thoroughly to master, not 
 only the words, but the hidden sense of his lessons. As he was not yet judged 
 old enough to join any of the classes, he sat apart by himself, but listened at- 
 tentively to the lecture of the master, and the explanations which he gave, and 
 was afterwards found reproducing the same in a grave and sententious manner 
 for the edification of his younger school-fellows. Surprised and delighted at 
 these marks of precocious genius, Tangmar spared no pains in the cultivation 
 of so promising a scholar, and had him constantly by his side. 'Whenever I 
 went abroad on the business of the monastery,' he says, ' I used to take him 
 with me, and I was always more and more struck by his excellent qualities. 
 We often studied the whole day as we rode along on horseback, only more 
 briefly than we were used to do in school ; at one time exercising ourselves in 
 poetry, and amusing ourselves by making verses, at another, arguing on philo- 
 sophic questions. He excelled no less in the mechanical than in the liberal 
 arts. He wrote a beautiful hand, was a good painter, and an equally good 
 sculptor arid worker in metals, and had a peculiar aptitude for all things apper- 
 taining to household and domestic affairs.' Under the care of so devoted a 
 master, the boy Bernward, as the old man always called him, grew up to be a 
 wise and learned man. He had that singular ardour for acquiring knowledge 
 which seems one of the gifts poured out over ages in which its pursuit is 
 hedged about with difficulties that must necessarily discourage a more ordinary 
 amount of zeal. Bernward always read during meal times, and when unable 
 to read himself, he got some one to read to him. His reputation determined 
 Theophania to choose him as tutor to her son, who made great progress under 
 his care, and was then sent to finish his education in the school of the famous 
 Gerbert. Bernward meanwhile was appointed bishop of Hildesheim, and in 
 the midst of his episcopal functions, continued to cultivate literature and the 
 fine arts. He made time by employing the day in business and the night in 
 prayer. He founded scriptoria in many monasteries, and collected a valuable 
 library of sacred and profane authors. He tried to bring to greater perfection 
 the arts of painting, mosaic work, and metal work, and made a valuable col- 
 lection of all those curiosities of fine art which were brought to Otho's court as 
 presents from foreign princes. This collection Bernward used as a studio, for 
 the benefit of a number of youths whom he brought up and instructed in these 
 pursuits. It is not to be said what he did for his own cathedral, supplying it 
 with jeweled missals, thuribles, and chalices, a huge golden corona which hung 
 from the center of the roof, and other like ornaments. The walls he painted 
 with his own hands. The visitor to Hildesheim may still admire the rich 
 
24 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 bronze gates, sixteen feet in height, placed in the cathedral by its artist-bishop, 
 the crucifix adorned with filagree-work and jewels, made by his own hands, 
 and the old rose-tree growing on the cloister, which tradition affirms him to 
 have planted. 
 
 His manner of life is minutely described by his old tutor Tangmar. After 
 high mass every morning he gave audience to any who desired to speak to him, 
 heard causes, and administered justice with great readiness and promptitude. 
 Then his almoner waited on him, and accompanied him to the distribution of 
 his daily alms, for every day a hundred poor persons were fed and relieved at 
 his palace. After this he went the round of his workshops, overlooking each 
 one's work and directing its progress. At the hour of nine he dined with his 
 clerks. There was no worldly pomp observable at his table, but a religious si- 
 lence, all being required to listen to the reading, which was made aloud. 
 
 BENNON, BISHOP OF MISNIA ST. MEINWERC OF PADERBORN. 
 
 Bishop Bennon of Misnia belonged to the family of the counts of Saxony, 
 and was placed under the care of St. Bernward at five years of age. The re- 
 stored monastery of Hildesheim, dedicated to St. Michael, of course possessed 
 its school, which was presided over by Wigger, a very skillful master, under 
 whose careful tuition Bennori thrived apace. ' Now as the age was learned,' 
 writes the good canon Jerome Enser who little thought in what light that 
 same age would come to be regarded ' ES the age was learned, and cultivated 
 humane letters, as may be seen by the lives and writings of so many eminent 
 men, Wigger would not allow the child committed to his care to neglect polite 
 letters;' so he set him to work at once to learn to write, being careful to tran- 
 scribe his copies himself. And how well Bennon profited from these early les- 
 sons might yet be seen by any who chose to examine the fine specimens which 
 were preserved in the Church of Misnia when Jerome J^nser wrote his bio- 
 graphy. After this Wigger exercised his pupil in the art of reading, and that 
 of composing verses, taking care to remove from his way every thing offensive 
 to piety or modesty. Bennon had a natural gift of versification, and scon 
 learnt to write little hymns and poems by way of amusement, His progress 
 and his boyish verses endeared him to his masters, and indeed, adds Jerome, 
 'he was beloved by God and man.' None showed him more affection than St. 
 Bernward, who was now overwhelmed with the infirmities of old age, though 
 his mind was as bright and active as ever. During the last five years of his 
 life he was entirely confined to his bed, and all this time little Bennon proved 
 his chief solace. Sometimes he read aloud to his beloved father. Sometimes 
 he made verses, or held disputations to entertain him ; never would he lea've 
 his side, discharging for him all the offices of which his youth 'was capable. 
 When at last death drew near, Bernward called the child to him together with 
 his master Wigger, and addressed to him a touching exhortation. ' If by rea- 
 son of thy tender age,' he said, 'thou canst not thyself be wise, promise me 
 never to depart from the side of thy preceptor that he may be wise for thee, 
 and that so thou mayest be preserved from the corruptions of the world whilst 
 thy heart is yet soft and tender. Yea, if thou lovest me, love and obey him in 
 all things, as holding the place of thy father.' Then he kissed the child's little 
 hand, and placed it in that of Wigger, and soon after departed this life, rich in 
 good works, and secure of a heavenly reward. 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 25 
 
 St. Meinwerc, who like Bennon was a pupil of Hildesheim, where he studied 
 along with his cousin St. Henry of Bavaria, and the prince, even after he be- 
 came emperor, remembered their school-boy days together, and was fond of 
 putting him in mind of them by sundry tricks that savored of the grown-up 
 school-boy. Meinwerc was not much of a scholar himself, but when he be- 
 came bishop of Paderborn, he showed a laudable zeal in promoting good schol- 
 arship among his clergy. In fact, he was the founder of those famous schools 
 of Paderborn which are described as flourishing in divine and human science, 
 and which were perfected by his nephew and successor, Imadeus. The boys 
 were all under strict cloisteral discipline ; there were professors of grammar, 
 logic, rhetoric, and music; both the trivium and quadrivium were there taught, 
 together with mathematics, physics, and astronomy. 
 
 ST. ADALBERT OF PRAGUE. 
 
 St. Adalbert of Prague was sent to Magdeburg by his parents for education. 
 They were of the Bohemian nation, and had vowed to offer their son to God, 
 should he recover of a dangerous sickness. Before he left his father's house he 
 had learnt the Psalter, and under Otheric, the famous master then presiding 
 over the school of Magdeburg, he made as much progress in sanctity as in 
 learning. He had a habit of stealing away from the school-room in the midst 
 of his studies to refresh his soul with a brief prayer in the church, after which 
 he hastened back and was safe in his place again before the coming of his mas- 
 ter. To conceal his acts of charity from the eyes of others, he chose the night 
 hours for visiting the poor, and dispensing his abundant alms. It often hap- 
 pened that when Otheric was out of the school, the boys would divert them- 
 selves with games more or less mischievous, to relieve the wrary hours of study. 
 Adalbert seldom took part in these pastimes, neither would he share in those 
 stealthy little feasts, which they sometimes held in obscure corners, where they 
 contrived to hide from Otheric's quick eye the sweets and other dainties fur- 
 nished them, as we must suppose, by some medieval tart-woman. However, if 
 Adalbert was proof against this last-named temptation, it appears he was not 
 altogether superior to the love of play, and that when his master's back was 
 turned, he did occasionally throw aside his books and indulge in a game of ball. 
 When such delinquencies came to the ears of Otheric, he did not spare the rod, 
 and on these occasions, observes his biographer, with cruel pleasantry, Adal- 
 bert was often known to speak in three languages. For it was a strict rule 
 that the boys were always to talk Latin in the school-room, and never allow 
 the ears of their master to catch the sound of a more barbarous dialect. "When 
 the rod was produced, therefore, Adalbert would begin by entreating indul- 
 gence in classic phraseology, but so soon as it was applied, he would call out 
 for mercy in German, and finally in Sclavonic. After nine years' study at 
 Magdeburg, Adalbert returned to Bohemia, with the reputation of being spec- 
 ially well read in philosophy, and taking with him a useful library of books 
 which he had collected during his college career. After his consecration as 
 bishop of Prague, at the early age of twenty-seven, he is said never again to 
 have been seen to smile. Twice the hard-heartedness of his people compelled 
 him to abandon his diocese, and after his departure the second time, he traveled 
 as missioner into the then heathen and barbarous provinces of Prussia, where 
 he met with his martyrdom in the year 997. A Sclavonic hymn formerly sung 
 by the Poles when going into battle, is attributed to this saint. 
 
26 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 OTHLONUS OF ST. EMMERAN. 
 
 Othlonus was a Bavarian by birth, and his first school was that of Tegern- 
 see, in Bavaria, a monastery which had been founded in 994, and was famous 
 for its teachers in utrdque lingua and even for its Hebrew scholars. Here, in 
 the twefth century, lived the good monk Metellus, whose eclogues, written in 
 imitation of those of Virgil, describe the monastic pastures and cattle, and the 
 labors of the monks in the fields. The library of Tegernsee was rich in classic 
 works, and possessed a fair illuminated copy of Pliny's 'Natural History,' 
 adorned with pictures of the different animals, from the cunning hand of 
 brother Ellinger. Medicine was likewise studied here, to facilitate which, the 
 monks had a good botanical garden. In such a school Othlonus had every op- 
 portunity of cultivating his natural taste for stud}% which grew by degrees to 
 be a perfect passion. As a child he had intended to embrace the monastic 
 state, but the persuasions of his father, and his own desire to give himself up 
 exclusively to learned pursuits, induced him to abandon this design, and after 
 leaving school he devoted himself for several years to classical studies, with an 
 ardor which his biographer finds no words strong enough to express. 
 
 His only earthly desire at this time, as he himself tells us in one of his later 
 spiritual treatises, was to have time to study, and abundance of books. It 
 would seem, however, that this excessive devotion to human learning had its 
 usual results in the decay of devotion. It is thus he describes himself at this 
 period of his life, in his versified treatise ' De doctrina Spiritual!.' ' Desiring to 
 search into certain subtle matters, in the knowledge of which I saw that many 
 delighted, to the end that I might be held in greater esteem by the world, I 
 made all my profit to consist in keeping company with the Gentiles. In those 
 days what were not to me Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, and Tully the rheto- 
 rician ? . . . that threefold work of Maro, and Lucan, whom then I loved best 
 of all, and on whom I was so intent, that I hardly did any thing else but read 
 him. . . Yet what profit did they give me, when I could not even sign my 
 forehead with the cross ?' 
 
 However, two severe illnesses wrought a great change in his way of looking 
 at life, and in 1032, remembering his early dedication of himself to God. he re- 
 solved to forsake the world and take the habit of religion in the monastery of 
 St. Emmeran's, at Ratisbon, where he gave up all thoughts of secular ambition, 
 in order to devote himself heart and soul to the duties of his state. St. Em- 
 meran's was, like Tegernsee, possessed of an excellent school and library. In 
 the former, many good scholars were reared, such as abbot William of Hirschau, 
 who became as learned in the liberal arts as in the study of the Scriptures, and 
 who afterwards made his own school at Hirschau one of the most celebrated 
 in Germany. Othlonus tells us that in this monastery he found ' several men 
 in different classes, some reading pagan authors, others the Holy Scriptures,' 
 and that he began to imitate the latter, and soon learnt to relish the Sacred 
 Books, which he had hitherto neglected, far above the writings of Aristotle, 
 Plato, or even Boethius. 
 
 It will be seen from this little sketch that Othlonus was not a mere tran- 
 scriber, and indeed he afterwards produced several treatises on mystic theology 
 besides his 'Life of St. "Wolfgang,' and was regarded by his brother monks as 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AiSD SCHOLARS. 27 
 
 4 a pious and austere man, possessed of an immense love of books.' This love 
 he showed not only by reading them, but by multiplying them ; and his achieve- 
 ments in this kind are related by himself with a certain prolix eloquence 
 which, in mercy to the reader, I will somewhat abridge. 
 
 'I think it right,' he says, 'to add some account of the great capacity of 
 writing which was given me by the Lord from my childhood. When as yet a 
 little child I was sent to school, and quickly learned my letters ; and began 
 long before the usual time of learning, and without any order from the master, 
 to learn the art of writing ; but in a furtive and unusual way, and without any 
 teacher, so that I got a bad habit of holding my pen in a wrong manner, nor 
 were any of my teachers afterwards able to correct me in that point. Many 
 who saw this, decided that I should never write well, but by the grace of God 
 it turned out otherwise. For, even in my childhood, when, together with the 
 other boys, the tablet was put into my hands, it appeared that I had some no- 
 tion of writing. Then after a time I began to write so well and was so fond 
 of it that in the monastery of Tegernsee, where I learned, I wrote many books, 
 and being sent into Franconia, I worked so hard as nearly to lose my sight. . . . 
 Then, after I became a monk of St. Emmeran's, I was induced again to occupy 
 myself so much in writing, that I seldom got an interval of rest except on festi- 
 vals. Meantime there came more work on rne, for as they saw I was generally 
 reading, writing, or composing, they made me schoolmaster; by all which 
 things I was, through God's grace, so fully occupied that I frequently could not 
 allow my body the necessary rest. When I had a mind to compose any thing 
 I could not find time for it, except on holidays or at night, being tied down to 
 the business of teaching the boys, and transcribing what I had undertaken. 
 Besides the books which I composed myself I wrote nineteen missals, three 
 books of the Gospels, and two lectionaries ; besides which I wrote four service 
 books for matins. Afterwards, old age and infirmity hindered me, and the 
 grief caused by the destruction of our monastery ; but to Him who is author 
 of all good, and Who has vouchsafed to give many things to me unworthy, be 
 praise eternal.' He then adds an account of a vast number of other books 
 written out by him and sent as presents to the monasteries of Fulda, Hirsch- 
 feld, Lorsch, Tegernsee, and others, amounting in all to thirty volumes. His 
 labors, so cheerfully undertaken for the improvement of his convent, were per- 
 haps surpassed by those of the monk Jerome, who wrote out so great a num- 
 ber of volumes, that it is said a wagon with six horses would not have sufficed 
 to draw them. But neither one nor the other are to be compared to Diemudis, 
 a devout nun of the monastery of Wessobrun, who, besides writing out in clear 
 and beautiful characters five missals, with graduals and sequences attached, 
 and four other office books, for the use of the church, adorned the library of 
 her convent with two entire Bibles, eight volumes of St. Gregory, seven of St. 
 Augustine, the ecclesiastical histories of Eusebius and Cassiodorus, and a vast 
 number of sermons, homilies, and other treatises, a list of which she left, as 
 having all been written by her own hand, to the praise of God, and of the holy 
 apostles SS. Peter and Paul. This Diemudis was a contempory of Othlonus, 
 and found time in the midst of her gigantic labors to carry on a correspondence 
 with Herluca, a nun of Eppach, to whom she is said to have indited ' many 
 very sweet letters,' which were long preserved. 
 
28 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 WILLIAM OF HTRSCHAU. 
 
 William of Herschau, a scholar of St. Emmeran, was chosen abbot of his mon- 
 astery in 1070, and applied himself to make his monks as learned and as inde- 
 fatigable in all useful labors as he was himself. He had about 250 monks at 
 Hirschau, and founded no fewer than fifteen other religious houses, for the gov- 
 ernment of which he drew up a body of excellent statutes. These new founda- 
 tions he carefully supplied with books, which necessitated constant work in the 
 scriptorium. And a most stately and noble place was the scriptorium of Hirs- 
 chau, wherein each one was employed according to his talent, binding, paint- 
 ing, gilding, writing, or correcting. The twelve best writers were reserved for 
 transcribing the Scriptures and the Holy Fathers, and one of the twelve, most 
 learned in the sciences, presided over the tasks of the others, chose the books 
 to be copied, and corrected the faults of the } r ounger scribes. The art of paint- 
 ing was studied in a separate school, and here, among others, was trained the 
 good monk Thiemon, who. after decorating half the monasteries of Germany 
 with the productions of his pencil, became archbishop of Saltzburg, and died 
 in odor of sanctity. The statutes with which abbot William provided his mon- 
 asteries, were chiefly drawn up from those in use at St. Emmeran's, but he 
 was desirous of yet further improving them, and in particular of assimilating 
 them to those of Cluny, which was then at the height of its renown. It was 
 at his request that St. Ulric of Cluny wrote out his 'Customary,' in which, 
 among other things, he gives a description of the manner in which the Holy 
 Scriptures were read through in the refectory in the course of the year. This 
 ' Customary ' is one of the most valuable monuments of monastic times which 
 remains to us ; it shows as the interior of the monastery painted by the hand 
 of one of its inmates, taking us through each office, the library, the infirmary, 
 the sacristy, the bakehouse, the kitchen, and the school. How beautiful is the 
 order which it displays, as observed in choir, where, on solemn days, all the 
 singers stood vested in copes, the very seats being covered with embroidered 
 tapestry! Three days in the week the right side of the choir communicated, 
 and the other three the left ; during Holy Week they washed the feet of as 
 many poor as there were brethren in the house, and the abbot added others 
 also to represent absent friends. When the Passion was sung, they had a 
 custom of tearing a piece of stuff at the words 'they parted my garments;' 
 and the new fire of Holy Saturday was struck, not from a flint, but a precious 
 beryl. There were numberless beautiful rites of benediction observed, as that 
 of the ripe grapes, which were blessed on the altar during mass, on the 6th of 
 August, and afterwards distributed in the refectory, of new beans, and of the 
 freshly-pressed juice of the grape. The ceremonies observed in making the 
 altar breads were also most worthy of note. The grains of wheat were chosen 
 one by one, were carefully washed and put aside in a sack, which was carried 
 by one known to be pure in life and conversation to the mill. There they 
 were ground and sifted, he who performed this duty being clothed in alb and 
 amice. Two priests and two deacons clothed in like manner prepared the 
 breads, and a lay brother, having gloves on his hands, held the irons in which 
 they were baked. The very wood of the fire was chosen of the best and driest. 
 And whilst these processes were being gone through, the brethren engaged 
 ceased not to sing psalms, or sometimes recited Our Lady's office. A separate 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS 29 
 
 chapter in the ' Customary ' is devoted to the children and their master, and 
 the discipline under which they were trained is minutely described. We seen?. 
 to see them seated in their cloister with the vigilant eye of the master presiding 
 over their work. An open space is left between the two rows of scholars, but 
 there is no one in the monastery who dare pass through their ranks. They go 
 to confession twice a week, and always to the abbot or the prior. And such 
 is the scrupulous care bestowed on their education, and the vigilance to which 
 they are subjected, both by day and night, that, says Ulric, 'I think it would 
 be difficult for a king's son to be brought up in a palace with greater care than 
 the humblest boy enjoys at Cluny.' 
 
 This ' Customary ' was drawn up during the government of St. Hugh of 
 Cluny, whose letter to William the Conqueror displays something of the inde- 
 pendence of mind with which abbots of those days treated the great ones of 
 the earth. William had written to him requesting him to send some of his 
 monks to England, and offering him a hundred pounds for every monk he 
 would send. This method of buying up his monks at so much a head, offended 
 the good abbot, who wrote back to the king declining to part with any of his 
 community at such a price, and adding that he would himself give an equal 
 sum for every good monk whom he could draw to Cluny. During the sixty- 
 two years that he governed his abbey, he is said to have professed more than 
 10,000 subjects. Enough has been said to show that the monastic institute 
 T^as still strong and vigorous in the llth century. Cluny, indeed, represented 
 monasticism rather in its magnificence than in the more evangelic aspect of 
 poverty and abasement, yet in the midst of all her lordly splendor, she con- 
 tinued fruitful in saints. Even the austere St. Peter Damian, whilst he disap- 
 proved of the wealth of the monks, was edified at their sanctity, and left them, 
 marveling how men so rich could live so holily. Their revenues were not 
 spent on luxury ; they went to feed 17,000 poor people, and to collect a library 
 of Greek, Latin, and Hebrew authors, such as had not its equal in Europe. It 
 contained among other treasures a certain Bible, called in the chronicle, ' great, 
 wonderful, and precious for its writing, correctness, and rich binding, adorned 
 with beryl stones,' written by the single hand of the monk Andrew. 
 
 MARIANUS SCOTUS. 
 
 Marianus Scotus, for whose nativity may localities contend (he was called an 
 Irishman,* a Scot, and a Northumbrian), died in the eleventh century, having 
 been successively monk in the abbeys of Cologne, Fulda, and Mayence, and 
 professor of theology some years in that of Ratisbon. He was a poet, and the 
 author of a Chronicle frequently quoted as one of the best mediasval histories, 
 and continued by later writers. His biographers say of him that his counte- 
 nance was so beautiful, and his manners so simple, that no one doubted he 
 was inspired in all he said and did by the Holy Ghost. A most indefatigable 
 writer, he transcribed the whole Bible with sundry commentaries, and that not 
 
 * It mny be taken us tolerably well proved, however, that he was really an Irishman, and he is 
 supposed to have been a monk of Clonard. Contemporary with him was another famous Irish 
 historian, Tigernach, abbot of Clonmacnoise, who wrote his chronicle partly in Irish and partly 
 in Latin, and is held to have been well acquainted with Greek. The Irish scholars highly dis- 
 tinguished themselves in this century. There was an Irish monastery at Erford, and another at 
 Cologne, into which Helias, a monk of Monnghan, on returning from a visit to Rome, introduced 
 the Roman chant. (Lanigan, Ecc. Hist. c. xxiv.) 
 
30 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 once but repeatedly. Moreover he drew out of the deep sea of the holy fathers, 
 certain sweet waters for the profit of his soul, which he collected in prolix vol- 
 umes. With all this he found spare moments which he devoted to charitable 
 labors on behalf of poor widows, clerks, and scholars, for whose benefit he 
 multiplied psalters, manuals, and other pious little books, which he distributed 
 to them free of cost for the remedy of his soul. Who will refuse to believe 
 that such loving 1 toils as these were found worthy to receive the miraculous 
 token of favor related in the old legend? ' One night,' says the annalist. ' the 
 brother whose duty it was, having forgotten to give him candles, Marianus, 
 nevertheless continued his work without them ; and when the brother, recol- 
 lecting his omission, came late at night to his cell, he beheld a brilliant light 
 streaming through the chinks of the door, and going in softly found that it pro- 
 ceeded from the fingers of the monk's left hand, and he saw and believed.' 
 
 ALBERT THE GREAT OF COLOGNE. 
 
 The convent of Cologne had already been founded by Henry of Utrecht ; 
 and a namesake of his, Henry the German, who had begun life as a student, 
 then assumed the cross, and finally taken the religious habit, became its first 
 theological professor. And there, in 1230, arrived the young Swabian, Albert 
 of Lauingen, who had been drawn to the Dominican order, whilst pursuing 
 his studies at Padua. Albert during his student-life had been remarkable for 
 his love of the old classic literature, and his enthusiastic admiration for 
 Aristotle ; and had already displayed a singular attraction to those physical 
 sciences which he afterwards so profoundly studied. He had examined various 
 natural phenomena, such as earthquakes, the mephitic vapors issuing from a 
 long closed well, and some curious marks in a block of marble, which he 
 explained in a manner which betrays an acquaintance with some of the 
 chemical theories of modern geology. After going through his theological 
 course at Bologna, he was appointed to fill the vacant post of professor at 
 Cologne, where he taught sacred and human science for some years, and 
 lectured moreover at Hildesheim, Strasburg, Friburg, and Ratisbonn. in which 
 last city an old hall is shown which still bears the title of ' Albert's School/ 
 Converted into a chapel by one of his successors and ardent admirers, it may 
 be supposed to exhibit the same form and arrangement as that which it bore 
 five centuries ago. Round the walls are disposed ancient wooden seats, for the 
 accommodation of the hearers, and fixed against the middle of the wall is an 
 oak chair, or rather pulpit, covered with carvings of a later date, representing 
 St. Vincent Ferrer delivering a lecture, and a novice in the attitude of atten- 
 tion. The chair is of double construction, containing two seats, in one of 
 which sat the master, and in the other the bachelor, who explained under him 
 the Book of the Sentences. All around are texts from the Holy Scriptures, 
 fitly chosen to remind the student in what spirit he should apply himself to the 
 pursuit of sacred letters. l Ama scientiam Scripturarum, et vitia carnis non 
 amabis.' 'Qui addit scientiam addit et laborem.' ' Bonitatem et disciplinam 
 et scientiam doce me.' ' Qui fecerit et docuerit, hie magnus vocabitur in regno 
 ccelorum.' ' Videte ne quis vos decipiat per philosophiam, secundum elementa 
 mundi, et non secundum Christum.' 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 3^ 
 
 In such a hall as this we may picture to ourselves the Blessed Albert the 
 Great lecturing at Cologne in ] 245, where he first received among his pupils 
 that illustrious disciple whose renown, if it eclipsed his own, at the same time 
 constitutes his greatest glory. There are few readers who are not familiar 
 with the student life of St. Thomas of Aquin, the silent habits which exposed 
 him to the witticisms of his companions, who thought the young Sicilian a dull 
 sort of importation, and nicknamed him 'the dumb ox;' the obliging compas- 
 sion which moved a fellow-student to offer him his assistance in explaining the 
 lessons of the master, and the modesty aud humility with which this greatest 
 of Christian scholars veiled his mighty intellect, and with the instinct of the 
 saints, rejoiced to be counted the least among his brethren. But the day came 
 which was to make him known in his true character. His notes and replies 
 to a difficult question proposed by Albert from the writings of St. Denys, fell 
 into the hands of his master, who reading them with wonder and delight, com- 
 manded him on the following day to take part in the scholastic disputation. 
 St. Thomas obeyed, and the audience knew not whether most to admire his 
 eloquence or his erudition. At last Albert, unable to restrain his astonishment, 
 broke out into the memorable words, 'You call this the dumb ox, but I tell 
 you his roaring will be heard throughout the whole world.' From that day 
 St. Thomas became the object of his most solicitous care ; he assigned him a 
 cell adjoining his own, and when in the course of the same year he removed to 
 Paris, to govern the school of St. James for three years, in order afterwards to 
 graduate as doctor, he took his favorite scholar with him. 
 
 His doctor's triennium had scarcely expired when he was recalled to Cologne 
 to take the Regency of the Sludium Generate, newly erected in that city ; and 
 St. Thomas accompanied him to teach, as licentiate or bachelor, in the school 
 which proved the germ of a future university. This epoch of Albert's life 
 appears to have been that in which most of his philosophic writings were pro- 
 duced. They consist chiefly of his ' Commentary on Aristotle,' in which, after 
 collating the different translations of that author with extraordinary care, he 
 aims at presenting the entire body of his philosophy in a popular as well as a 
 Christian form; a commentary on the Book of the Sentences; other com- 
 mentaries on the Gospels, and on the works of St. Denys, all of which are pre- 
 served; and a devout paraphrase of the Book of the Sentences cast into the 
 form of prayers, which has been lost. His published works alone fill twenty- 
 one folio volumes, and it is said that a great number of other treatises exist in 
 manuscript. The course of the stars; the structure of the universe; the 
 nature of plants, animals, and minerals, appear to him unsuitable subjects for 
 the investigation of a religious man ; and he hints that the seculars who paid 
 for the support of such students by their liberal alms expected them to spend 
 their time on more profitable studies. The reader need not be reminded that 
 Albert was not singular in directing his attention to these subjects, and that 
 the scientific labors of our own Venerable Bede have ever been considered as 
 among his best titles to admiration as a scholar. But more than this, it is 
 surely a narrow and illiberal view to regard the cultivation of science as 
 foreign to the purposes of religion. At the time of which we are now speak- 
 ing, as in our own, physical science was unhappily too often made an instru- 
 ment for doing good service to the cause of infidelity. It was chiefly, if not 
 exclusively, in the hands of the Arabian philosophers, who had dra\vn great 
 
32 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 
 
 part of their errors from the physics of Aristotle. Schlegel, indeed, considers 
 that the extraordinary popularity of Aristotle in the middle ages did not so 
 much arise from the love of the medieval schoolmen for his rationalistic 
 philosophy, as from the attraction they felt to some great find mysterious 
 knowledge of nature. His works seemed to give promise of unlocking to them 
 those vast intellectual treasures reserved for the scrutiny of our own age, but 
 of the existence of which they possessed a kind of dim half-consciousness. 
 Hence the teachers of the thirteenth century could hardly do more effective 
 service to the cause of truth than by handling these subjects according to a 
 Christian method, and proving that faith and science were in no sense opposed 
 to one another. Hallam affects to grieve over the evil inflicted on Europe by 
 the credit which Albert's influence gave to the study of astrology, alchemy, 
 and magic. The author of Cosmos, however, passes a very different verdict 
 on the nature of his scientific writings, and one which our readers will be 
 disposed to receive as more worthy of attention. 'Albertus Magnus,' says 
 Humboldt, 'was equally active and influential in promoting the study of 
 
 natural science, and of the Aristotelian philosophy His works contain 
 
 some exceedingly acute remarks on the organic structure and physiology of 
 plants. One of his works, bearing the title of Liber Cosmoyraphicus de Natura 
 Locorum, is a species of physical geography. I have found in it considerations 
 on the dependence of temperature concurrently on latitude and elevation, and 
 on the effect of different angles of incidence of the sun's rays in heating the 
 ground, which have excited my surprise. 1 * Jourdain, another modern critic, 
 sa)-s, ' whether we consider him as a theologian or a philosopher, Albert was 
 undoubtedly one of the most extraordinary men of his age ; I might say, one 
 of the most wonderful men of genius who has appeared in past times.' 
 
 It may be of interest to notice here a few of the scientific views of Albert, 
 which show how much he owed to his own sagacious observation of natural 
 phenomena, and how far he was in advance of his age. He decides that the 
 Milky "Way is nothing but a vast assemblage of stars, but supposes, naturally 
 enough, that they occupy the orbit which receives the light of the sun. The 
 figures visible on the moon's disk are not, he says, as has hitherto been sup- 
 posed, reflections of the seas and mountains of the earth, but configurations of 
 her own surface. He notices, in order to correct it, the assertion of Aristotle 
 that lunar rainbows appear only twice in fifty years; 'I myself,' he says, 'have 
 observed two in a single year.' He has something to say on the refraction of 
 the solar ray, notices certain crystals which have a power of refraction, and 
 remarks that none of the ancients, and few moderns, were acquainted with 
 the properties of mirrors. In his tenth book, wherein he catalogues and 
 describes all the trees, plants, and herbs known in his time, he observes, ' all 
 that is here set down is the result of our own experience, or has been bor- 
 rowed from authors, whom we know to have written what their personal experi- 
 ence has confirmed: for in these matters experience alone can give certainty.' 
 (Experimentum solum certificat talibus). Such an expression, which might have 
 proceeded from the pen of Bacon, argues in itself a prodigious scientific 
 progress, and shows that the medieval friar was on the track so successfully 
 pursued by modern natural philosophy. He had fairly shaken off the shackles 
 
 * The verv remarkab'e pnssage here referred to by Hnmboldt is to be found in the Treatise ' De 
 coelo et mundo.' It is translated nt length in Sighart's JJfe of B. Jllbert (ch. xxxix.), from 
 which work has been chiefly extracted the summary of his scientific views given in the text. 
 
EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 33 
 
 which had hitherto tied up discovery, and was the slave neither of Pliny nor 
 of Aristotle. 
 
 He treats as fabulous the commonly received idea, in which Bede had 
 acquiesced, that the region of the earth south of the equator was uninhabitable 
 and considers that, from the equator to the south pole, the earth was not only 
 habitable, but, in all probability, actually inhabited, except directly at the 
 poles, where he imagines the coid to be excessive. If there are any animals 
 there, he says, they must have very thick skins to defend them from the rigor 
 of the climate, and are probably of a white color. The intensity of cold is, 
 however, tempered by the action of the sea. He describes the antipodes and 
 the countries they comprise, and divides the climate of the earth into seven 
 zones. He smiles with a scholar's freedom at the simplicity of those who sup- 
 pose that persons living at the opposite region of the earth must fall off an 
 opinion which can only arise out of the grossest ignorance, 'for, when we 
 speak of the lower hemisphere, this must be understood merely as relatively to 
 ourselves.' It is as a geographer that Albert's superiority to the writers of his 
 own time chiefly appears. Bearing in mind the astonishing ignorance which 
 then prevailed on this subject, it is truly admirable to find him correctly tracing 
 the chief mountain chains of Europe, with the rivers which take their source 
 in each, remarking on portions of coast which have in later times been sub- 
 merged by the ocean, and islands which have been raised, by volcanic action, 
 above the level of the sea, noticing the modification of climate caused by 
 mountains, seas, and forests ; and the divisions of the human race, whose 
 differences he ascribes to the effect of the countries they inhabit. In speaking 
 of the British Isles, he alludes to the commonly received idea that another 
 distant island, called Tile or Thule, existed far in the Western Ocean, unin- 
 habitable by reason of its frightful climate, but which, he says, has perhaps 
 not yet been visited by man. He was acquainted with the sleep of plants, 
 with the periodical opening and closing of blossoms, with the diminution of 
 sap during evaporation from the cuticle of the leaves, and with the influence 
 of the distribution of the bundles of vessels on the folial indentations. His 
 minute observations on the forms and variety of plants intimate an exquisite 
 sense of floral beauty. He distinguishes the star from the bell-flower, tells us 
 that a red rose will turn white when submitted to the vapor of sulphur, and 
 makes some very sagacious observations on the subject of germination. 
 Having, in his tenth book, given a catalogue and description of the most com- 
 monly known trees, shrubs, and herbs, he tells us that all he here relates is 
 either the fruit of his own observation, or borrowed from writers whose 
 accuracy he can attest. The extraordinary erudition and originality of this 
 treatise has drawn from M. Meyer the following comment : ' No botanist who 
 lived before Albert can be compared to him, unless it be Theophrastus, with 
 whom he was not acquainted ; and after him none has painted nature in such 
 living colors, or studied it so profoundly, until the time of Conrad, Gesner, and 
 Cesalpini. All honor, then, to the man who made such astonishing progress in 
 the science of nature as to find no one, I will not say to surpass, but even to 
 equal him for the space of three centuries.' 
 
 In the Treatise on Animals which Jourdain particularly praises, nineteen 
 books are a paraphrase of Michael Scott's translation of Aristotle, but the 
 remaining seven books are Albert's own, and form a precious link between 
 3 
 
34 EARLY CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. 
 
 ancient and modern science. It was not extraordinaiy that one who had so 
 deeply studied nature, and had mastered so many of her secrets, should by his 
 wondering contemporaries have been judged to have owed his marvelous 
 knowledge to a supernatural source, or that his mechanical contrivances, his 
 knowledge of the power of mirrors, and his production of a winter-garden, or 
 hothouse, where on the feast of the Epiphany 1249, he exhibited to William 
 of Holland, king of the Romans, plants and fruit-trees in full blossom, should 
 have subjected him in the mind of the vulgar to the suspicion of sorcery. But 
 it is certainly surprising that such charges should be reproduced by modern 
 critics, who, it might have been thought, would have condemned the very 
 belief in witchcraft as a mediaeval superstition. The more so as Albert devotes 
 no inconsiderable portion of his pages to the exposure and refutation of those 
 forbidden arts, which he will not allow to be reckoned among the sciences, such 
 as geomancy, chiromancy, and a formidable list of other branches of magic. 
 
 During the time that Albert was engaged in these labors, his daily life was 
 one which might rather have seemed that of a contemplative than of a student 
 of physical science. ' I have seen, and know of a truth,' s^ys his disciple 
 Thomas, of Cantimpre, ' that the venerable Albert, whilst for many years he 
 daily lectured on theology, yet watched day and night in prayer, daily 
 recited the entire Psalter, and at the conclusion of every lesson and disputation 
 gave himself up to Divine contemplation.' His skill as a master drew an 
 incredible number of students to Cologne, whom he not only inspired with his 
 own love of science, but directed in the spiritual life. Among these were the 
 blessed Ambrose of Siena, and Ulrich of Engelbrecht, who afterwards became 
 provincial of Germany, and made use of the mechanical and scientific lore he 
 had acquired from his master in the construction of the great organ in 
 Strasburg cathedral. 
 
 After lecturing for four years in Cologne, he was recalled to Paris in order to 
 take his degrees, and though under tiie accustomed age, for he was then but 
 twenty-five, no opposition was offered on the part of the university to his being 
 received as Bachelor, and lecturing as such in the public schools. But at the 
 end of the year, when he should, by right, have proceeded to the degree of 
 Doctor, the quarrel which had already broken out between the seculars and 
 regulars was fanned into a flame by the calumnies of William de fcit. Amour, 
 and the secular Regents persisted in refusing to admit the friars to any of the 
 theological chairs. The dispute being at last referred to Rome, St. Thomas was 
 summoned thither, and by his eloquent defense procured the condemnation of 
 St. Amour's book on ' The Perils of the Latter Times,' in which the religious 
 orders were attacked in scandalous terms. Not only were the deputies of the 
 university obliged to subscribe this condemnation, but also to promise on oath, 
 in presence of the cardinals, to receive members of the two mendicant orders to 
 their academic degrees, and especially St. Bonaventure and St. Thomas, who 
 had hitherto been unable to obtain their Doctor's caps. The publication of the 
 Pope's bull, and the authority of St. Louis, finally brought this vexatious 
 dispute to a close, but the university authorities, though forced to yield, con- 
 trived to give expression to their ill-will by an act which provided that the 
 Dominicans should always hold the last place, not only after the secular regents, 
 but after those of every other religious body. 
 
CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, AND SCHOLARS. 35 
 
 THE ABBEY OF ST. GALL.* 
 
 THE Abbey of St. Gall owed its origin to an Irish disciple, of that name, of 
 St. Coluinbauus, who, in the seventh century, penetrated into the recesses of 
 the Helvetian mountains, and there fixed his abode in the midst of a pagan 
 population. Under the famous abbot St. Othmar, who flourished in the time 
 of Pepin, the monks received the Benedictine rule, and from that time the mon- 
 astery rapidly grew in fame and prosperity, so that in the ninth century it was 
 regarded as the first religious house north of the Alps. It is with a sigh of 
 that irrepressible regret called forth by the remembrance of a form of beauty 
 that is dead and gone for ever, that the monastic historian hangs over the early 
 chronicles of St. Gall. It lay in the midst of the savage Helvetian wilderness, 
 an oasis of piety and civilization. Looking down from the craggy mountains, 
 the passes of which open upon the southern extremity of the lake of Con- 
 stance, the traveler would have stood amazed at the sudden apparition of that 
 vast range of stately buildings which almost filled up the valley at his feet. 
 Churches and cloisters, the offices of a great abbey, buildings set apart for stu- 
 dents and guests, workshops of every description, the forge, the bakehouse, 
 and the mill, or rather mills, for there were ten of them, all in such active ope- 
 ration, that they every year required ten new millstones ; and then the houses 
 occupied by the vast numbers of artisans and workmen attached to the monas- 
 tery ; gardens, too, and vineyard creeping up the mountain slopes, and beyond 
 them fields of waving corn, and sheep speckling the green meadows, and far 
 away boats busily plying on the lake and carrying goods and passengers what 
 a world it was of life and activity ; yet how unlike the activity of a town! It 
 was, in fact, not a town, but a house, a family presided over by a father, 
 whose members were all knit together in the bonds of common fraternity. I 
 know not whether the spiritual or the social side of such a religious colony 
 were most fitted to rivet the attention. Descend into the valley, and visit all 
 these nurseries of useful toil, see the crowds of rude peasants transformed into 
 intelligent artisans, and you will carry away the impression that the monks of 
 St. Gall had found out the secret of creating a world of happy Christian fac- 
 tories. Enter their church and listen to the exquisite modulations of those 
 chants and sequences peculiar to the abbey which boasted of possessing the 
 most scientific school of music in all Europe, visit their scriptorium, their li- 
 brary, and their school, or the workshop where the monk Tutilo is putting the 
 finishing touch to his wonderful copper images, and his fine altar frontals of 
 gold and jewels, and you will think yourself in some intellectual and artistic 
 academy. But look into the choir, and behold the hundred monks who form 
 the community at their midnight office, and you will forget every thing, save 
 the saintly aspect of those servants of God who shed abroad over the desert 
 around them the good odor of Christ, and are the apostles of the provinces 
 which own their gentle sway. You may quit the circuit of the abbey and 
 plunge once more into the mountain region which rises beyond, but you will 
 have to wander far before you find yourself beyond the reach of its softening 
 humanizing influence. Here are distant cells and hermitages with their 
 chapels, where the shepherds come for early mass ; or it may be that there 
 meets you, winding over the mountain paths of which they sing so sweet- 
 
 * Christian Schools and Scholars. Longman : 1867. 
 
36 CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 ly,* going up and down among the hills into the thick forests and the rocky hol- 
 lows, a procession of the monks carrying their relics, and followed by a peasant 
 crowd. In the schools you may have been listening to lectures in the learned, 
 and even in the Eastern tongues ; but in the churches, and here among the 
 mountains, you will hear these fine classical scholars preaching plain truths, 
 in barbarous idioms, to a rude race, who, before the monks came among them, 
 sacrificed to the Evil One, and worshiped stocks and stones 
 
 Yet, hidden away as it was among its crags and deserts, the abbey of St. 
 Gall was almost as much a place of resort as Rome or Athens at least to the 
 learned world of the ninth century. Her schools were a kind of university, 
 frequented by men of all nations, who came hither to fit themselves for all pro- 
 fessions. You would have found here not monks alone and future scholastics, 
 but courtiers, soldiers, and the sons of kings. The education given was very 
 far from being exclusively intended for those aspiring to the ecclesiastical state; 
 it had a large admixture of the secular element, at any rate in the exterior 
 school. Not only were the Sacred sciences taught with the utmost care, but 
 the classic authors were likewise explained; Cicero, Horace, Virgil, Lucan, and 
 Terence were read by the scholars, and none but the very little boys presumed 
 to speak in any thing but Latin. The subjects for their original compositions 
 were mostly taken from Scripture and Church history, and having written their 
 exercises they were expected to recite them, the proper tones being indicated 
 by musical notes. Many of the monks excelled as poets, others cultivated 
 pauiting and sculpture, and other exquisite cloistral arts ; all diligently applied 
 to the grammatical formation of the Tudesque dialect, and rendered it capable 
 of producing a literature of its own. Their library in the eighth century was 
 only in its infancy, but gradually became one of the richest in the world. They 
 were in correspondence with all the learned monastic houses of France and 
 Italy, from whom they received the precious codex, now of a Virgil or a Livy, 
 now of the Sacred Books, and sometimes of some rare treatise on medicine or 
 astronomy. They were Greek students, moreover, and those most addicted to 
 the cultivation of the ' Cecropian Muse ' were denominated the ' fratres El- 
 lenici.' The beauty of their early manuscripts is praised by all authors, and 
 the names of their best transcribers find honorable mention in their annals. 
 They manufactured their own parchment out of the hides of the wild beasts 
 that roamed through the mountains and forests around them, and prepared it 
 with such skill that it acquired a peculiar delicacy. Many hands were em- 
 ployed on a single manuscript. Some made the parchment, others drew the 
 fair red lines, others wrote on the pages thus prepared ; more skillful hands 
 put in the gold and the initial letters, and more learned heads compared the 
 copy with the original text, this duty being generally discharged during the 
 interval between matins and lauds, the daylight hours being reserved for actual 
 transcription. Erasure, when necessary, was rarely made with the knife, but 
 an erroneous word was delicately drawn through by the pen. so as not to spoil 
 the beauty of the codex. Lastly came the binders, who inclosed the whole in 
 boards of wood, cramped with ivory or iron, the Sacred Volumes being covered 
 with plates of gold, and adorned with jewels. 
 
 * Scandens et descendens inter montium confinia 
 Silvarum scrutando loca, valliumque concava. 
 
 (Hymn for the Procession of Relics, ap. Leibnitz.) 
 
CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, AND SCHOLARS. 37 
 
 Among the masters and scholars, whose reputation shed a lustre on the annals 
 of St. Gall, was Iso, styled by Ekkehard, 'a doctor magnificus,' whose pupils 
 were in great demand by all the monasteries of Gall and Burgundy, and Moen- 
 gall (or Marcellus, a nephew of the Irish bishop Marx, both of whom entered 
 the cloister in 840, on their return from Rome), who extended, if he did not in- 
 troduce the study of Greek into the interior school. Of the pupils of the lat- 
 ter, Notker, Ratpert, and Tutilo, were distinguished for rare scholarship, and in 
 music, sculpture, and painting. Tutilo could preach both in Latin and Greek ; 
 and statuary of his workmanship adorned most of the finest 'churches in Ger- 
 many. Ratpert succeeded master Iso in the external school, and was famous 
 as a poet. But Notker was the best type of the culture of St. Gall at once 
 scholar, poet and musician. 
 
 It was the reputation of learning enjoyed by St. Gall which had first at- 
 tracted him thither, for indeed, says Ekkehard, 'he was devoured with a love 
 of grammar.' Like a true poet, he was keenly susceptible to the sights and 
 sounds of nature, and loved to ' study her beautifulness ' in that enchanted re- 
 gion of lakes and mountains. The gentle melancholy inseparable from exalted 
 genius, which in him was increased by his exceeding delicacy of organization, 
 found its expression in the wild and mystic melodies which he composed. The 
 monotonous sound of a im'll-wheel near the abbey suggested to him the music 
 of the 'Media Vita,' the words being written whilst looking into a deep gulf 
 over which some laborers were constructing a bridge. This antiphon became 
 very popular in Germany, and was every year sung at St. Gall during the Ro- 
 gation Processions But it was not as a poet or man of science that the 
 ' Blessed Notker ' was best known to posterity ; profoundly learned in human 
 literature, he yet, says Ekkehard, applied more to the Psalter than to any other 
 book. Even in his own lifetime he was revered as a saint. He was master 
 of the inferior and claustral school at the same time as Ratpert governed the 
 exterior school, and kept up the same strict discipline, 'stripes only excepted.' 
 The gentleness of his disposition peeps out in the fact that one of the faults he 
 was hardest on in his pupils was the habit of bird's-nesting. He was always 
 accessible ; no hour of day or night was ever deemed unseasonable for a visit 
 from any one who brought a book in their hands. For the sake of maintaining 
 regular observance, he once forbade his disciples to whisper to him in time of 
 silence, but the abbot enjoined him under obedience to let them speak to him 
 whenever they would. Ratpert relates a story of him, which shows the opin- 
 ion of learning and sanctity in which he was held. The emperor Charles, hav- 
 ing on one occasion come to the monastery on a visit, he brought in his suite a 
 certain chaplain, whose pride appears to have taken offense at the consideration 
 with which his master treated the Blessed Notker. When they were about to 
 depart, therefore, seeing the man of God sitting, as was his custom, with the 
 Psalter in his hand, and recognizing him to be the same man who, on the pre- 
 vious day, had solved many hard questions proposed to him by Charles, he 
 said to his companions, ' There is he who is said to be the most learned man 
 in the whole empire. But if you like, I will make this most excellent wiseacre 
 a laughing-stock for you, for I will ask him a question, which, with all his 
 learning he will not be able to answer.' Curious to see what he would do, and 
 how Notker would deal with him, they agreed to his proposal, and all went to- 
 gether to salute the master who courteously rose, and asked them what they 
 
3S CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS. AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 desired. Then said the unhappy man of whom we spoke, ' most learned 
 master, we are very well aware that there is nothing you do not know. We 
 therefore desire you to tell us, if you can. what God is now doing in heaven ?' 
 ' Yes,' replied Notker, ' I can answer that question very well. He is doing 
 what he always has done, and what He is shortly about to do to thee, He is 
 exalting the humble, and humbling the proud.' The scoffer moved away, while 
 the laugh was turned against him. Nevertheless, he made light of Notker's 
 words, and the prediction of evil which they seemed to contain regarding him- 
 self. Presently the bell rang for the king's departure, and the chaplain, mount- 
 ing his horse, rode off with a great air in front of his master. But before he 
 came to the gate of the city the steed fell, and the rider being thrown on his 
 face, broke his leg. Abbot Hartmot hearing of this accident, desired Notker to 
 visit the sick man, and pardon him, giving him his blessing. But the foolish 
 chaplain protested that the misfortune had nothing to do with Notker's predic- 
 tion, and continued to speak of him with the greatest contempt. His leg, how- 
 ever, remained in a miserable state, until one night his friends besought Notker 
 to come to him and aid him with his prayers. He complied willingly enough, 
 and touching the leg, it was immediately restored; and by this lesson the 
 chaplain learnt to be more humble for the future. 
 
 Notker was the author of various works, amongst others of a German 
 translation of the Psalter, which Vadianus speaks of in his treatise on the 'An- 
 cient Colleges of Germany,' and which he says is scarcely intelligible by reason 
 of the excessive harshness of the old Tudesque dialect. He gives a translation 
 of the 'Creed,' and the 'Our Father,' from Notker's version, in which it is not 
 difficult to trace the German idiom. Notker's German studies were yet more 
 extensively carried on by his namesake, Notker Labeo, or the Thick-Lipped, 
 who wrote many learned works in the vernacular, and was also a great classic- 
 al scholar. He translated into German the works of Aristotle, Boethius, and 
 Martian Capella, and some musical treatises, all which are still preserved. His 
 translation of St. Gregory's 'Morals' is lost. He is commemmorated in the 
 chronicles of his House as 'the kind and learned master,' and whilst he pre- 
 sided over the claustral school, he educated a great many profound scholars, 
 among whom was Ekkehard junior, the author of the chronicle 'De Casibus 
 S. Galli,' and of the celebrated ' Liber Benedictionum.' This Ekkehard, at the 
 request of the empress, transcribed Notker's ' Paraphrase of the Psalms ' for 
 her use with his own hand, and corrected a certain poem which his predecessor 
 Ekkehard I. had written when a school-boy, and which was full of Tudesque 
 barbarisms, such as the delicate ear of Ekkehard junior might not abide. He 
 held that the barbarous idioms could not be translated into Latin without a 
 great deal of painstaking. ' Think in German,' he would say to his scholars, 
 'and then be careful to render your thought into correct Latin ' There was 
 yet a third Ekkehard whose memory is preserved in the annals of St. Gall un- 
 der the surname of Palatinus. He was nephew to Ekkehard I., and presided 
 over both the exterior and interior schools, and that with great success He 
 made no distinction between noble and plebeian scholars, but employed those 
 who had less talent for learning, in writing, painting, and other like arts. He 
 was able to take down in short-hand the substance of any thing he heard, and 
 two discourses are still preserved thus noted by his hand. He was afterwards 
 most unwillingly summoned to the Court of Otho I., who appointed him his 
 
CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, AND SCHOLARS. 39 
 
 chaplain and secretary, and tutor to his son Otho II. So venerated was this 
 great man throughout Germany, that when he attended the council of Mentz 
 in 976, six bishops rose up to salute their old master, all of them having been 
 educated in the school of St. Gall. To this list of masters I must add the 
 name of another Notker, who, from his strict observance of discipline, received 
 the surname of ' Piperis-granurn,' or the Peppercorn, though his pungency of 
 temper did not prevent his brethren from commemmorating him in their obit- 
 uary as the 'Doctor benignissimus.' He was renowned as a physician, a 
 painter, and a poet, and was also well skilled in music. 
 
 ABBEY OP REICHENAU. MEINRAD.* 
 
 At the western extremity of the lake of Constance, just where it narrows to- 
 wards the outlet of the Rhine, lies a green island sparkling like an emerald 
 gem on the unruffled surface of the waters. There, halt hidden amid the lux- 
 uriant foliage, you may still see the minster of that famous abbey called Angia 
 by its Latin historians, but better known by its German name of Reichenau. 
 
 Reichenau had its own line of great masters, among whom Ermenric, who 
 could do such generous justice to the excellence of others, was himself worthy 
 to be reckoned. The most illustrious was, perhaps, the cripple Hermann Con- 
 tractus, originally a pupil of St. Gall's, who is said to have prayed that he 
 might not regain the use of his limbs, but that he might receive instead a 
 knowledge of the Scriptures. He was master of Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and 
 Arabic; he wrote treatises on history, poetry, ethics, astronomy, and math- 
 ematics; he calculated eclipses, and explained Aristotle, and, in spite of an im- 
 pediment in his speech, his lectures were so learned that he had pupils from the 
 most distant provinces of Italy. He set his own poems to music, made clocks 
 and organs, and was as much revered for his sanctity as his universal genius. 
 Many hymns and antiphons used by the Church are attributed to his pen, 
 among others the Alma Rtdemptoris. But if Hermann was the most famous 
 scholar of Reichenau, a yet greater celebrity, though of a different kind, at- 
 taches to the name of Meinrad. The story of his vocation to the eremitical life 
 affords an apt illustration of the contemplative character already noticed as so 
 frequently belonging to the early pedagogues; and as it presents us with an 
 agreeable picture of a ' whole play-day ' in the Dark Ages, we will give it as 
 it stands in the pages of the monk Berno. Meinrad was the son of a Swabian 
 nobleman of the house of Hollenzollern, and had studied in the monastic school 
 under abbot Hatto and his own uncle Erlebald. When the latter became abbot 
 he appointed Meinrad to the care of the school which was attached to a smaller 
 house dependent on Reichenau, and situated at a spot called Bollingen, on the 
 lake of Zurich. He accordingly removed thither, and had singular success 
 with his scholars, whom he inspired with great affection by reason of his gentle 
 discipline. He used to take them but for walking parties and fishing parties, 
 into what Berno, his biographer, calls 'the wilderness,' a wilderness, however, 
 which was adorned with a majestic beauty to which Meinrad was not insensi- 
 ble. One day he and his boys crossed the lake in a small boat, and landing on 
 the opposite shore, sought, for some quiet spot where they might cast their 
 fishing-lines. Finding a little stream which flowed into the lake and gave 
 
 * Christian Schools and Scholars. Vol. I., p. 240. 
 
40 CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS, TEACHERS, AND SCHOLARS. 
 
 good promise of trout, Meinrad left them to pursue their sport, and strolled 
 about, meditating on the joys of that solitary life after which he secretly pined. 
 After a while, returning to his scholars, he found that their fishing had been 
 unusually successful, and taking up their baskets, they retraced their steps to 
 the village of Altendorf, where they entered the house of a certain matron to 
 rest and refresh themselves with food. Whilst the boys ate and drank, and en- 
 joyed themselves in their own way, Meinrad and their hostess engaged in con- 
 versation, and Meinrad, who was full of the thoughts to which his mountain 
 walk had given rise, opened his whole heart to her. 'Beyond all riches.' lie 
 said, ' I desire to dwell alone in this solitude, that so I might wholly give my- 
 self to prayer, could I but find some one who would minister to me in temporal 
 things.' The good lady immediately offered to provide him with whatever he 
 wanted, in order to carry out his design ; and the result of that day's fishing- 
 party was the establishment of the former scholasticus of Bollingen in a little 
 hermitage which he constructed for himself out of the wattled boughs of trees. 
 But he found himself in one way disappointed ; he had sought the desert to fly 
 from the world, and the world followed him thither in greater throngs than he 
 had ever encountered at Reichenau. The saints possess a strange power of at- 
 traction, and neither mountains nor forests are able to hide them. In his own 
 day men compared St. Meinrad to the Baptist, because the multitudes went out 
 into the wilderness to hear him preach penance and remission of sins. For 
 seven years he continued to dispense the Word of Life to the pilgrims who 
 gathered about him. from all parts of Europe. But one day unable to resist his 
 longing for retreat, he took his image of Our Lady, a missal, a copy of St. Bene- 
 dict's rule, and the works of Cassian, and laden with these, his only treasures, 
 he plunged into the forest, and choosing a remote and secluded spot, erected a 
 rude chapel which he dedicated to Our Lady, and a yet ruder dwelling for him- 
 self. There he lived for thirty years, and at the end of that time he was assas- 
 sinated in his hermitage by some ruffians who hoped to find some hidden 
 treasure in his cell. His body was carried back to Reichenau, and in after 
 years (about 988) the great sanctuary of Einsiedeln rose over the site of his 
 hermitage, where is still venerated the image of Our Lady which he had 
 formerly carried thither with his own hands. 
 
 EINSIEDELN. 
 
 The Abby of Einsiedeln, after encountering many disasters by fire and spoli- 
 ation, has outlived the sanctity and present usefulness of both St. Gall and 
 Reichenau, and is still the resort annually of thousands of pilgrims from all parts 
 of Europe. In 1861, on the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of its 
 foundation, an almost incredible concourse of people assembled to make their 
 offerings to ' Our Lady of the Hermits.' On this occasion, the King of Prussia 
 and Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen presented the Abby with two valuable 
 historical paintings by Mticke, of Dusseldorf, one representing St. Meinrad 
 preaching on the Etzel, and the other the presentation of the Sacred Image 
 by Hildegarde, first Abbess of the convent of Zurich. The Abbey now num- 
 bers sixt}' priests, and twenty brothers of the Benedictine order, with a number 
 of lay brethren for the management of the property. 
 
ST BENEDICT AND HIS RULE. ^ 
 
 MONASTIC INSTITUTIONS AND CIVILIZATION. 
 
 To appreciate the services rendered by the institutions which 
 grew up under the rule of St. Benedict, we must look closely into 
 the state of society which existed at the advent of Christianity, and 
 which succeeded the downfall of the Roman Empire, and the 
 processes by which the new civilization was planted in regions before 
 utterly barbarous. Dr. Newman has described, in a short chapter, 
 the Downfall and Refuge of Ancient Civilization, portions of which 
 we introduce here. 
 
 There never was, perhaps, in the history of this tumultuous world, prosperity 
 so great, so far-spreading, so lasting, as that which began throughout the vast 
 Empire of Rome, at the time when the Prince of Peace was born into it. Pre- 
 ternatural as was the tyranny of certain of the Cassars, it did not reach the 
 mass of the population ; and the reigns of the five good emperors, who suc- 
 ceeded them, are proverbs of wise and gentle government. The sole great ex- 
 ception to this universal happiness was the cruel persecution of the Christians ; 
 the sufferings of a whole world fell and were concentrated on them, and the 
 children of heaven were tormented, that the sons of men might 'enjoy their 
 revel Their Lord, while His shadow brought peace upon earth, foretold that 
 in the event He came to send ' not peace but a sword ; ' and that sword was 
 first let loose upon His own people. ' Judgment commenced with the House 
 of God ; ' and though, as time went on, it left Jerusalem behind, and began to 
 career round the world and sweep the nations as it traveled on, nevertheless, 
 as if by some paradox of Providence, it seemed at first, that truth and wretch- 
 edness had 'met together,' and sin and prosperity had 'kissed one another.' 
 The more the heathens enjoyed themselves, the more they scorned, hated, and 
 persecuted their true light and true peace. They persecuted Him, for the very 
 reason that they had little else to do ; happy and haughty, they saw in Him 
 the sole drawback, the sole exception, the sole hindrance, to a universal, a 
 continual sunshine ; they called Him ' the enemy of the human race ;' and 
 they felt themselves bound, by their loyalty to the glorious and immortal 
 memory of their forefathers, by their traditions of state, and their duties 
 towards their children, to trample upon, and, if they could, to stifle that teach- 
 ing, which was destined to be the life and mold of a new world. 
 
 But our immediate subject here is, riot Christianity, but the world that 
 passed away ; and before it passed, it had, I say, a tranquillity great in propor- 
 tion to its former commotions. Ages of trouble terminated in two centuries 
 of peace. The present crust of the earth is said to be the result of a long war 
 of elements, and to have been made so beautiful, so various, so rich, and so 
 useful, by the disciple of revolutions, by earthquake and liirhtning, by 
 mountains of water and seas of fire ; and so in like manner, it required the 
 events of two thousand years, the multiform fortunes of tribes and populations, 
 the rise and fall of kings, the mutual collision of states, the spread of colonies, 
 the vicissitudes and the succession of conquests, and the gradual adjustment 
 and settlement of innumerous discordant ideas and interests, to carry on the 
 human race to unity, and to shape and consolidate the gnat Roman Power. 
 
 And when once those unwieldy materials were welded together into one 
 mass, what human force could split them up again? what 'hammer of the 
 earth ' could shiver at a stroke a solidity which had taken ages to form ? "Who 
 can estimate the strength of a political establishment, which has been the slow 
 birth of time? and what establishment ever equaled pagan Rome? Hence 
 has come the proverb, ' Rome was not built in a day;' it was the portentous 
 solidity of its power that forced the gazer back upon an exclamation, which 
 was the relief of his astonishment, as being his solution of the prodigy. And, 
 When at length it was built, Rome, so long in building, was 'Eternal Rome;' 
 it had been done once for all ; its being was inconceivable beforehand, and its 
 not being was inconceivable afterwards. It had been a miracle that it was 
 
42 
 
 ST. BENEDICT AND HIS RULE. 
 
 brought to be ; it would take a second miracle that it should cease to be. To 
 remove it from its place was to cast a mountain into the sea. Look at the 
 Palatine Hill, penetrated, traversed, cased with brickwork, till it appears a 
 work of man, not of nature ; run your eye along the cliffs from Ostia to Ter- 
 racina, covered with the debris of masonry ; gaze around the bay of Baiee, 
 whose rocks have been made to serve as the foundations and the walls of 
 palaces ; and in those mere remains, lasting to this day, you will have a type 
 of the moral and political strength of the establishments of Rome. Think of 
 the aqueducts making for the imperial city, for miles across the plain; think of 
 the straight roads stretching off again from that one centre to the ends of the 
 earth: consider the vast territory round about it strewn to this day with 
 countless ruins; follow in your imagination its suburbs, extending along its 
 roads, for as much, at least in some directions, as forty miles; and number up its 
 continuous mass of population, amounting, as grave authors say, to almost six 
 millions ; and answer the question, how was Rome ever to be got rid of? why 
 was it not to progress ? why was it not to progress for ever ? where was that 
 ancient civilization to end? Such were the questionings and anticipations of 
 thoughtful minds, not specially proud or fond of Rome. ' The world,' says 
 Tertullian, ' has more of cultivation every day, and is better furnished than in 
 times of old. All places are opened up now ; all are familiarly known ; all are 
 scenes of business. Smiling farms have obliterated the notorious wilderness; 
 tillage has tamed the forest land ; flocks have put to flight the beasts of prey. 
 Sandy tracts are sown ; rocks are put into shape ; marshes are drained. 
 There are more cities now, than there were cottages at one time. Islands are 
 no longer wild ; the crag is no longer frightful ; everywhere there is a home, a 
 population, a state, and a livelihood.' Such was the prosperity, such the 
 promise of progress and permanence, in which the Assyrian, the Persian, the 
 Greek, the Macedonian conquests had terminated 
 
 Education had gone through a similar course of difficulties, and had a place 
 in the prosperous result. First, carried forth upon the wings of genius, and 
 disseminated by the energy of individual minds, or by the colonizing missions 
 of single cities, knowledge was irregularly extended to and fro over the 
 spacious regions, of which the Mediterranean is the common basin. Intro- 
 duced, in course of time, to a more intimate alliance with political power, it 
 received the means, at the date of Alexander and his successors, both of its 
 cultivation and its propagation. It was formally- recognized and endowed 
 under the Ptolemies, and at length became a direct object of the solicitude of 
 the government under the Caesars. It was honored and dispensed in every 
 considerable city of the Empire ; it tempered the political administration of 
 the conquering people; it civilized the manners of a hundred barbarian con- 
 quests ; it gradually reconciled uncongenial, and associated distant countries, 
 with each other ; while it had ever ministered to the fine arts, it now proceeded 
 to subserve the useful. It took in hand the reformation of the world's re- 
 ligion; it began to harmonize the legends of discordant worships ; it purified 
 the mythology by making it symbolical; it interpreted it, and gave it a moral, 
 and explained away its idolatry. It began to develope a system of ethics, it 
 framed a code of laws ; what might not be expected of it, as time went on, 
 were it not for that illiberal, unintelligible, fanatical, abominable sect of Gali- 
 leans? If they were allowed to make play, and get power, what might not 
 happen? There again Christians were in the way, as hateful to the philosopher, 
 as to the statesman. Yet in truth it was not in this quarter that the peril of 
 civilization lay ; it lay in a very different direction, over against the Empire to 
 the North and North-east, in a black cloud of inexhaustible barbarian popula- 
 tions; and when the stor.m mounted overhead and broke upon the earth, it 
 was those scorned and detested Galileans, and none but they, the men-haters 
 and God-despisers. who, returning good for evil, housed and lodged the scat- 
 tered remnants of that old world's wisdom, which had so persecuted them, went 
 forth valiantly to meet the savage destroyer, tamed him without arms, and 
 became the founders of a new and higher civilization. Not a man in Europe 
 now, who talks bravely against the Church, but owes it to the Church, that he 
 can talk at all. 
 
ST. BENEDICT AND HIS RULE. 43 
 
 But what was to be the process, what the method, what the instruments, 
 what the place, for sheltering the treasures of ancient intellect during the 
 convulsion, of bridging over the abyss, and of linking the old world to the 
 new? In spite of the consolidation of its power, Rome was to go, as all 
 things human go, and vanish for ever. In the words of inspiration, ' Great 
 Babylon came in remembrance before God, and every island fled away, and the 
 mountains were not found.' All the fury of the elements was directed against 
 it ; and, as a continual dropping wears away the stone, so blow after blow, 
 and revolution after revolution, sufficed at last to heave up, and hurl down, 
 and smash into fragments, the noblest earthly power that ever was. First 
 came the Goth, then the Hun, and then the Lombard. The Goth took posses- 
 sion, but he was of noble nature, and soon lost his barbarism. The Hun came 
 came next ; he was irreclaimable, but did not stay. The Lombard kept both 
 his savageness and his ground; he appropriated to himself the territory, not 
 the civilization of Italy, fierce as the Hun, and powerful as the Goth, the most 
 tremendous scourge of Heaven. In his'dark presence the poor remains of Greek 
 and Roman splendor died away, and the world went more rapidly to ruin, 
 material and moral, than it was advancing from triumph to triumph in the 
 Tertullian. Alas ! the change between Rome in the hey-day of her pride, and 
 in the agony of her judgment ! Tertullian writes while she is exalted ; Pope 
 Gregory when she is in humiliation. He was delivering homilies upon the 
 Prophet Ezekiel, when the news came to Rome of the advance of the Lombards 
 upon the city, and in the course of them he several times burst out into 
 lamentations at the news of miseries, which eventually obliged him to cut 
 short his exposition. 
 
 ' Sights and sounds of war,' he says, ' meet us on every side. The cities are 
 destroyed ; the military stations broken up ; the land devastated ; the earth de- 
 populated No one remains in the country ; scarcely any inhabitants in the 
 towns ; yet even the poor remains of human kind are still smitten daily and 
 without intermission. Before our eyes some are carried away captive, some 
 mutilated, some murdered. She herself, who once was mistress of the world, 
 we behold how Rome fares ; worn down by manifold and incalculable dis- 
 tresses, the bereavement of citizens, the attack of foes, the reiteration of over- 
 throws, where is her senate? where are her people ? "We, the few survivors, are 
 still the daily prey of the sword and of other innumerable tribulations. Where 
 are they who in a former day reveled in her glory? where is their pomp, their 
 pride, their frequent and immoderate joy ? youngsters, young men of the 
 world, congregated here from every quarter, where they aimed at a secular 
 advancement. Now no one hastens up to her for preferment ; and so it is 
 with other cities also ; some places are laid waste by pestilence, others are de- 
 populated by the sword, others are tormented by famine ; and others are swal- 
 lowed up by earthquakes.' 
 
 These words, far from being a rhetorical lament are but a meagre statement 
 of some of the circumstances of a desolation, in which the elements them- 
 selves, as St. Gregory intimates, as well as the barbarians, took a principal 
 ^Dart. In the dreadful age of that great Pope, a plague spread from the low- 
 lands of Egypt to the Indies on the one hand, along Africa across to Spain on 
 the other, till, reversing its course, it reached the eastern extremity of Europe, 
 For fifty-two years did it retain possession of the infected atmosphere, and, 
 in Constantinople, during three months, five thousand, and at length ten 
 thousand persons, are said to have died, daily. Many cities of the East were 
 left without inhabitants; and in several districts of Italy there were no laborers 
 to gather either harvest or vintage. A succession of earthquakes accompanied 
 for years this heavy calamity. Constantinople was shaken for above forty 
 days. Two hundred and fifty thousand persons are said to have perished in the 
 earthquake of Antiooh. crowded, as the city was, with strangers for the festival 
 of the Ascension. Berytus, the eastern school of Roman jurisprudence, called, 
 from its literary and scientific importance, the eye of Phoenicia, shared a 
 similar fate. These, however, were but local visitations Cities are indeed the 
 homes of civilization, but the wide earth, with her hill and dale, open plain 
 and winding valley, is its refuge. 
 
THE HIERONYMIANS. 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OP KARL VON RAUMER. 
 
 [Translated by L. W. Fitch.} 
 
 BEFORE Italy had begun to exert any influence upon German culture, 
 there existed in the Netherlands an order called the brotherhood of the 
 Hieronymians. Its founder was Gerard Groote, better known as Gerard 
 the Great, who was born in the year 1340, at Deventer. From 1355 
 to 1358, he pursued his studies at Paris, where, in addition to the ordi- 
 nary branches, he gave his attention to the unhallowed arts of magic, 
 astrology, and necromancy. But, during a dangerous illness, he sent 
 for a priest and gave him all his books, pertaining to these arts, to 
 burn. On his return from Paris he was chosen a canon, both in Aix- 
 la-Chapelle and Cologne ; and, in the latter place, he taught scholastic 
 philosophy and theology, and lived respectably but not in extravagance. 
 Once, while diverting himself with looking at certain games, a person 
 accosted him thus : " Do not waste your time upon these vanities : 
 but change your course and become a different man." Soon after he 
 entered Monikhausen, a Carthusian monastery at Arnheim, the prior 
 of which had been his father-confessor at Paris. Here for three 
 years, he led a life of penitence and self-mortification, studying the 
 Holy Scriptures before all other books. He then began his career as 
 a preacher, and, as Thomas -a- Kempis relates, he preached in the 
 spirit and the power of John the Baptist. No church was large 
 enough to hold the throngs that flocked to hear him ; and he often 
 held his audience spell-bound for three hours together. The impres- 
 sion that he made was the greater, inasmuch as he did not speak in 
 unintelligible Latin, but in his native Belgian. But these sermons of 
 his drew upon him the wrath of the begging friars, whose profligate 
 life he had exposed ; and the Bishop of Utrecht, at their instance, 
 interdicted him from preaching. 
 
 In the year 1367 he, with John Cole, Rector of Zwoll, paid a visit 
 to the venerable octogenarian mystic, Ruysbroeck, prior of the 
 monastery of Grunthal, near Brussels. Ruysbroeck made a profound 
 impression upon him, as he had done upon Tauler before him, and he 
 was specially edified by the pious and benignant demeanor which the 
 old man observed toward the brethren under his charge. 
 
 Returning to Deventer, he gathered around him a circle, chiefly 
 
46 THE HIERONYMIANS. 
 
 composed of students from the seat of learning at that place, with 
 whom he read good books. These all, while with him, earned their 
 livelihood principally by copying ; for he forbade them to beg. 
 
 About this time Florentius Radewin filled the office of canon at 
 Utrecht. He was born in 1350, at Leerdam, in South Holland, and 
 had studied at Prague. When he heard of Gerard's influential career 
 at Deventer, he gave up his canonicate, became vicar of the church 
 of St. Lebuin in Deventer, and an intimate friend of Gerard. One 
 day he addressed Gerard as follows : "Dear master, where would be 
 the harm, should I and those clerkly priests of yours, those brethren 
 of a good will, (bonce voluntatis,} form a common fund of the moneys 
 that we have hitherto weekly expended, and live in common, (in 
 communi?") Gerard replied: "The begging friars would set them- 
 selves against us with every resource in their power." But, when 
 Florentius urged the point, saying, " It can do no harm to begin ; per- 
 haps God will crown the undertaking with success," Gerard yielded, 
 adding the promise that he would take immediate measures to carry 
 out the plan. 
 
 Such was the origin of that fraternity, which, taking its name from 
 the words of Florentius, was known as the " brotherhood of good 
 will," or the " brotherhood of a common life." They were also 
 called, from Hieronymus and Gregory the Great, both of whom they 
 regarded as patrons, Hieronymians and Gregorians. 
 
 Their first house, fratrum domus so-called, was erected about the 
 year 1384, at Deventer. There these brethren lived together; and, by 
 the end of the fifteenth century, a chain of such houses had extended 
 from Cambray in the Netherlands, through the whole of Northern 
 Germany, to Culm in West Prussia ; from the Scheldt to the Vistula. 
 And all this was the blessed fruit of Radewin's inspired suggestion. 
 
 Gerard only survived to witness the first beginnings of the institu- 
 tion : he died in 1384 of the plague. Dying, he appointed Florentius 
 his successor, for he could choose none worthier. His last words were 
 these : " Behold, the Lord is calling me ; the hour of my redemption 
 is close at hand : Augustine and Bernard are waiting at the door." 
 
 Thomas-a-Kempis depicts Gerard as a man, who worked out the 
 salvation of his soul with the same severe asceticism that had charac- 
 terized Augustine and Bernard. He denied himself every worldly 
 pleasure, even the most innocent, wore coarse garments, ate his food 
 burnt and unsalted, and avoided all female society. 
 
 His views of knowledge, I give in his own words. " Make the gos- 
 pels, first of all, the root of all your studies and the mirror of your life, 
 for in them is portrayed the character of Christ ; then the lives and 
 
THE HIERONYMIAN8. ^ 
 
 opinions of the fathers, the acts and deeds of the apostles, and tne 
 Epistles of St. Paul, to which you may add the devotional works oi 
 Bernard, Anselm, Augustine," &c. 
 
 His curriculum of study was accordingly contracted within very 
 narrow limits. "Spend no time," he continues, " either on geometry 
 arithmetic, rhetoric, logic, grammar, poetry or judicial astrology. 
 All these branches Seneca rejects : how much more, then, should a 
 spiritually-minded Christian pass them by, since they subserve in no 
 respect the life of faith ! Of the sciences of the pagans, their ethics 
 may not be so scrupulously shunned, since these were the special 
 field of the wiser among them, as Socrates and Plato. That which 
 does not better a man, or at least does not reclaim him from evil, is 
 positively hurtful. Neither ought we to read pagan books, nor the 
 Holy Scriptures, to penetrate into the mysteries of nature by the 
 means." All literary fame, and the gloss and show of learning alike, 
 Gerard utterly despised. 
 
 He evidently prized those things alone, which promoted holiness ; 
 and all that did not work for this result, even were it speculative 
 theology, (dogmatics,) to say nothing of other sciences and the arts, 
 he thrust into the back -ground. With such sentiments, the higher 
 studies of course found no favor in his eyes; but, on the other hand, 
 he devoted himself with zeal to the cause of popular education. 
 
 Let us now return to Florentine and his brotherly unions. In the 
 ascetic severity of his character, he resembled Gerard, though consti- 
 tutionally he was more cheerful, and endowed with more practical 
 abilities. By the power of the purest and the most unselfish love, he 
 exerted a wonderful influence over those with whom he had to do, 
 and especially over his disciples, who revered and loved him. Says 
 Thomas- a-Kempis, "he was filled with all spiritual wisdom, and a 
 knowledge of God in Christ. And though he survived Gerard but 
 fifteen years, yet in this brief time he founded many brotherly unions." 
 The establishment at Deventer, over which he himself presided, was, 
 according to Thomas, modeled upon the humility of the apostles, and 
 formed a mirror of piety, all the brethren being of one heart and one 
 mind, self-denying, devout and full of mercy. With regard to the in- 
 ternal economy of these houses or unions, the number of the brethren 
 thus living together was about twenty, and they had a common table 
 and purse. Each house usually had four officiating priests, while the 
 rest of the inmates were either students of divinity or laymen. The 
 students wer similar to monks, yet with this difference, that they dis- 
 pensed with all strict rules and inexorable vows. The brethren were 
 industrious, maintaining themselves by handicrafts, especially by 
 
48 THE HIERONYMlAWe. 
 
 copying. And, on the invention of printing, it was the Hieronymiana 
 at Gouda who set the first types in Holland. 
 
 Pursuant to the injunctions of Gerard, Florentius founded, in the 
 year 1386, at Windesheim, near Gouda, a monastery of regular canons? 
 u which, both for counsel and for action, should be a rallying point for 
 the entire ' Union of the Common Life.'" This was soon followed by 
 the establishment of another on Mount St. Agnes, at Zwoll ; and, by the 
 year 1430, there were forty-five such monasteries in existence. Their 
 inmates became most industrious copyists, and they would appear at 
 times to have carried their occupation to excess. And because many 
 of them, through too great abstinence, became crazed, the question 
 was put to new applicants at the monastery of Windesheim, " Do you 
 eat and sleep well, and do you obey with alacrity ? " for on these three 
 points their perseverance \n piety was thought to depend.* 
 
 After a blissful life, such as falls to the lot of few, Florentius died in 
 the year 1400, at the age of fifty years. 
 
 After him and Gerard the Great, a third person exerted a vast 
 influence among the Hieronymians. This was Gerard Zerbolt, com- 
 monly styled, from the place of his birth, Gerard of Zutphen. He 
 was born in the year 1367. His unremitting efforts were given to 
 the cause of the " diffusion and the use of the Bible in the vernacular, 
 as well as the employment of this, (i. e., the vernacular,) on all relig- 
 ious and ecclesiastical occasions." He wrote a book called "De 
 libris Teutonicalibus," in which he expressly insists that the laity should 
 read the Bible in their native tongue. "The books of the Holy 
 Scriptures," he says, " were originally composed in the native tongue 
 of those for whom they were immediately designed ; and for all 
 others they should be translated. And the Vulgate version was in 
 Latin for this reason alone, namely, that, when it was made, the Latin 
 tongue was spoken over the whole of the great Roman empire 
 And the Holy Spirit conferred the gift of tongues upon the apostles, 
 in order that they might be enabled to preach to all the different na- 
 tions in their different languages." And he closes by quoting, from 
 the most distinguished fathers of the church, expressions confirmatory 
 of his own views. Prayer likewise, he contended, should be offered in 
 the native tongue of the petitioner. So ceaseless and unresting were 
 his labors, that his early death, in the year 1398, when he was but 
 thirty-one years of age, is to be traced directly to over-much study. 
 
 We should also speak in this connection of a man, whose name has 
 penetrated into all the world ; and that man is Thomas-a-Kempis. 
 
 * Delprat and TJlman both quote this question, but without the motive annexed, and base 
 upon it the charge of epicureanism. But the " Lives " of Thomas-a-Kempis leave no room 
 to doubt of the excessive abstinence of the monks. 
 
THE HIERONYMIANS. 
 
 49 
 
 Born in 1380, at thirteen he entered the school of Deventer, and 
 there became known to Florentius, who aided him in many ways and 
 that right heartily. Seven years after, or in 1400, he joined the Mount 
 St. Agnes monastery, above mentioned, and there for the long period 
 of seventy -one years he passed a serene and contemplative life, dying, 
 in 1472, at the age of ninety-two years. Thomas has sketched for 
 us the lives of both the Gerards, of Florentius, and of many other 
 distinguished Hieronymians likewise, besides composing many devo- 
 tional books. One of these latter, the " Imitation of Christ," has 
 been read more than any other book of devotion in the world. It has 
 been translated into very many different languages ; the Latin 
 original has passed through more than 2000 editions, the French 
 translation, more than 1000.* 
 
 The hostile machinations of the begging friars, which Gerard the 
 Great experienced, followed the Hieronymians after his death. Gra- 
 bow, a Saxon Dominican, brought a most insidious accusation against 
 them before Pope Martin V., and was thereby instrumental in placing 
 them under ban. But Chancellor John Gerson pronounced a decis- 
 ion at the Council of Constance against this accusation, as follows, 
 namely : " that the accusatory document, since it was heretical, should 
 be committed to the flames." And accordingly Grabow was com- 
 pelled to retract his charge. Thus the Hieronymians obtained a 
 formal recognition both from Pope and Council ; for a Bull of Pope 
 Eugene IV., in 1437, and a second of Sixtus IV., in 1474, invested 
 them with full privileges, and Pius II. likewise shewed himself favora- 
 ble to them. 
 
 In the year 1505 the last union, that at Cambray, was established. 
 The greatest efficiency of the brotherhood dates in the 16th century. 
 As the Reformation was inaugurated, many of their number gave in 
 their adhesion to it ; and, on the other hand, the Jesuits gradually 
 absorbed many of their establishments. 
 
 After this cursory glance at the brotherhood and its founders, let 
 us examine its educational efficiency. For, because of their activity in 
 promoting education, the brethren were also called the *' scholarly 
 fraternity," "fratres scholares" 
 
 And yet it is not an easy task to characterize this activity, for it 
 bore a very different impress according to times and circumstances. 
 
 * There has been much controversy as to whether Thomas a-Kempis were really its author 
 Delprat mentions one hundred and twenty-seven different treatises adverse to his claim. But 
 Ulman decides in his favor on sufficiently weighty grounds. The " Imitatio Christi " was 
 translated into Latin by Castellio, the same who translated the Vulgate into Latin. " This lit- 
 tle book," says Castellio, " I have deemed worthy to be turned from Latin into Latin, that is 
 from a rustic dialect into more elegant and polished language." 
 
 4 
 
~Q THE HIERONYMIANS. 
 
 The view which Gerard the Great took of knowledge we have 
 already seen. It was the view of a man, who, satiated with scholastic 
 studies, burned his books of magic also, thus bidding a final adieu to 
 all unprofitable sciences, to strive alone after the one thing needful. 
 If he had before toilsomely pursued shadowy theories, he now so much 
 the more applied his whole soul to the substantial and the practical, 
 resolutely refraining from all knowledge except that which had a 
 direct bearing upon a holy life. 
 
 With him, the pious, contemplative Thomas-a-Keni pis fully coin- 
 cided. Such expressions as the following abound in the writings of 
 the latter : " Cease from an inordinate desire for knowledge, for this 
 brings great perplexity and delusion with it. Learned men crave the 
 notice of the world, and wish to be accounted wise. But there is 
 much knowledge which adds little or nothing to the welfare of the 
 soul. And that man is surely most foolish, who strives after any 
 thing which does not advance his own supreme good." 
 
 With these sentiments, he applied himself, as we might naturally 
 expect, principally to the study of the Bible. So also did the two 
 Gerards. And these men were all prompted by their love for souls to 
 use every energy to make the book of salvation accessible to the un- 
 learned. Gerard of Zutphen, especially, was untiring in his endeavors 
 to give the people a Bible that they could read. 
 
 And this is the beginning and the foundation of a Christian popular 
 education. If you give the Bible to the people, they must learn to 
 read it, and writing is linked to reading, following close upon its 
 footsteps. The germ that began to sprout here, sprang up, in the 
 Reformation, into a broad and vigorous growth. 
 
 The Hieronymians devoted themselves, . however, not merely to 
 popular instruction, but to the higher branches of learning. This we 
 may gather with certainty from the fact that distinguished scholars 
 were formed in their schools. 
 
 It is nevertheless hard to decide what schools we are to regard as 
 theirs. For in some places the brethren themselves were principals, 
 superintending every department of instruction ; in others again, they 
 gave assistance in schools already existing, teaching in a subordinate 
 capacity, but yet taking much interest in the scholars. In the houses 
 of the brethren, reading, writing, singing, and Latin conversation and 
 declamation were taught; and there would appear to have been 
 boarding-scholars at all of them. In the house at Deventer, Latin 
 speaking was carried to such an extent, that a penalty was laid upon 
 the scholar who should utter, even through a slip of the tongue, 
 a word of Dutch. Yet the style of Latin which they aimed 
 
THE HIERONYMIANS. - ^ 
 
 to impart was mediaeval and barbarous, such as the clergy were then 
 accustomed to employ. 
 
 The Latinity of the early Hieronymians, and even that of Thomas- 
 a-Kempis, was very far from classical. But a new era dawned upon 
 these schools, when the Italians exerted a direct influence upon them 
 through such of the Netherlanders and Germans as had in part 
 been molded in them, and had afterward visited Italy. How wide 
 a difference there was between the Hieronymians in their earlier 
 years and the Italians of the 14th and 15th centuries, we need 
 but a hasty comparison to determine. Those as truly as these re- 
 jected the divinity of the schools ; but how diverse their motives ! 
 For the Italians, fascinated by the beauties, the poetry and the elo- 
 quence of the pagan classics, conceived an aversion for the hideous 
 jargon of the school-dialecticians, even when these were Christian. 
 The Hieronymians, on the other hand, turned away from scholasticism, 
 because it did not profit them ; nay more, because it stood directly in 
 the way of all earnest self-consecration, and the salvation of souls. 
 And hence it was, that they pursued with so much eagerness the 
 study of the Bible, while the Italians scarce gave so much as a thought 
 to it. And still less did these latter think of circulating the Bible, or 
 of promoting popular education, which cause was so dear to the breth- 
 ren ; but when, like Guarino and Vittorino di Feltre, they turned their 
 thoughts to education, they devoted themselves chiefly to the instruc- 
 tion of princes or nobles. 
 
 But when a love for the classics was awakened among the Germans 
 and Netherlanders, they still preserved the Christian element, as the 
 ground of all mental culture and instruction, and despite their admi- 
 ration of pagan authors, that pagan bias, (paganitas,) which Erasmus 
 reproves in the Italians, was ever an abomination to them. 
 
 " Thomas-a-Kempis is to be regarded as the flower of the ascetic 
 piety which the institution of the * Common Life ' fostered ; Agricola, 
 Alexander Hegius, and, if you will, Erasmus also, of its philosophic 
 learning ; and Wessel, of its theological science." 
 
52 HI ERONYMIANS REVIVAL OF LETTERS. 
 
 In process of time the Brethren of Common Life spread over Flanders, France, 
 and Germany, and the schools they founded multiplied and flourished. They 
 were introduced into the University of Paris by John ^tandonch, a doctor of 
 the Sorbonne, who gave into their direction the college de Montaigu, of which 
 he was their principal, and established them in Cambray, Valenciennes, Mech- 
 lin, and Louvain. He drew up statutes for their use, which are supposed by 
 Du Boulay to have furnished St. Ignatius with the first notions of his rule, an 
 idea which receives some corroboration from the fact that the saint studied at 
 the college de Montaigu during his residence at the University of Paris. Stan- 
 donch himself received the habit o'f the Poor Clerks, as they were now often 
 called, and had the satisfaction of seeing more than 300 good scholars issue 
 from his schools, many of whom undertook the direction or reform of other 
 academic*. In 1430 the Institute numbered forty-five houses, and thirty years 
 later the numbers were increased threefold. The Deventer brethren were far 
 from being mere mystics and transcribers of books. The aim of their founda- 
 tion was doubtless to supply a system of education which should revive some- 
 thing of the old monastic discipline, but they cultivated all the higher branches 
 of learning, and their schools were among the first of those north of the Alps, 
 which introduced the revived study of classical literature. One of their most 
 illustrious scholars was Nicholas of Cusa, or Cusanus, the son of a poor fisher- 
 man, who won his doctor's cap at Padua, and became renowned for his Greek, 
 Hebrew, and mathematical learning. Eugenius IV. appointed him his legate, 
 and Nicholas V. created him cardinal, and bishop of Brixen, in the Tyrol. His 
 personal character won him the veneration of his people, but, according to Ten- 
 nemann, his love of mathematics led him into many theological extravagances. 
 He was strongly inclined to the views of the Neo-Platonists ; he considered, 
 moreover, that all human knowledge was contained in the ideas of numbers, 
 and attempted to explain the mysteiy of the Holy Trinity on mathematical prin- 
 ciples. He was undoubtedly a distinguished man of science, and was the first 
 among moderns to revive the Pythagorean hypothesis of the motion of the earth 
 round the sun. Cusanus had studied at most of the great universities, but held 
 none of them in great esteem, for he professed a sovereign contempt for the 
 scholastic philosophy which still held its ground in those academies. At his 
 death he left his wealth to a hospital which he had founded in his native village, 
 and to which he attached a magnificent library. Deventer could boast indeed 
 of being the fruitful mother of great scholars, such as Hegius, Langius, and 
 Dringeberg, all of whom afterwards took part in the restoration of letters. 
 
 The Brethren, moreover, displayed extraordinary zeal in promoting the new 
 art of printing, and one of the earliest Flemish presses was set up in their col- 
 lege. And in 1475, when Alexander Hegius became rector of the schools, he 
 made the first bold experiment of printing Greek. It is not to be supposed that 
 such a revolution as that which was brought about in the world of letters by the 
 new invention could fail of producing events of a mixed character of good and 
 evil. Whatever was fermenting in the minds of the people now found expres- 
 sion through the press, and Hallam notices ' the incredible host of popular relig- 
 ious tracts poured forth ' before the close of the fifteenth century, most of them 
 of a character hostile to the faith. The first censorship of printed books ap- 
 pears to have been established in 1480, by Berthold, archbishop of Mentz. who 
 explained his reasons for taking this step in a mandate, wherein he complains 
 of the abuse of the ' divine art ' of printing, whereby perverse men have turned 
 
HIERONYMIANS REVIYAL OF LETTERS. 53 
 
 that to the injury of mankind which was designed for their instruction. Spe- 
 cially he alludes to those unauthorized and faulty translations into the vulgar 
 tongue of the Scriptures, and even the canons of the Church, wherein men of 
 no learning or experience have taken on them to invent new words or use old 
 ones in erroneous senses, in order to express the meaning of the original, 'a 
 thing most dangerous in the sacred Scriptures/ He therefore forbids any such 
 translations to be thenceforward published without being approved by four 
 doctors, under pain of excommunication, desiring that the art which was first 
 of all discovered in this city, ' not without divine aid/ should be maintained in 
 all its honour. 
 
 This mandate- was only directed against the faulty translations of the Holy 
 Scriptures. No opposition was offered to the multiplication of correct versions, 
 both of the Latin Vulgate, and its various translations. The Cologne Bible, 
 printed in 1479, had before this appeared, with the formal approbation of the 
 university. The very first book printed by Gutenburg and Faust in 1453, was 
 the Latin Bible, and among the twenty-four books printed in Germany be- 
 fore the year 1470 we find five Latin and two German editions of the Bible. 
 Translations of the Holy Scriptures into variotfs tongues were among the very 
 first books issued from the press; as the Bohemian version in 1475, the Italian 
 in 1471 which ran through eleven editions before the close of the century, 
 the Dutch in 1477, and the French in the same year. The admirers of Luther 
 have therefore fallen into a strange error, when they represent him as the first 
 to unlock the Scriptures to the people, for twenty-four editions of the German 
 Bible alone had been printed and published before his time. 
 
 It was in the year 1476 that a little choir-boy of Utrecht entered the college 
 of Deventer, and gave such signs of genius and industry as to draw from his 
 masters the prediction that he would one day be the light of his age. He was a 
 namesake of the founder, but, after the fashion of the day, adopted a Latin and 
 Greek version of his Flemish name of Gerard, and was to be known to posterity 
 as Desiderius Erasmus. Like Thomas a Kempis, he passed from the schools of 
 Deventer to the cloisters of the canons regular, a step which, he assures us, was 
 forced on him by his guardians, and never had his own assent. A happy acci- 
 dent enabled him to visit Rome in the suite of the Bishop of Cambray ; and, 
 once released from the wearisome discipline of convent life, he never returned to 
 it, but spent the rest of his life wandering from one to another of the capitals of 
 France, Italy, and England, teaching for a livelihood, courted by all the literary 
 and religious parties of the day, and satirising them all by turns ; indisputably 
 the literary Coryphaeus of his age, but penetrated through and through with its 
 scoffing and presumptuous spirit. It was an age fruitful in pedants and human- 
 ists, whose destiny it was to help on the revolution in Faith by a revolution in 
 letters. Schools and professors multiplied throughout Germany. At the very 
 time when Hegius was teaching the elements of Greek to Erasmus, his old com- 
 rades Langius and Dringeberg were presiding over the schools of Munster and 
 Schelstadt. Rodolph Langius exerted himself strenuously in the cause of polite 
 letters, and whilst superintending his classes occupied spare moments in correct- 
 ing the text of almost every Latin work which at that time issued from the 
 press, and in making deadly war on the scholastic philosophy. His rejection of 
 the old-fashioned school-books and his innovations on time-honoured abuses 
 raised against him the friars of Cologne, and a controversy ensued in which 
 Langiui won so much success as enabled him to fix the stigma of barbarism on 
 
54 KIERONYMIANS REVIVAL OF LETTERS. 
 
 his opponents. His friend and namesake Rodolph Agricola, who had studied a? 
 Ferrara under Theodore of Gaza, and was held by his admirers superior in eru- 
 dition to Tolitian himself, at this time presided over the school of Groningen. 
 Besides his skill in the learned tongues he was a poet, a painter, a musician, an 
 orator, and a philosopher. Such a multitude of accomplishments won him an 
 invitation to the court of the Elector Palatine at Heidelberg, where a certain 
 learned academy had been founded, called the Rhenish Society, for the encour- 
 agement of Greek and Hebrew literature, the members of which, says Ilallam, 
 'did not scorn to relax their minds with feasting and dancing, not forgetting the 
 ancient German attachment to the flowing cup.' This is a polite way of ren- 
 dering a very ugly passage, which in the original tells us plainly that the Rhe- 
 nish academicians were addicted to excessive inebriety and other disgraceful 
 vices. It is somewhat remarkable, however, that Agricola, who died three years 
 after his removal to Heidelberg, received on his death-bed the habit of those very 
 friars whom, during life, he and his friend Langius had done their best to hold 
 up to popular contempt. 
 
 About the same time Reuchlin was studying at Paris, where, in 1458, Greg- 
 ory of Tiferno had been appointed Greek professor. Reuchlin visited Rome, 
 and translated a passage from Thucydides, in the presence of Argyrophilus, 
 with such success that the Greek exclaimed, in a transport of delight (and pos- 
 sibly of surprise, at such an achievement on the part of a Northern barbarian), 
 ' our banished Greece has flown beyond the Alps ! ' Reuchlin was a Hebrew 
 scholar, a circumstance which, in the end, proved his ruin ; for, embracing the 
 Cabalistic philosophy, he abandonded classics and good sense in the pursuit of 
 that absurd mysticism. In this strange infatuation he had many companions. 
 Not a few of those who had shown themselves foremost in deriding the scholas- 
 tic philosophy, ended by substituting in its place either open scepticism or the 
 philosophy of magic. A few years later, the wild theories of Cornelius Agrip- 
 pa, Paracelsus, and Jerome Cardan, found eager adherents among those who 
 conceived it a proof of good scholarship to despise St. Thomas as a Goth. 
 Reuchlin, whilst pouring forth his bitter satires against the old theologians, was 
 printing his treatise on the Cabala, entitled ' De Verbo Mirijico,' wherein magic 
 is declared to be the perfection of philosophy, which work was formally con- 
 demned at Rome. However, all the French savants of the Renaissance were 
 not Cabalists, nor did all, when they introduced the study of Greek, forget that 
 it was the language of the Gospels. The real restoration of Greek studies in 
 France must be ascribed to Budseus, who made up, by the piety and indefatiga- 
 ble studies of his later years, for a youth of wild irregularity. He had studied 
 under Lascaris, and though he had reached a very mature age before he devoted 
 himself to letters, he soon became as familiar with the learned tongues as with 
 his native idiom. His treatise on the Ancient Money first rendered his name fa- 
 mous, and secured him the friendship of Francis I. He profited from the favor 
 shown him by that monarch, to solicit from him the foundation of the Royal 
 College of France, for the cultivation of the three learned tongues, and thus 
 fairly introduced the ' Cecropian Muse' into the University of Paris. If we 
 may credit the authority of a grave rector of that university, this momentous 
 change was advantageous, not merely to the minds, but also to the morals 
 of her students. St. Jerome, as we know, imposed upon himself the study of 
 Hebrew as an efficacious means of taming the passions; and Rollin affirms that, 
 many who, in former years, had been nothing but idle men of pleasure, when 
 
HIERONYMIANS REVIVAL OF LETTER*. 55 
 
 once they began to read the Greek authors flung their vices and follies to the 
 winds, and led the simple and austere manner of life that becomes a scholar. 
 He quotes a passage from the manuscript Memoirs of Henry de Mesmes, which 
 gives a pleasant picture of the college life of those days, and may be taken as 
 an example of the sort of labour imposed on a hard-working law student of the 
 sixteenth century : 
 
 ' My father gave me for a tutor John Maludan of Limoges, a pupil of the 
 learned Durat, who was chosen for the innocence of his life and his suitable age 
 to preside over my early years, till I should be old enough to govern myself. 
 With him and my brother, John James de Mesmes, 1 was sent to the college of 
 Burgundy, and was put into the third class, and I afterwards spent almost a 
 year in the first. My father said he had two motives for thus sending me to the 
 college : the one was the cheerful and innocent conversation of the boys, and the 
 other was the school discipline, bv which he trusted that we should be weaned 
 from the over-fondness that had been shown us at home, and purified, as it 
 were, in fresh water. Those eighteen months I passed at college were of great 
 service to me. I learnt to recite, to dispute, and to sj.eak in public ; and I be- 
 came acquainted with several excellent men, many of whom are still living. I 
 learned, moreover, the frugality of the scholar's li'fe, and how to portion out my 
 day to advantage ; so that, by the time I left, I had repeated in public abundance 
 of Latin, and two thousand Greek verses, which I had written after the fashion 
 of boys of my age, and I could repeat Homer from one end to the other. I was 
 thus well received by the chief men of my time, to some of whom my tutor in- 
 troduced me. In 1545, I was sent to Toulouse with my tutor and brother, to 
 study law under an old grey -haired professor, who had travelled half over the 
 world. There we remained for three years, studying severely, and under such 
 strict rules as I fancy few persons now-a-days would care to comply with. We 
 rose at four, and, having said our prayers, went to lectures at five, with our great 
 books under our arms, and our inkhorns and candlesticks in our hands. We at- 
 tended all the lectures until ten o'clock, without intermission ; then we went to 
 dinner, after having hastily collated during half an hour what our master had 
 written down. After dinner, by way of diversion, we read Sophocles, or Aristo- 
 phanes, or Euripides, and sometimes Demosthenes, Tully, Virgil, and Horace. 
 At one, we were at our studies again, returning home at five to repeat and turn 
 to the places quoted in our books, till past six. Then came supper, after which 
 we read some Greek or Latin author. On feast days we heard mass and vespers, 
 and the rest of the day we were allowed a little music and walking. Sometimes 
 we went to see our friends, who invited us much oftener than we were permitted 
 to go. The rest of the day we spent in reading, and we generally had with us 
 some learned men of that time/ 
 
 We have the satisfaction of knowing that the frugal and laborious training of 
 Henry's early life was the means of forming a manly and Christian character. 
 Nor is the portrait less pleasing which the biographer of Budseus has left us of 
 the domestic life of that great man, who, though he had visited the court of Leo 
 X., in quality of ambassador of France, and was the chief lion of the French 
 world of letters, retained to his dying day those simple tastes and habits, which 
 we are assured resulted from no affectation of laconic manners, but a certain 
 genuine sentiment of humility. His secretary and constant fellow-labourer was 
 his wife, who sat in his study, found out passages in his books of reference, cop- 
 ied his papers, and withal did not forget his domestic comfort. Budeeus needed 
 some such good angel by his side, for he belonged to that class of scholars who 
 are more familiar with the Latin As than with the value of louis d'ors. His 
 mind was in his books, and whilst busy with the doings of the Greeks and Ro- 
 mans he could not always call home his absent thoughts. It is to be regretted, 
 that with a character in many respects so amiable, Budaeus should have permit- 
 ted his love of Greek to lead him to take p?.rc with the Humanists in the ferocious 
 onslaughts which they directed against the adherents of the mediaeval learning. 
 
EMINENT TEACHERS IN THE NETHERLANDS, 
 
 PRIOR TO 1500. 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OP KARL VON RAUMER. 
 [Translated by L. W. Fitch] 
 
 JOHN WESSEL. 
 
 JOHN WESSEL was a baker's son, and was born in 1420, at Groningen. 
 Here he received his early education, after which he went to Zwoll, to 
 the school of the Hieronymians, where Thomas-a-Kempis exerted a 
 powerful influence upon him. He then studied in Cologne, and 
 about the year 1452 went to Paris, where he made the acquaintance 
 of Bessarion and Francis de Novera, afterward Pope Sixtus IV. In 
 1470 he made a journey to Italy. Already won over to Platonism 
 by Bessarion, his stay in Florence wedded him more closely to it. 
 When in Rome, Pope Sixtus IV. bade him ask a favor of him, and 
 Wessel accordingly besought him for a Greek and a Hebrew Bible 
 from the Vatican Library. Returning to Paris in 1473, Reuchlin, 
 then 18 years old, made his acquaintance, and he appears to 
 have given a great impetus to the philosophical and humanistic 
 studies of Reuchlin. His fellow-countryman, Agricola, was likewise 
 with him at Paris ; and was persuaded by Wessel to the study of 
 the Hebrew. 
 
 In his later years he returned to his native country, and lived at 
 times in the Mount St. Agnes Monastery, at Zwoll, where Thomas-a- 
 Kempis also passed his long and peaceful life. He spent likewise much 
 time in the monastery Edward, or Edouard, two hours distance from 
 Groningen, and in a convent at Groningen. He died a peaceful death 
 on the 4th of October, 1489, in his 69th year, and was buried in that 
 Groningen convent. 
 
 His contemporaries called him u Lux mundi" also " Magister con- 
 troversiarum /" the last epithet he owed to his many philosophical 
 and theological discussions. His philosophy was originally realism , 
 but later he became a nominalist, as were all the reformers with the 
 exception of Huss. 
 
 His theological abilities were recognized by Luther. " Plad I known 
 Wessel or read his books earlier," says Luther, "my adversaries 
 would have fancied that I had obtained this thing or that from Wes- 
 sel ; so much do our sentiments harmonize. It gives me peculiar joy 
 and strength, and removes every doubt that I might have had of the 
 soundness of my doctrine, to find that he agrees everywhere with me, 
 
JOHN WESSEL. ~ 7 
 
 o * 
 
 both in thought and opinion, expressing himself frequently even in 
 the same words, though at a different era, when another air was over 
 us, and another wind blew, and he too was accustomed to another 
 fashion and to other junctures." In another place Luther says : 
 "Wessel manages matters with great moderation and truth." On 
 this account it was that Erasmus, who so dearly loved and prized 
 peace, thus writes : " Wessel has much in common with Luther; but 
 in how much more modest and Christian a manner he conducts 
 himself than do they, or most of them !" 
 
 Besides Latin, Wessel understood both Greek and Hebrew. The nar- 
 row limits of learning, as we find them laid down by the earlier Hierony- 
 mians, Wessel far exceeded. His long residence at Paris, and the 
 journey to Italy, had widened his intellectual horizon ; for it was only 
 after a busy, active life in foreign lands, that a longing was created in 
 his breast for his own land, and for the contemplative quiet that 
 could be alone secured by a return among his kindred. 
 
 Greek he learned from Bessarion and other Greek scholars in Italy ; 
 but who taught him Hebrew we are nowhere informed. 
 
 His clearness of thought especially qualified him to teach. " The 
 scholar," he says, " is known bv his ability to teach." 
 
 His instructive intercourse appears to have had a very marked in- 
 fluence on many, as we have seen that it did on Reuchlin and Agri- 
 cola. Especially must the frequent converse of many distinguished 
 men with the aged Wessel, as in the monastery of Edward, have 
 been very edifying, both in a literary and in a religious aspect. 
 
 Goswin of Halen, earlier, Wcssel's scholar, and, at the close of the 
 15th and the commencement of the 16th century, head of the broth- 
 erly union at Groningen, writes of this converse to a friend as follows : 
 " I have known Edward for more than forty years ; but then it was 
 less a monastery than a college. Of this, could Rudolph Agricola 
 and Wessel bear me witness, if they were now living, as also Rudolph 
 Lange, of Munster, Alexander Hegius, and others, who all have 
 passed whole weeks, yea, whole months at Edward, to hear and to 
 learn, and to become daily more learned and better." " To become 
 better," says Goswin, for the earnestness of a Christian morality 
 animated all the studies of Wessel, a depth of thought which was 
 radically opposed to the aesthetic pleasurableness of so many Italians. 
 And this was why he studied, as well as he was able to do, the Old 
 Testament in the original. 
 
 We can not better present to our view the love and the well-directed 
 labors of Wessel, than in these words of his own : " Knowledge is 
 not our highest aim. for he who only knows how to know, is a fool ; 
 
58 JOHN WESSEL. 
 
 for lie has no taste of the fruit of knowledge, nor does he understand 
 how Lo order his knowledge with wisdom. The knowledge of truth 
 is its own glorious fruit, when it meets with a wise husbandman ; for 
 by this truth he may, out of his clear knowledge, come to God, and 
 become God's friend ; since through knowledge he unites himself to 
 God, and progresses step by step in this union, until he tastes how 
 gracious the Lord is, and through this taste becomes more desirous, 
 yea, burns with desire, and amid this glow God loves him and lives in 
 him, until he becomes wholly one with God. This is the true, pure, 
 earnest fruit of an earnest knowledge, which in very truth all men by 
 nature do rather desire to possess than mere memory, that is to say, 
 than knowledge, in and for itself. For, as unsettled and wavering 
 opinions are empty without knowledge, so knowledge is unfruitful 
 without love." 
 
 To this brief sketch of Wessel I add a passage from Goswin. It 
 gives us a view of the nature of the studies that men and youth in 
 Wessel's vicinity were accustomed to pursue at Zwoll, Edward, and 
 other famous schools of that period, and likewise what writings people, 
 molded by such influences, would chiefly read and prize. " You may 
 read Ovid," Goswin remarks, " and writers of that stamp through, once ; 
 but Virgil, Horace, and Terence are to be studied with more attention, 
 and oftener, because in our profession we need to bestow especial 
 study upon the poets. But, above all, I will that you read the Bible 
 constantly. And, since one ought not to remain in ignorance of his- 
 tory, I counsel you to take up Josephus, and for church history to 
 read the Tripartita* Of the profane writers, Plutarch, Sal lust, 
 Thucydides, Herodotus, and Justin, will especially profit you. Then 
 it will do you no harm to go through with the writings of Plato and 
 Aristotle. But with Cicero we must remain longer, in order that we 
 may acquire a truly Roman style. Next to our Bible it is well to 
 give thorough and earnest study to Augustine. Him you may follow 
 up by Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Gregory, Bernard, and Hugo 
 St. Victor, a man full of rich instruction." 
 
 This passage shows how much the circle of study of the Hierony- 
 mians had become enlarged during the 15th century. This we owe 
 to the influence which the Italians had over Wessel, Agricola, 
 Rudolph Lange, and others, who again in their turn shaped with such 
 power both German and Netherland culture. But the Bible remained 
 to these thoughtful men the Book of books ; neither were the Fathers 
 thrust aside. 
 
 * This was a sketch of the history of the church taken from Socrates, Theodoret, and 
 *3ozemenes, translated into Latin by Caesiodore. 
 
RUDOLF AGR1COLA. 59 
 
 RUDOLF AGRICOLA. 
 
 RUDOLF AGRICOLA was born at Baflo, near Groningen, in West 
 Friesland, in 1443. His proper name was Husmann. It is not 
 known, where he received his earliest instruction. He studied at the 
 University of Louvain, where he read Cicero and Quintilian chiefly, 
 and after an honorable career, became a Magister artium. His inter- 
 course with Frenchmen while at Louvain, was the means of teaching 
 him the French language. 
 
 From Louvain, he proceeded to Paris, where he had John Wessel, 
 among others, for a teacher. In 1576, he went to Ferrara. There 
 he studied the ancients under Theodore Gaza and Guarini, copied 
 with great diligence manuscripts, Quintilian among the rest, and won 
 the applause of the Italians by his Latin speeches and poems, as well 
 as by his accomplished singing to the guitar. He delivered an ora- 
 tion there in the praise of philosophy, before Hercules de'Este. 
 There too commenced his friendship for Dalberg, afterward Bishop of 
 Worms, and Diedrich Plenningen, whom he was wont to call his 
 Pliny. 
 
 Returning to Germany, he tarried six months of the year 1481 in 
 Brussels, at the court of the then arch-duke, afterward emperor, Maxi- 
 milian I.,'on the behalf of the city Groningen. But it was in vain 
 that he was urged to remain at Maximilian's court ; for his repug- 
 nance to all manner of constraint was too great to admit of his 
 accepting the proposal. In the following year, 1482, his friend 
 Barbirianus, invited him to Antwerp, to superintend a school, and 
 likewise to give lectures to amateurs. Agricola replied; " that his 
 friend Plenningen, had, in Dalberg's name, urged him in a most polite 
 letter to go to Heidelberg, and he had accordingly made the long 
 journey from Holland thither. Dalberg, who was soon after chosen 
 bishop of Worms, and other friends, had pressed him to stay at 
 Heidelberg, saying, that he would exercise an advantageous influence 
 upon the studies there, and would have many hearers. Philip, the 
 count Palatine, had also overloaded him with kindness. And Dal- 
 berg had oft'ered him his house, to regard as his own, to come and go 
 at his pleasure. In view of all this, he had as good as pledged him- 
 self, but had taken a journey home first to make the needful arrange- 
 ments. And now on his return he had received this invitation (of 
 Barbarianus) at Bacharach ; and it had caused him much perplexity, 
 to relieve which, he had consulted with friends at Cologne. The re 
 suit of their joint deliberations was, that he could not go to Antwerp, 
 
60 RUDOLF AGRICOLA. 
 
 because he was already as good as pledged to Heidelberg." In refer- 
 ence to the nature of the Antwerp offer, he expresses himself thus : 
 
 A school to be given to him ? That would be a hard and an irksome office. A 
 school was like a prison, where scourging, weeping and howling alternated with each 
 other forever. If there is any thing in the world, whose name is directly opposite 
 to its nature, it is a school. The Greeks called it schola, leisure ; the Latins, 
 Indus literarius, the game of letters ; when nothing is further from leisure, 
 nothing harsher and more antagonistic to all playfulness. A far more appropriate 
 name was given to it by Aristophanes; viz., " Qpovriarfipiov," the place of cares. 
 
 /conduct a school ? What time would be left me for study ; what repose, for 
 invention and production ? Where should I find one or two hours daily for the 
 interpretation of an author? The boys would claim the larger portion of my 
 time, besides wearing my patience to that degree, that whatever leisure time I 
 could secure would be required, not for study, but rather to catch my breath and to 
 compose my thoughts. You say " that with a less rigid discharge of my duties, 
 I might lead a'more agreeable life." I might indeed; but, were I neglectful, 
 which of my colleagues would be assiduous, which of them would not rather, 
 after my example, take his ease ? I think, that a wise man should first carefully 
 consider, whether he should undertake a thing or no ; but when once he does 
 undertake it, then he ought to exert every effort to perform it conscientiously. 
 You say, that I can devote one or two hours a day to lecturing on some classical 
 author before the nobility ; but I would have no leisure for this, since the freshest 
 and best part of every day must be given to the boys, even to weariness. And 
 such lectures meet with discouragements and drawbacks, as I know from experi- 
 ence. In the first glow of zeal many take hold of them ; later, when the zeal is 
 cold, some plead off on the pretext of business, others from the re-action of en- 
 thusiasm become disgusted, and others again are led to stay away, if for no other 
 reason, because their neighbors do. One finds it too much trouble, another, too 
 great an expense. So it comes about, that of a large audience, scarce four or five 
 shall remain with you through the course. 
 
 It might appear, that a man who had not the smallest inclination 
 to teach either old or young, would not deserve mention in a history 
 of education. But it would be appearance merely. For if Agricola 
 took no pleasure in teaching, himself, yet the prosperity of schools was 
 a matter of deep interest to him. This is evident from parts of this 
 very letter to Barbirianus. He begs him, to persuade the Antwerpers 
 to subject the man, with whom they purposed to intrust the schools, 
 to a conscientious examination beforehand. 
 
 They should not select a theologian, neither any one of those hair splitting 
 doctors, who imagine that they are competent to speak upon any subject what- 
 ever, while they know nothing, in the first place, of the very art of speaking 
 itself. Such people are as much out of their element in schools, as, according to 
 the Greek proverb, a dog would be in a bath. Much rather ought they to 
 choose a man after the style of Phoenix, the preceptor of Achilles, who should 
 be able both to teach, to speak and to act ; if they could find such an one, 
 they should make sure of him at any price. For their decision was no unim- 
 portant matter, since the destiny of their children depended on it. It was no 
 small thing that they were about to do ; for it pertained to their children, for 
 whose future welfare they themselves in other respects were now toiling and 
 struggling. Their utmost care should be bestowed on that tender age, which, 
 even with the best talents, takes the stamp of good or evil indifferently, accord- 
 ing to the influence brought to bear upon it. 
 
 In a subsequent letter to Barbirianus, Agricola praises the friendly 
 reception that Dalberg had given him. But on the other hand he 
 
RUDOLF AGRICOLA. 61 
 
 writes to his brother of his complete unhappiness in the midst of all 
 the prosperity that he enjoyed at Heidelberg. 
 
 It is hard for me, in advancing age, to learn to serve. And though no ser- 
 vice is required of me, yet I know not whether I am not more greatly burdened, 
 in feeling constrained to impose those duties on myself, which others have re- 
 leased me from. Thus freedom itself exacts a heavy service of me. 
 
 His love of freedom dissuaded him from wedlock ; or, as he wrote 
 to Reuchlin, it was a shrinking from care, and a dislike to be tied 
 down to an establishment. 
 
 Of great importance to us are Agricola's letters to his friend, Al- 
 exander Hegius, the famous Rector of Deventer, of whom also we 
 are soon to speak. 
 
 One of these letters dates from Worms, whither Agricola had gone 
 in the retinue of the Bishop Dalberg. He commences by commend- 
 ing Hegius ; for, as he perceives by his writing, he has improved in 
 his Latinity, (politiorem te, limatioremque fieri.) He showed his let- 
 ter to Dalberg, who joined with himself in wishing Germany joy of 
 such a teacher, exclaiming, " Made virtute, sic itur ad astra" Far- 
 ther on, he laments that studying with the bishop, and public lectures, 
 consume too much of his time. His pupils, with the best inclination, 
 shewed scarce any capacity for study : they were mostly masters, or 
 " Scholastici artium" so called, who squandered all their time upon 
 the sophistical nonsense of the schools, (cavillationes,) and hence 
 found no room for attention to classical studies. " For this reason,"* 
 he adds, u I have undertaken the Hebrew, which is a new and a 
 very difficult labor to me, and which (I could scarce have believed it) 
 gives me much more trouble than did Greek, earlier in life. Yet I 
 am determined to persevere. I have assigned the study of the Holy 
 Scriptures to my later years, provided that my life is spared.'' 
 
 In a previous letter to Ilegius, in 1480, he accuses himself for in- 
 termitting his studies, and mentions, as the chief cause of his neglect, 
 the fact, that he has no one in Groningen, with whom he can labor 
 in common. Among other matters, he answers some philological 
 questions, which Hegius had submitted to him. He defines the 
 words, mirtius, histrio, persona, scurra, parasilus, nebulo, nepos, ves- 
 per, aurora, tignum, trabs, asser, contignatio. He expresses a doubt 
 whether bonum sero is as good Latin as bonum mane. "As it regards 
 the derivation and formation of new words after the analogies of the 
 language," he says, "I should hardly venture to form a word for 
 which I could not shew classical authority ; yet I might haply have 
 said, 'SocratitasJ 'PlatonitasJ and ' entitasj although our Laurentius 
 Valla disapproves of such words." Farther on Agricola explains 
 
 For lack of encouragement. 
 
RUDOLF AGRICOLA. 
 
 marks the precise difference between 73 &aXsx<nx75 and 
 TO, &aXsx<nxa, and suggests a correction in what Hegius has 
 written, viz., that he should use 'infra? or ' post quantum tempo- 
 rid instead of ' quanta tempore. The above will serve to characterize 
 the condition of philological science at that time, and to indicate its 
 gradual advance. In the same letter he writes to Hegius ; that he 
 will send his brother to him to school, provided private instruction 
 in the elements can be given to him out of school hours. " I am 
 very desirous," he writes, "that my brother should learn the ele- 
 ments as speedily as possible. For I think that boys only lose time 
 when they remain too long at these ; and that, in the way that these 
 are ordinarily taught, the scholar is filled with disgust for learning, 
 and with ' barbarism" 1 at the same time, so that later in his career he 
 learns what is better and more important not only more slowly, but 
 with greater trouble." 
 
 In the year 1484, Agricola wrote a long letter to Barbirianus on 
 the method of studying (deformando studio.) 
 
 The question arises, what we shall study, and then, in what method ? Deter- 
 mined either by taste or inclination, or by circumstances, some choose civil law, 
 others canon law, others again medicine. But the most direct their attention to 
 the verbose but unfruitful ' arts,' so called, and waste away their time in frivo- 
 lous and out of the way discussions, in riddles, which, in all these many cen- 
 turies have found no (Edipus to solve them ; nor will they ever. Still he ad- 
 vises Barbirianus to apply himself to philosophy, though to a philosophy widely 
 different from the scholastic; that, namely, which' inculcates just modes of 
 thought, and teaches how to express with propriety that which has been first 
 rightly apprehended. 
 
 Philosophy is divided into moral and natural. The first is, to be drawn, not 
 merely from Aristotle, Cicero, and Seneca, but likewise from the facts and ex- 
 amples of history. Thence, we come to the Holy Scriptures, after whose di- 
 vine, unerring precepts we are to pattern our lives. For all other writers have 
 not clearly perceived the true aim of life, and hence their doctrines are not free 
 from error. 
 
 Researches into the natural world are not of such importance as ethical in- 
 quiries, and are to be viewed only as a means of culture." 
 
 Agricola recommends the study of geography, of the botany of 
 Theophrastus, the zoology of Aristotle, and likewise advises attention 
 to medicine, architecture and painting. 
 
 Both moral and natural science are to be drawn from the classics, 
 with the view of acquiring at the same time the art of rhetoric and 
 expression. He should also translate the classics with as much ex- 
 actness as may be, into the vernacular ; for through such exercise in 
 translating, the Latin words will soon spontaneously occur at the same 
 time with the thought. Whatever he designed to write in Latin, he 
 must first think out with thoroughness and care in the vernacular ; 
 for any errors of expression are less liable to pass unobserved, if in 
 the mother tongue. Before he proceeds to the ornaments of rhetoric, 
 he should learn to write with purity and correctness. " Who- 
 
RUDOLF AGRICOLA. Q% 
 
 ever would study to advantage, must observe three things : first, 
 to apprehend aright ; then, to hold the matters so apprehended 
 fast in the memory ; arid lastly, to cultivate the faculty of producing 
 something ones' self. 
 
 As regards apprehending aright the sense of what is read, he ad- 
 vises to apply the understanding closely to the subject in hand with 
 reference both to the scope of the whole and the meaning of the 
 parts ; yet not with such rigor as to puzzle ourselves over an obscure 
 passage, not passing on until we have mastered that. But we ought 
 rather to read farther, trusting that afterwards, through the explana- 
 tions of a friend or otherwise, the difficulty will be cleared up. One 
 day teaches another. 
 
 He then gives directions for strengthening the memory. 
 
 ' We must, with unpreoccupied, attentive spirit, grasp the object, and again 
 from time to time call it up before the mind.' Then follow rules for composition. 
 "If we create nothing," says Agricola, "all our learning remains dead within 
 us, and will not be like the living seed, which, when cast into the ground, 
 springs up and bears rich fruit. But there are two things indispensable to us : 
 one, that we should not merely store up that which we have learned, in our 
 memory, but should rather always have it at hand, and be able to bring it forth ; 
 then, in addition to what we have derived from others, we should invent some- 
 thing ourselves. It will materially aid us in invention, if we arrange a set of 
 general notions, capita, under which we may sketch what we already know ; 
 some such heads for instance, as virtue, vice, life, death, etc. Then it will prove 
 a great help, should we analyze every thought thoroughly and contemplate it 
 under many different lights." This point he had discused more at length in his 
 six books, " de inventione dialectical " Whoever conforms to both the above pre- 
 cepts, will at last attain to the readiness of the Greek sophists, who could speak 
 at will, and without preparation, upon any theme that should be given to them." 
 
 After this methodology, Agricola comes in the same letter to his 
 Hebrew studies. 
 
 "Think of my presumption, or rather of my folly; I have decided to learn He- 
 brew, as if I had not already wasted time and trouble enough hitherto on my 
 Greek. I have hunted up a teacher, a Jew, who was some years since convert- 
 ed, and who, previously, on account of his learning and knowledge of the doc- 
 trines of the Jews, had been chosen as their champion, when they contended 
 for their faith with Christians. The bishop has, for my sake, taken this man 
 into his house, and is providing for his maintenance. I will try what I can do ; 
 I hope to bring something to pass ; and perhaps I shall succeed, because I 
 hope."* 
 
 He translated the Psalms. 
 
 Melancthon, in his preface to Agricola's ' dialectics,' relates what 
 Pallas, professor of theology at Heidelberg, and Reuchlin, related to 
 him from their personal acquaintance with Agricola. Said Pallas ; 
 " at Heidelberg, as earlier at Louvain, heded an exemplary life. From 
 his extensive learning, Agricola has often thrown a definite light 
 
 * Erhard has given a short extract from this work, in his history of the revival of Class- 
 ical Learning. Melancthon in his preface to Agricola's dialectics, says : " There are no mod 
 ern works on the Topics and on the use of Logic, so good and so rich as these books of Ru 
 dolf." Agricola himself is very pointed in his condemnation of the scholastic logic. 
 
64 RUDOLF AGRICOLA. 
 
 upon subjects under dispute, not alone in the department of philoso- 
 phy, but in law and theology ; and has displayed herein no conten- 
 tious and dogmatical spirit, but friendliness and a spirit of peace. For 
 the elector Philip, who always took delight in listening to him, Agri- 
 cola wrote a compend of history." 
 
 In the year 1485, Dalberg was sent by the Elector just named, to 
 Rome to present his congratulations to Pope Innocent VIII, on his 
 coronation, and Agricola accompanied him on this journey.* Re- 
 turning to Heidelberg, he was attacked by a fever. But before the 
 physician arrived, he had tranquilly breathed his last. He died on 
 the 28th Oct. 1485, aged only forty-two years. 
 
 Erasmus testifies of him as follows : 
 
 Agricola has surpassed in culture every one on this side the Alps. There 
 was no scientific attainment in which he did not compete with the greatest mas- 
 ters. Among the Grecians, he was a pattern Greek, (graecissimiis,) among the 
 Latins, a pattern Latinist ; as a poet, he was a second Maro, as an orator, he re- 
 called Politian's grace, but he excelled him in majesty. Also when he spoke 
 extempore, his speech was so pure and unadulterated, that yon would have 
 deemed yourself listening, not to a Frieslander, but to a Roman. To his per- 
 fect eloquence he united an equal degree of learning ; all the mysteries of phi- 
 losophy he had fully investigated. Nor was there any part of music, which he 
 did not fully understand. In the last years of his life he applied himself with 
 his whole soul to the study of Hebrew and the Holy Scriptures. He thought 
 little of fame.f 
 
 Agricola broke a path for classical philology in Germany. Saxo,in 
 his eulogy on Agricola, says : 
 
 At an epoch when the most corrupt Latin prevailed in Germany, together 
 with that uncertainty that no one knew what good Latin was, and when admi- 
 ration was lavished on insipidity, it was Agricola, and he alone, who first with 
 ear and mind detected our blunders, and reached out after better forms of 
 speech. Yet he did not undervalue the mother tongue, but regarded it as nat- 
 ural to every one, as the native vehicle of thought. Thence, as we have seen, 
 he gave his counsel that whatever we would write in Latin, we should first 
 compose in the vernacular, transferring it into Latin afterwards. He himself 
 wrote songs in the mother tongue, and sang them to the guitar. He under- 
 stood both French and Italian. Wessel appears to have had much influence 
 upon Agricola. It was Wessel, as we have seen, who directed his attention 
 when at Paris to the study of Hebrew ; and they both subsequently enjoyed 
 much mutual intercourse in the monastery of Edouard. "There," Goswin von 
 Halen tells us, " he listened, when a boy, to the conversations of Agricola and 
 
 * Dalberg's speech is given in Agricola's works, as the production of the latter. It was de- 
 livered on the 6th of July, 1485. ' I think,' so the speech reads, ' that grace of oratory and 
 excellence and splendor of diction are not much to be expected from a German, nor indeed 
 ought they to be.' 
 
 t That this panegyric might not be accounted partial, Cis-Alpine, or patriotic merely, 
 Erasmus quotes the well-known epitaph, which Hermolaus Barbarus wrote. " The envious 
 fates have enclosed within this marble tomb, Rudolf Agricola, the hope and the glory of 
 Friesland. While he lived, Germany, without doubt, deserved all the renown that eithei 
 Latium or Greece ever obtained." 
 
 Invida clauserunt hoc marmore fata Rudolphum 
 
 Agricolam, Frisii spemque decusque soli, 
 Scilicet hoc vivo meruit Germania laudis, 
 
 Quidquid habet Latium, Graecia quidquid habet 
 
ALEXANDER HEGIUS 65 
 
 \Yessel, when they bewailed the obscuration of the church, the desecration of 
 the mass, and the abuses of celibacy ; also when they spoke of the apostle 
 Paul's doctrine of "justification by faith without the deeds of the law." 
 
 Such conversations, the earnestness with which Agricoln, in his 
 41st year, applied himself to the study of the Hebrew, his expressed 
 determination to devote his old age to the study of the Holy Scrip 
 tures ;* all this indicates that he was not merely, through his classical 
 learning, a forerunner of the. dawn of classical culture in Germany, 
 but that he also, in this holy earnestness in the study of the sacred 
 writings, heralded the coming Reformation. At his death Luther 
 was two years old.f 
 
 ALEXANDER HEGIUS. 
 
 ALEXANDER HEGIUS, so beloved and honored by his contempora- 
 ries, was born in 1420, or, according to some, in 1433, at Heek, in 
 Westphalia. He was frequently, as we have seen, in the society of 
 Wessel, Agricola, and others in the monastery of Edouard ; and from 
 letters of the latter, we may perceive how the modest Hegius suffered 
 himself to learn from Agricola, his junior. 
 
 Boitzbach, one of his later scholars, informs us, that be died in 
 advanced age at Deventer in 1498, and was buried on the day of St. 
 John the Evangelist, (Dec. 27,) in the Church of St. Lebuin. There 
 too sleeps Florentius Radewin. At first Hegius was gymnasiarchj in 
 Wessel, then in Emmerich, but later and for a much longer period at 
 Deventer. Agricola writes to him at the opening of the school at 
 Deventer, wishing him all manner of success, and the more cordially 
 as the place had been recently decimated by a frightful pestilence. 
 Since he remained at the head of this school for thirty years, and 
 until his death, as we gather from three several authorities, he must 
 have entered upon his office in the year 1468. Erasmus entered the 
 school in 1476, in his ninth year. 
 
 The character, attainments, and educational significance of Hegius, 
 we are compelled to derive in part from a few of his posthumous 
 writings, and in part from cursory expressions of others, chiefly his 
 contemporaries and scholars. Those writings, consisting almost en- 
 tirely of dialogues, were not given to the public until 1503, five years 
 after his death. These dialogues are in the form of short and clear 
 
 *" Statui enim senectutis requiem (sz modo P.O. me manet,) in sacrarum literarum perquisi- 
 tione collocare." Agricola to Reuchlin. 
 
 t The fullest edition of Agricola's works is, ^Rudolphi Agricolae Lucubrationes aliquot lectu 
 dignissimae in hunc usque diem misquum prius edifae, caetcraque ejusdem viri plane dim- 
 ni din nia quite extare creduntur opuscula per Alardum Amstelredamvm. Coloniae apitd 
 Gymnicum, 1539. 2 vols. 4 to " 
 
 I Principal, head-master of a gymnasium 
 
 Alexandri Hegii artium magistri, Gymnasrarchae quondam Daventriensis, philosophi, 
 presbyteri, utriusque linquae docti, Dia/ogi." A( the end of the book the printer's name is 
 
 5 
 
66 ALEXANDER HEGIUS. 
 
 question and answer.* He treats abundantly of geometry and astrono- 
 my ; refers to Euclid, gives geometrical definitions and formulas for 
 obtaining the contents of figures. He gives frequent definitions of 
 Greek words. In the ' Farrago,' we find numerous philological re- 
 marks. The Greek language he can not commend too highly. 'Who- 
 ever desires to understand grammar, rhetoric, mathematics, history, 
 the Holy Scriptures, etc.,' so he told his scholars, ' must learn Greek. 
 For to the Greeks we are indebted for every thing.' In a letter to 
 John Wessel, he tells him that he has paid a visit to the library found- 
 ed by Cardinal Nicholas Cusanus, in Cuss on the Moselle, the native 
 place of the latter, and likewise what books he brought away with 
 him. He sent Wessel the homilies of Chrysostom. " I found," he 
 writes, " many Hebrew books, which were entirely new to me. I have 
 brought away St. Basil on the Creation and his homilies on the 
 Psalms ; the Epistles of St. Paul, and the Acts of the Apostles ; the 
 Lives of some of the Greeks and Romans by Plutarch, as likewise his 
 Symposium ; some treatises upon grammar and mathematics ; some 
 poems of deep significance upon the Christian religion, which, if I 
 mistake not, were composed by Gregory Nazianzen ; and also a few 
 speeches and prayers. If you can now spare, without inconvenience 
 to yourself your copy of the Greek gospels, I beg you to lend them 
 to me for a while." At the conclusion he writes ; " you wish to have 
 a more particular description of my method of instruction. I have 
 followed your counsel. All learning is futile which is acquired at the 
 expense of piety. Dated at Deventer." 
 
 In the light of all that we have now cited, and of the letters of 
 Agricola to Hegius also, Hegius appears to have been a man, who 
 was animated by an enthusiastic love for classical studies, and who 
 yet, with the humility of the true scholar, suffered himself to learn, 
 even in his age, from Agricola. In his dialogues we detect the prac 
 ticed and clear headed logician. He gives much attention therein to 
 mathematics and natural philosophy. And with a far higher degree 
 of learning than was common in the times in which he lived, he nev- 
 ertheless ranked all knowledge, without exception, below godliness 
 
 His estimable character, by which he was especially fitted for the 
 
 given a? follows : " Impressum Daventriae per me Richnrdum Pqfrc', 1503." The subject 
 of the Dialogues are : (1.) de scientia et eo quod ncitur. (2.) De tribus animae generibus. 
 (3.) De incarnationis mysterio (4.) Dialogus physicus. (5.) De sensu et sensili. (6.) 
 De arteet inertia. (7) De Rhetorica. (8.) De moribus. (9) Farrago citi addita Invectira 
 in modos significandi. 1 wo letters are given after the Dialogues, thus completing (In- \\ork. 
 * We give an example. Q. What is the difference between knowledge and opinion? A 
 Knowledge isBssent unalloyed by fear. For he who knows does not fear that he may be de- 
 ceived. Opinion, on the coi.trary. is ;is ent mingled with fear. He who opines or thinks 
 fears that he maybe in the wrong. Q. What is error ] A. Deflection of (he intellect from 
 the truth, or of the will from righteousness. 
 
ALEXANDER HEGIUS. (j ; 
 
 post of rector, elicited a deserved tribute of praise from many quar- 
 ters. " Westphalia," says Erasmus, " has given us Alexander Hegius, 
 a learned, saintly, and eloquent man; though, from his contempt for 
 fame, he has produced nothing great." " Hegius," he says elsewhere, 
 *' was quite similar in character to Agricola ; he was a man of gutfe- 
 less life and singular learning, one in whom even Momus could have 
 discovered but a single fault ; namely, that he undervalued fame be- 
 yond what was reasonable, and troubled himself but very little for the 
 opinions of posterity. If he wrote any thing, he did it more in sport, 
 as it were, than with a sober purpose ; yet his writings are of that 
 sort, that in the judgment of scholars, they are deserving of immor- 
 tality." Murmellius tells us that Hegius was as learned in Greek as 
 in Latin. But Hegius' name has come down to the present day, not 
 so much through his works, which are scarcely known to us, as through 
 his distinguished pupils. I will mention a few of the more famous 
 of these. 
 
 ERASMUS. In his ninth year, in 1476, he entered the school of 
 Hegius. 
 
 HERMANN BUSCH, who was born in 1468, was placed under He- 
 gius when quite young, since he learned the first rudiments of gram- 
 mar in the Deventer school. Of him and Erasmus likewise we shall 
 say more, farther on. 
 
 JOHN MURMELLIUS, of Roermond ; first a soldier, then a scholar 
 of Hegius. Driven from Cologne in 1498, because he made war 
 upon the barbarous Latin of the Colognese, he betook himself for aid 
 and counsel to his teacher, who sent him to Rudolf Lange, at Muns- 
 ter, where he taught for fourteen years: in 1514 he was appointed 
 over a school in Alcmaar. Impoverished by a fire, he returned to 
 Deventer, where he died in 1517. He wrote much; both for the 
 promotion of classical learning, and the overthrow of " barbarism." 
 
 JOHN CAESARIUS, of Juliers. Driven away by the Oolognese in 
 1504, because he attacked their old school books, then sent by He- 
 gius to Lange at Munster, where he became teacher of Greek. He 
 was induced later by the solicitations of Count Nuenaar, to return to 
 Cologne. There he died in 1551, at the age of ninety years. He 
 edited, among other works, Pliny's natural history. 
 
 CONRAD COCLENIUS, born in 1485, at Paderborn, became a Pro- 
 fessor at Louvain, and was the teacher of John Sturm. Erasmus 
 commends him as a distinguished philologist. 
 
 JOSEPH HORLENIUS, rector of a school in Herford, was the teacher 
 of Peter Mosellanus. 
 
 TIMANN CAMENER, rector in Munster, from 1500 to 1530. 
 
68 RUDOLF LANGE. 
 
 The characteristic, which was common to all the above-named 
 scholars of Hegius, as well as to the most renowned pupils of these 
 scholars, was a passionate love of classical culture, which did not 
 .shrink even from martyrdom. Only two of those, who came forth 
 from the school at Deventer, bore no traces of the general stamp. 
 These were Pope Adrian VI., who was there when a boy ; and Ortuin 
 Gratius, whom the " Epistolae obscurorum virorum" erected into a 
 very unenviable notoriety. 
 
 RUDOLF LANGE AND HERMANN BUBCH. 
 
 AGRICOLA and Hegius had many friends, who labored with zeal for 
 the spread of classical study. Among these RUDOLF LANGE has been 
 already mentioned. He was born about the year 1439 at Munster. 
 Sent by his uncle to the school at Deveuter, he afterward went to the 
 university of Erfurt, where he was made master of philosophy ; then 
 he journeyed to Italy, where he enjoyed the teachings of Philelphus, 
 Theodore Gaza and others. Returning to Munster, he devoted his 
 life to the cause of school education. Sent by the college in that 
 place, in the year 1480, to Pope Sixtus IV., he delivered in his 
 presence an admirable Latin speech, and was heartily recommended 
 by him and Lorenzo de Medici to the bishop of Munster. Thereby 
 he acquired so much consequence that he was emboldened to oppose 
 the Colognese Academy, when it maintained an adherence to the old 
 school-books, the Doctrinal of Alexander* and the like. Lange 
 appealed to the arbitration of the Italian scholars. After these had 
 decided in his favor, the school at Munster was completely re-arranged 
 after his directions; and at his instance, Camener and Murmellius, 
 scholars of Hegius, were appointed teachers therein. The teachers 
 took counsel with Lange upon the authors to be read in the school, 
 and they made a diligent use of Lange's library, which was very rich 
 in both Greek and Latin classics. Lange was a poet likewise. There 
 is an epic from his pen, upon the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus ; 
 a second, upon the siege of N'yon on the Rhine ; and a third, in 
 honor of the Apostle Paul. Hegius sung of Lange's poetical talents ;f 
 
 * ALEXANDER DE VILLA DEI, a Minorite of Dole,, a grammarian and a poet, who lived at 
 the beginning of the 13th century, composed a doctrinal for boys, (doctrinale puerorum,) or a 
 Latin grammar in verse. He was the author, likewise, of a poetical summary of the subjects 
 ot all the chapters of both the Old and New Testamenf. 
 T The epigram of Hegius upon Lange reads as follows : 
 
 "-ZVzV est quod fieri nequeat,jamferre poetas 
 Barbaric in media, Weslphalis orapoiest. 
 Langius hnnc decor at, ma jorum sanguine clarus 
 
 Monasteriaci, laiifique decusque soli 
 Primus Melpomencn qui riira in Westphala duxit 
 fhim caneret laudes maxime Paule tuas." 
 
HERMANN BUSCH. 69 
 
 and Agricola reposed the highest confidence in his philological 
 researches. 
 
 Luther's Theses appeared when Lange was well advanced in years, 
 and as he read them, he said, " the time is at hand, when the darkness 
 shall be removed from church and from school, when purity shall 
 return to the churches, and a pure Latinity to the schools." This 
 latter expression is significant of the ideal of the more earnest German 
 scholars of that day. 
 
 After an extremely active and devoted life, Lange died in 1519, 
 two years subsequent to the dawn of the Reformation, in his eightieth 
 year. He was provost of Munster at his death. His nephew, whose 
 troubled life extended far into the epoch of the Reformation, was the 
 before-mentioned 
 
 HERMANN BUSCH, who was born in 1468, of a noble family of 
 Westphalia. Sent by Lange to the school of Hegius at Deventer, he 
 was there noticed by Agricola, who said to him, " you have a poetical 
 head ; you are destined to be a poet." From Deventer, Busch went 
 to Heidelberg, there attended the lectures of Agricola, and, on his 
 advice, studied Cicero with great diligence. Then he visited Tubingen, 
 where he formed a friendship with Simler, who was afterward Melanc- 
 thon's teacher. In the year 1480 he accompanied Lange to Italy ; 
 in 1486 he took a second journey thither, when he made the ac- 
 quaintance of Picus, Politian and other Italian scholars. On his 
 return to Germany, he fell into a strife at Cologne with the notorious 
 Hochstraten, and was compelled to leave the city. And from this 
 time he traveled during many years through Germany, England and 
 France, giving his time principally to the universities, and delivering 
 longer or shorter courses of lectures upon the classics at various 
 places; among others, at Hamm, Munster, Osnabruck, Bremen, 
 Hamburg, Lubeck and Wismar. 
 
 His lectures at Gripswald, (about 1505,) the reformer Bugenhagen 
 attended, while a student there. At Rostock he attacked a certain 
 Heverling, who read lectures in German, upon Juvenal. This one 
 took his revenge by putting in train a series of machinations, which 
 resulted in Busch's expulsion from the place; Busch in his turn 
 retorted by a collection of epigrams, in which among other things he 
 reproached Heverling with reading lectures in the vulgar tongue,* 
 
 * Here is a specimen : 
 
 "Quidguid Heverlingus legit auditoribus, illud 
 
 Vulgari lingua, Teutonicaque ducet. 
 Ergo ad Heverlingum perget, meliore relicto, 
 Discere qui sordes, barbariemque velit." 
 
70 HERMANN BUSCH. 
 
 namely the German ; a censure, by the way, which was but too 
 characteristic. 
 
 At Erfurt, Busch effected a formal banishment of the mediaeval 
 school books; in Leipzic in 1506 Helt and Spalatiii were among his 
 auditors. Magdeburg denied him admittance ; and on his second 
 establishment in Leipzic, in 1510, he was expelled by Duke George. 
 
 After much journeying to and fro, he came a second time to 
 Cologne, and was a second time driven from thence, at the instigation 
 chiefly of Ortuin Gratius, because he wrote against that old gram- 
 matical text-book, the Doctrinal. Hereupon he became rector of a 
 school in Wesel, where he gave to the world a defense of the recently 
 revived classical studies against the boorish attacks of the monks.* 
 
 When the Reformation began, Busch read with avidity the 
 writings of Luther and Melancthon, and in 1522 resigned his office at 
 Wesel, and went to Wittenberg, and there applied himself with ardor 
 to the study of the Bible and the Fathers. At the recommendation 
 of the reformers, he was invited by Philip of Hesse to Marburg, to 
 take the historical professorship. Here he read lectures on Livy and 
 Augustine; in 1529 he wrote upon the authority of the Bible. At 
 the Marburg Eucharist controversy, which he attended, he declared 
 for Luther and against Zwingle. 
 
 About the time when the Anabaptist disturbances began at 
 Munster, Busch retired from Marburg to Dulmen, where he had a 
 small estate, left him by his mother. Invited to Munster by the 
 magistracy, he went thither on the 7th of August, 1533, to hold a 
 disputation in German with the Anabaptists, the notorious Rothman 
 especially. Busch endeavored to prove the validity of infant baptism 
 by an appeal to the Scriptures ; but Rothman only retorted with in- 
 solent scorn. After a long dispute Busch was seized with a sudden 
 indisposition, which compelled him to leave the hall, and on the way 
 the fanatical populace jeered at him, as one whom God was punishing 
 for his blasphemy. Troubled in mind, he returned to Dulmen, and 
 soon after died of grief, in 1534, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. 
 
 Busch was a man of eminent talents. Erasmus thus describes him : 
 "He would have been a successful poet; in his prose he shewed 
 himself a man of strong intellect, extensive reading, keen judgment, 
 and no little energy ; his style was more after the pattern of 
 Quintilian, than that of Cicero." 
 
 A traveling teacher and apostle of classical culture, he endured 
 much persecution for the cause. 
 
 * The treatise was entitled Vallum humanitatis. The Dominicans of Cologne in their 
 sermons called poets " knaves," orators " swine," and their works " the husks of the devil.' 
 
ERASMUS AND HIS EDUCATIONAL VIEWS. 
 
 DESIDERIUS ERASMUS, a Latinized Greek rendering of his Dutch 
 name, Gerard us Gerardi, was born at Rottendam, on the 28th of 
 October, 1467. At the age of four years he was put to school at 
 Terqau or Utrecht, where by his own account, he made little pro- 
 gress. In his ninth year he joined the school of the Hieronymians, at 
 Daventer, where the better teaching of Alexander Hegius and John 
 Swinthein, rapidly developed his genius, so that Rudolph Agricola, 
 during an examination of the themes of the boys, was surprised and 
 delighted with the originality and style of that of Erasmus, and en- 
 couraged him by his timely praise and exhortation to continued dili- 
 gence. The great scholar in his letters often speaks of the value of 
 this timely recognition of his school-boy proficiency. On the other 
 hand, his spirits were much broken by a severe and undeserved 
 chastisement, against which, in teachers, he often inveighs as the 
 cause of more dullness than it cured. 
 
 While on a visit to the monastery of Steyne, in his seventeenth 
 year, he encountered an old schoolmate, a certain Cornelius, who 
 persuaded him to take the dress of a novice and make the religious 
 profession of the Augustinian friars. Here he became intimate 
 with William Hermann, of Gouda, a young man of like disposition, 
 studious habits and classical attainments. They read together the 
 best Roman authors, and devoted much time to Latin composition, 
 in which Erasmus acquired great facility and felicity of expression. 
 
 In 1495, Hermann de Bergis, with whom Erasmus resided two 
 years, Bishop of Cambray, and by whom he was ordained priest on 
 the 25th of February, 1493, sent him to Paris to continue his theo- 
 logical studies. Here he resided in the college of Montague, and 
 eked out the irregular and slender remittances of his patron Bishop, 
 by teaching. Among his pupils was an English nobleman, Lord 
 Mountjoy, who made him an annual allowance, and was ever after a 
 steady friend and benefactor. At Pails, he entered on the mastery 
 of the Greek language with a true scholarly enthusiasm. 
 
72 ERASMUS. 
 
 A portion of 1497, was spent as private tutor in the family of the 
 Marchioness of Vere, in Burgundy, and in 1498, he visited England 
 on the invitation of his pupil, Lord Mountjoy. Here he made the 
 acquaintance of Grocyn, Pace, Lenacre, Sir Thomas More, Colet, 
 and Lily. With the two last, on a subsequent visit, he helped to 
 establish St. Paul's School in London, and organize its course of in- 
 struction. He was also at Oxford, and taught Greek in the Univer- 
 sity. On his return to France, he published his treatise "De Copia 
 Verborum el Rerum" and " de Conscribendis Epistolis" But his 
 "Adagia" or explanation of Greek and Latin proverbs, published in 
 1500, gave him an European reputation. In 1503, his " Manual of 
 a Christian Soldier," and translations into Latin of parts of Eurip- 
 ides, Plutarch, and other Greek authors appeared. 
 
 In 1506, Erasmus visited Italy, and was complimented at Bologna, 
 with the doctorate of divinity. At Venice, he superintended the 
 printing of his "Adages" at the celebrated press of Aldo, in whose 
 house, he lodged. At Rome, he was received in the most flattering 
 manner by scholars and clergy, and great inducements were held 
 out to him to take up his residence there. But the solicitations of 
 Mountjoy, and the new friends he had made on his former visit, in- 
 duced him to leave Italy for England, where he spent several years. 
 During this visit he printed his "Encomium Morice" or "Praise of 
 Folly" which was composed in the house of Sir Thomas More. 
 
 In 1514, he was made by Charles, Archduke of Austria, after- 
 wards Emperor Charles V, one of his counselors, with a good 
 stipend, and for several years led an itinerating life, residing for brief 
 periods at Louvain, Antwerp, and Basil. While at Basil he printed 
 (1516,) the works of St. Jerome, at the press of Froben, and editions 
 of Terence, Suetonius, Plautus, Cicero, Seneca, with a translation 
 of the Greek Grammar of Gaza, and various smaller works, which 
 were great helps to the study of the literature of Greece and Rome. 
 
 In 1517, first appeared his edition of the Greek Testament with a 
 Latin translation, and notes grammatical and explanatory, and was 
 received with great favor. This publication places him among the 
 greatest benefactors to biblical literature. From Pope Leo X., to 
 whom the work was dedicated, he received a flattering letter. He 
 was offered a professorship at Louvain, and Ingoldstadt, was flooded 
 with letters from cardinals, bishops, and scholars; and crowned heads 
 solicited the honor of his residence at their courts. But he prized 
 his liberty, even with poverty, to a residence in college, or at court 
 with constantly recurring duties even with wealth. " Courts are 
 splendid misery, and as for wealth and honors, I want them not.' 
 
ERASMUS. 73 
 
 About this period lie became involved in the religious reformatory 
 discussions of the day but without gaining special favor with either 
 party. In 1522, the first edition of his "Familiar Colloquies" was 
 issued, by which he has become more widely known to succeeding 
 generations than by all his other publications. He printed his 
 "Irencpus" in 1526, his "Chrytostom" in 1526, and his "Augustin" 
 in 1528. His "Ciceronian*" and treatise "On the right Pronuncia- 
 tion of the Latin and Greek Languages" appeared about the same 
 time. Erasmus died on the 12th of July, 1536, at Basle. 
 
 EDUCATIONAL VIEWS. 
 
 "THE CICERONIAN" of Erasmus merits special attention in a history 
 of education, since it advocates in a clear and pointed manner that 
 ideal of culture which began to prevail in the time of Erasmus. 
 This ideal, it is true, concerned itself rather with methods of culture 
 than with culture itself, and rather with forms of instruction than 
 with the knowledge to be imparted. But any regular and distinct 
 path to knowledge will finally bring us to our goal, although through 
 by-places it may be, and by long and needless windings. In the 
 dedication of the "Ciceronian," Erasmus briefly unfolds to Blattenius 
 his design. "A school has arisen," says he, u self-styled 'Ciceronian,' 
 that in its insufferable arrogance rejects all writings which do not 
 wear the features of Cicero ; that deters youth from the perusal of 
 other authors, and inculcates upon them a superstitious imitation of 
 Cicero alone, while, at the same time, it does not itself display one 
 particle of Cicero's spirit." He then intimates his belief that a sinister 
 design lurks behind these teachings of the Ciceronians, viz. : to 
 convert Christians into Pagans. In this connection, he alludes to 
 certain German youths, who, on returning from Italy, and from Rome 
 in particular, had proved to have become strongly tinctured with 
 Paganism; and he closes by indicating his purpose to show the true 
 way in which Cicero should be imitated, so that his surpassing eloquence 
 may be engrafted on the spirit of Christian piety. 
 
 The speakers in the dialogue are Bulephorus, (in whom we 
 recognize Erasmus himself,) and Hypologus, his fellow-partisan. 
 Both unite in the endeavor to reclaim Nosoponus, an ultra-Ciceronian, 
 from his misdirected studies, and they are at last successful. 
 
 Nosoponus begins with the emphatic declaration, that he abominates 
 whatever is un-Ciceronian, and that he indulges no higher wish than to 
 be himself called a Ciceronian by the Italians ; but he laments that as yet 
 of all the Cis- Alpines, Longolius alone enjoys that honor. Then he 
 goes on to narrate the manner in which he is prosecuting his purpose. 
 
74 ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 For seven years lie has read Cicero alone, not a single other 
 author, with the view to purge himself thoroughly of every un- 
 Ciceronian phrase. And he has stored nearly the whole of Cicero in 
 his memory. Now he intends to spend another seven years upon the 
 imitation of his model. All the words used by Cicero he has 
 arranged alphabetically in a huge lexicon ; all his phrases, in another; 
 and, in a third, all the feet which commence and terminate his 
 periods. In addition to these labors, he has prepared comparative 
 tables of all those words which Cicero has used in two or more 
 different senses in different passages. He is not content with a - 
 reference to the paradigms of the grammars, but perplexes himself 
 over Cicero's use of amo, amas, amat, instead of amamus, amatis, 
 amant, of amabam, instead of amabamus / or, in compound words, 
 with his use of one form instead of another, as perspicio instead of 
 dispicio. Nosoponus overrides all grammatical rules, ignores every 
 other author received as classical, and attaches no weight even to 
 analogy. He thinks that a genuine Ciceronian should never employ 
 even the most insignificant particle, unless he can show his master's 
 authority for it. He then goes on to describe, without appearing to 
 realize its absurdity in the least, the plan which he himself pursues in 
 writing Latin. If, for instance, he wishes to pen a note to Titius, on 
 the occasion of returnmg a borrowed book, perhaps, he first rummages 
 all the letters of Cicero, together with each of those special lexicons, 
 that he himself lias compiled with so much labor, and selects 
 appropriate words, phrases, etc. Six whole nights he is thus 
 accustomed to spend in composing an epistle of only as many 
 sentences ; then he revises it ten times ; then lays it aside for a future 
 perusal. And, after all these repeated revisions, possibly not a single 
 word of the original draft will remain. Bulephorus thereupon 
 suggests, that haply thus the letter might be delayed so long that it 
 would be of no use. " No matter for that !" says Nosoponus, 
 "provided that it is only Ciceronian at last." "But," rejoins 
 Bulephorus, "how is it in speaking Latin, where such delay is 
 impracticable ?" " In such case," Nosoponus replies, " I avoid 
 speaking, if possible ; or, for ordinary purposes, I make use of Dutch 
 or French ; when, however, I must use Latin, I resort to my memory, 
 in which I have carefully stored up for such emergencies a full stock 
 of Ciceronian phrases upon various subjects." 
 
 After Nosoponus has thus unfolded the full extent of his folly, 
 Bulephorus begins the attack; gently at first, but soon he exerts more 
 vigorous efforts, and steadily progresses to the overpowering complete- 
 ness of the argument. " Quintilian," says he, "recommends the 
 
ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. ^5 
 
 perusal, not of one author alone, but of many. Only he singles out 
 Cicero, as the most worthy of attention." " For this very reason," 
 rejoins Nosoponus, " Q.uintilian could not have been a Ciceronian." 
 "But," Bulephorus asks, "when subjects are to be treated which 
 do not occur in Cicero, what are we to do ? To seek the Elysian 
 tields, and consult with the orator himself in person?" 
 
 To this Nosoponus responds : " I would discard all subjects that 
 do not admit of being discussed in Cicero's recorded words." 
 
 Bulephorus now proceeds to criticise the aim of the Ciceronians ; 
 which is, to assimilate themselves as far as possible to Cicero. 
 "Apart from the fact," says he, "that many of the writings of this 
 exemplar have perished, those which are extant, through the care- 
 lessness of copyists, abound in errors and interpolations. Here then, 
 to what perils do the Ciceronians expose themselves ! Time would 
 fail us to reckon up the number of pseiulo Ciceronianisms, which they 
 have thus received and lauded as the genuine words of their master. 
 But, again, in Cicero himself, some grammatical blunders have been 
 detected ; and also, verses, which he has translated from the Greek, 
 are not always faithful to the original. Yet all these defects likewise 
 have been praised and copied by these worshipers of his. But their 
 imitation is mainly of the most superficial nature. Particles, special 
 phrases, modes of ending sentences, and the like, to such things 
 they pay exclusive attention, applying them in a quite arbitrary 
 manner, and often inappropriately. Because their master has so 
 frequently commenced his periods with etsi, quanquam, quum, etc., 
 they conclude that they themselves will be perfect Ciceros, if they 
 only commence their sentences in like manner. Such men would 
 accredit the 'Books to Herennius' to Cicero, for the sole reason that 
 they commence with etsi. And again, since Cicero did not date his 
 letters, they likewise must needs omif the year of our Lord in their 
 correspondence ; nor do they affix titles to their works, for they find 
 none in Cicero. Those Christian greetings, with which we commence 
 our letters, such as ' Gratia, pax, et misericordia a Deo Patre et 
 Domino Jesu Christo,' the Ciceronian holds in derision, as similar 
 phrases at their close ; and yet they are far more appropriate to the 
 Christian character than ' Salutem dicit,' or ' Bene vale.' Cicero, it 
 is true, made no use of them ; but this is not to be wondered at, for 
 he knew nothing of the things signified by them. And in fact, how 
 many thousand subjects are there, upon which we have frequent 
 occasion to speak, that Cicero possibly never even dreamed of! 
 
 "And he himself, I doubt not, were he now living, would implore 
 these narrow-minded imitators to spare his good name. A lifeless 
 
76 ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 imitation is cold and passionless ; and by no mere affectation can we 
 ever hope to appropriate the higher excellencies of the orator whom 
 we have taken for our pattern. We look in vain among these 
 Ciceronians for Cicero's happy invention, his clear arrangement, the 
 skill with which he treats his subject, his power over the passions, 
 and his large experience; for, instead of a just and appreciative 
 reproduction of his spirit, they present us only with a ghastly and 
 hollow mask of his form." 
 
 " Every age," continues JBulephorus, " has its special characteristics, 
 and on this account demands its particular style of eloquence. 
 Cicero's speeches would not have suited the sterner times of Ennius, 
 and Cato the censor, to say nothing of the present day. Since 
 the age of Cicero every thing has changed, religion, government, 
 authority, manners and laws. Should it be required of us at the 
 present day to speak and write as Cicero spoke and wrote, we must 
 have consuls, tribunes, praBtors and ediles again ; in short, the insti- 
 tutions of ancient Rome must all be restored. Whoever, therefore, 
 desires to conform to the present age, and to adapt himself to the 
 circumstances in which he is placed, (and without such desire and 
 aim it is impossible for any one ever to become an orator,) must 
 differ widely from Cicero. Of what service can Cicero's style of 
 eloquence prove to the Christian orator, addressing Christian men and 
 women upon repentance, prayer, or alms-giving, subjects in regard 
 to which Cicero was entirely uninformed?" To illustrate this point, 
 Bulephorus, (speaking for Erasmus,) brings up the case of a Cicero- 
 nian, whom, on a certain Easter-Eve, he had heard preach before 
 Pope Julius II. "The sermon," said he, "consisted mainly of a 
 panegyric upon the Pope, whom the orator called * Jupiter Optimus 
 Maxim us,' in the plenitude of his power wielding the forked thunder- 
 bolt, and guiding the universe by his nod. Then he spoke of the 
 Decii, and of Q. Curtius, who, for their country's sake, had sacrificed 
 themselves to the Dii Manes, and of Iphigenia, Cecrops and others, 
 to whom their country was dearer even than life. To such persons 
 the ancients erected statues in commemoration of their deeds ; but 
 Christ, in return for all the good which he accomplished among the 
 Jews, was crucified. In short," said Bulephorus, " the Roman spoke 
 so like a Roman, that the speech contained no mention of Christ's 
 death at all. And yet the Ciceronians at Rome pronounced his 
 sermon a marvelous effort, worthy of a Roman, and worthy even of 
 Cicero himself. Had a school-boy addressed his mates in such a 
 speech, it might have passed muster as a tolerably good thesis ; but 
 what had it to do with such a day, with such an audience, and with 
 
ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 77 
 
 such an occasion ? Surely these men, who have Cicero ever in their 
 mouths, only slander his fair fame. And," he continues, "it is aston- 
 ishing with what arrogance they look down upon what they style the 
 barbarism of Thomas Aquinus, Scotus, Durandus and others ; and 
 yet, if we scan the merits of these authors critically, although they 
 laid ncr claim either to eloquence, or yet to Ciceronianism, we 
 shall perceive that in both these respects they far outstrip their 
 detractors, this blustering crew, who all the while deem themselves 
 not merely Ciceronians, but veritable Ciceros." 
 
 As Nosoponus appears astonished at this emphatic declaration, 
 Bulephorus proceeds to explain more minutely, in what an orator 
 should resemble Cicero. " He should speak upon every subject in 
 that clear and perfect manner that only a thorough knowledge of the 
 subject can give, and he ought moreover always to speak from the 
 heart. Hence, it follows that the Christian orator must understand 
 the mysteries of the Christian religion, and must study the sacred 
 writings with no less diligence than did Cicero the. works of philoso- 
 phers, poets, jurists and historians. Through his intimacy with these 
 it was,'' continues Bulephorus, " that Cicero became so great. But 
 if we, who claim to be called spiritual teachers, are familiar neither 
 with the law nor the prophets, neither with sacred history nor 
 exegesis, and what is more, if we despise and abominate them all, 
 what title have we or can we have to the name of genuine Ciceroni- 
 ans ? Must not every one of our addresses bear the Christian stamp, 
 if we would pass not only for good orators, but even for good men ? 
 And, how is this possible, if we use only those words and phrases 
 which we can find in Cicero ? Are we to substitute the language of 
 
 & O 
 
 Cicero for that of the church ? Instead of God the Father, are we 
 to say 'Jupiter Optimus Maximus?' instead of Jesus Christ, Apollo? 
 and, instead of Mary, Diana ? Are we to say sacred republic instead 
 of church, and Christian persuasion instead of Christian faith ? 
 Shall we style the Pope, Flamen Dialis, the priest of Jupiter, and 
 call the prophecies oracles of the gods ? Be it so then, and let us see 
 whither it will lead us. Take, for instance, the following brief 
 summation of our faith : ' Jesus Christ, the Word and the Son of 
 the Eternal Father, according to prophecy, came into the world, and, 
 having become a man, voluntarily surrendered himself to death, and 
 so redeemed his church, and delivered us from the penalty of the law, 
 and reconciled us to God, in order that, justified by grace through 
 faith, and freed from the bondage of sin, we might be received into 
 his church, and persevering in its communion, might, after this life, 
 be admitted into the kingdom of heaven.' And how would a Ciceronian 
 
Y8 ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 express it? Somewhat in this manner, viz.: 'The interpreter 
 and son of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, our saviour and our sovereign, 
 according to the responses of the oracles, came down to the earth 
 from Olympus, and, having assumed the human shape, of his own 
 free will sacrificed himself for the safety of the republic to the Dii 
 Manes, and so restored to it its lost liberty, and, having turned aside 
 from us the angry thunder-bolts of Jupiter, won for us his favor, in 
 order that, through our acknowledgement of his bounty, having 
 recovered our innocence, and having been released from the servitude 
 of flattery, we might be made citizens of his republic, and having 
 sustained our parts with honor, might, when the fates should summon 
 us away from this life, enjoy supreme felicity in the friendship of the 
 immortal gods.'" 
 
 Nosoponus now asks Bulephorus whether he would commend the 
 style of Thomas Aquinus and Scotus ; to which he replies : " If you 
 will admit that he who conforms his language to his subject is to be 
 admired, then I prefer the manner in which Thomas and Scotus 
 handle sacred things far before that of the Ciceronians. Yet there is 
 a medium between Scotus and these apes of Cicero. Latin words not 
 to be found in Cicero are not on that account to be rejected ; words 
 relating to agriculture we can adopt from Cato and Varro ; words 
 relating to the church, from Tertullian and Augustine. Every art, 
 science, or institution has, too, its peculiar technical terms ; gramma- 
 rians, for instance, use gerund and supine ; mathematicians, fraction 
 and equation ; the church, amen and apostle, etc. Were Cicero now 
 living, and were he a Christian, he certainly would not affect indif- 
 ference to the language of the church ; he would say ' faith in Christ,' 
 ' the Comforter,' etc. And why then should we not cite the authority 
 of Holy Writ, as Cicero quotes from Ennius and others? Is Solomon 
 inferior to Plato ? are the psalms of less account than Pindar ? or does 
 Holy Writ any where rank below the writings of uninspired men ? 
 Certainly not. How comes it then, that Hannibal, the Carthaginian 
 general, sounds more agreeable to our ears than Paul the Apostle of 
 the Gentiles?" Hypologus imputes this state of things to the 
 extensive use which is made of the classics in education, through 
 which the language in which they are written, becoming familiar to 
 us, captivates our imaginations in a degree disproportionate to its 
 true merits ; while, on the other hand, the language of the Bible, 
 receiving but little attention, appears not only unattractive in our 
 eyes, but even barbarous. To this Bulephorus adds : X)ur heathenish 
 proclivities, (nostra paganitas,) pervert both our taste and our under- 
 standing. We are Christians only in name ; we confess Jesus with 
 
j&UASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 79 
 
 our mouths, but Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Romulus are in our 
 hearts. Were it not so, what name could sound sweeter in our ears 
 than the name of Jesus ? Should we extirpate these pagan notions 
 of ours, as we ought to do, then a far different style of oratory would 
 prevail. Yet even now, no one will acknowledge himself to be a 
 pagan, although so many glory in being called Ciceronians. 
 
 At this point, the conversation is directed to the inquiry, " How 
 far is Cicero to be imitated ?" " It is foolish," says Bulephorus, " to 
 endeavor to write another man's sentiments, to labor that our works 
 should be the echo, for instance, of Cicero's thoughts. Thou must 
 properly digest all thy manifold reading, not merely storing it in thy 
 memory or in an index, but by reflection assimilating it to thy soul. 
 So thy spirit, nourished by all kinds of spiritual food, shall pour 
 forth an eloquence all its own, and there shall be no savor therein of 
 this or that flower^ leaf, or herb, but it shall partake throughout of 
 the very essence and bent of thine own spirit; and thus the reader 
 will not find thy writings to be fragments from Cicero, cunningly 
 joined together, but the reflection of a mind filled with all knowledge. 
 The bees," he added, " gather their honey, not from a single flower 
 alone, but with marvellous diligence they visit every flower and shrub ; 
 and even then they have not gathered pure honey, but they so 
 prepare and refine it afterward in their stomachs, that we can perceive 
 neither the taste nor the odor of any of the various flowers from' 
 which it comes." 
 
 Bulephorus now asks further : " On what occasion can we make 
 use of this Ciceronian eloquence? Is it in the court- room ? There, 
 causes are handled by attorneys and advocates, people who are any 
 thing but Ciceronians. As little can we use it in the senate-chamber, 
 where French is employed, or else German. Can we then use it in 
 preaching ? But the hearers do not understand Latin ; hence it is 
 not adapted to the pulpit. Where then shall we use this species of 
 eloquence? At best, in embassies to Rome, to deliver, according to 
 custom, an elaborate but useless harangue, which often has need to 
 be interpreted for the benefit of those to whom it is addressed. All 
 important business is there, as well as elsewhere, transacted either by 
 writing, or orally, through the medium of the French language. 
 What purpose, then, can this accomplishment of the Ciceronian 
 subserve ? That of writing letters to the learned ? But no one of 
 these insists that Latin should be altogether Ciceronian, with the 
 exception of four Italians, who boast themselves, of late, to have 
 become perfect copyists of Cicero." 
 
 And now Eulephorus calls over, one by one, the names of a number 
 
gO ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 of Latin authors, both ancient and modern, and asks Nosoponus, at the 
 mention of the successive names, whether he considers this or that 
 man a Ciceronian ; but none of them all is acknowledged by him. 
 " Pliny, the younger," says he, " is so little of a Ciceronian, that we 
 have forbidden our youths to peruse any of his letters, lest they should 
 become Plinians, instead of Ciceronians. Among the moderns like- 
 wise, we reckon none as Ciceronians, neither Valla, nor Politian, nor 
 Budaeus ; Peter Mosellanus, however, would undoubtedly have 
 gained this distinction, had he not died too soon." " How is it with 
 Erasmus?" asks Bulephorus. "Him," replies Nosoponus, " I do not 
 even style a writer, much less a Ciceronian. A polygraphist truly he 
 is, who blots much paper with his ink. He hurries through with 
 every thing ; he will write you a whole volume, stans pede in uno ; 
 he can never prevail upon himself even to look over what he has 
 once written ; and, besides being no Ciceronian, he employs theological 
 and even vulgar expressions." In like manner he disposes of Agri- 
 cola, Hegius, Busch, Wirnpheling, Reuchlin, Melancthon, Hutten, 
 Pirkheimer, and others. At last Bulephorus exclaims ; " So many 
 lands have you diligently searched through, and there is no Ciceronian 
 anywhere to be found!" " Longolius alone," rejoins Nosoponus, 
 " forms an exception : although he is a Brabanter, and was educated 
 at Paris, yet he has been recommended by the Italians as a pure 
 Ciceronian." " Longolius" says Bulephorus, " paid for his renown 
 with his life ; and the speeches, which he made in Rome, had, it is 
 true, an air of elaborate refinement about them, but they were based 
 upon an artificial reproduction of a long vanished age, and not upon 
 the living relations of the present time. Such speeches are forced 
 and unnatural, and weary the listener ; they are in no wise fitted for 
 any thing but the declamations of school-boys." 
 
 Thereupon, Bulephorus again defines a genuine imitation, as opposed 
 to servile copying. " The one," says he, '* consists in a living, spiritual 
 assimilation of the classics, while the other calls out merely the 
 external adornments of words and phrases. The writer, or the ora- 
 tor, who would not deceive* us by acting out of character, must not 
 attempt to personate another individual's mind. The language of the 
 Christian, at least, should not be perverted, nor his character disgraced 
 by such a preposterous imitation of Cicero." In such an independent 
 manner, unmoved and unbiased by the false notions of his contempo- 
 raries, did Erasmus render his verdict against their misuse of Cicero ; 
 a verdict which applies with equal propriety in the case of all the 
 classics. How justly, too, does he express himself upon the only true 
 method of studying authors, that method which exerts so immediate 
 
ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 81 
 
 And so marked an influence upon our own productive faculties 
 "While thus the reader grows spiritually, his own creative powers are 
 strengthened and matured." 
 
 In the like fearless and perspicuous manner, did Erasmus give his 
 opinion upon the necessity of practical knowledge in order to a correct 
 interpretation of the classical authors. We will single out a passage 
 on this point from his " Dialogue on Pronunciation." The speakers 
 are the Lion and the Bear. 
 
 "Bear. Do you style that man a grammarian, who, when he is 
 addressed in Latin, is able to reply without making any blunder ? 
 
 Lion. In our day, such a person is commonly esteemed a 
 grammarian. 
 
 Bear. But Quintilian requires of the grammarian, facility in ex- 
 plaining the poets, acquaintance with history, knowledge of antiquity, 
 etc. Should he possess no thorough knowledge of these things, yet he 
 must not be entirely unfamiliar with them, if he wishes to be deemed 
 capable of instructing youth. Because the grammarian is expected to 
 comment on ths " Arma v.rumque," we must not on that account 
 expect him to be a Pyrrhus, or a Hannibal ; nor, because he is to in- 
 terpret Virgil's Georgics, should we require him to be an experienced 
 agriculturist. If again he is to expatiate upon the voyage of ^Eneas, 
 we ought not to demand that he be a thorough-bred sea-captain ; nor 
 that he be an Apicius, when he is about to treat of a passage upon 
 cookery. But, on the other hand, what dependence is to be placed 
 upon the grammarian, who is entirely ignorant both of the construction 
 and the use of fire-arms and tools, or who knows nothing even of the 
 disposition arid organization of an army ? Could he learn these 
 things by experience, it would profit him not a little, but, where this 
 is out of the question, he should inform himself from books, or from 
 conversation with men, who have been personally connected with 
 such matters, or, so far as may be necessary, from accurate drawings. 
 And the same method is applicable to every other art to which he may 
 have occasion to refer. 
 
 Lion. Such grammarians, as you have described, there may have 
 been formerly, but they are now out of fashion. 
 
 Bear. That is very true ; and hence our children, after they have 
 grown old almost,. under the present race of teachers, return to their 
 homes, without being able to call a single tree, fish, or plant, by its 
 right name." 
 
 Similar demands, likewise, Erasmus urged in his essay, " On the 
 correct method of pursuing study." In this, he inculcates upon 
 
 teachers the necessity of attending to many branches of science, such 
 6 
 
82 ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 as geography, natural history, etc. " It is incredible," says he, " how 
 profoundly ignorant in respect to such matters the generality of teach- 
 ers are at the present day." Yet Erasmus himself regarded the natu- 
 ral sciences merely as indispensable means to a correct interpretation 
 of the classics, nor did he appear to have had the remotest idea of 
 their importance in themselves. How far in advance of him, in this 
 respect, was Luther, whose keen-sighted intellect, in spite of the be- 
 numbing influence of school and cloister, remained ever vigorous 
 and active ! " We are now," said Luther on a certain occasion, "in 
 the morning-dawn of a better life; for we are beginning again to re- 
 cover that knowledge of the creation, which we lost through Adam's 
 fall. By God's grace, we are beginning to recognize, even in the 
 structure of the humblest floweret, his wondrous glory, his goodness, 
 and his omnipotence. In the creation we can appreciate in some 
 measure the power of Him, who spake and it was done, who com- 
 manded and it stood fast. Consider the peach-stone : although it is 
 very hard, yet, in its due season, it is burst asunder by the force of the 
 very tender germ, which is inclosed within the shell. But all this, 
 Erasmus passes by, not regarding it for a moment ; and views this 
 new knowledge of the creature, only as cows look upon a new gate." 
 
 His treatise upon " Study," by reason of its succinctness, gives us 
 no exhaustive methodology, but only single rules for the direction of 
 teachers. Some of these rules are worthy of careful attention ; es- 
 pecially those relating to the improvement of the scholar's style. 
 For this end, Erasmus commends, above all other means, frequent 
 exercise in translating from Greek into Latin ; as this not only assists 
 in the understanding Greek authors, but also gives an insight into 
 the peculiarities of both languages. This counsel applies with equal 
 force in our day to translating from foreign languages into our mother- 
 tongue. Then too, while any particular author is being read, the 
 teacher should comment and explain only so far as may be necessary 
 4o a thorough understanding of the sense ; but he must scrupulously 
 refrain from an ostentatious and inappropriate display of his own 
 erudition at every passage. ' 
 
 Erasmus was moreover directly instrumental in promoting a knowl- 
 edge of the Greek language, through his translation of the Greek 
 grammar of Theodore Gaza. 
 
 But no one of all his works has played so important a part in the 
 school-world, as the Dialogues, (Colloquia.) The first edition of these, 
 Erasmus himself was dissatisfied with : the second, published in the 
 year 1522, he dedicated to the son of Frobenius, then but six years 
 of age, as also the third, published in 1524. In the dedication to the 
 
ERASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 83 
 
 last, he says, " the book was so much liked, met with such a rapid 
 sale, and was so generally used by youth, that he was induced at 
 once to prepare another and an enlarged edition. Many have become 
 such superior Latinists, and likewise so much better, (Latiniores et 
 meliores,) by the use of this book, that he, (the boy,) would not be 
 put to the blush in their society." 
 
 But this book, designed to make boys both better and better 
 Latinists, was condemned by the Sorbonne, prohibited in France, 
 burned in Spain, and at Rome interdicted to all Christendom. 
 
 And whoever peruses these dialogues, will not be at all astonished 
 at this. For they abound in most insidious attacks and sharp satires 
 upon monks, cloister-life, fasts, pilgrimages, and other matters pertain- 
 ing to the church. And this fact is enough of itself to have occa- 
 sioned the condemnation of the book, without any reference to the 
 many frivolous and improper expressions which it contains. 
 
 We are astonished that such a book should ever have been intro- 
 duced into so great a number of schools as it was. What have boys 
 to do with those satires ? Reformation is the work of mature men 
 alone. What have boys to do with conversations upon so many sub- 
 jects, of which they know absolutely nothing ? with conversations 
 where teachers are made sport of, where two women discuss the 
 respective merits of their husbands, where a lover is urging his suit 
 with a maiden, or, above all, with a conversation like the " Colloquium 
 adolescentis et scorti ?" This latter reminds us of Schiller's distich, 
 entitled "Artifice:" 
 
 Would you at once delight both the men of the world and the godly, 
 Paint for us pleasure, but paint ye the devil therewith. 
 
 Erasmus here depicts the vilest of pleasures, but adds his censure 
 for edification. And such a book this learned theologian gravely 
 recommends to a boy of eight years of age, as one whose perusal will 
 make him better, though at the same time as one which will perfect him 
 in Latin ; and to this end it is admirably adapted. For the various 
 personages of Erasmus here express themselves with astonishing 
 facility upon subjects, which we would scarcely have believed capable 
 of being handled in the Latin tongue, such as horse-dealing, the chase, 
 taverns, and the like. 
 
 Teachers, who were wont to give the plays of Terence to their 
 scholars to commit to memory and to act, took no offense at the 
 nature of these Dialogues, so long as they secured what they consid- 
 ered the highest aim of all culture, viz.: a readiness in speaking and 
 in writing Latin. 
 
 Terence is not responsible for the misuse that was made of him 
 
84 EIIASMUS ON CLASSICAL EDUCATION. 
 
 after the lapse of fifteen hundred years: but Erasmus, the theo- 
 logian, is responsible for his frivolous book, nay doubly so, inasmuch 
 as he designed it for youth, even though they should become thereby 
 Latinists of the first eminence. 
 
 In Luther's Table-talk, there are some expressions in regard to 
 these Dialogues, which teachers would do well to lay to heart. 
 " Erasmus," says he, " lurks behinds the fence, does nothing openly, 
 and never comes boldly into our presence, and for this reason are his 
 books very pernicious. When I die, I will forbid my children to read 
 his Dialogues; for in them he utters and teaches many a wicked senti- 
 ment by the mouths of his fictitious characters, with the deliberate 
 design to injure the church and the Christian faith. Erasmus is a 
 crafty knave ; that, one sees in all his books, but especially in his 
 Dialogues, in which he is particular to say ; * I myself speak not here, 
 but my personages.' To Lucian I give some praise, for he comes out 
 boldly, and indulges in open mockery ; but Erasmus sophisticates 
 every thing which is from God, and every thing holy, and does it all 
 in the name of holiness ; for this reason he is much more mischievous 
 and corrupting than Lucian." 
 
 The Dialogues at least, can not but have an injurious effect upon 
 the moral sentiments of youth. Cold, unloving satire, frivolity and 
 shuffling, act as poison upon the simplicity and artlessness of the 
 young. Erasmus is wonderfully clear and eloquent, when he treats 
 of any thing purely scientific ; but he was not the man to write 
 books of instruction, to address children from a fatherly heart, and to 
 care for the good of their souls. 
 
 The unhappy man had no father's house, no country, and no church ; 
 in short, he had no object to which he could devote his powers in self- 
 sacrifice ; therefore did he become selfish, timid, and double-minded, 
 for love was a stranger to his breast. We do not wonder then that 
 he dissolved all connection with the upright, outspoken Luther, that 
 true-hearted and affectionate pastor of his beloved Germans. 
 
THE SCHLETTSTADT SCHOOL, AND JOHN REUCHLIN. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.j 
 
 Louis Dringenberg. Wimpheling. Crato. Sapidus. Platter. 
 
 WE have confined ourselves thus far to the labors of North 
 Germans and Netherlander^ for the restoration of classical learning, 
 and for the cause of popular education. 
 
 Some of the men above-noticed led, as we have seen, a migratory 
 life as it were : Wessel, Agricola and Erasmus, all lived a longer or a 
 shorter time in South-Germany and Switzerland, and exerted an in- 
 fluence upon learning there. Three places in the south became by 
 this means centers of intellectual light, namely, Schlettstadt, Heidel- 
 berg and Tubingen. We will now consider what took place at 
 Schlettstadt; Heidelberg and Tubingen shall receive due attention 
 when we come to Melancthon. 
 
 Schlettstadt, a small imperial town of Lower Alsace, grown wealthy 
 on its lucrative wine traffic, determined, about the middle of the 15th 
 century, to found a school, and for that purpose invited the West- 
 phaliau, Louis DRINGENBERG, to become its first rector. He took his 
 name from Dringenberg, his native place, a small town six miles to 
 the east of Paderborn : he was educated at the school of the Hierony- 
 mians at Deventer. Of his method of instruction we only know this, 
 namely, that he gave his pupils a religious training, and that, with 
 regard to the medieval school books, the Doctrinal, especially, though 
 he did not venture to throw them aside, he nevertheless aimed to 
 make them as harmless as possible. But if the tree may be known 
 by its fruits, then the many distinguished men, who were sent forth. 
 from Dringenberg's school, are our best witnesses that his method 
 was a good one. He died in 1490, after having been at the head of 
 the school for forty years. 
 
 Among his pupils the name of JACOB WIMPHELING has become 
 the most familiar to us. He was born at Schlettstadt in 1450, and 
 died there in 1528. At the close of his school-education, he 
 studied at Freyburg, Basle and Erfurt. He took his master's degree 
 at Heidelberg in 1479, was created dean of the philosophical faculty 
 there, and during the years 1481 and 1482 he was Rector of the 
 university. Afterward he became a preacher at Spires, where he 
 
86 THE SCHLETTSTADT SCHOOL. 
 
 lived somewhat longer than at Heidelberg ; then he went again to 
 Heidelberg, where he read lectures upon St. Jerome, and also directed 
 the studies of many young men, Count Wolfgang Lowenstein among 
 the rest. To the latter he dedicated his educational treatise, entitled 
 "Adolescentia" in which he gave prominence to moral precepts, 
 illustrating and enforcing them by quotations both from the Bible 
 and the classics. A second work, the Isidoneus, (tfff&Soe, introduction,) 
 is devoted on the other hand mainly to his method of conducting the 
 study of the liberal arts in general, but with a special application to 
 the classics : his l 'Elegantiae majores " and "JBlegantiarum medulla " 
 are school books. His epitome of German history was likewise 
 designed for a manual of instruction. 
 
 One of Wimpheling's pupils, the distinguished James Sturm, we 
 shall meet with again. For him it was that Wimpheling composed 
 the essay "De integritate" containing rules for study and for the 
 conduct of life, and enjoining upon him, above all things, a dili- 
 gent perusal of the Bible. Some expressions in this essay, reflecting 
 upon the monks, drew from the Augustinians demonstrations of 
 hostility toward the author, to which, however, Pope Julius II. put 
 an end. 
 
 Of Wimpheling's efficiency at Strasburg we shall speak in another 
 place.* Strongly as he inveighed against the corruptions of the 
 church, yet he did not go over to the side of the Reformation. This 
 violent movement and schism in the church, coming as it did in his 
 old age, accordingly occasioned him much anxiety and care.f He 
 retired to Schlettstadt to the house of his sister, Magdalena, where he 
 died in his seventy- eighth year. 
 
 A second scholar of Dringenberg's was George Simler, afterward 
 Melancthon's teacher, both at Pforzheim and Tubingen ; a third, 
 Eitelwolf Stein, is known to us by his active friendship for Hutten. 
 
 Dringenberg's successor in the rectorate was Crato, (or Craft 
 Hofmann,) who may lay claim to Beatus Rhenanus as one of his 
 scholars. The real name o,f Rhenanus was BILD. He was born at 
 Schlettstadt in 1485, and died at Strasburg in 154Y. He labored 
 much in the field of German history, wrote annotations on Tacitus, 
 edited Vellius Paterculus, Procopius, etc. 
 
 Rhenanus continued at the Schettstadt gymnasium under the rec- 
 torate of Crato's successor Gebwiler, and with him John Sapidus, 
 
 * Under "John Sturm." 
 
 t " In addition to other calamities, which put Wimpheling's virtue sorely to the test, this fatal 
 division, which has extended throughout the whole church, came in, and with its superinduced 
 weight, well nigh crushed him ; he had 110 sympathy with this corrupt age." Erasmus. 
 
JOHN REUCHLIN. 87 
 
 (Witz,) a nephew of Wimpheling's. This latter, born at Schlettstadt 
 in 1490, about the year 1514, after traveling and studying at Paris, 
 himself became Rector of the gymnasium in question. 
 
 And under his rectorate the school grew so rapidly that in 1517 it 
 numbered no less than 900 scholars. Among these was Thomas 
 Platter of Switzerland, whose autobiography* calls up before us a 
 vivid picture of life and manners, as he found them at the school. 
 
 But the school did not long continue to be so full. As early as 
 1520 Sapidus joined himself to the reformatory movement, and in 
 consequence became alienated from Wimpheling. And, because 
 Schlettstadt declared decisively against the Reformation, Sapidus left 
 the place and settled in Strasburg, where he was employed as a 
 teacher in the new gymnasium, and where he died in 1561. 
 
 After a while the Schlettstadt school lost its reputation, and the 
 Jesuits obtained control over it. The original school house is 
 standing to this day. 
 
 JOHN BEUCHL1N. 
 
 [Born at Pforzheim, Dec. 28*A, 1455. Died at Stuttgart, June 30<A, 1522.] 
 
 REUCHLIN'S parents were worthy and honorable people. The 
 young John early made a marked progress in the languages and in 
 music. Because of his good voice he was taken to the court at 
 Baden; in 3473, when eighteen years of age, he accompanied the 
 Margrave, Frederick of Baden, to Paris. Here he formed the ac- 
 quaintance of Wessel ; and here Hermonymus of Sparta gave him 
 lessons in Greek, whereupon he studied Aristotle before all other 
 authors, bestowing diligent study the while upon Latin. 
 
 In his twentieth year he w 7 ent to Basle, there continued his Greek 
 under the tuition of Andronicus Contoblacus, a native of Greece, at the 
 same time reading Latin and Greek authors. At that period he also 
 compiled a Latin dictionary, under the title " Vocabularius breviloquus." 
 
 He now revisited France, studied law in 1479 at Orleans, and in 
 1480 at Poictiers, teaching at the same time ; then returned to Tubin- 
 gen, married, and entered upon the active duties of the legal profession. 
 
 In the year 1482 Reuchlin accompanied Eberhard, the elder, on a 
 journey from Wittenberg to Rome ; he was selected, principally for 
 the facility with which he spoke Latin, and for his correct pronuncia- 
 tion.f He delivered a most admirable speech in the presence of Sixtus 
 
 * We give extracts from Platter's Autobiography, on pages 79-90. 
 
 t When the ambassadors of the Pope met Eberhard, his chancellor replied in Eberhard's 
 name to their greeting as follows: (mark the pronunciation !) Oi'/sissimus et -Ei/lustrissimus 
 waoster Prainceips etntellexit, etc. This the Italians did not understand, and accordingly 
 Reuchlin was called on to reply to them. When a certain French ambassador had addressed 
 the Emperor Maximilian in a Latin speech, the Count of Zollern replied in th emperor's 
 behalf, but in a broad and barbarous Swabian accent. To the question of Philip, Maximilian's 
 
gg JOHN REITCHLIN. 
 
 IV. ; and soon after, together with Eherhard, waited upon Lorenzo di 
 Medici. 
 
 In the year 1486, Reuchlin was sent, with two other ambassadors, 
 by Eberhard to Frankfort, to attend the coronation of Maximilian I. ; 
 and in 1489 he took charge of an embassy to Rome. During this 
 latter journey he became acquainted with Picus Mirandola, at Florence. 
 In 1492, he attended Eberhard to Linz, to the court of the Emperor 
 Frederick III., who raised Reuchlin to the rank of nobility, and 
 created him Count Palatine. He there made a valuable acquisition, 
 in the acquaintance of James Jehiel Loans, the emperor's physician, 
 a learned Jew, who gave him a most careful and accurate course of 
 instruction in Hebrew. Frederick presented Reuchlin with a Hebrew 
 Old Testament, valued at 300 gold florins. 
 
 The excellent duke, Eberhard, the elder, died in the year 1496, 
 and was succeeded by a profligate ruler, Eberhard, the younger. He 
 appointed for his chancellor, Holzinger, an unprincipled Augustinian 
 monk, who had once been arrested through Reuchlin's means. 
 Under the government of such persons, Reuchlin had nothing but evil 
 to look for ; and hence in the beginning of the year 1497 he returned 
 to Heidelberg, where he received a most friendly welcome at the 
 hands of Dalberg. There he wrote Sergius, a satirical comedy in 
 ridicule of Holzinger ; a second comedy, which he transferred from 
 the French, Dalberg gave to the students to act. 
 
 In the year 1498 Reuchlin was sent by the Elector-Palatine Philip 
 on an embassy to Pope Alexander VI., before whom he delivered a 
 Latin address. He remained a year at Rome, and took lessons in 
 Hebrew daily of Abdias, the Jew, to whom, for every hour of instruc- 
 tion, he gave a gold florin : while there, he also attended the lectures 
 of Argyropulus on Thucydides. The first time that he heard Argy- 
 ropulus, this one asked him to what country he belonged, and then, 
 whether he had paid any attention to Greek before ? when Reuchlin 
 replied, that he was from Germany, and was not wholly unacquainted 
 with Greek, Argyropulus put a copy of Thucydides into his hands, 
 with the request that he -would read him some of it. Hereupon 
 Reuchlin translated the Greek text very correctly and into pure Latin, 
 so that Argyropulus cried out in admiration, "Our bereaved and 
 exiled Greece has at last found a home beyond the Alps." 
 
 Eberhard, the younger, was formally deposed in 1498, and 
 
 son, " what sort of Latin is that ?" the Wirtemberg chancellor, Lampart. replied, " that, princes, 
 is Hechingen Latin." "Where did the count learn it?" continued Philip. "At Hechingen, ' 
 said the chancellor, "a small Swabian town on the count's domains, where very coarse 
 sackcloth is made. There the count's Latin was woven too." This incident afterward caused 
 all such Latin to be designated by the name, Hechingen Latin. 
 
JOHN REUCIILIN. gg 
 
 Reuchlin returned soon after, in 1499, to Wirtemberg. From 1502 
 to 1513 he was one of the three judges of the Swabian league formed 
 in 1488. 
 
 In the year 1506 he issued his "Rudimenta Hebraicae linguae," 
 the fruit of his vigorously prosecuted and expensive Hebrew studies, 
 and the means through which the Hebrew tongue was first introduced 
 into the sphere of ordinary study. He said, that he had composed his 
 Hebrew grammar without any assistance from others, " that so the 
 Holy Scriptures might shed their light and healing upon the world, 
 and our students might have wherewith to delight and to build 
 themselves up : before me, there has been no one who has troubled 
 himself with the attempt to set forth the whole Hebrew tongue in 
 order in a book." In another passage he speaks of the toil and the 
 money which the Hebrew grammar and lexicon have cost him. "To 
 this," he says, " the invaluable worth of the Holy Scriptures was a 
 sufficient inducement." "All the sacred writings," he says in his 
 commentary on the seven Penitential Psalms, ** both of the Old Tes- 
 tament and the New, I was ignorant of, as they were in their original 
 languages ; wherefore I applied myself with diligence to these, that 
 by their help I might the better and with the more insight, discern 
 the prophecy and its fulfillment." He wrote to Cardinal Hadrian 
 as follows : " I gave my attention to Hebrew, because I foresaw the 
 great service which it would bring to religion and to a true knowledge 
 of God. All my literary labors hitherto I have shaped with reference 
 to this end, as I shall continue to do in the future, and that with 
 increased zeal. As a faithful follower of our Saviour, I have done 
 what lay in my power toward the reestablish ment and the exaltation 
 of the true church of Christ." 
 
 Reuchlin fully appreciated the importance of his " Rudimenta" for 
 he closed it with these words, "Exeyi monumentum acre perennius" 
 And he wrote on the subject to Amerbach thus : " For if I live, then 
 by God's help the Hebrew tongue shall be built up. And if I die, 
 the foundation that I have laid can not be easily destroyed." 
 
 Reuchlin was brought by his Hebrew studies into very unpleasant 
 relations both with Jews, proselytes from Judaism, and Dominicans ; 
 but the lawsuits and controversies in which he was entangled by the 
 means were productive of at least one good result, they hastened 
 the coming Reformation. 
 
 In the year 1505 he published the German letter to a nobleman, 
 on the reason why the Jews have so long been under God's displeas- 
 ure. He says, " It is because they slew the true Messiah, have never 
 ceased to defame him, and are full of hatred to Christians. Their 
 
90 JOHN REUCHLIN. 
 
 punishment shall endure, until they acknowledge Christ as the 
 Messiah." '* If," he says, " any among them will shew himself willing 
 to be taught concerning the Messiah and our true faith, I will joyfully 
 take his part and render him such aid that he need have no care for 
 his daily bread, but may serve God in peace, and live untroubled by 
 anxious thoughts for the future." 
 
 Thus Reuchlin pronounces a clear and correct opinion respecting 
 the Jews, and at the same time displays a genuine Christian love, in 
 looking to the only possible emancipation of the Jews, namely, their 
 being grafted again into the true olive tree. 
 
 In the year 1510 commenced those memorable controversies re- 
 specting Jewish literature, which for nine years so completely 
 engrossed Reuchlin's attention. They originated in the following 
 manner : A converted Jew, John Pfefferkorn by name, wrote appeals 
 to magistrates and people, urging them to a general persecution of 
 the Jews, and also called upon the emperor in particular to suppress 
 all their books, with the exception of the Old Testament. Reuchlin 
 received an order from the Elector of Mentz to render a verdict in the 
 matter. He decided to the effect, that none of the writings of 
 the Jews should be seized and burned, save those alone which were 
 directly aimed at Christianity ; as it had been done formerly.* This 
 verdict drew down upon him, not merely the hatred of Pfeflerkorn, 
 but the enmity of that powerful body, the Dominicans, especially 
 those of Cologne, with the notorious Hochstratten at their head. 
 Sharp polemical treatises flew back and forth. It was to no purpose 
 that the bishop of Spires, who was appointed by the Pope to adjudge 
 the case, decided in Reuchlin's favor. The Dominicans carried the 
 suit to Rome. But there, too, Reuchlin was about to win his cause, 
 when Leo X. issued a "Mandatum de supersedendo" the effect of 
 which was to defer the termination of the suit so long as it might 
 please the Pope, who stood in awe of the monks. 
 
 From this time forward the monks continued to shew their hostility 
 to Reuchlin in every conceivable manner, acting as though they had 
 already gained their cause.' But help soon came to him from many 
 quarters. The league of the Reuchlinists, so called, was formed, 
 which declared for Reuchlin, for classical learning and a pure church, 
 against the perverse, corrupt monks, and their decadent, hideous 
 scholasticism, now in its dotage. Nearly all the distinguished men 
 
 * Many singular remarks are to be found in Reuchlin's verdict ; for instance, "when Christ 
 says, 'Search the Scriptures,' (writings,) he did not mean the Old Testament, but those Rab- 
 binical writings, from which, later, the Talmud ; ' (this, by the way, Reuchlin had not read; 
 "was compiled." Reuchlii.'s love for the Cabbala and for Jewish literature probably had 
 some influence in determining the mildness of his verdict. 
 
JOHN REUCHLIN. 01 
 
 of Germany of that age joined this league ; men, who afterward, 
 almost without exception, formed a mighty intellectual power on the 
 side of the Reformation. Ulrich Hutten and Bilibald Pirkheimer 
 were especially active in keeping the league together, and strength- 
 ening it against the pugnacious attacks of the Dominicans. 
 
 The severest blow which the Dominican brotherhood thus received 
 in the persons of some of its members was the publication, in the year 
 1517, of the famous "Epistolae obscurorum virorum" The probable 
 authors of these burlesque letters are Hermann Busch, Crotus Rubia- 
 nus and Wolfgang Angst ; Ulrich Hutten and others may have made 
 some subsequent additions. The letters are directed to Ortuin 
 Gratius, to whom we have previously alluded as a scholar of Hegius, 
 and a professor at Cologne : the purported writers are partly histori- 
 cal, and partly fictitious characters. The Latin is wretched, and, 
 together with the subject-matters treated of, gives a vivid impression 
 of the thoroughly repulsive, ignorant, profligate and villainous lives 
 and acts of the Dominicans. And through the agency of this book 
 the very name of Dominican became a scorn and a reproach. 
 
 At last in the year 1519 Francis von Sickingen put an end to the 
 strife, by definitely assigning to Hochstratten and the brothers of his 
 order one month in which to decide " whether they would for the 
 future wholly discontinue their insolence toward his teacher, Dr. 
 Reuchlin, 'that aged, discreet, pious and accomplished man/ and 
 make good all the costs of court which had been put upon him ; and 
 furthermore, whether they would give him security at once and 
 forever against all further persecutions ? If not, then he, Francis von 
 Sickengen, would carry out to the letter the original decree of Spires, 
 oronounced in Reuchlin's favor, that so this 'good old man might 
 upend the remainder of his honorable life i peace.' " The monks 
 paid Reuchlin in full, and he had no more trouble from them. So 
 ended this long strife, and the rather also, because a far more violent 
 warfare had commenced at Wittenberg. Thither, since 1517, had all 
 eyes been directed. 
 
 " Praised be God," said Reuchlin, when Luther appeared on the 
 stage ; " now they have found an opponent who will give them so 
 much to do, that for very weariness they will be forced to leave the 
 old man to his repose." On the other hand, Luther wrote to Reuch- 
 lin, in the year 1518 : "Thou wast an instrument of the divine pur- 
 pose. I was one of that number, who desired to aid thee ; but there 
 was no opportunity. Yet that which was denied to me as thy com- 
 rade, will most richly come to my share as thy successor. The teeth 
 of that Behemoth are fastening upon me, that they may, if possible, 
 
92 
 
 JOHN REUCHLIN. 
 
 wipe out the disgrace which they have received at thy hands. I go 
 to encounter' them with less strength of intellect and less learning 
 than thou hast shown, but with an equally cheerful heart." 
 
 But, nevertheless, in the closing years of his life, Reuchlin did not 
 find that settled repose, to which he had looked. For in the year 
 1519, a war broke out between Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, and 
 the Swabian League. Ulrich was sent into exile. Sickingen, who 
 was one of the leaders of the League, protected Reuchlin in Stutt- 
 gart. He afterwards went to Ingoldstadt, where, in 1520, he received 
 from William, Duke of Bavaria, a salary of 200 gold-crowns, and 
 read lectures on Hebrew Grammar, and on the Plutus of Aristopha- 
 nes, to more than three hundred hearers. But he soon returned to 
 Wurtemberg, where, however, he did not remain, but, went by invita- 
 tion, to Tubingen, to teach Hebrew and Greek grammar in the 
 university there. In the summer of 1522, he was taken sick, and 
 died on the 30th of June, aged 67. 
 
 Reuchlin was a man of an imposing and dignified aspect ; says one 
 of his contemporaries, " of senatorial majesty." He was mild in his 
 manners, and in the midst of trouble, anxious and timid. 
 
 He and Erasmus were the forerunners of the Reformation, of the 
 schools as well of the church. But each, how different ! How 
 worthy appear Reuchlin's life, his labors in his country's behoof, and 
 his holy, earnest love for the church, compared with the unloving, 
 undevout, altogether trifling disposition of Erasmus ! Reuchlin's per- 
 severance in learning Hebrew, and the repugnance which Erasmus 
 exhibited toward the very first rudiments of the language, are both 
 characteristic. And to the different traits thus indicated, we may as- 
 scribe the aversions of Erasmus to mysticism, and Reuchlin's tendency 
 toward it. This tendency is abundantly manifest in two works of 
 Reuchlin's, namely, the "De verbo mirijico" and the " De arte Ca- 
 balistica ;" in both of which he evinces a strong, spiritual affinity 
 with Picus di Mirandola. In the dedication of the latter work, it 
 is addressed to Leo X., Reuchlin says : " Marsilius has edited Plato 
 for Italy, John Faber StapUlensis restored Aristotle for France, and I 
 will now make the number complete, and will give to the Germans 
 Pythagoras, whom my labors have re-animated." If Reuchlin erred, 
 it was the error of a mind of great depth and forecast, an error of 
 which Erasmus was wholly incapable. And was not the spirit which 
 stirred in Picus and Reuchlin, when as yet the world was unprepared 
 to receive it, was not this spirit destined sooner or later to crown 
 the faithful and manifold labors of their many successors, in a glad 
 and copious harvest ? 
 
RETROSPECT. 93 
 
 Toward the conclusion of the work, " De arte Cabalistica" Reuch- 
 lin says : " I was the first to restore Greek to Germany, and I too was 
 the first of all to introduce, and to deliver to the church the art and 
 the study of Hebrew.* 
 
 As Erasmus prepared the way for the Reformers, by his version of 
 the New Testament, so did Reuchlin by means of his Hebrew labors. 
 
 Erasmus, too, undermined the influence of the monks by ridicule. 
 Reuchlin and the Reuchlinists did the same; but, in addition to this, 
 they formed a positive intellectual power, a phalanx of strength, 
 which at Luther's appearance in full spiritual armor, ranged itself 
 under his banner, eager for the contest. f 
 
 And while the double minded Erasmus employed all the arts of a 
 subtle sophistry to justify himself toward the Pope, Reuchlin, on the 
 contrary, in the above mentioned dedication, came boldly before Leo 
 X., appealing to the emperor, and to many princes, bishops and 
 cities, to bear witness to his integrity. 
 
 RETROSPECT. 
 
 The period which we have thus far contemplated, the fifteenth cen- 
 tury especially, may be termed a transitional period, looking back to 
 the middle ages, and forward to the present day. For here the ele- 
 ments of ancient and modern times enter upon a conflict, which, 
 increasing in intensity, at last, in the first half of the 16th century, 
 bursts out into full flame. 
 
 First in order comes the attack upon the wide-spread corruptions 
 of the church, corruptions which had infected the whole body to the 
 very core. This begins in Italy as early as the fourteenth century, 
 undertaken by Dante, Petrach, and Boccaccio, and extending down to 
 the sixteenth century. But in Italy, alas ! no Reformation results 
 therefrom ; Savonarola, to be sure, takes a step in that direction, but 
 his aim is defeated. 
 
 Germans and Netherlander too, from the fourteenth century on, 
 are in various modes preparing the way for the Reformation. The 
 Hieronymians lay bare the dissolute lives and deeds of the monks, 
 the mendicant order chiefly, urge reform, and diffuse as far as possible, 
 a knowledge of the Bible among the common people. Wessel 
 observes many deficiencies in the teachings of the church, (being herein 
 a predecessor of Luther) ; Erasmus, as we have seen, undermines the 
 
 *Reuchlin's lectures upon Greek authors, delivered in 1475, at Basle, were probably the 
 first of the kind. Rudolf Agricola, and Erasmus, together with Reuchlin, were the earliest 
 teachers and disseminators of Greek. 
 
 t To Reuchlin's influence alone may we attribute it, that Melancthon went from Tubingen 
 to Wittenberg ; and what he did thereby directly toward the Reformation is incalculable. 
 
Q4 RETROSPECT. 
 
 prestige of the monks by means of ridicule ; and the skirmish of 
 Reuchlin and the Reuchlinists with the Dominicans, raises up a 
 Reformatory host, well drilled for the battle. 
 
 Side by side with this conflict in the church, we have a conflict in 
 the schools likewise, commencing with the restoration of the ancient 
 classics. Petrach and Boccaccio here too, take the lead in this battle 
 of classical learning, with mediaeval scholasticism. But we find in 
 Dante both styles of culture harmoniously united. In exact propor- 
 tion to an advancing sense of the beauty of classical forms, there 
 arises an antipathy to the deformity of scholastic expressions. Many 
 of the Italians become so enamored of the ancients, as to go over to 
 paganism ; and but very few of them bring their linguistic attainments 
 to the interpretation of the Bible. But not so with the Germans. 
 For these press all the knowledge that they have gained from profane 
 writers into the service of the church. Erasmus, by his edition of the 
 New Testament, and Reuchlin by his Hebrew labors, prepare the way 
 for a sounder exegesis. 
 
 Thus, through the study of the original languages of the Bible, 
 scholastic theology, previously tottering, is shivered to its foundation. 
 The monks, however, who have grown up amid its barbarous jargon, 
 struggle in its defense ; nor can they follow the leadings of the new 
 era, even though disposed to do it. They contend likewise for the 
 Mediaeval school books, the " Doctrinal" the " Mammotrectus," 
 etc. And Busch, Caesarius, and others, who are desirous to teach 
 better things in a better way, they drive from city to city. The 
 Dominicans, whose head quarters are at Cologne, are the chief actors 
 in this warfare, against the men of the new school. 
 
 Those who do battle for the old order of things, are called, " theo- 4 
 logians," and " artists ;" the champions of the new culture are styled 
 by their adversaries, "poets," and "jurists." And it is only after the 
 victory of the Reformation in the church that classical learning ob- 
 tains a complete ascendency. Then scholasticism, which after the 
 lapse of centuries has become a caricature, succumbs. 
 
 For the time had at length arrived, when the learned classes were 
 to be freed from the bondage of ungainly, unmeaning, and intangible 
 forms of thought and speech. And how enchanting must the clear- 
 ness and freedom of Greek and Roman thought and imagination, 
 and the splendor of the Greek and Roman languages, have appeared 
 to them after their dark and gloomy imprisonment. Is it to be won- 
 dered at, that in their rapture, they neither knew nor desired any 
 thing higher or nobler than to imitate the classics ? And that it 
 seemed to them as if now for the first time their spiritual eye were 
 opened, their soul awakened to life, and their tongue set free? 
 
RETROSPECT. 95 
 
 And is it any the more to be wondered at, that in the excess of their 
 enthusiasm for the new, they should be unjustly biased against the 
 generations gone by, and should even go so far as to welcome every 
 thing new, if for no other reason, simply because it was new? 
 
 In fact Picus di Mirandola and Erasmus were themselves, as we 
 have seen, not slow to acknowledge that the moderns often rejected 
 the good with the bad, and thrust aside the profoundest speculations, 
 if they did not appear in a Ciceronian dress. 
 
 These exaggerated estimates of the " poets," are the less to be dis- 
 regarded, inasmuch as they left their stamp upon the character of the 
 next succeeding generations. It was of a piece with their exaltation 
 of the ancients, that these men should so generally exchange their 
 honorable German names, for those of Latin or Greek extraction ; in 
 fact, this practice is more significant than at first sight it would appear. 
 Capnio, Melancthon, Sapidus, Brassicanus, Oecolampadius, and the 
 like, are such names. A correspondent of Reuchlin's, who in sooth 
 could not boast of a very euphonious name, it was John Krachen- 
 berger, thus writes in one of his letters : " You will recollect the 
 request that I made you, to invent me a Greek name, which would 
 have a more respectable look at the end of my Latin epistles, than my 
 own, that has the look of barbarism; if you have not yet done it, I 
 beg leave in this place to repeat my request."* 
 
 The name " poets, 1 ' was probably applied to all who were so in 
 love with mere beauty of form, as for its sake to overlook the subject 
 and substance. And really, quite a multitude of the speeches and 
 poems of that day consist solely of choice scraps stitched together, 
 and are pure, unalloyed imitations. Every one who imitated the 
 style of a classical writer with some degree of skill, was compared to 
 such writer. Hence it was that that period was so prolific of epithets, 
 " a second Cicero, a second Flaccus," and the like ; and all faith 
 in the possibility of becoming something better, of being one's self a 
 first, an original, gradually died out.f 
 
 The following citation may be adduced as an extreme instance of 
 this mania for epithets : said Trithemius, of Dalberg; "Among phi- 
 losophers, he was a Plato, among musicians, a Timotheus, among 
 astronomers, a Firmicus, among mathematicians, an Archimedes, 
 
 * From the " Clarorum virorum epistolae ad Reuchlinum :" " There are many barbarous 
 names among you," said Sapidus to his scholars. " These I must Latinize somewhat." 
 
 t Erasmus styled Agricola "a second Maro " Murmellius said of Lange, " Aequiparas 
 Flaccum lyrici modulamine cantus ;" Lange, of Busch, 
 
 " Hinc tua dulcffluo manans elegia leporp. 
 
 A Sulmonensi nee procul ipsa C/ie/y est ;" 
 
 Ulsanius, of Busch, Busch ius antiquis non cedit jure poefis ;" Busch, of Murmlliu 
 "Carmina Murmelli priscis aequanda poetis ;" etc., etc. 
 
96 RETROSPECT. 
 
 among poets, a Virgil, among geographers, a Strabo, among 
 priests, an Augustine, and among the devout, (cultures pietatis,) a 
 Xuma Pompilius." 
 
 When the whole force of a generation is thrown into any new style 
 of culture whatsoever, such abnormal outgrowths and excrescences are 
 always most frequently to be observed. 
 
 In accordance with the demands of the new culture, the schools 
 were metamorphosed. Lange, Hegius, Dringenburg, Busch, Wim- 
 pheling, and others, did every thing to expel the scholastic method of 
 instruction, and to bring in the classical. But these were only the 
 beginnings, and these teachers themselves, grown up under the old 
 methods, were themselves merely beginners. Even the able Rector, 
 Hegius, was compelled to learn from Agricola, the meanings of some 
 of the Greek and Latin words, and to avail himself of Agricola's 
 greater familiarity with syntax. It was only at a later date, and 
 through the instrumentality chiefly of Melanctbon, that the grammai 
 schools received a thorough organization, and were provided with 
 competent teachers and sensible text-books. The first steps toward 
 popular education, were early taken, as we have remarked, by the 
 Hieronymians ; and there were likewise many labors in this field un- 
 dertaken by benevolent individuals ; such for instance, as those of 
 Gerard Zutphen ; but permanent, well-organized popular schools had 
 no existence. These are chiefly the work of Luther ; the German 
 Bible, the shorter German Catechism, those most important school 
 books for the people, as well as spiritual songs in German, both for 
 the church and the school, all these are his work. 
 
MARTIN LUTHER-EDUCATION AND EDUCATIONAL VIEWS. 
 
 Abridged from Life of Luther, by BARNAS SEARS, D. D. 
 
 MARTIN LUTHRB was born in the Electorate of Saxony, at Eisle- 
 ben, in the county of Mansfeld, November 10, 1483 ; but his father, 
 when Martin was six months old, removed to Mansfeld, which be- 
 came henceforward the home of his childhood. He always spoke 
 of himself and of his ancestors as belonging to the peasantry. * I 
 am a peasant's son. My father, my grandfather, and my forefathers 
 were all true peasants. Afterwards my father went to Mansfeld. 
 and became an ore-digger.' Luther's father, after he became a 
 miner, rose by industry and effort from the condition of a peasant 
 to that of a burgher or free citizen. He commenced his career at 
 Mansfeld in penury, but with a force of character that could not 
 leave him in that state. ' My parents,' says Luther, * were, in the 
 beginning, right poor. My father was a poor mine-digger, and my 
 mother did carry her wood on her shoulders ; and after this sort 
 did they support us, their children. They had a sharp, bitter expe- 
 rience of it; no one would do likewise now.'" 
 
 It was not till about seventeen years afterwards, when Luther 
 was a member of the university, that his father had the means of 
 paying the expenses of his education. His honesty, good sense, 
 energy and decision of character won for him the respect of his 
 fellow-citizens. He was open-hearted and frank, and was wont to 
 follow the convictions of his understanding, fearless of conse- 
 quences. His firmness was characterized by severity, sometimes 
 approaching to obstinacy. 
 
 The maiden name of Luther's mother was Margaret Lindemann. 
 She was born at Neustadt, a small town directly south of Eisenach, 
 and west of Gotha. Her father, who had been a burgher there, 
 had removed from that place to Eisenach. It was, no doubt, here 
 that Luther's father formed an acquaintance with her. The circum- 
 stance that three of her brothers were liberally educated would 
 seem to indicate that she belonged to an intelligent family. Melanc- 
 thon says, ' She had many virtues agreeing to her sex ; and was 
 
98 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 especially notable for her chaste conversation, godly fear, and dili- 
 gent prayer, insomuch that other honorable women looked upon 
 her as a model of virtue and honesty.' 
 
 Luther's parents bestowed great care upon his early training. 
 In the strictest sense, he was brought Up in the fear of God, and 
 with reverence for the then existing institutions of religion. The 
 intentions of his parents were of the most laudable character ; the 
 faults of their discipline were those of the age in which they lived. 
 They were highly conscientious, earnest and zealous in the discharge 
 of their parental duties. But the age was one of rudeness and 
 severity, and they themselves had more talent than culture, more 
 force and sternness of character than skill in awakening and foster- 
 ing the generous impulses of childhood. Their discipline was, 
 almost exclusively, one of law and authority. The consequence 
 was, that Martin, instead of feeling at ease and gamboling joyfully 
 in their presence, became timid and shy, and was kept in a state of 
 alarm, which closed up the avenues of his warm and naturally con- 
 fiding heart. * Once,' says he, * did my father beat me so sharply, 
 that I fled away from him, and was angry against him, till, by dili- 
 gent endeavor, he gained me back.' * Once did my mother, for a 
 small nut, beat me till the blood came forth.' 'Their intent and 
 purpose were of the best sort ; but they knew not how to put a 
 difference between dispositions, and to order their discipline ac- 
 cordingly ; for that it should be exercised in a way that the apple 
 might be put with the rod.' 
 
 To this rigid domestic discipline is to be traced, in a measure, 
 his being long subject to sudden alarms, or being harsh and violent 
 when he rose above them. Though in later life he was fully* aware 
 that many errors had been committed in his domestic training ; and 
 though, as he himself says, he tried in vain to remove all the effects 
 of it upon his feelings arid habits, still he found in it much more to 
 approve than to condemn. Alluding to his own case, and that of 
 others of his age, he says : 'Children should not be entreated too 
 tenderly of their parents, but should be forced to order and to sub- 
 mission, as were their parents before them. 1 
 
 The fact that, from' three or four brothers, Martin alone was des- 
 ignated for a liberal education, is sufficient proof that he gave some 
 early indications of talent. It is also evident that the father took 
 a religious view of this subject and desired for his son something 
 higher and better than mere worldly distinction. An early writer 
 states, that he had heard from the relations of Luther at Mansfeld, 
 that the father was often known to pray earnestly at the bedside of 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 99 
 
 his son, that God would bless him and make him useful. Mathesius 
 says that Luther's father, not only for his own gratification, but 
 especially for the benefit of his son, frequently invited the clergy- 
 men and school-teachers of the place to his house. Thus were 
 domestic influences brought in aid, in every suitable way, to form 
 a taste for moral and intellectual culture. 
 
 Mansfeld was situated in a narrow valley along the brook Thai- 
 bach, skirted by hills on both sides. From that part of the town 
 where Luther's father resided, it was some distance to the school- 
 house, which was situated on a hill. The house is still standing, 
 and the first story of it remains unaltered. One writer says (on 
 what authority we do not know), that Luther commenced going to 
 school at the age of seven. Certainly he was so young that he was 
 carried thither by older persons. When forty-four years old, two 
 years before his death, he wrote on the blank leaf in the Bible of 
 Nicholas Oemler, who had married one of his sisters, the twenty- 
 fourth verse of the 14th chapter of John, and under it: 'To my 
 good old friend, Nicholas Oernler, who more than once did carry 
 me in his arms to school and back again, when I was a small lad, 
 neither of us then knowing that one brother-in-law was carrying 
 another in his arms.' In this school, though its teachers were fre- 
 quently guests at his father's house, he was brought under a much 
 harsher discipline than he had been subject to at home. It was 
 not without allusion to his own experience, that he afterwards speaks 
 of a class of teachers, * who hurt noble minds by their vehement 
 storming, beating and pounding, wherein they treat children as a 
 jailor doth convicts.' He somewhere says, that he was once flogged 
 fifteen times in a single forenoon at school. Again, he say's, 'I have 
 seen, when I was a boy, divers teachers who found their pleasure in 
 beating their pupils.' ' The schools were purgatories, and the teach- 
 ers were tyrants and task-masters.' 
 
 The injurious manner in which such treatment acted upon his 
 fears is illustrated by an anecdote related by Luther in bis Commen- 
 tary on Genesis. ' When I was a lad, I was wont to go out with 
 my companions begging food for our sustentation while we were at 
 the school. At Christmas, during divine service, we went around 
 among the small villages, singing from house to house, in four parts, 
 as we were wont, the hymn on the child Jesus born at Bethlehem. 
 We came by chance before the hut of a peasant who lived apart at 
 the end of the village ; and when he heard us singing, he came out, 
 and after the coarse and harsh manner of the peasants, said, 
 'Where are you, boys?' at the same time bringing us a few saus- 
 
100 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 ages in his hand. But we were so terrified at these words, that we 
 all scampered off, though we knew no good reason why, save that 
 from the daily threats and tyranny practiced by the teachers toward 
 their pupils at that time, we had learned to be timid.' This inci- 
 dent, which has commonly been referred to the time when Luther 
 was at Magdeburg, probably belongs to the period of his earlier 
 childhood at Mansfeld. For it was when he was ' a small boy,' and 
 was under severe teachers, which seems not to have been the case 
 except at Mansfeld. The circumstance that Luther was then living 
 at his father's house, will be no objection, if we consider the cus- 
 toms of the times and the poverty of the family at that early 
 period. We are elsewhere informed that Luther was then accus- 
 tomed to attend funeral processions as a singer, for which he re- 
 ceived a groschen (about three cents), each time. 
 
 The school at Mansfeld, at that time, was taught by one master, 
 assisted by two members of the church choir, that is, two theologi- 
 cal students, who, for a small stipend, attended on the daily services 
 of the church. Here it becomes necessary to describe the charac- 
 ter of the lower schools of Germany at the close of the fifteenth 
 century. They were called ' trivial schools,' because originally the 
 first three of the seven liberal arts, namely, grammar, rhetoric, and 
 logic, were taught in them. 
 
 At this time, however, and particularly at Mansfeld, a little monk- 
 ish Latin, the pieces of music commonly sung at church, and the 
 elements of arithmetic, constituted the studies of the lower schools. 
 These schools were all taught by a master, assisted by theological 
 students and candidates for some of the lower clerical offices. But 
 as nearly .all the offices of state at that time were in the hands of 
 the clergy, there was a general rush to the schools on the part of 
 all who were seeking to rise above the common walks of life. The 
 great mass of the youth were wholly destitute of education. All 
 the others, except a few from the sons of the rich, went through a 
 clerical or ecclesiastical course of instruction. No matter to what 
 offices they were aspiring, t;hey must study under the direction of 
 the church and under the tuition of monks and priests, or candi- 
 dates for the priestly office. 
 
 The arrangements of the schools were these : The teachers, and 
 the pupils who were from abroad, occupied large buildings with 
 gloomy cells. A sombre monastic dress distinguished them both 
 from other persons. A large portion of the forenoon of each day 
 was devoted to the church. At high mass all must be present. 
 The boys were educated to perform church ceremonies, while but 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 1 (j [ 
 
 little attention was given to what is now commonly taught in 
 schools. The assistant teacher, candidates for the clerical office, 
 generally taught a few hours in the day, and performed, at the same 
 time, some daily inferior church service, for both of which they 
 received but a trifling reward. 
 
 Thus the schools were but a part and parcel of the church. The 
 assistants were commonly taken from those strolling young men 
 who infested the country, going from place to place either as 
 advanced students, and changing their place at pleasure, or seeking 
 some subordinate employment in the schools or in the church. 
 When they failed to find employ, they resorted to begging, and 
 even to theft, to provide for their subsistence. The older students 
 would generally seek out each a young boy as his ward, and initiate 
 him into the mysteries of this vagrant mode of life, receiving in 
 turn his services in begging articles of food, and in performing 
 other menial offices. 
 
 We have a living picture of the manners and habits which pre- 
 vailed in these schools, in the autobiography of Thomas Platter,* a 
 contemporary of Luther and a native of Switzerland. 
 
 'At that time,' that is, in his tenth year, he says in his biography, 'came a 
 cousin of mine, who had been at the schools [to become a priest] in Ulm and 
 Munich in Bavaria. My friends spake to him of me, and he promised to take 
 me with him to the schools in Germany : for I had learned of the village priest 
 to sing a few of the church hymns. When Paul (for that was my cousin's 
 name) was ready to go on his way, my uncle gave me a gulden [sixty-three 
 cents], which I put into the hands of Paul. I must promise that I would do 
 the begging, and give what I got to him, my bacchant (protector), for his dis- 
 posal. We journeyed to Zurich, where Paul would wait till he should be joined 
 by some companions. Then we determined to set out for Misnia [in the pres- 
 ent kingdom of Saxony]. Meanwhile I went a-begging, and thus furnished 
 the sustentation of Paul. After tarrying eight or nine weeks, we left Zurich 
 and went on our way to Misnia, in a company of eight, whereof three of us 
 were young schutze [wards] ; the rest were large bacchantes, as they are 
 called. Of all the wards I was the youngest. When I was so weary that I 
 could hardly go, my cousin Paul would go behind me and scourge me on my 
 bare legs, for I had no hose and only poor shoes. While on the way, I heard 
 the bacchantes tell how that in Misnia and Silesia the scholars were wont to 
 steal geese and ducks and other things for food, and that no other notice was 
 taken thereof, if one could but only escape from the owners. Then said I to 
 my companions, ' When shall we come to Misnia, where I may go out stealing 
 geese?' They replied, 'We are already there.' .... We went to Halle, 
 in Saxony, and there we joined ourselves to the school of St. Ulrich. But as 
 our bacchantes entreated us roughly, some of us communed on the matter with 
 my cousin Paul, and we agreed together that we would run away from them, 
 and depart to Dresden. Here we found no good school, and the houses, more- 
 over, were infested with vermin. Wherefore we went from that place to Bres- 
 lau. We suffered much in the way from hunger, having on certain days noth- 
 ing to eat but raw onions with salt. We slept oftentimes in the open air, 
 because we could not get an entrance into the houses, but were driven off. and 
 sometimes the dogs were set upon us. When we came to Breslau we found 
 abundant stores, and food was so cheap that some of our company surfeited 
 
 * Barnard's American Journal of Education, V., p. 79. 
 
102 MAllTIN LUTHER. 
 
 themselves and fell sick. "We went at the first into the school at the dome 
 [cathedral] of the Holy Cross ; but learning that there were some Switzer 
 youth in the parish of St. Elizabeth, we removed thither. The city of Breslau 
 hath seven parishes, with a school in each. No scholar is suffered to go around 
 singing in another parish; and if any one taketh upon him to do so, he getteth 
 a round beating. Sometimes, it is said, sundry thousands of scholars are found 
 in Breslau, wfeo get their living by begging. Some bacchantes abide in the 
 schools twenty and even thirty years, having their sustentation from what their 
 wards beg. I have oftentimes borne five or six loads home to the school the 
 selfsame evening for my bacchantes ; for being small, and a Switzer besides, I 
 was kindly received by the people, ... In the winter, the small boys were 
 wont to sleep on the floor of the school-house, the bacchantes in the mean 
 season sleeping in the cells, whereof there are not a few hundreds at the school 
 of St. Elizabeth. In the warm parts of the year, we were wont to lie on the 
 ground in the churchyard ; and when it rained, to run into the school-house, 
 and if it stormed vehemently to sing responses and other pieces the whole 
 night long with the sub-chanter. Ofttimes after supper, in the summer even- 
 ings, did we go into the beer-houses to buy beer, and sometimes would drink 
 so much that we could not find our way back. To be short, there was plenty 
 of food, but not much studying here. At St. Elizabeth's, nine bachelors did 
 teach every day, one hour each in the selfsame room. The Greek tongue was 
 not studied at all. No printed ,books did the students have of their own. The 
 preceptor alone had an imprinted Terence. What should be read was at the 
 first dictated and copied, and then construed and explicated, so that the bac- 
 chantes bore away great heaps of manuscripts.' 
 
 It was from such strolling bacchantes, as are portrayed to the life 
 by Platter, that the assistant teachers were taken, who assumed the 
 name of locati (located or settled), when they obtained a place. 
 Their education consisted of a knowledge of the church service, of 
 church music, of a little Latin, and of writing and arithmetic. 
 Their character corresponded to that of the church at large in that 
 rude and licentious age. They were, for the most part, mere adven- 
 turers and vagabonds, neither loving nor understanding the art of 
 teaching any better than they did the nature of true religion, whose 
 servants they professed to be. They remained but a short time in 
 a place, never pretended to study the character and disposition of 
 their pupils, taught mechanically, and ruled not by affection but by 
 brute and brutal force. The greater part of what they taught was 
 nearly useless. Study was a mere exercise of the memory. 
 
 The school at Mansfeld was no exception to the general character 
 of the schools in the smaller towns at that time. We are not left 
 to conjecture whether Luther was familiar with such scenes as have 
 been alluded to. Speaking, at a later period of life, on the duty of 
 maintaining good public schools, he says, somewhat indignantly : 
 ' Such towns as will not have good teachers, now that they can be 
 gotten, ought, as formerly, to have locati and bacchantes, stupid 
 asses, who cost money enough, and yet teach their pupils nothing 
 save to become asses like themselves.' * Not a single branch of 
 study,' says he, in another place, * was at that time taught as it 
 should be.' Referring to their brutality, he says, * When they could 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. }Q3 
 
 not vent their spleen against the higher teachers, they would pour 
 it out upon the poor boys.' 
 
 In respect to the studies of Luther at Mansfeld, which continued 
 up to his fourteenth year, Mathesius, his intimate friend, says he 
 learned there 'his Ten Commandments, the Apostles' Creed, the 
 Lord's Prayer, Donatus, the Child's Grammar, Cisio Janus, and 
 church music.' Donatus was to Latin grammar of the middle ages 
 what Murray has been to English- grammar. Cisio Janus are the 
 first words of a church calendar in monkish Latin verse, made up 
 of mutilated words, cisio, standing for circumcisio (circumcision). 
 Next to monastic works, Terence and Plautus, the two Roman come- 
 dians, were most studied, as they furnished the readiest means of 
 learning the colloquial Latin, so important to the clergy at that 
 time. 
 
 Luther laments that he had not, in those schools which he attend- 
 ed in his boyhood, ' read the poets and historians, which no one 
 taught him? instead of which he i learned with great labor what 
 with equal labor he now had to unlearn.' * Is it not plain,' he some- 
 where says, * that one can now teach a boy in three years, by the 
 time he is fifteen or eighteen years old, more than was aforetime 
 learned in all the universities and cloisters? Twenty, yea forty 
 years have men studied, and yet known neither Latin nor German, 
 not to mention the scandalous lives which the youth there learned 
 to lead.' ' It was pitiful enough for a boy to spend many years 
 only to learn bad Latin sufficient for becoming a priest and for say- 
 ing mass, and then be pronounced happy, and happy, too, the 
 mother who bore him.' * And he is still a poor ignorant creature 
 can neither cluck nor lay eggs ; and yet such are the teachers which 
 we have everywhere had.' 
 
 Luther was educated under that peculiar type of religion which 
 prevailed in Thuringia. Here it was that Boniface, the Apostle of 
 Germany, in the eighth century, with other missionaries from the 
 British Islands, carried on their most important operations for evan- 
 gelizing Germany, founding there the Papal church, and thus cor- 
 rupting Christianity at its very introduction. Here was the great 
 cloister of Fulda, the chief seminary of sacred learning, and the 
 centre of religious influence for the surrounding country. It was 
 in Thuringia that St. Elizabeth, the Thuringian landgravine, whose 
 memory lived in popular legends till Luther's times, and who was a 
 favorite saint with him, was the embodiment of the religious spirit 
 of the people, a spirit of deep sincerity united with childish sim- 
 plicity and superstition. The Thuringians are proverbially an hon- 
 
JQ^ MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 est and simple-hearted people. Luther's mother appears to have 
 been of this character; possessing, perhaps, more earnestness in 
 matters of religion, than others. His father was also a genuine 
 Thurinarian of the better sort. 
 
 & 
 
 Either because Luther sympathized more readily with the warm 
 and credulous piety of the mother than with the more sober and 
 discriminating piety of the father, or because he was, in early life, 
 more under the influence of the former and of priests and monks 
 who strengthened her influence, he eagerly imbibed the popular 
 religious sentiments of his neighborhood. At .Mansfeld, in partic- 
 ular, the religious views here described prevailed. As late as 1507, 
 one of the counts of Mansfeld made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 
 Two countesses of the same family were in the nunnery at Eisle- 
 ben during nearly all the period that Luther remained at home with 
 his parents. The cloister of Mansfeld, about two miles east of the 
 town, was supposed to be the scene of several miracles wrought by 
 St. Elizabeth, with all of which Luther was necessarily very familiar 
 in his boyhood. 
 
 The account of the Papal church in Thuringia, given by Myco- 
 nius, who was preacher at Gotha, perfectly agrees with what has 
 here been said on other authorities, as do also the many incidental 
 notices of it by Luther in his writings. There can be no doubt, 
 therefore, that we have before us a true description of the religious 
 influence under which Luther spent his childhood. We also know 
 that his susceptible mind yielded itself like wax to receive the im- 
 pressions which his mother and his religious teachers attempted to 
 make. The unsuspecting and confiding simplicity of his character 
 must be constantly borne in mind, if we would rightly interpret 
 his actions and understand his history. 
 
 Of a part of his religious education, he afterwards speaks with 
 approbation ; but of the rest, far otherwise. These are his words : 
 * In the house or church of the pope was I baptized ; and there did 
 I learn the catechism and the Bible. ... I will hold my father's 
 house in great honor, and fall prostrate before it, if it will but leave 
 me my Christ and my conscience without a burden.' * I can not 
 set forth in a better or simpler way what one should believe, do, 
 leave -undone, or know in religion, than hath been done from the 
 beginning in these three pieces, to wit, the ten commandments, the 
 creed, and the Lord's prayer. . . . But these ought not to be 
 taught as they were in time past, by making them stick only in the 
 memory.' 
 
 When Luther was a boy, the common belief in witches was at 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. JQ5 
 
 its height. Of the very celebrated work entitled 'The Maul for 
 Witches ' (Malleus Maleficarum), teaching priests and magistrates 
 what rules to observe in their proceedings against witches, and cir- 
 culated with both the papal and imperial sanction, three editions 
 were printed while Luther was a boy, and was in his father's house 
 at Mansfeld. He tells a story of a witch that lived near by, and 
 used to trouble his mother very much ; another, of an attempt of 
 the devil, in human form, to separate husband and wife ; and another 
 still, of an instance where the devil actually entered the pulpit and 
 preached for a minister. Some of these stories he seems to believe, 
 others he ridicules. ' I myself,' he observes, * have seen monks, 
 shameless and wicked fellows, who feigned to cast out the devil, 
 and then to sport with him as with a child. Who can recount all 
 their crafty tricks done in the name of Christ, of the Virgin Mary, 
 of the holy cross, of St. Cyriac ?' 
 
 Though Luther afterwards became much more enlightened on 
 these subjects, still the superstitions in which he was educated in 
 his childhood clung to him to the last. No one is ignorant of the 
 story of his inkstand thrown at the devil in his cell in Erfurt. 
 Though it may be an apocryphal story, it still is a true illustration 
 of the character of Luther. We find him afterward holding such 
 language as the following: 'The devil is all about us, though he 
 often putteth on a mask. I myself have seen that he sometimes 
 appeareth as if he were a swine, and sometimes as a burning wisp 
 of straw.' 'The devil often beguileth the outward senses, so that 
 men think something taketh place before them which doth not, . . . 
 as was the case in Hesse with the child that, when it was not dead, 
 the devil so blinded the eyes of the people that they thought it to 
 be dead. The devil held the child's breath, as he hath power to do.' 
 
 That Luther in his boyhood, was thoroughly initiated into the 
 tastes, manners and habits of the miners, is certain. This might 
 be inferred from the fact of his being a miner's son and living at 
 Mansfeld ; but we have statements in respect to his maturer life 
 which can be explained on no other supposition. He always treat- 
 ed miners with particular attention. He was familiar with all their 
 habits and even their amusements ; he knew their songs and their 
 plays, and could, through life, entertain them as few others could. 
 Mathesius, in one of his discourses on Luther's life, says : 
 
 ' To-day let us hear about Luther's love and affection for mining and to 
 miners.' The council of Wittenberg had a festival which lasted several days. 
 Luther was invited to attend. But as he had been the means of doing away 
 several Catholic festivals on account of the excesses committed at them, he 
 thought it imprudent to attend, and therefore declined the invitation. The 
 young people, according to ancient custom, went about the streets in masks, 
 
106 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 and sought admittance to the houses of the citizens. 'At one time,' continues 
 Mathesius, ' some of them came to Luther's house or cloister. But, to avoid 
 offense and scandal, he did not admit them into his house. Albeit, at length, 
 a company, disguised as miners, came along, with their mining hammers, and a 
 chess-board for their amusement. ' Let them come in,' said Luther, ' they are 
 my countrymen, and the fellow-workmen of my father. Since they pass whole 
 weeks under ground in a damp atmosphere and amid impure exhalations, we 
 must allow them proper recreation.' They came, placed their chess-board up- 
 on his table, and he joined them. 'Now, miners,' said he, 'whosoever will go 
 into this or other deep shafts and come out unharmed, or not close up the pas- 
 sage with refuse, must, as the saying is, not have his eyes in his pocket.' Luther 
 easily won the game; and they all remained, and, under due restraint, indulged 
 in merriment, singing and frolicking, as our doctor was inclined to be sportive 
 at proper times, and was not displeased when he saw the young playful and 
 merry, if it was but with propriety and moderation.' 
 
 Luther was the son of a peasant, that is, of a poor miner who 
 sprung from the peasantry. How did this circumstance affect his 
 character ? It had more effect upon his language, habits and asso- 
 ciations than upon his sentiments and subsequent standing in soci- 
 ety. For as his father became a burgher and magistrate, and as he 
 himself was a man of education, he came to regard society from a 
 higher point of view. But born and bred as he was, he was never 
 adapted to court-life. He always appeared uneasy when speaking 
 or writing to princes or nobles, not out of fear, but from a con- 
 sciousness that he was not familiar with the modes of intercourse 
 and of address customary among them. His language, though un- 
 commonly rich and varied, and sparkling with sense and wit, was 
 often homely. His illustrations were often drawn from common 
 and low life. A vein of slight vulgarity, as well as drollery, per- 
 vades all his writings. His pungent wit, his creative genius, and 
 his sterling sense follow him everywhere. He was the man of the 
 people, knowing all their thoughts and feelings, and employing all 
 their words and expressions in his magnificent, but still rude elo- 
 quence. 
 
 But from the flower of his youth, through life, Luther was asso- 
 ciated with burghers and attached to them, the middling class, 
 between the nobles and the peasants, the mercantile, enterprising, 
 patriotic inhabitants of the larger towns and cities. To this class 
 he was introduced, partly by his father's later connections and 
 partly by his own cultivated practical sense and his hearty devoted- 
 ness to the good of all the people. He was never fond of princes 
 and nobles ; nor, on the other hand, of the sottish, blind, and dis- 
 orderly peasantry. In all his writings, he treats both classes, a few 
 individuals excepted, somewhat roughly. He did not depend on 
 either for carrying forward the Reformation, but addressed himself 
 more immediately to the magistrates and free denizens. He wished 
 neither the authority of kings nor the violence of peasants to be 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 107 
 
 brought to his aid, but preferred that these, no less than the mid- 
 dling classes, should be controlled by intelligence and virtue. He 
 uniformly checked the two former, while he directed, stimulated 
 and supported the latter. 
 
 His position as a man of education, always practical, led to the 
 same result. Learning with him was not, as with so many others, 
 a matter of profession, but a source of practical wisdom. He en- 
 couraged and sympathized with men of classical learning only so 
 far as they aided in explaining the Scriptures and in enlightening 
 the people. He wrote more and better in the language of the 
 people than in the language of the learned. This circumstance 
 strengthened his alliance with intelligent, active and patriotic men. 
 Thus, when he came to act the part of a reformer, he occupied the 
 central ground of society, the point where extremes meet and oppo- 
 site influences neutralize each other. 
 
 With this agreed his geographical position. Thuringia is the 
 most German of all the German districts. It belonged to no sec- 
 tion, but was the middle portion, often holding the balance of power. 
 In the Middle Ages, it was neither the scholastic south, nor the 
 barbarous north, but the enlightened, sober, practical district of 
 Erfurt, and yet the chivalrous vicinity of the Wartburg, renowned 
 in arms and in song. In language, too, it was near the northern 
 verge of the high German, and consequently not far south of the line 
 beyond which the low German was spoken. Had Luther lived 
 either north or south of Thuringia and Saxony, he could not have 
 molded the national language as he has done ; nor have found the 
 wide-spread sympathy which he did find ; nor have acted from the 
 heart of the nation out to all its extremities. 
 
 Luther had now reached his fourteenth year, when the ordinary 
 or trivial school of Mansfeld no longer met his wants. Hard as 
 his life had thus far been, a harder lot awaited him. He was to 
 leave the paternal roof, and go forth, young and inexperienced, to 
 ,try his fortune among strangers. Without money and without 
 friends, he was to commit himself to the charities of mendicant 
 monks and of the people of a great ecclesiastical metropolis. He 
 did not, however, take his departure entirely alone. He was sent 
 in company, or, as Mathesius intimates, under the care of John 
 Reineck, a fellow-student of more experience, the son of a respect- 
 able citizen of Mansfeld. This friendship, formed at the school, 
 lasted through life ; and it was this same person who accompanied 
 Luther in his journey to the diet of Worms. Luther in his corres- 
 pondence calls him ' one of his best friends,' and the letter of Me- 
 
108 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 lancthon to him and to his distinguished son, educated at Witten- 
 berg, breathe the warmest friendship. Virtuous and choice friend- 
 ships formed in early life are often of far greater importance than 
 the young are apt to suppose. 
 
 Melancthon says, the * Latin schools of Saxony were then in good 
 repute,' and Mathesins says, ' the school at Magdeburg was more 
 celebrated than many others.' Not far from the south gate of the city 
 was the school of the Brethren of the Life in Common. Near this 
 was the celebrated cathedral school, and in the north-west part of 
 the town, the school of the Franciscan monks. It was to the Fran- 
 ciscan school that Luther and his friend are said to have resorted. 
 As this is the only monastic school which he attended in his boy- 
 hood, we must suppose that he had this particularly in mind when 
 he afterward wrote on the subject. In 1497, then, two boys, the one 
 quite young and indigent, the other older and in better circumstances, 
 left their home in a romantic town on the border of the Hartz Moun- 
 tains, and journeyed on foot, north, about fifty miles, through a rich 
 and level country to the large and fortified city of Magdeburg, then 
 under the civil rule of the archbishop and the place of his residence. 
 The direct road would lead them to the west of Hettstedt (the last 
 considerable town in the county of Mansfeld), to Aschersleben, at 
 which point the mountains and forests begin to disappear, to Egeln, 
 beyond the territory of Halberstadt, and within that of Magdeburg, 
 and thence to the place of their destination. The mode of travel 
 was probably not very different from that described by Platter 
 above. 
 
 The Franciscans wore a gray robe with black scapularies, and 
 were especially employed in attending on the sick, and in the burial 
 of the dead. The boy, in whose heart was a sealed fountain of 
 fervent and joyous passion, found nothing under his new masters 
 and in his new mode of life to satisfy his internal wants. The few 
 incidents which he records, from his recollections of this period, are 
 strikingly characteristic of the order, and indeed of the church at 
 large. * I have seen,' says he, ' with these eyes, in my fourteenth 
 year, when I was at school in Magdeburg, a Prince of Anhalt, 
 brother of Adolphus, Bishop of Merseburg, going about the streets 
 in a cowl, begging bread with a sack upon his shoulders, like a 
 beast of burden, insomuch that he stooped to the ground. . . He 
 had fasted and watched and mortified his flesh till he appeared like to 
 an image of death, with only skin and bones, and died soon after.' 
 
 He speaks of a painting, symbolical of the sentiments entertained 
 by the church, seen by him about this time, and leaving a deep 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. JQQ 
 
 impression upon his mind. 'A great ship was painted, likening the 
 church, wherein there was no layman, not even a king or prince. 
 There was none but the pope with his cardinals and bishops in the 
 prow, with the Holy Ghost hovering over them ; the priests and 
 monks with their oars at the side ; and thus they were sailing on 
 heavenward. The laymen were swimming along in the water 
 around the ship. Some of them were drowning ; some were draw- 
 ing themselves up to the ship by means of ropes, which the monks, 
 moved by pity, and making over their own good works, did cast 
 out to them, to keep them from drowning, and to enable them to 
 cleave to the vessel, and go with the others to heaven. There was 
 no pope, nor cardinal, nor bishop, nor priest, nor monk in the water, 
 but laymen only. This painting was an index and summary of 
 their doctrine. ... I was once one of them, and helped teach 
 such things, believing them and knowing no better.' 
 
 We know but little of this Franciscan school, and of Luther's 
 residence there, except that in the mode of instruction there was 
 no material improvement upon that which he had received at Mans- 
 feld. So great were the privations and sufferings of young Luther 
 at Magdeburg, that it was decided by his father that he should 
 remove to Eisenach, where his maternal grandparents and other 
 relatives resided, and where also there was a good Latin school. It 
 was hoped that he would here be so far provided for as to be 
 relieved from pressing want. But parents, who themselves were 
 familiar with hardships, would expect that their son should be ex- 
 posed to them also. 
 
 We can easily imagine with what different feelings the boy per- 
 formed the journey home, from those with which he passed over 
 the same ground when he first went abroad into the wide world. 
 After indulging in the exquisite pleasures of home as they are felt 
 by a boy on returning from his first absence for Mansfeld was 
 directly on the way to Eisenach he must have gone forth with 
 moderated and yet pleasing expectations. Moderated, because he 
 had taken one sad lesson in the knowledge of the world ; and 
 pleasing, because he was about to go, not among utter strangers, 
 but among the kindred of his mother. What strange emotions 
 would have filled the breast of the boy, had he then had a prophetic 
 vision of the tragic events that should take place a quarter of a 
 century after, in the places through which he was now to pass ! 
 About twenty miles on his way from Mansfeld, he might see All- 
 stedt, where Muncer was to become the leader in the bloody Peas- 
 ants' War. To the west is seen the river Helme, on whose beautiful 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 banks is situated the Golden Meadow (Goldene Aue), extending 
 more than thirty miles to the neighborhood of Nordhausen.* 
 
 At a distance of about sixteen miles from Allstedt is Franken- 
 hausen, where the decisive battle was fought, May 5, 1525, and 
 Muncer and his party completely routed. Still farther on, toward 
 Eisenach, lies Miihlhausen, which was the headquarters of Muncer's 
 army. Eisenach lies about twenty miles south of Miihlhausen. 
 Between these two places is one of the largest of the five ranges of 
 hills, which it is necessary to cross in taking this route. Just 
 before reaching Eisenach we cross the most southerly range. As 
 one enters the town from the north, he looks down upon it, and 
 sees it lying before him in a valley, under the castle of Wartburg 
 towering on the right. 
 
 Next to Wittenberg and Erfurt, this is the place richest in histor- 
 ical recollections in respect to Luther. Here he found the end of 
 his sorrows arising from poverty. Here he first found sympathizing 
 and skillful teachers, under whose influence he acquired a love of 
 learning. Here his musical talent, his taste and imagination were 
 first developed, throwing their cheerful serenity over his sorrowful 
 and beclouded mind. Here, too, he subsequently lived in his Pat- 
 inos, or desert, as he playfully termed the Castle of Wartburg, in the 
 character of Squire George, and passed his time sometimes in the 
 chase on the mountains, but mostly in translating the New Testament. 
 
 There were in Eisenach at this time three churches, to which 
 were attached as many parochial schools. Only one of these, how- 
 ever, was a Latin school ; and that was at the church of St. George, 
 a little east of the center of the town. The name of the head 
 master was Trebonius, the first skillful teacher under whose care 
 Luther came, and to whom he felt a personal attachment. Though 
 
 * This tract of enchanted land extends nearly the whole distance from Naumburg to Nordhau- 
 sen. Memleben, on the Unstrut, about ten miles south of Allstedt, was the favorite residence of 
 the German emperors of the Suxon line. Here Matilda, royal consort of Henry the First, found- 
 ed a nunnery. Here, probably, Henry the Fowler was busying himself with his falcons when it 
 was announced to him that he^ was chosen emperor; and here, too, he breathed his last Here 
 his son Otto, the First, on his way (o the diet of Merseburg, passed the season of Lent, and died 
 immediately after the services. A little farther up the river, and on the opposite side is Rossle- 
 ben. Here was an ancient nunnery, afterward converted into an excellent cloister-school or gym- 
 nasium, in which Ernesti, Von Thiitmnel and other eminent men received their elementary edu- 
 cation. Passing another cloister-school, we come to the junction of the Helme and Unstrut. South 
 is to be seen the Palace of Heldrungen, and on the summit the ruins of Sachsenburg. Ascending 
 the Helme, west of Allstedt, we come to Wallhausen, where Otto the Great built a palace and 
 often resided, as did his son after him. In this vicinity the German emperors loved to pass their 
 time. A little farther on, beyond Tilledn, another royal residence, to the left of the Golden 
 Meadow, rises KyrThausen with Frederic's tower. There are many legends respecting Frederic 
 Barbarossa and this castle. It was here that Henry the Sixth and Henry the Lion became recon- 
 ciled to each other, and checked for a time the feuds between Guelf and Ghibiline. West of this 
 is the peak of Rothenberg, with another tower, whose history runs back to pagan times. 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. m 
 
 he did not belong to the new school of classical scholars trained in 
 Italy, his Latin was much purer than that of the monks and priests 
 generally. His personal character, too, though perhaps a little 
 eccentric, was such as to win the love of his pupils. In coming 
 before them, he used to take off his hat and bow to them, and 
 complained that his assistants were disinclined to do likewise. He 
 said, with truth, and with a sense of responsibility which showed 
 that he understood the true dignity of his office, ' among these 
 boys are burgomasters, chancellors, doctors, and magistrates/ 
 Though he is called a poet, that is a writer of Latin verses, we 
 must remember that this was a trivial school, and that but little 
 more than Latin hymns and prayers were read ; and that it excelled 
 other schools only by having a better method, by employing in 
 conversation a purer Latin, and by having exercises in Latin verse. 
 It is a mistake to suppose that Luther studied Greek here, or even 
 such Latin authors as Cicero, Virgil and Livy. He commenced the 
 study of the latter in Erfurt, and the former at a much later period 
 in Wittenberg, as professor. The following is Melancthon's account 
 of Luther's studies at Eisenach : ' After leaving Magdeburg, he 
 attended in the school at Eisenach four years on the instructions 
 of a teacher who taught him grammar (Latin) better than it was 
 elsewhere taught. For I remember how Luther commended his 
 talents. He was sent thither because his mother was descended 
 from an honorable and ancient family of that town. Here he 
 became master of grammar ; and because of his superior under- 
 standing and natural aptitude for eloquence, he made more pro- 
 ficiency, and easily excelled his fellow-pupils, both in his powers of 
 speech and in writing prose and verse.' Here is the first intimation 
 we have of the manifestation of those remarkable powers which 
 distinguished him in after life. His teacher undoubtedly knew how 
 to draw out of him what had hitherto been suffered to lie dormant. 
 Luther, who had been driven from Magdeburg by poverty, 
 removed to Eisenach in hopes of sympathy and support from his 
 relatives in that place. In this his hopes were disappointed. He 
 was still compelled to beg his bread, singing in a choir from door to 
 door. His sufferings appear to have been even greater here than in 
 Magdeburg. No doubt, the early indigence of Luther, and the 
 fact of his feeling that he was thrown back upon his own resources, 
 contributed to the strength of his character. He probably had his 
 own case in view when he said, ' The young should learn especially 
 to endure suffering and want ; for such suffering doth them no harm. 
 It doth more harm for one to prosper without toil than it doth to 
 
X12 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 endure suffering.' 'It is God's way, of beggars to make men of 
 power, just as he made the world out of nothing. Look upon the 
 courts of kings and princes, upon cities and parishes. You will 
 there find jurists, doctors, counsellors, secretaries and preachers, 
 who were commonly poor, and alway such as have been students, 
 and have risen and flown so high through the quill, that they are 
 become lords.' ' I have been a beggar of crumbs, and have taken 
 my bread at the door, especially at Eisenach, my favorite town, 
 although afterwards my dear father with all love and fidelity sus- 
 tained me at school in Erfurt, and by his sweat and hard labor 
 helped me to that whereunto I have attained. Nevertheless I have 
 been a beggar of bread, and have prospered so far forth with the 
 pen, that I would not exchange my art for all the wealth of the 
 Turkish empire. Nay, I would not exchange it for all the wealth 
 of the world many times over. And yet I should not have attained 
 thereunto, had I not gone to school, and given myself to the busi- 
 ness of writing. Therefore doubt not to put your boy to study ; 
 and if he must needs beg his bread, you nevertheless give unto 
 God a noble piece of timber whereof he will carve a great man. 
 So it must always be ; your son and mine, that is, the children of 
 the common people, must govern the world both in the church and 
 in the commonwealth.' 
 
 One day, as he and his companions were passing through St. 
 George street, not far from the school, their carols were unheeded, 
 and, at three successive houses, the customary charity was withheld. 
 With heavy hearts they passed on to Conrad Cotta's house, where 
 they often received tokens of friendly regard. Madam Gotta had 
 conceived an affection for young Luther, from the musical talents 
 which he had displayed, and from the earnestness of his devotions 
 at church. She invited him in, gave to him liberally, and after- 
 wards received him into her house. Though probably not a rela- 
 tive of his, as some writers would have us believe, he constantly 
 called her his hostess, she treated him as a son, and gave him 
 support till he went to the university. It is pleasant to know that 
 though Madam Ursula Cotto herself died in 1511, Luther, after 
 arriving at an eminence hardly second to that of any man of the 
 age, remembered the debt of gratitude, and in the years 1541 and 
 1542, only a few years before his death, received Henry Gotta, Ursu- 
 la's son, into his house in turn, and this act of kindness towards 
 him as a student at Wittenberg is mentioned in Cotta's epitaph at 
 Eisenach, where he died as burgomaster. 
 
 The influence of this connection upon Luther's mind could hardly 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. ]J3 
 
 be otherwise than favorable. Both his heart and his intellect were 
 rendered dark and gloomy by the exclusively monastic character of 
 his training. The path of his life thus far had been cheerless. 
 Even the music which he loved, and in which he indulged, was 
 mostly pensive. Domestic life he had been taught to regard as 
 impure and sinful ; and to the pleasures of a cheerful home of his 
 own he was forbidden, by his monastic superstition, to look. 
 ' When I was a boy,' he afterwards said, ' I imagined I could not 
 think of the married state without sin.' In the family of Cotta, 
 he acquired other and more correct views of life. Here he became 
 sensible to the charms of refined society. Not only were the gen- 
 erous affections strengthened by exercise, but the taste was cultiva- 
 ted in that family circle. The perversions of the monastic morality 
 were somewhat checked, though not fully exposed and corrected. 
 Madam Cotta vindicated the dignity and sancity of married life, 
 and taught Luther that his preconceived notions on this subject 
 were false. * My hostess at Eisenach,' he remarked, ' said truly, 
 when I was there at school, ' There is not on earth any thing more 
 lovely than an affection for females (conjugal affection) when it is 
 in the fear of God.' 
 
 It was here that Luther learned to play on the flute. Some affirm 
 that he at this time also learned to compose music and to touch the 
 lute. Though he speaks of his voice as ' slender and indistinct,' he 
 had in reality a fine alto voice, and Melancthon says, 'it could be 
 heard at a great distance.' 
 
 Beneficial as were these gentle and bland influences, and winning 
 and inspiring as were the instructions of the head-master of the 
 school, Eisenach itself was a priestly town, or, as the writers of that 
 age call it, 'a nest of priests,' and all the religious associations of 
 the place were adapted to nourish and strengthen the convictions 
 with which Luther had grown up. There were nine monasteries 
 and nunneries in and about the town, and an abundance of churches, 
 priests and chaplains. There, too, lay the remains of the landgrave, 
 Henry Raspe, at whose tomb the visitors on St. Julian's day could 
 obtain two years' indulgence. Here St. Elizabeth, that most benev- 
 olent and religious of the Thuringian landgravines, had lived and 
 labored for the good of the poor, and monuments of her zealous 
 but superstitious piety were everywhere to be seen. 
 
 Early on the 17th of July, in 1501, at the opening of a new and 
 great century, our student left the place ' where,' in. his own lan- 
 guage, * he had learned and enjoyed so much,' and directed his 
 steps toward the celebrated city and university of Erfurt, which 
 
H 4 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 towered high above all the rest in influence in that part of Germany. 
 Fifteen miles distant was Gotha, then, as it is now, the beautiful 
 capital of the duchy of the same name. Here lived Mutianus, the 
 center of the poetical club to which many of Luther's subsequent 
 Erfurt friends (as Lange, Spalatin, Crotus, and others) belonged. 
 Here Luther preached in 1521, on his way to the diet of Worms, 
 and his doctrines were received ; and here Myconius, the historian 
 of the Lutheran Reformation, was afterward the principal Lutheran 
 ecclesiastic. Proceeding as much farther, through a country ap- 
 pearing, as one advances, more and more like the Saxon plains, he 
 came to Erfurt, formerly the great mart of interior Germany. This 
 city, though in the very heart of Thuringia, was never subject to 
 the landgrave. It was once the place of an episcopal see, and when 
 this was transferred to Mainz, the archbishop of which was made 
 primate of Germany, Erfurt was retained under his jurisdiction, and 
 regarded as the second capital of his electoral territory. The uni- 
 versity of Erfurt had more than a thousand students, and Luther 
 said that * it was so celebrated a seat of learning that others were 
 but as grammar-schools compared with it.' At the time Luther 
 entered there, it had thirteen regular professors, besides the younger 
 licentiates, or tutors, and there were several richly endowed colleges, 
 or religious foundations, where the professors and students lived 
 together as distinct corporations. Theology and the canonical or 
 ecclesiastical law took the highest rank among the studies pursued 
 there. In the two other learned professions, law and medicine, the 
 old Roman civilians and the Greek medical writers were chiefly 
 studied. In the wide department of philosophy, a sort of encyclo- 
 paedia of the sciences, as contained in the writings of Aristotle, 
 constituted the course of instruction. The Bible was not studied, 
 and none of the Greek authors above named were read in the orig- 
 inal. Neither languages, except the Latin, nor history were taught 
 after the manner which afterward prevailed in the universities. 
 Every thing still wore the garb of the Middle Ages. There were 
 no experiments or observations in natural philosophy, no accurate 
 criticism in language or history. Learning was either a matter of 
 memory, or it was a sort of gladiatorial exercise in the art of dis- 
 putation. In one of the foundations at Erfurt, the beneficiaries 
 were obligated to observe daily the seven canonical hours, as they 
 are termed, or appointed seasons of saying prayers, to read the mis- 
 erere, or supplication for the dead, and to hear a eulogy on the 
 character of the Virgin Mary. The laws were very oppressive, from 
 the minuteness of their details and the solemn oaths bv which men 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. U5 
 
 bound themselves to obey them. This is what Luther called ' an 
 accursed method.' ' Every thing,' said he, * is secured by oaths and 
 vows, and the wretched youth are cruelly and without necessity 
 entangled as in a net.' 
 
 The university life of Luther at Erfurt forms a striking contrast 
 with his abject and suffering condition while begging his bread at 
 the doors of the charitable, and also with his monastic life immedi- 
 ately after leaving the university. He now cherished, though with 
 great moderation, that more cheering view of human life with which 
 he had been made familiar in the house of Madam Cotta. He was 
 furthermore stimulated by a natural love of acquisition in useful 
 knowledge, now for the first time awakened into full activity. The 
 study of classical literature, which had been revived in Italy and 
 France, was beginning to be cultivated with enthusiasm in Germany. 
 Of the young men who prosecuted these studies with zeal, there 
 was a brilliant circle then at Erfurt. Without formally uniting 
 himself with this classical and poetical club, he took up the study 
 of the best Latin writers in prose and verse, with an earnestness 
 that fully equaled theirs, and imprinted indelibly upon his memory 
 those passages which were most striking, whether for the sentiment 
 or the expression. 
 
 During the first two years which he spent at Erfurt, (from 1501 
 to 1503), he was chiefly engaged in the study of Roman literature 
 and of philosophy, at the end of which period he took his first 
 degree. The year in which he received this honor is supposed also 
 to be the one in which the following occurrence took place. Early 
 in the spring, he set out in company with a friend, equipped as 
 usual with a sword, to visit his parents. Within an hour after 
 leaving Erfurt, he, by some accident, ran his sword into his foot and 
 opened a main artery. A physician was called from the city, who 
 succeeded, not without difficulty, in closing up the wound. An 
 unusual swelling arising from the forced stoppage of the blood, and 
 a rupture taking place during the following night, Luther feared the 
 accident would prove fatal, and, in immediate prospect of death, 
 commended himself to the Virgin Mary. * Had I then died,' he 
 afterward said, * I should have died in the faith of the Virgin.' 
 
 It was during the same year that Luther had his second severe 
 illness. His first was while he was at Magdeburg. In his extrem- 
 ity, and while despairing of life, he was visited by an aged priest, 
 who spoke those memorable words which were afterward regarded 
 by some as prophetic : ' Be of good comfort, my brother ; you will 
 not die at this time. God will yet make a great man of you who 
 
HQ MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 shall comfort many others. Whom God loveth and purposeth to 
 make a blessing, upon him he early layeth the cross, and in that 
 school those who patiently endure, learn much.' 
 
 Of two of Luther's principal teachers, Usingen and Jodocus of 
 Eisenach, and of the subject matter and manner of their teaching, 
 we have the means of knowing more than is common in such cases. 
 The works which they published between 1501 and 1514, contain- 
 ing undoubtedly the substance of the very lectures which Luther 
 heard, suggest to the curious reader interesting trains of thought. 
 A comparison of their teachings in the physical sciences with what 
 Luther, long after, interwove in his commentary on the beginning 
 of Genesis, proves not only that these books are but little more 
 than the printed lectures of their authors, but also that Luther 
 faithfully stored those instructions away in his capacious and reten- 
 tive memory for future use. 
 
 It was in 1505, two years after taking his first degree, that he 
 was made master of arts, which entitled him to teach in the univer- 
 sity. He actually entered upon the duties of this office, and taught 
 the physics and logic of Aristotle. 
 
 We learn from Mathesius, what we might, indeed, infer from 
 Luther's subsequent character, that he was a young man of buoy- 
 ant and cheerful feelings ; and, at the same time, that he began 
 every day with prayer, and went daily to church service. Further- 
 more, ' he neglected no university exercise, was wont to propound 
 questions to his teachers, did often review his studies with his fel- 
 low students, and whenever there were no appointed exercises, he 
 was in the library.' 
 
 In 1505, Alexius, a friend of Luther in the university, was assas- 
 sinated. Soon after, about the first of July, as Luther was walking 
 in a retired road between Erfurt and Stotterheim, probably on his 
 way home to escape the epidemic then prevailing at Erfurt, he was 
 overtaken by a violent thunder storm, and the lightning struck with 
 terrific force near his feet.- He was stunned, and exclaimed in his 
 terror, * Help, beloved St. Anne, and I will straightway become a 
 monk.' 
 
 Besides the above-mentioned occurrences, there was an epidemic 
 raging in the university, many of the teachers and pupils had fled, 
 and it was very natural that Luther's mind should be in a very 
 gloomy state. St. Anne was the reigning saint in Saxony at this 
 
 * Such is the view in which the testimony of Luther, Melnncthon, Mathesius. and other early 
 witnesses is best united. The representation of later writers that Alexius was killed by lightning 
 is now abandoned by most historians. 
 
MARTIN LUTHER 
 
 IT 
 
 time, having recently become an object of religious regard, to whose 
 honor the Saxon town Anneberg was built, and who, for a time, 
 was the successful rival even of the Virgin Mary. Hence, the invo- 
 cation of this saint by Luther. 
 
 When in 1502, the Elector Frederic of Saxony founded the uni- 
 versity of Wittenberg, he employed Staupitz,* first as a counselor 
 and negotiator, and then as a dean or superintendent of the theo- 
 logical faculty. In the next year, the chapter of the order chose 
 him general vicar; and it was in this capacity that he was brought 
 into connection with Luther. His influence upon the cloisters 
 under his charge was of the happiest kind ; and his efforts to pro- 
 mote biblical studies, and to revive the spirituality of his brethren, 
 no doubt prepared, in part, the way for multitudes of them to em- 
 brace the doctrines of Luther. The testimony of the latter to his 
 worth may properly have place here : * He was an estimable man ; 
 not only worthy to be listened to with reverence, as a scholar in 
 seats of learning and in the church, but also at the court of princes 
 and in the society of the great, he was held in much estimation for 
 his knowledge of the world.' 
 
 During a residence of a little more than seven years in Erfurt, 
 from July 17, 1501, to the autumn of 1508, in which he had passed 
 from youth to the state of manhood, both his intellectual and reli- 
 gious character underwent a great transformation. Four years of 
 time, devoted with signal success to secular learning in the univer- 
 sity ; and nearly three and a half to experimental religion and to 
 theology in the monastery, changed the boy, who knew nothing of 
 learning beyond the catechism and Latin grammar, and nothing of 
 religion beyond a gloomy apprehension of it, and a crude mass of 
 superstitions, into a mature scholar and theologian, to whom the 
 young university of Wittenberg looked as to one likely to increase 
 its usefulness and its fame. The appointment was very peculiar. 
 Such was his modesty and his reluctance to appearing abroad in 
 any public capacity, that Staupitz, as provincial of the order, per- 
 emptorily required him to repair to the monastery at Wittenberg, 
 and to lecture there on philosophy. 
 
 Probably Luther never saw Wittenberg till he went to take his 
 
 * John Von Staupitz was descended from an ancient nohle family of Meissen, or Misnia, in the 
 kingdom of Saxony. Tn order to gratify his love of study and pious meditation, he became an 
 Augustinian monk, and in various universities went through an extended course of scholastic 
 philosophy and theology. In 1497, he was made muster of arts, lector or public reader of his 
 order, and connected himself with the university of Tubingen, in the south of Germany. He 
 rose rapidly to distinction ; for in the following year he was appointed prior of the convent of 
 Tubingen ; in the next, he took the degree of biblical bachelor, or the first degree in theology, 
 that of sententiary, or the second degree, and in 1500, that of doctor of divinity. 
 
Hg MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 station there for life. And what a station was that ! and how did 
 he fill it ! Passing beyond Weimar, Naumburg and Leipsic, and 
 directing his course toward Diiben, which is about midway between 
 Leipsic and Wittenberg, he would see spread out before him a rich 
 arable tract of country, dotted with countless small villages. Only 
 Eilenbnrg on the right, and Delitsch on the left, several miles dis- 
 tant, rise to the dignity of towns. Near Diiben, pleasant wood- 
 lands and fine meadows begin to appear, and extend far in both 
 directions along the banks of the Mulde. A mile beyond that 
 town, Luther, of course, entered the Diiben heath, a desolate, sandy 
 region, seven or eight miles in extent, covered with stunted trees, 
 where an equally stunted race of wood-cutters, colliers and manu- 
 facturers of wooden-ware, led a boorish life. Near the entrance of 
 the heath is a rock, called Dr. Luther's Rock, with the letters 
 D. M. L. inscribed upon it, because he is said to have made a pause 
 here once when on a journey, and to have taken a repast upon it. 
 To the right of the heath, near the Elbe, is Schmiedeberg, whither 
 the university was sometimes temporarily removed in seasons of 
 peril. Beyond the river is the castle of Lichtenburg, where Luther 
 held an anxious interview with Spalatin, in 1518, to determine 
 whether he should retire from Wittenberg or not. North of this 
 are Annaburg, the occasional residence of the electors, and the 
 Cloister Lochau, so often mentioned by Luther. Directly on his 
 route, lay Kernberg, which was also connected variously with the 
 university. The last place he passed through was Prata, whose 
 distance from Wittenberg, he once said, would give an idea of the 
 width of the Po, To the left lay Segrena, Carlstadt's resort, when 
 he retired from the university, and lived as a peasant. Beyond this 
 were seen the Elbe and the white sand-hills, which gave to Witten- 
 berg its name. The town itself, containing then three hundred and 
 fifty-six houses, and about two thousand inhabitants, lay before him 
 on the north side of the Elbe, and two hundred rods distant from 
 it, in a long oval form, with the electoral church and palace at the 
 western extremity, the city church in the center, and the Augus- 
 teum or university toward the Elster gate, at the eastern extremity. 
 Though Wittenberg was the capital of the old electorate, its ap- 
 pearance was far from being splendid. On the north side are seen 
 plains broken by sand-hills and copses of wood ; on the south, a 
 low flat heath, behind which flowed the broad Elbe, fringed here 
 and there with willow and oak shrubs. Many wretched hamlets 
 were seen in the distance, and the city itself, if we except the pub- 
 lic buildings, was but little more than a cluster of mean dwellings. 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. H9 
 
 The people were warlike, but so sensual that it was thought neces 
 sary to limit their convivialities by law. At betrothals, for example, 
 nothing was allowed to be given to the guests, except cakes, bread, 
 cheese, fruit, and beer. The last article so abounded at Wittenberg, 
 that it was said, * The cuckoo could be heard there in winter eve- 
 nings;' speaking, of course, through the throats of the bottles. 
 There were one hundred and seventy-two breweries in the city in 
 1513. 
 
 Wittenberg University had been in existence six years when Lu- 
 ther was appointed professor. Until 1507, it was supported chiefly 
 from the funds of the Elector Frederic, who now incorporated with 
 it the collegiate church, with all its sources of income, and the pro- 
 vostships of Kemberg and Cloden, the parish of Orlamiinde, &c., 
 the canons of the former becoming lecturers without cost or trouble, 
 and the incumbents of the latter providing vicars in their churches, 
 and removing to the university, where they lived upon their incomes. 
 The university was organized after the model of Tubingen, and 
 bore resemblance to the university of Erfurt. The rector, who 
 must be unmarried, and maintain his dignity by studied seclusion, 
 and appear in public only in great pomp, assisted by three reform- 
 ers, whose duty it was to superintend the instruction, and the deans 
 of the four faculties, constituted the academic Senate. The univer- 
 sity, contrary to the usual custom, was under the protection of the 
 elector, and not of the pope, or a cardinal, or an archbishop, a cir- 
 cumstance which greatly favored the Reformation. None, there- 
 fore, but the elector could control the university from without, and 
 none but the rector and his assistants, the reformers, could do it 
 from within. These, however, had enough to do. In the very year 
 that Luther came there, the students had so insulted some of the 
 court of the Bishop of Brandenberg, that he put the whole city 
 under the interdict, which was removed only on the payment of two 
 thousand gulden. The year before, when Scheurl, a very energetic 
 man, was rector, he checked the prevailing vice of intoxication 
 among the students, and prohibited the practice of going armed 
 with gun, sword and knife. Still, in 1512, another rector was assas- 
 sinated by an expelled student ; and Melancthon once barely escaped 
 with his life. 
 
 Paul and Augustine were the patron saints of the theological 
 faculty. The whole university was to observe the festivals of the 
 saints of each faculty. The faculties were the theological, in which 
 there were four professors : the law, in which there were five : the 
 
120 
 
 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 medical, in which there were three : and the philosophical, includ- 
 ing science and literature, in which there were ten. 
 
 Luther passed rapidly through all the degrees conferred in theol- 
 ogy. The first was that of biblicus, though the candidate ordinarily 
 knew little of the Bible beyond a few papal glosses on favorite 
 proof-texts: the second was that of sententiarius, who could lecture 
 on the first two books of the Sentences of Peter Louibardus : the 
 third was that of formatus, who could lecture on the last two books 
 of the same author : the fourth was that of licentiate*, one licensed 
 to teach theology in general : the fifth was that of doctor of divinity. 
 
 The reigning Saxon family was divided into two branches, the 
 Albertine and the Ernestine. From Albert (whose ordinary resi- 
 dence was Dresden), descended Duke George, Luther's bitter ene- 
 my, and to him succeeded first Henry and then Maurice. To Ern- 
 est, who resided sometimes at Torgau and sometimes at Witten- 
 berg, were born four distinguished sons, the Elector Frederic the 
 Wise, who in his birth preceded Luther twenty years, and in his 
 death twenty-one ; Albert, who at the age of eighteen was Arch- 
 bishop of Mainz, in 1482, but died in the same year; Ernest, who, 
 after being Administrator of Magdeburg for several years, was arch- 
 bishop from 1489 to 1513 ; and John the Constant, now associated 
 with Frederic in the government, and in 1525 his successor. 
 
 Luther commenced his labors in Wittenberg by lecturing on the 
 dialectics and physics of Aristotle, without salary or tuition fees. 
 It is remarkable that he never received any thing from students for 
 his labors, nor from booksellers for his writings.* After he laid 
 aside the cowl, the elector gave him an allowance of two hundred 
 gulden a year. 
 
 Luther visited Rome as a pilgrim. Twice while in Erfurt had 
 he vowed to make a pilgrimage to Rome ; and he himself affirms 
 that he made the journey in consequence of his vows. This state- 
 ment does not, however, stand in the way of his having other 
 objects to accomplish at the same time. Rome was then regarded 
 as second only to Jerusalem in sacredness. The soil was supposed 
 to be hallowed, not only by the graves of thousands of martyrs, 
 and many Roman bishops, but of the apostles Peter and Paul. 
 Pilgrims came in multitudes, sometimes two hundred thousand at a 
 time, to visit this sacred city. 
 
 Staupitz, who had interested himself so deeply in Luther's wel- 
 
 * The publishers of his works offered him four hundred florins a year, if he would give them 
 his manuscripts ; but he refused ' to make merchandise of the gifts with which God had endowed 
 him.' 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 121 
 
 fare ever since his first acquaintance with him, and who, for the 
 benefit of the church, had undertaken to guide his steps, was 
 not disappointed in the hopes he had entertained of his young 
 friend. He had already made him reader at table in the monastery, 
 substituting the Scriptures in the place of Augustine's writings, 
 which had hitherto been read to the monks during meal times. He 
 was raised to the rank of licentiate in theology (the next degree 
 above sententiarius), the 4th of October, 1512, and finally to the 
 degree of doctor of divinity, on the 19th of the same month. His 
 reluctance to receive this honor (or rather office as it then was), 
 appears to have been not less than that which he felt when it was 
 proposed to make him preacher. It was manifested in a similar 
 way, and overcome by similar arguments. In his letter of invita- 
 tion to the Erfurt convent to attend the ceremony, he says, he is 
 to receive the degree * out of obedience to the fathers and the vicar.' 
 In a dedicatory epistle to the Elector Frederic, written several years 
 after, he says : ' At your expense was the doctor's hat placed upon 
 my witless head, an honor at which I blush, but which I am con- 
 strained to bear because those whom it is my duty to obey would 
 have it so.' Among the letters of Luther is found the receipt which 
 he signed for the fifty florins furnished him by the elector for pay- 
 ing the costs of the degree. A doctor's ring of massive gold was 
 presented to him by the elector at the same time, which is still to 
 be seen in the library of Wolfenbiittel. On the 19th of October 
 the ceremony was performed with great pomp, with solemn proces- 
 sion and the ringing of the great bell. This appointment for it 
 was not a mere honor given him by the united voice of his reli- 
 gious superiors, his sovereign, and the university, he construed, and 
 ever after regarded, as a Divine call to teach religion in the most 
 public manner. ' I was called,' says he, * and forced to the office, 
 and was obliged, from the duty of obedience, to be doctor contrary 
 to my will, . . . and to promise with an oath to teach purely and 
 sincerely according to the Scriptures.' Tubingen and Wittenberg 
 were the only universities where such an oath was required. Under 
 this oath, administered to him by Carlstadt, Luther claimed the 
 right to appeal to the Bible as the only ultimate authority, and thus 
 formally did he plant himself upon the fundamental principle of 
 Protestantism. 
 
 The period of about two years immediately following the date 
 above-mentioned, appears to have been chiefly taken up in prepar- 
 ing for his lectures, and in acquiring the original languages of the 
 Bible. The only events mentioned in connection with him during 
 
122 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 that time, are a disputation, in 1512, by a candidate for the first 
 degree in theology, and another in 1513, for the second degree, at 
 both of which he was the presiding officer. Such things were of 
 frequent occurrence with him at a later period. Inasmuch as it is 
 evident that Luther knew little of Greek or Hebrew before the yea* 
 1513, whereas we find him making use of both with some facility 
 the next year, the inference is plain, that he must have studied 
 them zealously about this time. Mathesius represents Luther as 
 ' spelling out the words of the Bible ' after he commenced lecturing 
 upon it. The first books on which he lectured were the Epistle to 
 the Romans and the Psalms, which the same biographer informs us 
 took place immediately after he was made doctor. 
 
 In the Wolfenbiittel library is preserved Luther's copy of the 
 Psalms in Hebrew, printed on a quarto page, in the centre of which 
 stands the Hebrew text, with wide spaces between the lines. On 
 the broad margin and between the lines are to be seen the notes, 
 in Latin, of his first lecture on this book, delivered probably in 
 1513. It is believed that he caused copies to be printed in this 
 form for the greater convenience of the students in taking notes 
 and connecting them with the words of the text. The great value 
 of this singular book consists in the record it contains of Luther's 
 religious and theological views at that period. Jiirgens, who has 
 carefully examined this earliest of Luther's Scripture expositions 
 which have been preserved it exists only in manuscript, and in 
 Luther's hand-writing remarks: 'It contains the clearest indica- 
 tions how little Luther had advanced in biblical interpretation ; and 
 yet it occasionally points to the way in which he afterwards became 
 so eminent as an expositor of Scripture. We refer particularly to 
 his disposition to go back to the original sources. But he appears 
 still to be without a competent knowledge of the Hebrew. He 
 makes use of a defective Latin translation, agreeing with the Vul- 
 gate, and adheres closely to it, though he knows the Hebrew text, 
 and constantly refers to it as well as to the Greek version.' 
 
 The little information we have respecting Luther from the begin- 
 ning of 1515, to the beginning of 1516, may be regarded as indi- 
 rect evidence that he was going steadily and prosperously on in the 
 course he had begun, constantly accumulating that power and influ- 
 ence which was so soon to be put in requisition. The interest he 
 felt in the controversy which was then raging between Reuchlin and 
 the stupid Dominicans at Cologne, in respect to the utility of the 
 study of the Hebrew and Greek languages, and the advancement 
 which he himself made in the knowledge of these languages about 
 
MARTIX LUTHER. 123 
 
 this time, put it beyond doubt that the lectures which he delivered 
 on the various books of the Bible were founded, more and more, 
 on the original Hebrew and Greek Scriptures. He also continued 
 earnestly engaged in academic disputations, for, from some of the 
 older professors, he still met with opposition. During this year, 
 he was made dean of the theological faculty, and under him, ac- 
 cording to the university records, a large number of Augustinian 
 eremites received their degrees in theology. Odelkop, who heard 
 his lectures, particularly those on the Epistle to the Romans, at this 
 time, says Luther diligently prosecuted his studies and preached, 
 and delivered lectures and held debates. In this year were preached 
 the first three discourses of his which have been preserved. In 
 these he manifests decided progress in the clearness and solidity of 
 his religious views. In the first of those discourses, he strongly 
 urges the doctrine, that piety consists not in outward works, but in 
 an inward principle ; that an act, in itself good, becomes even sin- 
 ful if the motive be sinful. 
 
 February 2, 1516, he writes to his intimate friend, John Lange, 
 prior of the cloister at Erfurt, a letter which strikingly illustrates 
 the state of his mind in respect to the Aristotelian philosophy, and 
 the scholastic theology founded upon it ; and also the relations of 
 his old teachers, Truttvetter, or Jodocus of Eisenach, as he gener- 
 ally calls him, and Usingen, both to scholasticism and to himself. 
 He writes : 
 
 I send the accompanying letter, reverend father, to the excellent Jodocus of 
 Eisenach, lull of positions against [the Aristotelian] logic, philosophy and the- 
 ology, that is, full of blasphemies and maledictions against Aristotle, Porphyry, 
 
 and the seutentiarists, the pernicious study of this our ajre See that 
 
 these be put into his hands, and take pains to find out what he and all the rest 
 think of me in this matter, and let me know. I have no other more eager 
 desire than to make known to many, and, if I have time, to show to all, how 
 ignominiously that old actor, under his Greek mask, playeth and maketh pas- 
 time with the church My greatest sorrow is, that I am constrained to 
 
 see brethren of good parts and of gifts qualifying them for study, spend their 
 time and waste their lives in such vain pursuits, while the universities cease 
 not to burn and to condemn good books, and then make, or rather dream out 
 new ones in their room. I wish Usingen as well as Truttvetter would leave off 
 these studies, or at least be more moderate therein. My shelves are stored with 
 weapons against their writing, which I find to be utterly useless ; and all others 
 would see the same, were they not bound to a more than Pythagorean silence. 
 
 In April 1516 to November 1517, Luther was made Vicar of his 
 Order in Saxony and Thuringia. Immediately after his appoint- 
 ment he set out upon a journey of visitation, and passed the last of 
 April, all of May and the beginning of June in going from cloister 
 to cloister in his province, regulating discipline, encouraging educa- 
 tion and the study of the Bible in particular, dismissing unskillful 
 priors and appointing others in their place. 
 
124 
 
 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 The first monastery he visited was that of Grrimma, near Leipsic, 
 and still nearer the nunnery of Nimptschen, where Catharine von 
 Bora, Luther's future wife, then a girl of sixteen, was nun. As 
 Staupitz and Link accompanied Luther to this place, and as the 
 former performed in this instance the duties of visitation, it would 
 seem that Luther was here practically initiated into his new calling. 
 While they were thus engaged at Grimma, Tetzel made his appear- 
 ance in the adjacent town of Wurtzen, and practiced his arts in 
 selling indulgences so shamelessly as to arouse the indignation of 
 both Luther and Staupitz. This is the time when the former 
 resolved to expose the traffic, and threatened ' to make a hole in 
 Tetzel's drum ' 
 
 We next find him in Dresden, examining the state of the monas- 
 tery of the Augustinians in that place. Here he writes a letter, 
 May 1, to the prior in Mainz, requesting him to send back to Dres- 
 den a runaway monk. 
 
 'For,' says he, 'that lost sheep belongeth to me. It is my duty to find him 
 and bring him back from his wanderings, if so it please the Lord Jesus. I 
 entreat you, therefore, reverend father, by our common faith in Christ, and by 
 our profession, to send him unto me, if in your kindness you can, either at 
 Dresden or Wittenberg, or rather persuade him, and affectionately and kindly 
 move him to come of his own accord. I will meet him with open arms, if he 
 will but return. He need not fear that he has offended me. I know full well 
 that offenses must come; nor is it strange that a man should fall It is rather 
 strange that he should rise again and stand. Peter fell, that he might know he 
 was but a man. At the present day, also, the cedars of Lebanon, whose sum- 
 mits reach the skies, fall. The angels fell in heaven, and Adam in paradise. 
 Is it then strange that a reed should quiver in the breeze, and the smoking 
 lamp be put out?' 
 
 Luther thus writes to Mutianus, a great classical and belles-letters 
 scholar in Gotha, whom he had known when a student at Erfurt : 
 
 I must now go where my duty calleth me, but not without first saluting you, 
 though from a sense of my ignorance and uncouth style, I shrink from it. But 
 my affection for you overcometh my modesty ; and that rustic Corydon, Martin, 
 barbarous and accustomed only to cackle among the geese, saluteth you, the 
 scholar, the man of the most polished erudition. Yet I am sure, or certainly 
 presume that Mutianus valueth the heart above the tongue or pen ; and my 
 heart is sufficiently erudite, for it is sufficiently devoted to you. Farewell, most 
 excellent father in the Lord Jesus, and be not forgetful of me. 
 
 Postscript One thing I wish you to know: Father John Lange, whom you 
 have known as a Greek and Latin scholar, and what is more, as a man of a 
 pure heart, hath now lately been made prior of the Erfurt convent by me. 
 Unto man commend him by a friendly word, and unto God by your prayers. 
 
 The following extracts from a letter to Lange, written in August, 
 from Kemburg, when professors and students had fled from the 
 epidemic in Wittenberg, shows the multiplicity of his engagements : 
 
 I am the preacher of the cloister ; I am reader at the table ; I am required 
 every day to be parish-preacher ; I am director of the studies of the brethren ; 
 I am vicar, that is, eleven times prior; I am inspector of the fish-ponds in 
 Litzkau ; I am advocate for the Hertzebergers in Torgau ; I am lecturer on 
 Paul; I am commentator on the Psalms; and, as I have said, the greater part 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 125 
 
 of my time is occupied in writing letters. I seldom have time for the canoni- 
 cal hours and for the mass, to say nothing of the temptations of the flesh, the 
 world, and the devil. You see what a man of leisure I am. Concerning 
 brother John Metzel, I think rny opinion and reply have already reached you. 
 Nevertheless, I will see what I can do. How do you suppose lean find a place 
 for all your Sardauapaluses and sybarites [easy monks] ? If you have trained 
 them up wrong, you must support them after thus training them. I have use- 
 less brethren enough everywhere, if any can be useless to a patient mind. 
 There are now twenty-two priests and twelve youths, forty-one persons in all, 
 who live upon our more than most scanty stores. But the Lord will provide. 
 You say you began yesterday [to lecture] upon the second part of Lombard's 
 Sentences. To-morrow, 1 shall begin on the Epistle to the Galatians. Albeit, 
 I fear the plague will not sutler me to go on. It taketh away two or three 
 each several day. A son of our neighbor, Faber, opposite, who was well yes- 
 terday, is carried to his burial to-day. Another son lieth infected. What shall 
 I say ? It is already here, and hath begun to rage suddenly and vehemently 
 especially with the young. You ask me and Bartholomew [Feldkirk] to flee 
 with you. Whither shall I flee? I hope the world will not fall to pieces if 
 brother Martin do fall. The brethren I shall disperse throughout all the coun- 
 try, if the pestilence should prevail. But I am placed here, and my duty of 
 obedience will not allow me to flee, until the authority which commanded me 
 hither shall command me away. 
 
 In a letter to Lange, dated March 1, after mentioning that he 
 sends Didymus, * who is still ignorant of the usages of the order/ 
 to Erfurt, arid that he is about to publish his translation and expo- 
 sition of the Penitential Psalms, he proceeds to say : 
 
 I am reading our Erasmus, and my esteem for him groweth less every day. 
 
 With him, what is of man prevaileth over what is of God. Though I 
 
 am loth to judge him. I must admonish you not to read his works ; or rather, 
 not to receive all he saith without examination. These are dangerous times, 
 and I perceive that a man is not to be esteemed truly wise because he under- 
 standeth Greek and Hebrew ; seeing that St. Jerome, with his five languages, 
 did not match Augustine with one though to Erasmus it may seem otherwise. 
 
 This opinion of him I keep hid, lest I should strengthen the opposition 
 
 of his enemies [t he monks and priests]. Perhaps the Lord, in due time, will 
 give him understanding. 
 
 We omit his collision with Tetzel, the Pope and Emperor, as be- 
 longing to the theological side of his career and character, although 
 of amazing importance in the history of modern society, and pass 
 to his introduction to Melancthon, in 1518, who from that date be- 
 came his intimate and influential friend. When the negotiations 
 which had been entered into with Mosellanus, of Leipsic, in respect 
 to the Greek professorship, were broken off, in July, 1518, the elec- 
 tor applied to Reuchlin, then residing at Stuttgard, to recommend 
 two professors, one for the Greek and one for the Hebrew language. 
 Reuchlin recommended Melancthon for the former, and CEcolampa- 
 dius for the latter. Melancthon was at that time twenty-one years 
 of age, and was temporarily occupying the chair of rhetoric at the 
 University of Tubingen, but a few miles from Reuchlin's house. 
 Being the grandson of Reuchlin's sister, the young Melancthon had 
 been carefully educated under his direction. He distinguished him- 
 self by his rapid acquisitions in the Latin school of Simler at 
 
126 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 Pforzheim. At Heidelberg, where he entered the university at the 
 age of twelve, he acquired the reputation of being the best Greek 
 scholar. At Tubingen, to which, at the end of two years after 
 having taken his first degree, he resorted, and where he spent six 
 years in laborious study, he made such extensive and various acqui- 
 sitions in learning as to stand prominent above all the youths of the 
 university. Destined, as he was, to be the * preceptor of Germany,' 
 it was well that his range of study at Tubingen was very wide. 
 Proceeding from the Latin and Greek, as from a common center, 
 he extended his studies to history, rhetoric, logic, mathematics, 
 philosophy, theology, law, and even to the leading medical writers, 
 and attended lectures on all these subjects. He not only warmly 
 espoused the cause of Reuchlin, as the representative of Greek and 
 Hebrew literature, and its persecuted but victorious defender against 
 the ignorant Dominican monks of Cologne, but he made himself 
 familiar, even from boyhood, with the New Testament, in the orig- 
 inal a copy of which, received as a present from Reuchlin, he 
 always carried about his person. Reuchlin, in his reply to the elec- 
 tor, said he knew of no German who was Melancthon's superior, 
 except it be Erasmus of Rotterdam. July 24, 1518, Reuchlin 
 wrote to his young kinsman : " I have received a letter from the 
 elector, offering you a place and a salary ; and I will apply to you 
 th'e promise of God made to Abraham : ' Get thee out of thy 
 country, &c. ; and I will make thee a great nation, and thou shalt 
 be blessed.' So I prophesy of thee, my dear Philip, who art my 
 care and my comfort." 
 
 He went by way of Augsburg, in order to see the elector there 
 before he should leave the diet, then in session. On leaving Augs- 
 burg, Melancthon proceeded to Nuremberg, where he made the 
 acquaintance of Pirkheimer and Scheurl, and then pursued his way 
 to Leipsic, where he saw the young Greek professor Mosellanus, 
 and on the 25th of August, 1518, reached Wittenberg. Luther's 
 joy, on learning what an acquisition was made to Wittenberg in 
 this remarkable young man, was great ; and never had he occasion 
 to abate his admiration. Iri the very next letter after the one last 
 quoted from him, under date of August 31, he writes to Spalatin, 
 still in Augsburg with the elector : ' As touching our Philip Melanc- 
 thon, be assured all is done, or shall be, which you desire in your 
 letter. He pronounced an [inaugural] oration on the fourth day 
 after his arrival here [in which he set forth the new method of 
 study in contrast with the old scholastic method], full of learning 
 and force, meeting with such favor and admiration in all, that you 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 127 
 
 my now leave off all anxiety in commending him unto us. We 
 soon lost the feeling produced by his [small] stature and [his weak 
 bodily] frame ; and now we do wonder and rejoice at that which 
 we find in him, and thank the illustrious prince and yourself for 
 what you have done. You have need rather to inquire in what 
 study he may render himself most acceptable to our prince. With 
 his consent and approval, I would choose that Philip be made 
 Greek professor. I only have fears that his feeble health will not 
 abide the severity of our climate. I hear, furthermore, that he 
 receiveth too small a stipend, so that the men at Leipsic are hoping 
 to get him away from us. He was beset by them on his way to 
 this place.' 
 
 September 2, he writes to the same, informing him that the stu- 
 dents, now eagerly pursuing the new studies and hearing, by way 
 of preference, lectures on the Bible and the ancient languages, com- 
 plain that, before receiving their degrees, they are required to at- 
 tend useless courses of lectures on scholastic theology. Luther and 
 his friends desired that those studies be made optional, and that 
 persons be admitted to the degrees in theology on passing a regular 
 examination on the new branches of study introduced by him, 
 Melancthon and others. He closes by saying, ' I commend unto 
 you heartily the most Attic, the most erudite, the most elegant 
 Melancthon. His lecture-room is full, and more than full. He 
 inflameth all our theologians, highest, lowest and midst, with a love 
 of Greek.' 
 
 On the 9th of the same month, he writes to Lange : ' The very 
 learned and most Grecian Philip Melancthon is professor of Greek 
 here, a mere boy or stripling, if you regard his age, but one of us 
 if you consider the abundance of his learning and his knowledge 
 of almost all books. He is not only skilled in both languages, 
 [Latin and Greek, then a rare thing], but is learned in each. Nor 
 is he wholly ignorant of Hebrew.' 
 
 The following passages from an account by Kepler, of St. Gall, 
 of his interview with Luther at the Black Bear at Jena, is charac- 
 teristic of the man and the times : 
 
 Though it may seem trifling and childish, I can not omit mentioning how 
 Martin met me and my companion, when he was riding from the place of his 
 captivity toward Wittenberg. As we were journeying toward Wittenberg, for 
 the sake of studying the Holy Scriptures and the Lord knows what a furious 
 tempest there was we came to Jena, in Thuringia, where we could not, with 
 all our inquiry in the town, find or hear of any place to lodge for the night, 
 but wereevery where refused, for it was carnival, during which little heed is 
 given to pilgrims or strangers. We, therefore, left the town again, to proceed 
 farther on our way, thinking we might perhaps find a hamlet where we could 
 pass the night. At the gate of the city we met a respectable man, who 
 
128 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 accosted us in a friendly manner, and asked us where we were going so late. 
 .... He then asked us whether we had inquired at the Black Bear hotel. . . 
 
 He pointed it out to us a little distance without the city The innkeeper 
 
 met us at the door and received us, and led us into the room. Here we found 
 a man at the table, sitting alone, with a small book lying before him, who 
 greeted us kindly, and invited us to take a seat with him at the table; for our 
 shoes were so muddy that we were ashamed to enter the room, and therefore 
 
 slunk away upon a bench behind the door We took him to be no other 
 
 than a knight, as he had on, according to the custom of the country, a red cap, 
 small clothes and a doublet, and a sword at his side, on which he leaned, with 
 one hand on the pommel and the other on the hilt. He asked us whence we 
 were, but immediately answered himself, 'You are Swiss; from what part of 
 Switzerland are you?' We replied, 'St. Gall.' He then said, 'If, as I suppose, 
 you are on your way to Wittenberg, you will find good countrymen of yours 
 there, namely, Jerome Schurf and his brother Augustine;' whereupon we said, 
 'We have letters to them.' We now asked him in turn, if he could give us 
 any information about Martin Luther whether he is now at Wittenberg or else- 
 where. He said, ' I have certain knowledge that he is not now at Wittenberg, 
 but will soon be there. But Philip Melancthon is there, as teacher of Greek, 
 and others teach Hebrew.' He recommended to us to study both languages, 
 as necessary above all things to understand the Scriptures. We said, 'Thank 
 God, we shall then see and hear the man [Luther] on whose account we have 
 undertaken this journey.' .... He then asked us where we had formerly 
 studied; and, as we replied at Basle, he inquired how things were going on 
 there, and what Erasmus was doing. ' Erasmus is still there, but what he is 
 about no one knoweth, for he keepeth himself very quiet and secluded.' We 
 were much surprised at the knight, that he should know the Schurfs, Melanc- 
 thon and Erasmus, and that he should speak of the necessity of studying 
 Greek and Hebrew. At times, too, he made use of Latin words, so that we 
 began to think he was something more than a common knight. 
 
 'Sir,' said he, 'what do men in Switzerland think of Luther?' We replied, 
 'Variously, as everywhere else. Some can not sufficiently bless and praise God 
 that he hath, through this man, made known his truth and exposed error; 
 others condemn him as an intolerable heretic.' ' Especially the clergy,' inter- 
 rupted he, ' I doubt not these are the priests.' By this conversation we were 
 made to feel ourselves quite at home, and my companion [Reutiner] took the 
 book that lay before him, and looked into it, and found it was a Hebrew 
 psalter. He soon laid it down again, and the knight took it. This increased 
 our curiosity to know who he was. When the day declined and it grew dark, 
 our host, knowing our desire and longing after Luther, came to the table and 
 said, 'Friends, had you been here two days ago, you could have had your 
 desire, for he sat here at this table,' pointing to the seat. We were provoked 
 with ourselves that we were too late, and poured out our displeasure against 
 the bad roads which had hindered us. After a little while, the host called me 
 to the door, and said, ' Since you manifest so earnest a desire to see Luther, you 
 must know that it is he who is seated by you. I took these words as spoken 
 in jest, and said, ' You, to please me, give me a false joy at seeing Luther.' ' It 
 is indeed he,' replied my host, 'but make as if you did not know it.' I went 
 back into the room and to the table, and desired to tell my companion what I 
 had heard, and turned to him, and said in a whisper, ' Our host hath told me 
 that this is Luther.' He, like myself, was incredulous. ' Perhaps he said Hut- 
 ten, and you misunderstood him.' As now the knight's dress comported better 
 with the character of Hutten than with that of a monk, I was persuaded that 
 he said it was Hutten. [Two merchants now came in, and they all supped 
 together] Our host came, meanwhile, to us, and said in a whisper, 'Don't be 
 concerned about the cost, for Martin hath paid the bill.' We rejoiced, not so 
 much for the gift of the supper, as for the honor of being entertained by such a 
 man. After supper the merchants went to the stable to see to their horses, 
 and Martin remained with us in the room. We thanked him for the honor 
 shown us, and gave him to understand that we took him for Ulrich von Hutten. 
 But he said, 'I am not he' Just then came in our host, and Martin said to 
 him, ' I have become a nobleman to-night, for these Swiss hold me to be Ulrich 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 129 
 
 von Hutten.' The host replied, 'You are not he, but Martin Luther.' He 
 laughed, and said jocosely, ' They hold me to be Hutten, and you say I am 
 Luther; I shall next be Marcolfus,' [a notorious character in the monkish 
 legends]. Afterward he took up a large beer glass, and said, ' Swiss, now 
 drink me a health;' and then arose, threw around him bis mantle, and, giving 
 us his hand, took leave of us, saying, ' When you come to Wittenberg, greet 
 Dr. Jerome Schurf for me.' 'Very gladly,' said we; 'but whom shall we call 
 you, that he may understand us?' He replied, 'Say only this, he who is to 
 corne, sendeth you greeting,' and he will understand it. ... On Saturday, we 
 went to the house of Schurf to present our letters; and when we were con- 
 ducted into the room, behold we found Martin there as at Jena, and with him 
 Melancthon. Justus Jonas, Nicholas Amsdorf, and Dr. Augustine Schurf, 
 rehearsing to -him what had taken place at Wittenberg during his absence. 
 He greeted us, and smiling said, 'This is Philip Melancthou, of whom we spoke.' 
 Melancthon turned to us and asked us many questions, to which we replied as 
 well as we could. So we spent the day with them with great delight and grat- 
 ification on our part. 
 
 In 1525 (June 13), Luther was married to Catharine von Bora 
 he at the age of 42, and she of 26. The marriage was highly 
 offensive to the generally received opinions of the age both hav- 
 ing taken the vows of celibacy, but was a natural sequence of the 
 views which they now held of Christian and social duty. His sym- 
 pathizing friends were invited to dinner, and the city presented 
 Luther several casks of beer, and the university gave a large silver 
 tankard, plated with gold, weighing five pounds and a quarter, 
 which is now in possession of the University of Griefswald. His 
 correspondence shows that his domestic feelings were tender, and 
 his love considerate. He somewhere says, ' I expect more from my 
 Katy and from Melancthon than I do from Christ my Lord, and 
 yet 1 well know that neither they nor any one on earth hath suf- 
 fered, or can suffer, what he hath suffered for me.' Molsdorf, a for- 
 mer member of Luther's household, says, ' I remember that Dr. 
 Luther used to say, that he congratulated himself with all his soul 
 that God had given him a modest and prudent wife, who took such 
 excellent care of his health.' ' How I longed after my family,' says 
 Luther, ' when I lay at the point of death in Smalcald ! I thought 
 I should never again see my wife and child. How painful would 
 such a separation have been !' 
 
 When Luther was at Coburg, in 1530, he heard of the illness of 
 his father, and yet his own life was in such peril that he could not 
 safely make the journey to see him. At this, both he and Catha^ 
 rine were much distressed. Soon afterwards, the news of his fath- 
 er's death reached him. ' I have heard,' he says to Link, * of the, 
 death of my father, who was so dear and precious to me.' Catl^ 
 rine, to comfort him, sent him a likeness of his favorite daughter 
 Magdalene, then one year old. * You have done a good deed,' says 
 Veit Dietrich, Luther's amanuensis, ' in sending the likeness to the 
 
 9 
 
130 MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 doctor ; for by it many of his gloomy thoughts are dissipated. He 
 hath placed it on the wall over against the dining-table.' 
 
 There is a vein of drollery and playfulness in all his letters rela- 
 ting to his domestic life. In one of his letters to his wife he ad- 
 dresses her as ' my Lord .Katy ' (meus Dominus, <fec.) which furnished 
 pleasant amusement to his university friends and the students, some 
 of whom were generally members of his family. He once gave 
 out a similar phrase in German to a student in his examination to 
 translate into Latin, and the answer contained such a ridiculous 
 blunder that it long continued a by-word. Luther closes one of his 
 letters to an old friend by saying, * My lord and Moses [the law- 
 giver] Katy most humbly greeteth you.' He also in a letter to his 
 wife, addressed her as ' My kind and dear lord and master Katy 
 Lutheress [Lutherinn], doctress and priestess at Wittenberg.' 
 
 If we wish to see his creed in respect to a wife's place in a house- 
 hold, we have it undoubtedly in these words, addressed once to his 
 Katy, as he was fond of calling her: 'You may persuade me to 
 any thing you wish ; you have perfect control ;' to which was added, 
 by way of explanation, * in household affairs I give you the entire 
 control, my authority being unabated.' 
 
 The following letter was addressed to his son Johnny (4 years old) : 
 Grace and peace in Christ, my darling little son. I am glad to see that you 
 pray and study diligently. Go on doing so, my Jonny, and when I come 
 home I will bring with me some fine things for you. I know of a beautiful, 
 pleasant garden, where many children go, and have little golden coats, and 
 gather from the trees fine apples and pears, and cherries and plums; they sing 
 and play, and are happy ; they have beautiful little horses with golden bits and 
 silver saddles. I asked the owner of the garden, whose children these were. 
 He replied, ' They are children which love to pray and learn, and are good.' I 
 then said, ' Dear sir, I, too, have a son, whose name is Jonny Luther. May 
 he not also come into the garden, that he too may eat these beautiful apples 
 and pears, and ride on these fine horses, and play with the boys?' The man 
 said, 'If he loves to pray and learn, and is good, he shall come into the gar- 
 den, and Philly arid -Jussy [Philip and Justus] too, and when the} 7 " are all 
 together, they shall have fifes and drums and lutes, and all kinds of music. 
 and dance and shoot with their cross-bows.' And he showed me a fine grass 
 plat in the garden for dancing, and there were hanging nothing but golden 
 fifes and drums and fine silver cross-bows. But it was early, and the children 
 had not yet dined; and as I could not wait for their dancing, I said to the man, 
 '0, my dear sir, I will hasten away, and write all about this to my dear little 
 Jonny, that he may pray and learn diligently, and be good, and then come into 
 this garden He has an aunt Lene [Magdalene], and she must come too.' 
 The man said, ' That is right, go and write to him so.' Therefore, my dear little 
 Jonny, learn and pray well, and tell Philip [Melancthon's son], and Jussy [Jus- 
 tus Jonas's sonj, to learn and pray too. and then you may all come together 
 into the garden. And now I commend you to God. Greet aunt Lene and 
 give her a kiss for me. 
 
 Luther died at Eisleben, Feb. 18, 1546, at the age of 62 years, 
 3 months and 8 days, and his body was deposited in the church in 
 Wittenberg, after funeral addresses by Bugenhagen and Melancthon. 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OE EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OF KARL VON RAUMER. 
 
 IF Melancthon obtained the name " Praeceptor Germanise," inasmuch 
 as he was a most consummate scholar, and, at the same time, the intellect- 
 ual leader, especially of the literary class of his countrymen, then Luther 
 should be called the pastor of his people, who, with a strong faith and 
 an active love, watched, labored, and prayed that all his beloved Ger- 
 mans, small and great, might be led, by means of pious discipline and 
 sound learning, to walk humbly before God. 
 
 In Luther's writings, we find much on the subject of education, 
 both in sermons, expositions of scripture, letters, and the table-talk ; 
 and some of his works treat of this theme exclusively. He appeals, 
 now to parents, now to magistrates, and now to teachers, urges them, 
 each and all, in the most pressing manner, to interest themselves in 
 children, while, at the same time, he lays before them blessings and 
 curses, blessings on right training, and curses on neglect. And with- 
 al, he presents the most admirable doctrines, on the nature of disci- 
 pline, the knowledge suitable for children, the best manner of impart- 
 ing it, etc. 
 
 The following extracts from Luther's works, express his views, both 
 upon the training and the instruction of the young. 
 
 I. HOME GOVERNMENT. TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 
 
 Luther saw that good family government was the sole, foundation 
 of good civil government and of continued national prosperity. In 
 his exposition of Exodus 20 : 12., he says: 
 
 We have now explained, at sufficient length, how father and mother are to 
 be honored, and what this commandment includes and teaches, and have shown 
 of what vast consequence it is in the sight of God, that this obedience toward 
 father and mother should become universal. Where this is not the case, you 
 will find neither good manners nor a good government. For, where obedience 
 is not maintained at the fire-side, no power on earth can insure to the city, terri- 
 tory, principality, or kingdom the blessings of a good government ; and it is there 
 that all governments and dominions originate. If now the root is corrupt, it is 
 in vain that you look for a sound tree, or for good fruit. 
 
 For what is a city, but an assemblage of households? How then is a whole 
 city to be wisely governed, when there is no subordination in its several- house- 
 holds, yea, when neither child, maid-servant, nor man-servant submit to author- 
 ity ? Again, a territory : what is it, other than an assemblage of cities, market- 
 towns and villages ? Where, now, the households are lawless or mis-governed, 
 how can the whole territory be well-governed ? yea, nothing else will appear, 
 from one end of it to the other, but tyranny, witchcraft, murders, robberies and 
 disobedience to every law. Now, a principality is a group of territories, or 
 counties; a kingdom, a group of principalities; and an empire, a groap of 
 
132 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 kingdoms. Thus, the whole wide organization of an empire is all woven out 
 of single households.- Wherever, then, fathers and mothers slacken the reins of 
 family government, and leave children to follow their own headstrong courses, 
 there it is impossible for either city, market-town or village, either territory, 
 principality, kingdom or empire, to enjoy the fruits of a wise and peaceful gov- 
 ernment. For the son, when grown up, becomes a father, a judge, a mayor, a 
 prince, a king, an emperor, a preacher, a schoolmaster, etc. And, if he has 
 been brought up without restraint, then will the subjects become like their 
 ruler, the members like their head. 
 
 For this cause, God has established it as a matter of irrevocable necessity, 
 that men should by all means rule over their own households. For where fam- 
 ily government is well-ordered and judicious, all other forms of government go 
 on prosperously. And the reason is, as we have seen, that the whole human 
 race proceeds from the family. For it has pleased God so to ordain, from the 
 beginning, that from father and mother, all mankind should forever derive their 
 being. 
 
 The duties of parents to their children Luther dwells upon, in 
 his exposition of the fifth commandment. 
 
 Now let us see what parents owe to their children, if they would be pa- 
 rents in the truest sense. St. Paul in Eph. 6 : 1, when commanding children 
 to honor their parents, and setting forth the excellence of this commandment, 
 and its reasonableness, says , " children, obey your parents in the Lord." Hero 
 he intimates that parents should not be such after the flesh merely, as it is with 
 the heathen, but in the Lord. And, that children may be obedient to their pa- 
 rents in the Lord, he adds this caution to parents, directly afterward in the 
 fourth verse: "And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath," lest they 
 be discouraged; "but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the 
 Lord." The first and foremost care that he here enjoins upon parents with ref- 
 erence to their children, in what pertains to the mind and heart, (for of the 
 nurture of the body he does not speak here at all,) is, that they provoke them 
 not to wrath and discouragement. This is a rebuke to such as display a violent 
 and impetuous temper in the management of their children. For, under such an 
 evil discipline, their disposition, while yet tender and impressible, becomes perma 
 nently clouded with fear and diffidence ; and so there grows up in their breasts 
 a hatred toward their parents, in so far that they run away from them, and pur- 
 sue a course that otherwise they never would have entered upon. And, in truth, 
 what hope is there of a child, who exercises hatred and mistrust toward his pa- 
 rents, and is ever downcast in their presence ? Nevertheless St. Paul in this 
 passage does not intend to forbid parents altogether from being angry with their 
 children and chastening them ; but rather, that they punish them in love, when 
 punishment is necessary ; not, as some do, in a passionate spirit, and without be- 
 stowing a thought upon their improvement. 
 
 A child, who has once become timid, sullen and dejected in spirit, loses all 
 his self-reliance, and becomes utterly unfitted for the duties of life ; and fears rise 
 up in his path, so often as any thing comes up for him to do, or to undertake. 
 But this is not all ; for, where such a spirit of fear obtains the mastery over a 
 man in his childhood, he will hardly be able to rid himself of it to the end of 
 his days. For, if children are accustomed to tremble at every word spoken by 
 their father or mother, they will start and quake forever after, even at the rustl- 
 ing of a leaf. Neither should those women, who are employed to attend upon 
 children, ever be allowed to frighten them with their tricks and mummeries, 
 and, above all, never in the night-time. But parents ought much rather to aim 
 at that sort of education for their children, that would inspire them with a 
 'wholesome fear ; a fear of those things that they ought to fear, and not of those 
 which only make them cowardly, and so inflict a lasting injury upon them. 
 Thus parents go too far to the left. Now let us consider how they are led too far 
 to the right. 
 
 St. Paul teaches, further, that children should be brought up in the nurture 
 and admonition of the Lord ; that is, that they should be instructed respecting 
 that which they ought to know, and should be chastised when they do not hold 
 to the doctrine. For instance, they need both that you teach them that which 
 they do not know of God, and also that you punish them when they will not 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 133 
 
 retain this knowledge. Wherefore, see to it, that you cause your children first 
 to be instructed in spiritual things, that you point them first to God, and, after 
 that, to the world. But in these days, this order, sad to say, is inverted. And 
 it is not to be wondered at ; for parents themselves have not learned b} T their 
 own experience what is this admonition of the Lord, nor do they know much 
 about it from hearsay. Still we had hoped that schoolmasters would remedy 
 this evil that in school, at least, children would learn something good, and 
 there have the fear of God implanted in their hearts. But this hope, too, has 
 come to nought. All nations, the Jews especially, keep their children at school 
 more faithfully than Christians. And this is one reason why Christianity is so 
 fallen. For all its hopes of strength and potency are ever committed to the 
 generation that is coming on to the stage ; and, if this is neglected in its youth, 
 it fares with Christianity as with a garden that is neglected in the spring time. 
 
 For this reason children must be taught the doctrine of G-od. But this is the 
 doctrine of God, which you must teach your children, namely, to know our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, to keep ever fresh in their remembrance how he has suffered 
 for our sakes, what he has done, and what commanded. So the children of 
 Israel were commanded of God to show to their children, and to the generation 
 to come, the marvelous things which he did in the sight of their fathers in the 
 land of Egypt. Psalm 78 : 4, 12. And when they have learned all this, but 
 nevertheless do not love God, nor acknowledge their obligations to him in grate- 
 ful prayer, nor imitate Christ, then you should lay before them the admonition 
 of the Lord ; that is. present to their view the terrible judgments of God, and 
 his anger at the wicked. If a child, from his youth up, learns these things, 
 namely, God s mercies and promises, which will lead him to love God, and his 
 judgments and warnings, which will lead him to fear God, then, hereafter, when 
 he shall be old, this knowledge will not depart from him. 
 
 For God calls upon men to honor him in two ways ; namely, to love him as a 
 father, for the benefits which he has rendered, is now rendering, and ever will 
 render toward us ; and to fear him as a judge, for the punishments which he has 
 inflicted, and which he will inflict upon the wicked. Hear what he speaks by 
 the mouth of the prophet Malachi, 1 : 6. " If then I be a father, where is mine 
 honor ? And if I be a master, where is my fear ? " Therefore, the children of 
 God should learn to sing of mercy and judgment. Ps. 101 : 1. And St. Paul 
 intends to convey this two-fold meaning, when he says that children should be 
 brought up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. It belongs to nurture, 
 to tell your children how God has created all things, and how he has given them 
 their senses, their life, and their soul, and is daily providing: them with the good 
 things of his creation. Again, how he has suffered for us all, worked miracles, 
 preached to us, and how he has promised yet greater things. And with all this 
 you should exhort them to be grateful to God, to acknowledge his providence, 
 and to love him as a father. It belongs to admonition, that you tell them how 
 God, aforetime, smote with great plagues the Egyptians, the heathen, the inhabit- 
 ants of Sodom, the children of Israel, yea, all men in Adam ; again, how he is 
 now daily smiting many with pestilence, the sword, the gallows, water, fire, 
 wild beasts, and all manner of diseases, and how he menaces the wicked with 
 future punishment. 
 
 This admonition God requires us to make much more prominent to our child- 
 ren than that of men, or human penalties. And this, not without reason ; for 
 thus they will be taught always to look out of themselves, and up to God, and 
 to fear not men, but God. For, should they be accustomed to fear their parents 
 alone, it will finally come to pass that, even in respect to things which are 
 pleasing to God, that they will fear the opinions of men, and so will become 
 vacillating and cowardly. On this account children should be educated not only 
 to fear their parents, but to feel that God will be angry with them if they do not 
 fear their parents. So will they not be faint-hearted, but courageous, and, should 
 they be deprived of their parents, they will not depart from God, either while 
 good betides them, or when evil days come upon them ; for they have learned 
 with the fear of God to fear their parents, and not through their fear of their 
 parents to stand in awe of God. 
 
 But what an acceptable sacrifice it is to God, to bring up children thus, we 
 perceive in Genesis, 18 : 19, where it is said that God could not hide from Abra- 
 ham what he was about to do, and that, for this reason ; " for I know him," God 
 
134 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 said, " that he will command his children, and they shall keep the way of the 
 Lord." Do you not see that God herein indicates that the knowledge of the 
 doom, which was to come upon Sodom, would prove to the pious Abraham a 
 strong motive to lead him to bring up his children in the fear of the Lord? So 
 Jonadab, a father among the Rechabites, was gloriously extolled and blessed in 
 his children ; and that, because he had brought them up hi a pious and godly 
 manner, in the fear of the Lord. In such a manner were Tobias, Joachim and 
 Susanna brought up. On the other hand, the judgment pronounced against Eli, 
 because he restrained not his sons, stands forever to warn us in 1 Sam., 3 : 13. 
 
 II. BAD TRAINING. 
 
 Luther points out the consequences of the bad training of children 
 in the following paragraphs : 
 
 Are we not fools? See, we have the power to place heaven or hell within 
 reach of our children, and yet we give ourselves no concern about the matter 1 
 For what does it profit you, if you are ever so pious for yourself, and yet neglect 
 the education of your children ? Some there are, who serve God with an extreme 
 intensity of devotion, they fast, they wear coarse garments, and are assiduous 
 in such like exercises for themselves; but the true service of God in their fami- 
 lies, namely, the training up their children aright, this they pass blindly by, 
 even as the Jews of old forsook God's temple, and offered sacrifice upon the 
 high places. Whence, it becomes you first to ponder upon what God requires 
 of you, and upon the office that he has laid upon you ; as St. Paul spake in 1 
 Cor., 7 : 20. " Let every man abide in the same calling, wherein he was called." 
 Believe me, it is much more necessary for you to take diligent heed how you 
 may train up your children well, than to purchase indulgences, to make long 
 prayers, to go on pilgrimages to distant shrines, or to impose numerous vows 
 upon yourselves. 
 
 Thus, fathers and mothers, ye see, what course it is your duty to adopt toward 
 your children, so that you may be parents indeed, and worthy of the name ; 
 wherefore, be circumspect, lest you destroy yourselves, and your children with 
 you. But those destroy their children, who knowingly neglect them, and suffer 
 them to grow up without the nurture and admonition of the Lord ; and though 
 they do not themselves set them a bad example, yet they indulge them overmuch, 
 out of an excess of natural affection, and so destroy them. " But " they say, " these 
 are mere children; they neither know nor understand!" That may be; but 
 look at the dog, the horse, or the ass; they have neither reason nor judgment, 
 and yet we train them to follow our bidding, to come or go, to do or to leave 
 undone, at our pleasure. Neither does a block of wood or of stone know whether 
 it will or will .not fit into the building, but the master-workman brings it to 
 shape ; how much more then a man ! Or will you have it that other people's 
 children may be able to learn what is right, but that yours are not? They who 
 are so exceedingly scrupulous and tender, will have their children's sins to bear, 
 precisely as if these sins were their own. 
 
 There are others who destroy their children by using foul language and oaths 
 in their presence, or by a corrupt demeanor and example. I have even known 
 some, and, would God there were no more of them, who have sold their 
 daughters or their wives for hire, and made their living thus out of the wages of 
 unchastity. And truly, murderers, beyond all question, do better for their 
 daughters than such parents. There are some who are exceedingly well pleased 
 if their sons betray a fierce and warlike spirit, and are ever ready to give blows, 
 as though it were a great merit in them to show no fear of any one. Such 
 parents are quite likely hi the end to pay dear for their folly, and to experience 
 sorrow and anguish, when their sons, as often happens in such cases, are sud- 
 denly cut off; nor, in this event, can they justly complain. Again, children are 
 sufficiently inclined to give way to anger and evil passions, and hence it behooves 
 parents to remove temptation from them, as far as possible, by a well-guarded 
 example in themselves, both in words and in actions. For what can the child of 
 a man, whose language is habitually vile and profane, be expected to learn, 
 unless it be the like vileness and profanity ? 
 
 Others again destroy their children by inducing them to set their affections 
 on the world, by taking no thought for them further than to see that they 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. ^35 
 
 cultivate graceful manners, dress finely, dance and sing, and all this, to be admired, 
 and to make conquests ; for this is the way of the world. In our day, there are 
 but few who are chiefly solicitous to procure their children an abundant supply 
 of those things that pertain to God, and to the interests of the soul ; for, the most 
 strive to insure them wealth and splendor, honor and pleasure. 
 
 Thus Luther censures a rough, passionate severity in parents, as 
 well as a spirit of indulgence ; and wisely commends to them to 
 inspire their children with a dread, rather of God's displeasure than of 
 human penalties, to chasten them betimes, etc. 
 
 Of the like import are his reflections when commenting on 1 John. 
 2: 14. 
 
 There is that in the nature of young children, which exults, when the reins of 
 discipline are slackened. Nor is the case otherwise with youth, and if they are 
 held in, even with so firm a hand that they can not break away, nevertheless they 
 will murmur. The right of fathers over their children is derived from God; he 
 is, in truth, the Father of all, "of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is 
 named." Eph. 3 : 15. Wherefore, the authority of earthly fathers over their 
 children should not be exercised in a hard and unfriendly manner. He who gov- 
 erns in anger only adds fuel to the fire. And, if fathers and masters on earth do 
 not acknowledge God, he so orders it that both children and servants shall dis- 
 appoint their hopes. Experience, too, shows us abundantly, that far more can be 
 accomplished by love, than by slavish fear and constraint. But it is the duty of 
 children to learn the fear of God first of all ; then, to love those who labor for 
 their improvement. The fear of God should never depart from them ; for, if they 
 put it away, they become totally unfit to serve God or man. Correction, too, 
 which includes both reproof and chastisement, saves the soul of the child from 
 the endless punishment of hell. Let not the father spare the rod, but let him 
 remember that the work of training up children is an honor which comes from 
 God; yea, if they turn out well, let him give God the glory. Whoso does not 
 know to do this, hates his children and his household, and walks in darkness. 
 For parents, who love their children blindly, and leave them to then' own courses, 
 do no better in the end than if they had hated them. And the ruin of children 
 almost invariably lies at the door of parents, and it commonly ensues from one 
 of these two causes ; namely, either from undue lenity and foolish fondness, or 
 from unbending severity, and an irritable spirit. Both these extremes are 
 attended with great hazard, and both should be shunned alike. 
 
 Against indulging children Luther likewise inveighs, in a sermon on 
 the married state. 
 
 There is no greater obstacle in the way of Christianity than neglect in the 
 training of the young. If we would re-instate Christianity in its former glory, 
 we must improve and elevate the children, as it was done in the days of old. 
 But, alas! parents are blinded by the delusiveness of natural affection, so that 
 they have come to regard the bodies of their children more than their souls. On 
 this point hear the words of the wise man; Prov. 13: 24. "He that spareth 
 the rod, hateth his son; but he that loveth him, chasteneth him betimes." 
 Again, 22: 15. " Foolishness is bound in the heart of a child; but the rod of 
 correction shall drive it far from him." Again, Prov. 23 : 14. " Thou shalt beat 
 him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from hell." 
 
 " Wherefore it is the chief duty of the father of a family, to bestow 
 more, greater, and more constant care upon the soul of his child than 
 upon his body ; for, this is his own flesh, but the soul is a precious 
 immortal jewel, which God has intrusted to his keeping, and which he 
 must not suffer either the world, the flesh or the devil to steal or to 
 destroy. And a strict account of his charge will be required of him 
 at death and the judgment. For whence, think you, shall come the 
 
136 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 terrible wailing and anguish of those, who shall there cry out, 
 'Blessed are the wombs that never bare, and the paps which never 
 gave suck ?' Luke 23 : 29. Doubtless, from the bitter thought that 
 they have not brought their children back to God, from whom they 
 had only received them in trust." 
 
 III. MONKISH TRAINING OF THE YOUNG. 
 
 Luther disapproves of isolating children from the world, after the 
 usage of the monks. " Solomon," says he, " was a right royal school- 
 master. He does not forbid children from mingling with the world, 
 or from enjoying themselves, as the monks do their scholars; for they 
 will thus become mere clods and blockheads, as Anselrn likewise per- 
 ceived. Said this one ; ' a young man, thus hedged about, and cut 
 off from society, is like a young tree, whose nature it is to grow and 
 bear fruit, planted in a small and narrow pot.' For the monks have 
 imprisoned the youth whom they have had in charge, as men put 
 birds in dark cages, so that they could neither see nor converse with 
 any one. But it is dangerous for youth to be thus alone, thus de- 
 barred from social intercourse. Wherefore, we ought to permit young 
 people to see, and hear, and know what is taking place around them 
 in the world, yet so that you hold them under discipline, and teach 
 them self-respect. Your monkish strictness is never productive of 
 any good fruit. It is an excellent thing for a young man to be fre- 
 quently in the society of others ; yet he must be honorably trained to 
 adhere to the principles of integrity, and to virtue, and to shun the 
 contamination of vice. This monkish tyranny is moreover an absolute 
 injury to the young ; for they stand in quite as much need of pleas- 
 ure and recreation as of eating and drinking ; their health, too, will 
 be firmer and the more vigorous by the means." 
 
 IV. OFFENSE GIVEN TO CHILDREN. 
 
 In Luther's exposition of the sixth commandment, he pointedly 
 condemns the offense which is given to the young by the use of foul 
 language. " It is a great sin to use such infamous language in the 
 presence of innocent boys and girls. Those who do it are guilty of 
 all the sins which their inconsiderate words beget. For the tender 
 and inexperienced minds of children are very quick to receive an im- 
 pression from such words; and, what is far worse, this filthy language 
 clings to their memory, and long abides with them, even as a stain on 
 a fine white cloth is much harder to efface than if it came on one that 
 is rough and course. This the pagans, too, learned from experience : 
 Horace, for example, who says that a new vase long retains the odor 
 of that substance that happened first to have been put into it! 
 ' Quo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem 
 Testa din." 1 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 137 
 
 And Juvenal, ' you should pay the utmost regard to your boy ; and, 
 if you meditate any thing base, think not that his age is too tender to 
 remain unsullied.' 
 
 ''Maxima debeter puero reverentia, si quid 
 Turpe paras, hvjus tu ne contemseris annosS 
 
 " We will now inquire more particularly what these people do, who 
 thus offend children? Since it is a good thing to pay regard to their 
 tender years, and to keep them in the observance of propriety and 
 decorum, (for it is an acceptable sacrifice to God, to seek the welfare 
 of souls,) we should, therefore, with all diligence, watch over young 
 boys and girls, and prevent them either from seeing or hearing any 
 thing infamous ; for their evil tendencies are strong enough by 
 nature. If you seek to quench fire, not with water, but by adding 
 fuel to it, what good do you think you will do ? But, alas! how many 
 wicked people there are, who make themselves the tools of the devil, 
 and destroy innocent souls with their poisonous and corrupt language. 
 The devil is truly called a destroyer of souls, but he does not do his 
 work, unless with the help of the infamous tongues of such as are on 
 his side, and take pattern by his example. 
 
 "Can a child root out of his soul the vile word, that has once passed 
 in at his ear ? The seed is sown, and it germinates in his heart, even 
 against his will. And it branches out into strange and peculiar fan- 
 cies, which he dares not utter, and can not rid himself of. But, woe 
 to thee! whoever thou art, who hast conveyed into an artless mind, 
 that had otherwise been free from the guile, such troubles, perils and 
 poison ! Thou hast not, indeed, marred the body ; but, as much as in 
 thee lay, thou hast disfigured that much nobler part, the soul. Thou 
 hast poured, through the ear of a fellow-being, a deadly bane into his 
 life-blood ; yea, thou hast slain his soul. Such people are of the race 
 of Herod, who slew the innocents in Bethlehem. You would not suffer 
 your own children to be murdered before your eyes ; why then will 
 you destroy souls that are not yours, but God's. St. Louis, king 
 of France, said that his mother would rather have seen her children 
 die by violence than commit a deadly sin. And what a terrible con- 
 demnation does our Lord pronounce upon such corruption of child- 
 ren. ' But whoever shall offend one of these little ones, which be- 
 lieve in me, it were better for him that a mill-stone were hanged 
 about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea.' 
 Matt., 18:6. See what care Christ bestows on innocent little child- 
 ren, in that he affixes a new and peculiar penalty upon the sin of 
 those who offend and injure them ; a penalty that is denounced upon 
 no other sin. By this he would doubtless indicate, that such persons 
 
133 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 shall undergo an aggravated punishment in the world of woe. And 
 hear him further, in the 7th verse, ' Woe unto the world, because of 
 offenses ! for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that 
 man by whom the offense cometh !' And, in the 10th, * Take heed) 
 that ye despise not one of these little ones ; for I say unto you, that 
 in heaven their angels do always behold the face of my Father which 
 is in heaven.' 
 
 " If any one should be disposed to judge these persons mildly, and 
 say their words may raise a blush, but they themselves are clean, as 
 Ovid falsely alledges of himself, 
 
 My manners differ widely from my verse ; 
 
 The muse may dally, I am none the worse. 
 
 let him hear what Christ says, and keep silence. ' Out of the 
 abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh.' ' A tree is known by 
 its fruits.' 
 
 " And hence it is, too, that the Christian faith is at so low an ebb, 
 because the children have been led out of the way; and, if the Chris- 
 tian church is again to rise from the dust, we must begin with a care- 
 ful instruction of the young." 
 
 V. DEGENERATE CHILDREN. 
 
 When, despite the conscientious efforts of parents and teachers, 
 children turn out ill, Luther casts a consoling view upon the case. 
 " What is greater and more glorious than this your labor, ye faithful 
 taskmasters ? You are, in all truthfulness, to instruct, to teach, to 
 chasten and admonish the youth committed to your care, in the hope 
 that some will keep in the way of wisdom, though some too may 
 turn aside. For whoever will do any good, must bear in mind, that 
 this effort may prove all in vain, and his benevolence be thrown away ; 
 for there are always many who scorn and reject good counsel, and 
 but few who follow it. We should be satisfied, if our good deeds are 
 not wholly fruitless ; and if, among ten lepers, one returns and gives 
 thanks, it is well. Luke, 17 : 17. So, if among ten scholars, there 
 is but one who bends to discipline and learns with zeal, it is well ; 
 for our kindness is not wholly lost ; and Christ himself bids us, after 
 the example of his Heavenly Father, do good to the thankful and the 
 unthankful alike. 
 
 " Therefore, stand in your lot, and labor with all diligence ; and, if 
 God does not crown you with success, yet ascribe to him glory and 
 dominion in the highest, and faint not, neither be impatient. Think 
 what an admirable example Solomon has set us ; for Solomon him- 
 self, or any other king, may train up his son from infancy in the best, 
 nost pains- taking, and most godly manner, thinking and hoping, 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 139 
 
 he shall succeed, and may fail, notwithstanding all. Have you a 
 pious son ; then say, ' thanks be to God, who has made him and 
 given him to me;' but, .if your son has grown up to evil courses, 
 you can but say, ' such is this poor human life ; I have toiled to 
 train up my son aright ; but it was not the Lord's will he should 
 prosper; yet blessed be the name of the Lord.' 
 
 " Nor must parents ever cease to seek their children's good, however 
 degenerate and ungrateful they may be." 
 
 VI. ALLOWED DISOBEDIENCE. 
 
 But should parents, in the training of their children, trangress God's 
 commandments, then, Luther thinks, they can not justly claim their 
 obedience. 
 
 If parents act with such thoughtless folly, as to bring up their children to 
 worldly pleasure and dissipation, then the children may cease to obey them. For 
 we see by the first three commandments that God will be honored before earthly 
 parents. By bringing them up to the world, I mean, pointing them to nothing 
 higher than pleasure, honor and wordly good. 
 
 vn. SCHOOLS. 
 
 The establishment of institutions of learning by magistrates, as a 
 means of providing a constant succession of well-educated and able 
 men for the church, the school and the government, and a defense of 
 study, especially the study of the languages, and the founding of 
 libraries, are treated of in "Dr. Martin Luther's Address to the 
 Councilmen of all the towns of Germany, calling upon them to 
 establish and sustain Christian schools. A. D., 1524." 
 
 To the Mayors and Councilmen of all the towns of Germany : 
 Grace and peace from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ. Beloved 
 rulers, wise and sagacious men, ye all do know that I have been under ban and 
 outlawry for well nigh three years ; and I surely would keep silence now, if I feared 
 the commandments of men more than I fear God 5 for which cause also, many in 
 this our German land, both high and low, are even now denouncing my words 
 and deeds, and shedding much blood over them. But, for all this, I can not refrain 
 from speaking ; for God has opened my mouth, and commanded me to speak, 
 yea, to cry aloud, and to spare not, while at the same time he has ever been giv- 
 ing strength and increase to my cause, and that too without any device or act of 
 mine ; for the more '' they rage and set themselves, the more he laughs and has 
 them in derision." 2nd Psalm. And by this one thing alone, whosoever is not- 
 hardened in unbelief may see that this cause is of God. For this is ever the 
 way with God's word and work here on the earth ; they manifest the greatest 
 power precisely when men are the most eager to overthrow and destroy them. 
 Therefore, I will speak, and, as Isaiah saith, "I will not hold my peace, till the 
 righteousness of Christ go forth as brightness, and his salvation as a lamp that 
 burneth." And I beseech you all, my beloved rulers and friends, receive this my 
 writing and exhortation with joy, and lay it to heart. For whatever I am in my- 
 self, yet in this matter I can say of a truth, with a pure conscience in the sight 
 of God, that I have not sought mine own good, (which I could the more easily 
 have secured by silence ;) but, out of i\ true heart, I speak to you and to the whole 
 of Germany, even as God has ordained me to do, whether ye hear, or whether ye 
 forbear. And I would have you freely, cheerfully and in a spirit of love, give me 
 your attention; since, doubtless, if ye obey me herein, ye obey not me, but 
 Christ, and whoever does not follow my precepts, despises Christ, and not me. 
 
140 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 Wherefore I beseech you all, beloved rulers and friends, for the sake of God and 
 of poor neglected youth, do not count this a small matter, as some do, who, in 
 their blindness, overlook the wiles of the adversary. For it is a great and solemn 
 duty that is laid upon us, a duty of immense moment to Christ and to the world, 
 to give aid and counsel to the young. And in so doing we likewise promote our 
 own best interests. And remember, that the silent, hidden and malicious assaults 
 of the devil can be withstood only by manly Christian effort. Beloved rulers, 
 if we find it necessary to expend such large sums, as we do yearly, upon artillery, 
 roads, bridges, dykes, and a thousand other things of the sort, in order that a 
 city may be assured of continued order, peace, and tranquillity, ought we not to 
 expend on the poor suffering youth therein, at least enough to provide them with 
 a schoolmaster or two'/ God the Almighty, has, in very deed, visited us Ger- 
 mans with the small rain of his grace, and vouchsafed to us a right golden har- 
 vest. For we have now among us many excellent and learned young men, richly 
 furnished with knowledge, both of the languages and of the arts, who could do 
 great good, if "we would only set them to the task of teaching our little folks. Do 
 we not see before our very eyes, that a boy may now be so thoroughly drilled in 
 three years, that, at fifteen or eighteen, he shall know more than hitherto all the 
 high schools and cloisters put together have ever been able to impart ? Yea, what 
 other thing have the high schools and cloisters ever achieved, but to make asses 
 and blockheads ? Twenty, forty years would they teach you, and after all you 
 would know nothing of Latin, or of German either ; and then, too, there is their 
 shameful profligacy, by which how many ingenuous youths have been led astray ! 
 But, now that God has so richly favored us, in giving us such a number of per- 
 sons competent to teach these young folks, and to mould their powers in the best 
 manner, truly it behooves us not to throw his grace to the wind, and not to suffer 
 him to knock at our door in vain. He is" even now waiting for admittance; good 
 betide us if we open to him, happy the ma"n who responds to his greeting. If we 
 slight him until he shall have passed by, wTio may prevail with him to return ? 
 Let us bethink ourselves of our former sorrow, and of the darkness wherein once 
 we groped. I do not suppose that Germany has ever heard so much of God's 
 word as now ; certainly we may search our history in vain for the like state of 
 things. If we let,all this slip away, withput gratitude and praise, it is to be feared 
 that worse calamities and a deeper darkness will come upon us. My dear Ger- 
 man brothers, buy, while the market is at your door ; gather in, while the sun 
 shines, and the weather is fair ; apply the word and the grace of God to your 
 hearts, while they are here. For this you should always bear in mind, that 
 God's word and grace are a passing shower, that goes, never to return. And 
 do not, my German brothers, indulge in the delusive dream that it will abide with 
 you forever. For an ungrateful and a scornful spirit will drive it away. Where- 
 fore, lay hold of it, and keep it, ye, who may ; idle hands reap never a harvest. 
 God's command, so often communicated through Moses, to the effect that parents 
 should teach their children, is thus taken up and enforced in the 78th Psalm, 3rd 
 verse, et seq., " which our fathers have told us, we will not hide them from their 
 children, showing to the generations to come the praise of the Lord." And the 
 5th commandment God deemed of such vast importance, that the punishment of 
 death was decreed upon stubborn and disobedient children. And why is it, that 
 we, the elder, are spared to the world, except to train up and instruct the young ? 
 It is impossible that the gay little folks should guide and teach themselves ; and 
 accordingly God has committed to us, who are old and experienced, the knowl- 
 edge which is needful for them, and he will require of us a strict account of what 
 we have done with it. Listen to Moses, in Deuteronomy, 32 : 7. " Ask tin- 
 father, and he will show thee ; thine elders, and they will tell thee." But with 
 us, to our sin and our shame be it spoken, it has come to this, that we must drive 
 and be driven, before we can bring up our children aright, and seek their good ; 
 and yet, nature itself would seem to prompt us what to do, and manifold exam- 
 ples among pagan nations, to incite us to do it. There is not a brute animal that 
 does not direct and instruct its young to act as befits its nature ; unless we except 
 the ostrich, of which ( -od saith, in Job, 39 : 14, 16 ; " which leaveth her eggs in 
 the earth," " she is hardened against her young ones, as though they were not 
 hers." And what would it profit us, if we were faithful in the discharge of every 
 other duty, and should become well-nigh perfect, if. withal, we failed to do 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 141 
 
 precisely the thing fbr which our lives are lengthened out, namely, to cherish and 
 watch over the young ? J truly think that, of outward sins, there is none, for 
 which the world is so culpable, and for which it merits such severe condemnation, 
 as this which we are guilty of with regard to our children, in not giving them a 
 right training. Woe to the world, ever and forever ! Children are daily born, 
 and are suffered to grow up among us, and there is, alas ! no one to take the poor 
 young people to himself, and show them the way in which they should go ; but 
 we all leave them to go whither they will. But, you say, "all this is addressed 
 to parents ; what have councilmen and magistrates to do with it ?" This is very 
 true, I grant you ; but how if parents should not do it, what then ? Who, I 
 ask, will ? Shall it be left undone, and the children be neglected ? Will magis- 
 trates and councilmen then plead that they have nothing to do in the matter ? 
 There are many reasons why parents do not deal as they should by their 
 children. 
 
 And, first, there are some who are not so pious and well-meaning as to do this, 
 even when they have the ability ; but, like the ostrich, which leaveth her eggs in 
 the dust, and is hardened against her young ones, so they bring children into 
 being, and there is an end of their care. But these children are to live among 
 us, and to be of us in one common city. And how can you reconcile it with reason, 
 and especially with Christian love, to permit them to grow up uncared for and 
 untaught, to poison and to blast the morals of other' children, so that at last these 
 too will become utterly corrupt ; as it happened to Sodom, Gomorrah, Gaba acd 
 many other cities? And again, the majority^of parents are, alas! entirely unfit 
 to educate their children, knowing neither what to teach them, nor how to teach 
 it. For they have learned nothing themselves, save how to provide for the body ; 
 and they must look to a special class, set apart for the purpose, to take their 
 children and bring them up in the right way. In the third place, there are quite 
 a number of parents who, though both willing and cajjable, yet, by reason of their 
 business or the situation of their families, have neither the time nor the place, 
 convenient ; so that necessity compels them to get teachers for their children. 
 And each would be glad to have one entirely to himself. This, however, is 
 out of the question, for it would be too great a burdBn for men of ordinary means! 
 to bear ; and thus, many a fine boy would be neglected, because of poverty, j 
 Add, that so many parents die, and leave orphans behind them ; and what care 
 guardians commonly give to them, if observation did not teach us, yet we could 
 judge from what God calls himself, in Psalm 68 : 6, "a father of the father- 
 less," which is as much as to say that they are forsaken by all others. There 
 are some, again, who have no children themselves, and who, on this account, take 
 no interest at all in the welfare of the young. 
 
 In view of all this, it becomes councilmen and magistrates to watch over youth { 
 with unremitting care and diligence. For since their city, in all its interests, life, 
 honor, and possessions, is committed to their faithful keeping, they do not deal 
 justly by their trust, before God and the world, unless they strive to their utmost, 
 pight and day, to promote the city's increase and prosperity. Now, a city's in- 
 crease consists not alone in heaping up great treasures, in building solid walls or 
 stately houses, or in multiplying artillery and munitions of war ; nay, where 
 there is great store of this, and yet fools with it, it is all the worse, and all the 
 greater loss for the city. But this is the best and the richest increase, prosperity 
 and strength of a city, that it shall contain a great number of polished, learned, 
 intelligent, honorable, and well-bred citizens ; who, when they have become alt 
 this, may then get wealth and put it to a good use. Since, then, a city must have 
 citizens, and on all accounts its saddest lack and destitution were a lack of citizens, 
 we are not to wait until they are grown up. We can neither hew them out of 
 stones, nor carve them out of wood ; for God does not work miracles, so long as 
 the ordinary gifts of his bounty are able to subserve the use of man. Hence, 
 we must use the appointed means, and, with cost and care, rear up and mould our 
 citizens. Whose fault is it, that now in every city there is such a dearth of intel- 
 ligent and capable men, but that of the magistrates, who have left the young to 
 grow up like the trees of the forest, and have not given a thought to their instruc- 
 tion and training? You see how wild the trees grow; they are only good for 
 fences or for fire-wood, and are by no means fit for the use of the builder. Yet, 
 we must have governments here upon the earth. And how wild and senseless 
 
142 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 is the hope, if clods and addle-brains rule us, that somehow they will get wis- 
 dom, and all will go well with us. Rather let us elect so many swine or 
 wolves for rulers, and place them over such as know not what it is to 
 be ruled by men. And besides, it is brutish recklessness, to act merely for the 
 present time, and to say, " as for us, we will rule now ; but, we care not how 
 it shall be with those who come after us." Such men as these, who use their 
 power only for their own individual honor and profit, ought not to rule over 
 men, but over dogs or swine. For even when we exert our utmost diligence to 
 train shrewd, learned, and competent men for rulers, we do not find it a 
 very easy matter to reach our aim. What then can we expect, when we do 
 absolutely nothing? 
 
 " This may be so," you reply ; " but, though we ought to have schools, and 
 must have them, still what will it profit us to have Latin, Greek, Hebrew, 
 and your other liberal arts taught in them ? Will not German suffice to teach 
 us all of the Bible and the Word of God that is essential to salvation?" Alas, 
 I fear me, that we Germans must ever be and continue to be yjnere brutes and 
 wild beasts, as our neighbors with such good reason style us. I wonder that 
 you do not say, " what have we to do with silks, wine, spices, and other pro- 
 ductions of foreign lands ; inasmuch as we have wine, corn, wool, flax, wood, 
 and stone here in Germany, not only to supply our wants, but enough and in 
 variety enough to minister either to comfort, dignity or luxury?'' And yet, these 
 languages and these arts, which do us no harm, but are agreeable and useful 
 alike, sources both of honor and profit, throwing light upon the Scriptures, and 
 imparting sound wisdom to rulers, these we despise ; while the productions of 
 other lands, which do us no good whatever, we fret and worry ourselves after 
 to that degree that even success ofttimes proves no better to us than failure. Of 
 a truth, we are rightly called German fools and beasts! Surely, were there no 
 other good to be got from the languages, the bare thought that they are a noble 
 and a glorious gift from God, wherewith he has visited and enriched us, almost 
 beyond all other nations, this thought, I say, ought to be a powerful motive, 
 yea, an allurement to cultivate them. The cases are rare, indeed, where the devil 
 has suffered the languages to be in repute. in the universities and the cloisters; 
 nay, these have almost always raised a hue and cry against them in the past 
 ages, as likewise they do now. For the prince of darkness is shrewd enough 
 to know that, where the languages flourish, there his power will soon be so 
 rent and torn that he can not readily repair it. But now, since he can not keep 
 them from expanding into a vigorous growth, and from bearing fruit, he is at 
 work, devising how he may render them dwarfed and sickly, if so be that they 
 may decay and die of themselves. If an unwelcome guest comes to his house, 
 he sets before him so meagre an entertainment, that he is forced to shorten his 
 visit. Few of us, my good friends, perceive this craft and snare of the devil. 
 Wherefore, my beloved countrymen, let us open our eyes, and, thanking God for 
 this precious jewel, let us keep fast hold of it, lest it be filched away from us, and 
 the devil see his malicious purposes accomplished ; for, though the gospel came 
 in former times as now, day by day, it comes to us, by the Holy Spirit alone, yet 
 we can not deny that at the first it was received through the languages, that its 
 blessings are now spread abroad by their means, and by their means that it is 
 to be kept in the world. For when God, by the apostles, sent the gospel to men, 
 he sent the gift of tongues with it ; and, before that time, he had used the Roman 
 power as an instrument to diffuse the Latin and Greek languages far and wide 
 over the whole world, in order that the gospel might spread rapidly through all the 
 nations. And, in the same manner, he has worked at the present day. No 
 man understood the reason why God caused the languages again to pu-t on bloom 
 and vigor, until now, at last, we see that it was for the sake of the gospel, which he 
 purposed to bring to light and thereby make manifest, and overthrow the king- 
 dom of Anti-Christ. For that cause it was that he gave Greece into the hands 
 of the Turks, in order that the Greeks, hunted out of their own land and scat- 
 tered over the face of the earth, might carry with them out amongst the nations 
 the knowledge of the Greek language, and thereby cause a beginning to be made 
 of learning the other languages also. Now, since the gospel is so dear to us, let 
 us hold fast to the languages. Nor should it be in vain to us that God has caused 
 his Scriptures to be written in two languages only, the Old Testament in the 
 

 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 14. f 
 
 Hebrew, and the New Testament in the Greek. These languages God has not 
 despised, but has chosen them for his word, to the exclusion of all others ; and 
 we too ought therefore to honor them above all others. And St. Paul glories 
 in this, as a special honor and advantage of the Hebrew, namely, that God's 
 jtvord was written therein. " What advantage then hath the Jew ? Much every 
 way ; chiefly because unto them were committed the oracles of God." Romans, 
 3 : 1,2. King David, too, bestows a like praise upon it, in Psalm, 147 : 19. 
 "He sheweth his word unto Jacob, his statutes and judgments unto Israel. He 
 hath not dealt so with any nation," " nor to any nation revealed his judgments ;" 
 as though he would say, " God hath, in this, consecrated and set apart the He- 
 brew tongue." And St. Paul, in Romans, 1 : 2, calls the Scriptures holy ; 
 doubtless, because the Holy Word of God is contained therein. In like manner, 
 also, may the Greek be called a sacred language, in that it was chosen before all 
 other languages as that one in which the New Testament should be written, and 
 out of wh.ch it should flow, as out of a fountain, into other languages by the 
 means of translations, thus consecrating these too. And let us bethink our- 
 selves, that haply we may not be able to retain the gospel without the knowledge 
 of the languages in which it was written. For they are the scabbard, in which 
 this sword of the spirit is sheathed ; they are the casket, in which this jewel is 
 enshrined ; the vessel, in which this drink is kept ; the room, where this meat is 
 stored. And, as we are taught in the gospel itself, they are the baskets, in which 
 were gathered this bread, these fishes, and thtse fragments. Yea, should we 
 overlook all this, and (which God forbid ! ) let go our hold on the languages, 
 then we would not only lose the gospel, but would finally fall away to that degree, 
 that we should be able neither to speak nor to write either German or Latin. 
 And in this, let us take a lesson and a warning by the sad example of the universi- 
 ties and cloisters, where they have not only let the gospel slip away from their 
 grasp, but have also either lost or corrupted both Latin and German, so that the 
 creatures have become but little better than brute beasts, knowing neither how 
 to read nor write, and, more than this, have well-nigh lost even their native 
 intellect too. For this reason, the apostles themselves felt constrained to enclose 
 and bind up, as it were, the New Testament in the Greek language ; without 
 doubt, to preserve it for us safe and intact, as in a holy ark. For they saw all 
 that, which was to come to pass, and which even now has been fulfilled ; name- 
 ly, if it were committed to tradition alone, that, amid, many a wild, disorderly, and 
 tumultuous clash and commingling of opinions, Christianity would become ob- 
 scured ; which event it would be impossible to guard against, and equally impos- 
 sible to preserve the plain and simple truth, unless the New Testament were made 
 sure and immutable by writing and by language. Hence, we may conclude that, 
 where the languages do not abide, there, in the end, the gospel must perish. 
 That this is true, is manifest, moreover, from history ; for soon after the apos- 
 tles' time, when the gift of tongues ceased, the knowledge of the gospel, faith in 
 Christ, and the whole system of Christianity, fell away more and more 5 and 
 later, since the time that the languages went into disrepute, there has very little 
 transpired in Christendom that has been worthy of note ; but a vast number of 
 frightful enormities have, on the other hand, been engendered, in consequence of 
 ignorance of the languages. And now, that the languages have again dawned 
 upon us, they have brought such light with them, and they have accomplished 
 such mighty results, that all the world is lost in amazement, and is forced to 
 confess that we have the gospel in as" great purity almost as did the apostles j 
 nay, that it has come again in its pristine purity, and is, beyond all comparison, 
 purer than it was in the time of St. Jerome or St. Augustine. And, in fine, 
 the Holy Spirit understands this matter: he does not employ any light or need- 
 less means for his work ; and he has deemed the languages of such importance, 
 that he has often brought them with him from heaven. Which fact alone 
 ought to be a sufficient inducement to us to cultivate them with diligence and to 
 pay them due honor ; and not, by any means, to despise them, now that he is 
 again breathing into them the breath of life throughout the world. " But," you 
 will say, " many of the Fathers have died without the languages, and the, 
 nevertheless have been saved." Very true. But what do you say to this, that 
 they so often missed wide of the true sens"e of the Scriptures ? How often is 
 St. Augustine at fault in his commentaries on the Psalter, and elsewhere ; and 
 
144 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 Hilary, too ; yea ? and all who, without the aid of the languages, have undertaken 
 to expound the Scriptures ? And, though they perhaps may have spoken the 
 right thing, yet have they not betrayed an uncertainty, whether the passage in hand 
 would bear the construction that they have put upon it? But, if we thus, with 
 our own doubtful arguments and our stumbling references, approach to the de- 
 fense of the faith, will not Christians be contemned and derided by such of their 
 antagonists as are well-versed in the languages ? And will not these become 
 more stubborn in their unbelief, inasmuch as they will have good reason to con- 
 clude our faith a delusion ? To what is it owing, that religion is now so generally 
 scandalized ? To the fact alone, that we are ignorant of the languages ; and 
 there is no help for it, but to learn them. Was not St. Jerome constrained to 
 translate the Psalms anew from the Hebrew, solely because when there came up 
 any controversy with the Jews, they silenced their opponents with the sneering 
 remark, that the passage cited did not read thus and so in the Hebrew. Now, 
 all the expositions of the ancient fathers, who treated the Scriptures without the 
 aid of the languages, (though perhaps they advocated no unsound doctrines,) are 
 nevertheless quite often based upon doubtful, inaccurate or inappropriate render- 
 ings. And they groped about, like a blind man at a wall, quite often failing alto- 
 gether of the right text, and stupidly overlooking it in their enthusiasm, so that 
 even St. Augustine himself was obliged to confess, in his treatise on the Christian 
 doctrines, that a Christian teacher, who would interpret the Scriptures, must 
 understand not only Latin and Greek, but Hebrew likewise ; " for otherwise, it is 
 impossible but that he will stumble on all hands." And truly, there is need of 
 labor enough, even when we do know the languages. For this reason, it is one 
 thing with the unlettered preacher of the faith, and quite another with the inter- 
 preter of the Scriptures, or the prophet, as St. Paul calls the latter. The unlet- 
 tered preacher has at his command such a number of clear and intelligible texts 
 and paragraphs in the vernacular, that he can understand Christ and his doctrine, 
 lead a holy life himself, and preach all this to others ; but, to set forth the sense 
 of the Scriptures, to put one's self in the van, and to do battle against heretics and 
 errorists, this can never come about, except with the help of the languages. 
 And, accordingly, we must ever, in the Christian church, have such prophets, who 
 shall study and expound the Scriptures, and, besides, shall be stalwart champions 
 of the faith ; for all which, a holy life and sound precepts are not enough. Hence, 
 the languages are of the first necessity to a pure Christianity, as they are the 
 source of the power that resides in prophets or commentators; although, we 
 ought not to require every Christian or preacher to be such a prophet, as also St. 
 Paul admits, in 1st Cor., 12 : 8, 9, and Eph., 4:11. 
 
 * We thus see how it is that, since the apostles' time, the Scriptures have re- 
 mained so obscure ; for, nowhere have any sure and reliable commentaries been 
 written upon them. Even the holy fathers, as we said before, have often fallen 
 into error, and, because they were ignorant of the languages, they very seldom 
 agree, but one says one thing, and another another. St. Bernard was a man of 
 great genius; so much so, that I would place him above all the eminent doctrin- 
 ists, both ancient and modern. But yet, how often does he play upon the lan- 
 guage of the Scriptures, (albeit in a spiritual sense,) thus turning it aside from 
 its true meaning. Hence, the sophists averred that the Scriptures were obscure, 
 and that the word of our God was couched in perplexing and contradictory 
 terms. But they did not see that all that was wanted, was a knowledge of the 
 languages in which it was recorded. For nothing is more plain-spoken than 
 God's word, when we have become thorough masters of its language. A Turk 
 might well seem obscure to me, because I do not understand his speech, when 
 a Turkish child of seven shall easily discern his meaning. Hence, it is a rash 
 undertaking, to attempt to learn the Scriptures through the expositions of the 
 Fathers, and through reading their numerous treatises and glosses. For this 
 purpose you ought to go direct to the language yourself. For the beloved 
 Fathers, because they were without the languages, have at times descanted at 
 great length upon a single verse, and yet cast such a feeble glimmer of light 
 upon it, that their interpretation was, at last, but half right, and half wrong. 
 And yet you will persist in painfully running after them, when, with the languages, 
 you might be yourself in a position rather to lead than to follow. For, as the 
 light of the sun dispels the shadows of the night, so do the languages render 
 
LCTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 145 
 
 useless all the glosses of the Fathers. Since now, it becomes Christians to re- 
 gard the Scriptures as the one only book, which is all their own, and since it is a 
 sin and a shame for us not to be familiar with our own book, and with the lan- 
 guage and the word of our God ; so it is a still greater sin and shame, for us 
 not to learn the languages, especially now that God is bringing to us and freely 
 offering us learned men, and suitable books, and every thing which we need for 
 this purpose, and is, so to speak, urging us to the task, so desirous is he to have 
 his book open to us. O, how joyful would those beloved Fathers have been, 
 if they could have come to the knowledge of the Scriptures, and have learned 
 the languages so easily as we now may do it ! How great was their labor, how 
 constant their diligence in picking up but a few of the crumbs, while we may 
 secure half, yea, even the whole of the loaf, with scarce any trouble at all. And 
 how does their diligence put our inactivity to the blush ? Yea, how severely 
 will God punish this our apathy and neglect! Again, in order to follow Paul's 
 precept, in 1 Cor., 14 : 29, to the effect that we must judge of every doctrine of 
 Christianity, we must, of necessity, first learn the languages. For it may chance 
 that the teacher or preacher shall go through with the whole of the Bible, ex- 
 plaining it as seemeth to him good, whether that be right or wrong, and none 
 of his hearers can dispute him, if none of them is competent to judge of his 
 truth or error. But, to judge, we must know the languages, else we shall have 
 nothing to guide us. Hence, though the faith of the gospel may be set forth in a 
 certain measure by the unlettered preacher ; yet such preaching is weak at the 
 best, and we soon become wearied and discouraged, and we faint for lack of nu- 
 triment. But, where the languages are well understood, there all is freshness 
 and strength, the Scriptures are thoroughly winnowed, and faith is renewed day 
 by day. Nor should we suffer ourselves to be led astray, because some magnify 
 the spirit, while they despise the letter. So, too, some, like the Waldensian breth- 
 ren, deem the languages of no account whatever. But, my good friends, the 
 spirit is here, the spirit is there. I too have been in the spirit; and, I too have 
 seen spirits, (if I may glory of myself.) And my spirit has proved some things, 
 while your spirit has been quietly sitting in a corner, and doing little more than 
 making a vain-glorious boast of its existence. I know, as well as another, that it 
 is the spirit alone which does almost every thing. Had I passed my days in obscu- 
 rity, and had I received no aid from the languages toward a sure and exact un- 
 derstanding of the Scriptures, I might yet have led a holy life, and in my retire- 
 ment have preached sound doctrine ; but then I should have left the pope and 
 the sophists, together with the whole body of Anti-Christ, just where I found them. 
 The devil does not regard my spirit of near so much account as my thoughts, 
 and my writings upon the Scriptures. For my spirit takes nothing from him, 
 save myself alone but the Holy Scriptures, and the sayings therein contained, 
 make the world too narrow for him, and strip him of his power. Therefore, I 
 can not -accord my praise at all to my Waldensian brothers, for the low esteem in 
 which they hold the languages. For, though their precepts square with the 
 truth, yet they can not but fail often of the right text, and they must necessarily 
 ever be unprepared and unequipped for the defense of the faith, and the uproot- 
 ing of false doctrines. And for th's reason are they so obscure ; and their speech 
 is so warped from the standard of the Scriptures, that I greatly fear they are not 
 or else will not abide in a pure faith. For it is very dangerous to speak of the 
 things of God otherwise, or in other words, than God himself employs. In a 
 word, it may be that they have the witness of a holy life and sound doctrine 
 among themselves ; but, while they remain without the languages, they will fail 
 precisely where others have failed, namely, in not searching the Scriptures with 
 thoroughness and care, in order thereby to render themselves useful to others. 
 But, since they now have the opportunity to do this, and yet will not do it, let 
 them consider how they will answer for themselves before God. 
 
 Thus far I have spoken of the usefulness and the necessity of the languages in 
 their bearing on spiritual concerns and on the welfare of the soul. Now let 
 us look to the body and ask, were there no soul, no heaven, nor hell, and were 
 temporal affairs to be administered solely with a view to this worJd, whether these 
 would not stand in need of good schools and learned teachers nuch more even 
 than do our spiritual interests ? Nor hitherto have the sophists interested them- 
 selves in this matter at all, but have adapted their schools to the spiritual order 
 
146 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 alone; so that it was counted a reproach to a learned man, if he was married; 
 and such an one was told, " you are of the world, for you have severed yourself 
 from our order entirely ;" as if the spiritual order alone were pleasing in the sight 
 of God, while the temporal, (as they style it,) was given over to the devil and 
 Anti-Christ. It is needless for me here to argue, that all temporal government 
 is of Divine origin and authority ; for on this point I have spoken elsewhere, and 
 that so fully, that no one, I hope, will venture to deny it ; but, the question now 
 is, how to provide able and competent men to govern us. And in this the heathen 
 might justly put us to shame and confusion of face ; for they, the Greeks and 
 Romans especially, gave diligent heed to the teaching and training of boys and 
 girls, to fit them for all the various stations of temporal trust and authority, and yet 
 they were entirely ignorant whether this was pleasing in the sight of God or 
 not ; so that I blush for our Christians, when T think of it, and for our Germans, 
 above all, who are clowns ; yea, brute beasts, one might call them. For they 
 say, " of what use are schools, unless you intend to enter the service of the 
 church ?" But surely we know, or ought to know, how necessary, how proper, 
 and how pleasing in the sight of God it is, for a prince, a lord, a magistrate, or 
 any one in authority, to excel in learning and in wisdom, so that he may discharge 
 the duties of his office in a Christian manner. If now, as for argument's sake 1 
 have supposed, there were no soul, and if we had no need at all of schools or 
 of the languages fur the sake of the Scriptures, or of God, yet it would be a suffi- 
 cient reason for establishing in every place the very best of schools, both for boys 
 and girls, that the world, merely to maintain its outward prosperity, has need of 
 shrewd and accomplished men and women. Men to pilot state and people 
 safely, and to good issues ; women to train up well and to confirm in good courses 
 both children and servants. Now, such men must first be boys, and such 
 women, girls. Hence, it is our duty to give a right training and suitable instruc- 
 tion to these boys and girls. " Yes," you will say, u but every one can do this 
 for himself, and can teach his sons and daughters, and bring them up under a 
 good discipline." I answer, verily we see but too well, what sort of teaching 
 and discipline this is. For where it is carried to the farthest extent, and turns 
 out well besides, it does not go any further than this, to impart an easy air, and 
 respectful carriage; otherwise, the children appear to no more advantage than so 
 many machines, who do not know how to converse well upon a variety of topics, 
 and who are the very farthest from being able to give aid and counsel to others. 
 But, if they were taught and trained in schools or elsewhere, where the masters 
 and mistresses were learned and discreet, and could instruct them in the lan- 
 guages, arts, and histories, they would thus become familiar with the great deeds 
 and the famous sayings of all times ; would see how it fared with such a city, 
 kingdom, province, man, or woman, and would bring before their eyes, as it were 
 in a mirror, the whole world from the beginning, with all its character and 
 life, its plans and achievements, its successes and failures : by all this they would 
 shape their sentiments, and to all this conform the course of their life in the fear 
 of God. From the same histories, too, they would gain wit and wisdom, and 
 learn what to pursue and what to avoid in life, and so, by and by, be able to 
 counsel or to govern others. But, the instruction which is imparted at home, 
 without such schools, will make us wise only through our own experience. And 
 before we get wisdom thus, we shall be an hundred times dead, and shall have 
 passed our lives in folly ; for, to perfect our experience, we need a long series of 
 years. Since, then, young people are always full of frolic and life, and always 
 seeking something to do, and finding their pleasure in action ; and since you can 
 not curb their spirits, nor would it be a good thing even if you could ; why should 
 we not establish such schools, and unfold before them such arts ? For now, by 
 God's grace, matters have taken such a turn, that children are enabled to learn 
 by means of pleasure, arid, in sport, as it were, every thing, whether it be lan- 
 guages, arts, or histories. And our schools are no longer hells and purgatories, as 
 they once were, where a boy was forever tormented with their cases and their 
 tenses, and where he learned nothing, absolutely nothing, by reason of ceaseless 
 flogging, trembling, woe and anguish. If,now, we take so much time and trouble 
 to teach children ' to play at cards, to sing and to dance, why shall we not also 
 spend time enough to teach reading and the other arts, while they have youth 
 and leisure, and while they show both an aptness and a fondness for such things ? 
 
LDTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 147 
 
 As for myself, if I had children and were able, I would teach them not only the 
 languages and history, but singing likewise ; and with music I would combine a 
 full course of mathematics. For what would it all require but a mere child's 
 play, as the Greeks brought up their children of old ? And what a wonderful 
 people they were, and how well-fitted for all manner of occupations. And 
 alas ! how often do I lament my own ease, in that I read so few of the poets and 
 historians when I was young, and that there was no one to direct me to them. 
 But, in their place, I was compelled to flounder in all manner of vain philoso- 
 phies and scholastic trash, true Serbonian bogs of the devil, and with much cost 
 and care, and vast detriment besides, so that 1 have had enough to do ever since, 
 in undoing the harm they did me. 
 
 But, you say, u we can not bring all our children up to be students ; we can 
 not spare them ; we need them at home to work for us." I answer, " I do not 
 ask for the establishment of such schools, as we have had hitherto, where our 
 young men have spent twenty or thirty years over Donatus or Alexander, and 
 yet have not learned any thing at all. We have now another world, and things 
 are done after a different pattern. And I ask no more than this, namely, that 
 boys shall attend upon such schools as I have in view, an hour or two a day. and 
 none the less 5 spend the rest of their time at home, or in learning some trade, or 
 doing whatever else you will ; thus both these matters will be cared for together, 
 while they are young and opportunities are favorable. For else, they would 
 haply spend tenfold this time in gunning and ball-playing. So, too, your little 
 girls may easily find time enough to go to school an hour a day, and yet do all their 
 household duties ; for they now devote more than that to over-much play, 
 dancing, and sleep. 
 
 It is very plain that all we need, is a cordial and earnest determination to train 
 up our youth aright, and by this means furnish the world with wise and efficient 
 men. For the devil is better pleased with coarse blockheads and with folks who 
 are useful to nobody ; because where such characters abound, then things do 
 not go on prosperously here on the earth. 
 
 Now, as for the most promising children, those who we may hope will become 
 fitted for the position of teachers, either male or female, or of preachers, or whom 
 we shall look, to to fill other offices in the world and in the church; these we 
 should leave more and longer at schools, or perhaps keep them there altogether : 
 as we read concerning the blessed martyrs, who educated St. Agnes, Agatha, 
 Lucia, and the like. For this purpose, too, were cloisters and monasteries first 
 founded ; but now, they have been turned aside to subserve other and most un- 
 holy uses. And perhaps it must needs have been so ; for the shorn flock are 
 well-nigh fleeced altogether : they have become for the most part wholly unfit 
 either to teach or to guide, for they.know nothing except how to pamper their 
 bodies; and this is no wonder, for no one thing besides have they ever learned. 
 But, verily, we must have men of another sort ; men who shall dispense to us 
 God's word and his ordinances, and who shall watch for the souls of the peo- 
 ple. Such men, however, it will be in vain for us to look for, if we suffer our 
 present schools to decay, without establishing other and Christian schools in 
 their place. And though the schools, as hitherto kept, may be still in existence, 
 yet they can only furnish us with blind guides, perverse and corrupt in all their 
 ways. 
 
 Hence, there is great need, not for the sake of the young alone, but also for the 
 welfare and the stability of all our institutions, temporal and spiritual alike, that 
 we should begin at once, and in good earnest, to attend to this matter. For, if 
 we delay too long, we may haply find no place for effort, however much we shall 
 desire it, and our most poignant regrets will then be unavailing forever. Con~ 
 sider, for example, the great diligence that King Solomon exercised in this mat- 
 ter, and the interest that he shewed in the young, in that, amid all his royal occu- 
 pations, he found time to compose a book for their special instruction, viz : the 
 Book of Proverbs. Consider Christ himself: how he called little children to 
 him ; with what care he commended them to us, telling us withal that angels 
 wait upon them. Matt. 18: 2. And in this, he shews us how great a service 
 it is to bring them up well, and, on the other hand, that he is ever exceedingly 
 angry when we offend or pervert them. 
 
 Wherefore, dearly beloved rulers, bend yourselves to the work which God 
 so strictly enjoins upon you, which your office involves, which our youth stand 
 
148 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 so much in need of, and which neither the world nor the spirit can afford to do 
 without. We have lain, alas ! too long in the darkness of corruption and death; 
 too long have we been German beasts. Let us now act as becomes reasonable 
 beings, so that God may mark our gratitude for the good th.ngs he has given 
 us, and that other lands may see that we, too, are men ; nay, more, that we are 
 men who can either learn somewhat from them, or impart somewhat to them : 
 so, through us, the world shall be made better. I have done my part ; and with 
 longing have I desired to bring aid and counsel to this German land. That 
 some, who ought to know better, detest me for it, and throw my faithful counsel 
 to the wind, all this I must let pass. I well know that others m.ght have done 
 better than I ; but, since these have remained silent, I have spoken out, as well as 
 it lay in me to do. Poorly though it has been said, it were better thus, than had 
 I held my peace. And I am in hopes that God will awaken some of you, so that 
 my true admonitions shall not be spilt upon the ground ; and that, taking no 
 thought of him who speaks, you may be moved, by the things spoken of, to bestir 
 yourselves. 
 
 Finally, it is well for all those who eagerly desire to see such schools and studies 
 established and sustained over Germany, to bear in mind the importance of sparing 
 neither trouble nor expense, to the end that good libraries may be founded, espe- 
 cially in the large cities ; since in them both means and opportunities are greater 
 than elsewhere. For if the gospel, together with all the arts and sciences, are to 
 by perpetuated, they must be enclosed and bound up in books and writings. And 
 the prophets and apostles themselves, as I said before, did this very thing. And 
 this was not only that those who minister to us both in temporal and in spiritual 
 things might have wherewithal to read ancT to study ; but also that good books 
 themselves should be preserved and not ba lost, so that we might have that 
 knowledge of the languages, which now, by God's grace, we possess. We see, 
 too, the importance that St. Paul attaches to this matter, where he commands 
 Timothy, (1st. Ep. 4: 13,) "to give attendance to reading;" and also where he 
 bids him, (2nd Ep. 4 : 13,) bring with him when he came the parchments that he left 
 at Troas. Yea, all nations eminent in history have paid attention to this matt.-r ; the 
 Israelites more than all. Moses, who made their first record, commanded the book of 
 the law to be preserved in the ark of God, and committed it to the keeping of the Le- 
 vites. And, whoever desired it, could th -re have a copy made for himself; Moses, 
 also, laid his prophetic injunction on the k.ng that was to corne, to obtain such copy 
 from the Levites. Thus we see clearly that God ordained the Levitical priest- 
 hood, that they might, in connection with the<r other duties, keep and guard the 
 books of the law. Afterward, the collection was enriched and rendered more 
 complete by Joshua, Samuel, David, Solomon, Isaiah, and other kings and proph- 
 ets. Hence, arose the Holy Scriptures of , the Old Testament, which would 
 never have been brought together or preserved, had not God so solemnly and 
 repeatedly commanded it to be done. With this example in view, the monaste- 
 ries and cloisters in former times founded libraries, albeit they contained but few 
 good books. And what a pity it was, that more pains had not been taken to collect 
 good books, and form good libraries, at the proper time, when good books and 
 able men were in abundance ; but, alas, we know too well that, in the gradual 
 lapse of time, all the arts and the languages went to decay, and, instead of books 
 having the ring of the true metal, the devil brought in upon us a flood of un- 
 couth, useless, and pernicious monkish legends ; the " Florista," " Grsecista." 
 " Labyrinthus," " Dormi Secure," and the like ; by the means of which the 
 Latin tongue has become corrupt, and there are nowhere any good schools, 
 doctrines, or systems of study remaining. But now, in these latter times, as it has 
 been told us, and as we ourselves may see, there have arisen men who have re- 
 stored, though as yet in a very imperfect manner, th^ languages and arts ; having 
 picked them out of a few pieces and fragments of old books, that had long been 
 given over to the dust and worms ; nor have they yet ceased from their labors, but 
 are renewing them daily. So we search for gold or jewels amid the ashes of 
 some ruined city. In this matter it would be right, and God would justly punish 
 our ingratitude, in not acknowledging his bounty, and taking means in time, and 
 while we can, to keep good books and learned men among us, (but letting them 
 pass by, as though they did not concern us ;) it would be right, I say, if he should 
 suffer all this to leave us, and instead of the Holy Scriptures and good books, 
 should bring us Aristotle back again, together with other pernicious books, which 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 149 
 
 serve only to lead us ever further away from the Bible, that so we might be deliv- 
 ered over again to the monks, those minions of the devil, and to the vain mum- 
 meries of the scholastics. \A as it not a burning shame that formerly a boy must 
 needs study twenty years or longer, only to learn a jargon of bad Latin, and 
 then to turn priest and say mass ? And he, who finally arrived at this pinnacle 
 of his hopes, was accounted happy ; and happy was the mother who had borne 
 such a son. But, for all this, he remained a poor illiterate man all his days, and 
 was neither good to cluck nor to lay eggs. Such are the teachers and guides 
 that we have had to put up with, who knew nothing themselves, and accordingly 
 were unable to teach any thing that was either good or true. Yea ! they did not 
 even know how to learn, any more than they did how to teach. And, why was 
 this so ? It was because there were no other books accessible, save the barbar- 
 ous productions of the monks and sophists. Of course, in such a state of things, 
 we could not look for any thing else than scholars and teachers as barbarous as 
 the books which taught them. A jackdaw hatches never a dove ; neither will a 
 fool make a wise man. Such is the reward of our ingratitude, in not using dili- 
 gence in the establishment of libraries, and in leaving good books to perish, while 
 we have cherished and preserved useless ones. But, my advice is, that you do 
 not carry home all sorts of books, without distinction, thinking of numbers only. 
 I would have a choice exercised in this matter, so that we should not heap to- 
 gether the commentaries of all the jurists, the writings of all the theologians, the 
 researches of all the philosophers, nor the sermons of all the monks. Nay, I 
 would banish all such muck and mire, and provide me a library that should con- 
 tain sterling books, books commended to me by learned men. In the 
 first place, the Holy Scriptures should be there, both in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, 
 and German; also in all other languages in which they might be contained. 
 Next, I would have those books wh ch are useful in learning the languages ; as, 
 for instance, the poets and orators, and that without inquiring whether they are 
 Pagan or Christian, Greek or Latin. For, from all such are we to learn gram- 
 mar and style. Next, there should be books pertaining to the liberal arts ; and 
 likewise treatises on all the other arts, and on the sciences. And lastly, books on 
 jurisprudence and medicine; though here, too, a wary choice is to be exercised. 
 But, foremost of all, shouldJbe chionicles and histories, in whatever languages we 
 could procure them ; for these are of singular usefulness, to instruct us in the 
 course of the world, and in the art of government; and, in these, too, we may 
 see the manifestation of God's wonderful works. Oh ! how many a worthy say- 
 ing, how many a noble deed, said and done here in Germany, might we now 
 have had, if they had not, alas ! passed clean out of the memory of man ! And 
 this, for the reason that there was no one to record them ; or, if they were re- 
 corded, that no one has preserved the record. This, too, is the reason that they 
 know nothing of us in other lands ; and all the world must fain call us German 
 beasts, who only know how to get substance, and then consume it in gluttony and 
 riotous living. But the Greeks and the Romans, and, for the matter of that, the 
 Hebrews, too, have described the events that took place in their midst so minutely 
 and faithfully, that, if but a woman or a child said or did any thing worthy of 
 note, forthwith it was chronicled, so that all the world should read it and know 
 of it ; and yet, we Germans remain bound up in ourselves, having neither a 
 thought nor a wish that looks beyond our own interests. 
 
 But since, now in these days, God has so graciously come to our aid with all 
 fullness both of art, learned men and books, it is time that we should reap and 
 gather in of the choicest that we can find, and lay up great store of treasure, 
 that we may have wherewith to maintain ourselves in the future out of these 
 golden years, by reason of having improved the opportunity of this rich harvest. 
 For there is danger that it may finally come to this, (and already things are tend- 
 ing that way,) that, through the agency of the devil, good books, which have been 
 restored to us by the art of printing, shall be submerged under a flood of disso- 
 lute and ps.Tnicious works, in which there is neither sense nor reason ; a flood 
 that shall pour in again, as aforetime, and fill every nook and corner of the land. 
 For the devil is surely plotting to bring back the former state of things, so that 
 men shall again painfully stagger under a load of " catholicons," " floristas," 
 "modernistas," and all the vile and abominable trash of the monks and sophists ; 
 so we shall again be ever learning, and never coming to the knowledge of the 
 truth. 
 
150 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 Wherefore, I beseech you, my beloved rulers and friends, let this my faithfulness 
 and diligence bear fruit in you. And, though there be some who deem me of 
 too little consequence to give heed to my counsel, and despise me as one under the 
 ban of tyrants, yet, I hope that oue day they will see that I did not seek my 
 own, but only the welfare and the happiness of the entire German nation. And 
 though I were a fool, and yet should light upon some good path, it would be no 
 disgrace to a wise man to follow me. And though I were a Turk and a heathen, 
 yet, should Christians perceive that what I had said was not to my own profit 
 but to that of others, even thus, they could not justly despise my efforts to serve 
 them. There are times, too, when a fool may give better advice than a whole 
 army of counselors. Moses suffered himself to be taught by Jethro. Exodus, 
 18: 17. 
 
 Now, I commend you all to the grace of God, and I pray him to soften your 
 hearts, so that you may right earnestly espouse the cause of poor, needy, for- 
 saken youth, and through Divine help assisting you, and for the sake of a good 
 and a Christian government here in our Germany, that you may aid and counsel 
 them, hi body and in soul, with all fullness and superfluity, to the praise and 
 glory of God the Father, through our Saviour, Jesus Christ. Amen." 
 
 VIII. DUTY OF SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF CHILDREN. 
 
 In his sermon, " On keeping children at school," Luther says : 
 
 God has given you children and the means of their support, not that you should 
 idolize them, or lead them into the vanities of the world. But he has laid his 
 most solemn inj unctions upon you, to train them up for his service. 
 
 He speaks in terms of praise of the learned classes, especially the 
 clerical, and presses conviction upon consciences of parents, when, out 
 of avarice, they withhold from study a boy who is strongly bent upon 
 learning. 
 
 Cheerfully let thy son study, and should he the while even be compelled to earn 
 his bread, yet remember that you are offering to our Lord God a fine little block 
 of marble out of which he can hew for you a master-piece. And do not regard 
 the fact that in these days the lust for gain is everywhere throwing learning into 
 contempt; nor say, in your haste, "If my son can write and read German and 
 keep accounts, it is enough ; I will make a merchant of him ;" for they will soon 
 be brought to such a pass, that they would gladly dig ten ells deep in the ground 
 with their fingers, if, by so doing, they could find a learned man ; for a merchant, 
 methinks, would not be a merchant long, should law and theology perish. Of 
 this I am full sure, we theologians and jurists must remain with you, or the 
 whole world will go to ruin together, and that without remedy. If theologians 
 turn aside, then the word of God will come to naught, and we shall all become 
 heathen, yea, very devils; if jurists turn aside, then law will fly away, bearing 
 peace with it ; and, amid robbery, murder, outrage, and all manner of violence, we 
 shall sink below the beasts of the forest. But, how much the merchant will make 
 and heap together, when peace shall have fled from the earth, his ledger will tell 
 him better than I; and how much good his possessions will do him, when 
 preaching shall be no more, this let his conscience declare. 
 
 Luther did not mean, however, to insist that all boys should go 
 through a complete course of study, as we may perceive from the 
 " Letter to the German nobles." He expresses himself in the most 
 decided terms, on the duty of magistrates to compel the attendance 
 of children at school. 
 
 I hold it to be incumbent on those in authority to command their subjects to 
 Keep their children at school ; for it is, beyond doubt, their duty to insure the 
 permanence of the above-named offices and positions, so that preachers, jurists, 
 curates, scribes, physicians, schoolmasters, and the like, may not fail from among 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 15J 
 
 us ; for we can not do without them. If they have the right to command their 
 subjects, the able-bodied among them, in time of war, to handle musket and- pike, 
 to mount the walls, or to do whatever else the exigency may "require ; with how 
 much the more reason ought they to compel the people to keep their children at 
 school, inasmuch as here upon earth the most terrible of contests, wherein there 
 is never a truce, is ever going on, and that with the devil himself, who is lying in 
 wait, by stealth and unawares, if so be that he may drain city and kingdom, and 
 empty quite out of them all the brave and good, even until he has removed the 
 kernel utterly, and naught shall be left but a mere shell, full of idle mischief- 
 makers, to be mere puppets in his hands to do his pleasure. Then will your 
 city or your country sufivra true famine, and, without the smoke of conflict, will 
 be silently destroyed from within, and that without warning. Even the Turk 
 manages in another way ; for he takes every third child throughout his empire, 
 and trains him to some calling perforce. How much more, then, ought our rul- 
 ers to put at least some children to school ; not that I would have a boy taken 
 away from his parents, only that he should be educated, for his own good and 
 the general welfare, to some calling that shall yield him abundant fruits of his 
 industry. Wherefore, let magistrates lay these things to heart, and let them 
 keep a vigilant look-out ; and, wherever they see a promising lad, have him placed 
 at school. 
 
 Those fathers, who feared that learning would be pernicious to 
 their children, Luther pacified by using their own arguments. 
 
 But, you say, " how if it turn out ill, and my son become a heretic or a vil- 
 lain ? For the proverb says, the scholar's skill turns oft to ill ?" Well, and what 
 of it? Venture, nevertheless. Your diligence and toil will not be thrown away. 
 God will reward you according to your faithfulness, whether your work pros- 
 per or fail. Besides, you must act on uncertainties in respect to any pursuit 
 whatever, that you may train him for. How was it with good Abraham, when 
 his son Ishmael disappointed his hopes? How with Isaac and Esau ? Or with 
 Adam and Cain ? Was Abraham on that account to neglect training Isaac up 
 for the service of God ? Or Isaac, Jacob ? Or Adam, Abel ? 
 
 IX. THE DIGNITY AND DIFFICULTY OF THE WORK OP TEACHING. 
 
 In the same sermon, Luther takes especial pains to magnify the 
 office of the school-teacher. 
 
 Where were your supply of preachers, j urists, and physicians, if the arts of 
 grammar and rhetoric had no existence ? These are the fountain, out of which 
 they all flow. I tell you, in a word, that a diligent, devoted school-teacher, precep- 
 tor, or any person, no matter what is his title, who faithfully trains and teaches 
 boys, can never receive an adequate reward, and no money is sufficient to pay 
 the debt you owe him ; so, too, said the pagan, Aristotle. Yet we treat them 
 with contempt, as if they were of no account whatever ; and, all the time, we 
 profess to be Christians. For my part, if I were, or were compelled, to leave off 
 preaching and to enter some other vocation, I know not an office that would 
 please me better than that of schoolmaster, or teacher of boys. For I am con- 
 vinced that, next to preaching, this is the most useful, and greatly the best labor 
 in all the world, and, in fact, I am sometimes in doubt which of the positions is the 
 more honorable. For you can not teach an old dog new tricks, and it is hard to 
 reform old sinners, but this is what by preaching we undertake to do, and our 
 labor is often spent in vain 5 but it is easy to bend and to train young trees, though 
 haply in the process some may be broken. My friend, nowhere on earth can 
 you find a higher virtue than is displayed by the stranger, who takes your child- 
 ren and gives them a faithful training, a labor which parents very seldom per- 
 form, even for their own offspring. 
 
 To the like effect, does Luther speak of school-teachers in the Table 
 Talk. 
 
 I would have no one enter the ministry, who has not first been a schoolmaster. 
 Our young men, now-a-days, do not think so ; they shrink from the toil of teaching, 
 
152 LUTHER'S VIEWS OF EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 and rush at once for the sacred office. But, after one has taught school for 
 ten years or thereabouts, he may, with a good conscience, break off; for the labor 
 is great, and the reputation small. Still, as much depends in a city on a school- 
 master as on the preacher. And, if I were not a preacher, I know not the posi- 
 tion on earth which I had rather fill. You must not be swayed in this matter by 
 the opinions or the rewards of the world, but consider how God regards the 
 work, and how he will exalt it at the last day. 
 
 Though Luther thought so very highly of the office of the teacher, 
 yet he remarks, in his commentary on Galatians, that this office is for 
 the most part in ill-repute with children, and that severe teachers, 
 particularly when their severity is habitual, are any thing but loved 
 by their pupils. 
 
 It is impossible that a disciple, or a scholar, can love the teacher who is harsh 
 and severe ; for, how can he prevail on himself to love one who immures him, as 
 it were, in a dungeon ; that is, who constrains him to do that which he will not, 
 and holds him back from doing that which he will ; and who, when he does any- 
 thing that has been forbidden him, straightway flogs him, and, not content with 
 this, compels him to kiss the rod too. A most gracious and excellent obedience 
 and affection this in the scholar, that comes from an enforced compliance with 
 the harsh orders of a hateful taskmaster! My friend, do you suppose that he 
 obeys with joy and gladness? But, what does he do when the teacher's back is 
 turned ? Does he not snatch up the rod, break it into a thousand pieces, or else 
 throw it into the fire ? And, if he had the power, he would not suffer his teacher 
 to whip him again; nay, he would turn the tables on him, and not simply take 
 the rod to him, but cudgel him soundly with a club. Nevertheless, the child 
 needs the discipline of the rod ; but it must be tempered with admonition, and 
 directed to his improvement ; for, without this, he will never come to any good, 
 but will be ruined, soul and body. A miserable teacher, indeed, would that man 
 be, who should only know how to beat and torment his scholars, without ever 
 being able to teach them any thing. Such schoolmasters there have been, whose 
 schools were nothing but so many dungeons and hells, and themselves tyrants 
 and gaolers ; where the poor children were beaten beyond endurance and with- 
 out cessation, and applied themselves to their task laboriously and with over-pushed 
 diligence, but yet with very small profit. A well-informed and faithful teacher, 
 on the other hand, mingles gentle admonition with punishment, and incites his 
 pupils to diligence in their studies, and to a laudable emulation among themselves ; 
 and so they become rooted and grounded in all kinds of desirable knowledge, as 
 well as in the proprieties and the virtues of life, and they now do that spontane- 
 ously and with delight, which formerly, and under the old discipline, they ap- 
 proached with reluctance and dread. 
 
 X. PLAN FOR SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. 
 
 Luther writes, in 1524, to Spalatin : 
 
 I send you my sketch of the school as it should be, that you may lay it before 
 the Elector ; and though T do not expect that much heed will be given to it, yet 1 
 must venture, and leave the issue with God. 
 
 Four years later, (1528,) Melancthon's " Manual of Visitation," made 
 its appearance, in which he communicated a full and complete plan 
 for the organization of schools, which had received the sanction of the 
 elector, and which was, undoubtedly, based upon the sketch that 
 Luther had sent to Spalatin.* 
 
 * Luther's plan, above referred to. I have .never seen, nor is it, so far as I am aware, on 
 record. That Melancthon's, however, essentially agrees with it we have abundant cause to 
 conclude. Especially does this appear from a letter that Melancthon wrote to Camerarius 
 on the subject of the Manual. He says in this, "you will see that I have written nothing 
 more than what Luther has propounded passim.'' 
 
LUTHER S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 153 
 
 XI. UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 In the letter to the Christian nobles of the German nation on the 
 elevation of the Christian order, Luther takes occasion to express him- 
 self on German universities as follows. 
 
 Our universities need a good thorough purging ; I must say it, let whoever 
 will be offended. For, what are they, save a few recently instituted, but ' k places 
 of exercise for the chief young men," as the 2nd Book of Maccabees, 4:12, 
 hath it ; where a free life is led, after " the glory of the Grecians ;" where the Holy 
 Scriptures and faith in Christ are lightly accounted of ; and where that blind 
 pajgan, Aristotle, reigns solitary and alone, even to the dethroning of Christ ? 
 Now this is my counsel that Aristotle's books ou physics, metaphysics, the soul, 
 and ethics, which have been ever esteemed his best, should be thrown away, with 
 all the host of those which pretend to treat of natural science, while in reality 
 nothing can be learned from them, of things natural or things spiritual 
 either : add, that what he does advance not a soul has hitherto understood, and 
 yet so many noble intellects have been weighed down and paralyzed under the 
 cost, toil, time and study that they have been forced to devote to him. 
 
 But I would, nevertheless, be willing to retain his logic, rhetoric and poetics 
 abridged, I would prefer them, for they are useful to direct the young to a good 
 style of speaking, either for the bar or the pulpit ; but the commentaries and 
 glosses are useless. Cicero's rhetoric, likewise, may be read, but only the pure 
 and simple text, unencumbered with your unwieldy and interminable commenta- 
 ries. But now, they teach neither how to plead nor how to preach, but all the 
 result they shew is mere wrangling and stupidity. And we ought, moreover, to 
 adopt the languages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, the mathematics and history, 
 all which I commend to the more intelligent. But, the claims of these studies 
 will need no urging, as soon as there is a right earnest desire for a reformation. 
 And truly, this is a matter of the utmost consequence. For, here our Christian 
 youth, and our nobles, in whom rest the hopes of Christianity, are to be taught, 
 and to be fitted for action. And, accordingly, it is my firm belief that a reforma- 
 tion and a renovation of our universities would be a work of greater magnitude 
 than pope or emperor ever undertook, since there is not a more crafty, or a more 
 devilish device on the face of the earth than a university overgrown with the 
 thorns and the briars of godless ignorance. 
 
 XII. THE STUDY OF THR BIBLE. 
 
 We have given, in the preceding pages, Luther's opinion of many 
 of the university studies. It is not desirable, he says, to read a multi- 
 tude of books ; among such as are read, however, the Holy Scrip- 
 tures demand our chief care. 
 
 Books should be fewer, and we must choose out the best. For many books do 
 not impart knowledge, nor much reading either; but, that which is good, if it be 
 read often, no matter how small its compass, that it is which throws light upon 
 the Word, and inspires piety besides. Yea, even the works of the holy Fathers 
 are to be read only as a means by which we may the better come at the sense of 
 the Word ; but now we read them for themselves and abide in them, without 
 ever coming to the Scriptures ; in this, we are like men who look at the guide- 
 posts, but who never follow the road. The dear Fathers would have their writ- 
 ings lead us into the Scriptures ; let us, then, carry out their intention. For the 
 Scriptures, and they alone, are our vineyard, in which we are to exercise 
 ourselves, and to labor. 
 
 Above all things, let the Scriptures be the chief and the most frequently used 
 reading-book, both in primary and in high schools ; and the very young should be 
 kept in the gospels. Is it not proper and right that every human being, by the 
 time he has reached his tenth year, should be familiar with the holy gospels, in 
 which the very core and marrow of his life is bound ? Even the "pinner and the 
 seamstress impart the mysteries of their craft, to their daughters, while these are 
 yet in girlhood. And, again, when the high schools shall have become grounded 
 
154 LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 in the Scriptures, we then are not all of us to send our sons there, as is the 
 practice now, when numbers alone are regarded, and each will have his boy a 
 doctor ; but we ought to admit only those who are best fitted, and who have pre- 
 viously been well trained in the preparatory schools; to which matter, princes or 
 magistrates ought to pay special attention, not allowing any to be sent to the high 
 schools but the most capable. But, where the Holy Scriptures do not bear sway, 
 there I would counsel none to send his child. For every institution will degener- 
 ate, where God's word is not in daily exercise 5 in proof of this, we need but 
 look at those who have been moulded by, or who are now in the high schools. 
 The high schools ought to send forth men thoroughly versed in the Scriptures, to 
 become bishops and pastors, and to stand in the van, against heretics, the devil, 
 and, if need be, the whole world. But, what do we find them ? I greatly fear they 
 are no better than broad gates to hell, wherever they do not busily exercise and 
 practice our youth in the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 XIII. STUDY OF THE LANGUAGES. 
 
 In what high esteem Luther held the languages, we have already 
 had occasion to remark. To Hebrew, in particular, he frequently 
 recurs in terms of praise. 
 
 The Hebrew tongue surpasses all others ; it is the richest in words of 
 any, and it is pure; it borrows nothing, but has its own independent 
 hue. The Greek, the Latin, and the Germans all borrow ; they have, moreoveB, 
 many compound words, whereas the Hebrew has none. From a simple word tBe 
 Germans make twenty compounds, which all proceed from it, and are pieced 
 together out of it ; as, from laufen, to run, come entlaufen, to run away from ; 
 verlaufen, to run wrong ; umlaufen, to run about ; belaufen, to run to see ; zu- 
 laufen, to run toward ; ablaufen, to run from a place ; weglaufen, to run from 
 one's duty ; einlaufen, to run in ; etc. On the contrary, the Hebrew has no com- 
 pound, no patchwork word, but each idea is expressed by a word wholly its own. 
 So, again, the word heart, for instance, has with us quite a generic use. For it 
 means a part of the body, as if we should say, he has no heart ; that is, he is 
 spiritless and cowardly ; or again, my heart tells me that his heart burns within 
 him ; that is, that he is angry. In each of these cases, the Hebrew employs a 
 special and peculiar word. 
 
 In reference to the manner of learning the languages, Luther lays 
 great stress upon continual practice, though he does not undervalue 
 grammar, by any means. 
 
 We learn German or other languages much better by word of mouth, at home, 
 in the street, or at the church, than out of books. Letters are dead words ; the 
 utterances of the mouth are living words, which in writing can never stand forth 
 so distinct and so excellent, as the soul and spirit of man bodies them forth through 
 the mouth. 
 
 Tell me, where was there ever a language, which men could learn to speak with 
 correctness and propriety by the rules of grammar ? Is it not true that even 
 those languages, like the Latin and the Greek j which possess the most unerring 
 rules, are much better learned by use and wont, than from these rules ? Is it 
 not then extremely absurd, for one who would learn the sacred tongue, in which 
 divine and spiritual things are discoursed of, to neglect a straightforward and per- 
 tinent search into the subject-matter, and attempt, instead, to pick the language 
 out of grammar alone ? 
 
 He gives his view of the relation of the things signified to the 
 words which express them, as follows, holding that an understanding 
 of words is only possible where there is an understanding of things 
 first. 
 
 The art of grammar teaches and shows, what words imply and signify ; but we 
 must first learn and know what the things are, and what the matters mean. 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 155 
 
 Hence, must he, who would teach and preach, first know his subject and its bear- 
 ings, before he can speak of it ; for grammar only teaches the names and forms of 
 the words which we use to set forth our subject. 
 
 Our knowledge is two-fold 5 relating to words on the one hand, and on the 
 other to things. And accordingly, he who does not possess a knowledge of the 
 thing or the subject of which he is to speak, will not find a knowledge of words 
 of any service to him. There is an old proverb, which runs thus : If you do not 
 know what you are talking of, you may talk forever, and no man will be the wiser. 
 Many such people there are in our day. For we have many very learned and 
 very eloquent men, who appear exceedingly foolish and ridiculous, because they 
 undertake to speak of that which they have never understood. 
 
 But, whoever has the matter inwrought into his being, so that he comprehends 
 it fully, is an able teacher, and reaches the heart, whether he be eloquent, and 
 have a ready flow of words, or not. So Cato, when he spoke in the council, had 
 more influence than Cicero, albeit, his language was rough and devoid of all 
 polish and elegance ; and, though his speech was not skillfully framed to produce 
 conviction, yet no one ever gave a thought to his manner. 
 
 Accordingly, the understanding of words, or grammar, is easy, when we well 
 understand the subject; as Horace also says : that words come of their own ac- 
 cord, when the subject has been duly admitted to the mind, retained there, and 
 fully considered ; but, where the subject is obscurely apprehended, there the 
 utmost knowledge of words will do no good. I have dwelt upon this point so 
 fully for this reason, namely : that you may know, if you shall ever read the 
 Rabbins, what sort of masters you will have ; they may well understand the lan- 
 guage, but the subjects that are conveyed in it they know nothing about, nor can 
 they ever teach them in a true and proper manner. 
 
 But, through the goodness and the grace of God, we have the knowledge and 
 the understanding of the matters, of which the Holy Scriptures treat, while they 
 are left in blindness. Hence, though they know the grammar, yet they have 
 no correct understanding of the Scriptures 5 but, as Isaiah, (29, 11,) saith : " And 
 the vision is become as the words of a book that is sealed. Who then shall 
 follow them ?" 
 
 Now let no one think or conclude from all this that I would reject the gram- 
 mar, for this is altogether necessary ; but this much I do say : he who, with the 
 grammar, does not study the contents of the Scriptures also, will never make a 
 good teacher. For, as a certain one has said, " the words of the teacher or 
 preacher should follow the subject, and grow, not in his mouth, but out of his heart." 
 
 XIV. NATURAL SCIENCE. 
 
 In commenting on Erasmus' want of appreciation of natural science, 
 Luther remarks : 
 
 We are now in the morning-dawn of a better life 5 for we are beginning again 
 to recover that knowledge of the creation which we lost through Adajn's /all. 
 By God's grace,, we are beginning to recognize, even 'in the structure of the 
 humblest floweret, his wondrous glory, his goodness, an'd his omnipotence. In the 
 creation we can appreciate in some measure the power of Him, who spake and it 
 was done, who commanded and it" stood fast. Consider the pgaeh-stone : although 
 it is very hard, yet, in, its due season, it is burst asunder.by the force of the very 
 tender germ which is jnclosed wfthin the shell. But all this Erasmus passes by, 
 not regarding it for a moment ; and views this new knowledge of the creature 
 only as cows look upon a new gate. 
 
 XV. HISTORY. 
 
 The importance that Luther attached to history, we have before 
 adverted to ; he has more, to the same purport, in his preface to 
 Galeatti Capella's history of the Duke of Milan. 
 
 Says the highly-renowned Roman, Varro, (so this preface runs,) the best 
 instruction is that which combines illustration and example with precept. For 
 through these we apprehend the speech or the doctrine more clearly, and also 
 
156 LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 retain it the more readily in our memories ; but, where the discourse is without 
 illustration, no matter how just and excellent it may be in itself, yet it does not 
 move the heart with such power, neither is it so clear, nor so easily remembered. 
 Hence, we may see what a priceless value resides in histories. For all that phi 
 losophers, sages, and the collective wisdom of humanity can devise or teach, rela- 
 tive to the conduct of life, this, history, with her incidents and examples, enforces, 
 causing it all to pass before our eyes, so to speak, as if we ourselves were on the 
 spot, beholding those things in action, whose nature we had heard before in doc- 
 trine or in precept. There we learn what things those who were pious and wise 
 pursued, what they shunned, and how they lived, and how it fared with them, or 
 how they were rewarded ; and again, how they lived who were wicked and obsti- 
 nate in their ignorance, and what punishments overtook them. 
 
 And did we but think of it, all laws arts, good counsels, warnings, threatenings, 
 terrors, all solace, strength, instruction, foresight, wisdom, prudence, together 
 with every virtue, flow from records ana histories as from a living fountain. For 
 histories are an exhibition, memorial, and monument of the works and the judg- 
 ments of God ; how he upholds and rules the world, and men more than all, 
 causing their plans to prosper or to fail, lifting them on high, or humbling ther>i in 
 the dust, according as their deeds are good or evil. And though there be 
 many who neither know nor regard God, yet even such can not fail to start liack 
 before the portraitures of history, and to fear lest the same evils come upon them, 
 too, that overtook this or that person, whose course is graven, as a warning, forever 
 upon the page of history; whereby they will be far more deeply moved, than if 
 you should strive to restrain and curb them with the bare letter of the law, or 
 with mere dry doctrine. So we read, not in the Holy Scriptures alone, but in 
 pagan books too, how the men of old instanced and held up to view the example 
 of their forefathers, in word and in deed, when they wished to arouse the enthu- 
 siasm of the people, or when on any occasion they would teach and admonish, or 
 warn and deter. 
 
 Hence, too, historians are the most useful of men, and the best of teachers* 
 Nor can we ever accord too much praise, honor, or gratitude to them ; and it 
 should be the work of the great onts of the earth, as emperors, kings, and the 
 like, to cause a faithful record to be made of the history of their own times, and 
 to have such records sacredly preserved and set in order in libraries. And, to 
 this end, they should spare no expense, which maybe needful, to educate and 
 maintain those persons whose talents mark them out for this task. 
 
 But he who would write history, must be a superior man, lion-hearted and 
 fearless in writing truth. For most manage to pass by in silence, or at least to 
 gloss over the vices or the mischances of their times, to please great lords or their 
 own friends; or they give too high a place to minor, or it may be, insignificant 
 actions ; or else, from an overweening love of country, and a hatred toward 
 foreign nations, they bedizen or befoul histories, according to their own likes or 
 dislikes. Hence it is, that a suspicious air invests histories, and God's providence 
 is shamefully obscured ; so the Greeks did in their perverseness, so the Pope's 
 flatterers have done heretofore, and are now doing, till it has come to this, at last, 
 that we do not know what to admit or what to reject. Thus the noble, precious, 
 and highest use of history is overlooked, and we have only a vain babble and 
 gossip. And this is because the worthy task of writing annals and records is 
 open to every one without discrimination ; and they write or slur over, praise or 
 condemn, at their will. 
 
 How important, then, is it, that this office should be filled by men of eminence, 
 or at least by those who are worthy. For, inasmuch as histories are records of 
 God's work, that is, of his grace and his displeasure, which men should believe 
 with as much reason as if the same stood written in the Bible, surely they ought 
 to be penned with all diligence, truth and fidelity. This, however, will, I fear, 
 never come to pass, unless the enactment which was in force with the Jews shall 
 again b''ar sway. Meanwhile, we must rest content with our histories as they are, 
 and reflect and judge for ourselves, as we peruse them, whether the writer has 
 been warped through favor or prejudice, whether he praises or blames either too 
 little or too much, according as the persons or the events that come under his 
 notice, please or displease him ; just as in such a loose government a* ours, we 
 must endure to have carriers dilute their foreign wine with water, so that we can 
 not buy the pure growth, but must content ourselves with getting some part pure, 
 be this more or be it less. 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 157 
 
 XVI. LOGIC RHETORIC. 
 
 Luther has much to say, in the " Table Talk," both on logic and 
 on rhetoric. 
 
 Logic is a lofty art ; it speaks direct, whether of wrong or right, as if I should 
 say, " give me some drink." But rhetoric adds ornament, as thus : " give me 
 of the pleasant juice in the cellar, the cnrling, sparkling juice, that makes the 
 heart merry." 
 
 Logic tells us how to teach every thing ; still, for all this, though we have 
 learned it so that we thoroughly understand it, it does not, of itself, give us the 
 ability to teach any thing 5 fur it is only an instrument and a tool, by means of 
 which we may impart, in a correct and methodical manner, that which we already 
 understand and know. For instance, I can not speak of mining or of the duties 
 of the overseer of a mine, because I neither know how to open a mine, nor how 
 to sink a shaft, nor can I tell where the pra!ler.es should run ; but, had I searched 
 into this matti r, and become familiar with it, I should then be better able to speak 
 on the subject than the surveyor himself. Logic does not furnish the subject of 
 which we are to speak, or the branch that we are to teach ; it only directs us how 
 to teach such branch, or to speak of such subject, in a just and appropriate manner, 
 with method, directness, and brevity. 
 
 Logic is a useful and a n cessary art, which we ought with as much reason to 
 study and to learn as we do arithmetic or geometry. And, though there are some 
 heads so sharp by nature, that they can draw conclusions and form judgments, on 
 almost any subject, from the impressions they receive from it, yet this is an uncer- 
 tain and a dangerous g,ft, unless art come to its aid. For logic gives us a clear, 
 correct, and methodical arrangement, showing us the grounds of our conclusions, 
 and how we may know, to a certainty, from the nature of the subject itself, what 
 is right or wrong, and what we should judge and decide. 
 
 Logic teaches, rhetoric moves and persuades ; the latter controls the will, the 
 former the understanding. St. Paul includes them both, in Romans, 12: 7, 8: 
 " He that teacheth, let him wait on teaching ; or he that exhorteth, on exhortation." 
 
 The most excellent fruit and use of logic is to define and describe a thing with 
 completeness and brevity, and, in accordance with its nature, neither more nor less 
 than it is. Hence, we should accustom ourselves to use good, pointed, and intel- 
 ligible words, words that are in common use, and thereby fitted to call up and set 
 forth the matter, so that men may understand just what it includes. And, if any 
 man has this power, let him give God the glory, for it is a special gift and grace, 
 since crafty writers often disguise their sentiments designedly, with astonishing, 
 far-fetched, or obsolete words 5 inventing a new style and mode of speaking, so 
 double-sided, double-tongued, and intertangled. that, when convenient, they can 
 bend their language into whatever meaning they choose, as the heretics do. 
 
 Eloquence does not consist in a tinseled flourish of gaudy and unfamiliar words, 
 but in that chaste and polished expression, which, like a beautiful painting, shows 
 the subject-matter in a clear, suitable and every way admirable light. They who 
 coin and foist in strange words, must also bring in strange and novel things, as did 
 Scotus, with his " hiccity," '" nominality," etc., or the Anabaptists, with their 
 " immersion," " purification," " quietism," etc. Hence, you should beware, above 
 all things, of those who make frequent use of new, unfamiliar and useless words ; 
 for such a mode of speaking is at war with all true eloquence. 
 
 XVII. MATHEMATICS. 
 
 Luther was desirous, as we have seen, to have the mathematics 
 introduced into the universities. In astronomy, he took ground 
 against Copernicus. Nevertheless he could not abide astrology, though 
 Melancthon maintained its truth. Among other arguments against 
 it, that of Augustin was his chief stronghold, namely, that Esau and 
 Jacob were both born at the same time, consequently under the same 
 constellation, and were, m vertheless, wholly unlike each other in all 
 respects. 
 
158 LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 
 
 XVIH. PHYSICAL EXERCISE. 
 
 Exercise and music both, Luther commends highly ; and he 
 opposed, as we have seen, the moping and joyless tenets of the monkish 
 teachers. 
 
 It was admirably provided and ordered by the ancients that the people should 
 have honorable and useful modes of exercise to resort to, so that they might not 
 fall into gluttony, lewdness, surfeiting, rioting, and gambling. Accordingly, 1 
 pronounce in favor of these two exercises and pastimes, namely, music, and the 
 knightly sports of fencing, wrestling, etc.; of which, the one drives care and gloom 
 from the heart, and the other gives a full development to the limbs, and maintains 
 the body in health. And another argument for them is this, that they keep men 
 from tippling, lewdness, cards, and dice, which, alas ! are now so common every 
 where, at court and in the town, where we hear nothing but " fair play !" u more 
 wine !" and the like phrases. And then, in their flush, they stake you. perhaps^ 
 an hundred gulden or more, at a cast. So it goes, when those other honorable 
 exercises and knightly sports are scorned and neglected. 
 
 XIX. MUSIC. 
 
 Music was Luther's joy and delight. 
 
 Music is one of the fairest and best gifts of God ; and Satan hates it, nor can 
 he bear it, since by its means we exorcise many temptations and wicked thoughts. 
 Music is one of the best of the arts. The notes breathe life into the words. It 
 chases away the spirit of melancholy, as we may see by the case of King Saul. 
 Some of our nobility think that they have done some great thing, when they give 
 three thousand gulden yearly toward music, and yet they will throw away, with- 
 out scruple perhaps, thirty thousand on follies. Kings, princes and lords must 
 maintain music, (for it is the duty of great potentates and monarchs to uphold 
 excellent, liberal arts, as well as laws,) inasmuch as the common people and private 
 individuals desire it, and would have it if their means were sufficient. Music is 
 the best solace to a wearied man ; through it, the heart is again quieted, quickened, 
 and refreshed ; as that one says, in Virgil : 
 
 " Tu calamos infiare leves, ego dicere versus" 
 
 Do you play the air, and I will sing the verse. 
 
 Music is a half-discipline, and it is a teacher ; it makes men gentler and milder, 
 more mannerly and more rational. And even poor violinists or organists do us 
 this service, they show us what a noble and excellent art music is, as we can 
 distinguish white the better if we place black beside it. 
 
 On the 17th of December. 1538, while Dr. M. Luther was entertaining some 
 musicians at his house, who sang many sweet tunes and lofty cantatas, he ex- 
 claimed, in his rapture : " If in this life our Lord God has scattered around and 
 heaped upon us such noble gifts, what will it be in that immortal life, where all is 
 perfection and fullness of delight ? But here we have only the beginning, the 
 maleria prima. I have always loved music. He who knows this art is in the 
 right frame, and fitted for every good pursuit. "We can not do without music in 
 our schools. A schoolmaster must know how to sing, or I would not allow him 
 to teach. Nor ought we to ordain young theologians to the sacred office, unless 
 they have first been well-tried and practiced in the art in the school." As they 
 sang a cantata of Senffel's, Luther was filled with emotion and wonder, praising it 
 highly. He then said : " Such a cantata it is not in my power to compose, even 
 though I should try to my utmost ; nor, on the other hand, could Senffel expound a 
 psalm as well as I. For the gifts of the Holy Spirit are of divers kinds ; BO in one 
 body there are different members. But no one is contented with his own gift, no 
 one rests satisfied with what God has bestowed upon him, for all wish to be, not 
 members merely, but the whole body. 
 
 Music is a fair, glorious gift of God ; and it lies very near to theology. I would 
 not part with my small faculty of music for vast possessions. We should practice 
 the young continually in this art, for it will make able and polished men of them. 
 
 Singing is the best art and exercise. It has nothing in common with the 
 
LUTHER'S VIEWS ON EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS. 159 
 
 world ; it is far-removed from the jar and wrangling of the court and the lawsuit. 
 Singers, too, are never overwhelmed with care, but are joyful ; and, with their 
 singing, they drive care out and away." 
 
 And he said further : u How comes it to pass that, in carnal things, we have 
 so many a fine poem, and so many a sweet song, while, in spiritual things, all is so 
 cold and listless ?" He then recited some German odes, The Tournament, by 
 Bollen, etc. "I hold this to be the reason, as St. Paul has expressed it, in 
 Romans, 7 : 23 ; 'I see another law warring in my members,' a law that will not 
 be overcome, and that does not yield up its power so readily as does the law in 
 the soul. If any one despises music, as all the fanatics do, I can not confide in 
 him. For music is a gift and bestowment of God ; it does not proceed from man. 
 And it drives away the devil, and makes men happy: in it, we forget all anger, 
 lasciviousness, pride, and every vice. Next to theology I rank music, and hold it 
 in almost equal honor. For look how David and all holy men have uttered their 
 heavenly meditations in verse, rhyme and song. Quia pads tempore regnat 
 musica." 
 
 I am convinced that my readers would feel aggrieved, were I to 
 offer them an apology for dwelling so long upon Luther. In fact, 
 were any apology in place, it would be for my having omitted so 
 much ; and this I have done because I feared lest I might communi- 
 cate some passages that we were all perfectly well acquainted with. 
 Among such I would place the admirable preface to the little book, 
 the book which he composed at the same time with the writings 
 above cited, the shorter catechism. 
 
 Who will not be delighted to recognize this great man as a 
 reformer of German education also ? His admonitions have reached 
 the hearts of myriads of our countrymen, awakened many sleeping 
 consciences, and strengthened many feeble hands ; his utterances have 
 been to both princes and people as the voice of God. 
 
 And he has deserved such confidence in the fullest measure, because 
 he also received into his own heart, so abundantly, that faith which 
 worketh by love. What could not such a divinely-governed, and un- 
 tiring love accomplish, seconded as it was by such great gifts ; so clear 
 an eye, so sound an understanding, such aptness for the languages, 
 such creative skill in speech, such a soaring imagination, and such 
 profound speculation ? Who among all of Luther's contemporaries 
 can compare with him in genuine, comprehensive culture ? Only let 
 us not guage culture with the measuring-rod of the Latinized school 
 pedant, neither with that of the Mephistophelian scoffer ; for we have 
 to do with large spiritual gifts, which were brought into the service of 
 a consecrated, determined, irresistible will, a will made free by the 
 Son, a will that governed itself, inasmuch as it purposed to serve 
 God, and God's will alone. 
 
 * On this head, also compare Luther's letter to Louis Senffel, musician to the Duke of Bar*, 
 ria. DeWette, 4, 1ST 
 
EDUCATIONAL BIOGRAPHY. 
 JOHN BUGEXHAGEN. 
 
 JOHN BUGENHAGEN, the fellow laborer with Luther and Melancthon in the 
 ecclesiastical and school reorganizations of the 16th century, was born at 
 Wollin, Pomerania, in 1485, and died in 1558. He studied philosophy, 
 theology, arid the classics at Greifswalde, and at the age of eighteen took 
 charge of a classical school (founded in 1170, and now called Bugenhagen 
 Gymnasium), at Treptow, on the Riga. In 1517 he read lectures in theology at 
 the Abbey of Belbrick, and in 1520 in response to Luther's pamphlet on the 
 Babylonian Captivity of the Church, he resorted to Wittenberg, where he was 
 appointed to the chair of theology in 1523. From this time Bugenhagen is 
 identified with the new organization of church affairs in all the principal cities 
 of Northern Germany Brunswick, Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, and in the 
 dominions of the Duke of Pomerauia, and the King of Denmark. In the 
 Brunswick church order of 1528, 'the superintendent, besides preaching, was 
 instructed to give lectures in Latin for the learned, and supervise the discipline, 
 doctrine and funds of the church, and see to the establishment of two Latin 
 schools (ea^h with two classes, the first with four, and the last with three 
 teachers), two German schools for boys, and four for girls at four places, so 
 that the girls might not have far to go from home to their school. In all the 
 schools, catechetical instruction and singing must be given to all the pupils, and 
 obscure private schools must be discontinued.' 
 
 In the Hamburgh church order of 1520 a Latin school was instituted in the 
 Convent of St. John (and designated the Johanneum) ; one German school for 
 boys ; and a girls' school in each parish. The Johanneum was provided with 
 a rector and seven teachers; Virgil, Ovid, and Cicero's Officia and Letters, 
 dialectics, rhetoric, mathematics, and in the 5th (highest) class the rudiments 
 of Greek and Hebrew, are specified in the course of study. Wednesday was 
 assigned for review in all the classes, and Saturday was devoted to the 
 catechism. Singing was to be carried to the highest proficiency for the service 
 of the church. Public lectures by the church superintendent and his adjutor 
 (4 times a week) ; by the rector of the Johanueum ; by two jurists, a physician, 
 a surgeon were also established, together with the foundation of a public 
 library making a quasi city university. The same system in its main features 
 was established in Lubeck in 1532, the classical school of which still exists. 
 
 In Pomerania the church and school order was issued in 1535. and for the 
 town of Stralsund two schools, ' one for Latin and German for boys, and the 
 other for girls.' The boys' school was to follow the book of visitation of 
 ' Magister Philippus Melancthon.' 
 
 In the church order drawn up by him for Denmark and Norway, in 1587, 
 extended by the Diet at Rendsburg in 1542, the system of schools provided for 
 Hamburg was recognized, the university of Copenhagen being constituted the 
 head of the system. In his letters he complains that 'the greedy grasp of the 
 mighty ones ' devoted to their own use the goods of the monasteries which 
 should go to churches, schools and the poor.' 
 
 His church orders for Brunswick- Wolfenbiittal in 1528 and 1542 extend 
 the establishment of schools for girls as well as boys to the country parishes, 
 where the organist was to be schoolmaster, and to give special attention to 
 singing and the memorizing of bible texts.' 
 
LIFE AND EDUCATIONAL SERVICES OF PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OF KARL VON RAUMER. 
 
 i. MELANCTHON'S CHILDHOOD. 
 
 HISTORIANS called Melancthon the fellow-soldier ( 
 of Luther. " God joined together these two instruments of his 
 purpose," said Winshemius, in his Eulogy upon Melancthon, " these 
 two great men, whose dispositions were so admirably blended, that 
 if to Erasmus and others Luther appeared to be too harsh a physician 
 for the disease that had infected the church, Philip, on the contrary, 
 though pursuing the same course without deflection, seemed too 
 tender and mild." In this we may perceive the secret counsels of 
 Him, who calls men by name, while as yet they have not come into 
 being. 
 
 Both these men were fully sensible that they were, so to speak, 
 the complements one of the other, and that in the labors of their life 
 they could not be separated. Hence the uncontrollable delight of 
 Luther at Melancthon's first entrance into Wittenberg ; hence too his 
 agonizing and answered prayer for the recovery of his fellow-laborer, 
 when, in 1540, the latter lay dangerously sick at Weimar.* How 
 forlorn too was Melancthon's condition while Luther was on the 
 Wartburg ; how consolatory and cheering must Luther's letters to 
 him from Coburg have been during the Augsburg Diet; and how 
 unhappy was he in the closing years of his life after the death of 
 Luther ! 
 
 PHILIP MELANCTHON was born the 16th of February, 1497, fourteen 
 years after Luther ; he likewise survived him fourteen years, and they 
 both died at the age of sixty-three. They yet show in Bretten, a small 
 town in the Duchy of Baden, the humble mansion where he first saw 
 the light. His father was a skillful armorer, and a devout and 
 upright man. His maternal grandfather, John Reuther, took charge 
 of the boy, and put him under the instruction of John Hungarus, 
 Of the latter Melancthon wrote : " I had a teacher, who was an excel- 
 lent grammarian, and who kept me constantly at the gramniar.f 
 
 * Melancthon thus writes of his convalescence: Ego fuissem extinctus, nisi adventu 
 Lutheri ex media morte revocatus essem." 
 
 1 "Itte adegit me ad Grammaticam, et ita adegit, ut constructiones facerem : cogebar red- 
 dere regular constructionis per versus Mantuani." 
 
162 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 Whenever I made a slip, he whipped me, but with mildness and 
 forbearance. Thus he made me a grammarian too. He was a good- 
 hearted man ; he loved me as a son, I him as a father." 
 
 His grandfather died in the year 1507, and, eleven days afterward, 
 his father. The latter, on his death-bed, exhorted his son to the fear 
 of God : " I have witnessed many commotions, but there are far 
 greater to come. I pray God that he would guide you safely through 
 them. Fear God and do right." 
 
 Melancthon was now taken, with his brother, into the family of 
 his grandmother, who was Reuchlin's sister, and lived in Pforzheim. 
 George Simler, of Wimpfen, whom we have met with as a pupil of 
 Dringenberg's, instructed him there in Greek. Reuchlin, who was a 
 frequent visitant at his sister's, in Pforzheim, was delighted with the 
 progress of the boy, and gave him books, among the rest a Greek 
 grammar and a Greek dictionary. He brought him also, for sport's 
 sake, a little red doctor's-cap. And after the fashion, then so preva- 
 lent, he translated his original name, "Schwarzerd" (black earth,) into 
 the Greek, Melancthon. 
 
 II. MELANCTHON AT HEIDELBERG. 
 
 After remaining toward two years at Pforzheim, he was sent in 
 1509, at the age of twelve,* to the university of Heidelberg. This 
 institution, at the close of the 15th century and the commencement 
 of the 16th, was the rallying ground of the most eminent men of 
 Germany, those especially who were laboring in the cause of a 
 reformation in the church as well as in the schools. The Elector- 
 Palatine Philip, who entered upon his government in 1476, shewed 
 the utmost concern for the prosperity of this university. He confided 
 the execution of his generous plans principally to John Kamrnerer, of 
 Worms, the Baron of Dalberg, who invited learned men to Heidel- 
 berg, and accorded them his favor and protection. Dalberg was born 
 in 1445, at Oppenhaim. He studied at Erfurt, and then went to 
 Italy, where in 1476 he lived in Ferrara with his friend Plenninger, 
 and with Agricola. In 1482 he was appointed by the Elector Philip 
 his chancellor, and shortly afterward obtained the rank of Prince 
 Bishop of Worms. Dalberg, as we have before seen, induced 
 Rudolf Agricola to come to Heidelberg ; he it was too who, when 
 John Reuchlin suffered persecution in his own country, threw around 
 him his most cordial protection ; and he moreover secured the 
 
 In view of Melancthon's extreme youth, this event would surprise us, did we not consider 
 that at that time much was taught in the universities, which at tne present day is assigned to 
 the upper classes in the gymnasia ; so that then the school-curriculum was completed at the 
 university. 
 
PHILIP MEI.ANCTHON 163 
 
 installation of Reuchlin's brother, Dionysius, as professor of the Greek 
 language at the university. About the same time Wimpheling, that 
 ardent scholar of Dringenberg's, taught at Heidelberg. Conrad 
 Celtes too, the first German poet who was honored with a crown,* 
 came thither while on his travels through Germany and Italy ; and 
 at his suggestion Dalberg founded the Rhenish literary association.f 
 But, when Melancthon came to Heidelberg, most of these above- 
 named excellent men had, it is true, either removed or died. 
 Agricola died in 1485, Dalberg in 1503, Celtes in 1508, while 
 professor of the art of poetry at Vienna: in 1498 John Reuchlin had 
 returned to Wurtemberg, and Wimpheling too had left Heidelberg 
 nearly at the same time. 
 
 Melancthon was received into the family of the aged theological 
 professor, Pallas Spangel, who had taught here for thirty -three years ; 
 and he recounted to the young lad many incidents of the past, in 
 which Agricola and others were actors. 
 
 "At the university," says Melancthon, " nothing was placed before 
 us but their babbling dialectics and meagre physics. As I, however, 
 had learned the art of versifying, I applied myself to the poets, and 
 likewise to history and mythology. I read, too, all the moderns of 
 Politian's school whom I could lay hands on; and this was not 
 without its influence upon my style." 
 
 In his 14th year, (1511,) the university gave Melancthon the 
 Baccalaureate degree. He then took charge of the studies of two 
 sous ol Count Lowenstein, and sketched, for their use probably, the 
 first outlines of a grammar of the Greek language. 
 
 By reason of his extreme youth, the degree of Master was not con- 
 ferred upon him; this fact, taken in connection with an attack of 
 fever, determined him in 1512 to leave Heidelberg and go to 
 Tubingen. 
 
 III. MELANCTHON AT TUBINGEN. 
 
 At that time the Tubingen university had been in existence for 
 thirty-five years only, since it was founded in 1477 by the excellent 
 Eberhard the Elder, the first Duke of Wurtemberg. The early 
 history of this university reminds one of the Middle Ages; for nomi- 
 nalism and realism here renewed their old battles, and it often hap- 
 pened that of two students occupying the same room one was a 
 nominalist and the other a realist. Gabriel Biel, who was the last 
 
 He was crowned for his Latin poems upon the Emperor Frederick III. The coronation 
 took place in 1491, at Nuremberg. 
 
 t Societas literaria Rhenuna. Dalberg was its president, and it numbered among its mem- 
 bers Pirkheimer, Sebastian Brandt, and many other distinguished men. 
 
164 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 of the distinguished scholastics, and a nominalist, was a professor 
 here. 
 
 But it was not long before the elements of the new era began to 
 bestir themselves. Paul Scriptoris, a Franciscan, though he read 
 lectures upon Scotus, nevertheless deviated here and there from the 
 teachings of the church, and Suminenhart sought to base theology 
 upon the Bible. Both of these men had learned Hebrew ; Hilde- 
 brand too, full of pious zeal, taught Hebrew and Greek for the sake 
 exclusively of the Old and New Testaments. 
 
 While these men, led by their earnest religious tendencies, were 
 thus advancing in the right direction, there came to Tubingen in 1496 
 a man who was enthusiastically devoted to the classics. This man 
 was Henry Bebel, professor of poetry and eloquence. Polite litera- 
 ture, (politiores literae,) as it was called, was first represented at the 
 university in him; for before his coining there had not been even a 
 place assigned to it. He opened a path for classical studies in a bold 
 and fearless manner, doing battle with the monks, who regarded 
 these studies as anti-Christian. Brassicanus, of Constance, co-operated 
 with him also. Among the professors of law were George Simler, 
 already mentioned as Melancthon's teacher, and Naucler, who was 
 the author of a history of the world. John Stoffler, a noteworthy 
 man, became professor of mathematics and astronomy in 1516. 
 
 When the youthful Melancthon came to Tubingen, he was involved 
 in the struggle between the old and the new eras. Bebel, Brassica- 
 nus, and others, whose courses he attended, were decided Reuchlin- 
 ists; and to these he united himself, since he was akin to Keuchlin 
 in two senses, as well by mental affinities as by the ties of nature. 
 
 He now strove with the energy and ardor of youth to compass all 
 branches of knowledge, both by learning and teaching. When, in 
 1514, in his 17th year, he was made a Master, he lectured on Virgil 
 and Terence. Two years later, in 1516, he published an edition of 
 Terence, in which the verses were disposed according to the metr<-.* 
 In the dedication of the same, (to Geraeander,) he commends the 
 poet to youth particularly as a teacher both of morals and of style. 
 
 At the same time he went eagerly into Greek, read Hesiod with 
 Oecolampadius, and translated much of Plutarch and Lucian, and 
 the whole of Aratus. In 1518 he brought out his Greek grammar: 
 thus early, in his 21st year, did he give indications that he was 
 marked out to be the "Praeceptor Germaniae" as he was afterward 
 familiarly called. On the death of Bebel, which took place in 1516, 
 
 Comoediae P. Terentii metro numerisque restitutae. Tub., 1516. It passed through 
 several editions. 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 1(35 
 
 Melancthon, the mere stripling of nineteen, was invited to fill his 
 chair and teach rhetoric ; whereupon, he read lectures on some works 
 of Cicero and six books of Livy. During ''is period the logic of 
 Rudolf Agricola made its appearance, and .vielancthon was incited 
 by it to undertake a critical examination into the course of argument 
 in the speeches of Demosthenes and Cicero. He likewise cultivated 
 the acquaintance of Francis Stadian, professor of logic. At the close 
 of his Greek grammar, he announced " that he intended, in conjunction 
 with a number of his friends, Stadian especially, to edit the works of 
 Aristotle." " If Aristotle, even in the original, is somewhat obscure/' 
 said Melancthon in one of his orations, " in the Latin versions he has 
 become horribly mutilated and wholly unintelligible." We have seen 
 that the Italians likewise, Politian, for example, went back to the 
 original text of Aristotle, and were thus enabled to lay the axe at the 
 root of the pseudo-Aristotelism of the scholastics. Heyd, a clear- 
 sighted author, thus justly observes in this connection : " Melancthon 
 and Stadian, in editing and translating Aristotle, sought to bring 
 about a reformation in the sphere of philosophy, similar to that which 
 Luther's translation of the Bible was designed to effect in the sphere 
 of theology. Men had become sick of turbid streams, and longed to 
 quench their thirst at the pure fountains. The Bible truly was a 
 perennial fountain, but a century later Francis Bacon directed inquiry 
 from Aristotle, the teacher of physics back to nature, (p^rf'S",) the 
 true original and source of physics." 
 
 Melancthon attended the mathematical lectures of Stoffler for three 
 years, and entertained the highest respect for his character. He 
 dedicated to him an oration, " de artibus liberalibus" that he delivered 
 in 1517, in Tubingen; and it was at Stoffler's request that he 
 translated Aratus. 
 
 He cultivated the science of law likewise, and it would appear that 
 he gave private instruction in jurisprudence. He also heard medical 
 lectures, and studied Galen quite as much with reference to the matter 
 as to the style. And he was moreover led into close historical researches, 
 oy remodeling Naucler's history of the world for a new edition. In 
 theology there was not much to be learned from the professors at 
 Tubingen ; and for that reason Melancthon soon applied his own 
 linguistic attainments to Biblical exegesis ; and he was much rejoiced 
 at the appearance of the New Testament of Erasmus. 
 
 Thus were his studies, yet in his early youth, throughout uni- 
 versal, no branch of knowledge remaining wholly unfamiliar to him ; 
 and by virtue of this universality, for which his remarkable talents 
 fitted him, he won for himself the appellation "Praeceptor Germaniae^ 
 
166 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 IV. MELANCTHON CALLED TO WITTENBERG. 
 
 Melancthon had spent six years at Tubingen, when Frederick the 
 Wise, in the year 1518, applied to Reuchlin to provide him a teacher 
 of Greek, and one of Hebrew also, for the university of Wittenberg. 
 Reuchlin, in his reply to the Elector, assured him that Germany, 
 hitherto called, and not without reason, in other countries, " barbarian " 
 and " brutish," needed these studies. For Hebrew he named, by way 
 of eminence, Oecolampadius ; "where baptized Jews are not well- 
 versed in Latin they are not fit persons to teach Hebrew, as their 
 knowledge has been derived more from use than from study." For 
 Greek, Reuchlin recommended in the most decided terms " Master 
 Philip Schwarzerd," whom "from his youth up he himself had 
 indoctrinated in this language." 
 
 On the 12th of July, Melancthon wrote an impatient letter to 
 Reuchlin, signifying his longing to be delivered from his " house of 
 bondage," where, occupied in unimportant labors with boys, he 
 himself was fast becoming a boy again himself. He was willing to 
 go whither Reuchlin should send him. 
 
 Reuchlin was not long in answering the letter. The Elector had 
 written him to have Melancthon come to Wittenberg. " Not figura- 
 tively," Reuchlin continued, "but in their literal sense I address you 
 in the words of the command of God to the faithful Abraham : 'Get 
 thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's 
 house, unto a land that I will show thee. And I will make of thee a 
 great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great ; and 
 thou shalt be a blessing.' Thus my spirit prophecies to thee, and I 
 hope that these things will be fulfilled in thee, my Philip, my pupil, 
 and my consolation." To the Elector, Reuchlin wrote : " Melancthon 
 will come, and he will be an honor to the university. For I know no 
 one among the Germans who excels him, save Erasmus, of Rotterdam, 
 and he is more properly a Hollander. He, (Erasmus,) surpasses all 
 of us in Latin." 
 
 Melancthon now left Tubingen. Simler, his old teacher, thus 
 spoke of his departure : "As many learned men as the university can 
 boast of, they are nevertheless none of them learned enough to form 
 a suitable estimate of the learning of him who is about to leave us." 
 From Augsburg and Nuremberg, where Melancthon made friends of 
 Pirkheimer and Scheurl, he went to Lfipzic. Here he spent much 
 time in the society of the excellent Peter Mosellanus. On the 25th 
 of August, 1518, he entered Wittenberg, there to remain until the 
 close of his life. There, for eight and twenty years, he labored in 
 connection with Luther. And his labors bore fruit in an abundan 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 167 
 
 harvest of blessings ; for the ecclesiastical movement set on foot by these 
 two men in a small German university assumed an ever wider sphere, 
 till at last it encircled the globe, and thus Reuchlin's presentiments 
 were realized. 
 
 Luther could not find words to depict the joy that he felt at 
 Melancthon's coming. In a letter to Spalatin, he expresses his 
 admiration of the inaugural speech which Melancthon delivered four 
 days after his arrival. He only fears that Melancthon's delicate con- 
 stitution may not bear the North-German climate and mode of life. In 
 another letter of this period, he styles him "profoundly learned, 
 thoroughly grounded in Greek, (Graecanicissimus,) and not unfamiliar 
 with Hebrew." To Reuchlin he writes: "Our Melancthon is a 
 wonderful man ; yea, in every quality of mind almost above humanity, 
 and, withal, very confiding and friendly in his demeanor toward me." 
 
 Thus did Luther, on his first acquaintance with Melancthon, recog- 
 nize him as the man who was to prove the complement of his own 
 being, and to make possible the realization of the great purpose of 
 
 his life. 
 
 v. MELANCTHON'S ACTIVITY IN WITTENBERG. 
 
 The activity of Melancthon from this time on was extraordinary. 
 
 What he did directly for the* church I omit, as not coming within 
 
 the scope of this work. The universality displayed in his youthful 
 
 studies accompanied him throughout the whole of his life, as we see 
 
 in the wide range of subjects which he taught, or on which he wrote. 
 
 a. His Lectures. 
 
 His lectures embraced the most diverse subjects. He read on the 
 exegesis of the New Testament ; a while also on that of the Old, 
 besides dogmatics. At the same time he gave critical interpretations 
 of many of the Greek and Latin classics. To these were added 
 lectures on ethics, logic, and physics. From his writings we may 
 perceive what a union of depth and clearness he displayed in the 
 treatment of his subjects; and this accounts for. the homage and 
 the admiration of his hearers. Their number reached at times as 
 high as two thousand. They were composed of all ranks, and not 
 Germans alone, but also Frenchmen, Englishmen, Poles, Hungarians, 
 Danes, yea, even Italians and Greeks flocked to hear him. And what 
 distinguished men too were formed under his teachings ! Among 
 them we may include those highly renowned schoolmasters, Joachim 
 Camerarius, Valentine Trotzendorf, and Michael Neander. All three 
 loved him to their dying clay with a depth of devotedness that they 
 could not express ; and his doctrines they held sacred and worthy of 
 lasting remembrance. 
 
168 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 b. His Personal Relations to the Students. 
 
 But that devotedness was not merely the fruit of Melancthon's 
 lectures ; it proceeded rather from the affectionate manner that he 
 displayed toward the students individually. "It was a part," so 
 Camerarius tells us, "of Melancthon's household arrangements, never 
 to deny himself to any one. Many came to him for letters of recom- 
 mendation ; many for him to revise their essays. Some sought his 
 counsel in their embarrassments ; others told him of incidents that 
 had befallen them, either in private or in public, provided they were 
 such as merited his attention ; others again brought this or that 
 complaint before him." " I can assure you, of a truth," said Melanc- 
 thon in an academical oration, " that I embrace all the students with 
 the love and the interest of a father, and am deeply affected by every 
 thing that menaces them with danger." 
 
 c. What he did for the School- System. 
 
 Another phase of Melancthon's educational activity may be seen in 
 his relation to schools. For he was often and in various ways 
 appealed to for counsel in school matters. Especially noteworthy in 
 this connection is his correspondence with Hieronymus Baumgartner, 
 of Nuremberg. The occasion was as follows: The Nurembergers 
 had resolved to establish a gymnasium, induced thereto chiefly by 
 the solicitations of the excellent Lazarus Spengler. And Melancthon 
 was formally invited through Baumgartner to become its rector. In 
 his reply to Baumgartner he declines, because in the first place he 
 can not leave Wittenberg without being ungrateful to the Elector; 
 and again, he is not adapted by his previous training for such a 
 position. It requires a man who is a practiced rhetorician, and 
 therefore able with a master's hand to mold the young to rhetorical 
 perfection. To this he is in no wise adapted, for his style is bare and 
 dry, with no elegance in it, in fact altogether scant and devoid of sap ; 
 whereas the diction of a teacher of a gymnasium should be rich and 
 full of grace. Reuchlin had sent him, when on the threshold of man- 
 hood, to Saxony, where he first set about a thorough cultivation of 
 many branches, self-impelled and self-directed thereto, for his previous 
 school-education had been but poor. 
 
 The Nurembergers, as might have been anticipated, did not take 
 Melancthon's estimate of himself in earnest, but, believing it to be the 
 result of an overweening modesty, repeated their invitation through 
 Baumgartner again. Melancthon now replied decidedly that he 
 could not come. But, on his suggestion, Hessus and Camerarius were 
 applied to. Sigismund Gelenius likewise, a learned Bohemian, then 
 living at Basle, was invited by Melancthon himself to become one of 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 169 
 
 the teachers. In the letter of invitation Melanclhon tells him " that 
 the new institution was designed to furnish a full course of instruction 
 from the elements up to rhetoric. Mathematics too was to receive 
 attention." Subsequently Melancthon was urged by the civic 
 authorities of Nuremberg to take part in the inauguration of the 
 gymnasium. (His letter of acceptance was dated on the 10th of 
 March, 1526, and he went to Nuremberg on the 6th of May.) He 
 there delivered a speech, in which he praised the Nurembergers for 
 the spirit they displayed in providing means of education for the 
 young, and he compared their city to Florence. In the year 1826, on 
 the third centennial anniversary of the opening of the gymnasium, a 
 statue of Melancthon was erected in front of the building. 
 
 o 
 
 And as by the Nurembergers, so from many other quarters was 
 Melancthon's advice solicited, in the affairs both of schools and uni- 
 versities. But the event of his life that was attended with the most 
 important consequences upon the school-system was his visitation, in 
 1527, of churches and schools, undertaken by order of the Elector, 
 John the Constant, and through the influence of Luther. The field 
 assigned him was Thuringia, and, in company with Myconius and 
 Justus Jonas, he traveled over the whole of it; and, in 1528, likewise 
 by order of the Elector, he published his " Report." or " Book of 
 Visitation," a work of great significance alike to church and to schools. 
 Through its means an evangelical church -system was established for 
 the first time independent of the Pope, and asserting its own authority 
 both in the matter of doctrine and of government. Soon other states 
 followed the example of Saxony. 
 
 From the " Book of Visitation " we extract the following 
 
 SCHOOL-PLAN.* 
 
 Preachers also should exhort the people of their charge to send their children 
 to school, so that they may be trained up to teach sound doctrine in the church, 
 and to serve the state in a wise and able manner. Some imagine that it is enough 
 for a teacher to understand German. But this is a misguided fancy. For he, 
 who is to teach others, must have great practice and special aptitude ; to gain this, 
 he must have studied much, and from his youth up. For St. Paul tells us, in 1 
 Tim., 3 : 2, that a bishop must be " apt to teach." And herein he would have us 
 infer that bishops must possess this quality in greater measure than laymen. So 
 also he commends Timothy, (1 Tim., 4 : 6,) in that he has learned from his youth 
 up, having been u nourished up in the words of faith, and of good doctrine." For 
 this is no small art, namely, to teach and direct others in a clear and correct 
 manner, and it is impossible that unlearned men should attain to it. Nor do we 
 need able and skillful persons for the church alone, but for the government of the 
 world too 5 and God requires it at our hands. Hence parents should place their 
 children at school, in order there to arm and equip them for God's service, so that 
 God can use them for the good of others. 
 
 But in our day there ace many abuses in children's schools. And it is that 
 these abuses may be corrected, and that the young may have good instruction, 
 that we have prepared this plan. In the first place, the teachers must be careful 
 
 * This plan appears likewise in Luther's works. 
 
170 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 / to teach the children Latin only, not German, nor Greek, nor Hebrew, as some 
 ' have heretofore done, burdening the poor children with such a multiplicity of 
 pursuits, that are not only unproductive, but positively injurious. Such school- 
 masters, we plainly see, do not think of the improvement of the children at all, 
 but undertake so many languages, solely to increase their own reputation. In the 
 second place, teachers should not burden the children with too many books, but 
 should rather avoid a needless variety. Thirdly, it is indispensable that the 
 children be classified into distinct groups. 
 
 THE FIRST GROUP. The first group should consist of those children who are 
 learning to read. With these the following method is to be adopted : They are 
 first to be taught the child's-manual, containing the alphabet, the creed, the Lord's 
 prayer, and other prayers. When they have learned this, Donatus and Cato may 
 both be given them ; Donatus for a reading-book, and Cato they may explain 
 after the following manner : the schoolmaster must give them the explanation 
 of a verse or two, and then in a few hours call upon them to repeat what he has 
 thus said ; and in this way they will learn a great number of Latin words, and 
 lay up a full store of phrases to use in speech. In this they should be exercised 
 until they can read well. Neither do we consider it time lost, if the feebler 
 children, who are not especially quick-witted, should read Cato and Donatus not 
 once only, but a second time. With this they should be taught to write, and be 
 required to shew their writing to the schoolmaster every day. Another mode 
 of enlarging their knowledge of Laiin wt/rds is to give them every afternoon some 
 words to commit to memory, as has been the custom in schools hitherto. These 
 children must likewise be kept at music, and be made to sing with the others, as 
 we shall show, God willing, further on. 
 
 THE SECOND GROUP. The second group consists of children who have learned 
 to read, and are now ready to go into grammar. With these the following regu- 
 lations should be observed : The first hour after noon every day all the children, 
 large and small, should be practiced in music. Then the schoolmaster must 
 interpret to the second group the fables of JEsop. After vespers, he should 
 explain to them the Paedology of Mosellanus ; and, when this is finished, he should 
 select from the Colloquies of Erasmus some that may conduce to their improvement 
 and discipline. This should be repeated on the next evening also. W r hen the 
 children are about to go home for the night, some short sentence may be given 
 them, taken perhaps from a poet, which they are to repeat the next morning, 
 such as "Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur" A true friend becomes manifest 
 in adversity. Or "Fortuna, quern nimium fovet, stultum facit." Fortune, if 
 she fondles a man too much, makes him a fool. Or this from Ovid: "Vulgus 
 amicitias utilitqle probat." The rabble value friendships by the profit they yield. 
 
 In the morning the children are again to explain JEsop's fables. With this the 
 teacher should decline some nouns or verbs, many or few, easy or d.fficult, 
 according to the progress of the children, and then ask them the rules and the 
 reasons for such inflection. And at the same time when they shall have learned 
 the rules of construction, they should be required to construe, (parse,) as it is 
 called ; this is a very useful exercise, and yet there are not many who employ it. 
 After the children have thus learned ^Esop, Terence is to be given to them ; and 
 this they must commit to memory, for they will now be older, and able to work 
 harder. Still the master must be cautious, lest he overtask them. Next after 
 Terence, the children may take hold of such of the comedies of Pb'utus as are 
 harmless in their tendency, as the Aulularia, the Trinummus, the Psevdolus, etc. 
 
 The hour before mid-day must be invariably and exclusively devoted to instruc- 
 tion in grammar : first etymology, then syntax, and lastly prosody. And when 
 the teacher has gone thus far through with the grammar, he should begin it 
 again, and so on continually, that the children may understand it to perfection. 
 For if there is negligence here, there is neither certainty nor stability in whatever 
 is learned beside. And the children should learn by heart and repeat all the 
 rules, so that they may be driven and forced, as it were, to learn the grammar 
 well. 
 
 If such labor is irksome to the schoolmaster, as we often see, then we should 
 dismiss him, and get another in his place, one who will not shrink from the duty 
 of keeping his pupils constantly in the grammar. For no greater injury can befal] 
 earning and the arts, than for youth to grow up in ignorance of grammar. 
 
PHILIP MEI ANCTHON. 171 
 
 This course should be repeated daily, by the week together ; nor should we by 
 any means give children a different book to study each day. However, one day, 
 for instance, Sunday or Wednesday, should be set apart, in which the children 
 may receive Christian instruction. For some are suffered to learn nothing in the 
 Holy Scriptures ; and some masters there are who teach children nothing but the 
 Scriptures; both of which extremes must be avoided. For it is essential that 
 children be taught the rudiments of the Christian and divine life. So likewise 
 there are many eans why, with the Scriptures, other books too should belaid 
 bofore them, oui of which they may learn to read. And in this matter we 
 propose the following method: Let the schoolmaster hear the whole group, 
 making them, one after the other, repeat the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the ten 
 commandments. But if the group is too large, it may be divided, so that one 
 week one part may recite, and the remaining part the next. 
 
 After one recitation, the master should explain in a simple and correct manner 
 the Lord's prayer, after the next the creed, and at another time the ten com- 
 mandments. And he should impress upon the children the essentials, such as the 
 fear of God, faith, and good works. He must not touch upon polemics, nor must 
 he accustom the children to scoff at monks or any other persons, as many 
 unskillful teachers use to do. 
 
 With this the schoolmaster may give the boys some plain psalms to commit to 
 memory, which comprehend the sum and substance of the Christian life, which 
 inculcate the fear of the Lord, faith, and good works. As the 112th Psalm, 
 '* Blessed is the man that feareth the Lord;" the 34th, "I will bless the Lord at 
 all times;" the 128th, " Blessed is every one that fearelh the Lord, that walketh 
 in his ways;" the 125th, ''They that trust in the Lord shall be as Mount Zion, 
 which can not be removed, but abideth forever;" the 127th, "Except the Lqrd 
 build the house, they labor in vain that build it;" the 133d, " Behold how good 
 and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity !" or other such 
 plain and intelligible psalms, which likewise should be expounded in the briefest 
 and most correct manner possible, so that the children may know, both the 
 substance of what they have learned and where to find it. 
 
 On this day too the teacher should give a grammatical exposition of Matthew ; 
 and, when he has gone through with it, he should commence it anew. But, 
 when the boys are somewhat more advanced, he may comment upon the two 
 epistles of Paul to Timothy, or the 1st Epistle of John, or the Proverbs of Solomon. 
 But teachers must not undertake any other books. For it is not profitable to 
 burden the young with deep and difficult books as some do, who, to add to their 
 own reputation, read Isaiah, Paul's Epistle to the Romans, St. John's Gospel, and 
 others of a like nature. 
 
 THE THIRD GROUP. Now, when these children have been well trained in 
 grammar, those among them who have made the greatest proficiency should be 
 taken out, and formed into the third group. The hour after mid -day they, together 
 with the rest, are to devote to music. After this the teacher is to give an explana- 
 tion of Virgil. When he has finished this, he may take up Ovid's Metamorphoses, 
 and in the latter part of the afternoon Cicero's " Offices," or " Letters to Friends." 
 In the morning Virgil m;iy be reviewed, and the teacher, to keep up practice in 
 the grammar, may call for constructions and inflections, and point out the 
 prominent figures of speech. 
 
 The hour before mid-day, grammar should still be kept up, that the scholars 
 may be thoroughly versed therein. And when they are perfectly familiar with ety- 
 mology and syntax, then prosody (metrica) should be opened to them, so that 
 they can thereby become accustomed to make verses. For this exercise is a very 
 great help toward understanding the writings of others; and it likewise gives the 
 boys a rich fund of words, and renders them accomplished many ways. In course 
 of time, after they have been sufficiently practiced in the grammar, this same hour 
 is to be given to logic and rhetoric. The boys in the second and third groups are 
 to be required every week to write compositions, either in the form of letters or 
 of verses. They should also be rigidly confined to Latin conversation, and to this 
 end the teach TS themselves must, as far as possible, speak nothing but Latin with 
 the boys ; thus they will acquire the practice by use, and the more rapidly for the 
 incentives held out to them. 
 
 Thus much for schools. We have here the yet crude beginnings 
 
172 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 of a high-school system, without any thorough organization or well- 
 regulated activity. These, it remained for Trotzendorf and Sturm to 
 
 develop. 
 
 d. Melancthon's Manuals. 
 
 His influence upon schools was very widely diffused by means of 
 his manuals, which were universally introduced into use, and were 
 perpetuated through many editions. He wrote a Greek and a Latin 
 grammar, two manuals of logic, one of rhetoric, one of ethics, and one 
 of physics. 
 
 These manuals are characterized by great clearness of expression : 
 it was a matter of great moment with Melancthon, by means of 
 concise and clear definitions and a well-ordered arrangement, to make 
 himself. as intelligible as possible. Confused sentiments, and obscure 
 language, whose sense we vainly perplex ourselves to get at, these 
 were Melancthon's abhorrence. 
 
 The Greek Grammar. An edition of the year 1542 lies before 
 me.* In the preface Melancthon says : " He has often wished that his 
 little work on Greek grammar had perished, because he wrote it 
 while yet scarcely out of boyhood, for the use of the boys whom he 
 had under his charge. And indeed it would have perished had not 
 the bookseller constrained him to repeat the foolish action, (denuo 
 ineptire,) and to rebuild the old ruins. He has accordingly critically 
 revised the whole, altering it and improving it." The grammar is 
 simple and clear, but it does not include syntax ; it ends with the 
 paradigms of the verbs in fii.f 
 
 The Latin Grammar. Melancthon wrote this originally for his 
 pupil, Erasmus Ebner, of Nuremberg. Goldstein, afterward recorder 
 of the town of Halle, issued it, as he tells us himself in the preface, 
 against Melancthon's wish, in 1525. In the edition of 1542 there is 
 a letter of Melancthon to the Frankfort bookseller, Egenolph. " In 
 the first edition of my grammar," he writes, "there were various 
 omissions. These may be supplied ; yet there should not be too 
 many rules, lest their number prove discouraging to the learner." 
 He then expresses his confidence that Micyllus, whom he has prevailed 
 upon to prepare an improved edition, will, in virtue of his learning 
 and good judgment, adopt the right method. Next, he launches into 
 a panegyric of grammar, especially of its usefulness to the theologian. 
 "How important it is," he says, "to the church, that boys be 
 thoroughly disciplined in the languages ! Inasmuch as the purity of 
 
 * Grammatica graeca Ph. Melancthonis jam novissime recognita atque multis in locis lo- 
 cupletata. Francofurti, XLII. 
 
 t The commentaries on syntax he sent in manuscript to Count Nuenar, but they were not 
 printed. 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 173 
 
 the divine teachings can not be maintained without learning, and 
 weighty controversies can only be settled by a determination of the 
 meaning of words, and a wide range of well-chosen expressions is 
 indispensable to a correct construction ; therefore what will a teacher 
 in the church be, if he does not understand grammar, other than a 
 silent mask, or a shameless bawler ? He who does not understand 
 the mode of speech of God's word can not love it either. Ignoti 
 nulla cupido is a true maxim. But how can he be a good teacher in 
 the church who neither loves the heavenly doctrine, nor yet under- 
 stands it, nor is able to explain it ? Neglect of grammar has recoiled 
 upon our own heads, in that through the means the monks have 
 palmed off upon the church and the schools spurious wares for genu- 
 ine. Hence princes should have a care to maintain learning ; we 
 observe, however, that a very few do it. And cities too should strive 
 to uphold and protect these studies, that embellish not only the 
 church but the whole of life." In conclusion he exhorts youth to 
 a diligent study of grammar. 
 
 This letter of Melancthon's is dated in 1540. It was also printed 
 with the edition of the grammar which Camerarius brought out in 
 1550. To the second part of this grammar, or the syntax, there is 
 prefixed a preface addressed to the son of Justus Jonas. It is written 
 against those who think to become philologists merely through the 
 perusal of the classics, without grammatical studies. Such persons will 
 never be rooted and grounded. Their false view proceeds from a 
 repugnance to the restraint of rules, a repugnance that by and by 
 will degenerate into a dangerous contempt of all law and order. 
 
 The following is the history of this edition of Melancthon's 
 grammar : Camerarius requested Melancthon, on behalf of the book- 
 seller, Papst, in Leipzic, that he would authorize the latter to bring 
 out a new edition. Melancthon acceded to the request in the most 
 friendly manner, and signified his approval, in advance, of all the 
 emendations and additions which Camerarius should make. In his 
 preface, Camerarius thus speaks of the additions: "They will not 
 merely profit the scholar, but they will likewise assist the teacher." 
 The opinion that Schenk, who lectured on Latin grammar at Leipzic, 
 expressed of this work, will doubtless appear to most of us somewhat 
 exaggerated. " This little book has now attained to that perfection 
 that there appears to be nothing deficient in it, nor can there here- 
 after be any thing added to it ; and accordingly it will ever continue to 
 be, as it now is, the sum of all perfection, neither to be altered nor 
 remodeled." 
 
 The distinguished Ilefeld rector, Michael Neander, did not assent 
 
 No. 12. [VoL. IV., No. 3.] 48. 
 
174 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 to this view, as far as it referred to the utility of Camerarius' book as 
 a school-grammar. He published an edition himself, with this title, 
 namely, "The Latin grammar of Ph. Melancthon, delivered with 
 brevity, ease, and clearness, in the compass of a few pages, yet in such 
 a manner as not only to give Melancthon's language, but his method 
 in the smaller grammar and smaller syntax, that first and oldest 
 manual, which is most admirably adapted to the learner, and which 
 more than any other has been used in all our German schools." He 
 moreover assures us on the title-page that boys can learn every thing that 
 is necessary to the understanding of Latin, out of this grammar, in a 
 few months. In the preface, Neander explains the object of his work 
 more distinctly. He says, since he has observed that boys are 
 burdened by a multitude of rules and examples, and since this diffuse- 
 ness is moreover unsuitable to teachers, therefore he has made this 
 abridgment of Melancthon's grammar. It is so concise that the 
 scholar should be required to learn it all thoroughly; then he can 
 read, compare, and exercise himself in Melancthon's own admirable 
 grammars, both the smaller and the larger ; nay, he may then read 
 and digest the remarks and illustrations which have been incorporated 
 into the larger grammar of Melancthon by a very learned man,* and 
 which swell the book to twice or three times its original size. 
 Camerarius' edition of Melancthon's grammar contains 507 pages, 
 Neander's but 130. It is evident that both Camerarius and Micyllus 
 before him neglected Melancthon's warning against discouraging the 
 pupil by too great diffuseness. While they designed their grammars 
 not for scholars alone, but also for teachers, as Camerarius claims in 
 so many words in the title of his book, and thus aimed at complete- 
 ness and perfection, it happened that their labor was lost as far as 
 school-instruction was concerned. Neander's simplification, on the 
 other hand, is sure to meet with the general approval of school- 
 teachers ; for they must needs feel ever more deeply that there is a 
 heaven-wide difference between a grammar for beginners and one for 
 learned philologists, a difference as great as that between the cate- 
 chism and a learned and profound treatise on doctrinal theology. 
 Every intermingling of these distinct and different objects results in 
 hybrid grammars, which are too advanced for the learner and too 
 simple for the teacher. It is evident from Neander's preface that 
 Melancthon's grammar held the chief place in the schools of Germany 
 in the last half of the 16th century. Yet the precise and critical 
 Strobel enumerates, between the years 1525 and 1727, no fewer than 
 fifty-one editions, more or less altered from the original. But 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 175 
 
 notwithstanding, its influence can be traced even to our time. For 
 'xafnple, that very useful book, the larger " grammatica Marchica" 
 strikingly coincides with Melancthon's, both in the general arrange- 
 ment and in the treatment of the parts ; and the phraseology of the 
 two is often alike, in definitions, rules of syntax and the like. Again, 
 Otto Schulz, in the preface to his complete Latin grammar, which 
 appeared in 1825, says: "In respect to rny method, I have designed 
 to follow as closely as possible the larger Mark grammar, whose main 
 features all teachers concur in approving." A history of grammars, 
 from Donatus to Zumpt and Schulz, would be a most interesting book. 
 How characteristic even are the various definitions of the word 
 " grammar," which have been given in different periods ! Melancthon 
 defines it thus : " Grammar is an exact method of speaking and 
 writing." The Mark grammar of 1728, in essential agreement with 
 Jris definition, says: "Grammar is the art of speaking and writing 
 sorrectly." Otto Schulz, on the other hand, has it thus : " Latin 
 grammar is a guide to the knowledge of the Latin tongue ; it shows 
 how the universal laws of language should be applied in the special 
 instance of Latin." Lastly, Kuhner thus defines it : " Grammar is the 
 guide to a correct understanding of a language, through its words and 
 forms of speech." In these definitions we may perceive what progress 
 has been made since 1728, from a practical treatment of the ancient 
 languages, according to the art of speaking and writing, to a theoreti- 
 cal, whose aim is by means of science to attain to a perfect under- 
 standing of the same. 
 
 But let us return to Melancthon and his manuals. 
 
 The Manual of Logic. The first edition of this work appeared in 
 1520, an enlarged and improved edition in 152 Y, a third in 1529 ; 
 this latter is dedicated to William Reiffenstein. The book, Melanc- 
 thon says, is designed to assist in a better understanding of Aristotle. 
 It was followed by a second treatise upon the same subject, the 
 "Erotemata Dialectices" the principal portion of which he composed 
 in the unfortunate year 1547. The dedication, addressed to John, 
 son of Joachim Camerarius, bears date, September 1st, 1547; by the 
 18th of October, the same year, three thousand copies were disposed of. 
 
 This dedication touches upon the point above adverted to as having 
 been discussed in the preface to the "Syntax," namely, "Whether 
 logic is indispensable to every one, inasmuch as we find its absence 
 atoned for in many instances by a strong, native common sense ?" 
 The reply is that it is a necessary art, since it teaches men of mod- 
 erate capacities, and is a help to them, while on the other hand the 
 more gifted are controlled by it, and kept within bounds, and are led 
 
J 7(J PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 to seek after truth and to prize truth alone. Then he pronounces 
 judgment against those who decry logic. " Even as there are many 
 men of unbridled passions who hate the restraints of moral law, so 
 there are those who can not abide the rules of art. Dialectics, as 
 hitherto taught by the school-men, had, to be sure, fallen into 
 contempt ; however, this was because it was not veritable art, but only 
 the shadow of an art, and entangled men amid endless labyrinthine 
 mazes. But," he continues, "I present here a true, pure and 
 unsophisticated logic, just as we have received it from Aristotle and 
 some of his judicious commentators." He then proceeds to show the 
 necessity of logic in order to a correct statement and determination 
 of the doctrines of the church ; its abuse by heretical teachers ought 
 not to deter us from its right use. He urges those, who have the 
 capacity, to read Aristotle himself, and that in the Greek ; but adds, 
 that it will be of service first to acquire a knowledge of the elements, 
 in order to understand him the more readily. 
 
 Manual of Rhetoric. The first edition appeared in 1519, under the 
 title "De Rhetorica Libri tres. Wittenberg, lo. Grunenberg." The 
 dedication to Bernard Maurus was written in January, 1519 ; and 
 treats, among other things, of the relation of rhetoric to logic. The 
 later edition was dedicated in the year 1531 to the brothers Reiffen- 
 stein. Says Melancthon in this dedication, 'whereas he had been 
 compelled to speak against corrupt logicians, the case was far different 
 with rhetoric. Upon rhetoric no one had written but eminent men, 
 as for instance Cicero and Quintilian. And his rhetoric was designed 
 to be an elementary guide to the understanding of their writings. In 
 these they (the brothers Reiffenstein) might perceive the length and 
 breadth of the art of eloquence, and not fall into the delusion that 
 many self-conceited blockheads indulge, namely, that those have 
 reached the very pitch and perfection of eloquence who have learned 
 how to indite a letter. But eloquence is rather to be ranked among 
 the highest accomplishments, and involves extensive learning, great 
 talents, long practice, and a keen judgment. Rhetoric is closely allied 
 to logic, and one can not be comprehended without the other.' 
 
 Manual of Physics. I shall speak at greater length of this book, 
 when I come to describe the pre-Baconian realism.* Melancthon's 
 pious and sensible manner of contemplating nature will be clearly set 
 forth, as well from passages in this manual as from his preface to 
 Sacrobusto's work on the Sphere. 
 
 Manual of Ethics. As early as the year 1529, he issued m& 
 
 * Knowledge of things as contra-distinguished from knowledge of words. 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. ] ff 
 
 commentary on the ethics of Aristotle, and in the year 1538 Ha 
 " Pkilosophiae moralis epitome" 
 
 With these manuals we should rank one upon history, namely, the 
 "Chronicon" of his pupil Cario, which Melancthon improved and 
 enlarged in 1532 in the German, and in 1538 rewrote entire and 
 published in Latin. 
 
 e. Declamation es. 
 
 Melancthon's universal learning, his eminent skill as a teacher, and 
 his practical exercise in teaching, for well-nigh half a century, lead us 
 to infer the existence of many excellent hints to instructors in his 
 manuals. Nor are we disappointed. We find in these manuals an 
 educational wisdom of enduring value for all time. Much, it is true, 
 betokens the 1 6th century. In Melancthon, the preceptor of Germany, 
 (Praeceptor Germaniae,) both the ideal and the modes of culture that 
 prevailed among his contemporaries, appear as it were personified 
 before our eyes. 
 
 Not merely in his manuals, however, but in other works of his, the 
 orations especially, there is contained a treasure of educational wisdom. 
 Under the title " Declamationes" we have a collection of Melancthon's 
 academical orations, delivered some by himself and some by others.* 
 
 In these orations we perceive his love of science, and are made 
 familiar with his views upon mental culture and upon study in 
 general, as well as its single branches. Repeatedly does he express 
 himself on these topics, above all on the relation of science to the 
 church. 
 
 1. His Love of Science. 
 
 In the year 1535, Melancthon delivered an oration on love of truth. 
 " It is a matter of inexpressible moment," he here says, " that a man 
 from his youth up should cherish a burning hatred toward all sophis- 
 try, especially toward that which wears the garb of wisdom." Among 
 the abettors of this latter species of sophistry, he includes both Stores 
 and Epicureans, as well as the Anabaptists, who were wholly wrapped 
 in the mists and delusions of this false wisdom ; and adds : 
 
 There are others who have misapplied their talents, not seeking to bring the 
 truth to light, but only to prove or to disprove in perpetual rotation whatever they 
 have happened to conjecture possible. And this legerdemain they have taken to 
 be the true element of genius. Such men were those universal doubters, the 
 academics and sophists of Plato's time. These undisciplined, lawless spirits were 
 very dangerous ; whatever pleased their fancy, this they never ceased to magnify, 
 but every thing disagreeable to them they rejected as of no account; Jhat which 
 looked plausible they insisted upon as true; they united things which did not 
 oelong together, and things which were manifestly related to each other they put 
 
 * Strobel, in the " Literary Miscellany," Nuremberg, i781, in speaking of Melancthon's ora- 
 tions, says that the most eminent of Melancthon's colleagues, men like Major, Reinholt, and 
 Winshemius, were not ashamed to deliver orations prepared by him. 
 
 12 
 
17 & PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 they employed clear and well-defined terms to express nothing, and 
 threw around sober realities an air of irony. Against this kind of sophistry all 
 well-meaning persons must wage an implacable warfare. Plato was very earnest 
 to exhort men in their speech to seek not the applause of men but the approbation 
 of God. And accordingly we ought with our whole soul to aim at this one point, 
 namely, to find the truth, and to set it forth with as much simplicity and clearness 
 as possible. Men who, in matters of science, sport with truth, are blind guides 
 likewise where revelation is concerned. Sophistry has by means of its false 
 precepts occasioned religious dissensions and 'religious wars. The dispositions of 
 men are easily warped, and it needs great wisdom to keep them in the right way ; 
 and Christ calls down the severest judgments upon those by whom offenses come. 
 
 Studies. The Old time and the New. Science and the Church. 
 
 In the oration, which Melancthon delivered in 1518, at his induc- 
 tion into his preceptorial office, he marks the contrast between the 
 old and barbarous studies, that had hitherto been in vogue, and those 
 excellent and new objects of inquiry that were beginning to receive 
 attention. " The advocates of the old method," he says, " decry tha 
 new. * The study of the restored classical literature,' they say, ' with 
 great labor, yields but small profit. Idle men have betaken them- 
 selves to Greek in order to make a vain boast of their knowledge ; 
 the Hebrew promises but little with the moderns ; all true studies 
 have fallen away, and philosophy is utterly neglected.' " 
 
 Against such accusers Melancthon entered the lists, first attack- 
 ing with vigor the old methods of study. Those scholastics had 
 planted themselves upon Aristotle, who was hard to understand even 
 for the Greeks, but had become in the scholastic Latin versions abso- 
 lutely unintelligible. Better things fell into disrepute, Greek was 
 forgotten, a jargon of useless learning forced upon the mind, and the 
 classics were thrown aside altogether. He himself had been almost 
 ruined by being six long years under the teachings of the pseudo- 
 Aristotelian sophists, men who bore not the least trace of resemblance 
 to Socrates. For this one had said " that one thing only did he know, 
 namely, that he knew nothing, while they knew every thing, save this 
 one, namely, that they did not know any thing." 
 
 Then he goes on to indicate briefly what the students at the Wit- 
 tenberg university were expected, after the new method, to take hold 
 of, viz., Aristotle as he is in the original, Quintilian and Pliny, the 
 mathematics, poets, orators, historians, and a sound philosophy. 
 
 These were studies which the clergy and jurists equally needed ; 
 and the former in addition to Greek should understand Hebrew. For 
 with the downfall of these studies the church had sunk into ruins, 
 Having become marred and disfigured by ordinances of man's device. 
 
 Of a similar purport is a speech which Melancthon delivered 
 eighteen years later, (in 1536.) In this he commends not merely 
 the study of the languages, but also of philosophy and the other arts, 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 179 
 
 since they all serve to enrich and adorn the church. Ignorance 
 obscures religion, and leads to frightful divisions, and to barbarism, 
 in short to the entire destruction of all social order. An unenlightened 
 theology is one of the greatest of evils, confounding all doctrines, 
 having no clear conception of vital truths, uniting things that should 
 be divided, and tearing asunder things that are joined together. It 
 is contradictory and inconsistent, and there is neither beginning, 
 progress, nor result in it. Such teachings are prolific of unnumbered 
 errors and endless disagreements, because in the general confusion 
 one and the same thing is understood thus by one man and quite 
 differently by another. And, since every one defends his own view, 
 there arises strife and discord. Meanwhile consciences are racked 
 with doubt, and doubt not resolved ends in disbelief. But an enlight- 
 ened theology should not rest content with grammar and logic ; it 
 also has need of physics, moral philosophy, and history, for which 
 latter too a knowledge of the mathematics, for their bearing on 
 chronology, is indispensable. 
 
 And with great justice does Melancthon remark in this speech : 
 " Learning is at this day of the utmost consequence to the church, 
 because ignorant priests are growing ever bolder and more careless 
 in their office. Learned men, who have accustomed themselves to 
 thorough investigation in every thing they undertake, know but too 
 well how liable they are to fall into error, and thus diligence itself 
 teaches them modesty. But what great disasters ever befall the 
 church, from the recklessness of ignorance, this, the present condition 
 of things will teach us." 
 
 The theme, " Learning is a blessing to the church and ignorance its 
 curse," was frequently taken up by Melancthon. So, in the already 
 cited preface to his Latin Grammar, and again in the introduction to 
 a treatise on the art of poetry, "Cuidam libello de arte poetica" 
 " Hand in hand with diligent study," he here says, " we ever find 
 modesty and a prayerful spirit." A disciple of Schwenkfeld had 
 written a book against him and Paul Eber, in which he attacked 
 the liberal arts, and undertook to prove that the church is not built 
 up and established by means of reading, hearing, and reflecting upon 
 the doctrines of the Bible, but that a certain enthusiasm first over- 
 masters the spirit, and reading the Scriptures and meditation comes 
 afterward. " Thus," he adds, " these fanatics invert the order indi- 
 cated by Paul, namely, ' how shall they believe who have not heard ?' '* 
 
 In the oration entitled "Encomium eloquentiae" he takes a survey 
 of the studies essential to a complete education. Here he again 
 censures the unintelligible style of Scotus and the school-men. Picus, 
 
lyQ PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 he thinks, was but in jest when he took up the gauntlet for them, 
 and maintained the proposition that it mattered not whether a man 
 spoke with elegance or not, provided only that he expressed his 
 thoughts clearly. The earlier theological bunglers were of a piece, aa 
 well in style as in sentiments, barbarians in both. He then advo- 
 cates the reading of the ancient poets, historians, and orators, and at 
 the same time a diligent practice in style, both in prose and poetry. In 
 the close he recurs again to the importance of a knowledge of the 
 languages to the theologian to assist him in understanding the 
 Scriptures. A godless spirit goes hand in hand with ignorance. The 
 classical studies had again dawned upon the world in order that 
 theology, which had become corrupt, might again be purified. The 
 deeper meaning of the word, it is true, is imparted to us by the Holy 
 Spirit ; but we must first come to a knowledge of the language, for it 
 is in this that the divine mysteries are embodied. He then gives an 
 example of the mistakes which continually occur," where the knowledge 
 of language is inadequate to convey the true meaning of the words. 
 One of their masters of arts rendered the words "Melckisedec rex 
 Salem panem et vinum obtulit," thus : Melchisedec set before 
 (Abraham) salt, bread, and wine ; and he then proceeded at great 
 length to remark upon the nature of salt. 
 
 From his oration upon the study of Hebrew it would appear that 
 the Wittenberg university ranked the original language of the Old 
 Testament among the chief objects of attention. The opinion of 
 Politian that this was an unpolished language, and that it formed a 
 hindrance both to the study of the classics and the attainment of 
 Latin eloquence, this opinion was there opposed with the utmost 
 earnestness. In this connection, Melancthon's preface to Terence, 
 written in 1525, is worthy of note. " There is scarcely any book," he 
 says, " which is more worthy of daily perusal than this poet. In 
 point of fitness of expression he surpasses perhaps every other author. 
 Chrysostom took such pleasure in Aristophanes that he laid him under 
 his pillow at night ; and without doubt he perused this poet with 
 such assiduity, in order by the means to perfect himself in eloquence. 
 How much more highly," he continues, "is Terence to be esteemed, 
 whose plays are both free from obscenity, and likewise, if I mistake 
 not, models of rhetoric. I therefore advise all teachers urgently to 
 commend this author to the study of youth. For he appears to me 
 to present a theory of human life that far surpasses that set forth in 
 most philosophical works. And no other author teaches a purer 
 diction, none other accustoms boys so well to those forms of speech 
 in which they need to be drilled for future use." 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. Igj 
 
 vi. REVIEW OF MELANCTHON'S LIFE FROM 1518 TO 1560. 
 
 Agreeably to the scope of this work, I have kept in view the edu 
 cational labors of Melancthon, and have accordingly dwelt but little 
 upon the part he played in the reformation of the church. This too 
 was the less called for, inasmuch as so many histories of the Reforma- 
 tion and recent biographies have rendered us familiar with his 
 efficiency in this field. Repeated expressions in his letters prove that 
 he was drawn into the wide arena of the Reformation almost against 
 his will, and, amid the dust of the conflict, that he often yearned to 
 devote himself wholly to philology and philosophy. Even his theo- 
 logical lectures were undertaken contrary to the dictates of his own 
 inclination, and only in compliance with the desire of Luther. 
 "Thou knowest," he wrote to Spalatin, "the circumstance thajb 
 occasioned me to give a theological course. I first began it in order, 
 as Baccalaureus ad biblia, to conform to established usage, nor had I 
 then the most distant presentiment of the turn that matters were 
 destined to take. My exegesis was not finished when Dr. Martin 
 went to Worms; and, so long as he continued absent, it was not 
 possible for me to uive up these lectures. Thus it has come to pass 
 that I have dangled from that cliff for more than two years. I yes- 
 terday finished John's gospel, and this appears to me to be an appropri- 
 ate time to make a change in respect to the lectures. I can not hesi- 
 tate to follow whither thou leadest, even to become a keeper of cattle. 
 Nevertheless, I could wish in this one respect to be free." Note- 
 worthy too is the fact that he did not take the degree of Doctor of 
 Theology, while Luther, in virtue of his theological doctorate, felt 
 constrained in his conscience to go into the lists against emperor and 
 Pope ; nor did Melancthon ever preach, notwithstanding that Luther 
 frequently urged him to do so, "Nolentem trahunt fata ;" and, 
 whether he would or not, he was forced to remain his life long in the 
 field as a soldier of Christ, and ever to fight in the fore-front of the 
 battle, while he yearned forever after a life of literary retirement and quiet. 
 Luther, so long as he lived, hurried Melancthon along with him ; and, 
 when he died, it was too late for Melancthon to withdraw, for the 
 powerful current and commotion of the reorganizing church was 
 bearing him resistlessly on. Whatsover opinion we may any of us 
 have form <! of those doctrinal controversies, yet we can not but feel 
 a deep sympathy for Melancthon when we read of the unhappy feuds 
 in which the excellent man was involved in the closing years of his 
 life, and what rudeness and indignity he suffered at the hands of his 
 adversaries. 
 
 Let us now turn back again for a few moments to his younger 
 
182 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 days. In 1520 he married Catherine, daughter of Herr Krapp, 
 Mayor of Wittenberg. Camerarius said of her : " She was pious, 
 very affectionate toward her husband, careful and diligent in matters 
 pertaining to the household, and kind and- benevolent to all." 
 She bore her husband two sons and two daughters. Anna, the eldest 
 of these children, who was her father's idol, was married in 1536 to 
 George Sabinus, a man of learning indeed, but of a restless, ambitious 
 spirit; she died in 1547. The second child was a son named Philip, 
 whose talents were quite inferior. He was born in 1525, and died in 
 1603. At the time of his death he was secretary of the consistory. 
 George, the second son, did not survive quite two years ; Magdalena, 
 the second daughter, was married in 1550 to the physician Casper 
 Peucer, who afterward suffered many years' imprisonment on account 
 of his clandestine adherence to Calvinism. Through her grief at 
 this calamity she died in the year 1576. 
 
 Of Melancthon's domestic life, Camerarius, who was an intimate 
 friend of his, tells us much that is worthy of our admiration ; as that 
 he loved his children most dearly, was unstinted in his charity toward 
 the needy, and kindly and cheerful, true and single-minded in his in- 
 tercourse with his friends. Almost too thoughtless with respect to 
 the goods of this life, he amassed nothing to bequeath to his family. 
 We might hence conclude that he was perpetually serene and happy 
 in his disposition ; but his life and many of his letters undeceive us 
 in this respect. He suffered from bodily afflictions ; sleeplessness in 
 his earlier years, and later the sharp pains of the gravel. He was 
 also weighed down by many family troubles ; the death of two of his 
 children, and of his wife, and, in addition to all, the perverse behavior 
 of his son-in-law, Sabinus. Yet all this, as his letters evince, receded 
 into the back-ground, compared with the overshadowing unrest which 
 grew out of his relations to the church. A conscientious man will 
 pass sleepless nights, if his soul is weighed down with anxiety for the 
 welfare of a few children or pupils. Is it then to be wondered at if 
 Melancthon, with his so tender conscience, at the Diet of Augsburg, 
 for instance, where his words were to decide the temporal and eternal 
 welfare of countless souls among those who w'ere then living, as well 
 as of those who should come after him, is it to be wondered at if 
 he there was overwhelmed, like Moses and Jeremiah, by the fearful 
 responsibilities which devolved upon him ? To this too was afterward 
 added a deeper sorrow, namely, to be forsaken by his own familiar 
 friends, and to be most bitterly persecuted. 
 
 We may behold depicted before us, as it were, the trials which he 
 was called to endure, if we compare the admirable likeness, engraved 
 
PHILIP MELANCTHON. 183 
 
 upon copper -by Albert Durer, of Melancthon, the young man of 
 twenty-nine, with that portrait of Melancthon, the gray-haired old 
 man, which Luke Cranach has bequeathed to us. The one is a fair 
 and a very striking head, with a high forehead, and eyes out of which 
 the liveliest expression of kindness and grace beams toward you. But, 
 on the other hand, the countenance of the old man is deeply scored with 
 the furrows of many sorrowful years, toiled through amid heavy trials, 
 and the ceaseless and bitter whirl of controversy. 
 
 Melancthon was at Heidelberg in 1557, when Camerarius brought 
 him the news of the death of his wife. Without betraying the least 
 token of sorrow, although every one felt that his heart was sore and 
 sad almost to bursting, he only said, " I shall soon follow her." 
 
 The depth of his grief may be estimated, however, from a letter 
 which he wrote two years after the death of his wife, and one year 
 before the final summons came to him also. " Passionate and sor- 
 rowful yearning for a deceased wife is not effaced in the old man as it 
 may be with those who are younger. When day by day I gaze upon 
 my grandchildren, I recall not without a sigh their grandmother, and 
 thus at the sight of the bereaved little ones my sorrow is renewed. 
 She cared for the whole family, she cherished the infants, she nursed 
 the sick; by her consoling words she lessened my griefs; she taught 
 the children to pray. And so it is that I miss her everywhere. I 
 bethink me how almost daily she repeated these words of the psalm, 
 ' Forsake me not in my old age ;' and thus I also continually pray." 
 
 After the departure of his wife Melancthon repeatedly spoke of his 
 own approaching death. The increasing violence which marked the 
 theological controversies of the day embittered his life more and more. 
 He himself came in danger thereby of banishment. " If they drive 
 me out," he wrote to Hardenberg, " I have made up my mind to go 
 to Palestine, and there in the seclusion of the cloister of Hieronymus, 
 at the call of the Son of God, to record my unclouded testimony to 
 the doctrine, and dying to commend my soul to God." 
 
 In a subsequent letter he wrote : " My troubles and sorrows are 
 waxing greater, but the far journey to the church in heaven will soon 
 liberate me from them all." 
 
 The 19th of April, 1560, was the day of his death. When he was 
 dying he found consolation from passages in the Bible, this especially, 
 " As many as received him, to these gave he power to become softs 
 of God." Then he repeated in an undertone these words from the 
 last prayer of Christ, " that they may all be one, even as we are one." 
 Attacked and maligned in his closing years, and tired of the unholy 
 war, the old man felt a longing desire for an assured and peaceful 
 
184 PHILIP MELANCTHON. 
 
 rest, and for a union with his Lord and Master, whom with truest 
 love he had served all his days. Paul Eber and other godly men 
 kneeled around his death-bed. To Fencer's question " whether he 
 desired any thing," he replied "nothing but heaven ; let me rest and 
 pray. My time has almost come." In the evening, before seven 
 o'clock, he passed away to his heavenly rest, on the 21st of April. 
 He was buried in the Wittenberg castle church, by the side of Luther. 
 
 Note. MELANCTHON'S LATIN GRAMMAR. The indefatigable Strobel, in his " Contributions 
 to Literature, with reference especially to the 16th century," has furnished a chapter on " Me- 
 lancthou's grammatical labors and influence." In this we find a list of the various editions 
 of the Latin grammar. 
 
 The first, brought out under the auspices of Goldstein, is of the year 1525. The fourth, ac- 
 cording to Strobel, is that of 1529. as follows: " Gram. lat. P. Melancthonis ab authore nuper 
 et aucta et recognita. Norembergae apud I Pelreium, 1529." 
 
 The following edition, of which I have a copy, Strobel has not mentidned: " Gram. lat. P. 
 Mel. ab authore nuper aucta et recognita. Secunda editio. Parisiis ex officina Roberti Ste- 
 phani, 1529." On the last page it reads : " Excudebat Rob. Stephanus. Par. anno 1529. XVI. 
 Cal. Octobris." This is a reprint of the preceding edition, save that the syntax is omitted, 
 and all German words are translated into corresponding terms in the French. For instance, 
 in the sentence " Subsfantivum cui non potest addi Mann, Weib, Ding ut campus," Stepha- 
 nus uses the words " homme, femme, chose. 
 
 Next in Strobel's enumeration is " Gram. P. Mel., Latina, jam denuo vecoguita et plerisque 
 in locis locupletata. Nor. ah. I. Petreium. 1542." At the end of this edition, (a copy of which 
 lies before me,) Strobel met with Melancthon's letter to Egenolph, as he says, -'for the first 
 time." 
 
 This letter was afterward repeatedly reprinted in various editions of the grammar, and 
 likewise of the Declamations of Melancthon. and always under the date of 1540. It is some- 
 what singular fhat the letter of 1540 should not have appeared until 1542, and moreover that 
 it should have appeared first in the edition of Petreius, while it is addressed to the bookseller 
 Egenolph, at Frankfort, who himself published under his own imprint many editions of Me- 
 lancthon's grammar. It is altogether probable that the revision of Micyllus first appeared 
 from the press of Egenolph as early as 1540 or 154 J, and was afterward reprinted or rather 
 pirated by Petreius. 
 
 After Micyllus, Camerarius, aided by Bechius and Schengius, undertook the work of editing 
 Melancthon's book. 
 
 Strobel gives the edition of 1552 as the first by Camerarius ; I have an earlier one, however, 
 of the year 1550, to which I have before adverted ; the preface bears date, Lipsiae, XIII. Cal- 
 endas Octobris, 1550. In an issue of 1560. which lies before me. the same preface is reprinted 
 word for word, though with an addition having reference to the chapter on orthography, then 
 first introduced, and the edition is designated as the second, (recens editio.) This preface 
 dates, Lipsiae, Id. April, 1552. 
 
 While preparing the first edition of my history. 1 had only a copy of Camerarius before me, 
 but none of Micyllus. And the expressions used by Camerarius in reference to his additions 
 and those of his coadjutors led me to infer that the increased size of the grammar was chiefly 
 owing to their labors. For instance, he says, ' though Schengius may appear of his boundless 
 diligence to have elaborated some points, with it may be an excess of care;" and again, "the 
 grammar in its new form will be of service not merely to scholars, but to teachers likewise ; 
 and it has now reached that degree of perfection that nothing important remains to be added 
 to it." 
 
 But the rector Schoenborn. of Breslau, after comparing the grammar of Micyllus with that 
 of Camerarius, remarked, as the result of his comparison, that the latter agreed word for 
 word with the former, save that passages from the old grammarians referred to by Micyllus 
 or Melancthon were given in full, quoted for the use of teachers. 
 
 I have since compared Camerarius' book with the editions of 1542 and 1546 of Micyllus, 
 and have thereby been able to confirm this remark of Sehoenborn ; but as regards another 
 of his observations. I may be permitted to differ from him. It is this: "Melancthon, in the 
 letter to Egenolph, speaks as if the revision of Micyllus were completed He says, 'I am 
 rejoiced, my Egenolph. that Micyllus has undertaken (instituisse) this task of emendation, 
 arid in view of it I solicit the thanks of the young, both for you and Micyllus.' The high praise 
 which Melancthon in this letter to Egenolph bestows upon the enlargement of the grammar, 
 shews conclusively that he was not dissatisfied with the editor, though he deprecates at the 
 eame time any future increase in it." 
 
 Had Melancthon really the completed grammar of Micyllus before him, and if so, would he 
 have praised the work, but said nothing in commendation of the workman? In that letter he 
 says thai he requested Micyllus lo undertake the grammar; then he continues, "though I 
 myself had sufficient time, ypt I would prefer the criticism of Micyllus to my own." And 
 further: "I am rejoiced that Micyllus has undertaken this task." Much, he implies, had 
 been omitted in the first edition. "Although," he says, " it is desirable to add much, still a 
 certain limit should be observed in the selection of examples, lest the young be intimidated by 
 their extent. But I intrust this whole matter to the judgment and the faithfulness of Micyllus, 
 and may God accept his earnest and devout labors." 
 
 These passages appear to me rather to prove that Micyllus ^was yet engaged upon the 
 grammar, when Melancthon wrote to Egenolph Perhaps he feared lest Micyllus. carried 
 away by his love of learning, should overstep the limits of a school-grammar, and accordingly 
 wrote this letter to serve indirectly as a caution to him. 
 
VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDOKP. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.j 
 
 VALENTINE TROTZENDORF was the son of a farmer, Bernard Fried- 
 land by name, who lived in the village of Trotzendorf, near Gorlitz. 
 He assumed the surname Trotzendorf, in remembrance of the place 
 of his birth. 
 
 Born in 1490, he was seven years younger than Luther, and 
 seven older than Melancthon. The monks induced his father to 
 send him in 1506 to the school at Gorlitz; but he soon took him 
 away, to help him at his work in the field. His mother, who greatly 
 desired to see him a priest or a monk, persuaded the village pastor to 
 instruct him in writing and reading. And after two years' time he 
 went back to the Gorlitz school. At his departure, his mother ex- 
 horted him to be true to the duties of the school ; and in after life he 
 considered himself bound by this exhortation, as if it were his mother's 
 vow, to assume the office of teacher. 
 
 When in 1513 Trotzendorf 's father died of the plague, he sold his 
 paternal inheritance and moved to Leipzic, where, during two years he 
 perfected himself in Latin under Peter Mosellanus, and learned Greek 
 from Richard Crocus. In 1516 he became a teacher in the Gorlitz 
 school ; here his fellow teachers as well as the scholars learned from 
 him, and even the Rector took lessons in Greek from him. 
 
 Luther's appearance induced him, in 1518 to surrender his post as 
 teacher, and to go to Wittenburg, where he remained for five years. 
 Here he took lessons in Hebrew from a converted Jew, named Adrian. 
 And he here formed a most intimate acquaintance with Melancthon, 
 for whom throughout his life he continued to testify the greatest 
 respect. 
 
 In the year 1523, Helmrich, a university friend of Trotzendorf 's, 
 was chosen Rector of the Goldberg school, and through his influence 
 Trotzendorf was invited to become his colleague. And when, in the 
 following year, Helmrich obtained another post, Trotzendorf was 
 made Rector in his stead. Affairs of church the reformatory dis- 
 cussion of Dr. J. Hess at Breslau, in which Trotzendorf took an 
 active part, and Schwenkfeld's evil influence in Liegnitz, against which 
 he made a vigorous defense would appear at that time to have 
 stood in the way of an active prosecution of his legitimate calling 
 
186 VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 
 
 In the year 1527 he was called to Liegnitz to a Professorship in a 
 new university, which institution was then rather an unformed project 
 than a perfect organization ; but he left the place in 1529 and re- 
 turned to Wittenburg. And now in a short time the Goldberg 
 school was completely broken up ; but, at the pressing solicitation of 
 Helmrich, who had risen to be Mayor of Goldberg, Trotzendorf, in 1531, 
 resumed the post of Rector there, which office he filled with honor 
 and dignity for five and twenty years. His school soon acquired an 
 extraordinary renown. Scholars poured in upon him, not merely 
 from Silesia, but from Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Hungary and 
 Poland : to have had him for a teacher, was the best of recom- 
 mendations. 
 
 Trotzendorf adopted quite a peculiar organization. His school was 
 divided into six classes, and each, class into tribes. The scholars too, he 
 associated in the government with himself, by appointing some to be 
 Oeconomi, others Ephori, and others again, Quaestors. The Oecono- 
 mi were to oversee the household arrangements, as, for example, that 
 all should rise in the morning or retire at night at the set time, that 
 the rooms, clothes, etc., should be kept in good order, etc. It was the 
 duty of the Ephori to see that order was observed at the table. 
 Finally, each tribe had its Quaestor, and all these Quaestors were 
 made subject to one supreme Quaestor. Those were chosen weekly, 
 this one monthly ; on laying down their office they delivered Latin 
 orations. The Quaestors were expected to secure a punctual attend- 
 ance on lessons, to report the indolent, to give out subjects for the 
 Latin debates customary during the half-hour after meal time. 
 
 Trotzendorf moreover established a school magistracy. This con- 
 sisted of a consul chosen monthly by himself, twelve senators and two 
 censors. Had a scholar committed any fault, he was obliged to justify 
 himself before this Senate, and in order to do it the better, he was 
 allowed eight days in which to prepare his plea. At the trial Trot- 
 zendorf presided as perpetual dictator. If the accused party cleared 
 himself from the charge, he was acquitted, especially when he de- 
 livered a well framed plea ; but if his speech was good for nothing in 
 point of style, he was condemned even for a trivial misdemeanor. 
 And Trotzendorf repeated the decree of the Senate in such cases with 
 great solemnity, and insisted strongly on its fulfillment. 
 
 These singular regulations had the good effect of accustoming the 
 boys early in life to have respect to the civil government. A similar 
 tendency may be observed in the laws which Trotzendorf established 
 in his school. In the introduction to these laws, he says : " Those 
 men will rule conformably to the laws, who, when boys, learn to obey 
 
VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 1Q7 
 
 the laws." These school-laws are characteristic of the man. He 
 first lays down these five principles : 
 
 1. Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine apetur. Here, where 
 scholars are assembled from all countries, all must be governed 
 equally and alike. 
 
 2. Factus tribulus serva legem, was a Lacedaemonian proverb. 
 And here too must those favored by fortune as well as the base-born, 
 so long as they are scholars, conform to the laws. The pupil is no 
 longer the nobleman. 
 
 3. According to the degree of their demerit, the scholars are to be 
 punished with the rod, the lyre,* or imprisonment. Those who, 
 either on account of noble descent, or years, shrink from the disgrace 
 of these punishments, must either do right and thus not come under 
 sentence, or leave our school, and seek freedom to do as they please 
 elsewhere. Fines are never to be imposed in any case, since they 
 affect parents rather than children. 
 
 4. Every new comer, before being enrolled among the scholars, 
 must first promise to obey the laws of the school. 
 
 5. The members of our school must be members likewise of our 
 faith and our church. 
 
 The first chapter of the school -laws treats of piety. "The fear of 
 God is the beginning of wisdom " this is the opening sentence. A 
 clear knowledge of Christian doctrine is required, together with prayer, 
 church-going, confession, taking the communion, diligence and obe- 
 dience ; while swearing, cursing, foul language, the practice of magic, 
 with every superstition, are forbidden. 
 
 In regard to instruction, Trotzendorf 's school agreed in the main 
 with other schools of that period. It was based upon the customary 
 trivium, grammar, logic and rhetoric. 
 
 In Trotzendorf 's German School Regulations of 1548, it is laid 
 down as the aim of his school "to prepare boys to enter upon 
 the study of the higher faculties, as theology, medicine, philosophy, 
 and jurisprudence." To accomplish this aim, "in the first place, 
 grammar, inasmuch as it is the mother and nurse of all other arts, 
 must be pursued with the most thorough-going diligence. There- 
 with should be combined useful readings from good authors, such as 
 Terence or Plautus, and Cicero, the epistles and offices chiefly. Thus 
 boys, being guided into the Latin tongue both by rule and by exam- 
 ple, will learn to speak Latin and to write it with equal propriety. 
 
 * The lyre, lyra orjidicula, was made of wood in the shape of a violin, and furnished with 
 strings. Triflers were disgraced by being made to stand with this about their neck, and their 
 hands oassed through it and fastened. 
 
188 VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 
 
 Next should come reading from the poets, as Virgil, and some books 
 of Ovid, so that the boys may comprehend metre, and learn to con- 
 struct verses." " Every week there should be a common exercise in 
 writing letters in Latin, and every week, likewise, a common theme 
 should be versified by the whole school." The Latin school-code pro- 
 vides that the scholars, in these exercises, " should use no phrase be- 
 fore ascertaining in what author it occurs, and whether it is sufficiently 
 elegant and appropriate; 7 ' also that "they should never use the 
 mother tongue; but with teachers, fellow-scholars or other learned 
 persons, speak in Latin alone." In a poetical eulogium on the Gold- 
 berg school, cited by Pinzger, we are told that " none were permitted 
 to speak German there, so that the boys came gradually to regard 
 their mother tongue as a foreign language." Still stronger expres- 
 sions occur in a eulogium on Trotzendorf : " He had so thoroughly 
 infused the Roman tongue into all the neighborhood, that it was 
 deemed a disgrace to utter even a word of German ; and, could you 
 have heard the Latin accents that poured from the tongues even of 
 plough-boys and dairy- maids, you would have thought 'surely Gold- 
 berg is within the borders of Latium.' "* 
 
 To speak and to write Latin was the universal ideal of that era, 
 and hence, among the authors to be read, Terence and Plautus were 
 deemed the most important. In addition to Latin, Greek grammar 
 and readings from Greek authors were prescribed. Logic and rhet- 
 oric were likewise classed among regular studies, as we learn from the 
 German School Plan above cited. " Trotzendorf exercised his schol- 
 ars in the art of speaking, and that of thinking likewise. Logic was 
 never intermitted by him, and he prepared his scholars for excellence 
 in rhetoric, by a frequent study of the speeches in Livy, and those of 
 Cicero." Music and arithmetic are likewise named in the School 
 Plan, though without being enlarged upon.' Lectures were read, on 
 the Sphere of Sacro Bosco, by a " Sphaerista" and on the principles 
 of moral and natural philosophy, by a " Magister" Religious in- 
 struction was given by Trotzendorf himself, with faithfulness and so- 
 lemnity, and he read with his scholars the epistles of Paul, as well as 
 portions of the Old Testament in the original. 
 
 The instruction of the upper classes he at first took entirely upon 
 himself, nor did he employ assistant teachers until many years had 
 elapsed; but the lower classes he committed to the charge of older 
 scholars. 
 
 * Atque ita Romanam linguam transfudit in omnes, 
 
 Turpe ut haberetur, Teutonico ore loqui. 
 
 Audisses famulos famulasque Latina sonare, 
 
 Ooldbergarn in Latio crederes esse sffam. 
 
VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 189 
 
 And here we can not fail to be struck with the quite peculiar char- 
 acter of Trotzendorfs educational system. Schools, in general, will 
 be found to consist of two sharply defined and distinct bodies, teach- 
 ers on the one hand, and pupils on the other. The teachers are 
 learned, the pupils ignorant; the former impart knowledge, the latter 
 receive it ; those dictate and these obey. This sharp division, Trot- 
 zendorf rendered impossible, both in discipline and instruction. In 
 instruction, for while he himself taught the older scholars in the high- 
 er classes, he appointed these same scholars teachers of the lower 
 classes, that they, too, might learn by teaching. This reminds us of 
 the monitorial system of the present clay, and perhaps Trotzendorf, 
 like Lancaster, was first led to adopt this plan from the impossibility 
 of giving his personal attention to a large number. He found the 
 need of scholars to aid him, both in oversight and instruction, as the 
 resources of the school were too slender to admit of his hiring an ad- 
 equate body of sub-teachers.* 
 
 But if we look more closely into this plan, it will appear not mere- 
 ly to have been adopted from the necessities of the case, but, at the 
 same time to have been the organic outgrowth of a principle. Trot- 
 zendorfs school appears to have been a republic, where all the schol- 
 ars, noble and obscure, were alike and unconditionally subject to the 
 laws: he himself was Dictator in perpetuo over this republic. And 
 his authority was rendered secure and universally effective by the fact 
 that he delegated to the scholars themselves, though ever under his 
 supreme direction, a share in the government, and made them more- 
 over responsible for law and order. He thus rendered impossible 
 that absolute hostility which is so often cherished by a firmly united 
 band of scholars toward a too often divided corps of teachers. The 
 many scholars, who, as teachers, ephori, oeconomi, quaestors, senators, 
 censors and consuls, assisted in the government, formed an intermedi- 
 ate body between the teachers and the scholars,' and by their mutual 
 relations to each disarmed that hostility, and paralyzed its power. 
 
 Whatever judgment we may pass upon Trotzendorf's regulations, 
 still we are warranted, from what we know of his character, in con- 
 cluding, that he would not permit those regulations to degenerate into 
 a mere round of lifeless observances. He was a genuine dictator, 
 and, as Melancthon says of him, born to the government of a school, 
 as truly as was the elder Scipio African us to the command of an 
 
 *About the year 1547, at the death of Frederick II., Duke of Liegnitz, there were but six 
 teachers employed, quite an inadequate number for the size of the school. Trotzendorf waa 
 wont to say : "If he should muster all his scholars together, he could present the emperor 
 with quite a respectable army to fight the Turks." Still, strange to say, we have no more 
 precise information on the subject. 
 
190 VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 
 
 army. Yea, lie was more than a dictator, since by the exercise of a 
 Christian faith, and a warm and active love, he secured the affections 
 of his pupils. 
 
 With his views of study we are not disposed to quarrel, for. though 
 he aimed to make Goldberg a second Latium, he did no more than 
 his contemporaries were continually doing around him. Neither do 
 we censure him for his sentiments respecting physical education, al- 
 though we can not entirely agree with him therein. It is stated of 
 him that he did not insist upon exercise, but simply permitted it. 
 And yet he would look on while the boys were wrestling or running, 
 praising the active and skillful, and rebuking the indolent and awk- 
 ward. However, one of the laws of the school forbade the boys to 
 bathe in cold water in the summer time, and to go upon the ice, or 
 to throw snow-balls in the winter. Surely such a law as this would 
 have been disregarded in ancient Rome, and in ancient Germany too ! 
 
 In the closing years of his life, the worthy old man experienced 
 many misfortunes. In 1552 there was a great famine in Goldberg, 
 and in 1553 the place was swept by a pestilence. During this period 
 he taught the few scholars who remained with him, in the upper gal- 
 lery of the church, as he thought the air purer at that elevation. Al- 
 ready earlier, in 1549, a crushing sorrow had cast its dark shadow 
 across his path. Three of his pupils, Karl Promnitz, Jonas Talkwitz, 
 and Wolfgang Keppel, were making merry over their wine in the 
 Goldberg wine-cellar, when a drunken watchman staggered in upon 
 them, and, without saying a word, took a full oup off from the table, 
 and drank it down. Enraged at his impudence, Promnitz hurled an 
 empty glass at him, and, without designing it, wounded him in the 
 head. The watchman accused them before the court, and thereupon 
 the three young men were imprisoned, and their case carried before 
 Frederick III., Duke of Liegnitz. He summoned them to Liegnitz, 
 and without listening to their defense, or entering into any examina- 
 tion of the case, condemned them to death. Promnitz alone, at the 
 intercession of the Bishop of Breslau, who was his cousin, was par- 
 doned, but the two others, who had committed no crime at all, were 
 beheaded upon the Monday next following the feast of the Three 
 Martyr Kings. 
 
 In 1554, the year after the pestilence, a great conflagration laid a 
 large part of Goldberg in ashes, and TrotzendorPs school house 
 among the rest. He then went with his scholars to Liegnitz, and 
 while there took measures to rebuild his school upon the old site. 
 But he was never permitted to return thither. On the 20th of April, 
 1556, he was expounding the 23d Psalm, and as he came to the 
 
VALENTINE FRIEDLAND TROTZENDORF. 191 
 
 words, " Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of 
 death, I will fear no evil : for thou art with me ; thy rod and thy 
 staff, they comfort me ;" he was suddenly seized with apoplexy. He 
 sank back, gazed up to heaven, and spake these words, the last he 
 ever uttered ;* " My friends, now am I called away to another school." 
 He lingered speechless for five days, but retained his consciousness to 
 the last. He died on the 25th of April, at the age of 66, and was 
 buried on the 29th, in the church of St. John. His remains were 
 followed to the tomb by high and low ; men of princely rank uniting 
 with peasants in paying respect to his memory. Abraham Bock 
 erected his monument. But it was destroyed in 1699, when, by 
 order of the Emperor Leopold, the church of St. John was given to 
 the Jesuits. 
 
 Trotzendorf died unmarried. With a small income, and a benevo- 
 lent disposition, he always remained poor. The few writings which 
 we have from his pen, were first issued after his decease, and by some 
 of his grateful pupils. The following is a list of the same : 
 
 1. Catachesis scholae Goltpergensis scripta a Valentino Trocedor- 
 fio cum praefacione Phil. Melancth. Vitebergae, 1561. 
 
 The preface is dated, 1558, two years after Trotzendorf's death. 
 
 2. Precationes V. Trocedorfii recitatae in schola Goltbergensi, 
 Lipsiae, 1581. 
 
 3. Rosarium scholae Trocedorfii. Viteb. 1568. 
 
 4. Methodi doctrinae catacheticae. Gorlic, 15 70. 
 
 *Dr. Stevens, in his " History of the Public High School of Edinburgh 
 makes the following record of the last illness and death of Dr. Adam, for forty 
 years Rector of that institution. 
 
 " On the 13th of December, 1809, Dr. Adam was seized, in the High School, 
 with an apoplectic affection. He lingered five days under the disease. Amidst 
 the wanderings of mind that accompanied it, he was continually reverting to the 
 business of the class, and addressing the pupils ; and in the last hour of his life, 
 as he fancied himself examining on the lesson of the day, he stopped short, and 
 said : " But it grows dark, boys, you may go ," and almost immediately ex 
 oired." ED. 
 
AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM OF JOHN STUML 
 
 PROM THE GERMAN OF KARL .VON RAUMER.* 
 
 JOHN STURM, or Sturmius, as his name was latinized, one of the 
 best classical scholars and school teachers of his time, was born at 
 Schleiden, in the Eiffel, near Cologne, in 1507. His father was stew- 
 ard to Count Manderscheid, with whose sons the young John was 
 educated until his fourteenth year, when he went to the school of the 
 Hieronymians f at Liege, and thence, in 1524, to the University of 
 Louvain, where he spent three years in studying, and two more in 
 teaching. Of his parents and early teachers he ever spoke with grati- 
 tude and veneration, and his mother he characterizes as a "superior 
 woman." Among his fellow-students was Sleidanus, the historian, and 
 Andreas Bersalius, the anatomist. 
 
 In connection with .Rudiger Rescius, the professor of Greek at 
 Louvain, Sturm established a printing press, from which Homer and 
 other Greek and Roman classics were issued. With copies of these 
 books for sale, and for use by students, he removed to Paris, in 1529, 
 where he studied medicine, read public lectures on logic, and the 
 Greek and Roman classics, was married, and had private scholars from 
 Germany, England, and Italy. Here he established a high reputation 
 as a scholar and teacher, and corresponded with Erasmus, Melancthon, 
 Bucer, and others. Such was his reputation as a classical scholar and 
 teacher that, when the magistrates of the city of StrasburgJ decided 
 
 *Geschichteder Padagogik. The biographical portion of Von Raumer's chapter is abridged, 
 and that portion which treats of the theological controversies of the times, and particularly 
 of the differences between the German, and the Swiss, and French reformers, with the for- 
 mer of whom Sturm sympathized, and to some extent cooperated, is altogether omitted. 
 Sturm was avowedly a Lutheran, and the Calvinists charged him with absenting himself from 
 the communion table and from church for twenty years. 
 
 t The Hieronymians were a regular order of canons, or clergy, employed in teaching, 
 founded by Gerhard Grovte, in 1373. They wore a white dress, with black scapula, and 
 were most numerous and efficient in the Netherlands, where they originated. They were 
 also known as Hieronymites, Hermits of St. Hieronymus,.Collatian Brothers, Gregorians, or 
 Brethren of Good Will. The instruction in their schools was partly elementary and partly 
 classical. Their scholars learned to copy MSS., to read and write, were diligently drilled in 
 speaking Latin, and in the study of the Scriptures, the Fathers, and a few of the classics, 
 especially Cicero. See Raumer, Hist, of Fed., Vol. 1, p. 64: Cramer, Hist, of Ed. in the 
 Netherlands, p. 260. et seq. It was at Liege, from the Hieronymians, that Sturm received the 
 educational principle which he afterward embodied in his own school at Strasburg, "Pietas 
 sapiens et eloquens est finis studiorum." 
 
 I A theological school was proposed in 1501, but not established till 1534. In 1524, a number 
 
 13 
 
194 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 to establish a gymnasium, he was earnestly solicited to organize and 
 conduct it as Rector. He accordingly, in 1537, removed to that city 
 where he labored for forty-five years as a teacher, and, bv his example, 
 correspondence and publications, was greatly influential in introducing 
 a better organization and methods of instruction into the schools of 
 Europe. His plan of organizing a gymnasium or classical school was 
 drawn up in 1538, and published under the title of "The best mode 
 of opening institutions of learning." The development of this plan 
 was exhibited in Letters which he addressed to the teachers of the 
 various classes of his Gymnasium, in 1565, and in an account of the 
 examination of the school, published in 1578. 
 
 On the 7th of December, 1581, by a decree of the city council, 
 Sturm was deposed from the Rectorate, " on account of his advanced 
 age, and for other reasons," viz.: publishing a pamphlet, in which he 
 opposed the dominant religious majority in some of the theological 
 disputes of 'the day. He was soon after attacked with blindness, 
 and, worn out by the labors of a toilsome life, and weakened by age, 
 and pinched by poverty incurred by his generosity to those who fled to 
 him from persecution, he died in 1589, in the eighty-second year of 
 his age, and was buried in the church-yard of St. Gallus, in Strasburg. 
 
 Sturm was a man of medium size, dark and ruddy complexion, 
 firm features, long beard, clear and well-modulated voice, honorable 
 presence, and a somewhat slow gait. He was amiable and dignified, 
 in conversation earnest and courteous, in action decided and prompt, 
 and industrious both in his public and private relations. He was ever 
 keeping pace with those about him, learning Hebrew, for instance, in 
 his fifty-ninth year, and inspiring his teachers with his own enthusiasm. 
 He enjoyed the respect of the emperors Charles V., Ferdinand I., and 
 Maximilian II., as well as of Queen Elizabeth, of England. His fame 
 as a teacher and educator was European, and his school was a Normal 
 School of classical instruction. His pupils were among the "men of 
 mark " throughout Germany. At one time there were two hundred 
 noblemen, twenty-four counts and barons, and three princes under his 
 instruction ; and, besides organizing directly many classical schools, his 
 pupils rose to be head-masters of many more, and his principles were 
 embodied in the School Code of Wurtemberg in 1559, and in that 
 of Saxony in 1580, and in'the educational system of the Jesuits. 
 
 of elementary schools were instituted, which were placed under the direction of school in- 
 spectors, of whom the preacher, James Sturm, was one, and through whose influence John 
 Sturm was induced to remove to Strasburg. The gymnasium organized in 1537 was endowed 
 with tie privileges of a College, in 1567, by Emperor Maximilian II., and John Sturm WM 
 appointed its Rector in perpetuo. 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 195 
 
 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Whoever clearly conceives a distinct object of pursuit, and brings 
 perseverance, intelligence and tact to bear upon its attainment, will 
 be sure, at least, to do something worthy of note ; and especially so, 
 when, at the same time, he falls in with the tendency and the senti- 
 ments of the age in which he lives. This is, above all, true of school 
 reformers. If they know not what they would have, if they have 
 no definite aim in view, it is impossible for us to speak with any pro- 
 priety of the methods which they may have taken to reach their aim. 
 Their course is wavering and uncertain, and they inspire distrust 
 instead of confidence. But Sturm was no wavering, undecided, pur- 
 poseless man. With firm step he advanced toward the realization of 
 a definitely conceived ideal ; an' ideal, too, which, in greater or less 
 distinctness, floated before the minds of most of his contemporaries, 
 and which was regarded by them as the highest aim of mental cul- 
 ture. Hence, he enjoyed a widely extended and an unquestioning 
 confidence. This, his ideal, Sturm has defined for us in numerous 
 passages ; and it is our first duty to examine it, if we wish to judge of 
 his method. 
 
 " The end to be accomplished by teaching," says he, " is three-fold ; 
 embracing piety, knowledge and the art of speaking." In another 
 place, he expresses himself thus ; "A wise and persuasive piety should 
 be the aim of our studies. But, were all pious, then the student 
 should be distinguished from him who is unlettered, by scientific cul- 
 ture and by eloquence, (ratione et oratione.) Hence, knowledge, and 
 purity and elegance of diction, should become the aim of scholarship, 
 and toward its attainment both teachers and pupils should sedulously 
 bend their every effort." What description of knowledge, and what 
 species of eloquence Sturm had in view, we shall now proceed to 
 inquire. 
 
 The boy should be sent to school, so he insists, in his sixth or 
 seventh year. His school education proper should occupy nine years, 
 or until he is sixteen ; it should then be succeeded by a more inde- 
 pendent style of culture. Lectures should be substituted for recita- 
 tion, and that for five years, or until he is in his twenty -first year. 
 
 The Gymnasium included nine classes, corresponding with the nine 
 years that the pupil was to spend there. Seven of these years Sturm 
 assigned to a thorough mastery of pure, idiomatic Latin ; the two 
 that remained were devoted to the acquisition of an elegant style ; 
 and to learn to speak with the utmost readiness and propriety, was 
 the problem of the five collegiate years. During the first seven years 
 
1UG STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 of the child's life, he was to be left in the care of his mother. Every 
 year the scholars in the lower classes were to be promoted, each into 
 the next higher class, and premiums were to be awarded to the two 
 best scholars in each class. 
 
 Thus, Sturm expressed himself, in 1537, in the "Plan," on which 
 he organized his school, in which he gives a full sketch of the course 
 of study to be pursued by each class. And, the arrangement, thus 
 previously indicated, was essentially the same after the lapse of twenty 
 seven years, save that the Gymnasium then embraced ten classes, 
 instead of nine. This appears from the "Classic Letters" which, in 
 1565, Sturm wrote to the teachers of the various classes. Forty 
 years after the foundation of the Gymnasium, in 1578, a general ex- 
 amination took place, the particulars of which were recorded with the 
 faithful minuteness of a protocol. And this, again, as well as th// 
 "Classic Letters," harmonizes, in the main, with Sturm's original plan 
 of instruction. And, in all this, the observation forces itself upon us 
 that, as he proposed to himself a well-marked and distinct aim at the 
 outset of his career, so he advanced toward that aim through all 
 those long years with an iron will and a steady step. 
 
 I will now give Sturm's course of instruction in detail, on the 
 authority chiefly of the report above mentioned of the examination 
 of the school, and of the "Classic Letters." We will commence, 
 following the order of the " Letters," with the exercises of the tenth 
 or lowest class, and so proceed to the first. 
 
 TENTH CLASS. To Frisius, the teacher of this class, Sturm writes, 
 " That he is to lay the foundation ; to teach tl e children the form 
 and the correct pronunciation of the letters of the alphabet, and, after 
 that, reading ; which will be better expedited by learning Latin de- 
 clensions and conjugations than by the use of the catechism. The 
 German catechism must be committed to memory, for the Latin 
 would be a mere matter of rote. The love of the children will re- 
 ward him for his pains ; as he himself (Sturm) can testify from his 
 own grateful recollections of his earliest teachers. At the examination, 
 (in 1578,) the first scholar in the ninth class put the following ques- 
 tions to the first scholar in the tenth. 
 
 Q. What have you learned in the tenth class ? 
 
 A. Letters, spelling, reading and writing, all tl* aradigms of nouns and verbs, and the German 
 catechism likewise. 
 
 Q. Read me something from the Neanisci of our Rector. 
 
 Jl. Jin tu non es Lucius socius studiorum meorum, qui modo a me eforo discesseras? 
 
 Q. What is the meaning of socius ? 
 
 A. A companion. 
 
 Q. Decline socius. 
 
 Jl. Socius, socii, socio, etc. 
 
 Q. What is the meaning of distcdof 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 197 
 
 A X |p away. 
 
 Q. Conjugate discedo. 
 
 Jl. DiscedO) discedere, etc. 
 
 Q. To what conjugation does discedo belong 1 
 
 Jl. That I have not learneu. 
 
 NINTH CLASS. To Schirner, the teacher of this class, Sturm writes, 
 " That he is to ground the scholar more thoroughly in declining and 
 conjugating, adding all the anomalous and irregular forms. Then, 
 too, he must see that the scholars learn a great number of Latin 
 words, particularly the appellations of common and familiar objects. 
 Of such words, he must every day give a few to one scholar, a few to 
 another, and so on, to commit to memory ; only taking care not to 
 select words at random, but in their natural groups, as organic sys- 
 tems, each formed upon a distinct and independent idea. Thus, too, 
 each boy, by listening to the words which the others repeat, will him- 
 self the more readily fasten them in his own mind. 
 
 This method of enriching the memory with words, Sturm says, he 
 should have introduced twenty-seven years before, had it been appre- 
 ciated. How was it that Roman youths, at so early an age, learned 
 to express themselves with ease and propriety? They prattled in 
 Latin on their mother's breast; the nurses, in whose care they were 
 placed, talked to them in infantile dialect in broken Latin ; and this, 
 as they grew older, was gradually corrected. And then the children 
 were continually learning new words from the household servants, 
 who played with them, not simply to amuse them, but likewise to 
 exercise them in speaking Latin. To this we must add their daily 
 intercourse with their companions, in which the older boys derived an 
 ever increasing knowledge, both of words and things. All this the 
 youth of the present day lack entirely, as neither parents, domestics, 
 nor comrades speak Latin. " This evil," continues Sturm, " must be 
 removed by the diligent efforts of the teacher, and in the way which 
 I have indicated." In another place he repeats the same complaint. 
 " Cicero," he says, *' was but twenty years old when he delivered his 
 speeches in behalf of P. Quintius and Sextius Roscius; but, in these 
 latter days, where is the man, of fourscore even, who could bequeath 
 to the world such masterpieces of eloquence? And yet, there are 
 books enough, and there is intellect enough. What, then, do we 
 need further ? I reply, the Latin language, and a correct method of 
 teaching. Both these we must have, before we can arrive at the 
 summit of eloquence." In conclusion, Sturm implores Schirner not 
 to undervalue, for a moment, his labors with the elementary class ; 
 but, to stand up as a champion against those gladiators of barbarism 
 who from indolence have corrupted, or from envy have withstood, 
 tlae purity of the Latin tongue. 
 
198 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the eighth class asked the first in 
 the ninth, as follows. 
 
 Q. To what conjugation does discedo belong] 
 
 A. To the third, because it makes e short before re in the infinitive. 
 
 Q. To what class does discedo belong ? 
 
 3. It is a neuter verb. 
 
 Q. Wbat is a neuter verb 7 
 
 A. A neuter verb is, &,c. 
 
 Q. Decline the imperative of discedo. 
 
 A. Discede, discedito, etc. 
 
 Q. Wbat else have you learned in the ninth class ? 
 
 A. Besides the German catechism, I have committed to memory the Second Onomasticon, and 
 translated the Neanisci of our Rector into German. 
 
 Q. Translate the dialogue that has just been rehearsed. 
 
 A. An tn non es Lucius, Are you not Lucius ; socius studiorum meorum, my school-fellow ; 
 q ui, who ; discesseras, went ; a me, from me ; modo, just now ; e foro, at the market place. 
 
 Q. To which of the parts of speech does modo belong ? 
 
 A. I do not know ; for the indeclinables are not taught in my class. 
 
 EIGHTH CLASS. To Matthias Huebner, teacher of this class, Sturm 
 writes, "That it must be his especial care that the boys forget noth- 
 ing they have learned in the lower classes. And what they have 
 there learned he can best ascertain by consulting their prescribed 
 school-books, which in all the classes are most faithfully conformed to. 
 
 The boys, who have been promoted from the ninth into the eighth 
 class, must be able to inflect all the nouns and verbs. This they will 
 have learned more by practice than in a scientific manner, just as the 
 Roman and Greek boys were exercised in language before the gram- 
 marians gave them the reasons why they ought to speak as they did. 
 Moreover, the boys in the next lower class had learned by heart many 
 short sayings and sentences ; but, since in these no very wide range 
 of words occurred, they were enjoined to compile dictionaries, and to 
 enter therein all the common and necessary words under distinct heads, 
 such heads for instance as the following, the whole and its parts, 
 friendship and enmity, cause and effect, etc. These dictionaries must 
 now, in the eighth class, be increased and enlarged ; if the boys have 
 before fixed in their minds the definition of epistola, they will now 
 learn what is meant by the phrase epistolam reddere, etc. As thu 
 boys in the lower classes have learned by practice how to decline and 
 conjugate, so now they must be thoroughly grounded in all the eight 
 parts of speech, and each declension and conjugation must be fully 
 and distinctly characterized, and illustrated by examples drawn from 
 that which they have already learned. 
 
 Besides this, they are to read the select letters of Cicero with con- 
 stant reference to the grammatical construction of the language ; and, 
 in such reading, different letters are to be assigned to the different 
 decuriae* 
 
 * The classes were subdivided into decuriae, or tens ; the first in each ten was called the decurion. 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. ^99 
 
 During the last months of their school-year, the boys of this class are 
 to commence a series of exercises in style, which will take the place of 
 their previous oral practice in the formation of new, or the alteration of 
 given Latin phrases. 
 
 At the examination, the first scholar in the seventh class put to the 
 first scholar in the eighth class the following questions, beginning as 
 before with the last of the preceding series. 
 
 Q. Tell me, to which of the parts of speech modo belongs. 
 
 A. It is an adverb of time. 
 
 Q. What is an adverb 1 
 
 Jl. It is an indeclinable part of speech, &c. 
 
 Q. How many indeclinable parts of speech are there 1 
 
 Jl. Four, &c., &c. 
 
 Q. What else have you learned in your class ? 
 
 Jl. Besides a fuller etymology, we have read the first book of the select letters of Cicero, the 
 fourth dialogue in the Neanisci, the last part of the Second Onoma.-ticon, and the German 
 Catechism. 
 
 Q. Read a letter from Cicero. 
 
 Jl. Cicero filitts Tironi S. P. D. Etsi justa et idonea usus es excusatione intermissionit, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 Q. Translate what you have read. 
 
 Jl. Etsi usus es, although you have offered ; excusatione justa, a just apology, etc. 
 
 Q. To what part of speech do you refer idonea ? 
 
 Jl. It is an adjective ; in the ablative case, and singular number. 
 
 Q. How do you form its comparative 1 
 
 Jl. By prefixing magit ; magis idoneus. 
 
 Q. By what rule do we say uti excusatione ? 
 
 A. Syntax is not taught in my class. 
 
 SEVENTH CLASS. Sturm writes to Lingelsheim, the teacher ot 
 this class, " It must be his care that the scholars do not lose any 
 thing of that which they have learned in the three preceding classes ; 
 and then that they should add to what they have already learned ; 
 in the first place, Latin syntax. This must contain but few rules, 
 must be clear, and set forth by examples, and that chiefly from Cicero. 
 In the daily reading of Cicero's letters, the rules of syntax, through 
 constant use, must be more and more impressed on the memory. 
 Pliny says that we must read much, but not many things ; in this 
 class, however, many things must be read, in order to arrive at much. 
 
 Subjects must be assigned to the scholars for their exercises in style ; 
 but, in the treatment of such subjects, conciseness must be aimed at. 
 The teacher should render assistance in this matter, either orally or 
 by writing, (on the blackboard,) constructing sentences beforehand, as 
 music-teachers sing first what they wish their pupils to learn. The 
 subjects are to be drawn from what the scholars have learned in this 
 or the previous classes, so that the exercise in style shall involve a 
 repetition, and thus refresh the memory. And, for such an exercise 
 on Sundays, the German Catechism is to be translated. This transla- 
 tion must be made in classical Latin, such words alone excepted as 
 
200 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 have been authorized by the church, as Trinitas, sacramentum, bap- 
 tismus, etc. The scholars in this class should, by no means, use any 
 other catechism than that which they have had before in the lower 
 classes. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the sixth class, asked the first in 
 the seventh : 
 
 Q. By what rule do we say idonea uti excusatione ? 
 
 A. Utor, fruor, fungor, etc. 
 
 Q. Excusatione idonea ? 
 
 Jl. Adjectives, pronouns and participles, etc. 
 
 Q. Excusatione intermissionis ? 
 
 A. One substantive governs another, etc. 
 
 Q. What else do you learn in your class 7 
 
 Jl. We read two dialogues in the Neanisci of our Rector, the second book of the select letters 
 of Cicero, the "Precepts" of Cato, the catechism, and the " Sunday Sermons ;" and, in the first 
 book of music, we learn the scale and intervals. Also, in my class, exercises in style are 
 commenced. 
 
 Q. Read a sentence from Cato. 
 
 Jl. Disce align id, nam quum subito fortuna recedit. 
 Jlrs remanet vitamque hominis non deserit unquam. 
 
 Q. Translate this distich. 
 
 Jl. Disce aliquid, learn something; nam, for; cum fortuna recedit, when fortune fails, etc, 
 
 Q. Disce aliquid; what is the rule for this construction 1 
 
 Jl. A verb signifying actively, etc. 
 
 Q. For cum subito recedit ? 
 
 Jl. Adverbs qualify verbs, etc. 
 
 Q. Read something in Greek. 
 
 Jl. I have not read any Greek in my class. 
 
 SIXTH CLASS. To Malleolus, the teacher of this class, Sturm writes, 
 " That, from the examination of the scholars of the seventh class for 
 their promotion, he has learned their progress. He is to consider 
 that to keep what has been acquired is no less an art than the first 
 acquisition of it. The longer letters of Cicero may now be translated 
 into German, and in such an order that different letters shall be 
 assigned to different decuriae. And, in a similar manner, he is to 
 proceed with poetical selections. The first decurion, for example, may 
 repeat the " Veni redemptor gentium" of Bishop Ambrose ; the second, 
 Martial's epigram, " Vitam quae faciunt beatiorem ; " the third, the 
 ode of Horace, commencing with "Rectius vives, Licini, nequealtum" 
 for the teacher to translate and explain. Then each of the three may 
 require a similar translation and explanation of the other scholars. 
 In the writing exercises, pains is to be taken to arrive at a greater 
 elegance of style. 
 
 Saturdays and Sundays are to be devoted to the translation of the 
 catechism, and to the reading of some letters of Hieronymus. 
 
 Greek, moreover, is to be commenced in this class. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the fifth class asked the first in the 
 sixth as follows: 
 
 Q. Read a fable from the Greek of jEsop. 
 
STURM S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 201 
 
 icai 
 
 Kvvqyovs <pevyovca, etc. 
 
 Q. Decline eXa^oj. 
 
 Jl. 'O /cat >} \<uf>os, etc. 
 
 Q. What is Qevyovaal 
 
 A. A participle, from (psvyb) ; future, <pV%c>}. 
 
 Q. What have you read in Latin 1 
 
 J. The last two books of the select letters of Cicero, the Andria of Terence, the tirst book of 
 poetry, the Syntaxis Figurata, the shorter Latin catechism of Luther, and the Sunday Sermon*. 
 In music, we have attended to the science of time. 
 
 Q. Rend something from the fifth book of the Tristia of Ovid. 
 
 Jl. Littora quot conchas, quot amoena rosaria flares 
 Quotve soporiferum grana papaver habet, etc. 
 
 Q. Littora,ete. What kind of construction is this? 
 
 A. It is a zeugma ; for the verb agrees in number with the nearest nominative, etc. 
 
 Q. How does zeugma differ from syllepsis 1 
 
 A. In syllepsis, the adjective or verb agrees with the most important word; but, in zeugma, with 
 the nearest. 
 
 Q. Conchas ; what is the quantity of its first syllable ? 
 
 Jl. The quantity of syllables is not taught in the sixth class. 
 
 FIFTH CLASS. Sturm writes to Bitner, the teacher of this class, 
 that the boys come to him well versed in grammar, provided with a 
 store of Latin words for every-day objects, the German appellations 
 for which had become familiar to them beforehand. But now, in the 
 fifth class, objects entirely unknown to the boys, and words, designat- 
 ing such objects, also equally unknown to them, are to be brought 
 forward. Since they have as yet heard nothing relative to the art of 
 poetry, they are now to be made acquainted with metre, with the 
 quantity of syllables, and with the varieties of feet and of verses, and 
 metrical examples are to be given to them. And further, they must 
 learn mythology ; and, in addition to Cicero's Cato and Laelius, must 
 read the Eclogues of Virgil. Instruction in Greek is to be continued. 
 The boys are to learn the Greek words for virtues and vices, for man- 
 ners, practices and customs, etc., and also to complete their encyclo- 
 paedias of Latin words. 
 
 Style, too, is to be more thoroughly cultivated. And, toward the 
 close of the school-year, they must practice the art of making verses; 
 not, however, by composing poems upon given subjects, so much as by 
 restoring the meter to stanzas that have been disarranged for the pur- 
 pose. In this there is no occasion either for invention or for a choice 
 of words ; they are simply to put the words given them in their 
 proper places. 
 
 It will be a good exercise to give the scholars some example of elo- 
 quence to translate into German, and then to make them reproduce it, 
 extempore, in Latin again ; for, in such case, the Roman orator him- 
 self, instead of the teacher, will act the part of prompter. Saturdays 
 and Sundays one of the shorter Pauline epistles is to be interpreted. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the fourth class repeated the 
 
202 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 question which the first in the sixth class could not answer; but directed 
 it, as well as the succeeding questions, to the first in the fifth. 
 
 Q. What is the quantity of the first syllable of the word conchas ? 
 
 j&. It is long, by position. Position is, etc. 
 
 Q. What is the quantity of the last syllable of littora ? 
 
 A. It is short, by the rule, etc. 
 
 Q. What sort of a foot is littora? 
 
 A. A dactyle : because the first syllable is long, the last two short. 
 
 Q. How many kinds of feet are there ? 
 
 A. Three ; those of two, three and four syllables, respectively. 
 
 Q. What do we construct out of such feet? 
 
 A. A poem or verse. 
 
 Q. What is a verse 1 
 
 A. A metrical whole constructed of separate feet 
 
 Q. What have you read besides in Latin ? 
 
 A. Some of Cicero's letters to his friends, the first and second Eclogues of Virgil, the second 
 book of poetry, and the shorter Latin catechism of Luther. 
 
 Q. What have you read in Greek ? 
 
 A. The second part of the " Instruction in the Greek tongue," and the Sunday Sermons. 
 
 Q. What is the perfect tense of Qevyk) ? 
 
 A. ff0cwxa. 
 
 Q. Why do you not say 0f0t>xa, as \e\exfl. from Xlyw ? 
 
 A. Because, when the verb begins with a rough mute, the reduplication takes the corresponding 
 smooth. 
 
 Q. What is the Second Aorist of Qevyw ? 
 
 A. e<}>vyov, formed from the imperfect, sQevyov, by rejecting the first vowel of the diphthong. 
 
 Q. Conjugate IOT;J/. 
 
 A. IOTJJ/II, etc. 
 
 Q. Conjugate the anomalous verb fo-jj^t. 
 
 A. The anomalous verbs and the Attic tenses, the teacher of the fifth class has not explained. 
 
 FOURTH CLASS. To Laurence Engler, the teacher of this class, 
 Sturm writes, " That he receives the boys from the fifth class well 
 grounded in Latin and Greek grammar, provided with a good store 
 of choice words, and familiar with illustrations drawn from poets, and 
 with a greater number still from orators. With all this in view, he 
 must now see to it that the boys exert themselves to their utmost in 
 listening, in interpreting, and in rehearsing from memory ; but he 
 must be careful, at the same time, not to task them beyond their 
 powers. The sixth oration against Verres, which includes nearly all 
 kinds of narration, must be read ; further, the epistles and satires of 
 Horace ; and, in Greek, together with the grammar, the u Book of 
 Examples." That which has been learned, in the preceding classes, 
 must be repeatedly recalled into the memory. Diligent practice must 
 be bestowed on style ; and, on Saturdays and Sundays, the shorter 
 Pauline epistles are to be read by the boys, who are to explain them 
 as they read, but in the plain manner of paraphrase alone. 
 
 At the examination, the first of the third class asked the first of the 
 fourth as follows : 
 
 Q. Conjugate icrrjpt. 
 
 A. iffnpi, To-ijf, etc. 
 
 Q. How is it in the middle voice ? 
 
 A. icapai, and by epenthesis, tora/jat, from whence comes lirfaTCtpat, I know. 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 203 
 
 Q. What have you interpreted in Greek? 
 
 A. ^Esop's fables, and, on Sundays, the first epistle to Timothy. 
 
 Q. Repeat a Greek sentence to me. 
 
 A. Te5i/ v(dv ol iir)5iv iiriaTafitvoi, ov ////:rrot tiaiv, orav aiirovg ol yovsts ovrus dyavuoiv, 
 which means, etc. 
 
 Q. In what mood and tense is dyaywatv ? 
 
 A. In the second aorist, subjunctive, from aycti ; whose second aorist is yyov, or, by Attic epen- 
 thesis, riyayov. 
 
 Q. How many metaplasms occur in dyaywaiv ? 
 
 A. Two; epenthesis and paragoge. 
 
 Q. What is paragoge ? 
 
 A. The addition of a letter or a syllable to the end of a word, as TOVTOVI for roirov, or lauda- 
 rier for laudari. 
 
 Q. What Latin have you studied ? 
 
 A. The Eclogues of Virgil, some odes of Horace, the second book of Cicero's " Letteis n> 
 Friends," and his speech in behalf of Marcus Marcellus ; also, a part of the Adelphi of Terence. 
 
 Q. Repeat something out of Horace. 
 
 j3. Integer vitae scelerisque purus 
 
 JVoTi effet Mauri jaculis neque areu 
 JVec venenatis gravida sagittis 
 Fusee pharetra. 
 
 Q. To what species of verse does this ode belong ? 
 
 A, It is called dicolon tetrastrophon ; dicolon, because two kinds of verse unite in its formation, 
 namely, the Sapphic, of five feet, in the first three lines, and the Adonic, of two feet in the last 
 line : and tetrastrophon, because the ode recurs, after every fourth line, to the same kind of verse 
 with which it commenced. 
 
 Q. What figure is exemplified in eget? 
 
 A. A zeugma of speech. 
 
 Q. How does this differ from a zeugma of construction ? 
 
 A. It is a zeugma of speech when the meaning of a verb or an adjective is applicable to every 
 thing to which it is referred ; as, in this sentence from Horace, Linquenda tettus et damns et plat- 
 ens uxor. But, if such meaning is not applicable to every thing, then a zeugma of syntax or con- 
 struction is witnessed ; as, for example, in the following: 
 
 Viscndus ater flumine langiddo 
 Cocytus errans et Danai genus 
 Infame, damnatusque longi 
 Sisyphus JEolides Idboris. 
 
 Q. Have you attended, also, to tropes ? 
 
 A. No ; our teacher has not told us any thing of them. 
 
 THIRD CLASS. To Boschius, the teacher of this class, Sturm writes, 
 " That he should not only give to the boys a firm hold on what they 
 have already learned, but should extend the range of their studies ; 
 should open to them the graces of rhetoric, such as tropes, figures, 
 etc., illustrating all by examples. The treatise of Herennius on rhe- 
 toric must be laid before them, and, with it, the speech for Cluentius 
 must be read ; and, in Greek, the best efforts of Demosthenes must, 
 be studied, besides the first book of the Iliad, or that of the Odyssey. 
 
 On Sundays, the Pauline epistles are to be read in the five upper 
 classes, and, either entirely or in part, committed to memory. Style 
 exercises are a matter of course ; for style must be always incessantly 
 practiced and improved. Selections from orations in Greek must be 
 translated by the boys into Latin, or from orations in Latin into Greek. 
 The historians and poets, too, may be turned to account in a similar 
 manner ; the odes of Pindar and Horace changed into a different 
 
 No. 10. [VOL. IY., No. 1.] 12. 
 
204 STURM'S SVSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 ineter, many poems composed, many letters written, and other like 
 tasks constantly undertaken. 
 
 The comedies of Terence and Plautus are, likewise, to be acted ; 
 and, in this matter, the boys are to be encouraged to rival the classes 
 above them. All the plays of these two poets are to be acted by the 
 four highest classes; twenty decuriae can accomplish this within six 
 months. He, Sturm, had himself, three years before the revolt of the 
 peasants, acted at Liege the part of Geta in the Phormio of Terence, 
 and, although he had had no one to direct his practice, he yet 
 derived great benefit from it. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the third class, a certain Baron von 
 Sonneck, was catechised by the first in the second class, as follows : 
 
 Q. Since, O. noble Baron, I understand that you are acquainted with figures, allow me to ask 
 you what a figure is ? 
 
 A. A figure, (in Greek o^i^a,) is an ornament of speech, substituted for a plainer and more 
 direct mode of conveying thought. 
 
 Q. What else have you learned in the third class 1 
 
 A. I have read the Menippus of Lucian, and the two Epistles of Paul to the Thessalonians. 
 
 Q. What have you read in Latin ? 
 
 A. The third book of Cicero's Letters to his Friends, his speech post reditum, and the greater 
 part of the sixth book of the ^Eneid. 
 
 Q. Repeat some prominent passage from Lucian's dialogue, the Menippus. 
 
 A. Menippus says to Philonides, concerning the punishment of the proud in Hades: ^txrdrret & 
 ToJa/iai/0os rr\v 6\iyoxp6viov d\a^oveiav T&V dvQpumcjv, on //j ejutjui/jjiro OVTITOI TS O'VTSS 
 avroi Kai Ovi)Tuiv dyaBwv rfrir^Kdrcf. 
 
 Q. What is the rule for the construction, rervx^Kdreg ru>v dyaQ&v ? 
 
 Jl. Participles are followed by the same cases as their verbs; but, verbs signifying "to obtain or 
 to miss" govern the genitive in Greek; wherefore, rvxeiv governs the genitive. 
 
 Q. Give me a verse from Virgil. 
 
 A. ^Eneas thus pravs to Apollo: "Phabe, graves Trojae semper mixe.rate labores." 
 
 Q. Can you show that these verses of the poet are constructed after the rules of art ? 
 
 A. The critics of poetry lay down seventeen demands, (accidentia,) which must he conformed 
 to in every verse. That Virgil has conformed to all these in the above verses, I will now attempt 
 to shew. The measure is dactylic, as befits epic verse ; the feet, (the dactyle and the spondee,; 
 which are appropriate to this measure, being employed. In the scansion, the caesura, etc., the 
 passage harmonizes with all the rules of the art. 
 
 Q. " You observe," continues the questioner, " that the noble Lord understands all these sub- 
 jects, but I wish to know one thing further ; is the phrase 'Phtzbe da Latio considers Teucros' a 
 logically accurate proposition 7 " 
 
 A. To this point, with reference to the rules of logic, it is your part to respond. 
 
 SECOND CLASS. To Renard, the teacher of this class, Sturm writes, 
 that he himself is not to give a literal interpretation of the Greek 
 poets and orators, but rather to assign that labor to the scholars ; but 
 he may, nevertheless, direct their attention to the relation which exists 
 between oratorical and poetical usage, and may require them to copy 
 striking passages from the classics in their commonplace-books. 
 
 And the like course is to be taken with Latin authors, and a com- 
 parison is to be instituted between these and the Greek. 
 
 Logic, the instrument of wisdom, must be laid before the scholars, 
 the analytical or introductory part first, and afterward the synthetical 
 or syllogistic ; and rhetoric, too, must ever accompany logic, for which 
 
STURM S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 205 
 
 study the "Institutes of Herennius" maybe taken as a text-book. 
 The teacher may read, with reference to rhetoric, the Olynthiac and 
 Philippic orations of Demosthenes, and also some of Cicero's. What ora- 
 tions of Cicero shall he read ? Either he may decide himself, or he may 
 allow the boys to choose ; for these should be often permitted to use 
 their own judgment. Daily exercises in style are indispensable, and a 
 higher point must be reached therein than in the previous classes.* 
 The scholars may also write short dissertations, and deliver them 
 either memoritcr or from their notes. 
 
 On Sundays, the Epistle to the Romans is to be read, learned 
 by heart, and recited by all. The scholars of this class must act the 
 comedies of Terence and Plautus to greater perfection than those 
 below them can do ; and, later in their course, they may represent a 
 play of Aristophanes, Euripides, or Sophocles, which the teacher has 
 first expounded to them ; and, if they should wish to take up any 
 others afterward, they may do so at their pleasure, as those who are 
 self-instructed. 
 
 At the examination, the first in the first class put to the first in the 
 second the same question which the first in the third had left 
 unanswered. 
 
 Q. Resolve me this question in dialectics, is " Phoebe, da Latio considere TeucrosJ* a completed 
 or logically accurate proposition ? 
 
 A. It is not, and I thus prove why it is not. A completed proposition is a perfect sentence, in 
 which the noun is united to the verb, and which enunciates either a truth or a falsity. But, this 
 phrase embodies neither that which is true nor that which is false. Therefore, I conclude that it 
 is not a completed proposition. 
 
 Q. From what part of logic, and for what reason, do you so conclude? 
 
 A. From the part that relates to definition ; upon the rules of which part I take my stand, and 
 thence argue again. If a sentence does not conform to some one logical definition, that which is 
 conveyed by this definition is not applicable to such sentence. But the phrase in question does not 
 conform to the definition of a completed proposition. Therefore, the term "completed proposition " 
 is not applicable to this phrase. 
 
 Q. But here is another rule of dialectics : From pure negations no conclusion can follow. Your 
 propositions are pure negations ; therefore, your conclusion is a -non sequitur. 
 
 A. I deny the minor of your argument; for my second proposition is an indirect affirmation. 
 Hence, my syllogism, since it is stated in the terms of the figure called Ferio, remains impregnable. 
 
 Q. Allow me to ask you whether you would call your syllogism demonstrative, argumentative, 
 or sophistical. 
 
 A. To judge by its purport, I would call it demonstrative. But, if you were to require more of 
 me, as that I should answer with respect to the science of demonstration or to sophistical argu- 
 ments, I could not satisfy you ; for the precepts of these are not taught in the second class. 
 
 Upon this the questioner proceeds as follows : 
 
 Q. What have you read in rhetoric? 
 
 A. The first and second dialogues of Dr. Sturm upon Cicero's divisions of the oration, in which 
 is discussed the five-fold problem of the orator; namely, invention, disposition, expression, action 
 and memory. 
 
 Q. Does not judgment belong here, too 1 
 
 A. Orators class judgment uuder the head of invention ; for, invention supposes a selection of 
 the best arguments, and certainly we must discriminate and judge when making such selection. 
 
 * It is incredible, Sturm adds in this place, how much one can accomplish by effort, by imitation, 
 by emulation, and by the belief that all obstacles yield to art and industry. 
 
206 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Q. What other authors have you read ? 
 
 Jl. The second Philippic of Demosthenes, and Cicero's pleas in behalf of Roscius Amerinus and 
 Cams Rabirius, besides the first book of the Iliad. 
 
 Q. Why the name Iliad 1 
 
 A. Because it is a narration of events and exploits, of which Ilium or Troy was the theatre. 
 
 Q. What species of argument (status) is employed in the plea for B-birius? 
 
 Jl. I have heard it called the conjectural argument ; * but I am no more fa.niliar with the nature 
 of arguments than with that of the various subdivisions of the oration. 
 
 FIRST CLASS. To Goelius, the teacher of the first class, Sturm 
 writes, that he is to carry logic and rhetoric to a further extent, though 
 not to their perfection, after the manner of the Aristotelians and the 
 Greek rhetoricians ; for this should be deferred until the boys have 
 left the gymnasium, and then should be achieved by means of a 
 shorter method composed by himself, (Sturm,) a method which, 
 though not following Aristotle throughout, yet contains all the di- 
 visions and subdivisions (genera et partes) which are to be found in 
 Aristotle, Hermogenes, and Cicero. The rules of logic and rhetoric 
 are to be applied, by way of illustration, to Demosthenes and Cicero. 
 And, to the same end, too, what remains of Virgil, and some portion 
 of Homer, should be read ; for, these poets, Homer especially, have 
 conduced greatly to the perfection of oratory.]- 
 
 Thucydides and Sallust are to be translated in writing by tho 
 scholars themselves, some having these passages, and others those, 
 assigned to them ; not all taking the same. 
 
 In this class, too, the dramatic representations are to be more fre- 
 quent, and not a week is to elapse without its play. 
 
 Of the scholars, Sturm desires a thoroughly cultivated facility in 
 writing and in declamation : all that they produce, whether in prose 
 or in poetry, must be artistic. 
 
 The Epistles of St. Paul are to be expounded by the scholars, and 
 prominent passages of the same, after the manner of the rhetoricians, 
 are to be amplified. 
 
 At the examination, one member of the first class asked another, 
 as follows: 
 
 Q. Tell me what you have read in the first class 1 
 
 Jl, In the logic of Dr. Sturm, I have learned the precepts of demonstrative and sophistical syllo- 
 gisms; in rhetoric, the last two dialogues upon Cicero's divisions of the oration, and his three 
 books " De Officiis ; " besides the Phoenissae of Euripides; out of Demosthenes, Philip's letter,, 
 and Demosthenes' reply to the same ; the latter part of the catechism of Chytraeus ; and, on 
 Sundays, St Paul's epistle to the Gulatians. 
 
 Q. What is a demonstrative syllogism 1 
 
 Jl. It is a conclusion drawn from necessary truths, and of special use in extending the area of 
 knowledge. For, thus says Aristotle, " Demonstration is the syllogism of science, predicated upon 
 necessary propositions," as for instance : 
 
 *The conjectural argument, (status conjecturalis,) or the "An sit" of Quintilian, consists 
 wholly ard solely of an attempt to establish or to set aside the truth of the charges alledged. 
 
 f " I am convinced that the rules of each species of oratory, as well as the ornaments of each, can 
 be shewn to exist in Homer ; so that, if the art of eloquence were extinct, it could be fully restored 
 from this rich fountain." Sturm. 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 207 
 
 Every cause is antecedent to its effect ; 
 
 The rising of the sun is the cause of day ; 
 
 Therefore, the rising of the sun is antecedent to the day. 
 
 Q. Of what nature is this demonstration 1 
 
 A. It is a perfect demonstration, and is called by Aristotle rou it 8rt, (of the Why.) It consists 
 of true propositions, primary, not secondary ; the more prominent, the antecedent, and those which 
 are the causes of the conclusion, and which furnish us with demonstrative science. 
 
 Q. Is there any other species of demonstration ? 
 
 A. There is; namely, the imperfect demonstration, which is called TOT; STI, (of the Because;/ 
 when the conclusion does not flow from primary or direct, but from intermediate propositions, or 
 from effects, or secondary and remote causes, as if I should say, 
 
 Wherever it is day, there the sun has arisen ; 
 
 But, it is day with us ; 
 
 Therefore, with us the sun has arisen. 
 
 This is the domonstration a posteriori. For the cause is demonstrated from its effect. The day 
 is not the cause of the sun's appearance ; but, the rising of the sun is the necessary and efficient 
 cause of the day. 
 
 Q. Since, then, you assert that the rising of the sun is the cause of day, what would you say if 
 I should prove to you that it is not yet day with us 1 
 
 A. I would like to hear whether you can truly demonstrate what you thus advance. 
 
 Q. Is not the state of things at Frankfort different from that which obtains here at Strasburg 1 ? 
 
 A. Yes. 
 
 Q. Is it not day now at Frankfort 7 
 
 A. So I imagine. 
 
 Q. Then it is not day with us at Strasburg. 
 
 A. I deny your consequence. For you have stated a fallacy in the form of the seventh species 
 of the ignoratio elenchi. Your terms do not both refer to the same thing, (irpds avr6,) but each 
 to a different point, (irpd? aXXo.) The major of your argument possesses nothing in common with 
 the minor; therefore, your conclusion is a non sequitur. 
 
 Q. Then, you have studied sophistics, if I may judge by your rejoinder. 
 
 A. Yes ; I have learned the rules of that art as they have been delivered to us by our illustrious 
 rector, Dr. Sturm, from the sophistical problems of Aristotle. 
 
 Hereupon the respondent exposed the fallacy of the two following 
 sophisms. 
 
 (1.) He who is well versed in sophistical reasoning seeks to deceive others by his conclusions 
 You say that you are well versed in sophistical reasoning; you, therefore, seek to deceive me. 
 
 (2.) He who has five fingers on one of his hands, also has three, and two, and has five, likewise. 
 But, he who has three, two, and five, has ten. Whoever, therefore, has five fingers on one of hi 
 hands, has ten on the same hand. 
 
 In rhetoric there was no examination, but the questioning proceeded 
 as follows : 
 
 Q. What have you learned in your class, of mathematics ? 
 
 A. To that which we learned in the second class we have added astronomy, and some problems 
 from the first book of Euclid. 
 
 Q. In what manner do astronomers measure the primary movement (primum motum) of the 
 heavens ? 
 
 Q. By means of ten circles ; namely, the horizon, the meridian, the equator, the zodiac, 2 eo- 
 lures, 2 tropics, and 2 polar circles. 
 
 Q. Are these circles visible 1 
 
 A. No; they are imaginary, and conceived to result from the movements of certain celestial 
 points and lines. 
 
 Q. What is the name of the first circle ? 
 
 A. The Greeks called it bptgav, (horizon,) from bptgf.adai, to limit; and the Romans, finitor. 
 
 Q. How is it situated, with respect to the axis of the earth 1 
 
 A. When it passes through the poles it is in a right position; but, when one pole is above it, 
 while the other is below it, it is oblique. Whence, the one sphere is called right, the other 
 tblique.* 
 
 *As this definition is not sufficiently clear, I will quote the more intelligible words of John 
 
208 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Q. What purpose does the horizon serve ? 
 
 Jl. To divide the celestial sphere into an upper and a lower half, and thereby mark out those 
 periods of its primary motion which determine day and night. When the sun is in the uppet 
 hemisphere, it is day ; when in the lower, night. The stars, at their rising, come up above the 
 horizon ; at their setting, they sink below it. 
 
 Q. Which is the second circle ? 
 
 Jl. The meridian. This passes through the zenith and the poles. 
 
 Q. For what does it serve ? 
 
 jl. For the determination of latitude. The celestial sphere it divides into an eastern and a west- 
 ern half. It likewise halves the arc of day, and the arc of night, so that when the sun crosses this 
 circle in the upper hemisphere, it is mid day ; when it crosses it in the lower, it is midnight. It 
 also divides the day into forenoon and afternoon. 
 
 Q. Which is the third circle? 
 
 Jl. The equator ; so called from its equalizing day and night.* It runs from east to west, and is 
 at all points, equi-distant from the poles. 
 
 Q. For what does the equator serve ? 
 
 A. From it we reckon longitude. The celestial sphere it divides into a northern and a southern 
 half. The primary motion of the heavens it measures off into periods by twenty-four arcs, which, 
 in the order of their ascension, mark the course of the twenty-four hours. 
 
 Q. Which is the fourth circle? 
 
 Jl. The zodiac ; called by Ptolemy the oblique circle ; described by the revolutions of the sun 
 and the other planets. 
 
 Q. Whence comes the name 1 
 
 Jl. From the animals which the ancients represented in its belt. 
 
 Q. What are they? 
 
 Jl. Aries, etc. 
 
 Q. Which of these are opposite, the one to the other ? 
 
 Jl. Aries to Libra. Taurus to Scorpio, Gemini to Sagittarius, Cancer to Capricornus, Leo to 
 Aquarius, and Virgo to Pisces. 
 
 Q. To what use is the zodiac applied ? 
 
 Jl. We determine both longitude and latitude by it; and it is the pathway of the planets, whose 
 revolutions measure times and seasons. The sun travels over its course in a year, which is not far 
 from the space of three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours; and the moon runs completely 
 round it in a month, or twenty-seven days and eight hours, etc. In conclusion, the examiner 
 spoke as follows: '' Not to detain the audience longer, I feel satisfied that you are familiar with all 
 other things which have been given to your class to study, and I, therefore, willingly accord to you 
 the palm of victory." 
 
 The foregoing description will serve to denote the character of the 
 Strasburg Gymnasium. We will now consider the College, with 
 which it was connected. 
 
 (To be continued.) 
 
 Sacrobusto, whose treatise " on the Sphere " Sturm employed as a text-book. " There are two 
 horizons ; the right and the oblique. Those have a right horizon and a right sphere whose zenith 
 is in the equinoctial ; because their horizon is a circle passing through the poles, cutting the equi- 
 noctial at right spherical angles; whence, their horizon is called right, and their sphere right. 
 Those have an oblique horizon with whom the pole is situated above their horizon ; and, because 
 their horizon intersects the equinoctial at oblique angles, their horizon is called oblique, and their 
 sphere oblique. 
 
 * We find this more intelligibly expressed in Sacrobusto, as follows : " It is called the equinoctial 
 because, when the sun crosses it, as it does twice in the year, the days and nights are equal ovr 
 the whole world ; whence, it is called the equator of the day and the night. 
 
LIFE AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM OF JOHN STURM, 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OP KARL VON RAUMER. 
 (Continued from No. 10., page 182.) 
 
 As EARLY as the year 1537 Sturm, in his treatise "On the correct 
 mode of opening literary institutions" had designated courses of 
 " Public and Free Lectures," which graduates from the first class of 
 the gymnasium should attend upon during their five collegiate years. 
 He also lays down therein the main branches thus to be taught, which 
 are theology, jurisprudence, and medicine. Beside these, he enumer- 
 ates five other departments of learning, (which we now associate in a 
 distinct group, and assign to philosophical faculties,) namely, mathe- 
 matics, history, logic with rhetoric, grammar, and reading of the poets. 
 And he requires a more extended course of private study to be pursued by 
 students at the college than had been provided for at the gymnasium. 
 
 Lecturers as well as teachers are provided for, likewise, in his plau 
 for a school organization at Lauingen. After he has here character- 
 ized the duties of the various classes, he continues, " In these classes 
 the boys must be kept under the discipline of the rod, nor should 
 they learn according to their own choice, but after the good pleasure 
 of the teacher. But, when they leave the classes, then they go as 
 their inclination prompts them, some to theologians, for the sake of 
 religion, some to naturalists," etc. It appears from the second book 
 of Sturm's "Classic Letters," that even prior to the year 1565 many 
 learned men were giving public lectures in Strasburg, while, at the same 
 time, he was zealously engaged, by means of correspondence with many 
 others, in efforts to increase the number of lecturers. But, it was not 
 until 1567 that the Emperor Maximilian II. accorded permission to 
 the Strasburgers to found a college, which, long afterward, (in 1621,) 
 was invested by Ferdinand II. with all the rights and privileges of a 
 university. 
 
 In the year 1569, the Strasburg magistracy empowered Sturm to 
 organize the college, whereupon he composed his " Collegiate Letters," 
 which were addressed to the various instructors in the new institution. 
 
 What was the actual course of instruction therein will best aooear 
 from the subjoined schedule of lectures for the summer term of the 
 year 1578. which I qnote in the original Latin. 
 U 
 
210 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION 
 
 Designatio Lectiontim publicarun pro hoc aestivo semestri, in academia Argentoratensi 
 Anno 1578. 
 
 J. Stiirmius, Rector, docebit dialog. Cic. de Senectute. 
 
 Melckior Junior, Decanus, libros III., Cic. de Oral, et orationem Cic. Philippicam secundam. 
 
 THEOLOGI. D Marbachius perget in explicatione Psalmorum. 
 
 D. Joh. Pappus explicabit Danielem nroohetam et acta Anostolorum. 
 
 M. JVic. Floras epist. Pauli ad Galatal. 
 
 Er. Marbachius Lie. perget in lib. Judicum. 
 
 JURKCONSULTI. D. Laur. Tuppius perget in Pandectis. 
 
 D. Obert. Oiphanius interpret libb. IV. Inslitutionem Justin. 
 
 D. Georg. Obrechtus perget in lib. II. Codicis. 
 
 MEDICI ET PHYSICI. D. Andr. Pianerus leget parvam artem Galeni. Deinde parva naturalii 
 Aristotelis. 
 
 E. Lud. ffawenreuterus perget in compendio Physices. 
 HISTORICUS. J). Mich. Beuterus explic. C. Taciturn. 
 
 ETHICUS. M. Teoph. Golius perget in libris Ethicis Aristotelis ad Nicomachum. 
 
 OROANICUS. M. L. Hawenreuterus perget in Analyt. prioribus Aristotelis. 
 
 MATHEMATICUS. M. Conr. Dasypodius docebit sex libros priores Euclidis, item Theorias Solit 
 et Lunae et doctrinain addet Eclipsium. 
 
 LINGUARUM PROFESSORES. M. Henning. Oldendorpius docebit Grammaticam hebraeam 
 Clenardi et adjunget aliquot Psalmorum Davidis explicationem. 
 
 M. J. Wilvesfiemius, graecanicae linguae Professor, interpretabitur "Epya Kal fi/iepas Hesiodi. 
 
 DISPCTATIONES ET DKCLAMATIONES PtiBLlCAK. Singulis mensibus singulae attributae sunt 
 disputationes et declamationes. quae publice a Professoribus haberi debent suo ordine, praeter 
 exercitationes illas, quae privatim suscipiuntur cum Studiosis et honorum Candidatis. 
 
 The Strasburg college created Baccalaureates and Masters of Phi- 
 losophy, as we learn from the lists of Melchior Junius, of degrees 
 conferred in the years 1574 and 1578. But, Doctorates in theology, 
 law, and medicine, it did not create ; for this only universities could do. 
 
 If then, as we see, the Strasburg college was neither a gymnasium 
 nor a university, what, in reality, was it? Manifestly an unfortunate 
 compound of both ; a sort of philosophical faculty that laid claim to 
 an isolated, independent existence, almost entirely ignoring the three 
 other faculties. But, a philosophical faculty can not thrive unless it 
 is a branch of a full-grown university, and unless, co-existing with 
 the three other faculties, each sufficiently well represented in itself, it 
 receives life from them, and, in turn, imparts it to them. Those 
 faculties, divorced from the philosophical, but too readily degenerate 
 into mere instrumentalities for gaining a livelihood, while the philo- 
 sophical, when standing alone and paying no attention to the urgent 
 demands of life and to the future calling of the student, is devoid 
 both of purpose and aim. Such a dubious position exerts a perni- 
 cious influence on the character of the pupils of the college. School- 
 boys they should not be, students they fain would be ; but, they are 
 neither one thing nor the other. For philosophical lectures, which 
 tend to refresh, strengthen, and improve the student in bi own 
 special department, appear to the scnolars of the college out a mere 
 wearisome continuation of their school studies, that they had hoped 
 were at an end. And if, moreover, the instructors in logic, philology, 
 rhetoric, etc., are altogether of that kmd, that their discourses differ 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 211 
 
 in no respect from those which their hearers have before listened to in 
 the gymnasium, then truly is such hearing fatiguing, and painful even 
 to the most attentive. Sturm felt a deep interest in his Strasburg 
 college, and used every means in his power to impress upon it the 
 stamp of a university. From many of his "Classic " and "Collegiate " 
 letters we see how he invited jurists, physicians, etc., to Strasburg, to 
 deliver lectures upon law, medicine, natural philosophy, and other 
 branches of learning. But, it is impossible thus to improvise a uni- 
 versity, by persuading men, who are already filling other and widely 
 different offices it may be, to become professors likewise. For, the 
 appropriate duties of the professor call for the undivided energies of 
 the whole man. 
 
 That the lectures of theologians, jurists, and physicians in the 
 Strasburg college were entirely unsuited to impart to the youth, within 
 the Quinquennium from his sixteenth to his twenty-first year, an ade- 
 quate preparation for his future calling, as Sturm originally designed 
 that it should do, a single glance at the schedule of the college 
 lectures inserted above will abundantly convince us. The theologians, 
 for example, read only upon Old and New Testament exegesis, while 
 one solitary physician confines his labors to the "lesser art of Galen," 
 and "Aristotle's minor philosophy ! " And Sturm himself, with all 
 his partiality for the college, most keenly felt its deficiencies. He 
 laments, among other things, the lack of discipline that prevailed there, 
 as well as the neglect of the prescribed lectures, and the want of respect 
 for the instructors. On this point, his letters to Erythraeus, teacher of 
 rhetoric, is especially noteworthy. He has observed, he writes, that it 
 is a difficult task to deliver lectures in their college upon poets, histo- 
 rians, and orators, and he has also been astonished that such lectures 
 have often been wholly unattended. The reason which he assigns for 
 this state of things is this, " the scholars had already, at the gymna- 
 sium, become familiar with the principal classic poets, historians, and 
 orators, and, accordingly, if, in the college lectures, they heard 
 nothing new, they would either go away altogether, or would else 
 betake themselves to others, whether jurists, physicians, or mathema- 
 ticians, who could teach them something that they did not know 
 before. And these laid before the scholars subjects that possessed 
 the freshness of novelty ; but the teachers of grammar and rhetoric, 
 on the other hand, only such as they had already learned at school ; 
 and, if these teachers could not be persuaded to undertake a better 
 method, then the whole affair would fall through." 
 
 But, enough of the Strasburg college : it, however, did not remain 
 in its original form ; but, as has been stated, emerged from its chrysa- 
 
 condition, in the year 1621, a full-fledged university. 
 
212 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 We turn now to examine Sturm's educational method critically 
 and to note its operation in the Strasburg gymnasium. 
 
 His ideal of culture we have already spoken of as embracing the three- 
 fold attainment of piety, knowledge, and eloquence. How clearly he 
 knew what he wished, how clearly he recognized the means that were 
 best adapted to procure him what he wished, and also with what decision, 
 circumspection, and admirable perseverance he labored to achieve his 
 aim, all this appears from what I have already communicated, both from 
 his own lips and from the authority of others. There was no discord- 
 ant element in him ; he was a whole man, a man of character, in 
 whom a strong will and a wise activity were united in perfect equi- 
 poise. And, on this account, it is no marvel that, as I have before 
 mentioned, he was appreciated among his contemporaries, and enjoyed 
 their utmost confidence. Even in the year 1578 the Strasburg school 
 numbered many thousand scholars, among whom were two hundred 
 noblemen, twenty-four counts and barons, and three princes. Not 
 alone from Germany, but also from the remotest countries, from 
 Portugal, and Poland, Denmark, France, and England, youths were 
 sent to Sturm. But his educational efficiency was not limited to the 
 Strasburg gymnasium ; he exerted, far and wide, by his counsel, his 
 example, and through his pupils, a vast influence, as a second " Pre- 
 ceptor of Germany." He himself organized schools at Lauingen on 
 the Danube, Trasbach on the Moselle, and at Hornbach, in the 
 Bipontinate; his pupil, Schenk, planned the Augsburg, a second pupil, 
 Crusius, the Meminger gymnasium. 
 
 The school-code of Duke Christopher, of Wirtemberg, of the year 
 1559, as well as that of the Elector, Augustus I., of Saxony, of the 
 year 1580, would certainly seem to have felt the influence of Sturm's 
 system. The grammar of the lower classes, the logic and the rhetoric 
 of the upper, Cicero in the ascendant, Terence and Plautus acted by 
 the scholars, the rudiments of astronomy in the highest class, and 
 arithmetic here much neglected, while, in the lower classes, it receives 
 no attention at all, music, decurions for monitors, all these arrange- 
 ments would appear to have been borrowed from Sturm, and so much 
 the more as they are not to be found, at least, in the Saxon code of 
 1538. Even the school regulations of the Jesuits are, as we shall 
 find, in many points of view, quite similar to Sturm's, and he himself 
 was surprised at their correspondence. And, hand in hand with 
 Sturm's method, his school-books also penetrated throughout the 
 whole of Germany. 
 
 In his letters to the teachers of the Strasburg gymnasium, Sturm 
 appears the experienced teacher and the accomplished rector- clearly 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 213 
 
 and in few words, marking out for all the teachers under him their 
 own particular and appropriate duties ; and, in his advice, how best 
 to undertake and to discharge those duties, he approves himself the 
 sage and practiced counselor. For, with the kindest expressions, he 
 cheers and strengthens them in their path of labor, and repeatedly 
 calls their attention to the fact that they all have one common cause, 
 since the teachers of the upper classes can do nothing unless those of 
 the lower classes use care in laying the foundation ; and, on the other 
 hand, that the latter will have been faithful to no purpose if the 
 former are not as conscientious in building upon the foundation when 
 laid. And he most earnestly insists that they must all instruct after 
 one and the same method, and must keep the same end in view, if 
 they would see the work prosper in their hands. Thus he shows 
 himself to be a pattern rector, and the center and heart of the school. 
 Yet, he is never overbearing, but is a dictator who scarce ever appears 
 to command or to censure, content with requesting and encouraging. 
 Moreover, by constant application, he is keeping pace with those about 
 him ; learning Hebrew, for instance, when in his fifty -ninth year. 
 
 Now, that I have given full credit to the praiseworthy efforts and 
 achievements of Sturm, I must also pay homage to truth, and exhibit 
 the reverse and unfavorable side of his educational activity. I have 
 praised him, in that he clearly conceived his plan, and then, fixing his 
 steady gaze upon the object before him, worked vigorously and skil- 
 fully to accomplish it. 
 
 But, shall I bestow unqualified praise upon Sturm's ideal ? On a 
 nearer view, I can not do it. The Christian element of his educational 
 system alone deserves entire recognition. But, the other two ele- 
 ments, namely, knowledge and eloquence, or rather Sturm's concep- 
 tion of the kind of knowledge and of eloquence to be inculcated at 
 school ; this conception, judged not alone by our present standard, 
 but considered in itself and under any circumstances, is, in many 
 points, deserving of censure. Shall I be asked " How can this be ? 
 To furnish the pupil with a rich store of scientific knowledge, and, at 
 the same time, to cultivate in him that readiness of expression which 
 will enable him to utter, either orally or by writing, whatever thoughts 
 or fancies he may thus have accumulated ; do not these two objects, 
 even at the present day, constitute together the highest aim of edu- 
 cation ? " They do, indeed ; but, let us consider more closely what 
 kind of knowledge and what species of eloquence Sturm had in view, 
 and then we shall be in a better position to see whether we agree with 
 him throughout or not. And, first, as to the knowledge. The 
 thoroughness with which both Greek and Latin grammar were taught 
 
214 STURM'S SVSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 in Sturm's school, our teachers now a-days will approve, although it 
 may be that occasionally their standard of thoroughness does not 
 precisely coincide with that of the old rector, which demanded, for 
 instance, that the second aorist should be formed from the imperfect, 
 or that a future form, " <psuw " should be recognized, and the like. 
 But, could they approve of the classics selected, and the order in 
 which they were read at the Strasburg gymnasium ? Hardly ; else it 
 would not be that, in our gymnasiums now, far different classical 
 authors are read ; or, where the same are taken up, that it is in an- 
 other order and another spirit. We can overlook the fact that 
 Cornelius Nepos, who is studied .in most schools at the present day, 
 was rejected ; but, so was Livy, and so was Tacitus. And, of the 
 most important of the classics, only a small portion was read ; I need 
 only mention Homer. Such fragments surely can never lead to a 
 spiritual appreciation of the genius and the character of authors. 
 But, how all this has become changed in the progress of time, we 
 shall discuss elsewhere. 
 
 On a first glance, we might be led to believe that Sturm was 
 devoted not merely to the knowledge of words, but to that of things 
 also ; but, if we examine the matter more closely, we shall alter our 
 opinion. In fact, the scholars of the lower classes acquired Latin 
 words for every possible object that was about them in life, whether, 
 in the kitchen or cellar, the garden or stable, the school-room or 
 church. And they were thus taught almost according to the manner 
 of Comenius in the " Orbis pictus," only that they learned the world 
 in the original instead of in pictures. But, with what view were 
 boys taught these Latin names ? Was it that they might obtain a 
 knowledge of things likewise ? Certainly not. They were only 
 placed thereby in a condition to express themselves in Latin upon 
 common and familiar topics, just as a German who designs to travel 
 in Italy will furnish himself beforehand with a stock of every-day 
 words and phrases. 
 
 But, some one will say, " Sturm also demands that boys should 
 project a sort of encyclopaedia, in which they should enter the names 
 of various objects under certain pre-arranged heads ; as, for example, 
 under the head of 'birds' the ostrich and the wry-neck; or, under 
 the head of * mammalia,' the lion and the elephant. And, is not this 
 to be regarded as a knowledge of things ? " I think not. I think 
 that it is at best only a method of fixing names in the mind, which, 
 however, are the shadows of things to come ; for, it is very unlikely 
 that those boys who placed the ostrich and the wry-neck under the 
 head of " birds " had ever seen either the one or the other. Comenius, 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 215 
 
 by means of his pictorial representations, here affords a far better 
 knowledge of the actual world. 
 
 If we now compare the course of study in a modern gymnasium 
 with that in Sturm's school, we shall perceive at once that there are 
 many subjects of instruction not provided for in the latter. But, 
 many will say, " This is the advantage of the Sturmian method, that 
 it restricts itself to a very few branches, while we, on the other hand, 
 teach almost every thing. The greater surface the less the depth," 
 etc. 
 
 All such persons I now ask to suspend their judgment until they 
 have accompanied me in a critical survey of Sturm's system of teach- 
 ing. Boys were received into the gymnasium in their sixth year, and 
 yet I find not one word of any special instruction in reading and 
 writing German correctly. I would not ask for that instruction in the 
 German grammar, which is now so popular, but only for an elementary 
 drilling in German, which is indispensable. When and where they 
 receive this, it certainly does not appear; nor have we any more light 
 on the question whether the older boys wrote German compositions, 
 except what we derive from the fact that they made translations of the 
 Latin classics into German. 
 
 And, as it was with elementary instruction in German, so, likewise, 
 in his original plan, Sturm has not a syllable of any instruction in 
 arithmetic for the first eight classes. And, when he comes to treat 
 of the upper classes, he dismisses the subject thus briefly: "Arithme- 
 tic must be introduced, Mela examined, Proclus laid before the 
 scholar, and the elements of astrology taught." And yet, in the letters 
 to the teachers of the ten classes, I find not a word said of arithme- 
 tic ; nor, from the two letters to Conrad Dasypodius, is any thing 
 decisive to be gathered on this point. The second of these last 
 mentioned letters, written in the year 1569, thirty-one years after the 
 establishment of the gymnasium, speaks of instruction in mathematics, 
 yet in a way from which we infer that it had not been long introduced. 
 Later, in the course of instruction dating in 15*78, as well as by the 
 examination held during the same year, we see that arithmetic was 
 taught in the second class, and a few problems from the first book of 
 Euclid, together with the elements of astronomy, in the highest. 
 Also, in the school-plan projected by Sturm for the gymnasium at 
 Lauingen, mathematics is not placed among the school studies, but 
 rather classed among those branches which are to be learned after- 
 ward, through attendance on college lectures. 
 
 All things now considered, there appears to have been at least a 
 gross neglect of mathematical instruction. If the scholar has 
 
216 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 learned in the second class but the rudiments of arithmetic, and in the 
 highest only a few problems in Euclid, how can he comprehend even 
 the few first elements of astronomy, taught also in the same highest 
 class? To judge by the astronomical examination communicated 
 herewith, the knowledge that was imparted of the science would seem 
 to have been almost entirely limited to the exhibition and the 
 explanation of an armillary sphere ; as the teacher, in the year 15*78, 
 made no allusion to the Copernican system which had appeared in 
 1543, but taught the doctrine of the annual revolution of the sun 
 around the earth. On the other hand, as we have seen, Sturm assigns 
 to astrology a place among the subjects of study. 
 
 Never will our present teachers of elementary schools, to say 
 nothing of gymnasiums, look with favor upon such a neglect of mathe- 
 matics, even though they may advocate the very simplest methods of 
 instruction. And, so much the less, as it is natural to suppose that 
 very many scholars did not take the full course, but only passed 
 through the lowest classes in this Strasburg gymnasium, and, conse- 
 quently, could learn nothing at all of arithmetic. For, as we have 
 before shown, this branch during the first years after the establish- 
 ment of the gymnasium probably received no attention at all, and, 
 when introduced later, was assigned to the second and highest classes 
 only. 
 
 Likewise, in regard to geography, we have no reason to conclude 
 that it was studied. For the above cited expression of Sturm, '* Mela 
 is to be examined," was scarcely called for, if Mela was really read in 
 the gymnasium. But, even Mela, meagre as he is, received no atten- 
 tion there, if we may judge from the schedule and the examination 
 of 1578. Nor among the college lectures either, was any place 
 assigned to geography. 
 
 And history, too, was quite as much neglected ; even in the col- 
 lege, Beuter, whose name appears on the catalogue as historical 
 lecturer, confines himself to the interpretation of Tacitus. 
 
 Of natural history and natural philosophy there was not a single 
 line taught in the gymnasium. 
 
 Since, then, all instruction in the German language, mathematics, 
 geography, history, natural history, and natural philosophy, was 
 entirely omitted, to which we may add instruction in Hebrew, in the 
 modern languages, French especially, and perhaps also in drawing, 
 we must conclude that nearly all the time and energies of the scholar 
 were concentrated upon the acquisition of Greek and Latin. 
 
 Was now the knowledge of the Greeks and Romans which Sturm's 
 scholars possessed, any the greater, on this account, than that mastered 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 217 
 
 by the scholars of our gymnasium ? or, we should rather inquire, was 
 their readiness, both in speaking and in writing Latin, greater, and 
 did they apply the whole -force that was in them principally to acquire 
 these two facilities ? 
 
 The reply to the first question should be favorable to the scholars of 
 the present day : the reply to the second, perhaps, to Sturm's scholars. 
 
 And truly it would have been a wonder if Sturm's scholars had 
 not learned to speak and write Latin, since he himself looked upon 
 the art of writing and reading in classical Ciceronian Latin as the 
 noblest aim of culture ; and he deemed no sacrifice too dear so that 
 he might reach it. The first sacrifice, (which we have already alluded 
 to,) was an entire neglect of our mother tongue, and even an absolute 
 alienation from it. We have seen from Sturm's letter to Schirner, 
 the teacher of the ninth class, that he considered the Roman children 
 highly privileged, in that, from their infancy up, they spoke Latin 
 themselves and heard nothing but Latin spoken by others ; whereas, 
 with German children, the case was far different. This evil, he said, 
 must be removed by the diligence of the teacher, and through the 
 application of his (Sturm's) system. There was only need of a cor- 
 rect method, (and that because Latin was not our mother tongue,) to 
 insure the production, at the present day, of speeches which should 
 compare favorably with those of Cicero. Every effort must be put 
 forth in order to restore again the long lost skill of the Greeks and 
 Romans in teaching, haranguing, disputing, and writing. The first 
 point, therefore, upon which Sturm, as well as most of his contempo- 
 raries, both literary men and teachers, insisted, was the completest 
 removal possible of the German mother tongue, that so the Latin 
 might wholly occupy its place. To teachers and to scholars alike, all 
 conversation in German was forbidden ; and games were only allowed 
 on the condition that Latin alone should be spoken therein. Had the 
 old Romans still ruled over Alsace in Sturm's time, they could have 
 adopted no more effectual measures to denationalize its inhabitants, to 
 make them forget their country, and to change them wholly into 
 Romans. 
 
 Sturm indirectly boasts of this exclusion of the German language 
 from his gymnasium. " He has introduced a mine of choice Latin 
 words and of familiar Latin phrases, and has called up Plautus, 
 Terence, and Cicero from the shades, to speak Latin with the 
 boys." 
 
 Plautus and Terence he here mentions in preference, on account 
 of the representations of their plays by the scholars ; which repre- 
 sentations, as we have seen, he strongly recommended to the teachers 
 
218 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 of the three upper classes. In this connection, his letter to Golius, the 
 teacher of the highest class, deserves our special attention. " I could 
 wish," said he, " that the actors of comedy as well as those of tragedy 
 in your class should all be equal to Roscius ; and, therefore, far more 
 accomplished than those in the lower classes can be. I desire you 
 never to suffer the week to go by without a performance, so that an 
 assiduous and habitual attendance at the theatre may be encouraged." 
 
 If we are to regard this disuse of our mother tongue as one sacri- 
 fice to the ideal, nay, let me call it the idol rather, of Latin elo- 
 quence, then surely these theatrical exercises should be considered as 
 a second sacrifice to this ideal. It appears incredible to us that the 
 committing to memory and acting such licentious plays as are those 
 of Terence could have exerted no evil influence upon the morals of 
 the young. And we are equally at a loss to understand, how it was 
 that so pious a man as Sturm did not object to the pernicious senti- 
 ments inculcated by Terence. Could the enthusiastic rector have 
 been blinded by the hope, that his scholars would be moulded, as it 
 were, into expert Latinists by these theatrical performances, and by 
 acting comedy ? If the bare reading of an author, like Terence, is 
 dangerous to the scholar, how much more dangerous is it, when, from 
 the necessities of acting, he is obliged to assume the characters and 
 imagine himself in the situations of the drama. 
 
 Sturm's endeavor to make boys adepts in Latin eloquence had, 
 moreover, a very great, and in my judgment, a very injurious influence 
 upon his manner of reading and of treating the classics. It is true 
 that he aimed, first of all, as every intelligent school-teacher should 
 do, at a correct understanding of the language of authors; for he 
 insists that the teacher should dwell upon the grammatical construction 
 of the text long enough to arrive at such understanding. 
 
 But why is it, if I may ask so simple a question, that we trouble 
 ourselves to understand the language of a classical author as thoroughly 
 as we do our own, so that we can read him with as great ease as if 
 he had written in our own tongue ? Doubtless it is, that, having 
 arrived at an appropriate understanding of the language, we may 
 penetrate through the language to the sentiment, and so at last may 
 educe the intellectual individuality of the author from his works, and 
 at the same time recognize in the author the characteristics of the 
 nation, to which he belonged. But such an aim of classical studies 
 is nowhere visible in Sturm's method ; to him, to use a Kantian ex- 
 pression, the author himself is not an end, only a means to an end ; 
 that is, every author must be used for the cultivation of this deified 
 Roman eloquence in boys. And how ? Precisely as the peacock was 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 219 
 
 used by the jackdaw. They borrow the author's words and phrases, 
 group them together, and learn them by heart, perhaps, in order to 
 apply them again in speech or in writing. Borrow, is too feeble an 
 expression ; the jackdaw designed not merely to borrow the peacock's 
 feathers, but to represent them as his own. The doctrine of imitation 
 as we find it set forth by Sturm and others, is, after all, a mere jack- 
 daw theory. The scholar is taught how, by a slight alteration, to 
 disguise phrases from Cicero and others, and then to use them in 
 writing or in speech, exactly as if they were his own production ; so 
 adroitly smuggling them in, as it were, that the reader or hearer may 
 not suspect whence they were taken. "Is the teacher," says Sturm, 
 " to give out themes for composition, he will draw attention to those 
 points where imitation is desirable, and will show how similarity can 
 be concealed by a superadded variation." "We must, in the first 
 place, take care, that the similarity shall not be manifest ; but its 
 concealment may be accomplished in three ways ; by adding, by 
 taking away, or by alteration." 
 
 "The objection, perhaps, will be made," says Sturm in another 
 place, " that, if we appropriate entire passages from Cicero, we shall 
 be guilty of plagiarism." This would be so, if we should make ex- 
 tracts from Cicero and call them our own ; but our memory is our 
 own, so is the use to which we put our memory, so is our style, so is 
 the caution and the moderation which we exercise in making use of 
 the classics, and so likewise is our method of imitation, as well as of 
 borrowing, provided that we do borrow. And truly, in such case, we 
 shall borrow of one, who no longer is here to begrudge it ; of one, 
 who wrote for others, yea, for all time. Thus Sturm justifies this ex- 
 tremely censurable practice, a practice which, as we have seen, 
 Erasmus had already condemned. Thus his effort to restore Roman 
 eloquence, had a great influence upon the choice of authors to be read 
 in his gymnasium ; for hardly any were introduced but such as were 
 the most faultless models of this eloquence. Cicero was placed at the 
 head. Even the boy of eight read the " select epistles " of Cicero, 
 and there was no class from the eighth up to the highest, in which he 
 was not read. Terence, Sturm commends most highly, next to 
 Cicero. Every Roman author who, measured by the Ciceronian 
 standard, did not vindicate his claim to be considered a pure classic, 
 Sturm appears to have rejected. Livy, as we have before mentioned, 
 was not one of the Strasburg school text-books, probably on account of 
 his provincialism, (Patavinity ;) we are less surprised at the absence of 
 Tacitus, and in short, of every author, who hindered or at least did not 
 further the main object of learning to write and to speak like Cicero. 
 
220 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 In the eighth class, in the eight year of the pupil, a beginning was 
 made in exercises in Latin style. Sturm commends them to the 
 teachers in the most urgent manner ; but they appear, when closely 
 examined, to have been almost wholly composed of attempts at that 
 spiritless imitation, above alluded to ; the preparation for them con- 
 sisted in singling out and committing to memory, phrases, which they 
 had noted in their lessons, as suitable to be used in Latin discourse or 
 in these exercises. Do I now need to declare emphatically, that those 
 youth, who, in reading the classics, have been engaged merely in a 
 hunt after phrases for future use, or rather misuse, never arrive at a 
 true understanding of these classics, and, what is more, that this meth- 
 od renders such an understanding wholly impossible ? Do I need to 
 observe, that youth thus trained will not learn either to admire or to 
 understand even, very many writers, who, like Tacitus, are essentially 
 different from Cicero ? And as little will they attain to an under- 
 standing of the poets, if it is made their chief aim in reading to com- 
 pose Latin verses themselves, and if for this purpose they are instructed 
 to gather poetical flowerets from the .^Eneid, as they have before 
 culled prose gems from Cicero ; or if, again, with a view to their 
 exercises in prose, they are constantly directed to those peculiarities 
 which the oratorical style, mutatis mutandis, may borrow from the 
 poets. 
 
 I have put the question " shall I bestow unqualified praise on 
 Sturm's ideal ?" and have answered it in the negative. I have now 
 given the reasons for my opinion. I have shown how, in the undi- 
 vided pursuit of Roman eloquence in speaking and in writing, the 
 German language was not only neglected, but crushed under foot ; 
 how, in order to gain ease and readiness in Latin expression, the most 
 licentious of the plays of Terence were acted by the scholars ; and 
 how, further, since the requisitions of this eloquence absorbed all the 
 energies and all the time of the young, there was no opportunity left 
 for any thorough mathematical training; neither was any instruction 
 given in geography, history, Hebrew, or the modern languages, and I 
 might add, in natural philosophy and drawing, but for the little atten- 
 tion that was generally paid to these two branches, at that period. 
 And finally I have indicated how it was, that this unlucky reaching out 
 after Roman eloquence was a decided hindrance to a correct exegesis, 
 and a full appreciation, of the classics. And now the question natur- 
 ally arises in our minds, " if Sturm and so many of his contempora- 
 ries in this chase after Roman eloquence, made great sacrifices, and 
 neglected almost every thing else. did they see their desires realized 
 in the end?" 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 221 
 
 But I have already answered this question to the satisfaction of the 
 intelligent reader, where I spoke of this wretched method of reading 
 the classics, only to cull out phrases and piece them together anew, to 
 be used in exercises in style, in order, haply, to equal the ancients. 
 For all their imitation of classical authors resolved itself at last into a 
 mere paltry connoisseurship ; since they attained, at the furthest, only 
 to 'a philological pharisaism, which, after a repulsive, pseudo-classic 
 fashion, composed works that disclosed not a particle of the classi- 
 cal spirit. When we peruse their " Examples of Roman eloquence," 
 we imagine ourselves walking amongst the ghastly spectres of the 
 ancients, and Cicero stalks to and fro before our eyes, an indistinct 
 phantom. 
 
 Sturm however, as was natural, regarded the fruits of his labors in 
 a far different light. He believed that he really had called the an- 
 cients to life again, and he fancied, that if we but laid the foundations 
 aright, there was no reason why we should not produce Latin works 
 as full of the fire of genius as were the originals. In one place 
 he says : " the Romans had two advantages over us ; the one con- 
 sisted in learning Latin without going to school, and the other, in fre- 
 quently seeing Latin comedies and tragedies acted, and hearing Latin 
 orators speak. Could we," he continues, " recall these advantages in 
 our schools, why could we not then, by persevering diligence, 
 gain that, which they possessed only by accident and habit ; namely, 
 the power of speaking Latin to perfection." In another passage he 
 uses a still stronger expression, where he says, " I hope to see the 
 men of the present age, in their writing, commenting, haranguing and 
 speaking, not merely followers of the old masters, but equal to those 
 who flourished in the noblest age of Athens or of Rome." What 
 pedantic narrow-mindedness, to indulge the delusive notion, that an 
 ever so judiciously-managed Strasburg school could effect the produc- 
 tion of works of genius, equal to those that bloomed amid the 
 splendor of the age of Pericles or the grandeur of Imperial Rome ! 
 
 This notion of Sturm's, as erroneous as it was presumptuous, if we 
 might not rather call it extravagant, stands in quite a surprising con- 
 trast with the following feeble and spiritless sentiment, which we find 
 in another place. " It is astonishing," he here says, " that while there 
 are in our day many as good' intellects as the ancients could boast of, 
 while we possess the same philosophical sources to draw from as did 
 they, while our advantages for the attainment of eloquence and our 
 opportunities for displaying it are no fewer than with them, and while, 
 moreover, all our gifted men have striven to distinguish themselves by 
 eloquence, yet almost all have shrunk back in terror from the course 
 
222 STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 
 
 of training that it demands, and so few have accomplished any thing 
 by means of it." 
 
 " We can not," continues Sturm, " lay the entire blame of this 
 result upon the scholars. Year after year there have been many at 
 the Strasburg Gymnasium, who have united to superior talents a 
 strong desire to excel and great diligence. It has been so likewise at 
 Louvain and at Paris. Now how is it, that among so many thousand, 
 there have been so very few, who have applied the requisite diligence 
 to Latin writing and declamation ? " On a careful consideration, he 
 concludes that the fault lies with the teachers, and with himself, and 
 is partly inherent in the fact, that Latin is not the native tongue of 
 the scholar. 
 
 If we examine this admission of Sturm carefully, we shall be at no 
 loss to discover where the truth lies. Men of the very highest capaci- 
 ties, he says, were exceedingly desirous to become eloquent, but have 
 been appalled before the style of eloquence taught in his school. Had 
 Latin only been their native tongue, then they would have succeeded. 
 But German was their native tongue, and in this, according to Sturm's 
 own theory, they would have succeeded to perfection. And he asserts 
 this in so many words, but a few lines further back. " Eloquence," 
 he here remarks, " is by no means confined to the Latin tongue. Can 
 not Italians, Spaniards, French and Germans be eloquent in their own 
 language ? The prose of Boccaccio is a model of purity and elegance 
 to the Italians, and so is the sweet- sounding poetry of Petrarch. 
 Comines charms the French as truly as ever Thucydides did the 
 Greeks. And as for Luther," he continues, " has he not stood forth, 
 a perfect master of our language, whether we look to purity of idiom 
 or to opulence of expression ? Princes, counselors, magistrates, em- 
 bassadors, and jurists, all concede to him, the theologian, this praise. 
 Luther truly vindicated a righteous cause, which in itself deserved the 
 victory ; but it was with the sinews of an orator that he wielded the 
 weapons of controversy. Had there been no Reformation, had no 
 sermons of Luther ever appeared, and had he written nothing at all 
 save his translation of the Bible, this alone would have insured him 
 an immortality of fame. For, if we compare with this German trans- 
 lation either the Greek, the Latin, or any other, we shall find them 
 all far behind it, both in perspicuity, purity, choice of expression, and 
 resemblance to the Hebrew original. I believe that, as no painter has 
 ever been able to surpass Apelles, so no scholar will ever be able to 
 produce a translation of the Bible that shall excel Luther's." 
 
 If we were compelled on other grounds to conclude that Sturm had 
 become altogether denationalized, and a Roman to the core, this 
 
STURM'S SYSTEM OF INSTRUCTION. 223 
 
 passage just cited proves to us that it was not altogether so. But why, 
 in view of his deep and heart-felt recognition of the great German 
 master-piece of Luther, and why especially in view of his acknowledg- 
 ment that Italians, French and Germans, had written classical works, 
 each in their own language, why, I repeat the question, did he con- 
 tinue, like a second Sisyphus, his fruitless endeavors to metamorphose 
 German into Roman youths, and to impart to them, in defiance of the 
 laws of human nature, another native tongue ? The entire age in 
 which he lived was in fault, not he : it was only at a -later period, that 
 the claims of our own country and our own language came to be 
 properly regarded. 
 
MICHAEL NEANDER.* 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.l 
 
 MICHAEL NEANDER was the son of a tradesman, of the town of 
 Sorau, Hans Neumann by name, and was born in 1525. His father 
 had destined him for a tradesman also ; and, as the occupation called 
 for long journeys on horseback, he determined to lose no time in 
 making his son a good horseman. He, therefore, placed him upon a 
 gaunt and restive horse, without a saddle, and bade him ride him to 
 water. On his reaching the pond the horse threw him into it, and 
 he was only saved from drowning by the efforts of some chance by- 
 standers, who lifted him again to his seat. As he rode in at the 
 gate, a stone was thrown at him, which cut his head and covered his 
 face with blood. Thus, wet and bleeding, he returned home. But 
 his father, instead of showing pity for his sufferings, ordered him to 
 mount, upon the spot, a still wilder horse, which he did. But he was 
 again thrown off and his arm broken. And when his mother and his 
 relatives gathered around him in tears, his father upbraided him 
 harshly with these words: "To a cloister with you; you are of no 
 use to any body." Thus was his whole course of life shaped by this 
 one day of mishaps. 
 
 The rector, Heinrich Theodore, of Sorau, was his first teacher. In 
 his seventeenth year, in 1542, he went to the University of Witten- 
 berg. "Although at that time I was quite young," says Neander, 
 of himself, " I yet listened attentively for three years to Luther's lec- 
 tures and sermons, and many of his excellent thoughts. I wrote 
 down with care, nor shall I ever forget them so long as my life lasts ; 
 
 * Sources. 1 " Events in the Life of Michael Neander. A contribution to the religious 
 and social history of the 16th century. By W. Havemann. professor of history at Gb'ttingen." 
 
 2. Neander's works, as follows, viz: (a ) Two Latin Grammars. (b) l 'De re poetica 
 Graecorum, libri quatuor. E notationibus M. Neandri praeceptoris sui collecti Opera J. 
 VoUandi." Editio secunda. 1592. (e.) "Catechesis M. Lutheri Graeco-Latina." "Pal- 
 rum Theologurum Graecorum sententiae." '"Apocrypha; hoc est. nnrrationes de Chrinto, 
 etc., extra Biblia." Basileae, per Joh. Oporinum. 1563. (d.) "Compendium Dialecticae 
 ac Rhetoricae." 1581. (e.) "OrWs Terrae partium succincta explicatio." 1586. (f.) 
 "Orbift Terrae divisio compendaria, in usum studiosae juventutis in schola Iffeldensi." 1586. 
 Nova editio. (g-.) "Compendium Chronicorum, conscripta in schola flfeldensi." 1586. 
 Havemann cites the following in addition: (A.) "Mankind's Mirror." Nuremburg. 1620. 
 (i ) "Theologia megalandri Lutheri" Eisleben, 1587. (k.) 'Advice to a good nobleman 
 and friend; or, how to guide and instruct a, boy." Eisleben, 1590. Says Havemann, "this 
 is an incomparable little book." 
 
 3. (a.) "Funeral Sermon at the burial of the venerable M. Neander. Delivered by Val- 
 entine. Mylius." Leipzig, 1595. (6.) Vollborth's "Panegyric upon M. Neander." 1777. 
 
 15 
 
226 MICHAEL NEANDER. 
 
 for I often recall them with delight, in sorrow and affliction they are 
 my consolation, and they aid me, moreover, in my labors both with 
 old and young." 
 
 In the year 1547, when, after the battle of Muhlberg, Neander, in 
 common with all the professors and students at Wittenberg, deserted 
 the place, he obtained, through the recommendation of Melancthon, 
 the post of (colleague) assistant in the school of Nordhausen. Short- 
 ly after, he was chosen conrector and was employed also as tutor to 
 the children of Herr Schmied, the Mayor. The rector of the school, 
 whose name was Basilius Faber, imposed upon the youthful Neander, 
 then fresh from the conceited air of Wittenberg, and regarding "gram- 
 mar and syntax" as "insignificant trifles," the humiliating task of 
 teaching the older boys the "Advanced Syntax" (majorem Syntaxin 
 majoribus) a work which he had " never even seen, much less hearc 1 
 of or studied." 
 
 In the year 1550, Neander was called to the rectorship of the 
 cloister-school at Ilfeld, in the Harz. Here, in 1544, Thomas Stanga 
 had been chosen abbot of the monastery. But he afterward joined 
 the Protestants, and then, under the patronage of the noble Count of 
 Stolberg, founded the school, to which, at the .recommendation of 
 Melancthon and Schmied, he now called Neander. When, in the 
 year 1559, the devout, conscientious abbot lay upon his death -bed, ho 
 commended the school most urgently to Count Stolberg's care, and to 
 the faithfulness of its rector, Neander. 
 
 This dying injunction Neander kept in view even to the close of 
 his own life. The amount of labor that he accomplished would appear 
 well-nigh incredible. When he entered upon his office, he found 
 but twelve scholars in attendance ; nine years later, in 1559, this 
 number had increased to forty. And until within a few days before 
 his death, or during the space of forty-five years, he took the charge 
 of the whole school entirely upon himself, never employing a col- 
 league.* He was, moreover, compelled to defend the very existence 
 of the school itself against many who endeavored to wrest the cloistral 
 domains into their own possession. At the same time he acomplished 
 much literary labor giving to the press, during his life- time, thirty- 
 nine books, and leaving behind him, in manuscript, fourteen more. 
 
 Many of his contemporaries, Melancthon in particular, have borne 
 testimony to the excellent results with which his teachings were at- 
 tended. Melancthon deemed the school at Ilfeld, "by reason of the 
 faithful labors of Neander," to be the best seminary in the country. 
 
 * "Tantum praestitit unus vir, qui nuttum in administratione scholae usque ad ultimum 
 fere senii limen collegam haberet." 
 
 Thus that eminent man, Laurentius Rhodomannus, a pupil of his, and later a professor at 
 Wittenberg, writes of Neander. 
 
MICHAEL NEANDER. 227 
 
 Said Rhodomannus: "Neander has proved himself an exceedingly 
 skillful and successful teacher. He has carried scholars forward, within 
 the space of three or four years, so far in the languages and the arts, 
 and grounded them so thoroughly in catechetics, that, when he had 
 done with them, they were fitted to enter at once upon important posts, 
 whether in the school or in the church. Especially have they been so 
 thoroughly drilled in the three languages, that they have not inele- 
 gantly imitated the Greek classics." And the learned Caselius, a 
 scholar of Neander's, in Nordhausen, said : " Neander's boys, on en- 
 tering the university, have at once taken precedence of most others." 
 
 Of his text-books, so far as I am acquainted with them, I have 
 already, in part, spoken elsewhere. In his grammars, he constantly 
 dwelt more upon the elementary than the abstruse, and placed general 
 principles and rules, that were universally binding, before unimportant 
 particulars and anomalous exceptions. Hence his text-books were 
 brief; but, whatever he undertook, he intended should be fully and 
 entirely comprehended by the learner. 
 
 His instructor, Melancthon, whom he highly esteemed, undoubtedly 
 urged him to give his attention to the physical sciences. It was said 
 of Neander, that " he was such an adept in medicine and chemistry, 
 that he was enabled, by means of serviceable remedies, to extend a 
 helping hand to his scholars when sick." * His "Hand-Book of 
 Natural Philosophy '" was in much repute. 
 
 His "Compendium Chronicorum" gives, in the compass of forty 
 pages, a survey of the history of the world, from Adam to the year 
 1575. The subjects of the various chapters are, "Jews," "^Egyptians," 
 "Persians," "Greeks," and "Romans;" then "The Period of the Mi- 
 gration of Races, ending with Charlemagne," "Mohammed and the 
 Saracens," and " Argonautae, or the Crusades, Tartars, and Turks." 
 And it ends with a glance at the prophecies of Daniel. 
 
 In geography, he wrote a somewhat extended text-book, called 
 "Orbis terrae partium succincta explicatio ; " and a second, much 
 shorter, with the title, " Orbis terrae divisio" 
 
 The first mentioned compend is a singular book ; now proceeding 
 methodically, and again branching off into the strangest of digressions. 
 It begins by giving a list of the various authorities made use of. Then 
 there follows a concise and clear treatise on the mathematics of 
 geography, (in which the sun moves around the earth,) and a history 
 of the science. Next are described Europe, Asia, Africa, and the 
 oceans ; and lastly the islands, among which America is enumerated. 
 Some of the stories interspersed in this book we have already cited. 
 
 * A favorite scholar of his, Thalius, afterward a physician at Nordhausen, " gathered 72 
 species of grasses in the neighborhood of llfeld, and carefully pressed and dried them between 
 the leaves of an old and huffe monkish missal " fOrbis p.xvlicatin. article. Nordhauen.l 
 
228 MICHAEL NEANDER. 
 
 In his description of Goldberg, Neander not only communicates much 
 upon Trotzendorf, but also narrates that unsuccessful, first, and last 
 attempt of his own to learn to ride. Under the article " Sagan," he 
 gives a long story; how, after a fourteen years absence from his native 
 land, he returned thither, and how he was every where received like 
 a prince. Every where they made feasts in his honor, at which, too, 
 vocal and instrumental music were heard, and often the wine flowed 
 till midnight. The like, also, befell him in his native town, where he 
 found his aged and honored mother still living ; though, alas ! his 
 father had died but a short time before. In describing Nordhausen, 
 he takes occasion to speak of a favorite scholar of his, who died there, 
 the physician Thalius, tells of his botanical studies, and of his death, 
 caused by being thrown from a carnage. Nor does he stop here, but 
 gives a letter of Thalius's, and cites Latin and Greek poems composed 
 upon his death. And still further he adds a list, many pages long 
 of the good scholars shaped in Ilfeld, but remarks that nevertheless 
 he had some very bad ones, and gives the history of one of these, who 
 was beheaded. He communicates this, that teachers may learn, from 
 his example, not to be dispirited on account of some untoward ex- 
 periences, but rather to keep up a courageous heart. Thus much in 
 characterization of the larger geography. The lesser, but thirty 
 pages long, is far more concise. 
 
 Let us now turn back to his life. In the year 1562, he married 
 Anna Winkler, of Nordhausen, by whom he had two sons and two 
 daughters. The daughter Maria married Valentin Mylius, the pastor 
 at Ilfeld, who in after years pronounced the eulogy upon Neander. 
 
 In this eulogy we find an exceedingly edifying sketch of the last 
 days of the venerable man. His sickness began a few days previous to 
 Easter, in the year 1595. But, before he took to his bed, he celebrated 
 the Lord's supper at church, after full confession. Upon his death- 
 bed he testified his hearty adhesion to the Lutheran confession of 
 faith. When his pastor read to him from the 73d Psalm, he repeat- 
 ed, with joyful emphasis, the words, " The strength of my heart, and 
 my portion forever," and said, " I will give praise to God forever ; 
 for he is the strength of my heart, and I shall not be afraid ; he is my 
 portion and I am his, and all the powers of darkness can not sunder 
 us forever." His last words were, " Ah, how long shall I linger here 
 before I go to that blessed place ? There shall I meet and welcome 
 my dear grand-parents, my parents, and so many dear, pious chris- 
 tians, so many good and glorious friends ; God grant me a speedy 
 entrance into that happy land ! Amen." Then, after waving a last 
 farewell to all, he fell asleep in the Lord without a groan or a mur- 
 mur. It was four in the afternoon of the 26th of April, 1595. 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 I. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 IT is impossible to estimate rightly the schools of this famous Or- 
 der without some knowledge of its history. All its institution both 
 ecclesiastical and educational, are pervaded by one spirit, and have 
 reference to a single and clearly defined end, the ** conversion of 
 heretics," and elevation of the church of Rome. We must, there- 
 fore, begin our inquiries with a brief historical survey of the circum- 
 stances, that called the Order or Society of Jesus into being, and 
 determined the character of its development. 
 
 Its founder was Don Inigo Lopez de Recalde, usually known as 
 IGNATIUS VON LOYOLA, the youngest son of a noble Spanish family, 
 and born in 1491. His youth was spent at the court of Ferdinand 
 the Catholic, and he was early distinguished for the chivalric tone of 
 his character, and his reverence for holy things, as well as for his 
 proficiency in martial exercises, and for his courage. Being wounded 
 at the seige of Pampelona in 1521, a wound which made him lame 
 for life, he was taken to his father's castle, where he amused the 
 weary hours of his confinement by reading tales of knightly adven- 
 tures. But his attention was soon turned to the Lives of the Saints, 
 and the records of their holy devotion, and heroic self-sacrifice, 
 awakened in him a passionate desire to walk in their steps. With 
 all the energy of his fiery nature, he consecrated himself to the ser- 
 vice of the Blessed Virgin, to go forth as her champion and subdue 
 the heathen to the obedience of the faith. At this time, and for 
 many years later, he seems to have looked upon Jerusalem as the 
 fitting field for his activity. So soon as he recovered from his wound, 
 he clothed himself in a beggar's garb, and wandered over Spain, till 
 reaching Barcelona, he embarked for Jerusalem. Here he was not 
 permitted long to remain ; and we soon find him again in Spain, en- 
 deavoring to supply the defects of his education by the study of 
 grammar and philosophy. He was supported by alms, and devoted 
 his time to the care of the sick. At this time his enthusiastic char- 
 acter, and the ecstacies and dreams and visions, of which he was 
 
230 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 the subject, and his zeal in teaching, awakened the suspicions of the 
 Inquisition that he was a member of some heretical sect, and he was 
 imprisoned for forty days, and ordered to give up all discourse upon 
 spiritual matters, for four years. This he would not do, and leaving 
 Spain in 1 52 8, fled to Paris. Here in the college of St. Barbara, he re- 
 newed his studies ; and here he gathered around him those disciples, 
 whose names afterward became so famous ; Xavier. Faber, Lainez, 
 Salmeron, Bobadillaand Rodriguez. These he bound together into a 
 little society, and in August 1534, at the church of Montmartre, they 
 took upon themselves the oaths of poverty and celibacy, and 
 solemnly bound themselves to go, after the expiration of tbe : r studies, 
 to Jerusalem, or if they could not do this, to put themselves at the 
 disposal of the Pope, to go where he might choose to send them. 
 The next year, (1535,) Ignatius returned to Spain. 
 
 In January 1537 the new society reassembled at Venice, strength- 
 ened by three new members. A war between Venice and the Turks 
 making it impossible for them to go to Jerusalem, they employed 
 themselves in the hospitals of the city, showing wonderful self-denial 
 and patience, and in vigorous attempts to awaken a higher religi- 
 ous life in the hearts of the clergy. Here they received admission 
 to the office of priests. After a time, leaving Venice, they came by 
 different routes to Rome. Here they devoted themselves by day 
 to the same labors among the sick and poor as at Venice, and at 
 night they consulted together respecting the constitution and form 
 of the new order. But it was some time ere the Pope was willing to 
 give them the needed permission, it being then a question in the 
 papal councils whether the number of monkish institutions should 
 not rather be diminished than increased. It was not till August, 
 1540, that the Society of Jesus was formally authorized and estab- 
 lished by a papal bull. The number of members was at first limited 
 to sixty, but this restriction was, three years later, removed. 'The 
 first step of the new order was the choice of a General or Chief, and 
 all votes were given to Ignatius. It is a remarkable fact that he im- 
 mediately after devoted himself, for several weeks, with all the ardor 
 of his nature, to the personal instruction of children of the church. 
 The office of General, Ignatius held to his death in 1556. 
 
 Before examining the internal organization of this society, let us 
 follow a little way its external history. The labors of the Jesuits 
 embraced three departments, preaching, confession, and education. 
 Of the latter, Ranke remarks ; " To this they thought of bind 
 ing themselves from the first by a special clause in their vows, and 
 although that was not done, they made the practice of this duty im- 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 231 
 
 perative by the most cogent rules. Their most earnest desire was 
 to gain the rising generation." So small in its beginnings, the order 
 very rapidly increased in numbers and influence. At the time of 
 Loyola's death it had established itself in thirteen Provinces, of which 
 seven were in Spain and her colonies, and three in Italy. Their 
 schools and colleges were very soon found in most of the chief cities 
 of Catholic Christendom. The Collegium Romanum was estab- 
 lished at Rome in 1550, and the Collegium Germanicum for the 
 education of German youth, in 1552. Other national colleges of the 
 same general character soon followed, one for the English, one for 
 the Greeks, one for the Hungarians, <fec. In 1551, Ferdinand estab- 
 lished a college at Vienna; in 1554, one was founded at Coimbra 
 in Portugal; in 1556, one in Bavaria; in 1559, one in Munich. 
 Pope Gregory XIII, (1572 1585,) was very active in this way, 
 and it is said that twenty-two Jesuit colleges owed their origin to 
 him. In a very few years the education of the higher classes, and 
 of the leading minds in all the parts of Furope that yielded allegi- 
 ance to the Roman pontiff, was in the hands of the Society of Jesus. 
 
 But this activity was not confined to education. Their members 
 were busy in every part of Protestant Christendom to which they 
 could get access, striving to bring back the people to the old faith. 
 And their missionaries went forth into all parts of the heathen world, 
 converting idolaters, and establishing churches. In every depart- 
 ment of religious enterprise, they were conspicuous among their 
 brethren, and in most, the recognized leaders. 
 
 The rapid increase of the Order in numbers, and in educational 
 influence, may be seen from the fact, that, beginning with a mem- 
 bership limited to sixty, in the year 1626 they numbered more than 
 fifteen thousand, divided into thirty-nine Provinces, and possessing 
 803 houses, 467 colleges, and thirty-six seminaries. In 1710, they 
 had 612 colleges, and twenty-four universities, besides a multitude 
 of lower schools. In the middle of the eighteenth century their 
 number amounted to more than 22,000, with 669 colleges, and 176 
 seminaries, and in France alone, they had almost 700 schools. 
 
 But, Chough thus successful, the Society of Jesus met, from the 
 first, strong Catholic opposition in many quarters. Several of the 
 other orders, especially the Dominicans and Franciscans, looked 
 upon it with great jealousy and dislike. Many of the universities 
 regarded their colleges as rival institutions, and were angry at the 
 great favor showed them by the Pope, and princes, and nobility. 
 And some of the Popes, even, feared its growing power and popu- 
 larity. Very early, Paul IV, demanded that the General should hold 
 
232 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS 
 
 his office only for three years, and not for life as the constitution 
 appointed, but the Jesuits resisted, and his successors yielded the 
 point. Still it was felt by the papal councils that the power in his 
 hands was excessive, and it was feared that it might be wielded to 
 dangerous ends, a fear that time showed to be just. 
 
 To trace in detail the history of the Order would be foreign to 
 our present purpose. Suffice it to say, that as it became numerous, 
 rich and powerful, it lost in some measure its early religious char- 
 acter, and became ambitious and worldly. Its members drew upon 
 themselves the hatred of kings and statesmen by their continual 
 intermedling in political affairs, and by their attempts to make the 
 authority of the church dominant over that of the state. For this 
 cause they were banished from the territories of the Republic of 
 Venice, as early as 1606. With increasing wealth came luxury, 
 and many of the lay members engaged in traffic and commerce ; the 
 extensive ramifications of the order giving them great facilities for 
 the successful prosecution of commercial enterprises. The Society 
 thus became the owner of large factories in many parts of the world, 
 from which rich revenues were derived. The richly endowed col- 
 leges became often banks of exchange. As the interests of the Or- 
 der were held paramount to all other interests, they did not hesitate, 
 notwithstanding the vows of obedience, to array themselves against 
 the Pope, when they found it for their advantage. Thus gradually 
 they lost the favor of all parties, and toward the close of the eight- 
 eenth century, the Society was driven out of all the Catholic king- 
 doms of Europe. Russia alone, moved by considerations of the ed- 
 ucational advantages derived from them, offered them an asylum. In 
 1773, Pope Clement XIV, suppressed the Order. But though thus 
 formally dissolved, the Society still kept up its organization in secret, 
 and its members, though under other names, labored incessantly to re- 
 gain their former position. It was not, however, till 1814, under Pope 
 Gregory, that the decree of dissolution was repealed. Its history from 
 that time has been varied, but it seems to have been slowly but stead- 
 ily gaining in numbers and influence. In 1844, the number of mem- 
 bers was estimated at 4,133, in 1855, at 5,510, in 1860, at 7,144. This 
 latter number was thus divided ; in France 2,181, in Belgium 531, in 
 Holland 205, in Spain 680, in Austria 455, in Prussia 527, in Eng- 
 land 379, in America 444, in Italy 1,742, and more than 1,000 at 
 different missionary stations. 
 
 II. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION OP THE SOCIETY. 
 
 We turn now to the internal organization of the Society. This is 
 simple and admirably adapted to the ends it had in view. All 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 233 
 
 power is concentrated in the hands of the head or General, (Prae- 
 positus Generalis^) who holds his office for life. He is elected by the 
 members of the order, represented by delegates in General Congre- 
 gation. This body can give him advice in particular cases, but can 
 not control him in his actions. He is to the Order, what the Pope 
 is to the church, the representative of God. " In him should Christ 
 be honored as present in his person." The ultimate decision rests 
 with him alone, and only in case of some very flagrant and gross 
 abuse of his authority, can the General Congregation interfere to 
 depose him. It should be said that hitherto no such deposition 
 has ever taken place. This possession for life of almost absolute 
 power, lifts the General above all fear of those under him, and makes 
 it unnecessary to seek, by favoritism, or weak concessions to faction, 
 a transient popularity. In the hands of a strong, sagacious man, it 
 gives a stable character to the policy of the Order, and a unity and 
 energy of action attainable in no other way. But his knowledge 
 of the characters and capacities of its members must be commen- 
 surate with his power over them, to enable him to employ them with 
 wisdom, and to this end he is the ultimate depository of all the se- 
 crets of the confessional. Thus he knows what is passing in the 
 hearts of all under him, and can wisely choose his instruments, and 
 adapt his measures to the end to be attained. 
 
 Under the head of the Order stand the chiefs of various pro- 
 vinces, or the Provincials, (Praepositus Provincialis,} who in their 
 several jurisdictions represent him, and are responsible only to him. 
 These hold their offices for three years. After them come the 
 heads of Houses, the rectors of Colleges, and the superiors of the 
 Residences, who also all hold their offices for three years. 
 
 Aside from these official distinctions, the members of the society 
 are divided into four classes, the Professed, Coadjutors, Scholastics, 
 and Novices. The latter are those who have sought admission to 
 the order, and been accepted, and placed in one of the houses estab- 
 lished for them, there to spend the two years of their novitiate in 
 meditation and prayer, and in the performance of various specified 
 labors, under the care of the master of the novices, (magister novi- 
 tiorum.) Having successfully passed this period of probation, the 
 novice enters into one of the colleges of the society, and becomes a 
 scholastic. Here he gives five or six years to the study of grammar, 
 and rhetoric, and philosophy, &c ; and having completed the course, 
 enters upon the work of teaching. As a teacher, he begins with the 
 lower class, and teaches it in the same order of studies through which 
 he himself has just passed. After five or six years thus spent, he 
 
234 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 enters upon the study of theology, to which four or six years are 
 given. Then a year is spent in the repetition of the spiritual exer- 
 cises, and the probation of the novitiate ; and at length at the age 
 of 30 32, he is admitted into the priesthood. 
 
 Becoming a priest, the scholastic takes the oath either as a coad- 
 jutor spirituali^ or as a professed. The distinction between these 
 two classes is this, that the former promises to devote himself with 
 all zeal to the work of education, while the latter binds himself to 
 execute any mission the Pope may intrust to him. Ranke in his 
 History of the JPopes, thus explains the way in which the distinction 
 arose. " As the professed members had bound themselves by the 
 fourth vow to continual travel on the service of the Pope, it was 
 inconsistent to assign to them so many colleges as were now required, 
 establishments that could only flourish through their constant pres- 
 ence. Ignatius soon found it necessary to constitute a third class, 
 between the professed and the novices, spiritual coadjutors, priests 
 like the others, possessed of requisite learning, and who expressly 
 engaged themselves to the duty of instructing youth. These coad- 
 jutors were allowed to settle themselves in the several localities, be- 
 come residents, gain influence, and control education." The pro- 
 fessed constitute the smaller class, and are really the aristocracy of the 
 order, since from their ranks only, can the General and the provin- 
 cials be taken, and they are the authorized members of the General 
 Congregation. Thus under the General, the law making power, and 
 the chief offices, are in their power. When not employed in the 
 service of the Pope, they reside in houses especially appropriated 
 to their use. 
 
 The coadjutors, who are divided into several classes, some engaged 
 in preaching and teaching, coadjutores spirituales, some in secular pur- 
 suits, coadjutores tcmporales, constitute, with the scholastics, the largest 
 and most laborious part of the order. The care of the colleges, and 
 of the schools, is almost wholly in the hands of the spiritual coadju- 
 tors, the lay coadjutors fulfilling other duties. By bull of Paul III, 
 the society was authorized to elect lay members, to be employed in 
 various kinds of secular labor, but who were not permanent members, 
 the relation ceasing when their work was done. 
 
 There are two or three features in the constitution of this Order 
 which at once arrest our attention, and which we must take into 
 account if we would explain its success, or understand the character 
 and working of its institutions. The first of these is the principle 
 of implicit obedience. In none of the monkish orders is the prin- 
 ciple carried so far as here. Each member must obey his superior 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHUOLS. 235 
 
 as he would oboy God. So long as a command does not involve 
 manifest sin, it is binding upon the conscience. Superioris vocem ac 
 jussu non secus ac Christi vocem. The members must be in the hands 
 of the chiefs as passive as if dead, (ac si essent cadaver,) or as a stick 
 that yields without resistance to every motion of the hand that bears it. 
 Not only the will, but the understanding was so to be brought into 
 subjection, that the obedience should be both instantaneous and 
 unquestioning. To obey, and not to reason, was a fundamental 
 principle. By thus making one will to pervade the body, it was be- 
 lieved that there might be perfect unity in purpose and action, and 
 the result showed the correctness of this belief. The boast of Ca3sar 
 that he had no soldier who would not leap into the sea at his bid- 
 ding, might be truly made by the Generals of the Society of 
 Jesus, but with this essential distinction, that the former obeyed from 
 personal love to his chief, the latter because the command came 
 clothed with divine authority. 
 
 The second feature to be noticed, is that each member was made 
 to feel that the interests of the Order were paramount to every other 
 interest. This had claims upon him superior to those of kindred, 
 and friends, and country. He was taught to say, not "I have par- 
 ents, and brothers, and sisters," but, " I had parents, and brothers, 
 and sisters, now I have them no more." It is said of Faber, one of 
 Ignatius' early converts, that on reaching his native town after an ab- 
 sence of some years, he would not stop to visit his kindred and 
 friends, but passed on. This was deemed a highly meritorious act. 
 He was to be dead to all other relationships of life, and alive only 
 to those which bound him to the Society, He must be a true cosmo- 
 politan, a sojourner, as he might be sent in any country, but a citi- 
 zen of none. To the prosperity of the Order he consecrated all his 
 energies, to it all things were made subordinate. It stood to him 
 instead of all other objects of affection, of family, of kindred, of 
 country. Of course this entire devotion pre-supposed that in serving 
 the Order he believed himself to be serving the church, and God. 
 Only thus believing, was it possible that such complete self-abnega- 
 tion could so have gained the mastery. 
 
 It needs no observation to show that a body of men so wholly 
 under the will of their chiefs, so dead to all considerations but that 
 of the success of their Order, must have been potent allies, and dan- 
 gerous enemies. All historians agree that their efforts stayed the 
 progress of the Reformation, and rolled back the tide of conquest 
 that threatened to sweep over all the Catholic countries of Europe. 
 
236 11IE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 III. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTES. 
 
 We turn now to the subject which especially interests us, the ed- 
 ucational institutions of the Jesuits. As we have seen, from the 
 very first existence of the Order, the instruction of the young had 
 been made a cardinal point. Wherever its members went, schools 
 and colleges, and universities, were rapidly established. In a short 
 time the number of pupils under their care, in all parts of Europe, 
 was very large. This rapid and great popularity was doubtless in 
 considerable measure, owing to their zeal and energy, and to the fact 
 that the existing schools were very imperfect, and far below the exi- 
 gences of the times ; but something is also to be ascribed to the 
 intrinsic excellence of the system of education they adopted. This 
 system received its definite and permanent form, under * Acquaviva, 
 the fifth General of the order, who held office from 1581 to 1615, and 
 a man highly distinguished for his administrative ability. The 
 Congregation that elected him, recommended that a commission 
 should be appointed of six fathers from the various Catholic kino-- 
 doms, who should draw up a plan of study, based in part, upon that 
 followed in the Collegium Romanum. This commission was sub- 
 sequently enlarged, and in 1599, made its report. The order of 
 studies as then adopted, continued, with a few additions, to be the 
 order till the dissolution of the society, in 1773. After its restora- 
 tion in 1814, a new commission was appointed to revise it; but it 
 was determined in General Congregation in 1820, that the former 
 
 'Claudius Acquaviva, the fifth General of the order, was born in the province of Bari, in 
 southern Italy, on Sept. 14th, 1543. He was of a noble family, several members of which had 
 highly distinguished themselves both in the service of the state, and of the church. A bright 
 career was open before him, but he preferred, at the age of twenty-five, to enter into the Order 
 of Jesus Here he soon distinguished himself by his talents and learning, and was early made 
 a Provincial, first at Naples, and then at Rome. He was elected General in 1581, at the age 
 of thirty-seven. It is said that the selection of so young a man, excited the surpr se of the Pope, 
 but it was justified by the great abilities of Acquaviva, and the skill with which he managed at- 
 fairs. His first care was to secure to the Order good leaders, not onfy virtuous men. but such 
 as understood their position, and avoided extremes. The times were stormy, and he had to 
 reconcile internal dissensions, and ward off attacks from without His relations to Pope 
 Sextus V. wore often delicate, and he had need of the utmost caution not to bring about an 
 open rupture. Sextus wished to change the constitution of the order, and make it more demo- 
 cratic, and less under the direction of the General, and also to withdraw the promised sub- 
 sidies. By adroit managment. Acquaviva pacified the Pope, till his death freed the Order from 
 the impending danger. He had also much difficulty in making the Spanish members of the 
 Order obedient to his authority. 
 
 It is. however, as the author of the famed. ratio studiorum,th&t Acquaviva is best known. 
 He named in 1584, a commission of seven persons of various nations, the result of whose 
 labors, is that course of study which remains in substance, in use to day in all the Jesuit 
 schools. 
 
 Acquaviva died on the 31st. January, 1615. after a Generalship of thirty-four years. Accord- 
 ing to d' Alembert the Society of Jesus owes more to him than to any of its chiefs for its 
 success in after times. The work which he did seems to have been this that he harmonized 
 the religious and political elements, and made the Order what it has continued to be. 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 00 >. 
 
 iO I 
 
 order should not be essentially changed. Little, however, seems to 
 have been done in the matter down to 1830, when * Roothaan, the 
 General at that time, appointed a new commission. The changes 
 made by this commission had reference mainly to the higher depart- 
 ments of study ,theology, philosophy, mathematics and physics. The 
 ancient course of instruction in the lower departments was left un- 
 changed, except in regard to modern languages and history. The 
 reasons given for thus retaining a system which had seemingly be- 
 come antiquated, will appear in the sequel. 
 
 So far as regards the external organization of the Jesuit schools, 
 we find them to partake of the general character of all the institu- 
 tions of the Order. No one not a member was permitted to teach, 
 unless in some cases in the lowest schools. As has been already 
 stated, every member after spending five or six years in study, was 
 required to devote a like period to teaching. Thus all the teachers 
 were not only members of the society, but had been educated by it, 
 and were familiar with its methods of instruction. And in the 
 giving of instruction, nothing was left to the choice or will of the 
 individual teacher. Every thing, even to the details, was prescribed 
 by the laws, and from these there could be no departure. And the 
 same principle of implicit obedience ruled here as elsewhere. As it 
 was a rule of the Order that it would not accept any college which 
 did not, in addition to a dwelling, a school edifice, and a church, possess 
 an endowment in money or lands sufficient for the support of at 
 least fourteen persons, it was thus raised above the necessity of adapt- 
 ing its methods of instruction to popular tastes, or of imitating 
 the schools around them. This enabled them also to make their in- 
 structions gratuitous, a circumstance that naturally tended much to 
 their popularity. The care of these endowments, as of all merely 
 business matters, belonged to the lay brethren. 
 
 Colleges. 
 
 The colleges were of three classes, according to the number of 
 teachers. The first must, as a rule, have twenty, the second, thirty ? 
 the third, which ranked as a university, seventy. The general 
 supervision of each college was given to an officer called a rector, 
 usually taken from the ranks of the older teachers, but who himself 
 took no part in the work of instruction. To him it belonged to 
 appoint the teachers under him, to note the progress of the pupils, 
 
 * Roothaan was born at Amsterdam, Nov. 23d, 1785, elected General of the Order, 1829, 
 and died 8th May, 1853. His activity was especially directed to three points ; 1, Foreign Mis- 
 sions; 2, the promotion of scientific studies; 3, the more strict practice of the exercises 
 of Tgra'.'uB. 
 
238 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 and to watch over all that concerned the prosperity and usefulness of 
 the institution. He was appointed by the General, or his plenopoten- 
 tiary, and held his office for three years, and all must render obedience 
 to him as to the representative of Christ. Under him were several 
 officers who had special charge of the studies, and discipline of the 
 pupils, and who were like himself, taken from the ranks of the 
 spiritual coadjutors. With the colleges were generally united pen- 
 sions, or boarding schools, in which pupils, especially those of rich 
 and noble families, were received for a moderate compensation ; and 
 sometimes also seminaries for the education of priests. There were 
 also in some cases day schools attended by youth, who boarded at 
 home, and these were open to the children of Protestants under 
 certain restrictions. 
 
 The course of study in these institutions divided itself into higher 
 and lower ; studia superiora et inferiora. . The smaller colleges lim- 
 ited themselves to the latter, and to these we shall mainly here con- 
 fine ourselves. The lower course of study occupies six years, which 
 are thus divided : the first year is occupied with the school Latin, 
 or the rudiments; the second, with grammar in its first elements; 
 the third with syntax ; all these are called the grammatical classes, 
 The fourth year is occupied with philology and poetry, and the fifth 
 and sixth years with rhetoric ; the latter two are called the humanity 
 classes. The subjects of study, the books to be used, the amount 
 of time to be daily spent, and the methods of instruction, are all 
 accurately prescribed, and can not be departed from. 
 
 The character of this course of study can be understood only by 
 keeping in view the fact, that the knowledge of the Latin tongue 
 was regarded by the Jesuits as of the first importance, and that all 
 other knowledge was made subordinate to this. The ability to speak 
 it and write it with correctness and fluency, is constantly held up 
 before the pupils as the chief end of their efforts. The Latin has 
 always been greatly honored in the Romish church, as the language 
 of the ritual, and of the larger -part of her theological literature, but 
 to the members of the Order the mastery of the language had a 
 special value, since it enabled the natives of different countries to 
 converse freely with each other whenever they met, and served them 
 us a secret tongue, when they wished their conversation to be un- 
 known. And the prominent place given it under Acquaviva, it 
 retains even to our own day. The present General of the Order, 
 (Peter Beck, chosen 1853,) writing to the minister of education 
 of Austria, says, " Since the Latin tongue is the tongue of the church, 
 the tongue of Christian tradition, and since in this tongue the scientific 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 239 
 
 treasures of all ages and of all nations are preserved, and n other 
 has so developed itself for the expression of faith and science, the 
 Society of Jesus has for this tongue a special love, and makes use of 
 it for the purpose of giving instruction in its schools." 
 
 As the chief object in this study of the Latin language is to get 
 the mastery of it as of a living language, and to make it available 
 for practical ends, it follows that the classics are read more for their 
 style than for their ideas, and for this reason considerable portions 
 of them are committed to memory in order to give the pupils com- 
 mand of words and phrases. The lowest class begins with the rudi- 
 ments of the language, and learns, during the first year the declen- 
 sions and conjugations, with some of the simplest rules of syntax; 
 gradus hujus scholce est rudimentorum perfecta, syntaxis inchoata, 
 cognitio. Easy passages are selected for reading, attention being 
 paid chiefly to the construction of the sentences. A beginning is 
 also made in the practice of composition, and in committing to 
 memory short sentences, as a foundation for speaking, for the latter 
 purpose use being made of the so called " Amalthea," of Pomey, a 
 curious miscellany of odds and ends. The age of members of this 
 class was from nine to twelve. 
 
 The second class continued the study of grammar, following the 
 method already indicated. The object aimed at being a general 
 knowledge of its rules and principles, special attention was given to 
 the syntax. Of the authors read, Cicero and Ovid were the chief, 
 some of the epistles of the former, some of the simplest poems of 
 the latter. Sometimes also some of the Eclogues and Georgics of 
 Virgil were studied. 
 
 T/ie third class the age of the pupils being from thirteen to fif- 
 teen years completed the Latin syntax, and the grammar generally, 
 and began the study of prosody. Among the works studied were 
 the more difficult letters of Cicero, and some of his didactic 
 writings; and passages of the poets, of Ovid, Virgil, Catullus, and 
 Tibullus. The latter, however, were not read at random, but only 
 certain selected and expurgated portions ; selectee aliquce et purgatce. 
 Parts of the " Amalthea," were also committed to memory. 
 
 During these three years the Greek was studied with the Latin, 
 and the same general method of instruction pursued, but it held a 
 very subordinate place, as appears both from the very little time 
 daily allotted to it, and from the few authors read. In Greek the 
 compendium of Gretser was used ; in Latin the same grammar which 
 was adopted in 1581, the Grammatica Emmanuelis, prepared b) 
 Emmanuel Alvarus, continues, for the most part unaltered, in ust 
 to the present day. 
 
V 
 
 94O TIIE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 Besides these two ancient languages, nothing is spoken of in the 
 early plan of studies, ratio studiorum, but " religion," by which 
 term was meant the learning by heart the little catechism of Peter Ca- 
 anisius, and of the Latin Gospel ; and " Erudition," comprising some 
 facts resppcting sacred history, an outline of the four great mon- 
 archies and of the present kingdoms of the world. Of arithmetic, 
 of geography, of history, as distinct departments of knowledge, noth- 
 ing is said. Nor was any instruction given at first, in these institutions 
 respecting the mother tongue of the pupils ; but this omission 
 causing great complaint, it was determined in 1703, that they should 
 be taught it, although the teaching seems to have been fragmentary 
 and imperfect. Nor was any attention given to the modern lan- 
 guages till the revision of the studies in 1832, when some concessions 
 were made in this point to the spirit of the age. 
 
 The two higher classes, distinguished as the " poetical " and " rhe- 
 torical," quarto, poetica, quinta rhetorica, had as their goal, eloquence, 
 or the art of writing and speaking well. The foundation of this 
 art was laid in the studies of the fourth class, prceparare veluti solum 
 eloquentice which were directed to the knowledge of the structure 
 of the language, and of the rules of rhetoric, and to the acquisition 
 of general information. The studies of the fifth class, embracing 
 two years, were not well defined ; gradus hujus scholice non facile 
 certis quibusdam terminis definiri potest, but had reference more or 
 less direct to oratory, ihefacultas oratoria. The methods of study 
 followed were essentially the same as in the lower classes. Some 
 selected portions of an author are read in the morning, such as 
 treat of eloquence, tropes, figures, &c., and in the afternoon, such as 
 treat of the art of poetry. The Latin classics are used mainly with 
 reference to style, that the pupils may learn to express themselves 
 with fluency and propriety. The favorite author is Cicero, whose 
 works are studied at all stages of the course, the orations being 
 reserved to the last. Of the historians, Caesar, Sallust, Livy, are 
 read ; of the poets, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Martial ; care being taken 
 in all cases that any thing immodest is first expurgated. 
 
 In these two classes, as in the earlier, the Greek is taught with the 
 Latin, and continues to hold a subordinate place ; but while the other 
 classes devote but an half hour to it each day, the fifth class devotes 
 an hour. The scholars study some of the easier prose writers, and 
 some of the early Christian poets. The Rhetoric of Aristotle ia 
 studied, not in the original, but in the Latin. In both languages, 
 the object is, throughout, to gain such knowledge of them as to 
 enable the pupil to speak and write them. But in regard to the 
 frcck, this Was never, or at least very rarely, attained. The Latin, 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 241 
 
 however, being constantly used in the school as the medium of 
 instruction, and by the pupils of the higher classes in their conver- 
 sation with each other, became by degrees very familiar, and was 
 spoken and written with great fluency, if not always correctly, or 
 often with elegance. How many Greek authors were actually read, 
 it is difficult to say. The list given of those to be perused in the 
 last year, embraces Demosthenes, Plato, Thucydides, Homer, 
 Hesiod, Pindar, and others of the ancients, together with Gregory 
 of Nazianzen, Basil, and Chrysostom. It is apparent, however, that 
 only very small portions of these could possibly have been read. It 
 is to be remembered that the pupil ended the course, as a rule, at the 
 age of fifteen or sixteen, and then proceeded to the higher course, 
 studiis superioribus, during which no special attention was given 
 to philology. 
 
 Aside from the Greek and Latin, the instruction of the pupils in 
 other departments of knowledge was, in the higher, as in the lower 
 classes, very fragmentary and imperfect. As a religious text-book the 
 catechism of Canisius was used, and the Gospels in Greek, or the 
 Acts of the Apostles, or the Panegyrics of Chrysostom, read and ex- 
 plained. Besides this, there was a very miscellaneous and undefined 
 field embraced in the phrase eruditio, points of archaeology, and 
 history, symbols, proverbs, inscriptions, architecture, remarkable 
 facts, and the like, but as instruction was given upon these multi- 
 farious points only upon the weekly holiday, it is apparent that much 
 real knowledge could not have been acquired. It is not a little 
 remarkable that arithmetic is mentioned only once, and incident- 
 ally, and that the only time given to it was in the last week of each 
 term, when the severer studies were ended. To the physical sciences 
 no time was devoted except in the brief interval between the exam- 
 ination and the division of the prizes, and that mainly to amuse the 
 pupils with entertaining experiments. But we must add that the 
 Society, yielding to the demands of the times, does now give much 
 fuller instruction in history, geography, mathematics, and the mother 
 tongue. Still, even now it must be said that the instruction in these 
 branches is very imperfect. The study of the Latin and Greek con- 
 tinues to be, as it has ever been, the chief object of attention, and 
 casts all else into the shade. 
 
 In regard to text-books, changes are permitted very slowly and 
 cautiously, the old being retained as long as possible, and great care 
 is taken that none of them contain any thing contrary to the Cath- 
 olic faith and dogmas. Only expurgated editions of the classics are 
 used, and such as can not be purged, as Terence, are not read at all. 
 16 
 
242 TIIE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 The pupils are permitted to read no books in private which have 
 not been examined and approved of by the teachers, nor to bring 
 them into the school, or have them in their possession. The time 
 devoted to each branch of study was very precisely marked out, and 
 oould not be departed from. The whole time given each day was 
 five hours, two and a half in the morning, and the same in the after- 
 noon, except in the highest class, which was four, making for the 
 week in the former case, twenty -seven hours, in the latter from 
 twenty-one to twenty-two ; no allowance being made here for the 
 feast and fast-days, which limited the school time still more. 
 
 The order of exercises each day is substantially as follows : At 
 six and three quarters A. M., the bell is rung, and the pupils begin 
 to assemble ; at seven, all go together to mass, and at seven and a 
 half the school opens with a short prayer, both pupils and teacher? 
 kneeling with uncovered heads ; and closes in the same way. Be- 
 fore beginning to read, the teacher makes the sign of the cross ; a 
 half hour is given to collecting and correcting the written task?, 
 hearing recitations from memory, &c. From eight to nine the les- 
 sons of the preceding day are repeated, then a new passage is read 
 and explained ; at nine, matter is dictated for a new composition in 
 Latin or Greek, which is always so brief that it can be written and 
 corrected within an hour ; in the lower classes two or three lines suf- 
 fice. Whilst the scholars are occupied in this labor the master gives 
 help to the more backward pupils. In the afternoon the school be- 
 gins at one and a half and follows the same general order. At its close 
 the teacher gives thanks to God. On Tuesdays and Thursdays the 
 order is somewhat varied, and on the weekly holiday the morn 
 ing school is shortened half an hour, and the afternoon session 
 omitted. 
 
 The prescriptions which are very minute, respecting the studies 
 not only of each day, but of each month, and for the discipline of 
 the school and its management, we here pass by. 
 
 Characteristic Features. 
 
 From what has been said, it is not difficult to point out the char- 
 acteristic features of the Jesuit schools. They may be summed up 
 in these points : first, the limitation of the course of study to a few 
 subjects ; second, the culture of the memory by the practice of repeti- 
 tion ; and third, the awakening of the ambition of the pupils by 
 constant appeals to the feeling of emulation. 
 
 The one central thing in the course of study, is the knowledge of 
 the Latin and Greek languages, especially of the former. In the 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 243 
 
 original plan, ratio studiorum, scarce any tiling else was mentioned ; 
 and although within a few years the course has been enlarged, still, 
 these languages retain their high position. This concentration of 
 the time and labor of the scholar upon a single point, brings with 
 it some very decided advantages. What is learned is usually learned 
 thoroughly, and the mind is thus made, in its measure, clear and 
 strong, and the danger of great superficiality, of knowing a little 
 of many things and nothing well, is guarded against. Yet on the 
 other hand, the Jesuits, as has been remarked, attach a value to the 
 Latin tongue, which most in our day will regard as exaggerated. 
 To speak it and write it fluently, is an acquisition hardly worth its 
 cost. We do not here intend to enter at all into the discussion 
 respecting the comparative value of the study of language and of 
 science as a means of mental discipline. We speak only of the fact 
 that, to attain this mastery over the Latin, not only science in almost 
 all its departments, but also modern languages and literature, must 
 be neglected. Six years, from the age of ten to sixteen being thus 
 spent, and in this period only the merest smattering of mathematics, 
 or history, or geography, having been acquired, it will, we think, be 
 rightly judged that the time could have been more profitably 
 employed. 
 
 As to the mode in which the Latin is studied, there may be an 
 objection taken, and we think a just one, in that the object .is not to 
 enable the pupil to enter into the genius of the language, and to im- 
 bibe its spirit as the deepest, truest expression of national life, but to 
 obtain a verbal, external command over it as a vehicle of communica- 
 tion. The study, therefore, becomes a mechanical one, and serves 
 rather to discipline the memory, than to develop the higher facul- 
 ties of the mind. 
 
 A second characteristic is the cultivation of the memory by the 
 frequent repetition of the lessons. In the lower classes, besides 
 words and grammatical rules, passages from Cicero are selected and 
 learned by heart, and care is taken that these shall be short,*not more 
 than four to seven lines. The catechism is also committed to 
 memory. In the higher classes, and especially in the highest, there 
 are frequent declamations, that what has been learned may be fittingly 
 expressed. It is the duty of the teacher to explain the lesson, and 
 illustrate it by examples, and the next day the pupil must repeat the 
 illustrations in substance, or verbatim. Sometimes the remarks of 
 the teacher are written down by the pupils and next day repeated 
 from reco'l lection. That the lessons may not be beyond the grasp 
 
244 TIIE JESUITS AND TIIEIK SCHOOLS. 
 
 of an ordinary memory they are made very short, and being often 
 repeated can not be easily forgotten. 
 
 That complete command may be attained over the Latin, not 
 only is it used by the teachers of the higher classes in their instruc- 
 tions, and in all their intercourse with the scholars, but the scholars 
 themselves are required to use it in their private intercourse with 
 one another. The use of the mother tongue is visited with censure, 
 and some mark of disgrace. By this continual practice the lan- 
 guage soon becomes very familiar, at least in its colloquial forms. 
 
 The third characteristic is the intense emulation which is aroused 
 among the pupils. The teacher is directed to appeal to this princi- 
 ple in every possible way. " He, who knows how skillfully to awaken 
 emulation, has the most efficient means at his command, and in it- 
 self a sufficient means, to attain success in his office. Let him there- 
 fore value this weapon highly, and diligently inquire how he can 
 attain with it the greatest results." Among the means to this end 
 always employed, are the establishment of different offices with 
 Latin titles, Praetors, Censors, Decurions, among the pupils, who 
 are chosen according to the results of the monthly studies skill in 
 composition being most highly prized. Those who have written 
 the best, receive the highest dignity, and others according to their 
 merits. Frequently the school is divided into two parties, called 
 now, Romans and Carthagenians, now, Greek and Trojans, under 
 like officers, who contend with each other which shall best answer 
 the questions put by the master ; or they put questions to one an- 
 other. Sometimes an officer challenges another to a trial of knowl- 
 edge and skill, or a private may challenge an officer, and if he over- 
 comes him, takes himself the office, or receives some badge of his 
 triumph. The highest in rank, called a dictator, wears upon his 
 breast a gilded key upon a rich ribbon, and a costly bound register, in 
 which are inscribed the names of the dictators. These contests 
 take place regularly at fixed times. Besides these contests various 
 artifices are used to awaken the ambition of the scholars, as the 
 writing down the name of one who has distinguished himself upon 
 a public table, or the public mention of his name each month ; as 
 on the other hand, a great offense is entered in the censor's book, 
 and the name of the offender publicly proclaimed. 
 
 But in addition to these ordinary means, great importance is 
 given to the yearly examination and the distributions of prizes. After 
 the feast of the Assumption of Mary, the pupils begin their prepa- 
 rations for examination, which occupies nearly a month. The cere- 
 mony of distributing the prizes at the end of the school }ear ID 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 245 
 
 September, is publicly commemorated and numerously attended. 
 The names of the victors are announced to the audience, and com- 
 ing forward they receive their premiums before the assembly. Often 
 a comedy, prepared by one of the teachers, is acted, and poems re- 
 peated. Each teacher also gives little presents, images, and books, 
 or posts of honor, to such as have in any way distinguished them- 
 selves. 
 
 From these characteristic features of the mode of instruction in 
 the Jesuit schools, let us consider the principles that lie at the basis 
 of their whole educational system ; and the first and fundamental 
 one is that education must be religious. The pupils must be edu- 
 cated for God and the church, and every thing must be adapted to 
 this end and subordinate to it. But religion and morality are not 
 matters of the intellect merely ; they can not be so much learned as 
 practiced. Hence great stress is laid upon pious practices, as pil- 
 grimages, hearing of mass, adoration of images, saying of prayers, 
 and the like. It does not appear that very much instruction was 
 early given to the pupils about religious dogmas. The catechism of 
 Canisius, summa doctrines christiance, was committed to memory, 
 but this seems to have been as much to teach them Latin as theo- 
 logy. So the Gospels in Greek and Latin were read and explained. 
 Beyond this no special dogmatic religious instruction was given. 
 But the pupils were made daily to attend mass, and accustomed to 
 offer certain prescribed prayers to God and the saints ; sometimes 
 from a book, sometimes from memory. They were to pray, not 
 only at the opening and close of the school but at other times, as 
 whenever the clock struck ; and at the beginning of his written ex- 
 ercise, the pupil kneeling, addressed a petition to the Holy Spirit. 
 He, who distinguished himself by the strict performance of these 
 pious practices, was praised and rewarded, but he who neglected 
 them was punished by being compelled to attend more masses, or 
 repeat more prayers. 
 
 In order more effectually to accomplish the end and stimulate the 
 scholars to outward acts of devotion, special means were resorted 
 to. The pupils, who distinguished themselves by their piety, were 
 received into the Congregation of the Blessed Virgin, a society which 
 had its origin in the Collegium Romanum, but had extended itself 
 widely in most Catholic countries. The rite of confession also 
 played a most important part in promoting these external observ- 
 ances, since in this way it was easily ascertained who of the pupils 
 neglected his religious duties. It deserves to be noted that the fa- 
 ther-confessor of the pupil? is not one of the teachers, or one having 
 
246 TIIE JE SU1TS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 any direct connection with the school, but a priest of the Order, 
 specially commissioned to this duty. It need scarcely be said that 
 the original abhorrence of the Society of Jesus against all heresy 
 was implanted, so far as possible, in the hearts of their pupils, and 
 it is a curious fact, and not a little suggestive, that while they were 
 forbidden to attend public executions, there was an express exception 
 with regard to the execution of heretics. That they almost univer- 
 sally became most zealous defenders of the Roman church and op- 
 ponents of the Reformation, followed, of course. 
 
 As religion constituted a prominent part of education in the 
 Jesuit schools, so also did morality. How far the accusations 
 brought against the moral teachings of the Order by Pascal, and so 
 often repeated since, are true, we can not here inquire. That they 
 have had general credence is sufficiently shown by the current use 
 of the term Jesuitical. That, however, they watched over the 
 morals of their pupils with care, and trained them to virtuous habits, 
 we see no good reason to doubt. But some of the principles adopted 
 by them and applied in their schools seem justly open to exception. 
 Among them is that of implicit obedience, an obedience which em- 
 braced not only the act, but the will ; for as we have seen, every mem- 
 ber of the Order was to be in the hands of his superior, as a corpse. 
 He was to obey the commands given him without hesitation or reflec- 
 tion. Only when they manifestly involved sin could they refuse ; 
 guce cum peccato manifesto conjunctce non sint. . In all other cases 
 his obedience must be instantaneous and blind. The command was 
 binding upon his conscience. This principle of the Order naturally 
 ruled in the schools. The instructions of the teacher were in no 
 case to be questioned, but received. What he said in explanation 
 or interpretation of the lessons was not to be examined or reasoned 
 upon, but to be remembered and repeated and believed. In this 
 way all mental independence must soon cease, and the pupil, forbid- 
 den to exercise his own judgment, would become the mere passive 
 recipient of the ideas of others. Men so trained might be excellent 
 members of the Order, but could scarcely be expected to be pioneers 
 in yet unexplored realms of thought, neither acute critics of old 
 dogmas, nor propounders of new. 
 
 In its moral, as well as in its intellectual bearings, this principle 
 of implicit obedience is fraught with danger. If it be true that the 
 church of God, rightly constituted and guided by the Holy Spirit, 
 is infallible, it by no means follows that the will of the individual 
 members is to be held in abeyance, and that a blind, unquestioning 
 obedience is to be paid to ecclesiastical rulers. All service rendered 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 2 47 
 
 to God should be reasonable, voluntary, and free, and while there is 
 proper submission to authority, there should be at the same time 
 no coercion of the conscience. We can not throw the responsibility 
 of our moral acts upon others, and to do this destroys the sense of 
 right and wrong, and disorders the whole spiritual nature. In so 
 far, therefore, as the Jesuits taught their pupils that all disobedience, 
 except when the command is flagrantly immoral, is mortal sin, they 
 undermined that sense of individual responsibility which is essential 
 to true manhood, and without which human actions have no moral 
 character, and morality itself no real existence. To obey unques- 
 tioningly is an excellent rule for the soldier, since military evolutions 
 rarely involve points of ethics, but not for the Christian warrior 
 whose duty it is to have always a conscience void of offense toward 
 God and toward men, and whose first question respecting every act 
 must be, is it right ? 
 
 But while we must protest against the principle of implicit obedi- 
 ence, and regard its application to education as highly injurious to 
 the nobler forms of moral character, in the external discipline and 
 government of the Jesuit schools we find no reason to believe that 
 there was over much rigor and severity. Indeed, at their first insti- 
 tution they seem to have favorably contrasted with most of the 
 schools of that period, in this respect. There was comparatively 
 little of corporal punishment, or of punishment of any kind, and 
 complaints were sometimes made that the better class of pupils were 
 allowed too great liberty. It was a rule that the teacher should get 
 hold of the pupil rather by mildness and kindness than by sternness, 
 and that youth is better led by the excitements of honor and by fear 
 of shame, than by rough punishments. When it was necessary to 
 inflict bodily chastisement, a " corrector " was appointed for this 
 purpose, and care was taken that he should not be a member of the 
 Order. A chief means of preserving good conduct at all times was 
 the supervision to which every pupil was constantly exposed. At all 
 hours and in every place a teacher, or some officer, was present, at 
 study and at play, by day and by night, in the play-room and the 
 sleeping-room, and upon all walks and excursions ; and more than 
 this ; it was a rule that, so far as possible, a pupil should never be 
 left alone. Two must go in company, both to school and to church^ 
 in their walks and amusements. To this, in itself, although an ex- 
 cess of caution, there is little to object; but it merits severest repro- 
 bation, if, as is charged, the purpose was to make each a spy upon 
 the other, to note and report at the confessional, or to the superiors, 
 every offense. Such a system was destructive, not merely of private 
 
24 cS THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 friendship, which indeed the society never favored, teaching that 
 Christian love embraced all alike, but of all youthful sincerity and 
 nobleness. 
 
 To manners and deportment special attention was paid ; the pupils 
 were taught to speak distinctly and, elegantly, to write a clear and 
 handsome hand, to walk with an erect and easy carriage, and to con- 
 form to all those external forms that distinguished the gentleman. 
 To aid them in gaining ease and assurance of manner and readiness 
 of address, much was made of dramatic representation ; both trag- 
 edies and comedies were frequently acted, but all in Latin. At 
 first the time of each representation was limited to one and a 
 half hours, and much expense and display were forbidden, but later 
 much more time was given them, and the preparations were often 
 on a magnificent scale. The people who came were admitted gratu- 
 itously, and great crowds often assembled. The plays were not 
 unfrequently written by one of the scholastics, taking as the ground- 
 work a legend out of the history of the martyrs, or some event of 
 contemporaneous history. Of course these reflected the ruling feel- 
 ing of the day, and were sometimes both gross and fantastic. 
 
 Besides the acting of plays, most forms of amusement were 
 encouraged, and such gymnastic exercises as tended to promote 
 bodily strength and grace. The pupils were taught to ride, to dance, 
 to row, to fence, and to divert themselves with all proper games. 
 Almost every college had a spacious farm-house where they were 
 taken upon holidays in the summer. Especial care was taken that 
 the site of the school should be healthy, and the rooms airy. The 
 food was wholesome and well prepared, and beyond the watchings 
 and fastings required by the church, there was no undue asceticism. 
 In short, to every thing that pertained to the physical and external 
 prosperity of their schools, the Jesuits seem to have given much 
 care, and to have been very successful. 
 
 Before attempting to estimate the comparative merits and demer- 
 its of the Jesuit schools from the data before us, let us consider the 
 opinions that have been expressed respecting them by various emi- 
 nent scholars. Among their commenders is that very able man and 
 competent judge, Lord Francis Bacon. In his work " De augment. 
 Scient." he writes ; "As to psedagogy, it may briefly be said, con- 
 sult the schools of the Jesuits, for there is nothing better than these." 
 Elsewhere, also, he expresses his approbation in strong terms, praising 
 the practice of gathering the pupils in colleges, as giving a better 
 field to dramatic representations, and awakening emulation, and 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 249 
 
 commending the short lessons, and the gradual progress from the 
 easier to the harder branches of study. 
 
 Another distinguished philosopher, Descartes, gives the same 
 commendation, which is the more valuable since he was himself 
 educated at one of these schools.* One of the special advantages 
 of which he speaks is, the mingling together and intercourse of so 
 many youth taken from all parts of the land, supplying the place in 
 a good degree of foreign travel ; and the equality upon which all 
 are placed. 
 
 One of the warmest encomiasts is Chateaubriand, who affirmed 
 that in the suppression of the Society of Jesus, Europe had suffered 
 an irreparable loss, and that education had never recovered from the 
 blow it then sustained. He praises especially the skill with which 
 the teachers knew how to bind the pupils to themselves, and declares 
 that the Jesuits had brilliantly distinguished themselves in every 
 department of knowledge, as chemists, botanists, mathematicians, 
 mechanicians, astronomers, poets, historians, translators, archseolo 
 gists, and journalists. 
 
 In the praises of the French Catholics, many Protestant writers have 
 joined, though not without some qualification. Macaulay observes: 
 " No religious community could produce a list of men so variously 
 distinguished. There was no region of the globe, no walk of spec- 
 ulation or of active life, in which Jesuits were not to be found. 
 They guided the counsels of kings. They deciphered Latin in- 
 scriptions. They observed the motions of Jupiter's satellites. They 
 published whole libraries, controversy, casuistry, history, treatises 
 on optics, alcaic odes, editions of the fathers, madrigals, cate- 
 chisms, and lampoons. The liberal education of youth passed al- 
 most entirely into their hands, and was conducted by them with 
 conspicuous ability. They appear to have discovered the precise 
 point to which intellectual culture can be carried without risk of 
 intellectual emancipation. Enmity itself was compelled to own 
 that in the art of managing and forming the tender mind, they had 
 no equals. Meanwhile they assiduously and successfully cultivated 
 the eloquence of the pulpit. With still greater assiduity and still 
 greater success they applied themselves to the ministry of the con- 
 fessional. Throughout Catholic Europe the secrets of every gov- 
 
 * According to Lewes; "Biographical History of Philosophy," Descartes, on leaving the 
 college of La Fleche, " declared that he had derived no other benefit from his studies than 
 that of a conviction of his utter ignorance, and a profound contempt for the systems of 
 philosophy in vogue." Still it is beyond doubt that he highly valued the education he 
 had received at La Fleche. 
 
250 TIIE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 eminent, and of almost every family of note were in their keeping." 
 To the darker shades in Macaulay's picture we need not advert. 
 
 Ranke in his " History of the Popes," speaking of their peda- 
 gogical success, thus explains it : " The Jesuits were more systematic 
 than the earlier teachers. They divided the pupils into classes, and 
 the instruction of all from highest to lowest was carried on in the 
 same spirit. They took good care of their morals, and formed well 
 educated people. One thing they had which especially distinguished 
 them ; it was method. Every thing was designed, every thing had 
 its end," 
 
 In the same strain Hallam remarks in his " Literature of Europe." 
 " It was one of the first great services which the Jesuits performed 
 to get possession of the universities, or to found other seminaries 
 for education. In these they discarded the barbarous school-books 
 then in use, put the rudimentary study of the languages on a better 
 footing, devoted themselves, for the sake of religion, to those accom- 
 plishments which religion had hitherto disdained ; and by giving a 
 taste for elegant literature, with as much solid and scientific philos- 
 ophy as the knowledge of the times and the prejudices of the church 
 would allow, both wiped away the reproach of ignorance, and drew 
 forth the native talents of their novices and scholars. They taught 
 gratuitously, which threw, however unreasonably, a sort of discredit 
 upon salaried professors ; it was found that boys learned more from 
 them in six months than in two years under other masters ; and, 
 probably for both these reasons, even Protestants sometimes with- 
 drew their children from the ordinary gymnasia and placed them in 
 Jesuit colleges. No one will deny that, in their classical knowledge, 
 particularly of the Latin language, and in the elegance with which 
 they wrote it, the order of the Jesuits might stand in competition 
 with any scholars in Europe." 
 
 Of recent German writers both Stahl and Hahn speak of tbe 
 many merits of these schools. Hahn says : " It is customary to 
 represent the instruction as exceedingly superficial and defective, 
 and as injurious to the intellect. I believe that in this we do the 
 Jesuits injustice, at any rate so far as concerns their earlier history, 
 when their schools were inferior to the universities in their variety 
 of learning, but not inferior to them in method and result. The 
 Jesuits took great care to make study agreeable to their pupils. 
 This has caused their opponents to bring many charges against them, 
 as if the knowledge thus gained was necessarily both partial and 
 superficial. It is however to be remarked that the pedagogical efforts 
 of that day are not to be judged of by the principles which only 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 251 
 
 within a few years have found currency. That the Jesuits with their 
 more pleasing modes of instruction reached as high results as the 
 universities with their drier and more scholastic methods, is satis- 
 factorily shown by the lists of their scholars whose names hold hon- 
 orable places upon the pages of French literature, and in political and 
 ecclesiastical history. They count among them the famous warriors, 
 Conde, Bouillon, Rohan, Luxembourg, Montmorency, Villars, Broglie ; 
 the prelates, Flechier, Bossuet, Fleury, Tericin ; the lawyers, Lam- 
 oignon, Argenson, Montesquieu ; the philosophers and poets, 
 Descartes, Corneille, Cubillon, Fontenelle, Moliere and Voltaire. 
 Not all of these pupils have remained faithful to the principles of the 
 Order that educated them, but the very enumeration shows both 
 that the Jesuit schools had a wide sphere of action, and that they 
 did not stupify and benumb the intellect." 
 
 To these friendly judgments of Protestant writers we may oppose 
 the severe strictures of many Catholics, even of some educated in the 
 Jesuit schools. The author of a recent treatise entitled, "The Gym- 
 nasia of Austria and the Jesuits," thus sums up the matter : " The 
 method of Jesuit instruction appears upon impartial consideration, 
 only as a melancholy proof of pedagogical error, and of rigid per- 
 sistence in antiquated ways. The system as originally devised in 
 the ratio studiorum, answers less and less to the necessities and de- 
 mands of the times. We do not hesitate to say that if great and 
 important provinces of the German empire have presented in our 
 days the image of intellectual stagnation, we explain this fact by the 
 defective character of Jesuit education. We do by no means 
 assert that single members of this Order have not rendered important 
 services to science. But this is not due to their method of educa 
 tion. We repeat, what was said in the last century, that if we com- 
 pute the numbers of the Order from its institution to the year 1774, 
 at 150,000, which is a very moderate estimate, one need not wonder 
 that out of so many, some fifteen or twenty should be good Latin 
 scholars. In general what the Jesuits have done for science is very 
 small. In philosophy scarcely a single work can be named which 
 has had any decided influence upon the progress of thought. Even 
 in historical labors, in which they have won most praise, they have 
 been greatly surpassed by the Benedictines of St. Maur. The defi- 
 ciency in original investigation, which is so conspicuous in their 
 schools, is manifest in all the after life of the pupils. There is often 
 a poverty of thought in their writings which contrasts strangely with 
 their industry in compilation. The numerous sources of informa- 
 tion which we have examined respecting the educational labors of 
 
252 TIIE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 the Jesuits, enable us confidently to affirm that their whole system 
 is not only antiquated, but wrong in character, and has no internal 
 vitality. Its continuance, whether upheld by authority or artifice, 
 endangers both the church and the state, since it educates men who 
 can not understand their age, and have learned nothing which ena- 
 bles them to meet its needs." 
 
 A much earlier writer (1 625,) says : " Into no Order enters so 
 many good minds, and none study more industriously. Neverthe- 
 less only few members of it become really learned men. It can 
 show us no distinguished preacher, no great theologian, or humanist. 
 That in Spain so great barbarism rules is especially to be ascribed 
 to its educational system. If men knew to what these evils were 
 owing, they would chase the Jesuits out of the schools." 
 
 It is apparent from this brief survey of opinions, that the educational 
 system of the Jesuits has both its merits and defects, and that it can 
 not be commanded or condemned in the gross. Here, as so often 
 elsewhere, religious prejudices strongly influence our judgments. 
 No Protestant can be expected to look with favor upon the schools of 
 an Order whose vigorous efforts stayed the progress of the Reform- 
 ation, and won back for the church of Rome large territories that 
 the reformers had looked upon as permanently their own. Nor can 
 it be forgotten that the Jesuits owed the success of their efforts in 
 good measure to their zeal in educating the young. In their schools 
 they molded the minds of the children, and reared up a generation 
 that hated heresy with a double hatred, and honored the Pope with 
 double honor. Looked upon as a chief means of making proselytes, 
 and of training defenders of the Romish church, a Protestant would 
 naturally see nothing in them to commend. On the other hand, the 
 Catholic would find a system that produced such results, both ad- 
 mirable in its character and excellent in its details. Let us, as edu- 
 cators, try to lay aside the prejudices of both, and judge the system 
 impartially both as to its principles, and its practical working. 
 
 There are two points of view from which we may examine the 
 Jesuit school : first, as compared with the schools of their times ; 
 second, as tried by the established principles of education. 
 
 The schools existing when the Order of Jesus was founded, had 
 many and palpable defects. The best of them were those of the 
 Hieronymians,* " the scholarly fraternity," fratres scholares. But the 
 range of studies was very narrow, Gerard the founder of the Fraternity, 
 caring little for any learning that had not a directly religious char- 
 acter. " Spend no time " he said, " either on geometry, arithmetic, 
 
 * For an account of this Order see " Barnard's German Teachers and Educators." p. 65 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 253 
 
 rhetoric, logic, grammar, poetry, or judicial astrology." Yet great 
 importance was attached by him to the Latin tongue, and in the 
 houses of the brethren was the Latin alone used. Still they were 
 very zealous that the people should read the scriptures in their 
 native tongue. 
 
 The repeated attempts made in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
 turies to revive the cloister-schools, had resulted in little, and they 
 had fallen very low in public estimation ; the spirit of the age was 
 not favorable to monastic isolation. The religious impulses which 
 the outbreak of the Reformation gave to all institutions, was not 
 unfelt by these schools, but was not lasting. Indeed it was impos- 
 sible that they could give such culture as should meet the wants of 
 the time. Nor were these wants met by the town or city schools. 
 Doubtless here and there were many excellent teachers, who were 
 very useful, but the course of study was very meager, and poorly cal- 
 culated to rouse into internal activity the youthful mind. Skill in ver- 
 bal disputation was the end of education. The classics were stud- 
 ied not that they might be understood, but for the words and phrases 
 they supplied, and therefore the orators and rhetoricians were stud- 
 ied, and the poets and historians neglected. Homer was little read, 
 or Livy, or Tacitus, or Sallust. Luther referring to his early studies, 
 says : " How often do I lament my own case, in that I read so few 
 of the poets and historians when I was young, and that there was 
 no one to direct me to them. But in this place I was compelled to 
 flounder in all manner of vain philosophic and scholastic trash, true 
 Serbonian bogs of the devil, and with much cost and care, and vast 
 detriment besides, so that I have had enough to do ever since in 
 undoing the harm they did me." In all schools a knowledge of the 
 Latin was the Alpha and Omega. In this respect the system of 
 Acquaviva had nothing peculiar. It was the scholastic feature of 
 that day. In the famous school of the Lutheran, Sturm, at Stras- 
 bourg, where many thousand scholars were gathered of all ranks, 
 including princes, of the nine years spent in the gymnasium, seven 
 were given to the acquisition of Latin words, idioms, <fcc, and two 
 to the acquisition of an elegant style ; and the five subsequent colle- 
 giate years were spent in learning to speak and write with fluency 
 and elegance. A certain mastery was thus gained over Latin words, 
 but the language itself was not learned. 
 
 So far as regards the methods of study, the early Jesuit schools 
 do not seem to have differed much from the best schools of the day. 
 In both was the same careful cultivation of the memory by the prac- 
 tice of continual repetition ; in both, instruction was confined to very 
 
254 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 few branches, and thus made thorough ; in both, mathematics were 
 greatly neglected, and the students' native tongue. In one respect 
 the Jesuit schools seem to have had the advantage ; they resorted but 
 little to corporeal punishment. Luther speaks of the schools of his 
 day, as " being no longer hells and purgatories as they once were, 
 where a boy learned nothing, absolutely nothing, by reason of cease- 
 less flogging, trembling, woe, and anguish." The Jesuit teacher 
 made great use, as did Sturm, of the principles of emulation, and 
 resorted only in extreme cases to bodily chastisement. 
 
 In general, comparing the schools of the Jesuits, soon after the 
 establishment of the Order, with the schools of their day, we may say 
 that if there was nothing distinctively new in their method of in- 
 struction, still they were ready to use all the information they could 
 gain from any quarter, and were not bound to old ways. But the 
 secret of their success and popularity was in the zeal and energy 
 with which all the institutions of the new Order were inspired. In 
 the hands of men burning with religious ardor, any system would 
 have been, at least for the time, successful. The society had a 
 specific work before it, and it addressed itself to the education of 
 the young, to make them its own, to fill them with its ideas, with an 
 earnestness and resolution without parallel in the history of teaching. 
 Of course, in the lapse of time, this intensity of zeal passed away, 
 and the schools were left, in good part, to stand or fall according to 
 their intrinsic merits. 
 
 If we try these schools by those principles of education now gen- 
 erally recognized among us, we find both marked advantages and 
 defects. 1. By limiting the studies to a few branches, what was 
 learned was learned well. It was wrought into the mental being of 
 the pupil, and made, so to speak, a part of him ; and in this way the 
 memory was greatly strengthened. 2. The scholars were not men- 
 tally overtasked ; the terms of study were brief. 3. Much attention 
 was given to physical culture, to bodily health, and to exercise and 
 amusement. Perhaps an undue importance was attached to gentle- 
 manly accomplishments, to a graceful carriage, and easy address. 4. 
 The uniform working of the system, giving completeness to the 
 training of the pupil. Nothing was left to the caprice of teachers, 
 but he was led on. step by step, in a fixe 1 order, till the course was 
 mastered. Thus was there a unity in the process in itself favorable 
 to mental discipline. 
 
 On the other hand we find some palpable defects. 1. The course 
 of study was too narrow. It was chiefly confined to Latin and 
 Greek. History, geography, mathematics, and the vernacular 
 
THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 255 
 
 tongue, were almost wholly omitted. How far this omission is now 
 rectified, we can not say, but it is certain that the study of the two 
 languages, especially of the Latin, continues to be the chief thing, to 
 which all else is made subordinate. 2. The method of studying the 
 Latin and Greek is defective. The great end is to get control of them 
 as spoken languages, or at least the former, and to make it the vehi- 
 cle of verbal communication. This, under certain circumstances, 
 may be a desirable acquisition, but to most is not worth the cost. 
 It may be done, and yet one not penetrate into the spirit of a 
 language, or even be able to understand its authors. Many more 
 things are necessary to make a classical scholar than mere knowledge 
 of words. Besides, sufficient time was not given. The pupils fin- 
 ished, for the most part, their studies when sixteen years of age, be- 
 fore the judgment was sufficiently matured to appreciate the authors 
 they had read. 3. The attention was too much directed to exter- 
 nals, to fluency and grace of speech, and an elegant style. Elo- 
 quence was placed in manner rather than in matter. The pupil 
 was not taught to think profoundly, but to express himself hand- 
 somely. 4. To awaken diligence, the principle of emulation, was 
 unduly appealed to. The pupils were converted into rivals, and 
 made jealous and unsocial ; eavesdropping and tale-bearing were its 
 natural fruits. 5. As the object of the Order was to restore the past, 
 and to resist all innovating tendencies in religion and theology, this 
 feeling gave character to their educational system. It aimed to re- 
 produce the old. In style, Cicero was the model ; in theology, 
 Thomas Aquinas. Hence the pupil was taught to imitate, to 
 copy, to repeat. He was to receive what he was taught, not to think 
 any thing new. Hence it is that of the distinguished members of 
 the Order of Jesus, few have been prominent in any department of 
 knowledge where investigation is demanded. The training of the 
 school does not prepare them for original inquiry. 6. The final 
 end of all school instruction was to make the pupil a faithful 
 son of the Church. - Its whole bearing is ecclesiastical. It is assumed 
 that the church is in possession of the truth, and that it is infallible, 
 and that it is the duty of all her children not to investigate or ques- 
 tion, but to believe and obey. In upholding unity, individuality is 
 destroyed. The Christian is swallowed up in the church, the man 
 in the order, the boy in the school. Through the confessional, the 
 superior becomes possessed of the inmost secrets of the scholar's 
 heart. Hence there results an obliteration of what is peculiar, or 
 distinctive in character ; all appear stamped with a common stamp 
 
256 THE JESUITS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 
 
 obedience has in it a tinge of servility ; and the young student is 
 changed into an unquestioning zealot. 
 
 Such in few words are the advantages and disadvantages of the 
 Jesuit schools regarded simply from an educational point of view. 
 As ecclesiastical missions of the church, each one will approve or 
 condemn, according to his religious opinions. From this point of 
 view it is not our place to consider them. 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 Tn the preparation of the foregoing article, use has been made of 
 the Ratio atgue Institutio Studiorum Societatis Jesu. Paris. 1850. 
 Of the articles, "Jesuiten" and " Jesuitenschulen" in Schmidt's 
 "Encyklopadie" " Jesuitenorden" in Herzog's " Real Encyklopadie" 
 and "Jesuiten " in the " Kirchen Lexicon " of Wetzer and Welte. 
 Some use has been made of Ravignan " De L Institut des Jesuits" 
 of Ranke's "History of the Popes" and of Mayn\rd " On the 
 Studies and Teaching of the Jesuits" The writer's a) - is historical 
 not controversial. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 257 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONS RESPECTING INSTRUCTION 1558*. 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Since the object at which the Society directly aims is to aid their own souls 
 and those of their fellow-creatures in attaining that ultimate end for which 
 they were created; and since learning and the method of propounding it, as 
 well as the example of life are necessary to this object; as soon as a good 
 foundation of self-denial, and the needful advancement in virtue has been laid 
 in those admitted to probation; the next care will be the edifice of literature, 
 and the manner of employing it, by which they may promote the better 
 knowledge and the better service of God our Creator and Lord. 
 
 For this the Society comprehends Colleges, and also Universities, or general 
 studios; in which those who have given satisfactory evidence of themselves in 
 the Houses of probation, but have entered without adequate instruction in the 
 learning indispensable for our Institute, may be taught that and other things 
 which conduce to the salvation of souls. First, then, let the discourse turn on 
 those things which pertain to Colleges; afterwards of what relates to General 
 Studies, with that favor which the divine Wisdom shall vouchsafe to grant us 
 to His own greater honor and glory. 
 
 I. COMMEMORATION OF FOUNDERS AND BENEFACTORS. 
 
 1. Since it appears most agreeable to reason that a due return be made, as 
 far as in us lies, to the piety and beneficence of those whom the divine bounty 
 has used as instruments for the foundation and endowment of our Colleges; 
 first, in every College of our Society let Masses be celebrated once a week for- 
 ever for its founder and benefactors, whether alive or dead. 
 
 2. At the banning of every month all the priests who are in the College 
 ou~ht to offer the same sacrifice for them forever. On that day, moreover, in 
 every year, on which possession of each College was given to the Society, let 
 it be solemnized with a Mass for the founder and benefactors ; and whatever 
 Priests are present in the College at that time, let them all celebrate their 
 sacrifices there. 
 
 3. On that day let a wax candle be offered to the founder, or to one nearest 
 allied to him in family, or to him whom the founder himself appoints, in 
 which candle there shall be the arms of the founder, or the emblems of devo- 
 tion. In that shall the Society testify the gratitude which it owes to its 
 founder in the Lord. 
 
 4. As soon as the Society shall come into possession of any College, let the 
 General see that it be communicated to the whole Society, that every Priest 
 may thrice say Mass for the living founder of the College and its benefactors; 
 that the Lord may guide them with His benignity in all things, and enrich 
 them ever with His gifts. Again, when they shall nave departed this life, the 
 General will take care, as soon as he hears of it, that throughout the Society 
 every Priest say three Masses for their souls. And as often as it is said, Masses 
 are to be solemnized by the Priests; all the rest who live in Colleges, and are not 
 Priests, ou^ht to pray to the same purpose; since they are all bound in the 
 Lord to the same gratitude. 
 
 5. The founders, moreover, and the benefactors of Colleges are made par- 
 takers of all the good works which are done, by the grace of God, not only in 
 the Colleges, but in the whole Society. 
 
 6. In general, however, the Society should understand that it is peculiarly 
 bound in charity, as well to founders as to their connections, as long as they 
 live, and after their decease, to do them every service which can be rendered 
 by us according to our humble profession to the glory of God\ 
 
 IL ADMISSION AND RELINQUISHMENT OF INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 1. The General shall have full power, in the name of the whole Society to 
 admit those Colleges which are freely offered to the Society, to use them in 
 full accordance with its Constitutions. 
 
 2. If the founder should exact any conditions at all contrary to the order 
 and manner of proceeding usual with the Society, it may be left to the consid- 
 eration of the General (after hearing the opinions of those whom he shall think 
 most capable of judging in such matters) whether it will be useful to the 
 Society, all things being considered, with a view to God's service, which it has 
 proposed to itself, to adrn't this College, or not. But if in the course of time 
 the Society finds itself burdened with the load, it may propose and determine, 
 
 * This translation of PAF.T Fotm of the Constitutiones Societatis Jesu was made from 
 a copy printed by the College of the Society in Rome, in 1558. 
 17 
 
258 IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 
 
 in a general Congregation, that such Colleges be relinquished; or see that 
 the burden be lightened, or at least that ampler means be providod to bear it. 
 This is meant however, if before a Congregation of this sort, the General have 
 not remedied the evil, as is proper in the Lord. 
 
 3. la conjunction with the whole Society, the General shall have the power 
 of relinquishing or alienating Colleges or Houses already admitted. But as 
 this is as it were to remove a limb from the body, and is altogether a matter 
 of perpetual and serious moment, it is better that the whole be consulted. 
 
 4. T7ithln the Colleges of the Society, let no care of souls, nor obligations 
 to say Mass nor other things of this sort be allowed which are very apt to 
 divert their inmates from their studies, and interfere with the benefits which 
 are sought from them to the service of God; in the same way also, they 
 shall not be allowed in the other Houses, nor the Churches of the Professed 
 Society, which, as far as possible, ought to be left at liberty to undertake the 
 missions of tho Apostolic Chair, and other works of piety to the service of 
 God, and the salvation of souls. 
 
 5. The Society shall take possession of the Colleges with the temporal 
 property which belongs to them, and shall appoint rectors duly qualified for 
 the office, who shall undertake the care of maintaining and managing their 
 temporal concerns, and provide for the wants as well of the building, as of the 
 scholars (who reside in the Colleges) and of those who are under probation for 
 admission, and those also who without the Colleges conduct their affairs. The 
 conduct of tho entire administration shall remain in the rectors: so as to enable 
 them to render an account, whenever and to whom the General shall appoint; 
 and since tho General can neither convert the temporal goods of the Colleges 
 to his own use, nor that of his relations, nor of the Professed Society; he may 
 therefore conduct himself the more completely above all suspicion in their 
 superintendence, to the greater glory and service of God. 
 
 6. In those Colleges which, besides preceptors, can maintain twelve scholars 
 out of their own incomes, for the greater edification of the people alms should 
 neither be required, nor received, nor any other gifts. If the revenues are 
 less than sufficient to maintain this number, alms may be received but not 
 solicited; unless the College be laboring under so great poverty that it be 
 necessary to ask, at least from some. Then indeed (keeping ever before then- 
 eyes the service of God and the general good) not only may alms be solicited, 
 but they may beg from door to door for a season, whenever necessity re- 
 quires it. 
 
 III. SCHOLARS DESTINED FOR MEMBERS CONDITIONS OF ADMISSIONS. 
 
 1. As regards the scholars, for whose instruction the Colleges are appointed, 
 it will first be necessary to consider in the Lord what kind of persons they 
 ought to be who are sent, or admitted to them. 
 
 2. First of all, no one shall be placed in any College of the Society amongst 
 the Scholars with any of the five impediments mentioned in the second part.* 
 And besides the coadjutors necessary to the service or assistance of the College, 
 the rest ought to be such that it may reasonably be hoped they will prove 
 useful in the vineyard of the Lord Christ after our example, and in the culti- 
 vation of learning. 
 
 These, the more intellectual they are, and the more adorned with good 
 morals, and the more healthy to sustain the labor of study, the more proper 
 will they be, and the sooner they may be sent, to be admitted into our Colleges. 
 
 3. In addition to this, they only shall be admitted among the approved 
 scholars, who have been under probation in our Houses and Colleges, and at 
 the end of two years spent in various trials and proofs, and after taking the 
 vows, with a promise to enter the Society, they shall be admitted to spend 
 their lives within it forever to the glory of God. 
 
 4. Besides these, some may be admitted to study, who, before the two veal's, 
 and the probation above-mentioned, are sent to the Colleges from the Houses 
 (because such a course seems expedient in the Lord) or are admitted into them; 
 but they shall not be deemed approved scholars, until at the expiration of the 
 two years, and after their vows and promise have been made, they are placed 
 among the number of the approved. 
 
 IV. SUPERINTENDENCE OF SCHOLARS. 
 
 1. Let that suffice, which is set forth in the third part, of the superintend- 
 ence of temporal and external affairs of the Colleges, in all that relates to the 
 
 * The impediments specified in Part Second of the Constitutions are (1) incorrigibility 
 in any depraved ejections or vices; (2) individual traits injurious or prejudicial to the 
 place and good estate of the society; (3) incapacity' of adaptation to a life of obedience 
 and salf -negation; (4) discovery of relations concealed upon lirst examinations. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 239 
 
 body. This however m list be noted with peculiar care, that the Scholars study 
 not at seasons unfavorable to bodily health; that they devote sufficient time to 
 sleep, and observe moderation in their mental labors. So will it coma to pass 
 that they will be able longer to persevere both in the acquisition of learning 
 and in employing it to the glory of God. 
 
 2. In what relates to spirituals; the ordering of those who are admitted into 
 the Colleges, and of those admitted into the Houses will be the same, so long 
 as they are under probation. After probation, when they are at leisure to 
 acquire teaming, as on the one hand care must be taken lest in the eagerness 
 of study the love of the solid virtues and a religious life grow cold; so, on the 
 other, too much time must not be given to mortifications, prayers, and 
 lengthened meditations. Since to labor in learning which is acquired with the 
 sincere purpose of serving God, and in a certain sense requires the whole man, 
 will not be less pleasing to God, and our Lord, but even more so, than to be 
 occupied in religious exercises during the time of study. 
 
 3. Therefore, besides the Sacraments of Confession and Communion (in 
 which they must participate once a week) and the Mass which they muct hear 
 daily, let them employ one hour in reciting the Office of the most blessed 
 Virgin Mary, and in examining their consciences twice a day, with other 
 prayers according to their particular devotion to fill up the nour, if not 
 already occupied. All which they shall do at the appointment and judgment 
 of their superiors to whom as in ine place of Christ they owe obedience. 
 
 4. Others, such as those coadjutors who have not learned to read, besides 
 Mass, may spend an hour also in reciting their Rosary, or Crown of the most 
 blessed Virgin Mary, with a double examination daily, or other prayers, 
 according to their particular devotion, as was set forth for the scholars. 
 
 5. As an increase of devotion, and to raise the sense of obligation with 
 which they are bound to God, and for a greater confirmation of the students 
 in their calling, it will be expedient to renew twice a year, viz., at the feasts 
 of the Resurrection and the Nativity, the simple vows which they have taken 
 according to the formulary in the Fifth Part, Chapter IV. And let him who 
 did not take them at the conclusion of the two years, as is set forth in the 
 Examen, take them now.* 
 
 6. In their way to the public schools (and let them go nowhere else without 
 permission of the Superiors) let them go and return together with that exterior 
 and interior modesty which is suitable to the edification of themselves and 
 others; and let their conversation with the exterior scholars be limited to liter- 
 ature or spiritual advancement ; as shall be thought more profitable to all to 
 the greater glory of God. 
 
 v. STUDIES. 
 
 1. As the object of the learning to be acquired in this Society is by the 
 divine favor to benefit their own and their neighbors' souls; this will be the 
 measure in general and in particular cases, by which it shall be determined to 
 what studies our scholars should apply, and how far they should proceed in 
 them. And since, generally speaking, the acquisition of divers languages, 
 Logic, Natural and Moral Philosophy, Metaphysics, and Theology, as well 
 Scholastic, as that which is termed Positive, and the Sacred Scriptures assist 
 that object; they who are sent to our Colleges shall give their attention to the 
 study of these faculties; and they shall bestow greater diligence upon those 
 which the supreme moderator of the studies shall consider most expedient in 
 the Lord to the aforesaid end, the circumstances of tune, place, and person 
 being considered. 
 
 2. Descending to particular persons; what each individual shall study must 
 be left to the prudence of the Superiors. But the services of any one endowed 
 with good natural abilities will be useful in proportion to his attainment of 
 solid learning in the faculties above-mentioned. 
 
 3. The rector shall consider and determine of the tune to be spent on any 
 of these sciences, and when to proceed to more useful things, after a fitting 
 examination. 
 
 4. Let them follow in each faculty the safer and more approved doctrine, 
 and those authors who teach it; the care of this shall belong to the rector, 
 who shall follow that which is established throughout the society to the 
 greater glory of God. 
 
 VI. AIDS TO INSTRUCTION. 
 
 1. That the scholars may make the greater proficiency in learning, let them 
 in the first place labor to watch over the purity of their souls, and to maintain 
 
 * The vow binds the proposed to unqualified obedience to the General and Vice- 
 General of the Society, and special obedience to the Pope and Missions, as well as to 
 perpetual poverty, chastity, and obedience. 
 
260 IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 
 
 th3 proper object of their studies, aiming at nothing else in their literary pur- 
 suits than the divine glory and the advantage of souls; and in their prayers 
 let them often beg for grace, that they may improve in learning to this end. 
 
 2. Let them besides seriously and constantly resolve to apply their thoughts 
 to study, and assure themselves that they can do nothing more acceptable to 
 God in the Colleges, than if with the intention above expressed, they give 
 themselves diligently to learning. And even though they never call into 
 exercise what they have leamod, let them persuade themselves that to 
 have undertaken the labors of study, as is fitting, out of mere obedience and 
 charitv, is a work of great merit in the sight of the divine and supreme 
 Majesty. 
 
 3. Let all impediments which distract the thoughts from study be removed, 
 whether of devotion, and mortification, which are undertaken exorbitantly, 
 or without due order, or of cares and occupations which arise at home from 
 domestic duties, or abroad in conferences, confessions, and other duties towards 
 our neighbors: so far at least as they may be declined in the Lord. For it is 
 praiseworthy that these employments be deferred, however pious, until their 
 studies be completed, that hereby they may afterwards render themselves 
 more useful to others with that learning which they may have acquired. And 
 let all these things be done with greater zeal for God's service and glory. 
 
 4. Order must be observed in study, that they lay a solid foundation in the 
 Latin language sooner than in the liberal arts; and in these before they attend 
 to scholastic theology; and in this, before positive theology. The Sacred 
 Scriptures may be taken in hand either at the same time, or afterwards. 
 
 5. Those languages in which they were either written or translated may be 
 learned sooner or later as the superior in the variety of concurring causes and 
 the difference of persons may think best. So the order of time will be left to 
 his prudence. But if our scholars apply to the study of languages, among 
 other objects to which their attention may be directed, let this be one, namely, 
 to defend the version sanctioned by the Church. 
 
 6. Let all the scholars attend the lectures of the public professors at the 
 pleasure of the Rector of the College; which professors, whether they belong 
 to the society or not, it is to be wished, should be learned, dliigent, assiduous, 
 and anxious for the improvement of the students as well in the lectures as in 
 their other literary employments. 
 
 7. Let there be a common library in the colleges, if possible: of which a 
 key should be given to those who in the Rector's judgment ought to have it. 
 Besides these, however, every one shall have such other books as are necessary. 
 
 8. Let the scholars be assiduous in attending lectures, and diligent in pre- 
 paring for them; and when they have heard them, in repeating them; in 
 places which they have not understood, making inquiry; in others, where 
 needful, taking notes, to provide for any future defect of memory. 
 
 9. It shall be the duty of the Rector of the College to see whether masters 
 and scholars do their duty in the Lord, or not. 
 
 10. Since the habit of debating is useful, especially to the students of Arts 
 and Scholastic Theology, let our scholars attend the ordinary deputations of 
 the schools to which they belong (though they be not under the control of the 
 society), and see that they afford a distinct specimen of their learning, but with 
 all modesty. It is proper also that on every Sunday, or on some other day of 
 the week, some one in our College appointed by the Rector from any class of 
 students, of arts or theology, after dinner should undertake some positions to 
 be maintained (if no impediment intervene from any peculiar cause), to be 
 affixed to the school doors the previous evening, where all who please may 
 assemble to dispute or listen; which being briefly stated by him who is to 
 reply, it shall be permitted to all to debate whether within or without our 
 College; but some one should preside to moderate the debaters, and elicit and 
 demonstrate to the benefit of the audience the doctrine which ought to be 
 held; and also to give the signal to those who dispute to conclude, and so to 
 divide the time that an opportunity of speaking be allowed to ail as far as 
 possible. 
 
 11. Besides these two sorts of disputations above mentioned, let a time be 
 set on each day for debating in the colleges, a moderator being appointed, as 
 we have said; so that, by these means, their talents may be exercised, and the 
 difficulties which occur in these faculties may be the better elucidated to the 
 glory of God. 
 
 12. Those who are studying polite literature shall have their appointed 
 tunes also for conferring and disputing on what pertains to those studies, 
 before some one who shall direct them; and on Sundays, or other appointed 
 days after dinner, they shall alternately either maintain positions in their own 
 studies, or exercise themselves in writing verse or prose; whether it be done 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 261 
 
 extempore, the subject being then proposed to discover their readiness; or 
 whether they read in public what they have composed in private on a theme 
 previously given them. 
 
 13. Let all speak Latin commonly, but especially the students in humanity, 
 and commit tip memory whatever shall be sot by their masters, and diligently 
 cultivate their style in composition; and let some one take the trouble to cor- 
 rect tliem. It shall also be allowed to some, at the Rector's pleasure, to read 
 certain other authors in private, besides those which are publicly studied; and 
 every week on an appointed day, after dinner, let one of the more advanced 
 pronounce a Latin or Greek oration on a subject tending to the edification of 
 the inmates, by which they may be animated to greater perfection in the Lord. 
 
 14. Moreover, the students of arts and theology especially, and all the 
 others should have their private quiet study, where they may learn better and 
 more exactly what has been treated of. 
 
 15. As the over earnestness of some in their studies ought to be repressed, 
 so others who require it ought to be stimulated, incited, and animated to their 
 duties; and that the Rector may more effectually do this, he should ascertain 
 himself, from personal observation and by means of another to whom he shall 
 have entrusted the office of Syndic or Visitor of Studies, in what way the 
 scholars do their duty. And if he shall perceive that any one during his 
 studies wastes his time, that he is unwilling or unable to make progress in lit- 
 erature; it will be proper to remove him, and put some one in his place, who 
 shall make more proficiency in the object appointed hi the Colleges for God's 
 service. 
 
 16. The study of any faculty being completed, it will be well to go over it 
 again in private, reading one or more authors than before; at the Rector's dis- 
 cretion. He may moreover reduce to writing, if the Rector thinks proper, 
 more briefly, distinctly, and accurately, whatever in that same faculty he nad 
 previously written during the course of lectures when he had less skill than 
 now at the conclusion of the course. 
 
 17. At the appointed times let them prepare themselves for the public exam- 
 inations and responses; and they who after diligent scrutiny may be found 
 worthy shall be advanced to the usual degrees. Let them not however assume 
 any particular places, although such as are generally assigned in the University 
 wherein they take tneir degree, that they may avoid every appearance of 
 ambition and other inordinate passions; but let them all arrange themselves 
 together without precedence, and incur no expense unbecoming paupers in 
 these degrees, to which they should be advanced without detriment to their 
 humility, and with no other motive than to render themselves more useful to 
 their neighbors to the glory of God. 
 
 18. Whether it may be better for their own benefit or that of others for 
 those who have accomplished the course of their studies, to read privately or 
 publicly, shall be left to the judgment of the superior, who shall determine 
 whatever he may think most expedient in the Lord. 
 
 VII. SCHOOLS FOB PERSONS NOT DESIGNING TO BECOME MEMBERS. 
 
 1. Regard being had not only to the progress of our own scholars in litera- 
 ture, but to the progress also of those not of our society in literature and 
 morals, whom we have admitted into our Colleges to be instructed, let public 
 schools be opened, wherever it may conveniently be done, at least for polite 
 learning. In the more important studies, they may be opened with reference 
 to the circumstances of the places where our Colleges exist, always keeping 
 before our eyes what shall be most pleasing to God. 
 
 2. In these schools let that method be pursued by which the external 
 scholars may be well instructed in all that relates to Christian learning; and let 
 care be taken, as far as possible, they may attend the Sacrament of Confession 
 once a month, frequently hear the word of God, and hi short imbibe, together 
 with learning, morals becoming Christians. And because, in particular sub- 
 jects, there must needs be much variety, according to the difference of places 
 and persons, we shall not here insist upon them severally; but this may be de- 
 clared that rules should be established in every College which shall embrace all 
 necessary points. And we may in this place recommend that the correction 
 which the external scholars require shall never be withheld ; only let it be ad- 
 ministered by some one who is not of our society. 
 
 3. As it is peculiar to our profession to receive no temporal remuneration 
 for spiritual services, in which according to our Institute we are engaged for 
 the service of our fellow-creatures; it is not expedient to receive any endov,*- 
 rnent of a College, by which the society shall be bound to maintain a preacher, 
 or confessor, or lecturer in Theology. For although a regard to equity an: I 
 gratitude should stir us to attend with increased diligence to the said ministra- 
 
262 
 
 IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OP JESUS. 
 
 tions which belong to our Institute; yet in our Colleges which have been 
 founded with greater liberality and devotion, no obligations or conditions shall 
 be admitted, which may derogate from the sincerity of our manner of proceed- 
 ing, namely to give freely what we have freely received; still, for the support 
 of those who labor or study for the common good of the College, that endoiv- 
 ment may be accepted which the charity of the founders assigns to the glory 
 of God. 
 
 VtEL ADAPTATION OF INSTRUCTION TO FUTURE WORK. 
 
 1. Looking to the object to which the studies of our society are directed, it 
 will contribute to that end, that they begin to habituate themselves to wield 
 their spiritual weapons for the benefit of their neighbors. For although this 
 should be done in our Houses more properly and continuously, it should yet be 
 commenced in our Colleges. 
 
 2. First of all, those who in the judgment of the superior are to be ad- 
 mitted to sacred orders, should be instructed in the method of saying Mass, so 
 that besides intelligence and internal devotion, they may exhibit a becoming 
 external mannsr to the edification of the hearers; and that all the society, as 
 far as possible, may use the same ceremonies; in which so far as the variety of 
 countries shall allow, it shall follow the Roman practice as being more general, 
 and that which the Apostolic See has adopted in a more peculiar manner. 
 
 3. Let them accustom themselves also in setting forth their sermons and 
 sacred lectures to the way best adapted for the edification of the people, which 
 differs from the scholastic method; and to discharge this duty let them labor 
 to acquire the vernacular tongue of the country thoroughly. There are other 
 things which they should have studied, and have at their fingers' ends, which 
 will be useful to this duty: and in short, they should employ all means which 
 may assist them to discharge this office the better, and with greater spiritual 
 profit to others. 
 
 4. Let them be accustomed also to the ministration of the Sacraments of 
 Confession and Communion, and endeavor to comprehend and discharge that 
 duty not only as relates to themselves but also to the penitents and communi- 
 cants, that they may understand and receive the same duly and usefully to the 
 glory of God. 
 
 5. Let them accustom themselves to communicate their spiritual exercises 
 to others, when each has experienced them in himself; and let all be diligent 
 not only to give an explanation of them, but also to acquire a readiness in 
 wielding this kind of spiritual arms which by the grace of God is felt to con- 
 
 tribute so largely to His service. 
 6. Let due dilk 
 
 igence be employed in acquiring the proper method of teach- 
 ing the Catechism, accommodated to the intelligence of children and ignorant 
 persons. 
 
 7. As in the foregoing, our neighbors are helped forward in living well; so 
 care must be taken that they be instructed hi whatever is available towards 
 dying well; and let it be understood what method oujht to be observed at that 
 hour which is so momentous to the ultimate attainment or loss of everlasting 
 happiness. 
 
 Generally speaking, they should be taught what method should be pursued 
 by the laborers of this society, (who must be engaged in such various quarters 
 of the world, and with such different classes of men), in preventing the incon- 
 veniencies which may arise, and in securing the emoluments which contribute 
 to the greater glory of God, by employing all the means which can possibly be 
 employed. And although that unction of the Holy Ghost, and that wisdom 
 which God is wont to communicate to those who confide in His divine Majesty, 
 can only teach this; a way may still be opened in some measure by those 
 lessons which tend and dispose to the furtherance of divine Grace. 
 
 IX. REMOVAL OF SCHOLARS. 
 
 1. Some are removed from the Colleges for the reasons set forth in the 
 Second Part, and in the manner there explained; that others may succeed 
 them who shall make more progress to the service of God. The method is the 
 same both for Houses and Colleges. 
 
 2. Sometimes individuals shall be removed, because to be sent elsewhere 
 tends to their greater improvement in religion or learning, or to the general 
 advantage of the society; as it might happen, if one who had already passed 
 through the course of arts, in a certain College should repeat it elsewhere, 
 before the study of theology be commenced. And the same may be said, if 
 they are to be occupied in any other thing to the greater service and glory of 
 God. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AXD THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 263 
 
 8. The ordinary method of removing scholars from any College where all 
 the aforesaid sciences are taught, shall be, when each, shall have accomplished 
 his studies, his course of arts being completed, and four years spent in the 
 study of theology. Arid towards the conclusion of this period the Rector shall 
 understand that it is his duty to inform the General or Provincial, and repre- 
 sent what proficiency they have made; and then he shall follow whatever 
 instructions he may receive to the glory of God. 
 
 X. GOVERNMENT OF THE COLLEGES. 
 
 1. The Professed Society shall have the supreme care or superintendence of 
 the Colleges according to the letters of the Apostolic See. For since the pro- 
 fessed cannot apply any portion of those revenues to their private advantage 
 or their own use; it is most consonant to reason that they will proceed with 
 greater purity and religion more constantly and perseveringly in those things 
 which are necessary to the good government of the Colleges to the greater 
 service of God and our Lord. 
 
 2. Except what relates to the Constitutions, and the dissolution or aliena- 
 tion of our Colleges, the whole power and administration, and (generally 
 speaking) the execution of this superintendence shall belong to the General, 
 who keeping before his eyes the object towards which the Colleges and the 
 Society at large are directed, shall best perceive what is beneficial for them. 
 
 3. The General h Imself therefore, or some one empowered by him for this 
 duty, shall appoint one of the Coadjutors of the Society to preside over each 
 College; who shall give an account of the duty assigned to him to the Pro- 
 vincial, or whomsoever the General shall nominate. And the General also 
 may remove the Rector, and relieve him from his responsibility, as shall 
 appear to him most desirable in the Lord. 
 
 4. Care should be taken that he who undertakes the office of Rector should 
 be most exemplary, of great edification, and strict mortification in all de- 
 praved inclinations, and tried especially in obedience, and in humility? one 
 endowed with discretion, skilled in government, versed in business, and ex- 
 perienced in spiritual concerns; knowing how to interchange severity with 
 mildness in due time and place, anxious, laborious, learned; in short one in 
 whom the Superiors may confide, and to whom they may safely communicate 
 their power; since, the ampler this authority, the more effectually the Colleges 
 will be directed to the greater glory of God. 
 
 5. It will be the Rector's duty, in the first place, to sustain, as it were upon 
 his shoulders, the whole College by prayer and holy desires; in the next, to see 
 that the Constitutions be observed, to watch over all the Collegians with all 
 solicitude; to defend them from all that may hurt them at home and abroad, 
 
 as well by prevention, as by applying a remedy when mischief occurs; ac- 
 cording both to the general interest and also that of the individual; by seeing 
 that they improve in virtue and learning; sscuring their health, and likewise 
 
 cording both to the general interest and also that of the individual; b 
 that they improve in virtue and learning; sscuring their health, and l 
 the property of the College as well moveable as immoveable; prudently ap- 
 pointing those who hold dom3stic employments, and observing how they die- 
 charge their duty; and as he shall judge moit expedient in the Lord, keeping 
 them hi their places, or removing them; and generally speaking, he shall see 
 that that which has be^n set forth in the previous chapters relating to the Col- 
 leges, be observed. L3t him be mindful also of the subordination to be 
 entirely maintained in obedience, not only to the General, but to the Provincial 
 also, informing him of all things needful to be communicated, and referring to 
 him everything of moment; obeying all his injunctions (seeing he also has a 
 superior); as it is just that matters be referred to him, and obedience be 
 yielded by those who live in the College; who should greatly revere and ven- 
 erate their Rector, as one who holds the place of Christ our Lord, leaving to 
 him the free disposition of themselves and their concerns with unfeigned 
 obedience; keeping nothing concealed from him, not even their consciences, 
 which they should disclose to him, as is set forth in the Examen, at the ap- 
 pointed seasons, and oftener if any cause require it; not opposing, not con- 
 tradicting, not showing an opinion in any case opposed to his opinion, so that 
 by the union of the same sentiment and will, ana by due submission, they may 
 the better be maintained and forwarded in the service of God. 
 
 6. Let the Rector provide not only the necessary number of officers for the 
 good management of the House, but let him see that they are competent, as 
 far as possible, to their employments; to every one let him give his regulations, 
 containing all that relates to their several duties, and see that no one inter- 
 meddle with ai. other's department. Moreover, as whenever it is necessary, he 
 should provide assistance for them, so whenever they have time to spare, he 
 should see that they spend it profitably to the service of God. 
 
264 IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 
 
 7. Among the officers necessary for the Rector, in the first place, a proper 
 person must be selected to be Sub-rector, or Major Com 5, and to see to all 
 things which appertain to the general good. There shculd be a Syndic also to 
 superintend external concerns; one to see to spiritual affairs, and two or more 
 besides, in whose probity and prudence the Rector has great reliance; and with 
 whom he may consult on the more difficult occasions, and such as seem to in- 
 volve the greater glory of God. Others also are needful for particular duties. 
 
 8. Let the Rector see that the Collegians pay to every man in the discharge 
 of his duty an entire obedience; that the other officers obey the Sub-rector, 
 and himself also, just as he commands them. 
 
 It may be well to state this in general, that those who have to exact obedience 
 from others should set them an example of that obedience which they should 
 pay to their superiors in the place of Christ. 
 
 9. The maintenance of regularity as to time in studies, prayers, masses, 
 lectures, food, sleep, and other things will be useful in all respects; and a signal 
 should be given at stated hours; at the sound of which, let all forthwith betake 
 themselves to that whereto they are summoned, not stopping to complete even 
 a single letter. It will, however, pertain to the Rector, or to him who superin- 
 tends, to see when these hours are to be changed according to the seasons or 
 other sufficient causes; and let what he determines be observed. 
 
 10. The Rector should himself read or teach the Catechism forty days. Let 
 him see also which of the Collegians, especially towards the conclusion of 
 their studies, and to what extent at home and abroad, should impart instrue 
 tion to others in conferences, in setting spiritual exercises, in hearing confer 
 sions, in sermons, lectures, or explanations of the Catechism, partly for theiu 
 own improvement, partly for the benefit of others as well within as without; 
 and all things duly considered, let him provide for whatever he shall perceive 
 most pleasing to the divine and supreme Goodness, and His greater service and 
 glory. 
 
 XI. ADMISSION OF UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 1. The same reason in charity, for which Colleges are admitted, and public 
 schools maintained in them not only for the edification of our own scholars, 
 in learning and morals but still more of those that are without, may be ex- 
 tended to the undertaking of the care of Universities; that in them this ben- 
 efit may be enlarged, and be wider spread as well in the sciences which are 
 taught as in the men who frequent them, and the degrees to which they attain; 
 so that in other places they may teach with authority, what they have" in these 
 thoroughly learned to the glory of God. 
 
 2. On what conditions and obligations, and in what places these Universities 
 shall be admitted, is left to the judgment of the General of the Society; who 
 having heard the opinions of his assistants, and of others whom he may 
 choose to consult, shall determine within himself whether they shall be ad- 
 mitted. But when they have been once admitted he shall have no power to 
 dissolve them without the concurrence of a General Congregation. 
 
 3. Since religious peace and spiritual occupations allow not that distraction 
 of mind nor other annoyances to the Society which attend the dutv of judging 
 in civil or criminal proceedings, no jurisdiction of this kind shall oe permitted 
 which the society might exercise either of itself, or by others depending on it; 
 although it is proper in all that peculiarly relates to the welfare of the Uni- 
 versity that the ministers of ordinary justice whether secular or ecclesiastical 
 should fulfil the pleasure of the Rector of the University as signified to them 
 touching the punishment of its scholars, and generally promote the interests 
 of learning, especially when recommended to them by the Rector. 
 
 XII. SCIENCES IN THE UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 1. As the object of the society and its studies is to assist their neighbors in 
 the knowledge and love of God and the salvation of their own souls; and as to 
 this end the most proper means is the study of theology, the Universities of 
 the society shall chiefly labor therein, and diligently teach by sufficient masters 
 whatever relates to the Scholastic doctrine and the Holy Scriptures, and so 
 much of the positive as contributes to this pur appointed end, without entering 
 upon the portion of the Canons which ministers to contentious courts of law. 
 
 2. And since both the study of theology and its practice demand, especially 
 in these tunes, a knowledge of humanity, and the Latin, Greek and Hebrew 
 languages, competent professors of these shall be appointed in adequate num- 
 bers. Professors also may be appointed for other languages, as Chaldaic, 
 Arabic, and Indian, wherever they shall appear necessary or useful to the 
 aforesaid end, regard being paid to the various regions, and the motives which 
 lead to their study. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 2 05 
 
 3. And since the arts or natural sciences dispose the mind to theology, and 
 contribute to its perfect study and practice, and of themselves assist in the 
 same object, let them be taught by learned preceptors, and with proper dili- 
 gence,sincerely seeking the honor and glory of God in all things. 
 
 4. The study of medicine and of the law shall not be engaged in within the 
 Universities of our society; or at least, the society shall not take that duty 
 upon itself, as being remote from our institute. 
 
 XIII. ARRANGEMENT AND ORDER OF STUDIES. 
 
 1. A proper arrangement and order of study must be observed both morn- 
 ing and evening for the subordinate faculties and theology. 
 
 2. And though some variety may occur in this arrangement, and in the 
 hours assigned to study in different countries and seasons, let all at least agree 
 in this that everywhere that only be done which shall be deemed most ex- 
 pedient to the greatest progress in learning. 
 
 3. The lectures which are read in public, and the various professors shall be 
 appointed with reference to the intelligence and number of the audience; they 
 shall particularly inspect the progress of every one of their scholars, and 
 demand an account of the lectures; see that they are repeated, and that the 
 students in humanity cultivate their conversational powers, speaking Latin 
 and improving their style by writing; enjoining frequent disputations, and 
 especially on the superior students, for which certain days and hours shall be 
 appointed, when they shall debate, not only with their equals, but the inferior 
 with the more advanced on subjects of their own selection; which also in turn 
 the more advanced shall do with the less forward, descending (in their turn) to 
 the studies in which these are engaged, and the perceptors with one another, 
 due moderation being maintained, and a president appointed, to break off the 
 debate, and to declare what doctrine should be elicited from the discussion. 
 
 4. It will be the duty of the Rector either by himself or the ChanceDor ever 
 to see that the new-comers be examined, and placed in those classes, and under 
 those preceptors which are most fitting; and it shall be left to his discretion, 
 after hearing the opinion of the persons appointed to that duty, whether they 
 should remain longer in the same class, or be advanced to a higher. He also 
 shall decide respecting the study of languages, except Latin, whether they 
 should be engaged in before or after arts and theology, and how long each 
 student should apply to them. So in any of the higher sciences, he shall settle 
 with due regard to the inequality of talents and age, when each should com- 
 mence and now long occupy himself in them; although it will be best that 
 they who are in the vigor of life and intellect should endeavor to advance in 
 all, and become conspicuous to the glory of God. 
 
 5. As assiduity in literary pursuits is necessary, so is somo relaxation also. 
 Although it shall be left to the Rector to consider what this should be, and at 
 what periods, the circumstances of persons and places being attended to. 
 
 XTV. TEXT BOOKS. 
 
 1. In general, as was observed in treating of the Colleges, those books shall 
 be read which are esteemed of more solid and safe doctrine in any faculty. 
 Nor shall those be entered on whose doctrine or authors are suspected. In 
 every University they shall be particularly specified; in theology,the Old and 
 New Testament shall be read, and the Scholastic Divinity of St. Thomas, and 
 in that branch of divinity called positive, those authors shall be selected which 
 appear best adapted to our object. 
 
 2. As touching Latin and Greek books of humanity, both in our Universities 
 and Colleges, as far as possible, those shall not be used which contain anything 
 prejudicial to good morals; except they have been previously purified of 
 improper things or words. 
 
 3. In Logic and Natural and Moral Philosophy and Metaphysics, the doc- 
 trine of Aristotle should be professed; and in other liberal arts, and in com- 
 mentaries as well of these authors as of humanity, a choice being made of 
 them, let those be selected which the scholars ought to see, and the teachers 
 chiefly to follow in the doctrine which they deliver. But hi all his determina- 
 tions, let the Rector proceed in the way which he shall judge most conducive 
 in the whole society to the glory of God. 
 
 XV. TERMS AND DEGREES. 
 
 1. In humanity and the languages the period for the completion of the 
 course cannot be determined, by reason of the difference of talent and infor- 
 mation of the students, and many other causes, which admit of no other lim- 
 
266 
 
 IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 
 
 itation of time than that which shall appear suitable in every case at the 
 pleasure of the discreet Rector or Chancellor. 
 
 2. In the study of arts the terms shall be arranged, in which the natural 
 sciences shall be read, and for which not less than three years will be sufficient; 
 besides these a further period of six months shall be reserved for repetitions, 
 and keeping the acts of the schools, and taking the Master's degree, by those 
 who shall take it. There will elapse a period therefore of three years and a 
 half before any advancement to the Master's degree. And in every year one 
 such course shall be commenced, and another by God's help accomplished. 
 
 3. The course of theology shall comprise six years. In the first four all 
 that is necessary shall be read; in the other two, besides the repetition, the 
 usual acts for the Doctor's degree shall be kept by those who are to be raised to 
 it. Every fourth year the course shall ordinarily be commenced, the books to 
 be read being so arranged that a student may begin on any one of the four 
 years; and through the remainder of the four years commenced and of so 
 much of the four years to follow, down to the period corresponding to the 
 term when he began, he may complete a course of theology in four years. 
 
 4. In the degrees as well of Masters of Arts as of Doctors of Divinity, let 
 three things be observed: First, let no one be advanced until he be diligently 
 and publicly examined by persons appointed, who shall carefully perform this 
 duty, and he shall be found qualified for that science, whether he belong to the 
 society or not; Secondly, That the door may be closed against ambition, no 
 fixed places shall be assigned to those who are raised to degrees, but let them 
 rather study in honor to prefer one another, without observing any difference 
 of places; Thirdly, As the society instructs gratuitously, so let it raise to 
 degrees gratuitously; and to those without the society, let very little expense, 
 although voluntary, be permitted, lest custom at length obtain the force of 
 law; and in this point in the course of time they exceed moderation. Let the 
 Rector take care also not to permit the masters, or any others of the society, to 
 receive, for themselves or the College, money, or any gift from any one for 
 anything done for his service; since the Lord Christ alone is to be our reward, 
 our exceeding great reward, according to our Institute. 
 
 XVI. MORAL TRAINING THE CORRECTOR. 
 
 1. Let diligence be used that they who come to the Universities of the society 
 to study literature, acquire also good morals worthy of Christians; to which it 
 
 preached. And each of the preceptors will take care that this be done by 
 pupils. 
 
 2. The Catechism shall be rehearsed in College on a certain day of every 
 week, and care shall be taken that boys shall learn and repeat it, and that all 
 of more advanced age, if possible, may know it. 
 
 3. Every week also there shall be a declamation, (as was said in treating of 
 the Colleges,) by one of the students on subjects tending to the edification of 
 the hearers, and inciting them to increase in all purity and virtue; that thus 
 their style may nob only be exercised, but their morals improved. And all 
 those who understand Latin shall attend these declamations. 
 
 4. Neither oaths nor injuries by word or deed shall be permitted in the 
 schools, nor anything indecorous or dissolute in such persons not belonging to 
 the society as frequent them. Let the special attention of perceptors be 
 turned to this, as well in the lessons, when occasion offers, as at other times, to 
 incite their pupils to the service and love of God and of all virtues, by which 
 they may please Him, and to refer all their studies to this object. To keep 
 this in mind, at the commencement of every lesson, let some one pronounce a 
 short prayer to this effect, which the perceptor and all the students shall listen 
 to uncovered. 
 
 5. Let a Corrector be appointed, who shall not be of the society, for those 
 who offend as well in what concerns diligence in their studies, as against good 
 morals, and for whom kind words alone, and exhortation are not sufficient, 
 and let him keep the boys in fear, and chastise those who need it, and are 
 capable of this sort of correction. And when neither words nor the offlce of 
 the Corrector shall suffice, and amendment in any individual is quite hopeless, 
 whilst he seems to be injurious to others, it is better to remove him from the 
 schools, than to retain him where he does no good to himself, and only harm 
 to others. 
 
 But this decision shall be left to the Rector of the University, that all things 
 may proceed, as is meet, to the glory and service of God. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 267 
 
 XVII. RECTOR, CHANCELLOR, AND OTHER OFFICIALS. 
 
 1. The whole care or superintendence and government of the University 
 shall be in the Rector, who may also be head of the leading College of the 
 Society, and endowed with such gifts of God, of which mention has been 
 made, that he may satisfy the whole University in the fulfilment of the duty 
 committed to him in learning and morals. His election shall belong to the 
 General, or him to whom he shall depute it, as the Provincial or Visitor; but 
 the confirmation shall always rest with the General. The Rector shall have 
 four counsellors, or assistants, to help him in whatever relates to his duty, and 
 with whom he may regulate things of moment. 
 
 2. There shall be a Chancellor also, a man well versed in literature, abound- 
 ing with right zeal and judgment in what is committed to him; whose office 
 shall be to be the general instrument of the Rector in the due arrangement of 
 studies, and in conducting the debates in public acts, and in ascertaining that 
 the learning of those who are to be admitted to acts and degrees (which he 
 shall himself confer) be sufficient. 
 
 3. Let there be a Secretary of the society, who shall keep a book in which 
 the names of all the students diligently attending the schools shall be written; 
 and who shall receive their engagements of obedience to be paid to the Rector, 
 and of submission to the constitutions; and who shall keep the seal of the 
 Rector and of the University; all which shall be done without any expense 
 to the students. 
 
 4. There shall be a Notary also to give public assurance of degrees taken 
 and other occurrences. Let there be also two or three Beadles, one appointed 
 for the faculty of languages, another of arts, the third of theology. 
 
 5. The University shall be divided into these three faculties; and in each of 
 them let there be appointed a Dean, and two more selected from among those 
 most learned in that faculty; who, being summoned by the Rector, may 
 declare what they think most expedient to the good of their faculty; and if 
 anything of this sort occur to them whilst engaged together in these affairs, 
 they shall communicate it to the Rector, even without any summons from him. 
 
 6. In matters which concern one faculty only, the Rector shall summon not 
 only the Chancellor and his assistants, but the Dean also and his assistants of 
 that faculty; in matters which relate to all, the Deans and assistants of all 
 shall be summoned. And if the Rector should think proper to summon others 
 to the Convocation whether belonging to the society or not, he may do so; 
 that when he has heard all their opinions, he may better determine what is 
 most expedient. 
 
 7. There shall be one general Syndic, to advise the Rector and Provincial 
 and General as well concerning persons as things, as he shall see fit; which 
 Syndic should be a man of great fidelity and judgment. Besides him, the 
 Rector shall have his special Syndics, to bring before him occurrences requir- 
 ing his inspection in every class. And as he shall write once a year to the 
 General, and twice to the Provincial (who shall inform the General when 
 necessary), respecting all the Preceptors, and others of the society; so also his 
 College, and Syndic, and Counsellors shall write respecting him and others; so 
 that in all things they may proceed with greater circumspection and diligence 
 each in his own peculiar duty. 
 
 8. It shall be left to the consideration of the General when any University 
 is admitted, whether the Rector, Chancellor, Beadles, Doctors, and Masters 
 should wear any distinctions by which they may be recognized in the Uni- 
 versitv, or in the Public Acts, or not; and if they wear them, what they shall 
 be. And he shall appoint, either by himself or another, whatever he shall 
 judge, after duly weighing all the circumstances, to be most conducive to the 
 greater glory and service of God and the general good, which is our only aim 
 in this and all our other doings. 
 
 Note by the Editor. The words italicised in the early sections of this article were 
 copied inadvertently from the editio , followed by the compositor, of ' The Constitu- 
 tion ' of 1558 printed by R'vington, and which were there so marked for a special pur- 
 pose. The pr vision-* of these Constitutions of Loyola, although generally followed in 
 the original estobPshment of institution?, were e fi s ntially modified in the details of 
 organization, stud'es, and methods, by the comnrs ion appointed in 1581 bv Acqnaviva, 
 and which reported in 1599, the Ratio atque Institutio Studiorumthe rule and methods 
 of the Schools of the Order to this day. 
 
SCHOOL LIFE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, 
 
 IN THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER.* 
 
 TUOMAS PLATTER was born in the year 1499, near Vispach, in the 
 Canton Valais, in Switzerland, while the bells were ringing for mass, 
 and his kinsmen hoped from the augury that he would become a 
 priest. In his boyhood he tended goats and kine ; at the age of nine 
 years he was sent to his uncle, who was a clergyman. 
 
 "Here," we cite from the narrative, "it fared ill with me; for he 
 was a passionate man, and I but an awkward peasant boy. He beat 
 me without mercy, and took me by the ears and lifted me up from 
 the ground, until I cried like a goat when pierced by the knife of the 
 butcher, and at many such times the neighbors in their alarm, would 
 run in, fearing he would kill me. 
 
 " I was not long with him, for about that time there came into the 
 place a cousin of mine, a Summermatter, who had been at the schools, 
 [to become a priest,] at Ulm and Munich, in Bavaria ; his name was 
 Paul Summermatter. My friends spoke to him of me, and he 
 promised them he would take me with him, and place me at school 
 in Germany. When I heard this, I fell on my knees and prayed to 
 God the Almighty that he would help me out of the hands of .the 
 parson, who taught me nothing at all, and beat me continually. For 
 I had learned nothing but how to sing the " Salve " and " Um Eier," 
 with the other scholars in the village who were under my uncle. 
 
 " When Paul was ready to go, he appointed to meet me at Skalden. 
 Simon Summermatter, my mother's brother, who was also my 
 guardian, lived on the road to Skalden ; he gave me a gold gulden, 
 [sixty-three cents ;] this I held in my hand till I reached the town, 
 and often looked at it on the way, to see whether I had it still with 
 me. I gave it to Paul, and then we started on our travels. I was 
 now obliged to forage for myself and my Bacchant Paul likewise ; and 
 because of my odd appearance and rustic dialect the people gave me 
 food in plenty. Beyond the Grimsen mountains we came to an ale- 
 house where I saw a Dutch tile stove. I had never seen one before, 
 and as the moon shone on it, I thought it was a great calf, for I saw 
 only two of the tiles glimmer, and they looked to me like two great 
 
 * Extracts from the " autobiography of Thomas Platter, composed in the 73d year of his 
 age, for the instruction of his son Felix." Raumer's History of Education 
 
270 THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 eyes. In the morning I saw geese for the first time in my life ; and 
 when they hissed at me, I thought the devil had come to eat me, and 
 [ screamed and ran. At Lucerne, I first saw tile roofs, and was 
 greatly taken with their bright red color. 'We came next to Zurich. 
 There Paul waited for some comrades who were going with us to 
 Meissen, [in present Kingdom of Saxony.] Meanwhile I had to forage 
 to get a subsistence for Paul ; and whenever I entered an ale-house, 
 the people gathered around me to hear my Valais dialect, and were 
 quite willing to give me food. 
 
 "After waiting eight or nine weeks for our companions, we went to 
 Meissen, which was to me a very long journey, as I had not been 
 used to such things, especially as I had to stop and get food on the 
 way ; there were eight or nine of us, three little fags, the rest, great 
 Bacchants* as they were called ; of the fags I was the smallest and 
 the youngest. When I grew tired, and did not want to go farther, 
 my cousin Paul came to me with a stick and lashed me on my bare 
 legs, for I had no stockings, and worn-out shoes. I remember scarce 
 any thing that befell us on the journey ; but here is one incident. 
 As we went along, saying all manner of things, the Bacchants told us 
 how it was the custom in Meissen and Silesia, that the scholars stole 
 geese and ducks, and other such game, and that nothing was done to 
 them, if only they got out of the reach of the man who might happen 
 to own them. One day we were not far from a village where there 
 was a great flock of geese, without their keeper ; for every village has 
 its goose-herd, but here he was at quite a distance from the geese, 
 with the cow-herd. Then I asked my little comrades, * when will we 
 reach Meissen, that I may steal geese ?' They replied, * we are there 
 now.' Then I picked up a stone, threw it at one of the geese, and hit 
 him on the leg ; the rest flew off, but the wounded one could not keep up 
 with them for limping. Then I took another stone and hit him on the 
 head, and knocked him down ; for when among my goats, I had had 
 no equal in throwing, in leaping the bar, or in catching the sound CH 
 the herdsman's horn ; in all such arts I was well skilled. Then I ran 
 up, caught up the goose by the neck, whisked him under my coat, 
 and ran down the street through the village. At that instant the 
 goose-herd commenced running after me, and cried out to all the 
 villagers, 'the boy has stolen my goose.' Hearing this outcry, we 
 quickened our pace, and as I ran, the legs of the goose swung back 
 and forth in front of me, from under my coat. The peasants too 
 came out with clubs and gave chase to throw at us. When I saw 
 that they were gaining upon me, I let the goose drop, and darted to 
 
 * See Njfr-. page 90. 
 
THOMAS PLATTER. 271 
 
 one side of the village amongst the thickets, but my two companions 
 kept to the street, and two peasants after them. Then they fell down 
 on their knees, and begged for mercy, said they had not done it ; 
 so when the peasants found that they were not the ones who had let 
 the goose drop, they returned and picked the goose up. But as for 
 me, when I saw my companions thus pursued, I was in great distress 
 of mind, and said to myself, ' Alas ! thou hast not prayed to-day, as 
 thou wert taught to do every morning.' When the peasants went back 
 they found our Bacchants in the ale-house ; for they had gone on 
 before, leaving us to follow them ; and they asked them to pay for 
 the goose, it was a matter of two batzen or so, but I did not hear 
 whether they did or no. When we came up, they laughed and asked 
 what we had been doing ; I plead in excuse, that I supposed it the 
 custom of the country. They said it was not yet time for that. 
 
 "At a quarter of a mile from Nuremberg, our Bacchants remained 
 behind in a village ; for whenever they wished to carouse, they sent us 
 on before. We staid at Nuremberg several weeks. Here, we little fags 
 spent our time in singing through the streets, those who could sing, 
 but I in foraging, and none of us went into school. This the other 
 boys would not endure, but threatened to drag us into school. The 
 schoolmaster, too, bade our Bacchants come to school, or they should 
 be carried there by force. Antony, as their spokesman, refused to go 
 There were some Swiss there who had agreed to join us on a given 
 day. Then we, little fags, carried stones on to the roof, but Antony 
 and the others made a demonstration against the door. On this the 
 schoolmaster came out with all his boys, large and small, but we flung 
 down stones upon them, so that they were glad to retreat. The next 
 thing we heard was, that we were summoned before the magistrate : it so 
 happened that a neighbor of ours was about to give away his daughter 
 in marriage. This man had a stall full of fat geese. We broke into 
 this in the night and took out three of the geese, and decamped to 
 the farther side of the city. Here we awaited the Swiss, who joined 
 company with us, and we all went together to Halle, in Saxony, to 
 tiie school of St. Ulrica. But our Bacchants dealt so roughly by us, 
 that, in company with my cousin Paul, we ran away from them and 
 came to Dresden. Here the school was not a good one, and the 
 habitations of the scholars were full of vermin, so that we heard them in 
 the night crawling about in the straw on which we lay. So we left 
 the place and set out for Breslau ; on the way we suffered much with 
 hunger, so that some days we had nothing to eat but raw onions with 
 salt, and at other times roasted acorns, crab-apples or pears, and many 
 nights lay out under the open sky, for nowhere would they give us a 
 
272 THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 shelter, much as we besought them ; and some would even set the 
 dogs on us. But when we came to Breslau, in Silesia, we found great 
 abundance, and that so cheap, that the starved scholars would over- 
 eat, and many of them were very sick in consequence. Here we went 
 first to the school of the Holy Cross, in Thum. But when we heard 
 that in the upper parish of St. Elizabeth there were Swiss, we went 
 thither. There were two from Bremgarten, two from Meilingen, and 
 more, besides many Swabians; there was no distinction between 
 Swabians and Swiss; they clanned with one another like fellow- 
 countrymen, and stood up for one another's rights. The city of 
 Breslau has seven parishes, and each parish its separate school, and 
 no scholar of one parish can go into another singing or shouting, 
 * ad idem, ad idem? without causing a general uproar; the boys run 
 together from each side and pummel each other most unmercifully. 
 It is said there have been some thousands of Bacchants and fags in 
 the city at a time, and all dependent on alms. They say, more- 
 over, that some have their fags for twenty and even thirty years, 
 who forage for them. I would often carry five or six loads home of 
 an evening to my Bacchants to the school where they lived. The 
 people were always very ready to give to me, because I was a little 
 boy, and a Swiss ; for they loved the Swiss, and they felt great sym- 
 pathy for them, because they had fared so ill in the great Milan 
 battle ; and it was the common saying, 'now have the Swiss lost their 
 best pater nosterj for before every one thought them invincible. 
 
 "I remained here some length of time, and during the winter was 
 thrice taken sick, so that I had to go into the hospital. The scholars 
 had their own hospital and physician. They received from the city 
 treasury sixteen hellers each a week ; this was ample for their 
 support ; out of it they had good attendance and a good bed, though 
 there were many vermin, like little hemp-seed, so that I preferred, 
 with many others, to lie on the hearth rather than in bed. The scholars 
 were covered with vermin to an extent that was scarcely credible. 
 As often as I wished, I could pick two or three out of my bosom. I 
 have often, especially in the summer, gone down to the Oder, washed 
 my shirt, hung it on the bushes to dry, and meanwhile picked the 
 vermin off my coat, dug a pit, buried a great quantity in it, covered 
 them up, and marked the spot with a little cross. 
 
 " In the winter the fags lay on the hearth in the school room, but 
 the Bacchants in the cells, of which there were some hundreds at 
 St. Elizabeth's ; but in the summer, when it was hot, we lay in the 
 church-yard ; we carried the grass that was spread in the Herren-gasse 
 f or the houses on Saturday, made a bed of it in a good spot in the 
 
THOMAS PLATTER. 273 
 
 church-yard, and there lay, like pigs in their straw. But if it rained, 
 we ran into the school, and when there was a thunder-storm, we sang 
 the whole night long the Responsoria , etc., with the Sub-cantor. 
 
 u Sometimes we would go of a summer evening to the ale-house tc 
 fetch beer. There they gave us full flagons of strong beer, and I 
 often drank so much before I knew it, that I could not go back to 
 the school again, though it was but a stone's throw from where I was. 
 In short there was plenty to eat and drink, but not much studying. 
 
 " In the school at St. Elizabeth's nine Baccalaureates in a room 
 read every hour. The Greek tongue had not been then introduced 
 into the country, nor had they any printed books; only the teacher 
 had a printed Terence. Whatever was read, had first to be written, 
 then divided, then construed, and then explained, so that when the 
 Bacchants left the school, they had great thick copy-books to carry 
 away with them." 
 
 From Breslau he went with Paul, by way of Dresden, to Munich, 
 to a soap-boiler's. "This my master," he says, "I helped boil soap, 
 more than I went to school ; and I went about with him, through the 
 surrounding villages, to buy ashes. Paul went to school in the parish 
 of Our Lady, and so did I, though seldom, for I sung through the 
 streets to procure bread, which I brought to Paul." 
 
 After fifteen years' wanderings Platter revisited with Paul his native 
 town, Vispach. " Here," he adds, " my friends could not understand 
 my speech. * Our Tommy,' they said, * talks so foreign, that no one 
 can tell what he would have ;' for while I was young, I had learned 
 the language of every country where I had lived. 
 
 " Soon after this we went back again to Ulm : Paul took a lad with 
 him, whose name was Hildebrand Kalbermatter, a clergyman's son, 
 and quite young. They gave him a piece of cloth, such as is made 
 in the place, for a coat. When we came to Ulm, Paul bade me take 
 the cloth, and go for food. In it I brought much home ; for I was 
 well used to wheedling and begging, since to this trade the Bacchants 
 had from the first accustomed me, but not to go to school, and not 
 to learn to read. 
 
 "Though I seldom went to school, and during school hours went 
 around with the cloth, yet I suffered much from hunger ; for, what- 
 ever I got, I brought to my Bacchant ; I ate not a mouthful of it all, for 
 I feared a beating. Paul had associated with him another Bacchant, 
 named Acacius, from Mentz, and I and Hildebrand, my companion, 
 had to provide for him too. But Hildebrand ate up every thing; so 
 they sometimes followed him through the streets to detect him in the 
 
 act, or when he came back, they would force him to rinse out hk 
 18 
 
2^4 THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 mouth with water and spit in a basin, in order to find out whether he 
 had been eating. And if he had, they would both together take him, 
 throw him on the bed, cover his head with a pillow to drown his 
 cries, and then beat him terribly. This put me in so great fear, that 
 I brought every thing home, and we often had so much bread, that 
 it would turn mouldy ; the mouldy part they would then cut off and 
 give to us. Many a time have I suffered bitterly from hunger and 
 cold, when walking the streets far into midnight, singing for bread. 
 And this puts me in mind how at Ulm there was a kind widow lady, 
 who had two grown up daughters at home, and a son, named Paul 
 Reling. Often in winter, when I came to her house, she wrapped ray 
 feet in a warm blanket that hung behind the stove, gave me a plate 
 full of boiled pudding, and then bid me God speed. Often T felt th(\ 
 gnawings of hunger so keenly, that I would snatch the bone out o 
 a dog's mouth, or would pick the crumbs from the crevices in th 
 school room floor, and eat them." 
 
 At Munich Platter ran away from his Bacchants, who had perse 
 cuted him so long, and went to Zurich. 
 
 " Here I found a fellow-townsman of mine, named Anthony Venet, 
 who persuaded me to go with him to Strasburg. When we arrived 
 there, we found the place full of needy scholars, and but an indiffer^ 
 ent school, but heard there was a good school at Schlettstadt. So we 
 set out for the latter place, and on the way met a nobleman, who 
 asked us where we were going. When we told him ' to Schlettstadt/ 
 he advised us not to go, as the place swarmed with indigent scholars, 
 and there were but few rich people there. Then my companion began 
 to weep aloud and to ask, what we should do. I bade him keep up 
 a good courage, ' for,' said I, ' when we get there, I am sure that one 
 can easily shift for himself alone, and if so, I will engage to provide 
 for us both.' As we came to an inn about a mile from Schlettstadt, 
 I was seized with such a severe colic, that I thought I should die ; I 
 had eaten so many unripe nuts which I found under the trees. Then 
 my companion wept again, saying if he should lose me he would 
 not know what to do or where to go ; and yet all the time he had 
 ten crowns secreted about him, while I had not so much as a heller. 
 
 " When we arrived at the city, we found lodgings with an aged 
 matron, whose husband was stone-blind. We then went to my bo- 
 loved preceptor, John Sapidus, now deceased, and asked him to take 
 us into his school. He inquired from what country we came, and 
 when we replied, ' from Vispach, in Switzerland,' he said, * they are 
 headstrong, bad people there ; they have driven all their bishops out 
 of the land. But for you, if you will study well, you need pay me 
 
THOMAS PLATTER. 2 7o 
 
 nothing, otherwise you shall pay rae, or I will have the very coats off 
 from your backs." This was about the period of the revival of class- 
 ical studies and the classical tongues, and in the same year that wit- 
 nessed the Diet of Worms. Sapidus had nine hundred pupils at 
 once, some of them well-bred, learned scholars. There were there 
 at that time Dr. Jerome Gemusaeus, and Dr. John Huber, besides 
 many others who have since become eminent doctors and renowned 
 men. 
 
 " When I came into the school, I knew nothing, nor could I even 
 read Donatus, and yet I was eighteen years of age ; and I sat there 
 like a hen among the chickens. One day as Sapidus read over the 
 names of his scholars, he said ' there are many barbarous names 
 among you ; these I must Latinize a little.' After he had finished 
 reading, he wrote down my name, Thomas Platter, and my compan- 
 ion's, Antony Venet : these he changed into Thomas Platerus, and 
 Antonius Venetus, and then said, ' let these two stand up ;' when we 
 did this, he exclaimed, ' see, there are a pair of clumsy boys, and yet 
 what fine-sounding names they have.' This was in part true, espe- 
 cially of my companion, whose awkwardness was so great that I had 
 many a laugh at his expense ; for I suited myself to foreign ways 
 and usages much more readily than he. 
 
 We remained here from autumn to Easter, and as new scholars 
 kept continually coming, and so it grew harder to secure a livelihood, 
 we went to Soleure. Here there was quite a good school, and more 
 abundant provision, but there was so much time to be spent in the 
 church, and otherwise consumed, that we resolved to return home. 
 I remained at home a while, and went to school to a master 
 who taught me a little writing, and I know not what else I learned. 
 At this time I taught my little cousin, Simon Steiner, his * a b c,' in 
 one day ; the following year he came to me to Zurich, continued there 
 at school, until he went to Strasburg ; was Dr. Bucer's/amw/ws; stud- 
 ied till he was appointed teacher of the third class, then of the sec- 
 ond ; was married twice, and died at Strasburg deeply lamented by 
 the whole school." 
 
 After much change of place Platter returned to Zurich, and here 
 went into the Frauen minster school. 
 
 " The schoolmaster's name was Master Wolfgang Knoewell ; he 
 took his degree at Paris, and while there went by the appellation ' Le 
 Gran Diable;' he was a man of stalwart frame and honesty of pur- 
 pose, but gave little heed to the school, attending more to the pretty 
 maidens, whose charms he could not resist. But I desired to study 
 for I felt there was no time to be lost. 
 
276 THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 It was soon after reported that a teacher was coming from Einsied- 
 liu, that he had formerly been at Lucerne, wr.., a very learned man 
 and a faithful master, but odd in the extreme. Thei I took a seat 
 in the corner near the teacher's chair, and thought to myself, ' here 
 in the corner will I study or die.' When, now, the new teacher ar- 
 rived and entered the school-house, he said, " This is a neat-looking 
 place/ it had recently been built anew * but it seems tome the bovs 
 are an ungainly set ; let them only show a diligent spirit, though, and 
 all will be right.' For my part, if my life had been at stake, 1 could 
 not have declined a noun of the first declension, and yet had learned 
 Donatus by heart. For when I was at Schlettstadt, Sapidus had with 
 him a Baccalaureate, named George Andlow, a very learned scholar, 
 who tormented the Bacchants so incessantly with Donatus that I 
 thought if this is such an important book I will master it thoroughly, 
 and so I did. And this stood me in good stead with Father Myco- 
 nius. For when he came he read Terence to us, and we were obliged 
 to decline and conjugate every word of whole comedies, he was 
 often so severe with me that my shirt was wet with perspiration, and 
 my sight failed me ; and yet he did not give me a blow, not even 
 with his little finger. He read, likewise in the Holy Scriptures, and 
 at such hours many of the laity would come in to hear, for the light 
 of the Holy Gospel was then only beginning to dawn, and men were 
 yet burdened with interminable masses, and had idols in all the 
 churches. But whenever he had been angry with me, he took me 
 home with him, and gave me to eat, and after I had eaten, he would 
 listen in delight as I told of all that had befallen me in my long 
 and many wanderings in Germany." 
 
 Platter was afterward tutor to the two sons of Henry Werdmiller. 
 " There they gave me every day regular meals to eat. One of the 
 boys was named Otho; he afterward became Master of Arts at Wit- 
 ten oerg, and subsequently entered the service of the church at Zu- 
 rich ; but the other died at Kappell. I had no more hardships to 
 endure; only it might have been that I applied myself too severely 
 to study ; T undertook Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, gave myself for 
 whole nights together but little sleep, but fought resolutely against 
 sleep, when I began to feel drowsiness, putting raw turnips, sa':d, or 
 cold water into my mouth, or grinding my teeth together, etc. My 
 good Father Myconius would caution me against such close study, nor 
 did he rebuke me when, at times, sleep came upon me unawares. 
 And although I had never been where I could hear lectures upon 
 either Latin, Greek, or Hebrew grammar, yet I practiced reading by 
 myself ; for Myconius had before drilled us with frequent exercises in 
 
THOMAS PLATTER. 277 
 
 the Latin grammar ; but Greek he did not pursue to any extent, for the 
 Greek language was yet foreign, and but little used. I, however, read 
 by myself in Lucian and Homer, as far as the vernacular version 
 would carry me. It happened, moreover, when Father Myconius took 
 me to live with him in his house, that he had some at his table, the 
 now deceased Dr. Gessner was one of them, with whom I was obliged 
 o ' -ctice Donatus and the declensions ; and this proved of great 
 ; to me. At that time, too, Myconius had for an assistant, the 
 
 finished scholar Theodore Bibliander, who was thoroughly versed in 
 the languages, the Hebrew especially, and had written a Hebrew 
 grammar ; he likewise took his meals with Myconius. I begged him, 
 to teach me the Hebrew ; he did so, and I learned to read it both 
 printed and written. Then I rose early in the mornings, made a fire 
 in Myconius' room, sat by the stove, and' copied off the grammar, 
 while he slept ; nor did he ever know what I had done." 
 
 Immediately after this period Platter taught Hebrew to others, but 
 himself learned the ropemaker's trade. " There came," he contin- 
 ues, " a well-bred and learned young man from Lucerne, on his way 
 to attend the festivities at Constance, and Zwingle and Myconius per- 
 suaded him to stop and learn the ropemaker's art with his money. 
 After he had learned to weave and become a master workman, I 
 begged him to teach me the trade too. He* said he had no hemp. I 
 had a small pittance left me by my deceased mother, and with that I 
 bought the master an hundred of hemp and learned with it, as far as 
 it went, and yet all the while took great delight in study. When 
 my master thought me asleep, I rose up stealthily, struck a light, 
 stepped softly, and procured his Homer, glossed my own by it, 
 and this I kept by me while I plied my trade. He afterward learned 
 what I had been doing, and he said to me, * Platerus, he whose mind 
 is on many things can do nothing well ; either study or else work at 
 your trade !' Once, as we sat together by the water pitcher, he said, 
 'Platerus, what says Pindar?' As I replied 'apioVov /xsv TO uwp' 
 he said, laughing ; * then we will follow Pindar, and have no wine, 
 but only water !' 
 
 When I had worked up the hundred of hemp, my lesson was end- 
 ed, and I determined to go to Basle, which I did at Christmas." 
 
 At Basle he went to a second master of the craft, Hans Staehlin. 
 " It was said of him, he was the crustiest master who could be found 
 in all the Rhine valley, hence no journeyman would willingly stay 
 with him, and there was the more room for me." When Platter 
 worked till "the sweat ran down, then my master laughed and said; 
 ' had I studied as much as thou, and loved it as much, I would toss 
 
278 THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 ropemaking to the devil !' For he saw very well, that I had a special 
 fondness for books. 
 
 The printer Cratander had presented me. with an unbound copy of 
 Plautus printed by himself in 8vo. I took one leaf at a time, fixed 
 it upon a fork, stuck the fork underneath in the lower division of the 
 hemp, so that as I twisted I could read alternately each side of the 
 leaf; but when I saw the master coming, I would throw the loose 
 hemp over it. Once he came up before I was aware, and when he 
 saw what I was about, he flew into a passion and cursed me roundly : 
 ( A. pox light on you for your villainy, hypocritical priest that you are ! 
 Wilt study ? Then go elsewhere. But if you remain with me you 
 must work. Is it not enough that you have evenings and Fridavs to 
 yourself, but must you read the rest of the time too ?' On Fridays, 
 after breakfast was over, I would take my book, go out into the fields, 
 and read the whole day until nightfall. By degrees I made th< ac- 
 quaintance of a few scholars, chiefly those who attended the instruc- 
 tion of Beatus Rhenanus. These and others came often to the shop, 
 and urged me to leave off ropemaking." 
 
 At the request of Dr. Oporinus, Platter engaged to teach him He- 
 brew. " Oporinus nailed up on the churches a notice that there was 
 a certain one who would read the elements of the Hebrew tongue on 
 Monday, from 4 to 5, at St. Lienhart; there it was that Oporinus 
 taught school. I went at the appointed hour, thinking to find Opori- 
 nus alone, for I had not seen the cards on the church doors ; when 
 lo ! there were eighteen of his friends assembled, all well-bred, studi- 
 ous young men. When I saw them, I drew back ; but Dr. Oporinus 
 reassured me, saying they were good friends of his. I was ashamed 
 of my shop clothes, but nevertheless yielded to his importunity, and 
 began by reading from the grammar of Dr. Munster, its fame had 
 not then reached Basle ; I read to them also from the proj het Jo- 
 nah as well as I was able." 
 
 Platter subsequently taught in his native town, and elsewhere, ply- 
 ing his trade at the same time ; he was also employed as proof-reader 
 at Basle, and sometimes, too, as a printer. He was repeatedly uro-ed 
 to give up printing, by Rudolph Frey among the rest, who said to 
 him ; " my friend, become a school teacher ; you will thus please our 
 rulers, and serve God and the world." He then spoke to the council, 
 and the council delegated the town recorder, Dr. Grynaeus to confer 
 with me. Dr. Grynaeus said to me ; ' become a school teacher ; 
 there is no more godlike office ; for myself there is no station I would 
 sooner fill.' So much was said to me that I finally consented. This 
 was in the year 1541, on Good Friday. 
 
THOMAS PLATTER. 279 
 
 The council then sent for me to meet them at the town house, and 
 then they made an agreement with me. I stipulated, in case they 
 should intrust the school to me to organize and direct it, for three as- 
 sistants and a salary upon which I could subsist; otherwise I told 
 them I could not conduct the school with profit and honor. This was 
 all granted ; the salary, however, with some reluctance. I desired 
 200 florins ; 100 for myself, and 100 for my assistants. They agreed 
 to this with the proviso, however, that I should not mention it to any 
 one, for they had never given so much before, and they would scarce- 
 ly give the like to any one who should come after me. Now every- 
 thing was concluded, and die university not consulted at all in the 
 matter, whereat they were not a little nettled ; for they had desired 
 to strike another bargain with me, and would have pledged them- 
 selves above all, in case I had subjected myself to their authority, or- 
 ganizing my school after the pattern they should furnish, and reading 
 such authors alone as they should prescribe, that they would confer 
 a Master's Degree upon me, with other marks of their favor from 
 time to time. 
 
 Then I went to Strasburg, intending to look into the system in op- 
 eration there, and to confer with my brother Lithonius, who was 
 teacher of the third class there ; and then to re-arrange rny school 
 so far as the case would admit. I returned, divided my four classes; 
 for, before, the pupils were in the lower rooms, and it had been the 
 custom to warm no other rooms than the lower ; for there had been but 
 very few pupils. When I now began to keep school, I was obliged to 
 lay before the university in writing, my class system, and whatever I 
 read every hour during the whole week. This did not entirely please 
 them ; they thought I read higher authors than they in my instruc- 
 tion, and as for dialectics they would not suffer me to teach it at all ; 
 and they chid me so often that at last the masters began to wonder 
 what this dialectics could be, about which there was so much strife 
 and contention. When I explained to Herr Joder Brand, the wor- 
 shipful burgomaster, at his own request, what dialectics was, he was 
 astonished at their refusal to let me teach it. For at their convoca- 
 tion at Easter, they had unanimously resolved that I should not teach it 
 any longer. But for all their interdict, I did not vary my course a 
 hair, so long as I had pupils who wished to study the art. However, 
 the Faculties generally were not much opposed to it, only the Faculty 
 of arts, and they said it would revolutionize the existing systems of in- 
 struction. But the boys, nevertheless, would not give it up ; for their 
 minds were wholly set upon it. This strife lasted for some six years, 
 
2gQ THOMAS PLATTER. 
 
 until finally a pestilence came, and my school, in consequence, was so 
 reduced that I had no pupils who desired to learn dialectics." 
 
 The university soon after signified to him their pleasure that he should 
 hold examinations before their delegates. "At the next Lent," he adds, 
 " I conducted my class down to be examined in due form. But some 
 of them so managed the matter, that they soon fell out with each 
 other, and not being able to harmonize, they bade me undertake the 
 examination. I said they must do it, for / had it to do every day in 
 the school ; however, I yielded, and since then have conducted these 
 examinations myself. My opinion was, the examinations were insti- 
 tuted that it might be seen whether the boys made improvement or 
 no ; but those, who should hear, sat there, the most of them, and 
 prated. The examinations are worthless ; scarce a line can any one 
 explain, and people truly say, they are only continued that the world 
 may exclaim, " what care is given to these things !" 
 
 In the close Platter turns to his son Felix, for whom he wrote this 
 biography, glances back upon the hardships and the poverty of his 
 own youth time, and down through later years, when competence and 
 fame had been allotted to him. " What shall I then say of you, 
 Felix, of your prosperity, and the respect which is paid to you? 
 What, but that it is God our Lord who has granted you the happi- 
 ness of living so long under the fostering care of your dear mother, 
 and the fortune of making the acquaintance of many princes and 
 lords, noblemen and commoners. i Looking at all these things, my 
 dear son Felix, ascribe nothing of it all to your own merits, but give 
 God alone the praise and the glory your whole life long ; so shall you 
 win the life that is everlasting. Amen." 
 
 It was in 1541, in his 42d year, that Platter took up the office of 
 teacher; and he administered it with faithfulness and vigor for thirty- 
 seven years, until 1578. He died, his son Felix tells us, on the 26th 
 of January, 1582, in the full possession of his faculties, at the age of 
 eighty-three. 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 BACCHANTS, and ABC-shooters. In the period from 1300 to 1600, when the 
 Latin town schools first began to flourish independently of the church, many 
 grown-up students, with more or less of university education, were accustomed to 
 wander over all Germany, like the journeymen of the present day ; stopping at one 
 place and another to teach, and leading with them a number of boys, nominally 
 their scholars. These students were called Bacchants, from their bacchanalian 
 lives ; and their scholars, ABC-shooters, from the rudimentary character of their 
 studies and their chief occupation, which was, not only to study, but to steal (Baccan- 
 tice to shoot) fowls. &c., and to beg, for the maintenance of their masters. A 
 future articl will treat somewhat more fuHv of tb^se extraordinary peripatetic 
 educators and their lives. 
 
UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.J 
 
 THE reader has doubtless been surprised to learn how much was 
 left untaught, in the sixteenth century, in the schools. Geography 
 and history were entirely omitted in every scheme of instruction, 
 mathematics played but a subordinate part, while not a thought was 
 bestowed either upon natural philosophy or natural history. Every 
 moment and every effort were given to the classical languages, chief- 
 ly to the Latin. 
 
 But we should be overhasty, should we conclude, without further 
 inquiry, that these branches, thus neglected in the schools, were there- 
 fore every where untaught. Perhaps they were reserved for the uni- 
 versity alone, and there, too, for the professors of the philosophical 
 faculty, as is the case even at the present day with natural philosophy 
 and natural history ; nay, logic, which was a regular school study in 
 the sixteenth century, is, in our day, widely cultivated at the univers 
 ity. 
 
 We must, therefore, in order to form a just judgment upon the 
 range of subjects taught in the sixteenth century, as well as upon the 
 methods of instruction, first cast a glance at the state of the universi- 
 ties of that period, especially in the philosophical faculties. 
 
 A prominent source of information on this point is to be found in 
 the statutes of the University of Wittenberg, revised by Melancthon, 
 in the y^ar 1545. 
 
 The theological faculty appears, by these statutes, to have con 
 sisted of four professors, who read lectures on the Old and New Tes- 
 taments, chiefly on the Psalms, Genesis, Isaiah, the Gospel of John, 
 and the Epistle to the Romans. They also taught dogmatics, com- 
 menting upon the Nicene creed and Augustine's book, "De spiritu et 
 literal 
 
 The Wittenberg lecture schedule* for the year 1561, is to the same 
 effect ; only we have here, besides exegesis and dogmatics, catechetics 
 "Jikewise. 
 
 Ac ar *rding to the statutes, the philosophical faculty was composed 
 
 * This id to be found in Strobel's " New Contributions to Literature," who likewise cites an 
 earlier one of the v^ar l.W 
 
282 UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 of ten professors. The first was to read upon logic and rhetoric ; the 
 second, upon physics, and the second book of Pliny's natural history ; 
 the third, upon arithmetic and the "-Sphere " of John de Sacro Busto ; 
 the fourth, upon Euclid, the "Theories Planetarum" of Burbach, and 
 Ptolemy's "Almagest;" the fifth and sixth, upon the Latin poets and 
 Cicero ; the seventh, who was the "Pedagogus^ explained to the 
 younger class, Latin Grammar, Linacer de emendata structura Latini 
 sermonis, Terence, and some of Plautus ; the eighth, who was the 
 " Physicus," explained Aristotle's "Physics and Dioscorides ;" the 
 ninth gave instruction in Hebrew ; and the tenth reviewed the Greek 
 Grammar, read lectures on Greek Classics* at intervals, also on one 
 of St. Paul's Epistles, and, at the same time, on ethics. 
 
 The above requisitions of the statutes are likewise confirmed by the 
 lecture schedule already alluded to. To the lectures were added 
 declamations and disputes, and that alternating, so that on one Satur- 
 day there would be declamations, on the next disputes, &c. 
 
 In regard to lectures by jurists and medicists, the statutes are 
 silent. But we learn from the lecture schedule, before cited, that 
 seven jurists read upon the various departments of Roman and canon 
 law ; of medicists, one discoursed upon the ninth book of ^Rasis ad 
 Almansorem ;" a second read " Hippocratica et Galenica ;" a third, 
 likewise upon Galen, and also upon Avicenna. 
 
 Thus the philosophical faculty appears to have been the most fully 
 represented at Wittenberg, as it included ten professors, while the 
 theological had but four, the medical but three. The Elector John 
 Frederick, in a new foundation-grant to the university, specified a 
 faculty of "Artists? the " origin and parent of all the other facul- 
 ties," and took it under his especial protection. Its functions over- 
 stepped even the limits of the curriculum, prescribed by the statutes. 
 Thus Melancthon read a historical course upon Carion's "dhronicon," 
 as did afterward his son-in-law, Peucer. A new chair, moreover, was 
 established in 1572, when William Rabot, a native of Dauphiny, was 
 installed in Wittenberg as professor of the French language. In his 
 inaugural address, he spoke of the affinity between the Germans and 
 the French, remarked that, according to the " lex Carolina" the Ger- 
 man emperors were expected to understand French, and praised the 
 elector, because he had called a special teacher to give instruction in 
 the language. 
 
 On a comparison of different Protestant universities of the sixteenth 
 
 When Melancthon was a student at Wittenberg, there existed no chair there for instruc- 
 tion in the Greek language; at Heidelberg, however, Dionysius Reuchlin had, prior to this 
 eriod, been inducted into the office of Greek Professor. 
 
UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 283 
 
 century, it appears that they all proposed to themselves essentially 
 one and the same problem. This problem was, in part, entirely new ; 
 though, in part also, an inheritance of the past, made new, however, 
 or greatly modified, under the demands of that awakening age. We 
 need only refer, in illustration of our statement, to the fact, that be- 
 fore Erasmus there was no exegesis of the New Testament in the 
 original, before Reuchlin none of the Old, and that Rudolf Agricola 
 was the first to initiate a new style of commenting on and interpreting 
 the ancient classics. 
 
 But, as in our own day, we should not be in a condition to make a 
 correct estimate of the value of our present schools and universities 
 simply by consulting school-plans, governmental decrees, lecture sched- 
 ules, and the like, but must much rather, to avoid erroneous conclu- 
 sions, inform ourselves, by careful observation, upon the internal econ- 
 omy of these institutions, so neither can we decide upon the merits 
 of the institutions of learning of former centuries, without putting 
 them to a similar ordeal. Now there happens to have been preserved 
 some indirect testimony to this point, going to show that studies in 
 the sixteenth century, at least those of the majority of students, by 
 no means conformed to the idea which the reader will naturally form 
 of them in the light of the preceding pages. A few examples will 
 suffice in support of this assertion. 
 
 The professor of mathematics and astronomy, at Wittenberg, 
 Erasmus Reinhold,* was an eminent scholar, who advocated the 
 Copernican system ; but, in spite of his ability, " because of the general 
 distaste for mathematical pursuits, he had few hearers." Melancthon 
 wrote to Duke Albert, of Prussia, as follows: "Very few apply 
 themselves to mathematics, and fewer still are the men of wealth and 
 influence who foster this study by their patronage. Our court pays 
 scarce any heed to it." To Spalatin he wrote : " There is urgent 
 need of two instructors of mathematics in Wittenberg, that a science 
 so absolutely indispensable, but now neglected, may come into honor." 
 But the best proof we can give of the disrepute into which mathe- 
 matics had then fallen, is to be found in the address of invitation of 
 a Wittenberg mathematical Docent. He eulogizes arithmetic, and 
 implores students not to be intimidated by the difficulties that this 
 study presents. The first elements are easy, and though the principles 
 of multiplication and division require more diligence, yet the attent- 
 ive can master them with ease. It is true there are parts of arith- 
 metic which are much harder, " but," he continues, " I now speak 
 only of these rudiments, which I am to teach, and which you will 
 
 * Reinhold was born at Saalfeld, in 1511, and he died in 1552. His principal work was en- 
 titled " Tabulae prutenicae coelestium motuum." 
 
284 UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 find serviceable." W-3 can scarcely trust our eyes, when we read 
 such language as the above. 
 
 In the year 1536, Melancthon read a course of lectures upon Ptole- 
 my's Treatise, "De apotelesmatibus etjudiciis astrorum" On finish- 
 ing the first book, he announced the second in these terms: -"It gives 
 me pain to perceive that some of my hearers have already taken a 
 dislike to so excellent an author." Then, after a panegyric upon 
 Ptolemy's book, he continues: "It appears marvelous to me that so 
 many can reject such a book. For, if we think of it, the life of a 
 student is a continual warfare. Now it is not becoming in a soldier 
 to grow weary and faint-hearted when every thing does not go accord- 
 ing to his wish. I therefore exhort all who began with me these 
 lectures upon Ptolemy to come back. To those who have not desert- 
 ed me, I offer my tribute of thanks." 
 
 We might conclude that such a general indisposition to study had 
 reference mainly to the department of natural science, and not to 
 philology ; inasmuch as the latter was the peculiar educational agent 
 of that era. But it fared no better with Greek at Wittenberg, as we 
 may learn from the following expressions of Melancthon. In 1531, 
 he announced that he would give some lectures upon Homer : ' I 
 shall," said he, " according to my custom, read gratis. But, as Homer 
 in his life-time was needy and a beggar, so the same fate follows him 
 now that he is dead. For this noblest of poets is compelled now to 
 wander about imploring men to listen to him. He does not, however, 
 seek out those groveling souls, bent only on gain, who, not content 
 with resting in ignorance themselves, delight in crying down all noble 
 learning, but turns rather to those free spirits who aim after perfect 
 knowledge." , 
 
 There is preserved an announcement from Melancthon, of the year 
 1533, of his lectures on the 4th Philippic of Demosthenes.* In this 
 he says: "I had hoped, by disclosing to my hearers the grace of the 
 second Olynthiac, to have allured them to a nearer acquaintance with 
 Demosthenes. But I perceive that this generation has no ear for 
 such authors. For there remain to me but few hearers, and these 
 have not forsaken me lest I should be wholly discouraged ; for this 
 courtesy, I thank them. But I shall, nevertheless, continue to dis- 
 charge the duties of my office. I shall commence these lectures 
 to-morrow." But, on another occasion, Melancthon spoke in still 
 stronger terms: "To-morrow it is my intention to begin my exposi- 
 tion of the "Antigone" of Sophocles. And I would here utter an admo- 
 nition, if I thought it would be at all heeded, in reluike of the shock- 
 
 * The scarcity of printed copies of Demosthenes occasioned the request "that the stnrffints 
 should transcribe Melancthon's copy." 
 
UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 285 
 
 ing barbarism of manners that prevails around us.* But I must 
 except a tew of a better class, who have been my hearers thus far, and 
 thank them." 
 
 As at the schools, so also at the universities, Latin was the chief 
 object of attention. And, while Greek was regarded with indifference, 
 we have the authority of Grohmann for the assertion that a special 
 Professorship of Terence was founded by Frederick the Wise. But 
 we have a truer criterion by which to judge of the limited nature of 
 the studies of that period, as compared with the wide field which they 
 cover at the present day, in the then almost total lack of academical 
 apparatus and equipments. The only exception was to be found in 
 the case of libraries; but, how meager and insufficient all collections 
 of books must have been at that time, when books were few in num- 
 ber and very costly, will appear from the fund, for example, which 
 was assigned to the Wittenberg library ; it yielded annually but one 
 hundred gulden, (about $63,) with which, "for the profit of the uni- 
 versity and chiefly of the poorer students therein, the library may be 
 adorned and enriched with books in all the faculties and in every art, 
 as well in the Hebrew and Greek tongues." f 
 
 Of other apparatus, such as collections in natural history, anatomi- 
 cal museums, botanical gardens, and the like, we find no mention 
 and the less, inasmuch as there was no need of them in elucidation of 
 
 * This strong expression of Melancthon's agrees throughout with many of his addresses, 
 delivered to the students on the annual reading of the university statutes. Take an extract, 
 by way of example, from the address of the year 1533 : "Quorundam tanta est ferocitas, ut 
 contemptum disciplinae et legum, fortitudinem quandam esse putent. Jure deplorant omnea 
 boni viri hoc tempore nimis laxatam esse disciplinam." " The barbarity of some is so great 
 that they even think that a contempt for discipline and law is a part of true bravery." And 
 again he says, in the address of 1537 : lt Nunquam juventus tarn impaliens legum et disciplinae 
 fuit, prorsus suo arbitrio, non alieno vult vivere. Nou eiiim hominum sed Cyclopum hi 
 mores sunt, totas noctes in publico tumultuari.furiosis clamoribus omnia complere, conviciis, 
 lapidum jactu, armis in pacatos adeoque inermes atque innocentes hostilem in modum 
 debacchari,oppugnare honestorum civium aedes, effringere fores, fenestras, turbare somnum 
 puerperis miserisque aegrotis ac senibus, dissipare tabernas in foro. currus et quicquid 
 occurrit." " Never were our youth so impatient of laws and of discipline, so determined to 
 live after their own wills and not according to the wills of others. But it is the part, not of 
 men, but of Cyclops, to make public tumults all night ; to fill whole neighborhoods with furi- 
 ous outcries; to make bacchanalian and even hostile assaults upon the unarmed and innocent 
 with insults, throwing stones, and even with weapons; to lay siege to the dwellings of respect- 
 able citizens ; to break in their doors and windows, destroy the slumbers of women in child- 
 bed, of the wretched, the sick, and the aged ; to demolish the booths in the market-place, car- 
 riages, and whatever else comes in the way." 
 
 t The largest salaries then received by any of the professors at Wittenberg amounted to 
 only two hundred gulden. The third medical professor had but eighty gulden. And the 
 annual expenditure of the entire university did not exceed three thousand seven hundred and 
 ninety-five gulden. And yet we find sumptuary edicts then in force, which forbade the 
 rector, a doctor, &c., to entertain more than one hundred and twenty guests at any one time. 
 But we should remember that a cord of wood could then be bought for six groschen, a hare 
 for two, and other things in proportion. " For board, lodging, and government, the student 
 paid annually, to one of the professors, the sum of thirty gulden. 
 
286 UNIVERSITIES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 such lectures as the professors ordinarily gave. When Paul Eber, 
 the theologian, read lectures upon anatomy, he made no use of dis- 
 section. And it was stated, as a remarkable event, that the medical 
 lecturer, Schurf, in the year 1526, instituted an anatomical analysis 
 of a human head. For it was not until some years after, that the 
 special enactment, requiring two dissections annually, was passed. In 
 Frankfort -on-the-Oder, Eggeling instituted the first dissection in 
 1542. But much earlier, in 1482, Pope Sixtus IV. had issued a brief, 
 in which the University of Tubingen received permission to dissect 
 one subject every third or fourth year. It was not, however, until 
 the middle of the sixteenth century, that the first anatomical museum 
 was founded by the efforts of the talented Leonard Fox ; and, in 1569, 
 the medical faculty were empowered to dissect the bodies of executed 
 criminals.* 
 
 The earliest mention that we find of a botanical garden at Tubin- 
 gen is in 1652, at Wittenberg in 1668. Yet, at the latter place, it 
 appears to have been a part of the duty of Professor Niemann, in 
 1624, "to take medical students, twice in each year, on a botanizing 
 tour, (herbatum.}\ 
 
 The earliest regulations for the Tubingen cabinet of natural history 
 are of the year 1771. 
 
 In the year 1603, Professor Joestelius, at Wittenberg, asked in vain 
 for the erection of an observatory, and it was not until 1752 that 
 Tubingen could boast of one. 
 
 In the following pages we shall see how there grew up by degrees 
 a strong desire, no longer to teach and to learn a traditional science 
 of nature from books alone, but to question nature herself directly, 
 without an interpreter ; meanwhile, what has been now advanced 
 respecting academical institutes (apparatus,) may serve to point in 
 advance to the period when a true realism was applied to the investi- 
 gation of nature, and an enlightened humanism, moving in language 
 as in its native element, penetrated through the form to the spirit of 
 the ancient classics. 
 
 *The following inscription was placed over the door of the Wittenberg anatomical theater, 
 where executed criminals were dissected : 
 
 "Qui vivi nocuere mali, post funera prosunt, 
 
 Et petit ex ipsa commoda morte salus." 
 ' Here wicked men are found at last in useful ways, 
 
 And here death shows us how to lengthen out our days " 
 
 t As early as 1615, the University of Wittenberg sentenced a student, who had Deeit con- 
 victed of the crime of dueling, to pay a fine of three hundred gulden, hoping with the money 
 to found a botanical garden, but the project failed through the inability of the student to pay 
 
EARLY SCHOOL CODES OF GERMANY. 
 
 I. DUCHY OF WIRTEMBERG. 
 
 (Translated from the German of Karl Von Raumer, for the American Journal of Education. 
 
 THE schools of Trotzendorf, Neander, and Sturm, formed the gen- 
 eral model upon which the schools of the sixteenth century were or- 
 ganized, a model imitated with greater or less exactness, however, in 
 the different German states, according to their varying position and 
 demands. The truth of this remark will appear from an examination 
 of the school codes of Wirtemberg and Saxony, that were published 
 in the second half of this (sixteenth) century. 
 
 The Wirtemberg code, to which we shall first advert, is to be found 
 incorporated in the Grand Ecclesiastical Order, so-called, issued in the 
 year 1559, by Duke Christopher, and, after receiving the formal sanc- 
 tion of the assembled states at the Diet of 1565, accepted as an inte- 
 gral part of the constitution of the government, and approved by suc- 
 cessive revisions at different periods, as in 1582, 1660, etc. In the 
 preamble to this code, its purpose is stated as follows : "To carry youth 
 from the elements through successive grades to the degree of culture 
 demanded for offices in the church and in the state." 
 
 TEUTSCH (GERMAN) SCHOOLS. 
 
 The " Teutsch " schools formed the lowest grade, in which boys and 
 girls, separate from each other, received instruction in reading, writing, 
 religion, and sacred music. Arithmetic was left out of the account 
 here ; although afterward we find it required of the schoolmaster, 
 that he be " of a good understanding to teach both reading and fig- 
 ures." In the matter of discipline, the master was cautioned "to use 
 the rod on all proper occasions, but never to seize the children by the 
 hair, etc." And in order that the service of the school might wholly 
 engage the attention of the teacher, " wherever any sacristan is now 
 required to do beadle and mass service, for the future he may be re- 
 leased therefrom." 
 
 Such " Teutsch" schools, moreover, were to be set up "in the little 
 villages and hamlets," where there were no higher institutions in ex- 
 istence; but, together with these, "in each and every city, large or 
 small, as well as in the principal villages or hamlets, Latin schools like- 
 wise were to be founded." These last were also called private schools 
 
SCH001 CODE Ob WIRTEMBERG. 
 LATIN SCHOOLS. 
 
 A fully equipped Latin school was to include, according to the code 
 of Duke Christopher, five classes, to which Duke Louis added a sixth. 
 This number, howevei, in thinly settled hamlets, was reduced, so that 
 in some instances we f nd but one class in a school. 
 
 Where the classes were sufficiently full, they were to be divided into 
 decurice ; and each decuAa, as in the school of Sturm, had its decurion, 
 elected weekly, whose duty it was to take the general "oversight of 
 his comrades." 
 
 The lowest class was called Prima. The boys in tuis class learned 
 to read Latin. The teachers were particularly admonished to require 
 the boys "to pronounce the vowels and consonants in a clear and dis- 
 tinct manner, and according to the usage of the Latin language rather 
 than that of the vernacular." Those who, "from natural backwardness, 
 are unable to pronounce all the letters, should be, as much as possible, 
 practiced upon words of a smooth and gliding accent." The paradigms 
 of the etymology were taught, Cato read, and two Latin words, taken 
 from the Nomenclatura rerum, were daily assigned to each scholar, to 
 copy and commit to memory. 
 
 Second Class. In this, Cato and the "Mimi Publiani" were ex- 
 pounded, word by word, and the declensions and conjugations were 
 continued; "with the other parts of speech (i. e., other than nouns 
 substantive and adjective, and verbs,) the boys in the lower decuria 
 were not to be perplexed ; " but, in the upper decurice, all the parts of 
 speech were to be learned, syntax begun, and translations made from 
 the Latin catechism. Moreover, the preceptor was enjoined to "ques- 
 tion and drill the boys in phrases," to see how they would express this 
 or that particular phrase in Latin ; for at this point Latin conversation 
 was the chief subject of attention. Exercises in music were likewise 
 required. 
 
 Third Class. In this class, lessons were recited from the "Fables 
 of Camerarius " and the " Dialogues of Cattalio," and " fine phrases 
 were pointed out therein," for the boys " to put to use, both in writing 
 and in speech." They were likewise introduced to the "choice epis- 
 tles of Cicero," and to Terence. The latter was to be committed to 
 memory. "And, since Terence wrote with great elegance and purity, 
 the boys should read over his expressions often, and that attentively, 
 and should also turn them into good German, 'that so their own 
 Latin, both written and colloquial, may be improved.' " At the read- 
 ing of Terence, the teachers "should be specially cireful to give prom- 
 inence to the design and purpose of the author, how he does not him- 
 self advocate every thing that is said, but depicts various vices and 
 
SCHOOL CODE OF W1RTEMBERG 289 
 
 dispositions in the person of his various characters ; for instance, 
 where Mitio says ' Non est flagitium (crede mihi) adolescentem scor- 
 tari, neque potare, neque fores effringere,' etc. ; here the boys are to 
 understand that these words do not express the real sentiments of the 
 writer." " Again, these and the like passages should be used by the 
 preceptor, to show how those benighted pagans knew nothing of 
 God and his word ; in short, a diligent care should be exercised, on all 
 occasions, that the tender minds of the young receive no evil bias." 
 
 Syntax was then taken up, combined with " exercises in style ; " 
 and in these the pupil was instructed " to imitate the periods of au- 
 thors, gleaned from suitable readings." Patience and perseverance 
 were especially commended to teachers, in their corrections of the 
 written essays of their scholars. 
 
 Fourth Class. Cicero's " Letters to his Friends," the treatises on 
 "Friendship," and on "Old Age," and Terence were read in this class. 
 After finishing syntax, the elements of prosody were taken up. Also 
 the rudiments of Greek grammar were learned, and translations made 
 from the smaller Greek catechism of Brentius. 
 
 Fifth Class. Those boys who, while passing through the four first 
 classes, " had been sufficiently exercised and perfected in grammar, so 
 that they spoke Latin with tolerable freedom, and had besides mas- 
 tered the elements of Greek," were in this class to be confirmed " in 
 all the studies to which they had previously attended." 
 
 They were then to read Cicero's "Familiar Letters," and his "Of- 
 fices," also Ovid " de Tristibus," the Gospels in Greek and in Latin, 
 and, in addition, to give their attention to prosody and to exercises in 
 style. 
 
 Sixth Class. "After the boys have been thoroughly drilled in 
 grammar, they are in this class to be made acquainted with logic and 
 rhetoric." They were to read, beside Cicero's Speeches and Sallust, 
 the -^Eneid of Virgil, "that they may thereby grow accustomed to 
 the elegancies of the Latin tongue, and to a pure, poetical diction." 
 
 In their exercises in style, " regard should be paid not to the quan- 
 tity but the quality of their compositions, and to their successful imi- 
 tation of the idiom and the phraseology of Cicero." 
 
 In Greek, they were to go through with the grammar, and to read 
 the Cyropaedia and the larger catechism of Brentius. 
 
 Music, especially sacred, both in German and Latin words, was 
 thoroughly practiced by all the classes, and the recitations of the day 
 were always introduced with the singing of the " Veni sancte Spiritus" 
 or the " Veni Creator Spiritus" 
 
 The boys were also obliged, "as well out of as in school, to con- 
 
290 SCHOOL CODE OF WIRTEMBERG. 
 
 verse with each other in Latin, not in German," and " every week to 
 write ' letters.' " 
 
 A comparison of the Wirtemberg school code with that of Sturm 
 reveals a most surprising similarity between them both, in their re- 
 spective aims, as well as in the means by which in each case that aim 
 was reached. The Wirtemberg bo) r s were required to be "devout, 
 God-fearing, modest, and obedient, and to be faithful in attendance on 
 school and in study." Teachers were repeatedly cautioned against too 
 great severity, especially in the infliction of corporeal punishment. 
 
 THE CLOISTER SCHOOLS. 
 
 Duke Christopher's chief care was to provide his people with good 
 spiritual guides. For the education of such, he founded, in the year 
 1556, cloister schools, so-called, upon the endowments of the disfran- 
 chised monasteries, so that these might be, according to their original 
 design, again enlisted in the service of the church. At an annual ex- 
 amination held by authority at Stuttgart, the most promising boys, of 
 twelve or fourteen years of age, at the Latin schools, were transferred 
 to the cloister schools, and there educated without charge, until they 
 were fitted to enter the University of Tubingen. At their entrance 
 into the cloister schools, the promise was exacted of them, to continue 
 faithfully in the study of theology, and, except under permission from 
 the duke, never to engage in any foreign service, The " Church Order " 
 divided the cloister schools into lower and higher; the former were also 
 styled grammar schools. Boys went, as we have stated above, in their 
 twelfth or fourteenth year, from the Latin school, into the cloister 
 grammar school. They were obliged, beforehand, to have completed 
 the studies of the third class; for in the cloister school they receiver 
 nearly the same instruction that was imparted in the fifth and the 
 sixth of the Latin schools. To this there was, moreover, added much 
 theological doctrine, bearing upon their future course. 
 
 From the grammar schools, they went up into the higher cloister 
 schools. Here they read Cicero, Virgil, and Demosthenes, and took 
 up Greek grammar ; they also continued logic and rhetoric, and 
 practiced singing, in connection with the study of a compendium of 
 musical science. Up to this point, they were wholly upon old ground. 
 But now, other and new branches demanded their attention ; viz. r 
 arithmetic and astronomy, the latter most probably taught out of 
 the "Sphere of Sacro fiosco" 
 
 Meanwhile, frequent exercises in style were insisted on, in order " to 
 attain to the purity and elegance of the Latin tongue." Some short 
 collection of phrases was to be learned by heart, and reference " should 
 
SCHOOL CODE OF WIRTEMBERG. 291 
 
 oe freely made to the ' Phrases out of Cicero and Terence, collected 
 by certain scholars, and now first put into print.' " The preceptor 
 "should himself, with such phrases as he had collected in his reading 
 during the week, compose a Latin treatise, inventing his argument 
 in such a manner, that well-considered phrases may be fitly woven 
 into its expression ; for he ought, by all means, to avoid affectation, 
 and to use embellishments only where they grow out of the subject. 
 Such treatises he should translate into good German, and dictate the 
 same to the boys, bidding them turn it again into pure and elegant 
 Latin, for which purpose he may remind them to use their own com- 
 mon-place books, already prepared of words and phrases from Cicero, 
 Terence, Virgil, and other good authors. The preceptor must "strike 
 out every phrase which is not sanctioned by some approved author," 
 
 " and at last he should read over to the boys the Latin 
 
 treatise which he has himself already prepared from the same 
 phrases, and they should listen attentively, in order to see how skill- 
 fully the preceptor has joined these phrases together ; that they may 
 learn how to follow his lead, and attain to his excellence." 
 
 Every where we find the same grand aim ; i. e., imitation of classical 
 authors. And those earlier scholars fancied themselves genuine 
 imitators and pure classical writers, when they had merely put 
 together, with great care and pains, phrases borrowed from the classics. 
 That they did not learn from the classics, as did Wieland, how to 
 write German well, is sufficiently evident from the composition of the 
 foregoing citations.* 
 
 Every two weeks, disputations were to be held upon questions of 
 grammar, logic, rhetoric, or the sphere, ("Sphcerica lectio") 
 
 The discipline of these cloister schools was the more strict, inas- 
 much as more was demanded of boys who were destined for the 
 clerical office. 
 
 UNIVERSITY. 
 
 When the cloister scholars had reached the age of 16 or 17, they 
 entered the university. They were first examined ; and those who ' 
 had passed a good examination were admitted to the Tubingen 
 Foundation, and, during their entire university course, received a 
 gratuitous maintenance. And here, too, they were subjected to a 
 strict discipline. Besides their particular department of theology, 
 they paid special attention to Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, prosecuted 
 logic, rhetoric, and mathematics more thoroughly, and were kept at 
 exercises in style, together with disputations. The Foundation was 
 
 Take for instance the following : " Kein phrasin die nicht ex probato authore herkommen 
 passiren la.*sen." 
 
292 SCHOOL CODE OF WIRTEMBERU. 
 
 sufficiently ample for the support of one hundred and fifty students. 
 Its privileges however were extended only to native-born Wirtem- 
 bergers, who were destined for the sacred office. 
 
 Such was the Wirtemberg school system, beginning in the 
 "Teutsch " or elementary schools, and ending in the university. 
 But it did not entirely answer the expectations even of its founder, 
 Duke Christopher. The private schools especially often proved a 
 failure; as, in many places, "from the scarcity both of teachers and 
 pupils," they were not fully organized, having only the lower classes. 
 For this reason, the Duke founded in eight cities special private schools 
 with more classes the principal of these was at Stuttgart ; this con- 
 tained five classes, to which Duke Louis added a sixth. This latter 
 school was a perfect realization of the plan of instruction of Louis, 
 being a fully equipped private school, in which boys were thoroughly 
 fitted for the university.* 
 
 They read the speeches of Cicero, Virgil, the comedies of Frischli- 
 nus, and practiced writing, both in Latin and Greek, both d.tfuse and 
 compact, (exercitia styli Latini, Greed, soluti, ligati.) 
 
 They attended also to music, astronomy, logic, and rhetoric ; we 
 find mention made likewise of physics and ethics. And because, in 
 1599, complaints were made of the neglect of the Greek language, 
 the grammar of Crusius and the Cyropaedia were introduced into 
 the school. Afterward, in the year 1686, " this school was reorgan- 
 ized into the form and shape of a completely-equipped gymnasium;" 
 both studies and classes being raised. 
 
 The external organization of the Wirtemberg schools of the present 
 day, agrees in the main with that of the 16th century. In addition 
 to the German elementary schools, the duchy can now boast of 83 
 Latin schools. From these, those pupils destined for the ministry, 
 who distinguish themselves at the official examinations, are sent to 
 the four cloister seminaries at Maulbronn, Urach, Blaubeuren, and 
 Schonthal, among which there is now no longer the ancient distinction 
 of lower and higher. For example, thirty scholars entered, in the 
 year 1828, the seminary of Schonthal, taking the places of those, 
 previously there, who had just left for Tubingen. These thirty new 
 scholars formed a promotion, so called, and remained there four 
 years; until, in 1832, at the end of the summer semester, they all 
 left for the university. In the same manner, every year, one of 
 the four cloister schools dismisses its scholars, and admits at the 
 same time a new promotion, so that every year the Tubingen 
 
 * The course of instruction pursued in this school toward the close of the 16th century 
 may be seen in the -'Swabian Magazine " for 1776. part l.page 412. In 1574 thescnool nura 
 hered 312 pupils 
 
SCHOOL CODE OF SAXONY. 293 
 
 Foundation receives from one of the four cloister schools not far from 
 thirty scholars. 
 
 But although the external organization of the present Wirtemberg 
 schools appears thus similar to that of the schools of the 16th cen- 
 tury, yet, on a comparison of their internal economy, we discover a 
 most marked difference. A new educational ideal, developed chiefly 
 within the last seventy years, has introduced new subjects of instruction, 
 and inaugurated new methods of teaching. To speak but of a single 
 branch, viz., the classics. Under the old system, but three of the Latin 
 classics, Cicero, Terence, and Virgil, were read ; while now seven 
 others are included in the curriculum, and eight Greek classical 
 authors have now taken a place side by side with the Cyropsedia 
 and Demosthenes of those days. 
 
 Now, too, instruction in French and German is regarded as of 
 equal importance with that in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. We have 
 likewise, among our modern branches of education, geography, 
 history, and natural philosophy ; and, with logic, we have the new 
 science of anthropology. 
 
 II. SCHOOL CODE OF SAXONY, 1580. 
 
 IN the year 1580 there appeared in the Electorate of Saxony the 
 "Rules and Regulations of Augustus, Elector of Saxony," to be ob- 
 served by the churches, universities, and schools, both royal and pri- 
 vate, throughout his dominions. 
 
 If we compare these ordinances closely with the Wirtemberg school 
 code of Duke Christopher, we shall find a most remarkable similarity 
 between them; and, in fact, a great portion of this Saxon edict was 
 borrowed, word for word, from the Wirtemberg. 
 
 The "Teutsch " schools "in the villages and thinly-settled hamlets" 
 were, in Saxony, as in Wirtemberg, set apart for elementary instruction 
 in reading, writing, and religious doctrine. Here, also, there was no 
 mention made of arithmetic, although the Wirtemberg Ecclesiastical 
 Order required of schoolmasters " that they understand it." 
 
 Private schools in Saxony, as in Wirtemberg, were the next highest 
 in grade; and there as well as here they were divided into five classes. 
 With a few slight exceptions, the Saxon system was almost a literal 
 transcript of the Wirtemberg. The chief difference between them 
 was this, viz., that in the Saxon schools arithmetic was carried in the 
 fourth class through division and finished in the fifth ; while in those 
 of Wirtemberg it was not taught at all. With regard to music, (and 
 by consequence to musical instruction,) the Augustan code thus strin- 
 gently and wisely ordained: "Pastors shall give diligent heed that 
 
294 SCHOOL CODE OF SAXONY. 
 
 uone of the pieces of the cantators, where these are also composers, 
 nor any new pieces whatever, be sung; but only the music of such 
 learned and worthy old masters as Josquin, Clement, (not the Pope,) 
 Orlandus, and the like; and, above all, that all airs of a light and las- 
 civious character be avoided ; for all the music chosen ought to be 
 solemn, noble, and inspiring, so that the people may be charmed into 
 a devout and Christian frame of mind." 
 
 The private schools of Saxony were unconnected with any special 
 theological institutions, as in Wirtemberg ; but in their stead there were 
 royal schools at Meissen, Grimme, and Pforten, which were founded 
 "for the benefit of all future generations." Each of these schools were 
 divided into three classes, and each class into decurice, all under decu- 
 rions. Boys were to remain at these royal schools six years. Before 
 their admission they were required to have gone through the third 
 class in one of the private schools. Nevertheless, in the first or lowest 
 class of the royal schools, the course of study in that third was to be 
 repeated, viz., etymology, the Mimi Publiani, Cato, and the Familiar 
 Letters of Cicero. So, likewise, the course in the second class of the 
 royal schools agreed in part with that of the fourth of the private 
 schools. Latin, syntax, the Familiar Letters, the Bucolics of Virgil, 
 Ovid's Pontus, Tibullus, select Latin poetry, elementary Greek, with 
 ^Esop's Fables in Greek, and, lastly, arithmetic and music. In the 
 third or highest class of the royal schools, the whole of Melancthon's 
 Latin grammar, with the additions of Camerarius, was studied, and 
 there was read of Cicero the Offices, Old Age and Friendship, and the 
 Tusculan Questions, Virgil's Georgics and ^Eneid, and the Odes of 
 Horace; in Greek, Isocrates, the Theogony of Hesiod, the Golden 
 Lines of Pythagoras, and the first book of the Iliad, and Plutarch on 
 the Education of Children. Instruction was also given in the elements 
 of Hebrew, in logic and rhetoric, Sacro Bosco on the " Sphere" and 
 the " Rudiments of Astronomy " of M. Blebellius. Above all, the boys 
 were to "learn to read and write good Latin in an elegant as well as 
 intelligible manner ;" for this purpose to collect phrases, to give much 
 attention to Cicero, to write many essays, etc. "The comedies of 
 Terence and Plautus they (the teachers) shall cause the boys to per- 
 form throughout the year, and in this way accustom them to speak 
 Latin with elegance." Yet the teachers should separate the poison 
 from the honey, and should instruct their pupils " carefully to avoid 
 and eschew the vices which these poets have depicted both in young 
 men and old." 
 
 Upon the office and qualifications of teachers, rectors especially, and 
 the doctrine and discipline to be observed in schools, the Saxon code 
 
 28 
 
SCHOOL CODE OF SAXONY. 295 
 
 contained much that was admirable. We find therein plai -nd 
 straightforward rules, distinguished alike for their devout lone j for 
 their shrewd common sense. 
 
 In the year 1773, there appeared the well-known "Remodeled 
 school code for the government of the three royal and national schools 
 of the Electorate of Saxony" Its framer had before him the code of 
 Augustus L, then of nearly 200 years' standing, and he appears to 
 have translated this as faithfully as possible into the character and 
 style of his own day. But, while both these codes agree with each 
 other in the main, yet the new one was conformed to the demands of 
 the new age, disclosing, for instance, an unmistakable tinge of the ra- 
 tionalism of that age. The branches of study were more numerous ; 
 notwithstanding the study of the classics still continued prominent, 
 and the old modes of forming a Latin style, both written and spoken, 
 were still retained. Hebrew was taught as formerly, and to this were 
 added French, Italian, and English. Geography, history, and chro- 
 nology were also particularized as subjects of study. With logic and 
 rhetoric, natural theology and moral philosophy were combined, the 
 text-books in these sciences being the well-known Initia of Ernesti. 
 
 Since this code of 1773 appeared, a new educational era has dawned, 
 and the character of Pforte has changed far more since 1773 than it 
 had previously done during the long period from 1580 to 1773. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 [Translated from the German of Karl Von Raumer, for the American Journal of Education.] 
 
 I. THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR IN GERMANY. 
 
 THE " Thirty Years' War," which broke out in 1618-19, is the 
 most dreadful period in the history of Germany. Its armies were 
 great bands of murderers and robbers. The spirit of peace and holy 
 order had entirely perished ; and murder, license, and robbery reigned 
 without opposition. So fearful were the results of devastation and 
 impious recklessness, that pious men began to doubt even of the gov- 
 ernment of God. " The country was desolated, plundered, empty of 
 men a desert for wolves and savage beasts. Of schools and teach- 
 ers nothing was said."* 
 
 The histories of those German institutions which date back to the 
 thirty years' war confirm these statements. I shall quote a few of 
 them. 
 
 The Protestant school at Friedberg, in Hesse, suffered during that 
 time "immeasurable evils." The pestilence and poverty which re- 
 sulted from the war robbed it of many of its scholars. In 1630 it 
 was almost destroyed by the Austrians and Bavarians ; but was re- 
 established f in 1631, when the Swedes entered Friedberg, after the 
 siege of Leipzig by Gustavus Adolphus. The Protestant gymnasium 
 at Hersfeld was put in possession of Catholic priests and Jesuit 
 teachers in 1829. Tilly was at hand to enforce the Edict of Restitu- 
 tion by arms, and raved fearfully about it. In 1632 the gymnasium 
 received its Protestant teachers back again ; but was entirely destroyed 
 in 1634 by the imperial general, Gotz the teachers fleeing to Kassel 
 and elsewhere. In 1636 instruction was again commenced; and, in 
 1637, when the imperialist troops again came to Hersfeld, it had to 
 be clos -d. It WHS soon reopened, and vegetated painfully through 
 
 * Raumer's '"History of Europe." Ill , 596. Two religious hymns, of the time of the thirty 
 years' war. afford the deepest glimpse into the melancholy feelings of upright men. One by 
 Meder. a pastor in ihe circle of Leipzig, begins, il When, oh when will it appear, our much- 
 longed-for day of peace?" The other, by Martin Rinckart, (1585 1649,) is a parody upon 
 the Lord's Prayer It begins. " Our father will no longer be the father of the miserable;" 
 and again, ' Shall thy name be entirely forgotten upon earth ?" and, ''Shall thy will never 
 more be done upon earth 1 " If ends, however, with a hopeful prayer for relief, and with the 
 words. - k Thou hast the kingdom, and the power, and the glory over hell and death." 
 
 t ' Account of the Augustine School at Friedberg," by Prof. Dieffenbach. Programme, 
 1825, p 12, &c. 
 
298 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 those troubled times, until its first accession of renewed vigor, after 
 the Peace of Westphalia.* 
 
 Gottingen was besieged for nearly two months in 1626, and terribly 
 bombarded. Under the pressure of the extremest want, the then 
 celebrated rector, Georg Andreas Fabricius, accepted a call to the 
 gymnasium at Mulhausen ; and with him there departed the other 
 teachers and the pupils from other places. f He was afterward invited 
 back to Gottingen, but in 1641 was without income and five hundred 
 thalers in arrear. 
 
 Schulpforte suffered much by the war. The minister, Mai-tin 
 Caulbel,J came to Pforte, August 2d, 1632, through the midst of 
 Wallenstein's army. In the same year the pupils were dispersed by 
 hostilities, and returned next year. In 1636 they were twice dis- 
 missed, on account of attacks by the enemy ; in ] 647, when Field- 
 Marshal Leslie had his winter-quarters near Pforte, they were dis- 
 missed for seventeen weeks ; there being no means of subsistence 
 either for them or the teachers. On the 18th of February, 1639, 
 both teachers and pupils were again dispersed by Bannier's cavalry. 
 When the minister of Schulpforte returned, on the 23d of the same 
 month, with five scholars, they were obliged by necessity to eat oaten 
 bread until the next harvest. On the 16th of April, 1641, the boys, 
 twelve in number, were hunted away again by Duke Bernhard's 
 forces, under General Rose. " God will repay the general and his 
 soldiers at the last day," writes Besold, then the minister ; " for they 
 tortured two of the pupils by cords twisted round their heads." On 
 the 21st of May, Besold and two scholars returned to Pforte. The 
 centennial festival of the institution fell in the year 1643 ; but such 
 was the devastation of the war that only eleven boys sorrowfully cele- 
 brated the memory of the foundation of the school. 
 
 It was only to the school at Schweinfurt that the war seemed to 
 bring good fortune. After the battle of Leipzig, Gustavus Adolphus 
 entered Schweinfurt, October 2d, 1631. The citizens treated his 
 troops exceedingly well, and gave much assistance in fortifying the 
 city. In return, the Swedish king presented them with seventeen 
 valuable villages,] with the express condition that the rents and in- 
 comes should be in part devoted " to the erection of a gymnasium for 
 the glory of God and the benefit of studious youth." After the 
 death of Gustavus Adolphus, at Liitzen, and the evacuation of the 
 
 * " Hersfeld Gymnasium Programme," by Director Dr. Miinscher. 1836. p. 8, &c. 
 
 t " GVttingen Gymnasium Programme," by Director Dr. Kirsten. 1829, p. 22, &c. 
 
 J H. E. Schmiederi, " Commentarii de vitis Pastorum et Innpectorum Portensium." 1838, 
 p. 31, &c. 
 
 " History of the Latin School and Gymnasium at Schweinfurt," by Prof. Wainich. Pro- 
 gramme for 1831. p. 4, &c. 
 
 I The letter of gift was dated at Frankfort on the Main, March 2d, 1632. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 299 
 
 territories of Wurtzburg by the Swedes, the bishop resumed posses- 
 sion of the villages, which had been his property before. Notwith- 
 standing, the magistrates added to the already existing six classes of 
 their Latin school a seventh, with the name of Gymnasium Gustavia- 
 num. This was consecrated in 1634, and the burgomaster, (Dr. 
 Bausch,) a senator, and several clergymen, undertook to give instruc- 
 tion in it gratis. The honorable public spirit of the citizens maintained 
 the school under the severest misfortunes of the war ; * and it only 
 ceased to exist, at the end of one hundred and seventy years, in 1804. 
 
 A gymnasium was founded in Stargard by the legacy of Burgo- 
 master Peter Groning, and was opened in September, 1633. But, in 
 1635, the city was besieged by the imperialists, and became a prey to 
 the flames only the church of St. Peter and nineteen houses remain- 
 ing. The gymnasium building itself was also burnt, and the teachers 
 were dispersed. For some time there was no school held. Two 
 teachers then gradually gathered the scholars again, and one of them, 
 Conrector Bindemann, was appointed rector, after there had been 
 none for eleven years.f 
 
 The gymnasium at Goldberg, once famous far and wide, by means 
 of Trotzendorf, quite perished in 1621, as did that of Beuthen, in 
 1629. That of Oels fell into great distress. In 1639 an imperial 
 regiment was quartered in Oels; in 1640 the city was besieged, un- 
 successfully, by the Swedes, taken and plundered by them in 1642, 
 and afterward taken by the imperialists. Biebing, rector of the gym- 
 nasium, wrote at that time, " Truly, among so many and so great 
 miseries, to live in Oels means to starve, to die before our time, and 
 daily to have a foretaste of the torments of hell. J 'J 
 
 In 1648, the year of peace, Duke Georg Rudolph established a 
 school for princes in the church of St. John, at Liegnitz. He be- 
 stowed upon it the revenues of the late Goldberg gymnasium, as he 
 says in his decree of establishment, dated 28th of April, 1646, "for 
 the re-establishment, renovation, and improvement of all the praise- 
 worthy institutions of our forefathers, for church and school, which it 
 has been an impossibility to maintain, by reason of the thirty years' 
 war." 
 
 So much may suffice to show how destructive was the effect of the 
 terrible desolation of the thirty years' war on the schools of our un- 
 fortunate fatherland. 
 
 * Octavio Piccolomini bombarded Schweinfurt, after the battle of Nordlingen, with redhot 
 balls, and took it ; and the Swedish general, Wangel, took it in 1647. The imperial troops 
 alone had exacted from the city ransoms to the amount of 284,610 gulden. 
 
 t " History of the Gymnasium of Stargard" by Director and School-Councilor Falbe. 
 1831, p. 6, dec. 
 
 + ' Gymnasium Programme" by Director Dr. Lange. 1841, p. 18, &c. 
 
 " Gymnasium Programme of Liegnitz," by Prorector M. Kbhler. 1837, p. 14. 
 
300 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 When, however, the war came to an end, this destruction was fol- 
 lowed by a period of " re-establishment and renovation." We shall 
 consider this more in detail, after we shall have become acquainted 
 with the life and labors of Comenius, who lived and suffered through 
 the whole of the thirty years' war. 
 
 II. THE CENTURY AFTER THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. 
 
 After the conclusion of the peace of Westphalia, all good princes 
 and magistrates of free cities took an interest in the re-estaMishment 
 of schools. This was the more necessary since the generation which 
 had grown up since and during the desolating thirty years' war had 
 degenerated as well in morals and religion as in knowledge. 
 
 The plans of school organization which appeared first after the war 
 agree mostly with those of the sixteenth century. Latin continued 
 the chief study ; and next was Greek. 
 
 Programmes of a later date, in the end of the seventeenth and the 
 first ten years of the next century, show a much altered character. 
 The old studies were pursued no longer after the old methods ; and 
 an increasing number of new ones were gradually introduced into the 
 circle of learning. 
 
 We will first consider the methods followed in teaching Latin. 
 
 In the school-plan published in 1654, by the council of Frankfort 
 on the Main, daily exercises in speaking Latin were required. " Any 
 one," it says, " who shall speak otherwise than in Latin, or any thing 
 indecent or blasphemous, shall be punished at the time of his trans- 
 gression, but with good discretion." Entirely in agreement with 
 Trotzendorf, Sturm, and the Jesuits. Whether this kind of speaking 
 Latin were judicious, Feuerlein, inspector of the Nuremberg Gymna- 
 sium, doubts.* "Hitherto," he says, "our leges have required of the 
 boys even in the lower classes, sub poena, to speak nothing but Latin ; 
 with the intention, besides the usu expedition hujus linguae, that they 
 should not be able to chatter so much with each other." Others, on 
 the other hand, were so "scrupulos" that they would not require any 
 speaking whatever of Latin from the boys, in order that they might 
 not become used to a vulgar Latin.f There should be a middle way 
 between this excessive scrupulosity, " for the sake of preserving the 
 language of the young by means of Latin, or rather the Latin by 
 
 * '' The Fates hitherto of the Nuremberg Gymnasium of St. jEgidius. rebuilt from the 
 ground out of its ashes, in three completed periods ; and the institution for instruction and 
 discipline as renewed and improved in the fourth period, now passing." &c- By J C. Feuer- 
 lein, pastor of St. ^Egidius and inspector of the gymnasium. 1699. p. 95 
 
 t Feuerlein cites here Wa<jenseil's ' PrcK.cp.pla de copia verborum " and " De stylo. 1 " (Joh. 
 Christoph Wagenseil. born at Nuremberg. 1633: died in 1/05. while professor at Altorf; an 
 eminent man of learning in his day He wrote, among other things, upon the education of a 
 prince, who abhors study above all things.) He says, <n the place quoted, -'Infants are forth- 
 with taught to attempt Latin expressions ; boys are forbidden, under severe penalties, from 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 301 
 
 means of their tongue, and the fear that the boys would become ac- 
 customed to mere sorry kitchen-Latin." They must not speak Latin 
 among themselves, but only under the oversight of their teacher.* 
 "As for the test," says Feuerlein, "I do not believe it is necessary to 
 forbid our youth from speaking Latin among themselves. 
 
 Evidently speaking Latin began to be regarded with other eyes in 
 the previous century, for it was required of all, even the youngest 
 scholars. Having been regarded as a second mother-tongue for the 
 boys, it had been taught like the mother-tongue. Just as the latter 
 is at first spoken by infants in mere attempts, in a most disfigured 
 manner, and only gradually with fewer faults, so the youngest scholars 
 had been permitted to speak the most helpless, gibberish Latin. But 
 now a different rule was established. The boys were rather to be 
 silent than to speak bad Latin ; and good Latin was to be learned by 
 the continued reading of the classics. Was the Latin then no longer 
 regarded as a second mother-tongue ? Such an altered state of af- 
 fairs is indicated by the following facts. Previously, Latin had been 
 learned from the Latin grammars ; a practice which Ratich was the 
 first to oppose.f He was followed by the school ordinances of the 
 second half of the seventeenth century and the first decennium of the 
 eighteenth. ** In Quinta^l says the Frankfort school ordinance, " the 
 new German grammar shall be used instead of the ' Compendium 
 Grammatical Giessensis? " Feuerlein, of Nuremberg,!] says that it is 
 a question to be considered, " whether, in learning Latin, the use of 
 a grammar written in Latin should be continued, or whether it would 
 not be found best to introduce one written in German ? " Some made 
 ase of the German grammar of Seybold. The celebrated Mark 
 grammar, prepared in 1728, by the rectors of Berlin, was in 
 German. 
 
 uttering a word except Latin at home, at school, or amongst their playfellows. Thus it hap- 
 pens that, by saying whatever comes into their mouths, and many words which it would be 
 oetter not to hear, they contract, unwisely, the habit, not of Latin eloquence, but merely of 
 Latin talk." 
 
 * In like manner, it is said, in the " Ordinance of the Honorable Council of Hamburg for 
 the Public St. John's School, 1732," that "the youth shall speak Latin, especially in the two 
 higher classes, and that there shall be examinations under the charge of the preceptor, to see 
 that the boys speak Latin with each other." Page 15. 
 
 t And after him Comenius and Balthazar Schuppius (1610 1661.) The latter says : "The 
 first hindrance which makes the grammar difficult and unnatural is that they have to learn 
 it in a language unknown to them ; that the preecepfa grammatices are laid before them in 
 Latin ; and thus it is naught to teach them ignotum per c&que ignotum, and to bring them, by 
 means which they do not understand, to the attainment of a subject which they do not under- 
 stand." B. Schuppius' Works, p. 161. J. M Gesner's opinion was. that the use in German 
 schools of grammars written in Latin was not at all suitable for beginners, but only for such 
 as had, by other means, already obtained some knowledge of Latin. Gesner's " Minor Ger- 
 man Writings," 302. 
 
 t Sc. cJassJs ; 5th class. 
 
 In Quarta. however, the Giessen grammar was used. 
 
 8 L. c., 54. 
 
302 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 A comparison of the earlier dramatic representations in the schools 
 with the later ones is in place here.* Sturm required that, every 
 week, a piece from Terence or Plautus should be acted ; his design 
 being the attainment of facility in speaking Latin. Many schools 
 followed his advice.f In Oels, Terence or the Colloquies of Erasmus 
 were used; in LiegnitzJ in 1617, " Terentius Christianus" was rec- 
 ommended. " Notwithstanding," the recommendation continue?, "let 
 us adhere to the opinions of the renowned Herr Sturmius, whose 
 counsel is to make use in the schools rather of recitations and scenic 
 performances than of tedious readings and explanations of the come- 
 dies and tragedies. In Gottingen, also, pieces from Plautus and 
 Terence were represented-! 
 
 But this principle was not adhered to. At one time the teachers 
 of gymnasiums themselves began to write pieces, sometimes very ex- 
 traordinary, in Latin ; with the purpose of attaining the original end 
 of practice in speaking Latin, and at the same time of avoiding the 
 indecencies of Terence ; but after a time the use of German compo- 
 sitions, which began as early as in the sixteenth century, seems to 
 have altogether prevailed. There was no longer any pains taken 
 about practice in speaking Latin. Among the Latin school-dramas, 
 the "Belsasar, Lutherus, and Jesulus comoedia sacra de nativitate" 
 by Hirtzwig, rector at Frankfort, was celebrated. || Rector Tesmar 
 caused to be exhibited, at Neustettin, in 1684, a comedy "De rustico 
 ebrio qui princeps creabatur."*j( 
 
 At the gymnasium at Salzwedel, Alexander the Great, after Cur- 
 tius, was exhibited.** It contained, besides the historical persons, the 
 Angel Gabriel, Fame, a multitude of pages, a ghost, and a courier. 
 Another piece was Epaminondas before the criminal court at Thebes. 
 Between two Latin acts was introduced an entirely inappropriate Ger- 
 man interlude, which represented the strife between choral and figural 
 music ; in which Apollo and the muses appeared. In the drama of 
 Hercules at the parting of the ways, there appeared the seven arts, 
 three soldiers, three students who sang the students' song, <fec. And 
 these pieces were much exceeded by the later German, or rather Ger- 
 man-Latin and German-French, school-dramas in deplorable tasteless- 
 ness. Thus there was exhibited at the gymnasium at Thorn, in 1723, 
 
 * I only touch upon the German school-dramas, and refer to Gervinus for a rich array of 
 facts relating to them, to which I make a few additions. See his celebrated " History of Na- 
 tional Poetical Literature of the Germans." III., 69, etc. ; among others, pp. 83 and 8794. 
 
 t ' Oels Gymnasium Programme." by C. Leissing. 1841, p. 21. 
 
 } " Liegnitz Gymnasium Programme," by Director M. Kbhler. 1841, p. 9-1 
 
 Director Kirstm. 1827. p. 15. 
 
 II VSmel, 1. c., 13. 
 
 * '' History of Neustetfin Gymnasium " by Director A. Giesebrecht Page 19. 
 
 " " Invitation to the School Festival of the Gymnasium at Salzwedel." by Rector DannelL 
 1833, p. 64. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 303 
 
 an " Actus dramaticus of Joseph distressed and exalted," in which 
 the author, a teacher in the gymnasium, himself played. " Now," be 
 says, u I have selected a biblical subject, and have obtained pel-mis'* 
 sion from our masters, the school officers, to represent the same in this 
 theater ; and also to invite to the same, with our most humble obliga- 
 tions, all and every one of the high patrons and patronesses of our 
 Parnassus requesting them with friendly kindness to favor us with 
 their presence for some few hours," <fec. The play is a mixture of 
 rococo-gallantry and coarseness.* 
 
 The drama called Stargaris, on the bad and good fortune of the 
 town of Stargard, which the Stargard scholars acted apparently in 
 1668, in a large warehouse, must have been without gallantry, but 
 still coarser. In the third act, there appeared two adulterers, with an 
 adulterous and loose woman, who conversed not in the most decent 
 manner ; until there appear the wives of the faithless husbands, who 
 assault them with slippers and distaffs. In the second act, where the 
 masons, at the command of the magistrates, are building the wall of 
 the city, there occurs some violent quarreling. Arid this play was 
 acted before the assembled authorities of the vicinity .f 
 
 Although Sturm and others, by these Latin school-dramas, pro- 
 posed that the scholars who acted them should learn to speak 
 Latin, and others again sought the edification and at the same 
 time the amusement both of scholars and spectators, and therefore 
 exhibited German plays, Miiller, rector at Zittau, describes the object 
 of these plays to be " The exercising of the students by public come- 
 dies in oratory and political decorum." Of six comedies exhibited, he 
 himself wrote four, by the exhibition of which many had " acquired 
 better morals, and had learned to fill better than before their places 
 in the political world." They are designed for the training of the 
 memory ; " since," he says, " we did not seek the empty pleasure of 
 idle minds, but benefited in study and in conduct. For we would 
 not willingly rank among those whom men call Merry Andrews, and 
 who divert the mob with vulgar follies." 
 
 Who can not trace here, as well as in the above introduction to 
 the play at Thorn, the influence of the age of Louis XIV.? But I 
 shall speak of this point further on ; and at present will only say 
 this : The new principle, that the youngest scholars were not to speak 
 Latin, and were not to learn from the grammar in Latin ; the decline 
 of Latin school -dramas, previously acted by the scholars, in order to 
 facilitate speaking Latin ; all these indicate that Latin was no longer 
 sought to be made a second mother-tongue, and that the true mother- 
 tongue was beginning to attain to its natural and real rights. This 
 
 * Richter's " Prussian Provincial Journal," Nov., 1841, p. 458. t Falbe, p. 14, 15 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 will now be made strikingly evident to us from other sources ; and it 
 will become quite clear when we shall have glanced over the history 
 of Latin in Germany, and especially of its relations with the German 
 language from the earliest times to the beginning of the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 The requirement to speak and write Latin is the last echo of the 
 old Romish dominion over a great part of Europe ;* for the Romans 
 forced their language upon the conquered nations. The Romish pa- 
 pacy, as well as the German emperors, inherited this ruling language, 
 which was that both of church and state. In general, however, Ger- 
 man was the language of government, and French of diplomacy ; 
 and thus, after the Reformation, Latin remained the language of the 
 Bible, of religion, and of the courts of justice, only among the 
 Catholics. 
 
 Thus partly driven from the church and the state, the speaking and 
 writing of Latin fled to the domain of learning ; it should serve as 
 the general medium of intercourse, written, printed, and oral, among 
 all the learned men of Europe. 
 
 It however gradually withdrew itself from this sphere also, espe- 
 cially at the end of the seventeenth and in the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century. Burmann, in an oration at Leyden, in the year 
 1715, complained that, " Within a little time, the serious German na- 
 tion has proceeded toward the disuse of the Latin speech, so that 
 in university chairs and in schools only the mother-tongue is heard." 
 
 The intellectual and learned Matthias Gesner expresses himself 
 clearly upon this subject. " In vain," he says,f " it has been held a 
 sin to speak any thing but Latin in our universities. And yet, sixty 
 or seventy years ago, none dared to break the rule. But when the 
 University of Halle was founded, in 1695, some few began to violate 
 it. The first was Christian Thomasius, who read German because he 
 did not understand Latin. But he had quite sufficient reasons be- 
 sides this for doing so. For at that time learned men spoke Latin, 
 it is true ; but after such a manner that it would have been better for 
 them to speak German. Yes, even had Latin not been taught in the 
 schools and universities, that language would not have been injured 
 by it. Thus then the ignorance of Thomasius was the 6rst reason for 
 this change, but the second and entirely just one was that the Latin 
 language should not come to entire destruction. It was that men 
 of education, who understood Latin, were in favor of the use of the 
 German, and advised in future to teach it, while the few barbarians 
 
 * " Lges sermone suo, imperium quasi prae se ferent conscriptas, imposuerunt debellaiae 
 gentl." 
 
 t" Isagoge," Vol I., 102. Gesner's lectures, (Primes linea Isagoges in erudttionem 
 universal em,) began about 1742. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 305 
 
 defended the use of Latin.* But the German made rapid progress, 
 and in few years was entirely predominant. And now even royal 
 edicts were of no more avail against the practice of teaching in 
 German " 
 
 Life and teaching go hand in hand. When state and church no 
 onger required the speaking and writing of Latin, it was vain to at- 
 tempt to require that it should be used as the living mother-tongue 
 by the literati.f 
 
 As in the universities, so in the schools, the use of German in- 
 creased ; it was soon made one of the branc.hes of instruction.^ Even 
 that very school ordinance of Frankfort, of 1654, which was so strict 
 in requiring the speaking of Latin, requires the scholars in the seventh 
 class to u read fluently German and Latin." Feuerlein of Nuremberg] 
 cites stronger instances. " Most people," they say, " will in future 
 have occasion, in their spiritual or worldly employments, for the pow- 
 er of speaking well in German almost always, and only to the least 
 possible extent in Latin ; and yet they give almost no application to 
 German. ' But they add, as if fearful that they have said too much, 
 " notwithstanding the Latin is to be studied more than any thing else 
 in the Latin schools, and is not to be neglected." 
 
 The Hamburg school ordinance, above quoted, goes still further.^]" 
 The scholars must, it is true, according to it, speak good Latin ; but 
 as to the German, it is said that "the German language shall be be- 
 times studied, both in Quarta, after they have been well grounded, 
 and afterward in Tertia, Svcunda, and Prima, as well by reading the 
 commendation of good German books as by the practical imitation 
 of the same in German letters, speeches, and otherwise ; so that no one 
 
 * Gesner had spoken in the same way as early as 1715. " Institutions" p. 109. 
 
 tl say, as a living mother-tongue ; for I am not speaking of the other instruction of the 
 schools in speaking and writing Latin. Of this 1 shall treat hereafter. Gervinus says, 1. c., 
 91 : " At first, the chief purpose of the school comedies was strictly practical ; Latin was to 
 be practiced by the scholars, and their practice in conversation had the same design." 
 
 I Gervinus gives details on the way in which the German language became honored again 
 in Germany He shows how the Society of Usefulness was, above all, the cause of it It is 
 worthy ot observation that the first idea of this society happened when Prince Ludwig of 
 Anhalt was attending the burial of his sister. Duchess Dorothea Maria von Weimar, in 1617. 
 It was this same Duchess who had so zealously espoused the cause of Ratich as early as 1613, 
 and had bestowed upon him two thousand gulden ; it was this same Prince Ludwig who did 
 so much, at his capital of Rbthen. for the introduction of Ration's plans of school organiza- 
 tion. It was also Ratich who had said, in 1613, that it was the course of nature for boys first 
 to learn well and fluently to read, write, and speak their mother-tongue ; and in all the facul- 
 ties the German language could be used. When the Society of Usefulness, in 1620, published 
 Terence, in Kothen. in German and Latin, this, as we have shown, was brought about by 
 Ratich ; and his own school-books appeared there in the year 1619. And the question may 
 be asked whether, if Ratich did not himself give the first impulse to the establishment of the 
 Society of Usefulness he was not the occasion of the movement from which it came. Comp. 
 p. 23, remark 2. 
 
 P., 5. 
 
 HL.c.,93. 20 
 
 IL. c.,14. 
 
306 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 shall leave the school for the gymnasium who shall not have passed 
 a sufficient examination in pure composition in this language. 
 
 Many entertained similar opinions. Baumeister, rector at Gorlitz, 
 says: * "It is a very harmful opinion to believe, that at school men 
 must trouble themselves only about the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew 
 tongues ; but that the German does not belong among the learned 
 tongues. The example of the Romans ought to be remembeied, 
 who never dishonored their native tongue in such a way. I seek on 
 every occasion to remove this prejudice among youth." He ^ays fur- 
 ther that, if they would strictly require thorough study and practice 
 of the mother-tongue, the Germans have their classical authors as 
 well as the Romans. 
 
 Wenzky, rector in Prenzlau>f says : " It is fitting that men should 
 learn their own mother-tongue well, and that youth should acquire 
 the same in the school. This principle will be acknowledged just now 
 by many persons. If men had had regard to this in past times, there 
 would not have been all the mortification which has been felt at see- 
 ing our greatest and most learned men make such blunders in Latin 
 as would have been severely punished in a scholar at school." 
 
 MullerJ; already mentioned as rector of the gymnasium at Zittati, 
 expresses the same opinion. "Among the languages," he says, "the 
 mother-tongue holds the pre-eminence ; both because it is the model 
 by which all other languages must be learned and judged and is the 
 chief means by which we apply to practical use all our acqusitions. 
 For these reasons should the German language be diligently studied in 
 all schools, from the beginning to the end ; and be made the chief in- 
 strument of the development of all the powers of the understanding." 
 
 It is a matter of astonishment that rectors of gymnasiums should 
 have entertained such views upon the German language ; for at that 
 time it was in a state of the deepest decay. While previously there 
 had been written a compound of German and Latin, there had lately 
 entered into it a third element the French ; it was a truly Babelish 
 language. The proverb " The style is the man " might apply both to 
 the upper classes and the people. In the second half of the seven- 
 teenth and the first of the eighteenth century, there was apparent, in 
 the style, the taste, and even in the opinions and character of the 
 German men of learning, a heterogenous and intolerable mixture of 
 stiff German-Latin erudition and pedantry with frivolous gallantry 
 ana a disgustful servilism to France. 
 
 There now began the strife between the Latin and Latin litera- 
 
 * " Account of an Important Improvement in the Gymnasium at Gorlitz." By F. Ch. Bau- 
 meister, rector of GSrlitz Gymnasium. 
 
 t " The Mode of Teaching Used by Georg Wenzky, Adjunct-Rector in Prenzlau," 1746, p. 5. 
 I L. c., 7. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 307 
 
 ture and French and French literature. Vainglorious Frenchmen 
 made themselves and others believe that their poets and prosemen 
 excelled the ancient classics.* In diplomacy French unfortunately 
 gradually took the place of Latin as the universal language of kings 
 and princes. It had also become the language of conversation among 
 the higher classes in German, having been introduced by the influ- 
 ence of the profligate Louis XIV. and the crowd of abandoned court- 
 iers who adored him as the highest model of courtly training. 
 The shallow and traitorous un-German admirers of this literature 
 hoped that the French would entirely drive out the classical lan- 
 guages, and would even become the language of instruction at the 
 universities.! 
 
 Is it to be wondered at that all this had an influence upon schools ? 
 " It has come to be the case," says Feuerlein, of Nuremberg^ " that 
 some eminent people have exempted their sons entirely from the 
 study of Greek." And again, "The tendency of the times is to con- 
 sider a knowledge of French entirely indispensable to such persons." 
 
 The connection is evident between the exemption of the sons of 
 these eminent people from studying Greek and the considering a 
 knowledge of French indispensable to them. 
 
 When Sturm's gymnasium, in 1578, contained more than one 
 thousand scholars, and among them about two hundred nobles, twen- 
 ty-four counts and barons, and three princes, yet all these scholars, 
 great and small, were instructed according to one and the same plan. 
 The Baron von Sonneck was, as we have seen, examined exactly like 
 his fellow-scholars in rhetoric, Latin, and Greek. The same equality 
 among the scholars prevailed at Trotzendorf s gymnasium, and here 
 they even proclaimed in the school laws. He who is a scholar can 
 no longer play the noble. I 
 
 What honorable firmness and disregard of consequences on the 
 
 *" Among writers in that tongue, (French,) it can not fairly be denied that there were 
 many of very finished talents ; but an all but intolerable conceit obscured the excellencies of 
 some of them. They boasted, often in a ridiculously ostentatious manner, that they only 
 were men, that they only possessed talents," <fec. Morhof, Polyhistor. I., 759. 
 
 t For the malignant and truly devilish way in which the French perverted our princes, and 
 poisoned their murals, see Riih's " Historical Developments of the Influences of France and 
 the French upon Germany and the Germans. Berlin, 1815." A book of the greatest inter- 
 est and value. Corruption of German princes, 167. French education of the young, 174. 
 Astonishment of an emigre upon finding that the Princess Sophie Charlotte of Brandenburg 
 understood German, as she usually spoke only French, 205. How French gradually came to 
 be the language of diplomacy, 358. The work contains many other facts of the same kind. 
 How different the custom of the Romans ! " The ancient magistrates took the most watch- 
 ful pains that no answer should be made to the Greeks except in Latin. So that those of that 
 nation, being unable to use that volubility of speech on which they were accustomed chiefly 
 to depend, were obliged to speak through interpreters." Valerius Maximus, 2, 2, 2, 
 
 JL. c., 118. 
 
 Part J.,249. 
 
 II " Ponit etiam personam nobilis qui induit scholastic!." Ib., 216. 
 
308 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 part of these old rectors ! How rightly did they feel that in the 
 realm of learning there is no respect for persons ! 
 
 How disgusting, on the other hand, is the conduct of later rectors, 
 who treated their noble scholars in a more respectful and entirely dif- 
 ferent manner from the others! The same France which, in the 
 Revolution, preached a thoroughly false equality, preached, in 
 the time of the tyranny of Louis XIV., an equally false in- 
 equality of rank, and thus pointed out the way to the later preach- 
 ers of equality. This French servility to those of higher grade 
 spread into Germany, and even infected the schools. We give a few 
 examples of it. 
 
 Baumeister,* already mentioned as rector at Gorlitz. has an especial 
 arrangement of lessons for the noble scholars. Greek, which the 
 citizen scholars studied assiduously, is omitted from it. It was prom- 
 ised that a French teacher should be aj pointed. It was said that 
 " mathematics chiefly were to be learned by nobles." The man is 
 even not ashamed to say " We make a distinction between the chil- 
 dren of nobles and gentlemen and those of lower birtli ; in part be- 
 cause a more intimate, loving, and trustful intercourse with their 
 teachers is proper for them, for instruction in the manners a- propriate 
 to their rank, and in part that they may be safe from faults into 
 which they might fall by intercourse with the others. If the children 
 of gentlemen," he continues, " bring a tutor with them, they are not 
 strictly required to attend the public recitations." For such 'esson? 
 a nobleman paid double. 
 
 Rector Miiller, of Zittau, agrees with him of Gorlitz ; and his pro- 
 gramme, both in language and in matter, is made up of stiff pedant- 
 ry, plastered over with a dressing of French gallantry. Modern his- 
 tory,f according to him, must be studied thoroughly, but other his- 
 tory only in a cursory manner. " We study," he says, "not for old 
 times, but for the present. And we might well study also heraldry 
 and genealogy." Again, "The languages of the present political 
 world must not be neglected in the schools;" these are of practical 
 use to "many classes of persons, especially the nobility and those 
 about the court." MiillerJ; assures patrons that in the gymnasium 
 their children will have abundant opportunity to acquire noble and 
 gallant studies, especially mathematics, French, Italian, and English, 
 as well as dancing." " Yes," he continues, " if any one should be 
 most graciously pleased to intrust their children to my own house 
 and table, I will myself instruct them in French and dancing, in 
 
 * " Account of the Gymnasium at Gb'rhtz," 28. '29, 30. 
 
 t L. c. 9. 8. At p. 29 we read, " A lecture upon history entirely me dern. from 1700 down 
 to the present time." 
 in, 33. 
 
EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 309 
 
 order to have them more completely under my own observation, and 
 when needful to give them an occasional admonition." 
 
 It was always, however, an ungrateful task for the gymnasium 
 rectors of that time to instruct their noble scholars after the model 
 of the French aristocracy. The purpose of the system of education, 
 the method, the organization, and the character of the teachers of the 
 gymnasium were all opposed to it. From the troubles arising from 
 these sources came the practice of founding special institutions for 
 noble youth, such as the Paedagogium at Halle, the Knights' Acade- 
 my at Liegnitz, &c. 
 
 Thus we see that the schools of literature, in the century after the 
 peace of Westphalia, assumed a character very much varied from 
 that of those of the sixteenth century. We see that the Latin lost 
 its place as a second mother-tongue, and that the German took its 
 rightful one as the native and honored language ; but that, in conse- 
 quence of the disgusting influence of France upon our country, the 
 French language and French education ruled our higher ranks with 
 an unholy spell. 
 
 How deeply soever these influences had already changed the idea 
 of the character of our literary schools, still other causes were at 
 work to the same end. 
 
 "For a long time," writes Rector Wenzky of Prenzlau, in 1746,* 
 " the old methods of teaching have been discontinued in most places, 
 and others have been adopted more in accordance with the times. 
 The object now is, though it is pursued in various ways, to instruct 
 scholars who may be able to serve the state best in the present 
 emergency. The times change, and the school-teachers must vary 
 with them." We have already seen how unfortunately the times 
 had varied. Wenzky sought especially the introduction of a multi- 
 tude of new studies, and names, besides the already mentioned in- 
 struction in the mother-tongue, genealogy, heraldry, geometry, mili- 
 tary and civil architecture, astronomy, dialing, botany, theoretical and 
 practical philosophy, &c., <fcc. " I teach," he says, " how to judge of 
 books ; and show how to compose, write, examine, complete, and cor- 
 rect the proof of a book." '! dissuade scholars from prejudices as 
 from irreconcilable enemies." "If one should tell me these 'subjects 
 are too many, and the chief object, the learning of language, must 
 be obstructed thereby;' I answer, these subjects are nevertheless all 
 useful, and are such that the scholar must have some knowledge of 
 all of them. Why are the arts and sciences so many ? ' r In this 
 strange error we see a picture of the theory of pedagogical develop- 
 ment of the second half of the eighteenth century, and which has 
 
 "L. c,32. 
 
310 EDUCATION IN PERIODS OF WAR AND PEACE. 
 
 existed down to our own times. These exercises may be described in 
 two words: real subjects, and exercises of the understanding. We 
 shall hereafter become sufficiently acquainted with both of them ; 
 but their real objects remined us but little of the profound views of 
 Bacon and Comenius. 
 
 There appeared also a third element which has been named pie- 
 tism, which originated with August Hermann Francke and his school. 
 Before I speak of this school, I must discuss the pedagogy of a man 
 who is to be considered a follower of Montaigne and Bacon, and as a 
 predecessor of Rousseau ; the pedagogy of the Englishman Locke. 
 
THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 [Translated from the German of Karl Von Raumer, for the American Journal of Education.] 
 
 WE have already become acquainted with the educational institu- 
 tions of Protestant Germany, from the lowest elementary school to 
 the university ; and likewise with the character of the most important 
 Catholic schools those of the Jesuits. 
 
 We now approach the beginning of a new period in the history of- 
 the German systems of instruction ; at the same time, the most 
 frightful period in the history of Germany. Before delineating the 
 character of this new epoch, I shall glance at the condition of the 
 schools of learning in Germany, at the beginning of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 First, the institutions of the Jesuits. The Order had early discerned 
 the immeasurable importance to its purpose the purpose of re-estab- 
 lishing an absolute hierarchy, and of nullifying the results of the 
 Reformation of securing to itself, if possible, the entire management 
 of the education of youth. The Jesuits followed up their design 
 with wonderful wisdom and skill, and indefatigable perseverance ; and 
 upon comprehensive and well-studied plans.* In 1550, they had no 
 permanent foothold in Germany. The next year they founded their 
 first school, in Vienna ; in 1556, they established seminaries at Co- 
 logne, Prague, and Ingolstadt ; in 1559, at Munich and Tyrnau ; in 15G3, 
 at Dillingen; in 1569, at Brannsberg; and, in 1575, at Heiligenstadt.f 
 They also established themselves firmly at Mentz, Aschaffenburg, 
 Briinn, Olmiitz, and Wiirzburg. 
 
 The Jesuits were accustomed to use every means of accomplishing 
 their objects ; and well understood how to put out of their way such 
 institutions as obstructed them not only Protestant, but Catholic 
 ones as in Treves, Posen, and Prague. 
 
 In Treves, the Hieronymites had established a Brothers' House, at 
 the end of the 15th century .J Johannes Even, substitute-bishop of 
 
 * Ranke's account of the Counter-Reformation. History of the Popes, Vol. 2. p. 25, Ac. 
 
 t Director Rinke says, ("Gymnasial Programme." Heiligenstadt, 1837,) " In J574 com- 
 menced the work of regaining Eichsfeld to Catholicism." Two years after the erection of 
 th Jesuit school there, in 1577. it already had 200 scholars. The Jesuits remained there 
 until 1773. when Dalberg came from Erfurt, and ordered them, in pursuance of the bull of 
 abrogation of Clement XIV., to leave the city before daybreak of Sept. 30. Ibid, pp 6. 11, 41. 
 
 I Contribution to the history of schools in the former electorate of Treves, by First 
 Director J. H. Wvttenbach " In the Treves Gymnasium programme of 1841, p. 10, &a 
 
312 THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURi. 
 
 Treves, gives (about 1514,) a most favorable account of them, as good 
 and respected priests, of virtuous life, and as having in his time 300 
 scholars. The people gave the Hieronymians the surname of " golden 
 priests." A protestant movement appearing in the archbishopric, 
 Archbishop Johann von der Leyen invited the Jesuits to Treves, in 
 1560. They begun by preaching; then the elector appointed them 
 teachers; and, in 1566, they had a college, completely organized. 
 " The Hieronymian College of St. Germain, was still in existence, 
 although operations were already commenced to undermine the 
 institution from a distance, since it did not seem practicable openly to 
 overturn it. But it was easy to foresee that, by the side of that of 
 the Jesuits, which received all the favors of the prince, it could not 
 exist much longer." In 1570, the Jesuits got possession of a convent, 
 which the Minorites were obliged to leave, " altogether against their 
 will, and to remove into the building of the College of St. Germain, 
 where the school of the Hieronyraians had at last come to an end. 
 Of these latter teachers was remaining, in 1569, only one." They 
 were obliged " at Treves, as elsewhere, to give way to the new order. 
 All the schools came into the hands of the Jesuits."* In Posen,f 
 Bishop Lubranski had established a school, in 1519; the Jesuits 
 founded theirs in 1573. They contrived to get such an influence 
 over Bishop Konarski, that he not only favored and assisted the 
 Jesuit college in every way, but altogether neglected Lubranski's 
 school, and intentionally suffered it to decline. In 1574, most of its 
 pupils had already left it for the Jesuit institution, in which they were 
 permitted much greater liberty. Thus did this order use their seduc- 
 tive influence, as well against Catholics as Protestants. A merchant, 
 Ryot, had founded an evangelical school here, in 1567 ; and still 
 earlier, in 1555, one had been established by the Bohemian brothers. 
 In 1616, both these schools, as well as the evangelical church, were 
 " destroyed by the scholars of the Jesuits, and a mob acting in con 
 cert with them." In 1621, after the battle of the White Mountains, 
 the Jesuits intrigued most recklessly against both Catholics and Prot- 
 estants. In spite of the opposition of Archbishop Harrach of 
 Prague, and in violation of the existing rights of the chapter, univers- 
 ity, dean, and minister, they seized the exclusive control of all schools 
 and institutions of education. In the same year, they drove the 
 Calvinistic preachers into Bohemia.]; 
 
 *lb.,p 14. 
 
 t " On the former schools of Poland, especially in Posen," by Prof. Czwalina. Posen 
 Gymnasium programme, 1837, pp. 10, 14, 18, 19. 
 1 Raumer's History of Europe, iii. 416. 
 
THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 313 
 
 With the purpose which the Jesuits had in view, they very natu- 
 rally established themselves, as far as possible, in Protestant cities, or in 
 their vicinity. And Protestant parents in various portions of Germany 
 were, nevertheless, so blind, as to intrust their children to the Order, 
 for instruction. Should they wonder or be angry, if they were thus 
 enticed into the bosom of the Catholic church ? 
 
 When the Jesuits, in 1621, were about building a stately college 
 at Alt-Schottland, before the very doors of Dantzig, Johannes Schro- 
 der, teacher in the Dantzig Gymnasium, wrote to the council, that 
 there was urgent need for their schools to rouse themselves; " lest," he 
 says, " these fellows, with their institution, obtain the pre-eminence and 
 the prize. Otherwise, much young blood will be seized upon by 
 them, and thoroughly contaminated. I know these birds I under- 
 stand the Jesuits. I had twelve years' acquaintance with them in 
 Brunswick."* 
 
 Against this far-seeing and deeply-planned educational activity of 
 the Jesuits, we have already seen with what hearty zeal the Protest- 
 ants, reformers, educators, and princes, exerted themselves for the 
 erection or improvement of schools. Especially prominent, in the 
 second half of the 16th century, is Johannes Sturm, as a normal 
 educator. His method, says Morhof,f was followed not only by the 
 German cities, but also by those of foreign lands. We have seen 
 that the school system of Duke Christopher, of Wurtemberg, and that 
 of August I., of Saxony, corresponded very nearly with Sturm's. His 
 model was followed in the most different German cities. The plan 
 drawn up for the Stralsund Gymnasium, in 1591, by Rector Jen tzkow, 
 was " no other than the method laid down by Johann Sturm, in his 
 various writings, extended and adapted with great care and judg- 
 ment.";]; In like manner, it is related by Rector Heinrich Petreus, 
 that, in organizing the Gottingen Gymnasium, he took that of Stras- 
 burg for a model. In the gymnasium at Frankfurt-on-the-Mayne, 
 Sturm's method was followed. || The introduction of decurions, in 
 the gymnasium at Liegnitz, as well as at Frankfurt, was evidently 
 after Sturm's plan.^f 
 
 The contest of the confessionals was transferred to the schools. 
 But, nevertheless, Protestants and Catholics sought the same object in 
 their effort^ for literary culture. Sturm said : " I have observed what 
 
 * " History of the Academic Gymnasium in Dantzig, by Prof. Dr. Th. Hirsch." Dantzig 
 Gymnasium programme, Ausr 3 1837. Exceedingly valuable, 
 t Morliof Polyh sfor Ed. 4. 1747 : I. 333. 
 JZober; Stralsund Gymnasium programme, 1846, p. 7. 
 
 Some account of the ancient schools of Gottingen, by Dir Kirsten, 1840, p. 7. 
 II On the trecentennial jub lee of the Frankfurt Gymnasium, by Rector Vomel. 1829. p. 5. 
 IT Gymnasium prosrrammi- of Rector Kohler. in Liegnitz, 1837. 
 
314 THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 writers the Jesuits explain, and what method they follow ; and it 
 differs so little from ours, that it seems as if they had drank from our 
 fountains.'' 
 
 Against this system of education, common to the Protestants and 
 Jesuits of that day, adversaries now rose up. In the first decennium 
 of the 17th century, commenced that contest of pedagogical principles, 
 originating from Protestant sources, which, under varying forms, has 
 lasted even to the present day. 
 
 Those who sought to introduce these new principles and new ideals 
 into pedagogy, I shall for that reason denominate Progressives. 
 This term is to be understood as implying neither praise nor blame. 
 It is to indicate not at all whether the new matter brought 
 forward by these men was good, or bad, or mingled of both. 
 
 Innovations were to be expected. When any mode of culture is 
 exclusively adhered to, until it passes over into caricature ; whenever 
 only this or that subject of instruction is regarded, to the exclusion of 
 others ; and only the faculties employed about that subject developed, 
 while others are neglected ; sooner or latter, this condition of affairs 
 brings its own retribution, in the reaction which must follow. And 
 this reaction, moreover, commonly in its turn overpasses the limits 
 of moderation, becomes a radicalism, and seeks entirely to extirpate 
 what had previously been made too prominent. 
 
 Thus it happened in the pedagogical controversy which was now 
 beginning. That the philological education had been pushed into 
 caricature, Erasmus had already seen, and had satirized the imitators 
 of Cicero. His "Ciceronianus " seems yet to have made no impression 
 upon Sturm. The latter's ideal of attainment was, and remained, 
 Ciceronian Latin eloquence ; and he would make every school-boy, as 
 far as possible, a Ciceronian. We wonder at his method, at the pro- 
 fessional and literary skill with which he pursued his object, and con- 
 centrated all the mental powers upon it. But, if it be asked, Was his 
 ideal of attainment the true one ? We can not escape the reply, that 
 he himself, and his innumerable imitators, in their zeal to train their 
 scholars to a Ciceronian eloquence, undervalued almost every thing 
 else worth learning, and every intellectual gift of the pupil as well, 
 except that of speaking. We have moreover seen that Bacon and 
 Montaigne, directly or indirectly, opposed this purely philological 
 training. But neither of these was an educator, and they were 
 therefore not in a condition. 
 
 But it was not long before there were teachers, also, contending 
 actively against the cotemporary system of instruction. Two men 
 appeared, who, for many years, made persevering and uuinterrnitted 
 
THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 315 
 
 efforts to develop, and put in practice, a new method of teaching. 
 These were Wolfgang Ratich and Johann Amos Comenius. With 
 them commences a long series of educational methodologists, in which 
 Locke, Rousseau, Basedow, and Pestalozzi, are most prominent. 
 Th^se men differed widely ; from personal character, the influences 
 of country, religious belief, and the times and circumstances in which 
 they lived ; yet we find something of a common character in the 
 principles and tendencies of them all. I will preface, to the mono- 
 graphs upon these men, a short discussion of these common elements, 
 as composers introduce into the overture of an opera the principal 
 themes which are afterward to be heard in the work itself. 
 
 Sight was becoming clearer, views wider, and many new opinions 
 and ideals of value had arisen. In truth, the horizon enlarged so 
 rapidly, that the vision of the observers failed to command it. Fre- 
 quently the Progressives were incompetent to work out the complete 
 exemplification of their own ideals. It was with entire correctness 
 that they recognized as indispensable, and as founded in human 
 nature, and as demanded by the relations of actual life, elements of 
 culture unthought of by preceding teachers. They were right in oppos- 
 ing their narrow one-sidedness, and the manifold errors in their 
 courses of instruction. But, again, even from the short characteriza- 
 tions of the Progressives* which follow, it will appear, that they in 
 their turn failed to recognize many valuable constituents of a perfected 
 course of study ; and, in opposing one extreme, fell themselves into 
 the other. Let us hope that we ourselves, taking warning by this 
 error, may shun both extremes, thankfully recognize the good exist- 
 ing in each of the two conflicting parties, and hold it fast ; and thus 
 accomplish an actual and solid reconciliation of both. 
 
 The traits common to the Progressives are these : 
 
 1. They all vigorously controverted the systems of education and 
 instruction prevailing in their day. They called the common methods 
 of instruction, which remained substantially the same, from the Ref- 
 ormation nearly down to our own times that of the Grammatici 
 (Philologists) a blind groping, without road or object. 
 
 2. They offered, not an improved method, but asserted that the 
 teaching of the Grammatici was entirely unmethodical ; and offered 
 simply a method ; as something entirely new. This was to conduct 
 the student forward, from the simplest and most comprehensible ele- 
 ments of each subject taught, by a plain, short, and easy way, to the 
 attainment of his end. They said even, in substance, that, with the 
 
 In the course of the History, I shall furnish the proofs of this description. 
 
316 THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUKV. 
 
 inner organic necessities of the pupil, the blossoms and fruits oi 
 learning would be developed. 
 
 3. They wrote manuals, adapted to their methods ; by the use of 
 which, as they claimed, one as well as another, the intelligent and 
 the stupid alike could learn well, if only he adhered to the text-book 
 with diligent and even pedantic exactitude. This equalized talents ; 
 indeed, it was questioned whether independent and untramrrieled 
 teachers were not inferior, in pedagogic efficiency, to those of more 
 moderate endowments. 
 
 4. These views were carried into actual caricature by some, who 
 ventured to maintain : That intelligence or dullness is a matter of 
 indifference to the scholar. The teacher who adheres closely to the 
 method, will accomplish every thing by that means. He can carve a 
 Mercury, and make grass grow, out of the same timber. 
 
 5. They opposed, in particular, the current modes of instruction ; 
 calling them vain, lifeless memory -cramming. (This was their usual 
 term for it.)* This was especially the case with the usual methods 
 of teaching the ancient languages ; which the Progressives promised 
 to teach in a shorter time, and an easier manner; one in one new 
 way, and another in another. 
 
 6. They applied the term lifeless to the so-called memory-cram- 
 ming, because by it the pupil was made to learn so many things 
 which he did not understand. They aimed at imparting life to in- 
 struction, by calling into action the understanding of the child, in 
 proportion as they omitted the drilling of memory. Some of them 
 seem indeed to have had no reverence for the mystery of the memory, 
 and even to have known nothing of any intellectually living human 
 memory, but only of a mere echo-like parrot's memory ; and not to 
 have known how very common is the phenomenon of an under- 
 standing stupefied by drilling. 
 
 7. While undervaluing the receptivity, so natural to youth, they 
 endeavored, on the contrary, to stimulate the learner to an incessant 
 and unnatural effort after precocious production. Estimating all com- 
 municated knowledge at a low rate, they preached to the young gen- 
 eration the doctrine that they were to take pride in shaping out 
 and accomplishing every thing for themselves ; and that to them- 
 selves, therefore, were they to be indebted for every thing. 
 
 8. Since our method is conformable to nature, said the Progressives, 
 the children will learn, voluntarily, with ease and pleasure. And 
 they gave assurances that, by their method, all punishments, corporeal 
 
 * An expression somewhat appropriate for the military style in which the teachers put 
 he children through their rote-exercises. 
 
lib PROGRESSIVES UF THE SEVENTEENTH OKMLRx. 317 
 
 ones especially, would cease of themselves ; being only the results of 
 a course of instruction uncongenial, and stimulating to disobedience. 
 
 9. Some of the Progressives would have had each scholar taught 
 according to his individual peculiarities and gifts ; not all alike. 
 Oth( s, on the contrary, regarded only the human character in general. 
 As th x is only one and the same nature, they said, common to all 
 men, so thgre should be only one and the same method of education. 
 The former of these was the more aristocratic view, the latter demo- 
 cratic ; the former was entertained by those who looked to the edu- 
 cation of some single normal pupil, the latter by those who aimed 
 at common education. 
 
 10. The Progressives had a regard for the mother tongue; indeed, 
 a special one ; and contended against the tyrannical dominion of the 
 Latin, without altogether rejecting it. By this study of the mother 
 tongue, by introducing it among subjects of instruction, they en- 
 deavored, if not to break up the sharp distinction maintained by 
 means of Latin between educated and non-educated classes, at least 
 to narrow it as far as possible, and to promote at once an education 
 independent of Latin, and democratic sentiments. 
 
 11. They set great value upon real studies, and endeavored to con- 
 nect them with studies in language. 
 
 12. Connected with these traits are the progress of bodily exercise, 
 and the controversy against dark and dim school rooms. 
 
 13. As the mother tongue and real studies became prominent, 
 opposition arose to the education of uneducated persons in the Latin 
 schools ; and separate real schools were demanded. Some, from true 
 Christian love, turned their attention to the improvement of the com- 
 mon schools, which were undervalued by most of the Latinist learned 
 men, and labored extensively in their behalf. 
 
 14. These Progressives opposed themselves not only to the mem- 
 ory, but the imagination more however in effect than in theory. Their 
 unnatural and precocious stimulation of the reason of the children 
 destroyed their imagination. Of the beautiful they said nothing. 
 If they taught music, drawing, &c., it was upon a rationalist, anti- 
 artistic plan. Poetry was neglected, or taught with loveless and 
 unfriendly coldness. The poems were analyzed and interpreted to 
 death. 
 
 15. The intuition, of which there was so much said amongst 
 them, tended to the development of imagination ; although, for the 
 most part, only apparently so. They disturbed the quiet necessary 
 for it, by incessant repetition, and torturing questions, and destroyed 
 the natural susceptibility to ideas by the most untimely and repulsw*. 
 
 30 
 
318 THE PROGRESSIVES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURA. 
 
 reflections and reasonings. This word does not signify a complete 
 expression in the mind of the scholar; it refers much more to wordy 
 put too soon into the child's mind by the teacher. He was oblig^ : 
 to name and describe things entirely strange to him. Thus the o, 
 called exercises in intuition were only empty exercises in ta'ong, 
 without any real substance. ta 1 
 
 16. They were especially strict in insisting that the r-upi.s, even 
 the youngest, should have a clear conciousness in all tb&Y Baying and 
 acting; and should give a thorough account of all their doings and 
 thinkings, in clear and weii-ehosen words. By diligent reflection upon 
 language and speaking, it was thus expected that the pupils would 
 become able to hear and to speak intelligently. In this manner they 
 sought to drive the children away -from their natural simplicity, and 
 to tram them into an unnatural, unchild-like condition ; one occupied 
 by themselves, and trying to manage and govern themselves. 
 
 17. With this controversy against the memory, was united, on the 
 part of many, an undervaluation of history, and a deification of the 
 present and the actual. Thus was induced the most powerful ten- 
 dency to mere earthly, material interest, and earthly things and labors, 
 and an entire contempt for a higher and freer culture. 
 
 18. With some of the Progressives of the eighteenth century there 
 appeared a distinct form of Pelagianism. The problem of the educator, 
 according to them, was only this : To promote the vegetative devel- 
 opment of the natural good endowments of each child, after the 
 fashion of a gardener, so that the inborn potentia may ripen into 
 actus. Naturam sequi, is their principle. Of any case that the in- 
 born bad potentia should become extinct, and should not ripen into 
 actus, of the strife after holiness, they took no heed ; with them the 
 opposites of nature and of grace have no existence.* 
 
 Thus may the outlines of the new tendencies in instruction and 
 education be described ; we now come to the life and labors of the 
 Coryphaeus of the Progressives, Wolfgang Ration. 
 
 References will be made, further on, to the religious tendencies of the earlier Progressives, 
 and to the irreligious ones of the later. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Rautnet. 
 
 WOLFGANG RATICH was born in 1571, at Wilster in Holstein. 
 He attended the Hamburg gymnasium, and afterward studied philos- 
 ophy in Rostock. On account of a difficulty in his speech he gave 
 up theology, turned his attention especially to Hebrew, and went 
 to England, and thence to Amsterdam, to study mathematics. Here 
 he remained eight years, and learned Arabic of a native-born Arabian. 
 Here, also, he offered to present to Prince Moritz, of Orange, a new 
 method of instruction, as discovered by him. The prince agreed to 
 his proposal, but on the condition that he should teach Latin only. 
 Dissatisfied with this restriction, Ratich went to Basle, Strasburg, and 
 also to other courts, offering his new method. He finally offered " to 
 the German Empire," May 7th, 1612, at the diet at Frankfort, a me- 
 morial,* in which he promised, " with the help of God to give instruc- 
 tions for the service and welfare of all Christendom : 
 
 1. How the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and other tongues may easily be 
 taught and learned both by young and old, more thoroughly and in 
 shorter time. 
 
 2. How, not only in High Dutch, but, also, in other tongues a 
 school may be established, in which the thorough knowledge of all 
 arts and sciences may be learned and propagated. 
 
 3. How, in the whole kingdom one and the same speech, one and 
 the same government, and finally one and the same religion, may be 
 commodiously and peacefully maintained. 
 
 The better to exemplify this," he continues, " he is prepared to 
 show written specimens of the Hebrew and Chaldee Scriptures, and 
 of the Arabian and Greek, Latin and High Dutch languages, from 
 which a full opinion may be formed of the whole work." 
 
 Ratich now proceeded to attack the usual methods of instruction. 
 It is the course of nature, he says, first to learn to read right, and 
 speak the mother tongue correctly and fluently, so as to be able to 
 use the German Bible. Hebrew and Greek come next, as the tongues 
 of the original texts of the Bible. Next comes Latin, which may be 
 learned from Terence ; or jurists may learn it from the Institutions. 
 Elsewhere German should be used in all the faculties. 
 
 * I received a copy of this memorial by the kindness of Herr Archivist Doctor of Law 
 Hertzog, in Frankfort. 
 
320 
 
 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 Alter the reading of this memorial, Pfalzgrave Wolfgang Wilhelm 
 von Marburg gave Ratich five hundred gulden to buy him the neces- 
 sary books ; Landgrave Ludwig von Darmstadt appointed, and professors 
 Helwig and Jung of Giessen, to make reports to him upon Ratich's 
 mode of instruction. In 1613 the widowed Duchess Dorothea von 
 Weimar summoned an assembly of learned men at Erfurt to exam- 
 ine the method. At the request of the same lady, Professors Graw- 
 er, Brendel, Walter, and Wolf of Jena, investigated Ratich's method. 
 Their report appeared soon after that of Helwig, and both were de- 
 cidedly in favor of the new method.* 
 
 In 1614 the church and school authorities of Augsburg invited Ra- 
 tich thither to reform the schools of their city. We know nothing 
 more of his stay there.f 
 
 The Duchess Dorothea summoned Ratich to Weimar as early as 
 1613 to instruct her and her sister Anna Sophie, both princesses of 
 Anhalt, in Latin. In 1617, she gave him, for the promotion of hi* 
 plans, two thousand gulden. 
 
 In the same year, 1617, Ratich was again at Frankfort, where he 
 petitioned the town council to appoint an agent to whom he might ex- 
 plain his method. The agent was appointed, reported, and the coun- 
 cil thereupon decreed that " Ratich should be notified that he had per 
 mission to apply elsewhere at his convenience." 
 
 Prince Ludwig von Anhalt Kothen first met Ratich in 1613,J; at 
 Weimar, with his sisters, the Duchess Dorothea, and the Countess 
 Anna Sophie von Schwarzburg. Both urgently recommended Ratich 
 to him. In 1616 he invited him to Rheda in Westphalia, and was 
 so much plea ed with his plans that he requested him to take up his 
 abode near him. April 10th, 1618, Ratich came accordingly to Ko- 
 then ; and explained to the prince, that " his structure was ready pre- 
 pared to his mind, but that the workmen were wanting to help put it 
 up." He settled in Kothen for a time, on account of the purity of 
 the German spoken there, to make a trial of his system for teaching 
 foreign languages, but especially to establish a good German school. 
 
 Prince Ludwig repeatedly applied to the other princes of Anhalt 
 to assist him in carrying out Ratich's schemes, but in vain. His 
 brother, Prince Christian, wrote to him that Ratich's views were 
 praiseworthy, but that " it is the work that praises the master," and 
 
 Duchess Dorothea refers to both in the letter of invitation which she gave to Ratich, 8th 
 of May, 1613, to the magistrates of Frankfort, when he left Weimar for that city. Of this I 
 have a copy. 
 
 t Ri-ro-t B. of Dr. Niemeyer, p. 11. We shall hereafter see two reports from fellow labor 
 ers of Ratich, at Augsburg. 
 
 t According to Prince Ludwig's own account, it was in 1618. See Niemeyer, p. 6, &c 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 321 
 
 it was best to wait for the result. He advised to have the system ex- 
 amined by Rector Wendelin of Zerbst, for which purpose he said he 
 would gladly use his influence. But he soon afterward declined to 
 do even this.* Only Duke Johann Ernst von Weimar, son of the 
 Duchess Dorothea, and nephew of Prince Ludwig, united with him 
 in the undertaking to call into life the new method of instruction at 
 their common expense." 
 
 Ratichf now formally bound himself to the work which the Prince 
 wished him to undertake : namely, that of instructing and training 
 teachers, so that they should be able " to impart to their pupils a 
 thorough, good, and fluent knowledge of any language, especially of 
 Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, in less time, not to exceed half as much, 
 than could be done by any other method usual in Germany, Jtnd also 
 with much less pains." These teachers were, on the other hand to 
 promise him upon his requisition not to reveal the secret of his meth- 
 od to any one. 
 
 The prince now caused a printing office to be erected at Kothen, 
 for supplying Ration's books. The founts for six languages were 
 partly brought from Holland, and partly cast in Kothen ; and four 
 compositors and two pressmen were brought from Rostock and Jena. 
 
 The prince required the people of Kothen to send their children to 
 the schools established by Ratich ; two hundred and thirty-one boys, 
 and two hundred and two girls were enrolled.^ 
 
 The schools were divided into six classes. In the three lowest the 
 mother tongue was taught, in the fourth a beginning was made 
 with Latin, and in the sixth with Greek. According to the plan, his 
 teacher of the lowest class, was to be a man of kind manners, who 
 need know no language except German. His duty was to be, " by daily 
 prayer, short Biblical texts, and questions in the manner of ordinary 
 conversation, to form the tongues and language of the new scholars, 
 according to the pure Misnian dialect, and by continued practice to 
 correct the faults of the scholars, acquired outside the school. ||" 
 
 We shall see, further on, the methods of teaching German and 
 
 * Niemeyer gives a French letter from Prince Christian, of 8th of September, 1618. He 
 writes literatim as follows: "Puisdonques qu'il vous tarde quejeme resolvg sur 1'affaire 
 dn Rafichius. J'ay suis delibere de ne me vouloir pasmesler. Et ce a cause que nul deceulx 
 auxquels J'ay parle depuis, (vous asseurant en avoir parle avec divers 'personnages qui ont 
 renomme d' estre doctes,) ont voulu croire que les Effets seront conformes a ses proposi- 
 tions nV alleguants force Exemples au contraire en Hassie, en ia Cointe de Nassau, de Ha- 
 nau. chez ms. le marg de Bade, a Auguste et a Basle merne." Comp. Niemeyer, C. p. 13. 
 
 t Niemeyer, C. 10, !5. J Ib. 24. 
 
 Niemeyer, C. 24. On comparing pp. 28 and 42, it does not appear whether there were 
 five or six classes, and whether Greek was begun in the 5th or sixth. 
 1J.C.29. 
 
322 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 Latin in Ration's schools. Here it must suffice to say, as to the in- 
 struction at Kothen, that as soon as the children had learned their 
 letters, in the first (lowest) class, they learned reading and writing 
 together, in the second, using Genesis for a reading book. In the 
 third class was studied " the grammar of the mother tongue, with 
 examples both general and special; that is, to speak and write 
 grammatically, and to understand the grammatical speaking and writ- 
 ing of others.* 
 
 In the fourth and fifth classes, Terence was studied, and the Latin 
 grammar abstracted from it ; after this there followed an especial 
 Greek class.f 
 
 Besides these lessons in language, there was instruction in arithme- 
 tic, singfng, and religion. 
 
 Ration's labors at Kothen, however, as in other places, soon came 
 to an end. There were various reasons for this. One was, that Ra- 
 tich was a strong Lutheran, while the city of Kothen was of the "re- 
 formed" persuasion. The citizens also took offense at Ratich's having 
 the ten commandments learned in his school, not after the reformed 
 text and division, but after the Lutheran. Superintendent Streso 
 charged him, for this reason, with being heterodox. Prince Ludwig 
 tried to heal the difficulty by ordering both the Heidelberg catechism 
 and Ratich's reading manual to be used in the schools ; but this satis- 
 fied neither party. 
 
 In a report which StresoJ and some other men of eminence made 
 upon Ratich's school, by the order of the prince, it was remarked that 
 the catechism and music were studied too little ; that the discipline 
 was bad ; that the hours of recreation were too many ; that the chil- 
 dren were made to pass too quickly and abruptly from the letters to 
 reading, without any intermediate study of syllables, and that they 
 " wrote vitiosissime" 
 
 It is true that the results did not answer Ratich's great promises. 
 He laid the blame, for various reasons, upon his patrons and col- 
 leagues ; and the consequence was that Prince Ludwig imprisoned 
 him on the sixth of October, 1619, and only released him in the mid- 
 dle of the year 1620, on his signing a declaration in which ho says 
 that he " had claimed and promised more than he knew or could 
 bring to pass. 
 
 Afterward, in 1620, Ratich went to Magdeburg, where he was well 
 received by the magistrates, but in 1622 he got into a quarrel with 
 Rector Evenius. Princess Anna Sophie, who had married Count 
 Gunther von Schwarzburg, now invited him to Rudolstadt, where she 
 
 ' J. C. 85. t Ib. 42. J Ib. 15-19. Ib. 7, 19, 20. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 323 
 
 tudied Hebrew with him. About this time many opponents came 
 out against Ratich, and among others the well known Dr. Hoe von 
 Hoenegg, chief court chaplain at Dresden, who had been his strong 
 partizan in 1614. In 1626, however, he wrote a-long communica- 
 tion to the Countess Anna Sophie, opposing Ratich's views. "Your 
 grace knows well," he writes, "that if one should give himself out for 
 an architect, and especially for an uncommonly good architect, he 
 would not be at once received as such, but that special, thorough, 
 clear and demonstrative tests, would be made use of, before men 
 would employ him for important buildings, or put them under his 
 charge. But we, here at court, know of no such public, thorough 
 proof, whatever, which the Herr Ratichius has given, proportionate 
 to his claims, even in any small place ; for the lack of which proof, 
 people here will be the less willing to make any change in their sys- 
 tem of teaching, and to adopt, instead of it, the Didactics of Ra- 
 tich."* The Dukes of Weimar and Gotha soon gave him up, but 
 Countess Anna Sophie still adhered to him. She supported him at 
 Kranichfeld and Erfurt, and recommended him to Chancellor Oxen- 
 stiern, who caused an examination to be made of his system. Doc- 
 tors Hieronymus Bruckner, Johann Matthaeus Meyfart and Stephan 
 Ziegler, made a favorable report upon it to the Chancellor, March 10, 
 ]634.f 
 
 This report discussed, 1. The purpose and design of the plan. 
 
 2. The mode of teaching. 
 
 3. The promises made. The reporters first take up Ratich's argu- 
 ments against the existing mode of instruction ; as, that it is not 
 really Christian; that the scholars have to learn too many things at 
 the same time, &c.J They then describe Ratich's method; and, 
 lastly, consider his requirements, as, a regular appointment, the chief 
 directorship of the work, good fellow-laborers, &c. 
 
 Comenius, who met the Chancellor in Sweden, in 1642, relates the 
 result of his negotiations with him. " When I heard," said Oxen- 
 stiern, " that Ratich had a new method, I could not be easy until I 
 had myself seen the man ; but instead of conversation, he sent me a 
 thick quarto. I accomplished this wearisome labor, and after I had 
 read the whole book through, I found he had, it is true, not ill dis- 
 played the faults of our schools ; but that his remedies did not ap- 
 pear thorough. " A sensible opinion. Comenius himself applied to 
 
 * Niemeyer B. p. 8. This letter is in the Duke's library at Gotha. Niemeyer gives othei 
 extracts from it. (D. 13.) 
 
 t Ib. A. p. 7. ; Details further on 
 
 $ The Chancellor does not mention Meyfart's report. 
 
324 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 Ratich by letter, in 1629, as he relates in another place, asking him 
 earnestly and repeatedly, to give him an account of his new method. 
 But Ratich gave him no answer. 
 
 It was in 1632 that he first obtained an account of it, in a letter 
 from the excellent Georg Winkler, pastor in Goldberg. " What great 
 hopes," wrote the latter, "were excited by Helwig and Jung's pom- 
 pous report upon Ratich's method ! But our good friend Ratich fell 
 short of it, and will continue to fall short of it." Winkler then re- 
 lates how Moser, teacher in the school at Goldberg, had eaten a meal 
 with Ratich, in hopes, by this plan, to find out something about his 
 method ; but he learned but little. Ratich had declared that he 
 would only sell his discoveries to a prince, at a dear rate, and upon 
 the condition that the men of learning to whom he should commu- 
 nicate them should promise to conceal them. Winkler asks, "would 
 Christ, the Apostles, and the Prophets, have done so ?" 
 
 Ratich did not long survive his negotiation with Oxenstiern. He 
 had suffered an attack of palsy in the tongue and right hand, in 
 1633 ; and he died in 1635, aged sixty -four. 
 
 We will now examine specimens of Ratich's method of teaching 
 German and Latin, in order to show how he and his followers pro- 
 ceeded in instruction, and then consider his more important general 
 principles of instruction and education. 1 commence with an account 
 of a method of instruction, so as to be able more conveniently to re- 
 fer to it for explaining principles. 
 
 I. RATICH'S INSTRUCTION IN LANGUAGE. 
 
 Instruction in language should begin in the sixth or seventh year, 
 with learning the letters ; since the letter is the simplest element of 
 grammar. The teacher should show the pupil the form of the letter, 
 drawing it slowly on the blackboard, and naming it at the same time, 
 so that the scholar may learn the form and the name of the letter to- 
 gether. He is also to compare the letters with forms, as, for instance, 
 O with a circle, C with a semicircle, X with a cross, &c.* 
 
 Ratich requires that the pupil should copy the letters at the same 
 time, but Kromayer, his follower, on the contrary, only permits it 
 when he can read them easily. 
 
 The teacher then proceeds to the making of syllables; writing the 
 names of them, as before, at the same time. 
 
 After this, Ratich says, he is to select an author from whom the 
 language can well be learned, and whose contents are chaste and 
 interesting; as, some history, comedy, <fec. The youngest scholars 
 
 * Ratich's "Methodus," 140. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 325 
 
 must, however, have a manual of the rudiments, (parvus libellus ru- 
 dimentorum,) while the older use the author himself. This author is 
 Terence. 
 
 Here the Ratichians differ from Ratich in one direction, and Kro- 
 mayer in another. The former direct that after the study of the let- 
 ters, Terentius* should immediately be taken up. The latter, how- 
 ever, says : " The boys should first learn German well, before Latin 
 or any other language is laid before them ; for it is wrong for the 
 boys to have any Latin material, such as Donatus, Latin verses, or 
 the like, put before them, before they understand German well." He 
 adds that many scholars learn Latin grammar without knowing Ger- 
 man well ; " that although they may not have learned it well in the 
 lower classes, they are at once put into Latin. It is still worse when 
 the children even at first, before they can read German, are taught to 
 read in Latin ABC books. This is contrary to nature ; for it is much 
 easier to learn to read in the mother tongue, than in one strange or 
 entirely unknown." German should therefore be taught in the Ger- 
 man classes, and Latin be postponed to the Latin classes. 
 
 Kromayer's course of Latin instruction is briefly as follows. From 
 their letters, the step to reading, is to be made as soon as possible. 
 The teacher must first " read over by himself the whole book (of 
 Genesis) to the end, reading each chapter twice over together ; the 
 scholars not reading at all, but only listening, looking on and follow- 
 ing." When the book is gone through in this manner, the preceptor 
 is to begin again at the beginning and read each chapter once, mak- 
 ing the scholar read it over immediately after him, perhaps four lines 
 at a time." The book is afterward to be read a third time, by the 
 scholar alone. 
 
 After this Kromayer proceeds to teach German grammar to those 
 who are afterward to study the ancient languages. " When any espe- 
 cially fine intellects are found," he writes, "such as the teacher recog- 
 nizes as fit for study, and to be afterward put forward into other 
 schools, after they have learned to read fluently, they are to be put 
 into the German grammar, and thereby a good introduction made for 
 them to the Latin grammar. 
 
 " The preceptor is to place these scholars together, and to teach 
 them the German grammar; a chapter, or some other convenient 
 part, at a time. The teacher is first to read it clearly, and explain it 
 a little, where necessary, in other words ; secondly, the scholars are 
 
 *" Praxis," 162. "Alphabf to absolute progreditur ad syllabas. Quo facto statim ad Auto- 
 rem, qui in lingua latina est Terentius, fit transits." Nothing is said by the Ratichians 
 about teaching German ; but we have seen that in Ration's school at KBthen, Ihe three lower 
 classes were German, and that Latin was first begun in the fourth. 
 
326 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 to read it over after him, once, or ten times, if necessary ; thirdly, as 
 it has been well enough read, the pupil is to take up the first book of 
 Moses, which he knows already ; and the teacher is to show him ihe 
 applications of that part of the grammar which was read, in the first 
 chapter, in five, six, or even ten examples, reading the chapter until 
 he comes to a point which is an instance of the rule in question. 
 Here he pauses a little, and shows how the example agrees with the 
 rule or precept in the grammar. As, for instance ; if he is speaking 
 of uninflected words ; he will find an example of them in the very 
 beginning of the first book of Moses, as he will also almost anywhere. 
 " In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth," &c. 
 "In" is a preposition. "And the earth was without form and void. 
 "And" is a conjunction, &c. Again ; if he is speaking of nouns and 
 verbs,* "Beginning" is a substantive noun, of the masculine gender, 
 singular number, &c. "Created" is an active verb, third person, im- 
 perfect, &c. He may then conjugate it to the third person singular, 
 where he will show that this is the person used in the book, at that 
 place. He is to go on with such applications, not only in the first 
 book of Genesis, but through the remaining chapters. 
 
 This method of application depends chiefly upon this point : that 
 the teacher only is to read, while the pupils pick out the examples ; 
 finding them themselves in the book, when any form in the declen- 
 sion or conjugation is required ; so that it is necessary to keep a sharp 
 eye upon the grammar, and to listen very quietly to the teacher'! 
 reading. When one part of the grammar has thus been applied, th< 
 teacher is to go on to another ; read it, make the scholars read i ; . 
 after him, look out the examples in Genesis, show and apply them. 
 
 And in all this matter of the German grammar, it is to be ob 
 served, that it is not intended that an entirely complete knowledg, 
 of each part of the grammar, shall be required of the boys as the} 
 go over it. Indeed, this could not be required either of the teache; 
 or the pupils. 
 
 We know very well, it is true, that improvement in grammar mus* 
 consist of an always increasing amount of observation and practice* 
 but it is enough for the boys to get a reasonable knowledge in their 
 own mother tongue of the secundas notiones, the grammatical 
 terms such as number, case, declension, conjugation, noun, verb, <fec., 
 before they take up Latin, since they will then have more than half 
 learned the meaning of these terms in their own language. It would 
 be much easier for one who had already learned the grammar of 
 Latin, to understand the parts of speech, number, tense, person, verb, 
 
 * Ratich uses German words for all the grammatical technicals. Niemeyer, D. 39. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH 327 
 
 noun. &c., in Hebrew, or any other foreign language, than for one who 
 should first learn his grammar in the Hebrew, or other entirely un- 
 known language, without knowing what grammar really is, nor what 
 are the true notions and actualities of nouns, verbs, number, tense, 
 mode, and case. It can be easily understood that the case is the 
 same with scholars who are set at once to learn Latin grammar in the 
 unknown Latin language, before they really know what the ideas of 
 grammar itself and its different notions are. 
 
 It should be remembered, however, that it is not to be expected 
 that one grammar should be of assistance in learning another, by 
 having all the words in one of exactly the same gender, conjugation, 
 and declension, as they are in another. This is impossible in most 
 languages. It is sufficient, that, in general, one grammar* helps in 
 learning another; that, in general, if I have already become acquaint- 
 ed with the notions and characters of gender, case, declension, conju- 
 gation, &c., they would no longer be so difficult and entirely un- 
 known, when they should come up again in the Latin, or some other 
 grammar, but much easier. And this opinion, is, by no means, of 
 little importance. It is upon it that we base our principle that the 
 German grammar should be learned before the Latin." 
 
 Ration's directions for teaching Latin, agree, throughout, with those 
 of Kromayer, in whose own words I have given them.* 
 
 "The Latin grammar should not be learned before the author, but 
 after, and in the author. The books which we use in the Latin class, 
 are, accordingly, these : 1. The author, as, for instance, Terentius, 
 whom we have had printed for this special purpose. 2. The Latin 
 grammar, which we have also had arranged expressly for this purpose. 
 3. The Latin evangelists. Item, the Latin catechism, and the Theo- 
 logical Commonplaces ; and, moreover, for the higher classes, the 
 other Latin authors, as Cicero, Virgilius, &c. 
 
 Terentius, with whom we begin, should be first understood, as to 
 his substance and meaning, as far as possible, in German. 
 
 For just as a man can learn Hebrew, for example, in the first book 
 of Moses, which he already understands in German, much more easily 
 than in one of the difficult Prophets, which is in great part unknown, 
 or than in an entirely unknown Rabbinical book ; in like manner is 
 it certain that the scholar will learn the Latin language also much 
 more easily, if he is already acquainted with the sense and manner 
 of his author, as, Terence, for example, in German, than if he should 
 
 * 1 purposely give the full original, instead of extracts; as its diffuse form entirely coin- 
 cides with its wearisome contents, and will give the reader a just idea of the method of in 
 struction of Ratich, and his followers, and a lively sympathy with teachers and scholar* 
 under it. 
 
328 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 have no knowledge, whatever, of it. It is much to be wished, that 
 some one would print a close translation of Terence, in good German ;* 
 for then each boy might be made to read over each corned} 7 twice or 
 thrice, before taking it up in the Latin. 
 
 In the meanwhile, however, the preceptor must make up for the 
 deficiency by his own industry. Before each comedy he must give 
 the whole substance of it, before each act its whole contents, and be- 
 fore each scene the full meaning, in German, , orally, very clearly and 
 intelligibly, once or twice, or must make them say them over after 
 him, just as if they had a German Terence in their hands. 
 
 After this he is to begin to translate the Latin de verbo ad verbum ; 
 taking perhaps three pages at once, and translating it word for word, 
 twice at one lesson. The signification must be given most strictly 
 after the letter of that radical meaning of the word, as far as possi- 
 ble, which is in use, whether it agrees with the sense or not. As for 
 example in the prologue to the Andriae : Poeta the poet, cum when, 
 primum first, animum the mind, ad to, scribendum writing, adpulit 
 he has applied, id it, sibi to himself, negotii of business, credidit he 
 believed, solum alone, dari to be given, papula to the people, ut in 
 order that, placerent they might be pleased, quas which, fecisset he 
 had madfyfabulas the narratives, etc. And the exposition must not 
 vary, but each word must be always translated alike, as often as it 
 appears, throughout the book. 
 
 He must read each portion twice at a lesson, immediately over, and 
 must say not a word between ; and the boys are to remain entirely 
 still, and only to listen and follow in the book. Thus the preceptor 
 is to go from lesson to lesson, letting no one recite, but translating 
 
 * Gervinus (History of poetical national literature, 3, 76) says : " People could not be sat- 
 isfied with translating Terence. In 1620. the Society for usefulness, (fruchtbringendf. Gcs- 
 eflschaft.') published the whole of Terence, at Kothen, in German and Latin. The whole of it 
 was also translated in 1620, by Michael Meister and at Halle, in 1624, by David Hoschel and 
 Math. Schenk, in 1626 anonymously, (published at Weimar, by Joh. Miechner,) and in 1627 
 by Johann Rhenius ; which last translation passed through two editions in the 17th century." 
 All these translations ought to be attributed to Ration's method. The first certainly was ; 
 for its title is, " Publii Terentii six comedies. For teaching. Kothen 1620." (Niemeyer C. 
 22.) The Society for usefulness, which edited this translation, was also established by Princt 
 Ludwig von Anhalt, Ratich's protector. David Hoschel, a co-author of the translation of 
 1624. was rector of St. Anne's schools at Augsbursr. He was sent, with two others, in 1614, to 
 Ratich to Frankfort-on-the-Maine, to become acquainted with his method They reported 
 that Ratich fcad so far explained his invention to them, that they were satisfied and pleased 
 wiffl it. He was, in consequence, invited to Augsburg, to reform the Gymnasium there. 1 
 discovered in a certain catalogue of books, " Terentii six comedies, translated into the Ger- 
 man tongue. Weimar, 1626:" which is, perhaps, the translation mentioned by Gervinue, and 
 by Kromayer too. Johann Rhenius published, in 1626, three pedagogical treatises, which he 
 had received from his excellent friend (optimi amid) Ratich. As Terence occupied a promi 
 nent^ilace in these treatises, it was, perhaps, by this means, that Rhenius was influenced 
 dur g the next year, 1627, to print a translation of it. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 329 
 
 the whole of Terentius alone, each portion twice. This will occupy 
 a few weeks. 
 
 After this the preceptor is to begin Terentius again from the be- 
 ginning, as before ; translating word for word ; but so that the pre- 
 ceptor shall translate his three pages only for the first time, during the 
 first half lesson ; and for the other time, immediately after, for the 
 second half of the lesson, the boys are to translate, always in their order, 
 each four or five lines ; and when they fail, he must immediately help 
 them ; and the others are to listen earnestly in the meanwhile, and 
 attend. 
 
 When, in this way, Terentius had again been brought to an end, he 
 must begin at the beginning a third time ; and now the boys alone 
 are to translate it, each portion twice at a lesson ; and the preceptor 
 is only to listen, and to assist them when they fail. 
 
 When they have thus gone through their author for the third time, 
 the preceptor is to cause them to take the grammar in their hands, 
 and here also, he must go over all the ground before them, as follows : 
 
 lie is to explain to them the substance of the whole grammar : 
 how it speaks of the treatment of single words according to the ety- 
 mology, and then of the right connection of them, according to the 
 rules of syntax, so that they shall become complete propositions; 
 and he is to remind them of what they have already learned in the 
 German grammar, and to encourage them by showing that it will be 
 almost all of it easy, and the work trifling and not hard, if they will 
 only silently and earnestly listen and observe. 
 
 After this he is to take a certain chapter or part, read the rule or 
 definition, and immediately repeat the interpretation of it according 
 to the sense, that is, the right German meaning, always reminding 
 them of what they have been over in the German grammar. Thus 
 he is to go on to the end of the part he has taken, and to repeat his 
 explanation a second time ; and for the third time he is to read the 
 Latin contents of the same part, but without the German, and is to 
 let the boys explain it after him perhaps three or four times, each a 
 certain part ; and after that, at the same lesson, they should read the 
 portion over ten times or more, clearly and distinctly, but without 
 translation. 
 
 Afterward, in this or the following lesson, the preceptor must ap- 
 ply this lesson without the grammar, in the author, Terentius, in this 
 way ; he is to begin Terentius again at the beginning for the fourth 
 time, and now he is to make the boys all the time keep both books 
 in their hands, for the application ; namely, Terentius and the gram- 
 mar. Then the preceptor is to translate again, word for word, until 
 
330 
 
 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 an example occurs of the part of the grammar which has been read, 
 and there he is to stop, and explain how this is an example of the 
 rule which has been studied, and to repeat the translation of the 
 Latin words, and to read over the rule or precept, and immediately to 
 show how the example comes under it ; and the boys must all the 
 time point out with their fingers the examples in the author, as he 
 names them, and immediately afterward turn their eyes and their 
 fingers to the grammar, to the rule which has been explained there 
 as that under which the example comes. 
 
 And as soon as the preceptor has made application to one exam- 
 ple, he must cause the boys to do the same with four or six examples 
 of the same kind, until the whole class has often enough heard and 
 observed what are such examples in the text, how they stand in the 
 author, and how they relate to the grammar ; and until they well un- 
 derstand the rule*by means of such examples. If the preceptor were 
 to proceed at once, the boys would not so soon have learned to pick 
 out the examples in the author, and before they had learned to per- 
 ceive and understand them, the preceptor would be far advanced in 
 the lesson. 
 
 But when, as above shown, such examples have been picked out 
 five or six times by the boys, then the preceptor is to proceed and 
 select further examples in the text. But he must always translate 
 along in the author until another example occurs, and not let any 
 precept or rule pass until it has been explained by some twenty ex- 
 amples ; and must make the boys repeat such examples, especially at 
 first, and until they have become a little used to the application in 
 the author, some four or six times ; and when they have become used 
 to it, at least two or three times. 
 
 And in this course of study it is not necessary to say how far the 
 pupil shall go at a lesson, either in the grammar or in the author ; for 
 when one lesson is not sufficient, another may be taken on the same. 
 
 When one precept has been explained as above, and applied in the 
 author, the preceptor is to go on in the grammar, take another part 
 of it, explain it, read it, cause it to be explained after him, and to be 
 applied to the author. 
 
 And it is to be observed, that only the most important and princi- 
 pal rules of the grammar are, for the most part, to be practiced ; but 
 if there are some special portions or exception, of which not many 
 instances occur in the author, then those are to be more quickly 
 passed over, and the drill upon them is to be postponed until after 
 the grammar has been gone through with. 
 
 It is to be remarked also, that we practice triplicem analysin or 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH 331 
 
 applicationem ; 1, particularein; 2, universalem; 3, universalissimam. 
 In the particular analysis, we make application only to examples 
 which come under the single precept or rule of the grammar which 
 we have been over, and pass over the remaining words of the author 
 with only a translation. But in the universal analysis, which follows 
 after the pupils have gone through the etymology in the grammar 
 by portions, we make applications to each word, as they stand one 
 after another in the author, whether it be vox flexibilis vel inflexibiliti, 
 conjunctio vel praepositio, nomen vel verbum, etc. 
 
 In like manner is the proceeding to be with the syntax, after it has 
 been gone through with by portions ; that is, without regard to the 
 place in the author where the class is, all instructions are to be used 
 for application universaliter, period after period, as they stand in the 
 author, and brought under their rules in the syntax ; until at last 
 comes the third or universalissimam analysin, in which all the gram- 
 mar is applied at once ; first etymology, and then syntax being ap- 
 plied to each period of the author ; until the whole author has been 
 analyzed and explained grammatice. 
 
 In the beginning the teacher must go slowly, and make the appli- 
 cation to one word ten or twenty times, item must cause each rule to 
 be recited over ten times or more. But he need no longer go so 
 slowly, and may proceed more rapidly, when he sees that the boys 
 both understand the principal precepts, and from their repetition of 
 them know them by heart ; then it is enough to make a single ap- 
 plication with one word, or to pass it over entirely and only to have 
 those attended to and carefully recited, which occur more seldom, or 
 are for some reason more difficult ; at the last the preceptor must 
 push on with speed, only attending to such examples as have some 
 special interest. 
 
 And especially must the teacher begin, this time, when any par- 
 ticular phrases occur, to inflect them thoroughly in tenses and persons, 
 although not always in their regular order ; the preceptor first re- 
 peating such phrases over to the boys, several times, and inflecting 
 them, and causing them to select them for themselves and' inflect 
 them, when they have heard him sufficiently. 
 
 As for example, Heaut. 1,1. Ego vesperi domum r ever tor, I re- 
 turn home at evening ; tu vesperi domum reverteris, thou returnest 
 home at evening ; vos vesperi domum revertimini, ye return home at 
 evening ; tu vesperi domum revertebaris, thou didst return home at 
 evening; nos vesperi domum revertebamur, we returned home at 
 evening; illi vesperi domum revertentur, nos vesperi domum rever- 
 temur, reversieramus, etc. 
 
332 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 It is to be remembered that only the more important points in the 
 grammar are usually to be studied ; as, in etymology, the declen- 
 sion, item the Genus nominum* item the Conjugatlones verborum ; 
 in syntax, barely one rule more than ten: as 1. Adjectivum et Sub- 
 stantivum, etc. 2. Substantivum cum substantivo. 3. Dativos ad- 
 sciscunt, etc. 4. Ablativo casu efferuntur, etc. 5. Relativum cum 
 antecedente, etc. 6. Nominativus praecedit, etc. 7. Activa verba om- 
 nia. 8. Ablativus instrumenti, etc. 9. Quodlibet verbum admittit 
 dativum, etc. 10. Infinitivi adduntur, etc. \\.Accusativuspropr\us 
 casus, etc. ; item about Praepositionibus. 
 
 These portions are chiefly to be practiced ; with the rest, the boys 
 must not be too soon troubled, delayed or discouraged, since they 
 can learn them just as well afterward, when they have come to the 
 making of sentences, when they can well and quickly learn them in 
 small portions at a time, thus being able to observe for themselves 
 some fructum studii grammatici, not without pleasure and good 
 hopes for the future. When they have come as far as this, then the 
 preceptor may take up the remaining more difficult parts, bringing 
 them forward as supplementary, and explain them one after another, 
 reading them over often, item making them well and clearly under- 
 stood by a repeated application of many examples. 
 
 When the grammar, with its more important parts, has thus been 
 brought to an end, then the preceptor is to take up the author once 
 more and translate him according to the sense, each scene a couple 
 of times, and then to go on immediately, letting the boys listen only, 
 until he observes that by thus listening they have acquired a good 
 habit in it ; and then he may cause them to translate for themselves, 
 helping them at once when they fail. 
 
 When the scholars understand the author ad sensum, then may fol- 
 low exercises in style ; or, as they are called, argument making, that is : 
 
 The preceptor shall first for some four weeks himself orally make 
 sentences before the scholars, all in imitation of Terentius, from the 
 beginning again; shall bid the boys attend closely, and repeat to 
 them the German sentence, ad imitationem mutatis personis item tem- 
 poribus, etc. Immediately after this he is to proceed and give an- 
 other, as long as the lesson lasts, and the boys are only to listen and 
 observe the imitation in Terentius. Such sentences should be at 
 first only a line long, or should include only one comma ; but may 
 afterward be longer and longer, of two or three commas, etc. At 
 last they may be of two or three whole periods ; and then he may 
 carefully explain to them the particulas connexionem. 
 
 * These are the beginnings of rules from the syntax of Melancthon's Latin grammar. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 333 
 
 When this oral sentence-making has been practiced for a while, 
 then first, and not before, may he proceed to written sentences, and 
 these must for the most part, especially in the beginning, for a suf- 
 ficient time, be only for imitation. And when the sentence has been 
 dictated he is to cause one or another scholar to read it aloud, and to 
 observe whether they have all heard and written correctly, and made 
 the right distinctions. Afterward comes correction ; and this to be 
 not silent, but aloud ; not with a pen .in each book, (for the boys can 
 seldom read and correctly understand such blots.) but aloud. And it 
 is sufficient, when the boys are many, if one sentence is corrected for 
 some four of them, only it must be done aloud, that the others may 
 have advantage of it. 
 
 When the boys have come so far, he may begin to talk Latin with 
 them ; and they may be put forward ex classe grammatical Terenti- 
 ana, into a higher school or class, as Ciceronianam, Virgilianam, etc." 
 
 In 1573 appeared a school-plan* for all the Saxon duchies, forty- 
 six years before Kromayer's School System. This plan was in many 
 respects diametrically opposed to the latter. Grammar was put first 
 in it, learning by rote, and private study next, etc. It is, therefore, 
 not to be wondered at, that Ration's new method gave great offense in 
 Weimar, so that Kromayer, at the end of .his report, was obliged to 
 add that this new organization for schools did not contemplate the 
 destruction of religion.f "Especially," he continues, "has this ex- 
 cellent school system been opposed by ill-disposed or ignorant per- 
 sons, as if there was concealed behind it nothing else than a corrup- 
 tion of pure learning, and apostacy from the true Lutheran religion. 
 Such a charge is entirely baseless and false." He refers in addition, 
 to the fact that " in our schools the Book of Concordance itself, which 
 makes the Lutherans differ from the Calvinists even more than from 
 the Papists, is used continually, in German and Latin, in a manual 
 prepared for the purpose." 
 
 I quote so much from Kromayer's report to show that Ratich and 
 his followers had already gone far enough in the road of Hamilton 
 and Jacotot, and had even pushed the method to caricature. For ex- 
 ample, Terence, according to Kromayer's directions, would be read 
 three times in German, and more than six times in Latin. The Ger- 
 man translation had to be as literal as possible, for the purpose ; and 
 if this were so, what justification had they, for causing such matter 
 to be repeatedly read by the young ? 
 
 Method for managing the trivial schools proposed at the visitation of churches and schools 
 under the dukedom of the younger princes of Saxony. Jena, 1573 
 
 t Similar complaints, but with more reason, were made against Rousseau, Basedow, etc., 
 at a later period. 
 
334 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 From the explanations of Ratich and the Ratichians, of the method 
 of reading Terence with the boys, I shall further only extract a couple 
 of strange observations. 
 
 The teacher, says* Ratich, must first read his author very slowly, 
 and syllable-wise, and the scholars are to follow in silence, reading 
 after him in their books. The scholars are not to read the lessons 
 over by themselves.* After the lesson, say the Ratichians,f the books 
 are to be left iii school. Only the more advanced scholars are to be 
 admitted to repetition. " The understanding acts of itself, and learns 
 naturally," he says in the Articles,]; " but only when the teacher is 
 present so that he may teach it first. If the pupil is himself wise and 
 intelligent enough to know how he ought to learn and be taught, then 
 lie needs no teacher." Yet before the scholar has heard any thing of 
 Latin grammar, the teacher is to read with him a portion every day, 
 and thus from Monday to Friday, to go over a space which is to be 
 read again on Saturday. Thus the six comedies of Terence were to 
 be read within six weeks. 
 
 We shall see further on why the author is to be read before the 
 grammar is studied. 
 
 Having thus explained one instance of the methods of instruction 
 of Ratich and his followers, I proceed to the 
 II. GENERAL PRINCIPLES 
 
 Of this methodologist, as they appear in the "Articles" and 
 "Aphorisms," subjoined to the " Praxis." 
 
 1. " Every thing in its order ; or, the course of nature.|| Since na- 
 ture uses a peculiar method, proper to herself, with which the under- 
 standing of men is in a certain connection, regard must be had to it, 
 also, in the art of teaching ; for all unnatural and violent or forcible 
 teaching and learning is harmful, and weakens nature." 
 
 But, had Ratich and his school fpund the true order of nature ? 
 Had they, for instance, in teaching Latin ? Were they not forced, in 
 discipline, to adopt methods of compulsion and beating, quite opposed 
 to the sacred motto of "naturam sequi?" 
 
 2. "Only one thing at a time.^|~ Nothing is a greater hindrance to 
 the understanding than to undertake to learn many things togethei 
 and at once. It is as if one should undertake to cook pap, fruit, 
 
 * Methodus, 145. Msente praeceptore omnis privata rejwtitio discenti plane interdicta est. 
 
 t Praxis, 166. t Ib. p. 199. 
 
 Ib. p. 164. "Thus a comedy will be finished in a week, at one act a day. This shows 
 how much promptness the teacher needs, to finish a whole act in an hour." (Very true !) * 
 
 " * "until, in six weeks, all Terence will have been read and explained. And up to this 
 time the pupil has heard nothing of Latin grammar." 
 
 I Ib. pp. 179, 176. 1Mb. pp. 179. 175. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 335 
 
 meat, milk and fish, in the same kettle. But things should be taken 
 up orderly, one after another, and one thoroughly dealt with before 
 proceeding to the next. In each language, one author should be 
 studied until the language is well learned. When he is well learned, 
 and, as it were, well swallowed down, others may be read. One 
 should undertake nothing new until that which preceded it has been 
 learned thoroughly and sufficiently for all purposes." 
 
 Is this actually according to the " course of nature ?" Is it natural, 
 if one has lived eight months on pap or on fish alone, just as Katich's 
 scholars were kept at Terence eight months, and more too, not to wish 
 anything else to eat ? Is not a variety of reading material like that 
 in the valuable reading books of Jacobs, much more agreeable to the 
 " course of nature ?" Just as we do not eat one thing altogether ; 
 but, for example, bread with meat ; just so it is the problem of the 
 teacher, not to lay before the scholars an everlasting and wearisome 
 monotony. And, as skilful cooks endeavor to find out what viands 
 go together, so as to obtain at once a good flavor and easy digestion, 
 just so must the skilful pedagogue, even within the same term, teach 
 the same scholars different things, such as may serve as supplements 
 to each other, by their variety may keep the scholar fresh and un- 
 satisfied, and at the same time may healthily nourish his mind.* 
 And the rule, " one should undertake nothing new until that which 
 precedes has been thoroughly learned," needs this addition : in pro- 
 portion to the measure of ability of each scholar. 
 
 3. " Each thing should be often repeated. It is incredible, what 
 may be accomplished by the frequent repetition of one thing. For 
 this reason it is that only one and the same material is to be handled, 
 in all lessons, both forenoon and afternoon. For what is often re- 
 peated, will become more deeply and correctly impressed upon the 
 understanding. But if one goes over one thing once, and immedi- 
 ately goes on to another, and so to many things, one after another, 
 none of them will be learned well, and the understanding will be 
 confused, overstrained and weakened." 
 
 This is like the previous principle ; and like it suspicious, if moder- 
 ation be not observed in the practice of it. 
 
 4. " Every thing first in the mother tongue. For the scholar must 
 do his thinking about what he has to learn, in the mother tongue ; 
 and he ought not to have any further trouble about the language of 
 it." " There is always this advantage, that if knowledge useful and 
 
 A contemporary had already said, " variety of lessons may be of two kinds : one con- 
 fused, and the other orderly ; this last is not hurtful, since it is directed to a single knowl- 
 edge." Grawerus, 12. 
 
336 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 necessary in common life, were put into German and learneu m it, 
 every one, whatever his business, could acquire a much better knowl- 
 edge of it, because he could guide himself and express himself better 
 in all matters connected with it. How important this would be in 
 religion and government, and in human life generally, will easily be 
 imagined, if we reflect what a miserable condition of ignorance and 
 inexperience is most usual." 
 
 "After the mother tongue, then the other languages."* 
 
 The importance of this article is clear. It aims at the restoration 
 of the mother tongue to its proper rights, and at the removal of the 
 sharp distinction between the Latin learned and the unlatinized laity, 
 and of the demand that the latter shall be educated, and that the 
 mother tongue be the vehicle of their education. 
 
 What germs of good, but, from after abuses, of evil too ! 
 
 5. " Every thing without compulsion."! 
 
 a. -"Boys can not be whipped into learning or wishing to learn. 
 By compulsion and blows youth are disgusted with their studies, 
 so that study becomes hateful to them. Moreover, this is contrary to 
 nature. For boys are accustomed to be flogged for not remembering 
 what lias been taught them ; but if you had taught them rightly they 
 would have remembered it, and you would not have needed the 
 blows. And that they should atone for your errors, because you did 
 not use the right method of teaching, is too great an injustice. Also, 
 the human understanding is so made that it must have pleasure in 
 learning what it is to remember ; and this pleasure you destroy with 
 your anger and blows. But as to what belongs to morals, mores, and 
 virtue, there is a different rule. 'Foolishness is bound up in the 
 heart of a child, but the rod of correction will drive it far from him,' as 
 Solomon says. 
 
 b. The pupil should not be frightened at the teacher, but should 
 hold him in love and reverence. This follows of itself from the 
 foregoing. For if the teacher rightly exercises his office, it will 
 not fail but that the boy shall take up a love for him and for 
 his studies. 
 
 JA11 the work comes upon the teacher. For he has to read and 
 explain, and in the mother tongue too ; yet this is much easier than 
 the work formerly usual in the schools. For he has not to plague 
 himself with hearing, examining and whipping, but conducts his 
 lessons in a decent way, and is sure that he will gather fruit from 
 them ; for this can not fail him if he only does rightly the office of 
 teacher, and pursues the proper method. 
 
 * Praxis, p. 182. t P. 183. J P. 196. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 337 
 
 *The teacher must do nothing- but teach. To maintain discipline 
 belongs to the school officials, * * * * so that the pupil can 
 not contract a repugnance to his teacher, but may love him more and 
 more ; which has much efficiency in learning." 
 
 These doctrines again are forerunners of the later pedagogy. If 
 the children learn nothing, the teacher must take all the blame ; for 
 according to Ratich's method they must make progress, without any 
 doubt at all ; a Mercury can be carved out of any block. If the 
 earlier pedagogy was hard-hearted and Orbilian, here there appeared 
 a tendency diametrically opposite ; a fear of losing the children's 
 love, even by the conscientious enforcement of justice.! To make up 
 for this, it is not the teacher, but the school officer, who is to ad- 
 minister punishment as the Jesuits used to inflict bodily punishment 
 not by a Jesuit, but by some one not a member of the order. 
 
 6. " Nothing must be learned by rote.J Reason : such is the in- 
 dication of nature ; otherwise violence is done to the understanding ; 
 and accordingly, experience shows us that any one who applies him- 
 self much to learning by rote, loses much in understanding and intel- 
 lectual keenness. For if the understanding is occupied with the words, 
 it has not, room rightly to consider the things. It is unnecessary, too, 
 and can be accomplished by better means ; that is, when a thing has 
 been well impressed upon the mind by frequent repetition, the 
 memory of it will follow of itself without any pains." 
 
 Here is an indication of the origin and tendency of the method. 
 Earlier pedagogues base every thing upon learning by rote, without 
 regard to the understanding of what they learned ; but now the un- 
 vlerstanding is to be substituted for the memory. Ratich's school had 
 as little regard as many of the later pedagogues, for the intimate 
 connection between imagination and the memory, by which the 
 former grasps the images which the latter retains and either purposely 
 or arbitrarily reproduces.|| 
 
 * Praxis, p. 200. The Praxis recommends the same. p. 167. "All should be done with ju- 
 dicious words and a countenance pleasant, yet grave ; not with blows and harshness. If any 
 case demands severe discipline, it should be put into the hands of the school authorities. 
 
 t We have observed above that the complaint was made in Kothen, that Ratich's schools 
 were deficient in discipline. 
 
 I P. 185. The Praxis, p. 169, says, " Examine your scholars, whether they are ready in the 
 conjugations and declensions, but always from the book, and not from memory ; neither 
 must the pupil be allowed to recite the inflections from memory. "(!) 
 
 " For the real memory of an object depends immediately upon the knowledge of it." 
 Methodus, 146. " The proceeding should be from the intellect to the memory ; and never the 
 contrary." Praxis, 164. " Nature has been constrained in this; that the boys have been 
 made to learn by rote, and entirely by themselves, without the aid of the preceptor, 
 what they do not understand." Grawer, 29. He also says, " The localis memoria is entirely 
 forbidden ; that is. remembering any thing by means of certain figures set in a certain order 
 and so retained." 22 ' P 186- 
 
338 WOLFGANG RAT1CH. 
 
 Connected with this rule is another one, that the children are to 
 have their hours of recreation ; indeed that no two lessons are to 
 come immediately together. Chiefly because " this method of teach- 
 ing depends upon reading, and the hearing becomes wearied more 
 easily than the other senses ;" and because " each scholar must listen 
 and remain silent."* During the lesson he must not speak nor ask 
 questions, in order not to disturb his fellow scholars, and because the 
 lesson can not otherwise be finished in time. If he has any thing to 
 ask, he must ask it after the lesson. 
 
 That such a continued silent listening to reading was a most un- 
 natural constraint upon the boys, is indirectly here confessed by the 
 Ratichians themselves in recognizing this fatigue. Comenius, who 
 gives us a short description of'Ratich's method,f mentions, that if th 
 scholars are made to observe a Pythagorean silence, the teacher mus 
 labor in vain, for all power of attention is destroyed in the former. 
 
 *7. "Mutual conformity in all things.]; 
 
 "In all languages, arts, and sciences, there must be a conformity, 
 both as to the method of teaching, books used, and precepts giver, 
 as far as possible. The German grammar, for instance, must agre>} 
 with the Hebrew and the Greek, as far as the idioms of the languages 
 will permit. For this is a valuable help to the understanding, * ** 
 and gives perspicacity, when one sees how one language agrees with 
 others and differs from them." 
 
 This points toward a general grammar, by teaching that ths 
 grammar of each language is to be divided into two portions, the 
 universal and the particular. This is certainly right in part. In 
 learning a new language, we very soon distinguish its agreements with, 
 and differences from, the mother tongue. 
 
 8. " First a thing by itself, and afterward the explanation of the 
 thing. 
 
 No rule can be given before the material for it the author or the 
 language has been given. This appears entirely absurd, but expe- 
 rience shows that it is entirely true. For what can one understand 
 in any language, who has read nothing in any author of it, though 
 he be all stuffed full of rules ? He must at last come to this, that 
 either in one author or in many, one after another, and with frequent 
 repetition, he learns to understand the rules and make them useful. 
 
 * P. 197. "In the disciple a Pythagorean silence." P. 176. 
 
 t Opp. did. 2, 80, 100. " This maxim imposes upon the teacher an asinine, useless, vexa 
 tious labor." "A human being is not a mere passive log from which you are to carve out 
 statue ; it is a living figure, forming, reforming, deforming itself." 
 
 IP 187. 5 P. 188, etc. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 339 
 
 What need, therefore, had he to plague himself in vain beforehand 
 with the rules ? Rules without material confuse the mind. Let any 
 one remember for himself whether all his life long he has found in 
 his reading all the examples which he was obliged to learn with great 
 pains in the grammar. As, for instance, the patronymics ; how they 
 martyr the poor boys, and yet are seldom used ; therefore it is an 
 absurd thing that the grammar should first be beaten into them and 
 that they should learn the language for the first time afterward. 
 Get your corn before you trouble yourself about a sack. Get money 
 before you buy a purse to put it in. Rules are not of use for a pre- 
 paration, nor for a guide ; but for the fixation of what has been 
 learned. Whatever may have been the other uses of rules, nobody 
 can remember that they gave him any help at the beginning, and 
 prepared him to acquire the language more rapidly. Practice and 
 experience teach us that any such speculation is empty." 
 
 "A basis of material must have been laid in the mind, before the 
 rules can be applied to it." To the observation that in the grammar 
 the rules are furnished with examples, Ratich answers, that, notwith- 
 standing, the rules are useless ; because they are insufficiently scraped 
 together out of the most various authors, and are uninteresting. And 
 in the "Articles" he says : "All sorts of examples come together from 
 all sorts of authors, like mixed fodder in a manger ; but no such 
 means, with no connection within itself, can lay a good foundation 
 and lead into the peculiarities of a language."* 
 
 These are the grounds upon which Ratich and his followers require 
 the reading of some select author, and that the grammar shall be de- 
 veloped out of that author. At the first it may seem strange that 
 Ratich should cite here the instance of geometry. Oral instruction, 
 he says, would be of little use in this study, if the teacher should not 
 display before his scholars some actual body or drawing on the black- 
 board, an obtuse or acute angle, a circle, etc. But this illustration 
 will be found, upon nearer examination, quite correct. He expresses 
 himself entirely in agreement with our eighth "Article," thus, " that it is 
 unnatural to occupy oneself with the accidentals of the thing before the 
 thing itself."f This principle admits of a wide application in teaching, 
 and is of great importance and truth, if it is not pushed to caricature. 
 
 9. "Every thing by experience, and investigation of parts."| 
 
 The Latin aphorism is neater : Per inductionem et experimentum 
 omnia.\\ 
 
 * p. 133. 
 
 iEt omnino, accidzntem rei prius quam rem ipsam quaerere prorsus absonum et absvrdum 
 esse videtur. And in the Praxis, p. 175, Ne modus rei ante rem. 
 
 * P- 194- I p. 173. 
 
340 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 No rule or idea is admissible which is not based upon new inves- 
 tigation and founded upon good proof, whether or not many, or all, 
 have written, or believed so or so about it. For it is assured cer- 
 tainty which is needed, and this can by no means be founded upon 
 authority. In this way there is no possibility of failure.* No au- 
 thority is admissible, therefore, unless traced to its original reasons. 
 Neither has established prescription any validity ; for it gives no cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 The Latin phrase, "Per inductionem et experimentum omnia" 
 shows almost conclusively that Bacon had had an influence upon 
 Ratich. Whether or not the latter was in England when Bacon's 
 first work appeared, " induction " was Bacon's shibboleth. Ratich's 
 radicalism appears most strongly in this ; and the motto of his school 
 books, "Vetustas cessit, ratio vicit,"\ proves the same as if vetustas 
 and ratio were opposite ! In combating the prevailing servile regard 
 for antiquity, however, he threw away the good with the bad. It is 
 the past which must be the foundation of the future. 
 
 The later Methodians became infected with a stupid self-esteem 
 and undervaluation of the ancients. In fact, however, the ancients 
 had full authority, with both Ratich and the Ratichians; which is 
 shown by the important part which Terence played in their schemes. 
 
 The above quoted report of Jungius and Helwig agrees with this 
 statement. Jungius was born in 1587 at Lubeck, and was in turn 
 professor of philosophy, mathematics, and medicine, at Giessen, Ros- 
 tock, and Helmstadt; and died in 1657, at Hamburg, while rector 
 of the gymnasium there, and professor of physics and logic. Among 
 his numerous writings I find nothing except this report, of a peda 
 gogical character. 
 
 With Helwig it is otherwise. He was born in 1581, at Sprendlin- 
 gen, south of Frankfort-on-the-Main, and studied at Marburg, where 
 he took the degree of master in 1599, in his eighteenth year. In 
 1605 he was established at Geissen, and was appointed professor of 
 theology there in 1610. He died as early as 1617, in his thirty-sixth 
 year, apparently in consequence of overwork. Helwig was an extra- 
 ordinarily learned man. He spoke Hebrew as well as his mother 
 tongue ;J wrote grammars of Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Syrian : 
 
 * Non igitur auctoritas des'ituta rationibus valeat, neque vetustas quicquam praescribal. 
 Praxis, 178. 
 
 \ The same motto stands before his universal system in German : " prescription yields, rea- 
 son overcomes, truth is recognized." (Gewohnheit verschwind, Vernunfft iiberwind, Wahr- 
 hp.il platzftnd.) 
 
 J Buxtorf wrote. " If 1 were with you, Helwig, I would lick the dust off your feet." Thu 
 says Schuppius. Helwig's son-in-law. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 341 
 
 a Hebrew and Greek school lexicon, and many other works. He was 
 considered one of the most skillful teachers of languages of his day ;* 
 and had a new method for teaching languages easily, which brought 
 upon him much derision and enmity. It was said of him that he 
 "had contrived a funnel through which he could pour learning into 
 the heads of youth as they pour wine into a cask in the autumn."f 
 Helwig's report upon Ratich's method appeared only three years 
 before his death. This learned man had adopted Ratich's views with 
 great enthusiasm, and had developed them with remarkable skill. 
 
 I shall give the most important parts of this report. In the be- 
 ginning he remarks, that Ratich has, " by diligent reflection and long 
 practice, discovered a valuable method by which good arts and lan- 
 guages can be taught and studied more easily, quickly and correctly, 
 than has been usual in the schools ; and that he has been for thirteen 
 years pursuing this Christian purpose." 
 
 According to Ratich's method it is possible, " if the proper books 
 are provided first, as well for the old as well as the young, to teach 
 or to learn any language, with pleasure and love, better than the 
 mother tongue, at most in a year, and, with industry, in half a year, 
 in three or four hours daily ."J 
 
 "Ratich's method is more practicable in arts and sciences, than in 
 language ; since arts and sciences are, by their nature, consistent 
 with themselves, while the languages, on the contrary, by long use, 
 have contracted many incorrectnesses." 
 
 Helwig seems to consider any departure from his general principles 
 of language as much of an incorrectness as any maimed or distorted 
 Latin word introduced into German. 
 
 We will now consider, continues Helwig, not only the knowledge 
 of objects of instruction, but the gift of teaching likewise ; but not 
 this only, however. 
 
 " For nature," he says, " does much, it is true ; but when art assists 
 her, her work as much more certain and complete. Therefore it is 
 necessary that there should be an especial art to which any one who 
 desires to teach can adhere, so that he shall not teach by mere opin- 
 ion and guess, nor by native instinct alone, but by the rules of his 
 
 * Bayle, Helvicus. 
 
 t Schuppius, " on schools," p. 129. His epitaph, on the contrary, calls him, : ' Novae didac- 
 ttcae autoret informa.torfelicissimus." 
 
 I Grawer's report, (p. 21,) says that Ratich's method does not dispense with labor, but that 
 it requires less than heretofore. He says, " If one, in going from Jena to Leipzig, goes to 
 Weida, then to Altenburg, then to Weissenfels, and thence to Leipzig, he will get there. But 
 if another comes to him and says, ' I will show you a surer way, that is, by Naumberg and 
 Weissenfels to Leipzig,' he does not mean that the traveler can go to Leipzig without labor, 
 but only without superfluous and unnecessary labor." 
 
342 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 art ; just as he who would speak correctly, by the rules of grammar ; 
 and he who would sing correctly, by the rules of singing." This art 
 of teaching applies, like that of logic, to all languages, arts and 
 sciences ; and is such a universal art of teaching as Ratich's. Tt dis- 
 cusses among other things, " how to distinguish among minds and 
 gifts, so that the quicker may not be delayed, and that, on the con- 
 trary, those who are by nature not so quick, may not remain behind ; 
 how and in what order to arrange the exercises, how to assist the 
 understanding, how to strengthen the memory, to sharpen the intellect, 
 without violence and after the true course of nature. This art of 
 teaching, no less than other arts, has its fixed basis and certain rules, 
 founded not only upon the nature and understanding, the memory and 
 the whole being of man, but also upon the peculiarities of languages, 
 arts, and sciences ; and it admits no means of teaching which are not 
 deduced from sure grounds, and founded upon proof." 
 
 Helwig argues further against the usual unintelligent learning by 
 rote, and translating into strange languages ; " the requiring what 
 has not been taught ; the remembering what is not understood ; the 
 practicing what has not been learned." Ratich remedies this, relieves 
 the boys from their misery, and puts the chief labor upon the teach- 
 er, who, however, finds it easier than before, " since, if he is not fully 
 master of every thing connected with the language or art which he 
 teaches, still, while he is teaching it to others, he himself, becomes 
 ready, prompt, and thorough in it." Under the usual teaching, the 
 result is uncertain, and every thing must be done by guess. " Most 
 persons," he says, " choke themselves upon the bitter root, even to 
 weariness, before they can get the least taste of the lovely fruit ; that 
 is, they have to torment and plague themselves, before they can see 
 or know of the least use for their efforts." 
 
 Helwig proceeds to oppose the tyranny of the Latin ; " as every such 
 language directly injures the knowledge of the mother tongue, and as 
 all arts and sciences may be easily and with advantage learned in the 
 German language." Men, in general, have no need of Latin ; "just 
 as if Latin were the only measure of all the other arts and sciences, 
 and the only means of attaining them." 
 
 Thus the new method leaves to the languages, arts, and sciences, 
 their natural freedom. For," continues Helwig, ' ; he who has abjured 
 the tyranny of the Latin, may, according to his preferences or his 
 necessities, learn one or another language, and use it, or devote -him- 
 self entirely to one single art or science, and enrich it with new dis- 
 coveries, as the Greeks, Hebrews, and others have done ; who would 
 never have done so much for posterity if they had been obliged tc 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 343 
 
 martyr themselves with the grammar as many years as our own 
 youth." If the monopolizing Latin is removed, Hebrew, Greek, and 
 even Ohaldee, Syriac, and Arabic, would be attended to. 
 
 The mother tongue, in particular, would not be neglected ; as it 
 has great excellencies, and ought to be correctly and systematically 
 learned, as the ancient Greeks and Romans learned their native 
 tongues. " Besides," says Helwig, "it is a clear truth that all arts 
 and sciences, logic, ethics, political economy, mensuration, medi- 
 cine, drawing, weighing, astronomy, architecture, fortification, and as 
 many more as there are, can be more easily, conveniently, correctly, 
 thoroughly, and successfully learned and taught in the German lan- 
 guage, than in the Greek, Latin, or Arabic." 
 
 In order to introduce Ratich's method, grammars and compends 
 must be prepared according to it, and " books of roots and words." 
 
 In conclusion, Helwig recommends the subject to princes and au- 
 thorities, parents and teachers. 
 
 I can scarcely say how many of the principles of the modern 
 Methodians, and of their views, appear in this report. Polemics 
 against the usual method of instruction, against the tyranny of Latin, 
 against mechanical learning by rote, and neglect of the understand- 
 ing ; and on the other hand, the promise of a new, easy, brief and 
 certain method of instruction, by whose aid both scholar and teacher 
 would be spared fatigue and doubt, which made but little requisition 
 upon the teacher ; the bringing forward of the understanding, and 
 the low estimate of the memory ; the equalizing of the Greek, He- 
 brew, <fec., with the Latin ; and especially the requisition that the 
 mother tongue should be reinstated in its rights, and, still more, that 
 it should be learned " correctly and systematically." 
 
 Grawer's report (of Jena) upon Ratich, is chiefly directed against 
 the opponents of the new method. Objections had been heard, just 
 as they are to-day, if any thing new is sought to be introduced in the 
 school system. He says, " Do you ask, has nobody, up to this time, 
 known how to teach youth languages correctly ? Did our forefathers 
 know nothing about it ? Is the art now for the first time discov- 
 ered?"* Grawer answers, "is it true that the method of instructing 
 youth in languages, is so incapable of improvement ? When music 
 has risen to such a state of perfection, within the last eighty years, 
 from so small a beginning, and yet have our forefathers left no im- 
 provements to be made in didactics ?" 
 
 These questions were, however, occasioned by Ratich's too violent 
 
 Grawer, 58. 
 
344 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 attacks upon the accepted method of teaching, and his extravagant 
 valuation of his own. 
 
 The second objection was, that if learning should be taught in the 
 German language, it would become altogether too common, so that 
 all without distinction, would be learned, and the rightful learned 
 men would fall into disrespect. Learning, answers Grawer, is bound 
 up with no language, although there is a belief, that, absolutely no 
 one can be learned unless he understands Latin and Greek ; and on 
 the contrary, that if any one knows Latin and Greek, even if he knows 
 nothing else besides, he is a very learned man.* We have heard 
 something of the same kind in our own times. 
 
 Meyfart's report praises especially Ratich's orthodox Lutheranism, 
 and says that he omits useless studies, and substitutes others.f 
 
 Ratich's life and labors are, in many respects, diametrically op- 
 posed to those of Johannes Sturm. The latter succeeded in every 
 thing, because he labored in the spirit of the age, and, therefore, had 
 the support of the age. He was only the head master among many 
 who pursued the same design with him. Upon this purpose Sturm 
 kept his eyes fixed clearly and steadily, and followed it resolutely and 
 earnestly. On the contrary, many of Ratich's ideas were new and 
 unintelligible, and even irritating to his contemporaries. He had sa- 
 gacity enough to perceive the wants of the systems in vogue, but not 
 enough to remedy them. He indicated many improvements, but 
 only shadowed them forth in general principles. If he undertakes to 
 work out any of his principles, to put them in practice in the school, 
 he shows himself entirely confused and incompetent. Trusting in his 
 principles, he promised what his practical incapacity would not per- 
 mit him to perform ; and thus, even with his well-wishers, he ap- 
 peared a charlatan. This conflict between his ideal and his want of 
 skill for the realization of it, made him unsuccessful, and in this he is 
 a characteristic forerunner of the later Methodians, especially of Pes- 
 talozzi. Sturm, as a man skillful in his calling, known and recognized 
 by his age, was, on the contrary, successful. 
 
 Ratich's works are in Latin, diffuse to tediousness, and pedantic in 
 structure and style. Those of his followers are sometimes in Ger- 
 man, but singularly interlarded with Latin words, showing that they 
 were still under the " tyrannical dominion" of that language. 
 
 * Grawer, 63-65. 
 
 1 1 omit what Meyfart says about " Instrumenta inservientia and dirigentia," as obscure. 
 '' By means of the former," be says, " all can be learned which will enable one to attain to a 
 knowledge of things and of language ; and to the power of effective labor; and it therefore 
 consisted, partly in knowing and partly in laboring." This sounds very much like Bacon 
 As Inntrumenta dirigentia, he names, eutactica. epistemonica, mnemonia, glossodidactica. 
 praxeodidactica, noematicodidactica, organicodidactica. 
 
WOLFGANG RATICH. 345 
 
 WORKS OF AND RELATING TO RATICH. 
 
 Ratich wrote many books, of which the following have come to my knowledge : 
 
 1. Universal Encyclopaedia for Ratich's Didactics. Kothen, 1619. This is 
 apparently the same with the Allunterweisung nach der Lehrart Ratichii, 
 1619. This Encyclopaedia contains 13 pages of almost nothing except definitions 
 of thirty-two literary studies. For example: "What is Encyclopaedia? Ans 
 It is the course of rightly instructing the human mind in all things which can be 
 known. How is it divided ? Ans. Into dogmatics and didactics. What is dog- 
 matics 1 Ans. It is the system of methodically explaining studies." 
 
 At the end is given the following synopsis : 
 
 Encyclopaedia is divided into two parts : into 
 Didactics, of and Dogmatics, which is either 
 
 which elsewhere, , * N 
 
 Illiberal, (Technology.) Liberal. 
 
 Real. Instrumental. 
 
 Divine, (theology.) 
 
 Human. 
 
 of reason, (logic.) 
 
 of speech, 
 (rhetoric, 
 poetry, 
 
 orramniAr ^ 
 
 Jurisprudence, 
 Medicine. , 
 
 
 Philosophy. 
 
 Contemplative. Active. 
 
 (Metaphysics, Physics, Mathematics,) (Ethics, Politics, Economics.) 
 
 Pure. Mixed. 
 
 (Arithmetic, Geometry.) (Music, Astronomy, 
 
 Cosmography, Optics.) 
 
 2. Universal Grammar for Ratich's didactics : Kotheu, 1619. (This appeared 
 in Latin, German, Italian and French.) Like the Encyclopaedia, it is in cate- 
 chetical form, and has twenty pages, mostly of definitions. For example : " What 
 is grammar ? Ans. Grammar is the system instrumental for correct speech. 
 How many things are to be considered, relating to correct speech 1 Ans. Two ; 
 essence, and attribute. What is the essence of correct speech 1 Ans. The es- 
 sence of correct speech is its agreement with approved authors," etc. 
 
 To this catechism is added a tabulated view of the Latin conjugations and de- 
 clensions. Both the Encyclopaedia and the Grammar are little enough adapted 
 to give a knowledge of Ratich's method. 
 
 3. The new method of instruction of Ratich and the Ratichians : by Johannes 
 Rhenius. Leipsic, 1626. This collection includes: 
 
 1. W. Ratich's general introduction to the method of learning languages. 
 
 2. The Praxis, and description of the method, (in Latin,) which may serve 
 
 as a model for other languages : by certain Ratichians. 
 
 3. Principles on which the Ratichian system is chiefly founded. 
 
 Rhenius says, in his preface, that he received these three treatises from the 
 hand of his friend Ratich, and that two of them are by fellow-laborers of his at 
 Augsburg. My respected friend Herr Rector Vomel of Frankfort, has been kind 
 enough to communicate them to me ; they are of great importance for understand- 
 ing the peculiarities of Ratich's method. I have quoted from all of them. 
 
 Besides the manuals under the above heads 1 and 2, Ratich published the fol- 
 lowing books, mentioned by Jocher, Schwarz and Massmann. I have not been 
 able to obtain them, although I went for that purpose to Kothen, where they 
 appeared. 
 
 New Didactics. 1619. 
 
 Rhetoric. 
 
 Physics. 
 
 Metaphysics. 
 
 Compendium of Latin Grammar. 
 
 Compendium of Logic. 1621. 
 
 Practice in Greek. 1620. 
 
 Little manual for beginners. 
 
 To each of these titles are added the words " for Ratich's Didactics." 
 
 4. Memorial presented to the German Electoral Diet of the Empire at Fran*- 
 
346 WOLFGANG RATICH. 
 
 fort, 27th and 28th May, 1612. This memorial exists in manuscript in the city 
 archives of Frankfort. 
 
 To these works of Ratich are to be added the following works expressing the 
 opinions of his contemporaries: 
 
 5. Short report on the didactics, or art of teaching, of Wolfgang Ratich. In 
 which he gives directions how the languages, arta and sciences may be learned 
 more easily, quickly, correctly, certainly and completely, than has heretofore been 
 the case. Written and published by Christopher Helwig, Doctor of Sacred 
 Theology, and Joachim Jung, Philosopher 5 both professors at Giessen. Printed 
 in the year 1614. 
 
 This report I received, as also the subsequent works, through my friend Profes- 
 sor Massmann, who reprinted them with valuable remarks, in part 1 of vol 7, 
 for 1827, of Schwarz's Independent Year-book for German common schools. 
 
 6. Report on the didactics, or art of teaching, of Wolfgang Ratich. In which 
 he gives directions how youth can learn languages very easily and quickly, with- 
 out special constraint or wearisomeness. Composed and written by request, by 
 several professors of the University of Jena, in which also various idle and use- 
 less questions are answered. Jena, 1714. 
 
 At the end of the report are the names of A. Grawer, Doctor and professor of 
 the Holy Scriptures. Zacharias Bendel, Doctor of philosophy and medicine and 
 public professor. Balthasar Gualtherus, professor of the Hebrew and Greek 
 languages. M. Michael Wolfius, public professor of physics. I have quoted 
 from Grawer. 
 
 7. Report on the new method, as it has been put in practice in the instruction 
 of youth in the schools of the principality of Weimar ; both in the German 
 classes and in the classes in Latin grammar. Composed by Johannes Kromayer, 
 court chaplain there, under the General Superiutendency. Weimar : J. Weid- 
 ner, 1619. 
 
 For this important work also I am obliged to the kindness of Herr Professor 
 Massmaun, who found them in the library at Munich. 
 
 8. Humble relation. On the system of instruction of Herr Wolfgang Ratich, 
 put into the hands of his excellency the Chancellor and High Councilor of the 
 Kingdom of Sweden, at Gross-Sommerda, March 15, 1634. Signed, at the con- 
 clusion,* in these words: Signed, at Erfurt, March 10, 1634. Hieronymus 
 Bruckner, Doctor ; Johannes Matthaus Meyfart ; Stephanus Ziegler, Doctor of 
 Sacred Theology. 
 
 This Relation, which was addressed to the Chancellor Oxenstiern, was printed by 
 Herr Director Dr. Niemeyer in his examination programme, Halle, 1840 ; where 
 he has also made valuable contributions to our knowledge of Ratich. The original 
 Relation is preserved in the ducal libary at Gotha. Among the contributions 
 just referred to, is an abstract of one of Ratich's works, also found at Gotha, 
 with the title : " The universal system of a Christian school, and how to establish 
 and maintain it, in the true and natural faith, and in harmony of language, out 
 of the Holy Divine writings, Nature and Language, according to the educational 
 
 system of Ratich. Written by . Ratichii symbolum, Gewohnheit 
 
 verschwind, Vernunfft uberwind, Wahrheit platz-find. Kranichfeld, 1632." 
 
 In three other programmes by Dr. Niemeyer, of the years 1841, 1842 and 
 1843, his interesting communications respecting Ratich are continued. I have 
 quoted the programme of 1840 as " Niemeyer A," the second as " Niemeyer 
 B," the third as " Niemeyer C," and the fourth as " Niemeyer D." 
 
 In programmes A and D, Dr. Niemeyer cites, among others, the following 
 important works relative to Ratich : 
 
 Brief account of a celebrated teacher of the last century, Wolfgang Ratichius. 
 By J. C. Forster : Halle. Printed by Miehaelis, 1782. 
 
 Didactic accrued interest; or, certain meditations, and decrees of wise men 
 cited under each ; whence clearly appears what is to be thought of the method 
 commonly called the Ratichian. By M. J. Blocius, of the school at Magde- 
 burg, 1621. 
 
 Ordinance of the honorable Council of the City of Magdeburg, relative to the 
 didactics of Herr Wolfgang Ratich. Magdeburg, 1641. 
 
 Hientzsch's Weekly Journal of the common schools. Vol. 1 , Nos. 5 to 8. 
 
 Ratich's new and much needed method. Halle, 1615. 
 
 Vockerodt Programme, by Evenius. Gotha, 1724. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIU8. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumei J 
 
 JOHANN AMOS COMENIUS was born at Comnia* in Moravia, in 
 1592. He early lost his parents, and his guardians so neglected him 
 that he only began Latin in his seventeenth year. He says this neg- 
 lect of his instruction, by which he suffered so much, made him early 
 sympathize with others in the like condition.f He afterward studied 
 in different places, especially at Herborn in the duchy of Nassau, 
 where Alsted was his instructor. This man, a reformed theologian,]; 
 and an adherent of the Synod of Dordrecht, was the author of many 
 theological, philosophical, and pedagogical works ; he was also a Mil- 
 lenarian, and must have had an influence upon Comenius in the most 
 'different directions. Returning to his native country in 1614, Co- 
 menius became rector of the school at Prerau, and in 1618 preached 
 at Fulneck,|| which, since 1480, had been the chief seat of the Bohe- 
 mian Brethren, and of the Waldenses who had fled to them. Here 
 he busied himself in overseeing the schools, and working upon school 
 books ; but lost his manuscripts when the Spaniards took Fulneck, in 
 1621. 
 
 In 1624 all the evangelical preachers in the Austrian dominions 
 received an order to leave the country, by which Comenius lost his 
 place. He then remained in the mountain country of Bohemia with 
 Baron Sadowski von Slaupna, whose children a certain Stadianus in- 
 structed, for whom Comenius wrote a brief methodology. When af- 
 terward the decree was issued, ordering all who would not become 
 Catholics to leave the country, there left Bohemia thirty thousand 
 families, of whom five hundred were of noble blood.^f Comenius, 
 with his scattered flock, departed into Poland. Upon the range of 
 mountains at the boundary, he paused, to look once more back to Mo- 
 ravia and Bohemia, fell, with his brethren, upon his knees, and prayed 
 God, with many tears, that he would not suffer his word to be entire- 
 ly destroyed out of those countries, but would, preserve some seed of 
 it there. 
 
 Comenius says that he places the beginning of his didactical studies 
 
 * Comnia is in Long. 35 30', lat. 49. 
 t Works on didactics, 1. 442. 
 
 * Born 1588 ; died 1638, while Professor of theology and philosophy at Weissenberg in 
 Transylvania. 
 
 Thus, Comenius says that he copied his arrangement of school classes from Alsted. 
 II Didact. works, 1, 3. Prerau is south from Olmiitz ; Fulneck about midway between 
 Tetchen and Olmiitz. 
 
 * Raumer, Hist, of Eurooe, 3, 451. 
 
348 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 in the year 1627,* when he wrote the methodology above mentioned ; 
 but he might have gone back much further, namely, to the year 1614, 
 in which appeared the report of the professors of Jena and Giessen, 
 upon Ratich's method.f Under the influence of these reports he had, 
 while pastor in Prerau, worked out a milder method of teaching 
 Latin, and, for the purpose, had written a short grammar, which was 
 printed at Prague in 1616. In the unhappy year 1627, he had re- 
 flected up^n the means of helping the people, at the return of better 
 times, by the erection of schools in which instruction should be given 
 by good school books and clearer methods. In like manner, in the 
 years of the French servitude, Fichte cast his eye upon Pestalozzi, 
 with the hope that at Yverdun a new generation would grow up, for 
 a future time of freedom in Germany. Comenius settled at Lissa in 
 Bohemia, where he taught Latin, and in the year 1631 published his 
 Janua linguarum reserata^ a new method of teaching languages, 
 especially Latin. This book was the basis of his fame. He himself; 
 in the dedication to his didactic works, says of it, " That happened 
 which I could not have imagined ; namely, that this childish book, 
 (puerile istud opusculum,) was received with universal approbation 
 by the learned world. This was shown by the number of men, of 
 different nations, who wished me heartily success with my new dis- 
 covery, and by the number of translations into foreign languages. 
 For not only was the book translated into twelve European languages, 
 since I have myself seen these translations, that is, into Latin, Greek, 
 Bohemian, Polish, German, Swedish, Dutch, English, French, Span- 
 ish, Italian, and Hungarian, but into the Asiatic languages, Arabic, 
 Turkish, and Persian, and even into the Mongolian, which is under- 
 stood by all the East Indies." 
 
 In Lissa he planned, as early as 1629, his Didactica magna seu 
 omnes omnia docendi artificium. The gre'at fame which his Janua 
 had given him, brought him an invitation from the Swedish govern- 
 ment, in 1638, to undertake the reformation of their schools. He 
 did not accept it, but was induced by it to translate his Didactica, 
 which had been written in German, into Latin. Some of his friends 
 in England, to whom he had sent an extract from it, caused this to 
 
 *Didact. works, 1,3. 
 
 t Besides him, Comenius names Campanella, Bacon, Rhenius. Job. Valentin Andrea, &c., 
 whose methods he had studied. He repeatedly applied to Ratich in vain by letter, during 
 the year ]629, for information upon his method. Works, 2, 282. See Ratich. 
 
 -tDidact. works, 1, 250. 
 
 <$ " Mogolicam toti orientali Indiae familiarem." Bayle mentions the authors of several 
 of these translations. The orientalist J. Golius, of Leyden, sent the Janua to his brother, P. 
 Golius, in Aleppo, and the latter translated it into Arabic. It pleased the Mohammedans so 
 much that they caused it to be translated into Turkish, Persian, and Mongolian. (?) J. Go- 
 lius related this to Comenius in 1642, and adds, "Vides Comeni quam felictter f'bi ./""*- 
 tua ad gentes aperiat Januam. Opp. did.. 2. 268. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 349 
 
 be printed. Upon receiving from England a like invitation, to un- 
 dertake to reform their schools, he journeyed to London in 1641.* 
 The matter was introduced into parliament ; but the Irish disturb- 
 ances, and the outbreaking of the civil wars, hindered his plans so 
 much that he left England, and, upon an invitation from Ludwig de 
 Geer, went to Sweden in 1642. In Stockholm he conversed with 
 Chancellor Oxenstiern, and with Johannes Skyte, chancellor of the 
 university of Upsala. '* Oxenstiern, the Northern nobleman," says 
 Cornenius, " examined me more severely than any learned man 
 ever did."f " I observed, in rny youth," said the chancellor, " that 
 the usual method of teaching was too harsh ; but was unable to dis- 
 cern wherein the fault lay. When, afterward, my king, of glorious 
 memory, sent me as ambassador to Germany, I spoke upon this sub- 
 ject with many persons. When I heard that Ratich had come out 
 with a new method, I had no rest until I had seen the man himself; 
 but, instead of a conversation, he gave me a thick quarto to read. I 
 performed this tiresome work, and after I had read the whole book 
 through, I found that he had well enough explained the defects of 
 the schools ; but the remedy which he proposed seemed to me not 
 adequate. What you bring forward is better founded." I replied, 
 " that in this direction I had done as much as was possible, and that 
 now I must go forward to something else." To this Oxenstiern an- 
 swered ; " I know that you are contemplating a greater design, for I 
 have read your Prodromus Pamophiae; we will speak of that to- 
 morrow." u The next day," relates Comenius further, " Oxenstiern 
 began to speak very plainly about the Prodromus, asking, to begin 
 with, whether it would bear opposition ?" Comenius answering in 
 the affirmative, he began to attack the great hopes expressed in the 
 Prodromus, with profound political reasoning, urging, among othei 
 things, that the Holy Scriptures prophecy much more of unhappiness 
 than happiness, toward the end of the world. Still, he recommend- 
 ed Comenius to pursue his undertaking, but first to care for the needs 
 of the schools, and to work out the easier way to learn Latin, which 
 would be a step forward in the greater design which he was looking 
 to. It seems as if the clear-headed, practical Oxenstiern desired to 
 recall Comenius from his boundless undertaking, into one more re- 
 stricted, but for that reason more sure of success. 
 
 The Swedish government now established Comenius in Elbing, to 
 compose a work upon his method. With this arrangement his Eng- 
 
 * Opp. did. 2. introd. Congregatum interim Parlamentum, praesentiaque nostra cognita, 
 jussit nos expectare. 
 
 tlb. Comp. above, under W. Ratich, where was given an extract from this conversation 
 
 ^ Raumer, Hist, 
 
350 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 lish friends were not pleased ; they wished that others might be left 
 to busy themselves in writing for boys, but that he should labor upon 
 the greater work of the Pansophia. "Quo moriture ruis? mino- 
 raque viribus audes ?" they wrote to him. He was pleased at this 
 call to him to return into the " royal highway,' 1 * and sent the Eng- 
 lish letters to Sweden, in sure hopes they would be persuaded by 
 them But the opposite happened ; for he was urged much more 
 on the part of the Swedes, to first finish his didactics. Things more 
 excellent are to be preferred, it is true, they said. But what must be 
 done first, should be first done. And men do not proceed from the 
 greater to the less, but from the less to the greater. 
 
 So Comenius was obliged, whether he would or no, to return to 
 making school books. After laboring four years he returned to Swe- 
 den in 1646. Three commissioners examined the work, and declared 
 it proper for printing, when Comenius should have put the last 
 touches to it. He returned to Elbing to do this, and thence, in 1648, 
 to Lissa, where, in the same year, he brought out his work, the No- 
 vissima linguarum methodus.\ It was in this year that the peace of 
 Westphalia put an end to the frightful thirty years' war. In allusion 
 to this, Comenius thus addresses himself to the princes, in the book : 
 " Ye have destroyed many things, O ye mighty ; now rebuild many ! 
 In this matter, imitate him who has given you the power of deter- 
 mining the fortunes of men ; of him who destroys that he may build 
 up ; who roots up that he may plant." 
 
 In 1650, upon an invitation from Prince Ragozki, he went to Hun- 
 gary and Transylvania, and remained there four years, during which 
 time he organized a school at Patak.J Here Comenius wrote, among 
 others, his second celebrated work, the Orbis Pictus. He was not, 
 however, able to finish it in Hungary, for want of a skillful engraver 
 on copper. For such a one he carried it to Michael Endter, the book- 
 seller at Nuremberg, but the engraving delayed the publication of 
 the book for three years more. In 1657 Comenius expressed the 
 hope that it would appear during the next autumn. With what 
 great approbation the work was received at its first appearance is 
 shown, by the fact that within two years, in 1659, Endter had pub- 
 lished the second enlarged edition. 
 
 In 1654 Comenius returned to Lissa, where he remained until 
 1656, in which year the Poles burnt the city, by which he lost his 
 
 * Gavisus ego bac regiam in viam revocations, 
 t Didact. works, 2. The preface was written at Elbing, 1648. 
 
 J Patak, i e., river; also Saros Patak : according to Comenius, (Did. works, 3, 101.) from 
 its muddiness. It is east of Bodrog, in long. 29 east, lat. 48 north. 
 Did. works, 3, 830. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENITTS. 351 
 
 house, his books, and his manuscripts, the labor of many years. He 
 fled into Silesia, thence to Brandenburg, and thence to Hamburg 
 and Amsterdam. Here he remained until the end of his life, chiefly 
 supported by wealthy merchants, whose children he instructed. He 
 printed his Opera Didactica at Amsterdam, in 1657, at the expense 
 of Lorenzo de Geer, son of Ludwig de Geer, mentioned above. He 
 died Nov. 15th, 1671, in his eightieth year. 
 
 According to my promise, I have recorded especially the pedagog- 
 ical labors of Comenius, although other writers* have made more 
 prominent other facts in relation to this remarkable man, particularly 
 his belief in several false prophets of the times, as Drabicius, Kotte- 
 rus, and Poniatovia. Under the title Lux in tenebris, Comenius, in' 
 1657, published their prophecies, which were chiefly directed against 
 the Pope and the house of Austria. The Turks, they said, would 
 make a successful invasion, take Vienna, and march thence, by way 
 of Venice, against Rome, as against the new Babylon, and would 
 destroy both cities. Afterward, it was hoped, Louis XIV., upon the 
 destruction of the house of Austria, would become emperor, for the 
 salvation of the world. The eyes of the prophets were also turned 
 to Charles Gustavus of Sweden, Ragozki, and others; and they 
 looked for the beginning of the reign of a thousand years, in 1672. 
 Georg Miiller says with much truth, in relation to Comenius' Lux in 
 tenebris, " Is he so much to be blamed, when he saw truth and reli- 
 gious freedom, which lay so near his heart, everywhere put down by 
 violence, for having insisted eagerly upon better hopes in the future, 
 and, for having seen, in a lovely and hopeful dream, the time of sal- 
 vation more nearly at hand than it was in the order of the providence 
 of God ?" Similar hopes, remarks Miiller, were entertained by the 
 most intelligent men of the day. 
 
 An important object, besides pedagogy and prophecy, which Co- 
 menius pursued with much eagerness, was the vain undertaking of 
 reconciling the various Protestant confessions. 
 
 We may obtain an insight into the great piety and heartfelt love 
 of this valuable man, as well as into the varied direction of his rest- 
 less activity, from the Confession, which he wrote in his seventy- 
 seventh year, in expectation of death ; from which I quote the ex- 
 tract at the end of this account. 
 
 Comenius left many pedagogical works.f The Opera Didactica 
 alone fills more than a thousand folio pages, and is a most rich treas- 
 ure of acute and profound thoughts. I hope I may be able to give 
 a brief character of the pedagogy of this distinguished man, as dis- 
 
 * See especially, Bayle, roc. Comenius t See the list of them, appendix II 
 
352 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 played in his writings, in such a manner as to present his most val- 
 uable and permanent principles, labors, and efforts, unconfused with 
 his more transitory and accidental ideas and endeavors. 
 The first important work which Comenius wrote was his 
 
 I. DIDACTICA MAGNA. 
 
 He was, by no means, one of those pedagogues who take up one 
 or another single subject of instruction, or who place all good in this 
 or that method of teaching. He was, in the very best sense of the 
 word, universal; and, notwithstanding this universality, he always 
 strove after the most thorough foundation. Of this his Didactica 
 Magna, the earliest and profoundest of his pedagogical works, is a 
 proof. He had planned it as early as 1628, in his thirty-sixth year, 
 in the full power of his manhood, and while unbroken by the mis- 
 fortunes through which he afterward passed. He had pedagogical 
 experience, while his views were not narrowed by the errors which 
 afterward came upon him. He was sailing before a prosperous 
 breeze, and gave his thoughts free course, without asking whether 
 they were practicable. In truth, how many of them were impracti- 
 cable in his time, which have since been well realized ! 
 
 " Man," says Comenius in the Didactica, " lives a threefold life ; 
 vegetable, animal, and intellectual or spiritual. He has a threefold 
 home ; the mother's womb, earth, and heaven. By birth he has the 
 second of these, and by death and resurrection, the third, which is eter- 
 nal. As the child in his mother's womb is prepared for his earthly 
 life, so is the soul, with the help of the body, prepared, in the earthly 
 life, for eternity. Happy is he who brings into the world from his 
 mother's womb, well formed limbs ; a thousand times happier he, 
 who at death takes a well trained soul from it. 
 
 Man is a reasoning creature, and the lord of all other creatures ; 
 the image of God ; and, therefore, was his mind, in the beginning, 
 directed toward knowledge, virtue, and piety. We can not declare 
 ourselves incapable of these three by reason of the fall, without 
 shameful ingratitude to the grace of God in Christ, through which 
 we are born again.* 
 
 As made in the image of the all-knowing God, we strive after wis- 
 dom. The capacity of our minds is immeasurable. 
 
 The seeds of knowledge, virtue and religion, are not themselves, 
 in the beginning, given to men, but they must be developed by 
 prayer, study, and practice ; by action does man first arrive at true 
 existence. 
 
 * Interiores nostrae vires ex lapsu primaevo infirmatae sunt sednon extinctae. Did. 66. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMEMUS. 353 
 
 All men need instruction. Instruction must begin early. In 
 youth God has made man unfit for civil and other duties, that he 
 may have an opportunity for learning. 
 
 All children, rich or poor, high or low, boys or girls, must be in- 
 structed in school ; in every thing God's image must be sought to be 
 restored, and each must be prepared for his future calling. Each 
 must learn every thing; each man is a microcosm. Not that each 
 should learn every science, but that all should be so instructed that 
 they may understand the basis, relation and purpose, of all the most 
 important things relating to what they are, and are to become ; so 
 much is necessary for all who are to be actors, and not mere lookers 
 on, in this world.* 
 
 We have no schools which fulfill their purpose. In many places 
 they are entirely wanting; in others only the children of the rich are 
 cared for ; the methods of instruction are repulsive, wearisome and 
 obscure ; and morals are entirely neglected. No instruction is given 
 about real things ; fifteen or twenty years are spent upon Latin, and 
 yet nothing is accomplished in it. " The best years of my own 
 youth," says Comenius, " were wasted in useless school exercises. 
 But how often since I have learned to know better, have I shed tears 
 at the remembrance of lost hours ; how often have I cried out in my 
 grief, mihi praeteritos referat si Jupiter annos ! But grief is vain, 
 and past days will not return. Only one thing remains, only one 
 thing is possible ; to leave to posterity what advice I can, by show- 
 ing the way in which our teachers have led us into errors, and the 
 method of remedying those errors. May I do this in the name and 
 under the guidance of Him who alone can number all our faults, 
 and make our crooked things straight." 
 
 Instruction will usually succeed, if the method follows the course 
 of nature. Whatever is natural, goes forward of itself. 
 
 Instruction should begin in early youth, when the mind is yet 
 free ; and should proceed by steps, in proportion to the development 
 of the powers. 
 
 The schools are wrong, in first teaching languages, and then pro- 
 ceeding to other things. And boys are kept for several years in 
 studies which relate to languages, and only then are they put to real 
 studies, such as mathematics, physics, etc. And yet the thing is the 
 substance, and the word the accident ; the thing is the body, and the 
 word the clothing. Things and words should be studied together, 
 but things especially, as being the object both of the understanding 
 and of language. 
 
 OQ * Didact. 42-5. 
 
354 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 The practice is wrong of making grammar the beginning of instruc- 
 tion in language, instead of beginning with an author, or a properly 
 arranged word-book ; for the author or the word-book contain the 
 material of the language, and the form should be afterward added 
 to it from the grammar. 
 
 Examples should precede abstract rules ; and in general, matter 
 should precede form, everywhere. Too many things should not be 
 studied at the same time, but one after another. 
 
 The scholar should be introduced into a sort of encyclopaedia of 
 what he is learning, which should be gradually developed further and 
 further. 
 
 Each language, science, or art, should be first taught in its simplest 
 rudiments, then more fully, with rules and examples ; and afterward 
 systematically, with the addition of the anomalies. 
 
 Instruction should be carefully given in successive classes, so that 
 the lower class may have completely gone over the ground prepara- 
 tory to the higher, and that the higher shall, on the other hand, con- 
 firm what was learned in the lower. Nature proceeds by continual 
 progress, but yet so that she usually does not give up any thing pre- 
 ceding, at beginning something new, but rather continues what was 
 begun before, increasing it and carrying it to completion. Each class 
 should be finished in a fixed time. 
 
 Youth should not be molested at first with controversies ; no one 
 would ever be established in the truth, if his first instruction should 
 consist in discussion. 
 
 It is not good for a boy to have many teachers, since they would 
 hardly follow the same method, and thus they would confuse him. 
 All studies should be taught in a natural, uniform method, and from 
 books of a uniform character. 
 
 Even teachers of less ability will be enabled by such books to in- 
 struct well, because the book will make a beginning for them. 
 
 Friendly and loving parents and teachers, cheerful school rooms, 
 play-grounds near the school houses, and systematic and natural in 
 struction, must all contribute to the success of teaching, and to coun- 
 teract the usual dislike to the school. 
 
 Most teachers sow plants instead of seeds of plants : instead of pro- 
 ceeding from the simplest, principles, they introduce the scholar at 
 once into a chaos of books and miscellaneous studies. 
 
 The grammar of a foreign tongue, for example the Latin, should be 
 adapted to the mother tongue of each scholar ; since different mother 
 tongues stand in different relations with the Latin. 
 
 In learning a foreign tongue, the course of proceeding should be 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 355 
 
 from the understanding of it to writing it, and afterward at the 
 right time, further, to speaking it, when improvising will be neces- 
 sary. 
 
 Things near at hand should be learned first, and afterward those 
 lying further and further off. 
 
 The first s education should be of the perceptions, then of the 
 memory, then of the understanding, and then of the judgment. For 
 knowledge begins with mental perceptions, which are fixed in the 
 memory by the apprehension ; then the understanding, by inductions 
 from single apprehensions, forms general truths, or ideas ; and lastly, 
 certain knowledge proceeds from the operation of the judgment upon 
 things before understanding. 
 
 The scholar should not learn by rote what he does not understand. 
 
 He should learn nothing which is not useful for one or another 
 mode of life ;* he is preparing himself not only for knowledge, but 
 also for virtue and piety. 
 
 All studies must be as much as possible worked into one whole, 
 and developed from one root. The relation of cause and effect must 
 everywhere be shown.f 
 
 We learn, not only in order to understand, but also to express and 
 to use what we understand.]; As much as any one understands so 
 much ought he to accustom himself to express, and on the other hand 
 he should understand whatever he says. Speech and knowledge 
 should proceed with equal steps. 
 
 If the teacher is obliged to instruct a great number of scholars, he 
 should divide his class into decuriae, and should set over each a de- 
 curion, to assist him. 
 
 Reading and writing should be learned together. 
 
 Youth should be made to understand, not the appearances of the 
 things which make impressions upon their minds, but the things 
 themselves. 
 
 Instruction must begin with actual inspection, not with verbal des- 
 cription of things. From such inspection it is that certain knowl- 
 edge comes. What is actually seen remains faster in the memory 
 than description or enumeration, a hundred times as often repeated. 
 For this reason, pictures, Biblical scenes for example, are strongly to 
 be recommended. 
 
 The eye should first be directed to an object in its totality, and 
 
 * Ea siquidem discenda sunt in terris, monet Hieronymus, quorum scientia perseveret in 
 coelos, 88. 
 
 t Omnia doceantur per causas, 95. Scire est rem per causas tenere. 118. 
 ; Q.uae quis intelligere docetur, doceatur simul eloqui et operari. sen transferre ad usum, 
 96. This reminds us of Bacon 
 
356 JOHN AMOS COMEMUS. 
 
 afterward to its parts. This is true not only of the mental, but of 
 the bodily vision. 
 
 All the parts, without exception, should be dealt with, and their 
 various relations. 
 
 The distinctions of things should be properly brought out. Qui 
 bene distinguit, bene docet. 
 
 Each study should be learned by practice ; writing by writing, 
 singing by singing, etc. The master must first perform the thing be- 
 fore the scholar, to be imitated by him, without tiresome theoretical 
 explanation. For man is animal jxijULujrixov. 
 
 In practicing any thing, a beginning must be made with the first 
 elements, and gradual progress must follow to the more difficult and 
 intricate parts of it. First, for instance, from letters to syllables, 
 words, etc. 
 
 Imitation must, in the beginning be strictly conformed to the 
 model ; and the pupil must, only by degrees, attain to freedom and 
 independence. Thus, at first, he must copy very carefully the copy 
 set by the writingmaster ; and only after long practice does he attain 
 to an individual hand writing. 
 
 Languages. The mother tongue should be learned first, then the 
 language of some neighboring nation, and only then Latin, Greek, 
 Hebrew, etc. ; and always one at a time. Several should not be 
 commenced at the same time, for this would confuse, When the 
 scholar is well acquainted with several languages, he may begin to 
 compare them by the lexicon and grammar. 
 
 Any language is learned better by practice, by hearing rapid read- 
 ing, writing off, etc., than by rules. These are to come in aid to the 
 practice and to give it certainty. The rules of language should be 
 strictly grammatical, not subtile and philosophical. 
 
 At learning -a new language, the scholar's attention should be 
 directed to the differences between its grammar and the grammar of 
 the language which he already knows ; and should not be obliged to 
 repeat every time things common to both. 
 
 Only the mother tongue and Latin should be learned with entire 
 completeness. 
 
 Comenius gives earnest directions for training boys to right wis- 
 dom, moderation, manliness and uprightness, by practice, teaching, 
 and the example of the old. The tares sown by Satan, and the per- 
 versions of nature, must be withstood by the discipline of warning and 
 chastisement.* The children, he says, must be taught to seek God, 
 to be obedient to him, and to love him above all things ; and that 
 
 * Verbis et verberibus. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 357 
 
 from an early age.* This will not be so difficult to teach as many 
 think ; they may not, at the beginning, understand what they are do- 
 ing, but the understanding of it will come afterward of itself. Has 
 God commanded that we shall offer him all firstlings, and shall we 
 not offer him the firstlings of our thoughts, our speech, our efforts and 
 actions ? The children should early be taught that not the present, 
 but everlasting life, is the object of our being, that time is a prepara- 
 tion for eternity ; so that their eyes may not be withdrawn by earthly 
 cares from the one thing needful. Therefore, must they from their 
 earliest youth, be led in the road which leads to God ; in the reading 
 of the Holy Scriptures, in attendance upon divine worship, and in 
 doing good. " Oh may God give them grace," cries Comenius,f " to 
 find the way which shall teach them well how to cast upon God all 
 things with which our souls busy themselves, other than God ; to cast 
 upon God all the earthly cares in which the world is busied and 
 buried, in striving after the heavenly life !" 
 
 Inwardly and outwardly, must they be trained to religion ; out- 
 ward training alone makes hypocrites, who fear God only in appear- 
 ance; inward training alone makes fanatics, who fall into visionary 
 views, disowning the ministry, and destroying the good order of the 
 
 church.J 
 
 II. JANUA RESERATA. 
 
 The preface treats of the purpose and arrangement of the book. 
 
 Facts show, says Comenius, that up to this time, the proper method 
 of teaching languages has not been understood in the schools ; after ten 
 years and more have often been devoted to it without any remarkable 
 result. Youth have been occupied for several years with prolix and 
 confused grammatical rules, and at the same time crammed " with 
 the names of things, without the things themselves." " But," con- 
 tinues Comenius, " although the names signify the things, how can they 
 signify them to any good purpose, if the things themselves are not 
 known ? A boy may be able to say over a thousand times a thousand 
 names, but if he has not the mastery of the things, of what benefit 
 will all that multitude be to him T '|| 
 
 It has been thought to remedy the evil, by the introduction of the 
 
 * Perfrui conscientiae voluptate. Fruimur Deo in amore et favore ejus ita acquiesccndo 
 ut nihil nobis in coelo et terra optabilius sit Deo ipso. 
 t Didact., 144. 
 
 } The school plan which Comenius gives in his Didoctica Magna, will be given further on ; 
 as well as extracts relating to Realism. 
 
 I shall quote indifferently, from the Latin and German texts of th*> janua. 
 
 I Est enim nocentissimarum fraudum non postrema, quae hum?no genw., imo et docto- 
 rum vulgo, multum illudit, in linguarum scientia locare sapientiam. T> s says Pomenius, 
 in one of his latest works. Ventilabrum. on. d.d.. 450. 
 
358 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 classics into the schools, with the idea that pure Latin and the knowl- 
 edge of things could together be learned from them. "But this 
 notion, how plausible soever, is in the highest degree harmful." In 
 the first place, the boys can not provide themselves with the classics, 
 and in the second, they are not old enough for them. And even if 
 " one had been through all the classics, he will still find that he had 
 not attained his object, namely, a sufficient knowledge of the language ; 
 for the language does not treat of every thing, and even if it treated 
 of all matters current in its time, it could neither treat of such as are 
 current in our own times, nor know any thing about them ; so that 
 it would be necessary for him to read many more books, both of old 
 and new authors ; as, for instance, upon plants, metals, agriculture, 
 war, and architecture ; and, in truth, there would be no end to his ac- 
 cumulation of books." How much time would be needed to learn a 
 language in this way ! 
 
 For this reason it is desirable " that a short compendium of the 
 whole language should be prepared, in which each and all of its 
 words and phrases should be brought together in one body, so as to 
 be understood in a short time, and with less trouble, and so as to give 
 an easy, appropriate and certain introduction to the authors who treat 
 of the subjects themselves." Just as it would be easier to take a 
 survey of the beasts in Noah's ark, than if they had to be searched 
 out all over the world ; so it would be easier to learn all the words 
 from such a compendium, than to gather them together from in- 
 numerable authors. Such a compendium had been made by a Jesuit 
 some years before ; he having published a Janua linguarum in Latin 
 and Spanish, which contained, in twelve hundred proverbs, the most 
 usual Latin words, so that, (particles excepted,) no word appeared 
 more than once. This book was enlarged in 1615 with the English 
 translation, afterward with German and French ones ; and later, in 
 1629, appeared in eight languages.* 
 
 This book, however, did not fullfil its promise. First, many words 
 were wanting in it, which are needed in daily use; and it contained 
 many useless ones. Secondly, words of several significations ap- 
 peared in it only once, and then only with one meaning. If this 
 
 ' Further information upon this Janua will be found, Didact. works, 2, 81, 270. Its title is, 
 " Janua linguarum sive modus ad integritatem linguarum compendio cognoscendam maxime 
 accommodatus ; ubi sententiarum centuriis aliquot omnia usitatiora et necessaria vocabula 
 semel comprehensa sunt, ita ut postea non recurrant." Its author was an Irishman, W. 
 Bateus, a Theatin at Salamanca. Isaac Habrecht, a physician at Strasburg, reprinted this 
 Janua in Germany. Caspar Scioppius published it in 1627 in Latin and Italian, under the 
 title of Mercurius bilinguis, and in 1636 at Basle, as Mercurius quadrilinguis. (Latin, German, 
 Greek and Hebrew.) Bateus' object was to promote the spread of Christianity by his book, 
 oy enabling the heathen to learn Latin easily by means of it- 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 359 
 
 meaning had been the first, simplest and radical one, an intelligent 
 person could easily have guessed out the others. But this was not 
 so ; most of the words being given in derived, metaphorical, metony- 
 mic, etc., meanings. Lastly, the work contains many sayings with 
 no meaning, and others not edifying. For these reasons Comenius 
 undertook to remedy these faults, from a " desire to promote the 
 profit and piety of the young." What he undertook to do was as 
 follows : 
 
 " Since," he says, " I consider it an established law of the art of 
 teaching,, that understanding and speech must go in parallel lines, and 
 that one should be able to express whatever he comprehends with 
 the understanding, (since what difference is there between one who 
 understands what he can not express and a mere dumb image ? and 
 to speak without understanding is only parrotry,) I have come to the 
 conclusion that all things in the world ought to be arranged in distinct 
 classes, so that the boys can understand them ; and what is to be ex- 
 pressed in speech, namely, things themselves, should be first impressed 
 upon the mind." Thus have arisen his " hundred generic names of 
 things." 
 
 He thus brought together eight thousand words, in one thousand 
 complete sentences, which he made at -first short and more simple, 
 and afterward longer and more complex. 
 
 Further, he has endeavored to bring forward, to be first understood 
 by the boys, all words in their proper and natural signification, fct ex- 
 cept a few." Words of several meanings he has given more than 
 once, in their different meaning. Synonyms and words of opposite 
 meanings he has given opposite each other, " and has so arranged that 
 each shall assist in the understanding of the others." 
 
 At the same time he has so prepared the sentences that they are 
 valuable as grammatical exercises. 
 
 This preface is followed by the one hundred chapters which treat 
 de omni scibili, in one thousand sentences. The first is an introduc- 
 tion, in which the reader is saluted, and informed that learning con- 
 sists in this : to know distinctions and names of things ; and that to at- 
 tain this is not so very difficult. In this short little book, the reader 
 will find explained, " the whole world and the Latin language." If 
 the reader should learn four pages of it by rote, he would " find that 
 his eyes were opened to all the liberal arts." Then follows the second, 
 which treats of the creation of the world, and so on to the ninety -ninth, 
 which treats of the end of the world ; the one hundredth is his fare- 
 well advice to the reader. 
 
360 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 III. REALISM OF COMENIUS. 
 
 Such, substantially, is the little book which was translated into 
 twelve European, and several Asiatic languages. I shall, hereafter, 
 speak of the subsequent revision and enlargement of it. If it is 
 asked how came about so great a success, I reply, it was partly from 
 the pleasure found in the survey of the whole world, adapted both to 
 young and old, and at a day when no great scientific requirements 
 were made. Many were amused by the motley variety of the im- 
 aginations and investigations of the book ; by its old fashioned gram- 
 matical, didactic and rhetorical discussions, and its spiritual -extrava- 
 gances. The greatest influence was, however, exerted by the funda- 
 mental maxim of the book ; that the knowledge of a language, 
 especially of Latin, should go hand in hand with knowledge of the 
 things explained in it. By this principle, Comenius is distinguished 
 from the earlier pedagogues ; and he sought to bring it into natural 
 operation in many ways. 
 
 From his Physics, which appeared in 1633,* we may see how 
 thorough a pedagogical realist he was. He received his first impulse 
 in this direction, as he himself relates, from the well known Spanish 
 pedagogue, Ludovicus Vives, who came out against Aristotle, and de- 
 manded a Christian instead of the heathen mode of philosophizing. 
 It is not disputation which leads to any result, said Vives, but the 
 silent observation of nature. It is better for the scholars to ask ques- 
 tions and to investigate, than to be disputing with each other. " Yet," 
 says Comenius, " Vives understood better where the fault was, than 
 what was the remedy. 
 
 Comenius received a second impulse from Thomas Campanella,f 
 who, however, did not satisfy him. " But when," he says " Bacon's 
 Instauratio Magna came into my hands, a wonderful work, which I 
 consider the most instructive philosophical work of the century now 
 beginning, I saw in it, that even Campanella's demonstration was want- 
 ing in that thoroughness which is demanded by the nature of things .J 
 
 * The preface was written at Lissa in 1632. The information following is from it. 
 
 t Campanella was born in 1568, at Stilo in Calabria, and died in 1639 at Paris. He was a 
 Dominican. Being accused of a state offense against the Spanish monarchy, he was im- 
 prisoned in 1599 and only released in 1626, at the request of Urban VIII. Of his works, those 
 which had most influence upon Comenius. were his Prodromus philosophies restaurandae, 
 Realfs philosophia epilogfstica, and Libri de rerum sensu. 
 
 J I may here be permitted, in order to a complete characterization of Comenius, to repeat 
 something of what I have already said of Bacon's influence on teaching. In this connection 
 1 shall quote the Opp. did., 1, 426, where he says, (i Non eat nihil, quod Verulamius mirabili 
 suo organo rerum naturas intimt scrutandi modum infallibilem deletit." And in another 
 place, (p. 432,) he praises Bacon's " artificiosam inductionem, quae revera in naturae abditn 
 penetrandi reclusa via est." Elsewhere, Comenius cites Bacon, or uses expressions (E. g., 
 " Infelix divortium rerum et verborum,") and states views, which refer us to Bacon. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 3^ 
 
 Yet again, I was troubled, because the noble Verulam, while giving 
 the true key of nature, did not unlock her secrets, but only showed, 
 by a few examples, how they should be unlocked, and left the rest to 
 future observations to be extended through centuries." He goes on, 
 in the preface to the Physics, from which these extracts are taken, to 
 say that he is convinced that it is not Aristotle who must be master 
 in philosophy for Christians, but that philosophy must be studied 
 freely by the indications of nature, reason and books. " For," he con- 
 tinues, " are we not as well placed in the garden of Eden, as were 
 our predecessors ? Why can we not use our eyes, ears, and nose as 
 well as they could ? And why did we need other teachers than 
 these, in learning to know the works of nature ? Why, say I, should 
 we not, instead of these dead books, lay open the living book of na- 
 ture ? In this there is much more to display than one person like 
 myself can relate, and the display will bring much more, both of 
 pleasure and profit." k ' Moreover," he adds, evidently following Ba- 
 con, " we are so many centuries beyond Aristotle even in experience." 
 From these extracts it is evident that Comenius, like Bacon, aimed 
 at a real realism, not at a simply verbal one ; at one which should 
 operate by the direct observation of things by the senses, not by the 
 narratives and descriptions of others. This appears clearly also, from 
 many portions of his other works. Thus, he says, in the Didactica 
 Magna: "To instruct youth well, is not to cram them with a mish- 
 mash of words, phrases, sentences and opinions, gathered from read- 
 ing various authors, but to open their understandings to the things 
 themselves, so that from them, as from living springs, many streamlets 
 may flow." Again : u Hitherto, the schools have done nothing with 
 the* view of developing children, like young trees, from the growing 
 impulse of their own roots, but only with that of hanging them over 
 with twigs broken off elsewhere. They teach youth to adorn them- 
 selves with others' feathers, like the crow in ^Esop's fables. They do 
 not show them things themselves, as they are, but tell them what one 
 and another, and a third, and a tenth, has thought and written about 
 them ; so that it is considered a mark of great wisdom for a man to 
 know a great many opinions which contradict each other. Thus it 
 has come to pass, that most scholars do nothing but gather phrases, 
 sentences and opinions, and patch together their learning like a cento. 
 It is of such that Horace says, ' imitatorum servum pecus /' Of 
 what use is it to vex one's self about others' opinions of things, when 
 that which is needed is, the knowledge of the things themselves ? Is 
 all the labor of our lives to be spent in nothing except in running 
 after others who are employed in all sorts of directions ? Oh ye 
 
362 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 mortals, let us hasten without circuit, toward our object. If our 
 eyes are fast and clearly fixed upon this, why do we not together steer 
 toward it ? why should we prefer to see with others' eyes, rather than 
 with our own ? Almost no one teaches physics by actual observa- 
 tion and experiment: all instruct by the oral explanation of the 
 works of Aristotle or some body else. In short, men must be led as 
 much as possible, to gather their learning, not from books, but from 
 the observations of the heavens and the earth, oak trees and books ; 
 that is, he must know and investigate things themselves, not merely 
 the observations and explanations of others about them. And thus 
 we shall be again following in the footsteps of the ancients." Co- 
 menius' meaning is too clear to need an explanation. Further on,* 
 he goes more fully into the method of instruction. The object must 
 be a real, true, useful thing, capable of making an impression upon 
 the senses and the apprehension. This is necessary, that it may be 
 brought into communication with the senses ; if visible, with the eyes, 
 if audible, with the ears, if odorous, with the nose, if sapid, with the 
 taste, if tangible, with the touch. The beginning of knowledge must 
 be with the senses.f " Must not, therefore," he asks, " the beginning 
 of teaching be, not at all with the verbal explanation of the things, 
 but with the real intuition of them? and then first, after the pre- 
 sentation of the thing itself, may the oral explanation be added, for 
 the further elucidation of it." What has thus been perceived by the 
 senses, sinks deep into the memory, and can not be forgotten ; an event 
 is better remembered, if one has lived through it, than if he has heard 
 it related a hundred times. Thus says Plautus, " One showing to the 
 eye is more than ten showings to the ear."| One who has, with his 
 own eyes, seen a corpse dissected, better understands the anatomy of 
 the human body, and gets more insight into it, than if he had read 
 the greatest quantity of anatomical books, without having seen it. 
 Hence the old proverb, " Demonstration must make up for intuition." 
 If here and there a thing is wanting, one or another thing may 
 make up for it. So, for example, pictures, such as are to be found in 
 botanical, zoological, geographical, and other books. Such should be 
 in every school ; for although they cost much, they are of much use. 
 
 IV. COMBNIUS' THREE SCHOOL BOOKS, THE VESTIBULUM, THE REVISED JANUA 
 RESERATA, AND THE ATRIUM. 
 
 A. Vestibulum. 
 Soon after publishing the Janua reserata, Comenius wrote a small 
 
 Didactica Magna, p. 115, etc. 
 
 1 Comenius repeatedly refers to his maxim, Nihil est in intellect*, quod nonprhis in sensu 
 
 j Comeuius also quotes Horace's " Segnius irritant anmzos," etc. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 3 63 
 
 school book called Januae reseratae Vestibulum* of only 42V shoi % 
 sentences. 
 
 About 1648 he published a revisal of it,f and a second in 1650, 
 while at Patak, employed in re-organizing the schools there.J He 
 intended this second revisal as a manual for the lower classes of this 
 school ; I will briefly describe its form and contents. 
 
 It begins with an Invitatio; the teacher promising to the scholar 
 an introduction to wisdom, to the knowledge of all things, to the 
 ability to do right always, and to speak correctly of every thing, 
 especially in Latin, which, as a language common to all nations, is 
 indispensable to a learned education. In the Vestibulum the founda- 
 tions of language are laid, in the Janua the materials for building are 
 furnished ; and in the Atrium, the decoration of the edifice is begun. 
 After this the scholar may enter the palace of authors ; that is, their 
 wise books ; by the perusal of which he may become learned, wise 
 and eloquent. 
 
 The second part treats of the classification of things ; that is, of 
 substantives only, E. g. : Sidera sunt, sol, luna, stella. In sole sunt, 
 lux, radius, lumen'. Sine lumine est; umbra, caligo, tenebrae. 
 
 Apld uanionem; farcimen, perna, lardum, arvina, adeps, sebum, etc. 
 
 In the third part, the modifications of things are brought forward, 
 adjectives being the most prominent words, E. g. ; Sol est clarus vel 
 obscurus. Luna plena vel dimidia. Stella fixa vel vaga. 
 
 The fourth part is headed mentiones rerum. E. g. ; Quis ibi est? 
 Is quern vides. Quidfert? Id quod vides. It explains especially 
 the pronouns. 
 
 In the fifth section, headed motus rerum, verbs are introduced. 
 E. g. ; Quaeque res potest aliquid esse, agere, pati. Dei actio est 
 creare, sustentare, beare. S entire est, videre, audire, etc. After this 
 comes the varieties of human action, e. g., per membra corporis, per 
 animam, etc. 
 
 The sixth section, headed Modi actionum et passionum, includes 
 the adverbs. E. g., Ubi est ? hie, illic, ibi, etc. 
 
 The seventh, headed Circumstantiae rerum et actionum, brings in 
 the prepositions. E. g., Quod movetur, movetur ab aliquo praeter 
 aliquid, ad aliquid. 
 
 The eighth, headed Cohaerentiae rerum et actionum, contains con- 
 lunctions. E. g., Ego et tu, illeque sumus homines, etc. 
 
 Opp. did., 1, 302. Preface dated 4th January, ]633. 
 
 t Opp. did., 2, 293. Preface undated. This Vestibulum immediately followed the Methodut 
 Nomsaima, in whicM, (p. 163, 173.) it is described. Only a fragment of it is in the Opp. did. 
 I Opp. did., 3, 141. 
 
364 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 The ninth, Compendia rerum et verborum, contains interjections. 
 E. g., Heus tu ! Ecce me ! etc. 
 
 The tenth is entitled Multiplicatio rerum et verborum ; and con- 
 tains some examples of the derivation and relation of words. E. g. ; 
 Doctus, doctor, docet, dociles, doctrinam, etc. 
 
 The Janua and the Atrium contain each 1,000 sentences, but the 
 Vestibulum only half as many, 500. 
 
 To the Vestibulum are subjoined the rudiments of grammar. 
 Chap. 1 treats of the letters; chaps. 2 10 correspond with the same 
 of the Vestibulum, e. g. ; chap. 2 treats of nouns, and gives briefly 
 the declensions; chap. 5 of verbs, conjugation, etc. ; chap. 10 explains 
 the ideas of primitives, derivatives, compounds, etc., and chap. 11 
 gives fifteen simple rules of syntax. 
 
 This grammar is followed by a Repertorium vestibulare sive lexici 
 Latini rudimentum, containing all the words in the Vestibulum, 
 alphabetically arranged, with the number of that sentence of the 
 five hundred where it is found. E. g.: Cano, (cecini, cantum,) 45 *K 
 And sentence 457 is, Cantoris est canere. 
 
 In a letter to Tolnai,* teacher of the first (lowest) class at Patak, 
 Comenius writes of his duties as a teacher, and especially of the use 
 of the Vestibulum, etc. He (Tolnai) receives scholars who can read 
 and write their mother tongue; and he is to teach them the grounds 
 of Latin and the rudiments of grammar and arithmetic. 
 
 The arrangement of the Vestibulum might seem to be exclusively 
 grammatical, as it begins with substantives, and proceeds to adjec- 
 tives, etc. It is in fact, however, in the profoundest sense, an arrange- 
 in the order of things ; for it began with the enumeration of the 
 things themselves, and goes on to their principal qualities, (primaria 
 rerum accidentia,) and so on. 
 
 Comenius would have been glad to illustrate the Vestibulum with 
 such cuts as the text requires, to amuse the boys and to enable them 
 better to remember, but was prevented for want of competent artists. 
 The want of such cuts must be supplied by the teacher, by explana- 
 tions of the things, showing them, or by such delineations of them 
 as may be accessible. If there be not some such reference to them, 
 the instruction will be entirely lifeless. "This parallelism of the 
 knowledge of words and things is the deepest secret of the method." 
 In order that this may be more easily done, this nomenclature (of the 
 Vestibulum) is to be translated into the mother tongue, and with this 
 translation the scholars are to be first taken over the ground before 
 anv study of Latin. Thus their whole attention will be confined to 
 
 This latter reminds us strongly of Sturm's Epistolae classical 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 355 
 
 the things ; they will not be required at the same time to attend to 
 unknown things and unknown languages, but only to the first. 
 
 B. Janua. 
 
 I have already described the Janua reserata of 1631, the first 
 edition. But the Janua which Comenius describes in the Methodus 
 Novissima, is different from this. The latter consists of a text, simi- 
 lar to that of the original Janua, but to which is added a lexicon, and 
 to this a grammar ; there being thus three parts, as in the Vestibu- 
 lum* 
 
 Comenius brought out the third edition of the Janua, at the same 
 time with the third of the Vestibulum, for the schools at Patak. It 
 does not, however, like the latter, begin with the text and go on to the 
 grammar and lexicon, but in a reversed order, with lexicon, grammar 
 and text. The lexicon is entitled, Sylva Latinae linguae vocum deri- 
 vatarum copiam explicans, sive lexicon januale.\ It is etymological, 
 showing the derivation of each word. E. g. : Fin-is-it omnia, et os- 
 tendit rei-em^ h. e. - alem causam. De-ibus agrorum* saepe sunt 
 lites, quas-itor de-it distinguens agrum lam ab agris - itimis (sen af-et 
 con-ibus) quarn a con-iis inde-itis. Si vero inter af-es (af-itate June- 
 tos)jurgia exoriuntur, judex prae-it diem prae-itum, quo ea-aliter de- 
 itat ; nam-ita esse convenit y non in-ita y in-itas Dei est. 
 
 In this manner are arranged some twenty-five hundred roots and 
 their derivations and compounds, with the rules of derivation and 
 composition. 
 
 The teacher is to occupy some four months, in the beginning, in 
 taking his scholars through this lexicon ; for they must first become 
 acquainted with words, which are the simple elements of language. 
 He calls the lexicon the forest, in which the radical words, with their 
 derivations and compounds, are the trees and their branches. These 
 form the material in which the second book, the Gramma tica januq- 
 lis continens residuum grammaticae vestibularis, is to be used and 
 prepared for the construction of speech. 
 
 In the introduction to the grammar, Comenius laments the faults 
 of the earlier teachers of language, quoting especially the valuable 
 teacher Gerard Vossius. "Our grammars," says Vossius, "contain a 
 
 * According to Opp. did., 2, 299, this second edition contained only the Januae linguarum 
 grammatica. Comp. Melh. nov. ; Op/i. did., 2, 181. 
 t Opp. did., 3. 219. 
 
 1 1. e., Finis finit omnia, et ostendit reijinem, h. e. ftnalem causam, etc. For the sake of 
 greater clearness, Comenius afterward, (Opp. 4, 60,) required the German equivalent to be 
 Rdded, as 
 
 Am-are-or-ator, 
 Lieb-en-e-haber. 
 (Lov-e-e-er i 
 
366 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 mass of rules and exceptions which overwhelm the boys, who are 
 obliged to learn much that is superfluous, only soon to forget it ; and 
 besides, how many false rules do these grammars contain ! " " Lip- 
 sius," continues Comenius, "calls them silly; and Caselius, more than 
 silly, and they agree that it would be better to learn Latin only from 
 authors." Comenius, however, does not coincide with them in this ; 
 mere practice, he says, is blind ; it is only by rules that they attain 
 to the sure comprehension. He says further, in speaking of the 
 Grammatica Janualis, subjoined to the Vestibulum, that it follows 
 especially G. Vossius. 
 
 The succession of chapters in this grammar is :* De Litera, Syl- 
 laba, Voce, Phrasi, Sententia, Periodo, Oratione. It proceeds from 
 the simple beginnings of the Grammatica Vestibularis, leaving, how- 
 ever, the subtilities and delicacies of the language for a higher class. 
 
 From this grammar the scholar goes on to a third part, a Janualis 
 rerum et verborum contextus, historiolam\ rerum continens. This is 
 a revision of^the earlier Janua, reserata, but more extensive and com- 
 plete, although, like it, containing a thousand paragraphs, in a hun- 
 dred sections. In the first Janua each paragraph usually consisted 
 of one short period ; but in the second the paragraphs are often 
 much longer. 
 
 C. Atrium. 
 
 Comenius describes the Atrium^ in his Methodus novissima ; but 
 he first published it for the school at Patak. Like its predecessor, it 
 is divided into three parts ; but its arrangement, like that of the 
 Janua, varies from that of the Vestibulum ; a grammar coming first, 
 then the text, and then the lexicon. Comenius calls the grammar 
 of the Atrium, Ars ornatoria, cive grammatica elegans. He defines 
 it, " The art of speaking elegantly. To speak with elegance is, to 
 express the thoughts otherwise than the laws of the mother tongue 
 require, and yet to be understood with more pleasure than if we had 
 spoken according to those laws."' From this definition it follows, that 
 Comenius was not speaking of what they called fine Latin, free from 
 barbarisms, but of such Latin as was then used in rhetorical ex- 
 ercises. 
 
 After the grammar follows the Atrium itself; which, also, is an 
 encyclopaedia of one thousand paragraphs, in one hundred sections, 
 but more extensive and advanced than that in the preceding Janua. 
 
 ' Opp. did., 3, 428. t Ib., 474. 
 
 t Ib., 451. There is here a great error in the paging ; p. 451 following 592. 
 
 Opp. did., 2, 163, 197, 458. David Bechner published before Comenius, In 1636, a frag- 
 meat entitled Proplasma tempH Latinitatis, (O < . did.. 1, 318,) which, like the Atrium, was 
 to follow the Janua, 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 367 
 
 To this Comenius had intended to add a Lexicon Latino-latinum y 
 which, however, did not appear. 
 
 V. THE CLASSICS. 
 
 After the scholars had used, in their first year, the Vestibulum, in the 
 second the Janua, and in the third the Atrium, as preparatory manuals, 
 they were next, in a fourth class, to enter, from the Atrium, into the 
 palace of authors. "For," says Comenius,* " if we should not, through 
 the Vestibulum, the Janua, and the Atrium introduce the scholars 
 into the palace of authors, we should be as foolish as one who, after 
 with much pains, seeking, finding and pursuing his road to the very 
 gates of a city, should refuse to enter." The scholars of this fourth 
 class are, in their first quarter of a year, to practice the ordinary 
 Latin style ; in the second, speeches from the Roman histories, 
 and the Ciceronians, for the sake of the oratorical style ; in the 
 third, to read Ovid, Horace and Virgil, to learn the poetical style ; 
 and afterward to study the laconic authors, especially Seneca and 
 Tacitus, and to begin studying the composition of letters, speeches 
 and poetry. 
 
 In his Methodus Novi8*ima,\ he gives fuller directions what au- 
 thors to read and how to read them. His three text-books, he says 
 here, enable the scholar to understand Latin, and to write and read 
 it not unlatinistically. He must then proceed to the authors, in order 
 from them to gain a fuller knowledge of real things, a better style, 
 and practical readiness. He must not restrict himself to Cicero, as 
 he neither contains all Latinity, nor all subjects. Terence arid Plau- 
 tus must be read with caution, on account of the immoral character 
 of some of their contents. For speaking Latin, however, they are 
 the best ; as is Cicero for the construction of periods. For the laconic 
 style, Seneca is the model, Virgil for the epic, Ovid for the elegiac, 
 and Horace for the lyric. An acquaintance with real objects can 
 be gathered from Pliny, Vitruvius, Caasar, and others. Authors must 
 be read thoroughly, and extracts and imitations may be written ; this 
 last in part by means of translations and re-translations; and then 
 abridgments and continuations come, and finally the .contents of the 
 classics are to be transferred to other persons, relations, etc. For this 
 purpose the scholar must adopt only a single model, Cicero for in- 
 stance, and train himself to a style by daily and hourly exercisesj 
 
 * This, he says in his treatise upon the school at Patak in three classes, the necessity of ad - 
 ding a fourth, and its pnrpose. See below, Schola pansophica. 
 
 tOpp. did., 2. 99. 
 
 J " For he must feel himself so transferred into his author's spirit, that nothing will be 
 grateful to h ! ears, which has not the sound of Cicero." Ib., 205. 
 
368 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 upon that model. Yet he must be very careful lest he become a 
 mere empty phraseologer.* 
 
 Comenius expresses himself with greater rigor against the heathen 
 books, in his earlier Didactica Magna.\ " Our schools," he says, 
 " are Christian only in name ; Terence, Plautus, Cicero, rule over 
 them. Therefore it is that our learned men, even our theologians, be- 
 long to Christ only in externals, while Aristotle has the real authority 
 over them: Day and night they study the classics, and neglect the 
 Holy Scriptures. Shall our boys, for the sake of a style, study the 
 indecency of Terence, Plautus and the like ? Shall we in this way 
 cast oil upon the fire of men already lost ? Although these authors 
 have many good portions, still, the evil they contain sinks at once 
 deep into the souls of the boys. Even the better of the classics, 
 Cicero and Virgil for instance, have whole pages entirely unchristian. 
 Yet, as Israel took the vessels of the Egyptians,]; so many learned 
 men of confirmed Christian character, make collections of extracts 
 from the classics, which may be read by youth without danger. Per- 
 haps Seneca, Epictetus and Plato, only, may be put whole into the 
 hands of youth already confirmed in Christianity." But to avoid any 
 misunderstanding, as if he had forbidden without explanation, to read 
 the classics, he refers to the promise of Christ, that believers shall be 
 harmed neither by serpents nor by poison. Only boys who are yet 
 weak in the faith, must not be exposed to such serpents, but fed with 
 the pure milk of God's word. 
 
 He expresses himself in the strongest manner upon the study of the 
 ancients, in one of his latest pedagogical works, which he has named 
 "The Winnowing-fan of Wisdom." Here he says,-" We have seen 
 in very recent times frightful examples of kings and queens,|| who, 
 seduced by heathen books, have despised the simplicity of the gospel. 
 If such learned men as Lipsius and others, who have become drunk 
 with the classics, should be examined, there would be found in them 
 nothing like David's pleasure in the law of God, but on the other 
 hand a disgust with it." 
 
 * " Not without reason did the wise Buchholtzer write, ' I dislike the Italian Ciceronians, 
 because they speak only words ; not things. Their rhetoric, for the most part, is KO\O.KSVTIK}I, 
 It is a gloss without a text, a mil without meat, a cloud without rain. Their feathers are bet- 
 ter than the birds themselves.' " Comenius was evidently acquainted with the Ciceronianus 
 of Erasmus; and like him, he found especial fault with the paganism of Bembo and the 
 other Italians. 
 
 t Opp. did., 147. 
 
 t This same comparison occurs in Augustine's Confessions, (7, 9,) in relation to the read* 
 ing of the heathen philosophers by Christians. 
 
 Ventilabrum sapientiae. Opp. did., 4, 47. A remarkable retractation. 
 I Referring apparently to Christina of Sweden. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMEN1US. 369 
 
 As to the reading of the ancients, Comenius was in the same per- 
 plexity with many other Christian teachers. He feared the influence 
 of the heathen books upon youth ; but at the same time these same 
 Christian youth must learn thoroughly to speak and read Latin. 
 Latin would be, without doubt, best learned by. the repeated reading 
 of Terence ; but then again Terence is so indecent ! How was this 
 dilemma to be solved ? 
 
 VI. ORBIS PICTUS. 
 
 Besides the three school books with which we have become ac- 
 quainted, the Vestibulum, the Janua and the Atrium, Comenius 
 wrote a fourth. This is the Orbis Pictus, which, since its first ap- 
 pearance in the year 1657, has been, during nearly two hundred 
 years, down to the present time, and in the most various forms, the 
 favorite book for children. Comenius had deeply felt the imperfec- 
 tion of his school books in one respect. He desired that the begin- 
 ning of teaching should be always made, by means of dealing with 
 actual things; and in the school-room, there was nothing which 
 could be thus used. " It may be observed," he writes to the book- 
 seller, Michael Endter, of Nuremburg,* " that many of our children 
 grow weary of their books, because these are overfilled with things 
 which have to be explained by the help of words ; things which the 
 boys have never seen, and of which the teachers know nothing." By 
 the publication of the Orbis Pictus, however, he says, this evil will be 
 remedied. 
 
 We have seen that Comenius was desirous that the text of his 
 Vestibulum, long before, should contain pictures ; but he could find 
 no artists capable of designing the pictures, and cutting them on 
 wood under his supervision. In the letter above alluded to, he most 
 earnestly thanked Endter for having undertaken the designs. " This 
 work," he writes to him, " belongs to you ; it is entirely new in your 
 profession. You have given a correct and clear edition of the Orbis 
 Pictus, and furnished figures and cuts, by the help of which, the at- 
 tention will be awakened and the imagination pleased. This will, it 
 is true, increase the expense of the publication, but it will be cer- 
 tainly returned to you." Comenius says further, that the book will 
 be very welcome in schools, since it is entirely natural to look at 
 pictures ; and still more welcome, since now instruction may progress 
 without hindrance, and neither learning nor teaching need delay, 
 since what is printed in words may be brought before the eyes by 
 sight, and thus the mind may be instructed without error. 
 
 * The letter is dated at Lissa, 1655, and is printed before the edition of the Atrium issued br 
 Endter in 1659. 
 
370 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 I have thought it scarcely necessary to give a detailed description 
 of this celebrated school book, for, as I have said, it has been pub- 
 lished in innumerable editions, down to the present day. The old Or- 
 bis Pictus, varies little as to text, from the Janua reserata ; it is the 
 Janua with illustrations. The cuts in the later editions are clearer 
 than in the old ; but the variations of the texts are not successful. 
 The comparison is especially strikingbetween the forty-second cut, en- 
 titled " Of the soul of man," in the edition of 1659, and the same in 
 the edition of 1755. In the first, the soul is very ingeniously repre- 
 sented in a bodily shape, by uniform points, without light or shade, 
 like a phantom. The artist evidently wished to indicate that the 
 soul, so to speak, was present throughout the whole body. In the 
 Orbis Pictus of 1755, on the other hand, the picture is an eye, and 
 on a table the figures I.I. II. I.I.II. It is difficult to recognize in this 
 an expressive psychological symbol, and to explain it. 
 
 The Janua reserata of Coinenius, notwithstanding its former great 
 celebrity, is forgotten ; the Orbis Pictus, on the contrary, is known 
 and liked by many, if not in its old form, at least in a new one. The 
 principle that the knowledge of things and of words should go hand 
 in hand, was, it is true, laid down by Comenius in the preface of the 
 Janua, but was not realized in the book itself. Hence, very naturally, 
 the complaints of teachers and scholars, of the incompleteness of the 
 book. 
 
 But in the Orbis Pictus this principle was found to be realized as 
 far as possible ; and many persons* said that they did not need the 
 Vestibulum and the Janua, for that the shorter way in the Orbis 
 Pictus, was enough. There was, it is true, A world- wide difference 
 between what Comenius originally sought an acquaintance with 
 things themselves, before any knowledge of words relating to those 
 things and the actual use made of the scarcely recognizable pictures 
 of these originals in the Orbis Pictus, in connection with the reading 
 of the text. Yet this is at least a beginning ; and who can tell what 
 may be, in the course of time, developed from it ? Basedow's elemen- 
 tary book is the Orbis Pictus of the eighteenth century. Chodo- 
 wieck's pictures in this work, are much superior to the old wood-cuts 
 of the Orbis; but in other respects, how far does the godless Elemen- 
 tary Book, filled with false explanations and superficial and materialis- 
 tic realism, fall behind the ancient earnest and religious Orbis Pictus f 
 
 A very valuable commendation of the Orbis Pictus is to be found 
 in the Isagoge of Joh. Matth. Gesner.f " For beginners in language," 
 says Gesner, " books are proper, from which, at the same time, a 
 
 * Opp. did., 3, 830. tl, 112. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMEMUS. 371 
 
 knowledge of things themselves may be gained. For the younger 
 scholars, especially, the Orbis Pictus of Comenius, which I very much 
 like. Not that the work of Comenius is complete ; but we have no 
 better." 
 
 I repeat, the Orbis Pictus was the forerunner of future develop- 
 ment; and had for its object, not merely the introduction of an in- 
 distinct painted world into the school, but, as much as possible, a 
 knowledge of the original world itself, by actual intercourse with it. 
 VII. COMENIUS' PLAN OF STUDY. 
 A. Three schools. Academy. 
 
 Comenius, in his Didactica Magna, gives a general plan of study, 
 which, upon comparison with the school ordinances of Saxony and 
 Wurtemberg, already mentioned, appears to have been generally 
 similar to existing ones. He proposes the four following classes of 
 institutions; A. Schola materna, (mother's school;) B. Schola ver- 
 nacula, (vernacular school ;) C. Schola Latino, (Gymnasium ;) D. Ac- 
 ademia, (University.) 
 
 A mother's school, he says, should be in every house ; a vernacu- 
 lar school in every municipality ; a Latin school in every city, and a 
 university in each kingdom or large province. 
 
 Pupils are to remain in the mother school until their sixth year, 
 from the sixth to the twelfth in the German, and from the twelfth to 
 the eighteenth in the Latin, and from the eighteenth to the twenty- 
 fourth at the university. In the mother school the external senses 
 especially are to be trained in the right apprehension of things; in 
 the German school, the inner senses; the imagination and the 
 memory. Here, also, must the pictures of things which are impressed 
 upon the mind through the external senses, be together brought out 
 into expression, by the hand and the tongue, by reading, writing, 
 drawing, singing, etc. In the gymnasium, the understanding and the 
 judgment are to be trained by comparing, distinguishing, and the 
 deeper investigation of things. In the university, the will is to be 
 cultivated. 
 
 After this Comenius proceeds to describe each of his four schools, 
 A. The Mother School. 
 
 We should pray for the Mens sana in corpore sano, but should 
 use means for it also. Even during pregnancy, the mother should 
 pray for the well-being of the embryo, should live upon suitable diet, 
 and should keep herself as quiet and comfortable as possible. She 
 herself must nurse the new-born child ; it is a most injurious custom 
 which prevails, especially among noble ladies, of emplovinjr nurses ; 
 
372 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 a custom harmful both to mothers and children, and contrary to 
 God and to nature. Even the wolves and the swine suckle their own 
 young.* 
 
 From vanity or convenience, nurses are often employed who are 
 weaker than the mothers themselves. 
 
 No high-seasoned food should be given to children, and still less 
 any heating drink ; the Spartans dared drink no wine until their 
 twentieth year. Unnecessary medicine is poison to children. They 
 should be allowed to play as much as they wish. 
 
 During the first six years, the foundation should be laid for all that 
 they are to learn in all their lives. 
 
 In physics, they should begin to learn to know stones, plants, 
 beasts, etc. ; and the names and uses of the members of their own 
 body. 
 
 In optics, they should begin to distinguish light and darkness and 
 colors ; and to delight their eyes with beautiful things. 
 
 In astronomy, they should learn to know the sun. moon, and stars, 
 and that the moon is sometimes full and sometimes sickle-shaped. 
 
 They should begin geography with the knowledge of the cradle, 
 the room, the farm, the streets, the fields ; chronology, with the 
 knowledge of day and night, hours, weeks, and festivals ; history, 
 with the knowledge of what happened to themselves yesterday and 
 the day before ; politics, with the knowledge of domestic economy ; 
 arithmetic, with counting, etc. ; geometry, with understanding the 
 ideas of length and breadth, lines, circles, an inch, an ell, etc. ; music, 
 with hearing singing, (in the third year they will be able to join in 
 psalm singing;) grammar, with the pronunciation of syllables and 
 easy words ; rhetoric, with the making of gestures, and the under- 
 standing of the gestures of others. 
 
 Thus we see the beginning of all the sciences and arts, in the 
 earliest childhood. Even then the children will take pleasure in 
 poetry, rhythm and rhyme.f 
 
 Comenius now proceeds to the beginning of the first or ethical part 
 of religious instruction ; he requires above all things, that the par- 
 ents should set a good example ; and he inveighs strongly against 
 the unjustifiable spoiling of children, and the want of a wholesome 
 
 * ' Have you nourished with your own blood the child which you carried beneath your 
 heart for so many months, to deny it milk now, when that very milk was given by God for 
 the child, not for the mother ? It is much more conducive to the health of the infant, to 
 suckle its own mother than a nurse, because it has in the womb already become accustomed 
 to nutriment from its mother's blood." 
 
 t Comenius gives specimens of rhymes to amuse the children, as : 
 " O mtpulle, mipueJIe, dormi belle ; 
 Claude bellos tu ocellos, euros pelle." 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 373 
 
 strictness.* He also gives directions how to train them to modera- 
 tion, purity, and obedience ; and to silence, as soon as they can speak 
 fluently, and not to speak merely in order to learn to speak. In 
 baptism, children should be given back to their Creator and Saviour ; 
 and from that time they should be prayed for and taught to pray ; 
 should learn the Lord's Prayer, the creed, &c. 
 
 In the sixth year the child will be ready to go to school, which 
 should not be described to him as an institution of punishment. We 
 often hear people say, " If you are not good I will send you to school, 
 and there you will be kept in order with the rod." It should rather 
 be represented as delightful, so that the child shall be pleased with 
 the idea of going. 
 
 B. German School. 
 
 1. This is peculiarly a school of the mother tongue.f 
 
 In this school, says Comenius, the children should not be, as many 
 would have them, put at first to the study of Latin. 
 
 All children should be instructed. Whether or no they prove apt 
 at study, and, therefore, proper to be carried forward to the Latin 
 school, is not a thing to be determined in the sixth year. That 
 school is not for the children of the noble alone ; the wind bloweth 
 whither it listeth, and does not begin to blow at any fixed time. 
 My method, continues Comenius, does not, by any means, look sim- 
 ply to the Latin, most often so vainly beloved, but rather regards a 
 common way of instruction in all the mother tongues. To teach a 
 scholar a foreign tongue before he knows his own, is to instruct him 
 in riding before he can walk.J Finally he says, I aim at knowledge 
 of real things ; these can be learned just as well in the mother 
 tongue as in Latin or Greek ; and, above all, all technical terms 
 should be learned in German, instead of in Latin or Greek. 
 
 He then proceeds to enumerate the studies in the German school ; 
 as, to read German, to write well, to reckon, so far as ordinary life 
 will require, to measure, to sing common melodies, to learn certain 
 songs by rote, the catechism, and the Bible, a very general knowledge 
 of history, especially of the creation, the fall of man, and the re- 
 demption ; a beginning of cosmography, and a knowledge of trades 
 and occupations. All these are necessary, not only for those who are 
 to be students, but also for future farmers, mechanics, <fec. The Ger- 
 
 * " I can not refrain from reproving the apish and asinine conduct of some parents to- 
 ward their children. 
 
 t Opp. did. 172. 
 
 J At a subsequent period Comenius found fault with himself for having written his Vesti- 
 bidum'm Latin, "nota docendo per ignota, vernaculum per Latinam. Quicquid nottus est 
 praecedat, vernacula Lafinae semper praetat." Opp. did. 4. 51. 
 
374 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 man school should be divided into six classes, and for each class a 
 text-book should be prepared in German. 
 
 C. The Latin School 
 
 Here are to be learned four languages, and the seven studies of the 
 Trivium and the Quadrivium ; grammar, dialectics and rhetoric ; and 
 arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. Also physics, chronol- 
 ogy, history, ethics, and biblical theology. The school is to be di- 
 vided into the six following classes, to pass through which will require 
 six years : 1. grammar, 2. physics, 3. mathematics, 4. ethics, 5. dia- 
 lectics, 6. rhetoric. 
 
 The scholars are to finish their studies in German and Latin, and to 
 gain a sufficient grammatical knowledge of Greek and Hebrew. 
 
 Dialectics and rhetoric, says Comenius, are to be learned only after 
 a knowledge of real things has been acquired. Without the knowl- 
 edge of things, it is impossible for one to speak practically upon 
 them.* He places physics before the abstract mathematics, as ad- 
 dressed to the senses, and, therefore, easier for beginners.f 
 
 D. The University. 
 
 Although, Comenius says, his method does not extend to the univer- 
 sity, yet he will express a few views concerning it. For a university he 
 would have a universal course of study, and an examination of all 
 students entering, to determine for what pursuit each is best fitted, 
 &c. He has one remarkable recommendation ; to found a schola 
 scholarum or collegium didacticum, for those of all countries. The 
 learned men, members of this, should bind themselves to use their 
 united powers to promote the sciences, and to make new discoveries. 
 He thus suggests the idea of an academy of sciences, before the Royal 
 Society of London, the first academy of the kind, was established ; 
 following Bacon, however, in this also. 
 
 B. Schola pansophica. 
 
 In 1650, as before related, Comenius was invited to Patak in Hun- 
 gary, to reorganize the schools there. The plan which he drew up 
 bears the strange title, Scholae pansophicae delineatio.% And the 
 plan itself is strange. The names of the seven classes are, in part, 
 given upon very singular grounds. The school books of the three 
 lower classes, the vestibularis, janualis and atrialis^werQ the Vestibu- 
 lam, Janua, Atrium. After the Atrium came, as class fourth, the 
 
 * Ut virginem non impraegnatam parere imposaibile est, Ha res rationabiliter eloqui impoa 
 sibile eum, qui re.rum cognilione praeimbutus non est. 
 
 t Apparently following Bacon's remark, " Mathematica quae philosophiam naturalem ter 
 minare, non generare out procreare debet." Nov. Org. 1, 96. 
 
 t Opp did. 3, 20. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 375 
 
 philosophical ; then the logical, political, and theological or theosophi- 
 cal. These seven classes were arranged to occupy the seven years 
 from the tenth to the seventeenth. 
 
 From Comenius' plan, it appears that it was not his intention that 
 Latin and real studies, from the three above named books, should be 
 the only occupation of the three lower classes. The catechism, writ- 
 ing, arithmetic, geometry, and music, were to be added. 
 
 The idea of proceeding methodically from the elements forward, is 
 to be recognized everywhere. The first class is to study geometry, 
 with points (!) and lines ; the second with plane figures, and the third 
 with solids.* 
 
 In the fourth class, Greek was to be studied, and Latin quite passed 
 over ; so that it was in the fifth that the Latin authors were first to 
 be read, for the purpose of acquiring a style.f 
 
 In each week Comenius set apart an hour for the reading of the 
 newspapers of the day,J in order to learn cotemporary history and 
 geography. Sacred music was to be sung daily, and no one not even 
 of noble birth, was to be excused ; and specified hours were set for 
 choral music. 
 
 Plays and gymnastics, he says, are so far from being to be forbid- 
 den, that they are rather to be promoted ; as, for instance running, 
 jumping, wrestling, ball, ninepins, &c. ; and walks are to be taken 
 *vith the boys. 
 
 Comenius strongly recommends dramatic exhibitions, among other 
 reasons, because the boys will learn " to act well any part." He, 
 however, forbids the immodest pieces of the ancients, and instead, 
 recommends other strange ones, which may be played by the classes. 
 Thus, the fourth class may play Diogenes, the Cynic, or Compendi- 
 ous Philosophy. " The fifth," he says, " may give a very beautiful play, 
 namely, the Contest of Grammar, Logic and Metaphysics, who strive 
 for the preeminence, and in the end kiss each other in a friendly 
 manner, thus showing how they will all labor wisely together in the 
 realm of wisdom, which drama, including fifty persons, is very de- 
 lightful." The sixth class is to represent Solomon, and the Seventh 
 David. 
 
 The walls of the school-room of each class are to be ornamented 
 with pictures and inscriptions, relating to the employments of the 
 classes. 
 
 * These examples indicate the same error which afterward appeared in the Pestalozzian 
 school. 
 
 t " Verba rara, phrases pulchras, imprimis eriam sententias elegantes, et sic succum om- 
 tiem extrahant, aus Cicero, Sallust, &c." 
 
 + Ib.,28. " praelegantur ordinariae mercatorum novellae." The Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus, 
 inr example 
 
376 JOHN A MOS COMENIUS. 
 
 The whole school and each single class, should represent a repub- 
 lic, and should have a senate, consul, and praetor. 
 
 Of the hours of study, three should come in the forenoon and 
 three in the afternoon, and between each two study hours, a half 
 hour of recess should come. 
 
 Only the three lower classes of the pansophistic school went into 
 operation ; the Hungarian nobility not approving of the four others, 
 which very much grieved Comenius. " When only patchwork is re- 
 quired," he says, " a more complete course of study is impossible ; 
 and nothing new can come to pass when people stick to their old hab- 
 its." He, however, accommodated himself to his station, and com- 
 posed the treatises " upon an easy, short, and convenient way to read 
 the Latin authors fluently and to understand them clearly, in schools 
 of three classes."* 
 
 VIII. LATIN AND THE MOTHER TONGUE. 
 
 According to Comenius, the mother tongue was to be studied. 
 For this purpose he required a schola vernacula, through which each 
 child was to pass, whether afterward to become a student or not. If 
 he was, then he was to go from the schola vernacula into the schola 
 Latina. He expresses himself most strongly opposed to the neglect 
 of the mother tongue, and speaks with approbation of Schottel and 
 the Society of Usefulness, who devoted themselves to the German. f 
 
 Why did he insist upon having Latin so diligently studied by the 
 boys ? His strictness in this respect was not surpassed by that of 
 Trotzendorf or Sturm, who altogether neglected the German. Come- 
 nius requires from the boys " daily, even hourly exercises in Latin 
 style ;" and imitation of Cicero even to entire Ciceronization, and the 
 constant speaking of Latin, both in and out of school.]) 
 
 His object was that Latin should become a universal language upon 
 the earth, as an antidote against the confusion of tongues at BabeL 
 What the Romish church sought for the unity of the church, Come- 
 nius sought for the unity of humanity ; that all nations should be 
 able to understand each other by means of a common speech. 
 
 He laid down the principle, that the Latin must be understood in 
 its fullest extent. By this, however, he did not mean that every 
 man must understand every word of the language. Even Cicero 
 himself did not understand the expressions of artizans ; and very rea- 
 sonably, because he had not studied their business. In like manner, 
 we do not blame any one for not understanding similar expressions in 
 
 * Opp. did. 3, 113. The treatise is dated 1651 ; and includes many things which ComeniuB 
 u*d already said in the Methodus Novissima. 
 
 t Opp. did. 2, 219. Jib., 204, 205. Ub., 152. &c. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 3 77 
 
 his own language. But what he means by the understanding of the 
 language in its whole expression is, an understanding according to 
 each man's own condition and necessities. All must understand the 
 common portions of the language, and, in addition to this, the apoth- 
 ecary must know the technical terms of medicine, the theologian 
 those of theology, &c.* 
 
 Comenius has not remained true to this correct principle in his 
 school books. They are crammed with esoteric and technical ex- 
 pressions, which are expected to serve the purposes of general educa- 
 tion. He has collected, with inexpressible industry, a multitude of 
 phrases in trade-Latin and market-Latin, it is difficult to say whence ; 
 and many of them are, probably of his own composition. Such La- 
 tin, Doderlein himself would never understand ; and he would usual- 
 ly seek in vain for aid from the lexicon. Take, for instance, the chap- 
 ter on baking, butchering, or cooking. In the Latin we read ; " Pla- 
 centarum species sunt ; similae, spirae, crustulae, lagana, liba, scribli- 
 tae, (striblitae,) teganitae, globuli, boletini, obeliae, tortae, artoereata." 
 Comenius had good reason for adding a translation here; the kinds 
 of cake are, wheat bread, pretzels, iron-cakes, pan-cakes, short-cakes," 
 &c. The poor boys are to be pitied who had to study such words as 
 lucanicae, botuli, tomatula, hillae, apexabones, tuceta, isicia, <fec. And 
 for what purpose are they to be studied ? to talk Latin to the butch- 
 er ? and if native Germans were to be addressed in classical Latin, 
 what should they say in reply ? in fact, what have been their criti- 
 cisms upon the Latin of the Janua reserata? " Scatet barbarismis 
 Janua" says Morhof, for instance. Comenius allowed that boys and 
 even men know as little of most of the technical terms in their na- 
 tive language, as Cicero did of those in his. Why, therefore, does 
 he lay upon the boys the unendurable labor of learning them all in 
 Latin ? Even if Latin were to become the universal language of all 
 nations, of which there is not the remotest prospect, it is altogether 
 impossible that a German butcher would be able to converse with a 
 Turkish or Japanese butcher, in Comenian butchers' Latin. 
 
 Eventual!}^ therefore, the Latin of one-third and, probably, of one- 
 half, of the Orbis Pictus, is of no use to the scholar ; so that the half 
 of the book would be of more value than the whole. 
 
 But what was it that caused Comenius to write so superfluous a 
 
 * See Didactica Magna, p, 127 ; where Comenius, agreeably to our citation from the Mf.th' 
 odus Nnvissima, says ; ' Thence it follows, that the knowledge of the whole of a language is 
 not necessary to any one ; and that if any one undertakes it, he will only make himself ridic- 
 ulous and silly. For Cicero himself, even, did not know the whole of the Latin language ; 
 he himself, confessed that he was ignorant of the technics of artizans; he had never sought 
 the conversation of shoemakers, butchers, and the like, to examine their operations and to 
 learn the names of all their works and tools. And to what end would he have learned them 1" 
 
378 JOHN AMOS COMEN1US. 
 
 school book, in opposition to the principle which he himself had laid 
 down ? I think it was his view of the parallelism between things 
 and words. A world of language corresponding to a world of things 
 was the ideal before his mind.* And if the Orbis Pictus was to in- 
 clude the whole real world, the verbal explanation of the illustrations 
 in it must be equally comprehensive. 
 
 IX. METHODUB NovissiMA.f 
 
 Twenty years after Coraenius wrote the Didactica Magna, he pub- 
 lished the Methodus Novissima, which he had written on the requisi- 
 sition of Chancellor Oxenstiern. This work has not the freshness 
 and boldness of the Didactica, but is constructed upon a more reg- 
 ular plan. In truth it was intended to be a plan of studies ; to con- 
 tain the principles which must lie at the basis of every rational plan 
 of study .J 
 
 In this work Comenius names, as the three chief principles of his 
 method, the parallelism of things and words, the uninterrupted suc- 
 cession of introduction, and the easy, natural, and rapid progress 
 made by his system ; the scholar being kept in continual activity. 
 " If the method," he says, ** could be as clearly written out as it lies 
 in my thoughts, it would be like a well made clock, that goes on stead- 
 ily, and, by its movements, marks out the hours for sleeping and for 
 all occupations, without varying ; and, if it does vary, is easily set 
 right again. || 
 
 The mind thinks, the tongue speaks, the hand makes ; hence 
 sciences of things, and arts of working and speaking. 
 
 In God are the ideas, the original types, which he impresses upon 
 things ; things, again, impress their representations upon the senses, 
 the senses impart them to the mind, the mind to the tongue, and the 
 tongue to the ears of others, by a bodily intercourse ; for souls, shut 
 up in bodies, can not understand each other in a purely intellectual 
 
 Any language is complete, in proportion as it possesses a full no 
 menclature ; has words for every thing ; as the signification of its 
 words are consistent ; and as it is constructed after fixed grammatical 
 laws.** 
 
 It is a source of errors, when things are made to accommodate 
 themselves to words, instead of words to things.ff 
 
 * " Condendam suademus rerum et verborum tabulaturam quandam universalem, in qua 
 nrandi fabrica tola et sermonis humani apparatus totus, parallele disponantur." Opp. did. 
 2,53. 
 
 t Opp. did. 2,1, Ac. 
 
 J Various extracts from the Methodus will be given in the proper place 
 
 Ib.211. lib. 14. lib.. 24. **Ib.50. tUb. 52 
 
JOHN AMOS COMEMUS. 3*79 
 
 The same classification prevails for words as for things ; and who- 
 ever understands the relation of words among themselves, will, so 
 much the more easily, study the analogous relations among things.* 
 
 The most complete language, says Vives, would be that in which 
 the words express the nature of things, such as must have been the 
 speech of Adam, in which he gave names to things. Comenius be- 
 lieved that there could be composed a real language, in which each 
 word should be a definition, and which, even by its nouns, should re- 
 present the nature of the things spoken of.f 
 
 To know, isj to be able to represent any thing, either by the 
 mind, or the hand, or the tongue. For all is done by such repre- 
 senting and imagining of the pictures of things. If, for instance, 
 I perceive a thing by the senses, its image is impressed upon the 
 brain ; if I represent a thing, I impress its image upon the material. 
 But if I express in words the thing which I have thought of or re- 
 presented, I impress it upon the atmosphere, and through this upon 
 the ear, brain and mind of another. The first kind of representation 
 is called scire, wissen; the second and third kinds are called scire, 
 kbnnen. Thus, Comenius includes in one idea of representation, 
 knowing, the power of representing and the art of speaking. To 
 know is to him a mode of representing in which the individual holds 
 himself in a receptive condition, and the mind receives impressions 
 through the senses, like a living daguerreotype plate. Such is his 
 process of conception. Opposed to this is a process of expression, in 
 which the mind performs its creative operations by the arts of repre- 
 sentation and speech. 
 
 In every thing known, continues Comenius, there are three things ; 
 which he calls Idea, Idea-turn, and Ideans. Idea is the original image, 
 (Imago archetypal) of the object of knowledge ; Ideatum the con- 
 ception, the product of the knowledge ; and Ideans the producing 
 instrument, the sense, the hand, the tongue. 
 
 To learn, is to proceed from something known, to the knowledge 
 of something unknown ; in which there are also three things, viz., 
 the unknown, the known, and the mental effort to reach the unknown 
 from the known. 
 
 * Meth nov. , 62. tlb.,67,68. 
 
 Jib., 94. This difficult passage is, in the original, " Scire est aliquid effigiare posse; seu 
 mente, seu manu, seu lingua. Omnia enim fiunt effigiando. seu imaginando, h. e. imagines 
 et simulacra rerum effingendo. Nempe cum rem sensu percipio, impritnitur imago ejus ce- 
 rebro. Cum similem efficio, imprimo imaginem ejus materiae. Quando vero id quod cogito, 
 aut efficio, lingua enuntio, imprimo ejusdem rei imaginem ae'ri, et. per aerem alterius auri, 
 cerebro, meiiti. Primo modo imaginari dicitur Scire, Wissen : secundo, et tertio posse im 
 aginari, dicitur Scire, Konnen." 
 
 Ib., 95. 
 
380 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 Every thing is to be learned by examples, rules and practice. Be- 
 fore the understanding, truth must be held up as the example ; before 
 the will, the good ; and before the forming powers, the possible ; and 
 to this must be added practice, under the government of rules. Rules 
 should not be given before examples. Artizans understand this well. 
 None of them would give their apprentice a lecture upon his trade, 
 but would show him how he, the master, went about it, and then 
 would put the tools into his hands, and show him how to do the like, 
 and to imitate himself.* Doing can only be learned by doing, writ- 
 ing by writing, painting by painting. 
 
 A second pointf must not be undertaken until the first is learned ; 
 and, with the second, the first must be repeated. 
 
 Learning;]; is by steps, and proceeds from the easy to the difficult ; 
 from little to much ; from the simple to the compound ; from the 
 nearer to the more distant ; from the regular to the anomalous. 
 
 We first proceed toward knowledge by the perception and under- 
 standing of the present, and afterward go on from the present to the 
 absent, by the information of others. 
 
 Sight will supply the place of demonstration. It is good to use 
 several senses in understanding one thing.|| A thing is understood 
 when one comprehends its inward nature as well as he does its out- 
 ward nature, by his senses. To this inner conception are requisite a 
 healthy, intellectual perception, a distinct subject, and deliberate 
 consideration.^]" 
 
 The attention should be fixed upon only one object at a time ; and 
 upon the whole first and the parts afterward. 
 
 By the understanding, are compared the original object and its re- 
 presentation. (Ideatum cum idea.)** 
 
 The memory has three offices ; to receive, to retain, and to recol- 
 
 leettt 
 
 The subject to be apprehended must be clear, consistent, and or- 
 derly ; the faculty to be directed to it must not be too full of impress- 
 ions, which are liable to confuse each other ; it must be calm, direct- 
 ed only to one thing, and that with love, (animo affectuoso,) or rever- 
 ence. 
 
 Retaining will be made easier by repetition, extracts, etc. ; recol- 
 lecting by means of the inner relations of things. 
 
 The youngest must be instructed in visible things ; pictures impress 
 themselves upon their memory most firmly ;JJ for these are suitable 
 examples, copies, but not abstract rules. 
 
 * Meth. nov., 103, 129. fib., 106. Jib., 109. Ib., 113. lib., 114. ITIb.,116. 
 ** Ib., 120. ttlb., 121. Ib., 132. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 The teacher should not be intellectually too quick ; or if he be, let 
 him learn patience.* Cicero says well, that the more skillful and in- 
 tellectual the teacher is, the more irritably and impatiently will he 
 teach ; since it will annoy him to see his scholars slow in learning 
 what he learned quickly. 
 
 The scholars who learn quickest are not always the best.f 
 
 The scholar's indolence must be made up by the teacher's industry. 
 
 Beginners must keep strictly to the copy ; those more advanced 
 may go on more independently of it ; beginners must work slowly, 
 and the more advanced faster and faster. 
 
 Whoever wishes to teach rapidly, must fasten his eyes at once up- 
 on his object, and go straight toward it, without regarding collateral 
 points; must have all his instrumentalities ready at hand; and one 
 and the same method for all studies ; so that his scholars need not 
 be required, at the same time, to undertake new matter and new 
 forras.J 
 
 Learning will become easy to the scholars, if their teacher lin- 
 ages them in a friendly manner, and according to the dispositions of 
 each one ; if he explains to them the object of their work ; not only 
 makes them look on a lesson, but take part in the work and conver- 
 sation ; and is careful to have a proper variety. 
 
 To teach thoroughly! are necessary, distinct, carefully chosen illus- 
 trations and copies, reliable rules, and persevering drill ; solid founda- 
 tions of knowledge, a judicious continuation of it, and completeness, 
 examining and repetition. It is of especial importance that every 
 scholar be made himself to teach. Fortius says that he learned much 
 from his teachers, more from his fellow scholars, and most from his 
 own scholars. 1 ]" 
 
 The school is a manufactory of humanity ; it ought to work its 
 subjects into the right and skillful use of their reason, speech and 
 talents for occupation ; into wisdom, eloquence, readiness, and shrewd- 
 ness. 
 
 Thus will the teacher shape these little images of God, or rather 
 fill up the outlines of goodness, power and wisdom impressed upon 
 them by the divine power.** 
 
 The art of teaching is no shallow affair, but one of the deepest 
 mysteries of nature and salvation. 
 
 X. UNUM NECESSARIOM. 
 
 As we have looked back upon the predecessors of Comenius, so we 
 
 * Meth. nov., 133. t Ib., 134. Jib., 139, &c. Ib., 142, &c. | Ib., 145. 
 
 u Ib , 150. Saepe rogare ; rogata tenere ; retenta docere. Haectria discipulum faciunt su- 
 perare magistrum. 
 
 ** Ib.. 251 
 
382 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 may look forward for a glance at his followers. Erasmus, Vives, Cam- 
 panella, and especially Bacon, had, as we have seen, great influence 
 upon him. A fifth stands in still closer relation to him, both in time 
 and intellectual connection ; namely, Wolfgang Ratich.* Many of 
 Comenius' principles seem to have been taken from Ratich. Among 
 these are, the recommendation of the natural method instead of the 
 prevailing unnatural one, the insisting upon the study of the mother 
 tongue, the rejection of punishment in instruction, the preference of 
 practice over theoretical rules, the acquisition of a knowledge of sub- 
 stances before the analytical treatment of their accidents, &c. By a 
 comparison of our descriptions of the characters of Ratich and Co- 
 menius, the reader will find still other similarities, and also important 
 differences. Although, for example, both were Christians; Ratich 
 was a decided adherent of the Lutheran confession, while Comenius' 
 highest ideal was a union of all confessions. Ratich's method of 
 teaching Latin is entirely different from Comenius' ; for while the lat- 
 ter requires every scholar to be continually taking an active part in 
 the instruction, Ratich makes the teacher only read, and imposes up- 
 on the scholar a Pythagorean silence. 
 
 The influence of Comenius upon later pedagogues, and especially 
 upon the Methodians, is immeasurable. It is often difficult to judge 
 whether they knew him, or in their own way discover the same 
 things. In Rousseau, Basedow, and Pestalozzi, we shall find much 
 that is entirely in agreement with Comenius, of which, however, I 
 will not here anticipate my description. In the course of this history 
 I shall have frequent occasion to mention this extraordinary man, for 
 the reason that his works contain the germs of so many later devel- 
 opments. 
 
 Comenius is a grand and venerable figure of sorrow. Wandering, 
 persecuted and homeless, during the terrible and desolating thirty 
 years' war, he never despaired ; but with enduring and faithful truth, 
 labored unweariedly to prepare youth, by a better education, for a 
 better future. His undespairing aspirations seem to have lifted up, in 
 a large part of Europe, many good men, prostrated by the terrors of 
 the times, and to have inspired them with the hope, that by a pious 
 and wise system of education, there would be reared up a race of 
 men more pleasing to God. Adolph Tasse,f a learned professor at 
 Hamburg, writes : " In all the countries of Europe, the study of a 
 better art of teaching is j ursued with enthusiasm. Had Comenius 
 
 * Comenius. as we have related, applied to Ratich by letter, for information respecting the 
 hitter's method, but received no answer. He, however, knew Helwig's Report ; and proba 
 oly the Methodus institutionis nova Ratichii et Ratichianorum, which appeared in 1C26. 
 
 t Tasse, author of many mathematical works, died 1654. The letter seems to be dated, 1610. 
 Opp. did., 1. 155. 
 
JUHN AMOS COMENIUS. 383 
 
 attempted nothing more than to sow such a seed of suggestions in 
 the souls of all, he would have attempted enough." 
 
 I have mentioned that Comenius wrote, in his 77th year, a Con- 
 fession, from which we may become acquainted with his piety, his 
 deep love, his unwearied aspirations to do good in the most various 
 ways. The title of this book is, " The one thing needful to know ; 
 needful in life, in death, and after death, which the old man, Amos 
 Comenius, weary with the uselessness of this world, and turning to 
 the one thing needful for himself, in his 77th year, gives to the world 
 to consider." I will conclude my description with an extract from* 
 this remarkable book.* 
 
 " I have described the universal labyrinthf of the human race ; 
 shall I now record my own errors ? I would pass them over in silence^ 
 did I not know that there have been spectators of my deeds and of 
 my sorrows ; did I not fear to cause scandal by errors not repaired. 
 But since God gives me a heart desirous of serving the common good, 
 and has caused me to play a public part ; and, since some of my ac- 
 tions have been blamed, I have thought it necessary to make mention 
 of it, to the end that, although some have thought me, or still think 
 ine, a model of forwardness and gratuitous pains, they may see, by 
 my example, how a man may err with the best intentions, and rnay 
 learn, by my recollections, either to avoid the same, or, like me, to 
 repair them. The apostle says, ' For whether we be beside ourselves, 
 it is to God ; or whether we be sober, it is for your cause.' This 
 ought every true servant of God to apply to himself, so that if he has 
 committed any error, he may confess it to God, and if he has learned 
 to amend it, ho. may, as soon as possible, make use of his knowledge. 
 
 " I also thank God that I have, all my life, been a man of aspira- 
 tions. And, although he has brought me into many labyrinths, yet 
 he has so protected me that either I have soon worked my way out 
 of them, or, he has brought me by his own hand, to the enjoyment 
 of holy rest. For desire after good, if it is always in the heart, is a 
 living stream that flows from God, the fountain of all good. The 
 blame is ours if we do not follow the stream even to its source, or to 
 its outflow into the sea, where is fullness and satiety of good. Yet, be- 
 sides, by the goodness of God, who always brings us through the many 
 errors of our labyrinths, by the sacred Ariadne's clue of his wisdom, 
 in the end, back again into himself, the spring and ocean of all good. 
 
 * The Latin title of the book, which lies before me, is: " Unum necessariuin in vita et 
 morte et post mortem, quod non-necessariis mundi fatigatus et ad unum necessarium sese 
 recipiens senex J. A. ("omenius anno aetati suae 77 mundo expendendum offert. Terent 
 Ad omnia aetate sapimus rectius. Edit Amstelodami 1668, nunc vero recusum Lipsiae 1734." 
 
 t In the beginning of the book he explains the story of the labyrinth of Minos, as an in- 
 structive picture of the manifold errors of man ; hence the frequent references to it. 
 
384 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 To me, also, this has happened ; and I rejoice, that after so innume 
 rable longings after better things, I have always been brought -nearer 
 to the end of all my wishes ; since I see that all my doings hitherto 
 have been the mere running up and down of a busy Martha, (yet 
 from love to the Lord and his children !) or a change from running 
 to rest. But now, at last, I lie with Mary at the feet of Jesus, and 
 say, with David, ' This is my delight, that I believe in God !' 
 
 "One of my chief employments has been the improvement of 
 schools ; which I undertook, and continued for many years, from the 
 desire to deliver the youth in the schools, from the difficult labyrinth 
 in which they are entangled. Some have held this business foreign 
 to the office of theologians ; as if Christ had not connected together 
 and given to his beloved disciple, Peter, at the same time, the two 
 commands : * Feed my sheep,' and, * Feed my lambs !' To him, my 
 everlasting love, I give everlasting thanks that he has put into my 
 heart, and blest, such a love to his lambs, that things have turned out 
 as they have. I hope and confidently expect it from my God, that 
 my plans will come into life, now that the winter of the church is 
 over, the rain has been heard, and the flowers are springing in the 
 land ; when God shall give to his flock shepherds after his own heart, 
 who will feed not themselves, but the Lord's flock ; and when the 
 enmity which is directed against the living, shall cease, after theii 
 death. 
 
 " My second wearisome and difficult labyrinth was, my labors after 
 peace ; or my desire to unite together, if it should please God, the 
 parties of Christians who were contending together over various arti- 
 cles of faith, in a most harmful manner ; which effort cost me much 
 pains. Upon this subject, I have not committed any thing to print ; 
 but may yet do it. That I have not published any thing, is by rea- 
 son of the implacableness of certain people, whose furious hatred true 
 friends thought it unadvisable for me to draw upon myself. But I 
 will yet publish it, for, after all, we must fear God rather than men.* 
 Our times have been like the experience of Elias upon Horeb, when 
 be did not dare come forth from the cave, by reason of the storm- 
 wind, the fire and the earthquake from before the Lord. But the 
 time will come when Elias shall hear the still small voice, and shall 
 recognize in it the voice of the Lord. To each one his own Babylon 
 yet seems beautiful ; and he believes it the very Jerusalem, which 
 must give precedence to none, but all to it. It is called insolence, if 
 any one, trusting in God and his own good purposes, dares to address 
 himself to the whole world, and to admonish it to amendment. We 
 
 * This work remained unaccomplished, on account of his death. 
 
JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 385 
 
 are all assembled together upon the great theatre of the world, and 
 what happens here or there concerns all. We are all one great 
 family. By the same right by which one member of a family comes 
 to another for help, ought we to be helpful to our fellow men. The 
 whole of the Holy Scripture preaches love of our neighbor, and sound 
 reason teaches the same. Socrates died, rather than not to teach 
 goodness ; and Seneca says, that if wisdom were to be given him for 
 himself only, and he were not to communicate it to any other, he 
 would rather not have it. 
 
 " Besides this, I fell, but, according to the will of God, into another 
 strange labyrinth : in that I published the divine prophecies which 
 have been accomplished down to our times, under the title, Lux in 
 tenebris, or e tenebris. This brought upon me much pains and labor, 
 and also much fear, enmity, and hate ; and I was derided for my cre- 
 dulity. Although some of these prophecies may not come to fulfill- 
 ment, I shall avoid, being angry thereat, as Jonah was, to his sorrow. 
 For perhaps God has cause to change his purposes, or, at least, the 
 revelation* of them ; perhaps he chooses thus to show that without 
 him men know nothing ; in order, at a future time to show what he 
 can do without man, or by means of them, if he shall have brought 
 them into accordance with his own will. 
 
 " Where shall I now begin, after so many labyrinths and Sisyphian 
 stones, with which I have been played all my life ? Shall I say with 
 Elias : * Now, Oh Lord, take away my life from me, since I am no bet- 
 ter than my fathers ;' or with David : ' Forsake me not, Oh Lord, in 
 my age, until I shall have prophecied all that thine arm shall bring 
 to pass.' Neither, that I may not be unhappy with painful longing 
 for the one or the other; but I will have my life and death, my rest, 
 and my labor, according to the will of God ; and with closed eyes 
 will follow wherever he leads me, full of confidence and humility, 
 praying, with David : ' Lead me in thy wisdom, and at last receive 
 me into glory.' And what I shall do hereafter, shall happen no oth- 
 erwise than as if directed for me by Christ, so that the longer I live 
 the more I may be contented with what is needful for me, and may 
 burn up or cast away all that is unnecessary. Would that I were 
 soon to depart to the heavenly country, and leave behind me all 
 earthly things ! Yea, I will cast away all the earthly cares which I 
 yet have, and will rather burn in the fire, than to encumber myself 
 further with them. 
 
 "To explain this, my last declaration, more clearly, I say that a little 
 hut, wherever it be, shall serve me instead of a palace ; or if I have 
 
 no place where to lay my head, I will be contented after the example 
 25 
 
386 JOHN AMOS COMENIUS. 
 
 of my master, though none receive me under his roof. Or I will re- 
 main under the roof of the sky, as did he during that last night 
 upon the Mount of Olives, until, like the beggar Lazarus, the angels 
 shall receive me into their company. Instead of a costly robe, I will 
 be contented, like John, with a coarse garment. Bread and water 
 shall be to me instead of a costly table, and if I have therewith a few 
 vegetables, I will thank God for them. My library shall consist of 
 the threefold book of God ; my philosophy shall be with David, to 
 consider the heavens and the works of God, and to wonder that He, 
 the Lord of so great a kingdom, should condescend to look upon a 
 poor worm like me. My medicine shall be a little eating and frequent 
 fasting. My jurisprudence, to do unto others as I would that they 
 should do unto me. If any ask after my theology, I will, like the 
 dying Thomas Aquinas for I, too, shall die soon take my Bible, 
 and say with tongue and heart, * I believe what is written in this 
 book.' If he asks further about my creed, I will repeat to him the 
 apostolical one, for I know none shorter, simpler, or more expressive, 
 or that cuts off all controversy. If he ask for my form of prayer, I 
 will show him the Lord's Prayer ; since no one can give a better key 
 to open the heart of the father than his only son, his own offspring. 
 If any ask after my rule of life, there are the ten commandments ; 
 for I believe no one can better tell what will please God than God 
 himself. If any seek to know my system of casuistry, I will answer, 
 every thing pertaining to myself is suspicious to me; therefore I fear 
 even when I do well, and say humbly, * I am an unprofitable servant, 
 have patience with me !' 
 
 " But what will admirers of earthly wisdom say to this ? they will, 
 no doubt, laugh at the old fool, who, from the highest pinnacle of his 
 honors, falls to the lowest self-abasement. Let them laugh, if it 
 pleases them ; my heart will also laugh, that it has escaped from 
 error. ' I have found the harbor, farewell fate and Accident i* says 
 the poet. I say, I have found Christ ; depart, ye vain idols ! He is 
 all to me. His footstool is more to me than all the thrones of the 
 earth, and his lowliness more than all grandeur. It seems to me that 
 I have found a heaven below the heavens, since I see more clearly 
 than of old the footsteps of this guide toward heaven. To follow 
 these footsteps without departing from them, will be my surest way to 
 heaven. My life here was not my native country, but a pilgrimage ; 
 my inn was ever changing, arid I found nowhere an abiding resting 
 place. But now I see my heavenly country near at hand, to whose 
 gates my Leader, my Light, my Saviour, who has gone before, to 
 prepare a place for me in his father's house, has brought me. He 
 
PEDAGOGICAL WORKS OF COMENIUS. 3 gf 
 
 will soon come to take me to be where he is. Yea, Lord Jesus, I 
 thank thee, thou beginner and finisher of my faith, who hast brought 
 me, a foolish wanderer, straying a thousand ways from the direction 
 of my journey, diverted and delayed in a thousand by-occupations, so 
 far that now I see before me the bounds of the promised land, and 
 have only to cross the Jordan of death, to attain even unto thy love- 
 liness. I praise and glorify thy holy wisdom, O my Saviour, that 
 thou hast given me on this earth no home ; but that it has been for 
 me only a place of banishment and pilgrimage ; and I can say with 
 David, * I am thy pilgrim and thy citizen.' I can not say, like Ja- 
 cob, 'My days are few, and they attain not unto the days of my fa- 
 thers,' for thou hast caused it to come to pass that they surpass the 
 days of my father and my grandfather, and many thousands who 
 have passed with me through the desert of this life. Why thou hast 
 done this, thou knowest. I commit myself into thine hands. Thou 
 hast always sent an angel unto me, as unto Elias in the desert, with 
 a morsel of bread and a draught of water, that I should not die of 
 hunger and thirst. Thou has preserved me from the universal foolish- 
 ness of men, who always mistake pleasure for real good ; the road 
 for the destination; striving after rest; the inn for a home; and pil- 
 grimage for their country ; but me hast thou led, and even forced, to 
 thy Horeb. Blessed by thy holy name !" 
 
 PEDAGOGICAL WORKS OF COMENIUS. 
 
 1. JANUA LINGUARUM RESERATA AUREA SIVE SEMINARIUM LINGUARUM ET 
 SCIENTIARUM OMNIUM, hoc est, compendiosa Latiriam (et quamlibet aliam) linguam, 
 una cum scientiarum artium que omnium fundamentis, perdiscendi methodus, sub 
 titulis centum, periodis mille comprehensa. Editio postrema, prioribus castiga- 
 tior et mille eirciter vocabulis auctior, cum versione Germanica et Gallica, abso- 
 lutissimoque titulorum et vocum indice. Amstelodami apud Joannem Janssoni- 
 um. 1642. 
 
 I am not acquainted with the first edition. Comenius' preface is signed with 
 *' Scribebam in exilio 4 Martii. 1631." 
 
 2. PHYSICAE AD LUMEN DIVINUM REFORMATAE SYNOPSIS. Lipsiae, 1633. 
 
 3. ORBIS SENSUALIUM PICTUS, hoc est omnium fundamentalium in mundo re- 
 rum et in vita actionum, pictura et nomenclatura. Editio secunda, multo emaeu- 
 latior et emendatior. Noribergae typis et sumptibus Michaelis Endteri, 1659. 
 The visible world ; that is, the representation and names of all the principal 
 things of the world and occupations of life. 
 
 I am unacquainted with the first edition. Of the later ones, I have an Orbis 
 Pictus Quadrilinguis, in Latin, German, Italian, and French, which was edited by 
 Coutelle and published by Endter, in 1755. 
 
 4. OPERA DIDACTICA OMNIA, vai'iis hucusque occasionibus scripta, diversis que 
 locis edita, nunc autem non lantum in unum, ut simul sint, collecta, sed et ultimo 
 conatu in systema unum meehanice constructum, redacta. Amsterdam! impen- 
 sis D. Laurentii de Geer excuderunt Christophorus Conradus et Gabriel a Roy. 
 Anno, 1657. 4 vols., folio. 
 
 Volume I. contains the following, written between 1627 and 1642 : 
 
 1. De primis occasionibus quibus hue studiorum delatus fuit author, brevissima 
 relatio. 
 
 2. Didactica Magna. Omnes omnia docendi artificia exhibens. 
 
 3. Schola materni gremi, sive de provida juventutis primo sexennio educatione. 
 
388 PEDAGOGICAL WORKS OF COMENIUS. 
 
 4. Scholae vernaculae delineatio. 
 
 5. Janua Latinae linguae primum edita. (The first edition of the Janua.) 
 
 6. Vestibulum ei praestructa. 
 
 7. Proplasma templi Latinitatis Dav. Vechneri. 
 
 8. De sermon is Latini studio. 
 
 9. Prodromus Pansophiae. 
 
 10. Variorum de eo cerisurae, &c. 
 
 Volume II. contains treatises written from 1642 to 1650; especially those of 
 his Swedish engagement, viz. : 
 
 1. De novis didactica studia continuandi occasionibus. 
 
 2. Methodus linguarum novissima. 
 
 3. Latinae linguae vestibulum, rerum et linguae cardines exhibens. 
 
 4. Januae linguarum novissimae clavis, grammatica Latino-vernacula. 
 Volume III. contains treatises written by Comenius in Hungary, from 1650 to 
 
 1654, viz.: 
 
 1. De vocatione in Hungarian! relatio. 
 
 2. Scholae pansophicae delineatio. 
 
 3. De repertis studii pansophici obicibus. 
 
 4. De ingeniorum cultura. 
 
 5. De ingenia colendi primario instrumento, libris. 
 
 6. De reperta ad authores Latinos prompte legendos et clare intelligendos faci- 
 li, brevi, amoenaque via. 
 
 7. Eruditionis scholasticae pars 1. Vestibulum, rernm et linguae fundaments 
 ponens. ' 
 
 8. Eruditionis seholasticae pars II. Janua rerum et linguarum structuram ex- 
 ternam exhibens. This includes 
 
 a. Lexicon januale. 
 
 b. Grammatica janualis. 
 
 c. Janualis rerum et verborum contextus, historiolam rerum continens. This is 
 a revision of the Janua reserata, in one hundred chapters and one thousand para- 
 graphs, as in the first edition. 
 
 9. Eruditiones scholasticae pars III. Atrium, rerum et linguarum ornamenta 
 exhibens. This is, like the Janua, in one hundred chapters and one thousand 
 paragraphs, but one grade above it. 
 
 10. Fortius redivivus, sive de pellenda scholis ignavia. 
 
 11. Praecepta morum in usurn juventutis collecta. Anno 1653. 
 
 12. Leges bene ordinatae scholae. 
 
 13. Orbis Pictus. Merely a sort of announcement of the work. 
 
 14. Schola ludus ; hoc est, Januae linguarum praxis comica. This is, substan- 
 tially the contents of the Janua linguarum in the form of a dialogue. 
 
 15. Laborum scholasticorum in Hungaria obitorum coronis. An educational 
 address delivered at his departure from Patak, in 1654. 
 
 Volume IV. includes the treatises written by Comenius in Amsterdam, up to 
 the year 1 657, viz. : 
 
 1. Vita gyrus, sive de occasionibus vitae et quibus autorem in Belgium deferri, 
 iterumque ad iutermissa didactica studia redire contigit. 
 
 2. Parvnlis parvulis, omnibus omnia, hoc est, Vestibuli Latinae linguae aucta 
 rium, voces primitivas in sententiolas redigens. 
 
 3. Apologia pro Latinitate Januae linguarum. 
 
 4. Ventilabrum sapientiae, sive sapienter sua retractandi ars. 
 
 5. E scholasticis labyrinth us exitus in planum, sive machina didactica mechan- 
 ice constructs. 
 
 6. Latium redivivum, hoc est, de forma erigendi Latinissimi collegii, seu novae 
 Romanae civitatulae, ubi Latina lingua usu et consuetudine addiscatur. 
 
 7. Typographeum vivum, hoc est; arscom pendiose et tamen copiose ac ele- 
 ganter sapientiam non chartis sed ingeniis imprimendi. 
 
 8. Paradisus juventuti Christianae reducendus, sive optim us scholarum status, 
 ad primae paradisiacae scholae ideam delineatus. 
 
 9. Traditio lampadis, hoc est studiorum sapientiae Christianaeque juventutis et 
 scholarum, Deo et hominibus devota commendatio. 
 
 10. Paralipomena didactica. 
 
 It may be added, that Comenius revised an edition which appeared in 1661, 
 of the Theologia naturalis sive liber creaturarum of Raymundus de Sabunde. 
 
DUKE ERNEST THE PIOUS. 
 
 SCHOOL METHOD 1643. 
 
 DUKE ERNEST, founder of the House of Saxa-Gotha, was the first to 
 introduce the principles and methods of the Progressives into Common 
 Schools. In his efforts to repair the devastations of the war in his prin- 
 cipality, and improve the condition of the peasantry, he called to his 
 assistance Andrew Reyher, rector of a gymnasium in Schleusingen, 
 (born May 4th, 1601, in Heinrichs, near Suhl.) Reyher was intimately 
 acquainted with the principles of the greatest pedagogues of that time, 
 viz., Ratich and Comenius, and was, as a teacher, himself a represent- 
 ative of his age. The first thing the duke desired him to do was to draw 
 up a methodus docendi for the lower classes of the gymnasium, but 
 arranged in such a manner that it might be useful for the whole country. 
 Reyher, whose whole life had been devoted to nothing but " didacticae," 
 as he declared in his letter to the consistory of the duchy went vig- 
 orously to work at once. The duke faithfully assisted. Reyher relates : 
 " His Grace often caused me repeatedly to alter what I had written, until 
 I had at last satisfied him." The result of these combined labors was 
 received in Germany partly with derision, partly with astonishment and 
 enthusiasm. It bears the title : " School-method, or special and par- 
 ticular report, stating how, under the protection of the Lord, the boys 
 and girls of villages, and the children belonging to the lower class of the 
 population of towns, of this principality of Gotha can and shall be 
 plainly and successfully taught. Written by the order of his Grace the 
 Prince, and printed in Gotha by Peter Schmieden in the year 1642." This 
 manual of school method, republished with alterations in 1648, 1653, 
 1662, 1672, and 1685, contained minute regulations about every thing 
 that concerned schools and teachers, school superintendence and govern- 
 ment, parents and children. The manual consists of thirteen chapters. 
 Chapter /, treats of the nature of the schools in general; of the obligation 
 of the children to attend school, (there was at that time no legal obliga- 
 tion ;) of their admission when they had completed their fifth year ; of 
 attendance at school in Winter and Summer ; of vacations ; of the means 
 to obtain the school-books ; of a didactic and methodical instruction of 
 the teacher. It is interesting to meet here with the remark that the 
 teacher should pay particular attention to the poor and backward chil- 
 dren who do not get on very well in their studies, and further that the 
 teacher himself should, in pronouncing words, very carefully discriminate 
 between different letters which are vulgarly sounded alike. Chapter //, 
 treats of the instruction in the lowest class. It is laid down as a rule, 
 that the beginners should learn Bible verses, the Lord's prayer, the arti- 
 
390 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 cles of faith, the ten commandments, and morning and evening prayers. 
 The method of teaching the elements of reading is similar to that of 
 Ratich of Kolhen, with which the duke was familiar, Ratich having been 
 instructor to the duke's mother. The manual expects of this class that 
 the children should advance from spelling to reading in less than one 
 year. Chapter III, treats of the instruction in the intermediate class. 
 Here, too, we find extravagant demands made upon the children in the les- 
 sons in religion, Luther's catechism to be committed to memory, so also a 
 number of psalms, prayers in rhymes, &c. ; then follow instructions 
 about reading lessons. Penmanship is to be commenced and practiced ; 
 the teacher shall correct what is written, and pay particular attention to 
 orthography. In arithmetic, addition and subtraction shall be taught, 
 and the multiplication table practiced. Hymns are to be learned in the 
 singing lessons. At the close of the chapter, the reading lessons in this 
 class are again emphasized. Chapter IV-> treats of the instruction in the 
 upper class. The subjects of study are : Religion, reading, writing, 
 arithmetic, &c. Then follow special instructions for composition, and 
 themes for composition are recommended : such as points of doctrine, the 
 art of dying, certain prayers, and the secular sciences, e. g., family life, 
 laws of the country, politics, regulations for marriage, baptism, burial, and 
 dress; prohibition of hard drinking. In regard to orthography, the 
 methodus states : " If there should be any doubt about the proper spell- 
 ing of a word, either the minister or the reading- book, or particularly 
 the Bible, will decide the point in doubt." Chapter V, treats of the les- 
 sons in school-hours. For every school-hour a lesson is prescribed. 
 Thus : Monday morning, first hour, catechism, then recitation of hymns, 
 then examination about Sunday's sermon, &c. Chapter VI, treats of the 
 method to teach the catechism understandingly . The author takes the 
 same view that Luther first advanced in the preface to his smaller cate- 
 chism, viz., the children should thoroughly learn the catechism by heart, 
 every word ; later, (in the upper class,) that shall be explained which has 
 been firmly fixed upon the memory. The minister is expected to assist 
 the teacher once every week, and to give an explanation of parts of the 
 catechism in presence of the teacher. Chapter VII, treats of the manner 
 in which the sermon is to he remembered and examined. The children 
 shall assemble in the school-room at the first bell on Sunday morning, 
 and proceed, two abreast, with the preceptor, to church on the second 
 bell. There they shall pray, and write down the sermon, paying atten- 
 tion to (a,) the prefatory remarks; (&,) text and division ; (c,) treatment 
 of each point; (d,) the blessed application. Chapter VIII, treats of nat- 
 ural and other useful sciences, and how to teach them. This chapter, cer- 
 tainly the most interesting of the whole method, and remarkably 
 similar to the views of Amos Comenius, decides that this branch of 
 instruction shall begin when the children have done their other lessons. 
 Natural science should first be spoken of, and mensuration and surveying 
 shall only be taught to boys, (a,) Natural science : the teacher shall 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE-COBURG GOTIIA. 
 
 391 
 
 explain the length of an hour by an hourglass or sundial ; explain the 
 twelve signs of the Zodiac, the rising and setting of sun and moon. 
 Speaking of shooting stars and ignis fatuus, the teacher shall mention 
 the flying fire, called dragon, condemn all superstitions, and teach " that 
 it is not always the Evil One who plays with natural objects, but that 
 God also does so sometimes." When explaining thunder and lightning, 
 the preceptor shall fire a gun, and demonstrate that the flash is seen first 
 and the report heard later. In geography, he shall show the points of 
 the compass by stating that the altar of the church is always in the East, 
 that hence, when looking at it, West will be found in the rear, South on 
 the right, North on the left of the observer. Having comprehended this, 
 the children should observe the wind, and say from what point it blows. 
 The principal phenomena of earthquakes are to be explained. But the 
 children should become most intimately acquainted with herbs, trees, 
 and shrubs, and the preceptor should therefore use all his influence to 
 induce neighbors to grow such plants in their gardens, and also to obtain 
 dried and stretched plants to show them to the children, calling their 
 attention particularly to wood, willow, elder, &c. In Zoology the chil- 
 dren should learn to see in what one animal differs from another, e. g., a 
 frog from a toad, and the preceptor should take the children to a place 
 where a pig or any other animal is killed, point out and give the proper 
 names to the several parts, and remark that the bodies of animals agree 
 in many parts with that of man. (6,) In the chapter on things ecclesi- 
 astic and secular, the preceptor shall instruct the children about Thu- 
 ringia ; the difference between villages and towns ; what may be seen in 
 either, as ditches, water-mills, ramparts, hospitals, &c. And then (150 
 years before Pestalozzi) we find here the principle : " Every thing that 
 can be shown to children should be shown." The preceptor shall also 
 give information about government, courts of justice, laws, taxes, &c., of 
 merchants and pedlars, and make it understood what a blessing good 
 schools are. Lastly, the preceptor shall imprint on the children's minds 
 a number of good domestic rules, (e,) Among the other sciences, the 
 manual first mentions surveying. The teacher should not only give the 
 name of the measure and of the carpenter's rule, but show them. If 
 any thing is taught that can be drawn, like angles, circles, &c., the 
 teacher should first draw it on the tablet (blackboard,) and then cause 
 the children to imitate it. The measuring line, the plummet, the square, 
 the scale of reduction, &c., are to be explained. When speaking of cir- 
 cles, it should be shown that a string stretched round the crown of a hat 
 is a little more than three times its diameter. The children should 
 then be taught to measure and compute figures, being taken into gardens 
 and public places for the purpose. The same should be done with ref- 
 erence to casks and other hollow measures. To render the instruction 
 in natural philosophy effective, it is prescribed that there shall be kept in 
 every superintendent's office, a balance with weights, a lever, a number 
 of blocks with rollers and ropes, &c., with which the preceptor should 
 
392 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN FAXE COBURG-GOTHA 
 
 experiment. Chapter IX, speaks of Christian discipline and godliness. 
 The necessity of a good school-discipline is pointed out, aiid especially 
 the value of good example shown. In regard to punishments, it is de- 
 sired that the preceptor should not inflict punishment when angry ; he 
 should punish with temperance, and in mixed schools without offense to 
 the other sex. Chapter X, treats of the duties and of the conduct of the 
 children. The moral conduct of the children should engage the greatest 
 attention; they should regularly attend school, say devoutly their 
 prayers at morning, noon, and evening ; sit straight in school, never 
 walk negligently and stoopingly ; they must not eat, whisper, laugh, 
 play, or prompt ; must, when answering, speak distinctly, loud and not 
 too fast ; they must be always tidy, keep quiet at school, politely bow in 
 the street to all ecclesiastic and secular dignitaries ; when at play, not 
 quarrel or use bad language ; they must honor their parents, not steal, 
 not lie, not throw stones, not bathe cold, &c. Chapter XI, treats of the 
 preceptor's and assistants duties. He who teaches children should re- 
 member that to neglect a pupil is to commit a flagrant sin. He should 
 treat the children kindly, and show a hearty interest in them. All abu- 
 sive language is prohibited, and such words as scamp, thief, devil's child, 
 cur, &c., must not be used. Punishment is to be inflicted in this way : 
 the child is to be reprimanded and threatened, if the offense be not great ; 
 if this should not produce the desired effect, punishment should follow, not 
 however with sticks, books, keys, or fists ; nor is the delinquent to be 
 pulled by the hair, nor pushed, nor kicked ; but the rod is to be used, 
 more or less severely, according to circumstances. If the offense should 
 be too severe, the minister's decision should be requested. The pre- 
 ceptors are desired faithfully to use their gifts, bestowed on them by God ; 
 diligently to read the manual and to act accordingly ; to pay strict 
 attention to the sermon, and to live according to its precepts. He is ex- 
 pected to keep school very punctually, to keep careful account of the 
 absentees, to lead a godly, quiet, retired life, to keep good fellowship with 
 his colleagues, and to show due respect and obedience to his superiors, 
 viz., the superintendent, the assistant, the minister, and the other in- 
 spectors. Chapter XII, treats of the dutie* of parents and guardians. 
 Parents are obliged to send their children regularly and punctually to 
 school, and make them act as good children should. According to the 
 manual, a fine is to be levied of one groschen for every hour's absence, 
 for the first offense ; two groschen for the second offense, and so on to 
 six groschen for each hour's absence. The money thus collected by fines 
 shall be employed for the purchase of school-books, &c., for indigent 
 children. The chapter closes with an exhortation addressed to the 
 parents, to keep good discipline at home. Chapter XIII, treats of the 
 annual examination. There shall be held an examination every year, a 
 week before harvest, at which the teacher is 'required to exhibit minute 
 tables, showing the number of pupils, the proficiency and absences of 
 each child ; they shall also show how far the children have advanced in 
 
PUBLIC LNSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 393 
 
 the catechism, articles of faith, proverbs, psalms, reading, writing, sing- 
 ing, arithmetic, &c. ; they shall, lastly, show whether there has been any 
 deficiency of books, paper, pens, and ink. The superintendents or as- 
 sistants are instructed to have the last year's tables with them, to collate 
 them with those of the present year, and thus arrive, independently, at 
 a result about the progress of the children. Every child is required to 
 write a copy, do a sum, and read in the examination, in order to prove 
 that the report, as exhibited in the tables of the schoolmaster, corres- 
 ponds with the fact. The examination closed, the examiners shall pro- 
 nounce the u translocation," and give a vacation to the school. 
 
 These are the contents of the school-manual, (methodus,) the grandest 
 work of the many grand creations of Ernest the Pious, and that in a time 
 when life and property were trodden into the dust, and when licentious 
 mobs stubbornly resisted the establishment of schools a work which 
 was destined to be the foundation of a new edifice in Germany, because 
 A. H. Franke, (whose father was counselor to the duke,) carried into 
 effect subsequently the principles of the school-methodus in Halle, and 
 rendered it thus available for all schools. The new regulations were re- 
 ceived with laughter and derision in the principality of Gotha itself; yet 
 the duke was not disconcerted. He first obtained better teachers, built 
 twenty new school-houses as models, established a new school-inspection, 
 and charged rector Reyher to get the necessary school-books for teachers 
 and pupils. " The German Hornbook and Speller for children of the 
 principality of Gotha' 1 ' 1 was published, 1641; "The German Reader" 
 1642; and both were given gratis to each child, an instruction which is 
 still in force. Reyher published later the "Arithmetical" and (1656) 
 the " Short Instruction" in natural objects, in some useful sciences, in 
 ecclesiastic and secular institutions of the country, and in some domestic 
 prescripts;" and in 1655 he published some patterns of catechising on 
 penitence, the virtues and vices spoken of in the Ten Commandments, 
 on the va'ue of the holy communion, &c. When it was reported to the 
 duke that some teachers did not study satisfactorily for their self- 
 improvement, he issued an order that they should study arithmetic and 
 writing more earnestly, either by themselves or with their pastors, or the 
 inspectors of schools. To improve the domestic education of the chil- 
 dren, a "short instruction " was published, 1654, "on the behavior, &c., 
 of children," when going to school, at dinner, at home, in church, at 
 play, at supper, when going to bed, when in company of strangers, 
 on rising early, &c. This instruction was not only posted in every 
 village, but the duke decreed, May 1, 1654, that it should be read 
 in every school on examination day, in presence of the mayor, citizens, 
 and elders of every township. But it is not only for the inner improve- 
 ment of schools that the duke labored so honestly and faithfully ; it is 
 also astonishing how much he did to improve the material condition of 
 the teachers, by raising their salaries and their official position. Some 
 facts may find a place here. There existed till 1646, in the duchy of 
 
394 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 Gotha, the unreasonable custom, degrading to the teacher, by which he, 
 like the cowherd and night-watchman, was compelled to renew every year 
 the petition to be continued in his office and to receive again a few 
 groschen as an earnest (Leihkavf.) The duke put a stop to this practice 
 by the decree of August 7th, 1646, and ordered that the schoolmasters 
 should be appointed once for all by the proper authority. Nobody had 
 thought of caring for the teacher's widow and orphans until he, in 1645, 
 visiting a school in the bailiwic of Reinhardsbrunn, and finding the 
 teacher sick in bed, and yet faithfully and diligently instructing the chil- 
 dren, who were standing around him, resolved to institute a fund for 
 invalid teachers, and in case of death, their widows. And how much 
 did the pious prince do for the increase of the teachers' salaries! First, 
 he set aside, from his private property, a capital of 27,000 m. fl., at I 
 thalers Prussian,) partly for the increase of salaries, partly for the pur- 
 chase of spelling-books and readers for the children. Then, in 1650, he 
 prevailed upon the estates of the principality to vote three levies of taxes, 
 in three succeeding years, amounting in all to 30,750 m. fl., for the in- 
 crease of the ministers' and teachers' salaries; in 1660, when Henneberg 
 was annexed, he again devoted 20,000 m. fl., and subsequently increased 
 this foundation for other charitable purposes (orphans, poor, church and 
 school inspections) to 142.021 m. fl., 9 groschen, at that tinu an enor- 
 mous sum. He gave, moreover, from his private purse, additional 
 pay to those teachers who distinguished themselves by fidelity and 
 diligence in the performance of their duty. This amounted to l,657fl. 
 in 1666. Well, therefore, might the duke recite with great satisfaction 
 to Weller, minister of state at Dresden, on the 12th of August, 1653, that 
 every schoolmaster's salary in his country amounted at least to 50 fl. in 
 coin, (equal to 200 thalers Prussian money at present,) and besides a 
 house, two rations of bread grain, kitchen vegetables, wood, &c. This 
 was, in fact, a respectable salary at a time when a bushel of rye flour cost 
 1 m. fl., a bushel of barley 15 groschen, a bushel of oats 9 gr., a cord 
 of wood, l thalers, 20 eggs 5 gr., a yard of linen ( wide) 2 gr., 8 
 pfennigs. The duke, " mindful of his Christian duty and the heavy 
 responsibility before God's throne of judgment," considered the increase 
 of salary necessary. These improvements in the condition of the teach- 
 ers receive, however, their true lustre from the circumstance that the 
 duke was not induced to take these steps by personal vanity, but by true 
 devotion to God and true love of his people, and secondly from the cir- 
 cumstance that the duke proved how well he appreciated the hard labor 
 of faithful schoolmasters, " who, in their schools, lay the first foundation 
 of true Christianity, performing thus the most important and most dif- 
 ficult task ; wherefore they should receive a sufficient compensation." 
 As for himself, he had few wants ; he spent his income for others * " A 
 
 *Dr. A. Beck relates, in his Life of Ernest the Pious, (Weimnr, Bohlati,) the following charac- 
 teristic traits, illustrating the duke's economy: The duke wrote to bailiff Hackspnn, in Zella, 
 giving order that he should send a milch-cow to Reinhardsbrunn as a birth-day present to his 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 395 
 
 prince," he used to say, "must not only consider that Tie is a man, but 
 that his subjects too are men." Knowing all this, it is not to be won- 
 dered at that the people in all Germany said : " The duke's peasants are 
 more wide awake than citizens and noblemen elsewhere." The pious 
 duke, who, during his life, had not only been a praying-Ernest (Earnest) 
 but also a working-Ernest, (Earnest,) died on the 26th of March, 1675. 
 On his death-bed even, he admonished the officers of the State to keep up 
 good order and propriety in church and school. His body has moldered in 
 the tomb of Margaret church, but the memory of this just man remains 
 a blessing ! 
 
 After Ernest's death, the land was divided into seven portions, and Fred- 
 eric I, the late duke's eldest son, succeeded him as duke of Gotha- Alten- 
 burg. He governed from 1675 to 1691, and showed the deepest reverence 
 for his father's admirable institutions ; yet he did not realize the expect- 
 ations which the people had formed of the pious duke's son and successor. 
 He had the best will to further the condition of the common schools, but 
 he was deficient in insight, energy, and money. There were three causes 
 of the deficiency in money. Firstly, Frederic was but duke of Gotha- 
 Altenburg, and had therefore only two-sevenths of his father's income. 
 Secondly, he was wanting in the virtue of economy ; he spent too much 
 for his court, which he had established after the fashion of Louis XIV, 
 and expended a large portion of his revenues on the chase, the theatre, 
 fireworks, splendid dresses, expensive dishes, &c. But, thirdly, the 
 greatest portion of his revenue was swallowed up by an army, which he 
 raised to six regiments of cavalry and four of infantry ; an armed force 
 so extravagant that the German emperor, in 1691, grew suspicious of the 
 duke's hostile intentions toward him. Thus did the little country of 
 Gotha prove, what has later been confirmed by other and larger States, 
 that schools never flourish where the military is too much favored. The 
 common schools visibly deteriorated in Gotha, and alchemy, to which 
 the duke had devoted himself with great zeal and confidence, proved to 
 be incapable of procuring the means necessary for the prosperity of 
 schools. Nor was the son of Frederic I, duke Frederic IT, (from 1693 to 
 1732,) able to stop the decline of the common schools. He imitated, as 
 his father had done, the expensive court of Versailles, and, in spite of 
 the earnest remonstrances of the assembly, increased the annual expenses 
 for the army to 165,124 thalers, at that time an enormous sum. 
 The bad results of such extravagance could not be neutralized, either by 
 a supplement to the school-methodus, published in 1698, or by the other 
 decrees issued in the interest of the schools, e. g., 1701, directing school 
 statistics to be carefully kept; 1720, his grandfather's school-laws to 
 
 duchess, but that its price should not be higher than five florins. Once, when passing a night in 
 one of his castles, he extinguished two of the four candles placed in his chamber, and, observing 
 that the bailiff used two candles for himself, he extinguished one of them too, saying that these 
 were but sorry times. Luxury, he used to say, is an insatiable glutton ; expensive festivities, the 
 chase, theatres, ballets, fireworks, &c., are apt to be oppressive to the subjects of a prince. 
 
396 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXECOBURG GOTHA. 
 
 be read once every year in school; 1726, the children to be taught to 
 understand the difference between Catholics and Protestants, &c. Even 
 the ten seminaria scholastic^ founded by him in Friemar, Eschenbergen, 
 Ichtershausen, Wolfis, Leina, Tambach, Sattelstedt, Erfa or Friedrichs- 
 werth, Wangenheim, and Kranigfeld, were very soon discontinued, in 
 consequence of the want of money. 
 
 During the reign of duke Frederic III, (1732 to 1772,) the storm of the 
 Seven Years' War desolated the country, and it relapsed from the 
 condition of having no debt, as was the case at the death of duke 
 Ernest, into that of being overwhelmed with debt. The schools did 
 not improve, but quite the reverse ; misery and wretchedness prevailed 
 every where. Duke Ernest's school-manual existed still de jure, but 
 the common schools had received no encouragement. Their contin- 
 uance was all that had been cared for ; their gradual improvement had 
 been neglected. Thus it resulted that the teacher held the school- 
 method no longer in proper estimation, as it had become altogether 
 a forgotten document, interesting only to the antiquary. How fearful 
 the demoralization must have been, can be learned from the decrees 
 issued by Frederic III. Thus we read in the circular of the consistory, 
 (Sept. llth, 1741 :) "We have, with great displeasure, perceived that a 
 great many persons make teaching their profession without sufficient 
 cultivation of their faculties. Many of the teachers have employed inca- 
 pable masters to teach them a little instrumental and vocal music, which 
 is not an important requisite, but they are unable to awaken in the chil- 
 dren's heads a true understanding of the catechism, unable to jot down 
 the sermon, to hear the children recite, much more unable to give 
 instruction about any thing in nature. They know little of penmanship 
 and arithmetic, and yet, in spite of their ignorance, twenty apply for one 
 vacancy in a school, because, as they say, they have learned noth- 
 ing else by which to make a living. They do so from love of a com- 
 fortable life, and from fear of the plough ; but this must and shall be 
 stopped, and our most gracious duke has therefore pleased to decree 
 that you (superintendents) are required to select teachers from }'oung 
 men of ability, who will devote themselves for life and with enthusiasm 
 to this work, and to reject bungling boys," &c. How little such decrees 
 effected, and how little power the consistory possessed to give force to 
 such decrees, is shown by the number of monitory decrees of Oct. 11, 
 1746; July 7, 1750; Oct. 2, 1750; April 16, 1760. The chairs of the 
 teachers remained occupied by the poorest pupils of a gymnasium, dis- 
 charged corporals, bankrupt tradesmen, and, above all, by servants of 
 the household of a count, (patron of a school,) who had outlived their 
 usefulness in the family. They brought the once celebrated Gotha 
 schools into discredit. 
 
 These abuses were checked with a vigorous hand by duke Ernest IT, 
 of Gotha- Altenburg (1772 to 1804.) It was "Ernest the Wise," son of 
 Frederic III, who called, in 1783, Christian Gotthilf Salzrnann, teacher 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 39*7 
 
 of religion at the Philantropin in Dessau, to Gotha, and assisted him 
 most liberally in the establishment of the educational institute atSchnep- 
 fenthal in 1784, partly by a donation of 4,000 thalers, partly by the loan 
 of 5,000 thalers without interest, and partly by other privileges and 
 grants. It was Ernest II, the great contemporary of Joseph II, and in- 
 timate friend of Goethe and Herder, who founded, in 1780, the seminary 
 for teachers in Gotha, and appointed John Ernest Christian Haun, min- 
 ister to the orphan asylum, to be its senior teacher and " master of 
 method." It was Ernest II, the savant among contemporary princes, 
 who raised the Gotha schools again to eminence, and made them, for the 
 second time, patterns for all countries. As Ernest the Pious had em- 
 ployed Reyher for the execution of his reformatory plans, so Ernest II 
 employed Haun. The latter received his appointment as inspector of 
 the country schools in 1783, and it was his privilege and duty to subject 
 all schools, except the town-schools, to a vigorous and minute inspection. 
 Haun discharged this mission, during the eighteen years he held the 
 position, in a manner which does credit to his judgment as an educator, 
 and to his character as a man. Of a nature like Elias, inexorable and 
 unyielding, Haun rushed like a whirlwind into the corrupt Gotha schools, 
 cleansing them thoroughly from the chaff of incapable teachers. He was 
 not only a terror to all good-for-nothing teachers, but he performed a 
 more -meritorious work, viz., he applied his practical ability to the edu- 
 cation of a new generation of teachers, and cleared the way for the 
 introduction of the latest improvements into the common schools. Haun 
 required that any piece, singled out for declamation, should be explained 
 to the child before committing it to memory ; he desired clear under- 
 standing in place of senseless memory-work, and practical and logical 
 instruction in place of the old stupefying method. He abolished the 
 tyrannical school-discipline ; he forbade teachers to put irons around the 
 boys' necks, to cover them with mud, or to make them kneel on peas. 
 He punished those teachers severely who gave holydays without per- 
 mission. The old servants of noblemen, when not equal to the new work, 
 were superseded. In a short time the inert mass became animated with 
 life, and the germs of a new and better period began to develop every 
 where. It was but natural that Haun, "the wicked innovator," made many 
 enemies by his energetic proceedings ; yet it is to be regretted that his 
 worst enemies were just those who ought to have assisted him most vigor- 
 ously, viz., the clergy of the country. Their opposition assumed a shape 
 which we, in our days, can scarcely believe.* What the clergy, in alliance 
 with the worthless among the schoolmasters, could not effect, was tried 
 by the feudal lords and noble school-patrons. The counts and knights, 
 as well as the late Hohenlohe counselors, protested in the assembly 
 against any tax on church-property, to be applied as a contribution 
 toward the salary of the land-school inspector, and utterly refused to 
 employ those teachers who had been educated in Haun's seminary. But 
 
 * Second annual Report of the Gotha Seminary for teachers, p. 31, seq. 
 
398 
 
 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXECOBURG GOTHA. 
 
 Haun came out of all these struggles a victor. Thus was attained what, 
 twenty years before, would have been considered impossible, viz. : the 
 Gotha common schools were reconstructed from their very foundation, a 
 superior generation of teachers was educated, and sensible methods of 
 teaching were introduced. " The common-school methodus, or practical 
 instruction for inspectors and teachers of every kind of elementary 
 schools, also for private teachers ; illustrated by correct tables con- 
 structed by J. E. Christian Haun ; published (1801) by Geo. Adam 
 Keyser, in Erfurt," contains, according to a statement in the preface, a 
 description of the methods of teaching in the Gotha schools ; and ren- 
 ders it therefore a speaking witness of the spirit of that time. It would 
 lead too far to give here the contents of Haun's school methodus, but this 
 one remark may be allowed, that this work, tested by the pedagogic prin- 
 ciples of the period preceding and following, shows all the deficiencies 
 and merits which are peculiar to the deism and philanthropinism of the 
 last century, and that undoubtedly the schools which were taught ac- 
 cording to Haun's methodus, were the best of their time. The book, 
 in spite of the utilitarianism it displays, gives evidence of a strictly moral 
 spirit, a clear comprehension, a strict discrimination, earnest exertions, 
 and. above all, practical applicability. It is a pity that the indefatigable 
 Haun should have fallen so soon a sacrifice to his zeal and his exertions ; 
 he died, only 53 years old, March 22d, 1801. But it is much more to 
 be regretted that Haun's untimely death should have been followed by 
 a long pause in the development of the common schools. The Gotha 
 schools shine for a time, after duke Ernest's death, in the reflected light 
 of their past glory, but then disappear altogether from the history of edu- 
 cation. 
 
 As the party of reaction had seized upon the Gotha public schools 
 after the death of Ernest the Pious ; so did they now, after the death of 
 Ernest II. What was done in reference to schools under his successors, 
 down to the extinction of the line of Gotha's princes and to the consoli- 
 dation of Gotha with Coburg in 1826, is not worth mentioning. The 
 successors of practical Haun labored neither in the seminary nor as 
 inspectors of schools, in the spirit of sound pedagogic science. The mis- 
 take made was simply this, that those gentlemen were learned ecclesi- 
 astics, but certainly not practical educators, without a clear understanding 
 of the nature of schools, and without interest in their successful devel- 
 opment. Thus it- will be understood why Ernest's school-plan, though 
 still the law, was in fact neglected, and why Haun's school methodus was 
 not followed. Nobody caring for the monthly plans of lessons, the 
 public schools had, for a long time, no plan at all, no method what- 
 ever. Every one did what he liked, as he liked it, and because he 
 liked it. Voight's scientific text-book, which had been used in the 
 Gotha schools, was discarded by the consistory, "because it is un- 
 necessary to teach in elementary schools the German language, history, 
 and geography; the teaching of these branches make men neither better. 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA 
 
 390 
 
 nor wiser, nor more diligent, nor more happy." The School-Reader, 
 composed by superintendent-general Loeffler, was discarded with the 
 remark, " that instruction in religion by proverbs and verses, only, was 
 not sufficient ; that the articles of faith were passed over, and that morals 
 were not taught in detail." The principle of object-teaching was ridi- 
 culed ; a person of quality saying " that exercises in comparing and dis- 
 criminating visible objects, as a dwelling-house and a church, a sheep 
 and a goose, &c., were laughed at by the parents ; such objects could be 
 taken one for the other by a lunatic, only ; that there were invisible ob- 
 jects enough to exercise the understanding of children by, as moral 
 ideas, the difference between economy and stinginess, of mirth and wan- 
 tonness, &c." The post of an inspector of country schools was repealed 
 in 1817. The teachers were henceforth no longer specially inspected at 
 their ordinary work ; they passed again under the general control of 
 ecclesiastics, who took the school, for inspection, into their churches. 
 The local inspection by the local ministers was either altogether neg- 
 lected, or very rarely and superficially performed. Prussia and the 
 neighboring states of Thuringia, viz., Weimar, Meiningen, Rudolstadt, 
 sent delegates to Pestalozzi, in order to study his system of teaching, 
 with a view of engrafting it upon their own systems. Gotha thought it 
 not worth her while to notice a phenomenon, which marked the begin- 
 ning of a new epoch in the history of teaching. The most reasonable 
 requests of Mr. Waitz, director of the seminary, were refused. It will 
 scarcely be believed, and yet it is true, that the seminary for teachers in 
 Gotha, together with the seminary school, were, till 1846, penned up in 
 one single, small, damp hired room of the penitentiary, and that it was 
 seriously proposed to dissolve the school altogether, "in order that the 
 more important might not suffer by the less important." A somewhat 
 more decent locality was at last found in 1846; a Reader for common 
 schools was published in 1854, but a plan of studies, a programme for 
 the internal work, was not issued before 1860. In brief, the consistory 
 dissolved in 1858, and committed so many and so great blunders, was 
 guilty of so great a neglect of the schools, it is not to be wondered 
 at, that things came to such a pass in Gotha. It is, however, the 
 duty of truthfulness and gratitude distinctly to state, that the author- 
 ities in Gotha have done every thing, since 1848, to atone for the 
 mistakes of the past, and that particularly the State ministry have done 
 all in their power to prevent the differences between church and school 
 from widening into a complete rupture. They have not been wanting in 
 good will, devotion, and sacrifice ; yet as every sin is revenged on earth, 
 so. it happens in this case. The seeds of the past have yielded their 
 fruit. The controversy grew more and more pointed, the wildly surging 
 waves of hostility engulfed the well-meant mediation of the State min- 
 istry, and buried in their flood the whole relation that had hitherto 
 existed between church and school. The organization of common schools, 
 published in 1863, gave clear expression to the tendencies of the spirit 
 
400 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 of our time, and proclaimed the separation of school and church, or 
 rather the discontinuance of clerical supervision over the schools. 
 
 B. THE PRESENT CONDITION OF SCHOOLS. 
 
 A programme of instruction regulates the inner life of the common 
 schools, the organic statute regulates their other relations. Superintend- 
 ent-general Dr. Petersen speaks about the programme in the assembly, in 
 1863, in this manner : "A so-called table of lessons was, at the beginning 
 of this century, (1810.) prescribed for our common schools. It referred 
 originally only to recitations from memory, but was gradually applied to 
 other subjects of instruction. This table of lessons, used in our schools 
 for a long time, has by degrees disappeared ; nor could any copies be 
 found at the office of the consistory. The public schools had, moreover, 
 in their general development, gone much farther than the table pre- 
 scribed. The government, therefore, found itself under the necessity of 
 composing a new programme in agreement with the demands of our 
 time. Many preliminary labors had to be gone through ; the local 
 managers held meetings to hear the opinions of the teachers, and reported 
 from each district ; an enormous pile of documents accumulated. When 
 these preliminary labors were, after some years, so far completed as to 
 allow a general survey, the results of these accumulated official docu- 
 ments and of the experience of the common schools in Germany in gen- 
 eral, had to be worked into a system. Though the programme has thus 
 been constructed, yet the government did not consider it right to issue 
 that document at once as an instruction. A special committee was ap- 
 pointed, to which there were called three of our most able teachers, 
 Fitter, Keher, Burbach, and three ministers, Harter, Anacker, Bieber. 
 The committee examined section after section, and thus a programme 
 was composed which is the result not only of the experience in our own 
 schools, but also in those of all Germany." The programme, of 
 which Liibin says, that it is in every respect equal to all the demands of 
 the science of teaching, and that it shows none of the mistakes which 
 have been committed by the Prussian instructions, is noticeable also for 
 this, that it marks down " Diesterweg's guide to education, for German 
 teachers," in the "catalogue of books of reference" recommended to 
 teachers. 
 
 The programme contains, in six chapters, the whole mechanism of 
 public schools : Chapter /, treats of the division of the school into 
 classes, and prescribes that every common school, in which all the chil- 
 dren are taught by one teacher, shall be divided into four classes, viz. : 
 1st class, children in their first school-year ; 2d class, children in their 
 second and third year ; 3d class, children in their fourth and fifth year, 
 and 4th class, children in their sixth, seventh, and eighth years. Chap- 
 ter //, treats of the number of recitations and their order during the day, 
 of the time of beginning the school, &c. Chapter III, treats of the sub- 
 jects of instruction in the different classes, viz. : Religion, German, 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE-COBURG-QOTHA. 
 
 401 
 
 (reading and writing,) arithmetic, geography and history, singing, draw- 
 ing. In girls' schools, needle-work is obligatory and regulated by special 
 instructions. Chapter IV, contains hints about the plan of teaching in 
 ' divided " or graded schools. Chapter F, contains the method which 
 characterizes the spirit of the whole programme. Some extracts may 
 profitably find a place here : " Teaching attains its full value only when 
 it promotes education and nourishes a moral religious sense in the young. 
 It is a fundamental law that the school shall not only be an institution 
 for instruction, but, above all, an institution for education. The teacher 
 must, by his personal conduct, always maintain a moral influence over 
 the children in his trust, and treat the subjects taught in such a manner 
 that he may educate through his instruction." "The teachers should 
 always bear in mind, that the children must be properly educated for 
 practical life by his teaching. Cramming and reciting the lessons will 
 therefore not at all answer the purpose ; the teacher should rather ear- 
 nestly labor to produce a perfect understanding of the lesson, to assim- 
 ilate it with the mind of the child, and to continue the exercises until the 
 child is prepared to make independently a practical application of it. 
 Care should at the same time be taken that the faculties of the children 
 be naturally developed. The important principle, " to instruct in such a 
 manner, that the child understands you perfectly," should not be taken 
 as a general law only, but be also applied to every special case. To treat 
 a subject so as to make it the absolute property of the child, necessarily 
 involves a certain routine and technical skill in teaching. And yet 
 teaching and learning must not be a mere mechanism ; it should rather 
 be a quickening activity of the mind, the mechanism but the means, 
 skillfully applied, to attain the end." " The school is intended to educate 
 for work in general, by leading children, in appropriating and applying 
 the subject taught to them, to exercise their own powers vigorously and 
 freely, and at the same time carefully and strictly. Let the teacher set 
 an example by performing his daily round of duties with cheerful devo- 
 tion, conscientious even in the smallest details, that the children may 
 learn to devote themselves with cheerful devotion and great carefulness 
 to their labors in school. This exercise in doing work is a main object 
 of school teaching. But the pleasure in and love of work in school must 
 be excited by that instruction which renders a thorough understanding 
 and practical application possible. The teacher, therefore, must always 
 bear in mind, first, that every child, even the smallest, should be oc- 
 cupied in school with a work for which its understanding and its powers 
 have previously been prepared, and, secondly, that every subject of 
 instruction, as soon as it is understood, should be applied to independent 
 exercises. Such work is intended to exercise the faculties and powers 
 of a child in such a manner as to enable it to perform every labor in 
 practical life with cheerful devotion, and at the same time with careful- 
 ness and ability." "A mechanical method should be particularly avoided 
 in the religious instruction, as it might mislead the children to consider 
 
 26 
 
402 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE-COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 religion to be something external. The memory exercises should, there- 
 fore, be more than "learning by rote ;" the children should be accus- 
 tomed, from the very beginning, to lay hold of that which they commit to 
 memory, both with the understanding and the heart, and to store it 
 up for application in life." " The method of teaching how to read may 
 be left to the option of each teacher, but he should very carefully avoid 
 making it a purely mechanical exercise. The younger teachers, how- 
 ever, are required to employ one of the modern methods." " The chil- 
 dren are to be accustomed to read with attention, and to remember what 
 they have read." " The principal laws of the formation of words and sen- 
 tences should be practiced, in connection with the reading exercise, in this 
 manner, that the children, by degrees, learn to point out the general rules 
 and the principal laws of the language." " In arithmetic, mental calcula- 
 tions mainly should be practiced ; exercises on the slate should, however, 
 always be connected with them." To instruct the children in general 
 knowledge of the earth and its products, it is desirable that the teacher 
 should collect, with the children's assistance, a number of natural objects 
 " Completeness and systematic order are, however, not necessary ; i't 
 suffices if a number of stones, dried plants, seeds and similar objects arc> 
 kept cleanly and neatly in boxes, and used according to need. Fresh 
 plants, flowers and fruits can be used for instruction in Spring, Summer, 
 and Autumn. During Winter, examine objects merely as to their shape 
 and their boundaries by planes and lines ; take for that purpose 
 regular solids, such as cubes, spheres, prisms, pyramids, cylinders, 
 cones, &c., which the teacher may easily construct of pasteboard. 
 Let not the teacher attend, in the beginning, to so-called systematic di- 
 visions and classifications, nor let him be contented with dry, isolated 
 notices, but let him give animated descriptions of nature. The system- 
 atic classification should be given at the closing chapter of the whole 
 instruction in the highest class. Every thing that has connection with 
 agriculture claims particular attention ; horticulture should, if possible, be 
 practically taught to the pupils of the highest class. Let the teacher 
 bear in mind that in imparting to the children the knowledge of the earth 
 and its products, he should not only communicate to them useful inform- 
 ation, but also awaken and nourish in them a sense of the beautiful and 
 magnificent in nature and that which is noble and good in history." The 
 object of the drawing lesson is "correct measuring by the eye, skill in 
 using the ruler, which should also be used as a carpenter's rule, and 
 facility in sketching simple figures." " The culture of the voice should 
 be highly valued. Let the teacher understand that singing can and must 
 be one of the principal levers of education ; that its influence is great 
 and lasting." " In connection with the culture of the children's in- 
 tellects, the most earnest attention should be paid to their bodily welfare. 
 The school can and must have a salutary influence on the after life, by 
 producing habits of order, cleanliness, and good manners. The carriage 
 of the body should always be under the watchful eye of the teacher ; he 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTH A. ^QQ 
 
 must keep his school also, in this respect, in good discipline, that the 
 children avoid carelessness in sitting, walking, or standing, and that they 
 always show by their deportment a firm government over their body. 
 Systematic gymnastics serve this purpose best, and ought, therefore, 
 to be diligently practiced. 
 
 Such is the programme of the Gotha common schools. The spirit of 
 modern education pervades it, and it shows this spirit principally by the 
 accompanying decree, in which the following passage occurs: "The 
 ephori are lastly enjoined henceforth to enumerate in their reports on 
 school-visitations and conferences, their observations and experiences in 
 regard to this programme ; for it is the* intention to complete and rectify 
 it, wherever necessary, according to the collected observations and ex- 
 periences, so that it may be improved more and more satisfactorily as the 
 theory and practice of teaching improve." 
 
 The law of common schools for the duchy of Gotha, issued in June, 
 1863, is in perfect harmony with this programme. It is arranged under 
 eight sections, which are subdivided into one hundred articles ; it is an 
 exponent of the principles on which modern schools rest. Section 7, 
 Art. 1 to 5, treats of the general rights and duties of the citizens, as 
 regards the instruction of the young. Art. 1, The duty to attend school 
 as a general law. Art. 2, treats of the branches of instruction in a 
 common school. The instruction says this law shall embrace the fol- 
 lowing branches : Religion, German language, exercises in reading and 
 writing, arithmetic, geography, history, natural history and philosophy, 
 singing, drawing, and gymnastics. The teaching of religion in common 
 schools shall be founded on Bible history, particularly of the New Tes- 
 tament. When the children commence to receive instruction to qualify 
 them for their first communion, they will be excused from this branch of 
 instruction in the school. Art. 3, treats of the objects the common school 
 has in view, and the means to attain them. " The common school is 
 intended to educate children to a self-conscious, moral activity, and to 
 develop their intellectual faculties." There shall not be taught any thing 
 which is above the perceptive faculties of children ; their memory shall 
 not be burdened with any thing that has not previously been perfectly 
 explained." " The disciplinary power of the teacher shall be in harmony 
 with the paternal character of the office of a teacher." Art. 4, extends 
 the obligation to attend school over a period of eight years. Art. 5, pro- 
 vides for the attendance in a higher class of schools, or proper private 
 instruction, as a discharge from the obligation to attend the public school. 
 Section //, Art. 6 to 11, defines the duties and rights of the school- 
 districts, concerning organization and maintenance of schools. Art. 6, 
 determines the limits of school-districts ; and the consolidation of several 
 into one. Art. 7, provides for every district one common school, and 
 more if necessary. Art. 8, fixes the normal number of children in a 
 common school at eighty. The number of teachers, as well as of school- 
 rooms, must be increased in proportion to the excess over this number. 
 
404 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 Art. 9, ordains that every school must be kept in a house used for no 
 other purpose ; all the rooms designed for the use of the school must be 
 built and furnished in harmony with the demands of instruction and of 
 health. Art. 10, provides that exceptions under Art. 7, 8, and 9, should be 
 regulated by the administration. Art. 11, Every school must be in pos- 
 session of all the necessary materials ; particular care should be taken to 
 obtain a library. Art. 12, It is the duty of the district to defray the 
 expenses of common schools, so far as they have not been hitherto paid 
 from other sources. Art. 15, The annual tuition fee shall, in towns, not 
 exceed four thalers for one child, six thalers for two children, eight 
 thalers for three and more. The fee shall, in the other places, not exceed 
 half the above amount. Art. 16, Those districts which have given evi- 
 dence that they can not possibly defray the whole of the expenses of the 
 public school, shall receive the necessary assistance from the State 
 treasury. Section III, Art. 17 to 28. relates to particular duties and 
 rights of parents and guardians of children liable to attend school. Art. 
 17, regulates the age when the duty to attend school begins, (after the 
 completion of the sixth year.) Art. 18, The children are but once a year 
 admitted as scholars, viz., at the beginning of the scholastic year, the 
 week after Easter. Art. 19, Children leave school at Easter of that year 
 in which they have completed their fourteenth year. Art. 20, regulates 
 the dispensation from attendance at the instruction in religion. Articles 
 21 and 22, speak of the place where school shall be kept, and the regu- 
 larity of attendance at school. In cases when absences are not at all or 
 not satisfactorily accounted for, the local school-board ma}^ (Art. 23) en- 
 force a fine of not more than five thalers, or equivalent imprisonment. 
 Art. 24, regulates complaints of parents against teachers, and distinctly 
 states that nobody is permitted to enter the school-room for such a pur- 
 pose, or to call a teacher personally to account. Trespassers shall pay a 
 fine of not more than ten thalers, or shall be punished by equivalent 
 imprisonment. Art. 25, treats of the exclusion of children from the priv- 
 ilege of attending school, for reasons of discipline, of police or of crim- 
 inal law, and of the manner in which such children shall receive private 
 instruction. The private instruction and its control is regulated in Ar- 
 ticles 26, 27, and 28. Section JF, Art. 29 to 36, is "on the training of 
 common school teachers ; the matriculation and obligations of candidates." 
 Art. 29, The State charges itself with the training of common school 
 teachers in the seminary. Art. 30, Admission to the seminary not before 
 the applicant has completed his sixteenth year. Art. 31, Conditions for ad- 
 mission : (,) certificate of qualification for the Secunda of the gymnasium 
 at least, or (&,) certificate of qualification for the Prima of the progymna- 
 siurn atOhrdruf, or (c,) the candidate must pass an examination equivalent 
 to the above demands. Art. 32, In regard to the subjects of instruction, 
 the law requires that besides the course of the gymnasium, (except for- 
 eign languages,) at least the following shall be added : Pedagogy and its 
 history, anthropology and physiology, literature, and music. Art. 33, 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 495 
 
 The studies, began at the gymnasium, are partly to be completed, par- 
 ticularly mathematics and natural philosophy, partly to be reviewed with 
 a view to their treatment at the common school. The instruction in reli- 
 gion is essentially historical, embracing the history of the progress of 
 Christianity, in connection with the books of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments, and history of the progress of the Christian Church. Art. 34, 
 The number of students to be admitted is not limited. The tuition is 
 free to natives, and to foreigners on the payment of twenty thalers a year. 
 Art. 35, treats of the matriculation of the candidate. Art. 36, places the 
 matriculated candidate under the obligation to serve as assistant or sub- 
 stitute for a longer or shorter portion of two years. Section F, Art. 37 
 to 41, is on the appointment of teachers at common schools. Art. 37, 
 The privilege of election rests with the district, provided it has not re- 
 ceived any pecuniary assistance for its schools from the State, during the 
 five years preceding the time when the vacancy occurs. The election 
 requires the confirmation of the government. Art. 38, regulates the right 
 of election of the patrons. Art. 39, treats of the appointments by the 
 government. The latter is authorized to appoint a teacher, when the 
 district has received assistance from the State to defray the expenses of 
 the school within the last five years, or when the district or patron has 
 not filled the vacancy within four months from the day the vacancy com- 
 menced. Art. 40, The first appointment of a teacher is, as a rule, only 
 provisional ; this provisorium shall, however, last no longer than two 
 years. Art. 41, treats of the appointment of female teachers. It is pre- 
 scribed that examined female teachers may, with the consent of the dis- 
 trict and the minister of State, be intrusted, in the prescribed manner, 
 with the instruction of children of the first, second, and third years of 
 their attendance at school. Section VI, Art. 42 to 62, treats of the rights 
 and duties of teachers of common schools. Art. 42, The salary varies 
 according to the appointment being revocable or irrevocable, and ac- 
 cording to the number of pupils. (A.) The teachers who are revocably 
 appointed shall receive as a minimum, (a,) 150 thalers and free lodging, or 
 an equivalent indemnification when they are vicars or assistants ; (5,) 175 
 and lodging, or indemnification when they are provisionally appointed 
 teachers. (B.) There are three classes of irrevocably appointed teachers: 
 (a,) at a school in the country with 50 or less pupils, the minimum salary 
 shall be, from the first to fifth year included, 200 thalers and free lodg- 
 ing ; from the fifth to tenth year, 230 thalers ; from the tenth to 
 fifteenth year, 260 thalers ; from the sixteenth year, 290 thalers ; (&,) at a 
 school in the country with more than 50 pupils, (including the schools in 
 the towns of Friedrichsrode and Zella,) the minimum shall be ; from the 
 first to fifth year, 200 thalers; from the fifth to tenth year, 240 
 thalers ; from the tenth to fifteenth year, 280 thalers ; from the sixteenth 
 year, 320 thalers; (c,) at the schools in the towns of Gotha, Ohrdruf, and 
 Waltershausen, the minimum shall be : from the first to fifth year, 250 
 thalers, (no free lodging ;) from the fifth to tenth year, 300 thalers ; from 
 
406 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN SAXE COBURG GOTHA. 
 
 the tenth to fifteenth year, 350 thalers ; from the sixteenth year, 400 
 thalers. Included in the salaries of those teachers who have to perform 
 church duties as cantors, organists or sacristans, are the emoluments and 
 perquisites connected with these duties. Other income, which the teach- 
 ers derive as clerks of the district or book-keeper of the church, are not 
 included in the salary. Art. 43, treats of the computation of the number 
 of pupils, and of the time the teachers have served. Art. 44, treats of 
 the manner of paying the salary, (teachers in the country must take- part 
 of their salary in kind.) Art. 45, Estimates of salaries. Art. 46, How 
 to divide the salary between the new teacher and the one who retires. 
 Art. 47, Of the extra occupation of teachers of common schools. Art. 
 48, .Of the particular privileges of teachers appointed irrevocably. 
 These rights are : (a,) claims to be pensioned (after ten years or less of 
 service, 40 per cent, of the salary ; for every additional year or fraction 
 of it, Ij per. cent, more ;) (&,) admission to the widow fund, (by paying 4 
 per cent, a year of his salary, the widow or children of a teacher shall 
 receive one-fourth of the salary until the youngest child has reached the 
 age of 21 ;) (c,) the right and duty to be a member of those charitable 
 institutions which are organized for the benefit of common school teach- 
 ers. Art. 49, The maximum number of hours a teacher may be em- 
 ployed is thirty per week. The Board may grant furloughs. Art. 50, 
 Marriage licenses of teachers. Articles 51 to 62, Penal code concerning 
 teachers charged with dereliction, viz. : suspension, waiting order, dis- 
 mission, removal. Section VII, Art. 63 to 84, treats of the inspection of 
 public schools. The law discriminates between two classes of inspection 
 of public schools, viz., inspection by the district and by the government. 
 The district inspection is vested in the Board, consisting of the chairman 
 of the councilmen (mayor or bailiff,) the minister of the place, the teach- 
 ers of the place, and as many citizens of the district as there are teachers 
 in the Board. The minister may, but must not necessarily, be chair- 
 man ; directors of schools and teachers are not allowed to be chairmen. 
 A modification of this organization takes place, when several districts are 
 consolidated into one, and in towns. The government has three classes 
 of inspectors : (<?,) the district school inspectors, Art. 85, requiring that 
 they should be selected from among practical schoolmen ; (5,) school- 
 courts, consisting of the district administrator or in towns the mayor 
 and the district inspector; (c,) the ministry of State, being the highest 
 school authority, which (Art. 91) appoints a practical schoolman as 
 inspector-general, who shall assist as counselor in all that concerns edu- 
 cation and instruction in public schools, at the sessions of the ministers 
 of State.* Section VIII, Art. 93 to 100, contains final and transitory 
 decrees, which have mostly accomplished their purpose. 
 
 This short extract will enable the reader to understand the character 
 which distinguishes the common school law of Gotha. 
 
 * Instruction for district school-inspectors in the duchy of Gotha, in Dr. K. Schmidt's History 
 of the Public Schools in Gotha. Kothen : P. Schettler, 1863. 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.J 
 
 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE, the founder of the Orphan House 
 at Halle, and of all the institutions which cluster around it, was born 
 March 22, 1663, in Lubeck, where his father was syndic of the cathe- 
 dral-chapter of the town. In 1666, the father removed to Gotha, and 
 became privy counselor and counselor of justice under Duke Ernst the 
 Pious; but died in 1671. The orphan boy attended the gymnasium 
 at Gotha, where he was declared ready to graduate in his fourteenth 
 year. He, however, did not go to the university of Erfurt until his 
 sixteenth year ; whence he removed in the same year to Kiel, where 
 he studied chiefly under the instruction of Kortholt. Under him he 
 heard lectures on metaphysics and ethics ; under Morhof on physics, 
 natural history and universal history. He also read carefully the 
 rhetoric of Aristotle. Theology was with him only an affair of the 
 head. 
 
 From Kiel, he went to Hamburg, in 1682, where he studied Hebrew 
 for two months under Ezra Ezard. He then lived in Gotha for a 
 year and a half, in which time he read the Hebrew Bible seven times, 
 and studied French and English. In 1684, he went to Leipzig, where 
 he took his degree and habilitated himself by a disputation De Gram- 
 matica Hebraea. His most important lectures were a biblical course. 
 He explained, after the afternoon's sermon, a chapter from the Old and 
 one from the New Testament, first philologically and then practically. 
 Spener, then court chaplain at Dresden, took much interest in these 
 lectures, which were attended by an extraordinarily large number of 
 hearers. About the same time, Franke translated two works of 
 Molinos, for which reason he was considered a friend of Quietism 
 and of Catholicism. 
 
 In 1687, Franke went to Luneburg, to superintendent Sandhagen. 
 Piously brought up, he had always prayed, from a boy, that his whole 
 life might be devoted only and entirely to the glory of God. But 
 when, at the university, theology became to him merely a heartless 
 study, his inward peace of mind left him. In Luneburg he grew un- 
 easy, and was assailed by painful doubts. He himself relates that 
 his opinion of the Bible became quite uncertain. The Jews, he often 
 
408 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 reflected, believe in the Talmud, and Turks in the Koran, and Chris- 
 tians in the Bible. Which is right ? This contest of doubt had 
 arisen to its greatest hight, when it became his duty to preach upon 
 the words, "But this is written ; that ye believe that Jesus Christ is 
 the Son of God, and that ye have life through faith in his name." 
 He was to speak of true and living faith, and was conscious that he 
 himself had not this faith. He was already thinking of refusing to 
 preach the sermon, when he besought God for help in his perplexity. 
 He was quickly heard, and all his doubts were removed. " I was assured 
 in my heart," he says "of the grace of God in Jesus Christ ; and I 
 could call him not only God, but my father." Forty years afterward, 
 in this last prayer, he referred to this, his real conversion. 
 
 From Luneburg he went, in 1687, to Hamburg, where he remained 
 until Easter, 1 688. Here he established an infant school, which was 
 numerously attended. Teaching gave him self-knowledge ; by it he 
 learned patience, love, forbearance. " Upon the establishment of this 
 school," he says, "I learned how destructive is the usual school 
 management, and how exceedingly difficult the discipline of children ; 
 and this reflection made me desire that God would make me worthy to 
 do something for the improvement of schools and instruction." The 
 result of his experience he put together in a work, " Upon the educa- 
 tion of children to piety and Christian wisdom.' 1 '' He often said that 
 this work of instructing youth at Hamburg was the basis of all that 
 God afterward did through him. It was upon the remembrance of it 
 that he said, at Halle, that education would never be bettered by mere 
 writing of books ; but by working at it. 
 
 From Hamburg he went, after two months, to Spener, at Dresden, 
 then published his biblical lectures at Leipzig, and, in 1690, was in- 
 vited to become deacon in the church of St. Augustine, at Erfurt. 
 Here, however, he soon became suspected of being the founder of a 
 new sect, for which reason he was, by a decree of the elector of Mainz* 
 and a vote of the council, of September 18th, 1691, prohibited from 
 any further filling of his office. 
 
 Just at that time the university of Halle was founded, chiefly by 
 the efforts of Spener, who was appointed, in 1691, high consistorial 
 counselor and provost at Berlin. On the 21st of December, 1691, 
 Franke was designated as a suitable man for professor of Greek and 
 Oriental languages, in the new university ; and at the same time the 
 pastorate of the suburb of Glaucha was offered him. On January 7th, 
 1692, he removed to Halle, where he lived and labored for thirty-five 
 years afterward, to the end of his life. 
 
 The opening of the year 1694 is to be considered the time of the 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 409 
 
 beginning of all the great institutions of Franke. They commenced 
 as follows. The poor were accustomed to come every Thursday to 
 the parsonage. Instead of giving them bread before the door, Franke 
 called them into the house, catechised the younger, in the hearing of 
 the elder, and closed with a prayer ; and in his own poverty he began 
 to lay by money for the poor, by depriving himself for a long time of 
 his supper;* and, in 1695, he fixed up a poor's box in his room, with 
 the following text. 
 
 " Whoso hath this world's goods, and seeth his brother have need, and shut- 
 teth up his bowels of compassion from him, how dwelleth the love of God in 
 him?" 1 John, iii. 17. 
 
 " Every one, according as he purposeth in his heart, so let him give ; not 
 grudgingly or of necessity; for God loveth a cheerful giver." 2 Cor. ix., 17. 
 
 In this he once found seven florins, left by a benevolent lady. Upon 
 taking out this, he said, " this is a handsome capital ; I must found 
 some good institution with it. I will found a poor school." On the 
 same day he bought two thalers worth of books, and employed a poor 
 student to teach the children two hours daily. Of twenty-seven books 
 given it, only four were brought back. But Franke bought new 
 books, made a schoolroom of a room next his study, and gave the 
 children alms three times a week. The children of citizens soon 
 began to attend, each of whom paid one grosch as tuition fee, so that 
 the teacher was better paid, and was enabled to give five hours of 
 teaching daily. During the first summer, the number of children in 
 the school reached sixty. 
 
 The reputation of Franke's great activity in the cause of the poor 
 soon spread abroad, and, from that time, contributions began to come 
 to him from far and near ; in proportion as this increased, his plans 
 enlarged. Still, it often happened that in firm faith he undertook 
 something great without any means, and that these means came to 
 him at the necessary time in the most wonderful manner. 
 
 His parsonage soon became too small for the school. He hired a 
 room in the neighboring house and made two classes, one of the poor 
 and the other for the citizens' children, each with its own teacher. 
 
 The wish soon sprung up in Franke's mind not only to instruct, 
 but also to educate the children ; a wish to found an orphan-house. 
 A friend gave him for this purpose five hundred thalers, and in Novem- 
 ber, 1695, nine orphans were already assembled, who were brought to 
 him by citizens. Neubauer, a student of theology, was employed as 
 overseer. 
 
 In the same year, 1695, three young persons of noble family were 
 
 * He sent to a friend, who was in want about this time, one hundred and fifty thalers, which 
 he had received from the bookseller for his Biblical Improvement. 
 
410 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 put under Franke's care to be instructed and educated. This was the 
 first beginning of the present Paedagogium. 
 
 In 1696, Franke bought a second house. The number of orphan 
 children in these two houses, in that June, reached fifty-two. At the 
 same time he established a free table for students, at which forty-two 
 were fed in three months. 
 
 As the number of children increased, Franke determined to build 
 an orphan-house. For this purpose he sent Neubauer, the overseer of his 
 orphan children, as early as 1696, to Holland, in order to gather informa- 
 tion. At his return, this true and intelligent man took the direction 
 of the building of the orphan-house ; and the corner stone was laid, 
 July 24, 1698. There were already one hundred orphans, and five 
 hundred children were receiving instruction. 
 
 It is impossible to read without edification how the blessing of God 
 was with all which Franke, in his unselfish Christian love, undertook. 
 We can here mention only a few of the many examples of these bless- 
 ings, which he himself relates. Once, his want of money was ex- 
 treme. " When I went out into the beautiful weather," relates Franke, 
 " and looked upon the clear heavens, my heart was much strengthened 
 in faith, so that I thought within myself, how beautiful it is, when, 
 although man is nothing of himself, and has nothing to rely upon, he 
 recognizes the living God, who made the heavens and the earth, and 
 puts all his trust in him, so that even in want he can be peaceful. 
 Upon my return to the house, there came an overseer who wanted 
 money for the work-people. 'Has any thing come in ? ' he asked. I 
 answered, 'No; but I have faith in God.' Scarcely had I uttered 
 the words, when a student was announced to me, who brought thirty 
 thalers, from some one whose name he refused to give. Then I went 
 back into the room and asked the other how much he wanted to pay 
 the workmen. He answered, thirty thalers. I said, here they are ; 
 and asked whether he wanted more. He said, No ; which much en- 
 couraged both of us, since we saw in it so evidently the hand of God, 
 who had given what was needful in the very moment when it was 
 wanted." 
 
 In 1698, relates Franke further, "I sent to a pious and distressed 
 Christian woman one ducat. She replied to me, that the ducat had 
 come to her at a time when she was in much need of it ; and that 
 she had prayed God that he would bestow upon my poor orphans a 
 heap of ducats in return. Soon afterward were brought to me four 
 ducats, and twelve double ducats. On the same day, two ducats 
 were sent to me from a good friend in Sweden. Not long afterward, 
 I received bv the post twenty-five ducats, the giver of whom was not 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 41 1 
 
 named. Twenty ducats were also sent me at the same time from one 
 of my patrons. Prince Ludwig, of Wurtemberg, died about the 
 same time, and I was told that he had left a sum of money to the 
 orphan-house. It was five hundred ducats in gold. They were sent 
 to me at a time when I was in the greatest need of them for the 
 building of the orphan-house. When I saw this heap of ducats upon 
 the table before me, I thought upon the prayer of the pious woman, 
 that God would give to my poor orphans a heap of ducats in 
 return."* 
 
 In innumerable other cases like these, Franke received help from 
 the Lord. Two productive sources of income are especially worthy 
 of mention. A young theologian, named Elers, had joined himself to 
 Franke. In 1698, he took charge of the printing of one of Franke's 
 sermons, entitled, " On duty toward the poor." Elers laid this and a 
 few other sermons upon a little table at the Leipzig fair, for sale. This 
 was the first beginning of the orphan-house bookstore, which, under 
 the careful and intelligent management of Elers, soon so much in- 
 creased that it opened branches at Berlin, and Frankfort-on-the-Main. 
 There were sold in them, among other things, all of Franke's very 
 popular works, besides many school-books, some of which passed 
 through a great number of editions. All the gains of the bookstore 
 went into the treasury of the orphan-house. 
 
 Franke's second fruitful source of income was from the medicines of 
 the apothecary's shop of the orphan-house. With this he had a 
 singular experience. One Burgstaller, upon his death-bed, left to 
 Franke a legacy "for the establishment of a very splendid apothecary's 
 shop." Franke appointed to the management of the shop, Christian 
 Friedrich Richter, well known for his deeply pious divine songs. After 
 the expenditure of large sums of money, the enterprise began to be 
 profitable in January, 1701. The orphan-house medicines began to be 
 in demand everywhere, wonderful effects were related of them, and 
 great sums accrued to the orphan-house from their sale. 
 
 It would require too much time to narrate how the institutions grew 
 with each year ; it must suffice to give their condition at two periods. 
 
 In 1705, there were in existence the following of Franke's institu- 
 tions.f 
 
 1. The orphan-house proper, containing fifty-five boys engaged in 
 
 * King Frederic I, of Prussia, also gave 2,000 thalers, 100,000 brick, and 30,000 tiles, for the 
 building. In 1702. he granted to the Orphan House and the Paedagogium some very valuable 
 privileges. " Footsteps," p. 121 and 136. 
 
 Envious adversaries accused Frankg " of having embezzled many thousand thalers ; item 
 that the people had sent him money; item, that he caught at the money of papists and all 
 manner of visionaries." " Footsteps," ch. 3, 94. 
 
 t Franke's Institutions, 1, 382. 
 
412 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKB. 
 
 study, forty-five in mechanic arts ; twenty-five girls, and seventeen per- 
 sons in the household. 
 
 2. The seminary for teachers ; supporting seventy -five persons, whose 
 board was free. 
 
 3. The extraordinary free table for sixty-four very poor students. 
 
 4. Eight school classes ; with eight hundred scholars, including one 
 hundred and twenty-five orphan children; and sixty-seven teachers. 
 
 5. The Psedagogium ; with seventy scholars, and seventeen teachers. 
 
 6. Bookstore and printing office ; fourteen persons. 
 
 7. Apothecary's shop ; eight persons. 
 
 8. Widows' house ; four widows. 
 
 9. Oriental college; eleven persons. 
 
 In 1727, at Franke's death, the following return of the institution 
 was made to King Friedrich Wilhelm L* 
 
 1. The Paedagogium, eighty-two scholars, and seventy teachers and 
 others. 
 
 2. The Latin school of the orphan-house ; with three inspectors, 
 thirty-two teachers, four hundred scholars, and ten servants, &c. 
 
 3. The German burgher school ; with four inspectors, ninety-eight 
 teachers, eight female teachers, one thousand and twenty-five boys 
 and girls. 
 
 4. Orphan children ; one hundred boys, thirty-four girls, and ten 
 overseers and female overseers. 
 
 5. Persons boarded free ; two hundred and fifty-five students, and 
 three hundred poor scholars. 
 
 6. Household, apothecary's shop, booksellers ; fifty-three persons. 
 
 7. Institutions for females; fifteen in the girls' institution, eight in 
 the boarding house for young women, six widows. 
 
 This sketch of the exterior condition of Franke's institution does 
 not however show by any means the whole of his sphere of labor; 
 especially in his pastorate, for the university, the spread of the Bible, 
 and missions. How wide soever were the extensions of these labors, 
 they all sprang from the same root ; from Franke's inward Christian 
 love toward God and his neighbor. Only in the name of Christ 
 would he labor or plan ; and his expressed wish was, to bring to Christ 
 all whom he taught, from the student down to the youngest of the 
 orphan children. 
 
 In this, as in his views of the study of theology, he agreed entirely 
 with his friend Spener. They both repeatedly insisted upon the con- 
 
 * Frankg's Institutions, 2, 296. In 1707, there were, in the Paedagogium, and the other 
 schools, one thousand and ninety-two pupils, under three inspectors, and eighty-five teachers 
 Seven hundred and fifty-five scholars were from Halle. Footsteps, p. 3, 29. 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 413 
 
 version and piety of the students : and that theology must not only 
 be an affair of the head, but of the heart.* " One drachm of living 
 faith," says Franke, "is more to be valued than an hundred weight of 
 mere historical knowledge ; and one drop of true love, than a whole seaof 
 learning in all mysteries." He was strenuous against the perverted 
 study of what does not look toward the work of real life. " It is the 
 common evil," he says, " that we do not learn what we use in our 
 occupations every day ; for it is too small for us ; and what we have 
 learned at the university, that we do not know how to use profitably." 
 
 Both Spener and Franke, however, were careful to guard against 
 the supposition that they were opposed to theological learning, " If 
 you would become teachers," says Franke to the students,f " it is not 
 enough that you are pious ; you must also possess thorough theolog- 
 ical learning." "The Christian student," remarks Spener, "prays as 
 earnestly for divine illumination as if he had no need of his own in- 
 dustry, and studies with as much zeal as if he must do every thing 
 by his own unassisted labor. For it would be presumptuousness and 
 tempting God, only to pray, and thus to await the divine help with- 
 out any industry of his own." 
 
 Franke labored in every way in connection with his like-minded 
 colleagues, those able teachers Anton, Breithaupt, and Michaelis, for 
 the good of the young theologians. Lectures were read upon all 
 theological studies, and Franke read besides upon the method of the- 
 ological study. In the " parenetical lecture," he shows what are the 
 hindrances of young theologians in religion, and in seeking their object 
 in study ; and how these hindrances are to be overcome. J 
 
 These lectures he continued weekly through many years, and at an 
 hour when no other lecture was read, lie began them in 1693 ; and 
 the last lecture which he delivered, May 15, 1727, three weeks before 
 his death, was parenetical. In this lecture he combated, with great 
 zeal, the sins of young theologians ; he advised them before all things 
 to convert themselves before they tried to convert others, to pray and 
 to labor. He gave them rules for living and studying, drew their 
 attention to all that had been done at Halle of late for students, which 
 had not been thought of at other universities, and which had not been 
 thought of at all in earlier times. Among these things he included 
 this, that the theological students of Halle were spared the usual 
 scholastical disputes, and applied themselves instead to the careful 
 
 * "Idea," 95. The Bohemian Brothers told Luther that " they could not look for good to re- 
 sult to those in whose schools so much care was expended on learning and so little on con 
 science." 
 
 t Idea, 37. 
 
 t For the students he wrote his (1 Idea studios! theologian," " Timotheus," and other writings. 
 
414- AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 exegesis of the Holy Scriptures ; and that ttiey had opportunity for 
 practical efforts in catechizing and other instruction. Students newly 
 come must report themselves to the theological faculty, who met 
 upon certain days for that purpose.* Each new comer is to be in- 
 quired of, how he has regulated his life and his studies. Once every 
 quarter of a year all the theological students are to meet before the 
 faculty, to give an account of their studies, and to receive counsel for 
 the future. Besides, they are to be encouraged to visit single pro- 
 fessors, and to consult with them upon the state of their souls, and 
 upon their studies. 
 
 In 1709, Franke delivered some parenetical lectures,f " in which," 
 as their title states, " the distinctions between the present students 
 of theology there and those who were here in the beginning is shown." 
 Here he complains, that zeal for good has much diminished with most 
 of them ; describes the coarse kind of student-life which has crept 
 in ; J and remarks how little the well-intended care of the theological 
 professors is recognized by the students ; that the latter rather com- 
 plain about them, as if they made invasions upon their freedom as 
 students ; and that their good advice produces no results. " The 
 complaint is often heard," he remarks, " of the students of Halle, that 
 they are hypocrites." " I can not think of this without great sorrow ; 
 and can not enough wonder at it," he says, " how it should be possible 
 that, from all our lectures and admonitions, so little effect should 
 have come." 
 
 A reaction was produced. In place of the prevailing useless stu- 
 dent-life, Franke" and his theological colleagues, with one blow, suc- 
 ceeded in introducing the still, pious, almost Christ-like state of dis- 
 cipline, which it would be well worth while to compare with the life 
 of the Hieronymians. || One devotional exercise after another was 
 attended. Pious emotions and incitements were encouraged in all 
 ways. At every opportunity all prayed, preached, exhorted, and 
 sung, ^f It is no wonder that a mode of life diametrically opposed 
 to this, a student-life of coarse immorality, rooted deep in the customs 
 of so many centuries, should make a strong opposition against Franke's 
 efforts, so that he only succeeded in attracting to himself youths of 
 
 * " Appendix to the representation," p. 198. 
 
 t Lectiones par., part 4, p 73, &c. 
 
 J ib. * A Studiosus Theologiae must know this rule : Quod in aliis est peccatum veniale, id 
 in clerico, and also, moreover, in studioso theologies est peccatum mortale.'' 
 
 Ib., III. " Formerly, the theologies studiosi rather thought it a benefit, that their studia 
 were directed by the Faculty." See also p. 39. 
 
 Ullmann's " Johann Wessel," p. 23 (1st ed.) 
 
 " Niemeyer's Principles. 8th ed., 3, 348. Semler's autobiography has much information on 
 the same subject 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 415 
 
 quiet and thoughtful character. There do not seem to have been 
 enough pains taken to devise means for winning others ; to practice a 
 Pauline accommodation, such as is of no injury to truth or holiness. 
 
 I doubt much whether Luther would altogether have approved of 
 the ideal of the student-establishment of Franke and Spener. How 
 violently did Luther inveigh against all manner of monkish restraint! 
 " Pleasure and amusement,"* he says, " are as necessary to young 
 people as eating and drinking." How strongly does he recommend 
 "music and knightly games, fencing and wrestling; of which the first 
 dispels care of the heart and melancholy thoughts, and the others 
 bring the body to its proper proportions and keep it in health." There 
 is danger of falling into drinking, debauchery, and gaming, " if 
 such honorable exercises and knightly games are condemned and 
 neglected."! 
 
 Franke's complaints of the ignorance of the students at entrance 
 are worthy of attention. That he advises them to take lessons in 
 writing, I am sorry to say, need not surprise us;J but in regard to 
 spelling the case was a% bad. "I find," he says, " that there are few 
 theological students who can write a German letter correctly spelled. 
 They violate orthography almost in every line. I even know of many 
 examples where, after they have entered upon the ministry, and have 
 had occasion to have something printed, it has beea necessary to have 
 their manuscript first corrected almost in every line ; insomuch that 
 it has been recommended to them to have their work transcribed by 
 some one who understood spelling, in order that it might be read 
 without difficulty. The reason of this defect is usually in the schools, 
 where only the Latin translation of their exercises is corrected, but 
 not the German ; so that they learn nothing of spelling. They do 
 not learn to distinguish in their spelling such as er war, die Waar, es 
 ist wahr, and the like, and can not, so long as they write their Ger- 
 man exercises in so superficial a manner."|| 
 
 It may be imagined that, in proportion as German was neglected at 
 the schools, Latin was more thoroughly learned. But this was not so. 
 " In many cases," continues Franke, u when they desire to write a Latin 
 letter, it appears that they have not learned the grammar of the 
 language; which occasions many faults." The same students, at 
 
 'See Part First, HI, 177. 
 
 t The eating and drinking life of dissipated students, as Franke described it, might well 
 destroy hopes for such men, even if they should apply themselves to " honorable exercises and 
 knightly games." 
 
 } " It is seldom that one writes a good hand when he comes from school." 
 Lect. paraenet., 4, 280. Comp. " Appendix to the picture of a theological student," p. 280. 
 I" Appendix to the picture," <fcc., p. 281. "There is seldom as much as a qualemcunque 
 eritiam in German orthography brought from the schools." 
 
416 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 entering, are not well grounded even in Luther's catechism. " At the 
 same time," he says, " it is seldom the case that any one brings with 
 him a knowledge of vulgar arithmetic, although it is of continual use 
 in common life."* 
 
 In another place, Franke saysf that the theological professors of 
 Halle "have found, with great grief, that most of the schools are so 
 ill taught, that from them there come pupils of twenty years and over, 
 who have, notwithstanding, to be taught the very rudiments of Latin, 
 not to mention Greek and Hebrew, if they are to attend the lectures 
 with any profit. The universities also," he goes on, " have found, by 
 sad experience, that many unqualified and ignorant persons enter 
 them, who are not fit to be taught any thing." The teachers of the 
 schools ought to perform their duties more conscientiously. 
 
 While Franke tried all means to enable those who were backward 
 in their school knowledge to recover their lost ground, he sought, on 
 the other hand, by every possible means, to promote instruction in all 
 the school studies ; languages, history, geometry, mathematics, &c.J 
 In the institutions founded by him, which contained nearly two thou- 
 sand scholars, there were taught more than one hundred students, 
 under the oversight and guidance of inspectors. They were especially 
 trained in catechising. " The whole of the so-called ordinary table of 
 the orphan-house," says Franke, " now including one hundred and 
 thirty-four students, is in fact a seminary of preceptors for the rest of 
 the institution. From these * some were selected and placed in the 
 select seminary of preceptors." This latter seminary was commenced 
 in 1707. From ten to twelve theological students were chosen for it, 
 well grounded in their studies, and with an inclination and aptitude 
 for their business of school teaching.] They were trained for the oc- 
 cupation of teaching during two years, by lectures and practice. 
 They received their board there, but were required to bind themselves 
 to teach in the P^edagogium, or the orphan -house, for three years, 
 after the expiration of the two years.^f 
 
 We have seen that, in 1695, Franke founded a poor school, to 
 
 * Ib. t Ib., 275. t Ib.. 234, 274. 277, 289, 290. 
 
 The first occasion of the foundation of this free table and seminary, was a gift of five hun- 
 dred thalers, which he received, in 1695, for poor students. " Footsteps," Third Part. 9. 
 
 I Footsteps," Third Part, 9. Fifth Part, 60. 
 
 Uln 1702, Franke" founded, together with Anton and Breithaupt, the Collegium Orientate 
 Theologicum, in which, besides Hebrew, Syriac, were taught, Chaldee, Arabic, &c. The 
 students at this college were of much service to J. H. Michaelis, by collating MSS. for his 
 edition of the Hebrew Bible. If contained twelve students ; it seems to have lasted until 17?0. 
 Johann Tribbechor, of Gotha, was its first principal ; the same who was author of that " as- 
 tonishing hymn," O, thou guard of Israel." Michaelis was connected with him in ita 
 management. " Footsteps," Second Part, 5. Third Part, 6. 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 41 Y 
 
 which children of citizens came. In 1697, he established the Latin 
 school for boys of a better order of talent. The poor school received 
 the name of the German burgher school, and was divided into the 
 boys' and girls' school. At Franke's death, as above related, there 
 were in the burgher school one thousand seven hundred and twenty- 
 five boys and girls, in the Latin school four hundred scholars, and 
 twenty-five more in the Psedagogium. The course in the German 
 school at first included religious instruction, reading, writing, and 
 arithmetic ; to which were afterward added, natural history, history, 
 geography, &c. An overseer was placed over all the German schools, 
 to whom was also intrusted the preparation of proper teachers for 
 them. The girls were to be especially instructed in woman's work, 
 and even the boys received instruction in knitting.* 
 
 In the Latin school, were taught (besides religion, reading, writing, 
 and arithmetic,) Latin, Greek, Hebrew, mathematics, history, geogra- 
 phy, and music. " Classic Greek was much neglected for the constant 
 reading of the New Testament."! The oldest accounts mention 
 botany as one of the branches of instruction at this school. In 1709, 
 Latin was taught in seven classes ;J and physics, painting, and anatomy 
 were introduced among the studies. In 1714, oratory and logic were 
 added ; but, on the other hand, French is wanting. 
 
 Franke intended the Psedagogium for the instruction of the sons of 
 those of the higher ranks. As we have said, three young noblemen 
 were sent to him in 1695 ; which was the beginning of the institution. 
 The number of scholars grew, and, in 1705, was 70; who boarded 
 here and there in citizens' houses. In 17 11, Franke determined to 
 build a large house for it, which was completed and occupied in 1713. 
 The accommodations for scholars and overseers in it were convenient 
 and cheerful, not dark and cloister-like. Additions to this soon showed 
 that Franke was looking to real instruction ; there were connected 
 with the Psedagogiurn a botanical garden, then a natural cabinet, a 
 philosophical apparatus, a chemical laboratory, conveniences for ana- 
 tomical dissections, also turning-lathes, and machinery for glass-cut- 
 ting^ 
 
 The course of study of the Psedagogium was thus stated, in 1706 : 
 
 * In 1701, Franke appointed for this purpose an especial knitting-master. "Footsteps" 
 Part First, 45. 
 
 t Niemeyer, 3, 346. Rector Mai, from Franke's school, banished the Greek Classics from the 
 gymnasium at Hersfeld, and substituted the reading of the New Testament, even to tLe 
 Apocalypse. (Programme of director Dr. Miiencher, 1837.) 
 
 t By the subdivision of Se cunda, Tertia, Quprta, and Quinta, the whole number of classei/ 
 reached eleven. 
 
 SFrankg's Institution, 2, 14, &c. Further details upon the Paedagogium are given ia 
 Frankg's book, " Complete order and method of teaching for the Peedagogium." 1701. 
 
 27 
 
418 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANK fi. 
 
 '' Besides the grounds of true Christianity, they will be instructed in 
 the Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and French languages, as well as in a good 
 German style, and in writing a good hand ; also in arithmetic, geogra- 
 phy, chronology, history, geometry, astronomy, music, botany, and 
 anatomy, besides the chief principles of medicine, * * * and more- 
 over, in the hours of diversion, they find opportunity to learn turning, 
 glass-grinding, painting, writing, &c. During all recreations, when 
 they might be liable to injury, they are under careful supervision, and 
 are not left alone during the night " It is stated as a characteristic 
 feature of the Psedagogium, that in it " the classes are so arranged that 
 the scholar has a place not only in one class, but in this or that class 
 differently, according to his proficiency in different studies. For ex- 
 ample, he may be in the first class in Latin, in another in Greek, and 
 in like manner may have fellow-students as far forward as he in every 
 study. First of all, the scholar must be thorough in Latin, but in the 
 other languages and studies he may take up only one after another, 
 in such a way as to learn one well before he undertakes the next." 
 
 A special class, Selecta, was organized in the Psedagogium, for pre- 
 paration for the university. The scholars of this class read many of 
 the Latin authors cursorily, disputed, spoke frequently, studied rhetoric, 
 logic, metaphysics, a kind of dogmatics, and read part of the Old and 
 New Testaments in the original. The Greek classics were not men- 
 tioned ; but for them were substituted the homilies of Macarius, 
 Nonnus' paraphrase of John, &c.* 
 
 For instruction and oversight, so far as number of persons is con- 
 sidered, the Paedagogium was richly endowed. At Franke's death if 
 contained eighty-two scholars, for whom were employed one inspector, 
 one mathematical teacher, eighteen ordinary teachers, eight extraor- 
 dinary ones, and ten assistants. 
 
 Only a small number of teachers in comparison were employed for 
 the great number of scholars in Franke's institution ; most of the 
 school work being done by a large number of students, who had re- 
 ceived a preparation for this purpose in the two seminaries already 
 mentioned. Franke proposed in this way to select young men of 
 character similar to his own, and who should be trained up in the 
 methods used in the orphan-house school. Inspectors watched care- 
 fully that none of them varied from the established way. In this man- 
 ner it could not fail to happen that, notwithstanding the great extent 
 of the institution, all the teachers in it should teach in the same spirit, 
 and to the same end.f But we must not pass over the dark side of 
 
 Prudentius' hymns were also read ; and dialing was added to the mathematical studies. 
 
 t Franke's Institutions, 2, 39. " Candidates and students were selected for teachers, to whom 
 
 Franke prescribed a method of instruction which they must follow strictly. Most of them 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 419 
 
 this plan. This unity of the whole was liable easily to become a 
 monotony, the unity of a machine, in which no part makes or can 
 make pretensions to independence. The students bound themselves to 
 teach for three years, and then left the institution. In so short a space 
 of time, how could they attain to independent knowledge and skill 
 in the pedagogical art?* What earnest teacher has not found that 
 this vocation is an art to the acquisition of which time is necessary 
 that in the first years of his teaching much of his labor was injurious 
 to himself and his scholars, and that he only attained to skill after 
 a long time ? Thus it was with Franke, who had in his institution 
 only a very few masters of the art of teaching, but a preponderating 
 crowd of dependent beginners, whose mistakes were only partly com- 
 pensated by their thorough subordination.! 
 
 Franke" was director of his institution; but first named, in 1716, 
 as sub-director, Joh. Daniel Herrnschmid ; and, after his death, in 
 1723, his own pious son-in-law, Joh. Anastasius Freylinghausen.J 
 After the death of Tollner, in 1718, who had held the oversight of 
 both the Latin and German schools, Herrnschmid took that of the 
 Latin school, which was from that time separate from that of the 
 German school. 
 
 In "order to comprehend the peculiarities of Franke's school, it must 
 be remembered that it was especially characterized by its prevailing 
 Christian or perhaps pietistic element, which appears in its many 
 devotional exercises, in the neglect of the Greek classics for the New 
 Testament, and in the study of Hebrew for the understanding of the 
 Old Testament. It is also a peculiar trait of the school, that real 
 studies had a prominent place in it ; that the scholars were allowed 
 
 willingly followed his directions ; for, up to that time, they had had no method of their own to 
 which they had become used, as is usually the case with men who have already taught in 
 other schools." 
 
 *Hieronymus Wolf, the learned Rector of the Augsburg Gymnasium, says : " It was ex- 
 ceedingly desirable that such young teachers should be employed, by what may be called an 
 appropriate good fortune, in a school where, the labor being endurable and the wages accord- 
 ingly, and great enough to support themselves and their families, they would not be seeking 
 better situations. For a frequent change of teachers has many disadvantages : and it is not possi- 
 b.e for one to teach faithfully and thoroughly, who is on the watch for every opportunity to 
 better his situation, and who is seeking to serve, not the minds of his scholars, but his own 
 ease and pleasure." (Programme of the Augsburg Gymnasium, by Dr. Mezger, 1834. p. 11.) 
 
 tThis is no reproach to Franke. One who is endeavoring, like him, to assist a large num- 
 ber of children, must adapt himself to circumstances. The monitors of Bell and Lancaster 
 were certainly not as good assistants as the students of Franke. 
 
 t Herrnschmid was born in 1675, at Bopfingen, in Suabia, and was the author of several 
 eacred hymns ; among others, of " Praise the Lord, O thou my soul." Freylinghausen was 
 born at Gandersheim, in 1670, and died in 1739, in his place as director of the Orphan House. 
 He was distinguished for excellent sacred hymns ; and his volume of them marks an epoch 
 in their history. Herrnschmid was succeeded, as inspector of the Latin school, by several 
 eminent men, as Johann Jacob Rambach, Sigismund Jacob Baumgarten and August Gottlieb 
 Spangenberg, who was afterward Bishop of the United Brethren 
 
420 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 different places in different classes, according to their progress in dif- 
 ferent studies ; and lastly, that many of the students also gave in- 
 struction, and in a prescribed and strictly-followed method. 
 
 After having thus surveyed the numerous pedagogical labors of 
 Franke, for the university, for the Latin schools, burgher schools, and 
 orphans, we will now consider two departments of his efforts which 
 had only an indirect influence upon pedagogy. 
 
 The first is the Canstein Bible Institution, which was annexed to 
 the orphan-house. 
 
 Carl Hildebrand, Baron von Canstein, born in 1667*, was lord 
 marshal, and president of the supreme court of judicature, of the 
 electorate of Brandenburgh, and the trusted friend of Spener. In 
 1710, he published a pamphlet, with the title: "Humble proposal 
 how the word of God may be brought into the hands of the poor for 
 a small price." His plan was, " by means of the institution, to keep 
 forms standing, and to print one hundred thousand copies of the Bible 
 before the types were worn out." He put the sale into the hands of 
 Franke's orphan-house ; and Prince Carl of Denmark, brother of King 
 Frederick IV, gave for the purpose one thousand two hundred and 
 seventy-one ducats. The first edition of the New Testament under 
 this arrangement appeared in the year 1713. And, up to 1795. there 
 had been printed in the institution one million six hundred and fifty- 
 nine thousand eight hundred and eighty-three Bibles, eight hundred 
 and eighty- three thousand eight hundred and ninety New Testaments, 
 sixteen thousand copies of the Psalms, and forty-seven thousand of 
 Sirach. Luther's text was strictly adhered to, with only a few changes 
 universally recognized as necessary, and which were made with the 
 utmost diffidence and care, for fear of exciting attention and oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 A second department of Franke's activity was missions. King 
 Friedrich of Denmark, under the influence of his two German court 
 chaplains, Masius and Liitkens, applied to Franke for this purpose. 
 Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, and Heiurich Plutschau, were selected by 
 him as missionaries, were ordained in Copenhagen, and landed at 
 Tranquebar, July 9th, 1706. 
 
 This was the beginning of this important mission of the Lutheran 
 church, which lasted more than a century. With a depth of love 
 that believed all, and hoped all, the missionaries from Halle labored 
 perseveringly and faithfully, when all hope seemed to have departed. 
 In evil times, when pestilence, famine, and war prevailed, they were 
 in many ways the advisers and helpers of the natives. Ziegenbalg, at 
 unbounded sacrifices, and with vast zeal, translated a great part of the 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE 421 
 
 Bible and of the small Lutheran catechism into Tamul, wrote hymns 
 in that language, and with great industry composed two dictionaries 
 and a grammar of it. His worthy successor, Benjamin Schulze, com- 
 pleted his translation of the Bible. The influence of the missionaries 
 grew so fast that it was not confined to Tranquebar. From the year 
 1728, they were induced and aided to found Lutheran missions at 
 Madras, Cuddalore, Calcutta, Tanjore, and elsewhere.* 
 
 Schwarz distinguished himself above all the missionaries. He was 
 held in high respect by those of all sects. While the East India 
 Company, in 1779, employed him as an envoy to Seringapatam, and 
 the English in 1784, in the negotiation with Tippoo Saib, he was so 
 highly regarded by the Rajah of Tanjore, that the latter, upon his 
 death-bed, in 1787, required him to undertake the guardianship of 
 his adopted son, then nine years old. Schwarz died in 1798. In 
 1816, Middleton, English bishop to Calcutta, visited this son, then 
 King Sirfogan, in Tanjore ; the king, says the account,! " was no be- 
 liever in Christianity, but to the end of his life he wept tears of love 
 and gratitude for the well-remembered missionary Schwarz, whom he 
 was accustomed to call not only a great and good man, but his father, 
 and the friend, protector, and king of his youth ; and to whose 
 memory he had erected a costly marble monument, which was made 
 in London, and solemnly set up in the Christian church at Tanjore." 
 
 The missionaries from Halle applied themselves particularly to the 
 instruction of the Hindoo youth, by which means they trained up 
 many Hindoo catechists, who rendered valuable assistance in convert- 
 ing their countrymen.^ 
 
 This is not the place to give a detailed history of the Halle mission. 
 From 1705 to his death, Frank 6 was actively laboring for it in many 
 ways. Of these the chief was the careful choice of missionaries, who 
 were selected from the theological students of the school at Halle, 
 without special preparation for the missionary service. From 17 10, 
 
 * The Anglican church had not hitherto interfered with the missions; no missionaries had 
 received its ordination, or subscribed to the thirty-nine articles. Most of the missionaries, 
 from 1731 to 1792, were ordained at Wernigerode, by the Lutheran church. See Frankg's In- 
 stitutions, pp. 3, 356, 383, 339, 518, 552. So far from the Lutheran missionaries being under 
 the government of the Anglican church, it was especially remarked, in regard to the Lutheran 
 missionary, Diemer, "that (in London, > his great faults being well understood, he found at 
 first no very encouraging reception ; but that he afterward, by his pretenses, succeeded in en- 
 listing many upon his side ; and, in the hope of afterward deriving benefit from it, submitted 
 to episcopal ordination." 
 
 t " Later history of the evangelical missions," by Knapp, 67th part, p. 633. 
 
 t The number of members upon the church book at Tranquebar, in the space from 1706 to 
 1780, was 16,556. Franke's Institutions, 3. 248. 
 
 This has been the rule down to the latest times ; it has been remarked by the late Knapp, 
 of only one missionary, that he had not studkd, but had shown himself endowed with di 
 linguished talents 
 
422 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANK.E. 
 
 he was preparing for the publication of a " History of the evangelical 
 missions for the conversion of the heathen in India;'' he caused a 
 Tamul printing press to be sent from Halle to Tranquebar ; large sums 
 were intrusted to him with confidence for these missions ; and his 
 name was the security of the undertakings. Even in his last address 
 he showed how dear it was to his heart. 
 
 We have thus considered Franke's direct efforts, in the most vari- 
 ous directions. These labors however appear much greater when we 
 examine their indirect results. How many orphan-houses and poor- 
 schools may thank his example for their existence ; how often to-day 
 is his name mentioned in reports upon reform institutions ! What an 
 impulse did the Halle mission give to Protestants ; and how dear to 
 their hearts and consciences did the spread of Christianity become by 
 this means ! Zinzendorf, the founder of the Herrnhuters, was a pupil 
 of Franke's, and how great are the blessings which the Herrnhuters 
 have distributed among the most outcast of the heathen ! Was it 
 not the example of Franke which, in 172*7, led professor Callenberg, 
 of Halle, to found an institution for the conversion of Jews and Mo- 
 hammedans ; and was not this mission the forerunner of the present 
 mission to the Jews ? Lastly, was not the Canstein Bible Institution, 
 which has distributed, at exceedingly low prices, more than two million 
 copies of the Bible, the New Testament, the Psalter, &c., the forerun- 
 ner of all the Bible societies of the present day ? * 
 
 We have pursued Franke's life up to 1694 only ; although might 
 we not say that his life was most properly characterized by his efforts 
 and institutions ; that he lived entirely in what he considered his 
 divinely-given vocation ? 
 
 I shall here add but little. In that year, 1694, he married a Miss 
 Von Wurm, with whom he lived thirty-three years, until his death, 
 in happy marriage. They had three children. The first, a son, died 
 early. The second son, Gotthilf August, born in 1696, was Franke's 
 successor in the direction of the institutions ; the third child, a daugh- 
 ter, married Freylinghausen in 1715. Franke's domestic life, in the 
 small circle of his family, was wholly characterized by his pious spirit. 
 Up to his sixty-third year, he enjoyed, on the whole, good health. 
 If at any time he found himself overworked, he relieved himself by 
 travel. In 1725, he was attacked by a painful dysentery, and in Nov., 
 1726, he was lamed in his left h'and by an apoplexy. He however 
 felt himself so much stronger in March, 1727, that he inserted his lec- 
 
 * I forbear here to enlarge npon the fact that in Spener and Franke's schools originated an 
 unchurchlike, pietist, and mystical separatism, which has in after times become steadily mor 
 and more influential, erroneous, and misleading. 
 
AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 423 
 
 tares in the catalogue of lectures for the summer season. But he 
 delivered only one, on the 15th of May, a parenetical one, which he 
 ended, evidently affected, with the words : " so now go hence, and 
 may the Lord be blessed for ever and eternally." 
 
 On the 18th of May, he partook for the last time of the Lord's 
 Supper. 
 
 On the 24th of May, he walked in the garden of the orphan-house. 
 Here he poured out his soul in earnest prayer ; in which he referred 
 to his conversion at Luneburg. He said : " Under the open heaven I 
 have often made a league with thee, and said, if thou wilt be my God, 
 I will be thy servant. Often have I prayed to thee, Lord, give me 
 children, make them as the dew of the morning, make their numbers 
 as the stars in heaven. Thou hast done it ; and hast by my means 
 opened a spring of eternal life, and hast caused it to flow so far that 
 souls have drank of it in all parts of the world. Let it now flow 
 forth and forever, that the blessings may never cease, but may live 
 on to the end of the world." 
 
 From that time onward, his pains increased ; but he bore them with 
 Christian patience, supported by prayer and the reading of the Holy 
 Scriptures. He often repeated the words of the dying Jacob, "Lord, 
 1 wait for thy salvation." 
 
 On the 8th of June, he grew weaker and weaker. His pious wife 
 then asked him, " Is thy Saviour still near thee ? " " There is no 
 doubt of that," he answered. These were his last words. He now 
 fell into a slumber ; and sank away softly and placidly, among the 
 prayers and singing of his family and his friends, at three-quarters 
 past ten in the evening. He had reached the age of 64 years two 
 months and three weeks. 
 
 The whole city came forth to see once more the remains of the 
 dead ; and followed him to his resting-place, on the 17th of June. 
 
424 AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANKE. 
 
 FRANKE'S ORPHAN HOUSE IN 1853 
 
 Let us now bestow a short glance upon the exterior of Franke's Institutions 5 
 placing ourselves, for the purpose, in the so-called Franke's Square. From this, 
 we first see a large building, three stories high, and with fifteen windows in front. 
 In the first story, as we have related, are the book establishment and the apothe- 
 cary's shop ; and, in the second and third, the rooms of the Latin High School, 
 (Hauptschule.) Under two eagles, who direct their flight toward the sun, is the 
 inscription which we have already read : " They who wait upon the Lord shall 
 renew their strength ; they shall mount up with wings as eagles." On going up 
 the outer steps, the eye falls upon two large tablets, upon one of which is the in- 
 scription, "Stranger! what thou seest is the result of faith and love. Honor 
 the spirit of the founder, by believing and loving like him." The inside of the 
 edifice presents a long street with lofty houses each side. On the right is the 
 common dining-room, and over it the assembly-room, which is for school or re- 
 ligious uses. Next this are the officer's residences, the Canstein Bible Institu- 
 tion, the library, (which has gradually increased by gifts and legacies to 26,000 
 volumes, and in whose lower story is a high school for girls,) the chief account- 
 ant's office, the treasury, and the archives. 
 
 On the left hand are, next to the front building, the orphan institution for boys, 
 the rooms of the burgher and free schools, the Madchenhaus for orphan girls, 
 and two girls' schools. The long building next, with six entrances, the first of 
 which admits to a real school, and the others to many lodging-rooms for teachers 
 and scholars. 
 
 At the end of this interior street is a side of the edifice of the Royal Paeda- 
 gogium, to which, between two courts, is adjoined the main building for the pupils 
 of the institution. South of the great inner street is a second street, with build- 
 ings for the domestic departments, bakery, store-rooms for books and bibles, the 
 hospital, and the building yard. Beyond these are the extensive gardens and the 
 beautiful play grounds of the Orphan House and the Paedagogium. 
 
 Several of these buildings have, since Franke's death, either been entirely re- 
 built or changed by important repairs ; the outward appearance of his institutions 
 is, at this day, however, but little different from that in his time. 
 
 The schools have been much increased. Franke established the Paeda- 
 gogium, the Latin school, and the German schools for boys and girls. His suc- 
 cessors have maintained these, but, as successive periods required, have added to 
 them a real school, a higher girls' school, a preparatory school for future teachers, 
 and boys' and girls' schools for children entirely poor, quite separate from those 
 in which a moderate rate is required. 
 
 The number of scholars has increased remarkably. In 1698, it was 500; in 
 1707, 1100; in 1714, 1775; in 1727, 2205; and at about 1750, 2500. After 
 that time the number began to decrease, so that at the centennial foundation anni- 
 versary there were only 1418. During the present century, confidence in the 
 schools revived ; and the attendance upon them has rapidly risen to so great a 
 number as would have been injurious to the grade of the instruction, if care had 
 not always been taken to divide classes when too full. The Paedagogium alone 
 has decreased, by reason of various unfavorable circumstances, so that whereas, 
 fifty years ago, there were 76 pupils in it, there are now but 24. The Latin high 
 school has 475 pupils; the real school 480; the girl's high school 253; the 
 burgher school 714; the intermediate girls' so^ol 406 ; the free school for boys 
 315 ; that for girls 322 ; so that more than 3000 scholars are now (1853) daily 
 instructed in the institution. 
 
 The number of orphans, which in 1798 was 100, was, in 1727, 134; and in 
 1744,200. The great scarcity of the years from 1770 to 1773, inclusive, ren- 
 dered it necessary to decrease this number. In 1786 there were 80 boys and 35 
 girls; and the number was maintained only by great efforts. At present (1853) 
 there are 114 boys and 16 girls. The whole number of orphans who have been 
 brought up in the institution is 6757 ; of whom 5450 are boys, and 1307 girls. 
 To so many thousands has it been a foster-mother ! See "August Hermann 
 Franke, or the Power and Blessing of Prayer and Faith." Breslau. 
 
 A full account of the institution for orphans is given by Prof. Bache, in his 
 '' Report on Education in Europe." 
 
VERBAL REALISM. 
 
 Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.J 
 
 THUS we perceive that the circle of studies, both at the schools and 
 universities of that period (the sixteenth century, and thereabouts,) 
 was extremely limited, compared with that of the present day. It 
 is abundantly evident, as I have repeatedly remarked, that all the 
 time and energy of youth was devoted to the acquisition and the 
 practice of Latin eloquence. A many-years' course in grammar was 
 submitted to for the sake of correctness of speech, in logic for the 
 sake of precision of thought ; and history was taught in order to fur- 
 nish the material for the display of rhetoric, either in speaking or in 
 writing. Nothing was thought of, but disputations, declamations, 
 and the acting of the plays of Terence. The classics were read 
 merely for the purpose of gleaning from them phrases to be used in 
 constructing Latin sentences ; and, provided that an agreeable fullness 
 and cadence was thereby secured to the expression, but little heed 
 was given to the contents. Such we find to have been the spirit of 
 education among the Protestants, equally with the Jesuits ; Trotzen- 
 dorf and Sturm, Wurtembergers and Saxons, agreeing herein with 
 the Jesuit general, Claudius di Aquaviva. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the more liberal-minded Erasmus, there appeared 
 indications of a rebellion against this universal tendency : with him 
 arose a new type of culture, which may be appropriately styled 
 "verbal realism." This we will now endeavor to analyze, in order 
 in the sequel to distinguish it more clearly from " real realism." 
 
 Erasmus demanded of the grammarian or philologist (and it would 
 really appear self-evident,) that he should learn many things, without 
 which, he would be in no condition to understand the classics. For 
 instance, he insisted upon a knowledge of geography, arithmetic, and 
 natural science. He did not, however, exact that perfect and full ac- 
 quaintance with these topics possessed by the adept, but only a gen- 
 eral knowledge of them all, which, nevertheless, was a great advance 
 on the profound ignorance which had hitherto been acquiesced in. 
 
 As in so many other literary aspirations and achievements, Melanc- 
 tbon, in this matter also, followed in the wake of Erasmus. We have 
 seen that, even while at Tubingen, he did not rest contented with phi- 
 lological pursuits alone, but used every endeavor to acquire universal 
 425 
 
426 VERBAL REALISM. 
 
 knowledge, turning his attention to physics, mathematics, astronomy, 
 history, and medicine, and all his life he remained true to this desire 
 for universal culture. 
 
 In what spirit he studied all these sciences, especially the natural, 
 he intimates in many places. Thus, in the dedication to his physics, 
 addressed to Meienburg, the Mayor of Nordhausen, he says : " Al- 
 though the nature of things can not be absolutely known, nor the 
 marvelous works of God be traced to their original, until in that 
 future life we shall ourselves listen to the eternal counsel of the Fa- 
 ther, Son, and Holy Spirit, nevertheless, even amid this our present 
 darkness, every gleam and every hint of the harmony of this fair crea- 
 tion forms a step toward the knowledge of God and toward virtue, 
 whereby we ourselves shall also learn to love and maintain order and 
 moderation in all our own acts. Since it is evident that men are en- 
 dowed by their Creator with faculties fitted for the contemplation of 
 nature, they must, of necessity, take delight in investigating the ele- 
 ments, the laws, the motions, and the qualities or forces of the vari- 
 ous bodies, by which they are surrounded." " The uncertainty which 
 obtains with regard to so much in nature," he says elsewhere, " should 
 not deter us from our search, for it is none the less God's will that we 
 trace out his footsteps in the creation." "Let us prepare ourselves," 
 he continues, "for admission to that enduring and eternal Academy, 
 where all the imperfections of our philosophy shall vanish in the im- 
 mediate presence of the Master-Builder, who there shall Himself show 
 us his own archetype of the world." 
 
 " Many," he proceeds to say, " will smile at these Aristotelian be- 
 ginnings ; but they are the rudiments of what is destined, one day, to 
 become a perfected philosophy. Were the powers of men on a great- 
 er scale than we find them, still their knowledge must, as now, pro- 
 ceed from small beginnings. In such a plain and simple manner 
 might Adam once have taught his son, Abel, philosophy ; pointing 
 him to the heavens, the stars, the land, the water, teaching him of 
 the times and seasons, and, in all his teachings, directing him up to 
 God the Creator.!' 
 
 Further on he admonishes the learner, with an intelligent choice 
 to read the best authors on physics, to avoid all controversy, and to 
 make use of a faultless Latin style. "For," he says, "he who takes 
 pains to weigh his words will form a clear conception of the objects 
 he is describing. Where, on the contrary, a person coins uncouth 
 and strange words, his ideas will be sure to be crude and anomalous ; 
 as in the writings of Scotus and his fellows, you will not merely find 
 the language corrupt, but likewise that vague shadows of truth, or it 
 
VERBAL REALISM. 427 
 
 may be dreams, have been summoned up, and new words formed to 
 express them." 
 
 Then he relates how Paul Eber, in connection with himself, has 
 projected the text-book in question, upon the basis of Aristotle. And 
 he adds his caution against the course of those who deem it a mark 
 of genius to make a parade of high-sounding sentiments; for "the 
 right spirit in the quest of truth consists in the love of truth." Sci- 
 ence must be applied to life. " The church too is benefitted by these 
 physical studies; as, for instance, we have often to speak of the 
 harmony of the creation, so, likewise, of the derangement of this 
 harmony, and the evils which God has visited upon man in conse- 
 quence of the fall." While preparing his psychology, in which he 
 treats of the entire nature of man, he sought an interview with the 
 Nuremberg doctors of medicine, and requested the celebrated Leon- 
 ard Fox to send him communications upon anatomy, temperaments, 
 <fec. His enthusiasm for astronomy, he expresses thus, in his preface 
 to John Sacrobusto's book on the sphere. This book he thinks pecu- 
 liarly adapted to schools, " because the author understood how, from 
 the great mass of astronomical facts, to select the simplest and most 
 essential." Then he praises the study of astronomy, and quotes, with 
 commendation, Plato's saying, " that it was to gaze upon the stars that 
 eyes were given to men. For to look at it, the eye itself would seem 
 to bear an affinity to the stars." " And then too, the perdurable har- 
 mony of the starry heavens bespeaks a God. Thus, philosophers, who 
 despised astronomy, were atheists, denying our immortality. The in- 
 terpretation of the Holy Scriptures, and the conduct of life, equally 
 called for a knowledge of astronomy. What would become of men, 
 had they no chronology for the past, no calendar for the present ? 
 Neither the church nor the state could stand without it." And further 
 on, he lauds the Germans, Purbach and Regiomontanus, through 
 whose labors, astronomy, after being in disrepute for centuries, had been 
 again brought into honor. Thus those Epicurean theologians, who 
 scorned and rejected, not astrology alone, but a firmly-based scientific 
 astronomy also, had more need of the physician than the geometer, 
 to be cured of their madness. In the preface to his edition of Ara- 
 tus, addressed to Hieronymus Baumgartner, he says, " the knowledge 
 of nature we must learn from the Greeks ; Aratus throws light upon 
 much in the Latin poets." And against the enemies of mathematics, 
 he bears the following testimony, in a letter to Camerarius, " I can 
 only laugh over your anger that my recommendation of mathematics 
 has been condemned. In it I had no other aim, than to restore to 
 the schools the right use of this science, and to allure youth to the 
 
423 VERBAL REALISM. 
 
 study of it. This I have desired, and for this will I labor, so long as 
 any opportunity is left to me to help forward the cause of sound 
 learning." But how ill it must have fared with the mathematics, 
 when, as we have elsewhere cited, the mathematical professor at Wit- 
 temberg, lectured upon simple numbers, or the four primary elements 
 of arithmetic ; this fact, of itself, forms a practical comment on the 
 entire neglect into which arithmetic had fallen in the schools. 
 
 But much as Melancthon's defense of astronomy and mathematics 
 merits our approval, yet we must not close our eyes to the fact that, 
 he, like so many of his contemporaries, was a firm believer in the su- 
 perstitions of astrology.* In support of this belief, he cites the say- 
 ing of Aristotle, that " the world is under the dominion of the heav- 
 ens." Neither the learned treatise of Picus di Mirandola against as- 
 trology, nor Luther's hearty contempt for it, could ever wean him 
 from this superstition, as is evinced by the practical use he made of it 
 throughout his life. 
 
 In common with many eminent astronomers of that day, he ad- 
 hered to the Ptolemaic system, and this, although his friend and col- 
 league, Erasmus Reinhold, was among the first to recognize the claims 
 of Copernicus. And truly, what an entire change, both in modes of 
 thought as well as in text-books, was called for by that great work of 
 Copernicus, "On the revolutions of the heavenly bodies;'" for it re- 
 quired every work on astronomy to be rewritten, every opinion, and 
 every method of instruction, to be reconsidered. 
 
 Allusion has already been made, in another part of this work to 
 Luther's earnest and lively recommendation of the study of the 
 "real" sciences, such as history, mathematics, astronomy, and music. 
 
 But, despite all the expostulations of Erasmus, Melancthon, and Lu- 
 ther, these studies, as we have had occasion to observe, were sadly 
 neglected, both at schools and universities ; nor did they begin to re- 
 ceive a gradually increasing attention until the seventeenth century. 
 
 But what are " reals," and what is "realism?" These questions 
 are not easy to answer, even after all that we have said in elucidation 
 of them. Our task, however, will be simplified, if we divest our- 
 selves of the views and conceptions obtaining on this subject at the 
 present day, and confine our thoughts to the sixteenth century. The 
 philologist of that period aimed, in the study of the classics, at a two- 
 fold object. In the first place, he applied himself merely to the lan- 
 
 *He thus writes of his son-in-law, Sabinus : " Sabinus is of a head-strong nature, and will 
 not listen to advice ; this is due to the conjunction of Mars and Saturn, at his nativity, a fact 
 which I ought to have taken into account, when he asked the hand of my daughter." And, 
 because the mathematician, Hassfurt, who cast his nativity when he was a boy, had predicted 
 that peril would befall him from the North Sea, and the Baltic, he declined invitations 
 both to Denmark and to England. 
 
VERBAL REALISM. 429 
 
 guage of ancient authors, grammatically, as he considered its ety- 
 mological and syntactical forms; critically, as he scrutinized the accu- 
 racy of the text; and aesthetically, while he weighed the expression 
 and the rhythm of the prose writer or the meter of the poet. At the 
 same time he read both prose and poetry, with constant reference to 
 a more and more perfect imitation of them, both in speaking and in 
 writing. And, secondly, he applied himself to the contents, whatever 
 they might be, whether they related to war or to peace, to affairs of 
 state, to nature, art, mythology, etc. This study of the contents of 
 an author was afterward styled the study of " reals," to distinguish it 
 from that of language alone. Such was that study upon which Eras- 
 mus and Melancthon laid so much stress ; but it was nevertheless by 
 no means conducted independently of the ancients, being based in 
 great part upon their writings, and then, in turn, used as indispens- 
 able aids in their interpretation. 
 
 Let the reader imagine himself, on the one hand, regarding solely 
 the language of the classics, and taking their subject into account 
 only where this is required to throw light on the words ; and, on the 
 other hand, penetrating to the subject-matter of an author, and giv- 
 ing no more attention to the phraseology than is absolutely necessary 
 to an understanding of that subject-matter. In this latter case, his 
 ideal will be to convert the language into a perfectly transparent me- 
 dium, and to read the classics without embarrassment, as though 
 Greek or Latin were his mother tongue. 
 
 Reading the classics out of pure regard for the language, belongs 
 chiefly to the professional philologist. This study of language, in and 
 for itself, might be called pure philology, after the analogy of the 
 pure mathematics. These have to do, for instance, with unknown 
 quantities, with numbers in the absolute, with algebraic formulae. 
 And, as the pure mathematics are applied to astronomy, optics, acous- 
 tics, etc., becoming the handmaid to these sciences, so pure philology 
 ministers to the purposes of the historian, the archaeologist, etc. 
 
 This contest between " reals " and " verbals," had presented itself, 
 as we have seen, to the minds, both of Erasmus and Melancthon ; 
 but the terms "reals" and "realism" were not, so far as I can learn, 
 employed by either of them. Nor is this strange, if WQ consider 
 that they flourished near the period when the term " realism," intro- 
 duced by the scholastics, as contrasted with " nominalism," had a 
 meaning wholly unlike that of the same term in its present accepta- 
 tion. 
 
 When this term first began to change its original meaning, we may 
 gather from a treatise by the well-known philologist, Taubmann, 
 
430 VERBAL REAUSM. 
 
 which appeared in the year 1614. In this he says, "there is one 
 thing which has often excited my surprise, and that is, if any one 
 devotes unusual care to the acquisition of a graceful and elegant style, 
 young men, and sometimes even the teachers of young men, will call 
 him, by way of derision, philologist, critic, and grammarian, or, in one 
 word, verbalist; but to themselves they arrogate the new name of 
 realists, thereby intimating that their concern is with things alone, 
 while those others, wholly absorbed in language, overlook the matter 
 spoken of." 
 
 It will be observed that realists are here contrasted, not with hu- 
 manists, but with verbalists. Verba valent sicut nummi. Evidently, 
 then, the realists to whom Taubmann alludes, found their advantage in 
 fastening upon their opponents the epithet verbalists ; for thereby 
 they branded them as dealers in words, who pursued the shadow and 
 lost the substance. In our day, however, the tables are turned, since 
 the verbalists have assumed the new title of humanists, and, by so do- 
 ing, have given the realists, in no vague manner, to understand that 
 they count them for barbarians, and, as such, destitute of all enno- 
 bling culture. 
 
 " But," my readers may ask, " what is to be understood by the ex- 
 pression 'verbal realism ?' Is it not a contradiction in terms?" Ap- 
 parently it is ; yet we shall see, in the sequel, that besides the general 
 distinction between " verbals " and " reals," there also subsists a two- 
 fold division of realism itself; viz., into verbal and real. Some in- 
 dications of this latter division we have already met, in the close of 
 our sketch of the earlier universities. Here, for instance, astronomy 
 was taught without an observatory, anatomy without dissections, bota- 
 ny without herbals, natural philosophy without experiments, all from 
 books, Aristotle, Pliny, Aratus, Galen, etc., and this knowledge 
 was then made use of in turn for the elucidation of the same books 
 from whence it was drawn. Such was "verbal realism" in those 
 times, and such is it likewise in our day ! The meaning that we at- 
 tach, on the other hand, to the phrase " real realism," will appear 
 more clearly in the light of the succeeding chapter upon Lord Bacon. 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 
 
 [Translated from the German of Karl von Raumer for this Journal.] 
 
 DURING the seventeenth century, pedagogical realism gained more 
 and more ground in the schools of learning, as is shown by the in- 
 troduction of the school-books of Comenius. These were brought 
 into the gymnasium at Hersfield, in 1649. In the Dantzic Gymna- 
 sium, according to the plan of study for 1653, the Vestibulum and 
 Janua of Comenius were to be read ; in those of Stargard and Nu- 
 remberg, the Orbis Pictus. 
 
 In the use of these books, however, the thing sought for appears 
 to have been a copia vocabulorum, with especial regard to the speak- 
 ing of Latin. The pictures were used rather as a mnemonic help for 
 fixing the words in the memory, than according to the idea of Co- 
 menius, as means of becoming acquainted with the things themselves. 
 
 The things, however, imperceptibly asserted their proper place. 
 Feuerlein remarks, that complaint had been made of the want of a 
 good vocabulary or nomenclator ; , and about the Orbis Sensualium 
 of Comenius, which up to that time had been almost the only work 
 of the kind. This contained the Latin of tailors, weavers, shoemak- 
 ers, cooks, and butlers, unlatin phrases and barbarisms ; and, on the 
 other hand, lacked the most necessary words, particles, &c* The 
 Libellus memorial** of Cellarius was introduced in the place of the 
 Orbis Pictus, to remedy this defect. But this school-book, which was 
 of printed matter only, gave no better satisfaction ; men had become 
 used to the pictures of Comenius, and to his world of real things. 
 Thus, Feuerlein says : " men might set about some wood-cuts or cop- 
 per-plates, in which the several things which youth were learning 
 might at least be placed in effigie before their eyes, and under each, 
 what they are, or for what they are used, might be written ; of which 
 they might memorize the Latin names, and thus might fix words in 
 their memories in relation to which they did not know what the thing 
 is, or what the word means. * * * Besides, it would not be a 
 
 * Feuerlein relates that when a scholar asked Conrector Manner. " Master, what is the 
 Latin for Kugel-Hopflein ? " (a sort of cake.) he answered, " You fool, do you suppose that 
 Cicero ever ate a Kugel-Hopflein 7 " That is, where is the use of learning Latin wordi 
 which do not appear in the classics 1 
 
432 THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 
 
 bad plan," he continues, " to take some of the boys, from time to 
 time, upon walks into the fields and gardens, to forges, saw mills, pa- 
 per mills, &c., or to workshops of all kinds ; to show them the tools, 
 and tell them what are their names, and what is done with them ; 
 and then to ask them what are the Latin names of this or that, which 
 they see in substantia before their eyes ; or to tell them to them. 
 This would not only impress the words much better upon their memo- 
 ries, while they would not otherwise learn them without vexation, 
 since they do not understand them in German, or know what the thing 
 is ; but also this knowledge would serve a good turn in every-day life ; 
 in which the educated man often appears so ignorant and ill-informed 
 upon subjects which are always coming up in ordinary conversation." 
 
 Something of life was beginning to make itself felt all through the 
 schools. 
 
 Although the Orbis Pictus was disused in the Nuremberg Gym- 
 nasium, the Vestibulum of Comenius was yet retained there in the two 
 lowest classes. In the same direction was tending most of the realist 
 instruction" in mathematics, which is called, in the plan of study given 
 by Feuerlein, mathesis juvenilis, and which passed through five classes. 
 
 Sturm's class-book,* which was used for this purpose, is largely fur- 
 nished with copper-plates, and includes general mathematics, practi- 
 cal arithmetic, theoretical and practical geometry, (field surveying, 
 measuring altitudes, and stereometry,) optics, military and civil archi- 
 tecture, cosmography, chronology, dialing, mechanics, and, last of all, 
 chiromancy! The elements of these studies are contained upon 
 seventy-nine folio pages. Feu* .ein praises highly Sturm's mathe- 
 matical method ; one would think one was listening to a scholar of 
 Pestalozzi. " In it," he says, " there is no learning by rote of the 
 one-times-one, as is customary in the German schools, without under- 
 standing it ; but they learn themselves to make it, and to fix their 
 understanding on it with reason and good apprehension of it. Here 
 is learned the &OT-I, the basis of the rules, why they do so and so; 
 in the German schools only the on is taught ; how to proceed, with- 
 out knowing the basis of the proceedings, the why. In the latter 
 case the work would seem to be almost entirely one of memory, 
 rather than of reason." He then goes on to praise it, and this is 
 what we have special regard to ; that the boys " learn so skillfully to 
 use the compasses, the square, the measuring-rod, &c., and that, after 
 a few exercises, they learn, quickly and neatly, to estimate by the eye 
 alone, the size of a table, a window, a room, a house, &c." 
 
 * The title is : " Johannis Christophori Sturmii mathesis compendiaria sive tyrocinia 
 jotJiematica." I have before me the sixth edition in folio, Coburg, 1714 ; edited by Sturm'i 
 nhard Christoph Sturm. 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 433 
 
 According to Sturm's preface to his book, it was introduced into 
 various German gymnasiums. 
 
 Pastor Semler, of Halle, went still one step further.* In 1739, 
 he published an account called "Upon the Mathematical, Mechanical, 
 and Agricultural Real School in the city of Halle, approved and re- 
 opened by the royal Prussian government of the Duchy of Magde- 
 burg, and the Berlin royal society of sciences."! 
 
 So far as I know, this is the first time that the name and the idea 
 of the real school appear. Besides religious instruction, according to 
 Semler, youth are to be instructed in knowledge which is useful and 
 entirely indispensable in every-day life; and, in particular, all visible 
 things are to be shown to them, whether in nature or by means of all 
 manner of pictures. "A description of Rome in a book," he says, 
 " gives the faintest notion of the city ; a more lively one is given by 
 an oral description, from one who has lived long in Rome ; the live- 
 liness of this impression is increased by copper-plates, paintings, or 
 models ; but to see the city with one's own eyes gives a most perfect 
 knowledge. His rule has been, for forty years, Non scholce sed vitce 
 discendum. In real life is needed a knowledge of weight, size, of 
 the use of circles and lines, of the almanac, astronomy, and geogra- 
 phy. There is also needed : '.' Knowledge of some physical things, 
 such as metals, minerals, common stones, and precious stones, woods, 
 colors, drawings, farming, gardening, book-keeping, something of 
 anatomy and regimen, the most necessary parts of police regulations, 
 the history of the country, from the Halle Chronicle and other au- 
 thors ; the map of all Germany, and those of the Duchy of Mag- 
 deburg, and of the cities and towns lying about Halle, which will 
 be the subject of conversation very often in daily life ; for this sort of 
 knowledge is much more important than to know in what part of the 
 world are Dublin, Astrakhan, and Adrianople." 
 
 We have here not only an enumeration of most of the real sub- 
 jects which were afterward taught in the real schools, but also the 
 fundamental principle appears here which was the leading one of 
 Rousseau and Pestalozzi ; that, first of all, that must be learned 
 which is required by the immediate present, by daily life. 
 
 Among the professors at Halle, Semler mentions Chr. Thomasius, 
 Cellarius, Hofmann the physician, and the philosopher Wolf, as those 
 who approved his principles. In 1706, he presented his school pro- 
 
 * Christoph Semler, a Lutheran preacher, was born in Halle, in 1669 ; read lectures there ; 
 in 1697 became a magistrate, in 1699 inspector of the poor schools; was principal deacon of 
 the church of St. Uirich, and member of the Berlin Academy of Sciences. He died in 1740 
 .fb'cher says, " He was a man of great science in mechanics and mathematics." 
 
 t This appeared in the "Halle. Advertiser," from which it was taken for the "Ada ffistorica 
 Ecclesiastical (1740, Vol. XIX.. u. 198.) 
 
434 THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 
 
 posals to the government of Magdeburg, which entered into them 
 with approval. The Berlin society of sciences, being applied to by 
 that government upon the subject, answered on the 15th of Decem- 
 ber, 1706 ; that provided schools were established for the training up 
 of state and church officers, it would be well for such boys as now 
 attend only the German schools, " to be instructed in an actual me- 
 chanical school, so that their understandings and senses might be 
 more developed ; and especially that they might become acquainted 
 with common materials and subjects, their value and price, with the 
 common proportions of circles, lines, angles, and weight, as well as 
 with different sizes and their measurement, with weighing, and upon 
 opportunity with the simple microscope, for the better understanding 
 of the constituents of bodies ; and with the use of other useful in- 
 struments, together with tools and levers ; to the end that this knowl- 
 edge might serve them for improved understanding and practices, 
 and to the invention of new and useful modes of using them. Thus 
 it can be seen that there would be attained by such scholars, good 
 proportions in their work, a steady hand, and the like advantages, 
 such as are derived from a more intelligent use of the outward senses, 
 which are the foundation of all the skill which nature can ofier and 
 practice can perfect." 
 
 Semler, now assisted by the city, caused twelve poor boys to be in- 
 structed in his house, by a " literary man, well experienced in mathe- 
 matics, mechanics, and agriculture;" but his plan lasted only for a 
 year and a half. In this course of instruction, "sixty-three single 
 objects were displayed before their eyes," chiefly by models.* In 
 1738, these ocular demonstrations were resumed. These were placed 
 before the scholars, says Semler, " to see, not exotic things and ob- 
 jects of curiosity, but only things daily necessary, and such as pos- 
 sess the most immediate utility in every day life. By this method, 
 the schools, which have been verbal schools hitherto, will become 
 real schools, since information will be given in them no more by 
 means purely abstract, universal, and intellectual. The elementary 
 information of little children should be given to them without books, 
 from things themselves." Books should merely serve for repetition, 
 and the ideas of things are to be adjoined to words. The schools, 
 hitherto rooms of martyrdom, will, by the introduction of realities 
 into them, become real pleasure rooms. Semler was seventy years 
 old when he wrote these words. It would be an error to consider 
 him, from what has above been said, an entirely earthly-minded ma- 
 
 * Sometimes by very strange ones. Thus there was a machine " which demonstrated the 
 true reason of the rise and fall of the tide." 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 435 
 
 terialist realist, as so many of his successors were. He did not desire 
 to remain permanently in the realm of the material, but, as he says, 
 " to ascend from the creature to the Creator ; " and he prays for the 
 gift of enlightened eyes, which may penetrate within the penetralia 
 of the creature. In conclusion, the pious old man, with the Psalm- 
 ist, praises the works of God. " Blessed is he," he says, " who knows 
 them holily ; and twice blessed, he who holily takes pleasure in them, 
 and thanks him for them, from the bottom of his heart."* 
 
 It has been remarked that in Francke's school there were various 
 real studies, as botany, turning, and the like. Should not Semler, 
 brought into such close communion with Francke, as teacher in the 
 University of Halle, and as preacher and instructor of the German 
 schools, have had an influence upon the improvements in teaching in 
 the Paedagogium and Orphan-house by his pedagogical realism ? It 
 is worthy of remark, that from Francke's school came Johann Julius 
 Hecker, who, in 1747, established the first important real school in 
 Berlin ; as did his successor in the same school, Johann Elias Silbers- 
 chlag. 
 
 In treating of the stronger and stronger growth of realism, a dis- 
 tinction of it must be made, into two kinds. On the one hand, real 
 studios, before entirely suppressed by the study of language, began 
 to be more correctly estimated, and attempts were made to introduce 
 them into the learned schools. And, on the other hand, the convic- 
 tion grew, that in these schools the instruction was proper for such 
 boys as were intended for the learned professions, and only for such, 
 and that all other scholars were obliged to learn, and that in a super- 
 ficial manner, things which could be of no use to them in after life. 
 It was clear that, for scholars not intending a life of study, real knowl- 
 edge was far more valuable than a mere purposeless beginning with 
 Latin. The answer of the Berlin academy in the matter of Semler 
 shows as much. Rector Gesner, of Rotenburg, in 1720, wrote to the 
 same effect : " The one class, who will not study, but will become 
 tradesmen, merchants, or soldiers, must be instructed in writing, arith- 
 metic, writing letters, geography, description of the world, and his- 
 tory. The other class may be trained for studying." Schottgen, 
 rector in Dresden, wrote, in 1742, a "Humble proposal for the special 
 class in public city schools" In these schools, he says, every one is 
 arranged with a view to the learning of Latin, and children, " who 
 are to remain without Latin," are entirely forgotten. They are forced 
 to learn Donatus and the grammar, which are useless for them ; and 
 
 * I have, up to this time, been unable to learn further particulars about Semler. Schulz, 
 ("Rhenish Gazette," March and April, 1842, o. 159,) speaks cursorily of Semler's sad expe- 
 riences at Halle." 
 
436 THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY 
 
 they do not study what would be useful to mechanics, artists, or mer- 
 chants. Of what use will it be to such, to have learned anthrax, colax, 
 <fec. ? State and country need, not only people who know Latin, but 
 others also. For these reasons he advises to organize a special class 
 for such. " My proposal," he says, with resignation, " is already re- 
 jected before it has been brought to light. But, if what there is in it 
 is not yet ripe, we will wait until the time comes for it." 
 
 Rector Henzky of Prenzlau, already mentioned, wrote, in 1751, a 
 treatise "That real schools can and must become common ;" and the 
 learned and cautious Joh. Matthias Gesner expressed himself thus : 
 " It is a common fault of most of our schools, that in them provision 
 is made only for such as intend to become what are called learned 
 men by profession ; and thus a complete acquaintance with Latin is 
 required of all young people, without any distinction. On the con- 
 trary, those things are for the most part neglected, which would be 
 indispensable, or at least useful, in common civil life, in the arts and 
 professions, at court and in war. * * * A well-organized gym- 
 nasium should, on the contrary, be so arranged that youth, of every 
 extraction, age, character, and distinction, may find their account there, 
 and be taught in them for the common good. Youth may be, with 
 reference to their future life, divided into three classes. 1. Those who 
 are to learn trades, arts, or to be merchants ; 2. Those who are to seek 
 their fortune at court or in war ; and, 3. Those who are to remain stu- 
 dents, and to go to the university."* 
 
 Thus many wise men demanded that regard should be had, not 
 only exclusively and uniformly to the education of students, but also 
 to that of children who were " to remain without Latin." But the 
 question how to bring this to pass, was a difficult one to answer. 
 
 According to Gesner's view, each gymnasium must solve the prob- 
 lem of educating all these entirely different classes of children. But 
 it is evident how difficult of solution it must have been ; and how 
 great was the danger, that the endeavor to comply with the most vari- 
 ous requirements, would result in satisfying none of them, and be- 
 coming quite characterless. 
 
 But why such mixed schools ? asked others. Would it not be 
 better to erect separate institutions, perhaps not for every pursuit not 
 literary, but for them all together ? These questions may have be- 
 come more important, as the confusion in the gymnasium from their 
 attempt to attain different ends increased, and the conviction grew, 
 
 * J. M. Gesner, Minor German Works, p. 355. As these appeared in 1756, Gesnir'f 
 ''Thoughts on the Organization of a Gymnasium," from which the extract in the text is 
 taken, must have been written before that time. His plan of a gymnasium includes those 
 :hree classes, for the accommodation of pupils. 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 437 
 
 that each school should have but one principle, one aim, one char- 
 acter. 
 
 The history of the Berlin real school is very instructive in this con- 
 nection, as furnishing a series of attempts to unite and bring into har- 
 mony with each other, humanist and real studies ; the instruction 
 of those who were and were not to become men of learning. 
 
 I have named Julius Hecker as the founder of this school.* He 
 was appointed preacher at the Church of the Trinity, in Berlin, in 
 1739, and at the same time became instructor of the German schools 
 belonging to the parish. He considered institutions of instruction 
 the seed-beds of the state, from which the young, like trees from a 
 nursery, could be transplanted into their proper places. He there- 
 fore wished for schools which should prepare for learned studies ; and 
 others which should train for the position of citizens, artisans, sol- 
 diers, and land -owners ; and others for farmers and day-laborers. In 
 accordance with this view, he organized the real school, which he es- 
 tablished in 1747. It consisted of three schools, partly subordinated 
 and in part co-ordinate; of the German school, the Latin school, and 
 the real school proper. Scholars from the Latin and German schools 
 might receive instruction in the real school also. In the latter were 
 taught arithmetic, geometry, mechanics, architecture, drawing, and 
 the knowledge of nature. A knowledge of the human body was espe- 
 cially taught, then plants and minerals, and instruction was given in 
 the cultivation of mulberry trees and silk- worms, and the scholars 
 were taught by being taken to workshops. Among the classes were 
 a manufacturing class, an architectural class, an agricultural class, a 
 book-keeping class, and a mining class.f 
 
 The organization of the Latin school presents nothing particular. 
 The pupils were taught weekly, Latin twelve hours, French and other 
 languages five hours ; and the boys received besides various kinds of 
 real instruction, and were overwhelmed with lessons. Except from 
 twelve to one, instruction was given from seven in the morning to 
 seven at night. 
 
 In 1753, J. F. Halm became teacher of the real school; who 
 taught by means of intuition, after Semler's manner. For this pur- 
 pose a large collection of real objects was used, among which were 
 models of buildings, ships, chests, plows, churns, columns of the differ- 
 ent orders, pictorial representations of an entire Roman triumphal 
 procession, collections of merchandise, a miniature shop, a pharma- 
 
 * The information here following is mostly from Principal Schulz's "History of t he Real 
 School in Berlin." See Diestervveg's "Rheinische Blatter," Vols. XXV. and XXVI., 1842. 
 
 t In 1748, a boarding-house was attached to the school, in which the first boarder was Fried 
 lich Nicolai. 
 
438 THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 
 
 cological collection, specimens of leather, &c., <fec. There was also a 
 botanical garden adapted to the real school, and a plantation of mul- 
 berries. 
 
 Hecker and Halm laid their pedagogical views before the public. 
 The former, among other works, wrote, in 1749, one entitled "A sin- 
 cere proposal how the Latin tongue may be maintained in worth and 
 honor"* He says, " it is in vain that we strive to keep the Latin upon 
 its ancient throne ; juridical and medicinal examinations and exam- 
 inations of candidates show into what a low estate it has fallen." 
 His advice is, to pursue real studies until the eleventh or twelfth year, 
 and then to begin Latin. 
 
 Halm wrote, ''"How to collect in real schools what is necessary and 
 useful of languages, arts, and sciences, 1753." He advised to give 
 children not only oral descriptions, but also to show them things 
 themselves, either in their natural form or in models and pictures. 
 From his treatise will appear the connection between the specimens 
 of leather above mentioned, and the class in manufacturing. " In 
 the class in manufactures," he says, " they began at Christmas with 
 the art of working in leather. To pursue this study in a manner to 
 make it useful and practical in future life, a collection of all kinds of 
 leather is necessary. There might be shown to youth for instruction, 
 more than ninety kinds of leather, each piece perhaps as large as an 
 octavo page. Among these might be all kinds of sole-leather, calves' 
 leather, and that of cows, horses, and sheep ; similar pieces of goat- 
 skin, deerskin, doeskin, buckskin, Cordovan, Morocco, Russia, and 
 other kinds." 
 
 Julius Hecker died in 1768; and Halm had left the school in 
 1759. 
 
 From the foregoing it seems clear, that there had not been enough 
 difference, in the real schools, between the studies of those who were 
 to be students and of those who were not ; between literary studies 
 and real studies. This occasioned the unheard of number of eleven 
 hours of study daily ; which was made necessary by the crowd of ob- 
 jects of instruction. It however also appears, from the same, that 
 Hecker not only was true to his "chief principle, non scholce sed vitas, 
 discendum, but that he pushed it from a misunderstanding, even to 
 caricatures. 
 
 The school should prepare well for life, but should not anticipate 
 it ; it should not undertake to teach what life only teaches or can 
 teach. Halm's words, above quoted, "At Christmas we began with 
 Jie art of working in leather," must appear silly to every intelligent 
 
 * Ancient and Modern Schools, collected hv Biedermann, 17S, Part VI. 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 439 
 
 man. Is this the meaning of the wise maxim, non scholce sed 
 vitce discendum ? Had the real idea of life become wholly lost in 
 that hard and dead period ? 
 
 After the death of Hecker, Job an n Elias Silberschlag, known as a 
 mathematician and naturalist, became director of the institution.* 
 He seems to have in view a more popular distinction of the three in- 
 stitutions here united under the common name of " real school." He 
 gave to the three the names of Psedagogium, art school, and Ger- 
 man or artisans' school. 
 
 The German school was the elementary school for all, but had also 
 an especial class in trades. In the art school, the students laid the 
 foundation of a knowledge of mathematics, Latin, and French, al- 
 though this school was particularly intended for workmen, farmers, 
 and others not proposing -to study. The teachers of mathematics in 
 this school gave as rules, "Axioms and theorems which did not require 
 theoretical acuteness ; " these being needed in the Psedagogium. In 
 this there were two theoretical-mathematical classes ; in the lower of 
 which arithmetic was taught, in the other algebra. The other studies 
 of the Psedagogium were the usual ones of the higher gymnasium 
 class. Silberschlag leaving in 1784, Andreas Jacob Hecker succeeded 
 him in his office. An education for special pursuits was more and 
 more aimed at in the artisans' school ; there were given in it special 
 lectures to future miners and smelters, and particularly for those pre- 
 paring to become practical geometers, artillerists, foresters, farmers, 
 merchants, &c. Some hours weekly were even devoted to instruction 
 in German ; " in order to make those, who shall wish in future to en- 
 gage as secretaries to high boards of authorities in the country, bet- 
 ter acquainted with the course of business." Thus the real school 
 of arts was a gathering of the most dissimilar schools for special pur- 
 suits. " The idea rises of necessity," says the historian of the school, 
 " that where the endeavor is to reach every one, but little will be 
 actually attained. And this was the fact with our real school." 
 
 During the same time, the Psedagogium, under Hecker, acquired 
 more the peculiar character of a literary school. In 1797, on the oc- 
 casion of its fiftieth anniversary festival, it took the name of the Fried- 
 rich Wilhelm's Gymnasium;" and, in the year 1811, it was finally 
 separated from the real school, in respect to its teachers and its lec- 
 tures.f Long and hard experience had at last brought the convic- 
 tion that the previous close connection of the two institutions was a 
 mesalliance, by which both lost their independence of character. 
 
 * It Is characteristic of the man, that he was at the same time a consistorial counselor and 
 high c0inselor of public buildings. 
 
 t That is, from the real school in its more proper sense ; the school of arts of Silbers- 
 hlae. 
 
440 THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 
 
 The purposes of the two institutions being so different, it was nec- 
 essary that the teaching in real studies in the gymnasium must be 
 entirely distinct from that in the real schools ; and the instruction 
 in language in the real school from that in the gymnasium. There 
 must be a distinction in selection, method, and design. 
 
 One observation suggests itself here. Gymnasiums are, as to their 
 instruction, really and clearly distinct universities, in this; that they 
 look only to the general education, as the foundation for instruc- 
 tion in all vocations, while the universities are characterized by study 
 in the faculties, and thus prepare for the entrance into real life. It 
 was with justice that great displeasure was manifested, when, at the 
 end of the last century, a master required that future jurists, in the 
 gymnasium, should study, instead of Tacitus and Virgil, the institu- 
 tions of Heineccius. The gymnasium knows no professional studies, 
 and should know of none ; lest it should forcibly communicate, to im- 
 mature boys, a professional education without any real basis. 
 
 Does this same distinction apply to real schools ? was it not the 
 greatest of mistakes, that in the Berlin school direct instruction was 
 given for miners, farmers, &c., &c. ? 
 
 Such a purpose was that of the excellent Spilleke, who assumed 
 the direction of the real school in 1820.* His opinion was, that this 
 school should, in its higher classes, " give or at least introduce to such 
 an education as, without pretending to thorough classic studies, should 
 prepare for the higher relations of society ; but a more special pre- 
 paration, such as was aimed at in earlier times in this part of the 
 school, is not proper." 
 
 If we understand Spilleke here, he suggests new questions. If the 
 real schools must correspond with the gymnasiums, how must those 
 real studies be organized which correspond with the universities ; in 
 which the real scholars intend to finish their studies ? 
 
 Are our polytechnic schools and higher industrial schools true 
 " real " universities ? Do they, by virtue of the great variety of their 
 studies in arts and trades, become divided into parts which corres- 
 pond to the faculties of the universities ? Or are such "real" uni- 
 versities not practicable, and must there be a special school for each 
 trade, because most occupations have some peculiar elements in their 
 life ? The miner must ultimately be trained in the mine, the sailor 
 on the sea, the farmer in the country; but all three can receive their 
 general preparatory training in the same real school. And indeed, 
 
 A. J. Hecker died in 1819, and was followed by Bernardi, who died the next year. After 
 him came Spilleke, who was succeeded, after his death, in 1841, by F. Ranke, distinguished 
 both as an educator and a man of learning. 
 
THE REAL SCHOOLS OF GERMANY. 441 
 
 if students of many arts and trades should enjoy primary instruction, 
 whether carried more or less far, should not this be followed by a 
 purely practical study and drill in the pursuit, under the guidance of 
 skillful masters ; and should not their more complete artistic or sci- 
 entific training come after these years of apprenticeship ? 
 
 But I must not too far transgress my limits as a historian. When 
 rector Schottgen, in 1742, published his "Modest proposal" for making 
 suitable provision for the instruction of children who are not to study 
 Latin, he hopelessly added, as we have seen, " My proposal is already 
 rejected, before it has been brought into the light." But encouraging 
 himself, he went on : " But yet, if what is proposed therein is not yet 
 ripe, we will wait until its time shall come." 
 
 The old rector prophesied rightly. One century after he wrote, 
 there were, in the Prussian states alone, forty-two real institutions, to 
 one hundred and twenty-six gymnasiums. 
 
 [To enable our readers, who may not have access to Bache's "Edu- 
 cation in Europe," or to Barnard's "National Education in Europe," 
 we transfer from the latter the following account of a Real School, 
 and Art Institute of our day, in Prussia, compared with a Gymnasium 
 of the highest grade. ED.] 
 
 FREDERICK WILLIAM GYMNASIUM OF BERLIN. 
 
 This institution dates from 1797, and was at first an appendage to the " real 
 school" of Mr. Hecker. It is now a royal institution, and is independent of the 
 real school, except so far that it has the same director, and that the preparatory 
 classes are in the real school, in which, or in other equivalent schools, the pupils 
 are taught until ten years of age. The qualifications for admission are those con- 
 tained in the general account of the gymnasia. This gymnasium had, in 1837, 
 four hundred and thirty-seven pupils, divided into six classes, and instructed by 
 fourteen teachers and six assistants. The second and third classes are subdivided 
 into two parts, called upper and lower, pursuing different courses, and both divi- 
 sions of the third class are again subdivided into two others, for the convenience 
 of instruction. The course in each class occupies a year, except in the first, which 
 is of two years. Pupils who enter in the lowest class, and go regularly through 
 the studies, will thus remain nine years in the gymnasium. The numbers of the 
 several classes in 1837 were, in the first, fifty-four; in the upper second, thirty- 
 two ; lower second, forty-seven ; upper third division, first, or A, thirty-six 5 
 second division, or B, thirty-six 5 lower third, division first, or A, thirty-eight ; 
 division second, or B, thirty-two ; fourth class, fifty-five ; fifth, fifty-seven ; and 
 sixth, fifty. Each. division averages, therefore, nearly forty-four pupils, who are 
 at one time under the charge of one teacher. One hundred and eight were 
 admitted during the year, and the same number left the gymnasium ; of these, 
 twenty-one received the certificate of maturity to pass to the university, viz., ten 
 who intend to study law, three medicine, five theology, one theology and philo- 
 logy, one philosophy, and one political economy, finance, &c., (cameralistic.) Of 
 these all but five were two years in the first class ; out of this number two were 
 two years and a half in the first class, and three more had been in the gymnasium 
 less than two years, having entered it in the first class. The average age at leav- 
 ing the gymnasium was nearly nineteen years, and the greatest and least, respec- 
 tively, twenty-two and between sixteen and seventeen years. It appears, thus, 
 that on the average, the pupils actually enter at ten, and remain nine years, as 
 required by rule. 
 
 The subjects of instruction are Latin, Greek, German, French, religious instruc- 
 
442 FREDERICK WILLIAM GYMNASIUM OF BERLIN. 
 
 tion, mathematics, (including arithmetic, algebra, and geometry,) natural philoso- 
 phy and natural history, history, geography, writing, drawing, vocal music, and 
 Hebrew for theologians. 
 
 The numbers attached to the names of the different classes, in the following 
 programme, show the number of hours of study per week in the regular branches 
 in which the division of classes takes place. In like manner, the numbers attached 
 to the several subjects of study show how many hours are occupied per week in 
 each of the subjects by the several classes. 
 
 SIXTH CLASS, THIRTY HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Inflections of nouns, &c. Comparisons. Conjugation of the indicative moods of 
 regular and of some irregular verbs. Translation from Blume's elementary book. Exercises 
 from Bluing^a, Extemporalia. Ten hours. 
 
 Gerr/m;'/ l Etymology and syntax. Exercises in writing upon subjects previously narrated. 
 Exercises in orthograptiy, reading, and declaiming. Four- hours. 
 
 French. Etymology, to include the auxiliary verbs, in Herrmann's grammar. Oral and 
 written exercises. Reading and translation. Exercises on the rules from the grammar. 
 Three hours. 
 
 Religion. Bible history of the Old Testament. Committing to memory selected verses. 
 Two hours. 
 
 Geography. Delineation of the outlines of Europe, Africa, Asia, and America, from deter- 
 minate points given. Divisions of the countries, with their principal cities, rivers, and moun- 
 tains. Two hours. 
 
 Arithmetic. The four ground rules, with denominate whole numbers. Their applications. 
 Four hours. 
 
 Writing. Elements of round and running hand. Dictation. Writing from copy slips. 
 Three hours. 
 
 Drawing. Exercises in drawing lines. Two hours. 
 
 FIFTH CLASS, TWENTY-NINE HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Etymology. Use of the prepositions. The accusative before an infinitive, prac- 
 ticed orally and in writing, and extempore, and in exercises. Translation from Blume's 
 reader. Ten hours. 
 
 German. Parsing, reading, and declamation. Exercises on narrations. Four hours. 
 
 French. Etymology, by oral and written exercises. Easier stories from Herrmann's 
 reader. Three hours. 
 
 Religion. Explanation of the gospels, according to St. Matthew and St. Luke. Commit- 
 ting to memory the principal facts. Two hours. 
 
 Geography. Review 01 the last year's course. Rivers and mountains of Europe, and 
 ehief towns, in connection. Two hours. 
 
 Arithmetic. Review of the preceding Fractions Four hours. 
 
 Writing. Running hand from copy slips. Two hours. 
 
 Drawing. Drawing front bodies, terminated by planes and straight lines. Two hours. 
 
 FOURTH CLASS, TWENTY-EIGHT HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Review of etymology. The principal rules enforced by oral and written exercises 
 and extemporalia Translation from Jacob's reader and Corn. Nepos. Ten hours. 
 
 German. Compositions on subjects previously read. Declamation. Reading from Ka- 
 lisch's reader. Parsing. Three hours. 
 
 French. Review of etymology. Irregular verbs. Reciprocal verbs. Anecdotes and nar- 
 rations from Herrmann's grammar, and committing the principal to memory. Two hours. 
 
 Religion. Gospel, according to St. Matthew, explained. Verses and psalms committed to 
 memory. Two hours. 
 
 Geography. Political geography of Germany, and of the rest of Europe. Review of the 
 geography of the other parts of the world. Three hours. 
 
 Arithmetic. Review of fractions. Simple and compound proportion. Partnership. 
 Simple interest. Three hours. 
 
 Geometry. Knowledge of forms, treated inductively. One hour. 
 
 Writing. Running hand, from copy slips. Two hours. 
 Drawing, From bodies bounded by curved lines. Tw 
 
 Two hours. 
 
 LOWER THIRD CLASS, THIRTY HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Syntax. Rules of cases from Zumpt. Exercises and extemporalia. Inflections 
 formerly learned reviewed. Cornelius Nepos Eight hours. 
 
 Greek. Etymology, from Buttmann's grammar to regular verbs, included. Translation 
 from Greek into German from Jacob's, from German into Greek from Hess's exercises. 
 Six hours. 
 
 German. Compositions in narration and description. Declamation. Two hours. 
 
 French. Repetition of inflections, and exercises by extemporalia and in writing. Trans- 
 lation of the fables from Herrmann's reading book, 2d course. Two hours 
 
 Religion. Morals, and Christian faith. Two hours. 
 
 Geography. Physical geography Europe and the other parts of the world. Two hours 
 
 History. General view of ancient and modern history. Two hours. 
 
 Mathematics. Legendre's geometry, book 1. Decimals. Algebra. Square and cube root 
 Four hours. 
 
 Drawing. Introduction to landscape drawing. Two hours. 
 
 UPPER THIRD CLASS, THIRTY HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Division I. Syntax, from Zumpt. Review of the preceding course. Oral exer 
 cises in construction of sentences. Written exercises and extemporalia. Caesar Bell. Gall 
 
FREDERICK WILLIAM GYMNASIUM OF BERLIN. 
 
 443 
 
 oooks 1.3, and 7, in part. Ovid's Metamorphoses, extracts from books 7 and 8. Prosody, 
 rules from Zumpt. Ten hours. 
 
 Greek. Division 1. Etymology, from Buttmann's grammar. Oral and written exercises 
 and extemporalia. Jacob's reader. Six hours. 
 
 German. Examination of exercises on historical subjects. Poetical selections for decla- 
 mation. Two hours. 
 
 /VencA. Exercises in translation. Written exercises. Extemporalia. Two hours. 
 
 Religion. Principal passages from the gospels gone over. General view oi the Old Testa- 
 ment writings Two hours. 
 
 History and Geography. Roman history, from the Punic Wars to the destruction of the 
 western empire. History of the middle ages, three hours. Review of the five general divis- 
 ions of the world, one hour. Four hours. 
 
 Mathematics. Geometry. Legendre, books 1 and 2, and part ol 3. Algebra, with exer- 
 cises from Meyer Hirsch. Four hours. 
 
 LOWER SECOND CLASS, THIRTY-ONE HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Extracts from Livy and Ca?sar de Bell. Civ. Review of Bell. Gall., books 2 and 
 3. Syntax. Exercises and extemporalia. Committing to memory exercises from Livy and 
 CaBsa'r. Ovid's Metamorphoses, books 11 to 14. Eight hours. 
 
 Greek. Homer's Odys., 11, 12, 13, and 14. Exercises on the dialects. Xenophon's Anab. 
 I. and part of 3. Excerpts from the grammar reviewed. Exercises and extemporalia. 
 Syntax. Six hours. 
 
 Hebrew. Grammar, ending with irregular verbs. Easier parts of historical books of 
 Scnpture translated. Vocabulary learned by rote. Exercises on regular and irregular verbs 
 out oi the recitation room. Two hours. 
 
 German. Correction of written exercises and essays. Exercises on delivery. Two hours. 
 
 French. Voltaire's Charles XII. Exercises and extemporalia. Two hours. 
 
 Religion Explanation of the princ.pal parts of the Epistles of St. Paul, with historical 
 sketches, and a view of the life of early Christian communities. Two hours. 
 
 History. Roman history, from the Punic Wars. History of the middle ages concluded. 
 General view of history. Three hours. 
 
 Mathematics. Geometry to proportions and simple figures. Elements of algebra. Loga- 
 rithms. Four hours. 
 
 Natural History. Mineralogy. Botany, especially of native plants. Two hours. 
 
 UPPKR SECOND CLASS, THIRTY-TWO HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Cicero's Orations, pro. Rose. Amer., de Amic., de Senectute. Livy, books 22 to 
 25, inclusive. Virgil's ^Jneid, books 1 and 2. Some eclogues and excerpts from Georgics. 
 Exercises and extemporalia. Nine hours. 
 
 Greek. Homer's Iliad, books 4 to 11, inclusive. Arrian Alex, expedition, books 1 and 2. 
 Buttmann's grammar, with exercises and extemporalia. Six hours. 
 
 Hebrew. Books of Judges and of Ruth, with exercises of syntax. Easy exercises, and 
 committing vocabulary to memory out of the class-room. Two hours. 
 
 German. Essays. Delivery. Two hours. 
 
 French. Excerpts from Herrmann and Briichner's manual of the more recent French 
 literature. Two hours. 
 
 Religion. Christian faith and morals. Two hours. 
 
 History. Review of ancient history and geography, using the Latin language. Three hours. 
 
 Mathematics. Arithmetical geometry and plaue trigonometry. A Igebraic exercises. Poly- 
 gons. Stereometry. Simple and quadratic equations. Four hours. 
 
 Physics. General physics. Electricity and magnetism. Two hours. 
 
 FIRST CLASS, THIRTY-ONE HOURS. 
 
 Latin. Horace's Odes, books 3 and 4. Cicero against Verres. Tacitus. Annals, books 11 
 and 12, and extracts from 3 to 6. Cicero, Tusc. quest. Extempore translations from Ger- 
 man into Latin. Exercises. Declamation. Eight hours. 
 
 Greek. Homer's Iliad, book 16, Odyssey, books 9 to 16, inclusive. Hippias Major, Char- 
 mides, and Gorsias of Plato, (excerpts.) Sophocles' Edip. tyr. and Antigone. Grammatical 
 exercises. Buttmann's grammar. Six hours. 
 
 Hebrew. Second book of Kings. Genesis. Psalms, 61 to 100. Grammatical criticisms 
 jf historical excerpts, or of psalms, as an exercise at home. Two hours. 
 
 German. Criticism of compositions. General grammar, and history of the German gram- 
 mar and literature. One hour. 
 
 French. Selections from Scribe and Delavigne. Exercises and extemporalia. Two hours. 
 
 Religion. History of the Christian church, to the times of Gregory VII. Two hours. 
 
 History. Modern history, and review. Three hours. 
 
 Mathematics. Plane trigonometry and application of algebra to geometry. Algebra. 
 Mensuration and conic sections. Binomial theorem. Exponential and trigon. functions. 
 Four hours. 
 
 Physics. Physical geography. Mechanics. Two hours 
 
 Philosophy. Propaedeutics. Logic. One hour. 
 
 There are five classes for vocal music, the fifth receiving two hours of instruction in musi- 
 cal notation and singing by ear. The fourth, time and cliffs, &c. Exercises in the natural 
 scale, and harmony Songs and chorals with one part. The third, two hours, formation of 
 the scale of sharps, running the gamut with difficult intervals, combined with the practical 
 exercises of the last class. The second, two hours, repetition of tones ; sharps, and flats. 
 Formation of the scale of flats. Exercises of songs and chorals, in two parts. The first class 
 is an application of what has been learned, as well as a continuation of the science and art, 
 and all the pupils do not, of course, take part in this stage of the instruction. The course is 
 of four hours per week, two for soprano and alto, one for tenor and bass, and one for the 
 union of the four parts. The proficiency is indicated by the fact, that the pupils perform 
 very creditably such compositions as Haydn's " Creation " and Handel's " Messiah." 
 
444 ROYA.L REAL SCHOOL OF BERLIN. 
 
 The Frederick William Gymnasium is regarded by Dr. Bache, as a 
 fair specimen of this class of schools in Prussia ; in the organization and 
 instruction of which a good degree of liberty is tolerated by the govern- 
 ment, to enable them the better to meet the peculiar circumstances of 
 each province, and the peculiar views of each director. 
 
 The Royal Real School, and City Trade School of Berlin, furnish a 
 course of instruction of the same general value for mental discipline, but 
 better calculated for that class of pupils who are destined in life, not for 
 what are designated as the learned profession, but for tradesmen and me- 
 chanics. There is less of verbal knowledge but more of mathematics 
 and their application to the arts ; and the whole is so arranged as to fa- 
 cilitate the acquisition of those mental habits which are favorable to 
 the highest practical success. 
 
 ROYAL REAL SCHOOL OF BERLIN. 
 
 The Royal Real School of Berlin was founded as early as 1747, by Counsellor 
 Hecker. At the period in which this school was founded, Latin and Greek were 
 the exclusive objects of study in the learned schools, and the avowed purpose of 
 this establishment was that " not mere words should be taught to the pupils, but 
 realities, explanations being made to them from nature, from models and plans, 
 and of subjects calculated to be useful in after-life." Hence the school was called 
 a u real school," and preserves this name, indicative of the great educational 
 reform which it was intended to promote, and the success of which has been, 
 though slow, most ceilain. 
 
 The successor of Hecker, in 1769, divided this flourishing school into three de- 
 partments, the pedagogium, or learned school, the school of arts, and the German 
 school : the whole establishment still retaining the title of real school. The first 
 named department was subsequently separated from the others, constituting the 
 Frederick William gymnasium ; the school of arts, and the German, or elemen- 
 tary school, remain combined under the title of the royal real school. The same 
 director, however, still presides over the gymnasium and the real school. 
 
 The question has been much agitated, whether the modern languages should be 
 considered in these schools as the substitutes for the ancient in intellectual educa- 
 tion, or whether mathematics and its kindred branches should be regarded in this 
 light. Whether the original principle of the " realities" on which the schools 
 were founded, was to be adhered to, or the still older of verbal knowledge, only 
 with a change of languages, to be substituted for it. In this school the languages 
 will be found at present to occupy a large share of attention, while in the similar 
 institution, a description of which follows this, the sciences have the pre- 
 ponderance. 
 
 In the royal real school the branches of instruction are religion, Latin, French, 
 English, German, physics, natural history, chemistry, history, geography, draw- 
 ing, writing, and vocal music. The Latin is retained as practically useful in some 
 branches of trade, as in pharmacy, as aiding in the nomenclature of natural his- 
 tory, and as preventing a separation in the classes of this school and that of the 
 gymnasium, which would debar the pupils from passing from the former tc the 
 latter in the upper classes. It must be admitted that, for all purposes but the last, 
 it occupies an unnecessary degree of attention, especially in the middle classes. 
 
 The following table shows the distribution of time among the courses. There 
 are seven classes in numerical order, but ten, in fact, the third, fourth, and fifth 
 being divided into two ; the lower fourth is again, on account of its numbers, sub- 
 divided into two parallel sections. Of these, the seventh, sixth, and fifth are ele- 
 mentary classes, the pupils entering the seventh at between five and seven years of 
 age. In the annexed table the number of hours of recitation per week of each 
 class in the several subjects is stated, and the vertical column separating the ele- 
 mentary classes from the others, contains the sum of the hours devoted to each 
 branch in the higher classes, excluding the lower section of the fourth class, 
 which has not a distinct course from that of the other division. 
 
ROYAL REAL SCHOOL OF BERLIN. 
 
 445 
 
 TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF HOURS OF RECITATION PER WEEK, OF EACH CLASS, 
 IN THE SUBJECTS TAUGHT IN THE ROYAL REAL SCHOOL OF BERLIN. 
 
 SUBJECTS OF STUDY. 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 Second Class. 
 
 Third Class, A. | 
 
 Third Class, B. 
 
 Fourth Class, A. | 
 
 Fourth Class, B. I. ) 
 Fourth Class, B. II. J 
 
 Sum of the hours in the 
 seven upper classes. 
 
 Fifth Class, A. 
 
 Fifth Class, B. 
 
 5 
 | 
 
 Seventh Class. 
 
 Proportion of other 
 studies to German 
 in the 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 First six classes of the 
 Fred'k Wm. Gymn. 
 
 IS 
 
 > 
 
 ll 
 
 6 
 
 fi 
 
 Latin 
 
 4 
 4 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 2 
 6 
 3 
 2 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 2 
 3 
 
 2 
 6 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 3 
 2 
 4 
 
 4 
 4 
 2 
 3 
 
 2 
 5 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 3 
 2 
 3 
 
 5 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 6 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 3 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 28 
 22 
 6 
 20 
 
 12 
 35 
 9 
 8 
 8 
 9 
 15 
 
 12 
 4 
 15 
 
 4 
 8 
 
 2 
 4 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 .) 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 1.4 
 1.1 
 0.3 
 1.0 
 
 0.6 
 1.7 
 0.4 
 0.4 
 0.4 
 0.4 
 0.7 
 
 0.6 
 0.2 
 
 0.7 
 
 2.9 
 0.7 
 
 0.8 
 
 0.6 
 1.1 
 O.lt 
 0.2f 
 
 0.5 
 0.3 
 
 0.4 
 0.3 
 0.6 
 
 3 
 
 0.9 
 
 1.0 
 
 0.8 
 1.6 
 0.1 
 0.2 
 
 0.5 
 0.7 
 
 0.4 
 0.3 
 0.6 
 
 French, 
 
 English, 
 
 German 
 
 Religion .... 
 
 Mathematics,* .... 
 Natural History, . . 
 Physics 
 
 Chemistry 
 
 Geojjraphv 
 
 History, 
 
 Drawing, 
 
 Writing:, . . 
 
 Sinfifinsr 
 
 
 Total, 
 
 36 
 
 36 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 32 
 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 Pupils who enter this school between five and seven years of age, and go regu- 
 larly through the elementary classes, are prepared at ten to pass to its higher 
 classes, or to enter the lowest of the gymnasium. It is thus after the fifth class 
 that a comparison of the two institutions must begin. The studies of the real 
 school proper, and of the gymnasium, have exactly the same elementary basis, 
 and they remain so far parallel to each other that a pupil, by taking extra instruc- 
 tion in Greek, may pass from the lower third class of the former to the lower third 
 of the latter. This fact alone is sufficient 'to show that the real schools must be 
 institutions for secondary instruction, since the pupils have yet three classes to pass 
 through after reaching the point just referred to. It serves also to separate the 
 real schools from the higher burgher schools, since the extreme limit of the 
 courses of the latter, with the same assistance in regard to Greek, only enables 
 the pupil to reach the lower third class of the gymnasium. In general, a pupil 
 would terminate his studies in the real school at between sixteen and eighteen 
 years of age. The difference between the subjects of instruction in the real 
 school and the Frederick William gymnasium, consists in the omission in the 
 former of Greek, Hebrew, and philosophy, and the introduction of English and 
 chemistry. The relative proportions of time occupied in the same subjects in the 
 two schools, will be seen by comparing the two columns next on the right of the 
 numbers for the seventh class, in the table just given. The first of these columns 
 contains the proportion of the number of hours per week devoted to the different 
 subjects in the six classes of the real school above the elementary, the number of 
 hours devoted to the German being taken as unity ; and the second, the same 
 proportion for six classes of the gymnasium, beginning with the lowest, the same 
 number of hours being taken as the unit, as in the preceding column. To bring 
 the natural history and physics into comparison, I have taken the numbers for the 
 
 * Including arithmetic, geometry, algrbra, and trigonometry, 
 t These numbers include the entire course. 
 
446 ROYAL REAL SCHOOL OF BERLIN. 
 
 upper classes of the gymnasium in which these branches are taught. Of the 
 courses common to the two schools, those to which nearly equal attention is paid 
 in both institutions, are the religious instruction, the German, geography and 
 history, writing, and vocal music. The French, mathematics, physics, and nat- 
 ural history, predominate in the real school, the Latin in the gymnasium. The 
 effect of reckoning the first, second, and upper third classes of the gymnasium, 
 does not materially change the proportionate numbers of the courses which are 
 common to the two schools, except as to Latin and mathematics. To show this, 
 the column on the extreme right of the table is introduced, containing the pro - 
 portions ior all the nine classes of the Frederick William gymnasium. 
 
 There were, in 1838, five hundred and ten pupils in this real school, under the 
 charge of fourteen regular or class masters, teaching several subjects hi the lower 
 classes, and of six other teachers. Each of the eleven class divisions thus aver- 
 ages about forty -six, who are under the charge of one teacher at a time. 
 
 The elementary course in the real school is similar to that described jn the 
 burgher schools, beginning with the phonic method of reading, the explanations 
 of all the words and sentences being required at the same time that the mechani- 
 cal part of reading is learned. Written and mental arithmetic are taught together 
 in the lowest class. The religious instruction consists of Bible stories adapted to 
 their age : and verses are committed to improve the memory of words. The ex- 
 ercises of induction are practiced, but in a way not equal to that with objects, 
 introduced by Dr. Mayo in England. Some of the pupils are able to enter the 
 gymnasium after going through the two lowest classes. 
 
 In regard to the real classes proper, as I propose to enter into the particulars of 
 the course of study of the trade school, I shall here merely make a few remarks 
 upon two of the branches studied in them, namely, French and drawing. The 
 remarks in regard to the French will serve to show how great a latitude 
 a teacher is allowed in the arrangement of his methods, the result of whicn 
 is, that those who have talent are interested in improving their art by observation 
 and experiment. The French teacher to whom I allude had been able to secure 
 the speaking, as well as the reading, of French from his pupils. From the very 
 beginning of the course this had been a point attended to, and translation from 
 French into German had been accompanied by that from German into French : 
 the conversation on the business of the class-room was in French. The pupils 
 were exercised especially in the idioms of the language in short extempore sen- 
 tences, and the differences of structure of the French and their own language 
 were often brought before them, and the difficulties resulting from them antici- 
 pated. Difficult words and sentences were noted by the pupils. Declamation 
 was practiced to encourage a habit of distinct and deliberate speaking, and to 
 secure a correct pronunciation. The -chief burthen of the instruction was oral. 
 Without the stimulus of change of places, the classes under this gentleman's in- 
 struction were entirely alive to the instruction, and apparently earnestly engaged 
 in the performance of a duty which interested them. If such methods should 
 fail in communicating a greater amount of knowledge than less lively ones, which 
 I belive can not be the case, they will serve, at least, to break down habits of in- 
 tellectual sloth to promote mental activity, the great aim of intellectual education. 
 
SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN BAVARIA. 44* 
 
 SYSTEM AND INSTITUTIONS OF SPECIAL INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Bavaria was one of the first states in Germany to found a school 
 of art, in its highest sense, and one of the earliest to apply instruc- 
 tion in science to the development of mechanical industry, and to 
 bring its young artisans and workmen of every kind into systematic 
 courses of technical instruction.* 
 
 The Academy of Art in Nuremberg was founded by Sandrart in 
 1662, and after being long conducted by him, gained new distinction 
 under Preissler, and no school of art out of Munich has done so 
 much in our day to develop taste and skill in artisans and artists as 
 the Royal School of Art, and several private schools of drawing now 
 in successful operation in that quaint old town. 
 
 The first Technical School, so called, in Germany, was opened in 
 Nuremberg in 1823, under the lead of Scharrer, afterwards mayor 
 of the city, who gave the impulse, by providing instruction one 
 hour on Sunday, and two evenings in the week, in drawing (free- 
 hand and architectural) and mathematics. He was assisted by Hei- 
 deloff, architect, and Hermann, afterwards professor in the Poly- 
 technic and counselor of state. The school was adopted by the 
 municipal authorities, and as the instruction was of the best kind, 
 it was completely successful, and by the expansion of its studies and 
 length of term, grew into a Trade School, under the law of 1834, 
 till 1836, when it had 7 teachers, with 490 pupils (one-fourth of 
 them journeymen) in 11 divisions, receiving instruction in mathe- 
 matics, drawing, modeling, molding and casting metals, wood-carv- 
 ing, <fec. The pupils of this school, (called, in 1836, Mechanic 
 School,) .created a new trade for this district of Bavaria ; and the 
 example of special schools on Sunday, evenings, and holidays, was 
 followed by other cities, until in several of them the mechanic 
 schools grew into polytechnic schools Munich in 1827, Nuremberg 
 in 1829, and Augsburg in 1833, none of which, however, attained 
 to the* highest scientific development the pupils not being required 
 to go through a thorough course of theoretical study, as in some 
 other institutions of this class. In all, the plan of instruction was 
 pretty much the same, but gradually Munich turned its force 
 towards construction and engineering; Augsburg and Nuremberg 
 to mechanical handicrafts. In 1862 the school at Munich was di- 
 vided into two parts, the polytechnic proper, and the school for con- 
 struction and engineering. 
 
 *For the details of this system, see National Education, Part I, GERMAN STATES, Bavaria. 
 
448 SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN BAVARIA. 
 
 In 1864 the whole system of real-schools, trade-schools, and poly- 
 technic schools, which had grown up since 1808, was reorganized. 
 After the law of 1808, real-schools and real-institutes were set up 
 in the large centres of population parallel with the progymnasiums 
 and gymnasiums. The real-schools added to the elementary course 
 the study of French, drawing, the elements of natural history, and 
 algebra. The real-institute added to the real-school course, which 
 usually terminated at the fourteenth year, the natural sciences, more 
 of mathematics, history, general philosophical studies, as well as the 
 literature of modern languages. This course, if carried out, occu- 
 pied four years, and was intended to prepare for higher academical 
 studies and for special careers, such as financiers, merchants, &c. 
 The system did not work well, and was modified in 1816 the real- 
 institutes being discontinued, and the real-schools converted into 
 higher burgher-schools which were only the higher classes of an 
 elementary school. The deficiency of State realistic seminaries was 
 partially supplied by the municipal authorities, associations and in- 
 individuals, in artisan schools, further-improvement or Sunday- 
 schools, mechanic schools, and polytechnic institutes, in which the 
 arts of design and drawing received particular attention. To give 
 this new instruction, which the necessities of society had created, 
 thorough organization and symmetry, the government, in 1829 and 
 in 1833, decreed the establishment of technical schools in all the 
 large cities of the kingdom. The law of 1833 discontinued the 
 higher burgher-schools and laid down the outline of a course of in- 
 struction for the technical schools, which was perfected by the 
 law of 1836. The object of the technical schools, in the language 
 of the law, is " to carry the sciences into industry, and to put indus- 
 trial pursuits themselves upon a footing corresponding to the prog- 
 ress of technical art and the competition of foreign industry." With 
 this aim the technical schools had their central point in the exact 
 sciences, and were preparatory for, 1, the artist's vocation proper; 
 2, the technical branches of the public service, especially architec- 
 ture, mining, salt works, and forests ; 3, for technical departments 
 of civil life ; 4, for strictly civic vocations, particularly for carrying 
 on improvements in manufacturing, agricultural, and mechanical 
 industries. 
 
 In the development of this system there sprung up, and existed 
 in 1863, the following institutions: 
 
 1. Schools of arts and trades, or technical gymnasiums, with an 
 agricultural, commercial, and mechanic arts division. Of these 
 there were twenty-nine, in as many centres of population and in- 
 
SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN BAVARIA. 449 
 
 clustiy. They received pupils at twelve years of age, and dismissed 
 them at the end of three years. With several were connected pre- 
 paratory schools, and with all, a Sunday and holiday or feast-day 
 school for apprentices and journeymen. 
 
 2. Polytechnic schools or technical lyceums. Of these there were 
 three, located at Munich, Nuremberg, and Augsburg. They received 
 their pupils at the completion of their fifteenth year, and with a 
 preparation equal to the attainments of the graduates of the tech- 
 nical gymnasium. 
 
 3. Special courses, or schools for the completion of technical in- 
 struction : (1,) engineering in the polytechnic school at Munich; 
 (2,) mining, foundries, and salt works in the department of public 
 economy in the University of Munich ; (3,) higher forestry service 
 in the Royal Forestry School at Aschaffenburg, and one year in the 
 University ; (4,) higher agricultural training, in the Central School 
 of Agriculture at Weihenstephan, near Freising ; (5,) for the fine 
 arts, including architecture and ornamentation of an artistic character, 
 the Royal Academy of Arts in Munich, and (6,) for higher chemical 
 analysis, the laboratories of the Academy of Science, the Conserva- 
 torium, and the University. 
 
 This system, although it developed a prodigious amount of scien- 
 tific and artistic talent, and in several directions, of improved indus- 
 trial fabrics, did not satisfy all the wants of different classes and 
 different industries. In consequence of " urgent pressure from the 
 Department of Commerce and Public Instruction," the king promul- 
 gated in 1 864 a new law respecting technical institutions, according 
 to which they are now classified and administered. 
 
 EXISTING ORGANIZATION OF TECHNICAL INSTRUCTION. 
 
 The system of technical instruction, as organized under the law 
 of 1864, and in force after 1868, when the classes under the former 
 system will have completed their curriculum, and the new classes 
 will be in full operation, consists of 
 
 I. The trade-school, (gewerbxchulen twenty-nine in all, located 
 in the principal centres of population and industries,) designed to 
 impart a fitting general education, and the theoretical knowledge 
 preparatory to different occupations, and the professions in which 
 science forms the basis of the highest success. The instruction be- 
 gins where the common school leaves off, and while it is passably 
 complete in itself, it is the systematic preparation for a more ex- 
 tended course in commercial and agricultural studies which can be 
 
 29 
 
450 SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN BAVARIA. 
 
 organized in the institution with the sanction of the highest author 
 ities, or pursued in the special institutions of a higher grade. 
 
 Eight of these institutions, one in the chief town of each of the 
 eight districts or circles into which the kingdom for administrative 
 purposes is divided, are designated in the law as district or higher 
 trade-schools. 
 
 II. The real-gymnasium this class of schools, of which there are 
 six, one in the chief town of each of the six provinces, is of a higher 
 grade than the trade-school, and includes, in a four years' course, 
 the study of Latin and one or more modern foreign languages. It 
 presupposes the attainments of the primary-school and of the first 
 year of the classical gymnasium, with which its first year is par- 
 allel. The final examination and certificate entitles to admission 
 into the polytechnic school at Munich, and into the university, for 
 participation in such studies as do not fall within the special limit; 
 of the three faculties of theology, jurisprudence, and medicine, am 
 if found qualified after special examination, into the higher special 
 schools of forestry, agriculture, veterinary science, or separate 
 branches of the public service. 
 
 III. The polytechnic school at Munich, in which the different 
 professional studies of engineering, architecture, technical chem- 
 istry, trade and commerce, are treated independently of each other., 
 in courses of two years each, on the basis of a common scientific 
 instruction in mathematics and the natural sciences, and the art of 
 drawing, pursued to the extent deemed necessary for each profes- 
 sional course. 
 
 The Royal School of Machinery at Augsburg, and the Royal 
 School of Art at Nuremberg, both of which were polytechnic 
 schools up to 1865, are not yet permanently organized as part of 
 the system. Their present course of instruction exceeds the course 
 of the district trade-schools, and falls short of the Central Poly- 
 technic School. 
 
 With each of these institutions or their teachers are associated, 
 more or less directly, supplementary schools and classes, designed 
 to impart instruction in subjects of immediate utility to apprentices 
 and workmen in various crafts and occupations ; and above them 
 all in the lectures, collections, libraries and laboratories of the uni- 
 versities, and in the higher special schools of agriculture, fores' ry, 
 and art, the student can carry his artistic, artisan, or purely scien- 
 tific studies to the highest point. 
 
 We append the substance of the regulations recently issued for 
 the government of these schools : 
 
SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IX PRUSSIA. 451 
 
 SYSTEM AND INSTITUTIONS OF SPECIAL INSTRUCTION. 
 
 SUNDAY SCHOOLS. 
 
 Sunday schools, for instructing the young people of a parish in 
 the catechism, and biblical and church history, existed in Prussia and 
 throughout Germany, certainly as early as the sixteenth century, but 
 their recognition as part of the public school system dates from 1763, 
 when Frederick II, in his General Regulations of Schools (section 6), 
 ordains that " on Sundays, besides the lesson of the catechism or repe- 
 tition school given by the minister in the church, the school-master 
 shall give in the school recapitulary lessons to the unmarried people 
 of the township. They shall there practice reading and writing.'* 
 In the General regulations for the Catholic schools in Silesia, opened 
 in 1765, "the older children are required to attend the Sunday in- 
 struction in Christianity every Sunday afternoon, and after that to 
 participate for two hours in the lessons in reading and writing given 
 in the school, which lessons the teachers shall give under the direc- 
 tion of the pastor, that they may become useful to the young. Those 
 also who have left school, and are not yet twenty years of age, 
 must attend these lessons, and their employers are bound to send 
 them to school at such time, that they may review what they learned 
 before, and acquire necessary knowledge." On this basis of law and 
 habit, by degrees the instruction of the Sunday school was extended 
 and systematized, and became an important portion of the elementary 
 education of the people. In the large villages and cities, drawing, 
 and the first principles of natural history and mechanics, composition 
 in the form of business correspondence, and other branches bearing 
 on the occupations of the pupils, were gradual y introduced into this 
 cla-s of schools, which were also held on Monday mornings, in the 
 evening of other days, as well as on the half-ho idays of Wednesday 
 and Saturday, and on holidays. They were al>o connected with the 
 real schools and trade institutes, and got the name of Further Im- 
 provement Schools. In Prussia in 1 854, there were 220 such schools, 
 with 18,000 pupils; and in Berlin, the trade improvement schoo's are 
 taught on Sunday by the teachers of the higher schools, and consti- 
 tute an important agency in the technical instruction of apprentices 
 and workingmen. 
 
 REAL SCHOOLS AND BURGHER SCHOOLS. 
 
 The real school, which in Prussia now occupies a well-defined place 
 in the system of general education, had originally a direct technical 
 
 aim, in the plan of Francke in 1698, and of Semler in 1706 and 
 31 
 
452 SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 
 
 1738, and of Hecker in 1747.* Francke projected a special pedago- 
 gium for children, who wished to become " secretaries, clerks, mer- 
 chants, administrators of estates, or learn useful arts." Srmler call> his 
 school " a mathematical trades school," and in the mathematical, me- 
 chanical, and economical real school," opened by him in B i lin in 
 1738, the instruction given was "in connection with models and real 
 objects," things, as he designates them. 
 
 Rev. J. J. Hecker, in the programme of his " Economical Mathe- 
 matical School," opened in the schools of Trinity church in 1747, lie 
 pledges to all his pupils "a preparation to facilitate their entry into 
 any trade they may choose." Among his classes was one of "archi- 
 tecture and building," another of " manufacture, commerce and trade," 
 and another of " agriculture ; " moreover, ' drawing shall be prac- 
 ticed." The views of Hecker were encouraged by Frederick II, who 
 named his institution the " Royal Real School." This school became 
 the normal school for teachers of schools on the crown domains ; and 
 to it, Felbinger sent a number of pupil-teachers, who became the or- 
 ganizers of improved schools in Austria, in which realistic studies and 
 methods were prominent. 
 
 In connection with the real school should be mentioned the Higher 
 Burgher School the high school of the primary system in all large 
 towns, and which received its earliest and highest deve'opment in 
 Leipsic, but which in Kcenigsberg, Dantzig, and other large provincial 
 centres, aimed to fit their pupils for practical careers. Both the real 
 school and the higher burgher schools, although they no longer aim 
 to bo technical or professional schools, even for a commercial career, 
 do give a scientific preparation for such higher vocations of the 
 State as do not requ're an academic career, and they also prepare 
 students for the special and purely technical scliools. Wi;hout them, 
 the subordinate departments of the public service would not be so 
 well filled, and the special schools of tiade, commerce, agriculture, 
 and forestry could not attain their present high development. 
 
 SPECIAL TECHNICAL SCHOOLS. 
 
 The immense strides made in mechanical, manufacturing, and com- 
 mercial industry, and the gigantic works in engineering and construc- 
 tion which the public service in peace and in war have required in 
 the last half century, have made necessary the establishment of spe- 
 cial schools, in which architects, builders, machinists, engineers, artil- 
 lerists, and technical chemists could be taught and trained. Hence 
 
 * For an account of the educational labors and views of Francke and Hecker, see Barnard's 
 
 Educational Reformers of Germany. 
 
SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 453 
 
 in every State we find government schools for these purposes, and in 
 all the great centres of population and special industries, these insti- 
 tutions are as varied in their independent organization 'or associated 
 classes, as. are the industries and wants to be supplied. Prussia has 
 felt deeply these necessities, and side by side with the thorough re- 
 organization and extension of her general system of education the 
 multiplication and improvement of primary, secondary, and superior 
 schools has grown up a system of special instruction schools of ag- 
 riculture, forestry, commerce, navigation, architecture, engineering, 
 construction in wood and metal, and trades of all sorts, which will 
 compare favorably with the best in other countries of Europe. Al- 
 though not as early in the field as some of the smaller States, and 
 not acting with such entire disregard of the general system as some 
 others, in which the manufacturing and mechanical establishments are 
 relatively more numerous and important, this class of institutions in 
 Prussia are worthy of particular study on account of the superior 
 system of general education on which they all rest. 
 
 TRADE SCHOOLS. 
 
 The earliest Trade Schools, ( Gewerbe Schulen, as they are called, 
 the word gewerbe being used in its restricted meaning, equivalent to 
 the improvement of material for the purposes of gain,) in Prussia, 
 were organized by Beuth in 1817-18, at Berlin and at Aix la Cha- 
 pelle, to meet a want of government for better workmen in building 
 operations. The school at the latter place was expressly founded to 
 improve the general and special education of carpenters, mill-wrights, 
 masons, stone-cutters, cabinet-makers, locksmiths, house-painters, bra- 
 ziers, pewterers, and other handicrafts. They were first connected 
 with the Sunday schools. 
 
 Those established at that time were called Handwerker fortbildun / 
 schnlen, and belonged to the class of " improvement schools," being- 
 planned to add to the knowledge of the local handicraftsmen and 
 their apprentices. Schools for special trades or industries did not 
 rise until a few years later. The whole system underwent a reorgan- 
 ization in 18")0, when all the establishments of this character were 
 assigned to the Department of the Minister of Commerce. 
 
 There are now not far from 500 giving instruction in almost all 
 branches of industrial activity, and all being exclusively devoted to 
 technological studies. The real and burgher schools, (of which there 
 were in 1868, over 190,) through which those pupils who are intend- 
 ing to enter the higher technical institutions generally pass, and 
 
454 SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 
 
 which, moreover, give some instruction in commerce, are not included 
 in this list. 
 
 The technical schools may be divided into those imparting general 
 industrial instruction, and those devoted to special branches. 
 
 i. The class giving general instruction embraces the following : 
 
 (1.) Establishments corresponding to Improvement Schools. There 
 are a number of varieties of these : the evening, Sunday, and finish- 
 ing schools ; societies for apprentices to which improvement schools 
 are added ; journeymen's schools, and workmen's societies, which also 
 make provision for technical instruction. 
 
 This class does not carry technical studies very far, except in draw- 
 ing, the general aim being to extend the knowledge gained in the ele- 
 mentary schools, and nothing more than this is required at admission. 
 
 (2.) Foremen's Schools. These aim to train foremen for various 
 mechanical occupations. The institution at Kcenigsberg has 7 teach- 
 ers and 69 scholars, (1867) ; the fees are about six thalers per half 
 year. The requirements for admission are the studies of the primary 
 schools. 
 
 (3.) The Provincial and Municipal Trade Schools. These two 
 classes of establishments form the next grade in technical instruction, 
 and prepare pupils to enter the central academy at Berlin. They re- 
 ceive those who have had a partial course in the gymnasiums, real 
 schools, or burgher schools. There are in Prussia about 30 of these, 
 averaging four or five teachers, with 2,600 scholars in all. The fees 
 vary exceedingly. There is a journeyman's improvement school con- 
 nected with each. 
 
 (4.) Central Trade Academies. The highest grade of education 
 for mechanicians, chemists, and ship-builders is obtained at these estab- 
 lishments, which approaches the character of a polytechnic univer- 
 sity. There are now two the Academy, ( Gewerbe Academic, form- 
 erly called Gewerbe Institut,} is at Berlin; another, recently organ- 
 ized (1867), at Aix la Chapelle. The Berlin Academy receives 
 scholars who have completed the course at the provincial trade 
 schools, real schools, or the gymnasiums. Of this institution, J. 
 Scott Russell, in his elaborate treatise on systematic technical educa- 
 tion for the English people, thus speaks : 
 
 Here in Berlin* I found a large and handsome building, close by the king's 
 palace, in one of the best parts of the town, and this was called, at that time, a 
 ' Gewerbe Schule" or royal school for trade teaching This very humble desig- 
 nation did not lead me to expect the high scientific education and training which 
 was there provided for the young professional men of Berlin. The truth is, that 
 in Berlin, everything but the three learned professions, law, medicine, and theol- 
 ogy, were still called trades, and not yet admitted to the rank of professions, just 
 as, in our country, the time was when Brindley, the canal engineer, was still 
 
SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 455 
 
 reckoned a sort of superior ditch-digger, and George Stephenson a sort of superior 
 engine-driver. The tradition had still enough influence in Berlin to call a tech- 
 nical university for the modern professions a " trade school." 
 
 Since that time, the dignity of the " Geiverbe Schule " has been recognized. 
 Its buildings, its endowments, the rank and salaries of its professors, the number 
 and preliminary qualifications of its pupils, have all been raised. It has now 
 the recognized rank of a technical university, with professors of equal dignity, 
 and degrees of equal weight. 
 
 Berlin being the first technical university with Avhich I became acquainted, and 
 also one of the earliest, I should naturally quote, as an example of a " technical 
 university abroad," this Gewerbe Institut, or Gewerbe Academie, of Berlin. I 
 recommend those of my countrymen who care for such things, to visit that insti- 
 tution, which is admirably conducted, systematically organized, and a great boon 
 to the professional men of Prussia. They will find that it in every way lends 
 itself, by means of evening as well as morning lectures, by trade associations con- 
 nected with it, by free libraries and museums, to the education not merely of the 
 higher professional men, but also of the working men who have leisure and dis- 
 position to desire high trade knowledge. 
 
 In very many respects, therefore, I consider Berlin a model technical university. 
 I do not quote it, however, as my type of what such a university might be, be- 
 cause it labors under some traditional and local disadvantages, which somewhat 
 narrow its sphere, derange its symmetry, and cramp its development. It is not 
 symmetrical in the highest degree, because in Berlin there had already existed, 
 before it attained its present growth, surrounding institutions, which had monop- 
 olized a portion of its ground. 
 
 Kindred academies, institutions, or universities, had already provided educa- 
 tion and training for some of the arts and professions which a more isolated uni- 
 versity would have systematically included in its curriculum; and which it was, 
 therefore, unwise, unnecessary, or inconvenient to include in the new organization. 
 Precisely, therefore, because the Berlin Gewerbe Academie fits its place, and an- 
 swers its special purpose, it is less fitted to serve as a type of a symmetrical insti- 
 tution than some others of more recent growth, more remote from the overshad- 
 owing influence of rival and more ancient institutions. 
 
 II. Institutions giving instruction in special professions, include : 
 
 1. BUILDING PROFESSIONS: (1.) Building Schools. There are 
 many of these open to all building artisans who have received an 
 elementary education, and imparting theoretical and practical instruc- 
 ts >n in their special departments. They rank with "improvement 
 schools." The fees are about six thalers per half-year. 
 
 (2.) Building Academy. This academy at Berlin educates archi- 
 tects and engineers of the highest grade. 
 
 2. MINING PURSUITS : (1) Mining Schools. These correspond 
 in grade to the provincial industrial schools, and educate foremen and 
 master workmen in the mines. 
 
 (2.) Mining Academy at Berlin, which gives the highest education 
 in mining and in metal working, and prepares mining t ng'neers. 
 
 3. W HAVING AND DYKING : (1 ) Weaver's Schools. The weav- 
 ing schools belong to the grade of improvement schools. There are 
 3 of them in Prussia, with 12 teachers and 96 pupils in all. The 
 fees are 20 thalers per half-year. 
 
 (2.) Superior Weaving Schools. There are 5 superior weaving 
 schools, with 12 teachers. They require the same qualifications as 
 
456 SPECIAL INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 
 
 the provincial industrial schools. The fees are about 20 thalers per 
 half-year. 
 
 (3.) Industrial Drawing School. The industrial drawing school 
 at Berlin gives aesthetic and practical instruction to designers for va- 
 rious tissues and to weavers. It is a distinct institution. 
 
 4. COMMERCE. Commercial instruction is given to some extent 
 in schools of a general literary aim. Of the special institutions of 
 this class, the school of commerce for young women, at Berlin, de- 
 serves attention. 
 
 5. NAVIGATION. There are six schools intended to train young 
 men to be pilots and captains of merchant vessels. These are at 
 Memel, Dantzig, Pillau, Grabow, Stettin, and Stralsund. 
 
 6. AGRICULTURE. There are thirty-two institutions, in which 
 both the theory and practice of agriculture, and kindred occupations, 
 are taught, and several of them, in the range and thoroughness of in- 
 struction, are not surpassed in any country of the world. The work 
 of the school is carried home to neighborhoods by itinerant teachers 
 paid by the government, who go from village to village, and the re- 
 sults of improved methods are seen and disseminated by the action 
 of upwards of five hundred agricultural associations, which by con- 
 ferences, exhibitions, and prizes, keep up a lively interest in agricul- 
 tural improvement. 
 
 7. The new laboratories, as well for original research a? for higher 
 inst uction, may be regarded not only as " arsenals " of science, but 
 as mighty engines of industrial development. 
 
 The teachers of the lower and middle grades of technical schools 
 become prepared by giving instruction in a gymnasium or real school, 
 and afterwards studying in the Berlin trade academy for three years. 
 Teachers from other schools are also employed, and, in the lowest 
 grades of technical schools, instruction is often given gratis by private 
 manufacturers. 
 
 To all of these institutions are attached libraries, and to many be- 
 long collections of models, and other aids of instruction ; especially 
 full is the collections of the central academy at Berlin. 
 
 The result of the system has been to convert workmen into refined 
 and thinking men, and to develop rapidly the industrial resources 
 of the country, as was shown in the late international exhibition at 
 Paris. 
 
JOHANN BEENHAKD BASEDOW AND THE PHILANTHROPINUM. 
 
 "Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.] 
 
 THE Philanthropinum, founded at Dessau, in 1784, by Basedow, in 
 which the views of Rousseau were strictly followed, and where those 
 views were by every means sought to be introduced into actual life, 
 gained a great reputation in Germany and Switzerland.* 
 
 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW was born in Hamburg, in 1*723; 
 and was the son of a watchmaker. His mother was melancholy 
 even to hypochondria. His father kept him so strictly that he ran 
 away and became a servant with a country physician, m Holstein. 
 After a year he returned, upon the urgent entreaty of his father, and 
 went to school, at the Johanneum, where he made himself notorious 
 for useless tricks. In 1741, he went to the gynasium, where, among 
 others, the well-known Reimarus (the author of the "Wolfenbuttle 
 Fragments") was his teacher. While there he composed many poems ; 
 e. g., one of one hundred stanzas upon history. He earned money 
 by occasional poems and teaching, and spent it in debauchery. His 
 studies were without rule or perseverance. In 1744, at the age of 
 twenty-one years, he went to the university of Leipzig, with the in- 
 tention of studying theology. There he studied, as he tells us, almost 
 altogether in his own room, but attended the lectures of Crusius. 
 The Wolfian philosophy brought him "into a state half way between 
 Christianity and naturalism;" and he acquired, as he says, "ignorant 
 opinions about philosophy." In 1746, he went to Hamburg as a 
 theological candidate. In 1749, at the age of twenty-six, he took 
 employment as private tutor with a Herr von Quaalen, in Holstein. 
 For his pupil, seven years old, he worked out a new method of 
 teaching language, by which he himself learned to speak and write 
 Latin. J He learned French from the governess of the family, whom 
 he married. In 1753 he became professor of ethics and belles lettres 
 at the Knights Academy, at Soroe. A treatise published by him, 
 
 * See Schwarz's "Theory of Education, 1 ' 1, p. 460; and "Quarterly Report on Basedow'a 
 Elementary Book, 1771," p. 4 to 31 ; where Basedow gives a biographical account of him- 
 self. Also, "Contributions to the history of the life of Johannes Bernhard Basedow; Mag- 
 deburg. 1791." 
 
 + He gave an account of this method in a Latin dissertation, entitled, "De inusitata et op- 
 tima honestioris juventutis erudiendat methndo;" Kiel, 1752. 
 
458 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 '"On practical philosophy for all ranks," brought upon him, by its 
 heterodoxy, the ill will of the patron of the academy, Count Danes- 
 kiold;f and for this reason he removed, in 1761, to Altona, as pro- 
 fessor in the gymnasium. Here he published two other heterodox 
 books ; " Philalethie" and " Methodical instruction, both in natural 
 and in biblical religion." Several theologians, and among them 
 Senior Gotze, of Hamburg, wrote against these works ; the Hamburg . 
 magistrates issued a warning against them ; and those of Lubeck pro- 
 hibited them under a penalty of 50 thalers. Basedow and his family 
 were not allowed the communion in Altona and the neighborhood. 
 
 From 1763 to 1768, he wrote a multitude of theological contro- 
 versial works. In the latter year he published the "Representation 
 to the benevolent and the rich, upon schools, studies, and their in- 
 fluence upon the public well-being," with a plan of an elementary 
 book of human knowledge. At the same time he wrote to the em- 
 peror, kings, universities, freemasons' lodges, learned men, <fec., to in- 
 terest them in the elementary work which he proposed to publish ; 
 the most of whom answered him favorably.* 
 
 The Danish minister, Bernstorff, in order to give him time for his 
 pedagogical labors, relieved him from the duties of his place, securing 
 him a salary of eight hundred thalers. 
 
 His first work for schools, which was destined to become prominent, 
 was, as Basedow himself says, his "Book of methods for fathers and 
 mothers of families and nations" This book was intended for 
 adults; and the " Elementary Book with plates? published at the 
 same time, for children. 
 
 The object of the "Elementary Book" is, with the help of the cuts, as 
 Basedow remarks, 1. Elementary instruction in the knowledge of 
 words and things ; 2. An incomparable method, founded upon expe- 
 rience, of teaching children to read without weariness or loss of time ( 
 3. Natural knowledge ; 4. Knowledge of morals, the mind and rea- 
 soning; 5. A method, thorough and impressive upon the heart, of in- 
 structing in natural religion, and for a description of beliefs so im- 
 partial, that it shall not at all appear of, what belief is the writer him- 
 self; 6. A knowledge of social duties, of commerce, &c. It will be 
 seen that this is an encyclopedia of every thing worth knowing by 
 
 * In 1771, before the first edition was completed, Basedow had already received 7000 reich- 
 tthaler of contributions. (" Quarterly Account," p. 30.) King Christian VII, of Denmark, gave 
 900 thalers, the Empress Catharine 1000, grand-duke Paul 500, the hereditary prince of 
 Brunswick 200, " the wealthy class in Basle " 150, the royal government of Osnabruch 50, 
 prince Czartoryski 50, Nicolans von der Fliie, Abbot of Mary-Einsiedel, 42, &c. I *.ite these 
 instances from Basedow's list of the contributors to the "Elementary Book," to show how the 
 most, different persons, in the most distant countries, took great interest in the undertaking, 
 and conceived great hopes from it 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 459 
 
 children, as comprehensive as was the "Orbis Pictus" of Comenius ; the 
 work, with its characteristic plates, may be called the Orbis Pictus of 
 the eighteenth century. It appeared in 1774, in four volumes, and 
 with one hundred plates, mostly engraved by Chodowiecki. It was 
 translated into Latin by Mangelsdorf, under the supervision of the 
 well known counselor, Klotz, into French by Huber, and afterward 
 into Russian. A little before, in 1774, had appeared Basedow's 
 "Agathokrator" upon the education of future rulers. " In this," he 
 says, " I have described the education of a truly well-trained prince ; 
 the necessary preparations for it ; and its operation after he has be- 
 come king. I hope that this will be one of the most useful of all 
 my writings, and a great blessing to posterity." An age has passed 
 since the appearance of the book, and where are the traces of its in- 
 fluences ? how many even know that such a book existed ?* 
 
 Basedow's repeated appeals for activity in the cause of education 
 produced effects other than the spread of his writings. An excellent 
 young prince, Leopold Friedrich Franz, Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, be- 
 came interested in Basedow, by means of Behrisch, (known for his 
 life of Gothe,) who was tutor to the hereditary Prince of Dessau. 
 The prince, from the purest benevolence, and from the wish to further 
 a holy enterprise, resolved, in 1771, to invite Basedow to Dessau, with 
 a salary of eleven hundred thalers; and in I774,f to give to the 
 Philanthropinum, buildings, a garden, and twelve thousand thalers. 
 
 In the last year, 1774, but before the erection of the Philanthro- 
 pinum, occurred Basedow's acquaintance with Gothe, whom he visited 
 in Frankfort. Here Basedow, on his birth-day, (llth Sept.,) took a 
 firm resolution to establish an educational institution, and to name it 
 PHILANTHROPINUM. 
 
 From Frankfort he traveled, with Lavater and Gothe, to Ems and 
 the Rhine. Gothe, in his life, has described Basedow in the most 
 masterly manner, in part in the strongest contrast to Lavater. 
 
 Basedow arrived, came in contact with me, and laid hold of me on the other side. 
 No stronger contrast could be imagined than that between Lavater and Basedow. 
 Their very looks indicated their opposition to each other. While Lavater's fea- 
 tures were open to the observer, Basedow's were contracted closely together, and, 
 as it were, drawn inward. Lavater's eyes were clear and calm, and under very 
 broad lids ; Basedow's were deep in his head, small, black, keen, and looked out 
 from under coarse eyebrows; while Lavater's temples were hung with the softest 
 brown hair. Basedow's heavy, rough voice, his quick and sharp expressions, his 
 somewhat sneering laugh, his sudden changes of the conversation, and his other 
 peculiarities, were the opposite of the qualities and the conduct by which Lavater 
 had become pleasing to us. Basedow was much sought after in Frankfort, and 
 
 * Prince Albert, of Dessau, sent. Basedow, in return for a copy of the "Agathokrator" 100 
 thalers ; and Joseph II a medal with his portrait. 
 
 t December 27th, 1774, the day of the birth of the hereditary prince of Dessau, then five 
 years old. was considered as the birth-day of the Philanthropinum. See Wolke, description 
 of the plates to the ^Elementary Book,'" p. 8 ; and " The Fttilanthrooinum ," part first, p. 101. 
 
460 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 his great intellectual gifts were admired ; but he was not a man either to stin-n- 
 late others or to guide them. The only work for him was to improve the Held 
 which he had marked out for himself; so that future generations should find their 
 labors in it more easy and natural ; and toward this purpose he hastened with 
 even too much zeal. I could not interest myself in his plans, nor even make his 
 views clear to myself. That he should require all instruction to be given in a liv- 
 ing and natural way pleased me, of course ; that the ancient tongues should be 
 practiced now seemed to me desirable ; and I willingly recognize whatever in his 
 plans tended to a promotion of activity and of a newer view of the world ; but I 
 apprehended that the illustrations in his "Elementary Book" would confuse still 
 more than objects themselves; because, in the natural world, only things possible 
 exist together, and therefore they have, notwithstanding all their multitude and 
 apparent confusion, always something regular in all their parts. But this "Ele- 
 mentary Book" utterly disarranged them, because it placed together, for the sake 
 of a relation of ideas, things which never go together in the real world ; so that 
 it was destitute of that natural method which must be recognized in the corres- 
 ponding work of Amos Comenius. Much stranger yet and harder to understand 
 than Basedow's theories, were his manners. His purpose in his present journey 
 was to interest the public in his philanthropic undertaking, by his personal in- 
 fluence; and thus to secure for himself access, not ouly to their good will, but to 
 their purses. He had the power of speaking in a lofty and convincing way of 
 his plans; and all men readily assented to whatever he argued. But he wounded, 
 in the most incomprehensible manner, the fetlings of the men from whom he was 
 asking a contribution, and offended them with no reason, by not being silent upon 
 his opinions and vagaries in regard to religious subjects. In this respect, also, 
 Basedow was the precise opposite of Lavater. "While the latter held the whole 
 Bible, letter for letter, and with its whole contents, as true and applicable even to 
 the present day, the former felt a most restless itching for remodeling every 
 thing, and changing not only religious beliefs, but even the outer forms of church 
 observances, according to his own whims. He would dispute in the most merci- 
 less and extraordinary manner against all views not founded immediately upon 
 the Bible, but upon the interpretation of it ; against those expressions, philosophi- 
 cal technics, and material similitudes, with which the fathers of the church, and 
 councils, have sought either to explain the inexpressible, or to convince heretics. 
 He declared himself before every body, in the harshest and most indefensible 
 manner, the bitterest enemy of the doctrine of the Trinity ; and could not be 
 satisfied with arguing against this universally received mystery. I myself suf- 
 fered much in private conversation from this subject; and had forever to let my- 
 self be plagued with Hypostasis, and Ousia, and Prosopon. In opposition to these 
 attacks, I betook myself to the weapons of paradox, surpassed his own opinions, 
 and ventured to combat his daring notions with others still more daring. This 
 gave my mind a new direction ; and, as Basedow was much better read than I, 
 and readier at the tricks of disputation than a natural philosopher like myself 
 could be, I was obliged to exert myself more and more, as the points discussed 
 between us became more important. So excellent an opportunity, if not to in 
 struct myself, at least to exercise myself, I could not quickly resign ; I prevailed 
 upon my father and friends to give up the most important business, and I left 
 Frankfort again, with Basedow. What a difference was there between his in- 
 fluence and presence, and that of Lavater ! Pure himself, the latter sought to 
 surround himself with purity. By his side one became maidenly, for fear of an- 
 noying him with any thing unpleasant. Basedow, on the other hand, far too 
 much absorbed in himself, could not attend to any thing external. One of his 
 hab ts, that of smoking coarse, bad tobacco, was exceedingly disagreeable, and 
 was much the more so because, whenever he had smoked out one pipe, he at 
 once struck fire again with some dirtily prepared German tinder, which caught 
 quickly, but smelled hatefully, and with his very first wh ft' defiled the atmosphere 
 intolerably. I named this preparation the "Basedow Stink-tinder," and proposed 
 to introduce it under this name into natural history ; at which he made much 
 sport, and explained to me circumstantially, and even to nauseation, the abominable 
 stuff, and with great delight applied himself to my aversion. For it was one of the 
 strongest peculiarities of this gifted man, that he loved too much to tease, and 
 maliciously to vex, the most unprejudiced people. He could not bear to see any 
 ** at rest ; he would attack him with grinning and jeers, with his hoarse voice, 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 461 
 
 put them into a dilemma with some unexpected question, and laugh bitterly if he 
 accomplished his purpose ; but he would be well pleased if any one answered him 
 promptly. I always spent part of the night with Basedow. He never laid down 
 on the bed, but dictated incessantly. Sometimes he threw himself down on a 
 couch and slept, while his secretary, pen in hand, sat quietly, all ready to write, 
 when his half-awake master should again give free course to his thoughts. And 
 all this was done in a room closely shut, and full of the smoke of tobacco and 
 tinder. Whenever I left off dancing I ran straight to Basedow, who was always 
 ready to talk or discuss upon his problem ; and when, after a little while, I went 
 out to dance again, he took up the thread of his treatise, even before I had shut 
 the door, dictating as quietly as if nothing had happened. Basedow was pursu- 
 ing an object of primary importance, the better education of youth ; and for this 
 purpose he was seeking large contributions from the noble and the rich. But 
 scarcely had he, by his reasoning or the force of his powerful eloquence, brought 
 them, if not to the point where he wished, at least into the state of mind favora- 
 ble to himself, when his vile anti-trinitarian notions would catch hold of him, and, 
 without the least regard for the place where he might be, he would break out into 
 the strangest speeches, exceeding religious in their intention, but, according to the 
 beliefs of society, exceedingly abominable. We tried to find means of preventing 
 the mischief Lavater by mild earnestness, I by evasive sport, the ladies by divert- 
 ing walks; but the trouble could not be removed. Christian conversation, such 
 as was expected from Lavater, pedagogical, such as was looked for from Basedow, 
 sentimental, such as I should have been ready for, all were alike broken up or 
 changed.* 
 
 Basedow had at first, at Dessau, only three assistants, Wolke, Si- 
 mon, and Schweighauser. The first of these was the most efficient 
 in the work of teaching.f He was born in 1742, at Jever, and died 
 at a great age, known especially for his remarkable labors for German 
 orthography. He first began to study in his twentieth year, but had 
 before learned, without a teacher, drawing and etching. In five half- 
 years he finished the necessary studies in Latin, Greek, and French, 
 entered the University of Gottingen in 1763, (where he studied chiefly 
 mathematics, natural sciences, and French,) and in 1766 went to Leip- 
 zig, where he taught Latin and mathematics. Through Biisch he 
 came to Basedow, at Altona, in 1770, to assist him in working upon 
 his "Elementary Book." 
 
 Here Wolke made his first experiment of a new method of in- 
 struction, upon Basedow's daughter, Emilie, who seems to have been 
 named after Rousseau's "Emile" This experiment stands in such close 
 connection with the Philanthropinum, and is so characteristic, that I 
 shall give Wolke's own account of it. He says : 
 
 When I came to Herr Professor Basedow, at Altona, at new year's of 1770, to 
 take part in the labor upon his "Elementary Book," in the departments of natural 
 history and mathematics, his little daughter, Emilie, was three-quarters of a year 
 old. My inclination to be employing myself about children led me to help her 
 mother, who was instructing her carefully, about an hour a day, in little exercises, 
 which, if made as complete as possible, are much more important than would be 
 supposed. I taught her, for example, after a certain order and selection, about 
 things of all kinds and their qualities, by showing them to her, and by clear and 
 accurate descriptions of them ; how to stand up, how to fall down judiciously, 
 
 * Gothe's Works ; 22, 273-8, 279, 80, 91. Edition of 1840. 
 
 t See WSlke's autobiography, in Basedow's work, "The Philanthropinum, established in 
 Dessau, 1774." 
 
462 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 how to save a fall by catching hold of something and by other means. Both in 
 sport and in earnest, we were very careful to avoid that confusion of ideas which 
 is usual in such teaching. For example, she saw in a looking-glass not herself, 
 but her image; in pictures, not men, trees, beasts, but only their representations : 
 she was not permitted to call the cooked meat and bones of a hen, a hen, nor a 
 doll a baby, a penny a ducat, &c. By such care, which I earnestly recommend 
 to all in charge of children, and such a method as is now taught in the ''Element- 
 ary Book," Emilie had in her third half-year learned to form opinions with a cor- 
 rectness which was the admiration of all who saw her. When she was a year 
 and a half old, she could not only speak much more clearly and correctly than is 
 usual at her age, but, by means of our peculiar method of teaching spelling before 
 the knowledge of the letters, to understand sentences if we only said over the 
 letters of them to her. If, for example, any one said to her the letters you 
 shall have a cake, she would say " you shall have a cake." The success 
 of this practice, the facility of which had been foreseen by Herr Professor Base- 
 dow, pleased him exceedingly, when Emilie, without further trouble or the weari- 
 some spelling in a book, learned to read in a month, to her own pleasure and to 
 mine. This was at the end of her third year. Three months after this, Herr 
 Professor Basedow left home for ten weeks. To give him a pleasure at his re- 
 turn for he had but little during his labors upon the "Elementary Book " I exer- 
 cised Emilie in that time in French, of which she had not before heard a word. 
 In a month and a half, she could speak of her wants and of things about her, in 
 French, so well that the mixing of German words in the instruction was no longer 
 necessary. Since the Feast of St. John of the present year, I have done some- 
 thing similar in Latin, with a boy of five years old ; of which I shall speak fur- 
 ther. Emilie learned French as quickly as she did German. In this language I 
 used a book called "Joujou de nouvelle jfa$on ;" for the elementary "Manuel & ed- 
 ucation " was not yet published. About a month and a half after the beginning 
 of this learning to read, Emilie was with us for a few days with his very worthy 
 grace, the Herr Canon von Rochow, where she excited the wonder of various 
 gentlemen, masters, and officers from Brandenburg and Potsdam, by her facility 
 in reading German and French. At this time she read, in writing and printing, 
 German and Latin ; knew a large number of natural objects and tools, with their 
 origin and use ; distinguished, with reference to the particular case, mathematical 
 lines, surfaces, and bodies; counted forward or added to 100; backward or sub- 
 tracted, by ones and by twos, from 20 or 21 to or 1 ; practiced drawing or 
 writing by copying the copies in pencil which were set before her; sometimes 
 dictated a letter to her father, &c. With all this knowledge, which Emilie ac- 
 quired in play that is without exertion or harmful sitting still we avoided the 
 fault, so common in such circumstances, of making her what is called a learned 
 lady, who is lifted by her knowledge above her sex, and neglects her feminine 
 employments. She was, on the contrary, in every way imbued with a love for 
 feminine labors, and instructed in them. She was often, and with much pleasure, 
 employed in preparing food in the kitchen, setting the table for the children, put- 
 ting the table-furniture, &c., which they left in disorder, in its proper place, and 
 had made a good beginning in learning to sew and to knit. I have taken every 
 opportunity of drawing Emilie's attention to the goodness and wisdom of God, in 
 her studies of nature. She often rejoices in God, as in a wise, powerful, and 
 good father of herself and of all men. She takes pleasure in the lightning and 
 thunder, recognizing them and the rain which follows them as indispensibly di- 
 vine benefits, by means of which vegetation, for the nourishment of men and 
 beasts, is supported, and the beautiful flowers are made to grow. She rejoices in 
 the convenience and human form of her body, in the reasoning faculties of her 
 soul ; in rain, wind, snow, and darkness, even when she suffers inconvenience 
 from them, and at times when others complain of them. The sight of caterpillers, 
 spiders, mice, snakes, and lizards, is neither disgusting nor frightful to her. She 
 has never had any trouble about witches, ghosts, or the devil, since they have 
 never been named to her as things which do any injury to man. The silly rep- 
 resentations of the devil are only ridiculous to her ; not frightful. Of the Christ- 
 ian religion she knows many portions, but only such as will be useful at her age ; 
 preparatives to virtue, to trust in God, and to peace. Although she speaks and 
 judges upon many subjects, yet she has never made any misuse of what has been 
 told her of the origin of the human race. Up to Michaelmas 1773, when she 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 453 
 
 was four and one-half years old, she heard not a word of Latin. Her father 
 having at that time to go to Berlin on business connected with the "Elementary 
 Book," I was desirous of preparing for him at his return such a pleasure in his 
 daughter's knowledge of Latin as I had the year before in that of French. I 
 had, however, so many employments, that I could talk with Emilie only two hours 
 a day. My instruction was still more interrupted by my absence at Berlin dur- 
 ing November. Yet, Emilie now speaks Latin with a facility and correctness 
 which is admired by many. For the sake of any who may doubt the truth of this 
 account, and who may be willing to believe it, if they or any one whom they can. 
 trust will visit us, to hear for themselves, I will have an examination, (which 
 otherwise I am very willing to avoid,) in which they may hear that Emilie (who 
 has never learned one word by rote, after the school fashion,) knows at least fifty 
 words of any two leaves taken at random from Cellar i us' Dictionary, (because most 
 people take the number of words known for a measure ;) and that from the same 
 book, of one hundred and twenty leaves, she knows at least three thousand words, 
 and that, not after the fashion of a school-boy, but like the words of her own 
 mother-tongue. And of these fifty words, I can vary each, by declensions and 
 conjugation, so that no less than five hundred different questions can be made 
 from them, which Emilie shall answer. Thus no one can doubt that, with all 
 these words from Cellarius' dictionary, (besides which she knows many others,) 
 more than thirty thousand questions can be asked, all differing from each other, 
 which she can understand, and can either translate correctly into German, or 
 answer them in Latin, whichever is preferred.* 
 
 Basedow himself published an account of his daughter,f from 
 which it appears clearly how far his instruction followed Rousseau's 
 plans. He says that, when she was scarcely three and one-half years 
 old, she began to observe " errors in correct reading, both in French 
 and German." And in anticipation he says that, "before the end of 
 her ninth year, she will fluently read in German out of Latin writers.'* 
 If the question is asked, what is the purpose of all this ? Basedow 
 answers, " I intend Emilie, God permitting, for the teacher of othei 
 girls." 
 
 This remarkable child was repeatedly cited by her father and by 
 Wolke, both in writing and speaking, as a standard by which it might 
 be judged what was to be expected from the Philanthropinum. 
 These expectations were especially excited by the periodical which 
 Basedow published, under the title "Philanthropic Archives ; ad- 
 dressed by the fraternity of friends of youth to the guardians of hu- 
 manity, and to fathers and mothers, who may send children to the 
 Dessau Philanthropinum. Dessau, 1776." The preface, Feb. 1st, 
 1776, is addressed "To guardians, intercessors, benefactors of hu- 
 manity, intelligent cosmopolites." 
 
 This singular address is surpassed in the second part of the "Ar- 
 chives" which is dedicated, in the name of the Philanthropinum, to four 
 kings. First, to Joseph the Second, the "Father of Germany.'* "I 
 honor you," it says, "as the most eminent of all the inhabitants of 
 the world, and as one of the best ; as my own indirect supreme lord 
 and protector ; as the foundation of my hopes for better times in 
 
 * Ib., p. 44-52. t Quarterly Account, sixth part, 1773. 
 
464 - JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 Germany," <fec. In the dedication to the king of Denmark, Base- 
 dow calls himself a Cimbrian ; and, to the Empress Catharine, he 
 promises to establish a Catharineum, for women from all the world. 
 ( Weltburgerinnen.) 
 
 The Philanthropinum had been in existence seventeen months, 
 when the first part of the "Archives " appeared. Basedow gave an in- 
 
 r * r o 
 
 vitation to the great examination, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of 
 May, 1776. 
 
 " Send children," he says, " to a happy, youthful life of studies cer- 
 tainly successful. This affair is not Catholic, Lutheran, or Reformed, 
 but Christian. We are the philanthropists ; cosmopolitans. The free- 
 dom of Switzerland, here, is not placed below the sovereignty of Rus- 
 sia or Denmark, in our teaching or our opinions." He adds repeated 
 appeals for contributions.* 
 
 Furtherf he says, " The aim of education must be, to train a Euro- 
 peanj whose life shall be as harmless, as useful, and as peaceful, as it 
 can be made by education. Care must also be taken, 1. That he 
 may endure little trouble, grief, or sickness ; and, 2. That he may learn 
 to take real pleasure in what is good." 
 
 " The wisdom of all wisdoms is virtue and peace. Few exercises 
 in virtue, as it should be taught, in our education, are found. Here, 
 ye wise men, ye philanthropic writers, a plan for an orderly ar- 
 rangement of exercises in virtue, for parents and schools, is one of the 
 most important works for the good of all humanity. Were we rich, 
 we would offer ten thousand thalers for the best book of this kind 
 which should appear within two years." " For the paternal religion 
 of each pupil," Basedow remarks, " the ministry of this place will 
 care. Natural religion, however, and ethics, are the chief part of 
 philosophy, of which we. have charge. In the Philanthropinum the 
 first beginning of instruction is, to hit ve faith in God as the creator, 
 upholder, and Lord of the world. As we have a universal, Christian, 
 Philanthropinist liturgy, approved by persons of reputation in all the 
 churches, we promise to give a general Christian instruction, which, 
 by means of its omission of all points of distinction, shall offend neither 
 Catholics, Protestants, nor Greeks ; but which shall necessarily please 
 all Christians, even if they are as different as Zinzendorf and Foster."|| 
 
 In this universal, private instruction in religion, he says further,^]" 
 "Neither word nor deed will be introduced, which will not be approved 
 
 * Boarders paid two hundred and fifty thalers. "Archives," p. 38. t Archives, p. 16. 
 I By a European, "we understand a man of a civilized nation, who has such manners and 
 dispositions as are almost universal in Europe." 
 
 Ib., p. 20, 21. I Ib. , p. 39. IT Ib., p. 63. 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 455 
 
 of by every one who fears God, by the Christian, Jew, Mohammedan, 
 or Deist. And just as satisfactory shall we be to the friends of all 
 systems of Christianity, from Zinzendorf to Foster." Afterward, 
 clergymen of the different professions may * 4 instruct, drill, and con- 
 vince the children in their paternal religions."* 
 
 All the Philanthropiuist manuals are to be free from "theologizing 
 distinctions in favor of Christianity as opposed to the Jews, Moham- 
 medans, Deists, or the so-called Dissidents, who are in some places 
 called heretics." 
 
 " In the temple of the Universal Father, the Dissident brethren ap- 
 pear like brethren with the rest. And until that time let us come 
 like brethren, one (as long as the difference shall last,) to the holy 
 mass ; another to pray with his fellows, after one form ; and a third 
 to pray with his fellows, after another." * 
 
 So much may suffice to describe Basedow's religious tendency; his 
 proceeding from the broadest deism is the most general idea, (leaving 
 out the poor heathen, after Rousseau's example,) to the narrow idea 
 of Christianity, the still narrower ideas illiberal ones as Basedow 
 thinks them of the Christian professions, he leaves to be taught to 
 the children by the clergy. The positive ideas which he lays down 
 I shall consider hereafter. 
 
 From what Basedow says in his invitation of the moral and relig- 
 ious tendency of the Philanthropinum, I proceed to what he prom- 
 ises, and claims to have accomplished, in intellectual education, in 
 Latin, German, French, knowledge of nature and of art, and mathe- 
 matics. 
 
 Of memorizing, he says, there will be but little with us. The students 
 will not be forced to learn even by advice. Yet we promise, by the excellence of 
 our method, and by means of the agreement of it with the whole of the Philan- 
 thropist education and method of living, at least twice as much progress in study 
 
 * " He who believes in one Go<1, and in the eternal existence of virtue, will not be a here- 
 tic in the institution. Public religious exercises will be, as heretofore, merely the worship- 
 ing of God, or Christian Ynerely in general. The former, the chief Rabbi, or the Mufti, if 
 they understood them, could not disapprove of; and by the latter, the Catholic, the Greek, 
 the Protestant, the Bohemian brother, and the Socinian, would be edified. Any thing more 
 is the province of the ministry." 
 
 t The interest taken by the Jews and Freemasons in the Philanthropinum is remarkable. 
 Thus, four Hamburg lodges sent five hundred thalers, one at Leipzig one hundred, one at 
 Gottingen twenty-five One Meyer translated an ''Explanation of Freemasonry" from the 
 English, and recommended the Philanthropinum to the support of the masons. " Basedow's 
 Philanthropinum,'' he says, "that quite masonic design for making poor humanity more fit 
 for the purpose of its being, by a reasonable instruction of youth, for spreading virtue, re- 
 ligion, and knowledge, and removing prejudices." &c (''Pedagogical Conversations of Base- 
 dow," part first, p 104.) Had Basedow. without being a freemason, made application to this 
 "honorable fraternity of architects of the council-house of universal citizenship, pupils of 
 Solomon and Socrates," as he calls them? (^PhUanthropinum," p 8.) From the Jews, 
 especially from those of Berlin, he received at one time five hundred and eighteen thalers, 
 &c. Among others, Mendelssohn interested himself for him. 
 
 30 
 
466 JOHANN BERNHARb DASEDOW. 
 
 as is usual in the best schools, boarding institutions, or gymnasiums. And espe- 
 cially we promise great development of the understanding, by the practice of a truly 
 philosophical art of thinking. 
 
 The results which have been already shown prove that what we promise is true. 
 In the telling, and when their means are not seen, they are incredible. Every 
 thing is so pleasant with us, that no one wishes to be at home again. At th< 
 age of fifteen there is need of punishment but few times a year. The pupils learn 
 without sitting too much, and more outside than in school-hours. Of our method 
 we can say (and God knows it is with fairness and reflection,) as follows : when 
 we have all our apparatus and arrangements all completed, a boy of twelve years 
 old, who shall be sent to us, with his manners not too far destroyed, and of mode- 
 rate capacity, if he knows only how to read and to write, will become with us, 
 without constraint or discomfort, in four years, well fitted to study for either of the 
 higher faculties in a university. For, whatever is valuable for all students in the 
 philosophical faculty, he will have studied with us so thoroughly that, in order to 
 arrive at a higher grade, he will need only himself and his books. From this 
 measure of our institution all other things in relation to it can be judged of. 
 
 You wise cosmopolites, this is said, not by foolish project-makers, idle talkers, 
 but by men who are worthy of friendship and of your assistance. 
 
 One language requires, with us, unless it is to be brought by grammatical ex- 
 ercises to the natural degree of accuracy, six months, in order to enable the 
 students to understand whatever he hears or reads in it, as if it was his mother- 
 tongue 5 and to speak and write it, little by little, after rules, by himself. 
 
 After this we require six months more of grammatical exercises, to make a 
 Latin or a French scholar so complete, or so little lacking of it, as it is not possible 
 for him to be from the ordinary school, without uncommon good fortune, genius, 
 and application. 
 
 In May, 1775, he says, two boys, of thirteen and seventeen years, were sent to 
 the Philanthropinum. "They had minds of ordinary capacity. Neither of them 
 had the least attainments in study, or the least rudiments of Latin. They can 
 now, (Feb. 1st, 1776, nine months afterward.) understand a Latin address on 
 any art which may be selected, if only the technical terms be explained to them, 
 and the unusual words made clear by Latin synonyms, or by the connection. 
 They read a classical author understands ngly, if he is easy; that is, if he is good. 
 They can express themselves, either orally or in writing, upon any subject, so 
 well that they would get on much better in ancient Rome than one could do in 
 Leipzig now, who could write and speak only low Dutch." 
 
 This is roguery. Further on Basedow praises himself for having 
 found a way of making the work of learning " three times as short 
 and three times as easy as it usually is." All studies must be arranged 
 in a common plan, and be placed, by means of uniformity of text- 
 books, in such a connection that one shall always shorten and assist 
 the other. Only the useful part of each science is to be learned. 
 
 To fill up the sketch here given from Basedow's invitation, I quote 
 the following from a letter of his written to Campe, the same year ; 
 which, as they say, lets us into the whole programme. Latin, he says 
 in this, must be learned by speaking ; and, for this reason, Basedow 
 requires his teachers to use every means to gain facility in speaking 
 Latin. They must use all their leisure in reading the colloquies of 
 Erasmus, Terence, &c.; they must try, when alone, to translate silently 
 in their thoughts expressions which they could not manage in con- 
 versation, and "get all their religious instruction from Castalio's Bible 
 only." 
 
 "The actual design of the institution, it would scarcely be possible 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 4^7 
 
 to follow out. But Latin, Latin when we see that the end of our 
 well-trodden and brief road leads to correctness and elegance, (not to 
 say any thing of eminent skill,) in this language, this alone can give 
 certain encouragement. But well for thee, thou dear young posterity ! 
 you learn Latin, Latin, without rod or care ! Greek, however, we 
 shall not teach by speaking ; it is too difficult. 
 
 But ye ancient and modern languages, ye tormenting ghosts of 
 youth, ye flatterers of unthinking people, who have memory and pa- 
 tience, when will it be possible to have the name of being well-edu- 
 cated, intelligent, and learned, without having at first let one's self be 
 destroyed by your discipline and afterward by your flattery?'' 
 
 I return to Basedow's "Inwtotion* In this he very openly asks for 
 contributions. ''Dearest cosmopolitans," he says, "your wills may 
 be most heartily good and your sentiments correct ; but our enterprise 
 can not go into operation except by means of deeds." 
 
 Let us, lastly, hear how urgently he invites.* "We promise," he 
 says, " under the penalty of contumely, that upon the aforesaid 13th 
 of May, (1776,) there will be in the Philanthropinum K much worth 
 seeing, hearing, investigating, and considering, by the intelligent 
 guardians of humanity, in regard to schools, that it will be worth their 
 while for some of them to be sent to us, by the order of the German 
 Diet, from Copenhagen, Saint Petersburg, arid the most distant places ; 
 for it is a duty, by the arithmetic of morals, in respect to such good 
 works as must be of great use, to proceed upon probabilities. God, 
 thou father of posterity, secure us, we pray thee, a hearing with the 
 wise inhabitants of the world." 
 
 The examination which was to decide upon the existence or non- 
 existence of the Philanthropinum took place, and was, according to 
 Basedow's expression, "attended by many skillful men, citizens of the 
 world, most of whom had come abroad for the purpose.'' Among 
 others came from Berlin, Nicolai and Teller ; from Halberstadt, con- 
 sistory-councilor Struensee ; from Leipzig, Plattner and Zollikofer; 
 from Magdeburg, Resewitz and Schummel; from Potsdam, Campe ; 
 from Quedlinburg, Stroth ; from Hamburg, Bode, the translator of 
 Montaigne ; and from Rekalm, Rochow. 
 
 The Philanthropinum however included only thirteen pupils, besides 
 Emilie and Friedrich Basedow. Two accounts of the examination are 
 lying before me, one by Basedow, the other by the above named 
 professor, Schummel ; it is entitled " Fritz's journey to Dessau." \ 
 They agree with and complete each other. I shall, however, chiefly 
 follow the journey, which is in a form of letters from a boy of twelve, 
 
 * [b., 58. J Basedow's account is in the 2nd part of " Philanthropinist Archive*." 
 
468 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 who goes with his father to Dessau ; as it is from an impartial per- 
 son. 
 
 In the third letter the boy says : " I am just come from the Philan- 
 thropinum ; I already know Herrn Basedow, Wolke, Simon, Schweig- 
 hauser, and all the little Philanthropinists. I am already greatly de- 
 lighted, and do not know where to begin." 
 
 Fritz goes to the Philanthropinum with his father. "There are two 
 great houses close to each other, all painted white, and right before 
 them the great wide square with trees, and between the houses and 
 the trees the street goes through. One of the scholars, but one of 
 the real scholars, only one of the lower ones, whom they call Famu- 
 lants, stood at the door and asked us if we would like to speak to 
 Herr Basedow ? We said yes ; so he let us right into the house, and 
 we knocked, and some one said "come in!" Herr Basedow was 
 standing behind a desk, in his dressing-gown, and writing ; we came 
 upon him at a somewhat inconvenient time ; but he was very friendly, 
 and told father that he must not take it ill that he had so much work 
 to do in the morning ; but that at evening he would call upon us at 
 our lodging. Then we went away, and went into the Philanthropinum. 
 Father asked for Herr Wolke. He was at table, but came immediately 
 out. He is a large, tall man, with a worn face ; but I know very well 
 that that comes from hard labor ; for he often works day and night. 
 He otherwise looks so good and so friendly, that one must be good 
 to him from the very first. He asked us if we would like to come in 
 and see the Philanthropinists at their meals, and immediately he 
 opened the door and showed us in. The whole table was full of great 
 and small, and there was just one lady there ; she was Frau Wolke." 
 
 In the fourth letter he describes the Philanthropinists. " Thej> 
 all have the hair cut short, and none of them patronize the wigrnaker. 
 The children go without neckcloths, with their necks open, the shirt 
 turned back over the dress." 
 
 In the fifth letter Fritz describes the little girl already mentioned ; 
 "snow-white, with coal-black hair, and a wreath upon it. The child 
 looked at me and said to me in Latin, Salve ; and threw me a kiss." 
 This was Emilie Basedow. 
 
 He very correctly describes the prince and the princess as a most 
 beautiful pair ; and relates that the prince had been in France and 
 Italy, and was very much beloved.* 
 
 *The author does not, in this, flatter this excellent prince. He was a very accomplished 
 man ; to be convinced of this, it would be enough for any one to see the gardens which he 
 laid out at Worlitz. The whole of his little territory, indeed, he brought almost into the con- 
 dition of a garden. And what is still more, he enacted paternal care over all, even the very 
 least of his subjects, and was heartily loved by all of them. 1 was born in Worlitz ; my fath- 
 er served that oriuce for more than fifty years ; and he himself gave me the account of his 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 459 
 
 He mentions Wieland, Gothe, and Lavater as expected, but as not 
 coming ; and then describes the guests : Teller, Rochow, Zollikofer, 
 Bode, <fec. Of consistorial-councilor Struensee, of Halberstadt, a 
 distinguished educator, he says he was not very well pleased ; or, at 
 least, he kept looking straight before him with a very serious face. 
 
 In the eighth letter, he comes to the examination : 
 
 The children did some very droll things. First they played the commander 
 game ; all together, some eight or nine ; do you see, Charley, this was the way. 
 First, they all stood in a row, like soldiers. Herr Wolke was commander ; he 
 commanded in Latin, and they were to do every thing that he said. For exam- 
 ple, when he said claudite oculos, they all shut their eyes ; or, circumspicite, and 
 they all looked around them ; or, imitamini sartorem, and they all sewed like 
 tailors ; or, imitamini sutorcm, and they all drew out waxed-ends, like cobblers. 
 Herr Wolke ordered a thousand queer things. 
 
 Now I will tell you about the other game ; the hiding game. In this, a word 
 is written behind the blackboard, where the children can not see it ; the name of 
 some part of the human body, or of a plant, or a beast, or a metal ; and then they 
 guess what it is, until one of them guesses it ; and the one who guesses it has an 
 apple or a piece of cake for a reward. One of the visitors wrote on the board, 
 intestina, the intestines ; and told the children that it was a part of the human 
 body. They then began ; one guessed caput, others nasus or manus, pes, digiti, 
 pectus, collum, labium, genu, aures, ocuLi, crines, dorsum, and so on, for a long 
 time, until at last one cried out it is the intestines ! Then Herr Wolke wrote the 
 name of a beast. I can not now remember myself what it was. They then be- 
 gan ; if you could have seen it ! Leo, ursus, camelus, elephas, for you must 
 understand it was a four-footed animal, eques, bos, asinus, vacca, SMS, cam's, &c. 
 "Well, now I remember it ! at last one said mus, a mouse ; he had guessed it, 
 and he received a piece of cake. Once the name of a city was written ; and then 
 they guessed Lisbon, Madrid, Paris, London, Stockholm, Copenhagen, until they 
 came to Petersburg, which was the name written behind the board. 
 
 Then they played still another game. Herr Wolke ordered in Latin, and the 
 children imitated the voices of beasts 5 so that we laughed until we were weak. 
 Sometimes they roared like a lion, then crowed like a cock, mewed like a cat; 
 made noises like a donkey, a dog, and a raven ; in short, like every thing which 
 was told them. 
 
 Herr Wolke brought in a picture, hung it up, and said, " Dear children, I 
 bring you here a picture which you have not seen ; and I tell you beforehand, it 
 represents the most serious thing in the world ; so do you be serious also." And 
 the children were. Now I must first tell you what the picture was. First, a 
 pregnant woman was sitting in an arm-chair, and near her stood a man who held 
 her by the hand. Next, on the other side stood a table, and on it lay two little 
 caps, one for a girl, and the other for a boy ; and underneath stood a tub, with 
 water and a sponge in it. Then Herr Wolke began to ask what sort of a woman 
 this was, and why she looked so sad, and why the man held her by the hand ; 
 and the children said that it was a pregnant woman, and that the man who stood 
 by her was her husband, who was encouraging her, because she was in great 
 danger, and would almost die. Then Herr "Wolke asked further, what was the 
 meaning of the two little caps ? Then some of the spectators began to laugh ; but 
 if you could once have seen Herr Wolke, how serious he was, and how he at once 
 turned round to us and requested us very earnestly not to laugh, during so serious 
 a business, or he should much rather not teach at all. Then in a twinkling all 
 was as still as a mouse. Then he began again, and asked about the little caps. 
 Then the children said, it was not known whether it was a boy or a girl that was 
 coming, and therefore the parents had made both caps. But there were a great 
 many things more that Herr Wolke said and asked about, as, for example, he said 
 about the table and water, that when the child came into the world, it would 
 
 beneficence ; which facts may serve as an excuse for these remarks, which I have written 
 from a thankful heart and with truth. 
 
470 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 strangle in its own blood, if its good parents did not take it, and wash it, and clean 
 it. After this Herr Wolke began and made an address to the children, which I 
 shall never forget in my life. I remember almost all of it, although 1 had to cry 
 almost all the time. " Listen, dear children," he said ; " if I were able to hate 
 any body, although I am not, it would be that one among you who could be so 
 godless as to be ungrateful to his parents. Think once what your mother has 
 undergone for you ! She came into danger of death, for your sake, and endured 
 the most inexpressible pain ; and your parents had cared for you even before you 
 came into the world. How then do you think you can be thankful enough to 
 them ?" 
 
 Then Herr Wolke asked Fabreau, one of the children, where the little children 
 came from. Then he began to smile and said, " Parents tell very different stories 
 about it. There are judicious parents, and silly ones. The judicious ones say 
 the mother bore the child ; the silly ones, that the stork brought it ! " Then he 
 asked again, "If your mother bore you, whom have you to thank for being in the 
 world?" " Why," he said, ''I have to thank my mother." " But what if it 
 was the stork that brought you ? " " Then," he said, " I should have to thank 
 the stork ;" and he laughed heartily. I wish I had been as wise, in my sixth 
 year, as Fabreau ! How I would have answered my aunts, when they always 
 kept telling me that silly story about the stork ! But I am wiser now ; let them 
 try it again ! 
 
 I could not pass over this coarse and conceited examination, 
 especially as Basedow himself speaks of it with emphasis. He says, 
 "We tell the children the truth about the generation of beasts and 
 men. We do not dwell upon the act of generation, but upon the 
 results of it; the painful pregnancy of the mother." The picture 
 which was hung up was taken from the "Elementary Book" and printed 
 on a large scale. " Some hearers," relates Basedow, "cried out, 'now 
 it's coming ! ' and others laughed, but Wolke said to them, * we beg 
 you not to laugh,' and this was the only part of our plan which was 
 laughable." "O, how hard it is for good reformers," he adds, " to over- 
 come the hindrances which are placed in their way by the good ! " * 
 
 Now Fritz comes to the instruction in arithmetic. 
 
 First Herr Wolke dictated a number as long as my arm ; the blackboard had 
 scarcely been set up, before Emilie began with 149,532 quadrillions, so many 
 trillions, so many billions, and then the millions, thousands, and hundreds, until 
 it was all done. Then they went to adding. Herr Wolke wrote a long row of 
 figures under each other, as many as ten, and there was none of the children who 
 took chalk ; they reckoned it all in their heads, or often counted upon their fingers, 
 and brought every thing out right to a hair, and often corrected even Herr Wolke, 
 when he made mistakes; but he did that only for sport. So they went on for a 
 long time, and the spectators all had much pleasure in seeing the children so 
 ready, and able to work out an example before one could turn his hand over. 
 
 From arithmetic Wolke proceeded to an " experiment with all 
 sorts of little drawings." 
 
 * Philanthropinum, part 2d, pp. 26, 27. All this is very delicate, however, in comparison 
 with an article of Wolke's in Vol. 2d of the -'Pedagogical Conversations," entitled. " When 
 and how shall children be taught that their father and mother are the origin of their life?" 
 and in particular the extracts given from Basedow's '"Elementary Book." One paragraph 
 begins: "But no woman becomes pregnant until, &c." It appears from the article that 
 Rousseau's "How children are made, Sfc." was the immodest theme upon which Base- 
 dow, whose character was the opposite of Lavater's delicacy, made the m^st vulgar and in- 
 decent, variations. 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. ^^1 
 
 Then he took chalk and asked the children what they would like to have him 
 draw. Leonem, Leonem, they all cried out together. Then Herr Wolke pre- 
 tended that he was going to draw a lion ; but instead of that he drew a great 
 beak. " Hu," they cried out, *' non est leo, non est leo." k ' Why not?" "Quia 
 habet rostrum," they said, u Leones non habent rostrum." Then Herr Wolke 
 drew the ears, but frightfully long. Then they cried out again that it was not 
 right ; that they are asses' ears. In short, they told Herr Wolke every thing 
 that he was to draw, from the head to the tail 5 and then they had not had enough 
 of it. They told him to draw a boy on the lion. Then Herr Wolke drew it 
 carefully, all wrong ; first an eye was wanting, then an ear, then the nose ; and 
 the children saw it in a moment, and made him put it in. And that was not 
 enough either. The beast must have a bridle in his mouth, and the boy must 
 hold the bridle in his hand ; it was a figure to laugh yourself speckled at. When 
 that was through, Herr Wolke asked them what he should draw next ; and they 
 all cried out, domum, domum ! "Good," said Herr Wolke ; " and now what is 
 the first thing in a house?" Fundamentum, Fundamentum ! Then in a twink- 
 ling he drew the foundation. Then they told him to make the first story and then 
 the second story, and then the roof ; and he d,d it "What next?" Januam, 
 januam ! u And where must the door be ?" In media, in media ! " But I 
 will not put it in the middle this time," said Herr Wolke ; u it shall be here ;" 
 and so he drew it pretty near one end. " Yes," said the children, " but then there 
 must be one at the other end too." u But why?" Propter symmetriam. 
 When that was done, he proceeded to the window. Herr W r olke did it, on pur- 
 pose, wrongly ; but they told him how it must be ; and which was too large or 
 too small. Then came the chimneys 5 and Emilie drew a chimney-sweep on one 
 of them, with a broom. Then they played another game, called the judicial 
 game. In this they threw dice, and he who lost had to explain a picture. These 
 pictures represented all kinds of artisans. The first I did not know ; it was a turner. 
 But I knew all the others. There was a sculptor, a painter, and a scribe. The 
 sculptor had a chisel in his hand, and was chiseling a Minerva, and the whole 
 room was full of statues. 
 
 In the twelfth letter Fritz relates what happened on the last day of 
 the examination. There had been on the first day a sort of celebra- 
 tion, after the pattern of Basedow's universal religion ; but on the last 
 day it said, " First there was divine service, and this time according 
 to the Christian religion." Basedow has given the exercises performed 
 on the three days of the examination.* The first was a " universal 
 worship of God." There was a liturgy alternating with a " choir of 
 experienced worshipers of God," and with the congregation. The 
 whole is a deistical, ethical, prosaic patch-work ; Christ is not named 
 in it. For example : 
 
 Give the dark nations wholesome light ; 
 Make every doubter see ; 
 Belief by force continue not, 
 Nor forced hypocrisy. 
 
 May those with child have strength from thee, 
 Their children strong be made ; 
 And may the pain of bringing forth, 
 With pleasure be repaid. 
 
 May youth grow up with worth and strength 
 Beneath thy training wise ; 
 And give to all the wish to aid 
 The schools' great enterprise. 
 
 * Philanthropinist Contributions, p. 1, &c. 
 
JOHANN BERNHARI) BASEDOW. 
 
 Give wisdom to all friends of youth, 
 And tasks not too severe ; 
 The seed we sow is st.ill despised, 
 The harvest is not here. 
 
 The second divine worship held at the examination is entitled : "A 
 foundation for youth, of instruction and education, in faith in God, 
 from the study of nature and a sense of conscience, with the help of 
 faith and the example of adults." Nothing is said here, either, of 
 Christianity ; but the matter is a stupid, poetical kind of prose, mostly 
 about the creation ; for example : " Before the beginning of things 
 whispered no soft brook, roared no falling cataract." And the liturgy 
 says : " Hear, ye children, pleasant teachings, which you will cer- 
 tainly believe, when you understand them and consider them." 
 
 Lastly, Basedow gives the divine service held on the third day of 
 the examination. It is entitled, " Foundation of a Christian instruc- 
 tion and exercises of conscience for children, with the help of their 
 elders ;" and begins with, " We all believe on Jesus Christ." The 
 former line, " We all believe in one God," is considered as having 
 been disposed of in the previous deistical service. The whole is 
 orthodox, and agreeable to the apostolical confession of faith ; being 
 universally Christian, it appears calculated for Catholics, Greeks, and 
 Protestants, for all who believe in God and in him whom he has sent ; 
 even for Jews.* 
 
 On this same third day of the examination, Basedow delivered an 
 address, whose burden was, " Support the institute ! " He says : 
 " Fathers, fathers ! Mothers, mothers ! Have patience ! Give a part 
 of your superfluous manure for the garden where our happiness, (that 
 of our children and our child rens' children,) is planted and waited 
 for. Remember the defects of your own school lives." He asks over 
 and over again for thirty thousand thalers, and uses all sorts of induce- 
 ments to give. " Whoever gives not less than fifty thalers, but not 
 more than five hundred, shall have his name, with a number showing 
 how many times fifty thalers he has given, cut in capitals in the 
 bark of a young tree, in a grove of lindens, consecrated to that pur- 
 pose." 
 
 After Basedow's speech, Simon examined the children in French. 
 
 He explained to them a " picture of Spring." " First," says the letter- 
 writer, "he asked them one and another question, and then brought 
 out a model of a plough and of a harrow, and showed them every 
 thing belonging to the plough, and how the farmer uses it when he 
 
 *After what has been said before upon Basedow's religious views, we might, wonder at 
 this orthodoxy. But in this, as in Latin, he knew how to comply with the times De Marges, 
 well known for his Christian character, was then, as superintendent, at the head of vhe church 
 n Dessau. 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 4^3 
 
 ploughs. Now it was that I saw what it was to learn words after 
 Herr Basedow's methods. I never, in my life, knew what was a har- 
 row in French ; and now, while Herr Simon was showing the harrow, 
 I heard it, for the first time, called la herse, and now I know that I 
 can never forget it." 
 
 Afterward a historical examination, upon Alexander's expedition 
 to India, was held by Mangelsdorf, the same who translated the "Ele- 
 mentary Book " into Latin. Basedow says that the answers were very 
 well made ; Fritz says that Mangelsdorf asked his questions of one 
 scholar especially. This scholar was one of the four who translated 
 a passage from Curtius, and the eighth chapter of the Gospel of John 
 from Castellio's Bible. Basedow repeated the passage from Curtius, 
 by periods, and each of the four " translated it correctly and with 
 facility. And none of them had heard a word of Latin a year before, 
 nor during that year had they ever committed one word to memory, 
 or learned any thing from Donatus or the grammar." After another 
 year, he promised, these scholars should be able to translate into 
 Latin, from any German book which they could understand, orally or 
 in writing, " with grammatical correctness, and not bad rhetoric."* 
 " The spectators," says Fritz, " were much pleased with the Latin, 
 all except one couple, whom I heard reasoning doubtfully to each 
 other by themselves. They said that this was all mere childishness ; 
 that they ought to bring up Cicero, Livy, Horace, Virgil, and the like ; 
 and that then only it would be seen whether the Philanthropiniste 
 understood Latin." 
 
 In geography and natural history, no examinations were made. 
 Two of the elder Philanthropinists demonstrated the Pythagorean 
 theorem, and proved a trigonometrical problem. 
 
 After the examination came an exhibition of two plays, by the child- 
 dren ; one in French and the other in German. The prince took the 
 most friendly care of the guests who came to Dessau to the examin- 
 ation, both there and in Worlitz ; so that most of the strangers went 
 away with high opinions of the examination itself, of Dessau, and 
 especially of the beautiful prince and princess. Advantageous ac- 
 counts of the result appeared, soon after, in the "Deutsche Merkur" and 
 in the "Allgemeine Deutsche Hibliothek.^ 
 
 Among those who declared themselves in favor of the Philanthro- 
 
 * Ib., p J5. The younger scholars translated from the "Colloquies " of Erasmus. 
 
 t ID the "Merkur" for 1776, is he report of Canon Von Rochow Stroth, of Quedlinburg. also 
 wrote upon the examination : Prof. Eck, of Leipzig, chaplain Rambach. of Quedlinburg, and 
 others, wrote letters to Basedow in praise of it, which he caused to be printed ("Philanthropi- 
 num." part 2d, p 107;) and provost Rbtger, of Magdeburg, wrote, also on the same, "Letter* 
 vfan Impartial Cosmopolitan." 
 
474 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 pinum was Kant. In 1777, he published, in the "Konigsbery Gazette? 
 the following article : 
 
 For the Common Good. 
 
 There is no want, in the civilized countries of Europe, of educational institutions, 
 or of teachers, ambitious to be useful in their calling ; and it is equally clear, that 
 they are all, taken together, spoilt, by the fact that every thing in them operates 
 against nature, and thus they are of very much less benefit to man than nature 
 has made the latter capable of; and it is clear that, inasmuch as by education 
 we become men, from brutish creatures, we should in a short time see around us 
 men of an entirely different character, if a method of education wisely derived 
 from nature herself should come into universal use, instead of one slavishly imi- 
 tated from the custom of a rude and ignorant antiquity. It is however in vain to 
 expect this benefit to the human race from a gradual impi'ovement of the schools. 
 They must be revolutionized, if any thing good is to be derived from them ; for 
 they are bad in their fundamental organization ; and even their teachers them- 
 selves must receive a new training. It is not a slow reform, but a quick revolu- 
 tion, which can accomplish this. To this end nothing is wanting, except one 
 single school, organized anew from the very beginning, strictly upon the right 
 method, conducted by intelligent men, not from pecuniary but from honorable 
 motives, watched over during its progress to completion by the attentive eyes of 
 men of experience in all countries, and sustained until its maturity by the united 
 contributions of all the benevolent. Such a school would not be-merely for those 
 whom it would instruct, but which is infinitely more important for those to 
 whom it would give an opportunity to train themselves, in gradually increasing 
 numbers, for teaching upon the true system of education. It would be a seed, 
 from the careful protection of which, in a short time, a multitude of well-trained 
 teachers would spring up, who would supply the whole land with good scholars. 
 Interest for the common good of all countries should first be directed to this end ; 
 to get assistance from every place to such a model school, that it may quickly at- 
 tain that entire completeness, the sources of which are already within it. For to 
 imitate its organization in other countries immediately, and to keep imperfect and 
 hindered in its progress toward completion, what should be the first perfect exam 
 pie and seed-bed of good instruction, would be to sow unripe seed, in order to 
 reap weeds. Such an educational institution is no longer a mere idea ; but the 
 actual and visible demonstration of its practicability, which has been so long 
 needed, is given. Such a phenomenon, in our times, though overlooked by com- 
 mon eyes, must have more importance to observers of intelligence, who are inter- 
 ested in the good of humanity, than the glittering nothingness which appears on 
 the rapidly changing stage of the great world ; by which the good of the human 
 race, if not absolutely impeded, is not one hair's breadth promoted. The public 
 designation, and especially the united voice of upright and intelligent men of ex- 
 perience in all countries, have already taught the readers of this paper to recognize 
 the educational institution of Dessau (the Philanthropinum,) as the only one 
 which bears these marks of excellence ; of which it is not one of the least that, by 
 the plan of its organization, it must of itself naturally throw off all the faults which 
 belong to its beginning. The incessant attacks and libels which have appeared 
 here and there, are such general marks of censor iousn ess, and of the old custom 
 of defending one's self with one's tongue, that the indifference of this sort of 
 people, who always look with evil eyes at whatever shows itself good and noble, 
 would raise a suspicion of the mediocrity of the new claimant of excellence. An 
 opportunity is now given to afford to this institution, which is devoted to the good 
 of humanity, and that deserves the sympathy of all men, assistance, which will be 
 insignificant to each person, but important from the large number. If the inven- 
 tion should be tasked to contrive the means by which a small gift should do the 
 greatest, most lasting, and most universal good, it would be found to be that means 
 by which the seeds of good are planted and maintained, so that they may grow 
 and strengthen themselves with time. According to this idea, and to the high 
 opinion which we have of the number of benevolent persons in this country, we 
 refer to the 21st part of this literary and political gazette, with the appendix ; 
 where we find a numerous subscription, from men of standing in the church and 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 4^5 
 
 in schools, and especially from parents to whom nothing can be indifferent whicn 
 will serve for the better education of their children ; and even from those who, 
 although they have no children themselves, have heretofore, as children, received 
 education, and who therefore feel the obligation to contribute, if not to the increase 
 of mankind, at least to the improvement of their education. The subscription to 
 the monthly journal issued by the Dessau educational institution, entitled "Peda- 
 gogical Conversations,' 1 ' 1 is two reichsthalers ten groschen of our money. But 
 as it is impracticable exactly to determine the number of issues, and as thus there 
 might be a further payment necessary at the end of the year, it would perhaps be 
 best (though this is left to the good feelings of each man,) to send a ducat for his 
 subscription ; the overplus of which, if he demands it, shall be punctually returned 
 to him. The institution indulges in the hope that there are many liberal per- 
 sons in all countries, who will gladly seize this opportunity to make the small free- 
 will offering of this surplus over the subscription, as a contribution to its support, 
 while it is yet near being completed, but has not received in time the help which 
 it expected. For since, as Herr O. C. R. Biisching says, the governments of the 
 present day do not seem to have any money for the improvement of schools, it 
 must, unless they are to be entirely broken up, be left to wealthy private persons, 
 to sustain, by generous contributions, these so universally-important institutions. 
 
 KANT. 
 
 It is remarkable that Kant conceived as great hopes from the 
 Philanthropinum as did Fichte, afterward, from Pestalozzi's institu- 
 tion ; and both, led by their amiable benevolence, hoped for too much. 
 Kant perceives this himself, afterward, as appears from the following 
 passage, from his work "On pedagogy." He says:* 
 
 It was imagined that experiments in education were not necessary ; and that, 
 whether any thing in it was good or bad, could be judged of by the reason. But 
 this was a great mistake ; experience shows very often that results are pro- 
 duced precisely the opposite to those which had been expected. We also see 
 from experiment that one generation can not work out a complete plan of educa- 
 tion. The only experimental school which has made a beginning toward break- 
 ing the path was the Dessau institution. This praise must be given to it, in 
 spite of the many faults which may be charged against it ; faults which belong to 
 all conclusions based upon such undertakings; and which make new experiments 
 always necessary. It was the only school in which the teachers had the liberty 
 to work after their own methods and plans, and where they stood in connection, 
 not only with each other, but with men of learning throughout all Germany. 
 
 In the first part of the "Pedagogical Conversations" is found also 
 the letter of "A poor country clergyman in Alsace'' to Simon, a 
 professor in the Philanthropinum, whose teacher the clergyman had 
 been. This clergyman was no other than the excellent Oberlin, well 
 known to all. Here is his letter :f 
 
 My dear Fritz : You wish to be loved by me as much as you love me ? Right ; 
 lam glad to have you say so. Judge now yourself whether I love you. I carry 
 your institution in my heart. Oh, how willingly would I devote myself to it ; but 
 God requires my services here. How earnestly have I wished to be present in 
 it, if only for a few months or even a few weeks, to hear, to learn, and then to 
 go back, richer than before, to my Steinthal, and finish learning by myself! But 
 my God has quite forbid me ; for nothing but my wish is favorable to that wish. 
 I have already been kept poor, and hard pressed ; and am so now ; even to ex- 
 tremity. O, if we had money, money which is so useless in many hands ! So I 
 have thought a thousand times since I have known of the institution at Dessau ; 
 and so I and my wife had to think again, when we read the third part of your 
 "Archives." We thought of every thing, whether we had not some thing 
 
 * Kant's works, Vol. 9, p. 381. Rosenkranz's edition, 
 t Pedagogical Conversations, first part, pp 97-100 
 
476 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEUO . 
 
 which we could turn into money. I was grieved, for I knew we had not. Then 
 my wife came silently into my study, and with pleasure in her eyes brought me a 
 pair of ear-rings, with the request that I would send them to the Philanthropinum, 
 or their value, if we could sell them. She had given thirty gulden for them, ten 
 
 or twelve years before. I wrote at once to Herr , in Strasburg, but without 
 
 telling him the name of the giver. Now I do not know, my dear friend, whether 
 the ear-rings, or the money paid for them, will accompany this letter. You can 
 imagine how much pleasure I take in these ear-rings. I can feel no regard for such 
 idle things, which cost so monstrous a sum for so emaciated a purse. God gives 
 me bread to-day, and has promised it to me for the future. My friend, besides 
 God and ourselves, no one knows who has made this gift, so little in itself; but 
 the secret is placed fully at your disposal. I do not know what, gift could have 
 been made to me, so agreeable as the three copies of the ^Elementary Book." I 
 hardly know myself; for I had been looking with covetous eyes upon those who 
 could buy them ; and I saw no shadow of hope that I could ever buy them ; for 
 I and my money-box are quite empty. I try to make this excellent book known 
 wherever I can in Strasburg. My friend, I can speak openly with you ; so many 
 copies frightened me and my wife. And I could hardly restrain myself; and 
 had to make an effort to keep from tears. Thanks, and pleasure, and shame, and 
 sorrow at my inability to make a return to the institution and to you, were too 
 strong for me. I can pay you for them, my friend, in nothing but wishes, ardent 
 wishes to my dear God, who keeps me so poor, for you and for your and my care, 
 the institution. Yes, my friend, I hold your vocation and your labor enviable. 
 May God strengthen, bless, and encourage you, and which I always shall for 
 myself give you a more tender love for Jesus and for the children, bought with 
 his blood, and so dear to him. Adieu, my dear friend, and all my friends. I 
 remain, even until death, and anew after that, your sincere, willing, and tender 
 friend, OBERLIN. 
 
 Waldersbach in the Steinthal, on the borders of Alsace and Lorraine, March 
 16, 1777. 
 
 In 1776,* the same year in which the examination was held, 
 Campe, then chaplain at Potsdam, took the curatorship of the Phil- 
 anthropinum, but left it in the following year. After his departure, 
 Basedow was again " director of instruction," and Wolke vice-curator. 
 Trapp, from Altona, became a teacher, but was appointed professor of 
 pedagogy in Halle, in I778.f Busse, "candidate in pedagogy," and 
 known for his mathematical text-books, and who was afterward pro- 
 fessor of mathematics in the mining academy at Freiberg, became a 
 teacher in 1778. 
 
 In 1778 there were thirty-three boarders. The plan of instruction 
 was nearly as in 1776, and extracts from Cicero, Terence, &c., were 
 read. "At the last, at the very last," Basedow directs to instruct in 
 the principal heads of grammar. "A very wrong method, in the 
 opinion of most," says he, " but in truth the method of nature and of 
 
 * Philanthr. Archives, part 3d. In the same year Simon and Schweighauser left the insti- 
 tution. 
 
 t Trapp received this invitation by the means of the Prussian minister for schools, Von 
 Zedlitz, who was strongly in favor of Basedow. In an address "On patriotism as an object 
 of education," Zedlitz says, " The cuts of Basedow's ''Elementary Book " should be the first 
 manual for all instructors." They were to be a picture-gallery, by means of which children 
 can easily and clearly be taught the first ideas of civil employments. "Pedagogical Conversa- 
 tion*," Vol. 1. p fi04 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 477 
 
 German exercises were written. " For each exercise, the author 
 shall receive tickets of industry, according to their value ; by which 
 he can earn for himself golden points upon the white table of merit."* 
 
 Neuendorf, afterward rector of the school in Dessau, had an 
 especial oversight of the Philanthropinists, whom, upon one occasion, 
 he addressed as follows : u My dear children, we are here a little 
 republic, of which each one of us is a free member. You are my 
 young friends, and I am your older and more experienced friend." 
 Trotzendorf organized his school as a republic, but declared himself, 
 not the older friend of the youths, but the dictator perpetuus. Neuen- 
 dorf, as a follower of Rousseau, was seeking to show his scholars the 
 necessity of laws for their republic. 
 
 Turning, planing, and even threshing, were among the branches of 
 instruction.! 
 
 While the Philanthropinum made, many friends, it did not want 
 enemies. One of them published a romance, "Spitzbart; a comico 
 tragic pedagogical history of this century. Parturiunt montes, nasci- 
 tur ridiculus mus, 1779."J; This book had much success. It was 
 directed especially against Basedow. In the third volume of the 
 "Pedagogical Conversations' 1 ' 1 is a commentary by the institution upon 
 "Spitzbart." "Although this institute," it says, " is still called the 
 Philanthropinum, it is as unlike the Philanthropinum which Basedow 
 founded and would have carried on, not as a hen to the egg, but as 
 the hen to another fowl. If charges are to be brought against Base- 
 dow and his plans, they do not apply to us, because we have not 
 adhered to all of them." They say, again, that they have not let 
 Basedow's work go to destruction, but that they occupy themselves 
 no longer with constructing plans, but with carrying them out. 
 
 Criticism had had a good effect, at all events. 
 
 As will have been concluded from what has been said, Basedow 
 soon left the institution, and even got into a quarrel with Wolke ; it 
 was out of enmity with him that the former refused to have any part 
 in the direction. Wolke was now director, and with him were five 
 professors. In 1781, Salzmann, professor and clergyman at Erfurt, 
 and Olivier, from Lausanne, became teachers. The former was also 
 chaplain; and, as such, published, in 1783, "Divine services, held in 
 the chapel of the Philanthropinum." 
 
 * In 1782 four pupils were admitted to the Order of Industry. 
 
 t See appendix for full order of exercises. 
 
 J The same professor Schummel, who earlier, while a teacher in the girls' school at Magde- 
 burg, had attended the examination at Dessau, and had written "Fritz's Journey." was the au- 
 thor of "Spilzbart;" "A satire," says his biographer, Menzel, upon the Philanthropinic 
 scheme of education which he had previously subscribed to." The work was perhaps Jhe 
 result of a reaction from his first excessive valuation. 
 
473 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 In 1782, Matthisson, the poet, and Spazier, became teachers in the 
 Philanthropinum. At this time there were fifty-three boarders, from 
 all countries of Europe, from Riga to Lisbon. 
 
 Salzmann left Dessau, in 1784, and, with the assistance of the Duke 
 of Gotha, founded his well-known institution in Schnepfenthal.* 
 
 From the year 1778 Basedow taught privately in Dessau, and gave 
 great offense by many vulgarities, especially by drunkenness. He 
 got into very violent open quarrels with Wolke, and even into a law- 
 suit, which was ended, in 1783, by a reconciliation. He again wrote 
 many theological treatises. In 1785, he supervised the second edition 
 of the ''Elementary Book? and wrote "On the method of teaching 
 Latin by the knowledge of things;" and also upon learning to read. 
 In 1786, he published "New Assistant for Teaching Reading, for the 
 knowledge of God, and for the necessary correctness in language ; by 
 Basedow, and a society laboring for enlightenment;" and also "New 
 Assistant for the suitable enlightenment of scholars by teachers of the 
 middle classes." A strange title ! The book is intended to contain 
 lessons in virtue and the principles of practical wisdom. From the 
 year 1785, Basedow was accustomed to take a yearly journey to 
 Magdeburg for a few months, and to teach there in a family school. 
 While there on his third trip, in July, 1790, he was seized with a 
 hemorrhage. Feeling that his end was near, he dictated some additions 
 of his will, took an affectionate farewell of his youngest son, and died, 
 in the full possession of his faculties, on the 25th of July, aged 66 
 years, 10 months, and 14 days. His last words were characteristic: 
 " I desire to be dissected for the benefit of my fellow-men." He was 
 buried in the church of the congregation of the Holy Ghost. He 
 was twice married. His first wife died in Soroe; with the second, a 
 Danish woman, he lived thirty-three years, until her death in 1788. 
 She was of a very melancholy disposition, and was especially affected 
 by the excommunication of her husband in Altona. Emilie, his 
 daughter, whom we have so often mentioned, married, in 1789, a 
 clergyman named Cautius, who lived near Bernburg. 
 
 Let us return once more to the Philanthropinum. 
 
 There is so much that is strange and remarkable in the informa- 
 tion which I have given, that the whole seems almost a pedagogical 
 caricature. Yet it would be, in the highest degree, unjust to 
 
 * The authentic accounts in my possession, come down only to 1784 ; so that I am obliged 
 to break off at that point. The "Pedagogical Conversations " ended with their 5th year, 1784. 
 In 1796, at the age of thirteen. I came to Dessau, and there saw several of the teachers of the 
 Philanthropiuum ; Dutoit. the enthusiastic follower of Rousseau, BUSSP, Wolke, and Neuen- 
 dorf. I was especially often in the house of the honest, benevolent, and enthusiastic Olivier 
 of whose important method of reading 1 shall hereafter speak. 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 479 
 
 keep in the back-ground the good qualities of the institution, and of 
 its managers. 
 
 As it regards the teachers in the Philanthropinum, whatever dif- 
 ferences there may be in estimates of them, we must recognize with 
 honor their honest and unselfish purposes ; and even for that of Base- 
 dow, in spite of his shameless begging for plans which his brain, 
 which, says Gothe, would not let him rest day or night, incessantly 
 brought forth. He died poor, and while dying requested to be dis- 
 sected for the benefit of his fellow-men. Even his boasting habit of 
 promising impossible things, and even asserting them to have been 
 done, at the Philanthropinum, to the great after injury of the institu- 
 tion, may well be ascribed in part to a rude enthusiasm for his plans. 
 Most of the teachers gave themselves to their work with self-sacrificing 
 love, and with their whole hearts. With what unwearied and vivid 
 activity did Wolke labor ! Olivier, to his death, felt a youth's enthusi- 
 asm for his vocation as a teacher ; and the honest, conscientious, and 
 persevering activity in teaching,of Salzmann and Campe, is well known. 
 
 Was then all the labor of these men in vain, and even more than 
 in vain ? Certainly not. To convince ourselves of this, however, we 
 must, as in forming our estimate of the character of Rousseau, take 
 into consideration the character of the pedagogy of that time ; not as 
 it was exhibited in the single cases of eminent philologists, but as it 
 prevailed upon an average taken through most of the schools. The 
 time of youth was then, for most of them, a very miserable time; and 
 Jie instruction was hard and heartlessly strict. The grammar was 
 whipped into their memories, as were also texts from Scripture and 
 hymns.* A common school punishment was the learning by rote of 
 the 119th Psalm. The school rooms were miserably dark; it was a 
 wonder that the children could work with pleasure at any thing ; and no 
 less a wonder that they had any eyes left for any thing besides writ- 
 ing and reading. The godless age of Louis XIV also inflicted upon 
 the poor children of the higher ranks hair frizzled with powder and 
 smeared with pomade, embroidered coats, knee-breeches, silk stock 
 
 * Pedagog. Convers., Vol. 3, p. 467. In this place is the following item : " About this time 
 died Hauberle, Collega jubilaeus at a village in Suabia. During the 51 years 7 months of his 
 official life, he had, by a moderate computation, inflicted 91 1,527 blows with a cane, 124,010 
 blows with a rod, 20,989 blows and raps with a ruler, 136,715 blows with the hand, 10.235 
 blows over the mouth, 7.905 boxes on the ear, 1,115.800 raps on the head, ar.c. 22,763 notabenes 
 with the Bible, catechism, singing-book, and grammar. He had 777 times made boys kneel 
 on peas, and 613 times on a three-cornered piece of wood ; had made 3001 wear the jackass, 
 and 1707 hold the rod up ; not to enumerate various more unusual punishments which he 
 contrived on the spur of the occasion. Of the blows with a cane, about 800,000 were for Latin 
 words ; and of those with the rod 76 000 were for texis from the Bible and verses from the 
 singing-book. He had about 3.000 expressions to scold with ; of which he had found about 
 two-thirds ready-made in his native language, and the rest he had invented himself." 
 
480 
 
 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 ings, a sword at their sides ; all of which was the severest torture for 
 young and active children.* 
 
 Like Kant, F. H. Jacobi, Euler,f and others, conceived at first great 
 hopes from the institution, and that gained great reputation and 
 received assistance, in and from all parts of Europe. The unnatural- 
 ness of much that was usual was so strongly felt, and there was so 
 strong a desire after freedom, after what may be called natural in the 
 best sense of the word, that, as Kant says, there was a powerful wish 
 not only for a reformation, but for a revolution, for the freedom of 
 youth. 
 
 Rousseau's oratorical exhortations had caused much attention to be 
 paid to the more intelligent management of little children ; mothers 
 nursed them themselves, and many effeminate habits were avoided. 
 
 In the Philanthropinum, the same principles were followed in 
 educating boys ; and bodily education was attended to in a manner 
 which had never been any where seen before. J 
 
 The preposterous and painful clothes of boys, embroidered coats, 
 breeches, curling, and hair-bags, were all done away with. It may 
 be imagined how delightful it must have been to the boys, to be let 
 out of their tormenting dress coats, breeches, and cravats permitted 
 to wear the most convenient sailor's jackets and pantaloons of striped 
 blue and white tick, to have their necks free and their collars turned 
 down, to be quite rid of the smear of powder and pomade in their 
 hair, and of their hair-bags. A report of the institution for 1779 
 says, " If parents insist upon it that the hair of their children shall be 
 daily dressed and powdered by the usual barbers, the institution can 
 not answer for the purity of their characters ; for, by means of the 
 barbers, they can easily establish a connection with immoral persons, 
 &c." This appeal was efficient. 
 
 Care was taken that the body should be disciplined and hardened. 
 
 * Most ofthe children can be judged of by the cuts in the "Elementary Book." Of the influence 
 of the unnatural French manners upon the German girls, Gothe has given a vivid representa- 
 tion in a scene ofthe earlier edition of"ErwinandElmire." See his works, first edition, Vol. 
 34, p. 211. 
 
 t This great mathematician was the author of the favorable testimony which the Academy 
 of St. Petersburg published, upon Basedow and the Philanthropinum, in 1775 Basedow had 
 sent his book, "The. Philanthropinum," to St. Petersburg. They say, "The academy con- 
 siders this work worthy of its praises. It applauds in particular the cordial zeal with which 
 the author is penetrated for the good ofthe human family ; and, as the plan of education and 
 the method of instruction for the young, which is therein proposed, is in several respects 
 preferable to those which have been followed hitherto, the academy has no doubt that if it 
 shall be carried into execution, and imitated by other institutions, there will result a material 
 ndvantage to the public." 
 
 1 What had been begun in the Philanihropinum was carried further by Gutsmuths, in the 
 Salzmann institution, at Schnepfenthal. Gutsmuths indeed shows himself, in his gymnastics, 
 the lorerunner of Jahn. 
 
 This wag the custom of the children under the care of Olivier, when I saw them in 17% 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 481 
 
 The boys learned carpentering and turning, wrestled in the open air, 
 ran foot-races, &c. As the instruction proceeded as much as possible 
 from actual seeing, the training of the eyes was not neglected. 
 
 Here also should be mentioned the fact that the Philanthropinum, 
 and the teachers who adhered to its principles, made special efforts 
 for the prevention of certain frightful secret practices. 
 
 As to instruction, the teachers of the Philanthropinum did many 
 great services to it. 
 
 It was one of their favorite principles, that the scholars should learn 
 with love and not with repugnance. In this they were certainly 
 right, although they made many mistakes in their method of inspiring 
 this love of learning. They severely blamed the unloving indifference 
 of so many teachers toward their pupils, and toward their pleasure or 
 displeasure in learning. That teacher will accomplish most, whose 
 work is adapted at once to the growing natural gifts of his scholars, 
 and to their weak conscientiousness. To have regard only to the 
 natural gifts of the children leads to a servile following of them ; to 
 make demands upon their conscientiousness only, and to overlook 
 and neglect their individual endowments, leads to the tyrannical prac- 
 tice of requiring every thing from all alike. In the first of these 
 cases, the wills of the children are left to themselves, and they are 
 treated only as personified powers, vegetating and developing them- 
 selves ; which the teacher must follow only, and to which he must 
 subject himself entirely. In the second case, on the other hand, they 
 are regarded as personified wills, and they are required to will and to 
 do all things, even the impossible ; as if one should require a blind 
 man to become a painter by the power of his will. In the Philan- 
 thropinum, the ethical element was comparatively neglected; the 
 pleasure and wishes of the children was too much consulted, and their 
 conscience and wills too little called into activity ; even a wrong vanity 
 was put in requisition.* This may well have happened in opposition 
 to the already mentioned caricaturized character of the ancient peda- 
 gogy, and its extreme severity, which commanded and set lessons 
 recklessly, in reliance upon punishment, had reference neither to the 
 pleasure nor the consciences of the children, and would carry all 
 things through by fear. 
 
 I now proceed to consider the method followed in the Philanthro- 
 pinum in giving instruction on different subjects. 
 
 In teaching language, Comenius was followed in this respect, t' - 
 
 In the fourth collection of "Worshiping Exercises, holden in the chapel of the Philant! - 
 pinum," the exercises are given, with which seven pupils were admitted to the Order 01 
 dustrv. 
 
432 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 the teaching of words of foreign languages was as much as possible 
 united with the inspection of the things designated by his words. 
 At the examination in French, the teacher showed the picture of a 
 harrow and called it herse. The word was to be impressed upon the 
 memory by seeing, and the sight by the memory. The "Elementary 
 Book," like the " Orbis Pictus " before it, aimed at such a united 
 knowledge of things and their names, in different languages. 
 
 A second distinction between the instruction in languages at the 
 Philanthropinum and that elsewhere was this, that foreign languages 
 were taught, first by speaking them, and next by reading. The gram- 
 mar, which in other schools was always made the beginning, was not 
 brought in until a late period. But this is not entirely new. In this 
 way, as we have seen, Montaigne learned Latin ; Ratich placed the 
 reading of Terence before the grammar ; and Locke's principles were 
 similar. Basedow and Wolke, however, were accustomed to cite, 
 principally, various places in Gesner's "Isagogef in one of which it 
 is said, that it is a hundred times easier to teach a language by use 
 and practice, without grammar, than it is to teach it by grammar, 
 without use and practice. 
 
 To avoid repetition, I omit here the full discussion of this pedagogi- 
 cal controversy ; I shall hereafter have occasion to take it up in my 
 account of the Hamiltonian method. I will only remark that, so far 
 as I know, no philologist of eminence proceeded from the Philanthro- 
 pinum. This is the less to be wondered at, since Basedow himself 
 must have been entirely destitute of all susceptibility to the grandeur 
 and beauty of the ancient classics ; and, by his own confession, studied 
 the dead languages industriously himself, and caused them to be dili- 
 gently studied by others, only because otherwise the Philanthropinum 
 could not be kept in existence. 
 
 The instruction in arithmetic seems to have been very good ; at 
 least the manuals of Busse, the professor of mathematics, have had 
 much reputation. In geometry, the views of Rousseau appear to 
 have been followed ; who, as we have seen, insisted much upon draw- 
 ing the geometrical figures as neatly and accurately as possible. This 
 was entirely correct. Nowhere is the imposing principle of " Spirit- 
 ualism" less appropriate, than in the instruction of youth. This 
 spiritualism despises the form, and immediately requires the idea ; 
 whereas the young need the best and truest representations, as being 
 the symbols of the clearest and truest ideas. 
 
 I possess a collection of geometrical drawings on pasteboard, which 
 were used for instruction in the Philanthropinum. In these, nothing 
 is omitted which can make the representation more correct, or the 
 
JOI1ANN BERNHARD BASE DOW. 433 
 
 demonstration more easy. Even painting, in the names of the sepa- 
 rate parts of the figures, is employed ; and some of the triangles can 
 even be taken out of their places, to show how they may be placed 
 upon other triangles. The great Euclid certainly would not have 
 used the word "cover," unless he had actually laid one figure upon 
 the other. 
 
 Upon the instruction in geography, natural history, and physics, 
 we may give some particulars from the "Elementary Book" The geo- 
 graphical instruction is arranged in two courses, but offers nothing 
 special. But the strange political and religious remarks of the au- 
 thor, repulsive to men, and wholly unintelligible to children, are 
 worthy of attention. Of the method of procedure, he says, u lt is a 
 practical method to begin with a sketch of a room, a house, a town, 
 and a well-known neighborhood ; and then to go on to the map of a 
 country, and so on to a continent." This is after Comenius, and 
 Rousseau ; but I do not know whether this method was actually fol- 
 lowed. 
 
 To the geography, in the "Elementary Book" is subjoined a some 
 what confused universal history, which is mingled with all manner 
 of inappropriate observations ; and this is followed by portions of 
 mythology, narrated in the most vulgar and disgusting manner. 
 
 The natural history, in the "Elementary Book" contains one thing 
 and another from the three kingdoms ; and rather more from physics 
 and astronomy. The structure of the human-body is also considered. 
 Many absurdities are attributable to the condition of natural science 
 at that day. There is also a technology, containing a description of 
 the most common trades and arts. 
 
 All these things were subjects of instruction at the Philanthropi- 
 num, where the "Elementary Book" indeed, was in its proper place. 
 The numerous representatives from nature and art, which were placed 
 before the children, like pictures passed before them in a magic lan- 
 tern, must have been a great diverson to them ; but how wearisome, 
 on the other hand, must have been the homilies which they had to 
 endure on morals, politics, and religion ! Basedow had not bestowed 
 any thought upon the questions, what was appropriate for boys in this 
 country ; what stimulates them ; what they can understand ; what 
 appeals to their hearts? Not less than sixty-one pages, in the "Ele- 
 mentary Book? are occupied with " Fundamental Ideas of Politics," 
 which tell about a certain Democratus, who lived in the country of 
 Universalia ; of a great Count Aristocratus ; of actionable injuries, &c. 
 
 Religion is the foundation of education ; upon the solidity of this 
 foundation depends the excellence of the whole building. Basedow's 
 
484 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 house was built upon the sand ; and, notwithstanding the beautifu 
 execution of some of its parts, it was, therefore, uncomfortable and 
 insecure. What we find on this subject, in the "Elementary Book" 
 and in the other writings, which have proceeded from the Philan- 
 thropinum, go beyond any thing hitherto referred to. We expect to 
 find in them only a tiresome rationalism ; and it is with wonder that 
 we discover more. I shall cite a few examples. 
 
 Wolke quoted, with approval,* some remarks of a third person, 
 which begin thus: "To-day I revealed to Fritz the existence of a 
 God. For a long time, I have been preparing him for this import- 
 ant occasion ; especially by carefully directing his attention to every 
 thing in nature, and leading him to guess at causes wherever hft 
 noticed results." The narrator had not taken the boy out of the 
 village for four days, that on the fifth he might be more impressible 
 and attentive, when God should then, for the first time, be named to 
 him as the creator of the sun, <fec. Here Wolke adds this observa- 
 tion : "One who desires to make the impressions of such an occasion 
 still deeper, and to raise still higher the pleasure felt at the beauty 
 of nature, and in its creator, must stay at home for a still longer time, 
 with his pupil, in a room whose windows are shut close, day and 
 night, and which is lighted only by a feeble lamp. But the pupil 
 must know nothing of the design, and during this last day must be 
 kept busily and pleasantly occupied." The Fritz of this account 
 had, up to the appointed day, never heard the name of God ; or, at 
 least, ought not to have heard it ; and is first made acquainted with 
 prayer, after this day of revelation ; having before been taught to 
 thank his father or guardian only, after meals, for his food and drink. 
 
 Something of the same kind is found in the "Elementary Book"\ 
 In this the passage from "younger childhood" to "elder childhood" 
 is thus described : 
 
 The parents issue preparatory orders, relating to the change, as well in the re- 
 lations of the child as of the deportment of others toward him ; and in relation 
 to the festivities of the day. These are previously explained to the child, a part 
 at a time, and he is practiced, by preparatory exercises, in the behavior proper for 
 so great and honorable an occasion, also with the admonition, that too childish 
 conduct may cause a postponement of the day selected. The day comes. He 
 rises, once more, as a little child. A few of his mother's friends come in, with 
 pleasure, to assist in putting on his new clothes. An uncommonly good break- 
 last is provided. All his old toys, &c., are collected and thrown away, and his 
 new ones brought out, together with his clothes. The child is congratulated upon 
 having advanced to this period. He is taken up into a church, and is taught 
 what is the purpose of the assemblies, which meet there ; but not yet in the pe- 
 culiarities of his national religion. They return home. The father offers a short 
 prayer for his child ; and a pair of good singers sing an appropriate stanza. Af- 
 ter a few questions by the parents, and answers by the child, the rod is burned in 
 the fire. Now, for the first time, the child prays, kneeling, and after a form. The 
 
 * Pedagogical Conversations, 3d vol., p. 146. t Part 1, pp 87-90. 
 
JOHANN BERN1I ARD BASEDOW. 
 
 486 
 
 father prays again, with a hand, for benediction, upon his child's head.. The 
 singing of a final stanza concludes the more serious part of the solemnity. AL 
 go into the house, and some guests, with their children, offer their congratulations 
 upon the change. After this, until 8 o'clock in the evening, the company of 
 children are entertained, and made to enjoy themselves, after their fashion, but 
 with such games as are agreeable to others, and not too noisy ; as any other 
 would not be suitable to the solemnity of the day. At evening, the mother 
 prays, with her hand, for benediction, upon the child's head. Next day, the 
 tutor prays for the child, and over him, and gives him, in the name of his parents, 
 a beautiful set of tablets, bound in red, and whose vignette represents a whole 
 company of children, following their teacher in prayer. During the day of this 
 festivity, at each item of the arrangements, its reason is explained to him. For 
 example, the reddish binding is for a reminder of modest sincerity, in which, for 
 one occasion and another, children should be trained, even at so early an age, etc., 
 etc. In this manner does the little child become an older child. 
 
 What was Basedow's ideal of divine worship will appear from the 
 following : 
 
 For the weekly, and other less extraordinary solemnities of the family, a cham- 
 ber should, if circumstances permit, be consecrated ; that is, set apart for this sole 
 use. Each object in it is instructive and significant to this end ; for example, the 
 ceiling signifies heaven, or the elevated happiness of the virtuous after death, and 
 is so finished as to inculcate this idea. The chief color of the walls is striped with 
 black stripes, to represent the preponderance of good over evil, in this life. The 
 middle of the carpet has the figure of a coffin, for the sake of increasing wisdom, 
 by reminding men of death. In the highest place, behind the speaker's seat, is a 
 box, in which is kept the book of God's laws and promises. The cover of the 
 box has a mirror in it, to indicate the necessity of self-examination, according to 
 God's law. At the sides of this box burn two wax candles, to signify the two 
 methods of acquiring religious knowledge, by the instruction of others and by our 
 own insight. Over the box, on the wall, are represented, in statues, pictures, or 
 words, the four cardinal virtues; prudence, moderation, justice, and benevolence. 
 These means of instruction are to be employed at the beginning of every service, 
 with the help of certain words, and gestures, and of the liturgy. All who enter 
 this chamber must be cleanly clad ; and no one in it must turn his back to the box.* 
 
 After a variety of other particulars, he adds : "For setting forth a 
 domestic liturgy and ceremonial, a whole book would be required. 
 True, many would think ill of the purpose of such a work ; would 
 laugh at it, and revile it. Let them do so. Even for its own ad- 
 vantage, posterity has decided in favor of the Copernican system." 
 Compare these fantasies with Luther's homely directions for the 
 father's devotions with his family ! Basedow, as a follower of Rous- 
 seau, seems to have been led into these singular details by one remark 
 in "Emile." This is, " We depend too much upon the unassisted rea- 
 son ; as if men were minds only. In neglecting the language of sym- 
 ools, which speaks to the imagination, we neglect the most impress- 
 ive part of language. The impression of words is always feeble; 
 and the heart is better addressed through the eye than through the 
 ear." 
 
 To the strange rhetoric of Basedow's incoherent religious addresses 
 are subjoined hymns of a very appropriate character. For a speci- 
 
 * Same, part 2, pp. 110, 111, 113. But this worship is described only in Basedow's 
 "Alethtnie." It reminds us much of "Wilhelm Meister." 
 
486 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 men, I give the following, from a collection entitled "The whole of 
 natural religion in hymns."* 
 
 No mortal being Knew me yet, 
 
 Within my mother's womb ! 
 Not even herself! She but believed 
 
 I was a human child ! 
 
 There lay I, all prepared, I ! 
 
 With soul and flesh, all I ! 
 I, now a child, and soon a man, 
 
 Prepared completely there ! 
 
 Thus, then was I prepared, I ! 
 
 Not by my parents' plan ! 
 But he who shaped me to his rnind, 
 
 He was my God, my God ! 
 
 'T is God who shapes the milk-soft form 
 
 From out of drink and food ; 
 Who changes these, and makes them blood; 
 
 And sends the blood around. 
 
 The body uses what it needs, 
 
 And what would harm, rejects ! 
 By lungs, and by magnetic skin 
 
 Thus works, thus works my God ! 
 
 Thou, God, of father hast no need 
 
 To make the human form. 
 No generation, and no birth, 
 
 My primal father had. 
 
 The wind thou leadest on its way, 
 
 Teachest the air to move. 
 That one may speak, another hear, 
 
 And both may understand. 
 
 In thinner, or in thicker air, 
 
 No sound nor life could be! 
 Father of life, thou causest it 
 
 In measure just to stay ! 
 
 In the place of a Christian, renewing faith, enlivening for time and 
 eternity, was thus constructed a human, superficial, lifeless, and ab- 
 surd patchwork of natural religion. From such a barren seed could 
 never grow a plant to bear fruit, both in time and eternity. 
 
 From the Dessau Philanthropinum a great pedagogical excitement 
 and agitation spread over Germany and Switzerland, and, indeed, 
 over a great part of Europe. This is evident, both from the list of 
 the patrons of Basedow's "Elementary Book," and from the fact that 
 boys were sent to his school from all quarters, from Riga to Lisbon. 
 
 Educational institutions, on the model of the Philanthropinum, 
 arose in all quarters. Ulysses von Salis first established one, in 1775, 
 at Marschlins, in Switzerland. He selected for its principal the well- 
 known Dr. Bahrdt, who had been professor of theology at Giessen, 
 but was about being sent away for his heterodoxy. Salis and Bahrdt, 
 
 * The original is not rhymed. (Translator.) 
 
JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 43*7 
 
 however, had a disagreement within a year, and the latter accepted 
 an appointment from Count von Leiningen, as superintendent at Durk- 
 heim. The count, at the same time, gave him the occupation of 
 Castle Heidenheira, for the erection of a philanthropinist institute. 
 But this feeble institution expired after three years, (in 1779,) Bahrdt 
 being deposed by the royal council for theological error. By the as- 
 sistance of Teller, however, he found an appointment at Halle, under 
 the protection of the minister, Zedlitz. 
 
 Campe founded a third institution, in Hamburg, after leaving Des- 
 sau. This he left, in 1783, to the care of Trapp, who, however, seems 
 to have, let it quite perish, for he went to Wolfenbtittel, in 1786. 
 Salzmann's Institute, founded in 1784, existed longest, and still exists. 
 Among the teachers and pupils of this institution, have been such 
 men as Gutsmuths and Karl Ritter. 
 
 The Philanthropinists exerted an influence, not only through these 
 institutions, but through a multitude of authors, for young and old, who 
 swarmed all over Germany. At the head of the teachers who wrote, 
 stands Campe. The most successful of his writings was "The Swiss 
 Family Robinson" (Robinson der Jungere.) He seems to have been 
 induced to write this by Rousseau's strong recommendation of the 
 '''Robinson Crusoe" of Defoe, as a book for children. But Campe's 
 Robinson is far below its original, and is much weakened and diluted, 
 by the sapient observations of the children, and weak and silly preach- 
 ments about morals and usefulness. Campe's books on travels also 
 had much success, especially that upon the discovery of America ; 
 although even this truly poetical material was injured by tiresome 
 disquisitions, doubly tiresome for children. Campe's purely ethical 
 writings for children, like his " Theopkron, or the Experienced Coun- 
 selor of Youth" must have been unendurable to a sprightly boy. 
 "As soon as Campe's Robinson came into the hands of all children, 
 of the educated classes, the biblical histories disappeared. In conse- 
 quence, there came up, besides the practical prose of our youthful re- 
 lations, a theoretical element of them. There grew up a generation 
 of youth, who regarded nothing but what was material, domestic, or 
 of immediate use in the external relations of life ; and full of childish 
 pertness."* When the poisonous wind of the desert blows, all the 
 fresh, green, tender plants, quickly fail and wither. But many chil- 
 dren escaped the fatal effects of the pedagogical Simoom, which, at 
 that time, blew from France over Germany. 
 
 Among Campe's works for teachers, his collection of writings on 
 
 * Schlosser, ("History of the Eighteenth Century," 3, 2, 163,) in his excellent character of 
 Campe. My own vivid recollection of the effect upon myself, when a boy, of these juvenile 
 hooks, fully coincides with his remarks upon them. 
 
488 JOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 
 
 the whole subject of schools and education must be placed first. He 
 was assisted in this undertaking by educators and instructors of like 
 views with himself, Resewitz, Elers, Trapp, &c. This includes trans- 
 lations of Locke's "Thoughts on Education'' and Rousseau's "JSmile ; n 
 and it deals with the most important pedagogical problems ; especially 
 those upon which the old and new schools in education are at va- 
 riance. 
 
 After Carnpe, Salzmann was the most influential of this class of 
 pedagogical writers. 
 
 Their restless activity gave the Philanthropinists great influence 
 upon the educational systems of Germany. They attacked in all ways 
 the old schools ; who, on their part, sheltered themselves behind re- 
 ceived principles, and often made successful attacks upon the many 
 weak points exposed by the assailing Reformers. 
 
 Notwithstanding this hostile attitude, however, the old schools 
 could not wholly avoid the influence of the Philanthropinists. Some 
 rectors of gymnasia even passed over to the ranks of their oppo- 
 nents; as Gedike, rector of the Gray Friars' Gymnasium, at Berlin. 
 In an ode* to Basedow he says : 
 
 Thou North- Albion's son, lighted the sparkling torch, 
 
 Flung'st it aloft with a Hercules' mighty arm 
 Many ran toward thee, kindled their lights from thine, 
 Brighter and brighter the light of the torches shone, 
 Till the very snorers rose, 
 Rubbing their sleepy, blinking eyes. 
 
 Gedike also assisted in Campe's collection of educational writing. 
 Being a man naturally inclined to the older schools, a legitimist, he 
 would have been doubly welcome to the Philanthropinists, could he 
 have been ranked as an able philologist even by the humanists. He 
 was, .moreover, much too rough as a teacher. 
 
 Far above him, though a cotemporary, stands Meierotto, the able 
 rector of the Joachimsthal Gymnasium, at Berlin. His brethren 
 called him the Frederic the Great of the rectors. He never wrote 
 any odes to Basedow, but was indefatigable in his efforts to secure in- 
 struction in drawing in his gymnasium, a cabinet of natural objects 
 collected there, an area with apparatus for gymnastic exercises ; and 
 thus proved himself an honorably sincere and earnest educator, and 
 intelligently accquainted with the new pedagogy. 
 
 The isolated, independent labors of the Philanthropinists grew 
 weaker and weaker toward the end of the eighteenth century ;f and, 
 in the beginning of the nineteenth, a new epoch of reform com- 
 menced with the establishment of the Pestalozzian institution at 
 
 * Not rhymed. ( Translator. ) 
 
 t Only Salzmann's institution, at Schuepfenthal, as we have seen, outlasted the century 
 
IOHANN BERNHARD BASEDOW. 439 
 
 Burgdorf, and the substitution of the too theoretical Pestalozzians it? 
 the place of the too practical Philanthropinists. 
 
 In the educational institutions and writings of the followers o 
 Basedow are found only imitations, or, at the most, variations of wha 
 was practiced and written in the Philanthropinum ; and, in fact, in 
 that institution itself, only imitations and variations upon the themes 
 of Rousseau's "Emile" 
 
 We shall now leave the consideration of the philanthropist schools 
 proper ; but it will still be of the utmost interest to trace the influ- 
 ence of Rousseau's thoughts, and of Basedow's realization of them, 
 upon other eminent Germans, whether belonging to the old or the 
 new school, or seeking to harmonize the two. We shall, at, the same 
 time, see what peculiar educational thoughts and views were origi- 
 nated in such men, by means of so great a pedagogical revolution. 
 In our account of the Philanthropinum, Gothe and Kant have already 
 been quoted for this purpose. To these may now be added Hamann 
 and Herder, and lastly, Friederich August Wolf, the official successor 
 and antipodes of the philanthropist, Trapp ; the most genial of the 
 later philologists ; who ought to have been ashamed to shelter him- 
 self, in the defense of classical education, behind prescription.. 
 
 INTERIOR ARRANGEMENTS IN THE PHILANTHROPINUM. 
 
 At five o'clock, a house-servant awoke a " famulant," and the latter a teacher, 
 and the other fanmlants. The teacher then inspected their rooms, to see if every 
 thing was in good order, and their business properly arranged. At a quarter be- 
 fore six, the reveille was sounded, by a servant or famulant, when all the teachers 
 and Philanthropinists arose. Then the teacher and inspector of the day visited 
 all the pupils in their rooms, and called the attention of each to any thing in re- 
 gard to which he was to blame. After having passed inspection, and washed, and 
 dressed, the pupils met in the fourth auditorium for morning devotions. After 
 this all went to breakfast, and then, in winter at eight o'clock, in summer at 
 seven, to the school-rooms. The order of exercises there was as follows : 
 
 For the First Class of Older Boarders. 
 
 From 8 to 9. Instruction in taste, and in German style, by Prof. Trapp, from 
 Ramler's "Batteux," Schutzen's "Manual for Training the* Understanding 
 and the Taste," and Sul/er's "First Exercises," (Vorubungen.) This for the 
 first three days of the week. In the other three, Prof. Trapp instructed in natural 
 religion and morals, from Basedow's "Natural Wisdom for those in private 
 stations." 
 
 From 9 to 10. Dancing, with a master, riding, with riding-master Schrodter, 
 under the inspection of Feder and Hauber, alternately, every day, except Wednes- 
 day and Saturday. Dancing was taught in the fourth auditorium, riding in the 
 prince's riding-school. 
 
 10 to 12. Instruction by Basedow, at his house, in Latin ; either in ancient 
 history, (with accompanying studies,) or in practical philosophy, from Cicero "De 
 Officiis." 
 
 12 to 1. Dinner. 
 
 1 2. Moderate exercise ; as, turning, planing, and carpentry, in the rooms 
 of Prince Dietrich's palace, granted for that purpose by the prince. 
 
 2 3. Monday and Tuesday, Geography, by Hauber, from Pfennig's "Geog- 
 raphy." Wednesday, knowledge of the human body, and a partial course in 
 Chemistry, by the prince's privy councilor and private physician, Kretzschmar, 
 
490 JOHANN BE11NHA11D BASEDOW. 
 
 at his house, where the preparations and instruments were at hand. On the 
 other three days of the week, mathematical drawing, by Prof. Wolke. 
 
 3 5. French and universal history, by Prof. Trapp, from Schrockh's "Uni- 
 versal History," and Millot's "Historic Universelle," during five days. Satur- 
 day, a news-lecture, by Hauber, to make the elder pupils gradually acquainted 
 with public transactions and remarkable occurrences. 
 
 5 6. Mathematics, by Busse, from Ebert's "Further Introduction to the 
 Philosophical and Mathematical Sciences," during the first three days of the 
 week; in the other three, physics, from Erxleben's "Natural Philosophy." 
 
 6 7. Knowledge of the heavens and the earth, by Wolke, from Schmid's 
 "Book of the Celestial Bodies," twice a week ; the other four days, Greek, by 
 Dauner, from rector Stroth-s "Chrestomathia Graeca," Lucian's "Timon," and 
 Xenophon's "Memorabilia." 
 
 For the Second Class of Elder Scholars. 
 
 8 9. Similar to the studies of the first class ; by Prof. Trapp. 
 
 9 10. Riding and dancing, interchangeably with the first class. Arithme- 
 tic for some of them, with Prof. Trapp. 
 
 10 11. Latin, with Hauber; from Basedovv's "Chrestomathia in historia 
 antiqua." 
 
 11 12. Latin, with Danner ; from Basedovv's "Chrestomathia." 
 
 1 2. Turning and planing, in alternation with first class. 
 
 2 3. Drawing, with Doctor Samson. Some were instructed with the first 
 class ; and some study arithmetic, with Busse. 
 
 3 5. Same exercises as the first class. 
 
 5 6. Mathematics, with Danner, three days ; on the other days, some were 
 taught with the first class, and others received various kinds of private instruction. 
 6 7. English, from the "Vicar of Wakefield," with Prof. Trapp. 
 
 For the First Class of Younger Scholars. 
 
 8 9. Reading German, with Jahn ; the books being, Von Rochow's and 
 Weissen's "Children's Friend," Campe's "Manual of Morals for Children, of 
 the Educated Classes," Feddersen's "Examples of Wisdom and Virtue," Funk's 
 "Little Occupations for Children," and "First nourishment for the sound hu- 
 man understanding." 
 
 9 10. Writing, with Vogel, alternately with the second class, all the week ; 
 and instructive conversation with rector Neuendorf, at his room, or during walks. 
 
 1011. Latin, with Feder ; from "Phaedrus," Busching's "Liber Latinus," 
 and select parts of Basedow's "Liber Elementaris," and "Chrestomathia Col- 
 loquiorum Erasmi." 
 
 11 12. French, with Jasperson. 
 
 1 2. Music, and recreation, under care of Feder. 
 
 2 3. Drawing, with Doctor Samson, under charge, alternately, of Jasper- 
 son, Vogel, and Spener. 
 
 3 4. Dancing, with the master, under care of Vogel. 
 
 4 5. French, with Spener; from select portions of Basedow's "Manua. 
 d'education." 
 
 5 6. Latin, with Feder; from select portions of the Latin "Elementary 
 Book." 
 
 6 7. For walking, under the care of Neuendorf. 
 
 For the Second Class of Younger Pupils. 
 
 8 9. Writing, with Vogel. 
 
 9 10. Writing and walking, alternately with first class. 
 
 1 012. Latin, with Wolke. 
 
 12. As the first class. 
 
 2 3. Drawing, as in first class. 
 
 3 4. Dancing, as in first class. 
 
 4 5. French, with Jasperson ; from seclect parts of the "Manual d'educa 
 
 5 6. Instructive reading, with Jahn, in his room. 
 
 6 7. Conversation with Neuendorf. On the first and fifteenth of each 
 month, letter-writing was practiced. "Walks were taken two afternoons a week. 
 
PESTALOZZl'S PRINCIPLES OP EDUCATION. 491 
 
 The foregoing sketch of Pestalozzi's labors, and their influence on 
 the popular schools of Germany, abridged from the Centennial Dis- 
 courses of two of his avowed disciples, Dr. Blochmann, of Dresedn, 
 and Dr. Diesterweg, of Berlin, represent the extreme views enter- 
 tained by the admirers of the great Swiss educator. There is a 
 large number of educators and teachers, at the head ot whom is 
 Karl van Raumer, at one time a resident at Yverdun, for the purpose 
 of studying the system and methods of the Pestalozzian Institution, 
 who, while they acknowledge the value of Pestalozzi's services to 
 the instruction and industrial training of the poor, and to the true 
 theory of education, maintain that his principles and methods as 
 developed and applied by himself, are in some respects unsound and 
 incomplete. 
 
 The following summary and comparative view of his principles, is 
 taken from an article by William C. Woodbridge, in the American 
 Annals of Education, for January, 1837. 
 
 As the result of his investigations, Pestalozzi assumed as a funda- 
 mental principle, that education, in order to fit man for his desti- 
 nation must proceed*according to the laws of nature. To adopt the 
 language of his followers that it must not act as an arbitrary 
 mediator beteen the child and nature, between man and God, 
 pursuing its own artificial arrangements, instead of the indications 
 of Providence that it should assist the course of natural develop- 
 ment, instead of doing it violence that it should watch, and follow 
 its progress, instead of attempting to mark out a path to a precon- 
 ceived system. 
 
 I. In view of this principle, he did not choose, like Basedow, to 
 cultivate the mind in a material way, merely by inculcating and 
 engrafting every thing relating to external objects, and giving me- 
 chanical skill. He sought, on the contrary, to develop, and exercise, 
 and strengthen the faculties of the child by a steady course of ex- 
 citement to self-activity, with a limited degree of assistance to his 
 efforts. 
 
 II. In opposition to the haste, and blind groping of many teach- 
 ers without system, he endeavored to find the proper point for com- 
 mencing, and to proceed in a slow and gradual, but uninterrupted 
 course, from one point to another always waiting until the first 
 should have a certain degree of distinctness in the mind of the 
 child, before entering upon the exhibition of the second. To pur- 
 stie any other course would only give superficial knowledge, which 
 would neither afford pleasure to the child, nor promote real progress. 
 
 III. He opposed the undue cultivation of the memory and 
 understanding, as hostile to true education. He placed the essence 
 of education in the harmonious and uniform development of every 
 faculty, so that the body should not be in advance of the mind, and 
 that in the development of the mind, neither the physical powers, 
 nor the affections, should be neglected; and that skill in action 
 should be acquired at the same time with knowledge. When this 
 point is secured, we may know that education has really begun, 
 and that it is not merely superficial. 
 
 IV. He required close attention and constant reference to the 
 peculiarities of every child, and of each sex, as well as to the charac- 
 teristics of the people among whom he lived, in order that he might 
 acquire the development and qualifications necessary for the situa- 
 tion to which the Creator destined him, when he gave him these 
 
492 PESTALOZZl'S PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATION. 
 
 active faculties, and be prepared to labor successfully for those 
 among whom he was placed by his birth. 
 
 V. While Basedow introduced a multitude of subjects of in- 
 struction into the schools, without special regard to the develop- 
 ment of the intellectual powers, Pestalozzi considered this plan as 
 superficial. He limited the elementary subjects of instruction to 
 Form, Number and Language, as the essential condition of definite 
 and distinct knoledge ; and believed that these elements should be 
 taught with the utmost possible simplicity, comprehensiveness and 
 mutual connection. 
 
 VI. Pestalozzi, as well as Basedow, desired that instruction 
 should commence with the intuition or simple perception of external 
 objects and their relations. He was not, however, satisfied with 
 this alone, but wished that the art of observing should also be ac- 
 quired. He thought the things perceived of less consequence than 
 the cultivation of the perceptive powers, which should enable the 
 child to observe completely, to exhaust the subjects which should 
 be brought before his mind. 
 
 VII. While the Philanthropinists attach great importance to 
 special exercises of reflection, Pestalozzi would not make this a 
 subject of separate study. He maintains that every subject of 
 instruction should be properly treated, and thus become an exercise 
 of thought; and believed, that lessons on Nurriber, and Proportion 
 and Size, would give the best occasion for it. 
 
 VIII. Pestalozzi, as well as Basedow, attached great importance 
 to Arithmetic, particularly to Mental Arithmetic. He valued it, 
 however, not merely in the limited view of its practical usefulness, 
 but as an excellent means of strengthening the mind. He also 
 introduced Geometry into the elementary schools, and the art 
 connected with it, of modeling and drawing beautiful objects. 
 He wished, in this way, to train the eye, the hand, and the touch, 
 for the more advanced species of drawing, which had not been 
 thought of before. Proceeding from the simple and intuitive, to 
 the more complicated and difficult forms, he arranged a series of 
 exercises so gradual and complete, that the method of teaching 
 this subject was soon brought to a good degree of perfection. 
 
 IX. The Philanthropinists introduced the instruction of lan- 
 guage into the common schools, but limited it chiefly to the writing 
 of letters and preparation of essays. But Pestalozzi was not 
 satisfied with a lifeless repetition of the rules of grammar, nor yet 
 with mere exercises for common life. He aimed at a development 
 of the laws of language from within an introduction into its in- 
 ternal nature and construction and peculiar spirit which would 
 not only cultivate the intellect, but also improve the affections. 
 It is impossible to do justice to his method of instruction on this 
 subject, in a brief sketch like the present but those who have 
 witnessed its progress and results, are fully aware of its practical 
 character and value. 
 
 X. Like Basedow, Rochow and others, Pestalozzi introduced 
 vocal music into the circle of school studies, on account of its power- 
 ful influence on the heart. But he was not satisfied that the children 
 should learn to sing a few melodies by note or by ear. He wished 
 them to know the rules of melody and rhythm, and dynamics to 
 pursue a regular course of instruction, descending to its very ele- 
 ments, and rendering the musical notes as familiar as the sounds 
 of the letters. The extensive work of Nageli and Pfeiffer has con- 
 tributed very much to give this branch of instruction a better form. 
 
 XI. He opposed the abuse which was made of the Socratic 
 method in many of the Philanthropinic and other schools, by at 
 
PESTALOZZl'S PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATION. 493 
 
 tempting to draw something out of children before they had received 
 any knowledge. He recommends, on the contrary, in the early 
 periods of instruction, the established method of dictation by the 
 teacher and repetition by the scholar, with a proper regard to 
 rhythm, and at a later period, especially in the mathematical and 
 other subjects which involve reasoning, the modern method, in which 
 the teacher merely gives out the problems in a pioper order, and 
 leaves them to be solved by the pupils, by the exertion of their 
 own powers. 
 
 XII. Pestalozzi opposes strenuously the opinion that religious 
 instruction should be addressed exclusively to the understanding; 
 and shows that religion lies deep in the hearts of men, and that it 
 should not be enstamped from without, but developed from within ; 
 that the basis of religious feeling is to be found in the childish dis- 
 position to love, to thankfulness, to veneration, obedience and 
 confidence toward its parents; that these should be cultivated and 
 strengthened and directed toward God ; and that religion should 
 be formally treated of at a later period in connection with the feelings 
 thus excited. As he requires the mother to direct the first develop- 
 ment of all the taculties of her child, he assigns to her especially 
 the task of first cultivating the religious feelings. 
 
 XIII. Pestalozzi agrees with Basedow, that mutual affection 
 ought to reign between the educator and the pupil, both in the 
 house and in the school, in order to render education effectual and 
 useful. He was, therefore, as little disposed as Basedow to sustain 
 school despotism ; but he did not rely on artificial excitements, such 
 as those addressed to emulation. He preferred that the children 
 should find their best reward in the consciousness of increased 
 intellectual vigor; and expected the teacher to render the instruc- 
 tion so attractive, that the delightful feeling of progress should be 
 the strongest excitement to industry and to morality. 
 
 XIV. Pestalozzi attached as much importance to the cultivation 
 of the bodily powers, and the exercise of the senses, as the Philan- 
 thropinists, and in his publications, pointed out a graduated course 
 for this purpose. But as Gutsmuths, Vieth, Jahn, and Clias treated 
 this subject very fully, nothing further was written concerning it 
 by his immediate followers. 
 
 Such are the great principles which entitle Pestalozzi to the high 
 praise of having given a more natural, a more comprehensive and 
 deeper foundation for education and instruction, and of having 
 called into being a method which is far superior to any that preceded 
 it. 
 
 But with all the excellencies of the system of education adopted 
 by Pestalozzi, truth requires us to state that it also involves serious 
 defects. 
 
 1. In his zeal for the improvement of the mind itself, and for 
 those modes of instruction which were calculated to develop and 
 invigorate its faculties, Pestalozzi forgot too much the necessity 
 of general positive knowledge, as the material for thought and for 
 practical use in future life. The pupils of his establishment, in- 
 structed on his plan, were too often dismissed with intellectual 
 powers which were vigorous and acute, but without the stores of 
 knowledge important for immediate use--well qualified for mathe- 
 matical and abstract reasoning, but not prepared to apply it to the 
 business of common life. 
 
 2. He commenced with intuitive, mathematical studies too 
 early, attached too much importance to them, and devoted a por- 
 tion of time to them, which did not allow a reasonable attention 
 
494 PESTALOZZl'S PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATION. 
 
 to other studies, and which prevented the regular and harmonious 
 cultivation of other powers. 
 
 3. The method of instruction was also defective in one important 
 point. Simplification was carried too far, and continued too long. 
 The mind became so accustomed to receive knowledge divided into 
 its most simple elements and smallest portions, that it was not 
 prepared to embrace complicated ideas, or to make those rapid 
 strides in investigation and conclusion which is oae of the most 
 important results of a sound education, and which indicates the 
 most valuable kind of mental vigor both for scientific purposes and 
 for practical life. 
 
 4. He attached too little importance to testimony as one of the 
 sources of our knowledge, and 'devoted too little attention to his- 
 torical truth. He was accustomed to observe that history was 
 but a 'tissue of lies;' and forgot that it was necessary to occupy the 
 pupil with man, and with moral events, as well as with nature and 
 matter, if we wish to cultivate properly his moral powers, and 
 elevate him above the material world,. 
 
 5. But above all, it is to be regretted, that in reference to re- 
 ligious education, he fell into an important error of his predecessors. 
 His too exclusive attention to mathematical and scientific subjects, 
 tended, like the system of Basedow, to give his pupils the habit 
 of undervaluing historical evidence and of demanding rational 
 demonstration for every truth, or of requiring the evidence of their 
 senses, or something analogous to it, to which they were constantly 
 called to appeal in'their studies of Natural History. 
 
 It is precisely in this way, that many men of profound scientific 
 attainments have been led to reject the evidence of revelation, and 
 some, even, strange as it may seem, to deny the existence of Him, 
 whose works and laws they study. In some of the early Pestaloz- 
 zian schools, feelings of this nature were particularly cherished by 
 the habit of asserting a falsehood in the lessons on Mathematics 
 or Natural history, and calling upon the pupils to contradict it or 
 disprove it if they did not admit its truth. No improvement of 
 the intellectual powers, can, in pur view, compensate for the injury 
 to the moral sense and the diminished respect for truth, which will 
 naturally result from such a course. 
 
 6. While Pestalozzi disapproved of the attempts of the Philan- 
 thropinists to draw forth from the minds of children, before they 
 had stores of knowledge, he seemed to forget the application of his 
 principle to moral subjects, or to imagine that this most elevated 
 species of knowledge was innate. He attempted too much to draw 
 from the minds of his pupils those great truths of religion and the 
 spiritual world which can only be acquired from revelation; and 
 thus led them to imagine they were competent to judge on this 
 subject without external aid. It is obvious that such a course 
 would fall in most unhappily with the tendencies produced by other 
 parts of the plan, and that we could not hope to educate in such a 
 mode, a truly Christian community. 
 
 The personal character of Pestalozzi also influenced his views 
 and methods of education on religious subjects. He was remark- 
 ably the creature of powerful impulses, which were usually of the 
 most mild and benevolent kind ; and he preserved a child-like charac- 
 ter in this respect even to old age. It was probably his tempera- 
 ment, which led him to estimate at a low rate the importance of 
 positive religious truth in the education of children, and to main- 
 tain that the mere habit of faith and love, if cultivated toward 
 earthly friends and benefactors would, of course, be transferred to 
 our Heavenly Father, whenever his character should be exhibited 
 
PESTALOZZl'S PRINCIPLES OF EDUCATION. 495,. 
 
 to the mind of the child. The fundamental error of thj.s^view 
 was established by the unhappy experience of his own institution. 
 His own example afforded the most striking evidence that the 
 noblest impulses, not directed by established principles, may lead 
 to imprudence and ruin, and thus defeat their own ends. As an 
 illustration of this, it may be mentioned that, on one of these oc- 
 casions, frequently occurring, on which he was reduced to extremity 
 for want of the means of supplying his large family, he borrowed 
 four hundred dollars from a friend for the purpose. In going 
 home, he met a peasant, wringing his hands in despair for the loss 
 of his cow. Pestalozzi put the entire bag of money into his hands, 
 and ran off to escape his thanks. These circumstance, combined 
 with the want of tact in reference to the affairs of common life, 
 materially impaired his powers of usefulness as a practical in- 
 structor of youth. The rapid progress of his ideas rarely allowed 
 him to exeucte his own plans; and, in accordance with his own 
 system, too much time was employed in the profound development 
 of principles, to admit of much attention to their practical appli- 
 cation. 
 
 But, as one of his admirers observed, it was his province to edu- 
 cate ideas and not children. He combated, with unshrinking 
 boldness and untiring perseverance, through a long life, the pre- 
 judices and abuses of the age in reference to education, both by his 
 example and by his numerous publications. He attacked with great 
 vigor and no small degree of success, that favorite maxim of bigotry 
 and tyranny, that obedience and devotion are the legitimate off- 
 spring of ignorance. He denounced that degrading system, which 
 considers it enough to enable a man to procure a subsistence for 
 himself and his offspring and in this manner, merely to place him 
 on a level with the beast of the forest ; and which deems everything 
 lost whose value can not be estimated in money. He urged upon 
 the conscience of parents and rulers, with an energy approaching 
 that of the ancient prophets, the solemn duties which Divine Pro- 
 vidence had imposed upon them, in committing to their charge 
 the present and future destinies of their fellow-beings. In this 
 way he produced an impulse, which pervaded the continent of 
 Europe, and which, by means of his popular and theoretical works, 
 reached the cottages of the poor and the palaces of the great. His 
 institution at Yverdun was crowded with men of every nation; 
 not merely those who were led by the same impulse which inspired 
 him, but by the agents of kings and noblemen, and public institu- 
 tions, who came to make themselves acquainted with his principles, 
 in order to become his fellow-laborers in other countries. 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 MEMOIR. 
 
 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW, the third son of the Prussian 
 Minister of State, Frederic William von Rochow, was born October 
 11, 1734, at Berlin. After receiving the best education which 
 private teachers and the 'Knights' Academy' at Brandenburg could 
 give, he became, in 1*750, ensign in the regiment of Carbineers at 
 Rathenau, where Frederic II. noticed him in a military review and 
 promoted him to the Garde du Corps at Potsdam. In 1752, he 
 was commissioned, and in 1756, he was in active service, captured 
 the Imperial General Labkonitz at the battle of Labkonitz, and was 
 wounded in his left arm. In the next campaign, in the battle 
 around Prague, he was wounded in the right arm; and in 1758, 
 resigned his commission, and retired to his estate at Rekahn, near 
 Brandenburg married the daughter of Chancellor von Bere, and 
 devoted himself to agricultural pursuits and scientific studies. En- 
 dowed with a lively sensibility and active benevolence, he studied 
 the condition of the laboring population on his estates, and devoted 
 himself to its amelioration. Becoming acquainted with Basedow's 
 ' Aims and Methods of Education,' he devoted himself with sound 
 judgment and discriminating charity to improving the schools and 
 homes of his own peasantry but not without encountering many 
 untoward hindrances and much opposition from those whom he 
 strove to benefit. 
 
 During the years 1771 and 1772 wet weather prevailed and much 
 hay and grain were ruined, and, in consequence, famine and disease 
 befell man and beast. Rochow did all in his power to relieve his 
 tenants and his country people by advice and active help. He en- 
 gaged a regular physician at a fixed salary to treat his people with- 
 out charge for attendance, medicine, and advice ; but an unreason- 
 able prejudice, superstition, a total ignorance of reading and writ- 
 ing, rendered his best efforts useless. The people accepted the 
 remedies, which he paid for, but did not use them ; the most simple 
 prescriptions of cleanliness and order were not followed, and they 
 would secretly employ other remedies, consult quacks, miracle-doc- 
 
 32 (497) 
 
498 
 
 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 tors, and old women, for which they paid roundly, while many 
 died a miserable death. 
 
 Profoundly grieved by these terrible consequences of ignorance 
 and superstition, von Rochow was one day sitting before his writing 
 desk, engaged in sketching a lion held by the hunter's net. * So,' 
 he mused, 'the noble gift of God, reason, which every man pos- 
 sesses, is surrounded by a tissue of prejudice and ignorance, so 
 much so, that, like the lion here, it can not make use of its strength. 
 If only a little mouse would come, to gnaw and cut a few meshes 
 of the net, perhaps the lion would apply his strength and break his 
 bonds.' And he began to draw the mouse, which has cut some 
 of the meshes of the net which holds the lion. Then a sudden 
 thought occurred to him : * Suppose you were that mouse !' And 
 the whole chain of cause and effect lay clear before him. The 
 peasant was so ignorant because he grows up like an anima? 
 among animals. His instruction can have no effect upon him, since 
 the schools are so mechanically conducted ; and the church is no 
 better, since the clergyman speaks a language which he can not 
 understand. The sermon is a connected discourse, which he hears 
 from duty, but which tires him, because, not accustomed to such 
 style and language, he can not follow up its ideas, and even if good 
 and compact, it leaves no conviction in his mind. Such teachers, 
 as Christ said of old, are generally 'blind guides,' and 'thus the 
 state suffers more from this condition of the peasantry, than from 
 defeat after the bloodiest battle.' 
 
 ' My God !' he mused, ' can not the peasantry, the true strength 
 of the state, be instructed and become better qualified for all good 
 work ? How many men could I have saved to the country, who 
 have been sacrificed to their own ignorance, which ought to have 
 been prevented ? Yes ! I will be the mouse ; and may God help 
 my purpose.' 
 
 School Books. 
 
 And the next morning, on the very sheet upon which he had 
 sketched the lion and mouse, he began to write the titles of the 
 thirteen chapters of a ' School book for Country Teachers. At noon 
 he showed it to his clergyman, Stephen Rudolph, who approved it 
 and recommended him to advise with Chief-Counselor Teller, in 
 Berlin. The latter appreciated his enterprise and gave him his 
 hearty support. His first literary effort appeared in 1772, under 
 the title : ' School Book for Children of Country People and for the 
 use of Village Schools." 1 Its chief object was to elevate the intelli- 
 gence and practical skill of teachers ; and he advocates an increase- 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 499 
 
 of their salary, so as to dispense with tuition fees, so that all in- 
 struction might be free, and poor parents have no excuse for with- 
 holding their children from school. 
 
 This book, of which several editions were published during his 
 life, created much interest among educators, and arrested the atten- 
 tion of Minister von Zedlitz, deserves a description, as being the 
 first beginning of a sound elementary instruction for country schools, 
 and because there are still many countries that might learn from it 
 much on popular education. 
 
 In the introduction to the first edition, the author modestly in- 
 quires : ' Who called you to be a teacher of the country people f 
 And he answers: 'My heart yearns to help men who, besides the 
 severity of their condition, are suffering under the burden of igno- 
 rance and prejudice. The cause of many evils, destructive to the 
 state, lies in the neglected education of the young in rural districts.' 
 He knew the rudeness and barbarism of the peasantry ; but felt 
 that the soul of a peasant child is as precious as the soul of a child 
 of the nobleman. 
 
 Want of Competent- Teachers. 
 
 'Not having found any thing that to him appeared directly suita- 
 ble for the common people and their children, he had attempted to 
 produce it,' closing with the remark 'all efforts to improve their 
 education will be unavailing without competent teachers.' 
 
 On this last point, Biisching, Counselor of the Consistory, in his 
 ' Journey from Berlin to Rekahn? communicates his conversation 
 with Rochow (June, 1775): 'The children can not learn without 
 teachers, on whom, consequently, all depends.' 'I know not,' says 
 Biisching, * whether I ought to be astonished or vexed, that so little 
 is done to provide schools in cities and the country with able teach- 
 ers. There are plenty of complaints, wishes, and writing, but no 
 money or respect for their work ; and yet without these nothing 
 can be done, especially in common schools. I can hardly tolerate 
 the common idea, that for the first elements, moderate skill is suf- 
 ficient, since it is all-important that children are not only not 
 spoiled in their first learning, but are taught in the best and most 
 careful manner.' Rochow says: 'Since there is no state (1775) 
 which provides for the proper remuneration and honor of the 
 teacher, so as to render the position desirable, it appears necessary 
 to find candidates who will devote themselves to it with the same 
 pious enthusiasm which inspires others to become missionaries 
 among the heathen.' ' Without teachers full of this missionary 
 spirit, the true reform of the people must fail. He who is not 
 
500 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 penetrated by the saving power of the doctrine of Jesus, who de- 
 sires not from all his heart the welfare of man, will be an hireling ; 
 and reading, writing, and ciphering will in the end be the only pro- 
 duct of our schools, and thus hold out but little hope for the exten- 
 sion of the kingdom of God. The coldness with which hirelings 
 in the church speak of religion is more injurious than their silence. 
 He, whose heart is not warmed by the spiritual power of religion, 
 has no call to be its teacher.' 
 
 In the introduction to his School book, Rochow remarks : * As 
 medicine is given to sick children through their nurses, so also this 
 attempt at reform ; I want to infuse into teachers what I consider 
 good methods for them to use.' He then defines the plan of his 
 book ; l the beginning consists of exercises of observation, which 
 are continued for about six months, and are then followed by 
 demonstrations of cause and effect, to lead to reflection and the use 
 of language in description.' All of which, though familiar now, was 
 unheard of as the preparatory conditions of instruction proper at 
 that day. 
 
 In a preface to the second edition of his book, he treats on cate- 
 chetic instruction, by which he means instruction by conversation, 
 not theological or church catechising. 'By conversation children 
 learn quicker and more accurately ; for they can ask questions, and 
 by questions the attention is kept awake, and they learn, to com- 
 prehend, to form, and express their thoughts on what they under- 
 stand in a word, they become rational.' With this view, he de- 
 cidedly opposed the so-called literal and tabulated method, intro- 
 duced by the Berlin Real-school, as not at all suitable for country 
 schools. Abbot Felbiger, who had been trained in the Berlin sys- 
 tem, and had published the principles of morality in tabular form 
 for the schools of Silesia, entered into a friendly correspondence 
 with Rochow on his book, which, however, soon ceased, as Felbiger, 
 in all probability, was not inclined to adopt the views of its author. 
 
 The contents of Rochow's School book consists of 16 chapters, 
 which, in ordinary but attractive style, treat of: 1. Attention and 
 Studiousness ; 2. Cause and Effect; 3. The Foundation; 4. Truth, 
 Certainty, Probability, Error, Faith, Unbelief, Credulity, Supersti- 
 tion ; 5. On the Human Soul ; 6. On Religion ; 7. Doctrine of Virtue 
 according to the Bible ; 8. Society and Government, Law and Sol- 
 diery ; 9. Relations ; 10. Politeness in Intercourse and Conversation, 
 Letter-writing; 11. Arithmetical Exercise of Reason; 12. Measure- 
 ments of Surfaces and Solids, and something on Mechanics, with a 
 table of Weights and Measures; 13. Of Optical Illusion ; 14. Com- 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 50 j 
 
 mon Phenomena, for the increase of useful knowledge ; 15. Recrea- 
 tion, for the preservation of health, and simple remedies for 
 reestablishing lost health; 16. Farming, and what is necessary in 
 all kinds of agricultural work. These subjects are all treated in a 
 practical manner, with dignity and originality. Much that has 
 since been prepared, as the basis of common school instruction, is 
 here anticipated, and in many particulars developed in a masterly 
 manner. 
 
 His second publication was the * Reader? the first edition of which 
 bore the title of 'Peasants' Friend? which, in the next edition, was 
 changed into ' Children's Friend? 
 
 Rochow and Von Zedlitz. 
 
 The publication of these books brought Rochow into correspond- 
 ence and personal intercourse with Baron von Zedlitz, and other 
 higher officials at Berlin, connected or interested in the establish- 
 ment and improvement of schools. 
 
 The Minister, in a letter dated Jan. 17, 1773, writes: 'Praise is 
 due the man who could be induced to prepare school books from a 
 sole regard to their general utility. Allow me to consult you as a 
 person, who is able to render powerful aid to the great plans of the 
 best of kings for the improvement of country schools, and who has 
 patriotism enough to be disposed to render such service.' From 
 this date, the Minister does not enter on any great or small reform 
 in popular schools, without obtaining Rochow's opinion. In regard 
 to the application of the sum of 100,000 thalers, from the interest 
 of which the salaries of teachers in the electorate of Brandenburg 
 should be paid, the Minister desires some Saxon schoolmasters. 
 Rochow, in answer, says : ' With all due deference I beg your 
 gracious preference for my own countrymen. The Saxons, as 
 much as I honor the Tellers, Gellerts, etc., nantes in gurgite vasto, 
 are not specially qualified for schoolmasters among the Branden- 
 burgians. An offending accent, an effeminate manner of living, 
 orthodoxy, that means punctuality in form, not in essentials, etc., 
 are, I am sorry to say, the characteristics of the Saxon, and in the 
 end will prove no patriotic attachment for our State.* ' The attrac- 
 tion of Saxon manners around Dresden and Leipsic is deceptive, 
 and disappears upon close investigation ; it can not stand the test 
 of good morals. Our intentions of colonization can not be realized 
 here. If the Prussians, from the Margraviate and from Silesia (my 
 new schoolmaster is from Halberstadt) are honored and paid, I hope 
 we shall soon find an abundance of good teachers, and be able to 
 engage some also for this part of the country.' ' I have some young 
 
502 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 people trained on my plan of making good teachers. For as we 
 have seen for many years in the cathedral school of Halberstadt, 
 nobody teaches after a method better than he who has found out 
 its advantages in himself.' Basedow, in reference to this sugges- 
 tion, adds : ' Nor should the method, except in your Rekahn and 
 some schools near by, where you can exercise a personal superin- 
 tendence, be introduced in other communes until a sufficient num- 
 bor of teachers have been trained, which can be done by two years 
 practice in Rekahn' (January, 1773). Again Rochow writes to 
 Zedlitz, in reference to the king's pressing any body into the ser- 
 vice : ' I need not mention that such trained teachers must not, of 
 necessity, on account of their size, be good soldiers.' As early as 
 1773, Rochow gives way to the following expressions on instruction 
 in religion : * Much more perfection could be obtained, by having 
 taught outside of the school all that is Lutheran, Reformed, or Ro- 
 man Catholic, which the clergyman can supply during a long pre- 
 paration for confirmation ; while in school, nothing should be taught 
 but such a knowledge of God as can be derived from reading his 
 works, and the general principles of Christian morality.' In 
 December, of the same year : ' What punishments shall I devise for 
 parents who, notwithstanding a free school, detain their children at 
 home to work ? My principle is : children belong to the State, 
 the State must provide for their education, and that they learn 
 reading, writing, ciphering, and how to think correctly. The proper 
 school period can not be replaced in after life.' He then makes 
 propositions for the establishment of teachers' seminaries. 
 
 In 1774, Counselor Zedlitz pays a visit to Rochow's school, 
 and Busching the next year; Zedlitz writes to the latter: 'Ro- 
 chow is too impatient because things do not progress as fast as he 
 desires.' Zedlitz also made a report of his visit to the king, and 
 spoke to Rochow of his intention to organize a teachers' seminary 
 in Klosterbergen, complaining of the obstacles put in his way by 
 the Chief Consistory. * He who will improve the schools,' replies 
 Rochow, * must not be a schoolman but an honest statesman. There 
 are no universal prescriptions for schools, no more than we have 
 universal medicines.' Rochow describes the wants of country 
 schools, and what he has done to relieve them. Zedlitz writes in 
 1775 : ' Help me to some patience, and to means by which ecclesi- 
 astical inspectors and clergymen may become more active, or may 
 be entirely withdrawn from the supervision of country schools.' 
 In 1776, a difference of opinion sprang up between Zedlitz and 
 Rochow. ' Especially, I think,' writes the former, * that metaphysi- 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 503 
 
 al education of the peasantry should be managed with caution, 
 and never be recommended. Where schoolmasters have not such 
 a good superintendent (as Rochow), they very often will go astray 
 and do injury ; they become pragmatical.' Hence this last favorite 
 expression ; after this doubts sprang up in the ministry, whether it 
 would be generally beneficial, to let the common classes be made 
 sensible (be educated). Rochow ; in his reply, endeavors to refute 
 these objections, and declares, as the final object of his labors and 
 thoughts, to train good Christians, obedient subjects, and skill- 
 ful farmers; and he is not insensible to an expression of Zedlitz, 
 who, in an academical discourse, termed him a ' cosmopolitan en- 
 thusiast.' 1 The letters become shorter and less frequent, more 
 formal and reserved ; Rochow waits for the Minister of State to 
 make inquiries; no direct communication comes from him any 
 longer. His correspondence with other persons, however, increases, 
 though it is not of a like importance. Afterward Zedlitz offers a 
 position to Rochow, which the latter declines, and recommends, in 
 the absence of other teachers, to the Minister the appointment of 
 Dr. Bahrdt of Halle, as director of a seminary shortly to be estab- 
 lished: 'I know you will smile; but would it not be better for 
 Bahrdt, than to starve in Halle with wife and child ?' The Minister 
 replies August 7th, 1799 : 'It is true Bahrdt would be a good prin- 
 cipal of the seminary. But (1) he is married and has children; 
 you know we do not want that in teachers; (2) the instruction in 
 school should not be given over to the clergy, but neither should 
 we intentionally offend them. They would believe themselves en- 
 titled to cry out, if we would confide the instruction of teachers to 
 a man who is not strictly orthodox. I take it my duty not to re- 
 gard the stings in the heel of superstition if I have to take my 
 way right over the snake's body ; but when I can pass around and 
 yet reach my place, why should I cause the beast to hiss ; it is only 
 the devil's music. 7 
 
 Only one volume of Rochow's correspondence has been pub- 
 lished ; and nothing more is known about his further intercourse. 
 There are six letters of Rochow to Gleim, in one of which, after 
 expressing his thanks for a copy of ' Halladat,' he says : * Not in 
 words of such value, but with similar feelings, I expect to return 
 your favor, as I have just finished an enlarged second edition of the 
 work which has for two years engaged my attention, but could not 
 be finished without many experiments. Many of your excellent 
 pieces contain consolation for the heterogeneous labors of the pro- 
 
 * Trendelenburg : Frederic the Great and Minister von Zedlitz. Berlin. 1859. 
 
504 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 fession I have chosen, namely : by enlightening the people, (who, 
 according to Isaiah [chap, ix., verse 11], without metaphor, t; walk 
 in darkness,") to lay a foundation for salutary reforms. Hitherto, 
 an all-governing providence has blessed my weak endeavors beyond 
 my expectation. This gives me confidence, and supports my failing 
 courage, when I see my aim, its perfection, so far away from my 
 work. But great and small powers must act in concert, if darkness 
 is ever to be lifted from the nations. By all, and for all, abilities 
 must be worked toward a general felicity ; and while I attempt, 
 from the numerous instances of truth, to select for the peasant what 
 is most useful to his understanding, you raise yourself to the height 
 of a great teacher and governor of mankind, and by the all-power- 
 ful strength of poetry, devoted to noble objects, you convert dis- 
 cord into harmony. Oh, that for all spiritual gifts there were gen- 
 eral objects. I almost undertake to find such a plan in the excla- 
 mation of the angels : Glory to God on high, on earth peace and 
 good will toward all men ! A good work of genius aiming at this 
 end testifies that its author, that he is in sympathy with the angels.' 
 
 March 13th, 1776, he sent to Gleim a copy of his work and re- 
 quested him to state frankly his opinion : * As undeserved and as 
 humiliating is often to me the praise, which expresses too warmly 
 friendship, yet your approval is a prize I have wished for. If I can 
 obtain that, and from all a general opinion on my book, that it is 
 useful, I am satisfied.' 
 
 Local School Reforms. 
 
 Beside this authorship and correspondence in the interest of pub- 
 lic instruction generally, Rochow began a reform in the schools on 
 his own estates, which before had only ordinary teachers, old and 
 incompetent. When the old teacher at Rekahn died, in 1773, the 
 place was offered to Henry J. Bruns, a pupil of the cathedral 
 school at Halberstadt, who had been an inmate of Rochow's family 
 for seven years, as musician and copyist, and had made himself fa- 
 miliar with Rochow's ideas, as well as increased his knowledge by 
 aid of that nobleman's library, and afterward had become cantor 
 and organist of St. John's church in Halberstadt. This excellent 
 man, full of tenderness, amiability, and childlike disposition, be- 
 came the instrument through which Rochow's principles of educa- 
 tion were carried out for the next twelve years.* 
 
 Reforms in the other two schools, at Gettin and Krahne, were in- 
 troduced in 1774. Rochow made to each of these schools a gift 
 
 * He (lied in 1794 forty-eight years old. Rochow had a monument placed in his garden, with 
 this significant inscription: HE WAS A TEACHER. 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 5Q5 
 
 of one hundred thalers. He commenced his improvements by first 
 building new school-houses ; the one at Rekahn, for that time, was 
 an excellent building. All tuition fees were abolished, and the 
 necessary books and other aids of instruction were furnished. The 
 Reader (Rochow's Kinderfreund) was given to every child in the 
 schools, of whom there were sixty to seventy, divided in two 
 classes, under separate teachers. The smallest children of the 
 lower class attended school but one hour daily during the first 
 year; gradually their attendance was prolonged. Generally they 
 were admitted at the age of six years, and promoted at the end of 
 every school year. A vacation of two weeks occurred at harvest 
 time, and a like one in the spring. An industrial school for girls 
 was established in the hall of the castle, where a lady taught needle- 
 work, knitting, etc. The period for attending school was fixed from 
 six to fourteen years ; during the last year the pupils were instructed 
 in religion preparatory to their confirmation. After confirmation 
 the child was permitted to withdraw from the school, but up to that 
 age, his attendance was continuous. 
 
 The subjects of instruction were selected for these schools on 
 Rochow's principle : ' No man can do any work without reason, ., 
 he can not expect a regular result and success.' * Right or wrong, 
 acts or omissions, are decided by what every one thinks on right or 
 wrong ; in one word, whether he acts conscientiously.' * Every 
 thing in school must be understood ; all new and difficult things 
 must be explained orally and by conversation.' 
 
 In a circular addressed to his teachers, May 6, 1776, he expresses 
 himself on religious instruction, describing, as its main object, 'to 
 train the children to become sincere worshipers of God, who, by 
 their deportment, prove that they belong to Christ, and desire to 
 become subjects of his blessed kingdom for ever ; next to train 
 them into such men, skillful in every good work, because they know 
 the road to heaven passes over this earth ; that fidelity to the duties 
 of life is a practice of Christianity, making easier the duties of re- 
 ligion, and causing the light to shine before the people in the useful- 
 ness and skill of daily labor.' He was of opinion that, by the 
 largest possible cultivation of the mind, the knowledge of duty, and 
 the practice of it, would be furthered. School education should 
 aim to make children practical and useful men. 
 
 For progressive instruction in reading and in the subjects sub- 
 mitted to the pupils, Rochow wrote his ' Kinderfreund ' in two 
 parts, and proposed that they should be published by the govern- 
 ment and be generally introduced in country schools. The manu- 
 
506 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 script was for a long time before the school authorities, without any 
 decision being made, when the author reclaimed it, and the first 
 edition of the first part appeared in 1776, the second part in 1777, 
 and the work attained great reputation. It was translated into 
 French, Danish, Polish, and modified to suit the Catholic schools in 
 the Rhine provinces, and passed through four editions. 
 
 When the author was introduced to King Frederic William III., 
 the latter said : ' I learned to read from your ' Kinderfreund? Ro- 
 chow must have known this before ; for as early as 1785, he wrote : 
 * Hail to the young prince, who from this school book learns more 
 than he can ordinarily of the condition of those, to increase whose 
 happiness will be one day his duty.' And Frederic William III. 
 seems to have remembered many important things from Rochow's 
 Reader. 
 
 If it is remembered that the present authors of school readers 
 only have to collect from the many noble materials existing in order 
 to find excellent selections for their purpose, so that in our day it is 
 almost hard to produce a bad reader, Rochow was not so favorably 
 situated. In the first place, he found no good material on hand 
 which, he could employ as subjects of useful instruction for country 
 scholars ; the whole spirit of the same economy, and special em- 
 ployment being new, he was obliged to compose himself. In the 
 second place, his book had to carry out consistently a purpose with- 
 in distinct limits, and thus all his material had to be similar in 
 character and each limited ; and Rochow consequently was under the 
 necessity of writing all himself. It is not easy to conceive the sim- 
 ple relations of ordinary rural life in their variety, significance, and 
 importance, to render them easily understood in their original 
 causes, to make attractive whatever is laudable, and create aversion 
 to all evil, and to do this always in a childlike, noble, sensible, in- 
 structive, and, so to say, in an always novel manner, within the 
 limits of the faculties of the young. In all this, Rochow had been 
 eminently successful. The late School Counselor, O. Schulz, of 
 Berlin, had not despised to learn from Rochow's Kinderfreund, 
 when he composed his own very excellent Readers. More than 
 100,000 copies of the 'Kinderfreund' has been distributed; and in 
 1830, a new edition was published by Counselor Turk, at Branden- 
 burg, under the title, ' The New Children's Friend.' 
 Educational Publications. 
 
 In addition to his Reader, Rochow published the following edu- 
 cational works: 1. Manual of Catechetic Forms for Teachers. 
 First edition, 1783. Second edition, 1789. This book contains 
 
FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 597 
 
 material on four subjects, viz. : Object of Teaching, Means, Order 
 and Method of Teaching ; the author's opinion against the prevail- 
 ing opinion, that education was not beneficial to the lower classes, 
 and his aim to show that a true power of reason can be attained 
 only by a genuine education. He maintains in the introduction : 
 * From the power of thinking, directed early and in a proper man- 
 ner, come good principles, and from good principles issue good 
 actions. Knowledge gives ability. He who can speak distinctly 
 and intelligently, makes himself understood easily ; he who knows 
 language and is attentive, is able to understand ; he who knows only 
 that mankind is obliged, by their mutual relations, to live in love, 
 and can enjoy happiness only as far as they love God and one an- 
 other, can not be the enemy of mankind ; and he who observes only 
 the injurious tendencies of bad habits, will be inclined to guard 
 against them. To do all this is, to enlighten and to cultivate. 
 
 2. * Catechism of Sound Reason, or an attempt to define import- 
 ant words, in their general signification, illustrated by examples for 
 the purpose of a more just and more improving knowledge.' Ber- 
 lin and Stettin: F. Nicolai, 1786. From this book the teachers 
 of our day may learn how to abstract ideas, not only by definitions 
 but also by examples. It contains in all, definitions of 67 words. 
 
 3. 'The Regulations of the Cathedral Chapter for the better Gov- 
 ernment and Organization of the Teachers' Seminary at Halberstadtf 
 first issued in 1789. 
 
 4. * Corrections? A collection of definitions, full of pedagogic 
 suggestions, not intended for the school alone, but for the educated 
 classes of his time, was issued in 1792. Two years afterward he 
 published a second volume, in which he gives the fruits of his reflec- 
 tions on the most important ideas on politics and morals of his age. 
 
 5. In 1792, he translated Mirabeau's * Discourse on National Edu- 
 cation." 1 He also wrote on Schools for the Poor ; on Abolition of 
 Public Beggary ; on the Credit System ; on Government ; on the 
 Formation of National Character by Popular Schools ; on German 
 Law and Christian Principles ; on A History of My Schools. 
 
 These various writings gave him many friends, as well as some 
 enemies, or at least, many opponents who would not agree to the 
 success of his schools, which were visited by strangers so frequently 
 that the work of the teachers was much disturbed. In Riemann's 
 'Description of the Schools at RekahnJ of 1798, we find: 4 Mr. Ru- 
 dolph, the clergyman, who assisted in the organization of the schools, 
 expresses himself, twenty-five years afterward, thus : " The people 
 have become more considerate ; they more freely enter into conver- 
 
508 FREDERIC EBERHARD VON ROCHOW. 
 
 sation, and are less timid than before. Their morals are much bet- 
 ter than in other villages, though an outward demeanor and abstain- 
 ing from excess is not yet become general." ' 
 
 The greatest merit of Rochow's schools and efforts lies in this, that 
 in the countries of Prussia, especially in many parts of Saxony, they 
 imparted the first impulse to a reformation of the popular schools, 
 which at that time were in a wretched condition. At present, the 
 schools on the Rekahn estates are no better than elsewhere ; but 
 during the life of Rochow they shone as brilliant examples, and have 
 carried the well deserved reputation of their founder to the present 
 day. The proprietor of another large estate had scarcely seen the 
 schools of Rochow, when he established a free school for the chil- 
 dren of his tenants, which became a model school; after which 
 other institutions in his neighborhood were formed. And this in- 
 fluence went beyond Germany. When Count Reventlow, from the 
 island of Funen, heard of Rochow's school, he caused three schools 
 to be built in 1784, in which he introduced the Kinderfreund and 
 the methods of Rekahn. More than any man of his time, he gave 
 a rational aim and method to the popular school, and in thousands 
 of schools scattered all over the German States, by means of his 
 school books ; and the teachers trained after his methods, helped to 
 convert the peasant into an observing, thinking, self-governing man. 
 
 Von Rochow died in his own home May 16, 1805, at the age of 
 seventy, and was buried in a new graveyard laid out by himself, 
 and called Rochow's Rest. A monument is also dedicated to his 
 memory in a grove near Halberstadt. He is one of the representa- 
 tive men of his age and country one of those men who, if he did 
 not lay the foundations, helped to build up a system of popular 
 education for a great nation. He had the sagacity to see the 
 identity of interests in the different classes of the same community. 
 Born to the inheritance of a great estate, he expended his time 
 and money, to make his dependents, and the common people every 
 where, partakers of the civilization of his age. 
 
1. PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 
 
 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 To Germany,* as a whole, as one people, and not to any particular 
 state of Germany, as now recognized on the map of Europe, belongs the 
 credit of first thoroughly organizing a system of public education under 
 the administration of the civil power. Here, too, education first assumed 
 the form and name of a science, and the art of teaching and training 
 children was first taught systematically in seminaries established for this 
 special purpose. 
 
 But not to Germany, or to any one people or any civil authority any 
 where, but to the Christian Church, belongs the higher credit of first in- 
 stituting the public school, or rather the parochial school, for the elemen- 
 tary education of the poor, which was the earliest form which this mighty 
 element of modern society assumed. After the third century of the 
 Christian era, whenever a Christian church was planted, or religious in- 
 stitutions established, there it was the aim of the higher ecclesiastical 
 authorities to found, in some form, a school for the nurture of children and 
 youth for the service of religion and duties of society. Passing by the 
 ecclesiastical and catechetical schools, we find, as early as 529, the council 
 of Vaison strongly recommending the establishment of village schools. 
 In 800 a synod at Mayence ordered that the parochial priests should have 
 
 Mr. W. E. Hickson, in his valuable pamphlet, entitled "Dutch and German Schools," 
 published in London in 1840, well says : 
 
 " We must bear in mind that the German states, although under different governments, are 
 not nations as distinct from, and independent of each other, as France and Spain, or as Russia 
 and Great Britain. Each of the German states is influenced more or less by every other ; the 
 whole lying in close juxta-position, and being linked together by the bond of a common lan- 
 guage and literature. The boundary line that separates Prussia from Hesse on one side, or 
 from Saxony on another, is not more defined than that of a county or parish in England. A 
 stone in a field, or a post painted with stripes, in a public road, informs the traveler that he is 
 passing from one state into another, that these territorial divisions make no change in the great 
 characteristics of the people : whatever the name of the state, or the color of the stripes, the 
 people, with merely provincial differences, are the same : from the Baltic to the Adriatic, they 
 are still Germans. The national spirit may always be gathered from the national songs, and in 
 Germany the most popular are those which speak of all Germans as brothers, and all German 
 states as belonging to one common country, as may be gathered from the following passage of 
 a song of M. Arndt : 
 
 "What country does a German claim? 
 His Fatherland ; know'st thou its name 1 
 Is it Bavaria. Saxony ? 
 An inland state, or on the sea 1 
 There, on the Baltic's plains of sand 7 
 Or mid the Alps of Switzerlandl 
 Austria, the Adriatic shores ? 
 Or where the Prussian eagle soars 1 
 Or where hills covered by the vine, 
 
 Adorn the landscape of the Rhine 1 
 Oh no, oh no. not there, alone, 
 The land, with pride, we call our own. 
 Not there. A German's heart or mind 
 Is to no narrow realm confined. 
 Where'er he hears his native tongue, 
 When hymns of praise to God are suof, 
 There is bis Fatherland, and he 
 Has but one country Germany I" 
 
510 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 
 
 schools in the towns and villages, that the little children of all the faith- 
 ful might icarn letters from them ; " let them receive and teach these 
 with the utmost charity, that they themselves may shine as the stars for 
 ever. Let them receive no remuneration from their scholars, unless what 
 the parents through charity may voluntarily offer." A council at Rome, 
 in 836. under Eugene II., ordained that there should be three kinds of 
 schools established throughout Christendom ; episcopal, parochial in 
 towns and villages, and others wherever there could be fi>um' place and 
 opportunity. In 836, Lothaire I. promulgated a decree to establish eight 
 public schools in some of the principal cities of Italy, " in order that oppor- 
 tunity may be given to all, and that there may be no excuse drawn from 
 poverty and the difficulty of repairing to remote places." The third 
 council of Lateran, in 1179, says: " Since the Church of God, as a pious 
 mother, is bound to provide that opportunity for learning should not be 
 withdrawn from the poor, who are without help from patrimonial riches, 
 be it ordained, that in every cathedral there should be a master to teach 
 both clerks and poor scholars gratis." This decree was enlarged and 
 again enforced by Innocent HI. in the year 1215. Hence, in all colleges 
 of canons, one bore the title of the scholastic canon. The council of 
 Lyons, in 1215. decreed "that in all cathedral churches, and others pro- 
 vided with adequate revenues, there should be established a school and a 
 teacher by the bishop and chapter, who should teach the clerks and 
 other poor scholars gratis in grammar, and for this purpose a stipend 
 should be assigned him."* 
 
 Such was the origin of the popular school, as now generally under- 
 stood everywhere the offspring, and companion of the Church ; sharing 
 with her, in large measure, the imperfections which attach to all new 
 institutions and all human instrumentalities ; encountering peculiar diffi- 
 culties from the barbarism of the age and people through which it passed, 
 and which it was its mission to enlighten ; and every where crippled by 
 insufficient endowments, unqualified teachers, and the absence of all text 
 books, and necessary aids to instruction and illustration. The discovery 
 of the art of printing, in 1440, and the consequent multiplication of books at 
 prices which brought them more within reach of the great mass of the 
 people ; the study and use of the vernacular language by scholars and 
 divines, and particularly its employment in the printing of the Bible, 
 hymns, popular songs, school books, and in religious instruction gener- 
 ally; the recognition by the municipal authorities of cities, and at a later 
 period by the higher civil power, of the right, duty and interest of the 
 state, in connection with, or independent of the church, to provide liberally 
 and efficiently for the education of all children and youth; and above all, 
 the intense activity given to the human mind by the religious movement 
 of Luther, in the early part of the sixteenth century ; the assertion of the 
 right of private judgment in the interpretation of the scriptures ; the break- 
 ing up of existing ecclesiastical foundations, and the diversion of funds 
 
 Digby's Mores Catholic!. 
 
HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 51 1 
 
 from religious to educational purposes, all these causes, combined with 
 the general progress of society, co-operated to introduce an advantageous 
 change in the organization, administration, instruction and discipline o! 
 the popular school. But the progress actually made from year to year, 
 and century even to century, was slow, and after three hundred years of 
 effort, there is much yet to be done even in those states and communities 
 which have accomplished the most toward improving the outward or- 
 ganization and instrumentalities of the schools, and above all its internal 
 life in the improved qualification and position of the teachers for as is 
 the teacher, so is the school. A brief reference to a few of the more 
 prominent names in the history of popular education in Germany, and 
 through Germany, of Modern Europe, is all that can be attempted at 
 this time and in this connection. Among these names stands prominent 
 that of Martin Luther. 
 
 In a letter to the Elector of Saxony, in the year 1526, Luther says :* 
 
 "Since we are all required, and especially the magistrates, above all other 
 things, to educate the youth who are born and are growing up among us, and 
 to train them up in the fear of God and in the ways ot virtue it is needful that 
 we have schools and preachers and pastors. If the parents will not reform, 
 they must go their way to ruin, but if the young are neglected and left without 
 education, it is the fault of the state ; and the effect will be that the country 
 will swarm with vile and lawless people, so that our safety, no less than the 
 command of God requireth us to foresee and ward off the evil." He maintains 
 in that letter thai the government, " as the natural guardian of all the young," 
 has the right to compel the people to support schools. " What is necessary to 
 the well-being of a state, that should be supplied by those who enjoy the privi- 
 lege of such state Now nothing is more necessary than the training of those 
 who are to come after us and bear rule. If the people are too poor to pay the 
 expense, and are already burdened with taxes, then the monastic funds, which 
 were originally given for such purposes, are to be employed in that way to re- 
 lieve the people." The cloisters were abandoned in many cases, and the diffi- 
 cult question, what was to be done with their funds, Luther settled in this judi- 
 cious manner. How nearly did he approach to the policy now so extensively 
 adopted in this country, of supporting schools partly by taxation and partly by 
 funds appropriated for that purpose. 
 
 In 1524 he wrote a remarkable production, entitled " An Address to the 
 Common Councils of all the Cities of Germany in behalf of Christian Schools," 
 from which a few passages may here be extracted. After some introductory 
 remarks, he comes directly to his point, and says to his countrymen collec- 
 tively : 
 
 " I entreat you, in God's behalf and that of the poor youth, not to think so 
 lightly of this matter as many do. It is a grave and serious thing, affecting 
 the interest of the kingdom of Christ, and of all the world, that we apply our- 
 selves to the work of aiding and instructing the young If so 
 
 much be expended every year in weapons of war, roads, dams, and countless 
 other things of the sort for the safety and prosperity of a city; why should not 
 we expend as much for the benefit of the poor, ignorant youth, to provide them 
 with skillful teachers 1 God hath verily visited us Germans in mercy and 
 given us a truly golden year. For we now have accomplished and learned 
 young men, adorned with a knowledge of literature and art, who could be of 
 great service if employed to teach the young. . . . 
 
 Even if the parents were qualified, and were also inclined to teach, they have 
 so much else to do in their business and household affairs that they can not find 
 the time to educate their children. Thus there is a necessity that public teach- 
 
 ' The following extracts are taken from Dr. Sears' "Life of Martin Luther," published bv 
 the American Sunday School Union. 
 
512 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 
 
 ers be provided. Otherwise each one would have to teach his own children, 
 which would be for the common people too great a burden. Many a fine boy 
 would be neglected on account of poverty ; and many an orphan would suffer 
 from the negligence of guardians. And those who have no children would 
 not trouble themselves at all about the whole matter. Therefore it becometh 
 rulers and magistrates to use the greatest care and diligence in respect to the 
 education of the young. 
 
 The diligent and pious teacher who properly instructeth and traineth the 
 young, can never be fully rewarded with money. If I were to leave my office 
 as preacher, I would next chose that of schoolmaster, or teacher of boys; for I 
 know that, next to preaching, this is the greatest, best, and most useful voca- 
 tion; and I am not quite sure which of the two is the better; for it is hard to 
 reform old sinners, with whom the preacher has to do, while the young tree 
 can be made to bend without breaking." 
 
 In 1527, a visitation was made of the churches and schools of the elec- 
 torate of Saxony, in which more than thirty men were employed a whole 
 year. The result in respect to education was, that the u Saxon school 
 system," as it was called, was drawn up by the joint labors of Luther and 
 Melancthon ; and thus ihe foundation was laid for the magnificent organ- 
 ization of schools to which Germany owes so much of her present fame. 
 
 In a letter to Margrave George, of Bradenburg, July 18, 1529: 
 
 " I will tell you what Melancthon and myself, upon mature consideration, 
 think best to be done. First, we think the cloisters and foundations may con- 
 tinue to stand till their inmates die out Secondly, it would be 
 
 exceedingly well to establish in one or two places in the principality a learned 
 school, in which shall be taught, not only the Holy Scriptures, but law, and all 
 the arts, from whence preachers, pastors, clerks, counselors, &c., may be 
 taken for the whole principality. To this object should the income ot the 
 cloisters and other religious foundations be applied, so as to give an honorable 
 support to learned men ; two in theology, two in law, one in medicine, one in 
 
 mathematics, and four or five for grammar, logic, rhetoric, Arc 
 
 Thirdly, in all the towns and villages, good schools for children should be es- 
 tablished, from which those who are adapted to higher studies might be taken 
 and trained up for the public." 
 
 Under these instructions and appeals a school law was adopted in 
 Wirtemberg in 1559, and modified in 1565 ; in Saxony in 1560, and 
 improved in 1580; in Hesse in 1565; and in Brandenberg, still earlier; 
 which recognized and provided for the classification, inspection, and sup- 
 port of public schools on substantially the same plan which prevails to 
 this day throughout Germany. 
 
 The pedagogical work of Luther his labors to improve the method of 
 instruction were continued by Trotzendorf,* in Goldberg, from 1530 to 
 1556; by Sturm, in Strasbourg, from 1550 to 1589; by Neander. in Ile- 
 feld, fiom 1570 to 1595, whose schools were all Normal Schools, in the 
 original acceptation of the term, pattern or model schools, of their time. 
 They were succeeded by Wolfgang Ratich, born at Wilster. in Holstein, 
 in 1571 ; by Christopher Helwig, born near Frankfort, in 1581 ; and by 
 Amos Comenius. born at Comna, in Moravia, in 1592 ; who all labored, 
 by their writings, and by organizing schools and courses of instruction, to 
 disseminate improved methods of teaching. Comenius was invited by 
 an act of parliament in 1631, to visit England for the purpose of intro- 
 
 * Trotzendorf practiced the monitorial system of instruction two hundred arid fifty years be- 
 fore 13r. Bell or Joseph Lancaster set up their claims for its discovery 
 
HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 513 
 
 ducing his method into the public institutions of that country. But in- 
 ternal commotions interrupted and ultimately defeated his plans. 
 
 In 1618. the religious war known as the Thirty Years' war broke out 
 in Germany, and for an entire generation swept over the land, wasting 
 harvest fields, destroying cities, tearing fathers from the protection ot 
 their families, scattering teachers and schools, and arresting the progress 
 of all spiritual and educational improvement. At the close of the war, and 
 in some of the smaller states during its progress, the civil government be- 
 gan to take effectual steps to secure the attendance of children at school, 
 by making it compulsory on parents, on penalty of fine and imprisonment 
 for neglect, to send them during a certain age. This was first attempted 
 in Gotha, in 1643 ; in Heildesheim, in 1663; and in Prussia, in 1669 ; and 
 Calemberg, in 1681. About this period, two men appeared. Philip J 
 Spener. born in the Alsace in 1635, and Augustus Herman Franke, born 
 at L beck in 1663 ; who, the first by the invention of the catechetic 
 method, and the last, a pupil of the former, by the foundation of the 
 orphan-house at Halle in 1696, were destined to introduce a new era in 
 the history of education in Germany. 
 
 The history of the orphan-house at Halle, is a beautiful illustration of 
 practical Christian charity, and the ever-extending results of educational 
 labor. While pastor of Glaucha, a suburb of Halle, he was in the habit 
 of distributing bread to the poor, with whose poverty and ignorance he 
 was equally distressed. To relieve at once their physical and spiritual 
 destitution, he invited old and young into his house, and while he distributed 
 alms, he at the same time gave oral and catechetical instruction in the 
 principles of the Christian faith. To benefit the orphan children still 
 more, he took a few into his family in 1694. and to avail himself of the 
 gifts of the charitable, he resorted to the following expedient, according 
 to his biographer, Dr. Guerike : 
 
 " He caused a box to be fastened up in the parlor of the parsonage-house, 
 and wrote over it, ' Whoso hath this world's goods, and seeth his brother have 
 need, and shutteth up his bowels of compassion from him, how dwelleth the 
 love of God in him V (1 John iii. 17,) and underneath, ' Every one accoiding as 
 he purposeth in his heart, so let him give; not grudgingly or of necessity ; for 
 God loveth a cheerful giver,' (2 Cor. ix. 17.) This box, which was destined 
 for the reception of the casual gifts of those who visited Franke, was fixed up 
 at the commencement of 1695; and not in vain. The passage (2 Cor. ix. 8,) 
 had fallen in his way. a short time before this circumstance, and now occurred 
 the incident related" in his letter to Schade. ' This,' says he, 'served to show 
 me, how God is able to make us abound in every good work.' 
 
 ' After the poor's-box had been fixed up in my dwelling about a quarter of a 
 year,' relates Franke, 'a certain person put, at one time, four dollars and six- 
 teen groschen into it. On taking this sum into my hand, I exclaimed with 
 great liberty of faith, This is a considerable sum, with which something really 
 good must be, accomplished; I will commence a school with it for the poor. 
 Without conferring, therefore, with flesh and blood, and acting under the im- 
 pulse of faith, I made arrangement for the purchase of books to the amount of 
 two dollars, and engaged a poor student to instruct the poor children fora couple 
 of hours daily, promising to give him six groschen weekly for so doing, in the 
 hope that God would meanwhile grant more; since in this manner a couple of 
 dollars would be spent in eight weeks.' 
 
 Franke, who was ready to offer up whatever he had to the service of his 
 neighbor, fixed upon the ante-chamber of his study, for the school-room of the 
 
514 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 
 
 poor children, who began regularly to receive instruction at Easter, 1695. In 
 this school-room, he caused a second box to be fixed up, with the inscription, 
 ' For the expenses of the instruction of the children, needful books &c.,' and un- 
 derneath, ' He that hath pity upon the poor, lendeth to the Lord; and that which 
 he hath given, will he pay him again,' (Prov. xix. 17.) 
 
 At Whiisuntide, Franke was visited by some friends, who were much pleased 
 at his efforts in behalf of the poor, to which they contributed a few dollars. 
 Others also gave small donations, from time to time, to the school-box, boon 
 after Whitsuntide, when some of the townspeople saw how regularly the 
 children of the poor received instruction, they became desirous of sending their 
 children likewise to the same teacher, and offered to pay him weekly a grros- 
 chen for each child ; so that the teacher now received sixteen groschen weekly 
 for a five-hours' daily instruction. The number of his scholars, that summer, 
 amounted to between fifty and sixty, of which the poor, besides gratuitous in- 
 struction, also received alms, twice or thrice a-week, to incite them to attend 
 school the more willingly. Donations in money, and linen, for shins for the 
 poor children, began now to arrive fiom other places. 
 
 About Whitsuntide of the same year. Franke laid also the first foundation 
 for what was subsequently called the royal school. The widow of a nobleman 
 desired him to send her a domestic tutor for her own, and one of her friend's 
 children. He found no one who was sufficiently far advanced in his studies, 
 and therefore proposed to the parents, to send their children to Halle, and that 
 he would then provide for their education, by able teachers and guardians, 
 The parents agreed to this plan; and a few months afterward, an additional 
 number of youths were sent, and thus origin a ted the seminary above mentioned, 
 which, in 1709. consisted of an inspector, twenty-three teachers, and seventy- 
 two scholars ; and in 1711. by means of Franke's exertions, had a building ap- 
 propriated exclusively to it. 
 
 In the summer of the same year, 1695, Franke unexpectedly and unsolicit- 
 edly received a very considerable contribution ; for a person of rank wrote to 
 him with the offer of five hundred dollars, for the purpose of distribution among 
 the poor, and especially among the indigent students. This money was shortly 
 afterward paid over to him. He then selected twenty poor students, whom he 
 assisted with a weekly donation of four, eight, or twelve groschen; 'and this,' 
 says he, ' was in reality the origin of the poor students' participating to the pres- 
 ent hour, in the benefits of the orphan-house. 5 
 
 In the autumn there was no longer sufficient room in the parsonage for the 
 increasing number of scholars; he therefore hired a school-room of one of his 
 neighbors, and a second in the beginning of the winter. He then divided the 
 scholars into two classes, and provided a separate teacher for the children of 
 the townspeople, and another for the children of the poor. Each teacher gave 
 four hours instruction daily, and received a guilder weekly, besides lodging 
 and firing gratis. 
 
 But Franke was soon made to see, that many a hopeful child was deprived, 
 when out of school, of all the benefit he received in it. The idea therefore 
 occurred to him, in the autumn of 1695, to undertake the entire charge and edu- 
 cation of a limited number of children ; ' and this,' says he, ' was the first in- 
 citement I felt, and the first idea of the erection of an orphan-house, even before 
 I possessed the smallest funds for the purpose. On mentioning this plan to 
 some of my friends, a pious individual felt induced to fund the sum of five 
 hundred dollars for that purpose, twenty-five dollars for the interest on which 
 were to be paid over every Christmas, which has also been regularly received. 
 On reflecting upon this instance of the divine bounty, I wished to seek out some 
 poor orphan child, who might be supported by the yearly interest. On this, 
 four fatherless and motherless children, all of the same family, were brought to 
 me. I ventured, in confidence upon God, to receive the whole four; but as one 
 of them was taken by some other good people, only three were left ; but a fourth 
 soon appeared in the place of the one that had been taken. I took therefore 
 these four; placed them with religious people, and gave them weekly half a 
 dohar for the bringing up of each. On this, it happened to me, as is generally 
 the case, that when we venture to give a groschen to the poor in faith, we feel 
 afterward no hesitation in venturing a dollar upon the same principle. For 
 after having once begun in God's name, to receive a few poor orphans without 
 my human prospect of certain assistance, (for the interest oi the five hundred 
 
HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY. 515 
 
 dollars was not sufficient to feed and clothe a single one ) I boldly left it to the 
 Lord to make up for whatever might be deficient. Hence the orphan-house was 
 by no means commenced and founded upon any certain sum in hand, or on the 
 'assurances of persons of rank to take upon themselves the cost and charges, or 
 upon any thing of a similar nature, as was subsequently reported, and as some 
 were inclined to suppose; but solely and simply in reliance on the living God 
 in heaven. 
 
 ' The day after I had undertaken the charge of the four orphans above-men- 
 tioned, two more were added; the next day, another; two days afterward, a 
 fourth, and one more after the lapse of a week. So that, on the 16th November, 
 1695, there were alieady nine, who were placed with pious people.' He fixed 
 upon George Henry Neubauer, a student of divinity, to have the oversight of 
 their education and their bringing up. ' Meanwhile,' continues he, ' the faithful 
 God and Father of the fathrless ; who is able to do abundantly above what we 
 can ask or think, came so powerfully to my aid, that foolish reason could never 
 have expected it. For he moved the hearts of those persons of rank who had 
 given me the five hundred dollars already mentioned, to present me with an 
 additional sum of a thousand dollars in the beginning of the winter. And in 
 the middle of the winter, another person of rank was incited to send me three 
 hundred dollars to enable me to continue my attention to the poor. Another 
 individual gave a hundred dollars, and others gave donations 01 smaller sums/ 
 
 Franke had hitherto distributed the money destined for the poor students 
 weekly ; but in 1696, the "idea occurred to him, ins.ead of a weekly allowance, 
 to give them dinner gratuitously ; ' in the firm confidence in God that he would 
 from time to time send such supplies, as to enable this arrangement to be con- 
 tinued.' By this he expected to be of greater service to the poor students ; he 
 could also, in this manner become better acquainted with them, and possess a 
 better insight into their life and conduct ; and lastly, restrain the applications 
 of the less needy, who would gladly have been more delicately fed.' Two 
 open tables were therefore provided each for twelve poor students; and that 
 one thing might assist the other, he selected the teachers of the charity-school 
 from them. This was the origin of the teachers' seminary, which afterward 
 gradually arose out of it. 
 
 The schools of the children of the townspeople who paid a certain sum for 
 their instruction, though inadequate to the expense, were separated from the 
 school for the poor, at the request of the townspeople themselves; and in Sep- 
 tember 1697, another school was added for those tradesmen's children who 
 were instructed in the elements of superior science. About this time also, more 
 classes were required in the orphan school, on account of the increased number 
 of the pupils. The boys and girls received separate instruction, and when any 
 of the former 'manifested abilities, they were again separated from the rest, and 
 instructed in languages and the sciences by particular teachers. In May, 1699, 
 Franke united this class of the orphan children with the class of the trades- 
 men's children, who likewise received superior instruction. These arrange- 
 ments for imparting a more learned education, show us the rudiments from 
 whence the Latin school or Gymnasium afterward developed itself in Franke's 
 institutions, which in 1709 was attended by two hundred and fifty-six children, 
 of whom sixty-four were orphans, divided into seven classes ; and in 1730, 
 hy more than five hundred pupils. 
 
 At the time of his death, the Orphan House, or Hallische Waisen- 
 haus, embraced all the institutions which now belong to it. 
 
 1. The Orphan Asylum, established in 1694. in which over 5,000 or- 
 phans had been educated, up to 1838, gratuitously. Such of the boys as 
 manifest peculiar talent, are prepared for the university, and supported 
 there. 
 
 2. The Royal Pcedagogium, founded in 1696, for the education 01 
 children of rich and noble families. Up to 1839. 2 850 individuals had 
 been educated in this boarding institution. The profits of thi school are 
 paid ovr to the orphan asylum. 
 
516 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMAN V 
 
 3. The Latin School, established in 1697, for pupils from abroad, 01 
 less wealthy condition than the former, and for boys of the city of Halle. 
 
 4. The German School, for boys and girls whose parents do not wish 
 to give them a classic education. 
 
 These several schools number from 3,000 to 4,000 pupils.* of every age, 
 and in every study. Besides these schools there are other features in the 
 institution. 
 
 5. The Canstein Bible Press, established in 1712, to furnish the Bible 
 at a cheap rate. The profits on the sale of an edition are applied to 
 diminish the expense of the next edition. 
 
 6. A Library, commenced by Franke by setting apart his own books 
 for the use of his school?, and which now number 20,000 volumes. 
 
 7. An Apothecary's Shop, commenced by Franke as a medicine chest 
 for the poor, and the profit of which, after furnishing the wants of the 
 orphan-house, are applied to the support of the institution. 
 
 8. A Book Establishment, in which the classics, and school books, are 
 published at a low price, not only for the institution, but for the trade 
 generally. 
 
 9. A house for widows. 
 
 We have dwelt on the labors of Franke, because he proved his faith in 
 God by his works, and because he was an educator in the largest and 
 best sense of that designation. 
 
 According to his biographer, the first teachers' class was founded by 
 Franke in 1697, by providing a table or free board for such poor students 
 as stood in need of assistance, and selecting, a few years later, out of the 
 whole number, twelve who exhibited the right basis of piety, knowledge, 
 skill and desire for teaching, and constituting them his " Seminarium 
 Prseceptorum." Teachers' Seminary. These pupil teachers received 
 separate instruction for two years, and obtained a practical knowledge of 
 methods, in the classes of the several schools. For the assistance thus 
 rendered they bound themselves to teach for three years in the institution 
 after the close of their course. In 1704. according to Raumer, this plan 
 was matured, and the supply of teachers for all the lower classes were 
 drawn from this seminary. But besides the teachers trained in this 
 branch of Franke's great establishment, hundreds of others, attracted by 
 the success of his experiment, resorted to Halle, from all parts of Europe, 
 to profit by the organization, spirit, and method of his various schools. 
 Among the most distinguished of his pupils and disciples may be named, 
 Count Zinzendorf. the founder of the communities of United Brethren, 
 or Moravians, in Herrnhut, in 1722; Steinmetz. who erected a Normal 
 School in Klosterbergen, in 1730; Hecker, the founder of the first Real 
 
 * It is interesting to a visitor to remark in the chief cities of Germany, during certain hours 
 !he silence of the streets, with their entire desertion by children, and the contrast of the change 
 produced by the clock striking twelve. The road and footway then suddenly swarm with 
 children, carrying books and slates, and returning from the studies of the morning The most 
 striking sight of the kind we ever witnessed was at Halle, where, as we approached a large 
 educational establishment, called the "Hallische Wa senhaus," the whole of its juvenile in- 
 mates, 3.000 in number, burst forth into the street, and filling up the entire roadway, formed 
 an unbroken stream of a quarter of a mile in length. Ifickson's Dutch and German School* 
 
X 
 
 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMAN!. 517 
 
 School in Berlin, to which a seminary for teachers was attached in J74S ; 
 Rambalt, who lectured in the Universities in Jena and Giessen in pedagogic, 
 and reformed the schools in Hesse-Darmstadt ; Felbiger, who reorgan- 
 ized the schools of Silesia, and afterward those of Austria ; these, and 
 others scarcely less distinguished, were among the most eminent and suc- 
 cessful teachers of the day, and were known as the school of Pietists. 
 
 The educational school of Franke was followed by Basedow, (born at 
 Hamburg, in 1723,) Campe, and Salzman, who acquired for themselves 
 a European reputation by the Philanthropinum, founded by the former at 
 Dessau, in 1781. 
 
 This institution gave its name to the school of educationists, known 
 as Philanthropinic, and which prevails at this day in some sections of Ger- 
 many. Its earliest development on the continent was made by Rous- 
 seau, in his " Emile," and by John Locke, in England, in his " Thoughts 
 on Education." Its great aim was the formation of a practical charac- 
 ter, and this was to be accomplished by following the indications of na- 
 ture. The body, as well as the mind, was to be hardened and invigora- 
 ted, and prepared to execute with energy the designs of the mind. The 
 discipline of the family and school was softened by constant appeals to 
 the best principles in the child's nature. Particular attention was paid to 
 instruction in language, music, and the laws and objects of nature. Many 
 of these principles became engrafted onto the teachers of Normal Schools, 
 and through their pupils were introduced into the common schools. 
 
 About this time appeared Henry Pestalozzi, who followed in the 
 track of the Philanthropinic School, and by his example and writings, dif- 
 fused a new spirit among the schools of primary instruction, all over Eu- 
 rope. Although born in Switzerland, at Zurich, in 1746, and although 
 his personal labors were confined to his native country, and their immedi- 
 ate influence was weakened by many defects of character, still his gen- 
 eral views of education were so sound and just, that they are now adopted 
 by teachers who never read a word of his life or writings, and by many 
 who never heard of his name. When the Prussian government, in 1809, 
 undertook systematically the work of improving the elementary schools, 
 as a means of creating and diffusing a patriotic spirit among the people, 
 the fame of Pestalozzi was at its height. To him and to his school, to his 
 method and to his disciples, the attention of the best teachers in the king- 
 dom was turned for guidance and aid. Several enthusiastic young teach- 
 ers were sent to his institution at Yverdun, to study his methods and im- 
 bibe his spirit of devotion to the children of the poor. Through them, 
 and others who went directly to Pestalozzi, these principles and methods 
 were transplanted not only into various parts of Prussia, but also into the 
 schools and seminaries of other states in Germany. 
 
 The schools of most of the teachers and educators, whose names have 
 oeen introduced, were in reality Teachers' Seminaries, although not 
 so designated by themselves or others. Their establishments were not 
 simply schools for children, but were conducted to test and exemplify 
 
518 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANV 
 
 principles and methods of education, and these were perpetuated and 
 disseminated by means of books in which they were embodied, or of pupils 
 and disciples who transplanted them into other places. 
 
 As has been already stated, on the authority of Franke's biographer, 
 and of Schwartz, Raumer, and other writers on the history of education 
 in Germany, the first regularly-organized Teachers' Seminary, or Normal 
 School, (not normal in the sense in which the word was originally used, 
 as a school of children so conducted as to be a model or pattern for teach- 
 ers to imitate, but a school of young men, who had already passed through 
 an elementary, or even a superior school, and who were preparing to be 
 teachers, by making additional attainments, and acquiring a knowledge 
 of the human mind, and the principles of education as a science, and of its 
 methods as an art) was established in Halle, in a part of Hanover, prior 
 to 1704. About the same period, Steinmetz opened a class for teachers 
 in the Abbey of Klosterberge, near Magdeburg, and which was continued 
 by Resewitz, by whom the spirit and method of Franke and the pietists 
 were transplanted into the north of Germany. In 1730, lectures on 
 philology and the best methods of teaching the Latin, Greek and German 
 languages, were common in the principal universities and higher schools. 
 The first regularly-organized seminary for this purpose, was established 
 at Gottingen, in 1738. and by its success led to the institution of a similar 
 course of study and practice in Jena, Helle, Helmstadt, Heidelberg, Ber- 
 lin, Munich, &c. 
 
 In 1735, the first seminary for primary school teachers was established 
 in Prussia, at Stettin, in Pomerania. In 1748, Hecker, a pupil of Franke, 
 and the founder of burgher, or what we should call high schools, estab- 
 lished an institution for teachers of elementary schools, in Berlin, in which 
 the king testified an interest, and enjoined, by an ordinance in 1752. that 
 the country schools on the crown lands in New Mark and Pomerania 
 should be supplied by pupil teachers from this institution who had learned 
 the culture of silk and mulberries in Hecker's institution, with a view of 
 carrying forward industrial instruction into that section of his kingdom. 
 In 1757, Baron von Furstenberg established a seminary for teachers at 
 Minister, in Hanover. In 1767, the Canan von Rochow opened a school 
 on his estate in Rekane,inBrardenburg, where, by lectures and practice, 
 he prepared schoolmasters for country schools on his own and neighboring 
 properties. To these schools teachers were sent from all parts of Ger- 
 many, to be trained in the principles and practice of primary instruction. 
 In 1770, Bishop Felbinger, organized a Normal (model) School in Vienna, 
 with a course of lectures and practice for teachers, extending through 
 four months ; and about the same time the deacon Ferdinand Kinder- 
 mann, or von Schulstein, as he was called by Maria Theresa, converted 
 a school in Kaplitz. in Bohemia, into a Normal Institution. Between 
 1770 and 1800, as will be seen by the following Table, teachers' semina- 
 ries were introduced into nearly every German state, which, in all but 
 three instances, were supported in whole or in part by the government 
 
HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY 519 
 
 As the demand for good teachers exceeded the supply furnished by these 
 seminaries, private institutions have sprung up, some of which have at- 
 tained a popularity equal to the public institutions. But in no state have 
 such private schools been able to sustain themselves, until the gov- 
 ernment seminaries and the public school system had created a demand 
 for well-qualified teachers. And in no state in Europe has the experi- 
 ment of making seminaries for primary school teachers an appendage to 
 a university, or a gymnasium, or any other school of an academic char- 
 acter, proved successful for any considerable period of time, or on an ex- 
 tensive scale. 
 
 At the beginning of the present century, there were about thirty 
 teachers' seminaries in operation. The wars growing out of the French 
 Revolution suspended for a time the movements in behalf of popular ed- 
 ucation, until the success of the new organization of schools in Prussia, 
 commencing in 1809, arrested the attention of governments and individ- 
 uals all over the continent, and has led, within the last quarter of a 
 century, not only to the establishment of seminaries nearly sufficient to 
 supply the annual demand for teachers, but to the more perfect organiza- 
 tion of the whole system of public instruction. 
 
 The cardinal principles of the system of Primary Public Instruction as 
 now organized in the German states, are, 
 
 First. The recognition on the part of the government of the right, duty 
 and interest of every community, not only to co-operate with parents in 
 the education of children, but to provide, as far as practicable, by efficient 
 inducement and penalties, against the neglect of this first of parental 
 obligations, in a single instance. The school obligation, the duty of pa- 
 rents to send their children to school, or provide for their instruction at 
 home, was enforced by law in Saxe-Gotha, in 1643 ; in Saxony and 
 Wirtemberg. in 1659 ; in Hildesheim in 1663 ; in Calemberg. in 1681 ; in 
 Celle, in 1689 ; in Prussia, in 1717 ; and in every state of Germany, before 
 the beginning of the present century. But it is only within the last thirty 
 years, that government enactments have been made truly efficient by en- 
 listing the habits and good will of the people on the side of duty. We 
 must look to the generation of men now coming into active life for the 
 fruits of this principle, universally recognized, and in most cases wisely 
 enforced in every state, large and small, Catholic and Protestant, and 
 having more or less of constitutional guaranties and forms. 
 
 Second. The establishment of a sufficient number of permanent schools 
 of different grades, according to the population, in every neighborhood, 
 with a suitable outfit of buildings, furniture, appendages and apparatus. 
 
 Third. The specific preparation of teachers, as far as practicable, for 
 the particular grade of schools for which they are destined, with oppor- 
 tunities for professional employment and promotion through life. 
 
 Fourth. Provision on the part of the government to make the schools 
 accessible to the poorest, not. except in comparatively a few instances, 
 
520 HISTORY OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY 
 
 and those in the most despotic governments, by making them free to the 
 poor, but. cheap to all. 
 
 Fifth. A system of inspection, variously organized, but constant, gen- 
 eral, and responsible reaching every locality, every school, every 
 teacher, and pervading the whole state from the central government to 
 the remotest district. 
 
 The success of the school systems of Germany is universally attributed 
 by her own educators to the above features of her school law especially 
 those which relate to the teacher. These provisions respecting teachers 
 may be summed up as follows : 
 
 1. The recognition of the true dignity and importance of the office of 
 teacher in a system of public instruction. 
 
 2. The establishment of a sufficient number of Teachers' Seminaries, or 
 Normal Schools, to educate, in a special course of instruction and practice, 
 all persons who apply or propose to teach in any public primary school, 
 with aids to self and professional improvement through life. 
 
 3. A system of examination and inspection, by which incompetent per- 
 sons are prevented from obtaining situations as teachers, or are excluded 
 and degraded from the ranks of the profession, by unworthy or criminal 
 conduct. 
 
 4. A system of promotion, by which faithful teachers can rise in a scale 
 of lucrative and desirable situations. 
 
 5. Permanent, employment through the year, and for life, with a social 
 position and a compensation which compare favorably with the wages 
 paid to educated labor in other departments of business. 
 
 6. Preparatory schools, in which those who wish eventually to become 
 teachers, may test their natural qualities and adaptation for school teach- 
 ing before applying for admission to a Normal School. 
 
 7. Frequent conferences and associations for mutual improvement, by an 
 interchange of opinion and sharing the benefit of each others' experience. 
 
 8. Exemption from military service in' time of peace, and recognition, 
 in social and civil life, as public functionaries. 
 
 9. A pecuniary allowance when sick, and provision for years of infirmity 
 and old age, and for their families in case of death. 
 
 10. Books and periodicals, by which the obscure teacher is made par- 
 taker in all the improvements of the most experienced and distinguished 
 members of the profession in his own and other countries. 
 
 With this brief and rapid survey of the history and condition of Popu- 
 lar Education in GeVmany, we will now pass to a more particular descrip- 
 tion of primary schools in several states, with special reference to the or- 
 ganization and course of instruction of Normal Seminaries, and other 
 means arid agencies for the professional training of teachers. Before 
 doing this, we publish a table, prepared from a variety of school docu- 
 ments, exhibiting the number and location of Normal Schools in Germany, 
 with the testimony of some of our best educators as to the result of this- 
 Normal School system. 
 
JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER* 
 
 [Translated from the German of Von Raumer, for the American Journal of Education.] 
 
 JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER was the son of a preacher, and born 
 in 1691, at Roth, a village of Ansbach, in the Rezat. He early lost 
 his father, but was well instructed after his death by his stepfather, 
 Pastor Zuckermantel, and afterward sent to the gymnasium at Ans- 
 bach. Under the learned Pastor Kohler, he here acquired not only 
 Latin and Greek, but also Hebrew, Arabic, and Syriac, and several 
 modern languages. 
 
 In 1710, he went to the University of Jena, where he studied 
 Hebrew more thoroughly under Danz, and attended the theological 
 lectures of Buddeus, to whom he became much attached. This 
 teacher had long entertained the wish that a great want in the uni- 
 versity should be supplied. After their university studies, most of 
 the theological students went into situations which required positive 
 pedagogical knowledge and efficiency. Many became school officers, 
 many tutors, and still others school inspectors. But in the university 
 there was not the least pains taken to prepare the students, in any 
 measure, for these duties. This want, Buddeus thought, could be best 
 supplied by the erection of a pedagogical seminary. In the young 
 Gesner he believed that he had found the right man to be placed at 
 the head of such an institution. He therefore induced him to write 
 the "Instituliones rei Scholasticce? which appeared in 1715, and were 
 to serve as a compendium for the use of this seminary. All were 
 astonished at the learning, sound judgment, and clearness of the 
 author at twenty-four years. 
 
 Even in this work, Gesner's tendency to polymathia showed itself; 
 for it contains many of the outlines of his later "Isagoge in Eruditi- 
 onem Universalem." 
 
 He fully discussed instruction in the ancient languages. It would 
 be imagined that an experienced educator was speaking, upon hearing 
 the acute rules which he sometimes gives for teachers. 
 
 In his remarks upon instruction in Hebrew and the modern lan- 
 guages, he gives evidence of his studies at Ansbach and Jena. 
 
 * Materials. 1. "J. A. Ernesti Narratio de J. M. Gesner ad D Ruhnkenium." 2. Qes- 
 ner's Works ; viz., ' Institutiones rei Scholastics." Jena. 1715 ; ^Mi-nor German Works," Got- 
 tingen, 1756; "Opucula Minora," Breslau, 1743; '-Prima Linece, Isagoges in Eruditionem 
 Universalem. Accedunt prcblectiones per J. N. Niclas." 2 vols ; Leipzig, 1774. 
 
522 JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 
 
 He then passes to other studies, recommending especially the pure 
 and mixed mathematics. 
 
 He did not, however, confine himself entirely to instruction, but 
 considered all that lies within the province of pedagogy. Thus, he 
 fully discusses the requisites of a teacher ; not only as to knowledge 
 and gifts for teaching, but also moral character. He further describes 
 the scholar, and gives directions for examining, guiding, and manag- 
 ing him. 
 
 In short, this little book, for that time, completely fulfilled its pur- 
 pose, as the compendium of pedagogical lectures at the university ; 
 and we can only wish for a similar work, equally as good, in our own 
 times. 
 
 One design of the "Institutiones" however, failed ; Gesner himself, 
 that is, did not get the appointment of lecturer upon them at Jena ; 
 for he was shortly afterward invited to Weimar, as conrector and 
 librarian. During his thirteen years' stay in this place, be was all the 
 time increasing the universality of his knowledge by the most com- 
 prehensive studies, a work in which his place as librarian- was of the 
 greatest service to him. He was thus well fitted to be afterward of 
 essential service to one of the greatest European libraries, that at 
 Gottingen, and to facilitate its first youthful progress. From Weimai 
 he went, in 1728, to Ansbach, as rector of the gymnasium there, and 
 then again, in 1730, he became rector of the celebrated Thomas 
 School, at Leipzig. This he found in a very*low condition, both in 
 respect to studies and discipline. 
 
 Jacob Thomasius* was rector of this school from 1676 to 1684. 
 At the latter period,f he was opposed to the reading of the ancient 
 classics in the school, and at last came out in a distinct hostility 
 against them. Accordingly he almost entirely banished them from 
 the school, and put in their place the reading-books and chrestomath- 
 ies of modern Latinists ; such as Muret, Buchanan's "Ptalterium? 
 Schcenseus' "Terentius Christianus" &c. Johann Heinrich Ernesti, 
 who succeeded Thomasius and was rector for forty-five years, from 
 1684 to 1729, did not discontinue this practice. When Gesner came 
 into Ernesti's place, and found that scarcely one or two classics were 
 read in the school, he suspected the wisdom of the rule. He had 
 previously distinctly defended the reading of the classics, excluding 
 only those which taught openly godlessness and sin. On this point 
 he had no scruples in Leipzig ; but he considered whether such 
 scholars as commonly learn Latin, only to understand their professional 
 
 * Father of the celebrated Christian Thomasius. 
 
 t " The Thomas School, at Leipzig. A centennial, by G. Stallbaum, Ph. D., and rector of 
 the school. 1839." 
 
JOHANN MATTHIAS GEStfER. 523 
 
 text-books, should not read those text- books at once ; the theological 
 students the symbolic books and Hutterus ; the jurists the "Institu- 
 tiones" &c. But in a man of so thoroughly classical an education, 
 an error so truly unnatural to him* could prevail only for a moment, 
 in regard to the nobler studies of youth. He soon bethought him- 
 self, and introduced anew a study of the classics. Gesner at the same 
 time made provision for a suitable pursuit of real studies, especially 
 of mathematics; which were taught, from 1731, by Johann Heinrich 
 Winkler, well known as a natural philosopher. 
 
 The Thomas School was celebrated for its long-established music 
 department, which was at one time under the management of the 
 most skillful masters, such as Sethus Calvisius, Hermann Schein, and 
 Kiihnau. The most distinguished of all its masters, however, was that 
 one whom Gesner found in the place at his entrance into the school ; 
 namely, the immortal cantor, Johann Sebastian Bach, for whom he 
 entertained a great respect, f 
 
 I have mentioned that, at Gesner's coming to Leipzig, he found not 
 only the classic studies, but the discipline, of the Thomas School, in 
 the lowest state. There was among the pupils an universal and dis- 
 graceful indolence. They had one habit in particular, of pretending 
 to be sick, in order to get the better diet which was provided for 
 sickness, and to have vacations for months together. The medicines 
 which were given them, they threw away. Thus the expenditures for 
 medicine and the care of the sick increased, until it might have been 
 believed that the institution was not a school, but a hospital. Gesner 
 put an end to this practice in this way : When the scholar told him 
 he was sick, he visited him at once, inquired in a friendly way what 
 he wanted, and said : " It does not yet appear clearly what the dis- 
 ease is ; until it does, you must eat only the simplest food, and stay 
 in bed." A watcher was then appointed for the sick man, to see that 
 he complied strictly with this direction. By far the greater part of 
 them, quite restored by fasting and weariness, recovered in one or two 
 days ; and over the few who were really sick, and who were obliged 
 to remain so, Gesner exercised fatherly care. 
 
 In 1733, there appeared the "Laws of the Thomas School? drawn 
 up by him, which related mostly to the discipline of the scholars. 
 " It is incredible," says Ernesti, " how useful Gesner was to the school ; 
 not merely by organizing a better administration, and fixing it fast 
 and steadily by the new laws, but by teaching in a manner then new 
 
 * Later educators could be named, to whom this error was natural and is no~v. 
 
 t In a note upon Quintilian, 1, 12, 3. Gesner says : " I believe the greatest admirer of antiq 
 uity would confess that many Orpheuses and twenty Arirns are all included in Bach alone, 
 and in any one else like him, if there be any such." 
 
524 JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 
 
 to us, and exceedingly beautiful."* In the next year, 1734, Gesner 
 left Leipzig, having received an invitation to the new university at 
 Gottingen. He was there professor of eloquence and poetry, and 
 also librarian. He was also made director of the philological semi- 
 nary, and inspector of all the Hanoverian schools; two important 
 pedagogical offices, for which the experience which he had gathered 
 in His three rectorates had well fitted him. The views which, under 
 the influence of Buddeus, he had advanced in Jena, in 1715, he now, 
 twenty-three years afterward, in 1738, introduced in the seminary of 
 Gottingen. This was intended for giving to young theologians a 
 theoretical and practical training for the business of teaching. For 
 his lectures upon the whole of pedagogy, he took, as a basis, his 
 "Institutiones rei Scholasticce" Besides their philological studies, 
 the pupils of the seminary studied also pure and mixed mathematics, 
 natural sciences, and geography. They practiced teaching in the city 
 school of Gottingen. The most important of Gesner's lectures are in 
 his "Isagoge in Eruditionem Universalem ; " a scientific encyclopedia. 
 We have these lectures in the form in which they were written down 
 by a learned hearer, Niclas. When Niclas laid his manuscript before 
 Gesner, the latter said : "I recognize myself in them ; print them." 
 
 In 1740, a German society was formed in Gottingen, of which 
 Gesner was chosen president. Afterward, in 1751, was founded the 
 Gottingen society of sciences ; at the head of the historical and 
 philological section of which Gesner was placed. He afterward 
 became president of the society. 
 
 Notwithstanding the many offices which required so much of his 
 activity, he wrote works extraordinary in number and value. Two 
 of them I have already mentioned. To these must be added many 
 excellent editions of the classics ; as, for instance, Livy, Quintilian, 
 Horace, the writers on agriculture, &c., and also his celebrated 
 " Thesaurus. ,"f Many of his single Lalin treatises, inscriptions, ad- 
 dresses, prefaces, &c., have been published, under the title u fesneri 
 Opuscula Minora? besides a similar collection of German composi- 
 tions, called ^Gesner's Minor German Works." 
 
 In the "Isagoge" and in these collected Latin and German writings, 
 is to be found a treasure of pedagogical experience and opinions; 
 " May these instructions," says Gesner, in the preface to his German 
 writings, " based upon an experience of more than forty years, and 
 the often repeated consideration of them, have a good influence upon 
 
 * Ernesti's opinion is the more important, as he was Gesner's successor in the rectorate of 
 the school 
 
 t Ernesti calls the "'Thesaurus" "a very great and most laborious and erudite work, 
 Bufficient alone to secure the immortality and perennial glory of his name." 
 
JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 525 
 
 practical teaching." The teaching and learning of the ancient lan- 
 guages continues to have an especial attraction for him, as earlier, 
 when he wrote the "Instilutiones" In this department his views 
 were entirely opposed to the usual ones, especially in regard to the 
 grammars used in schools. "These were originally/' he says,* "in- 
 tended for facilitating the study of languages; but, latterly, very 
 learned grammars have appeared, which are as unfit for teaching the 
 rudiments of grammar, as the most subtly and skillfully made lancet, 
 for cutting bread." "Children," he says further, "should not be 
 martyred with the unintelligent learning by rote of rules and 
 exceptions, and thus be made to lose the taste for study, in the begin- 
 ning, and perhaps forever." Languages were made before grammar ; 
 men spoke correctly before they thought of the art of speaking. 
 Also, he says, " It is a hundred times easier to learn a language by 
 use and practice, without the grammar, than from the grammar, with- 
 out use and practice." " The latter is absolutely impossible." In 
 particular, it is not necessary to make the boys learn Latin rules for 
 the gender of words, &c.; it is better for them to learn a phrase or a 
 sentence, in which the rule appears. For our knowledge every where 
 proceeds, not from general abstract rules, but from single examples. 
 
 He then speaks against the general overvaluation of grammatical 
 knowledge. "It is among the most common faults of Latin instruc- 
 tion," he says, " to reprove harshly, to punish or to ridicule, for any 
 fault in the scholar's grammar, as if he had sinned against the laws of 
 God and man." f " Moreover," he continues, " those who need to 
 understand Latin, in order that they may be enabled to read books in 
 it, are very seldom in a position to need a grammatical oracle ; and 
 even there would be twenty or thirty to one, who would be in need 
 of the ability to write, and particularly to write in an accurate man- 
 ner. J These views of Gesner were so entirely opposite to those 
 of the day, that he was attacked on account of them from many 
 directions, but mostly under a misunderstanding. " I reject gram- 
 mar," he replied to his opponents, " only for youth, as hurting them 
 more than helping them. But, for grown persons, it is in the highest 
 degree necessary." 
 
 Here we must mention Gesner's valuable preface to his edition of 
 Livy, in which he speaks of the two different methods of reading the 
 
 * See his German Works, p. 256. And see p. 296, for a description of the bad methods of 
 teaching language which were usual in the schools. 
 
 t In like manner he says ("Institut.," 81,) " It would have been better to speak barbarously, 
 and think piously, than to express an evil mind even in the most elegant words. With this 
 sentiment, Augustine agrees entirely. See his "Confessions," 1, 18. 
 
 } Gesner discusses the question for what, and to what extent, a knowledge of Latin is neces- 
 sary, in the *'Isaffoge," 1, 114, <kc. 
 
526 JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 
 
 classics ; the rapid, and the slow.* Here, likewise, he sets himself in 
 opposition to the usual customs of the schools. He admits, it is true, 
 that it is a good method to read, in the beginning, some book of a 
 reasonable size, or at least some part of it, very thoroughly, for the 
 sake both of obtaining certainty of knowledge, and also so as to 
 learn, as it were by example, what is a thorough understanding of the 
 classics. But he goes on to declare himself most distinctly against the 
 entire dominion of the method of slow reading in the schools, which 
 has become degenerated, because in the course of the explanation of 
 one author, the most heterogeneous things are lugged in. Thus, 
 pupils sometimes read for years together in one book of Cicero's 
 Letters, or the "De Officiis? divide one play of Terence, or one book 
 of Caesar, into so many little parts that even an extraordinary memory 
 can not retain them all. 
 
 After this he goes on to describe and recommend the more rapid 
 method, that of reading in course ; in which the scholar endeavors, 
 with his whole soul and individual attention, to fix in his mind 
 whatever author he is reading, and to understand him only, and 
 enjoy his beauties. He relates that, when he has read Terence in this 
 manner to his scholars, they have sat with open mouths, silent, with 
 eyes, ears, and minds occupied, laughing even, and thus betraying 
 their pleasure by their gestures. ,But when he read the Phoenissa? 
 of Euripides in the slow way, with the same scholars, they sat, it is 
 true, with open mouths, but it was because they were silently gaping 
 or sleeping. 
 
 Gesner, as we have said, was among the first who undertook 
 earnestly to bring to pass the adaptation of the gymnasiums not 
 only to such scholars as were to pursue a learned occupation* but for 
 those who were not, also ; and thus, that in them real studies should 
 be more practiced. 
 
 While he was thus laboring, earnestly, wisely, and practically, for 
 the improvement of schools, he had also at heart, during the twenty- 
 seven years of his professorship, the good of the university. This 
 appears in the academical prospectuses, which, as professor of elo- 
 quence, it was his business to write. It will appear from them, he 
 says, * 4 How strenuously it has been endeavored to keep in order 
 the youth of the university, who have a good title to a noble free- 
 dom, by means not having the shape of strict laws, which belong to 
 the common unreasoning crowd, but that of a fatherly and friendly 
 
 * This edition of Livy appeared in Leipzig, in 1735. The preface is reprinted in the "Opws- 
 CMta," 7, 289. 
 
 Ernesti entirely agrees with Gesner on the point in question, ana says that he followed his- 
 method in explaining the classics in the Thomas School. 
 
JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 527 
 
 address, and thus to preserve them from the dangers into which so 
 many fall by a misuse of freedom." He expresses himself in a clear 
 and noble manner in " Considerations upon the friends of students;" 
 " All teachers in the higher institutions of learning are, by their sta- 
 tion and duty, the intended and, as it were, the born friends of the 
 students;" and it is their duty to seek the good of the students, 
 without regard to their own profit. For this reason, those who do 
 not conceal the faults of the students, must expose themselves to the 
 danger of awakening displeasure by their admonitions. He prays 
 God " to keep the fathers of the university in this, the only right state 
 of feeling toward those intrusted to them," and to preserve the 
 university free from " harmful studentsMViends," and " hypocrites." 
 
 There are indications in the "Isagoge? of the frequency and plain- 
 ness with which he attacked his hearers in his lectures. He there 
 complains, for example, that while the sciences have increased, the 
 students have lost in industry. When he studied in Jena, lectures 
 were given as early as five in the morning ; while later, the professor 
 set the hour at seven, and even then got scarcely a hearer. " For- 
 merly," he says, " the students listened to lectures all the day, now 
 they spend two hours over their coffee; while the friseur is coming, 
 the curling-tongs are heating, and the hair frizzling, hours pass away. 
 To study after four or five in the evening is thought by many a 
 degrading requisition." In the programme for the summer lectures 
 for 1743, Gesner recommends very earnestly to the students a per- 
 severing attendance upon the lectures. The more skillful the teacher, 
 he says, the more close the connection of lectures, so that by as much 
 as the latter are based upon the former, and they all constitute one 
 whole, so much the more injurious is frequent absence to the student. 
 And again, he advises his hearers to be attentive during their lec- 
 tures, as this stimulates and increases the zeal of the teacher. " If 
 there be any thing pleasant in my books," says Martial, "my Bearers 
 have occasioned it." This is owing to the happy influence of men's 
 minds upon each other; and in like manner a bad influence is 
 exerted. " One gaper," he continues, " makes the rest gape. Noth- 
 ing is more wearisome than to instruct, when most of the hearers are 
 sleepy. Quintilian says, ' as it is the duty of the teacher to teach, so 
 it is of the scholar to be desirous of learning.' " 
 
 We have seen that Gesner sought and followed new methods for 
 schools ; it should be also mentioned that he opposed an academical 
 custom ; that of the use of Latin in the lectures. Let us now pass 
 to other points of distinction between him and most of the philolog- 
 ical pedagogues of his age. 
 
528 JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 
 
 Th<d chief of them is this ; that he repeatedly recommended real 
 studies. Studies in languages, he said, should never be disjoined 
 from those in things. This separation of things, which are by their 
 nature intimately joined together, is a real evil. By reason of it, 
 youth learn so many names, without one idea of the things which are 
 named. For the purpose of elementary instruction, such books 
 should be used as will furnish also real knowledge. He liked, ac- 
 cordingly, the works of Comenius, especially the *"0rbis Pictus." 
 As president of the German society of Gottingen, a place which 
 would scarcely have been offered to any other philologist of his 
 times, he esteemed those schools fortunate whose instructors, by 
 sympathy with that society, have acquired " a love for the mother 
 tongue, neglected in so many ways, and the ability to express 
 themselves well in it." This facility is to be attained, not by rules, 
 but by making translations from the masterpieces of the ancient 
 classics. 
 
 Among real studies, Gesner gave a high place to the natural 
 sciences, in which such great advances have been made of late years. 
 He himself, while rector in the Thomas School, attended the lectures 
 of Hausen, upon experimental physics. The boys, he says, ought 
 certainly to study drawing; and we have seen how high a value he 
 set upon mathematical studies, especially astronomy. "God," he 
 says, u has so connected them with the heavens, that it is only by the 
 observation of them that we can see where and at what time we are 
 living." He recognizes geography as the vestibule, basis, and light 
 of history, especially of that of the mother country. 
 
 Gesner thus showed himself to be a man who united, with the 
 most thorough knowledge and love of antiquity, a correct apprecia- 
 tion of real studies; and who sought new methods of teaching, when 
 he was convinced of the faults of the old. No one can imagine that 
 for this reason he is to be classed with Basedow. In addition, I may 
 here give one extract from the '"Isagoge? which shows clearly how 
 he differed from most of the reformers of the eighteenth century in 
 his most fundamental plans. He says: "The beginnings of all sci- 
 ences must be believed.* This is a very important rule, especially 
 at the present day, when even little children are, from an early age, 
 instructed by their teachers" to believe nothing. As soon as they 
 begin to show one spark of understanding, and wisdom, they are 
 spoken to of opinions. And since we are by nature only too much 
 inclined to see every thing for ourselves, and to receive nothing by 
 simple belief, but to wish to discover the truth for ourselves, the boys 
 
 * In another place he quotes Aristotle's remark, that " it is necessary to believe what in 
 learned." 
 
JOHANN MATTHIAS GESNER. 529 
 
 too soon get the i4ea that that only is true which we understand 
 from our natural senses ; and this has the evil consequence that they 
 are willing to believe nothing, will not learn what is necessary, and 
 are unwilling to obey their teachers. Man can not by himself gain 
 the first elements of learning ; he must receive them from others, and 
 what they teach him he must believe. If the boy should begin to 
 dispute about why one letter is called A and another B, and especially 
 if he demands reasons for it, he could ask questions for years without 
 learning any thing; and, moreover, it would not be possible to answer 
 him. Very often no account can be given of the first elements of 
 things. For instance, let a pupil ask, why are such and such things 
 called point, line, surface? And let him take nothing by belief until 
 the reason of it is given, and he will learn nothing to eternity. I 
 know this by experience. I have often seen, in good families, boys so 
 precocious as to ask questions all day. But the German proverb was 
 true of them that a fool can ask a thousand times more questions 
 than a wise man can answer. I do not mean by this that the utter- 
 ances of the teacher are to be considered as oracles, from whose 
 sayings there is to be no variation ; but only this-, that as long as we 
 are pupils, we must take things by belief. Afterward only, when 
 our understanding is ripened, and we have become independent, may 
 we prove what we hare learned." 
 
 In Gesner we have thus become acquainted with a man distin- 
 guished for thorough learning, clear understanding, pedagogical wis- 
 dom, and gifts for teaching; and unweariedly active and conscientious 
 in his official duties. Ernesti, who lived in close connection with him 
 for many years, describes him as exceedingly religious, resigned to 
 the will of God, and thus of like demeanor both in good and evil 
 days, and as a loving father and friend. After a long and active life, 
 his end drew near. When the physicians announced to him his ap 
 proaching death, he answered : u What is to be settled between me 
 and God, I have not put off to this time." He departed in a peace- 
 ful and Christian manner, August 3rd, 1761. 
 
 34 
 
JOHANN AUGUST ERNESTI. 
 
 [Tri slated from the German of Von Raumer, for the American Journal of Education. , 
 
 JOHANN AUGUST ERNESTI was born in 1707, at Tennstadt, a small 
 town of Thuringia, where his father was pastor. He received his 
 first instruction in the school of Tennstadt, and, in his sixteenth year, 
 he was placed in the princes' school of Schulpforte. Here he distin- 
 guished himself by his important acquisitions, especially in Greek. 
 
 In his twentieth year he entered the University of Wittemberg, 
 where Wolf's philosophy was in the bight of fashion ; and after- 
 ward went to Leipzig, where he attended the lectures of Gottsched 
 on German eloquence, and of Hausen upon mathematics. 
 
 When twenty-three, he was, upon the recommendation of Gesner t 
 employed as private tutor, by Counselor of Appeals Stiglitz, the same 
 to whom the epistle upon the study of the ancients, prefixed to his 
 edition of Cicero, is addressed. Stiglitz was superior (antistes) of the 
 Thomas School; it was by his influence that Gesner had been ap- 
 pointed rector, and it was he also who procured the appointment of 
 Ernesti, when only twenty-four, as conrector, and afterward, at tho 
 departure of Gesner, in 1734, as rector. Ernesti, at the same time, 
 read lectures at the university, upon polite learning. At a subsequent 
 period, he gave up his rectorship, and devoted his whole time to the 
 university, giving his attention especially to theology. 
 
 He died in 1781, at Leipzig, aged seventy-four. 
 
 From Ernesti's own expressions, he woull seem to have taken 
 Gesner for his model in teaching. The latter induced him to publish, in 
 1734, the "Initia Doctrince Solidioris? a work which passed through 
 repeated editions, and was brought into use as a school-book in various 
 countries, as Saxony and Hanover, for instance. In this book, Ern- 
 esti aimed to give his instructions in as good Latin as possible; 
 although, as appears by comparing the earlier and later editions,* 
 he continued to labor for the improvement of its style, and to approach 
 nearer and nearer to his ideal of Ciceronian Latin. In the preface, 
 he relates that, as a preparatory discipline for th s work, he read the 
 best Latin writers of the golden age, and, where this would not serve, 
 
 * The very first period of the book will serve as an example. In (he edition of 1734, it 
 reads, "Cum ad libettum fiunc scribendum adjiceremus animum^fa- > prtzvidebamus,fore 
 ut hoe consilium nostrum in mullas multorum reprehensiones tncurreret." Instead of facile 
 prcevidebamus, the edition of 1750 has non parum su^-ictifwumr. 
 
JOHANN AUGUST ERNESTI. 53 1 
 
 those of the silver age, repeatedly over. Thus, he says, he believes 
 that he has succeeded in not admitting any thing into his book which 
 was not heard in ancient Latium.* Only from necessity has he here 
 and there used an unclassical expression. 
 
 From this saying of Nihil veteri Latio inauditum, it might natu- 
 rally be concluded that the book would contain nothing which had 
 not been heard in ancient Latium. And this conclusion would be, 
 for the greater part of the book, correct. It treats, first, of arith- 
 metic and geometry ; then come the elements of philosophy, in this 
 order: 1st, metaphysics, psychology, ontology, natural theology; 2nd, 
 dialectics; 3rd, natural law, and ethics; 4th, politics; 5th, physics. 
 In conclusion, come the elements of rhetoric. This table of contents 
 reminds us of the cyclus of Melancthon's text-books; of his dialec 
 tics, rhetoric, physics, psychology, and ethics. All acquainted with the 
 subject will readily believe that Ernesti's book would not be adapted . 
 to our present gymnasiums. The mathematical part may appear 
 to us scanty; but when we consider that, by the Prussian school 
 ordinances of the year 1735, one year after the appearance of the 
 "Initia" no knowledge of mathematics whatever was required of those 
 graduating from the gymnasiums, we shall retract that opinion. 
 
 Philosophical subjects are handled at length in about four hundred 
 and fifty pages. The fact that Christianity is here completely ignored, 
 while, nevertheless, so many things must come up which have been 
 known to the pupils by means of their catechetical studies, must be 
 set down as an entire error. If, according -to Picus of Mirandola, 
 philosophy seeks truth, theology finds it, and religion possesses it, it 
 could not but be strange, to such as had possessed it from an early 
 age, to be set to searching for that of which they were already in 
 possession. It would be quite otherwise if the manual should contain 
 a comparative description of the Greek and Roman theology by the 
 side of the Christian, although gymnasium pupils are not old enough 
 even for such a treatise. 
 
 It is quite mysterious how Ernesti should have inserted in his 
 school-book such chapters as this : De conjugii felicitate consequenda, 
 and De euro, subnlis. Of this latter chapter we must say a little 
 more. In it Ernesti expresses views upon education, which agree in 
 part with the earlier ones of Locke, and in part with the later ones of 
 Rousseau. He discusses procreation, and the management of pregnant 
 women; urges that the mother should herself nurse her children, and 
 not give them into the charge of untrustworthy nurses ; and he 
 
 * Still, Ernesti by no means belonged to those philologists who read the ancients only with 
 the design of patching together a Latin style, by picking scraps out of them. Against that 
 kind of reading he declared himself most decidedly, in his letter to Stiglitz. 
 
532 JOHANN AUGUST ERNESTI. 
 
 refers to Gellius, for the like advice. Mothers, he says further, must 
 not give their own children to nurses, but must themselves educate 
 them; and, if they do this, they will be beloved by the children. If 
 parents command or forbid any thing, they should give the reasons 
 for it; for otherwise they are obeyed unwillingly, and would rather 
 be led than driven. Parents should not require their children to be 
 free from faults, and should not be alternately forgiving and un- 
 reasonably strict. Instruction should be such, not that the children 
 shall believe blindly in any thing, but only in what is given them as 
 the foundation of their belief; and they should make inquiries for the 
 reasons of things. Thus they will be kept from credulity, supersti- 
 tion, and prejudices. Care should also be taken, not to fill their 
 memories, like those of parrots, with empty or unintelligible words. 
 
 Ernesti recommends care in the choice of teachers, and in deter- 
 mining upon the future occupation of the children. They should 
 early be taught a love of true honor, the right use of money, and 
 truthfulness. 
 
 Such pedagogical rules as these would hardly be expected from 
 the strict philologist of the old school. It is certain that the profound, 
 universally learned Gesner, who had pursued freely so many lines 
 of investigation, had the greatest influence upon Ernesti in this re- 
 spect. What I have given from the writings of both these men, will 
 be sufficient to show the reader what they were, and that although in 
 general philologists of conservative character, yet they were not blind 
 to the faults of antiquity, and sought and followed new ways; and, 
 therefore, that they are entitled to a place between the adherents of 
 the old pedagogy and the new. They can be compared only to 
 Trotzendorf and Sturm on the one side, and to Locke and Rousseau 
 on the other. 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.] 
 
 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN was born at Konigsberg, August 27, 
 1730. His father was a respectable man, and "a much beloved 
 practitioner, who preferred the family name of an Altstadt surgeon, 
 to all the titles of honor, then so cheap." * He was born in Lusa- 
 tia, and his wife, Hamann's mother, in Liibeck ; they had another 
 son, younger than Johann Georg. Hamann relates that both his 
 parents were "enemies of idleness, and friends of divine and human 
 order." f "They were not satisfied," he continues, "with the mere 
 form of their duty and the ceremonial of education, which, to the 
 shame of too many parents, suffices them in caring for their children ; 
 but they had our good for an object, and did as much for it as their 
 circumstances and knowledge permitted. Our instructor had to give 
 account to them of our industry and progress ; and our home was a 
 school, under the strict oversight, and with the example, of our 
 parents. Lying, mischief, and stealing, were three capital offenses, 
 which were not to be pardoned. We were rather educated at a pro- 
 fuse expense, than parsimoniously. But it is good economy and 
 management in this matter which is the best policy." 
 
 Hamann received his first school instruction from a teacher who 
 tried to teach him Latin without grammar.^ From a second teacher 
 he learned, as he relates, to translate a Latin author into German, 
 without understanding either the language or the meaning of his 
 author. "Thus," he says, "my Latin and Greek were mere collec- 
 tions of words ; compositors' work ; conjuring tricks ; in which my 
 memory overworked itself, and by means of which the other mental 
 faculties became weakened, proper and healthful nourishment being 
 wanting." By means of drilling, he made much progress in arithme 
 tic ; but such a knowledge of it is useless to children who " are made 
 to acquire facility in it, without observation or understanding." "It 
 is," continues Hamann, " as it is in music ; where not the fingers only 
 but chiefly the ear and the hearing, must be taught and exercised. 
 One who has learned one piece, or a hundred, ever so fluently and 
 correctly, without a feeling of the harmony, plays like a dancing 
 
 * Hamann's Works, 7, 76, 161. tlb., 1, 153. Jib, 156, Ac- 
 
534 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 bear in comparison even with the most miserable fiddler, who knows 
 how to express his own ideas." 
 
 Although in this species of study it was Hamann's memory which 
 was mostly put in requisition, he still complains that it was weakened 
 by it. This is an experience well worth remembering ; and warns us 
 against pushing the exercises of single mental faculties to the point 
 of wearing out.* "An edge too sharp gets notched." 
 
 Hamann makes valuable pedagogical observations upon his state- 
 ment; for the reason that education "is so important a work;" and 
 because he " feels in his heart a plain call from God to feed his 
 lambs." 
 
 " An intelligent teacher," he says, " must enter his school in dependence upon 
 God and himself, if he is to administer his office wisely. He must also imitate 
 God, as he reveals himself in nature and in the Holy Scriptures, and in our own 
 souls, through them both. Almighty God, to whom nothing costs any thing, is a 
 most economical and patient God. The law of economy of time, in accordance 
 with which he waits patiently for fruit to ripen, should be our pattern. It is of 
 importance, not what, or how much, children or men know ; but how they know 
 it." " The means used for instructing children can not be simple enough. But 
 they must, besides efficiency, possess the qualities of manifold and fruitful applica- 
 bility and practicability." 
 
 " Learning foreign languages should be a help to the understanding of the 
 mother tongue; and, although it may seem to be a mere exercise of memory, 
 they should be made a preparation and training of all powers of the mind for 
 higher, more important, more difficult, and even religious subjects." 
 
 Such and other observations were made by Hamann, at the age of eight and 
 twenty, upon the education which he had received. He remarks, in concluding 
 them, " Complete accomplishment, in the usual acceptation of the term, consists in 
 remoteness from nature. How unnatural have fashions and customs made us, and 
 how difficult would it be for us to return from the present time to the sim 
 plicity and innocence of ancient manners ? " 
 
 Hamann was matriculated at Konigsberg, in his sixteenth year, in 
 1746. He very soon, however, at the age of twenty-two, connected 
 the occupations of the teacher with those of the student. In 1752, 
 he became tutor in the family of a Baroness B., in Livonia, twelve 
 miles from Riga. He describes the family. 
 
 Besides a boy nine years old, who looked very shy, awkward, and effeminate, 
 there were a younger sister, and an orphan girl, whom the baroness was bring- 
 ing up. My beginning in my new calling was difficult enough. I had to man- 
 age myself, my pupils, and an uncouth, coarse, and ignorant mother. I harnessed 
 myself to the plough like a spirited horse ; with great zeal, sincere intentions, lit- 
 tle wisdom, and too much confidence in myself, and dependence upon human 
 weaknesses, in consideration of the good which I was doing or was intending to 
 do. We are naturally inclined to overestimate our own efforts, to expect their 
 efficiency as an unavoidable matter of course, and to estimate the duties of others, 
 and expect the performance of them, by the standard of our own opinions and pref- 
 erences. The husbandman can not, from his careful husbandry alone, promise 
 himself a hundred fold return. The land, the weather, the character of the seed, 
 some small insect, all of which are things beyond the scope of his powers, have 
 their part to play ; and, above all, is the blessing of the divine oversight and gov- 
 ernment. I expected that my labors would be recognized by men ; admired by 
 them ; and even that they would redound to their shame. Such are impure de 
 
 * The fact reminds us of the unlimited memorizing of the schools of Jacotot and Ruthardt 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 535 
 
 sires ; they pervert our efforts, and bring disgrace upon them. I wrote two let- 
 ters to the baroness, upon the education of her son ; which were intended to 
 awaken her conscience. 
 
 One of these letters referred to has been preserved. Its contents 
 are as follows : 
 
 As I am no longer able to say any thing which makes an impression upon the 
 baron, I feel my resources exhausted, and am in despair of doing him any good. 
 I iind myself, in teaching him Latin, under the daily necessity of repeating over 
 again what I said on the first day of my instruction. 1 see before me a human 
 body, which has eyes and ears, without using them ; of whose mind we may well 
 despair, since it is always occupied with childish and silly pursuits, and is thus 
 useless for the slightest serious occupation. I shall not blame your grace, if you 
 shall think this statement calumnious and false. It has cost me enough to find 
 out its truth by hourly experience ; and there have been occasions when I have 
 lamented the future fate of the baron, much more than my own present lot. I 
 have no desire that time and sad experience shall prove the truth of my expecta- 
 tions regarding him. I can pay attention neither to arithmetic, in which the 
 baron is so l.ttle advanced that I have had to teach him to write and name the 
 numerals, nor to French and other subordinate studies ; for the greater the num- 
 ber of things which I undertake with him, the more inattentive does he become. 
 One who can not read a language which is pronounced according to the sounds 
 of its letters, is in no situation to learn another which is pronounced by rules, 
 like the French. I therefore take upon myself the freedom of requesting of your 
 grace some assistance in my work. It will be necessary to apply some compulsion 
 to the baion, since he has not the good sense, or the natural inclination, of his 
 own free choice, to prefer what is for his own honor and happiness. Conscientious 
 parents bear in mind the account which they must one day render of the educa- 
 tion of their children, to God and to the world. These young creatures have hu- 
 man souls ; and we are not at liberty to change them into dolls, apes, parrots, or 
 something still worse. I have taken occasion to set before your grace the feel- 
 ings and views of a reasonable and tender mother, for the reason that I am con- 
 vinced of the profound interest which you feel in the education of your only son. 
 You will not do too much credit to your tutor, if you consider him a man who 
 loves his duty more than he seeks to please. 
 
 " My letter was not understood," continues Haraann in his narra- 
 tive, "and I had poured oil upon the fire." He gives a fuller account 
 of this in the following letter to his father. 
 
 "On the 14th of this month, on Friday, when the baroness fasts, 
 I received, after dinner, the following autograph letter from her, by 
 the footman, a quarter of an hour after the young baron had come 
 down, as pale as a corpse. I had eaten below. 
 
 HRRR HAMANN :* As you have shown yourself altogether unfit for the in- 
 struction of children of condition, and as the low letter does not please me, in 
 which you describe my son in so vulgar and disgraceful a manner, perhaps you 
 could not judge of him otherwise than by your own pattern. I see in you only 
 a statue hung round with a great many books, which by no means constitutes a 
 good tutor ; and, as you have written to me that you have sold your freedom and 
 peace of mind for a number of years at too dear a rate, I will neither have your 
 supposed skill nor your time paid for in my house 5 I need you no longer about my 
 Children ; make ready to journey hence on Monday. 
 
 "The young baron had been sent for up stairs, just as I received my 
 letter of dismission. The baroness was bathing ; and I did not know 
 
 * This note is, in the German, extremely misspelled, mispunctuated, and vulgar in choice 
 *f words. These characteristics could not well be accurately given in the English. (Trans.) 
 
536 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 why the young baron did not come down. I therefore sent word to 
 him to come. He came to me, crying, and made excuses for himself; 
 he had repeatedly asked the baroness to permit him to come down, 
 but she had forbidden him to see me again. He fell upon my neck, 
 crying , and his affectionate demeanor affected me. I made the best 
 use possible of my quarter of an hour with him ; and explained to 
 him all the sincerity and tenderness which I had used in teaching 
 him. He embraced me closely, with tears. The baroness was told 
 that her son was with me. She sent for him immediately, and forbid 
 him anew to see me. He crept secretly through the garden to the 
 window, knocked, and wished me good night, with a sorrow which was 
 evidently sincere. On Saturday he wrote me two letters from his 
 imprisonment, one of which I answered. On Monday I was about 
 departing, and sent my servant to the baroness to request permission 
 to take leave. He brought me back word that she desired to be ex- 
 cused, being occupied ; and that she wished me all manner of good. 
 I gave a nod to the baron, who was standing in one of the rooms 
 above ; he ran up to me, and I embraced him. After I had taken 
 my seat in the carriage, he came to me again, and again fell upon 
 my neck." 
 
 A few months afterward, Hamann obtained a second tutorship ; in 
 relation to which he says : 
 
 In 1753, in the most beautiful season of the year, I went into Corn-land, to 
 General W. ? whose wife was born Countess de K., and who had two sons. In 
 this place I was the successor of two tutors, who had been employed together ; 
 of whom one was a windbag and vulgar, and the other a shallow -minded fellow. 
 I found the two boys to be of a very different character from that of my baron. 
 They needed much more discipline, watching, and keenness, and much more was 
 to be hoped from them ; as the eldest had great capacity, although I was never 
 able to take as much pleasure in his natural tendencies, as in those of my first 
 pupil. God granted me many favors in this household, both from parents and 
 children, and, indeed, from all in the family. I presumed too much, also, upon 
 my position, and made too great requisitions in return for my services. I be- 
 came restless, impatient, and ill-tempered, to an extreme ; and had much difficul- 
 ty in staying out my year, at the end of which I went back to Riga, with much 
 melancholy, ill-will, anger, and some disgrace. 
 
 After a little time, he undertook the same appointment again ; but 
 the last sickness of his mother called him back to Konigsberg, in 
 1756.* From that city he went to Berlin, Lubeck, Amsterdam, and 
 finally to London, where he remained from April 18th, 1757, to June 
 27th, 1758, as correspondent of a mercantile house at Riga. Here, 
 by means of a foolish and dissipated course of life, he fell into a 
 miserable and needy condition, both physical and mental. In these 
 
 * His correspondence with his two pupils and their subsequent m r , G. E. Lindner, are 
 of educational value. Hamann himself was, however, afterward not altogether satisfied with 
 his own letters. 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 537 
 
 circumstances he applied himself to the reading of the Bible, and 
 found himself wonderfully attracted, enlightened, encouraged, and 
 even converted, by it. How profound its influence was upon him is 
 shown by the deep feeling of the "Biblical Observations of a Chris- 
 tian? which he wrote in London at that time. From this time for- 
 wird, the Holy Scriptures were, to him, an immovable foundation, 
 the unconditional highest rule of his thoughts and actions, and of his 
 whole life. " God," he said, "has made me 'a man fortified by the 
 Bible." Toward the end of his stay in London, he wrote the " Re- 
 flections upon the Course of my Life ;" a confession, written in bit- 
 ter earnest, and concealing nothing.* 
 
 In 1758, Hamann's brother was appointed a teacher in the cathe- 
 dral school at Riga. Hamann was concerned, and, as the sequel 
 showed, with good reason, about his " indifference." " My brother," 
 he wrote to his father, " has good reason to recognize his inefficiency, 
 like Solomon ; to see in himself a child, who knows neither his com- 
 ing in nor his going out; and to ask for an obedient and understand- 
 ing heart, that he may be able to feed with faithfulness, and govern 
 with industry, the flock intrusted to him." Subsequently, he repeat' 
 edly encouraged, instructed, warned, and reproved his brother. When 
 he was to deliver an address at an examination, he wrote to him as 
 follows : " When it becomes your duty to speak at the examination, 
 speak so that the children can understand you; and have more re- 
 gard for the impression which you can make upon them, than for the 
 approval of learned and witty dilettanti. You c^l your .work a yoke. 
 It is an excellent thing for a man to bear the yoke in his youth." 
 
 At another time he admonished him to perform, conscientiously, 
 the duties of his office ; and adds : " You are determined to be better 
 than other people ; and will not use the summer for the purpose for 
 which it was given to men, to behold and enjoy God's friendliness 
 to them. What folly to write that so doing would be to be more in- 
 quisitive than God meant ; especially when you are capable of under- 
 standing and applying that pleasure ! In this way, every thing in 
 you remains dead and unfruitful." Hamann's admonitions were, 
 however, little regarded by his brother. 
 
 He wrote to him again : " You will not make use of what men put 
 into your hand. Your scholars will always imitate you ; they will 
 
 *From this work much of the above account is taken. It resembles Augustine's "Con- 
 fessions," in grade and in character ; and is, to a corresponding degree, fundamentally dif- 
 ferent from Rousseau's How entirely it was misunderstood by Hamann's most intimate 
 friends, is shown by a letter from Hamann to J. G. Lindner. Eminent later writers, who 
 have misj idged Hamann, should consider what he says to Lindner: " My Course of my 
 Life ' can not be read hastily and superficially. Herr B. must live longer, and have different 
 experiences, from his previous ones, before he can understand large portions of it." 
 
533 JOHANN GEORG HAMANTS. 
 
 never learn correctly, if you do not teach them correctly. You are as 
 silent with me about your school matters as if they were state secrets. 
 If you were well aware of the importance of your station, would not 
 you? pleasure in it, and ideas springing from it, show themselves in a 
 hundred different ways, in questions, remarks, observations ?" Fur- 
 ther on, he says : " If it is painful to you to pass your time in teaching, go 
 to your class as a scholar, and look upon your young people as so 
 many actual collaboratores, who are instructing you ; go among them 
 with a multitude of questions, and you will feel such an impatience 
 of curiosity in the beginning of the lesson, and will carry away home 
 with you such a multitude of scholar's reflections, as if you were 
 comparing and examining the teachings of a whole crowd of teach- 
 ers at once. He who will not learn from the children, will be unin- 
 telligent and mistaken in their conduct to them." 
 
 Hamann had recommended to his brother a Greek grammar, by 
 Wagner. His brother answered that " it was otherwise very good, 
 but somewhat too short, and a mere skeleton." To this Plamann re- 
 plies : "A skeleton must necessarily be dry and uncomely to the eye, 
 being deprived of blood, sinews, and muscles ; but otherwise it would 
 be a carcass. The spirit of the teacher must clothe and inspire these 
 dry bones. Such is the office, in instruction, of the viva vox ; which 
 is the daughter of living knowledge, and not a mere vox humana, an 
 organ-pipe. Profound views are not easy. They must be worked 
 for and created." 
 
 All Hamann's ^monitions were, however, in vain; in 1760 his 
 brother gave up his place as teacher in Riga, and " from that time to 
 1778 lived at Konigsberg, in empty leisure and even in foolishness." 
 
 From 1752 to 1787, Hamann lived almost entirely at Konigsberg. 
 During four years, 1759-1763, he was occupied in waiting upon his 
 aged and sickly father. In 1767, he received an appointment as sec- 
 retary and translator in the excise department; in 1777, became a 
 warehouse inspector; and, in 1787, was put on the retired list. 
 
 From his marriage (a marriage of conscience,) he had four chil- 
 dren ; one son, Johann Michel, born in 1769, and three daughters. 
 His children were the occasion of a new pedagogical epoch for him. 
 Clear-minded and conscientious, and deceived by no foolish parental 
 partialities, he was often made unhappy by reflecting upon the pros- 
 pects of his children. " What a wonderfully poor specimen I am of 
 a father," he writes to Herder, " can not be imagined. A real hen, 
 that has hatched ducks' eggs." In 1776. he writes quite discouraged 
 about himself. "My three children have cost their mother, although 
 she is a pretty tough daughter of Adam, and myself, much real sorrow. 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 539 
 
 Yesterday my eldest daughter fell down the whole flight of stairs. 
 The holy angels in heaven themselves could not take care of chil- 
 dren ; let alone educating them. God be praised, she was not in- 
 jured. With my Hans Michel every thing goes crab fashion ; the 
 boy is forgetting his good intentions and his good manners. This is 
 my greatest trouble ; which causes me anguish and gray hairs ; that 
 I myself can do nothing for his education, and can devote so little 
 means to it. I had, one Sunday, the horrid idea of packing him off, 
 neck and heels, to the Pontifex Maximus, at Dessau.* That heat 
 soon cooled ; but the worm is still gnawing at my heart, in respect 
 to what I shall do with the boy. I have little enough of family joys, 
 though they are the only heaven upon earth ; but family sorrows are, 
 also, a real hell ; at least they were so for David and the patriarchs. 
 The Spirit of God and the Son of Man are the only schoolmasters 
 for such things." 
 
 Herder encouraged his despairing friend. " With regard to the 
 education of your Hans Michel," he wrote, "do not distress your- 
 self; nothing will be gained by doing so. Have yet a little patience. 
 I have just come back from seeing the Pontifex Maximus,\n Dessau; 
 and my own boy is growing up. But, if God will, he shall never see 
 him nor have him. His whole establishment is a frightful thing to 
 me ; a hot-house, or rather a pen full of human geese. My brother- 
 in-law, the forester, who was here lately, was telling me of a new 
 method to raise oaks in ten years, as large as now grow in fifty or a 
 hundred. By cutting off the tap-root of the young trees, it is said, 
 the whole strength comes up above ground in stem and fruit. The whole 
 secret of Basedow's plans, I believe, is such a one ; and, since I know 
 him personally, I would not give him a calf to instruct, much less a 
 man. In short, my dear fellow, let your passion pass off J and wait, 
 as a husbandman does, for the good fruits of the earth."f 
 
 But Hamann's solicitude for his children did not leave him. In 
 1782, six years afterward, he wrote, by way of consolation, to Reich- 
 ardt, who had lost a son : 
 
 " What abundance of care, vexation, and solicitude, do you escape ! 
 The greater the love of a father, the more mortal are his cares, and 
 t\fQ more infernal his sorrows. The higher the endowments of our 
 children, the greater the danger of their going astray and being 
 
 * Basedow, who was, in 1776, at the culmination of his fame. 
 
 t This excellent letter of Herder's is worth comparing with the great hopes which Kant 
 and Oberlin conceived of the Philanthropinum. Hamann himself said of it, " Basedow'g 
 Philanthropinum is a most remarkable phenomenon. His laughable Programme to Cosmo- 
 politans yesterday caused me much interest and much reflection. A revolution of mind, 
 and of our earth, or, at least, of the smallest parts of it, seems to be in fermentation." 
 
540 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 ruined, in a world which lies in sin ; and no enemy is so dangerous 
 as our own tenderness, which is blind in more than one sense; our 
 idle vanity, in managing them as if they were creatures of our own ; 
 and our foolish assiduity to impress upon them I know not what ideal 
 of our own likeness and name."* 
 
 Hamann saw quite clearly where the faults lay in his education of 
 his son. His own peculiar and remarkable gift at learning languages 
 and at reading books, led him astray into the attempt to " impress 
 upon his son an ideal of his own likeness and name." In 1780, when 
 the boy was eleven years old, he read Plato's Phaedon with him ; 
 two years afterward, the ^Eneid, the Iliad, the Pentateuch, in the 
 original, and the New Testament, for the sixth time ; in his four- 
 teenth year, the boy learned English, French, and Polish, and read 
 Pindar. 
 
 In 1783, at the urgent entreaty of his friend, Privy Councilor Lind- 
 ner, in Mittau, Hamann consented to take charge of his son, eight- 
 een years old. 
 
 " His capacity, or want of it, for languages," he wrote to his fa- 
 ther, u I have not examined, nor could I After some trials of his 
 candor and discretion, his assurance was sufficient, that he had, as 
 yet, made no serious attack upon the learned languages." Afterward 
 he says that young Lindner is to study drawing and mathematics, 
 along with his own son. He is to study, with Hamaun, Latin, Greek, 
 if he has opportunity, French, English ; and four other languages, 
 when the occasion shall serve. After this a retrogression begins to 
 appear. Hamaim writes to his father, " We have this week been es- 
 pecially at work upon Latin, and next to that with French ; in which 
 departments, the otherwise strict routine of his training seems to have 
 been departed from. In regard to style, as much care will be taken 
 with reference to the fundamental principles and the genius of his 
 mother tongue, as with any of the other languages. I am not in a 
 condition to meddle with chrestomathies or school exercises ; for all 
 that I know about them is contained in this one line, i Scribendi rec- 
 te sapere est et principium et fons? " 
 
 An uncle took the young man to a masquerade, and he found 
 other diversions. Hamann wrote to his father that he would not 
 take away his son's freedom, for that with his own children he used 
 no compulsion, unless necessary. He adds : u Every thing depends 
 upon modifying the tendencies of their characters, by imbuing them 
 with fixed principles ; not by means of mere exterior formalities." 
 
 * Hamann expresses himself in a more quiet manner, in a letter to Jacob m 1785. He 
 Bays: " If my children will only grow up and prosper, I will willingly grow old and die 
 and God gives me a full share of pleasure." 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 541 
 
 In the same letter he says : " Do not judge of your son's progress 
 from his own letters ; and if you have occasion to base any conclu- 
 sion upon them, I beg you to communicate it candidly to me. A 
 good builder does his underground work before the slightest evidence 
 of it comes up into sight. The more he hastens to make a show 
 with the visible part of his edifice, the less sufficient is the founda- 
 tion of it." 
 
 " I know no other mode of proceeding," he continues, " than that 
 which I have used with my own children, whose love is dearer to me 
 than my paternal authority, and whose happiness is the only object 
 which their parents can have for them." 
 
 In Hamann's subsequent letters, his hopes for the youth grow fainter 
 and fainter. Latin is the principal pursuit, but he will not decline and 
 conjugate handsomely. " Balls, concerts, the theater, are his element. 
 Can it be expected of a young man that he will at once give up the 
 subjects of his thoughts and wishes, and busy himself with their di- 
 rect opposites ?" The uncle already mentioned paid his expenses to 
 the theater, and had " to be managed with discretion." 
 
 A younger sister of young Lindner had taken upon herself to 
 write to. him in the style of a governess ; a proceeding which Ha- 
 mann sharply reproved. He says: "To keep what is good within, 
 and to show out what is bad, to appear worse than we really are, 
 and to be really better than we appear, I hold to be a duty and an 
 art." Lindner had expressed some feelings in regard to the tone of 
 his son's letters. " These symptoms of frivolity," answered Hamann, 
 " will pass off of themselves, when their source is improved ; and 
 must rather be encouraged and brought out, than repressed." 
 
 Thus stood the educational undertaking until Easter ; but, on the 
 Whitsun-Monday following, Hamann wrote to Lindner: "Neither 
 requests nor inducements shall induce me to keep your son longer 
 than this summer." " He lacked," he says, " the Whitsuntide gift of 
 the mind, spontaneous effort." In another letter, he says of the 
 youth : " Desires after fashion, plays, diversions of society, and the 
 like occupations, have deprived him of all taste for thoroughness or 
 science. On one hand he has no good impulses of his own ; and, on 
 the other, he has a precocious power of observing and imitating ordi- 
 nary ways and methods of getting along. The depth of quiet water 
 is soon sounded ; and I must hasten to the end of my experiment." 
 
 He had thoughtfully and foreseeingly at first promised the father 
 to make an experiment only. Why it succeeded so ill, the previous 
 paragraphs have shown. But if it be asked whether flamann him- 
 self was not in part to blame, it must be confessed that, from this 
 
542 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 young man, who was deficient both in natural endowments and in 
 good will, as from his own son, he demanded far too much. 
 While he was not yet able to decline and conjugate in Latin, 
 Hamann read with him the epistles of Horace, and would have in- 
 structed him at the same time in the elements of French, English, 
 and Greek ! We have already observed upon the causes which could 
 lead so clear-minded a man into such an error. Comenius says, that 
 a teacher either must not be too intellectual, or he must have learned 
 patience. In this, he was thinking of Cicero's remark, that " In pro- 
 portion as a man is of a quick and clear mind, just so much the 
 more passionate and laborious will his teaching be ; for any one, who 
 sees that learned slowly which he himself learned quickly, is annoyed 
 at it." But Comenius adds, that such a teacher should consider ; that 
 his office is, not to transform minds, but to inform them ; that nei- 
 ther can he impart to the scholar, nor can the latter learn by him- 
 self, what has not been vouchsafed to him from above. These sensible 
 remarks of Cicero and Comenius seem entirely applicable to Hamann.* 
 
 We have thus become acquainted with this distinguished man in 
 the most various pedagogical relations ; as he was brought up by his 
 parents and teachers, as the tutor of a stranger's children ; and, lastly, 
 as the instructor of his own son, and of a ward. His letters to his 
 brother have exhibited his views of the vocation and duties of a school- 
 teacher. 
 
 Records remain, also, of Hamann's views on the education of his 
 daughter. " In this single respect," (that of the education of chil- 
 dren,) he wrote, "I have too little aid from my honored wife ; being 
 able to expect from her nothing more than good will." Thus the 
 very basis of a girl's education was, of course, wanting ; and, accord- 
 ingly, we need not wonder that, in the year 1784, Hamann placed his 
 eldest daughter at a boarding-school. " If she has the good quali- 
 ties which her instructress attributes to her," he wrote, "she shall not 
 become a woman of society, but shall fulfill her duties as a sister and 
 daughter, so as to become fit for a good wife and house-mother. If 
 she has talents for society and for teaching, her parents and brothers 
 and sisters have the best right to the enjoyment of them." To this 
 same oldest daughter he wrote, in 1787 : "Fear God, my dear child, 
 and do not forget your parents and brothers and sisters ; just as I 
 carry you all in my feelings and in my heart. Do not read from 
 overcuriosity, but moderately. In the best gardens there are net- 
 tles, with which one may get stung. Accustom yourself, dear child, 
 
 " " 1 have worked like a horse," Hamann writes, " until Easter, to accomplish my object 
 in the Latin, "(with young Lindner ;) and he proceeds to give an excellent 'description of 
 Cicero's " laborious" teaching; which, at the same time, shows signs of the ''passionate." 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 543 
 
 to read often in good books, rather than in those of harmful amuse- 
 ment.'' In a subsequent letter he says : " I am rejoiced, from the bot- 
 tom of my soul, at your eagerness to labor in educating your younger 
 sister. Be helpful also to your good old mother, and make her life 
 comfortable by taking part in her domestic employments." 
 
 He seems, therefore, to have reached the end which he sought to 
 attain, by means of the boarding institution. 
 
 Besides the pedagogical views above given, which were the natural 
 outgrowth of Hamann's relations in life, there occur in his writings 
 many valuable thoughts upon education and instruction ; from which 
 we here add a few : 
 
 1. God is mighty in the weak. But those are not weak who, instead of seeing 
 in themselves shepherds of living lambs, think themselves Pygmalions, great 
 sculptors, whose loving hearts, if the gods will, can breathe the breath of life into 
 their own work. 
 
 2. It is true, I deny roundly that there Is as little use in wrestling and battling 
 about in the world, as in being let entirely alone. 
 
 3. A fund of misanthropy, and rigid mental habits, can not succeed in a teacher, 
 especially a public one. An enemy to men and a friend to this world, both are 
 enemies to God 
 
 4. The worth of a human soul, whose loss or harm can not be compensated by 
 gaining the whole world, how little is the worth of such a soul understood by 
 the delineator of Emile, blind as the son of the prophets (2d Kings, vi : 15-17.) 
 Every school is a mountain of God, like Dothan, full of horses and chariots of 
 fire, round about Elisha. Let us also open our eyes and see, lest we despise some 
 of these little ones, since of such is the kingdom of heaven, and their angels in 
 heaven do always see the face of the Father in heaven. 
 
 5. What ignorance is that of the worldly-wise, who dare to talk about educa- 
 tion, without the very beginning of wisdom, fear, and divine unction ! 
 
 To a teacher of worldly wisdom, who was about writing a Natural 
 Philosophy for children, Hamann wrote : 
 
 6. You are, in truth, a master in Israel, if you count it a little thing to transform 
 yourself into a little child, in spite of your learning. Or have you more expecta- 
 tions from children, having found your grown-up hearers unable to keep up with 
 you in endurance and celerity of thought ? For, to the execution of your scheme, 
 a great knowledge of children is requisite ; which can not be acquired either in 
 polite society nor in academical life. 
 
 The blinded heathen had a reverence for children, and certainly a baptized phi- 
 losopher ought to know that something more is requisite in writing for children 
 than the wit even of a Fontelle, and an amorous style of composition. What 
 will petrify beautiful minds, and inspire rnind into beautiful marble, is high trea- 
 son to the innocence of children. 
 
 To prepare for one's self-praise out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, to 
 participate in such a desire and ambition, is no vulgar occupation ; it must be 
 commenced, not by robbing birds of many-colored feathers, but with the volunta- 
 ry putting off all superiority in age or wisdom, and the self-denial of all vanity. 
 A philosophical book for children must appear as simple, foolish, and insipid, as a 
 divine book for men. Examine yourself, whether you have the heart to be the 
 author of a simple, foolish, insipid, Natural Philosophy. If you have, you are a 
 philosopher for children. 
 
 The chief law of methods for children is this ; to let one's self down to their 
 weakness ; to become their servant, where one would naturally choose to be their 
 master; to follow them, where one would naturally lead them; to learn their 
 language and their mind, where one would naturally constrain them to imitate 
 
544 JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 
 
 his own. This practical principle, it is, however, possible neither to understand 
 nor to act fully up to, unless one has become fully absorbed in affection for chil- 
 dren. 
 
 7. Without the law of complete freedom, man would be fit for no imitation, 
 which is the basis of all education and receptivity ; for, of all animals, man is the 
 greatest pantomimist. 
 
 8. How much mental quickening have I enjoyed in the Swiss mason's hut of 
 Leonard and Gertrude ! How skillfully, in this affecting drama, is the proton pseu- 
 dos of the apostles, of the new philosophy, in respect to legislation, discovtTvd! 
 
 In the hut of Leonard and Gertrude, I found indications of a stricter philo- 
 sophical and political system, than in Raynal's ten volumes of East and West 
 Indian Tales. 
 
 The author of Leonard and Gertrude adapted his style entirely to the tone of 
 national feeling. In sp.te of this fault, as acl-mirers of purity and lucidity of style 
 must rind it, it undeniably contains passages of beauty, strength, and power, which 
 one can not become tired of reading. 
 
 9-. I Ih nk of education as I do of all other human instrumentalities, whose suc- 
 cess depends wholly upon a blessing from above ; I prefer a moderate use of it to 
 a forced and excessive one.* 
 
 To Reichardt, whose son was dead, Hamann wrote : 
 
 10. The giver of all pleasure is also the God of all consolation ; and both have 
 their source on high, from this fatherly and motherly heart. Man knows not, but 
 God only, the best way and the best time. The best of all educational institutions 
 for our whole race is this dear death ; the best Philanthropinum is that spiritual 
 world, full of innocent and perfect souls, that high institution of real virtuosos, 
 and of the mothers of us all. 
 
 In a letter to Bucholtz, who had also lost a son, he wrote : 
 
 The natural disproportions appearing upon the census-lists may perhaps have 
 their deepest foundation in the political arithmetic of heaven ; which is obliged to 
 recruit itself from these innocent elasses.f 
 
 " Suffer the little children to come unto me, and forbid them not," said the 
 founder of the covenant of baptism, the living God; therefore they all live with 
 him. The d* ad boy lives, not only in the feelings and hearts of those who have 
 loved him and seen him, but his life on high will act like a magnet on us, to draw 
 us toward the place and condition in which he is ; whither he has gone as our fore- 
 runner, perhaps, to fulfill the duties of the first-born toward his brothers and sis- 
 ters, as a protect ng spirit a*'d good angel, better than can be done by flesh and 
 blood. Wh.ch of us knows for what the Father of Spirits may destine his "animu- 
 Za, vagula, blandula ?" And are not his dispensations intend, d to cultivate in 
 us some heavenly characteristics ; to wean us from earthly pleasures, which are 
 only transient food, and do not endure until a better life ; and to accustom us to 
 higher enjoyments ? 
 
 Having thus collected some of Haraann's scattered thoughts upon 
 education, to facilitate a judgment upon them collectively, I return to 
 his usually uniform life. The society of eminent men, whom he met 
 in Konigsberg, especially Kant and Hippel, and a correspondence with 
 others, Herder, F. H. Jacobi, Moser, Klopstock, &c., enlivened and 
 seasoned his simple and quiet existence. 
 
 * Hamann's views are of great importance, upon the novelties introduced into German or- 
 thography, by Damm, (1773,) Klopstock, and Campe, (1778.) See his " New Apology of the 
 Letter H" and " Two Mites added to the latest German Literature." 
 
 *Of the kingdom of heaven, he says, in a letter to Kraus, " Whose citizens are gathered 
 more from the young, than from philosophers, noblemen, the powerful, or the men of the 
 world. By means of the mortality of the young, it seems, also, that the population of the 
 kingdom of heaven surpasses that of earthly realms ; and with good reason." 
 
JOHANN GEORG HAMANN. 545 
 
 A variety of causes brought him into troubled and difficult cir- 
 cumstances, until, in the end of the year 1784, Franz Bucholtz, lord 
 of Welbergen, in Westphalia, by a very liberal donation, freed him 
 entirelyfrom all want, and especially from all concern for the future of 
 his children. 
 
 At Bucholtz's invitation, he set out, June 21st, 1787, with his son, 
 for Westphalia, tarried for a season with F. H. Jacobi, at Pemplefort, 
 and then at Welbergen and Munster, with Bucholtz. While here he 
 received benefits from Prince Furstenberg and Princess Gallitzin. 
 His letters, during the last months of this year and the first of next, 
 repeatedly allude to his death. " He who has brought me so far, 
 with so many signs and wonders," he writes, Nov. 14th, 1787, "will 
 also bring me home to my real country, with peace and joy, Kyrie 
 Eleison ! and will enable rne to look with displeasure upon every 
 heaven and elysium on the earth." And again, on the 24th : " The 
 nearer the night of my life approaches, the brighter becomes the 
 morning star in my heart ; not through the letter of nature, but 
 through the spirit of the scriptures, to which I owe thanks more than 
 to the former." 
 
 March 23d, 1788 : " The more the outer man decays, the more the 
 inner grows. The older and more helpless I become, the more rest- 
 ful, peaceful, and happy I am. God has given me an evening of rest, 
 has unyoked me from the labor of public employment, for which I 
 am as little fit as for intercourse with the world. Although it gives 
 me a foretaste of heaven upon earth, yet this hidden treasure is not a 
 reward for my own services and worth, but a grace, a gift from a 
 higher hand, which I am bound to worship. It was needful for me, 
 to purify and strengthen me." 
 
 On the 21st of June, 1788, he softly fell asleep. He was buried 
 in the garden of the Princess Gallitzin.* 
 
 " It was not the fullness and grace of his learning, not power of 
 understanding, not the wealth of his wit, which seems to me to have 
 been the most valuable characteristic of this man, or his most desir- 
 able qualities for the present day ; but his straightforwardness, open- 
 ness, uprightness, and purity ; his freedom from vanity and pretense ; 
 contented, like the lily of the valley, unseen to give out the fragrance 
 of his wisdom, and living entirely in the spirit of the elevated senti- 
 ment which he repeated a Kttle before his death : " It is the truth 
 which makes us free, and not the imitation of it."f 
 
 * Compare Jacobi's letter to Lavater F. H Jacobi's "Correspondence," 1, 482. The 
 Princess Gallitzin intended to have engraved on his tombstone the text, I Corinthians, i : 23-25. 
 
 t This excellent description is by the editor of Hamann's Works, at the end of the preface 
 to Part I. 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 (Translated from the German of Karl von Raumer, for this Journal.] 
 
 JOHANN GOTTFRIED VON HERDER* was born, August 25, 1744, in 
 Mohrungen, a small town of East Prussia, where his father filled the 
 offices of sexton and cantor. He was a conscientious and simple man, 
 and his wife a pious and intelligent woman ; and they lived, with their 
 children,! a quiet and Christian life, after the good old-fashioned way. 
 
 Herder received his school instruction from Grimm, the strict rector 
 of the public school of Mohrungen ; a man for whom he always en- 
 tertained a great respect ; and a pious minister confirmed him. 
 
 In 1760, Trescho, the deacon of Mohrungen, took Herder, then 
 sixteen years old, into his house, but did not treat him in a friendly 
 manner, keeping him very much shut up. One day, when Trescho 
 had sent Herder to the bookseller, Kanter, in Konigsberg, in charge 
 of a manuscript, the youth left with it a poem by himself, "To Cy- 
 rus," without his name. Kanter had the poem printed with the other 
 manuscript; this was in 1762, when Herder was seventeen and a 
 half years old. 
 
 The surgeon of a Russian regiment, in winter-quarters at Mohrun- 
 gen, became acquainted with Herder, became quite fond of him, and 
 took him with him to Konigsberg, to study surgery. But at the first 
 dissection which he witnessed, he fainted away. This decided him to 
 give up surgery, and on August 9th, 1762, he was matriculated as a the- 
 ological student, after an examination which he passed with great credit. 
 
 He now studied, under Kant, logic, metaphysics, ethics, and mathe- 
 matical and physical geography. At the same time he became ac- 
 quainted with Hamaun. They first met at the confessional, and af- 
 terward read Shakspeare together. 
 
 Herder's pecuniary condition was at this time very pinching; but 
 it was improved in 1763, when, in his nineteenth year, he obtained a 
 situation as teacher in the Frederic's College, which he filled with 
 great conscientiousness. ** I have to thank this teaching," he said after- 
 
 * This sketch is mostly from the ''Recollections of the Life of J. G. von Herder," by his 
 vidow ; which constitute, in Cotta's edition of Herder's Works, the 21st, 22d, and 23d part* 
 in the division " Philosophy and History." 
 
 tOf two sons and three daughters, one son and one daughter died in their third year. 
 
548 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 ward, "for the development of many ideas and their clear definition. 
 Let any one, who desires to work out any study thoroughly, teach it." 
 
 In 1764, principally by Hamann's influence, Herder became assist- 
 ant at the Cathedral School, in Riga. In a letter to Lindner, rector 
 of the school, Hamaun says of the young man, only twenty years of 
 age, that he has " a respectable quantity of historical, philosophical, 
 and aesthetic knowledge, and a great desire to cultivate the most 
 promising field possible ; and with a more than moderate experience 
 in school management." 
 
 Three years afterward, in 1767, Herder received, in addition to his 
 place in the school, an appointment as preacher. His teaching, in Riga, 
 as in Konigsberg, was exceedingly approved of. " His method of in- 
 struction," writes pastor Bergtnann, one of his pupils, " was so excel- 
 lent, and his intercourse with his scholars so pleasant, that they attended 
 no lesson with more pleasure than those which were given by him." 
 
 In Riga he published, in 1767, his first work of importance, his 
 "Fragments of German Literature" and, in 1768 and 1769, his 
 "Critical Forests" In the Fragments, among other things, are some 
 very correct and profound views on the undervaluation of the mother 
 tongue, and the overvaluation of the Latin, which then gave tone 
 and color to the schools. He also strives against the prevailing apish 
 imitation in Latin style. Thought and expression, he says, must go 
 together ; it is so in the native language ; and it is only in that that 
 a man can write with originality. These works drew upon him, 
 especially from Klotz, who has ben immortalized by Lessing, the 
 most violent attacks and insults, which annoyed him so much,* that, 
 in the year 1769, he asked a dismission from his place, and took a 
 journey to France with a friend. The purpose of this journey was 
 " an acquaintance with the best institutions of education and learning 
 in France, Holland, England, and Germany, and, at his return to Riga, 
 the erection of an educational institution."! 
 
 On the voyage from Riga to Nantes, and in France, Herder kept a 
 very interesting diary ,J in which all the elements of his subsequent 
 university may be seen fermenting together with youthful wildness. 
 "All his various characteristics were heaving together in Titanic hope." 
 
 *Hamann sharply reproved Herder for his ''autorial susceptibility." 
 
 tPhilos. and Hist works, 20, 107. 
 
 I This diary is in Cotta's edition of Herder's Works; not entire, however, but "with the 
 omission of some portions whose ideas are more fully presented in other parts of his 
 works. "(!) It is, however, given in full in "Picture of von Herder's Life," (TO. Herder's 
 Lebensbild.) 
 
 Gervinus. "Later History of National Poetic Literature" 1. 468, 485. Gervinus also says, 
 "Except Gothe's '-Juvenile Letters." we have nothing which expresses, so well as this diary, 
 the Titanomachy of this period, its Promethean attack upon heaven." 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 5^9 
 
 In this diary he refers to a book which he thought of publishing, 
 "for human and Christian training." "It would begin," he says, 
 "with the knowledge of self; of the wise cultivation of body and 
 soul ; would explain the design and indispensableness of each mem- 
 ber to body and soul, and the manifoldness which exists among them ; 
 and would then give rules and directions for all the development of 
 body and soul, of which they are capable. To this point, Rousseau 
 is a great teacher. But there follows a second part, relative to so- 
 ciety ; where Rousseau is quite unable to teach." He then goes on 
 to set forth the contents of his intended work, and mentions the vari- 
 ous topics of Christianity which it was to discuss. 
 
 In the course of the diary, he mentions his pedagogical ideal. He 
 proposes to " change Rousseau's human savage, Emile, into a national 
 Livonian child." "O, ye Locke and Rousseau I" he cries out, "and 
 Clarke, and Francke, and Hecker, and Ehler, and Biisching! I desire 
 to rival you ; I will read you, examine you, nationalize you." 
 
 After this, Herder gives the complete plan of a school ; from which 
 it appears how powerful an influence Rousseau exercised upon him. 
 Thus, he opposes the tyranny of the Latin ; and, on the other hand, 
 most strenuously advocates real studies. "My method," he says, 
 "makes practical minds, because it teaches words ; or rather, inversely, 
 it teaches things." " No school is good, where nothing is learned but 
 Latin. I have tried to drive it away, by opening three completely 
 independent real classes, in which the pupils study for humanity, and 
 for their whole life." " There will be an everlasting contest between 
 the Latin and the real schools. The latter will always teach too little 
 Latin for an Ernesti, and the former too little knowledge of facts for 
 the rest of the world." 
 
 Grammar, on this plan, should be taught, not in the Latin, but in 
 the native language. 
 
 " Grammar," he says elsewhere, " must be learned from the lan- 
 guage, and not the language from the grammar ; style from speak- 
 ing, and not speaking from an artificially formed style." 
 
 "After the mother tongue," again, " the French should follow, as it 
 is the most universal and indispensable in Europe, and, according to 
 our modes of thought, the most finished, and the most complete in 
 beauty of style and tasteful expression. * * * It is the easiest 
 and most uniform, by means of which to obtain a foretaste of philo- 
 sophical grammar ; the most orderly for matters of arithmetic, the 
 understanding, and argument. Our state of society, also, requires 
 that it should come immediately after our own language, before any 
 other, even before Latin. I would even rather have men of learning 
 know French than Latin." 
 
550 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 These extracts show how thoroughly realistic were Herder's views 
 at that time, even in respect to languages. He expressed them in a 
 condensed form as follows : " It should be a principal aim to give 
 the boy living ideas of every thing which he sees, says, or enjoys ; in 
 order to give him a tangible place in a world of his own. * * * 
 He will never wish to have been born in another world, as his head 
 will not have been disordered by any other, and his first horizon would 
 be his own." And he suddenly exclaims, " Oh, if I had myself ever 
 taught through such a course, and still more, had I myself studied 
 through it, and done so in the beginning, and had been educated in 
 that manner ! But as it is, nothing is left for me but a second edu- 
 cation. I will study French, to learn to appreciate their Buffons and 
 Nollets; and, above all, to investigate art, and nature, and human prog- 
 ress, and to become fully acquainted with them, . . . and to 
 Jearn to know the real sources of books, so that when I possess them 
 I may train myself according to them." 
 
 The genial young man of five and twenty, had all at once become 
 aware of his condition of half learning. Trained up among books, 
 the world of books appeared to him one of antitypes, and he was 
 resolved to seek the original types answering to them, and to seek 
 them in France ! In this state of reaction he overvalued what he 
 lacked, and much undervalued what he possessed. But however 
 strong was the French influence upon Herder at this time, it operated 
 rather upon the exterior than upon the center of his mind. Un- 
 touched by the shallow deism of France, he recommended, most 
 earnestly, in his school plan, Luther's Catechism. " This," he says, 
 "must be thoroughly learned by heart, and be remembered ever 
 after." 
 
 If this French influence had penetrated Herder deeply, his eyes 
 would not so soon have been opened to the French and their language, 
 as the sequel of his diary and his letters show that they were. He 
 writes to Hamann, " I am yet at Nantes, where I live in a small but 
 familiar circle, and am making myself acquainted with the French 
 language, manners, and modes of thinking. I do not learn to like 
 them, however ; for the nearer I see them, the less I like them." And 
 in a letter from Paris he says, u France can not completely satisfy ; 
 and I am heartily weary of it." 
 
 Rousseau himself must have appeared to him in an entirely differ- 
 ent light, after his more complete acquaintance with the French.* 
 " With Rousseau," he says, in his diary, " one must use every where 
 
 * He says : " One can not understand any French writer unless he understands the French 
 
 nation." 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 551 
 
 paradoxes which corrupt and deceive him ; which make old things 
 appear new to him, little great, true false, and false true. No plain 
 statement will suffice for him ; all must be new, striking, wonderful. 
 Thus what is beautiful is carried too far ; truths are made too uni- 
 versal, and thus to cease being true. His sophistries must be de- 
 tected ; and we have to force ourselves back into our own world. 
 But who can do this? Can every ordinary reader? Would not the 
 labor be often greater than the gain to be made by it? And is not 
 Rousseau thus unpractical, or harmful, by reason of this intellectual 
 quality, in spite of his greatness ?" And in another place he says,* 
 " Voltaire is vain and impudent about himself, Rousseau proud and 
 haughty ; but both of them sought nothing so much as to distinguish 
 themselves. The former always assumed that he had done it, and 
 in controversy depended entirely on wit ; the latter, upon intolerable 
 and unheard of novelties and paradoxes. However strongly Rous- 
 seau may contend against the philosophers, it is still evident that he* 
 is not at all concerned for the justness, goodness, reason, or useful- 
 ness of his views, but for what is vast, extraordinary, new, or strik- 
 ing. Wherever he can, he is a sophist and a mere advocate ; and, 
 indeed, here is the reason that the French have so few philosophers, 
 politicists, or historians ; because these three classes of writers must 
 deal with the truth only. But what is there which would not give 
 Voltaire occasion for an attack, or Rousseau for a novelty ? " 
 
 How cool and correct is this opinion of Herder, in his twenty-fifth 
 year ; and how soon had he recovered from his earlier overestima- 
 tion of Rousseau ! We shall be still more convinced of this when 
 we see how efii^ntly he combated the evils of the Gallomania, and 
 the extreme views of the Philanthropinists. 
 
 Tired of France, he left Paris in the beginning of 1770, and went 
 into Holland to Eutin, and thence, as tutor to one of the princes of 
 Holstein, to Strasburg, where he became acquainted with Gothe, five 
 years his junior. Here he was appointed a consistorial councilor at 
 Biickeburg, where he resided from 1771 to 1776. Having, while 
 here, read Rousseau's "JEmile" again, in 1771, he remarks upon it: 
 " We must not praise it, but imitate it." Still, he expresses himself, 
 five years later, in an extract, given in our sketch of Hamann, of a 
 letter to the latter, entirely displeased with Basedow's Philanthro- 
 pinum, which was modeled entirely after Rousseau. He afterward 
 expressed deliberate and profound views of the same kind, in several 
 
 *What we have said indicates that Herder first wrote these opinions of Rousseau in 
 Prance. He reached Nantes. July Rth, 1769; and in the following October he wrote to Hart- 
 knoch, that he had yet some writing to do in his diary, "with which I have," he adds, " been 
 in arrears all the time on shipboard, and am so still." 
 
552 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 addresses on educational subjects, with relation to the much praised 
 new educational methods of the day; and contends against the 
 " shallow and easy methods in usum Delphinorum of the present 
 age." And he says, "He who pretends that there is light, or intel- 
 ligibility, where there is none, is a juggler, and not a teacher." And 
 he contends against those who advocate " a Leibnitzian and New- 
 tonian philosophy for children," and who pretend that languages can 
 be learned "without memory, pains, or grammar." 
 
 In another address, he remarks that "instead of the good old 
 word 'school,' a fashion has been introduced of using Tiew and more 
 showy terms, such as ' Educational Institution,' and ' Philanthropi- 
 num ;' and that much is said and much praise is heard of * genius/ 
 * original genius,* which does every thing for itself, and has no need 
 of any other instructor; and of wonderful self-development by one's 
 own powers." " Such empty commendations of innate natural pow- 
 *ers " have become in the highest degree harmful to youth ; and " na- 
 ture, so called," has been operative to the destruction of regulated, 
 strict, and well-considered art." If the older schools were correct in 
 principle, he says, " No one who knows what is a well-founded pub- 
 lic temple of science, and what is good education, would become an 
 advocate of one of these shrines of Diana, with which men do so 
 many idolatries under green trees, with the fashionable methods of 
 the day. Many of these playthings have already fully displayed 
 their emptiness." 
 
 It is pleasant to see how the overflowing genius of the youth de- 
 veloped into the prudence of the man. This is shown in respect to 
 the excessive praise of the French, which we have already mentioned ; 
 and with which no German reader, and no one who understands 
 French and its relations with other languages, especially Latin, can 
 fail to be displeased. 
 
 This displeasure will, however, be fully appeased upon reading, in 
 Herder's "Letters for the Advancement of Humanity" written about 
 a quarter of a century after the "School Plan"* his remarkable at- 
 tack upon the " Gallomania, or imitation of the French." In this he 
 says : 
 
 " This has inflicted upon us a much deeper wound. 
 
 " Since language is the organ of our mental faculties, and the chief 
 means of our training and education, we can not be well taught 
 
 * The ''School Plan " appeared in 1769; the "Letters " between 1793 and 1797. Herder's 
 later satisfaction (1801,) at the spread and improvement of the French language, by means of 
 the French Academy, and at its influence upon the other European languages, German es 
 pecially, seems to have originated in his dislike to the " obscure German metaphysics, which 
 scarcely understood itself," and to the '-confused ideas and tangled periods" of its style 
 Gervinus compares this praise with Gothe's compliments to Voltaire's purity of style. 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 553 
 
 otherwise than in our native language. What is called a French 
 education (a term actually in use,) in Germany, must of necessity 
 pervert and injure German manners. This truth seems to me as clear 
 as the sun at noon. 
 
 " By whom and for whom was French constructed ? By French- 
 men, and for them. It expresses ideas and relations which occur in 
 their world ; in the course of their life ; and expresses them as they 
 are presented to the speakers by their local circumstances at the mo- 
 ment, and by their mental peculiarities at the moment. Without 
 this area, the words must be half understood, or not at all, ill applied, 
 or, where the subjects are wanting, altogether inapplicable, and thus 
 uselessly learned. Since fashion rules in no language as despotically 
 as in French ; since no other language is so entirely a reflection of 
 variableness, and of a changeable succession of shades of manners, 
 significations, and relations ; since no other language equals it in ex- 
 pressing delicate gradations of meaning, and in plays upon a color- 
 piano of brilliant meteors and refractions of light ; with these quali- 
 ties, what can it be for the education of Germans, in their peculiar 
 circumstances ? Nothing, or a will-o'-the-wisp. It leaves the mind 
 empty of ideas, or gives it, in place of the truths and actualities of 
 our own country, false expressions, erroneous terms, unnatural repre- 
 sentations, and affectedness. Wrenched out of its proper place, such 
 results must of necessity follow, if it were a language of angels. 
 Neither is it going too far to say that, in those classes of our own na- 
 tion, where it has been the vehicle of education, and still more where 
 it has constituted the whole of education, it has distorted the under- 
 standing, laid waste hearts, and, worst of all, left the mind emptied 
 of such qualities as are most essential to the enjoyment of pleasure 
 in our race, in our circumstances, in our calling ; and are these not 
 the sweetest of pleasures ? 
 
 "And yet, the whole value of a man, his usefulness in society, his 
 happiness as a man and a citizen, depend upon this ; that he under- 
 stand thoroughly and clearly, and from his youth up, the world in 
 which he lives, his employments and relations, and their means and 
 purposes ; that on these subjects he gain secure possession of ideas, 
 sound in the strictest sense, and sincere and cheerful views ; and that he 
 train himself in them, unperverted, immovably, without any unnatural 
 or false ideal in his mind, and without any squinting toward foreign 
 manners and relations. One who has not attained to this, will find 
 his ways of thinking distorted, and his heart uninterested in the situa- 
 tion in which he is placed ; or, as it might better be represented, his 
 heart will have been stolen from him in his youth, for his whole life, 
 by a courtezan. 
 
554 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 " What can be more valuable than a real world of real hearts and 
 minds, than a condition in which we know our own thoughts and 
 feelings in their truest form, and express them to others in the truest 
 and most natural way ; in which others communicate to us in return 
 their own thoughts and feelings ; in short, where every bird sings as 
 nature taught it to sing? If this light is extinguished, this flame 
 quenched, this primeval bond between souls broken or weakened, then, 
 instead of all this, nothing would be to be heard, but mere memorized, 
 foreign, poverty-stricken phrases. What misery is that of everlasting 
 superficiality and falsehood, and heart and soul dried up, hard and 
 cold!" 
 
 In 1776, Herder left Biickeburg, having, by Gothe's influence, been 
 appointed councilor of the high consistory at Weimar, where, twenty- 
 five years later, he became president of that body. 
 
 Next to the duties of his ecclesiastical office, the improvement of 
 the schools lay nearest his heart. In 1783, he drew up a new plan 
 for the schools, and secured an increase of wages for the teachers. A 
 teachers' seminary was founded, by his influence, in 1787. In the 
 lower schools he endeavored to introduce the best and practical parts 
 of the Pestalozzian method of instruction. He gave the clergy "the 
 privilege of a thorough oversight of the country schools." 
 
 Herder refused to have his plan for the schools printed ; " as," he 
 said, " most such undertakings, if begun publicly, end miserably. For, 
 in this matter, every thing depends upon practice, upon vigorous 
 methods, and experiment. A faulty plan may be drawn up in half 
 an hour ; but it becomes a fetter in which a succeeding century walks 
 lame." 
 
 His idea was, that " the lower classes of real schools should train 
 useful citizens, and that the upper ones should form a scientific gym- 
 nasium for those intending to study." 
 
 He offered to give his assistance in establishing his scheme of or- 
 ganization; saying, "In my nineteenth year I began teaching in the 
 highest class of an academical institution, and from that time to this 
 I have never been free from the responsibilities of a teacher, or else 
 of a school officer. Foreign countries, even Catholic ones, have con- 
 sulted me in relation to their school organizations ; and, without de- 
 parting from the greatest modesty, I believe myself entitled to assert 
 that I understand the subject." 
 
 Herder manifested, in every way, knowledge of schools, and skill 
 in their management. In particular, he possessed, when of mature 
 years, both the greatest respect for established institutions of value, 
 and the readiest recognition of valuable novelties. He was consistent 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 555 
 
 In upholding the former, and in opposing raw and presumptuous re- 
 formers ; but his conservatism did not make him blind to such im- 
 provements of value as now and then came up. 
 
 In a man of Herder's poetical and simple character, these sound 
 and moderate views on education are truly wonderful. They are 
 clearly expressed, among other places, in his plan for the teachers 1 
 seminary above mentioned. In this he says, " It is the single purpose 
 of a teachers' seminary, to furnish to such young persons as devote 
 themselves to educational pursuits, by instruction and proper practice, 
 in whatever is necessary or truly useful for their future vocation, with- 
 out ostentation, or any of the pedagogical fantasies of the day ; for 
 the greatest skill as a teacher is to be acquired only by method and 
 practice." 
 
 Herder was also interested in favor of a theological seminary. In 
 respect to it, he considered that " the first seeds of such institutions 
 must be sowed in silence ; for that, as old records show, what is be- 
 gun with a great noise, commonly comes to an end very quietly." 
 The same wise humility appears again here ; which knows that the 
 blessing comes from above, but that presumption is fatal to grace. 
 
 In his opinion respecting a theological seminary, he says : " What 
 the clinic does for physicians, and the formuiarium practicum for 
 jurists, must be done for theologians by a seminary for those intend- 
 ing to be clergymen ; an institution, for the establishment of which 
 our universities seem, under present circumstances, to be, for many 
 reasons, unfit. Learned and experienced clergymen only are the 
 proper men to do it." 
 
 He advised young clergymen, as Luther had done, to endeavor to 
 obtain practice in teaching, especially public teaching. " I consider 
 it," he said, " as a piece of good fortune, that in my youth I was un- 
 der the necessity of teaching. I know that what I learned by it I 
 could with difficulty have obtained, if at all, even by eternal reading 
 and hearing. Ministers who have been good school teachers, if they 
 have not remained in the business too long, are very soon distinguish- 
 able for orderliness, science, and real practical knowledge." 
 
 He wrote also a very instructive "Plan for the employment of three 
 academical years, for a young theologian" In this, he advised such 
 a young man not to enter the university too early ; and recommends 
 him to study geography and natural history. " The knowledge of 
 our place of abode," he says, " of its creatures and formation, is indis- 
 pensable to him whom God intends to preach." He advises students 
 to practice taking notes during their studies ; as being a means of 
 "better distinguishing and digesting their thoughts." He warns 
 
556 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 them against being hypercritical in reading the Biole. " The New 
 Testament," he says, "should be read in a religious, simple, and plain 
 meaning, as the Apostles wrote it, and the first Christians read it." 
 
 "The students ought not to pursue refinements too far in their 
 studies ; should read rather good books than bad ones ; and should 
 not attempt to explain every thing, to the last iota ; but should rest 
 contented with the general internal consistency, purity, power, and 
 beauty of the word of God in itself." 
 
 This plan of study for a young theologian is annexed to the ^Let- 
 ters to Theophron," which are addressed to a young man who has 
 completed his academical studies in theology. The author praises 
 Theophron's affection for his teachers, and his freedom from foolish pride 
 and silly arrogance. He, however, proceeds to find fault with him, 
 "because his mode of reading the Bible is perverted and profane; 
 because he can not drop the critical spirit ; and the word of God be- 
 comes, under his critical process, like a squeezed lemon." And he 
 adds: "Obtain for yourself a heart inclined to overcome all obliqui- 
 ties of judgment, to level hill and valley, and again to attain to that 
 right-mindedness which was a happiness of your youth, and without 
 which we can never be happy." 
 
 Herder's "Report upon the education of young clergymen at the 
 university?* is of great value in relation to theological studies. The 
 occasion which called out this report was a most lamentable one. 
 Numbers of young theologians, at the close of their academical term, 
 were found utterly unfit for the ministry. The question was asked, 
 whether it was not going to be necessary to educate those preparing* 
 for the ministry, in schools set apart for them. Herder opposed this 
 plan, and, together wiih a full exposition of the existing evil, advised 
 how it could be remedied, without laying aside the received course of 
 study. 
 
 He begins by seeking the source of the difficulty, not in the de- 
 partment of theology, but in that of philosophy; which is especially 
 to blame for perverting the minds of the students beforehand, and 
 thus unfitting them for their subsequent theological studies. This is 
 the worse, as " the young people come too young and immature to 
 the university;" immature in understanding, judgment, and charac- 
 ter, and thus given over to every intellectual and moral temptation. 
 Herder's principal remedy is, to lengthen the school course one year, 
 and to establish a "select class" in each gymnasium, "in which the 
 youths may learn to conduct themselves as academical students." 
 
 * Drawn up from the only two, unfortunately, which remain, of the reports on similar sub- 
 jects, which the author wrote during the last six years of nis life. 
 
JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 557 
 
 " In this way the prolongation of their stay in the school would not 
 become a hardship to them, and their entrance into the university 
 will not turn their heads." On this plan, academical lectures would 
 be avoided on subjects which can be thoroughly learned only in 
 schools ; as these would be attended to in this select class. 
 
 In conclusion, we will glance at the excellent addresses which Her- 
 der delivered while Ephorus of the Weimar Gymnasium, mostly at 
 examinations. 
 
 In two of these, he advocates strict order and discipline in schools, 
 though the period was one of the greatest laxity of morals. If such 
 discipline is wanting, if the teacher is not entirely master in his class, 
 and possessed of entire control of his scholars, his occupation be- 
 comes an internal torture, such as that of Sisyphus and the Danaides. 
 But, on the other hand, the teacher should not forget the rule, Maxi- 
 ma reverentia puero debetur. In a third address, he discusses methods 
 of study ; and adds, that in some departments (e. g., in natural histo- 
 ry,) these methods have been improved as the studies have advanced. 
 He then proceeds to oppose the feeble and enfeebling newly-discov- 
 ered methods for easing study. 
 
 One address is upon written school exercises. Among others, he 
 earnestly recommends translations from the classics, as accurate as 
 possible without unpleasant closeness ; and assiduous reading, in 
 which the pupil must be assisted by the teacher. "Very eminent 
 men," he says, " ha.ve educated themselves without a teacher, but it 
 would be unfortunate for any one to undertake to gain all his acquire- 
 ments without a teacher; and the consequence would often be that 
 he would be distinguished only for mental deformity." "A good 
 school is a community of bees, who fly about and gather honey ; an 
 indolent one, a collection of beasts of burden, who go just where they 
 are driven, and do not, all their lives, take possession even of what is 
 laid upon them." 
 
 In the address on schools as physical gymnasia, he discusses the 
 development of innate faculties by practice. As included in this, he 
 mentions exercises in bodily accomplishments and susceptibilities. 
 All such exercises, he says, must be steadily followed, and inter- 
 changed with each other ; and a noble emulation, the " good Eris " 
 of Hesiod, must preside over them. In regard to such exercises, the 
 schools are far better situated than the universities, which undervalue 
 all exercise. 
 
 Two addresses consider what place the fine arts should occupy in 
 the schools. " Woe to a time," says Herder, " which calls that beau- 
 tiful which is easy ; and that agreeable which is attained with facility." 
 
558 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 The ancients knew nothing of the "fine" arts, as opposed to the pro- 
 found or the useful. 
 
 The Latin terras " literce humaniores" "studio. humanitatis" happily 
 expressed the correct idea of the fine arts. To the ancients the terra 
 " beautiful " was " an actual part of a clear, accurate, intelligible, ex- 
 pressive proposition ; not a mere verbal finery." "All sciences lose 
 their best part when the beautiful, that is, that quality by which 
 they develop humanity, is taken away from them ; and that this is a 
 quality which each of them, after its kind, can have and should have, 
 that no science should be barbarian or inhuman, that even the most 
 abstract pursuits have their attraction, their beauty," these are prop- 
 ositions which follow of themselves. 
 
 "On the use of schools." This is directed against pseudo-philan- 
 thropic reformers who contemn all tradition, which, meanwhile, is 
 handed down to us principally by means of the schools. "The whole 
 human race is certainly one school, continued on through all centuries ; 
 and a new-born child, suddenly removed from this school, broken out 
 from this chain of instruction, and set upon a desert island, would be, 
 with all his natural faculties, a miserable beast, even ten times more 
 miserable than the beasts." 
 
 " The spirit of our age tends more to destroy than to build. To 
 fell a tree costs only a few strokes ; but to make it grow up, requires 
 years, or centuries." 
 
 Herder then turns to ignorant teachers. " It is an established fact, 
 that an ignorant or visionary man can teach nothing correctly ; that one 
 who desires to teach, must himself have learned ; that is, must have 
 acquired clear and correct ideas, and a lucid, easy, and practicable 
 method. This is the reason why all half-learned men are so strenuous 
 against true modes of instruction. I believe we should all agree that 
 the arguments of such persons would be very suspicious. * * 
 The older we grow, or at least the more mature our judgment becomes, 
 the better does he see that no measures should be kept with such 
 geniuses, with their peculiar enthusiasms, with their eloquence upon 
 subjects of which they are ignorant, with their activity in occupa- 
 tions which they do not understand; and, for my part, I experience 
 a horror when I hear, read, or see the preaching, or orations, or op- 
 erations of these geniuses. What we learn it is, that we understand."* 
 
 Every thing which Herder says here seems perfectly clear of itself. 
 And yet Jacotot, whose system has, at a later date, gained so much 
 reputation, says that his " universal instruction appeals to no one who 
 does. not feel himself competent to teach his son what he does not 
 
 *In his obituary address upon Heinze, the late rector at Weimar, Herder praised him as 
 " a master who would not teach at all what he only half understood." 
 
v 
 
 B 
 
 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 559 
 
 himself understand. * * * He appeals to his own experience ; 
 since he taught Dutch and Russian without understanding them, and 
 music, of which he never knew any thing." * 
 
 " School," says Herder further, " is a place in which we learn a 
 science, a language, an art, or a trade, thoroughly and by rules ; where 
 we practice those rules, and make ourselves familiar with them ; 
 where our faults are explained to us from their bottom, and remedied 
 in the easiest way possible. * * * Thus it appears of itself that 
 a teacher must understand the subject which he teaches ; and that 
 accordingly I can learn it from him, and can do so much more easily 
 than from myself, who know nothing of it." " It is certainly a rec- 
 ommendation of a man to say ' he is educated ; ' but a rips-raps, who 
 has no training in any school, lacks steadiness and precision in his work." 
 
 The same address contains striking remarks upon the heuristic or 
 inventive method, which had been pushed to the extremest caricature, 
 especially by Jacotot. Herder ridicules the undertaking to find out, 
 for one's self, sciences, rules, arts, which the mind is to bring out for 
 us, or which the wind is to blow to us." It is more than we are 
 able to do, to learn the necessary studies in the slowest manner. 
 
 "On the introduction of improvements in schools, 1786." In this ad- 
 dress he complains that the public take little interest in the schools, and 
 regard them so little. He opposes the idea that, even in the gymnasium, 
 reference should be had to the future social destiny of the scholar; and 
 contends that a general mental development should rather be sought. 
 
 " On the preference of public or private schools, 1 790." Herder makes 
 no defense of the ''pure good Latin schools." In practice, he was in- 
 strumental in removing the objection that the scholars were ranked every 
 where by their standing in Latin, and that other studies were pursued 
 merely as subordinate ; for he was prominent in the introduction of the 
 new arrangement, according to which the pupils received a name and 
 rank from their proficiency in Latin, but were set higher or lower in each 
 other section, according to their proficiency in that. Thus the scholars 
 of a particular Latin class might have different places at different lessons. 
 
 Although, in some of his addresses, Herder appears as a firm parti- 
 san of established good measures, and as decidedly conservative, still, 
 in that last quoted, he recommends, with equal earnestness, an innova- 
 tion, that is the uniting of the class system and the classification by 
 studies. Latin, as anciently established, is, it is true, to hold the first 
 rank in the schools ; but other studies are made to assume a rank and 
 importance of their own ; and are to appear to the scholars, no longer 
 as unimportant adjuncts to the Latin, but as independent pursuits, re- 
 quiring earnest study. 
 
 Jacotot's "Universal Instruction," exolained by Dr Hoffman, p. 22. 
 
560 JOHANN GOTTFRIED HERDER. 
 
 In several other addresses, as in his youth, Herder is an advocate 
 of realism in the schools ; of an enlightened realism however, not of 
 one which can only stimulate pride. In an address, in 1798, "On the 
 progress of a school in the course of time" he says that he would not 
 comply with the demands of the times in what is extravagant, but so 
 far as they are true and useful. He had learned, to full conviction, 
 that the times very correctly required of scholars, training in under- 
 standing, speaking and writing their native language, in natural 
 science, mathematics, and geography. His address "On the agreeable- 
 ness^ usefulness, and necessity of Geography? is full of love of the 
 study. He says that " he pursued it with the extremest pleasure in 
 the best years of his life, and taught it to others with as much pleas- 
 ure." He considers geography, in connection with natural history, as 
 the basis of general history. The fresh enthusiasm which charac- 
 terizes this address is the same which appears in his "Ideas upon the 
 History of Humanity" the first part of which was published in 
 1784, the year of the delivery of this address. 
 
 In a second address, "On true progress in schools? he expresses 
 himself strongly against " old, empty, dry customs." " Every teach- 
 er," he says, " must have his own customs, must himself have fash- 
 ioned them, and that intelligently, or he will accomplish nothing." 
 This is most strongly opposed to the antiquated custom which pre- 
 scribed that men must move only in the footsteps of their predecessors. 
 
 The address "On the genius of a school" is very able, and very 
 characteristic of Herder. This genius is, in his view, "a personification 
 of the purity and nobility of human nature ;" a personification of hu- 
 manity. A comparison is very interesting, of this address with an- 
 other, entitled "Schools as the laboratories of God's spirit, the Holy 
 Ghost" What are the relations between the "genius of a school," 
 and the Holy Ghost, and its operations ? 
 
 I shall concluded here, referring the reader to Herder's works. It 
 was not my design to give an exhaustive account of him, but only 
 such an one as might instruct the teachers of our times ; who, in their 
 overestimate of the present day, may easily undervalue the profound, 
 truthful, and fruitful views of preceding great men. 
 
 We have sketched Herder's life until he came to Weimar, in 1776. 
 We have seen how deeply he was interested in schools, seminaries, 
 and the education of ministers and teachers ; and how he labored for 
 them, in thought and in action. In this course of active exertion he 
 persevered steadily and hopefully, although it often appeared as if his 
 labor was vain, until his death, which took place December 18th, 
 1803, at the age of fifty-nine years four months. 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 [Translated for the American Journal of Education, from the German of Karl von Raumer.] 
 
 FRIEDRICH AUGUST "WOLF was born in 1759, at Hainrode, 
 a village not far from Nordhausen ; where his father was school- 
 master and organist. Before the boy could well speak or walk, his 
 father tried to teach him Latin and German. At two years old, long 
 before he could read or write, he knew many Latin words. From his 
 mother, he inherited a pleasant expression, and a love of music. 
 
 In 1765, his father removed to Nordhausen. His son, at the age 
 of six, entered the third class of the gymnasium there, and, in his 
 eleventh year, was placed in the first. Fabricius was rector at first, 
 and was followed by liake, a very able man, who had much influence 
 upon Wolf, but, unfortunately, died after a rectorate of only nine 
 months, in 1771. Under his successor, Alberti, the gymnasium 
 declined. Wolf, at fifteen, detected this man's ignorance in a lesson ; 
 and, at a public examination, showed that he had dictated difficult 
 questions and answers to the scholars, in order to a good appearance 
 before the spectators. After this, Wolf attended the gymnasium but 
 little, but studied the classics by himself with great zeal ; bejng 
 bountifully furnished with books by two preachers and a physician 
 in Nordhausen, and especially by Collaborator Leopold in Ilefeld. 
 He also learned, under music- director Frankenstein, as much of Eng- 
 lish, French, Italian, and Spanish, as his instructor knew himself. 
 
 In his sixteenth year, his father placed him with Schroeter, the 
 well-known organist at Nordhausen. Although the young man had 
 studied the organ and clavier with eagerness, he had no wish to 
 devote himself entirely to music. For this reason, Schroeter tormented 
 him with mathematical demonstrations. " I never liked these," he 
 said, " for I observed that the better mathematician a man was, so 
 much the more unfit was he for the best of other studies." 
 
 In 1777, he entered the University of Gottingen, where, contrary 
 to all usage, he matriculated as student in philology. Heyne re- 
 marked as much to him, to which he answered, "There are, at most, 
 four or six good professorships of philology in the German universi- 
 ties ; and one of these I propose to obtain." He was not close in 
 attendance on the lectures ; but most zealously pursued his own 
 36 
 
562 FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 studies, with the help of the library. He did not even enter Hejne's 
 philological seminary ; but read lectures, himself, to sixteen hearers, 
 on Xenophon and Demosthenes. 
 
 On Heyne's recommendation, he was, at the age of twenty, ap- 
 pointed, in 1779, collaborater in the Psedagogium at Ilefeld; and, 
 two years afterward, was unanimously chosen rector at Osterode, 
 after having read a brilliant probationary dissertation on an ode of 
 Horace, and two chapters of Thucydides.* 
 
 In 1779, Fredric II. of Prussia, by a cabinet order to his minis- 
 ter, Zedlitz, gave an impulse to the study of the Greek and Roman 
 classics, which occasioned the publication of new editions of them. 
 Wolf was thus induced to publish, in 1782, Plato's "Symposium;" 
 and the reputation of this book was the occasion of the invitationf 
 which he received to fill Trapp's place, at Halle, whither he went, in 
 1783. 
 
 Wolf's appointment specifies that he shall "act as professor of 
 philosophy, and in particular of pedagogy, according to his official 
 duty ; shall yearly deliver an instructive free course of public lectures 
 upon the art of education; in regard to the pedagogical instruc- 
 tion within the Teachers' Seminary, he must spend as much time 
 as possible in the practical direction of it; and, to this end, must 
 often instruct in the boarding-school, in the presence of the seminary 
 pupils ; and must himself have the oversight of the boarding-school." 
 
 Trapp seems to have received nearly the same instructions from the 
 minister ; but there was as much difference between his conceited 
 operations under them and the remarkable efficiency of Wolf's, that 
 there was between his superficiality and the thorough learning and 
 genius of Wolf. 
 
 Not, however, that Wolf found affairs to his mind at his entrance 
 
 * While at Osterode he married, and had one son and three daughters. The son died 
 early, and he was divorced in 1802. 
 
 t The Prussian minister, von Zedlitz, was an enthusiastic believer in Basedow's pedagogical 
 views and undertakings. This fact was the reason of his inviting Trapp, the teacher at the 
 Philanthropinum at Dessau, to Halle : and of his establishing there a professorship of peda- 
 gogy, expressly for him. The new professor was (at the same time,) placed in charge of an 
 educational institution, in which boys were taught, and teachers were trained also. 
 
 Trapp was a thorough follower of Basedow, as his "Attempt at a System of Pedagogy " 
 shows. This book contains a conceited, shallow, and narrow course of reasoning upon 
 religion, philosophy, and learning; an exaltation of what is vulgar, and a vulgar contempt for 
 what is noble. For example, " the learning of foreign languages is one of the greatest evils which 
 afflict the schools, ^specially in Germany; and which hinder the progress of men to perfection 
 and happiness." " It is inquired, how many languages, and what, should the teacher learn t 
 Would to God that he was expected to learn none but his own ! If education were placed 
 upon the best possible footing, both Latin and French would be banished from Germany." 
 
 In 1783, Trapp resigned his appointment, to take charge of an educational institution at 
 Hamburg ; and the official successor of this ignorant opponent of classical studies, was the 
 greatest philologist of his age, F. A. Wolf. 
 
FR1EDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 563 
 
 upon the professorship at Halle. The reverse was the case. So low 
 a spirit prevailed among the students, that they desired nothing more 
 than to be trained for the course of life which they intended to pur- 
 sue. They usually reduced the required three years of the academical 
 course to two; so that they had time only for the most indispensable 
 collegiate studies.* Thus it occurred that Wolf found no encourage- 
 ment at all for his philological lectures. He was quite discouraged 
 from lecturing on logic and metaphysics, when encouraging letters 
 reached him from Biester and Zedlitz. The latter said that Wolf 
 must "help to remove the one reproach under which Halle had labored ; 
 that no philologists had been trained there." And, he continued, 
 "The public will soon do me the justice to confess that I, also, have 
 done what I could to this end, since I have employed for the pur- 
 pose a man of knowledge, learning, taste, and zeal ; and, as far as 
 was in my power, have rewarded him. This confession to my honor, 
 I am certain you will wring from the public." 
 
 A liking for liberal studies gradually grew up among the students. 
 The philological seminary, established by Wolf's means, in 1787, 
 was chiefly instrumental to this end. Up to this time, teachers had 
 usually been chosen from among the theological students. Wolf en- 
 deavored, on the contrary, to build up a class of teachers distinct from 
 the preachers ; and, at the same time, to oppose the contempt for 
 classical studies which had been promoted by the philanthropists ; in 
 his own words, " to raise up again the steadily failing taste for thor- 
 ough classical learning." The seminarists not only received theoreti- 
 cal training, but had the opportunity for practice in teaching. The 
 boarding-school was, throughout, organized like that at Gottingen. 
 
 Wolf's address to the seminarists, at the opening of his philological 
 seminary, is worthy of attention. He says that he has always labored 
 for the good of the pupils, without any ulterior views. "If," he con- 
 tinued, " I had had the usual collateral views, I should invariably have 
 directed my instructions rather to the ears than to the understanding. 
 I am, however, conscious that I have never aimed to attract a multi- 
 tude of hearers, but only to dispense thorough knowledge ; that is, to 
 have hearers, though few, well-trained and desirous of learning. 
 This makes my pleasure the greater, to see that a love of classical 
 learning is actually increasing in our university. Four years ago, I 
 should have been much perplexed to find twelve members of such an 
 institution as this ; while I have now had the true pleasure of being 
 
 " * Life of Wolf, by Korte, 1, 122. Wolf repeatedly describes students of this kind. For 
 instance. " Such are fortunate if they find a teacher who will chew every thing for them ; " 
 *nd, in another place, " Be convinced that no one ever taught usefully, who had not before- 
 Band learned well at school." 
 
564 FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 able to select the present large number of industrious members trom 
 a still greater one of candidates." 
 
 Wolf might well say that he was free from " the usual collateral 
 views." A man who would give up the rector's salary of seven hun- 
 dred thalers, at Osterode, and decline the invitation to Gera, where 
 one thousand thalers was promised him, and would accept, instead, 
 the professorship at Halle, with its income of three hundred thalers, 
 must, truly, have been governed by some nobler motive than that 
 of gaining money. He sought honorable success, as a teacher ; and 
 was no fool with tinkling bells, to direct his instructions rather to the 
 ears than to the minds of his hearers. He had too much capacity, 
 genius, and learning, to be capable of such arts ; a wealthy man does 
 not practice counterfeiting. 
 
 With every year, his success, and the number of his hearers, in- 
 creased. Among these, the writer of this account had the good for- 
 tune to be one. At the first of Wolf's lectures, which he attended 
 in 1798, the room was crowded ; and the same was the case, in 1803 
 and 1804, with all the lectures which he attended. 
 
 If Wolf, at his entrance upon his professorship at Halle, was forced 
 to make bitter complaints of the vulgar mercenariness of the stu- 
 dents, which looked no further than to the procurement of means to 
 earn their bread, his subsequent view of his numerous audience, of 
 whom but a small part were philologistst, was sufficient to convince 
 him that he had conquered in the contest with this ignoble feeling, 
 and that a noble aspiration after truly universal acquirements was 
 awakened among the students. How well he understood how to 
 stimulate this zeal, those who never had the good fortune to be his 
 pupils can learn, from the ma'ny academical programmes which he 
 has collected in his miscellaneous works. In the first, he starts from 
 Seneca's proposition, " He who is every where is nowhere," and utters 
 a warning against studying, superficially, too many subjects, without 
 becoming thoroughly acquainted with any of them. In the second, 
 he discusses the contrast between the ancient Greek method of in- 
 structing by dialogue, and the present one of lecturing from the chair. 
 In order that the students might, to some extent, enjoy the advant- 
 ages of the ancient method, examinations and disputations were 
 established. "Do not 'be afraid of these names," he adds; "these 
 exercises will be of great service to you, not only by developing your 
 facility in language, but your opinions. In a third, Wolf graphically 
 portrays a good teacher. Above all things, he must teach what is 
 true, and do it thoroughly. There must, however, be a second quali- 
 fication. "You will perhaps, my fellow laborers," he continues, " think 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. -^ 
 
 what this is. I have not so low an opinion of your intelligence as to 
 believe that you will imagine that it is sweet words, action, or lively 
 gesticulation. Such meretricious attractions are for the theater, not 
 for the place of instruction ; for speeches intended to excite the pas- 
 sions of the multitude, not for a learned discourse intended to teach 
 youths wisdom. Some action is, nevertheless, appropriate even to 
 such a discourse ; but moderate and uniform. * * * This second 
 requisite is not so much an outward means of adding to the excellence 
 of the discourse, as something bound closely up with the instruction 
 itself. I mean a mode of teaching appropriate to each subject, 
 which shall display it in an order which shall bring all its parts dis- 
 tinctly out ; shall put each in the right place ; and in intelligible, pure, 
 clear, appropriate, and, where proper, witty language ; such as belongs 
 to educated men."* Every discourse should also be suited to the in- 
 tellectual capacities of its hearers ; and, as some of these are strong, 
 and some are weak, the teacher may, perhaps, adopt a mean, in style, 
 as for a class between these two. Having said so much of the requi- 
 sites of teachers, he proceeds to consider what should be demanded 
 of the hearers. " Of you, fellow -laborers," he says, " on the other 
 hand, it will be required that you bring to your new instruction 
 (moral) ears which have been well-trained in school to the apprehen- 
 sion of that medium style of instruction, which is, however, such as 
 is appropriate to the university." In a fourth programme, Wolf de- 
 fends the custom of lecturing from the chair ; which must be an art ; 
 and must vary much with the qualities of its subjects and hearers. 
 The more learned the professor, the more valuable will be his teach- 
 ing ; and the more will educated hearers give consideration to what 
 he says, and the manner in which he says it. The most learned men 
 have proceeded from the schools of those who merely read from 
 manuscript sheets ; while others, in spite of their beautiful delivery, 
 have been but little esteemed among intelligent and learned people. 
 
 I would gladly give fuller accounts of these programmes; but these 
 extracts will exemplify the free, clear, and vivid style in which Wolf 
 addressed the students. Some of his academical writings discuss 
 false readings, which have occasioned teachers useless exertions. He 
 usually cites earlier explanations ; shows them to be distorted and 
 faulty ; and then, in some remarkably simple way, loosens the knot. 
 Even to read these philological programmes enables one to imagine 
 Wolf's oral interpretation of the classics must have enchained his 
 audience. 
 
 * He says, in another programme, " The language of lectures should be familiar, changing 
 as subjects vary, but nowhere like a book." 
 
 No. 16. [VOL. VI., No. 1.] 15. 
 
566 FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 Although, during the first ten years of his labors at Halle, his 
 efforts, both oral and written, had been confined within a narrow 
 sphere, he began about the year 1795 to have a European reputation. 
 In this year appeared his "Prolegomena to Homer ; " a small work, 
 but which gained a reputation unprecedented in philology, although 
 the greatest minds were at variance even with themselves as to its 
 conclusions. These were, that the Iliad and Odyssey are not by the 
 same author, but that each of them consists of various separate rhap- 
 sodies, by different rhapsodists ; and that these were put in connec- 
 tion with each other by the diaskeamts of the time of the PisistratidaB, 
 and by later critics. 
 
 There was no disagreement in the opinion that Wolf had pursued 
 his undertaking with the greatest acuteness, and with eminent learn- 
 ing, whatever differences may have existed as to his conclusions. 
 Wilhelm von Humboldt, G. Hermann, the two Schlegels, and other 
 celebrated men, supported him. Ruhnken wrote to him, ** I have read 
 your Prolegomena more than once, enchained both by the wealth of 
 your distinguished learning and by the acuteness of your historical 
 criticism. In regard to your argument against the antiquity of writ- 
 ing, it is with me as it was with him who read Plato's PhaBdon. 
 While I am reading the book, I agree with you; but when I lay the 
 book down, the whole demonstration escapes with it." And Bois- 
 sonade pronounced a similar opinion. 
 
 Voss was opposed to Wolf's views, as was Schiller, very strongly. 
 Wieland said, also arguing against him, " The Wolfian method of 
 criticism is very flattering to us poor backward votaries of epic poetry ; 
 for, according to it, the ancient singer loses, all at once, his divine 
 splendor, and becomes as one of us." A naive simplicity, which 
 reverses the sentiment of John the Baptist, and makes it read " I 
 must increase, and he must decrease." 
 
 Gothe's earlier views seem to have agreed entirely with Wieland's, 
 but to arise from a nobler motive. I refer to the well known verses : 
 
 " First, to the health of the man who at last has relieved us of Homer, 
 Boldly, and thus he summons us to a higher career. 
 For who will contend with the gods, or who with one of them even ? 
 But to be one, though the last, of the Homeridse, is grand." 
 
 Gothe afterward, however, wrote, referring to his earlier opinion, 
 that he was " more than ever convinced of the unity and indivisibility 
 of the Iliad." 
 
 Such an excitement was stirred up among great intellects by the 
 Prolegomena. They have also brought up some very important 
 questions. 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 567 
 
 With this work began a democratic strife against the aristocracy of 
 the intellectual world. Homeridae or Homer, is a question often dis- 
 cussed, in the course of it, in reference to the greatest works of antiq- 
 uity. 
 
 Herder's " Voices of the Nations? and " Views of Poetry? had 
 testified, as Gothe remarks, " that poetry is a gift to the world and to 
 nations, and not the private inheritance of a few refined and educated 
 men." 
 
 And Wolf says " Every poetical age consists of one generation and 
 one man. Each such age is but one mind, one soul. And they dif- 
 fer only by the difference of their circumstances." 
 
 Who will not rejoice that poetry, instead of being the prerogative 
 of a few highly-gifted men, while all others are deprived of it, is a 
 gift to the people? And above the multitude of the poets stand 
 Sophocles, Dante, Shakspeare, Camoens (Cervantes?) and Gothe, 
 like lofty palms and cedars above the underbrush. But does not 
 Homer rank with them ? Or are the Homeridse princes among the 
 poets of the nations ? 
 
 A second respect in which Prolegomena constitute an epoch is, the 
 boldness with which Wolf attacked the belief of a thousand years, 
 that one man, Homer, wrote the Iliad and the Odyssey ; with which 
 he termed this belief an error, in spite of Plato and Aristotle. By 
 this he inaugurated a style of criticism, which no longer recognized 
 authority, but took pleasure in boldly summoning all before its bar, 
 even the holiest. Especially did Wolf exert this influence upon bib- 
 lical criticism.* "Holy or profane writers," he says, "are all one to 
 me. Secondary considerations do not make me timid, and I am not 
 inclined to affect timidity. The demonstration, which will not be 
 long delayed, that the Pentateuch is made up of dissimilar portions 
 belonging to different ages, and dates back not further than to a period 
 a little after Solomon such a demonstration I should put forth without 
 any horror." 
 
 Yet Wolf complimented himself as "having preserved himself 
 equally free from credulity and doubt ;f and combated the error that 
 the higher criticism could only destroy. 
 
 * K'drte's "I#e," 1 319; and same, 1. 28 ; where KBrte says that, even while a scholar, Wolf 
 had arrived at the remarkable conclusion that, through the ignorance of his teachers, he had 
 learned every thing falsely and pervertedly. "He had even begun to distrust his father. * ' 
 In short, he thought it not impossible that, so far as historical truth was concerned, a set of 
 idle tales had been made up and lold the scholars." His weak rector, whose ignorance and 
 falsehood he had discovered, caused him these doubts ; which were a remarkable premonition 
 of the skepticism and criticism of his later years. 
 
 t KSrte, 2, 223 : where it is stated that the aged Wieland also rejoiced at the Prolegomena, 
 for the reason that the turn of the Bible would ''come after that of this idol." 
 
568 FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 In Wolf's lecture-room stood only one bust, that of Lessing ; and, 
 among his colleagues, his connection was closest with Semler. We 
 can readily see what drew him to these two men ; and directly 
 he promoted the objects which the former had led in seeking. 
 
 Wolf's attacks upon authorities which it had been supposed could 
 not even be attempted, naturally had a great influence upon his hear- 
 ers. Although mature age easily inclines to take part for what is 
 established, and is displeased at any thing unusual and new, and 
 which is strongly opposed to what is ancient ; yet the young are, on 
 the other hand, delighted to %hake off all obligation and authority, 
 and to set themselves up above their predecessors. There was, how- 
 ever, one thing which damped the sometimes excessive vigor of Wolf's 
 scholars. The strange attacks which he made, without any notice, 
 were not made merely for pleasure ; this would have stimulated youth- 
 ful minds to similar attacks ; but they were the results of the great 
 and comprehensive labors of a man of genius. Thus, in this respect, 
 Wolf awed his pupils, and made them modest ; and yet he strength- 
 ened them to persevering activity, thorough searches for truth, and 
 emphatic contempt for pretension. 
 
 It is well known what distinguished scholars came from Wolf's tui- 
 tion. The ablest of them have repeatedly acknowledged their obli- 
 gations to him. Bockh, for instance, dedicated his first work to him, 
 and expressed to him heartfelt thanks. Wolf, he says, introduced 
 him to a new scientific life; and was to him, in advice and admoni- 
 tion, a second father. Bekker has expressed the same heartfelt grati- 
 tude to Wolf, as has Heindorf, among his earlier pupils ; and this 
 feeling was entertained, not only by such distinguished philologists as 
 came from his school, but by all the great number who had listened 
 to him with a lively interest, and whom he had assisted by friendly 
 advice, giving them access to books, or otherwise. 
 
 His efforts were, however, by no means restricted to the universities, 
 but extended also to the gymnasia. He had, indeed, taught in two 
 of them. While rector at Osterode, he seems to have accomplished, 
 in his short official career of two years, an incredible amount of good 
 in the revival of the institution. The service, however, was far more 
 extensive and important, which he did by educating in his seminary 
 a great number of excellent gymnasium teachers. It was for these that 
 he delivered the lectures on pedagogy, which have already been men- 
 tioned, which were especially enjoined upon him, and which were af- 
 terward printed. Director Fohlisch, of Wertheim, a worthy pupil 
 of Wolf, first published them, and Korte afterward issued them 
 again ; adding many reports, letters, and fragments left by Wolf, of a 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 569 
 
 pedagogical character.* Before giving extracts of these books, I must 
 remark that many of Wolf's opinions appear to contradict each other, 
 although upon a close examination this variance disappears. Espe- 
 cially must care be taken, in reading him, to observe whether he is 
 peaking of his own ideal, of a philologist for example, or whether 
 he is only referring, with a sort of despairing resignation, to what is 
 possible, or is actually accomplished, under existing circumstances. 
 These ideals are found, as is natural, more frequently in his earlier 
 writings ; and the resignation in the later ones. I proceed to give 
 an example. " Although," says Wolf, in a letter, " I so willingly 
 conceived the hope that the study of the ancient languages could be 
 begun with the Greek, and I thus had entertained a dream of a lofty 
 elevation of the German national education, yet I have long ago 
 awaked out of it, so far as regards our public schools. The whole 
 tendency of our modern popular education works against it." Still 
 more striking is what he says in an educational report of the year 
 1811 : "All those might be excluded from the study of Greek, and 
 still more from that of Hebrew, in whom is stirred up no especial 
 pleasure in studying languages.! Learning Greek should be made 
 a reward for distinguished industry in other studies, Latin particularly ? 
 rather than a matter of constraint or wearisome recommend- 
 ations." 
 
 A second instance of apparent contradiction, is found in Wolf's 
 views on writing and speaking Latin ; to which we shall hereafter 
 refer, in discussing instruction in Latin. 
 
 The educational report of 1811, above mentioned, is an extended 
 revision of one which Wolfe had previously, in 1803, presented to 
 the philosophical faculty of Halle. Its subject is, "Fixation of Limits 
 between Schools, Universities, and Institutions for Practical Instruc- 
 tion" Respecting the last named. Wolf remarks that men of busi- 
 ness must be trained in business ; but, he adds, every means should be 
 used to prevent " any one from entering into practical occupations, 
 without a thorough knowledge of those subjects, upon an application 
 of which such occupations depend ; since the contrary would cause 
 the introduction of a mere routine, wholly unintelligent, at d, although 
 perhaps useful in some cases, on the whole entirely uncertain." 
 
 And again : " Education must begin to be scientific in the univers- 
 ities; in the schools it must be preparatory, elementary, and for 
 general training." " Yet, in modern times, scientific instruction has 
 
 * F. A. Wolf's "Consilia Scholastica, upon education, schools, and universities. Cot 
 ected from his literary remains, by W. Korte. Quedlinburg & Leipzig. Becker. 1835." 
 t Wolf here excepts those intending to study theology. 
 
570 FR1EDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 been introduced into the schools, to the no small injury of youth. 
 * * * The daily increasing superficiality and multitude of studies 
 in the schools should be opposed by all possible means. In schools, 
 set lessons in Greek and Roman literature, the theory of the fine arts, 
 and the like, are altogether superfluous and harmful. * * * It 
 would be much better for the scholar to know nothing at all of such 
 subjects, than to suppose himself master of them, and to be capable of 
 deceiving even intelligent people for a quarter of an hour, by means 
 of possessing a few insignificant, unseasonable preliminary ideas. 
 Whatever pertains to the memory and the imagination, is the province 
 of the school ; while the university deals with what concerns the 
 higher intellectual powers. The pupil should bring to the university 
 only knowledge, and practiced skill in study. And since the transi 
 tion to the scientific methods of study, proper to the university, can 
 not be made at one leap, the higher classes of the schools should 
 gradually assimilate to it ; without, however, anticipating it, either in 
 subject-matter or form." 
 
 What a clear view is this of the constitution and relations of the 
 school and the university ! how lucid the insight into the natural 
 course of education for the young! how wise is Wolf's advice, and 
 how well calculated to cure the evils which, since he wrote, have so fear- 
 fully increased ! It is not only the scholars, however, who desire to 
 anticipate the university, and play the student, in the gymnasium ; 
 but there are as many teachers who would much rather deliver to 
 their pupils brilliant lectures from the chair, sometimes upon subjects 
 wholly without the province of the school, than moderately and un- 
 derstandingly to train them in the indispensable knowledge and skill 
 in study, for which the scholar's capacity is suited. This is the orig- 
 inating cause of a certain decrepit indifference and insusceptibility in 
 many students. Unseasonable luxuries destroy the sound appetite 
 which a healthy stomach feels at meal-time. 
 
 Wolf formed very just opinions on all school-plans, even his own, 
 in respect to practicability and detail. To a rector, to whom he sent 
 some plans, he wrote : "I hope that you and your young assistants 
 will understand these plans which are not sent as patterns in the 
 spirit in which I drew them up ; and make all the use of them which 
 you can and will. For in every other occupation, and in the school as 
 well, every thing depends on those two auxiliary verbs. Without them, 
 complaints are useless ; and it is a most unworthy destruction of sta- 
 tionery, to undertake to operate among your subordinates with paper 
 stimulants and ordinances." 
 
 Wolf's opinions were valuable, moreover, not only within the sphere 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 571 
 
 of his own profession, but on many subjects which would have been 
 supposed far out of his line. But could any subject be reckoned out 
 of the sphere of so great a genius, so classically learned, and so 
 experienced ? 
 
 We may properly quote such portions of his "Consilia" as display 
 his clear views and judicious tact, in opposing some pedagogical 
 absurdities. " Children do nothing well, but what they do willingly. 
 Hence it follows, that all their studies should be so managed as to 
 be pursued willingly. And it is still better to contrive that they shall 
 willingly do whatever they must do." 
 
 " Poetry promotes good education more than any thing else ; and, in 
 respect to it, no distinction in the rank of the scholars must be ob- 
 served. Up to the seventh or eighth year, poetry should be the chief 
 occupation. For during this period its influence is most valuable, 
 and likewise the higher beauties of prose are not felt. The same is 
 true of a whole nation ; the transition to prose is very difficult." 
 
 (Study of language.) " The feelings must go first; and, when they 
 are excited, ideas follow. And this feeling must, in the end, be con- 
 stituted a rule.'' ;t Up to the fourteenth year, forms must be kept 
 quite out of sight. The reasoning faculties should at first not be put 
 into requisition at all ; reasoning weakens the memory." " Exam- 
 ples should always go with even before principles and rules. The 
 ooy must first learn to feel what is witty or acute, and to imitate it ; 
 and, at a later period only (scarcely while in school,) what is the real 
 essence of such things." 
 
 " In pedagogy, scientific study should be distinguished from artis- 
 tic; that is, the distinction should be maintained between the teacher 
 and the artist." 
 
 " The ancients reasoned less, and did more. Therefore it is that 
 they were more acute, and had less need of a text-book in their hands." 
 
 " Only an extraordinary love for the employment, for the young, 
 and a desire based upon a true and profound religious feeling, to labor 
 for the next generation, can make endurable the inexpressible labori- 
 ousness of the teacher's vocation. The teacher ought not to reckon 
 upon payment, scarcely upon appreciation." 
 
 (From "General Instructions to a Learned Educator in Ger- 
 many.") " Have some love for all the studies which you pursue, and 
 for the youths intrusted to your care ; but, if the two objects come 
 into competition, love the latter most." " Always be well ; and un- 
 derstand how to go hungry patiently, when necessary." " Require 
 no respect from men, and no gratitude ; and do not value the appro- 
 bation of those who misjudge you." 
 
5*72 FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 
 
 " It is better often to repeat expressions once well-chosen, and to 
 impress them thoroughly upon the memory, than to select others at 
 random ; which often causes the precise point in question to be lost 
 sight of. Only, the questions used in the repetition of what is already 
 learned, must be varied many ways."* 
 
 " Every scientifically capable man is naturally fitted for some one 
 particular science, in pursuing which, he insensibly considers the 
 others along with it ; but as a strict examination passes upon each of 
 them, many students distress themselves, merely for the examina- 
 tion, with matters useless to them, and thereby waste much time, 
 which they could better employ in their own pursuit." 
 
 Wolf repeatedly expresses himself against the foolishness usual 
 at examinations, and in formal opinions and testimonies of all kinds. 
 "These opinions," he says, "are commonly nothing but a specious 
 wishy-washy of modish expressions ; mere exercises in style, by the 
 teachers, in which the poor men torment themselves to say the same 
 thing a hundred different ways every year and every day." Wolf 
 declares that he, himself, never made the acquirements demanded of 
 graduates before they can receive the mark " absolutely skilled ; " and 
 he does not believe he could find a full dozen of such "absolutely 
 skilled" men in Berlin. And, notwithstanding these requirements 
 from the scholars, he complains that, " every five years, young people 
 come to the university with less training, although it may be rich 
 with various disorderly knowledge in a kind of splendid misery." 
 
 He speaks again, with earnestness, against unmeasured praise or 
 blame at the graduating school-examinations. "The well-prepared," 
 he says, "will grow lazy, too see their superiority so proclaimed; and 
 the ill-prepared receive a frightful brand. Many a one has taken 
 more pains for his "immaturus" than another for his certificate of 
 maturity ; while his natural endowments receive no acknowledgment ; 
 which gives young people false ideas of human worth." 
 
 I must, though unwillingly, stop here, and refer the reader to the 
 "Consilia Scholastica" itself. 
 
 I shall add a few remarks upon the later years of Wolf's life. 
 Unfortunately, they contain little that is pleasant. The unhappy 
 battle of Jena was the fatal crisis of his life. On the 17th of Octo- 
 ber, 1806, the French took Halle. Napoleon, enraged with the 
 university, dissolved it. Gothe wrote to Wolf an encouraging letter, 
 and advised him to substitute written teaching for oral ; to write books. 
 
 In the next year, 1807, he went to Berlin, and did not return to 
 Halle, even when the university was re-established there. Thus 
 
 * Compare Luther's preface to the smaller catechism. 
 
FRIEDRICH AUGUST WOLF. 573 
 
 ended the period of his distinguished academical efficiency. In Ber- 
 lin, he met with much kindness. His old friend, Wilhelm von 
 Humboldt, especially, in his influential place as minister, made every 
 effort to place Wolf in circumstances where he could exercise his 
 brilliant gifts. But it was as if his life was forever thrown out of its 
 course. A restless and discontented impulse had taken possession 
 of him ; no employment suited him. He insulted, in various ways, 
 the friends who had always valued him so highly ; and even his most 
 grateful scholars ; and thus arose most unpleasant collisions, and 
 literary feuds. Although he published many things of value, yet 
 most of them were the results of his previous labors ;* although, to 
 this statement, his excellent translation of the "Clouds" of Aristo- 
 phanes is an exception. 
 
 The strongest part of Wolf's existence and efficiency, his great 
 talent for teaching, was paralyzed. In Berlin, perhaps by his owr. 
 fault, he found few hearers ; which deeply mortified him, by the 
 comparison with the successful and enthusiastic efforts of his earlier 
 years. He described himself as " never desiring to be an author, but 
 only to teach ; " " who had long been accustomed to the charm of 
 watching the visible growth of his thoughts before attentive hearers ; 
 and in the quiet reaction upon himself, which daily and hourly sup 
 plies to his mind an intellectual stimulus which the seat before the 
 empty walls, and the senseless paper, as easily quench." 
 
 From Berlin, Wolf made various journeys. In 1816, he visited 
 once more the residences of his youth Hainrode, Nordhausen, and 
 Gottingen. On his sixty-fifth birthday, in 1823, he began an auto- 
 biography. It commences with these words : " Here, great Being 
 who rulest the world, and controlest the fate even of the most insig- 
 nificant, I turn to thee, with sincere thanks for the many unmistak- 
 able tokens of thy grace, by which my life has been made happy, 
 honorable, and useful. Oh, how unworthy do I feel myself of thy 
 goodness ! " And, further on, " I feel my mental powers still vivid 
 enough, but my body will no longer keep up with them. I am so 
 weary of living." 
 
 On the 14th of April, 1824, already sick, he set out on his last 
 journey. He went, by Strasburg and Lyons, in the heat of June 
 and July, without allowing himself any rest, to Marseilles, where he 
 arrived, exceedingly weary, on the 16th of July, and died on the 
 8th of August. 
 
 * Including his " View of the Science of Antiquity," in the first volume of the "Museum 
 of the Sciences of Antiquity," which he published in 1807 and 1808, together with Buttmann. 
 This was made up from his previously often-repeated lectures on the " Encyclopedia and 
 Methodology of the Studies of the Ancients." 
 
CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE. 
 
 MEMOIR. 
 
 CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE was born at Chemnitz, in Upper 
 Saxony, in 1729, the eldest of a poor weaver's family, poor almost 
 to the verge of starvation. The story of his struggles with poverty, 
 and other difficulties to obtain an education, as told by himself, is 
 painfully interesting. 
 
 It was in the extreme penury that I was born and brought up. The earliest 
 companion of my childhood was "Want; and my first impressions came from 
 the tears of my mother, who had not bread for her children. How often have 
 I seen her on Saturday-nights wringing her hands and weeping, when she had 
 come back with what the hard toil, nay often the sleepless nights, of her hus- 
 band had produced, and could find none to buy it ! Sometimes a fresh attempt 
 was made through me or my sister: I had to return to the purchasers with the 
 same piece of ware, to see whether we could not possibly get rid of it. In that 
 quarter there is a class of so-called merchants, who, however, are in fact noth- 
 ing more than forestallers, that buy up the linen made by the poorer people at 
 the lowest price, and endeavor to sell it in other districts at the highest. Often 
 have I seen one or other of these petty tyrants, with all the pride of a satrap, 
 throw back the piece of goods offered him, or imperiously cut off some trifle 
 from the price and wages required for it. Necessity constrained the poorer to 
 sell the sweat of his brow at a groschen or two less, and again to make good 
 the deficit by starving. It was the view of such things that awakened the first 
 sparks of indignation in my young heart. The show of pomp and plenty 
 among these purse-proud people, who fed themselves on the extorted crumbs 
 of so many hundreds, far from dazzling me into respect or fear, filled me with 
 rage against them. The first time I heard of tyrannicide at school, there rose 
 vividly before me the project to become a Brutus on all those oppressors of the 
 poor, who had so often cast my father and mother into straits : and here, for 
 the first time, was an instance of a truth which I have since had frequent 
 occasion to observe, that if the unhappy man, armed with feeling of his wrongs 
 and a certain strengtli of soul, does not risk the utmost and become an open 
 criminal, it is merely the beneficent result of those circumstances in which 
 Providence has placed him, thereby fettering his activity, and guarding him 
 from such destructive attempts. That the oppressing part of mankind should 
 be secured against the oppressed was. in the plan of inscrutable Wisdom, a 
 most important element of the present system of things. 
 
 My good parents did what they could, and sent me to a child's-school in the 
 suburbs. I obtained the praise of learning very fast, and being very fond of it. 
 My schoolmaster had two sons, lately returned from Leipzic; a couple of 
 
CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE. 575 
 
 depraved fellows, who took all pains to lead me astray; and, as I resisted, 
 kept me for a long time, by threats and mistreatment of all sorts, extremely 
 miserable. So early as my tenth year, to raise the money for my school wages, 
 I had given lessons to a neighbor's child, a little girl, in reading and writing. 
 As the common school-course could take me no farther, the point now was to 
 get a private hour and proceed into Latin. But for that purpose a guier groschen 
 weekly was required ; this my parents had not to give. Many a day I carried 
 this grief about with me : however, I had a godfather, who was in easy circum- 
 stances, a baker, and my mother's half-brother. One Saturday I was sent to 
 this man to fetch a loaf. With wet eyes I entered his house, and chanced to 
 find my godfather himself there. Being questioned why I was crying, I tried 
 to answer, but a whole stream of tears broke loose, and scarcely could I make 
 the cause of my sorrow intelligible. My magnanimous godfather offered to pay 
 the weekly groschen out of his own pocket; and ouly this condition was 
 imposed on me, that I should come to him every Sunday, and repeat what part 
 of the Gospel I had learned by heart. This latter arrangement had one good 
 effect for me, it exercised my memory, and I learned to recite without 
 bashful ness. 
 
 Drunk with joy, I started off with my loaf; tossing it up time after time 
 into the air, and barefoot as I was, I capered aloft after it. But hereupon my 
 loaf fell into a puddle. This misfortune again brought me a little to reason. 
 My mother heartily rejoiced at the good news; my father was less content. 
 Thus passed a couple of years; and my schoolmaster intimated, what I myseif 
 had long known, that I could not learn more from him. 
 
 My father could not but be anxious to have a grown-up son for an assistant 
 in his labor, and looked upon my repugnance to it with great dislike. I again 
 longed to get into the grammar-school of the town ; but for this all means were 
 wanting. Where was a gulden of quarterly fees, where were books and a blue 
 cloak to be come at? How wistfully my look often hung on the walls of the 
 school when I passed it ! 
 
 A clergyman of the suburbs was my second godfather; his name was 
 Sebastian Seydel ; my schoolmaster, who likewise belonged to his congregation, 
 had told him of me. I was sent for, and after a short examination, he promised 
 me that I should go to the town-school ; he himself would bear the charges. 
 Who can express my happiness, as I then felt it ! I was dispatched to the first 
 teacher ; examined, and placed with approbation in the second class. Weakly 
 from the first, pressed down with sorrow and want, without any cheerful enjoy- 
 ment of childhood or youth, I was still of very small stature ; my class-fellows 
 judged by externals, and had a very slight opinion of me. Scarcely, by various 
 proofs of diligence and by the praises I received, could I get so far that they 
 tolerated my being put beside them. 
 
 And certainly my diligence was not a little hampered ! Of his promise, the 
 clergyman, indeed, kept so much, that he paid my quarterly fees, provided me 
 with a coarse cloak, and gave me some useless volumes that were lying on his 
 shelves; but to furnish me with school-books he could not resolve. I thus 
 found myself under the necessity of borrowing a class-fellow's books, and daily 
 copying a part of them before the lesson. On the other hand, the honest man 
 would have some hand himself in my instruction, and gave me from time to 
 time some hours in Latin. In his youth he had learned to make Latin verses ; 
 
r >76 CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HAYNE. 
 
 scarcely was Erasmus de Civilitate Morum got over, when I too must take to 
 verse-making; all this before I had read any authors, or could possibly possess 
 any store of words. The man was withal passionate and rigorous ; in every 
 point repulsive ; with a moderate income he was accused of avarice ; he had 
 the stiffness and self-will of an old bachelor, and at the same time the vanity 
 of aiming to be a good Latinist, and, what was more, a Latin verse-maker, and 
 consequently a literary clergyman. These qualities of his all contributed to 
 overload my youth, and nip away in the bud every enjoyment of its pleasures. 
 
 There chanced to be a school-examination held, at which the Superintendent, 
 as chief school-inspector, was present. This man, Dr. Theodore Kruger, a 
 theologian of some learning for his time, all at once interrupted the rector, who 
 was teaching ex cathedra, and put the question : Who among the scholars could 
 tell him what might be made per anagramma from the word Austria ? This 
 whim had arisen from the circumstance that the first Silesian war was just be- 
 gun; and some such anagram, reckoned very happy, had appeared in a 
 newspaper. No one of us knew so much as what an anagram was ; even the 
 rector looked quite perplexed. As none answered, the latter began to give us 
 a description of anagrams in general. I set myself to work, and sprang forth 
 with my discovery : Vastari ! This was something different from the news- 
 paper one : so much the greater was our Superintendent's admiration ; and the 
 more, as the successful aspirant was a little boy, on the lowest bench of the 
 secunda. He growled out his applause to me ; but at the same time set the 
 whole school about my ears, as he stoutly upbraided them with being beaten by 
 an infimus. 
 
 Enough : this pedantic adventure gave the first impulse to the development 
 of my powers. I began to take some credit to myself, and in spite of all the 
 oppression and contempt in which I had languished, to resolve on struggling 
 forward. This first struggle was in truth ineffectual enough ; was soon regard- 
 ed as a piece of pride and conceitedness ; it brought on me a thousand 
 humiliations and disquietudes ; at times it might degenerate on my part into 
 defiance. Nevertheless, it kept me at the stretch of my diligence, ill-guided as 
 it was, and withdrew me from the company of my class-fellows, among whom, 
 as among children of low birth and bad nature could not fail to be the case, the 
 utmost coarseness and boorishness of every sort prevailed. The plan of these 
 schools does not include any general inspection, but limits itself to mere intel- 
 lectual instruction. 
 
 Upwards, however, I still strove. A feeling of honor, a wish for some- 
 thing better, an effort to work myself out of this abasement, incessantly 
 attended me; but without direction as it was, it led me rather to sullenness, 
 misanthropy and clownishness. 
 
 At length a place opened for me, where some training in these points lay 
 within my reach. One of our senators took his mother-in-law home to live 
 with him ; she had still two children with her, a sou and a daughter, both about 
 my own age. For the son private lessons were wanted ; and happily I was 
 chosen for the purpose. 
 
 As these private lessons brought me in a gulden monthly, I now began to 
 defend myself a little against the grumbling of my parents. Hitherto I had 
 been in the habit of doing work occasionally, that I might not be told how I 
 was eating their bread for nothing; clothes, and oil for my lamp, I had earned 
 
CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE. 
 
 '.77 
 
 by teaching in the house : these tilings I could not relinquish ; and thus my 
 condition was in some degree improved. On the other hand, I had now oppor- 
 tunity of seeing persons of better education. I gained the good will of the 
 family ; so that besides the lesson-hours, I generally lived there. Such society 
 afforded me some culture, extended my conceptions and opinions, and also 
 polished a little the rudeness of my exterior.' 
 
 Hard fortune followed him to tlie University. He was left on 
 the road with two yuldem, and arrived at Leipsic to study such 
 things as were accessible to him without fee. His second god- 
 father, Sebastian Seydel, from time to time sent him a small pit- 
 tance with sour admonitions, but many days together he had no 
 regular meal, and oftentimes not three half-pence for a loaf at mid- 
 day. " One good heart alone I found, and that in the servant girl 
 of the house where I lodged. She laid out money for my necessi- 
 ties, seeing me in such pitiful want. What sustained me was not 
 ambition not any youthful dream of one day taking my place 
 among the learned. My chief strength lay in my determination to 
 rise from this degradation, and to know the worst which was before 
 me." Even with an offer of a tutorship which would take him 
 away from the university, he still determined to pursue his object 
 at Leipsic. By dint of excessive endeavors he got admittance to 
 Ernesti's lectures, and there first learned what interpretation of the 
 classics meant, and what was better, by his attention, gained the 
 good will of the professor, who got him occasional employment as 
 private tutor, or as clerk for some of the professors. Drawn to 
 Dresden in 1752, by the expectation of some appointment from Count 
 Briihl, whose favorable attention had been attracted by a long Latin 
 Epicedium, prepared in the sorrow of his heart for the preacher of 
 the French chapel, who had befriended him in some bitter strait, 
 and which was printed by the family of the deceased he experi- 
 enced two years more of hard study, unremunerative labor in 
 translations for the booksellers, sharing a garret with another 
 student not quite so poor, and sleeping on the floor, with folios for 
 his pillow. 
 
 In the autumn of 1753 he obtained the post of under clerk in 
 the Briihl library, with a salary of one hundred thaler s ($70), and 
 here at last he entered on the career, in which, after a protracted 
 apprenticeship, he achieved reputation, peace, and competence. In 
 1754 he prepared an edition of Tibullus, which was printed the 
 next year ; and in 1756 appeared the first edition of his Enchiridion of 
 Epictetus. But in 1757 the Briihl library, with its 70,000 volumes, 
 was destroyed by the Prussian army in its assaults on Dresden, and 
 Heyne was glad to accept a tutorship in the family of Herr von 
 
578 CHRISTIAN GOTTLOB HEYNE. 
 
 Schonberg. Here he gained by his intercourse with refined people, 
 made the acquaintance of Theresa Weiss, his future wife, and re- 
 sided a year with his pupil at Wittenberg University, studying in 
 his own behoof, philosophy and German history. But this oppor- 
 tunity was all extinguished by the operations of the war, which 
 reduced the University buildings to rubbish, the family of his pupil 
 to great distress, and drove him back to Dresden, out of which, in 
 the terrible vicissitudes of war, he was again driven by Prussian 
 cannon, which catastrophe he describes as follows : 
 
 The Prussians advanced meanwhile, and on the 18th of July (1760) the bom- 
 bardment of Dresden began. Several nights I passed, in company with others, 
 in a tavern, and the days in my room ; so that I could hear the balls from the 
 battery, as they flew through the streets, whizzing past my windows. An 
 indifference to danger and to life took such possession of me, that on the last 
 morning of the siege, I went early to bed, and, amid the frightfullest crashing 
 of bombs and grenades, fell fast asleep of fatigue, and lay sound till midday. 
 On awaking, I huddled-on my clothes, and ran down stairs, but found the whole 
 house deserted. I had returned to my room, considering what I was to do, 
 whither, at all events, I was to take rny chest, when, with a tremendous crash, 
 a bomb came down in the court of the house ; did not, indeed, set fire to it, 
 but on all sides shattered every thing to pieces. The thought, that where one 
 bomb fell, more would soon follow, gave me wings ; I darted down stairs, found 
 the house-door locked, ran to and fro ; at last got entrance into one of the 
 under-rooms, and sprang through the window into the street. 
 
 Empty as the street where I lived had been, I found the principal thorough- 
 fares crowded with fugitives. Amidst the whistling of balls, I ran along the 
 Schlossgasse towards the Elbe-Bridge, and so forward to the Neustadt, out of 
 which the Prussians had now been forced to retreat. Glad that I had leave to 
 rest any where, I passed one part of the night on the floor of an empty house ; 
 the other, witnessing the frightful light of flying bombs, and a burning city. 
 
 At break of day, a little postern was opened by the Austrian guard, to let 
 the fugitives get out of the walls. The captain, in his insolence, called the 
 people Lutheran dogs, and with the nickname gave each of us a stroke as we 
 passed through the gate. 
 
 A better day dawned at last; on the recommendation of the 
 best classical scholar in the Netherlands, Prof. Rheuken, of 
 Leyden (who had been invited to fill the place), he was appointed 
 to the chair in Gottingen, made vacant by the death of Gessner. 
 Here on an official income of 800 thalers (increased in the course 
 of time to 1,200), he labored for fifty years, lecturing from two to 
 three times a day in his own subjects, conducting three times a 
 week a Seminarium (out of which issued 135 professors), acting as 
 chief librarian, making frequent contributions to the Royal Society 
 of Science, editing the Gazette of Learning, and bringing out from 
 year to year elaborate editions of Virgil (six editions from 1767 to 
 1803), Pliny (two 1790, 1811), Pindar (1774, 1797, 1789), Homer 
 in eight volumes, in 1862, and an abridged edition in two volumes 
 in 1804, besides carrying on an extensive correspondence with 
 scholars in all parts of Europe. He died in 1812, full of years 
 (83), and crowned with all a scholar's honors. 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 EDUCATION.* 
 
 FREDERICK THE SECOND of the name, King of Prussia, and dis- 
 tinguished as the Great, was born in the palace in Berlin, Jan. 24, 
 1712 the son of Frederick I. and the Princess Sophia-Dorothea, 
 daughter of George I. of Great Britain. To the diverse elements 
 in his domestic training and education may be traced the distin- 
 guishing features of his character and career. The earliest agency 
 in his primal education the influence which surrounded his early 
 childhood was mainly French, in consequence of his governess for 
 the first seven years of his life being the Madame de Roucoulles, 
 ' the Edict of Nantes,' French lady, who, five-and-twenty years before, 
 as Madame de Montbail, had taken similar charge of Friedrich 
 Wilhelm. And her ways and methods must have been conciliatory 
 and quasi maternal, for both her royal pupils entertained and ex- 
 pressed in various ways a grateful and honest affection for her and 
 hers. Under this daily teaching and influence, his manners, early 
 religious notions and speech, became French, after the type of his 
 governess. Mingling or contracting with the working of this 
 French element, was the rough German element of his father's stern 
 speech, economies, and authority, and of the military talk, inven- 
 tions, and movements generally of the Field Marshal, Prince 
 Duhan, and other Prussian soldiers and ministers about the King. 
 At the age of seven the young Crown-Prince was taken out of 
 the hands and influences of governesses and women, and placed 
 under the tutors and sub-tutors of sterner stuff, tried and found 
 faithful to the King in the famous Stralsund siege. 
 
 Duhan de Jaudun, the young French gentleman who had escaped from gram- 
 mar lessons to the trenches, he is the practical teacher. Lieulenant-General 
 Graf Fink von Finkenstein, and Lieutenant-Colonel von Kalkstein, they are 
 Head Tutor (Oberhofmeister) and Sub-Tutor; military men both, who had been 
 in many wars besides Stralsund. By these three he was assiduously educated, 
 subordinate schoolmasters working under them when needful in such branches 
 as the paternal judgment would admit, the paternal object and theirs being to 
 infuse useful knowledge, reject useless, and wind up the whole into a military 
 finish. These appointments, made at different precise dates, took effect, all of 
 them, in the year 1719. 
 
 * Carlyle's History of Frederick //.Abridged. 
 
580 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 Duhan, independently of his experience in the trenches, appears to have 
 been an accomplished, ingenious, and conscientious man, who did credit to 
 Friedrich Wilhelm's judgment, and to whom Friedrich professed himself much 
 indebted in after life. Their progress in some of the technical branches, as we 
 shall perceive, was indisputably unsatisfactory ; but the mind of the boy seems 
 to have been opened by this Duhan to a lively, and, in some sort, genial percep- 
 tion of things round him ; of the strange, confusedly opulent Universe he had 
 got into; and of the noble and supreme function which Intelligence holds 
 there, supreme in Art as in Nature, beyond all other functions whatsoever. 
 Duhan was now turned of thirty : a cheerful, amiable Frenchman ; poor, though 
 of good birth and acquirements ; originally from Champagne. Friedrich loved 
 him very much, always considered him his spiritual father, and to the end of 
 Duhan's life, twenty years hence, was eager to do him any good in his power; 
 anxious always to repair for poor Duhan the great sorrows he came to on his 
 account, as we shall see. 
 
 Of Graf Fink von Finkenstein, who has had military experiences of all 
 kinds and all degrees, from marching as prisioner into France, ' wounded and 
 without his hat,' to fighting at Malplaquet, at Blenheim, even at Steenkirk, as 
 well as Stralsund who is now in his sixtieth year, and seems to have been a 
 gentleman of rather high, solemn manners, and, indeed, of undeniable perfec- 
 tions of this supreme Count Fink we learn almost nothing farther in the 
 Books except that his little pupil did not dislike him either: the little pupil 
 took not unkindly to Fink, welcoming any benignant human ray across these 
 lofty gravities of the Oberhofmdster ; went often to his house in Berlin, and 
 made acquaintance with two young Finks about his own age whom he found 
 there, and who became important to him, especially the younger of them, in the 
 course of the future. This Pupil, it may be said, is creditably known for his 
 attachment to his teachers and others, an attached and attaching little boy. 
 
 Of Kalkstein, a rational, experienced, and earnest kind of man. though as 
 yet but young, it is certain also that the little Fritz loved him ; and futhermore, 
 that the Great Friedrich was grateful to him, and had a high esteem of his in- 
 tegrity and sense. 'My master, Kalkstein,' used to be his designation of him 
 when the name chanced to be mentioned in after times. They continued to- 
 gether, with various passages of mutual history, for forty years afterward, till 
 Kalkstein's death. 
 
 How these Fink-Kalkstein functionaries proceeded in the great 
 task they had got very great task had they known what pupil 
 had fallen to them is not directly recorded for us with any se- 
 quence or distinctness. We infer only that every thing went by in- 
 flexible routine, not asking at all what pupil, nor much whether it 
 would suit any pupil. Duhan, with the tendencies we have seen in 
 him, who is willing to soften the inflexible when possible, and to 
 ' guide Nature ' by a rather loose rein, was probably a genial element 
 in the otherwise strict affair. Fritz had one unspeakable advantage, 
 rare among princes, and even among peasants in these ruined ages, 
 that of not being taught, or in general not, by the kind called 
 * Hypocrites, and even Sincere Hypocrites,' fatalest species of the 
 class Hypocrite. We perceive he was lessoned all along, not by en- 
 chanted Phantasms of that dangerous sort, breathing mendacity of 
 mind, unconsciously, out of every look, but by real Men, who be- 
 lieved from the heart outward, and were daily doing what they 
 taught. To which unspeakable advantage we add a second, like- 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 5^ 
 
 wise considerable : that his masters, though rigorous, were not un- 
 lovable to him ; that his affections, at least, were kept alive ; that 
 whatever of seed (or of chaff and hail, as was likelier) fell on his 
 mind had sunshine to help in dealing with it. 
 
 [The following summary of the father's directions to his son's 
 tutors, with Carlyle's interjected elucidation, contains some excel- 
 lent hints, and throws light on the character of the father, and the 
 stern regimen under which the great Captain of the age was trained 
 to the endurance and obedience which he exacted of others.] 
 
 1. 'Must impress my son with a proper love and fear of God, as the founda- 
 tion and sole pillar of our temporal and eternal welfare. No false religions, or 
 sects of Atheist, Arian (Arrian), Socinian, or whatever name the poisonous 
 things have, which can so easily corrupt a young mind, are to be even named 
 in his hearing; on the other hand, a proper abhorrence (Abscheu) of Papistry, 
 and insight into its baselessness and nonsensicality (Ungrund und Absurditat) is 
 to be communicated to him.' Papistry, which is false enough, like the others, 
 but impossible to be ignored like them, mention that, and give him due abhor- 
 rence for it ; for we are Protestants to the bone in this country, and can not 
 stand Absurditat, least of all hypocritically religious ditto. But the grand thing 
 will be ' to impress on him the true religion, which consists essentially in this, 
 that Christ died for all men,' and generally, that the Almighty's justice is eternal 
 and omnipresent, ' which consideration is the only means of keeping a sovereign 
 person (sauveraine Macht\ or one freed from human penalties, in the right way.' 
 
 2. 'He is to learn no Latin;' observe that, however it may surprise you. 
 What has a living German man and King of the eighteenth Sceculum to do with 
 the dead old Heathen Latins, Romans, and the lingo they spoke their fraction 
 of sense and nonsense in ? Frightful how the young years of the European 
 generations have been wasted for ten centuries back, and the Thinkers of the 
 world have become mere walking Sacks of Marine stores 'Gtleftrten, Learned,' 
 as they call themselves and gone lost to the world in that manner as a set of 
 confiscated Pedants, babbling about said Heathens, and thtir extinct lingo, and 
 fraction of sense and nonsense for the thousand years last past Heathen 
 Latins, Romans, who perhaps were no great things of Heathen after all, if well 
 seen into. I have heard judges say they were inferior in real worth and grist, 
 to German home-growths we have had, if the confiscated Pedants could have 
 discerned it. At any rate, they are dead, buried deep these two thousand years, 
 well out of our way, and nonsense enough of our own left to keep sweeping 
 into corners. Silence about their lingo and them to this new Crown-Prince ! 
 'Let the Prince learn French arid German, so as to write and speak 'with 
 brevity and propriety ' in these two languages, which may be useful to him in 
 life. That will suffice for languages, provided he have any thing effectually 
 rational to say in them. For the rest, 
 
 3. ' Let him learn Arithmetic, Mathematics, Artillery, Economy to the very 
 bottom, and, in short, useful knowledge generally; useless ditto not at all: 
 ' History in particular ; Ancient History only slightly (nur iiberhin), but the 
 History of the last Hundred and fifty Years to the exactest pitch. The Jus 
 Naturale and Jus Gentium? by the way of hand-lamp to History, 'he must be 
 completely master of, as also of Geography, whatever is remarkable in each 
 Country; and in Histories, most especially the History of the House of Bran- 
 denberg, where he will find domestic examples, which are always of more force 
 than foreign ; and along with Prussian History, chiefly that of the Countries 
 which have been connected with it, as England, Brunswick, Hessen, and the 
 others; and in reading of wise History-books there must be considerations 
 made (solltn beym Lesen kluger Historiarum Betrachtungen gemacht werderi) upon 
 the causes of the events.' Surely, King ! 
 
 4. ' With increasing years, you will more and more, to a most especial degree, 
 
582 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 go upon Fortification ' mark you ! ' the Formation of a Camp and other War- 
 Sciences that the Prince may, from youth upward, be trained to act as Officer 
 and General, and to seek all his glory in the soldier profession.' This is whither 
 it must all tend, You, Finkenstein and Kalksteiri, 'have both of you, in the 
 highest measure, to make it your care to infuse into my Son ' (einzurpragen, 
 stamp into him) 'a true love for the Soldier business, and to impress on him 
 that, as there is nothing in the world which can bring a Prince renown and hon- 
 or like the sword, so he would be a despised creature before all men if he did 
 not love it, and seek his sole glory (die einzige Gloria) therein ;' which is an ex- 
 treme statement of the case, showing how much we have it at heart. 
 
 Military Science and Practice. 
 
 Of the sciences relating to war, the future captain had much both 
 of theory and practice. Before he was eight years old, ' there had 
 been instituted for express behoof of little Fritz, a miniature soldier 
 company above a hundred strong, which grew afterward to be near 
 three hundred, and, indeed, rose to be a permanent Institution by 
 degrees, called Compagnie der Kronprinzlichen Kadeiten (Company 
 of Crown-Prince Cadets). A hundred and ten boys about his own 
 age, sons of noble families, had been selected from the three Mili- 
 tary Schools then extant, as a kind of tiny regiment for him, where, 
 if he was by no means commander all at once, he might learn his 
 exercise in fellowship with others. Czar Peter, it is likely, took a 
 glance of this tiny regiment just getting into rank and file there, 
 which would remind the Czar of his own young days. An experi- 
 enced Lieutenant-Colonel was appointed to command in chief. A 
 certain handy and correct young fellow, Rentzel by name, about 
 seventeen, who already knew his fugling to a hair's breadth, was 
 drill master, and exercised them all, Fritz especially, with due strict- 
 ness, till, in the course of time and attainments, Fritz could himself 
 take the head charge, which he did in a year or two ; a little soldier 
 thenceforth, properly strict, though of small dimensions, in tight 
 blue bit of coat and cocked hat, miniature image of Papa (it is 
 fondly hoped and expected), resembling him as a sixpence does a 
 half crown. In 1721 the assiduous Papa set up a "little arsenal" 
 for him " in the Orange Hall of the Palace ;" there let him, with 
 perhaps a chosen comrade or two, mount batteries, fire exceedingly 
 small brass ordnance, his Engineer Teacher, one Major von Senning, 
 limping about (on cork leg), and superintending, if needful. 
 
 'Rentzel, it is known, proved an excellent driirsergeant; had good 
 talents every way, and was a man of probity and sense. He played 
 beautifully on the flute too, and had a cheerful, conversible turn, 
 which naturally recommended him still farther to Fritz, and awoke 
 or encouraged, among other faculties, the musical faculty in the 
 little boy. Rentzel continued about him or in sight of him through 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 533 
 
 life, advancing gradually, not too fast, according to real merit and 
 service (Colonel in 1759), and never did discredit to the choice 
 Friedrich Wilhelin had made of him. Of Scnning, too, Engineer- 
 Major von Senning, who gave Fritz his lessons in Mathematics, For- 
 tification, and the kindred branches, the like or better can be said. 
 He was of graver years ; had lost a leg in the Marlborough Cam- 
 paigns, poor gentleman, but had abundant sense, native worth, and 
 cheery rational talk in him, so that he, too, could never be parted 
 with by Friedrich, but was kept on hand to the last, a permanent 
 and variously serviceable acquisition. 
 
 * Thus, at least, is the military education of our Crown-Prince 
 cared for. And we are to fancy the little fellow, from his tenth 
 year or earlier, going about in miniature soldier figure for most part 
 in strict Spartan-Brandenburg costume of body as of mind cos- 
 tume little flattering to his own private taste for finery, yet by no 
 means unwholesome to him, as he came afterward to know. In 
 October, 1723, it is on record, when George I. came to visit his 
 son-in-law and daughter at Berlin, his Britannic Majesty, looking 
 out from his new quarters on the morrow, saw Fritzchen " drilling 
 his Cadet Company," a very pretty little- phenomenon drilling, 
 with clear voice, military sharpness, and the precision of clock-work, 
 on the Esplanade (Lustgarten) there ; and doubtless the Britannic 
 Majesty gave some grunt of acquiescence, perhaps even a smile, rare 
 on that square, heavy-laden countenance of his. 
 
 Of riding masters, fencing masters, swimming masters, much less 
 of dancing masters (celebrated Graun ' on the organ,' with Psalm 
 tunes), we can not speak ; but the reader may be satisfied they were 
 all there, good of their kind, and pushing on at a fair rate. Nor is 
 there any lack any where of paternal supervision to our young ap- 
 prentice. From an early age Papa took the Crown-Prince with him 
 on his annual reviews. From utmost Memel on the Russian border 
 down to Wesel on the French, all Prussia, in every nook of it, gar- 
 rison, marching-regiment, board of management, is rigorously re- 
 viewed by Majesty once a year. There travels little military Fritz 
 beside the military Majesty, amid thd generals and official persons, 
 in their hardy Spartan manner, and learns to look into every thing- 
 like a Rhadamanthine Argus, and how the eye of the master, more 
 than all other appliances, fattens the cattle. 
 
 On his hunts, too, Papa took him ; for Papa was a famous hunter 
 when at Wusterhausen in the season : hot Beagle-chase, hot Stag- 
 hunt, your chief game deer; huge 'Force-hunt' (Par-force- Jag d, 
 
584 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 the woods all beaten, and your wild beasts driven into straights and 
 caudine forks for you); Boar-hunting (Sauhetze, 'sow-baiting,' as 
 the Germans call it), partridge-shooting, fox arid wolf-hunting 
 on all grand expeditions of such sort little Fritz shall ride with 
 Papa and party. Rough, furious riding ; now on swift steed, now 
 at places on Wurstwayen Wurstwagen, ' Sausage-car,' so called, 
 most Spartan of vehicles, a mere stuffed pole or 'sausage' with 
 wheels to it, on which you sit astride, a dozen or so of you, and 
 career, regardless of the summer heat and sandy dust, of the win- 
 ter's frost storms and muddy rain. All this the little Crown-Prince 
 is bound to do, but likes it less and less, some of us are sorry to 
 observe ! In fact, he could not take to hunting at all, or find the 
 least of permanent satisfaction in shooting partridges and bait- 
 ing sows, ' with such an expenditure of industry and such damage 
 to the seed fields,' he would sometimes alledge in extenuation. In 
 later years he had been known to retire into some glade of the 
 thickets, and hold a little Flute-Hautbois Concert with his musical 
 comrades while the sows were getting baited ; or he would converse 
 with Mamma and her Ladies, if her Majesty chanced to be there in 
 a day for open driving, which things by no means increase his favor 
 with Papa, a sworn hater of ' effeminate practices.' 
 
 He was * nourished on beer-soup,' as we said before. Frugality, 
 activity, exactitude, were lessons daily and hourly brought home to 
 him in every thing he did and saw. His very sleep was stingily 
 meted out to him: 'Too much sleep stupefies a fellow,' Friedrich 
 Wilhelm was wont to say ; so that the very doctors had to inter- 
 fere in this matter for little Fritz. Frugal enough, hardy enough ; 
 urged in every way to look with indifference on hardship, and take 
 a Spartan view of life. 
 
 Money allowance completely his own he does not seem to have 
 had till he was seventeen. Exiguous pocket-money, counted in 
 groschen (English pence, or hardly more), only his Kalkstein and 
 Finkenstein could grant as they saw good ; about eighteen pence in 
 the month to start with, as would appear. 
 Intellectual Culture. 
 
 But with regard to our little Crown-Prince's intellectual culture, 
 there is another document, specially from Papa's hand, which, if 
 we can redact, adjust, and abridge it, as in the former case, may be 
 worth the reader's notice, and elucidate some things for him. It is 
 of date Wusterhausen, 3d September, 1721, little Fritz now in his 
 tenth year, and out there, with his Duhans and Finkenstein, while 
 Papa is rusticating for a few weeks. The essential title is, 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 535 
 
 To Head- Governor von Firikenstein, Sub- Governor von Kalkstein, Preceptor 
 Jacques Egide Duhan de Jaudun, and others whom it may concern : Regula- 
 tions/or schooling at Wusterhausen, 3d September, 1721, in greatly abridged 
 form. 
 
 Sunday. ' On Sunday he is to rise at 7, and, as soon as he has got his slippers 
 on, shall kneel down at his bedside, and pray to God, so as all in the room 
 may hear it ' (that there be no deception or short measure palmed upon us) ' in 
 these words : " Lord God, bless Father, I thank thee from my heart that thou 
 hast so graciously preserved me through this night. Fit me for what thy holy 
 will is, and grant that I do nothing this day, nor all the days of my life, which 
 can divide me from thee. For the Lord Jesus my Redeemer's sake. Amen." 
 After which the Lord's Prayer; then rapidly and vigorously (geschwinde und 
 hurtig] wash himself clean, dress, and powder, and comb himself:' we forget to 
 say that, while they are combing and queuing him, he breakfasts, with brevity, 
 on tea/ 'Prayer, with washing, breakfast, and the rest, to be done pointedly 
 within fifteen minutes.' that is, at a quarter past 7. 
 
 'This finished, all his domestics and Duhan shall come in- and do family 
 worship (das grosse Gebet zu halten) : Prayer on their knees, Duhan withal to 
 read a chapter of the Bible, and sing some proper Psalm or Hymn ' (as prac- 
 ticed in well regulated families) ; ' it will then be a quarter to 8. All the do- 
 mestics then withdraw again, and Duhan now reads with my Sou the Gospel 
 of the Sunday, expounds it a little, adducing the main points of Christianity;' 
 'questioning from Noltenius's Catechism ' (which Fritz knows by heart): 'it 
 will then be 9 o'clock. 
 
 ' At 9 he brings my Son down to me, who goes to Church, and dines along 
 with me' (dinner at the stroke of Noon) ; 'the rest of the day is then his own ' 
 (Fritz's and Duhan's). ' At half past 9 in the evening he shall come and bid 
 me good night; shall then directly go to his room; very rapidly (sehr gesch- 
 wind) get off his clothes, wash his hands ' (get into some tiny dressing-gown or 
 cassaquin, no doubt), ' and so soon as that is done, Duhan makes a prayer on 
 his knees, and sings a hymn, all the servants being again there; instantly after 
 which my Son shall get into bed shall be in bed at half past 10;' and fall 
 asleep how soon, your Majesty? This is very strict work. 
 
 Monday. ' On Monday, as on all week days, he is to be called at 6, and so 
 soon as called he is to rise ; you are to stand to him (anhalten) that he do not 
 loiter or turn in bed, but briskly and at once get up, and say his prayers the 
 same as on Sunday morning. This done, he shall as rapidly as he can get on 
 his shoes and spatterdashes, also wash his face and hands, but not with 
 soap ; farther, shall put on his cassaquin ' (short dressing-gown), ' have his hair 
 combed out and queued, but not powdered. While getting combed and queued, 
 he shall at the same time take breakfast of tea, so that both jobs go on at once, 
 and all this shall be ended before half past 6.' Then enter Duhan and the do- 
 mestics with worship, Bible, Hymn, all as on Sunday; this is done by 7, and 
 the servants go again. 
 
 ' From 7 till 9 Duhan takes him on History ; at 9 comes Noltenius ' (a sub- 
 lime Clerical Gentleman from Berlin) with the 'Christian Religion, till a quarter 
 to 11. Then Fritz rapidly (geschivind) washes his face with water, hands with 
 soap and water; clean shirt; powders, arid puts on his coat; about 11 comes 
 to the King; stays with the king till 2,' perhaps promenading a little; dining 
 always at Noon, after which his Majesty is apt to be slumberous, and light 
 amusements are over. 
 
 ' Directly at 2 he goes back to his room. Duhan is there, ready ; takes him 
 upon the Maps and Geography from 2 to 3, giving account ' (gradually) ' of all 
 the European Kingdoms ; their strength and weakness ; size, riches, and pover- 
 ty of their towns. From 3 to 4, Duhan treats of Morality (soil die Moral trac- 
 tiren). From 4 to 5, Duhan shall write German letters with him, and see that 
 he gets a good stylum ' (which he never in the least did). ' About 5, Fritz shall 
 wash his hands, and go to the King; ride out; divert himself, in the air and not 
 in his room, and do what he likes, if it is not against God.' 
 
 There, then, is a Sunday, and there is one week day, which latter may serve 
 for all the other five, though they are strictly specified in the royal monograph, 
 
586 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 and every hour of them marked out: How, and at what points of time, besides 
 this of History, of Morality, and Writing in German, of Maps and Geography, 
 with the strength and weakness of Kingdoms, you are to take up Arithmetic 
 more than once ; Writing of French Letters, so as to acquire a good stylum. in 
 what nook you may intercalate ' a little getting by heart of something in order 
 to strengthen the memory;' how, instead of Noltenius, Panzendorf (another 
 sublime Reverend Gentleman from Berlin, who comes out express) gives the 
 clerical drill on Tuesday morning; with which two onslaughts, of an hour and 
 a half each, the Clerical Gentlemen seem to withdraw for the week, and we 
 hear no more of them till Monday and Tuesday come round again. 
 
 On Wednesday we are happy to observe a liberal slice of holiday come in. 
 After half past 9, having done his History, and ' got something by heart to 
 strengthen the memory ' (very little, it is to be feared), ' tritz shall nipidly dress 
 himself and come to the King; and the rest of the day belongs to little Fritz 
 (gehort vor Fritzchen)." 1 On Saturday there is some fair chance of half-holiday. 
 
 'Saturday, forenoon till half past 10, come History, Writing, and Ciphering, 
 especially repetition of what was done through the week, and in Morality as 
 well ' (adds the rapid Majesty), ' to see whether he has profited ; and General 
 Graf von Finkenstein, with Colonel vOn Kalkstein, shall be present during this. 
 If Fritz has profited, the afternoon shall be his own ; if he has not profited, he 
 shall, from 2 to 6, repeat and learn rightly what he has forgotten on the past 
 days.' And so the laboring week winds itself up. Here, however, is one gen- 
 eral rule, which can not be too much imprersed upon you. with which we 
 conclude : 
 
 ' In undressing and dressing, you must accustom him to get out of and into 
 his clothes as fast as is humanly possible (hurtig so viel als menschenmoglich ist). 
 You will also look that he learn to put on and off his clothes himself, without 
 help from others, and that he be clean and neat, and not so dirty (nicht so 
 schmutzig}.' 1 'Not so dirty,' that is my last word; and here is my sign-manual. 
 
 ' FRIEDRICH WILHELM.' 
 
 His sister Wilhelmina, in her Memoires, says her brother was 
 ' slow ' in learning ; we may presume she means idle, volatile, not 
 always prompt in fixing his attention to what did not interest him. 
 Herr von Loen testifies : 
 
 ' The Crown-Prince manifests in this tender age ' (his seventh year) ' an un- 
 common capacity, nay, we may say something quite extraordinary (etwas ganz 
 Ausserordentliches). He is a most alert and vivacious Prince; he has fine and 
 sprightly manners, and shows a certain kindly sociality, and so affectionate a 
 disposition that all things may be hoped of him. The French Lady who ' (under 
 Roucoulles) 'has had charge of his learning hitherto can not speak of him with- 
 out enthusiasm. " Cent esprit ang clique (A little angel j," she is wont to say. 
 He takes up and learns whatever is put before him with the greatest facility.' 
 
 For the rest, that Friedrich Wilhelm's intentions and Rhadaman- 
 thine regulations in regard to him were fulfilled in every point, we 
 will by no means affirm. Rules of such exceeding preciseness, if 
 grounded here and there only on the sic volo, how could they be 
 always kept, except on the surface and to the eye merely ? The 
 good Duhan, diligent to open his pupil's mind and give Nature fair 
 play, had practically found it inexpedient to tie him too rigorously 
 to the arbitrary formal departments, where no natural curiosity, but 
 only order from without, urges the ingenious pupil. What maxi- 
 mum strictness in school-drill there can have been we may infer 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 537 
 
 from one thing, were there no other the ingenious pupil's mode 
 of spelling. Fritz learned to write a fine, free-flowing, rapid, and 
 legible business-hand ; ' Arithmetic,' too, ' Geography,' and many 
 other Useful Knowledges that had some geniality of character or 
 attractiveness in practice, were among his acquisitions ; much, very 
 much he learned in the course of his life ; but to spell, much more 
 to punctuate, and subdue the higher mysteries of Grammar to him- 
 self, was always an unachievable perfection. 
 
 The things ordered with such rigorous minuteness, if but arbi- 
 trary things, were apt to be neglected ; the things forbidden, 
 especially in the like case, were apt to become doubly tempting. 
 It appears the prohibition of Latin gave rise to several attempts on 
 the part of Friedrich to attain that desirable language. Secret les- 
 sons, not from Duhan, but no doubt with Duhan's connivance, were 
 from time to time undertaken with this view. Once, it is recorded, 
 the vigilant Friedrich Wilhelm, going his rounds, came upon Fritz 
 and one of his preceptors (not Duhan, but a subaltern) actually en- 
 gaged in this illicit employment. Friedrich was wont to relate this 
 anecdote in after life. They had Latin books, dictionaries, gram- 
 mars on the table all the contraband apparatus busy with it 
 there, like a pair of coiners taken in the fact. Among other books 
 was a copy of the Golden Bull of Kaiser Karl IV. Aurea Bulla, 
 from the little golden bullets or pellets hung to it by which sub- 
 lime document, as perhaps we hinted long ago, certain so-called 
 Fundamental Constitutions, or at least formalities and solemn prac- 
 tices, method of election, rule of precedence, and the like, of the 
 Holy Roman Empire, had at last been settled on a sure footing by 
 that busy little Kaiser some three hundred and fifty years before 
 a document venerable almost next to the Bible in Friedrich Wil- 
 helm's loyal eyes. 'What is this ? What are you venturing upon 
 here ?' exclaims Paternal Vigilance, in an astonished, dangerous 
 tone. * Ihro Majestate, ich explicire dem Prinzen Auream BullamJ 
 exclaimed the trembling pedagogue: 'Your Majesty, I am explain- 
 ing Aurea Bulla (Golden Bull) to the Prince.' ' Dog, I will Golden 
 Bull you !' said his Majesty, flourishing his ratan, * Ich will dich, 
 Schurke, be-auream-bullam /' which sent the terrified wretch off at 
 the top of his speed, and ended the Latin for that time. Friedrich's 
 Latin could never come to much under these impediments, but he 
 retained some smatterings of it in mature life, and was rather fond 
 of producing his classical scraps, often in an altogether mouldy, 
 and, indeed, hitherto inexplicable condition. 
 
588 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 The worst fruit of these contraband operations was that they in- 
 volved the boy in clandestine practices, secret disobediences, apt to 
 be found out from time to time, and tended to alienate his father 
 from him, of which sad mutual humor we already find traces in that 
 early Wusterhausen Document : * Not to be so dirty/ says the re- 
 proving father. And the boy does not take to hunting at all; likes 
 verses, story books, flute playing better; seems to be of effeminate 
 tendencies, an effeminirter Kerl ; affects French modes, combs out 
 his hair like a cockatoo, the foolish French fop, instead of conform- 
 ing to the army regulation, which prescribes close cropping and a club. 
 
 And so, unexpectedly, Friedrich Wilhelm has commanded these 
 bright locks, as contrary to military fashion, of which Fritz has now 
 unworthily the honor of being a specimen, to be ruthlessly shorn 
 away. Inexorable! The Hof-Chirurgus (Court-Surgeon, of the 
 nature of Barber-Surgeon), with scissors and comb is here, ruthless 
 father standing by : Crop him, my jolly Barber, close down to the 
 accurate standard soaped club instead of flowing locks ; we suffer 
 no exceptions in this military department : I stand here till it is 
 done. Poor Fritz, they say, had tears in his eyes ; but what help 
 in tears ? The judicious Chirurgus, however, proved merciful. The 
 judicious Chirurgus struck in as if nothing loth, snack, snack, and 
 made a great show of clipping. Friedrich Wilhelm took a news- 
 paper till the job were done. The judicious barber, still making a 
 great show of work, combed back rather than cut off these Apollo 
 locks, did Fritz accurately into soaped club to the cursory eye, but 
 left him capable of shaking out his chevelure again on occasion, to 
 the lasting gratitude of Fritz. 
 
 Teaching Religion not a Success. 
 
 On the whole a youth needs good assimilating power if he is to 
 grow in this world. Noltenius and Panzenclorf, for instance, were 
 busy * teaching Friedrich religion.' Rather a strange operation this, 
 too, if we were to look into it. We will not look too closely. 
 Another pair of excellent, most solemn drill sergeants, in clerical 
 black serge ; they also are busy instilling dark doctrines into the 
 bright young boy, but do not seem at any time to have made too 
 deep an impression on him. May we not say that in matter of re- 
 ligion, too, Friedrich was but ill-bested ? Enlightened Edict of 
 Nantes Protestantism, a cross between Bayle and Calvin, that was 
 but indifferent babe's milk to the little creature. Nor could Nolte- 
 nius's Catechism and ponderous drill exercise in orthodox theology 
 much inspire a clear soul with pieties and tendencies to soar 
 Heavenward. 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 589 
 
 Noltenius's Catechism, or ghostly Drill manual for Fritz, at least 
 the Catechism he had plied Wilhelmina with, which no doubt was 
 the same, is still extant a very abstruse piece, orthodox Lutheran- 
 Calvanist, all proved from Scripture giving what account it can of 
 this unfathomable Universe to the young mind. To modern Prus- 
 sians it by no means shines as the indubitablest Theory of the 
 Universe. Indignant modern Prussians produce excerpts from it 
 of an abstruse nature, and endeavor to deduce therefrom some of 
 Friedrich's aberrations in matters of religion, which became notori- 
 ous enough by and by. Alas ! I fear it would not have been easy, . 
 even for the modern Prussian, to produce a perfect Catechism for 
 the use of Friedrich. This Universe still continues a little abstruse. 
 
 And there is another deeper thing to be remarked : the notion of 
 4 teaching' religion in the way of drill exercise, which is a very 
 strange notion, though a common one, and not peculiar to Noltenius 
 and Friedrich Wilhelm. Piety to God, the nobleness that inspires 
 a human soul to struggle Heavenward, can not be 'taught' by the 
 most exquisite catechisms, or the most industrious preachings and 
 drillings. No ; alas ! no. Only by far other methods chiefly by 
 silent, continual Example, silently waiting for the favorable mood 
 and moment, and aided then by a kind of miracle, well enough 
 named * the grace of God,' can that sacred contagion pass from soul 
 into soul. How much beyond whole libraries of orthodox Theol- 
 ogy is sometimes the mute action, the unconscious look of a father, 
 of a mother, who had in them * Devoutness, pious Nobleness !' in 
 whom the young soul, not unobservant, though not consciously ob- 
 serving, came at length to recognize it, to read it in this irrefragable 
 manner a seed planted thenceforth in the center of his holiest 
 affections forevermore ! 
 
 Noltenius wore black serge, kept the corners of his mouth well 
 down, arid had written a Catechism of repute ; but I know not that 
 Noltenius carried much seed of living piety about with him : much 
 affection from or for young Fritz he could not well carry. On the 
 whole, it is a bad outlook on the religious side, and except in ap- 
 prenticeship to the rugged and as yet repulsive honesties of Fried- 
 rich Wilhelm, I see no good element in it. Bayle-Calvin, with 
 Noltenius and Catechims of repute there is no ' religion ' to be 
 had for a little Fritz out of all that. 
 
 Alienation of Father and Son. 
 
 Those vivacities of young Fritz, his taste for music, finery, those 
 furtive excursions into the domain of Latin and forbidden things, 
 
590 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOUL REFORMS. 
 
 were distasteful and incomprehensible to Friedrich Wilhelra. 
 Where can such things end ? 
 
 The beginnings of this sad discrepancy are traceable from Fried- 
 rich's sixth or seventh year : ' Not so dirty, boy !' And there 
 could be no lack of growth in the mutual ill-humor while the boy 
 himself continued growing, enlarging in bulk and in activity of his 
 own. And so the silent divulsion silent on Fritz's part, exploding 
 loud enough now and then on his father's part goes steadily on, 
 splitting ever wider, new offenses ever superadding themselves, till 
 -at last the rugged father has grown to hate the son, and longs, with 
 sorrowful indignation, that it 'were possible to make August Wil- 
 helm Crown-Prince in his stead. This Fritz ought to fashion him- 
 self according to his fathers's pattern, a well-meant, honest pattern, 
 and he does not. Alas ! your Majesty, it can not be. It is the new 
 generation come, which can not live quite as the old one did a 
 perennial controversy in human life, coeval with the genealogies of 
 men. This little boy should have been the excellent paternal Maj- 
 esty's exact counterpart, resembling him at all points, ' as a little 
 sixpence does a big half crown ;' but we perceive he can not. This 
 is a new coin, with a stamp of his own : a surprising Friedrich d'or 
 this, and may prove a good piece yet, but will never be the half 
 crown your Majesty requires. 
 
 Such incurable discrepancies have risen in the Berlin Palace 
 fountains of bitterness, flowing ever wider, till they made life all 
 bitter for son and for father, necessitating the proud son to hypoc- 
 risies toward his terrible father which were very foreign to the 
 proud youth had there been any other resource. But there was 
 none now or afterward. Even when the young man, driven to re- 
 flection and insight by intolerable miseries, had begun to recognize 
 the worth of his surly Rhadamanthine Father, and the intrinsic wis- 
 dom of much that he had meant with him, the father hardly ever 
 could, or could only by fits, completely recognize the son's worth. 
 
 That is all along a sad element of Frieclrich's education, out of 
 which there might have come incalculable damage to the young- 
 man, had his natural assimilative powers to extract benefit from all 
 things been less considerable. As it was, he gained self-help from 
 it gained reticence, the power to keep his own counsel, and did 
 not let the hypocrisy take hold of him, or be other than a hateful, 
 compulsory masquerade. At an uncommonly early age, he stands 
 before us accomplished in endurance, for one thing, a very bright 
 young Stoic of his sort, silently prepared for the injustices of men 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 591 
 
 and things ; and as for the masquerade, let us hope it was essen- 
 tially foreign even to the skin of the man. The reader will judge 
 as he goes on. * Je ri* ai jamais trompe personne durant ma vie, I 
 never deceived any body during my life, still less will I deceive pos- 
 terity,' writes Friedrich when his head was grown very gray. 
 
 He did learn 'Arithmetic,' 'Geography,' and the other useful 
 knowledges that were indispensable to him. He knows History 
 extensively, though rather the Roman, French, and general Euro- 
 pean as the French have taught it him, than that of < Hessen, Bruns- 
 wick, England,' or even the * Electoral and Royal House of Branden- 
 burg,' which Papa had recommended. He read History, where he 
 could find it readable, to the end of his life, and had early begun 
 reading it, immensely eager to learn in his little head what strange 
 things had been and were in this strange Planet he was come into. 
 
 We notice with pleasure a lively taste for facts in the little boy, 
 which continued to be the taste of the man, in an eminent degree. 
 Fictions he also knows an eager, extensive reader of what is called 
 Poetry, Literature, and himself a performer in that province by and 
 by ; but it is observable how much of Realism there always is in 
 his Literature how close, here' as elsewhere, he always' hangs on 
 the practical truth of things how Fiction itself is either an exposi- 
 tory illustrative garment of Fact, or else is of no value to him. 
 Romantic readers of his Literature are much disappointed in conse- 
 quence, and pronounce it bad Literature; and, sure enough, in 
 several senses it is not good. 
 
 However it may go with Literature, and satisfaction to readers 
 of romantic appetites, this young soul promises to become a suc- 
 cessful Worker one day, and to do something under the Sun ; for 
 work is of an extremely unfictitious nature, and no man can roof 
 his house with clouds and moonshine so as to turn the rain from him. 
 
 It is also to be noted that his style of French, though he spelled 
 it so ill, and never had the least mastery of punctuation, has real 
 merit rapidity, easy vivacity, perfect clearness, here and there a 
 certain quaint expressiveness; on the whole, he had learned the Art" 
 of Speech from those old French governesses, in those old and new 
 French books of his. We can also say of his Literature, of what 
 he hastily wrote in mature life, that it has much more worth, even 
 as Literature, than the common romantic appetite assigns to it. A 
 vein of distinct sense and good interior articulation is never want- 
 ing in that thin-flowing utterance. The true is well riddled out 
 from amid the false ; the important and essential are alone given us, 
 the unimportant and superfluous honestly thrown away. 
 
502 FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 Results of his Teachers' Work. 
 
 That Friedrich' s Course of Education did on the whole pros- 
 per, in spite of every drawback, is known to all men. He came 
 out of it a man of clear and ever improving intelligence ; equipped 
 with knowledge, true in essentials, if not punctiliously exact, upon 
 all manner of practical and speculative things, to a degree not only 
 unexampled among modern Sovereign Princes so called, but such 
 as to distinguish him even among the studious class ; nay, many 
 ' Men of Letters ' have made a reputation for themselves with but a 
 fraction of the real knowledge concerning men and things, past and 
 present, which Friedrich was possessed of. Already, at the time 
 when action came to be demanded of him, he was what we must 
 call a well informed and cultivated man, which character he never 
 ceased to merit more and more ; and as for the action and the 
 actions, we shall see whether he was fit for these or not. 
 
 One point of supreme importance in his Education was all along 
 made sure of by the mere presence and presidence of Friedrich 
 Wilhelm in the business : that there was an inflexible law of dis- 
 cipline every where active in it ; that there was a Spartan rigor, 
 frugality, veracity, inculcated upon him. l Economy he is to study 
 to the bottom ;' and not only so, but, in another sense of the word, 
 he is to practice economy ; and does, or else suffers for not doing it. 
 Economic of his time first of all : generally every other noble econ- 
 omy will follow out of that, if a man once understand and practice that. 
 Here was a truly valuable foundation laid ; and as for the rest, Nature, 
 in spite of shot rubbish, had to do what she could in the rest. Among 
 the confused hurtful elements of his schooling, was the salutary and 
 potent one of its being an apprenticeship to Friedrich Wilhelm. 
 
 Friedrich Wilhelm, King of Prussia, did not set up for a Pestalozzi, and the 
 plan of education for his son is open to manifold objections. Nevertheless, as 
 schoolmasters go, I much prefer him to most others we have at present The 
 wild man had discerned, with his rugged natural intelligence (not wasted away 
 in the idle element of speaking and of being spoken to, but kept wholesomely 
 silent for most part), that human education is not, and can not be, a thing of 
 vocables; that it is a thing of earnest facts; of capabilities devoloped, of habits 
 established, of dispositions well dealt with, of tendencies confirmed and tenden- 
 cies repressed ; a laborious separating of the character into two firmaments ; 
 shutting down the subterranean, well down and deep ; an earth and waters, 
 and what lies under them; then your everlasting azure sky and immeasurable 
 depths of ether hanging overhead. To make of the human soul a Cosmos, so 
 far as possible, that was Friedrich Wilhelm's dumb notion, not to leave the hu- 
 man soul a mere Chaos ; how much less a Singing or eloquently Spouting Chaos, 
 which is ten times worse than a Chaos left mute, confessedly chaotic and not 
 cosmic! To develop the man into doing something, and withal into doing it as 
 the Universe and the Eternal Laws require which is but another name for 
 really doing and not merely seeming to do it that was Friedrich Wilhelm's 
 dumb notion ; and it was, I can assure you, very far from being a foolish one, 
 though there was no Latin in it, and much of Prussian pipe-clay. 
 
FREDERICK II. AND H[S SCHOOL REFORMS. 593 
 
 FREDERICK II. ascended the throne June, 1740, .and in October of 
 that year, issued an order, which was followed by others of similar 
 import in 1741 and 1743, to provide for the support of village 
 schools wherever established. In 1748 he assisted Hecker to develop 
 the Real School in Berlin, and caused a Seminary for Teachers to be 
 attached in which he required all schoolmasters employed on the 
 crown lands to be educated. In 1753 he made the system of instruc- 
 tion in the Kermark the example and models for other portions of 
 the monarchy. In August, 1763, he issued his General School Regu- 
 lations, and two years later, those for the Catholic Schools of Silesia. 
 
 GENERAL SCHOOL REGULATIONS, AUGUST 12, 1763. 
 
 \Ve FHEDERIC, by the grace of God, King, etc.: 
 
 WHEREAS, to our great displeasure, we have perceived that schools and the 
 instruction of youth in the country have come to be greatly neglected, and 
 that by the inexperience of many sacristans (custos*) and schoolmasters, the young 
 people grow up in stupidity and ignorance, it is our well considered and serious 
 pleasure, that instruction in the country, throughout all our provinces, should be 
 placed on a better footing, and be better organized than heretofore. For, as we 
 earnestly strive for the true welfare of our country, and of all classes of people ; 
 now that quiet and general peace have been restored, we find it. necessary and 
 wholesome to have a good foundation laid in the schools by a rational and Chris- 
 tian education of the young for the fear of God and other useful ends. Therefore, 
 by the power of our own highest motive, of our care and paternal disposition 
 for the best good of all our subjects, we command hereby, all governors, con- 
 sistories and other collegiates of our country; that they shall, on their part, 
 contribute all they can, with affection and zeal, to maintain the following GENERAL 
 SCHOOL REGULATIONS, and in future to arrange all things in accordance with the 
 law to the end that ignorance, so injurious and unbecoming to Christianity, may 
 be prevented and lessened, and the coming time may train and educate in the 
 schoo's more enlightened and virtuous subjects. 
 
 SECTION 1. First, it is our pleasure that all our subjects, parents, guardians or 
 masters, whose duty it is to educate the young, shall send their children to school, 
 and those confided to their care, boys and girls, if not sooner, certainly when they 
 reach the age of five years ; and shall continue regularly to do so, and require them 
 to go to school until they are thirteen or fourteen years old, and know not only 
 what is necessary of Christianity, fluent reading and writing, but can give answer 
 in everything which they learn from the school books, prescribed and approved 
 by our consistory. 
 
 2. Masters to whom children in Prussia, by custom are bound to render work 
 for certain years, are seriously advised not to withdraw such children from 
 school until they can read well, and have laid a good foundation in Christian 
 knowledge ; also made a beginning in writing, and can present a certificate from 
 the minister and school master to this effect to the school-visitors. Parents and 
 guardians ought much more to consider it their bouriden duty that their children 
 and wards receive sufficient instruction in the necessary branches. 
 
 3. If children, by their own aptitude or by the care of the teacher are suffi- 
 ciently advanced in the common studies before they attain their thirteenth or 
 fourteenth year, even then the parents or guardians are not at liberty to retain 
 them at home, but can do so only when the superintendents or inspectors, after 
 a notice from the minister and a testimonial of the schoolmaster, that the pupil 
 has acquired a sufficient knowledge, have issued a regular dismissal based on the 
 above testimonial. Still such children must attend the Repetition School, not 
 only on Sundays, at the minister's, but also on week-days at the schoolmaster's. 
 
 g 4. As in many towns, parents do not send their children to school in summer, 
 on the plea that they have to guard the cattle ; our magistrates and judges in the 
 districts containing towns and communes, shall see that a special shepherd is 
 engaged, rather than allow the children to be kept from school. Whereas, as in 
 
 NOTE. Custos, or German " Kuster," is the name by which the sacristan or custodian of 
 the Church was designated ; from among these persons many w re taken as teachers, or 
 rather the first teachers combined the office of custodian with their duties in the school. 
 
594 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 
 
 our Westphalia counties, in the Wisher-land, in the old Margraviate and other 
 parts, the houses are scattered far apart, and the cattle cannot well be driven into 
 one place to be guarded, one child after the other, if there are several in a family 
 or neighborhood, shall alternately, every day, attend to the herds ; or the inn- 
 keepers and inhabitants of such towns shall make other arrangements by which 
 each child can go to school at least three days of the week, that it may not forget 
 in summer what it learned in winter. In many cases it could be organized that 
 the children form two divisions, one of which could be in school during the three 
 first days of a week, and the other during the three last days 
 
 5. In order to regulate definitely the summer and winter schools, we decree 
 that winter schools must be held on all the six days of the week, from 8 to 11 
 o'clock in the forenoon, and from 1 to 4 o'clock in the afternoon, except Wednes- 
 day and Saturday afternoons. The winter school must be continued from Mich- 
 aelmas to the Easter-days. But the summer schools shall be open only in the 
 forenoon or, if necessary by the location of the place, during three hours every 
 weeK-day, when the ministers can best decide at what hour to commence. No 
 vacations are to be given, not even during harvest time ; the schools shall be kept 
 in the prescribed manner, with this distinction, that in summer each lesson is to 
 be of half an hour's duration, and in winter of a full hour. 
 
 And since it has not remained unknown to us, that in many places the magis- 
 trates and patrons of nobility have taken great pains that schools might be kept 
 winter and summer in the fore and afternoon, we will, by this decree, not at all 
 abolish an arrangement so praiseworthy, but allow the example of Christian care 
 for the interests of the children, to serve as an example to others. 
 
 6. On Sundays, beside the lesson of the catechism or repetition school by the 
 minister given in the Church, the schoolmaster shall give in the school a recapit- 
 ulary lesson to the unmarried people of the township. They shall there practise 
 reading and writing. Reading should be from the New Testament or some other 
 edifying book, and as an exercise in writing, the young people should write some 
 passages, or the epistle, or Gospel of the day. In towns where the schoolmaster is 
 not likewise sexton, and not obliged to travel through the parish with the cler- 
 gyman, he shall be bound to sing with the children in Church, either morning or 
 afternoons, to hear them recite the catechism and address to them easy questions 
 on the order of salvation. If a sacristan or schoolmaster has no experience in 
 catechising, the minister should write down for him the questions he must ask, 
 that in this manner, together with their children, the people may be edified and 
 improved in scriptural knowledge. 
 
 | 7. In regard to tuition fee, every child, until it can read, shall pay in winter 
 six pennies, after it can read, nine pennies, and when it can write and read, one 
 groschen a week. For the months of summer, however, they shall pay only two- 
 thirds of this fee, so that those who paid six pennies in winter, after his proportion 
 shall pay four ; those who paid nine pennies shall pay six, and those who paid one 
 groschen will pay eight pennies. If, in any place the schoolmaster has been paid 
 better, he must continue to receive the customary fees. 
 
 8. Parents too poor to pay the tuition fee for their children, and orphan chil- 
 dren who cannot pay, must petition the magistrate, patron, minister or church- 
 council for an allowance from any funds of the church or town at their disposal, 
 that the schoolmaster may get his income, and teach the children of the poor and 
 rich with equal diligence and fidelity. 
 
 9. In furtherance of this object, there shall be delivered in every town of the 
 country and in the cities, on St. Michael's Sunday of every year, a school dis- 
 course, in which a topic, chosen with discretion, from the subjects of Christian 
 education and edification of youth, in harmony with the Gospel of the day, or 
 based on another suitable text 'from the Old or New Testament, shall be expounded 
 to the people. After this discourse, and an earnest exhortation from the minister, 
 a collection will be taken in aid of country schools, and especially for the purchase 
 of school-books for the poor children in village schools ; and in the manner cus- 
 tomary to the place ; they shall also collect voluntary contributions, which, to- 
 gether with the regular quarterly collections, shall be forwarded to the consistory 
 of the province to be applied to the purchase of books. 
 
 10. Having made good and sufficient provision for the instruction of the 
 young, all parents, guardians, and others, having children to educate, who act 
 contrarj T to this ordinance, by withholding them from school, shall still be 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. ' 595 
 
 obligel to pay the common school-fee for the term; and guardians shall not be 
 permitted to charge the money thus paid to the account of their wards. And if, 
 after oarnest exhortation of the minister, they do not send their children regu- 
 larly to school, then the magistrate of the town, in the last resort, shall direct 
 execution against them. It is made the duty of the school-visitors to impose on 
 such parents as have not made their children attend school regularly, a fine of 
 sixteen groschen, to be paid into the school-treasury. 
 
 We therefore command all officers and magistrates to ascertain without delay, 
 after receiving notice from the schoolmaster, of the non-attendance of any child, 
 from the parent or guardian of the same the cause of such absence, and if it is for 
 other reason than sickness, they shall employ proper legal means to secure that 
 child's attendance. 
 
 11. To this end, and to enable him the better to control the matter, the 
 schoolmaster shall receive, from the register of the church or the town in which 
 they are engaged, a list of all children of school age, that they may know who 
 are due to the school ; and the teacher shall also keep a monthly register, in 
 which the children are enrolled as follows : (1) By their name and surname ; (2) 
 their age; (3) the names of their parents; (4) their residence; (5) the date when 
 they enter school ; (6) the lessons they study ; (7) the degree of their diligence or 
 negligence; (8) their abilities of mind; (9) their morals and conduct ; (10) the 
 day when they leave school. 
 
 This register, which no child should be suffered to read, is sect to the school- 
 visitor before his annual inspection, and inspected by the minister during his 
 weekly visits that he may know the delinquent children, and exhort them to 
 greater diligence, and speak with their parents in this regard. 
 
 This register is ruled with lines for every day of the month, on which the 
 teacher can enter his remarks, and check those who are absent with or without 
 permission or excuse. This will incite children to diligence, and remind parents, 
 who send their children irregularly and say, "our children have gone so many 
 years to school, and yet learned nothing," that the fault is not with the school or 
 the teacher, but with themselves. 
 
 g 12. Since the chief requisite in a good school is a competent and faithful 
 teacher, it is our gracious and earnest will, that one and all, who have the right 
 of appointment, shall take heed to bring only well qualified persons into office 
 as teachers and sacristans. A schoolmaster should not only possess the necessary 
 attainments and skill in instruction, but should be an example to the children, 
 and not tear down by his daily life what he builds up by his teaching. He should 
 therefore strive after godliness, and guard against everything which might 
 give offence or temptation to parents or children. Above all things, he should 
 endeavor to obtain a correct knowledge of God and of Christ, thereby laying a 
 foundation to honest life and true Christianity, and feeling that they are entrusted 
 with their office from God, as followers of the Saviour, and in it have an oppor- 
 tunity, by diligence and good example, not only to render the children happy in 
 the present life, but also to prepare them for eternal blessedness. 
 
 \ 13. Though we intend to leave undiminished the privileges of the nobility 
 and other patrons to select and appoint their sacristans and teachers, yet our su- 
 perintendents, inspectors and the clergy must see that no incompetent, unsuita- 
 ble, nor reckless and wicked person io employed or continued in office. Espe- 
 cially should those be removed who arc addicted to drink or theft, who excite 
 dissensions in the commune, or give scandal. If they are addicted to such vices 
 before their engagement they are unfit for the office ; and the patrons should le 
 required to present another person, of good repute, to the examiners. But if 
 these vices crop out after they are in office, it must not only be noted on the 
 annual report of conduct, but be directly communicated to our consistory, that 
 they may be saved further vexation, and the incumbent be suspended without 
 delay and brought to trial before the proper tribunal. All teachers are forbidden 
 to keep tavern, to sell beer or wine, to engage in any other occupation by which 
 their labor may be hindered or the children lured by their example into habits 
 of idleness and dissipation, such as the hanging round taverns or making music 
 at dinners and balls, which is prohibited under high fine and punishment. 
 
 14. No sacristan or teacher can be installed into office before his qualifications, 
 ascertained by actual examination, are certified to by the Inspector. No clergy- 
 man can admit any person to such position in church or school who does not 
 produce said certificate Of a successful examination. 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 
 
 With regard to our country schools in towns and villages on our own domains, 
 we repeat our former directions, that no person shall be engaged as custos or 
 school teacher unless he has been a member of the Teachers' Seminary at Berlin, 
 and understands the cultivation of silk, as well as the excellent method of instruc- 
 tion pursued in the German schools of Trinity Church. And those teachers who 
 have received from Chief Counsellor and Pastor Hecker a certificate of qualifica- 
 tion, may be elected to a vacancy after giving a trial lesson in singing in the 
 church and in teaching the children in school in presence of the inspector, or of 
 the clergyman and some citizens of the town. Whenever a vacancy occurs, the 
 clergyman must give notice to the inspector, mentioning the specific salary and 
 circumstances of the position, who reports to the chief consistory, waiting for 
 the presentation of a candidate from the Teachers' Seminary ; if none such is pre- 
 sented, then, with the assistance of the clergyman, he must find a proper person 
 and send him to Berlin for examination and trial lessons. Should he not be 
 found qualified, he may be permitted to attend the seminary at his own expense, 
 until he has obtained the certificate of qualification ; and failing that, anoiher 
 candidate must be proposed. 
 
 $ 15. No person shall assume to teach in any school of the country, village, or 
 town, who has not regularly obtained a license to teach ; and all schools, whether 
 kept by man or woman, not duly authorized, nre entirely prohibited. But par- 
 ents of wealth may, as heretofore, engage private teachers for their children, 
 provided that the children of others who cannot yet be taught the higher branches, 
 are not induced to withdraw from the regular school in order to share the private 
 elementary instruction. 
 
 16. As a schoolmaster is not permitted to employ his pupils for his own 
 work during school hours, neither shall he attend to his trade or other business 
 during such hours, or entrust his wife with the duties of the school-room; 
 though he may employ her or another person to assist when the school is too 
 large for his personal instruction. If for any cause he neglects to teach the pre- 
 scribed hours, the clergyman shall remind him of his duty ; and, in case of per- 
 sistent neglect, notice must be sent to the inspector that such irregularities may 
 be corrected or punished. 
 
 17. The daily work of the school should begin with prayer to the Giver of all 
 good gifts, that He will send His divine blessing on their work, and give them a 
 heart full of tenderness and sincerity towards the children entrusted to their care, 
 that they may do willingly and without passion all that is incumbent upon them 
 as teachers; being always reminded that they can have no influence over chil- 
 dren, nor win their hearts without the divine assistance of Jesus, the friend of 
 children, and of His holy spirit. During the instructions they should devoutly 
 pray that they may not only keep their minds composed, but that God will bless 
 their work, and to planting and watering graciously give His increase. 
 
 Teachers should also devise various means to win the confidence of young pupils, 
 especially of the bashful and slow, and to render their task easy. To this end, 
 they should make themselves familiar with the third part of the u Berlin School- 
 book, " by which all the elementary branches are successfully taught. 
 
 . 18. As much depends on a good plan of organization, it is ordered that three 
 hours in the forenoon (from 8 to 11) and three in the afternoon (from 1 to 4 
 o'clock) shall be the school time, unless the minister and town council find it 
 more suitable to begin earlier or close later in the day, provided six hours each 
 day in summer and winter are devoted to instruction. 
 . 19. The order of school shall be thus : 
 In the first hour of the morning they will 
 
 First. Sing a hymn, the words being slowly pronounced by the schoolmaster, 
 and sung by the children after him. Every month, but one hymn, designated by 
 the clergyman, and not too long or unfamiliar, shall be learned and sung, in order 
 that the old and young may remember the words and tune by frequent repetition. 
 While singing, the teacher must see that all participate, and no child should be 
 permitted to hold open the hymnbook and sing from it, but all should be required 
 to follow him. 
 
 Second. After the hymn, a prayer shall be offered, either by the master, or one 
 of the pupils may be allowed to read slowly and distinctly a prescribed prayer, 
 while the rest join in silence. Then all should directly offer up a common prayer, 
 learned by heart ; and after the reading of the psalm for the month by one of the 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC IT 597 
 
 pupils, the devotional exercise should close with the Lord's prayer. Any tardy 
 children must wait at the door until prayer is ended, in order not to disturb the 
 others. 
 
 Third. After prayer such a portion of the catechism is explained that in every 
 six weeks the book 'is gone through. In this exercise the following method should 
 be adopted : The portion to be interpreted must be read by the children until it 
 is familiar to most of them. Then the words and their meaning are explained, by 
 questions and answers, and verified by passages from the Scriptures ; and finally 
 the children should be told how to apply the truth of what they hear to practical 
 life. For little children Luther s smaller catechism should be used ; for the more 
 advanced the clergyman and schoolmaster should use the larger catechism with 
 interpretations. 
 
 During the remaining hours of the morning, exercises in reading, spelling, and 
 the A B C should follow according to the proficiency of the pupils. 
 
 (1.) In the first half hour the advanced pupils read a chapter from the Old or 
 New Testament, sometimes together, sometimes a certain portion of the class, 
 alternating with a single pupil, as the teacher may designate to keep the order 
 and attention of all alive. 
 
 (2.) The next half hour is devoted to spelling, either by the entire class in con- 
 cert or each child alone. Sometimes a word is written on the "tafel," (black- 
 board,) which all are required to spell and pronounce. During this lesson with 
 the younger pupils the older are practised in finding passages of Scripture or 
 hymns in the hymnbook ; or they commit to memory verses and the names of 
 Biblical books in their succession, that they may become ready in consulting the 
 Scriptures. 
 
 (3.) The next hour is devoted to the A B C classes, with copying on their tablets 
 one or two letters from the larger tablet, the teacher often calling them to name 
 the letters, or show them on their slates, while he is hearing an advanced class 
 spell, or attending to their writing, which last is in this wise: 
 
 (1.) The larger children write during the first half of the third hour, when their 
 woik is inspected and corrected in the next half hour. That no child may be 
 neglected, the teacher keeps a list of the scholars, who present their copy-books in 
 succession, and he continues the next day where he left off. In this manner every 
 child will have his book returned and corrected several times each week. 
 
 Here it stiould be remarked, that the left side of the copy-book should be 
 written and corrected first, and the scholar should re-write the same exercise on the 
 right-hand page, free of the errors pointed out by the teacher. 
 
 (2.) While the larger pupils are writing, the spelling class is to be exercised 
 and made familiar with the rules of reading, and the powers of letters. While 
 the larger scholars have their copies corrected, the spelling class may now and 
 then recite their Bible-verse for the week. Towards the end of the third morning- 
 hour, the whole school is called to prayer, after which the teacher reads the 
 psalm or part of the hymn designated for the season, and then the pupils are 
 quietly dismissed. The master looks to their behavior in going home, that care- 
 lessness and wickedness may not dissipate the instructions of the morning. 
 
 During the first hour of the afternoon the whole school is occupied with the 
 teacher, and after singing some verses and reading a psalm, they are taught 
 biblical history and the "Manual for the instruction of children in country- 
 schools.''* 
 
 The second hour of the afternoon, the classes alternately learn portions of the 
 catechism. This may be done after the method shown in the third part of the 
 Berlin Reader, by writing down the first letters, or in the following manner: 
 
 (1.) The teacher reads repeatedly, slowly and distinctly, the portion which 
 the children are to commit, while the pupils follow in the open book mentally. 
 Then the children read the exercises in concert, while the middle and spelling 
 clas? listen. 
 
 (2.) After this is done, the teacher reads aloud from comma to comma, while 
 the children repeat until they know it by heart; then he proceeds with the next 
 paragraph in the same manner, explaining the Bible phraseology of the catechism, 
 which the children learn together. As regards the interpretation of Luther's 
 
 * See Memoir of Frederic* Eberhard von Rochow. 
 
598 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 
 
 catechism, the larger children will learn that by frequent repetition ; the middle 
 class, and the small pupils meanwhile listening attentively. After the first class hag 
 in concert repeated the lesson a few times, the teacher indicates the individuals to 
 recite the lesson from memory, and thus he satisfies himself as to their mastery of it. 
 
 (3.) Finally each class recites its weekly Bible-verse, varying in length accord- 
 ing to the age of the pupils. In this manner children generally learn the por- 
 tions of the catechism and Christian Doctrine in their proper connection, together 
 with their Bible-verses, a psalm and a hymn every month. 
 
 The next half hour, the larger children attend to reading, the middle class to 
 spelling, and the lower class to their letters, as in the morning. 
 
 During the third and last hour of the afternoon, the first class shall write and 
 cypher ; while the middle class continue their spelling, and the little children 
 their A, B, C. 
 
 On Saturday, instead of the catechism in the first hour of the morning, the 
 children will repeat the Bible-verses, psalms and hymns they have learned, of 
 which the teacher keeps a memorandum. Then, from week to week, he relates 
 to them a history from the Old or New Testament, explains the same and shows 
 its application to life and conduct. For the older children he may use the Biblical 
 chart, to aid them in more perfectly understanding the Holy Scriptures. After 
 this they shall read the gospel or the epistle for the next Sunday. Next they 
 write on their slate, of which the teacher corrects the orthography. At the conclu- 
 sion of'-the school, the children shall be earnestly exhorted to behave well on 
 Sunday ; to be quiet and devotional at church ; to listen and treasure up the 
 word of God for their salvation. 
 
 The schoolmaster, during all the hours above designated, must be constantly 
 with the children, and never be absent from school one hour, much less one day, 
 without the knowledge of the pastor and the permission of his superiors, in which 
 case he must in time provide another person to teach the school, that the young 
 may not be neglected. 
 
 In large cities, and villages, where there is more than one class-room, it shall 
 be reported by the inspectors and clergymen to our provincial consistory, which 
 will regulate the order of lessons and method of instruction according to the 
 condition's of the place. 
 
 $ 20. As the country has hitherto been deluged with all sorts of school- 
 books, especially with interpretations of the catechism, and so-called "orders of 
 salvation," because every preacher selects the books after his own pleasure, or 
 writes some himself and has them printed, by which children, especially if the 
 parents change their residence, are much confused, it is our will, that henceforth 
 no other books, than such as have been approved by our consistory, shall be used 
 in any country-schools over which we have the right of patron. These books in- 
 clude, according to the wants of the country, the New Testament, the book culled 
 a Exercise in Prayer," in which not only are the contents of each book in the 
 Bible, but the main subject of each chapter is framed into a prayer, to assist the 
 young in expressing their invocations in the words of divine truths. Also the 
 Halle or Berlin Bible, both of which agree in their divisions into paragraphs and 
 pages ; next the small and large Catechism of Luther ; the Index of the books ot 
 the Bible ; the Christian Doctrines in their conneciion ; the Berlin Spelling-book 
 and Reader ; the General Attributes of God, of the world and man ; and the 
 Little Book for children in the country, on all sorts of necessary and useful 
 things. 
 
 21. Each class must not only have the same books, but the clergyman and 
 teacher must see that every child has his own book, so that two pupils need not 
 look over the same book. Children, whose books are furnished from the funds or 
 the church or the commune, are not allowed to take them home, but will deliver 
 them to the master, at the close of the lessons, who will take charge of them as 
 the property of the school. 
 
 22. Discipline should be administered with discretion, and the sin and 
 vices of selfishness, obstinacy, lying, calling bad names, disobedience, wrath, 
 the habit of quarrelling and fighting must be rebuked, corrected and punished, 
 yet always with discretion and after previous inquiry into the circumstances or 
 each act. In punishing the young the teacher must abstain from all unbecoming 
 passion, harsh language, and exhibit a paternal calmness and moderation, so that 
 
GENERAL RERGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II 599 
 
 children may not be spoiled by excessive tenderness, or made timid by 
 severity. When, from the enormity of the offence, or for example, it becomes 
 necessary to punish severely, the teacher shall first consult the clergyman, who 
 shall thoroughly investigate the ease, advise impartially, so that parents shaii 
 not interfere in the affairs of the school. 
 
 23. Before church service on Sundays and holidays, the parents shall be 
 required to send their children to the schoolmaster, that they may walk to church 
 in proper order arid be under good supervision while there. He must take them 
 quietly and orderly out of church, after the service ; and while in church must 
 occupy a special s-eat, near the children, that he may note down the absent, and 
 have an eye on those present, that they behave modestly, and join in singing with 
 becoming devotion, without whispering or playing during the sermon, respecting 
 which they should be interrogated on the following day. It is also the duty of 
 the schoolmaster to watch the conduct of the boys who assist at funerals, that they 
 walk reverently two and two, while those who can, join in singing the funeral 
 hymns ; and on all public occasions, they should behave modestly, and be cour- 
 teous in their manners, words and actions. 
 
 24. In all other affairs of the school, the teacher must avail himself of 
 the advice and suggestions of the clergyman, as his superior officer, and by his 
 school-regulation the teat hers are so directed. Of all that regards their office they 
 must, on demund, give an account, and accept directions in reference to the pre- 
 scribed method and discipline, because we have confidence in our ministers and 
 bind it on their consciences that in their towns they will earnestly endeavor to 
 abolish all abuses and defects, and improve the condition of the schools. In 
 case however one or the other of the schoolmasters should neglect the duties of 
 his office, after he is engaged, and be found unreliable, the pastor's duty will be, 
 earnestly to remind him of his duty, with kindness once or twice, and if he 
 still continues in his negligence, to apply for a remedy to the nearest justice : at 
 the same time to inform the Superintendent or Inspector, and if the r warning is 
 not heeded, make a report to the consistory, that, according to the circumstances, 
 they may decree a su?pension or removal. 
 
 25. Especially is it our pleasure, that clergymen in villages and towns 
 shall visit the schools of their place, generally twice a week, sometimes in the 
 morning and sometimes in the afternoon, and shall not only take the informa- 
 tion of the sacristans or schoolmaster, but themselves examine the children in the 
 catechism and question them after other schoolbooks. They shall hold a monthly 
 conference with the schoolteachers in matre, and designate to them the portion of 
 the catechism, the hymn, the psalm and Bible-verses which the children shall 
 learn during the next month. Then he instructs them how to observe the princi- 
 pal divisions of the sermon and how to examine the children ; he also points out 
 the defects in their instruction in school, their method, discipline, and gives 
 them other information, that the school teachers may fulfil their duties. If a 
 clergyman, against our expectation, should be careless in his visits to the schools, 
 or in the performance of the other duties enjoined upon him in these regulations, 
 and not labor earnestly to effect an exact observance of this law on the part of 
 custos and teachers, he shall if convicted of the non-fulfilment of these instruc- 
 tions, be suspended cum effectu, for a time, or, as the case may be, removed from 
 office : because the care for the instruction of the young and the supervision 
 thereof, belong to the most important duties of the ministry, as we always desire 
 them to be considered. 
 
 26. The Superintendents and Inspectors of every district are hereby com- 
 manded, in the most expressive manner, annually to inspect every country-school 
 in their jurisdiction, and with due attention to inquire into the condition of the 
 schools, and examine whether partnts and school authorities have held their 
 children to regular attendance at school or have been negligent; whether the 
 clergymen have done their duty in the observance of these regulations, by visit- 
 ing the schools and superintending the teacher ; especially whether the school- 
 master has the abili'y required or is not competent, and whatever else is in need 
 of improvement. About all this the sakl Superintendents and Inspectors shall 
 remit a dutiful report, every year, to our High Consistory in this city for furthei 
 examination and disposition. We command that this be done without fail, not 
 only in regard to public schools in the country, in villages or cities, but also 
 
600 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 
 
 where the nobility have the Jus Patronalus, that incompetent schoolmasters may 
 be known to the consistory and they t.ke measures to diminish ignorance and 
 immorality among the young. At the same time those children, who have made 
 good progress in school, shall be introduced to the school-visitors at the examina- 
 tion, and afterwards be admitted to the weekly instruction in the catechism at 
 the house of the pastor, where they shall be made thoroughly acquainted with 
 Christianity. 
 
 In general we here confirm and renew all wholesome laws, published in former 
 times, especially, that no clergyman shall admit to confirmation and the sacrament, 
 any children not of his commune, nor those unable to read, or who are ignorant 
 of the fundamental principles of evangelical religion. 
 
 ORDINANCE RESPECTING CATHOLIC SCHOOLS IN SILESIA 1765. 
 
 He, FREDERIC, by the grace of God, King of Prussia, c., 
 Make known hereby that, as in our paternal care for the welfare of our faithful 
 suojects, we were led to issue the order of August 12, 1763, for the better organi- 
 zaiion of the ill-managed country schools, we have thought proper to proclaim a 
 similar order in regard to our Roman Catholic subjects of Silesia and the county 
 of Glatz, for the organization of the common elementary schools in towns and 
 villages. '1 hat we may make our Roman Catholic subjects more useful citizens, 
 we hereby ordain : , 
 
 1. To strike at the source of all poor instruction, no schoolmaster, or by what- 
 ever name teachers in cities and villages may be designated, shall be anywhere 
 engaged if he cannot prove, in the manner described below, that, with skill in 
 singing and playing the organ sufficient to perform the services in the Church, he 
 has acquired the art of instructing the young in the German language, after the 
 manner approved by Catholic school authorities. 
 
 2. And that every one who desires to be employed in schools may have the 
 opportunity for learning all that is needed by a good teacher, we have thought it 
 best to establish here and there certain schools, in which not only the young will 
 have the best instruction, but where adults, also, maybe taught how to teach and 
 manage youth. For this purpose we have selected the following schools : for 
 Lower Silesia, the school of the Breslau Cathedral ad St. Joanncm, the school of 
 the second Cistercians at the convents of Leubus, Grussau, and the Augustines of 
 Sagan ; for upper Silesia, the school in the city of Ratibor and of the Cistercians 
 at the convent of Rauden ; and for the county of Glatz, the school of the city of 
 Habelschwerdt. 
 
 3. We command that the above-named schools, which are to serve as semina- 
 ries for future teachers shall not only be constantly provided with skillful teach- 
 ers, but each shall also have a well-informed director, who shall devote himself to 
 maintaining and improving the condition of his school, and especially to training 
 and instructing those who are preparing to teach. The director must observe the 
 following : 
 
 4 He should aim at having everything in his school taught and learned thor- 
 oughly, and in reference to the needs of common life, which will be further de- 
 scribed below. He should show the teachers how to give their pupils the reasons 
 for everything, that they may obtain an understanding thereof, and become them- 
 selves able, on being questioned, to give these reasons. His object should not be 
 to load the memorv of the pupil, but to enlighten and train his mind. 
 
 5. And, since the method in which the first teachers of the above-named 
 schoo's were instructed is such that, by retaining it. all those advantages may be 
 reached, it is our will that it should be introduced everywhere, especially the 
 essential part of the method of letters, tables, questions, and answers, as well as 
 the books written for this purpose. 
 
 6 The directors shou'd not omit to employ such other advantages as the}' or 
 others may discover in connection with this popular mode of teaching ; and to 
 this end they should correspond among themselves, and read the best works on 
 schools and education. That such writings may become known to them, we com- 
 mend the publisher of the privileged Breslau literary periodical to notice and 
 criticise such books and treaties as are new or reprinted. 
 
 7. With regard to those who frequent such schools in order to become skillful 
 teachers, the directors must not only observe the above, but also require them, 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 601 
 
 after their lessons in matters pertaining to schools, and the use of school books 
 and tables, to be present when the regular teachers instruct the children. They 
 must also, as soon as they are capable, be required to teach certain classes under 
 the eye of the teachers, that the latter may correct them when they do nU proceed 
 in a right manner. The director and teachers of the seminary should take pains 
 to point out all such helps as will facilitate and lessen the labors of the teacher, 
 without injury to thoroughness of instruction, and without employing any means 
 that would cause aversion on the part of the pupil. The director should make 
 the j.rceparandi acquainted with all the duties of their future profession, and 
 inspire them with a delight in fulfilling them. Especially should he impress them 
 with the importance of their office, and how much depends upon it, as good or 
 evil instruction tends to form useful or bad subjects of the State. 
 
 8. He should diligently inquire as to what progress the prceparondi have made, 
 and how far they have acquired a knowledge of teaching ; especially at the time 
 when they are about to leave he should have an eye on their morals and conduct, 
 endeavor to improve them, and remark on their deportment in the certificates to 
 be given them. 
 
 9. Such certificate the candidate shall present at the vicar's office in Breslau, 
 or to the deacon in Glatz, or to the vicars in other dioceses ; or, if not trained in 
 the principal seminary at Breslau, or in that of Glatz, he shall present it first to 
 the director of the Cathedral school, and then to the director of the seminary, 
 that he may be examined by them, to discover if he actually possesses the skill 
 which the testimonial ascribes to him. If he does not give satisfactory evidence 
 of this, or fails to acquire a better preparation in the seminaries at the' Cathedral 
 of Breslau, or in that in the district of Glaiz, his certificate shall be of no avail. 
 
 10. All candidates of theology shall acquire in the principal seminary at Bres- 
 lau that knowledge of teaching nec.ssary in order to exercise a proper superin- 
 tendence over schools, in conformity with these regulations. The director will 
 give them such instruction and note their progress in a certificate, by which the 
 students may satisfy their directing minister in Silesia that they have learned the 
 method, whenever they request permission to take orders, or ask for an ecclesias- 
 tical benefice. 
 
 11. As to school teachers who apply for position in those parts of the State 
 where the Polish language is spoken, the directors of the seminaric s in Upper and 
 Lower Silesia should examine, the candidates as to their knowledge of German; 
 whether they are able to teach that language to the children ; and if not, they 
 must learn it before they will be permitted to take charge of a school. They must 
 also understand the Polish language sufficiently to use the school books in both 
 languages which have been prepared for the schools of Upper Silesia. 
 
 12. Since we have thus made ample provi ion for school teachers to become 
 skilled in the administration of their office, it is our will, also, that the places 
 where no teachers are to be procured shall henceforth not be without them. In 
 towns which have no teachers, and are farther than a quarter of a mile from the 
 nearest school, it would be impracticable to send children to school in winter. 
 Therefore, wherever hitherto towns have depended upon a school at a distance of 
 one half or three quarters of a mile, we command our Council of War and Do- 
 mains to determine, through the administrator of the district, who, to this end, 
 shall take the advice of the highest clergy in the district where teachers should 
 be located, how much the State and the commune must contribute to his support, 
 and what measures are necessary to erect school-houses. 
 
 13. It is well known how much children are hindered in their studies and be- 
 come distracted when, in the room in which the school is kept, the wife and 
 children and frequently even the relatives of the schoolmaster, work at their 
 trade or domestic duties. In order to remove this evil, the school room must be 
 separated from the living room, in all new school-houses erected in cities and vil- 
 lages, and shall be convenient, well lighted, and large enough to accommodate all 
 the children. In cities where schools have several teachers, a separate room must 
 be constructed for every teacher, which shall not be used for any other than 
 school purposes. These schools are to be erected at the expense of the commune, 
 if it is mainly Catholic, with concurrence of the proprietors, without distinction 
 of religion ; because it is important to masters of every denomination that sub- 
 
602 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II 
 
 ordinates be made useful through the training of the school ; and all necessary 
 furniture, blackboards, inkstands, and books for children of destitute parents 
 they shall furnish also. 
 
 *14. In places where the salary of a teacher is so small that he cannot subsist 
 on it, our Council of War and Domains shall see that the proprietors and Catholic 
 subjects raise a sufficient support for him and pay it promptly. In places where 
 the number of Catholic inhabitants is very small, and consequently a living sal- 
 ary for the teacher cannot be made up without oppressing the people, we will per- 
 mit the teacher to practice a trade for his better subsistence, like that of a tailor 
 or stocking weaver ; but he shall not be permitted to work in the school room or 
 during school hours. Any traffic in beer or liquor, or attendance at fairs with 
 music, shall not be included in the lawful trades of a teacher. Experience shows 
 that the first distracts a teacher and entices him from his duties ; and by music 
 and taverns the best schoolmasters are ruined, and reduced to drinking and idle- 
 ness. 
 
 15. Therefore all teachers are forbidden to keep a tavern, or to wait on wed- 
 dings and other occasions ; and we permit them to labor in any trade that will be 
 no hindrance to the work of teaching. 
 
 16. With the same intent, of guarding schools against interruptions, we re- 
 lease teachers from the customary duty of carrying the messages from the arch- 
 bishop to the neighboring clergy, and we command that such should be done in 
 future by other messengers from the commune, since these messages generally 
 concern our war orders. 
 
 I 1 ?. The instructions published at the beginning of this year by our Depart- 
 ment of War and Domain in Breslau for school teachers in villages, which define 
 the hours of school and all that belongs to it, must be observed by all teachers. 
 We here refer to it, and command that these instructions be folloVed in every 
 particular. 
 
 18. In regard to primary schools in cities, for which no regulations have yet 
 been issued, we ordain the following : First, there shall be no difference between 
 winter or summer, as far as the schools are concerned; because, in cities, the 
 causes which prevent country people from sending their children to school do not 
 generally exist. Therefore the schools must be open throughout the year from 
 eight to eleven in the morning, and from one to three in the afternoon. 
 
 19. As schools in large cities have frequently two or three teafh^rs, we ordain 
 that one of them he who writes the best hand shall teach the smaller children 
 in the first elements ; the others the more advanced pupils. 
 
 20. Instruction to beginners includes: 1st, the letters, spelling, and simple 
 reading. The letters must be learned in a month ; and since, in cities, new chil- 
 dren are coming in every month, the course is to be repeated. Every month the 
 children should spell the six different classes of syllables in the spelling book ; in 
 the third month the children, who began with the letters the first month, should 
 commence to read, but the difficult words must still be spelled and the rules be 
 inquired into. Every month they must go over the tables belonging to the sub- 
 ject, as they are found in the school books for children. 2d, in writing, the 
 teacher should first acquaint the pupils with the rules of penmanship after the 
 printed instructions, and they should then practise themuntil they have a correct 
 German current handwriting, and can also write Latin letters according to the 
 rules contained in the above instructions. He should go over the tables of callig- 
 raphy every month, taking the general principles during the first two weeks and 
 the current letters ; in the third week, the Latin and current handwriting ; and 
 in the fourth week whatever is necessary to write words and sentences. In cor- 
 recting, he should not omit to point at the tables, and proceed after the instruc- 
 tions printed on the same. 3d. in arithmetic he must likewise proceed after the 
 tables on the five simple operations prepared for the Silesian schools ; also in the 
 rule of three with simple numbers, and he must endeavor to bring the children to 
 do quick cyphering. During the first month he is to finish the table of enumera- 
 tion, and the children should know how to pronounce and write any given num- 
 ber of not above eight or nine figures. Addition and multiplication should be 
 completed in two months, and the remaining three months of the semi-annual 
 term given to subtraction and division and recapitulating the other operations. 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, B\ FREDERIC II G03 
 
 21. The children thus prepared are to be further instructed by the second 
 teacher. When they are able to read the larger tables with fluency, they should 
 be taught how to pronounce correctly the French words which occur frequently 
 in German papers. In writing, the teacher should show them the law style and 
 jractura. and the current letters which they learned from the first teacher need not 
 conform to his own handwriting, and he need not make copies for them, but 
 should cause them to copy select portions from books or other useful matters, he 
 seeing that all they write is in agreement with the rules given in the tables of cal- 
 ligraphy. He should instruct them in orthography, not only by copying, but by 
 dictating to them from time to time, in order that the pupils acquire a fluency in 
 writing and also to see how far they apply the rules of orthography. He should 
 teach the older scholars to write compositions of various kinds, especially letters 
 and forms which occur most frequently in common life. He should observe the 
 mistakes in the use of language, in the modifications or combinations of words, 
 for which purpose he should use Gottsched's grammar. In arithmetic the pupils 
 should learn the four operations in simple numbers and with fractions, the rule of 
 three in all its applications, and the Italian practice, if any desire it. Oftentimes, 
 especially to those who are about to leave the school and gain a living by the pen, 
 the teacher should give them various bills and accounts, and show them how to 
 iraw these up correctly, and Avhat must be done in revising accounts. 
 
 22. If, as in almost all large cities, the school has a third teacher, he should 
 nstruct in the first elements of the French and Latin languages, in general and 
 
 special history, in understanding and using a map, in studying geography from 
 tables printed for this purpose, and in finding places on the map by means of the 
 Lexicorum. We shall also, in order to give the young an idea of those things 
 which render a State prosperous and the subjects contented, cause to be published 
 a short text-book, containing the most useful knowledge of physics and some pre- 
 liminary knowledge of the objects which are of importance in arts, trades, and 
 manufactures . The duty of making the contents of such a book known to youth 
 belongs, also, in larger cities, to the third teacher. 
 
 Though these are the branches taught by the second and third teacher, as 
 named above and more in detail in Appendix A, yet it has not been defined, as 
 was done in the duties of the lowest teacher, how much each shall accomplish 
 m a fixed time. Since this, as well as what each shall teach, depends on the con- 
 dition of the place and the skill of the teachers, we will leave it to he determined 
 by the clergyman of the place, with the approbation of his school inspector, who 
 may also, for instruction in music, select a teacher whom they consider best 
 adapted. But a programme should describe what, by whom, and at which hour 
 this or that is to be taught, and when to review a subject again, in order to stim- 
 ulate the teacher to advance the young, and to give children who commence their 
 studies an opportunity to learn all by a set time from the beginning and thor- 
 oughly. 
 
 23. That there may be no want of persons skilled in teaching, the directors of 
 seminaries must endeavor gradually to train the best scholars for these duties ; 
 and in changing teachers, try to engage persons who understand these branches, 
 and are able to teach them. 
 
 24. At the end of this we have added sub. A, a table in which the time is ex- 
 actly given when to pursue each lesson above named, and also as to how to pro- 
 ceed in cities where there are two teachers only, that the children may learn a 
 little more than reading, writing, and cyphering. We have therefore caused to 
 be added, from the instructions already given for the organization of village 
 schools, sub. B , the order of time, which is to be punctually observed by the 
 schoolmaster of the Roman Catholic faith in our duchy of Silesia and the sover- 
 eign county of Glatz. 
 
 'te. All these regulations, intended for the welfare of our faithful subjects, 
 will create but little effect if, as has been the case heretofore, the schools are 
 empty, where it is left to the will of the parents to send their children to school 
 or not. We ordain, therefore, by this present, that all children in cities and vil- 
 lages, without distinction, whether the parents are able to pay for tuition or not, 
 shall be sent to school as soon as they complete their sixth year, and shall attend 
 the sau> 3 until they are thirteen years old. 
 
604 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC 11. 
 
 26. Parents and guardians who retain their children at home against this 
 order shall, unless notoriously known as unable, pay double the tuition fee to the 
 school teacher ; the guardians from their own means, without any right of charg- 
 ing it to their wards' account; this to be levied by the justice of the court of the 
 district ; and the poor, who cannot pay this forfeiture, shall be compelled to two 
 days' work for the commune, wi;hout pay, for every week they neglect to send 
 their children to school. Children of less than eight years must attend school in 
 summer and winter; in summer only in the forenoon. 
 
 27. As regards older children, whom the parents need for guarding the cattle 
 and for other farm work, we permit that such, because the young now learn faster 
 and more thoroughly by the new method introduced, be free from school from 
 St. George's day to St. Martin's. 
 
 28. They shall be required, however, during this time, to attend the instruc- 
 tions in Christianity every Sunday afiernoon, and after that to participate for 
 two hours in the lessons in reading and writing given in school ; which lessons 
 the teachers shall gi\e under direction of the pas'or, that they may become use- 
 ful to the young. Those, also, who have left school, and are not yet twenty 
 years of age, must attend these lessons though they may be in service on a do- 
 main or with a farmer, for their employers are bound to send them to school at 
 such time, that they may recapitulate what they learned before, and prevent the 
 utter lack of necessary knowledge. The schoolmaster shall keep a list of all per- 
 sons who attend this repetition school, note their presence and absence, and in- 
 form the pastor of the latter. Such list is to be made after formula F, and the 
 teacher shall pre-ent it, together with his semi-annual report, to the clergyman, 
 who again transmits the same to the bishop and to the school inspector, whose 
 duty it is to report the number of those who have attended and who have ab- 
 sented themselves from the repetition school. 
 
 29. The best means of bringing all children into school is the keeping of an 
 exact list. The schoolmasters in the country shall be obliged to make such a list 
 from the records of baptism, after the form published with the former instruc- 
 tions, and to this end should make careful inquiries about the children brought in 
 from other towns. This cannot be difficult, and thus they can keep a complete 
 register of all the children of school age. 
 
 30. There may be more difficulties in cities, on account of the many new 
 comers from other places, and we therefore command that every owner of a house, 
 fifteen days before St. Michael's and fifteen days before St. George's day, make a 
 written return to the magistrate of the place, giving the number of his house, the 
 names and ages of the children, together with the name and occupation of the 
 parents, and the magistrate shall transmit the same to the clergyman for the com- 
 pletion of the school register. 
 
 31. Inhabitants of cities, who have the means, are still at liberty to engage 
 family tutors for their children, but these tutors are not permitted to teach chil- 
 dren of other families than those of the house in which they are engaged, in order 
 not to diminish the number at the common city school. In general, all irregular 
 schools are suppressed, and the magistrates should not permit any to be kept; 
 and all parents, who cannot keep a tutor for the family, must send their children 
 to the city school under penalty of the above forfeits. 
 
 32. Children, who desire to follow professional studies, provided they are qual- 
 ified according to these amended regulations need not have reached the thirteenth 
 year, but may at an earlier age enter the school of the Jesuits, if they have pre- 
 sented themselves before the bishop or inspector of the district and received a 
 written certificate in regard to their knowledge of reading, writing, letter-wri- 
 ting, the four rules in arithmetic and the fractions, and the different applications 
 of the rule of three. This examination is also binding on all children who have 
 been taught by tutors at home when they intend to enter the school of the Je- 
 suits, and also when the bishop and school inspector come to inspect the public 
 schools in their district. 
 
 33. Tutors shall not be engaged by any family unless they prove, by a testi- 
 monial from the director of a seminary, that they have practised the art of teach 
 ing, or have proved their qualification before the pastor and teacher of the place ; 
 and in the latter case, they must have a certificate from the clergyman. Sine* 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 605 
 
 there is no want of opportunity for tutors to qualify themselves, and since the 
 public interest demands that children should not be neglected in private instruc- 
 tion as is frequently the case, we command all who engage tutors to observe this 
 provision. 
 
 34. Children in villages, who often possess the ability to learn what is re- 
 quired in village schools before their thirteenth year, may leave school before this 
 age, if the parents or guardians obtain a written certificate from the clergy and 
 the inspector. 
 
 35. That children may not be kept from school, masters, in places where obli- 
 gatory service is rendered, shall have no power to compel the young of either sex 
 to work on their farms until they have completed their thirteenth year ; yet those 
 of eight years of age may tend the flocks in summer, if they attend the repetition 
 schools on Sunday. 
 
 36. If farmers hire the children of poor people before their thirteenth year, 
 they are required to send them to school between St. Andrew's and Easter, every 
 day, in the forenoon or afternoon, and pay half tuition fees for them to the school- 
 master. If they neglect to send such children to school they shall pay, as a for- 
 feit, the full tuition fee, and double that if they remain disobedient, or the justice 
 may decree other punishment. Schoolmasters shall charge for such children only 
 half tuition fees. 
 
 37. The instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic remains the same in 
 the village schools : but in cities where children have hitherto been instructed 
 free of charge, they shall continue to enjoy the same advantages in reading, wri- 
 ting, and arithmetic ; also in music and Latin, whenever such was customary, 
 and shall pay nothing if the schoolmasters can make their subsistence without 
 this. But for all other branches which, according to this regulation, are taught 
 by skilful teachers, we command all school inspectors to fix the fees to be paid the 
 teachers, according to the condition of the place, at not above six groschen per 
 month and scholar. The other tuition fees in cities remain as heretofore. 
 
 38. For the benefit of children of destitute parents, who are not able to pay 
 for instruction, nor to buy the necessary books and papers, we command that 
 twice every year, on the first Sunday after Three Kings, and on the twelfth Sun- 
 day after Pentecost, the clergy shall take a collection in their churches, and im- 
 press on the people the duty of charity to the poor. Separate money boxes shall 
 be put up for each school, and the congregation be informed for which school 
 each is designated. 
 
 39. The moneys collected shall be given to the court of the town, which, by 
 the advice of the clergyman, shall first pay for books and paper, and then the 
 tuition fee to the schoolmaster for these poor scholars. These amounts must be 
 accounted for separately in the accounts of the commune, and if any more is ne- 
 cessary to defray all dues, the communal treasury, where the parish is entirely 
 Catholic, or the individual Catholics in towns where there are other confes.-ions, 
 shall pay the balance. In cities, the disposition of these moneys is left with the 
 clergy and the aldermen. Expenditures and receipts must constitute a separate 
 chapter in the church accounts. 
 
 40. The pastor and aldermen of cities, the justices in towns, who have the 
 best knowledge of the community, must judge what children need such benefice, 
 and parents are not allowed to excuse themselves from the duly of payir.g the 
 schoolmaster in order to procure necessaries for their family until their incompe- 
 tency has been acknowledged, and their names put on the list of the poor. Such 
 list is to be given to the teacher, that he may know what parents are excused 
 from paying for instruction. 
 
 41. The children should not be allowed to take home the books provided in 
 this manner, but they must be left in the school. The teacher should number 
 them, and, at the close of school, put them in a book closet, and have a regular 
 inventory of them, as well as of other furniture and utensils, and must not per- 
 mit any to be carried away. The Sagan school, which has the privilege of pub- 
 lishing school books, gives every tenth copy for the benefit of the poor, and 
 teachers who want school books should never order less than nine, so as to have 
 the tenth copy gratis for the use of poor children. 
 
 42. It is unnecessary here further to describe how a teacher should conduct 
 
606 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, 13Y FREDERIC II. 
 
 himself in his office, since the new schoolmasters have been instructed on these 
 points in the seminaries, and the elder ones are required to acquaint themselves 
 with their duties from the former regulation. But we command them especially 
 to give diligent attention to the prescribed regulations, and the semi-annual ab- 
 stracts thereof, for which purpose are appended formulas C and D. 
 
 43 It is the duty of the clergyman to see that the young of his parish are well 
 taught in school. We therefore command earnestly all clergymen in cities and 
 villages to take care that these regulations arc faithfully observed. 
 
 44. Clergymen who, on account of age or professional engagements, have 
 been provided with one or more chaplains, may transfer the care over the schools 
 to one of them, but they shall be responsible lor their delegate. 
 
 45. At least once every two weeks the clergyman or his chaplain shall visit 
 every school during school hours, of which the teacher shall make a note in his 
 register by placing a V, for visitation, on that day. 
 
 46. The clergyman, during his visitation, shall observe : a, whether the pre- 
 scribed school-hours are kept; b, whether the improved method is practised ; c, 
 whether the catalogue and list is in order; d, whether, punishments are too se- 
 vere ; e, whether the school utensils and books are well kept ; /, whether the 
 school room is clean, and used for no other than school purposes, those cases ex- 
 cepted where no other room is provided for the teacher 
 
 4*7. In regard to the children, the clergyman should see a, whether all per- 
 sons, who, according to law, should attend the day school, or Sunday and repeti- 
 tion school, are regular in their attendance ; 6, whether the scholars are divided 
 into classes on the basis of their abilities as well as age; c, whether they are ben- 
 efittcd by the instructions and have made progress; d, whether the teacher ad- 
 vances them too rapidly before they have well learned the preceding lessons ; e, 
 whether the teacher employs children at his private work during school hours, 
 and excuses them on this account from learning their lessons 
 
 48. The clergyman shall also see whether the school-house and furniture are 
 in good condition, and whether a copy of the school regulations and everything 
 necessary has been provided ; and if not, he should notify the magistrate, the 
 nobleman, or the justice; aiso expostulate with parents who neglect to send their 
 children, and endeavor to remove all defects and impediments as much as is in his 
 power;, arid where he cannot remedy them himself, he should notify the bishop 
 and the school inspector. He should preserve the monthly statements of the 
 teacher, and prepare an abstract of them, which he should be able to present to 
 the bishop or school visitor. 
 
 49. He should remonstrate with the teacher for his faults, but not in presence" 
 of the children, only when alone, and endeavor to instruct him in those matters 
 wherein he is deficient. He must never employ him for other purposes during 
 school hours, especially not in his own interest. When ministerial duties, like 
 the visitation of the sick, call him away, he must not take the schoolmaster along ; 
 but may take one of the larger boys. He should also exhort his people on the 
 advantages of instruction, before taking up the collections for school purposes. 
 
 50 We will not prescribe what religious instruction clergymen, and others 
 who take their place, shall impart to the young. We direct them to the instruc- 
 tions from the Vicar General of the diocese of Breslau. However, we command 
 them to explain to our subjects, besides the duties they owe to God, to their fel- 
 low-men and to themselves, that they owe also allegiance, fidelity, and obedience, 
 and an unwavering submission to us. as their sovereign, and to the magistrates 
 we have appointed. We remind them that it is not enough to say a few general 
 words on this subject to them ; they must also be enlightened on these duties, and 
 acknowledge them from motives of religion as well as of reason, and from their 
 youth be ready to fulfil them. 
 
 51. In order to render ns permanent as possible this reform of schools, which 
 lies near our heart, we cannot be satisfied with committing the care of schools to 
 the cKrgy only. We find it necessary that our bureau of War and Domain, the 
 bureau of the Episcopal Vicariate, and the dioceses in our Silesian and Glatz 
 districts, as well as all special school inspectors, give all due attention to this sub- 
 ject, so important to the State. 
 
GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. G07 
 
 52. The head priests we command to visit all schools within their district dur- 
 ing the week of Lent. This is the mo>t convenient time in the country, because 
 the children, attending school only in winter, will have then had three months' 
 instruction, and, consequently, the visitation will show whether they have learned 
 anything. If the visitation were held after Easter, or in the fall, many children 
 would have left school at the first period, and at the other period many would 
 not yet be in attendance, and no accurate opinion of the school could be formed. 
 
 53. The visiting head priest must observe, in his visitation, all that has before 
 been said in regard to the duties of the clergy, and especially he should note the 
 following : 
 
 54. He should receive from the clergyman the monthly school register and 
 the abstract made from it ; compare it with the list of the children belonging 
 to school, and see if all have attended the school. He should inquire into the 
 causes of the children's absence, and whether the clergyman has taken proper 
 steps to bring them in ; if their non-attendance is owing to the carelessness of 
 parents or guardians he must summon them before him, remonstrate with them 
 on their disobedience of law. and if necessary, remind the magistrates of their duty 
 to levy the fines, or if the nobleman is at home he may tell him. To the latter he 
 must also report if children of school age are in his service without being sent 
 to school. 
 
 55. During the school visitation, he should be present at a lesson given by tho 
 teacher, in order to see and to hear whether he teaches after the prescribed mei hod; 
 he should examine the children separately, to find whether they have profited by 
 the instructions, and have really advanced as far as the register says, h'ome 
 members of the court and some deputies from the commune should also be present 
 at this visitation, and should be summoned in the notice of visitation. 
 
 56. The register must show that the weekly visits, prescribed to the clcrgj- 
 man. have been made, and also whether the same is zealous and active for the 
 interest of the school, or cares little for it; the visitor, by skilful questions, may 
 inform himself of this from the schoolmaster or the scholar, so that he will not be 
 deceived by false reports. 
 
 57. He 'should also ask respectable people in tbc commune whether the school 
 hours are kept and the teacher does not abridge the time, or is prevented by 
 various causes from teaching in school. 
 
 58. He should inquire into the conduct of the schoolmaster towards the children 
 in school, and especially towards the clergyman or chaplain, when they remon- 
 strate with him in the interest of schools, and if necessary, exhort and reprimand 
 him, and the same he should do with the clergyman if circumstances require He 
 should ascertain from him the cause of the want of progress of a school, and what 
 suggestions he has made for improvement. 
 
 59. He should also see and inquire whether the school-house is in a good 
 condition and provided with all necessary furniture, and whether the teacher 
 receives his salary and pay ; he should endeavor to remove all those defects 
 which the clergyman cannot remedy. 
 
 GO. And of'all this he should make a record, from which to draw up a report 
 to the school inspector, as well as to see, at the next visitation, whether the defects 
 at the preceding one have been remedied. 
 
 61. After the visitation, and within two weeks from Easter, he is to render r, 
 report to the school inspector, including the abstract of the school register, 
 and state how far his instructions have been followed, and especially what defects 
 he had not power to remove. A similar report must be transmitted by him about 
 the middle of October, which contains what the clergyman has reported since tt<3 
 last visitation. 
 
 62. The Vicariate General shall appoint clergymen as inspectors of schools ; 
 also, for the Vicariates of other dioceses, pepsons well informed on educational re- 
 jects and the method now popular in Silesia, or such persons as will acquaint 
 themselves with it. Each should have a certain district. Their duties are these : 
 
 63. a. They must obtain information on the condition of schools, personally or 
 by circular. 
 
 64. b. For the school at their own place, they should have their teachers learn 
 
608 GENERAL REGULATIONS OF SCHOOLS, BY FREDERIC II. 
 
 the essential part of the new method, unless they are too old, or endeavor to 
 engage a teacher who is familiar with methodical instruction, and knows how to 
 organize a school. As soon as they have succeeded in this, they shall 
 
 65 c. Send for one or two of ihe most active and skilful school teachers from 
 each archipiesbytery of their inspection, that they may learn the ne'/essary and 
 important part of the method, namely : the method of spelling ; of tea 'hing in 
 classes ; the use of school bonks and tables ; the preparation and keeping of cata- 
 logues and school lists. When they have learned this, they should return and 
 organize their schools, and the school inspector should see that they do so. 
 
 66. d. Request every head priest to send successively all other teachers, par- 
 ticul irly during the summer, to the one who has acquired the popular method ; and 
 he should instruct the others as he himself was taught in the school at the 
 inspector's place. 
 
 67. e That the head priests themselves may become acquainted with all that 
 belongs to a good school, and which they cannot learn from these regulations, 
 the above-named instruction, or from other books, the inspectors shall inform 
 them of it. 
 
 68. /. They are also required to make visitations of schools after the head 
 priests, to see how far their reports are reliable, and examine the schools in the 
 same manner as described above . 
 
 69. g. Their duty is also to labor for the removal of all impediments and 
 defects which the head priests could not remove ; if they cannot succeed in this, 
 they should make note of it in their reports. These icports they are to send 
 twice a year to the office of the Vicat iate General, and those, who belong to outside 
 dioceses, to the vicar or deacons, always within one month after Easter or St. 
 Michael's, and add thereto, if necessary, their own suggestions and the abstract 
 from the head priests' reports. 
 
 70. h. They are required to publish and execute all laws and changes in laws 
 relating to schools. 
 
 71. The office of the Vicariate General, and the vicars and deacons of outside 
 dioceses, must make a semi-annual report on the condition of schools, from the 
 reports of school inspectors, 10 our royal Council of War and Domain, namely : at 
 the end of Mav and at the ( nd of November, and inform in regard to 
 
 72. 1st. All neglect of these general school regulations, by magistrates, land- 
 holders, or subjects, which cannot be reached by the head priests and inspectors; 
 2d, impediments of any kind ; 3d, when school houses are out of repair, or the 
 teachers are not paid ; 4th. important observations and discoveries which may 
 serve to a better arrangement of the school system; 5th, clergymen ai.d teachers 
 who distinguish themselves by their zeal and diligence in promoting education, 
 that we may remove them to better benefices within our patronage ; 6th, incor- 
 rigible schoolmasters in our domain or villages, that they may be removed from 
 office. 
 
 73. We command our Council of War and Domain to see that all defects brought 
 to their notice are remedied; all obstacles removed; all incorrigible teachers 
 expelled and good ones put in their places ; that all zealous school inspectors, 
 directors of seminaries, clergymen and chaplains, who deserve reward for their 
 exertions in the cause of education, are provided with better benetices whenever 
 vacancies occur, and thus others maybe encouraged to like zeal. To the Epis- 
 copal Vicariate General, the vicars and deacons of outside dioceses, to the magis- 
 trates, landho;deis, and to all our subjects, clergy or laity, whom these 
 regulations concern, especially to all Roman Catholic school inspectors, head 
 piusts, directors of seminaries, clergymen, chaplains and schoolmasters, do we 
 command, in the most serious manner, under pain of our disfavor and of due 
 punishment, to superintend with all attention the fulfilment of these regulations 
 to their full extent, and the duties made thereby obligatory on each and all. 
 
 Given at Potsdam, the 3d day of November, 1765. 
 
 FREDERIC. 
 
FREDERICK II. AND HIS SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 609 
 
 The School Reforms and Extension, inaugurated by Frederick II. 
 in his adoption of the Real School of Hecker, and converting the 
 same into a Seminary for Teachers; his recognition of Teaching as 
 an Art, in which apprenticeship should be served under experienced 
 masters; and his careful organization of Elementary Schools in 
 Silesia, are facts of immense significance in the History of Public 
 Instruction. Their direct influence on the school systems of the 
 United States, and of Austria, are easily traced. [Barnard's jvor. Schools.} 
 
 FROM LETTERS ON SILESIA, WRITTEN IN THE YEARS 1800 AND 1801.* 
 
 LETTER XLII. Schools and Seminaries for the Instruction of Youth in 
 
 Silesia System of Education established by Frederick II. upon thf 
 
 recommendation of Felbiger. 
 
 BERLIN, March 1th, 1801. 
 
 I HAVE promised in this letter to give you some account of the institu- 
 tions in the province of Silesia for the education of youth. The university 
 at Breslau and the academy of nobles at Liegnitz I need not mention, 
 having noticed them in my letters at the time when we visited those 
 places. Besides these, there are what we call grammar schools, where 
 Latin is taught in almost every town of the province, and usually 
 in connection with some church or convent. But the arrangements and 
 regulations of the trivial schools, as they are here called schools des- 
 tined for that elementary instruction which ought to be diffused over the 
 whole mass of the people particularly deserve your attention, because 
 you may, perhaps, as a native of New England, entertain the prejudice, 
 that your own country is the only spot on earth where this object is 
 rightly managed, and where the arts of reading and writing are accom- 
 plishments almost universally possessed. 
 
 Probably no country in Europe could so strongly contest our pre- 
 eminence in this respect as Germany, and she, for this honorable dis- 
 tinction, is indebted principally to Frederick II. ; to the zeal with which 
 he pursued the purpose of spreading useful knowledge among all classes 
 of his subjects, and to the influence of his example and of his success 
 even beyond the limits of his own dominions. To enter upon this topic, 
 with the details of which it is susceptible, might, perhaps, not amuse 
 you, and would lead me too far from my subject, I shall, therefore, con- 
 fine myself to the measures he adopted and the system he introduced in 
 this particular into Silesia. 
 
 At the time of his conquest education had seldom been made an object 
 of the concern of governments, and Silesia, like the rest of Europe, was 
 but wretchedly provided either with schools or teachers. In the small 
 towns and villages the schoolmasters were so poorly paid, that they 
 
 * First published in consecutive numbers of the Port Folio, Philadelphia, in 1803, and collected 
 and republisbed in a volume of 387 pages, in London in 1804. The letter on the School System 
 of Silesia was copied, with commendation as an example to the English Government, in the Edin- 
 burgh Review for October, 1804, and in the London Quarterly Journal of Education for January, 
 1831. 
 
610 EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN SILESIA BY FREDERICK II. 
 
 could not subsist without practicing some other trade besides their occu- 
 pation as instructors, and they usually united the character of the village 
 fiddler with that of the village schoolmaster. Even of these there were 
 so few, that the children of the peasants in general, throughout the 
 province, were left untaught. This was epecially the case in Upper Si- 
 lesia. Frederick issued an ordinance, that a school should be kept in 
 every village, and that a competent subsistence should be provided for 
 the schoolmaster, by the joint contribution of the lord of the village ano 
 of the tenants themselves. The superintendence of the schools was pre- 
 scribed as the duty of the clergy. 
 
 But in order that this ordinance might have its due execution, it wat 
 necessary to form the teachers themselves properly qualified to give use- 
 ful instruction. This was effected by the persevering intelligence and 
 zeal of a man by the name of Felbiger, an Augustine monk, belonging to 
 a convent at Sagan ; a man, says a Silesian historian, whom a great par- 
 of Germany must thank for a revolution, not less important, though pi 
 slower progress and milder character, than that which, two centuries am' 
 a half earlier, was accomplished by another monk of the same order- 
 by Luther. 
 
 Felbiger, after spending some years at Berlin to obtain a perfect 
 knowledge of the best method of instruction practiced in the schoolr, 
 there, returned to Sagan, and made the convent to which he belonged a 
 seminary for young ecclesiastics and candidates as schoolmasters to ac- 
 quire the knowledge of the improved mode of teaching. Several other 
 institutions of the same kind were, in due time, established at Breslau, 
 Glatz, and other places, upon his principles, and conducted by persons 
 whom he had formed. To defray the expenses necessary for the support 
 of these seminaries, a fund is raised, consisting of one quarter's salary, 
 which every Catholic curate is obliged to pay upon being first settled in 
 a parsonage. 
 
 With each of these seminaries are connected certain schools, where 
 the young candidates for the clerical or teaching office are obliged to at- 
 tend and observe the practice of the method, the theory of which they 
 learn at the seminaries themselves. The clergy are required, no less 
 than the teachers, to go through this process, because the superintend- 
 ence over the teachers is intrusted to them. No young man can be ad- 
 mitted to either of the offices without an attestation of his qualification 
 from one of the seminaries. 
 
 After all these preparatory measures had been carried into effect, an 
 ordinance was published in the year 1765 prescribing the mode of teach- 
 ing as adopted in the seminaries, and the manner in which the clergy 
 should superintend the efficacious establishment of the system. The 
 regulations of this ordinance prove the earnestness with which the king 
 of Prussia labored to spread the benefits of useful knowledge among his 
 subjects. The teachers are directed to give plain instruction, and upon 
 obiects applicable to the ordinary concerns of life ; not merely to load 
 
EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN SILESIA BY FREDERICK II. 
 
 611 
 
 the memory of their scholars with words, but to make things intelligible 
 to their understanding ; to habituate them to the use of their own reason, 
 by explaining every object of the lesson so that the children themselves 
 may be able to explain it upon examination. The candidates for school- 
 keeping must give specimens of their ability, by teaching at one of the 
 schools connected with the seminary, in the presence of the professors at 
 the seminary, that they may remark and correct any thing defective in 
 the candidate's method. If one school suffices for more than one village, 
 neither of them must be more than half a German mile distant from it 
 in the flat country, nor more than a quarter of a mile in the mountain- 
 ous parts. The school tax must be paid by the lord and tenants without 
 distinction of religions. In the towns the school must be kept the whole 
 year round. It is expected that one month shall suffice to make a child 
 know the letters of the alphabet ; that in two it shall be able to join them ; 
 and in three to read. The boys must all be sent to school, from their 
 sixth to their thirteenth year, whether the parents are able to pay the 
 school tax or not. For the poor, the school money must be raised by 
 collections. Every parent or guardian who neglects to send his child or 
 pupil to school, without sufficient cause, is obliged to pay a double 
 school tax, for which the guardians shall have no allowance. Every cu- 
 rate must examine weekly the children of the school in his parish. A 
 general examination must be held annually, by the deans of the districts, 
 of the schools within their respective precincts ; and a report of the con- 
 dition of the schools, the talents and attention of the schoolmasters, the 
 state of the buildings, and of attendance by the children, made to the 
 office of the vicar-general, who must transmit all these reports to the 
 royal domain offices. From these, orders are issued to the respective 
 landraths to correct the abuses and supply the deficiencies indicated in 
 the reports. This system was at first prepared only for the Catholic 
 schools ; but it was afterwards adopted, for the most part, by most of 
 the Lutheran consistories. Its truly respectable author, Felbiger, was, 
 in the sequel, with the consent of Frederick, invited to Vienna by the 
 Empress Maria Theresa, and her son Joseph II., who appointed him 
 director of the normal schools or seminaries in all the Austrian'dorain- 
 ions. His regulations have been introduced and are acted upon in almost 
 all the Catholic countries of Germany. 
 
 In Silesia they had at first many old prejudices to contend with. The 
 indolence of the Catholic clergy was averse to the new and troublesome 
 duty imposed on them. Their zeal was alarmed at the danger arising 
 from this dispersion of light to the stability of their church. They con- 
 sidered alike the spirit of innovation and the spirit of inquiry as their 
 natural enemies. Besides this, the system still meets resistance from the 
 penurious parsimony and stubborn love of darkness prevailing in some 
 parts of the province. Many villages neglect the support of their schools ; 
 many individuals, upon false pretexts, forbear sending their children to 
 school for the sake of saving the tax. The compulsive measures and the 
 
612 EDUCATIONAL REFORM IN SILESIA BY FREDERICK II. 
 
 penalties prescribed by the ordinance are used seldom and with reluc- 
 tance. The benevolent design has not been accomplished to the fill, 
 extent of which it was susceptible ; but as far as it has been accom- 
 plished its operation has been a blessing. That its effects have been 
 very extensive is not to be doubted, when we compare the number of 
 schools throughout the province in the year 1752 when they amounted 
 only to one thousand five hundred and fifty-two, with that in the year 
 1798 when they were more than three thousand five hundred. The 
 consequences of a more general diffusion of knowledge are attested by 
 many other facts equally clear. Before the seven years' war, there had 
 scarcely ever been more than one periodical journal or gazette published 
 in the province at one time. There are now no less than seventeen news- 
 papers and magazines which appear by the day, the week, the month, or 
 the quarter, many of them upon subjects generally useful, and containing 
 valuable information and instruction for the people. At the former pe- 
 riod there were but three booksellers, and all these at Breslau. There 
 are now six in that capital, and seven dispersed about in the other cities. 
 The number of printing-presses and of bookbinders has increased in the 
 same proportion. 
 
 Dr. Johnson, in his Life of Watts, has bestowed a just and exalted en- 
 comium upon him for not disdaining to descend from the pride of genius 
 and the dignity of science to write for the wants and the capacities of 
 children. "Every man acquainted," says he, "with the common princi- 
 ples of human actions, will look with veneration on the writer, who is at 
 one time combating Locke, and at another time making a catechism for 
 children in their fourth year." Bui how much greater still is the tribute 
 of admiration irresistibly drawn from us, when we behold an absolute 
 monarch, the greatest general of his age, eminent as a writer in the high- 
 est departments of literature, descending, in a manner, to teach the 
 alphabet to the children of his kingdom ; bestowing his care, his perse- 
 vering assiduity, his influence and his power, in diffusing plain and use- 
 ful knowledge among his subjects ; in opening to their minds the first 
 and most important pages of the book of science ; in filling the whole 
 atmosphere they breathed with that intellectual fragrance which had 
 before been imprisoned in the vials of learning, or inclosed within the 
 gardens of wealth ! Immortal Frederick ! when seated on the throne of 
 Prussia, with kneeling millions at thy feet, thou wast only a king. On 
 the fields of Leuthen, of Zorndorf, of Rosbach, of so many other scenes 
 of human blood and anguish, thou wast only a hero. Even in thy rare 
 and glorious converse with the muses and with science, thou wast only a 
 philosopher, an historian, a poet; but in this generous ardor, this active 
 and enlightened zeal for the education of thy people, thou wast truly 
 great the father of thy country the benefactor of mankind. 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
MARIA THERESA AND HER SCHOOL REFORMS. 
 
 MEMOIR. 
 
 MARIA THERESA, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, Archduchess 
 of Austria, and Empress of Germany, daughter of the Emperor 
 Charles VI., was born at Vienna in 17 17, and in 1736 married 
 Duke Charles Stephen of Lorraine, who became Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany in 1737. On the death of her father, in October, 1740, 
 she ascended the throne of Hungary, Bohemia, and Austria, and in 
 the month following declared her husband joint ruler. She found 
 the kingdom exhausted, her people dissatisfied, the treasury empty, 
 the army reduced, and within a year the princes of Europe had 
 shown themselves eager to avenge real or fancied wrongs, and assert 
 claims which, if sound, would have reduced her sovereignty to the 
 shadow of a name. Before her first son was born the greatest 
 captain of the age had seized on Silesia, the largest and wealthiest 
 province of her dominion ; and the armies of France, Bavaria, 
 Spain, and Prussia, in various quarters proved too strong for her 
 forces, and within a year of her coronation, her capital was sum- 
 moned to surrender. In her necessities she summoned a diet at 
 Presburg, and in Hungarian dress, with the crown of St, Stephen 
 on her head, and girt with the kingly sword, she, with her child in 
 her arms, appeared before the assembly and committed the 
 darkened fortunes of her family and throne to her faithful Hunga- 
 rians. The age of chivalry was not gone, the magnates of the land 
 exclaimed moriamur pro rege nostro Maria Theresa ; troops were 
 furnished, and the tide of disaster was turned ; and with varying 
 fortunes, but, on the whole, her foreign and domestic administra- 
 tion, both in peace and war, will compare favorably with the record 
 of any other sovereign of her time. Her husband was chosen 
 Emperor, and crowned October 4, 1745, Maria Theresa being the 
 first to exclaim from the balcony, l Long live the Emperor Francis 
 I.;' and on his death, in 1765, her son, the Archduke Joseph, who 
 had been chosen King of Rome in 1764, was declared emperor, 
 with the title of Joseph II. sharing with the mother the govern- 
 ment of the hereditary possessions. She died Nov. 29, 1780. 
 
(314 MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORM IN AUSTRIA. 
 
 EDUCATIONAL REFORMS. 
 
 With the wars and domestic administration of Maria Theresa we 
 have nothing to do ; but her school reforms deserve a fuller no- 
 tice, in the history of modern national education, than the brief rec- 
 ord we can now give. Frederic II. of Prussia avowedly recognized 
 her superior sagacity in making special instruction tributary to 
 the public service, by copying in his war school at Berlin the 
 studies and practical training which she had already introduced 
 into the education of the young officers of her armies. 
 
 Special Training of Officers. 
 
 The earliest scientific school in Europe was opened at Vienna 
 in 1 747-8, a year or more in advance of the first French school of 
 engineering at Mezieres, and three years before the military school 
 at Paris in 1751, and the artillery school at La Fere in 1756. 
 Frederic's Ritter Academic dates from 1764. ' My fire is quenched,* 
 writes the latter at the close of the Seven Years' War, ' but I am de- 
 voting my utmost care to the instruction of my officers in the art of 
 war, and they will be obliged to give reasons for all they do. My 
 plan will not answer with every one ; still out of the whole body we 
 shall certainly form some men and officers who will not merely 
 have their patent as generals to show, but some capacity for the 
 office as well.' He had seen the military school founded by Maria 
 Theresa, and in his * History of My Time ' this great military 
 authority observes : * In order to neglect nothing bearing on the 
 state of the army, the Empress founded near Vienna (at Wiener 
 Neustadt) a college where young nobles were instructed in the 
 whole art of war. She drew to it distinguished professors of 
 geometry, fortification, geography, and history, who formed able 
 pupils, and made it a complete nursery for the army. By means 
 of her care, the military service attained in that country a degree 
 of perfection which it had never reached under the Emperors of 
 the House of Austria; and a woman thus carried out designs 
 worthy of a great man.' 
 
 HIGHER EDUCATION. 
 
 As soon as her attention ceased to be engaged by the pressing 
 necessities of war, Maria Theresa took up several educational meas- 
 ures which had been inaugurated by a commission appointed by 
 her father in 1735, in the universities, and which brought them 
 
 * A fuller treatment of the progressive development of public instruction in the Empire of Aus- 
 tria, including the measures of Maria Theresa, will be found in Barnard's National Education-* 
 German States. 
 
MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORM IN AUSTRIA 
 
 615 
 
 more under government control. Dissatisfied with the divergent 
 influences of several modes of training in the different provinces, 
 and of the want of unity of plan, her first efforts were directed to 
 introducing a similar course of study into all schools of the same 
 grade, wherever situated; and she required, as early as 1747, that 
 greater attention should be given to history, Greek, and mathe- 
 matics, as well as to the German language, in the gymnasium, 
 and that ethics, political economy, and applied mathematics should 
 receive attention in special courses of the most advanced classes. 
 In 1752 the schools of secondary instruction were subjected to a 
 semi-annual inspection, arid reports of the examinations were made 
 to the government ; in 1760 a State Board of Studies was instituted, 
 with subordinate boards in the several provinces to revise and 
 regulate the text- books, and supervise the course and methods of 
 instruction. With most of this class of schools under the imme- 
 diate charge of different religious orders, which were in rivalry and 
 often in collision with each other, the progress of reform was slow 
 down to 1772, when the opposition to the Jesuits within the church 
 assumed such proportions that the order was abrogated by a Papal 
 bull, and their extensive possessions were appropriated by the gov- 
 ernment as an educational fund for the support of the gymnasiums. 
 
 THE PUBLIC PRIMARY SCHOOL. 
 
 The principal field of Maria Theresa's governmental activity was 
 the public primary school in which little had been done beyond 
 the most beggarly elements, and mainly, so far as attempted at all, 
 in connection with the parish church. At the close of the Seven 
 Years' War, the Empress took the matter in hand on a memorial 
 of Count Firmian, Archbishop of Passau, and through the activity 
 of Joseph Messmer, rector of St. Stephens, and as such, director of 
 the civic schools of Vienna. The former, in 1769, printed a me- 
 morial on 'The Usefulness of Schools to the State and Religion,' 
 and the latter, in 1770, 'Humble Thoughts on the Improvement 
 of the German (Common) Schools of the City and Suburbs of 
 Vienna,' urging modifications in the subjects and methods of study, 
 and to this end the establishment of a central Normal (in this case 
 a model) School, under the charge of a special commission. These 
 promptly met the approval of the Empress, whose attention had 
 already been called to the subject, and who had already issued a 
 decree in reference to an attempt of the clergy of Carinthia, that 
 the management of popular schools belonged to the state. 
 
 In 1770 two Boards of Education were instituted, one for Upper 
 
QIQ MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORM IN AUSTRIA. 
 
 and the other for Lower Austria, and a central Normal School was 
 instituted at Vienna. Over one of the Boards was placed Count 
 Firmian as president; and to the Normal School, Messmer, who had 
 already been tutor in the imperial family, and was familiar with the 
 methods, charts, maps, and other appliances of Felbiger, was ap- 
 pointed principal. This school was opened January 2, 1771, with 
 four classes, each under a special teacher, after the organization of 
 the Sagan school. The upper class was composed of pupil-teachers, 
 and were instructed and trained by the principal, Messmer. The 
 classes were visited by teachers and clergymen from different 
 provinces, and through them the improved classification and 
 methods spread from city to city, and the way was prepared for the 
 reception of the new ordinance which had been announced for all 
 the states of the empire. 
 
 General School Law It 74. 
 
 The germ of the General School Law, issued in the name of the 
 Empress in December, 1774, was in the memorial of the Bishop of 
 Passau, in 1769, and was elaborated by Count de Pergen for the 
 consideration of the Empress in 1770. The plan rested on three 
 fundamental ideas : (1.) The duty of the sovereign authority to inaug- 
 urate a system of public popular schools, to make both sexes good 
 Christians, and industrious, intelligent and obedient subjects in the 
 different orders of society. (2.) The state should assume the com- 
 plete and exclusive supervision and control of schools and educa- 
 tion, including the training and examination of teachers, the 
 inspection of schools, even those which are domestic, and the 
 prohibition of all foreign instruction. (3.) The right of instruction 
 should be taken from religious corporations which had shown them- 
 selves incompetent to meet the expectations of parents and the de- 
 mands of modern society. These ideas were in advance of the age 
 and the country, and 'the Empress went no further than to express 
 her purpose to modify the existing system and institutions, and make 
 advances in the direction indicated. The suppression of the order 
 of Jesuits in 1772, and some disturbance in the central Normal 
 School, made the introduction of new measures immediately neces- 
 sary and practicable. Under the presidency of Kressler, and with 
 the personal attention of the Empress, the State Board of Educa- 
 tion took into consideration a general plan of studies drawn up by 
 Martini, in which the superior and secondary schools relied directly 
 on the programme of the primary schools completed, which pro- 
 gramme secured to every subject, according to his rank and calling-, 
 
MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORM IN AUSTRIA. Q\* 
 
 the necessary instruction, under teachers legally qualified and 
 trained, in a complete and practical course of studies. To secure 
 a satisfactory organization, the Empress summoned Felbiger from 
 Silesia, at the close of 1773 or in the beginning of 1774, who was 
 at once charged with the oversight of the central Normal School, 
 and the preparation of a general school ordinance for the entire 
 empire, which was issued in the name of the Empress, October 6, 
 1774. This act extended in its operations to the whole empire 
 the old hereditary states, Bohemia, and the recent accessions of 
 territory and people in Galicia, and embraced many features in 
 anticipation of our modern systems of national popular education. It 
 recognizes the necessity of education for both sexes to the prosperity 
 of nations, provides for instruction beyond reading and learning the 
 catechism, in the elements 1". "history, geography, especially of 
 their own country, domestic economy, and the history of arts and 
 trades enforces on parents the duty of sending their children from 
 the age of six years, until they begin to work at a trade, and provides 
 for the special education of teachers, and their examination, as well as 
 for the inspection and annual examination of the schools. 
 
 The law of 1774 is so much in advance of contemporary legislation, 
 in this or any other county, except the two Regulations of 1763 
 and 1765, of Frederick II. already noticed, that we shall give it 
 entire. The term Normal as applied to the highest grade of 
 schools created by this act, is the earliest use of the word, and 
 probably suggested the name to the French School of 1794. 
 Special Technical Schools. 
 
 In 1745, the Empress authorized the first university lectures on 
 experimental physics, and in 1757, on mechanics; in 1763 she per- 
 mitted the Piorists to give instruction in book-keeping ; and in 1 770 
 a Commercial Academy was established in Vienna, after a plan 
 drawn up by Wolf of Baden, on her invitation. This academy 
 from time to time was expanded, till it grew into the Polytechnic 
 Institute of Vienna, one of the best in Europe for all mechanical 
 and commercial industries. Under her enlightened administration 
 the Mining School at Schemnitz was opened in 1763, and in 1794 
 it had attained such reputation, that Fourcroy, in his speech in the 
 French National Assembly, advocating the erection at Paris of a 
 Central School of Science, preparatory for the public service, referred 
 to it, as a model for imitation. 
 
 Out of the germs of institutions planted during the reign of 
 Maria Theresa, has grown up a system of public instruction in 
 Vienna, not surpassed in any great city in the world. 
 
6 13 MARIA THERESA AND SCHOOL REFORMERS. 
 
 GERARD TAN SWEITEN. 
 
 In the reforms in the Austrian High School, inaugurated by 
 Maria Theresa, Gerard Van Sweiten took an active part. This 
 eminent physician was bom in Ley den in 1700, and after pursuing 
 his preliminary studies at Louvain, he returned to his native city. 
 Here it was his good fortune to attract the attention of Boerhaave, 
 who became his friend and patron. His love of study was un- 
 bounded, and his application so great as to threaten his health, until 
 the good counsels of his distinguished teacher restrained his ardor. 
 Besides a profound and systematic study of his own profession, he 
 found time to push his acquirements in other fields, and when he 
 attained his doctor's degree at the age of twenty -five, he was re- 
 garded as one of the savans of Europe. He began a course of 
 lectures at the University of Ley 0^,1 which were attended by un- 
 precedented numbers. His success, however, did not fail to excite 
 jealousy ; and after a time his enemies made the fact of his being 
 a Catholic a pretext for his removal. He devoted himself at once 
 to his * Commentaries on the Aphorisms of Boerhaave,' the chief 
 literary work by which he is known, until the Empress Maria 
 Theresa invited him to Vienna, where, in 1745, he became first 
 physician to the Empress, and a baron of the empire. 
 
 He immediately distinguished himself by his activity in his new 
 field. He reformed the study of medicine at the University, and 
 lectured himself until new and more important duties forced him to 
 desist, but not until he had seen his place worthily filled. It was 
 at his instigation that the clinical school was established which was 
 the model of the now famous schools in France and the north of 
 Germany, and it was also owing to him that the Empress rebuilt 
 the University. He was also Imperial Librarian and Director- 
 General of Medical Affairs in Austria, and in 1760 became a mem- 
 ber of the State Board of Studies, in which he was associated with 
 Migazzi, Archbishop of Vienna. 
 
 As Imperial Librarian he was instrumental in making the library 
 accessible to every one. A senseless rule had been inforced which 
 forbade any one from making notes of what they read there. He 
 not only abolished this, but offered every facility to those who 
 wished to avail themselves of the great treasures contained in the 
 library by arranging and cataloguing its contents. 
 
 As a member of the Board of Studies, he was influential in in- 
 troducing into the University lectures on experimental physics, and 
 in developing realistic studies, especially those which related to 
 agriculture and commerce in special schools at Prague and Vienna. 
 
GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF AUSTRIA 1774. 
 
 GENERAL LAW FOR THE SCHOOLS OF AUSTRIA. 
 (December 6th, 1774 ) 
 
 MARIA THERESA, etc. 
 
 Having nothing more at heart than the true welfare of the countries which 
 God has confided to us, and having always attentively considered whatever 
 might contribute to this end, we have observed that the education of both 
 sexes, the basis of the real happiness of nations, requires our especial care. 
 This very important object has so much the more attracted our attention, inas- 
 much as the future destiny of man, the genius and thought of entire nations, 
 depend mainly on the good instruction and right training of children from their 
 tenderest years. Such an object, however, can never be attained if the dark- 
 ness of ignorance is not dispelled by well regulated instruction arid education, 
 so that every individual can acquire knowledge according to his ability and 
 condition. These necessary ends, the utility of which is generally acknowl- 
 edged, we desire to reach by the following regulation for all schools in our king- 
 doms and hereditary states : 
 
 1. Creation of a School-commission in every State of the Monarchy. 
 
 In each State of the monarchy shall be formed a school-commission, composed 
 of two or three counselors of the government, one under-delegate, and a secre- 
 tary, associated with the inspector-general of normal schools. 
 
 This commission is charged with the supervision of all school interests, school- 
 officers as well as school material, and they shall assure themselves that the 
 method prescribed by ordinance is employed .......... Frequent reports on the con- 
 
 dition of schools must be rendered. 
 
 2. Grades of schools, and where they are to be situated. 
 
 Schools are of three classes : Normal schools, Principal schools (superior pri- 
 mary schools.) and Trivial schools, (primary.) 
 
 There shall be one normal (pattern or model) school in each province. All 
 other establishments must conform to this school. The corps of teachers shall 
 consist of a director and four or five teachers, one of whom shall be a catechist. 
 
 Every capital of a canton must possess a Principal school. 
 
 Finally, shall be established Trivial schools in all the small cities or boroughs 
 in the country, and in all villages where exists a parish or a filial church, dis- 
 tant from the centre. 
 
 3. Rules for the establishment of schools. 
 
 It is not intended to establish new schools every where, but to improve ex- 
 isting schools. In future no teacher shall be admitted, unless he knows the 
 prescribed method of teaching, and has been found capable, on examination 
 before the teachers of the Normal school. 
 
 The right of keeping school or teaching the young shall continue to all lay- 
 men and ecclesiastics, who at present are engaged in the profession of teachers ; 
 but they must, as soon as possible, make themselves familiar with the new 
 method, and conform to the principles of this ordinance. 
 
 New schools shall be created only where none exist, and only as many as 
 are necessary ; also in those places where the young are too numerous for the 
 existing schools to accommodate all, or for the teachers to bestow the necessary 
 care upon them. When the insufficiencj^ is proved to exist, new schools must 
 be erected, or the old ones repaired, as appears necessary, at the expense of 
 the communes, who draw direct profit therefrom, unless the nobility, who 
 have the advantage of drawing from these schools employees of good character, 
 take upon themselves the expenses, or other means are devised. 
 
 The school-commission is charged with stating the real wants, and to deter- 
 mine what portion of the expenses each party shall contribute. 
 
 4. Rules for the construction of School-houses. 
 
 When it is necessary to build school-houses, or to repair the old buildings, 
 care must be taken to have as many distinct class-rooms as there will be teach- 
 
GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF AUSTRIA 1774. 
 
 ers to give lessons at the same hour, since it is not possible that two or more 
 persons teach at the same time and in the same place. 
 
 And as it is necessary that the attention of children should not be distracted 
 by the domestic affairs of the teachers, the school-rooms must not be used for 
 any other purposes than those of the school, and must, even in villages, be sep- 
 arated from the teacher's dwelling. 
 
 There shall be not only a sufficient number of rooms, but they shall be well 
 lighted, and the Principal schools shall have a convenient room for examina- 
 tions ; each room must be well provided with benches, tables, blackboards, 
 writing-desks, and other necessary utensils, also a locked case for the books. 
 
 5. Branches of Instruction in each of the three classes of Schools. 
 
 NORMAL SCHOOL. A. RELIGION. Instruction in religion is to be given : 
 
 1st. From the catechism specially introduced by the bishop of the diocese, or 
 from the Vienna catechism for normal schools, approved by the bishops. 
 
 2d. In a systematic manner, for which purpose the Reader is arranged. 
 
 3d. As history, that the pupils may learn under what circumstances and in 
 what periods the divine revelations took place; what lessons man should draw 
 from them, relative to his own conduct, etc. 
 
 4th. By means of interpretation of passages in the Reader, which treat of 
 the principles of morality and the condition of man. 
 
 B READING. Reading, writing, and orthography ; arithmetic and its appli- 
 cation ; and, in general, all that can contribute to inspire a well regulated con- 
 duct, and be conducive to good manners. 
 
 C. LANGUAGE AND SCIENCE. Subjects which serve to prepare pupils for the 
 study of Latin, or those who intend to pursue the career of political economy, 
 and especially those who will devote themselves to agriculture and the arts and 
 trades, should be introduced. The mother language should be taught by exer- 
 cises in composition ; and the pupils should obtain a sufficient knowledge of 
 Latin to be able to begin the humanitas, to learn surgery and pharmacy, or to 
 take up the profession of a writer. The best principles of economy, and espe- 
 cially of domestic economy, should be taught ; also the history of arts arid 
 trades, as well as natural history, within the limits of utility and necessity. 
 Also the elements of history and geography, especially of their own country ; 
 also the principles of surveying and mechanics; drawing by means of compass. 
 ruler, and instruments. 
 
 D. METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. Those who aspire to the profession of teaching, 
 shall be specially made to know, and have explained, what are the duties and 
 qualifications of a good teacher; the methods and practical means by which 
 order and discipline are maintained in classes ; how the school registers must 
 be kept, and in what manner they should question the pupils in an examina- 
 tion ; finally, what is required of public and of private teachers. 
 
 Principal Schools. The programme of the Principal schools comprises the 
 subjects indicated under A and B, and. as much as possible, those under C, as 
 the number and ability of the teachers and the time prescribed permit. 
 
 Trivial Schools. The subjects of instruction in the schools of small cities, 
 boroughs and villages, are: 
 
 (#,) Religion and its history ; morals drawn from the Bible and reading. 
 
 (?;,) Reading printed and written type ; current handwriting ; the four rules of 
 arithmetic, with the rule of simple proportions. 
 
 (c,) In the country a little book is to be used, which has been written to form 
 "an honest citizen," and teach him thrift and management. 
 
 6. Who shall teach the different branches of Instruction. 
 
 Ecclesiastics alone may teach the Christian doctrine. The Normal and Prin- 
 cipal schools have a professor specially charged with giving every day, at least 
 one hour, lessons on the catechism, on sacred history and morality, and ex- 
 plaining the epistles and gospels. It shall be the duty of the vicar to catechise 
 twice, or at least once a week, in the Trivial schools. If the vicars are not suf- 
 ficient to teach religion in the schools of small towns, burghs, and of the 
 country, friars may be appointed, with approval of the bishops, by the superiors 
 of the neighboring convents. The schoolmasters shall be present during the 
 lessons in the catechism, and pay good attention, that they may be able to 
 
GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF AUSTRIA-1774. 
 
 621 
 
 repeat to the children the explanations which have been made. If the vicar 
 or clergyman is prevented, the teachers themselves shall be obliged to question 
 the children on what they have learned by heart, for instance, on verses from 
 the Holy Scriptures, etc., or on what they have studied in the Reader relative 
 to religion. Other subjects can be taught by laymen or ecclesiastics, provided 
 they have passed their examination. The teachers of the Principal schools 
 consist of the director and four or five assistant teachers. 
 
 7. School-books. 
 
 In order to have instruction uniform, the books and charts to be used in school 
 are prescribed, and the necessary regulations will be issued, to guide the teach- 
 ers in the duties obligatory upon them. None but the prescribed books shall 
 be used in school ; but teachers, who desire to perfect their own education, may 
 procure other books treating on the subjects taught in the school. 
 
 8. Of the manner of Teaching. 
 
 Instruction must be given simultaneously to all pupils of the same class. The 
 teacher should take special care that all pupils read together, He will punc- 
 tually conform to the directions given in the books on method, and aim less at 
 crowding the memory of children than at developing their mind by clear and 
 precise explanations He should accustom the children to express themselves 
 with facilitjr and exactitude on things which have been explained to them. 
 
 9. Division of classes. 
 
 All the children, though of different ages and sex, who are to learn the same 
 branches, should be in one class. Each class to comprise three divisions : a 
 superior, intermediate, and inferior division. 
 
 10. Of school-hours. 
 
 In Winter, the hours of school shall be from 8 to 11 in the morning; in 
 the Summer, in the county, from 7 to 10; from 2 to 4 P. M. during the year. 
 
 In cities, the course of the first term shall commence on the 3d of November, 
 and finish on Palm Sunday eve ; the course of the second term to begin on the 
 second Monday after Easter Sunday, and last to St. Michael's day. 
 
 In the country, the schools begin on the first of December, and remain open 
 to the end of March. In these are received the children between nine and 
 thirteen years of age, because most may be called to aid their parents during 
 the Summer season, and this is the reason that they are not obliged to frequent 
 school at other periods. The course of the second term begins on Monday after 
 Easter week, and terminates on St. Michael's day. During the season of har- 
 vest, instruction is suspended for all children above eight years ; but continues 
 for the children between six and eight years. 
 
 As children, poorly clothed, can not always come to school in Winter, on 
 account of the bad roads and the rigor of the season, they shall not be forced ; 
 yet their parents or guardians are free to send the young children to school in 
 Winter as well as in Summer. Teachers will select a special hour to instruct 
 such children, in order not to interrupt or delay the lessons given to other pupils. 
 
 11. The time to be devoted to each subject. 
 
 All subjects must be thoroughly and suitably explained within the time fixed 
 for the duration of each course. Pupils who have not dexterity for writing, or 
 aptitude for other branches, may double one or more courses. 
 
 12. Duty of School-attendance. 
 
 In cities, all children of both sexes, for whom parents or guardians can not 
 or will not take a special teacher, must, without exception, attend the public 
 schools from the age of six years until they are sufficiently instructed to choose 
 a trade or profession. As they hardly attain this degree of instruction before 
 the age of twelve years, we sh ill see with satisfaction, if parents send them to 
 school during six or seven years, and permit them to attend even longer. 
 
 Children who desire to enter a Latin school before their twelfth year, must 
 submit to a public examination, and obtain a certificate from the school-inspector 
 that they possess the required knowledge. 
 
 Where distinct schools exist, girls shall be taught separately, and they shall 
 
622 GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF ALSTRIA-1774- 
 
 be instructed also in sewing, and all work suitable for their sex. If no distinct 
 schools are organized, the girls shall attend the mixed school, but seated on 
 separate benches. 
 
 13. Duty of parents and guardians to send children to school. 
 
 As the education and instruction of youth has a very great influence on the 
 general well-being, we will not let the good success of our maternal care, in this 
 regard, be endangered by the carelessness of parents or guardians. Conse- 
 quently we ordain, that they send their children to school at the proper age, or 
 have them instructed at home. We recommend to magistrates arid superiors to 
 watch over the execution of this ordinance, to reprimand, and if necessary, to 
 enforce obedience on the part of parents or guardians who neglect this duty. 
 
 After the necessary measures shall have been taken to train capable teachers 
 in the Normal schools, no person shall be permitted to follow the work of 
 teaching, if he possesses no certificate of ability, signed by the authorities of a 
 Normal or Principal school, and for the want of such certificate he shall be 
 excluded from the profession. 
 
 14. Work or other necessity shall not dispense from school attendance. 
 That the service of orphans may not be an obstacle to their instruction, it 
 shall not be lawful for magistrates to put them out to service before their thir- 
 teenth year; or at least those who have not reached that age must be permitted 
 to attend school in Winter. Other persons, who take into their service orphans 
 below thirteen years of age, will be obliged to send them to school morning and 
 afternoon, and if they are not insolvent, they shall pay half tuition fees for them. 
 
 15. Of repetition schools, (schools for adults.) 
 
 In the country, as well as in cities, the young people who have ceased to 
 belong to primary schools, and particularly those who are apprentices, must, 
 especially in Summer, on Sundaj r s after divine service, if possible, congregate at 
 the common school, where, for two hours, the teacher will recapitulate with 
 them, under the inspection of the curate or vicar. They shall attend these ex- 
 ercises till they are twenty years old. First, they will read the epistle or gospel 
 of the day ; then have an exercise in reading, writing, arithmetic, that they 
 may revise the knowledge acquired at school. For these repetitions, passages 
 will be selected from standard works, treating on religion, morality, and all 
 subjects that tend to cultivate honest principles and domestic and simple tastes. 
 The young should be frequently questioned on various important themes. 
 
 The obligation of apprentices to take part in these repetitions shall be such, 
 that their apprenticeship can not be declared ended, until they have obtained 
 from the school-inspector a certificate, stating that they have fruitfully attended 
 the repetition-school, after making good progress in religion, reading, writing, 
 and arithmetic, in the ordinary course. 
 
 16. Of keeping a school-register, to mark the industry and progress of pupils. 
 
 With the two-fold object of knowing whether all the children of school age 
 attend school, and whether the want of progress in pupils must be ascribed to 
 their frequent absence, different registers shall be kept. 
 
 In cities, the magistrates, twice every year, at P]aster and St. Michael's, shall 
 revise the list of children of school age, that is, of those who have attained 
 their sixth year 1 ! Each time the list will be communicated to the school-teacher, 
 that he may know which children are obliged to frequent the school. 
 
 In the country, if the teacher is also sacristan, he can himself ascertain, from 
 the baptismal register, the age of every child in the place, and know what chil- 
 dren are of school age. 
 
 This will also enable him to control the assertions of parents, who often 
 attempt to escape the obligation of sending their children to school. 
 
 That the object may be reached, each teacher shall keep an alphabetical reg- 
 ister, in which he will inscribe the names of children from the list, indicating 
 their age. the dates of their admittance and promotion from one class to an- 
 other. He will also note the absence of each pupil. At the commencement or 
 end of the register, the number of lessons which the teacher hns given during 
 the month, and the subjects taught, should also be entered. This register can 
 
GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF AUSTRIA 1774. 623 
 
 be advantageously consulted in the examinations, especially to know who 
 absent themselves. 
 
 A second register relates to the degree of application and progress. It should 
 be examined every month. Every day, after prayer, in the morning as well as 
 in the evening, the teacher must assure himself of the presence of the pupils ; 
 for this purpose it will suffice to read their names from the catalogue, marking 
 those present with a line, the late-comers by a dot, and leaving blank the space 
 for the absent. As this register will distinguish the idlers from the diligent, it 
 should be kept with exactitude, justice, and good order. If by a sentiment of 
 animosity, or by negligence, the teacher fails to do his duty in this respect, he 
 shall be punished as the case may require. Every teacher shall transmit, one 
 week after vacation, an abstract from this register to the school-inspector. 
 
 17. Ordinary inspectors charged with examining the condition of schools. 
 
 In order that the present regulation shall be observed, the authorities shall 
 appoint in every village some special inspectors, whose reports, addressed to 
 the Commission of Studies, shall contain their names. In the Normal and 
 Principal schools the director has the superintendence ; moreover, a citizen of 
 the place, a friend of education, shall be nominated by the magistrate, to watch 
 the progress of the schools, and to assure himself that the regulations are faith- 
 fully carried out. This inspector will keep account of the children that are 
 diligent, and of those who are not regular in their attendance. He shall state 
 whether the teacher proves zealous or negligent, or conforms to the ordinance. 
 The inspectors should not make their visits at stated periods, but whenever 
 they think proper, without notifying the teachers. 
 
 In cities, burghs, or the country, the curate of the parish shall be appointed 
 inspector, one of the magistracy and a prudent man from the inhabitants of the 
 commune. They shall conform to what has been ordained in regard to the 
 inspectors in larger cities. Every inspector addresses a report to the Inspector- 
 General of Normal Schools, on the condition of the schools in his jurisdiction. 
 
 1 8. Nomination of Inspector- Generals. 
 
 The School-Commissions shall elect as Inspector-Generals only persons per- 
 fectly capable. A certain district will be assigned to each Inspector-General, 
 in which to make his visits and institute schools. These Inspectors shall make 
 themselves acquainted with the deficiencies of schools ; examine the children 
 in presence of the teacher, and receive the reports of the local inspectors, ren- 
 dered at Easter and St. Michael's. These reports the Inspector-Generals for- 
 ward to the government, which refers them to the School-Commission. They 
 add an abstract of their observations, as well as their remarks on the following 
 objects : 
 
 1. In what place and point do magistrates, gentry, and inhabitants, act 
 against the ordinance. 
 
 2. What are the obstacles to the success of schools. 
 
 3. In what places are school-buildings not in order, or need repair; how are 
 the school-servants salaried. 
 
 4. "What measures should be taken to improve instruction. 
 
 5. What curates, vicars, catechisers, and schoolmasters have distinguished 
 themselves by diligence and zeal in teaching, and deserve to be rewarded. 
 
 6. What teachers neglect their duty and should be punished ; or are incorri- 
 gible, and should consequently be discharged. 
 
 19. The manner of introducing reform into education. 
 
 Immediately after the next Summer season, schools shall be every where es- 
 tablished, and the instruction of teachers be promptly provided for. 
 
 20. Obligation of ecclesiastical candidates and applicants for the monastic state. 
 
 As it is of great importance that ecclesiastics should have a perfect knowledge 
 of the new plans for schools, that they may be able to practice the prescribed 
 methods, their duty being chiefly to give religious instruction and to watch the 
 progress of the schools in the country, we ordain hereby, by virtue of our 
 legislative power, that no priest shall be proposed for a parish, unless he has 
 provided himself with a certificate from the catechist of the prceparanden (those 
 
624 GENERAL SCHOOL LAW OF AUSTRIA- 1774 
 
 who prepare for admission to a clerical seminary,) stating that he is sufficiently 
 acquainted with the method of instruction 
 
 It is our will that in future, when .schools are once established, no laymen 
 shall be admitted into a convent, unless they understand the theory of instruc- 
 tion, and produce a certificate from one of the Normal Schools. 
 
 We rely with confidence on the zeal of bishops and curates, in behalf of the 
 interests of religion, and on the regard they have for us, that they will seek 
 to improve education ; and diligently aid in the execution of our orders. 
 
 21. Prohibition to Teachers to leep a tavern. 
 
 Though we are well disposed to permit teachers in the country the exercise 
 of an honest trade, provided it does not form an obstacle to their special duties, 
 yet we order and ordain hereby, that no teacher who receives a sufficient salary 
 and enjoys mi honest subsistence, shall keep a tavern, under pain of removal. 
 
 Neither can we permit school teachers to make music or play at a fair, wed- 
 ding, or other occasion, in taverns or similar houses. This in future they are 
 strictly forbidden to do, likewise, under pain of removal. We also forbid curates 
 to be accompanied by the teacher in their visits to the sick ; they should ad- 
 dress themselves to other persons. 
 
 22. Examinations and rewards. 
 
 Every year, in the various schools, shall be held an examination on all subjects 
 of instruction during that year, in order to ascertain the progress of the scholars. 
 
 In cities, this examination shall take place in presence of the deputies of the 
 magistrate, arid in the country, in presence of the curate, some of the gentry, 
 and some aldermen. 
 
 Every pupil can show his degree of knowledge. The public also shall be 
 admitted, and may question the scholars within the limits of matters contained 
 in the class-books. 
 
 In cities it becomes a duty to examine whether young people, who desire to 
 enter the Latin Colleges, and to devote themselves to the study of science, have 
 the required attainments Also it should be ascertained whether the parents 
 approve the sending of their sons to gymnasiums. If, as a result of the exam- 
 ination, it is shown that idle scholars have not attained the necessar} 7 instruc- 
 tion, the inspectors may oblige them to continue to attend the school. 
 
 After the examination, the foundation and other benefices existing shall be 
 distributed to the most deserving scholars, to encourage them and to stimulate 
 the zeal of others. For this should be chosen: 1, scholars who have given con- 
 vincing proofs of their progress; 2, those who surpass others in good conduct. 
 
 23. Reports on the condition of schools. 
 
 [This paragraph only repeats the directions of 17 and 18, concerning the 
 preparation and transmission of semi-annual reports ] 
 
 24. The zeal of inspectors and teachers is the basis of promotion. 
 
 Notwithstanding it is the duty of all to fulfill, to the fullest extent, the obli- 
 gations of the office intrusted to them, we are disposed to promote to better 
 places those who distinguish themselves by their zeal and successful teaching. 
 
 We wish school-teachers and all who teach in cities to take rank immediately 
 after the magistrates ; in the country, after the aldermen, so that during solem- 
 nities they have a right to a position before other persons. 
 
 Ecclesiastics, who give instruction in the catechism, or those who prove their 
 zeal for schools, shall have the preference not only in the benefices belonging 
 to our patronage, but in all benefices, of ecclesiastical or lay patronage, it being 
 our expectation that the patrons will second our views, and work with us for 
 the general welfare. We also hope that all will appreciate the maternal care 
 with which we have begun to regulate the principles of education and general 
 instruction of youth. We ordain that all regencies and governments, subordi- 
 nate to us, shall execute in the provinces and follow faithfully all regulations 
 prescribed. We command likewise all superior ecclesiastics, and, in general, all 
 superior civil officers, magistrates, noblemen and their employees, schoolmasters, 
 and all our faithful subjects, to conform to the spirit and intent of this ordinance. 
 
 Giren in out capital and residence, city of Vienna. December 6, 1774. 
 
J. I. VON FELBIGER. 
 
 JOEIANN IGNAZ VON FKLBIGER was born January 6, 1724, at 
 Grossglogau in Silesia, of Catholic parents, studied theology at 
 Breslau, in 1746 entered the princely foundation of "Regular Canons 
 of the Order of St. Augustine of the Lateran Congregation of our 
 Dear Lady," at Sagan in Silesia, in 1758 became arch-priest of the 
 circle of Sagan, and soon afterwards abbot and prelate of the same. 
 
 In this of^ce he had the oversight of the churches and schools of 
 the town, and of a number of villages belonging to it: and his atten- 
 tion was thus directed to the condition of the Catholic school system 
 generally, which the Austrian government had suffered to sink in the 
 charge of the priests and especially of the Jesuits, into a most miser- 
 able condition of inactivity and indifference. Parochial common 
 schools were very few, mostly in the towns, and of a very low grade, 
 insomuch that many Catholic parents sent their children to Protestant 
 schools. 
 
 Felbiger's first distinct efforts to improve the Catholic schools of 
 Sagan were made about 1761, and were much facilitated by the pas- 
 sage of Silesia under the Prussian dominion, at the peace of Dresden 
 in 1745. But finding himself hopelessly obstructed, for the time, by 
 the incapacity of the teachers, he became readily interested in the 
 efforts then making for the improvement of the schools throughout 
 Prussia, and especially in the annual reports of the Berlin Real 
 School, founded by Hecker in 1739, and with which a teachers' sem- 
 inary was connected in 1748. In 1763, he visited this school, strictly 
 incognito, and acquainted himself with its scope, organization and 
 methods, and in particular with the "Tabular and Literal Method" 
 of J. F. Hahn, whose systematized mechanical character was well 
 adapted to his views as a partizan of the Jesuit principles of educa 
 tion. On his return from Berlin he at once commenced an active 
 course of labors for the extension and improvement of the common 
 schools ; sending young men quietly at his own expense to Berlin for 
 training as teachers ; repeating his own visits there ; founding normal 
 schools at Sagan, Leubus, Griissau and Rauden, and afterwards at 
 Breslau, Ratibor and Habelschwerdt ; himself laboring as a teacher, 
 
 issuing a series of school-books and catechisms from a printing estab- 
 
 40 
 
626 J. J. VON FELBIGER. 
 
 jshment of his own, providing for increased salaries to teachers, and 
 generally laboring for a well-regulated school system. 
 
 The attention of the Prussian government was attracted by the 
 efforts of Felbiger, and it gladly seized the opportunity of placing so 
 zealous and capable a person at the head of the new school organiza- 
 tion for the Catholic portions of the kingdom. In their place he 
 drew up and put into operation the * School Regulations for Roman 
 Catholics in the Duchy of Silesia and County of Glatz," of 3 Nov., 
 1765 ; a code which affords a good view of his principles of educa- 
 tion.* The improvements introduced by Felbiger consisted in pro- 
 moting better preparation of teachers, the substitution of subjects 
 connected with actual life for mere memorizing, previously used, the 
 introduction of simultaneous instruction, in order to accelerate the 
 progress of the children and to interest them, and in the introduction 
 of tables and other similar systematized collections of matter intended 
 to be learned, as a mode of causing uniformity in subjects and 
 methods of teaching, where previously each teacher had followed hi? 
 own methods or suggestions. The leading feature in these improve- 
 ments was the simultaneous method. The tables were a mode of 
 " presenting whatever is to be learned, before the eye, in such ari 
 arrangement that the pupil can see whatever is to be learned about 
 any one subject, and also the order in which the parts of such mate 
 /ial follow each other." There were two kinds of these ; one in 
 which a scheme of stems and branches with braces was used, and 
 another, in which by using the initials of each line, the chief and 
 r.ubordinate divisions of the subject were to be remembered. They 
 were used in the catechism, writing, reading and arithmetic, and 
 included in part definitions and systematized presentations of subjects, 
 in part statements of rules. They were to be written on the black 
 board by the teacher, and memorized by the pupils, proper explana 
 tions being given. The second kind were used with the " literal 
 method" already mentioned; by writing the initials on the black- 
 board, and making the children repeat them, as well as the words to 
 which they belonged, until they could repeat the words alone. 
 
 In the course of the reorganization of the Austrian government 
 under Maria Theresa, the school system assumed a place as an im- 
 portant object of governmental activity, and was as such taken out 
 of the exclusive control of the clergy. A central school department 
 was organized in 1770, and a normal school established at Vienna. 
 In 1773 the Jesuit order was extinguished, and the comprehensive 
 
 *See Neigebaur, "Common School System of Prussia, (Volksschulwesen in den Preussi*- 
 chen Staaten.)" 
 
J. I VON FELBIGER 
 
 627 
 
 reformatory plans of the government more fully put in operation. 
 The Prussian government, at the express request of the empress, gave 
 Felbiger permission to enter the Austrian service, and he was appointed 
 4 * General Director of the School System of the Austrian States," in 
 1764. 
 
 The reforms which he introduced in this new sphere of activity, 
 consisted in the introduction of the features of his system into the 
 three grades of schools that were now established, the use of pre- 
 scribed text-books and tables, the regulation of summer and winter 
 terms, a systematic division by classes, a very detailed plan of normal 
 lessons, and a thorough official inspection over the system, which it 
 was attempted to render fixed even to stiffness. Felbiger's plans, at 
 first introduced only into Vienna and Austria proper, were received 
 with increasing favor, and were soon extended into the other hered- 
 itary states of the empire. Their influence was in fact apparent 
 throughout the whole of Catholic Germany, in an increased interest 
 in the schools. 
 
 Felbiger's labors in Austria were too short. In 1778, when the 
 war of the Bavarian succession threatened to break out, he received 
 orders from Friedrich II. either to return to Silesia, or to resign his 
 abbacy at Sagan. Desirous of protecting his favorite enterprise 
 against its adversaries, he chose the latter, and received a compensa- 
 tory appointment and income from the empress. But after the 
 accession (in 1780) of Joseph II., he was no longer supported by 
 government, and was finally ordered to retire to his deanery at Pres- 
 burg, and to restrict his attention to the improvement of the Hun- 
 garian schools. Here he died, May 17th, 1788. 
 
FERDINAND KINDERMANN. 
 
 FERDINAND KINDERMANN, whose great services to popular 
 education from 1771 to 1801, in Bohemia, were recognized by the 
 Empress Theresa in conferring on him the title of Von Schulstein 
 (school stone), and nominating him, in 1779, Bishop of Leitmeritz, 
 was born in 1740 at Koenigswalde, near Schluckenau, and educated 
 at the University of Prague. While a student he heard lectures on 
 the Art of Education by Prof. Seibt, which so impressed him that 
 when he became pastor of a church at Kaplitz, in South Bohemia, 
 he included the education of youth and the improvement of 
 schools in his clerical duties ; and there was no more pressing 
 demand on the paternal care of the church and the government 
 throughout the whole of this province, which had been swept by 
 ravages of the Thirty Years' War, and rent by relentless religious 
 dissensions and persecutions. At the close of the Seven Yeara' 
 War it was estimated that not one in twenty of the children ira 
 Bohemia were in school of any kind, or were in villages where 
 the facilities of school organization existed. The condition of the 
 schools was deplorable. Kindermann, in speaking of the schools 
 of his parish at Kaplitz, in 1771, writes: 'The children, big and 
 little, old and young, were assembled in the schoolroom without 
 regulation passing in and out without reference to the wishes of 
 the teacher some eating their bread, and others complaining that 
 they had none a few reciting, some learning their lessons, and all 
 doing in their own way what each thought best the schoolmaster 
 incapable of stopping the hubbub, and creating order out of the 
 confusion. The methods of instruction were purely mechanical 
 confined to the repetition of words without meaning for the intel- 
 lect, or emotion for the heart. The whole of the religious instruc- 
 tion was the literal repetition of the answers dictated to the 
 questions of the Catechism.' 
 
 To fit himself for his work of school reform, Kindermann resorted 
 to Sagan, and put himself under the training of Felbiger ; and on 
 his return, he writes * my first day was spent in the parish school, and 
 the second with the teacher and class of pupils in my own room, 
 instructing now the teacher how to teach, and then the scholars 
 
FERDINAND KINDERMANN. G29 
 
 how to learn a lesson in the Catechism.' Within a month the 
 pupils learned the whole Catechism understandingly, which formerly 
 occupied the whole year, without any thorough understanding of 
 the words committed to memory. His work prospered, and the 
 school soon became the teachers and the pupils delight, and the 
 admiration of parents and the community. Its fame went abroad 
 into the other villages, and his methods were followed by other 
 teachers, till it became a normal school, under his direction and 
 that of his curate, Simon Kudler, in whose heart he had kindled a 
 similar zeal. In his whole movement he was guided by great dis- 
 cretion and unostentatious industry avoiding all promises and all 
 display, in which he differed from Felbiger, who was more demon- 
 strative and exacting making much of outward organization, 
 mechanical methods and illustrations, and frequent exhibitions of 
 results. While Kindermann pushed his improved methods into 
 every study, he carefully drew attention only to his penmanship, 
 which people generally could appreciate, and to the vocal music, 
 which parents were delighted to have their children excel in. His 
 better methods in every study gradually became the habits not only 
 of his own village schools, but of a wide circle of schools whose 
 teachers resorted to Kaplitz for information and training. 
 
 When Maria Theresa, in 1774, had decided on a general 
 reorganization of the popular schools, and called Felbiger as director 
 to the central Normal Institute for Teachers in Vienna, she placed 
 Kindermann at the head of a School Commission for Bohemia, and 
 Professor of Pedagogy in the Gymnasium of Minor Prague ; subse- 
 quently he was made director of the training course in the Real 
 School at Prague, founded by Amand Schindler, in 1776. Kinder- 
 mann opened his course by an oration on ' the influence of the 
 Lower Schools on Public Life and Education generally.' In a cir- 
 cular entitled ' Incentives to the Public Examinations of the 
 Scholars in the Imperial Normal School of Little Prague,' he gave 
 publicity to the school ordinances of Maria Theresa, and included 
 an account of all the important improvements introduced into 
 different parts of Bohemia, drawn from the reports of district 
 inspectors, school directors, and official examiners. 
 
 As early as 1777 Kindermann had sent out five hundred teachers 
 trained in his new methods, into as many schools, situated in cities, 
 on the domains of the nobility, and in connection with religious 
 establishments each of which became a model for the schools of a 
 still wider section, and the center of direct influence on the people. 
 
 One peculiarity of the training system of Kindermann was the 
 
FERDINAND KINDERMANN. 
 
 organic union of mental activity and the industrial element in both 
 the normal and the popular school. Not only were teachers 
 familiarized with practical subjects and with methods which dealt 
 with realities instead of words, and called for the frequent use of 
 the blackboard and visible illustrations, but they were trained to 
 some handicraft with the special object of communicating the same 
 to the children of peasants, whose habits of industry had been 
 broken up by continuous military service, and the destruction of 
 harvests by moving troops and armies. The value of habits of 
 diligence, perseverance, neatness and thrift was constantly inculcated 
 and demonstrated practically. Pupil teachers were taught at 
 Kaplitz and Prague how to occupy a portion of their own time, 
 and that of their older pupils, in and out of school hours in such 
 in-door industries as knitting, sewing, wool-carding and spinning, 
 and out-door work as kitchen gardening, tree culture, and raising 
 silk-worms. And the reasons assigned by Kindermann for this 
 new curriculum was to protect society against beggary, vice, and 
 crime, and promote the welfare of the peasant class. 
 
 That his efforts in this direction were followed by the happiest 
 results, the increased prosperity of the peasant classes in Bohemia, 
 and the speedy adoption, in some form, of the industrial feature of 
 his plan in other states is ample proof. 
 
 The further history of his work is absorbed in the general history 
 of educational reform in the Austrian Empire. He lived a quiet 
 though active life, preferring to work unostentatiously in smaller 
 circles than to win fame as a great reformer and his published 
 works, besides those already named, are ' Report on the School at 
 Kaplitz? ' Thought* on the means of disseminating the Religious 
 Instruction of the Improved Common Schools among Adults, with 
 two prize themes : One for an instructive text-book for the people, and 
 one for a condensed Explanation of Religious Customs and Cere- 
 monies.' 1 
 
 The honors bestowed upon him by his sovereign show the esti- 
 mation in which his services were held, and at the same time prove 
 the spirit with which Maria Theresa undertook the work of reform. 
 Shortly after his removal from Kaplitz to Prague, he was made 
 Dean of the Collegiate Church of All Saints and given the Abbey 
 of Petur, in Hungary, in commendam, and at the same time raised 
 to the Equestrian rank with the title of Von Schulstein. In 
 1779 he was made Provost of the Church of Maria Schein, near 
 Teplitz, and nominated Bishop of Leitmeritz, which dignity he held 
 at the time of his death in 1801. 
 
RECENT SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 i. 
 
 LAW RESPECTING COMMON SCHOOLS. 
 
 {Issued by the Emperor Francis Joseph, with the agreement of both Houses of the Imperial 
 
 Diet, May 14, 1869.] 
 
 A.-PUBLIC ELEMENTARY OB COMMON SCHOOLS. 
 I. AIM AND ORGANIZATION OP THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 
 
 1. The common school (volksschule) has in view the religious and moral edu- 
 cation of the children, and aims at developing their intel ect, and imparting such 
 knowledge as is necessary to make them good men and citizens. 
 
 2. Any common school that is supported or assisted by the state, the prov- 
 ince, or the municipality, is a public school, and as such accessible to all youth, 
 without difference of creed. 
 
 All other schools are private institutions. 
 
 1. Common elementary Schools. 
 
 3. In every elementary common school (allgemeine volksschule} at least the 
 following subjects shall be taught : Religion, language, arithmetic, the most ne- 
 cessary elements of natural philosophy, geography arid history, with particular 
 regard to the country and its constitution, writing, geometrical forms, singing, 
 and gymnastics. Girls shall also be instructed in needlework and housekeeping. 
 
 The extent to which these subjects shall be taught, and additional branches, 
 depends on the grade of the school and the number of teachers. 
 
 | 4. The plans of instruction for t hese schools, as well as all the other organi- 
 zation, will be determined by the Minister of Education, on the recommendation 
 of the provincial school boards. 
 
 5. Religious instruction is cared for and superintended by the respective 
 church boards. 
 
 The number of lessons in religion will be fixed in the plan of insti action. 
 
 The distribution of the subjects for each year's course will be fi^ed by the 
 church boards. 
 
 Both the teachers of religion and the clerical boards must observe the school 
 laws, and the orders of the school boards made in pursuance thereof. 
 
 All directions by the clerical board shall be made known to the principal of the 
 school ($ 12) through the district school superintendent. Such directions as are 
 incompatible with the general school order shall not be communicated. 
 
 In places without a clergyman who can regularly give religious instruction, the 
 teacher may be obliged, with the consent of the clerical board, to take part in 
 teaching the children of his creed, in accordance with the directions given by the 
 school boards. 
 
 If any of the denominations should omit to care for religious instruction, the 
 provincial school board, after hearing those who are interested, will make the 
 needed arrangements. 
 
 $ 6. The language used for instruction, and whether a second lancruage shall 
 be taught or not, is determined, within the limits drawn by the laws, by the pro- 
 vincial school board (landes schulbehorde .)* 
 
 7. The subjects to be taught shall be allotted to the eight years during which 
 every child must attend school in a way that each year, if possible, may consti- 
 tute a grade. The division of the children into sections or classes depends on the 
 
 * School hoard of the country ; meaning not Austria, but the various countries, as Bohemia, 
 Tyrol, Austria Proper, &c., called by the translator provinces. 
 
632 SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 number of children and teachers. Whether a separation of boys and girls shall 
 be made is left to the decision of the local school committee and the district school 
 superintendent. 
 
 8. A list of admissible text-books will be approved by the Minister of Educa- 
 tion, after hearing the provincial school boards. 
 
 The district school superintendent chooses from among the admissible text- 
 books, after hearing the teachers' conference of the district. 
 
 9. The number of weekly lessons (lesson hours) in the different years' courses 
 is set down in the plan of instruction, (4.) 
 
 In the (fabrik schulen) factory sshools, ( 60.) instruction shall embrace at 
 least twelve hours a week, and these hours shall be only between 7 A. M. and 6 
 P. M , with exception of the noon hour. 
 
 10. To meet the special wants of particular localities, institutions for little 
 children, who are not yet bound, and allowed to go to school, (less than six years 
 old,) or special courses for an agricultural Or industrial education, may be joined 
 to the school. 
 
 11. The number of teachers in any school depends on the number of children 
 in attendance. 
 
 If the attendance in three successive years reach the average number of 80, posi- 
 tively a second teacher shall be provided; if the number of 160, a third teacher 
 must be employed, and so on in proportion. 
 
 The number of teachers once employed in a school cannot be lowered unless by 
 consent of the provincial school board, and then only if, in five successive years, 
 the above average number has not been reach( d. 
 
 The legislature of the province has the right to lower the above maximum of 
 children to be taught by one teacher. 
 
 12. The responsible conductor (letter) of a school is the teacher, and where 
 several are employed, the head master or principal teacher, (oberlehrer.) 
 
 13. If a school has two or three teachers, one of them may be an under master 
 or assistant, (unterlehrer.) 
 
 If there be four or five, two of them may be assistants. 
 
 With a greater number of teachers, the third part of them may be under 
 masters. 
 
 14. The g 313 apply also to schools for girls, and to the employment of 
 female teachers and assistants 
 
 With more than one teacher, the head governess of the school is called ofar- 
 lehrerin. 
 
 $ 15. The female teachers and assistants of girls' schools must, as a rule, give 
 instruction in needlework and housekeeping, (haushaltungs-kunde,} for which a 
 special section shall be arranged. 
 
 Where the girls school is in charge of male teachers, a special female teacher 
 must be employed for this instruction. 
 
 Where separate schools for girls do not exist, the girls shall have their work- 
 schools (arbeits-schulen) for that purpose separate, or in connection with the com- 
 mon school 
 
 16 Whether female teachers shall be employed in the lower classes of the 
 common school, also for the education of boys, is left to the legislature of the re- 
 spective province. 
 
 2. Burgher School. 
 
 17. The burgher school aims at giving all those who attend no secondary 
 school (mittelschule) an education going beyond the limits of the comLavn element- 
 ary school, (allgemeine volksschule.) 
 
 The subjects of instruction are religion, language and composition, history and 
 geography, natural history and philosophy, arithmetic, geometry, book-keeping, 
 free-hand and geometrical drawing, calijrraphy, singing, gymnastics, with the 
 addition, for girls, of needlework and housekeeping. 
 
 In the non-German burgher schools, opportunity shall be given of learning 
 German. 
 
 With the consent of the provincial school board, also one living language may 
 be taught in a burgher s< hool, without being obligatory. 
 
 18. Those who support the school may organize the common elementary 
 school in a way to serve at ihe same time the end of a burgher school. In this 
 case the school shall consist of eight classes. 
 
SCHOOL LEGISLATION OP AUSTRIA. 633 
 
 An independent burgher school of three classes may be established, which shall 
 follow the fifth year's course of a common school. 
 
 19. The 48 and 1014 apply also to the burgher school, except the fol- 
 lowing points : 
 
 1. The separation of boys and girls, in a burgher school of three classes, must 
 take place throughout; in one of eight classes, in the -three highest courses. 
 
 2. If practicable, special teachers of religion shall be employed. 
 
 3. The conference of teachers chooses from the admissible text-books ; they may 
 also apply to the provincial school board for new readers and text-books. 
 
 4. The responsible conductor of the school is called director. 
 
 II. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE. 
 
 20. Parents or their substitutes are not permitted to leave their children or 
 wards without the instruction prescribed for the public elementary schools. / 
 
 21. The obligation to attend school begins with the sixth year completed, and 
 lasts until the fourteenth year completed. The children leave school only when 
 they have acquired the indispensable knowledge of reading, writing, and arith- 
 metic. 
 
 At the end of a school year, such children as will complete the fourteenth year 
 of age in the next six months, and have completely mastered the subjects of the 
 elementary school, may be permitted by the district school superintendent to leave 
 school, if there be important reasons for doing so. 
 
 22. The children are admitted only at the commencement of the school year, 
 except when parents move to the place in the mean time. 
 
 The district school superintendent, and, in urgent cases, the local committee, 
 may admit children exceptionally during the course of the school year. 
 
 23. Children may be relieved from the obligation to attend the common 
 school for a longer or shorter period, viz : boys who attend a higher school ; chil- 
 dren who suffer from a mental or a severe corporeal infirmity ; finally, such as 
 are instructed at home or in a private school. In the last case, the parents or 
 their substitutes are responsible that at least the instruction prescribed for the 
 public school is imparted to their children in a satisfactory manner. If there be 
 a doubt in this regard, the district school inspector is obliged to convince himself 
 whether the doubt be well grounded or not. The parents must submit to the 
 measures taken for that purpose. 
 
 24. Parents or their substitutes, as well as the owners of factories and indus- 
 trial establishments, are responsible for the attendance of the children, and may 
 be compelled by coercive measures to their duty in this regard. The particulars 
 will be fixed by the legislature of the province. 
 
 25. Parents and their substitutes must provide their children with the neces- 
 sary books and other implements of instruction. 
 
 III. EDUCATION AND QUALIFICATION OP TEACHERS. 
 
 26. Teachers are trained in seminaries separate for the two sexes. 
 
 27. For the practical education of the teacher pupils, each seminary has joined 
 with it a school of practice. (Hbungs-und musterschule, ) and in seminaries for female 
 teachers also a "kindergarten," (a children's garden or infant school ) 
 
 For teaching and practising agricultural work, a suitable lot of land in the 
 neighborhood shall be joined to each seminary for male teachers. 
 
 28. The course embraces four years. 
 
 | 29. In the seminaries for male teachers are taught religion ; pedagogy, with 
 its history and auxiliary sciences ; grammar, composition, and history of litera- 
 ture ; mathematics, (arithmetic, algebra, and geometry ;) natural history, (zoolo- 
 gy, botany, and mineralogy;) natural philosophy and elements of chemistry; 
 geography and history; agriculture, with special regard to the cultivation of 
 fruit and vegetables, and to the breeding of silkworms and bees ; the constitution 
 of the coun'ry, caligraphy, free-hand and geometrical drawing, music, and gym- 
 nastics. The pupils must be made acquainted, wherever there may be an oppor- 
 tunity, with the method of instructing blind and deaf mute children, and also with 
 the organization t)f a well-managed kindergarten, (infant school.) 
 
 g 30. In the seminaries for female teachers are taught religion ; pedagogy and 
 its history ; grammar, composition, and history of literature : geography and his- 
 tory; arithmetic; natural history and philosophy; caligraphy, drawing, sing- 
 

 634 SCHOOL LEGISLATION IN AUSTRIA. 
 
 ing, and housekeeping. The pupils must also be made acquainted, whenever 
 there is an opportunity, with the organization of a well-managed kindergarten. 
 
 Teachers of female industries are trained either in the seminaries or in separata 
 courses. 
 
 31. The language of instruction is determined by the Minister of Education, 
 on the recommendation of the provincial school board, so far as the law of the 
 province does not fix it otherwise. 
 
 Where it should be desirable for teachers to know also a second language of the 
 country, the pupils shall have opportunity to acquire the same, to enable them 
 eventually to teach it. 
 
 32. For admission to the first year's course, the fifteenth year completed, bod- 
 ily fitness, moral integrity, and suitable education are required. 
 
 This education is tested by a severe examination, which in general embraces 
 the subjects taught in an under real school or an under gymnasium, except for- 
 eign languages. 
 
 The public seminaries are accessible to all, without difference of creed. 
 
 33. The number of pupils in one year's course shall not exceed 40. 
 
 | 34. The teacher pupils having finished their four years' course shall be sub- 
 jected to a rigid examination, in the presence of a deputy of the provincial school 
 board, in all the subjects taught in the seminary, and if they pass the same satis- 
 factorily, they shall receive a certificate of maturity, (zeugniss der reife.) 
 
 35. Teachers employed in the seminary are the principal, (director, ) who is at 
 the same time head master of the school of practice; two to four head teachers, 
 (hauptlehrer ;} the teachers of religion, and the needed assistants, who are all 
 nominated by the Minister of Education, after hearing the provincial school board. 
 
 Teachers of the school of practice are bound to assist in training the teacher 
 pupils. 
 
 36. The salaries are fixed: of principals, 1,200 to 1,800 florins; of teachers, 
 1,000 to 1,200/2 , with an addition of 100/Z. every five years, until the twentieth 
 year of service. 
 
 The principals in Vienna and Trieste receive, moreover, free lodgings, or 300^., 
 and teachers 150.$. a year each. 
 
 g 37. Instruction in the seminaries is gratuitous. Poor and talented pupils may 
 receive stipends, but must oblige themselves to teach in a public school at least 
 for six years. 
 
 38. The certificate of graduation ( 34) qualifies only for an employment as 
 under master or assistant. 
 
 For a definitive appointment a certificate of qualification is requisite, to be 
 gained by a second examination after an experience of at least two years. 
 
 For this examination special committees will be established by the Minister of 
 Education, to be composed of principals and teachers in seminaries, school inspect- 
 ors, and able teachers of common schools. Deputies of clerical boards will assist 
 to examine the candidates in religion. 
 
 The certificate acquired by this examination sets forth the qualification for 
 teaching either in elementary and burgher schools, or only in the former. 
 
 39 This examination may be repeated if the first trial was not successful, but 
 not oftener, unless authorized, on proposal of the committee, by the Minister of 
 Education. 
 
 g 40. Such candidates as have passed this examination, but have since then, for 
 more than three years, not been employed in a public school, ( 2,) have to pass 
 the examination once more before this definitive appointment. In special cases, 
 the Minister of Education may dispense with this. 
 
 41. Such young men as have not made the full course in a public seminary, 
 if 19 years old, may be examined in a seminary for acquiring the certificate of ma- 
 turity. ( 34 and 38, al. 1.) 
 
 42. For a more comprehensive education of teachers, special teachers' courses 
 (pedagogical seminaries) shall be established in the universities or technical high 
 schools, (poly technical schools.) 
 
 The particulars will be prescribed by the Minister of Education. 
 
 IV. PROFESSIONAL IMPROVEMENT OP TEACHERS. 
 
 43. The pedagogical and scientific (literary) improvement of teachers shall be 
 furthered by means of educational journal, libraries for teachers, periodical con- 
 ferences for teachers, and special courses for professional improvement. 
 
SCHOOL LEGISLATION IN AUSTRIA. 535 
 
 44. In each school district, a library for teachers shall be established. Tts 
 administration will be entrusted to a committee chosen by the district conference. 
 
 g 45. A conference of teachers shall bo held in each school district at least once 
 a year, and conducted by the school superintendent of the district. They shall 
 deliberate and debate on school affairs, particularly on subjects taught in the 
 common schools, on methods, means of instruction, discipline, etc. All teachers 
 of the common schools and of the teashers' seminary in the district are obliged 
 to take part. Teachers of private schools are at liberty to attend. 
 
 46. In every province, deputies of the district conference will assemble every 
 third year in conference, (landesconferenzen,) with the school superintendent of 
 the province as chairman. 
 
 47. Special courses for the professional improvement of teachers (fortbildungs- 
 curse) will be held in the seminaries, generally during the autumn vacation. 
 Teachers, if summoned by the school board of the province, must attend. 
 
 V. LEGAL SITUATION OP TEACHERS. 
 
 48. Service in public schools is a public office, (offentlichesamt,} and access- 
 ible to all Austrian citizens without difference of creed. 
 
 To be employed as teacher or under master, besides the Austrian citizenship, 
 evidence of qualification is required. ($ 38.) 
 
 Those are excluded who by a penal verdict have lost their eligibility to the 
 common council of their village or town. 
 
 49. To fill vacant places provisorily and for a limited time is the prov- 
 ince of the district school superintendent ; in the teachers' seminary and their 
 schools of practice, that of the provincial board. 
 
 50. Principals, teachers and under masters in public schools are definitely ap- 
 pointed by the provincial school board, with the concurrence of those who support 
 the school. This concurrence consists in the right either of proposing (vorschlagen] 
 or of presenting (frnennen) candidates. 
 
 The particulars respecting appointments and promotions will be fixed by the 
 legislature of the province. The appointment of ' ' presented ' ' teachers, (see al. 2, ) 
 who have the requisites, ($ 48,) cannot be refused, unless they can be charged 
 with such moral deficiencies or such actions as would cause the removal of a 
 teacher already appointed. 
 
 51. The number of lessons which a teacher may be obliged to give depends 
 on the wants of the respective school. But for any time exceeding thirty lesson 
 hours a week, the teachers must receive additional compensation. 
 
 52. What sidework shall be incompatible with the office of teacher will be 
 determined by the legislature of the p.ovince. 
 
 53. Teachers who do not give satisfaction, and who, having been referred to 
 the special course for improvement, ( 47,) are by the body of teachers in that 
 seminary declared not qualified to continue their profession, may be compelled 
 by the provincial school board to pass once more the second examination. ( 38 
 al. 2.) If the result be not satisfactory, the right gained by the former examination 
 will be lost, and the provincial school board shall determine whether he may be 
 henceforth employed as under master, or removed entirely. 
 
 Under masters, who have not made the second examination ( 38, al. 2) within 
 the first five years of their practical service, after they got the certificate of matu- 
 rity, and such as are not permitted to repeat their second examination, (39,) must 
 surrender their certificate of maturity and retire from the service. 
 
 54. Improper deportment of teachers is followed by disciplinary measures, 
 which do not exempt from an eventual penal prosecution. 
 
 55. The amount and mode of drawing the legal income shall be regulated by 
 the legislature of the province in the following principles : 
 
 1. The minimum shall not be reduced by any school community, and shall be 
 so adjusted, that teachers and under masters can be free from interruption by 
 work, and can devote their whole strength to their profession, and that the former 
 will be able to support a family respectably. 
 
 2. Teachers must receive their salary directly from the school committee, and 
 shall not be charged with collecting it. 
 
 3. The school committees shall see that the salary is paid regularly and punc- 
 tually. 
 
 56. All definitively appointed teachers and such under masters as have thecer 
 
636 SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 tificate of qualification, ( 38, al. 2. ) and their widows and orphans, are entitled to 
 receive & pension, and in this regard must be treated like civil state officers. In 
 determining his period, the time which a teacher after the second examination has 
 spent in a provisory employment at a public school shall be counted. 
 
 57. For defraying these expenses for superannuated teachers or their widows, 
 pension funds shall be established in each province by the contributions of teachers, 
 of communities, and of the province, and also by assigning to these funds appro- 
 priate revenues. These funds shall be administered by the provincial school board . 
 Communities caring independently and suitably for the pensioning of their 
 teachers shall be free from the obligation of contributing to the common pension 
 fund. The legislature of the province will determine the particulars. 
 
 58. Teachers paid by the state receive, themselves and their families, the legal 
 pensions from the state funds. 
 
 VI. ESTABLISHING OP SCHOOLS. 
 
 59. The obligation to establish schools shall be regulated by the provincial 
 legislature, on the principle that a school, under any circumstances, must be es- 
 tablished in every locality where, in a circuit of one hour's walk, on an average 
 of five years, more than forty children can be found who have now to attend a 
 school more distant than one hour's walk. 
 
 60. For children in factories and other manufacturing establishments who 
 may be prevented from attending the common school, the proprietors of such fac- 
 tories, &c., shall establish, either by themselves or in connection with other manu- 
 facturers, separate schools of the same grade as the public schools. 
 
 61. Where and by what means burgher schools shall be established will be 
 determined by the legislature of the province. 
 
 VII. DEFRAYING OP EXPENSES. 
 
 \ 62. The common schools needed are provided for by the school communities, 
 which must regard the legal obligations of private persons and corporations 
 
 How far the districts shall participate in supporting them will be decided by 
 the legislature of the province. 
 
 63 Every school shall have such school rooms as the instruction and health 
 of the pupils require. 
 
 Special laws of the respective provinces will regulate the building and mainte- 
 nance of the school-house, as well as the lodgings needed for the teacher. 
 
 Every school shall have a gymnastic ground, and in villages, as far as possible, 
 * garden for the teacher, and facilities for agricultural experiments. The expenses 
 qf the same shall be provided for by the legislature of the province. 
 
 \ 64. It is left to the legislatures to establish provincial or district school funds 
 for such expenses of the common schools as are not met by special resources. In 
 this connection, the respective legislatures will decide whether the paying of 
 school money and the rights of presenting teachers (g 50, al. 2) shall be continued 
 or not. 
 
 65. Parents who have their children instructed at home or in a private school 
 are exempt from paying tuition fees, but not from other legal contributions for 
 the common school. 
 
 66. So far as the means of the school community in each district respectively 
 will not suffice to cover the expenses of the school, the province shall pay. 
 
 The ' normalschul fond. " with their actual capital, and with all private obliga- 
 tion's, shall be devoted exclusively to the purposes of common schools. The civil 
 authority of the province (landes-ausschuss] will be charged with the administra- 
 tion, and the school board of the province with disposing of the income, on the 
 basis of a preliminary settlement by the legislature. 
 
 Those provinces which have hitherto received from the state assistance to their 
 school fund shall receive the same, to the average amount granted 1866 1868, 
 from general state funds to the respective ^normalschul fond." 
 
 In estimating that amount, all sums must be deducted which were paid for- 
 merly for purposes henceforth to be provided for immediately by the state. (# 58 
 and 67.) 
 
 67. The expenses for teachers' seminaries and their schools of practice, and 
 the " stipends" mentioned in 37, as well as the higher courses for teachers, 
 ( 42,) will be paid by the state. 
 
SCHOOL LEGISLATION OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 637 
 
 When the school of practice is at the same time a common school, the stale, on 
 sharing the nominatiou of teachers, will contribute to supporting the same, but 
 the amount in each case shall be settled by special agreement. 
 
 The courses for the improvement of teachers ($ 47) will be at the expert of the 
 state. 
 
 B. PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 68. Private seminaries for male or female teachers cannot be established but 
 on the following conditions : 
 
 1. Statutes and plans of instruction, as well as any change of the ^ame, must 
 be sanctioned by the Minister of Education. 
 
 2. Only such persons shall be principals or teachers as are fully qualified to in- 
 struct teacher pupils. For this purpose, at least a certificate is required that the 
 teacher is entitled to teach in burgher schools, and has taught in public schools 
 at least for three years. Except ons can be allowed only by the Minister of Edu 
 cation, if the qualification be proved otherwise. On the same conditions, such 
 seminaries in which ihe pupils Live board and lodgings may be established. 
 
 69. Private seminaries may receive from the Minister of Education the right 
 of giving valid certificates, (like the public ones.) on the further condition that 
 the organization does not essentially differ from that in public seminaries, that 
 the principals find teachers are sanctioned by the provincial school board, and that 
 the final examination has been held in presence of a deputy from that board, with- 
 out whose consent a certificate of maturity cannot be given. 
 
 70. Private schools for children of school a^e, and private institutions in 
 which such children have board and lodging, may be established on the follow- 
 ing conditions : 
 
 1 . Principals and teachers must procure evidence of those qualifications which 
 are required from teachers of public schools of the same grade. Exceptions may 
 be allowed by the Minister of Education, if the requisite qualification be otherwise 
 shown. 
 
 2. Their moral conduct must be unobjectionable. 
 
 3. The plan of instruction must answer at least the claims made upon a public 
 school of the same grade. 
 
 4. The whole arrangement must be such that no injury to the children's health 
 may be feared. 
 
 5. Any change o p teachers, of the plan of lessons, and of the school-rooms, must 
 be made known to the school boards before being attempted. 
 
 For opening such schools the consent of the provincial school board is needed, 
 which cannot be denied whenever the conditions 1 4 are fulfilled. 
 
 71. The private schools are subject to the supervision of the state. Their prin- 
 cipals are responsible to the school authorities for the orderly and regular state 
 of the schools. 
 
 72. Private schools may get from the Minister of Education the right of giv- 
 ing certificates, valid throughout the state, if their organization and the aim be 
 equal to those of public schools of the same grade. 
 
 If such a private school satisfies the educational wants in a community, the 
 latter may be released from the obligation to found a new school. 
 
 Such private schools lose this said right when they answer no longer the de- 
 mands for a public school. 
 
 73. Private schools where the laws are not observed, or where moral deficien- 
 cies become evident, shall be closed by the piovincial school board. 
 
 FINAL DIRECTIONS. 
 
 74. The determinations of competence [of boards, &c.] contained in this law 
 shall be applied but where the same have not been fixed already by the legislature 
 of the province. The regulation of June 25, 1867, concerning a provincial school 
 council for the kingdom of Galicia and the Grand Duchy of Krakow is not al- 
 tered by this law. 
 
 75. In regard to the particular circumstances in Dalmatia, Galicia, Krakow, 
 Krain, Bukowina, Istria, and G5rz, it shall be left to their legislatures to admit 
 a departure from the principles set down in 21, 22, 28, and 38. 
 
 76. The present law, so far as new provincial laws will be needed, shall be 
 brought into operation at the same time with those laws, but in all other respects 
 with the beginning of the new school year following the publication of this law. 
 
638 SCHOOL LEGISLATION IN AUSTRIA 
 
 g. 77. Beginning from that time, all other laws and ordinances, so far as they 
 are at variance with this law or replaced by it, shall be null and void. 
 
 g 78. The Minister of Education is charged with carrying out this law, and with, 
 issuing all requisite ordinances and instructions. 
 
 II. 
 
 LAW RESPECTING THE INSPECTION OF SCHOOLS, AND THE CHURCH. 
 [Promulgated May 26, 1868.] 
 
 g 1. The supreme inspection of all instruction and education belongs to the 
 state, and is executed by boards and officers appointed according to law. 
 
 g 2. Without detriment to this right of inspection, the conducting and imme- 
 diate inspection of religious instruction and religious exercises in the primary and 
 secondary schools (volks-und mittelschulen} remain with the respective church or 
 denomination. 
 
 g 3. All schools and educational institutions, founded or supported wholly or 
 entirely by the state, by a province, or by municipalities, are accessible to all citi- 
 zens of the state, without regard to creed. 
 
 g 4. All denominations are at liberty to found, and to support at their own 
 expense, schools for the instruction of youth of their respective creeds. They are, 
 however, subject to the school laws, and cannot be acknowledged as public 
 schools unless they comply with all the legal conditions of such schools. 
 
 g 5. The schools and educational establishments for any one denomination may 
 be attended by members of any other denomination. 
 
 g 6. All citizens of the state who possess the le*al qualifications may be teach- 
 ers in the schools defined in g 3. 
 
 Teachers of religion must have been declared qualified by their respective cleri- 
 cal board. 
 
 In other schools (g 4) this point is decided by the statutes of foundation. The 
 choice of private teachers is not limited by any regard to the religious creed. 
 
 g 7. The text-uooks used in primary and secondary schools, as well as in teach- 
 ers' seminaries, require only the consent of the boards called into existence by 
 this law. 
 
 Text-books for religious instruction cannot receive that consent unless they 
 have been declared admissible by the respective clerical board. 
 
 g 8. The revenues of the "normalschulfonds," of the " studienfond, " and of all 
 other funds for educational purposes, shall be applied without regard to de- 
 nominations, so far as they are not proved to be founded for the adherents of a 
 particular creed. 
 
 g 9. The state exercises the supreme administration and inspection of all edu- 
 cation through the Minister of Education. 
 
 g 10. For the administration and inspection of all educational affairs, other 
 than of the common schools and teachers' seminaries, in each province shall be 
 established 
 
 a & provincial school board, (council,) as the highest school board of the re- 
 spective province, (landes-schulralh ;) 
 
 b a district school board for each school district, (bezirks-schuhath ;}* 
 
 c a local school committee for each school community, (orts-schulrath.) 
 
 The division into school districts is made by the provincial legislature. 
 
 g 11. The func ions of the previous clerical and secular school boards is hereby 
 transferred to the boards mentioned in 10, except what is determiued in g 2. 
 
 g *2. The provincial school board shall consist of the Governor or Vice-Gov- 
 ernor, as chairman, of members of the provincial government, of deputies of the 
 civil authority of the province, (landes-ausschuss,) of clergymen selected from 
 the different denominations in the province, and of professional educators. 
 
 In the school law of 1869 generally the word " bezirks-schulaufsicht" is used, which the 
 translator thought b<-st to render by '' district school superintendent," taking " inspector" for 
 "inspection," as " Minister" for " Minister ium." 
 
SCHOOL LEGISLATION IN AUSTRIA. 
 
 639 
 
 $ 13. The legislature of the province shall fix the particulars concerning the 
 composition and organization of the provincial, district, and local school coun- 
 cils j then the limits of their operation; finally, the particulars regarding the 
 transition from the previous school boards to the present school councils. A pro- 
 vincial law will determine whether and how far deputies from important school 
 communities may exceptionally enter the provincial school board. 
 
 14. Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, and 9 come into operation the same day on 
 which this law is published, and all former laws and ordinances at variance with 
 these provisions shall be abolished henceforth. The regulation of June 25, 1867, 
 sanctioned by the Emperor, concerning a provincial school council in Galicia and 
 Krakow, is not altered by this law. 
 
 15. My Minister of Education is charged with bringing this law into ope" 
 ation. 
 
 FRANZ JOSEPH 
 
 HASNBB. 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY 
 
 GENARAL SUMMARY AND STATISTICS 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 GENERAL SUMMARY AND STATISTICS. 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. 
 
 In every German State, the supervision, and in most States the direction 
 of all institutions of an educational character, is exercised by the Gov- 
 ernment, generally through a responsible Minister acting with the co- 
 operation of a central council, and a provincial corps of inspectors. In 
 every State there are, at least, three degrees of instruction, provided for 
 by special legislation and aided by governmental appropriations. 
 
 I. ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION. 
 
 THE system of public elementary instruction in Germany did not 
 originate in any one State, and is not the growth of any one period. 
 In its primitive form, it is as old as the Christian Church, whose offi- 
 cers are still recognized in the administration of the public school in 
 nearly every German State, although the present movement every- 
 where is to separate the school from all ex-officio ecclesiastical authority. 
 
 The cardinal features of the system are : 
 
 First. The right and duty of the State, through municipal and pa- 
 rental cooperation, to establish at least one elementary school within walk- 
 ing distance of every child of the legal school age, and to authorize and 
 aid educational institutions of a higher and special character, adapted to 
 the wishes and wants of different localities. 
 
 Sec-ond. The recognition and enforcement of the obligation, on the part 
 of parents, to secure the regular elementary instruction of every child 
 between the ages of 6 and 14 years, in some school, public or private. 
 
 Third. The special preparation of teachers, as far as practicable, for 
 each grade of school, with opportunities for professional improvement 
 and promotion, and the guaranty of a living salary, including pecuniary 
 aid when sick, infirm, or aged, and for their families in case of death. 
 
 Fourth. Subjects of instruction,, selected in reference to their being im- 
 mediately and permanently useful as knowledge, and so arranged as to 
 aid the natural development of the faculties. 
 
 Fifth. A system of inspection, variously organized, but intelligent, 
 frequent, constant and responsible, reaching every school and every 
 teacher, and pervading the whole system, by which parents and the gov- 
 ernment are assured that the aim of the law is realized in respect to the 
 qualifications of teachers, and the health and profitable labor of the pupils. 
 
 With this system of universal, scientific and thorough elementary in- 
 struction, carried on sufficiently long to have molded the habits of fam- 
 ilies and communities, the following statistics, studied in connection 
 with the subjects and methods of education, are significant. ... 
 
 41 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 643 
 
 The political and territorial distribution of the German States as de- 
 nned and settled by the Treaty of Vienna, and the establishment of the 
 German Confederation in 1815, continued until 1866. On that organiz- 
 ation as it existed from 1856 to 1866, the following account of the sys- 
 tem and statistics of Public Instruction in the several States of Ger- 
 many is based. In consequence of the Schleswig and Holstein diffi- 
 culty, and the war of 1866, six of the thirty-nine States recognized 
 by the Confederation of 1815 became extinct. Austria was excluded 
 from Germany, Luxemburg was dissevered from its old political rela- 
 tions, the sovereign States of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Holstein, Nassau, 
 and Frankfort were annexed to Prussia. Of the remainder, twenty-one 
 States north of the River Maine, and part of Hesse-Darmstadt, formed, 
 under the leadership of Prussia, the North German Confederation ; 
 while four States, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and the larger portion 
 of Hesse-Darmstadt were designated by the collective name of South 
 German States. Leichtenstein has no organic connection with either of 
 the above distribution of States, although in statistical tables it is gene- 
 rally classed with South Germany. These changes have not disturbed 
 essentially the systems of public instruction even in the States which 
 have become provinces of Prussia, and the statistical results under the 
 new territorial and political organization have not yet been published. 
 
 Although the public schools of the different German States are desig- 
 nated by different names, the principles on which they are organized 
 and classified, and the aims and methods of administration are so nearly 
 alike, as to admit of uniform treatment. We shall, therefore, review the 
 entire field of public instruction in each State, and in the whole of Ger- 
 many, under the following heads, so far as our material will enable us 
 to do so : 
 
 I. Primary or Elementary Schools meaning thereby not the lowest 
 grade of city schools, as classified and designated generally in this coun- 
 try, but the Common Schools, the District Schools, the main reliance of 
 all the rural and a vast majority of the urban population of each State. 
 
 II. Secondary or High Schools which, under various names, have 
 existed in the several German States from the earliest dawn of Christian 
 civilization, and are now developed into a system of elementary and 
 higher instruction, which, in its aims and methods for the purposes 
 designed, is worthy of the profound study of the statesmen and edu- 
 cators of this country. 
 
 III. Universities or Superior Schools which, resting on the firm 
 basis of the Gymnasia and other institutions of secondary instruction, 
 have received a development not now attained in any other country. 
 
 IV. Special Schools designed to meet the wants of particular classes 
 of the community, or prepare for the different professions, occupations, 
 and services of the State. 
 
 V. Supplementary Schools, Societies, and other agencies for the supply 
 of educational deficiencies, and the investigation and advancement of 
 education, science, and art. 
 
644 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 The general aims and different degrees of elementary instruction in 
 the several States of Germany are substantially the same, although the 
 classification and nomenclature of the schools, and the importance at- 
 tached to different studies and methods will be found to differ on close 
 examination. 
 
 The attendance of children in the different grades of elementary 
 schools is governed by their future destination whether for the learned 
 professions, the higher industrial occupations, or for the common 
 walks of life. 
 
 I. PRIMARY SCHOOLS. These are divided into the common or peoples 7 
 schools, and the burgher schools. The common schools the main re- 
 liance of all the rural and a vast majority of the city population, proposes 
 the development of the human faculties, though those branches of knowl- 
 edge which are indispensable to every person, both of town and country, 
 and are distributed into four equal periods of two years each, as follows: 
 
 1. First period two years, between the ages of six and eight. Four prin- 
 cipal subjects: viz., (1) Logical exercises, consisting of oral instruction, in the 
 exercise of the faculties of observation and expression. This branch includes 
 religious instruction and singing by ear. (2) Elements of reading. (3) Ele- 
 ments of writing. (4) Elements of arithmetic. 
 
 2. Second period two years, from eight to ten years of age. Seven chief 
 subjects: viz.. (1) Reading.' (2) Writing. (3) Religious and moral lessons, 
 select Bible histories. (4) German grammar. (5) Arithmetic. (6) Elements of 
 geometry. (7) Elements of music, singing by notes. 
 
 3. Third period two years, from ten to twelve years of age. Eight prin- 
 cipal subjects: viz., (1) Lessons in reading and elocution. (2) Ornamental 
 writing, preparatory to drawing. (3) Religious instruction in the connected 
 Bible history. (4) German grammar and analysis. (5) Elements of natural 
 history and science, technical science, geography and history. (6) Arithmetic, 
 including fractions and proportion. (7) Geometry, theory of magnitudes and 
 proportion. (8) Singing, and science of vocal and instrumental music. 
 
 4. Fourth period two years, from twelve to fourteen years of age. Six 
 chief subjects: (1) Religion and morals. (2) General geography and history, 
 with special regard to civilization, agriculture, mechanical arts, manufactures, 
 &c. (3) German language, exercises in composition. (4) Application of arith- 
 metic and mathematics to the business of life, including elements of surveying 
 and civil engineering. (5) Elements of drawing. (6) Science of music, singing. 
 
 The Burgher School provides for an extension of all these studies, and par- 
 ticularly of the German and modern languages, ph} T sics and natural history, the 
 geography, history and industries of Prussia, drawing, singing and gymnastics. 
 
 II. SUPPLEMENTARY (FortMldungs) AND SPECIAL SCHOOLS AND CLASSES. 
 
 (1.) Evening classes, twice a week, whe r e young persons, who have completed 
 their fourteenth year, may continue their studies. 
 
 (2.) Sunday classes which young persons, who have completed their primary 
 school course, and do not proceed to a secondary school, are required to attend. 
 
 (3.) Industrial classes, in which girls are instructed in sewing, knitting, hem- 
 ming, darning, skirt-making, stitching, &c. 
 
 (4.) Factory schools for children employed in any manual occupation, be- 
 fore the completion of their twelfth year. 
 
 (5.) Technical schools, in towns, established by the local authorities, and sup- 
 ported by the State. Attendance at these is voluntary, but a master may not 
 prevent his apprentice from attending them The number of lessons is six per 
 week; comprising free-hand drawing, arithmetic, geometry, special kinds of 
 drawing, ceconomics, natural sciences, mechanics and modeling. 
 
 (6.) Infant Schools and Kindergarten, mostly after Frobel's plan. 
 
 (7.) Rescue Institutes, Reform Schools, and Orphan Homes, after Wichern's plan. 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 645 
 
 3. TEACHERS AND THEIR QUALIFICATIONS. 
 
 From the foregoing account of public elementary instruction in the 
 several States of Germany, it appears, that in each, the smallest, as well 
 as the largest, in those with the most liberal as well as those with the 
 most arbitrary administration, provision is made for the professional 
 training and improvement of teachers. The institutions in which this 
 training is given, are organized and conducted with special reference to 
 the work to be done by the teachers in the schools, the pupils are com- 
 posed of candidates for teaching as a profession, and efforts are made to 
 test their natural aptitude for the work before they enter the institutions, 
 and by frequent examinations to get rid of those on whom this profes- 
 sional training will be lost, and at the same time, to ascertain the class 
 and department of instruction in which each will excel. After leaving 
 the institutions the appointment to a position is strictly guarded, anc] 
 every precaution is taken to protect the incumbents of office against the 
 danger of a monotonous occupation and to surround them with aids to self 
 and professional improvement through life. Books and periodicals, 
 frequent conferences and associations by which the young and obscure 
 teacher is made partaker in all the improvements of the most experienced 
 and eminent members of the profession, living or dead, in his own and 
 other countries, are provided in every State. Exemption from military 
 service in time of peace, legal recognition as members of the civil service, 
 permanent employment, a residence with a garden, or its equivalent, 
 pecuniary allowance when sick, and provision for years of infirmity and 
 old age, and for their families in case of death, give to the profession of 
 teaching in Germany a respect which does not attach to it in any other 
 country. To illustrate these points more in detail than could be done in 
 our account of the system of any one State, we present in the following 
 Table the number and location of the Teachers Seminaries in the different 
 German States, together with the legal provision made in the most 
 advanced State, for the education, improvement and support of teachers, 
 with the results of this policy, as set forth by disinterested and competent 
 observers from other countries. 
 
 We think a disastrous blow has been struck at the profession of 
 elementary teaching by limiting the attainments and aspirations of its 
 members to the standard fixed by Prussia in the regulations of the 
 Ministry of Public Instruction October 1, 1854, which have been generally 
 adopted in other German States. 
 
 This whole subject of the professional training of teachers, for higher 
 as well as elementary schools, for the infant as well as the reform school, 
 will be treated in detail in " Normal Schools, or Institutions, Classes and 
 Agencies for the professional Training of Teachers for schools of different 
 grades and kinds" which will be issued in 1872. 
 
646 
 
 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 PROFESSIONAL SCHOOLS FOR TEACHING. 
 
 ELEMENTARY TEACHERS' SEMINARIES. 
 
 Location. 
 
 Date when estab- 
 lished. 
 
 Religious denom- 
 ination.* 
 
 Sex of pupils. 
 
 Professors. 
 
 .2 
 
 'a. 
 
 
 
 Graduates, 1869. 
 
 ANHALT: 
 Bernburg ... .... 
 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 8 
 
 27 
 
 
 Cothen 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 13 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 AUSTRIA, (German Provinces :) 
 
 1848 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 1C9 
 
 
 Bitinn 
 
 1832 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Eeer 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Gorz 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 13 
 
 30 
 
 
 Graz 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Lai bach 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M 
 
 10 
 
 89 
 
 
 Linz 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 
 " 
 
 Marburg. ... ......... 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Oluiiitz 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Pilsen 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 13 
 
 70 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c 
 
 F 
 
 7 
 
 39 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c. 
 
 P. 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 c 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Salzburg 
 
 1812 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 St. Polten 
 
 1864 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 Teschen 
 
 1777 
 
 (J 
 
 M. 
 
 
 50 
 
 
 Trient 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Trieste 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Vienna 
 
 1775 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Totalt 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 AUSTRIA Galicia 8 seminaries 
 
 
 
 
 
 239 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 49 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 843 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total (in 112 seminaries) ........ .. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 BADEN : 
 Ettlingen .. 
 
 1788 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 4 
 
 71 
 
 29 
 
 
 1824 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 8 
 
 61 
 
 
 Meersburg ... ........ 
 
 1839 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 58 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total . . . 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 190 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * The letter P denotes the Protestant sect ; C, Catholic ; J, Jewish ; S, Simultaneous, 
 t Besides the foregoing, there are a number of smaller seminaries, which, added to tho^e 
 here given, make a total of 68 seminaries in German Austria. 
 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 ELEMENTARY TEACHERS' SEMINARIES Continued. 
 
 (547 
 
 Location. 
 
 Date when estab- 
 lished. 
 
 i 
 
 3? 
 
 .2 o 
 
 bo'" 
 
 "3 
 H 
 
 Sex of pupils. 
 
 Professors. 
 
 d 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 Graduates, 1869. 
 
 BAVARIA: 
 Altdorf - 
 
 1824 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 103 
 
 53 
 
 
 1806 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Eichrtt&dt ... . 
 
 1834 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Freising .. 
 
 1812 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 9 
 
 78 
 
 33 
 
 
 18 k8 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 101 
 
 43 
 
 
 1823 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1843 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 96 
 
 53 
 
 Speier 
 
 1839 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 56 
 
 26 
 
 
 1823 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 10 
 
 90 
 
 37 
 
 
 1771 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 108 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 BRUNSWICK : 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 
 Do 
 
 J868 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 
 Wolfenbtittel 
 
 1754 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 g 
 
 44 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total .......... .... 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 HANNOVER : 
 Alfeld 
 
 1813 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 65 
 
 
 Auricb . .......... ... 
 
 1852 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 1751 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 10 
 
 58 
 
 
 Do . . 
 
 1856 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 9 
 
 28 
 
 g 
 
 Do 
 
 1848 
 
 J. 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 J7 
 
 15 
 
 HildeBheim 
 
 1838 
 
 C 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 1851 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 4 
 
 40 
 
 40 
 
 
 1851 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 
 Osnabriick 
 
 1824 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 27 
 
 6 
 
 Do 
 
 1838 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 28 
 
 31 
 
 Stade ........................ 
 
 1822 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 HESSE-CASSEL: 
 Cassel 
 
 
 J 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 1805 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 53 
 
 9 
 
 
 1783 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 7 
 
 62 
 
 
 Schliichtern 
 
 1805 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 6 
 
 70 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 191 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 HESSE-DARMSTADT : 
 
 1804 
 
 C. 
 
 M 
 
 7 
 
 37 
 
 10 
 
 
 1817 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 10 
 
 92 
 
 55 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 129 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LlPPE-DETMOLD: 
 Detmcld .... 
 
 1789 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total . . ... 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LIPPE-SCHAUMBURQ : 
 Biickeburg 
 
 1783 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 MECKLENBURG-SCHWERIN : 
 
 1782 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
048 
 
 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 ELEMENTARY TEACHERS' SEMINARIES Continued. 
 
 Location. 
 
 Date when estab- 
 lished. 
 
 Religious denom- 
 ination. 
 
 ^ 
 
 'E, 
 p 
 
 EX 
 
 <8 
 
 1 
 
 Professors. 
 
 QQ 
 
 'a 
 | 
 
 Graduates, 18fi9. 
 
 MECKLENBURG-STRELITZ : 
 Mirow 
 
 1820 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 NASSAU: 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 60 
 
 
 Usingen 
 
 1851 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 86 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 146 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 OLDENBURG: 
 Oldenburg 
 
 1808 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 7 
 
 79 
 
 03 
 
 Vechta. 
 
 1860 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 208 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 " 
 
 PRUSSIA, (including Holstein, Lauenburg, and 
 Schleswig :) 
 Aix-la-Chapelle 
 
 
 c 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Alt-Dobern 
 
 1819 
 
 P 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 69 
 
 33 
 
 Angerburg ...... ... 
 
 1829 
 
 P 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 84 
 
 25 
 
 Berent 
 
 1866 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 60 
 
 
 Berlin 
 
 1831 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 60 
 
 " 
 
 Do 
 
 1832 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 36 
 
 ...... 
 
 Do 
 
 1859 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 1811 
 
 P 
 
 F 
 
 10 
 
 46 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Do. -. 
 
 1859 
 
 j 
 
 M 
 
 11 
 
 30 
 
 1] 
 
 Bartin 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Barby 
 
 1823 
 
 P 
 
 
 g 
 
 79 
 
 27 
 
 Breslau... 
 
 1765 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 89 
 
 30 
 
 Do 
 
 1863 
 
 c 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Braunsberg 
 
 1811 
 
 c 
 
 
 2 
 
 58 
 
 
 Bromburg 
 
 1820 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 6 
 
 45 
 
 15 
 
 Do 
 
 1842 
 
 p 
 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 1866 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 1868 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 24 
 
 
 Briiul 
 
 1823 
 
 (3 
 
 
 7 
 
 10o 
 
 
 
 1816 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 7 
 
 76 
 
 27 
 
 Biiren 
 
 1825 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 7 
 
 75 
 
 25 
 
 Biitow 
 
 1859 
 
 p 
 
 
 7 
 
 51 
 
 26 
 
 
 1838 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 44 
 
 25 
 
 Coblenz 
 
 
 c. 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Cologne 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 1748 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 100 
 
 31 
 
 Co.^liu 
 
 1816 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 50 
 
 22 
 
 Creuzburg 
 
 1858 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 46 
 
 11 
 
 Dramburg 
 
 1867 
 
 p 
 
 
 3 
 
 25 
 
 
 Drossen 
 
 1864 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 Q 
 
 80 
 
 30 
 
 Droyssig 
 
 1852 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 13 
 
 
 32 
 
 Diisseldorf 
 
 
 p. 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Dusselthal 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 Eckernforde, (in Schleswig) 
 
 1857 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 8 
 
 59 
 
 17 
 
 Eisleben 
 
 1826 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 46 
 
 
 Elberfeld 
 
 1845 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 Do.. 
 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Elsterwerda 
 
 1857 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 60 
 
 20 
 
 Erfurt . . . 
 
 1820 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 70 
 
 21 
 
 Exin 
 
 1865 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 | 
 
 3? 
 
 1? 
 
 Eylau : . 
 
 1774 
 
 p. 
 
 \t 
 
 | 
 
 (Hi 
 
 ?/ 
 
 Frankfurt-on-the-Oder 
 
 
 *. 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 Franzburg 
 
 17^1 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 Priedland.. 
 
 IRf I 
 
 7>. 
 
 *' 
 
 
 "% 
 
 is 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 ELEMENTARY TEACHERS' SEMINARIES Continued. 
 
 649 
 
 Location. 
 
 Date when estab- 
 lished. 
 
 1 Religious denom- 
 ination. 
 
 Sex of pupils. 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 t 
 S 
 
 Graduates, 1869. 
 
 PRUSSIA Continued. 
 Friedrichshoff 
 
 1866 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 3 
 
 30 
 
 g 
 
 Ging8t 
 
 1867 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 
 Gorlitz 
 
 1851 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 p. 
 
 F. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 1816 
 
 C 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 67 
 
 19 
 
 Grandenz 
 
 1849 
 
 p. 
 
 F. 
 
 g 
 
 30 
 
 9 
 
 Halberstadt 
 
 1778 
 
 ]>. 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 66 
 
 
 
 1836 
 
 (1 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 36 
 
 
 
 
 1806 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 72 
 
 
 
 1854 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 . . . 
 
 
 
 p' 
 
 F 
 
 9 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 1811 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 87 
 
 .... 
 
 
 1840 
 
 C 
 
 M. 
 
 5 
 
 100 
 
 50 
 
 Do 
 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Kozmiu . 
 
 1865 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 38 
 
 16 
 
 Kyritz 
 
 1866 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 71 
 
 25 
 
 Konigsberg 
 
 1701 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 10 
 
 78 
 
 
 Do 
 
 1853 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 4 
 
 61 
 
 17 
 
 Do 
 
 
 p 
 
 P. 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 1854 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 Langenborst 
 
 1830 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 40 
 
 
 Lebbin 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Liebenthal 
 
 1863 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 76 
 
 29 
 
 Liegnitz 
 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 Marienburg 
 
 1813 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 78 
 
 
 Do 
 
 1823 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 M.mel 
 
 1836 
 
 p 
 
 P. 
 
 
 
 
 Mtinster 
 
 1832 
 
 c 
 
 P 
 
 g 
 
 30 
 
 14 
 
 Miiusterberg 
 
 1847 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 80 
 
 25 
 
 Miinstereifel 
 
 
 c 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Mora 
 
 1820 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 4 
 
 50 
 
 25 
 
 
 1819 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 72 
 
 
 NeuzeJle 
 
 1817 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 g 
 
 95 
 
 31 
 
 Ober-Glogan 
 Oranienburg 
 
 1802 
 1861 
 
 c. 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 M. 
 
 ! 
 
 86 
 90 
 
 28 
 32 
 
 Osterburg 
 
 1821 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 62 
 
 20 
 
 Paderborn 
 
 1832 
 
 c. 
 
 F. 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 
 22 
 
 Paradies 
 
 1836 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 49 
 
 18 
 
 Perleberg 
 
 
 p. 
 
 F. 
 
 
 13 
 
 ] 
 
 Petershagen 
 
 Pilchowitz 
 
 1831 
 1867 
 
 p. 
 c 
 
 M. 
 M 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 60 
 46 
 
 
 Plat he 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Politz 
 
 1811 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 75 
 
 25 
 
 Posen 
 
 1840 
 
 g 
 
 F 
 
 12 
 
 43 
 
 15 
 
 Do 
 
 18D4 
 
 c. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 52 
 
 14 
 
 Potsdam 
 
 1860 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Preiskretscham . . . 
 
 1849 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 75 
 
 32 
 
 Pyritz 
 
 1827 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 
 Ratzeburg, (in Lauenburg) 
 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 
 Reichenbach 
 
 1858 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 71 
 
 25 
 
 Segeberg, (in Holstein) 
 
 1781 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 79 
 
 26 
 
 Soest 
 
 1806 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 72 
 
 
 Stettin 
 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 
 Steinau 
 
 1849 
 
 p 
 
 M. 
 
 9 
 
 82 
 
 27 
 
 Thorn .... 
 
 1820 
 
 p 
 
 F 
 
 
 
 
 Tondern, (in Schleswig) 
 
 1787 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 90 
 
 42 
 
 Traben 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Do 
 
 
 o 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Trarback 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 3 
 
 
 18 
 
 Treves 
 
 
 c 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 Weisenfels 
 
 1784 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 20 
 
 Wesel 
 
 1852 
 
 p 
 
 F. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 *104 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 72 male and 32 female seminaries. 
 
650 
 
 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 ELEMENTARY TEACHERS' SEMINARIES -Continued. 
 
 Location. 
 
 Date when estab- 
 lished. 
 
 Religious deuom 
 ination. 
 
 Sex of pupils. 
 
 Professors. 
 
 
 
 Graduates, 1869. ' 
 
 REIJSS-GREITZ : 
 (jreitz 
 
 1793 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 6 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 
 REUSS-SCHLEIZ: 
 Schleiz 
 
 1820 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 51 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SAXE-ALTENBURG : 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SAXE-COBURG-GOTHA t 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 1780 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 9 
 
 58 
 
 14 
 
 Gotha 
 
 
 p. 
 
 F 
 
 g 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 
 SAXE-MEININGEN: 
 
 1795 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 58 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 58 
 
 
 SAXE-WEIMAR : 
 
 1783 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 9 
 
 65 
 
 7 
 
 Weimar 
 
 1726 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 89 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 154 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SAXONY : 
 
 1842 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 11 
 
 356 
 
 23 
 
 
 1863 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1817 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 13 
 
 126 
 
 18 
 
 D O 
 
 1851 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 
 
 
 Calle nberg 
 
 1856 
 
 p. 
 
 F. 
 
 10 
 
 65 
 
 19 
 
 
 1785 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 9 
 
 134 
 
 
 Dresden ( Fletcher Seminary) .... 
 
 1825 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 8 
 
 118 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 10 
 
 116 
 
 19 
 
 Do 
 
 1855 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 4 
 
 30 
 
 10 
 
 
 1856 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 126 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 10 
 
 156 
 
 
 Waldenburg ......... 
 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 8 
 
 83 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SCHWARZBURO-RUDOLSTADT : 
 Rudolgtadt ........ 
 
 1747 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 M 
 
 g 
 
 
 
 r ranKennausen 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 SCHWARZBURG-SONDERHOUSEN : 
 
 1844 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 ~7 
 
 !16 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total .- 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 WURTEMBURG: 
 
 1811 
 
 P. 
 
 M. 
 
 8 
 
 75 
 
 
 
 1824 
 
 C. 
 
 M. 
 
 7 
 
 94 
 
 
 
 1843 
 
 p. 
 
 M. 
 
 8 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 246 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
PRUSSIAN SCHOOLS AS THEY WERE 651 
 
 That the art of teaching, as now practiced in the- primary schools ol 
 Prussia, was but imperfectly understood by her schoolmasters only a 
 quarter of a century ago. and that a knowledge of good methods was 
 diffused throughout the kingdom only by the well directed efforts of the 
 government, sustained by the self-denying and persevering labors of 
 school officers and educators, in various directions, is evident from the 
 following note appended to Prof. Stowe's address on Normal Schools 
 and Teachers' Seminaries. The noble sentiment of Dinter, quoted by 
 Prof. Stovve at the opening of his address, "I promised God. that I 
 I would look upon every Prussian peasant child as a being who could 
 complain of me before God. if I did not provide for him the best educa- 
 tion, as a man and a Christian, which it was possible for me to provide," 
 shows the spirit with which some of the school officers of Prussia have 
 acted. We append a brief notice of this excellent man. and model 
 school officer, together with many excellent suggestions by other emi- 
 nent teachers arid officers from other sections of Germany. 
 
 PRUSSIAN SCHOOLS, A FEW YEARS AGO. 
 
 The following questions and answers are from Dr. Julius's testimony, before 
 the Committee of the British House of Commons, in 1834, respecting the Prus 
 sian School System. 
 
 " Do you remember, from your own knowledge, "what the character and attain 
 ments of the schoolmasters were previous to the year 1819 ?" 
 
 " I do not recollect ; but I know they were very badly composed of non-com- 
 missioned officers, organists, and half-drunken people. It has not risen like a 
 fountain at once. Since 1770, there has been much done in Prussia, and through- 
 out Germany, for promoting a proper education of teachers, and by them ol 
 children." 
 
 " In your own observation has there been any very marked improvement in 
 the character and attainments of schoolmasters, owing to the pains taken to 'which 
 you have referred ?" 
 
 " A very decided improvement." 
 
 Dinter, in his autobiography, gives some surprising specimens of gross incapa- 
 city hi teachers, even subsequent to 1819. The following anecdotes are from 
 that interesting work, Dinters Lebcn von ihm selbst beschrieben. 
 
 In the examination of a school in East Prussia, which was taught by a subal- 
 tern officer dismissed from the army, the teacher gave Dinter a specimen of his 
 skill in the illustration of Scripture narrative. The passage was Luke vii, the 
 miracle of raising the widow's son at Nain. " See, children (says the teacher), 
 Nain was a great city, a beautiful city ; but even in such a great, beautiful city 
 there lived people who must die. They brought the dead youth out. See, chil 
 dren, it was the same then as it is now dead people couldn't go alone they 
 had to be carried. He that wan dead began to speak. This was a sure sign that 
 lie was alive again, for if he had continued dead he couldn't have spoken a word." 
 
 In a letter to the King, a dismissed schoolmaster complained that the district 
 was indebted to him 200705 dollars. Dinter supposed the man must be insane, 
 and wrote to the physician of the place to nquire. The physician replied that 
 the poor man was not insane, but only ignorant of the numeration table, writing 
 200 70 5 instead of 275. Dinter subjoins. ' By the help of God, the King, and 
 good men, very much has now been done to make things better." 
 
 In examining candidates for the school-teacher's office, Dinter asked one where 
 the Kingdom of Prussia was situated. He replied, that he believed it was some- 
 where in the southern part of India. He asked another the cause of the ignis- 
 fatuus, commonly called Jack-with-the-lantern. He said they were specters 
 made by the devil Another being asked why he wished to become a school- 
 teacher, replied, that he must get a living somehow. 
 
652 SCHOOL COUNSELOR DINTER. 
 
 A military inan of great influence once urged Dinter to recommend a disabled 
 soldier, in whom he was interested, as a school-teacher. " I will do so," says Din- 
 ter, " if he sustains the requisite examination." " 0," says the Colonel, " he doesn't 
 know mu ft about school-teaching, but he is a good, moral, steady man, and 1 
 hope yo will recommend him to oblige me." D. yes, Colonel, to oblige you, 
 if you i your turn will do me a favor. Col. What is that ? D. Get me ap- 
 pointe Jrum-major in your regiment. True, I can neither beat a drum, nor play 
 a fife jut I am a good, moral, steady man as ever lived. 
 
 A h landholder once said to him, " Why do you wish the peasant children 
 to b educated ? it will only make them unruly and disobedient." Dinter re- 
 plie( * If the masters are wise, and the laws good, the more intelligent the peo- 
 ple, ne better they will obey." 
 
 I\nter complained that the military system of Prussia was a great hinderance 
 
 to *,he schools. A nobleman replied that the young men enjoyed the protection 
 
 of the government, and were thereby bound to defend it by arms. Dinter asked 
 
 i' every stick of timber in a house ought first to be used in a fire-engine, because 
 
 be house was protected by the engine ? or whether it would be good policy to 
 
 at down all the trees of an orchard to build a fence with, to keep the hogs from 
 
 ating the fruit ? 
 
 SCHOOL-COUNSELOR DINTER. 
 
 GUSTAVUS FREDERICK DINTER was born at a village near Leipsic, in 1760. He 
 first distinguished himself as principal of a Teachers' Seminary in Saxony, whence 
 he was invited by the Prussian government to the station of School-Counselor 
 for Eastern Prussia. He resides at Konigsberg, and about ninety days in the 
 year he spends in visiting the schools of his province, and is incessantly employed 
 nearly thirteen hours a day for the rest of his time, in the active duties of his 
 office ; and that he may devote himself the more exclusively to his work, he lives 
 unmarried. He complains that his laborious occupation prevents his writing as 
 much as he wishes for the public, yet, in addition to his official duties, he lectures 
 several times a week, during term-time, in the University at Konigsberg, and 
 always has in his house a number of indigent boys, whose education he superin- 
 tends, and, though poor himself, gives them board and clothing. He has made 
 it a rule to spend every Wednesday afternoon, and, if possible, one whole day 
 in the week besides, in writing for the press ; and thus, by making the best use 
 of every moment of time, though he was nearly forty years old before his ca- 
 reer as an author commenced, he has contrived to publish more than sixty origi- 
 nal works, some of them extending to several volumes, and all of them popular. 
 Of one book, a school catechism, fifty thousand copies were sold previous to 1830 ; 
 and of his large work, the School-Teacher's Bible, in 9 volumes 8vo, thirty thou- 
 sand copies were sold in less than ten years. 
 
 He is often interrupted by persons who are attracted by his fame, or desire 
 his advice ; and while conversing with his visitors, that no time may be lost, he 
 employs himself in knitting ; and thus not only supplies himself with stockings 
 and mittens, suited to that cold climate, but always has some to give away to 
 indigent students and other poor people. His disinterestedness is quite equal to 
 his activity, and of the income of his publications, he devotes annually nearly 
 five hundred dollars to benevolent purposes. Unweariedly industrious, and 
 rigidly economical as he is, he lays up nothing for himself. He says, " I am one 
 of those happy ones, who, when the question is put to them, * Lack ye any thing ?' 
 (Luke xxii 35), can answer with joy, 'Lord, nothing.' To have more than one 
 can use is superfluity ; and I do not see how this can make any one happy. 
 People often laugh at me, because I will not incur the expense of drinking wine, 
 and because I do not wear richer clothing, and h' ve in a more costly style. Laugh 
 away, good people ; the poor boys, also, whose education I pay for, and for whom 
 besides, I can spare a few dollars for Christmas gifts, and new-year's presents 
 they have their laugh too." 
 
 Toward the close of his autobiography, he says respecting the King of Prus 
 sia, " I live happily under Frederick William ; he has just given me one hundrec 
 
EXAMINATIONS FOR TEAHEKS IN PRUSSIA. ^5 
 
 and thirty thousand dollars to build churches with in destitute places ; ne has 
 established a new Teachers Seminary for my poor Polanders, and he has so ful- 
 filled my every wish for the good of posterity, that I can myself hope to live to 
 see the time when there shall be no schoolmaster in Prussia more poorly paid 
 than a common laborer. He has never hesitated, during the whole term of my 
 office, to grant me any reasonable request for the helping forward of the school- 
 system. God bless him I I am with all my heart a Prussian. And now, my 
 friends, when ye hear that old Dinter is dead, say, ' May he rest in peace ; he 
 was a laborious, good-hearted, religious man ; he was a Christian.' " 
 
 A few such men in the United States would effect a wonderful change in the 
 general t of our educational efforts. 
 
 EXAMINATIONS FOR THE OFFICE OF TEACHER 
 
 IN Prussia, the Government not only provides every facility for the pro- 
 fessional education of all the teachers of her public schools, but prohibits 
 any person from teaching as master or assistant, in any public school, 
 who does not hold a certificate of fitness obtained by passing tbe exam- 
 inations instituted by itself. These examinations are two. The first is 
 for the position as assistant, and the second as principal. 
 
 I. The first examination takes place when the candidate has completed 
 his seminary course, and is called JEntlassungsprufung. It is conducted 
 by the director and teachers of the seminary, each in his own branch, and 
 superintended by the school committee of the province, assisted by the 
 councilor of the department. 
 
 The certificates are of three grades, or degrees of merit : No. 1. " Very 
 well qualified." No. 2. "Well qualified." No. 3. "Sufficiently quali- 
 fied." As this classification is of great consequence to the future pros- 
 pects of the candidates, the greatest care is taken to fix exactly the 
 amount of performance which shall entitle the candidates to each of the 
 grades respectively. 
 
 The subjects of examination are : 1. Religion. 2. German language. 
 3. Art of School-keeping. 4. Knowledge of our Country. 5. Arithmetic 
 and Geometry. 6. Natural Knowledge. 7. Writing. 8. Drawing. 
 9. Singing and Theory of Music. 10. Organs. 
 
 The performance of the candidates under each of these heads is valued 
 as "very good," "good," "sufficient;" and upon the aggregate of these 
 separate valuations the grade of his certificates depends. No candidate 
 can obtain a certificate No. 1, who has not obtained a "very good" in at 
 least the three subjects, religion, German language, and arithmetic. 
 Possessing the certificate of a first examination, the candidate can accept 
 any appointment as assistant ; and any time within three years, he is at 
 liberty to throw up his place and quit the profession, by refunding the 
 whole cost of his training in the seminary. 
 
 II. The second examination takes place at the end of the third, and be- 
 fore the expiration of five years from the time of passing the first exam- 
 ination. The assistant teacher must not wait to receive notice, but at 
 the time and place appointed, with his first certificate in hand, must pro- 
 
654 EXAMINATIONS FOR TEACHERS IN PRUSSIA. 
 
 sent himself to the board of examiners, of which the departmental coun- 
 cilor is president. The examination turns wholly upon professional 
 skill, and such subjects as the candidate was marked defective in, in his 
 former examination. It is more a review of conduct than a test of at- 
 tainment. So far as it is oral, it is dialogic ; and each examiner fol- 
 lows out his own topic. 
 
 The examinations are both oral and written, and are not public, al- 
 though the superintendent and any of the clergy of the department have 
 a right to be present, and strangers may be introduced by the presi- 
 dent 
 
 III. Besides these two official examinations, which are obligatory, the 
 trustee^ or school board of particular schools or localities are authorized 
 to institute further examinations, or to select from a number of candidates 
 applying for a situation. 
 
 PROFESSIONAL IMPROVEMENT OF TEACHERS. 
 
 After the teacher has pursued his seminary course, and passed his 
 first and second examinations, he must improve such opportunities as are 
 provided for extending his practical knowledge. 
 
 I. There are a series of periodical meetings, systematically arranged 
 and constituted, which the public teacher must attend: 
 
 1. Parochial Conference for all the elementary teachers of a parish, 
 held once a month in the winter season, and presided over by the pastor 
 of the parish. 
 
 2. District Conference for the teachers of several neighboring par- 
 ishes, combined into districts, held every two months in the summer 
 season under the presidency of a pastor nominated by the superinten- 
 dent. 
 
 3. Circle Conference for all the teachers of a circle, held twice a year, 
 by the superintendent. 
 
 4. Departmental Conference held once a year, under the presidency 
 of the schulrath of the department. 
 
 5. The Seminary Conference held annually for all the teachers, who 
 live within six miles of a seminary, under the presidency of the director. 
 Besides the other purposes of the conference, this meeting is intended to 
 keep alive the connection between the schools and the seminary. And 
 the same object is sought, by assigning to the director the duty of in- 
 specting a certain number of schools in the department every year. 
 
 II. There are Boole Societies or Unions, to which subscriptions are 
 compulsory, and on the list of yearly purchases are placed at least a cer- 
 tain number of professional periodicals and treatises. 
 
 III. Repetition Courses are established in connection with several of 
 the Normal Schools, for teachers who wish to return to develop and 
 strengthen their training. 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 655 
 
 II. SECONDARY INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Secondary Instruction in Germany is not a continuation of the instruc- 
 tion of the elementary schools, but exists independent of it, and forms 
 part of the system of superior instruction. By degrees the Burgher 
 School, the highest grade of the primary system, is being merged into the 
 Real-schulen, or Real gymnasia, the lowest grade of the secondary sys- 
 tem, and thus prepares pupils for the special schools of agriculture, 
 building, engineering, and other departments of practical life. But as 
 yet, preparation for the universities can only be made in the Gymnasium. 
 
 Admission. The pupils are not admitted into a gymnasium, or other estab- 
 lishment for secondary education, under ten years of age ; and the following 
 qualifications are required: (1) Facility in reading, correct spelling, and the 
 rudiments of grammar ; (2) Writing from dictation ; (3) Readiness in the four 
 fundamental rules of arithmetic, and acquaintance with the properties of num- 
 bers and simpler parts of fractions; (4) Elements of geography (Europe in par- 
 ticular) ; (5) Narrative parts of the Old Testament, and the life of Christ ; (6) 
 Elementary notions of form (drawing). 
 
 Studies. The subjects of instruction in the gymnasium: (1) Singing and 
 music; (2) Gymnastics; (3) Calligraphy and drawing; (4) Religion and Biblical 
 history; (5) Arithmetic; (6) Mathematics^-applied mechanics, and statics in 
 the higher classes; (7) Geography, ancient and modern; (8) German language, 
 historical grammar; (9) German literature, ancient and modern ; (10) Rhetoric; 
 (11) Latin (Tacitus and Cicero in the higher classes) ; (12) Greek (Xenophon, 
 Plato, &c., in the higher classes): (13) French or English (in some gymnasia, 
 both optional, in some English is voluntary; obligatory in others); (14) He- 
 brew (optional, except for future theological students) ; (15) Natural History ; 
 (16) History, ancient and modern; (17) Philosophy logic, anthropology, psy- 
 chology. 
 
 Terms and Examination. The scholastic year is divided into two terms, at 
 the close of each of which there is an examination. At the end of the second 
 half, the examinations for passing them from one class to another are held 
 under supervision of a government inspector. The six classes should, in the 
 ordinary way, be passed through in nine years. Thus a pupil entering at ten 
 would leave the gymnasium and enter the university at nineteen. 
 
 Final, or Leaving Examination. Before proceeding from the gymnasium to 
 the university, an examination must be undergone, called, Abiturienten, or Ex- 
 amination of Maturity. Those who have received their education in a private 
 school must pass the same examination before being admitted to the university, 
 and to professional life. In their case, this examination is, in some States, to 
 be undergone before inspectors of the Supreme Council ; in Prussia, in any 
 gymnasium they may select. The candidates are to be examined separately, 
 and are required to produce the certificates of their masters as to moral conduct 
 and proficiency. 
 
 The conduct of this examination is in the hands of the Committee of the 
 Gymnasium, consisting of the head master, the teachers of the higher classes, 
 one or two members of the clergy or authorities of the place, and in Prussia a 
 member of the Provincial Consistory, in Baden the Mayor, elected by universal 
 suffrage. In Prussia, the member of the Provincial Consistory presides, but 
 his appointment must be approved by the Ministry of Public Instruction. The 
 clerical delegate must be approved by the Consistory of the Province. Besides 
 the above, members of the Supreme Council of Education have the practical 
 direction of the examination. In Prussia, there is moreover a Royal Commis- 
 sion, appointed by the Ministry, and consisting of professors of universities or 
 secondary schools, who attend the examination as inspectors. The teachers of 
 the gymnasium and the local authorities of the school are also present at the 
 oral examination, which, in certain States, takes place in public. 
 
 The examination is both oral and by writing, and comprises the following 
 
656 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 bUbjects: German, Latin, Greek, French or English, Hebrew (obligatory for 
 future students of theology only), Religion, General History, Geography, Mathe- 
 matics, Physics, Natural History, and the elements of Mental Philosophy. The 
 following is an abstract of the regulations in Prussia for the final examination: 
 
 Written Examination. The subjects of the written examination are selected 
 by the Commissary of the Government, who is present, from a list furnished by 
 the director and head-master of the gymnasium. They must be such as have not 
 been specially treated in the class-room, though not beyond the range of instruc- 
 tion of the pupils. The written exercises embrace the following: (1) A Ger- 
 man prose composition ; (2) A Latin composition, and so-called extempore exer- 
 cise, in which the master speaks or reads in German to the pupil, who must 
 write down the same in Latin; (3) Translation from a Greek author, which has 
 not been read in the school course, as well as from Latin into Greek; (4) Trans- 
 lation from German into a modern language ; (5) The solution of two questions 
 in Geometry, and ">f two in analysis, within the limits of the course in those 
 subjects. Candidates may also, if they please, be examined beyond the re* 
 quirements for passing. Those who intend to apply themselves to theology or 
 philology have to translate a portion of one of the historical books of the Old 
 Testament, or a Psalm, into Latin, adding a grammatical analysis. The ex- 
 amination extends over four days. 
 
 Oral Examination. The subjects of the oral examination are the following: 
 (1) General grammar and prosody of the German language, the chief epochs 
 of natural history and literature, and the national classics ; (2) Translation and 
 analysis of extracts from Cicero, Sallust, Livy, Virgil and Horace ; parts of the 
 examination are conducted in Latin ; (3) Translation and analysis of Greek 
 prose, and of portions of Homer, with questions on Greek grammar, history, 
 arts, and mythology; (4) Translation from French or English classics, with 
 conversation; (5) Questions on Christian doctrines, dogmas, or morals, church 
 history, and the Bible ; (6) Arithmetic, the simpler parts of algebra and geom- 
 etry, logarithms, and plane trigonometry ; (7) History and geography, ancient 
 (especially Greek and Roman) and modern history, and geography (physical, 
 mathematical, and political); (8) Natural history, classification; (9) Those por- 
 tions of physics which can be treated by elementary mathematics; (10) The 
 elements of moral philosophy, psychology and logic. The future theological 
 student has also to translate and analyze a portion of one of the historical 
 books of the Old Testament. 
 
 Certificate of Final Examination. After the examination, the commission 
 that has conducted it proceeds, on a comparison of notes taken during its course 
 by the different members (each member having a vote), to a selection of those 
 students who may be deemed qualified to receive a certificate called a certifi- 
 cate of maturity (Maturitdtszeugniss.} Those who have not satisfied the exam- 
 iners are remanded to their class, but may again present themselves, after an 
 interval of six months, for another trial, unless they are judged entirely unfit 
 to pursue a literary career. The certificate of maturity is indispensable for 
 matriculation in either of the faculties of theology, law, medicine or philosophy, 
 in one of the national universities, for admission to the examination for an aca- 
 demical degree, to compete for one of the bursaries at the universities, or to the 
 government examination, by which alone he can be appointed to an office in 
 State or Church, or to practice as a medical man or lawyer. 
 
 Teachers of Gymnasium. The teachers of the gymnasium must all have at- 
 tended a university, in which they enter one of the philological or pedagogical 
 seminaries attached to the universities. To qualify for the different master- 
 ships in a gymnasium in Prussia, the following special examinations have to be 
 passed (1) The general government examination, pro facultate docendi, on 
 leaving the university ; (2) For a special post ; (3) For every step of promotion ; 
 (4) For a rectorship. 
 
 Statistics. According to the following Tables, compiled from Dr. Wiese's Re- 
 port on the High Schools of Prussia, (Berlin, 1869.) and the School Kalendar of 
 Dr. Mushacke for 1869, there were for all the German population, (72,233,147,) 
 947 institutions for Secondary Ftducation, with 12,469 teachers and 213,976 
 students. !L 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. G57 
 
 III. SUPERIOR AND PROFESSIONAL INSTRUCTION. 
 
 Superior instruction is given either in the Universities, or in Polytech- 
 nic schools of the highest grade. The latter are usually classed and 
 will be described with Special Schools. 
 
 The high standard of University instruction is maintained (1) by the 
 Certificate of Maturity the evidence of having completed in a satisfac- 
 tory manner the eight years' course of a Gymnasium ; and (2) by the 
 government examination of all candidates for employment in any depart- 
 ment of the public service, or who aspire to practice as a lawyer or 
 physician, pastor, or teacher to be admitted to which, the candidate 
 must produce certificates of having attended a University for at least 
 three years. The examinations are conducted by government commis- 
 sions, composed of scientific and practical men. The following summary 
 is specially applicable to Prussia, but generally, to all the German States. 
 
 (1.) Jurisprudence. To obtain a license to practice as a solicitor or barrister, 
 or to fill a State appointment in the Civil Service, the candidate must have at- 
 tended at a University, for the space of three and a half years, the lectures on 
 the following subjects: Roman Law, German and French Civil Law; Statute 
 Law and Common Law of Prussia ; Civil and Criminal Law and Procedure ; In- 
 ternational Law ; German State History and History of German Law ; Canon 
 Law ; Philosophy of Law ; Feudal Law ; Civil Bar-practice, and the Art of Re- 
 porting; Forensic Medicine; and National Economy. Besides the above, he 
 must attend three courses, at his choice, in the faculty of Arts and Sciences. 
 
 The State examination is both written and oral. The former comprehends 
 all the above-named branches; and the Corpus juris civilis Romani is the onty 
 book allowed him for reference. The oral examination is on Roman Law, the 
 Common Law of Baden, Criminal Law and Civil Pleadings, and National 
 Economy. The examination commission is appointed jointly by the Ministries 
 of Justice, and Home Affairs, and consists usually of "Ministerial Councilors." 
 
 This is the first stage. The candidate, who has passed this examination, is 
 called Richtepraktikant ; has now to serve for two years in district courts, in 
 courts of justice of different grades, and in government offices; and after having 
 thus gained the necessary practice in these departments, he is admitted to the 
 second practical examination, before another commission of lawyers. This 
 second examination embraces Constitutional Law of the State, Common Law, 
 Criminal Law and Procedure, the Rules observed in Civil Pleadings. This is a 
 written examination, followed by an oral exposition of some subject relating to 
 judicial administration, the conduct of a prosecution or defense. The candidate 
 has placed in his hands, a week previous to his discourse, the documents with 
 which the latter is to deal. An oral examination on the above subjects accom- 
 panies the practical test. The candidate is now called Referendarius, and can 
 accept a public appointment, or practice as a solicitor or barrister. 
 
 (2.) Finance. The students in this department are called Cameralisten, and 
 are all destined for the public service. It comprehends public debt, taxes, ad- 
 ministration of public property, mines, &c. They are obliged to attend, during 
 three years and a half, lectures at a University on the following subjects : 
 Mathematics (arithmetic, algebra, geometry, plane trigonometry, elements of 
 applied geometry, and mechanics, actuarial and other calculations) ; Zoology ; 
 Botany; Geognosy; Physics; Chemistry; Agriculture; Care of Forests ; Min- 
 ing-; Technology; Commercial Science; National Economy; Finance (theoreti- 
 cal and practical); Police Regulations; Public Right. Besides the above 
 course, the student must attend, during the first two years, one philological, 
 philosophical, or historical course of lectures, and is expected to continue the 
 study of modem languages. 
 
 The State examination takes place under the direction of the Ministry of 
 Finance: it is conducted by councilors of this department, and by specially ap- 
 pointed examiners, and is both written and oral. The written examination 
 
658 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN GERMANY. 
 
 embraces all the branches just enumerated ; the oral examination, only such as 
 are deemed appropriate for the special appointment aimed at by the candidate. 
 
 (3.) ProtfMant Tiiwloyy. The students of Protestant Theology must reside at 
 the University for about two and a half years, and attend the following course: 
 Introduction to the Old and New Testament; Exegesis of the same; History 
 of the Church and Dogmas ; Dogmatics and Morals ; Homiletics and Catechetics. 
 
 The student must then pass examination before the director of the theological 
 seminary connected with the University and special commissioners. The suc- 
 cessful candidates are admitted into the theological seminary in Wittenberg, and 
 attend in the latter, as in the University, the following gratuitous lectures, and 
 receive, besides, a bursary (i. e., free board and lodging i. The course of lec- 
 tures extends over twelve months, and comprises: Instruction in preaching 
 and catechising; Liturgies; Pastoral Doctrine (comprising primary education ); 
 Church Law; Practical Exposition of the Old and New Testaments; Practice 
 in discussion and argument. 
 
 The student now presents himself for the State examination, the first test 
 being the delivery of a sermon. This examination consists of two parts, a pre- 
 liminary and a principal one. The preliminary examination includes the fol- 
 lowing subjects: Oral translation and explanation of Roman and Greek au- 
 thors ; Latin composition ; Translation from Hebrew and exposition : General 
 History ; Mathematics and Physics. The principal examinat ion includes : Church 
 History; Hermeneutics, criticism and exegesis; Dogmatics; Morals; Homi- 
 letics; Catechetics; Philosophy (logic, psychology, anthropology, philosophy of 
 religion, practical philosophy). Having passed this examination, the candidate 
 must first serve two years as a curate, before he can be appointed a pastor. 
 
 (4.) Hainan Catholic Theology. Students of the Roman Catholic faculty in 
 Germany must have already passed their examination of" maturity " before State 
 commissioners. The law prescribes a residence of three years at the University. 
 The number and kind of theological lectures to be attended by the student 'is 
 appointed by the bishop ; the Roman Catholic clergy and the government being 
 at all times engaged in a vigorous contest for supremacy. But the State requires 
 that a student of Roman Catholic theology shall have received a general literary 
 education before he is admitted to any office in his church ; all church appoint- 
 meats in Germany being subject to the approval of the secular government. Be- 
 sides the theoretical lectures, attendance on the courses of Latin, Greek, phi- 
 losophy and history is enjoined ; and the State prescribes also a general literary 
 examination, common both for Protestant and Roman Catholic candidates of 
 theology, in the following subjects : Latin Composition ; Explanation of easier 
 Greek authors ; History of Philosophy : General History and German History ; 
 History of German Literature ; Constitution and Administrative Law. 
 
 (5.) Instructors in Secondary Schools. Teachers in a gymnasium or Hohere 
 Burgerschuk, must, in addition to a theoretical examination, after two years' 
 practice, also pass a practical one. There are two classes of teachers viz., (1) 
 philological, and (2) mathematical and scientific. Both classes must spend three 
 years at a university. The mathematical and scientific teacher may also, after 
 two years' university study, attend in the third year a Polytechnic school. The 
 Philological Students have to attend the following lectures: Archaeology; 
 Grammar and Prosody; Roman and Greek authors, six at least; Roman and 
 Greek antiquities, history and literature; Arithmetic;. Physics; Pedagogy. 
 Besides these lectures, the students are to read accurately the following au- 
 thors: Homer, Herodotus, Sophocles, Horace, Caesar, Xenophon, Virgil, Livy, 
 Cicero, Tacitus, and others. 
 
 At Berlin, Breslau, Stettin, Halle, and Magdeburg, there is a pedagogical sem- 
 inary, in which candidates can attend exercises during two years. There is 
 also a historical seminary for special students and teachers of history at Ber- 
 lin, Bonn and Konigsberg. 
 
 The Mathematical and Scientific Students and Teachers attend the following lec- 
 tures : Arithmetic, Algebra, Plane and Solid Geometry, Plane and Spherical 
 Trigonometry, Analytical Geometry and Mechanics, Differential and Integral 
 Calculus, Surveying, &c., Physics, Chemistry, Zoology, Botany. Besides these 
 professional lectures, they are obliged to attend, at their option, three philologi- 
 cal and historical courses. Both the philological and the mathematical and 
 
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN PRUSSIA. 659 
 
 scientific candidates have first to pass a common examination ; subsequently 
 each of the two classes has special examinations. 
 
 The special examination for philologists consists again of three grades : 
 (1) Formalexamen, (2) /feafexamen, and (3) .Fac/iexamen, in History, German, 
 French, and English or Philosophy, according to choice. Optional subjects : 
 Mathematics, Natural History, French, English, Hebrew. All is accurately 
 prescribed in detail. 
 
 The special examination for mathematical and scientific candidates is of three 
 grades: (1) Mathematics, (2) Natural Sciences, (3) Optional examination in cer- 
 tain branches. All details minutely prescribed. The Commission of Examin- 
 ers is appointed by the minister in cooperation with the Supreme Council of 
 Education. 
 
 To the universities of Berlin, Bonn,- Breslau, Griefswald, Konigsberg and 
 Munster, a philological seminary is attached, consisting of two sections, a lower 
 and an upper. The lower is devoted to exercises in writing and speaking Latin, 
 to Greek composition and current reading of authors. The upper seminary is 
 devoted to practice in the interpretation of Latin authors, in methodical and 
 paedagogical exposition, philological and critical exercises. 
 
 (6.) Medicine. The medical student must attend the university for four years. 
 His course of studies is divided into two parts, the preliminary and the purely 
 medical. At the end of two years, he is admitted to his preliminary examina- 
 tion (fee 40 florins.) The preliminary course includes the following obligatory 
 lectures: Botany, Zoology, Mineralogy. Geognosy, Physics, Chemistry (theo- 
 retical and practical,) Anatomy witli dissections, Physiology, and three sub- 
 jects, at his option, in the faculty of Philosophy and Art. 
 
 Having passed the preliminary examination, the medical student has to 
 attend, during the remaining two years of his university course, the following- 
 lectures: General and special Pathology and Therapeutics, Comparative, 
 Pathological; and Chirurgical Anatomy ; Opthalmics; Chirurgy, with exercises 
 in operations, application of machines, and dressing; Obstetrics, Pharmacy. 
 Materia Medica, Public Hygiene, Diseases of domestic animals, History of 
 Medicine. 
 
 Besides these lectures, the stwdent must attend a clinical course in Medicine. 
 Chirurgery and Obstetrics, and obstetrical clinics, and practice under the direc- 
 tion of the professor. Having thus gone through the prescribed course, he is 
 admitted to the chief examination (fee, sixty florins.) The examination is both 
 oral and written in the examination hall, in the dissecting-room, and at the 
 sick-bed. The license to practice is not granted until the candidate has passed 
 his examination in medicine, in surgery, and in midwifery ; and not for one of 
 these branches only. 
 
THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES 
 
662 
 
 THE GERMAN UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 II. LIST OF LECTURES IN THE FACULTY OF ABIS. 
 Prague, 1366.t 
 
 Honorarium 
 Groschen. Months. 
 
 Metaphysics,* 8 6 
 
 Physics,* 9 
 
 On the heavens,* 5 4 
 
 Generation,* 8 2 
 
 Sense and sensation,* 
 
 Memory and recollection,* 
 
 Sleep and waking,* 
 
 Length and shortness of life,* 
 
 Vegetables,* 
 
 Ethics and Ph)'sics,* 9 
 
 Politics and Physics,* 6 
 
 Rhetoric and Physics,* 9 
 
 (Economics,* 
 
 Boethius de consolatione, 4 3 
 
 The old logic, 3 4 
 
 Prior (ethics?)* 4 4 
 
 Honorarium 
 Groschen. 
 
 Posterior (ethics ?)* 3 
 
 Topics,* 4 
 
 Treatise of Peter Hispanus, 2 
 
 Material Sphere, 1 
 
 Algorism, 
 
 Theory of the planets, 2 
 
 Six books of Euclid 8 
 
 Almagest. Ifl 
 
 Almanach, 10 
 
 Months. 
 3 
 4 
 3 
 1* 
 
 li 
 
 Priscian (major), 
 De Gnecismo, 
 
 6 
 Poetria nova, .................... 2 
 
 Labyrinth ........................ 1 
 
 Boetius on the discipline of schools, 
 Doctrinale, 2d part, ............... 
 
 Erfurt, 14494 
 
 Months. 
 
 Physics, 8 
 
 On the soul 3 
 
 On heavens and earth, 3 
 
 On meteors, 3 
 
 Lesser natural philosophy,* 2 
 
 Ethics 8 
 
 Politics 6 
 
 Economics, 1 
 
 Metaphysics, . . 6 
 
 Euclid 6 
 
 Theory of the planets, 1$ 
 
 Music 1 
 
 Art of metrical composition, 1 
 
 Perspective, 8 
 
 Material sphere 1$ 
 
 Old logic 84 
 
 Prior (ethics ?) 8* 
 
 Posterior (ethics?) 8J 
 
 Topics 4 
 
 Month 
 
 Elenchi,* 
 
 Peter Hispanus, 
 
 Suppositions, amplifications, restrictions, and 
 
 appellations, 
 
 Consequences, 
 
 Bilisam ? 
 
 Obligatory and insoluble propositions, 
 
 Priscian (minor), 
 
 Donatns, 
 
 Alexander, part 1st (Doctrinale), 
 
 Same, part 2, 
 
 Same, part 3, 
 
 Boetius on the consolations of philosophy,... 
 
 Lovca Heysbri, 
 
 Poetria, 
 
 Computus,. 
 Algorism, . . 
 Labyrinth, 
 
 Ingolstadt, 1472. 
 
 Honorarium. 
 Groschen. 
 
 Lesser lojric, and exercises, 
 
 Old logic, and exercises, 24 
 
 Elenchi 8 
 
 Obligatory propositions, 1 
 
 Physics, and exercises, 
 
 Material sphere 3 
 
 Euclid, 1st book, 1 
 
 Algorism, integers, 1 
 
 Some book on rhetoric, 1 
 
 Alexander, 1st part (Doctrinale), 3 
 
 Same, 2d part. 8 
 
 Prior (ethics ?) exercises, . . 10 
 
 Honorarium 
 Groschen. 
 
 (The preceding examined on for baccalaureate; 
 the following for the master's degree.) 
 
 Ethics 
 
 Metaphysics, 9 
 
 On meteors, 11 
 
 On generation and corruption, 3 
 
 On heavens and earth 6 
 
 Lesser natural philosophy, 3 
 
 Theory of the planets, 3 
 
 Common arithmetic, 2 
 
 To 
 
 >pics, 
 
 On the soul 
 
 Posterior (ethics?). 
 
 ,11 
 
 Vienna, 1889.1 
 
 Honorarium. 
 
 Groschen. 
 
 Physics, 3 
 
 Metaphysics 9 
 
 Heavens and earth, 5 
 
 On generation and corruption, 3 
 
 On meteors, 5 
 
 On the soul, 5 
 
 Lesser natural philosophy 8 
 
 Ethics : 12 
 
 Politics, 10 
 
 (Economics, 2 
 
 Honorariui 
 Grose he 
 
 Boetius on the consolations of philosophy,.. 
 
 Euclid, 5 books 
 
 Theory of the planets, 
 
 Perspective, 
 
 Bragwardinus on proportionate lengths, 
 
 On breadth of forms, 
 
 Albertus Magnus' summary of nat. phil...... 
 
 01.1 logic 
 
 Peter Hispanus, 
 
 Prior (ethics ?) 
 
 t From " Monwnenla Universitatis Pragemis," i. 1, 76. I give these lists as in the origi 
 nal sources, with their characteristic errors. 
 
 t Motschmann, i. Mederer, iv. 93. 
 
 J Zeisl, 138. This list is headed, " We now assign the books ordinarily to be read, with th 
 fees of the same, which no master may presume to augment" These fees will sufficiently indi 
 cate those for the other ordinary lectures. 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. 
 
 663 
 
 COURSES OF LECTURES FOR WINTER TERM OF 1865-6. 
 I. FACULTY OF THEOLOGY. 
 
 Full Professors. 
 
 1 . Special Dogmatics, 6 hours a week. 
 
 2. Theology of new Testament and 
 Life of Christ, 5 h. [Christ, 1 h. 
 
 3. God's Kingdom till the Coming of 
 
 4. Introd. to books of old Test., 5 h. 
 
 5. Explanation of the Psalms, 5 h. 
 
 6. Life of Christ and Critical Hist, of 
 the Gospels, 2 h. [6 h. 
 
 7. Hist. Church of the Reformation, 
 
 8. Exercises in Catechization and 
 Preaching, 2 h. 
 
 9. The same, 2 h. 
 
 10. Practical Theology, 5 h. 
 
 11. The Creeds, 1 h. 
 
 12. Symbolical Theol., and Introd. to 
 Criticism of New Test., 5 h. 
 
 Assistant Professors. 
 
 13. The book of Judges, 1 h. 
 
 14. The book of Genesis. 5 h. 
 
 15. Life and Doctrine of St. Paul, 1 h. 
 
 16. The Epistle to the Romans, 5 h. 
 
 17. Circle of Knowl. and Method., 2 h. 
 
 18. Church History, part 1, 5 h. 
 
 19. Archa3ol. and Patristic Study. 1 h. 
 
 20. Homiletics, theoret. and pract., 2 h. 
 
 21. Biblical History, 4 h. 
 
 22. Dogmatics, 1 h. 
 
 23. The book of Isaiah, 6 h. 
 
 24. Introd. to books of Old Test., 5 h. 
 
 Privatdocenten. 
 
 25. The book of Genesis, 5 h. 
 
 26. Prophetical Inspiration, 2 h. 
 
 27. The book of Isaiah, 5 h. 
 
 28. History of Jewish Worship, 2 h. 
 
 29. The book of Isaiah, 5 h. 
 
 30. Chaldaic and Syriac Grammar, 2 h. 
 
 31. 3 of St. Paul's Epist. explained, 2 h. 
 
 32. Hist, of the Christian Dogmas, 5 h. 
 
 33. Symbolical Theology, 1 h. 
 
 34. Dogmatical Passages in Old and 
 New Testament explained, 5 h. 
 
 35. Church History, part 1, 5 h. 
 
 36. History of Christian Dogmas, 5 h. 
 
 II. FACULTY OP LAW. 
 
 Full Professors. 
 Psychology of Crimes, 1 h. 
 Natural Law, Philos. of Law, 4 h. 
 Criminal Law, 4 h. 
 Criminal Procedure, 2 h. 
 Law of Nations, 2 h. 
 Private German Law, Commercial 
 Law, 5 h. 
 
 Practical Exercises, 1 h. 
 The Pandects, 1 h. 
 Practical Law of the Pandects, 6h. j 
 History of English Law, 1 h. 
 Roman Law of Inheritance, 2 h. j 
 Com. and Pruss. Civil Process, 4 h. \ 
 Germ, and Pruss. Public Law, 4 h. ' 
 Canon Law, 4 h. 
 Prussian Law, 1 h. 
 Methodology of Law, 3 h. 
 Prussian Civil Law, 4 h. 
 Hist German Empire and Germ. 
 Law, 4 h. [3 h. 
 
 Hist. Provincial Estates in Germ., 
 Fourth b'k of Gains explained, 2 h. 
 History of Roman Law, 5 h. 
 Instit. and Antiq. of Ro. Law, 5 h. 
 
 Assistant Professors. 
 
 23. History and actual state of the 
 German Confederation, 3 h. 
 
 24. Common Law of Prussia, 4 h. 
 
 25. French Civil Law, 4 h. [1 h. 
 
 26. Cath. and Prot. Law of Marriage, 
 
 27. Prussian Civil Law, 4 h. 
 
 28. Cath. and Prot. Canon Law, 4 h. 
 
 29. Ecclesiastical and Canon Law, 4h. 
 3i). Pract. of Eccle. and Can. Law, 1 h. 
 
 31. Capital Punishment, 1. h. 
 
 32. Com. and Pruss. Grim. Law, 4 h. 
 
 33. French Criminal Procedure, 2 h. 
 
 34. German Public Law, Rights of 
 Sovereigns, 2 h. 
 
 35. Law of Nations, 3 h. 
 
 36. Pract. Exerc. on Grim. Law, 1 h. 
 
 Privatdocenten. 
 
 37. Prussian Law, 1 h. 
 
 38. History of Roman Law, 1 h. 
 
 39. Instit. and Antiq. of Ro. Law, 4 h. 
 
 40. Prussian Civil Law, 4 h. 
 
 41. Feudal Law, 1 h. 
 
 42. Private German Law, 4 h. 
 
 43. Commercial Law, Maritime Law, 
 and Law of Exchange, 4 h. 
 
 44. Hist, of Ro. Law in Germany, 1 h. 
 
 45. History of the Empire, and of 
 German Law, 4 h. 
 
 46. Prussian Law of Succession, 1 h. 
 
 47. Practical P]xerc. on the Jurispru- 
 dence of the Pandects, 1 h. [5 h. 
 
 48. Instit. and Antiq. of Roman Law, 
 
 49. Relations between Church and 
 State, 1 h. [4 h. 
 
 50. Ecclesiastical and Marriage Law, 
 
 51. German Pub. Law, Private Rights 
 of Sovereigns, 2 h. 
 
 52. Prussian Public Law, 3 h. [1 h. 
 53 Prac. Exer on Pub. and Can. Law, 
 54. Private Justice among Roms., 2 h. 
 
664 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. 
 
 55. Roman Law of Succession, 3 h. 
 
 56. Modern Law of Exchange in Ger- 
 many, 1 h. [Germany, 4 h. 
 
 57. Private Law and Feudal Law in 
 
 58. Com. and Marit. Law in Ger., 4 h. 
 
 59. Speculum Saxonicum explain., 2 h. 
 
 60. Hist, of the Empire and of German 
 Law, 4 h. [the Digests, 1 h. 
 
 61. Interpretation of the Solutions in 
 
 62. Methodology of Law. 3 h. 
 
 III. FACULTY OF MEDICINE. 
 
 Full Professors. 
 
 On certain Discoveries of the Nat- 
 uralists, 1 h. 
 
 Experimental Physiology, 5 h. 
 Practical Exerc. in Experimental 
 Physiol. 1 h. [Microscope, 1 h. 
 Comparative Physiology with the 
 General History of Medicine, 1 h. 
 Pathology and Therapeutics, 3 h. 
 Clinical Medicine, 6 h. f5 h. 
 
 Diseases of the Nervous System, 
 Medical Practice, 6 h. 
 History of Popular Maladies, 1 h. 
 General History of Medicine. 3 h. 
 Pathology and Therapeutics, 5 h. 
 Hernia, 2 h 
 
 General and Special Surgery, 4 h. 
 Clinical Surgery and Clinical Oph- 
 thalmics, Clinical Surgery, 5 h. 
 Experiments in Surgery and Anat- 
 omy, [thalmics, 6 h. 
 Clinical Surgery and Clinical Oph- 
 Midwifery, 4 h. 
 Clinical Midwifery, 6 h. 
 Pract. Exercises in Midwifery, 1 h. 
 Excitant Drugs in Medicine, 2 h. 
 Materia Medica, 6 h. 
 Osteology, 1 h. [Marrow, 1 h. 
 Anatomy of the Brain and Spinal 
 General Anatom}', 6 h. 
 Structure of the Human Body, 
 with the Microscope, 1 h. [24 h. 
 Practical Exercises in Anatomy, 
 Methodology of Medicine, 2 h. 
 General Pathology and Therapeu- 
 tics, and their History, 4 h. [6 h. 
 Haterta Medica,w\t\\ Experiments, 
 Pathological Anatomy, 4 h. 
 Practical Course of Anatomy and 
 Pathology, with Microscope, 6 h. 
 Practical Course of Pathological 
 Osteology, 6 h. 
 
 Assistant Professors. 
 34 Spectacles, 1 h. 
 
 35. Ophthalmology, 2 h. 
 
 36. The same, 2 li. 
 
 37. Clinical Ophthalmics, 6 h. 
 
 38. Practical Course of Ophthalmics, 
 with Experiments, 1 h. 
 
 39. General Surgery, 6 h. 
 
 40. Surg. Operations on Dead Bodies. 
 
 41. Diseases of Children, 6 h. 
 
 42. Errors of Modern Medicine. 1 h. 
 
 2. 
 3. 
 
 4. 
 
 5. 
 
 6. 
 
 7. 
 
 8. 
 
 9. 
 10. 
 11. 
 12. 
 13. 
 14. 
 15. 
 
 16. 
 
 17. 
 
 18. 
 19. 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 23. 
 24. 
 25. 
 26. 
 
 27. 
 
 28. 
 29. 
 
 30. 
 31. 
 32. 
 
 33. 
 
 43. Hygiene, 1 h. [Diseases of Eye,4h. 
 
 44. Theory and Pract. of Treatment of 
 
 45. Anat of the Organs of Sense, 1 h. 
 
 46. Osteology and !>yndesmology of 
 the Human Body, 3 h. 
 
 47. Public Hygiene, 1 h. 
 
 48. Legal Medicine, 3 h. 
 
 49. Medico-legal Dissection, 6 h. 
 
 50. The Nerves, 2 h. [Nerves, 6 h. 
 
 51. Clinical Study of Diseases of the 
 
 52. Toxicology, 2 h. 
 
 53. Legal Medicine, 3 h. 
 
 54. Medico-legal Dissection, 6 h. 
 
 55. Pathology and Therapeutics, 1 h. 
 
 56. Auscultation, 4 h. 
 
 57. Clinical Lectures on Auscultation 
 and Percussion, 6 h. 
 
 58. Wounds, 1 h. 
 
 59. Fractures and Dislocations, 2 h. 
 
 60. Application of Bandages, 3 h. 
 
 Privatdocenten. 
 
 61. Diseases of the Teeth and Mouth, 
 2 h. [Cure, with Experiments, 6 h. 
 
 62. Diseases of the Teeth and their 
 
 63. Surgical and Ophthalmological Ex- 
 periments. 
 
 64. Drawing up of Prescriptions, 2 h. 
 
 65. Special Patholo. and Therap., 6 h. 
 
 66. Venereal Diseases, 2 h. 
 
 67. Cutaneous Diseases, 2 h. 
 
 68. Clinical lectures on Diseases of 
 Children, 2 h. 
 
 69. Diseases of the Ear, 1 h. 
 
 70. Moral Responsibility, 1 h. [1 h. 
 71 Pathology of Venereal Diseases. 
 
 72. Surgery, '6 h. 
 
 73. Legal Medicine, 2 h. 
 
 74. Diseases of Women. 2 h. [4 h 
 
 75. Theory and Practice of Midwifery 
 
 76. Baths and Thermal Waters, 2 h. 
 
 77. Drawing up of Prescriptions, 3 h. 
 
 78. Physiologi. Effects of Gasses, 3 h 
 
 79. Toxicology, 3 h. 
 
 80. Going over previous Lectures ii 
 Physiology and Osteology, 1 h. 
 
 81. Theory and Practice of Midwifery 
 4h. 
 
 82. Operations in Midwifery, 1 h. 
 
 83. Clinical Study of Cutaneous am 
 Venereal Diseases, 3 h. 
 
 84. Use of the Laryngoscope, 1 h. 
 
 85. Diseases of the Heart, 1 h. 
 
 86. Percussion, Auscultation, &c., 3 1 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. 
 
 665 
 
 87. Auscultation, Percussion, and use 
 of the Laryngoscope, 4 h. 
 
 88. General and Special Surgery. 
 
 89. Physiol. of Animal Generation, 1 h. 
 
 90. Physiology of the Nerves and 
 Muscles, 4 h. 
 
 91. Hernia, 1 h. 
 
 92. Puncture with experiments, 1 h. 
 
 93. Hereditary vices, 1 h. 
 
 94. General and Special Surgery, 4 h. 
 
 95. Auscultation, Percussion, &c., 1 h. 
 
 96. Diagnostics, 2 h. 
 
 97. Use of Electricity in Medicine, 1 h. 
 
 98. Experimental Physiology, 2 h. 
 
 99. Going over previous lectures on 
 different points of Physiology, 1 h. 
 
 100. Ophthalmology, 3 h. 
 
 101. Use of the Ophthalmoscope, 1 h. 
 
 102. Diagnostics of abnormal states of 
 the Eye, 1 h. [4 h. 
 
 103. Theory and Practice of Midwifery, 
 
 104. Operations in Midwifery, 1 h. 
 
 105. Thermal Waters, 2 h. 
 
 106. Going over previous lectures on 
 Pharmacology, 1 h. 
 
 107. Position of the Viscera in the 
 Human Body, 1 h. 
 
 108. The Laryngoscope, 1 h. 
 
 109. The Laryngoscope, Auscultation, 
 Inhalations, &c., 1 h. 
 
 110. Cure of Insanity; the Diseases of 
 the Brain, 2 h. 
 
 IV. FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 1. 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 4. 
 
 5. 
 
 6. 
 
 1 
 
 8. 
 
 9. 
 10. 
 11. 
 12. 
 13. 
 14. 
 15. 
 16. 
 17. 
 18. 
 19. 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 23. 
 24. 
 
 25. 
 
 26. 
 27. 
 28. 
 29. 
 
 30. 
 31. 
 32. 
 33. 
 
 34. 
 
 35. 
 36. 
 37. 
 38. 
 
 Full Professors. 
 
 ^Eschines in Ctesiphontem, 2 h. 
 Paleontology, 5 h. 
 Greek Antiquities, 6 h. 
 Botany, 1 h. 
 Special Botany, 4 h. 
 Cryptogama, tfcc., 1 h. 
 Meteorology, 1 h. 
 Experimental Physics, 4 h. 
 Grecian History, 4 h. [5 h. 
 
 Modern Hist., from 1780 to -1815, 
 Archeology, 2 h. 
 Greek Mythology, 1 h. 
 National Economy, 4 h. 
 Science of Finance, 4 h. 
 The Persce of ^Eschylus, 4 h. [4 h. 
 The Niks Gloriosus of Plautus, 
 Politics and Polit. Economy, 1 h. 
 Principles of Polit. Economy, 4 h. 
 Logic and Metaphysics, 4 h. [4 h. 
 Polit. Econ. ; Theory of Finance, 
 Organic Chemistry, 1 h. 
 Experimental Chemistry, 3 h. 
 The Speeches of Lysias, 2 h. 
 The Homeric Poems, and particu- 
 larly the Odyssey, 4 h. 
 Surfaces of the Fourth Order, 1 h. 
 Analytical Mechanics, 4 h. 
 History of Egypt, 1 h. 
 Grammar of Hieroglyphics, 3 h. 
 Explanation of Egyptian Monu- 
 ments, 1 h. 
 
 Physical Experiments. 1 h. [1 h. 
 The 41st book of Livy, and onward, 
 Latin Inscriptions, 4 h. 
 Monuments of the Ancient German 
 Language explained, 1 h. 
 History" of the Ancient Poetry of 
 Germany, 4 h. 
 
 The Germany of Tacitus, 4 h. [3 h. 
 Analysis of Determinate Numbers, 
 General and Special Geology, 6 h. 
 Zootomy, 4 h. 
 
 39. Historical Exercises, 1 h. 
 
 40. Modern History of England and 
 of her Parliament, 4 h. 
 
 41. History of Politics, 1 h. 
 
 42. The Syriac Language, 1 h. [1 h. 
 
 43. Gramm. of the Semitic Languages, 
 
 44. Explanation of the Psalms, 5 h. 
 
 45. Principles of Arabic Grammar, 3 h. 
 
 46. Comparison of Persian with San- 
 scrit, 1 h. 
 
 47. Crystallography, 1 h. 
 
 48. Mineralogy, 6 h. [mach. Eth., 2 h. 
 
 49. The sixth book of Aristotle's Nico- 
 
 50. Psychology, 4 h. 
 
 51. History of Philosophy, 5 h. 
 
 52. Theory of Analyti. Functions, 6 h, 
 
 53. Algebraical Equations, 6 h. 
 
 Assistant Professors. 
 
 54. Hist, of Modern Philosophy, 2 h. 
 
 55. Logic, 4 h. [17th cent., 4 h. 
 
 56. General History of Philosophy in 
 
 57. Theory of Determinants, 2 h. 
 
 58. Algebra, 4 h. 
 
 59. Differential Calculus, 4 h. 
 
 60. Physical Geography, and History 
 of the Mediterranean, 3 h. 
 
 61. Simple Drugs examined with the 
 Microscope, 1 h. 
 
 62. Botany of Medical Plants, 6 h. 
 
 63. Pharmacognosy, 4 h. [1 h. 
 
 64. Certain Arabic Authors explained, 
 
 65. Arabic Grammar, 3 h. 
 
 66. The book of Genesis, 5 h. [3 h. 
 
 67. Theory of Geographi. Phenomena, 
 
 68. Analytical Mechanics, 1 h. 
 
 69. History of Astronomy, 2 h. 
 
 70. Theory of the Motion of Planets 
 and Comets, 4 h. 
 
 71. Exercises in Archeology, 1 h. 
 
 72. History of Greek Sculpture, 3 h. 
 
 73. National Economy, 4 h. 
 
 74. The Epidicus of Plautus, 2 h. 
 
666 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. 
 
 75. Roman Antiquities, 4 h. 
 
 76. History of Greek Philosophy, 2 h. 
 
 77. Esthetics, 2 h. 
 
 78. Select Epistles of Cicero, 1 h. 
 
 79. Philological Exercises, 1 h. 
 
 80. Greek Mythology, 3 h. 
 
 81. Exercises in Palaeography, 1 h. 
 
 82. Latin Palaeography, 1 h. 
 
 83. National History of Glumaceous 
 Plants, 1 h. 
 
 84. Systems of Medical Plants, 6 h. 
 
 85. Exerc. in Anat. and Physiol., 4 h. 
 
 86. Ancient Geography. 3 h. 
 
 87. Botany, Diseases of Plants, 4 h. 
 
 88. Agronomical Science, 1 h. 
 
 89. Historical Exercises, 1 h. 
 
 90. Hist, of Germany, 4 h. [Sing., 2 h. 
 
 91. Art of Singing, especially Church 
 
 92. Musical Composition, 4 h. 
 
 93. Pedagogy, 2 h. 
 
 94. The Nibelungen, 6 h. [scripts, 1 h. 
 
 95. Exercises in deciphering Manu- 
 
 96. Logic; Encyclopaedia of Philoso- 
 phical Sciences, 4 h. 
 
 97. History of Philosophy, 4 h. 
 
 98. History of the New World, 2 h. 
 
 99. Geog. and Ethnog. of Europe, 4 h. 
 
 100. The Chaldee Language, 1 h. 
 
 101. History of the Armenians, 3 h. 
 
 102. General History of Physics since 
 Galileo, 2 h. 
 
 103. Theory of Electricity, 1 h. 
 
 104. Physics applied to Mathematics, 
 Acoustics, 4 h. 
 
 105. Chemical Metallurgy, 3 h. 
 
 106. Principles of Qualitative and Quan- 
 titative Analysis, 1 h. 
 
 107. Experimental Chemistry, 6 h. 
 
 108. Pharmacy, 3 h. 
 
 109. Chemical Experiments, 8 h. daily. 
 
 110. Turkish Language, 3 h. [1 h. 
 
 111. Principles of National Psychology, 
 
 112. Philoso. of Lang.; General Gram-- 
 mar, 4 h. [Languages, 4 h. 
 
 113. Character of the Tndo-Germanic 
 
 114. Universal Hist, of the Arts, 5 h. 
 
 115. The Sacontala of Calidasa, 2 h. 
 
 116. Sanscrit Grammar, 3 h. 
 
 117. Zend or Pali Grammar, 2 h. 
 
 118. The Rigveda or the Atharvaveda 
 explained, 1 h. [1 h. 
 
 119. Course of Sanscrit, Zend, or Pali, 
 
 120. The Dramatic Art, 1 h. [3 h. 
 
 121. Psychology and Anthropology, 
 
 Privatdocenten. 
 
 122. Experimental Organic Chem., 4 h. 
 
 123. Experiments in Organic Chem., 6h 
 
 124. Schleiermacher, 1 h. 
 
 125. Logic, and Encyclopaedia of the 
 Philosophical Sciences, 4 h. 
 
 126. The Limits between Poetry and 
 Philosophy, 1 h. [Henry Care; -. 
 
 127. The American Politic. Economise, 
 
 128. Logic and Metaphysics. 
 
 129. Political Economy. 
 
 130. History of Modern Civilization. 
 
 131. Agronomical Zoology, 3 h. 
 
 132. Entomology, 3 h. 
 
 133. The Koran, 2 h. 
 
 134. The Semitic Dialects, 1 h. 
 
 135. Differential Calculus, 4 h. 
 
 136. Analytical Geometry, 4 h. 
 137.. The Bhagvatgita, 1 h. 
 
 138. Panini's Sanscrit Grammar, 3 h 
 
 139. Hindustani or Pali Grammar, 2 h. 
 
 140. Indian Philosophy, 1 h. 
 
 141. The Satires of Juvenal, 2 h. [< h. 
 
 142. Syntax of the Latin Langua ?e, 
 
 143. Lucretius, De Rtrum Natura, 1 h. 
 
 144. Rhetoric arid Rhetor. Exerc., 1 h. 
 
 145. Aristotle, and the Natural Phi os- 
 ophy of the Ancients, 4 h. 
 
 146. Hist, of German Universities, h. 
 
 147. Syst.of Mod. Phil, since Kant, h. 
 
 148. Experimental Chemistry, 6 h. 
 
 149. The Olynthiac Orations of Der os- 
 thenes, 1 h. 
 
 150. The Epistles of Horace, 4 h. 
 
 151. Physics applied to Mathema ics 
 Acoustics, Optics, &c., 3 h. 
 
 152. General Geology. 
 
 153. Natural History of Entozoa, 1 h. 
 
 154. General Zoology. 
 
 155. The Climate of Italy, 1 h. 
 
 156. Medical Climatology, 2 h. 1 b 
 
 157. Con versa tional Lect. on Chemi try 
 
 158. History of Chemistry, 1 h. 
 
 159. Qualitative and Quantitative )ar 
 of Analytical Chemistry, 3 h. 
 
 160. Medico-Legal Chemistry, 3 h. 
 
 161. Chemical Experiments, 8 h. ( 
 
 162. Theory of Irriga. and Drainag 1 
 
 163. Principles of Agriculture, 3 1 
 
 164. Management of Cattle, 3 h. 
 
 165. Book-keeping, 1 h. 
 
 Readers (for Modern Language .) 
 
 166. Lects. in Italian on Ital. Lit. 2 1 
 
 167. Ital. Grammar, 2 h. fguage 2 11 
 
 168. Lects. on Italian and Freud: 
 
 169. German Short-hand, 2 h. 
 
 170. German, English, French, ar< 
 Italian Short-hand. 2 h. 
 
 171. Lects. in Polish on Persian < rar 
 mar and the Zend Languag' 2 
 
 172. Turkish Lang.; KirkVezirre: 1,3 
 
 173. Practical Lectures on the I rsi* 
 and Turkish Languages, 2 h 
 
 174. Lects. in English on Engli i L 
 down to the 16th century, 1 h. 
 
 175. Lects. on English Language 2 1 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF LEII'SIC. 667 
 
 PROGRAMME OF STUDIES FOR WINTER TERM, 1872-3.* 
 
 I. THEOLOGY. 1. Full Professors. 
 
 Fr. Delitsch Biblical Theology of the 0. T. (4 h.) ; Interpretation of the Minor 
 
 Prophets (4 h.); Grammar of Biblical Chaldee (2 h.); Hebraicum (1 h.) 
 Kahnis History of Dogma (6 h.); Eccles. Hist, of 'the Later Middle Ages (2 
 
 h.); Symbolic (4 h.); Practical Exercises of Theol. Soc'y (3 h.) 
 Luthardt Dogmatics (6 h.) ; Interpret, of St. John's Gospel (4 h.) ; Introd. to 
 
 Dogmatics (2 h.) ; Exercises of the Soc'y for Dogmatics (2 h.) 
 Lechler Church History since Gregory VII. (6 h.) ; Interpretation of Ep. of St. 
 
 Peter (2 h.); Practical Exerc. in Church History (2 h.) 
 Fricke Life of Christ accord, to Four Gospels, with Prefatory Criticism of the 
 
 Gospels (4 h.); Interpret, of the Messianic Proph. of 0. T. (3 h); Interpret. 
 
 of Paul to Galatians (2 h.); Soc'y for Exegesis of 0. T. and N. T. (2 h.) 
 Tischendorf Interpret, of Epistle to Romans (4 h.); Interpret. of the Parenetic 
 
 Parts of Ep. to Romans (2 h.) 
 Baur Practical Theology (1 h.); German Lit. from Klopstock to Present Day, 
 
 in its Relations to Religion and the Church (3 h.); Exercises of Homiletic 
 
 Seminar (2 h.) 
 Hofmann Practical Theology (6 h.) ; Evangelical Pedagogic and its History 
 
 (4 h.); Exerc. of Seminar for Catechetic and Pedagogic. 
 Holemann Interpret, of Job (4 h.) ; Soc'y for Exegesis of 0. T. and N. T. 
 
 Disputations, etc., in Latin (2 h.) 
 
 2 . Assistant- Professors. 
 W. Schmidt Interpret, of I. and II. Corinth. (4 h.) ; Hermerieutics of N. T. (2 
 
 h.) ; for Catechetic (2 h.) 
 Cl. Brockhaus Archeology of Christian Art (2 h.) 
 
 3. Privatdocenten. 
 
 SchurerUfe and Teachings of St. Paul (2 h.) 
 Joh. Delitsch History of the Doctrine concerning the Person of Christ (2 h.) 
 
 ii. JURISPRUDENCE. 1. Fall Professors. 
 
 Mulkr Common and Statute Law of Saxony (10 h.); Practicum for Saxon 
 
 Law (2 h.): Exegeticum (2 h.) 
 
 Wdchter Pandects (10 h.); Theory of Possession (2 h.) 
 
 Hand Sources of the Rom. Law (2 h.): Grim. Procedure accord, to R. L. (2 h.) 
 Osterloh Civil Procedure accord, to Comm. Law of Germany and Saxony (10 
 
 h.); Practicum in Procedure (2 h.); Kdatorium (2 h.) 
 Heinze German Grim. Law (7 h.) ; History and System of Legal Philos. (4 h.); 
 
 Internal. Law (2 h.); Seminar for Crim. Law Practice (2 h.) 
 A. Schmidt Pandects (12 h.); Institutes and Hist, of Rom. Law (6 h.) 
 Friedberg Hist, of German Law (4 h.); German Const. Law (4 h ) Commer- 
 cial Law (3 h.) 
 Kuntze History of Rom. Law (6 h.) ; Commercial Law (incl. Insurance) (4 h.) ; 
 
 Exegesis of Passages from Digest (2 h.) 
 Stobbe German Common Law, excl. of Commercial Law (7 h.) ; Eccles. Law 
 
 (4 h.); Exercises in Germ. Law (2 h.) 
 SchletterCrim. Procedure accord, to Comm. Law of Germany and Saxony (4 
 
 h.) ; Law relating to Public Officials (4 h.) 
 
 2. Assistant- Professors. 
 Weiske Mining Law. 
 
 Hock History of German Const. Law (6 h.) ; Commercial Law (6 h.) ; Obliga- 
 tions, accord, to Germ. Law (2 h.) 
 Gotz Commercial Law (2 h.); Property Law (2 h.) 
 
 Voigt Institutes and Hist, of Rorn Law (10 h.); Encyciopaedy of Law (3 h.) 
 Nissen Practicum for Civil Procedure (2 h.) ; for Crim. Procedure (3 h.) 
 Lueder Criminal Law (7 h.); Agricult. Law (?> h.) 
 
 * From Hart's German Universities. The figures in ( ) denote the number of hours per week. 
 
668 THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPSIC. 
 
 in. MEDICINE. 1. Fall Professors. 
 
 Radius Pharmacy (4 h.); Public and Private Hygiene (2 h.) 
 
 Weber Organs of Hearing in the Amphibia (3 h.) 
 
 Wunderlich Med. Clinic (9 h.); Pathol. and Therap. of Acute Constit. Dis. (4 h.) 
 
 Crede Gynecological and Obstetrical Clinic (7 h.) ; Practical Exercises in Ob- 
 stetrics, with Manikin (4 h.); Obstetrical Demonstrations (2 h.) 
 
 Wagner Spec. Pathol. Anatomy (7 h.); Pathologic-liistological Exercises (5 
 h.); Exerc. in Pathol. Institute (4 h. daily); Medical Polyclinic (5 h.) 
 
 Liidwig Physiol. of Organs of Sensation and Locomotion (5 h.); Physiol. Con- 
 sultat. (2 h.); Exercises in Physiol. for Advanced Students. 
 
 Tuiersch Surgical Clinic (9 h.) ; Surgery (4 h.) 
 
 Coccius Ophthalm. Clinic (6 h.) ; Pathol. Optics (2 h.) ; Inter. Inflam. of Eye (2 h.) 
 
 His Systemat. Human Anat. (10 h.); Dissecting (8 h. daily.) 
 
 Braune Army Practice (2 h.); Operations (4 h.) ; Dissecting (for those attend- 
 ing Clinics) (4 h. daily); Topograph. Anatomy (2 h.) 
 
 Czermak Introduction to Physiology (Public Lecture.) 
 
 2. Assistant-Professors. 
 
 Sock Diagnostic Phenomenology. 
 
 SonnenkaW Practicum for those entering State Service (3 h.); Medical Juris- 
 prudence (4 h.) 
 
 Carus Comparat. Anatomy of Vertebrates (4 h.); Comparat. Osteology (2 h.); 
 Comparat. Anat. and Physiol. of Domest. Animals (4 h.) 
 
 Germann Diseases of Women (2 h.) 
 
 Hennig Examinatorium in Obstetrics (6 h.) ; Pediatric Clinic (2 h.) 
 
 Reclam Med. Jurispr. (2 h.) ; Alimentary Substances (2 h.) ; Exercises in Hy- 
 gienic Investigations (2 h.) 
 
 Merkel Physiol. of Human Voice (principally for Philologists) (2 h.): Laryn- 
 giatric Polyclinic (3 h.) 
 
 B. Schmidt Surgical Polyclinic (6 h.) ; Vivisection (2 h.) ; Hernia (1 h.) 
 
 Thomas Exercises in Physical Diagnosis (2 h.); Polyclinic (3 h.) 
 
 Schwatte'Use of Microscope (1 h.); Anat. of Brain and Spine (2 h.); Exer- 
 cises with Microscope (courses of 6 h. each.) 
 
 3. Privatdocenten. 
 
 Meissner Obstetrics with Reference to Jurispru. (2 h.); Pract. Exerc. in Obst 
 ffaake Exerc. in Obstetrics, with Manikin (3 h.) ; Intra-uterine Therapeut. (1 h. 
 Naumann Pharmaco-dynamics (2 h.) ; Medical Baths. 
 Hagen Otiatric Polyclinic (12 h.); Laryngoscopy, Pharyngoscopy, and Rhinos 
 
 copy (2 h.); Galvanism Applied to the Ear (2 h ) 
 Wendt Polyclinic for Diseases of Ear (9 h.) 
 Friedlandcr Constitut Diseases (4 h.) 
 
 Kormann Examinatorium for Obstetrics (courses of 36 h. each.) 
 Wenzel Eepetitorium for Human Anat. (6 h.); Anat. for Non-med. Students (2 h. 
 Siegel Public Hygiene (2 h.); Medical Jurisprud. (2 h.) 
 Seubner Clinical Propaedeutics (3 h.); Special Pathology and Therap. (6 h.) 
 
 Electro-diagnosis and Electro-therapeut. (2 h.) 
 
 Hufner Physiol. Chemistry (2 h.): Analysis of Animal Tissues and Humors. 
 
 L. 'Furst Diseases of Children (2 h.); Propasdeutics of Obstetrics (1 h.) ; Pedi 
 
 atric Polyclinic (3 h.) 
 
 IV. PHILOSOPHY. 1. Full Professors. 
 Overbeck Greek Mythology in Art (5 h.) ; Explanation of Select Spec, of Ar 
 
 tique Art (3 h.) ; Exerc. of Archasol. Soc'y. 
 Drobisch Pyschology (5 h.) ; Outlines of Perception (3 h.) 
 Fechner The Interrelations of Body and Soul (2 h.) 
 Fleischer Interpret, of the Koran (2 h.); Introd. to Study of Mod. Arabic P< 
 
 riodicals (2 h.); Interpret of the Beharistan of Djami (2 h.); Turkish Synta 
 
 (2 h.) ; Exerc. of the Arabic Soc'y. 
 
 Roscher Polit. Econ. (4 h.); Finance (3 h.); Nat. Econ. and Statistics (2 h.) 
 Brockhaus Interpretation of Epic Passages in the Ramayana (2 h.): Interpre 
 
 of Select Hymns from the Rigveda (4 h.) 
 
THE UNIVERSITY UF LEIPSIC. 669 
 
 Wtittke Hist, of French Revol. (4 h.); Histor. Seminar ; Exam, of Essays, and 
 Review of Sources for Hist, of Saxon Dynasty (3 h.) 
 
 IRutkd Magnetism, Electr., Heat (6 h.); Terrestrial Magnetism (2 h.) 
 
 Zuriti-ke Grammar and Lit. Hist, of Old Norse (4 h.) ; Interpret, of Nibelung- 
 enlied (6 h.); Exerc. of Germauistic Soc'y. 
 
 Alin.as Logic (4 IK); Fuudam. Doctr. of Ethics (2 h.); Theories of State and 
 Administr. (4 h.) ; Exerc. of Soc'y for Study of Government. 
 
 Curtius Greek Grammar (4 h.); Grammat. Soc'y (2 h.); Exerc. of Philol. Sem- 
 inar in Interpret, of Odyssey, etc. (2 h.) 
 
 Afasius Hist, of Pedagogic (4 h.); Schools and School Regul. of 16th and 17th 
 Cent. (1 h.) ; Pedag. Seminar (2 h.) 
 
 Ebert Introd. to Compar Philol. of Romance Lang. (3 h.); Provenzal Gram, 
 and Interpret, of Bartsch's Chrest. Prov. (2 h.) 
 
 RitscM Greek and Roman Metres, Hist, of Greek Lyric Poetry (4 h.); Inter- 
 pret, of JEschylus(in Latin), in Philol. Stminar (2 h.); Interpret, of Terence, 
 and Lat Disput. in Philol. oc'y (2 h.) 
 
 Kottte Organic Chemistry (4 h.); Laborat. Practice (7 h. daily.) 
 
 G. Voigt History of German Empire from Charlemagne down to Downfall of 
 the Hohenstaufen (4 h.); Age of Luther and Charles V. (2 h.); Histor. Soc'y. 
 
 Scfmbner Functions of the Ellipse (5 h.); Differ, and Integral Calc. (4 h.) 
 
 Schenk Botan. Physiol. (3 h.) ; Fossil Plants (2 h.); Laborat. Practice. 
 
 Brulms Comets and Determ. of Courses (3 h.); Spher. Trig, and Progr. in Ap- 
 plic. to Astron. (2 h.) 
 
 Neumann Electrodynamics (4 h.); Discuss, of Mathem. Exerc. (1 h.) 
 
 Lcuckhart Compar. Anat. (6 h.); Zoology of Vertebrates and Origin of Species 
 (4 h.) ; Labor. Practice (daily.) 
 
 Blomeyer Agricul. (4 h.); Plants of Commerce (2 h.); Law of Farming (1 b.) 
 
 Zirkel Chem. Geology (1 h.) ; Mineralogy (6 h); Laborat, Practice. 
 
 Wit'demann Inorgan. Chem. (6 h.); Laborat. Practice. 
 
 Lange Legal Antiq. of Greece (4 h.) ; Seminar, Interpret, of Epistles of Hor- 
 ace, Lat. Disputat. (2 h.) ; Roman Archseol. Soc'y (2 h.) 
 
 Peschd Physical Geography (4 h.) 
 
 Zollmr Astron. Physics (4 h.) ; Principles of Perception in their Relations to 
 Nat. Sciences (2 h.) 
 
 Krchl Encyclopa3dy of Semitic Philol. (4 h.) ; Interptet. of Arnold's Arabic 
 Chrestom. (2 h.) 
 
 Strumpell Logic (4 h.); Problems of Relig. Phil. (2 h.); Pedagog. Exercises. 
 
 2. Assistant-Professors. 
 
 NobbeOdes of Horace (2 h.); Lat. Disputat. (2 h.) 
 
 Marbach Geom. and Trigonom. (4 h.) 
 
 Jacobi Agriculture (2 h.) ; Cameralia (1 h.); Discuss, of Geogr. and Topograph 
 
 Nomenclature (1 h.) 
 Wenck Hist, of Germany from Westphalian Peace to Accession of Frederick 
 
 the Great (4 h.) ; Hist, of Germany from Accession of Rudolph of Hapsburg 
 
 to End of 14th Cent. (2 h.) 
 
 Fritzsche Frogs of Aristophanes (2 h.) ; Latin Style (2 h.); Greek Soc'y (Aris- 
 totle's Metaphysics) ; Lat. and Greek Disputat. 
 Hermann Introd. to Phil, and Logic (4 h.); ^Esthetics (4 h.); Criticism of 
 
 Leading Mod. Systems of Philosophy (2 h.) 
 Knop Agricul. Chem. (4 h.) ; Labor. Practice. 
 Mvnckwitz Origin and Development of German Lyric Poetry (2 h.); Origin of 
 
 Homer. Poems (2 h.) 
 
 Zilkr Pyschology (4 h.) ; Phil, of Religion (2 h.) ; Pedagog. Seminar. 
 Eckstein Odes of Horace explained in Latin (3 h.) ; Pedagog. Seminar. 
 ///Y/,,(/es Hist, of Central Europe in Reformation (2 h.); Hist, of France (2 h.); 
 
 Germanistic Soc'y (1 h.) 
 !;>'-'/>, mann German Hist. (1806-1871) (2 h.); Hist, of Germ. Lit. in 18th and 
 
 19th Cent. (4 h.); Nature and Hist, of Drama (2 h.) 
 Hirzel Pharmacy of Inorganic Preparat. (2 h.) 
 Seydel Hist, of Mod. Philos. (4 h.) ; Relations of Philos. and Religion, especially 
 
 since Kant (2 h.) ; Philosoph. Soc'y. 
 
670 THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPSIC. 
 
 Pockert Saxon Hist. (2 h.); German Hist, since Westphalian Peace (2 h.) 
 Birnbaum Cattle Raising (3 h.); Adrainistr. of Estates (5 h.); Import. Ques- 
 tions of the Day (2 h.) 
 HildebrandGerm. Lit. of the 18th Cent. (4 h.) ; Interpretation of M. H. G. 
 
 poem Meier Helrribrecht (2 h.) 
 Knapp Labor Question in England, France, Germany (4 h.) ; Pract. Exerc. in 
 
 Statistics (2 h.) 
 
 Lipsius Thucydides, Bk II. (4 h.) ; Exerc. of Greek Archseol. Soc'y (2 h.) 
 Ebers Old Egypt. Grammar (3 h.) ; Interpret, of Passages in Genesis and Ex- 
 odus relating to Egypt (2 h.) 
 
 Leskein Gram, of Church Slavonic (4 h.); Hist of Serbic-Croatic Lang. (2 h.) 
 Credner General Geology (5 h.); Labor. Practice (2 h.) 
 Stohmann Chem. Technology (3 h.) 
 Mayer Analyt. Geom (4 h.); Mathem. Exerc. (1 h.) 
 
 Zurn Anatomy of the Horse (2 h.) ; Veterinary Surgery (4 h.) ; Hygiene of 
 Domestic Animals (1 h.) 
 
 3. Privatdocenten. 
 Weiske Meteorology (2 h.) 
 
 0. Delitsch Methodology of Geogr. Instruc. (2 h.) ; Relatorium in Geog. (2 h.) 
 Paul Mus. Art of Greek Drama (2 h.); Harmonics of Mod. Music, etc. (2 h.) 
 Frank Natural History of Fungi (2 h.) ; Seeds in Agriculture (2 h.) 
 Muhll Theory of Elasticity (4 h.); Potential and Conic Functions (2 h.) 
 
 Mathem. Exerc. 
 
 Loth Persian (2 h.) ; Encyclopaedy of Arabic (2 h.) 
 Carsianjen Analyt. Chem. (4 h.) 
 Schuchardt Span. Grammar (3 h.); Ariosto (1 h.) 
 Englemann Planetary Orbits (2 h.); Mechanical Quadrature (1 h.) 
 NitscheNat. Hist, and Palaeontol. of Molluscs (2 h.) ; Developm't of Inverte- 
 brates (2 h.) 
 
 Philippi Thucydides (3 h.); Hist, of Athens (1 h.) 
 fflrzelrTList. of Greek Philos. (4 h.); Interpret, of Plato's Phaedrus; Pract, 
 
 Exerc. in Aristotle's Ethics. 
 
 Sachsse Gen. Agricult. Chem. C4 h.) ; Repetitorium for Analyt. Chem. (1 h.) 
 Luerssen Morphology, Physiology of Algae, Fungi, etc. (3 h.) 
 Schuster Hist, of Greek Phil, down to Aristotle; Interpret, of Plato's Gorgias. 
 Furst (since deceased) Isaiah (3 h.); Pirke-Aboth (1 h.) 
 Langer Gen. Theory of Music (2 h.); Varieties of Musical Composit. (2 h.) 
 
 .INCOME AND EXPENDITURE FOR 1873. 
 
 Leipsic is one of the few universities that have property of their own. 
 
 Corporate Income. 
 
 1. From buildings and rents (shops in the city) 57,811 
 
 2. From Endowments nnd the Faculty Fiscus 36,942 
 
 3. Matriculation and other Fees 8,100 
 
 Thalers... .. 102,853 
 
 Expenditures. 
 
 1. Sinking Fund 15,904 
 
 2. Expenses in carrying out terms of special bequests 672 
 
 3. Salaries of Employes 18,618 
 
 4. Salaries of Professors, 
 
 Theological Faculty 18,189 
 
 Legal 28,308 
 
 Medicul 27,896 
 
 ' Philosophical 83,479 
 
 - 157,863 
 
 5. Apparatus of Instruction (Lnborntory, Library, etc.") 99,773 
 
 6. General Expenses, Printing, Pensions, etc 9,582 
 
 7. Student Stipend* 2,270 
 
 8. At the disposal of the Ministry (Contingent Fund) 10,000 
 
 Thalers 314,682 
 
 State Appropriation. 
 
 Deducting the 102,853 of corporate income, there is an annual deficit of 211,829 thtilers, met by 
 appropriations from the state treasury. 
 
INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 A-B-C Shooters and Bacchants, 280. 
 Abiturienten, Final Exam., Gymnasia, 055,683. 
 Academic Statutes, Wittenberg in 1545, 281. 
 
 Theological Faculty, 281. 
 
 Philosophical, 281. 
 
 Medical, 282. Jurists, 282. 
 
 Latin, Mathematics, Astronomy, 2. 
 Accomplishments, 255. 
 Acting Latin Plays, Sturm, 204, 303. 
 Acquaviva, Claudius. Memoir, 236. 
 
 Ratio Studiorum of Jesuit Schools, 236, 267. 
 Acquaviva, Claudius, General of S. J., 236. 
 
 Ratio Studiornm in 1584, 236 
 Abdias, Reuchlin's Teacher of Hebrew, 88. 
 Adalbert of Prague, 25. 
 
 Adam, Rector of Edinburgh High School, 191. 
 Adams. J. Q., School Reform in Silesia, 609. 
 Admission, to Gymnasium, 655. 
 
 Universities, 659. 
 
 Advice on Studies, Erasmus, 72, Agricola, 62. 
 Age, for Instruction and Training, 644, 682. 
 
 Common Schools Frederick's Law, 593. 
 Austrian Law, 633. 
 
 Gymnasium, 556, University, 556. 
 Agricola, Rudolph, Memoir, 59-65. 
 
 Studies at Paris and Ferrara, 59. 
 
 Help to Classical Learning, 64. 
 Agriculture, Schools for, 456, 671,693. 
 Albertus Muirnus of Cologne, 30. 
 
 Published Works, 31. 
 
 Hallam's and Hiimboldt's Estimate, 32. 
 Alcuin, School of York, and Charlemagne, 1,5 
 Aldric, Abbot, pupil of Alcuin, 12. 
 Algorism, 662. 
 Aldhelm, of Malmesbury, 4. 
 Alphabet, Method of teaching, 324, 611. 
 Alsted, Instructor of Comenius, 347. 
 Altenstein, 682. 
 
 Alvanus, Emanuel, Latin Grammar, 239. 
 Amalthea, by Pomey Jesuit. 239. 
 Anatomy, and Anatomical Museum, 286, 664,668 
 Ancient Civilization, Splendorand Downfall, 41. 
 Andlow, George, of Schlettstadt, 276. 
 Angia, or Reichenan Abbey, 39. 
 Anglo-Saxon Students in Ireland, 4. 
 Anglican Church and Foreign Missions. 421 
 Anhalt, Scene of Ratich's experiment, 305,682. 
 
 Elementary Schools, 643, 673. 
 
 Teachers' Seminaries, 646. 
 
 Secondary Ins ruction, 657, 673. 
 Anscharius, of New Corby, 18. 
 Ansfield, Count of Lorraine, 20. 
 Anthropology, 293. 
 
 Apparatus, and Material Appliances, 285, 673. 
 Aptness, Natural, to teach, 169. 
 Aratus, Melancthon's edition, 165, 427. 
 Architecture, Schools of, 67->, 697. 
 Argyropulus, Greek teacher of Greek, 104 
 Aristotle, 165, 662. 
 Arithmetic, SI'S, 393, 482, 533,682. 
 
 Little taught in 1580, 293, 393. 
 Art and Nature, 341. 
 Art of Instruction, 381. 
 
 Frederick's legal recognition, 600 
 Artistae Faculty of Arts, 282. 
 Artificial Memory, 337. 
 Attendance, Law of, 513, 682. 
 
 Age, 633, 683. 
 Augsburg, Early School, 22. 
 
 School of Machinery, 450. 
 
 Austria, School Reform of Maria Theresa, 614. 
 
 System of Public Instruction, 643, 657, 673, 
 Autobiography, 269, 574. [682. 
 
 Bach, John Sebastian, 523. 
 Bache, A. D., Report cited, 441, 444. 
 Backward Pupils, Special helps, 
 Bad Training of Children, 134. 
 Baccalaureate degree in 14th year (1511), 163. 
 I Bacchants, strolling teachers, 102, 269. 
 I Bacon, Francis Lord, Instauratio Magna, 361. 
 ! Baden, Public Instruction, 683. 
 
 Elementary and Secondary, 643, 657. 
 ! Superior, and Technical, 696. 
 ! Bahardt, Dr., 486, 503. 
 
 I Barnard, H., German Schools and Pedagogy,678. 
 ! List of Educational Publications, 725. 
 Barbarianus, Correspondence with Agricola, 59. 
 Basle, Platter's experience as a Teacher at, 279. 
 
 University, 657. 
 Bavaria, Technical Schools, 447. 
 
 Public Instruction, 643, 657, 658. 
 
 References, 674, 683, 697. 
 Basedow, Memoir and Work, 457, 490. 
 
 Book for Fathers and Mothers, 458. 
 
 Elementary Book, 459. 
 
 Philanthropinum, 459, 489. 
 
 Principles, compared with Pestalozzi, 491. 
 Bateus, W., Janua Linguarum, 358, 595. 
 Baumgartner, of Nuremberg, 168. 
 Baumeister, Rector at Gorlitz, 306. 
 Beatus Rheamus, Bild, 88. 
 Beck, A., Life of Ernest the Pious, 394. 
 Beck, P., General of the S. J.. 238. 
 
 Importance attached to Latin, 239. 
 Bede, the venerable, cited, 431. 
 Bebel, Henry, at Tubingen, 164. 
 Beauty, Perception of, 99, 112, 272, 317. 
 Belief, in the beginning of knowledge, 528. 
 Benedict, Biscop, 5. 
 Bennon, Bishop of Mesnia, 24. 
 Berlin, Real School, Hecker, 444, 596, 625. 
 
 School Books, 596, 598. 
 
 University, 657, 663. 
 Berne, University, 657. 
 Bern ward, St., of Hildesheim, 22. 
 Berthold, Archbishop, Censorship of Press, 52. 
 Bessarion and Pope Sixtus at Paris, 18, 56. 
 Beuth, Organizer of Trade Schools, 453 
 Bible in the Vernacular. .33. 
 
 Growth of Popular Education, 50. 
 Bibliander, Theodore, 277. 
 Biblicus, Candidate for first degree in Theo.,120. 
 Bild. Beatus Rheanus, 86. 
 Blackboard used in schools of Comenius, 496. 
 
 In Frederick II. law of 1763, 597. 
 Blebillius, Astronomy in 1580 294 
 Blocius, M. J., Ratician Method. 346. 
 Boarding Schools for Pedagogical Students, 563. 
 Boerhaave, Aphorisms and Commentaries, 618. 
 Bohemian Brothers' Schools, 312, 347 [347 
 Bohemia, Expulsion of Non-Catholic families, 
 
 Origin of Comenius' didactical books, 348. 
 Boniface, St., German Church, 1. 
 Bonn, University, 657. 
 Bopp of Wurtzburg, 20. 
 Botany, as treated by Albertus Magnus, 33. 
 Botanical Garden, Earliest, 286. 
 Brassicanus of Constance, 164. 
 Brentius, Catechism, 289. 
 
 T15 
 
674 
 
 INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 Breelau, Schools in the 15th Century, 272. 
 
 University, and Gymnasia, 657, 658. 
 British Isles Early Civilization, 3. 
 Brotherhood of a Common Lift;, 46. 48. 
 Brims, Henry J., teacher at Kekalm, 504. 
 Bruno, St., at Cologne, 19. 
 Brunswick, School order of 1528, 150. 
 
 Public Instruction. 674, 684. 
 Bucholtz, and Haman, 545. 
 Buchholtzer, on Italian Ciceronians, 368. 
 Budaeus,54; Suggested College of France, 55. 
 Bugenhagen, John, school organization;:, 160. 
 
 Brunswick Church order 1528, 160. 
 
 Hamburg Church order 1520, 160. 
 
 Denmark and Norway Church order 1537, 160. 
 Building Schools, 455. 
 Bulaeus, University of Paris, 6. 
 
 Charlemagne's Schools, 6. 
 Burgher Schools in Austrian System, 682, 637. 
 
 Higher grade in Prussia, 452, 644, 657. 
 Burmanu's oration at Leydeu, 304. 
 Busch, Hermann, 67, 91. 
 
 Lectures on Classics, 69. 
 Btisching, Journey to Rekahn, 499. 
 Cabala and Cabalists, 54, 92. 
 Cabinets of Natural Hi*iory, 285. 
 Caesarius, John, of Cologne, 67. 
 Callenberg, Pioneer of Jewish Mission, 422. 
 Camener, Timann. Rector in Minister, 67. 
 Campe, Educational Labors, 478. 487. 
 
 Translations of Locke and Rousseau, 487. 
 Canon Law, 660, 663. 
 Canstein Bible Institution, 420. 
 Campanella, Thomas, the Dominican, 360. 
 Camerarius, cited, 168. 
 Catechism, Luther's, &c., 589, 598, G84. 
 Catherine Von Bora, 129. 
 Castellio, as to the Imitation of Christ, 49. 
 Carlylo, Thomas, Frederick the Great, 579. 
 Cassiodoms, Tripartite^, 58. 
 Caselius of Nordhausen, on Neander, 227. 
 Cato's Morals, School Book, 294. 
 Catechetical Method, 513. 
 Catholic Church and Schools, 685. 
 Catholic Schools in Silesia, 600. 
 
 Code of Frederick II., 600. 
 Cellarius, Libellus Memorialis, 431. 
 
 Use of Natural Objects, 432 
 Censorship of printed books, first in 1480. 52. 
 
 Faulty translations of the Scriptures, 53. 
 Centurions, Decnrions, &c., 244. 
 Chancellor, in Loyola's Constitutions, 267. 
 Charlemagne and his Schools, 5 
 
 Stndinm Generate at Paris, 5, 7. 
 
 Episcopal Seminaries, 5. 
 
 Scholae Minores, 6, 9 ; Majores, 6, 9. 
 Children's Friend Rochow's School Book, 501. 
 Children, duties of parents, 132. 
 
 Of such are the kingdom, 543. 
 Christian Schools and Teachers, cited, 7, 35. 
 Christian Schools in Germany, 1-40, 510 
 Ciceronianus, or Classical Education, 132. [314. 
 Ciceronian Eloquence, in the 16th century. Peel., 
 Cicero, in Schools of the Jesuits, 239 ; Sturm, 
 
 210: Comenius, 367; Wurtemburg, 289. 
 Cisio, Janus. German versified Calendar, 103. 
 
 Used as a School Book, 103. 
 Cities', Requirements as to Public Schools, 602. 
 
 School Systems, 684. 
 
 Civilization and Monastic Institutions, 41. 
 Classics and Classical Instruction, 132. 
 
 Jesuit Schools, 238. 
 
 Eminent Teachers in the Netherlands, 56. 
 Classes and Classification, Jesuit Schools, 233. 
 240; Sturm's, 196; Trotzendorf, 186; Ra- 
 tich, 321. 
 
 Claudius of Turin, 5. 
 Clement, Successor of Alcuin, 5, 10. 
 
 Clergy, Duty to Schools, Legal, 599, 60S, 684. 
 Sunday Discourse on School*, 594. 
 Candidates instructed in School matters, 601. 
 Practice in Teaching, 555. 
 Cloveshoe, Council in 747, 2. 
 Clinic for Physicians, 555. 
 Cloister Schools, 253, 290, 684. 
 Clonard, School of, 3. 
 Cluny, Monastery, Life in 1070, 28. 2. 
 Coadjutors, in Sock-ty of Jesus, 233. 
 Cocleuius, Conrad, Teacher of Sturm. 67. 
 Code, or Law for Schools, Earliest, 286, 684. 
 
 Austria, 631 ; Prussia, 593. 
 Cole, John, Rector of Zwoll, 45. 
 Colman, Bishop of Lindisfarne, 1. 
 Conferences of Teachers. 520, 654. 
 Congregation of the Blessed Virgin, 245,259. 
 Columba, St., and lona. 3. 
 Columbanus, St., and France, 3, 35. 
 Collatian Brothers or Hieronymians, 193. 
 
 Dress, Occupation, Educational System, 193. 
 College of France, Established by Francis I., 54. 
 Collegiate Letters by Sturm, 2<)9. 
 Comedies, School, Object of, 303. 
 Comenius, J. A., Memoir and System, 347. 3S8. 
 Birthplace. Family Name, Edu< atiou. 348, 495. 
 Publications Kiiiirious and Educational,348. 
 Visit and Publications in England, 349, 495. 
 Work in Sweden Oxenstierna, 349. 
 Work in Hun-rary Patak, 350. 
 Orbis Sensualium Pictus, Editions, 350. 495. 
 Residence in Holland Publication^ 351. 
 Pedagogical Work examined, 352. 
 Comnia. Birthplace of Comenius, 347. 
 Commemoration of Benefactors Duty, 257. 
 Commerce, Schools of, 699 
 Common or German Schools, earliest, 287, 685. 
 Compulsion, as applied to moral culture. 336. 
 Compulsory School Attendance. 513, 519, 611. 
 Confession, in Jesuit schools, 260. 
 Conference of Teachers, in Austria, 635. 
 
 Prussia, 654, 685. 
 
 Conversational Methods, 321, 685. 
 Corby Old and New, Monasteries, 16, 19. 
 ! Corrector in Jesuit Schools, 266. 
 : Country Schools, Rochow, labors for, 597. 
 Councils of the Church, and Schools. Clove- 
 shoe, 2; Mayence, 509; Vaison, 2, 509: 
 Rome. 510 ; Lateran, 510: Lyons. 510. 
 ! Cottfi, Madame Ursula Luther's friend, 112. 
 | Crato, or Craf' Hofman, at Schlettstadt, 86. 
 
 Crocus, R., Greek R-ader at Cambridge, 185. 
 I Customary of St. Uric of C1iiny.28. 
 Cusanus, or Nicholas of Ctisa. 52. 
 ! Customs and Traditions of Schools, 559. 
 j Daily Routine. 376. 489. 596, 602. 685. 
 Dalberg, Kammerer. Bishop ot Worms, 59 162. 
 I Danes, Incursion into England, 5. 
 ; Dancing in Gymnasium. 308. 
 ! Dantzic, Gymnasium, &c., 313, 621. [267. 
 
 Dean of a Faculty, 8. Loyola's Constitutions, 
 ; Death, and last days of Teachers. 191, 387, 423, 
 ' Debating as a School exercise. 260. [355. 
 
 : Decuria in School Organization, 288. 294, 313, 
 i Declamations, and Discourses, 177, 261. 
 i Demosthenes, Melancthcn's lectures on, 284. 
 Descartes, Opinion of Jesuit Schools, 249. 
 Dessau, Based<-w's work at. 439, 457, 685. 
 Deventer, Mother House of Hieronymians, 46. 
 Devotional Exercises Frederic's Law, 596. 
 Dialectics, tanjrht out of University, Platter, 279. 
 Dialogic Method Wolf. 564. 
 Dictator, in Jesuit Schools. 244. 
 Didactics, University Professors. 513. 
 Diemudis, Nun of Wessobrun, Copyist, 27. 
 Differences and Resemblances of Things, 256. 
 Dilucidatipn Answer to Objections to Re 
 ormation in Common Learning, 495. 
 
INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 675 
 
 Dinter, G. F., School Counselor, 652. 
 Discipline, in Frederic's Law, 598, 685. 
 
 Herder, 557 ; Basedow, 497. 
 Disputations, iti Jesuit Schools, 260. 
 Dissertations, Original, in Sturm's School, 205. 
 Dissections in Medical instruction, 286. 
 
 Basedow, bequest of body, 479. 
 Ditmar. Saxon Chronicle, 19. 
 Doctrinal, and other School books. 70, 662. 
 Dollinger, Early School* in Ireland, 3. 
 
 Influence of Irish Scholars, 4. 
 Doing a Thing, and Teaching it, 380. 
 Domestic Economy in Schools, 620. 
 Dominicans, Controversy with Reuchlin, 90. 
 Donatus, Latin Grammar, 276, 662. 
 Dramatic Representation, School, 302, 375, 473. 
 Drawing in Elementary Schools, 644, 685. 
 Drinkenberg. L., and Schlettstadt School, 85. 
 Duelling at Wittenberg in 1615, 286. 
 Duhan. Prince, one of Frederic's teachers, 579. 
 Dungal, in Charlemagne's School, 10. 
 Early Christian Schools. 1-40. 
 Eber, Paul, Realism in Schools, 427. 
 Eberhard, Duke. Service to Reuchlin, 87. 
 
 Founder of Tubingen, 163. 
 Ebner and Erasmus, 172. 
 Ecclesiastics as Teachers. 685. 
 
 School officers. 59'.). 6f)6, 641 
 Education, Ideal, of different Educators. 
 
 Sturm Piety, Knowledge, Eloquence, 212. 
 
 Hieronymians Piety, 50. 
 
 Comenius Order of Nature, 352, 355. 
 
 Herder, 53. 
 
 Hegius Godliness. 66. 
 Edward, Monastery near Groningen,46. 
 Egbert, School at Utrecht, 1, 4. 
 Eginhard, Abbot of Selisrenstadt, 12. 
 Eichsfeld, Juvenile School in 1574, 311. 
 Eighteenth Century, Pedagogy, 319. 457. 
 Eisenach, Luther's experience at School, 111. 
 Einsidlen, Monastery and School, 22, 40. 
 
 Celebration of 1000th Anniversary. 40. 
 Elementary School Book Basedow, 458. 
 
 Rochow, 505, 506. 
 
 Elementary Classes and Subjects, 197. 685. 
 Elementary Schools, Germany, 641, 643, 673. 
 
 Austria, 631, 643; Prussia, 643. 
 
 Gotha, 389, 643 ; Silesia, 609 ; Bohemia, 629. 
 Eloquence, Art of fluent speech, 197. 
 Elers, Franke, Printer and Bookseller, 411. 
 Emile, Rousseau's Education, 489, 517. 
 Emilie, Basedow's Daughter, 461. 
 Emulation, Motive to Study, 244, 255. 
 Endowment of Schools, 298. 
 
 Examples in Saxony, 294. 
 Encouragement, in Discipline, 71. 
 Encyclopedia for Ratich's Didactics, 345. 
 Endter, Michael, Designer for Comenius, 369. 
 Enser, Jerome, cited, 24. 
 Ephori, in Trotzendorf 's School, 186. 
 Epistolae Obscurorum Virbrum, Authors, 91. 
 Episcopal Seminaries. Charlemagne, 5. 
 Epithets and Names Latin and Greek, 95. 
 Erasmus, Desiderius, Choir-boy of Utrecht, 53. 
 
 His Flemish name and early education. 53, 71. 
 
 Ciceronianus Attack on the Formalists, 73. 
 
 Method of Study Colloquia, 82. 
 
 Lectures in 1449, 662. 
 Erfurt, University and town, 113, 65. 
 
 Luther's experience, 1501 and 1508, 115. 
 
 Colleges for Residence. 114. 
 Eruditio, in Jesuit Schools, 240. 
 Ernest, the Pious, Duke of Saxe-Gotha, 389^06. 
 
 School Method of Andrew Reyher, 389. 
 
 School Reforms, in 1643, 390. 
 Ernest II., Aid to Salzmann, 397. 
 Ernesti, J. A., Memoir, 530. 
 
 New and old Pedagogy, 531. 
 
 Ethics, 662 : Melancthon, 176. 
 
 Euler, on Basedow's Philanthropism, 480. 
 
 Evening Schools, 644. 
 
 Evangelical Church System of 1528, 169. [280 
 
 Examinations, School, Platter's Experience 
 
 Austrian, 624. Prussia, 594. 
 
 Teachers, 520, 595, 653, 685. 
 
 Candidates, 595. 
 
 Certificates of Successful, 57?, 596. 
 Exclusion from School, 404, 685. 
 Exegesis, of New Testament, Erasmus, 283. 
 
 Old Testament, Reuchlin, 283. 
 Exemptions in Military Service, 520. 645. 
 Expression, Power and Felicity of, 355. 
 Eye, Education of the, 355, 380. 
 Faber, 'ohn, Stapulensis, and Aristotle, 92. 
 Factory Children in Austria, 66, 686. 
 Factory Schools, 644. 
 Faculties, Origin of, 8, 686, 709. 
 
 Finance and Public Economy, 659. 
 
 Jurisprudence 659, 663, 667. 
 
 Medicine, 661, 664, 667. 
 
 Theology, 660, 663, 667. 
 Faith, 520. 
 
 Fags of the Bacchants, 270. 
 Fear, as a Motive-Ratich, 336. 
 Fees, University Lectures, 662. 
 
 Common Schools, 595, 686. 
 Felbiger, J. J. Von, Memoir, 625. 
 
 School Reforms in Silesia, 610, 625. 
 
 Labors in Austria, 617, 626. 
 Female Teachers, 633, 699. 686. 
 Ferrieres, Monastery and Schools, 15. 
 Feuerlein, 300; Pictorial Illustrations, 430. 
 
 Speaking Latin, 301. 
 
 Fifteenth Century Conflict of Old and New, 93 
 Finance, in German Universities, 659. 
 Final Examination, in Gymnasia, 655. 
 Fine Arts, or Sense of the Beautiful, 558, 699. 
 Fines for Non-attendance at School, 392, 636. 
 Finian, St., of Clonard. 3. 
 Firmian, Count, Austri n Schools, 615. 
 Flog .ring in School, Luther's experience, 99. 
 
 Platter's, 269: Hauberle, 479. 
 Florentius, of Deventer, 46. 
 Form, one of Pestalozzi's principles, 401. 
 Formularium Practicum, or Moot Court, 555. 
 Formatus, in Theology. 120. 
 Forster, J. C.. Account of Ratich, 316. 
 Founders, and Benefactors, Commemora, 257. 
 France, Superior Instruction. 711. 
 Franciscan School at Magdeburg, in 1497, 108 
 Francis Von Sickingen, and Reuchlin, 91. 
 Franke. Augustus Hermann, 407-424. 
 
 Familiar with School Method of Ernest, 393 
 
 Orphan House and Associated Schools, 411. 
 
 Teachers' Seminary. 416. 
 
 German Burgher School, 417. 
 
 Paedagogium Latin School. 417. 
 
 Botanv, Botanical Garden, Laboratory, 417. 
 Frankfort. 313, 672. [46 
 
 Fratrum Domus Hieronymians, at Daventer 
 Frederick William. Gymnasium, Berlin, 441. 
 
 Education for his Son, 579-598. 
 
 Teachers and Special Masters, 579. [581 
 
 German Language and History No Latin 
 
 Riding Tactics Travel, 583. 
 
 Results of Teachers' work, 592. 
 Frederick II., the Great, 579, 593, 686. [609 
 
 Educational Reforms in Common School, 593 
 
 General Regulations in 1763. 593. [600 
 
 Ordinance for Catholic Schools of Silesia 
 Adams' Account of Results, 609. 
 
 Cabinet order respecting classics, 562. 
 
 Berlin Real School Normal School, 598. 
 
 Tribute to Maria Theresa's policy, 444, 614. 
 Free Cities, School Reforms in, 160, 686. 
 Freiburg University, 658. 
 
676 
 
 INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 French Language in German Schools, 307, 553. 
 
 Herder, 549: Goethe, 480; Raumer, 308, 686. 
 Freylinghausen, Z. A., Director, 419. 
 Friars, the Begging, 46. 
 
 Assault, on Hieronymians, 53. 
 Friedberg in Hesse, Gymnasium in 1631, 297. 
 Friedrich Wilhelm Gymnasium, 439, 441. 
 
 Real School detached in 1811, 439. 
 Fridolin, Irish Apostle on the Rhine, 3. 
 Fritz's Journey to Dessau, Schummel, 467. 
 Froebel's Kindergarten, 633. 
 Fulda, Monastery and School, 11. 
 Fulnek, Seat of the Bohemian Brethren, 347. 
 Further Improvement Schools, 451, 454, 641. 
 Frederick's provision for, 594. 
 
 Gaza, Theodore, and Guarini, 59, 82. 
 
 Gallitzin, Piincess, 545. 
 
 Galileans, Antagonism to Romans, 42. 
 
 Gallomania in Germany, 552. 
 
 Garden Culture, 630, 686. 
 
 Gelenius, Bohemian Scholar, 168. 
 
 Geography, as a Study in 1500, 281, 555, 686. 
 
 Albertus Magnus, 33; Gesner, 528. 
 
 Herder, 555, 560 ; Basedow, 483. 
 
 Comenms, 372. 
 
 Geography and History. 281, 372, 528. 
 Geometry, Pestalozzi, 492. 
 
 Taught and Advocated by Hegius, 66. 
 Gervinus, German Language in Schools, 305. 
 
 German School Dramas, 304. 
 Gerard, the Great, 45, 46. [4(5, 47. 
 
 Views of Education, Religious life the Aim, 
 Gerard Zerbolt, Bible in the Vernacular, 48. 
 German Burgher School of Franke, 417. 
 German Grammar, taught in Latin, 301. 
 German Language, 154, 215, 305, 328, 686. 
 
 Used in University Lectures, 527. 
 German Schools, so called. 286. 
 Germany, Primary Ins., 509, 641. 
 
 Public, books relating to, 673-714. 
 Gerson, John, 49. 
 Gesner, J. M., Memoir, 521. 
 
 Pedagogical Publications, 521. 
 
 Work at Leipsic in Thomas School, 523. 
 
 Professor at Gottingen, 524. 
 
 Real Studies in Gymnasiums, 496, 527, 528. 
 
 Natural Sciences, 496, 528. 
 Gesner, Rector of Rolenburg, 435. 
 Gewerbe, or Trade Schools, 453. 
 Giessen, University, 658. 
 Glaucha, Franke' s pastorate at, 408. 
 Gleim, and Rochow Correspondence, 503. 
 God, Love and Fear of, 544. 
 Gcethe, cited, 566. 
 Goldberg School, 185. 
 Gorlitz, Gymnasium, 185. 
 Goswin of Harlem, 57. 
 Gottingen University, 658. 
 
 Pedagogical Seminary, 518. 
 
 Gymnasium, 298. 
 
 Grammar, taught in Mother-tongue, 354. 
 Grammatici, Applied to Latinists, 315. 
 Gratz, University, 658. [346. 
 
 Grawer, Report on Ratich's System, 341, 343, 
 Gregorians.or Brotherhood of Good Will, 46, 
 Groning, P., Endowment in 1633. 299. [193. 
 Guerike, Life of Franke, 513. 
 Greek and Trojans in Schools. 244. 
 Greek Language in Ger. Schools, 285, 289. [93. 
 
 Agricola Erasmus Reuchlin, Melancthon, 
 
 Jesuit Schools, -240 ; Wolf's estimate, 569 
 Greeks, who taught in Italy and France, 59, 87. 
 Greek, printed, first in 1475, 52. 
 
 First Professor in Paris, 54. 
 Gregory, Pope, on the Fall of Rome, 43. 
 Gregory of Tiferno, Greek Professor at Paris, 
 Greifswalde University, 658. [54. 
 
 Grimm, Rector at Mohrungen, 547. 
 
 Gutsmuths, physical training, 480. 
 Gymnasium, German, 655, 687. 
 
 Admission, Studies, Examinations, 635. 
 Gymnastics and Athletics, 375. 
 Hahn, J. F., Memoir and Labors, 437. 
 
 Tabular and Literal Method, 625. 
 Hallam, cited, 32. 
 Haimo, of Halberstadt, 15. 
 Halberstadt, Teachers' Seminary, 507. 
 Halle, School of St. Ulrica, 271. 
 
 University, 658. 
 
 Orphan Home of Franke, 409,513, 515. 
 Hamburgh, School Organization in 1520, 160. 
 Hamann, J. G., Memoir, 533-545. 
 
 Experience as a Private Tutor, 525. 
 
 Reflections on his own Life, 527. 
 
 Pedagogical Reflections, 537. 
 Hanover, Public Instruction, 687. 
 Hatto and Rabanus at Fnlda, 11. 
 Hauberle, the Suabian Flagellator, 479. 
 Haun, J. E. C., School Method in Gotha, 398. 
 Hebrew Language, Study of, 61, 164, 687. 
 
 Agricola, 61, 63; Luther, !&'. [294. 
 
 Melancthon. 180; Reuchlin, t9; Saxon Code, 
 Hebrew Literature, Reuchlin'e Controversy, 90. 
 Hechingen Latin, 88. 
 Hecker, J. Julius, Memoir. 437. 
 
 Real School of Berlin. 437, 452. 
 
 Free School-German, Latin and Real, 437, 
 Heidelberg University, in Melancthon's Time, 
 
 Statistics in 1869, 658. [162. 
 
 Heiric, Henry of Auxerre, 15. 
 Helwig, Prof, at Geissen, on Ratich. 335, 340. 
 Henry de Mesmes, College Life in 1545. 55. 
 
 Lectures by candlelight in the morning, 55. 
 Henzky, Rector, Real School in 1751, 436. 
 Henry of Wurtzburg, 21. 
 Herder, J. G., Memoir, 547-560. 
 
 Education Experience of a Teacher, 548. 
 
 Plan of a School, 549, 556. 
 
 Order of Studies German. French, Latin, 549. 
 Teachers' Seminary Real School. 554. 
 
 Theological Students and Studies, 555. 
 
 Pedagogical Views, 556-560. 
 Hegius, Alexander, Memoir, 65. 
 
 Teacher of Erasmus, 65. 
 Hermits of St. Hieronymus, 193. 
 Hermann, Contractus, of Rrichenau, 9. 
 
 Author of Hymn. Alma Redemptwis^ 39. 
 Herrnhut, and Zinzendorf, 516. 
 Herrnschmid, J. D., Franke's Successor, 419. 
 Hesse, Public Instruction, 6^7. 
 Heyd, Estimate of Melancthon, 165. 
 Hieronymus, Reuchlin's Teacher of Greek, 87. 
 Heyue, Christian Gottlob, Memoir. 574. 
 Hieronymians, Teaching Order, 1373-1600, 193 
 
 Historical Development, 45-49. 
 
 Supported by Handcrafts, 47 ; Recognized 
 at Rome, 49. 
 
 Christian Popular Education, 50, 66. 
 
 Influence of Italian Pedagogy, 51. 
 Hilaritv and Recreation to oe Encouraged. 136. 
 Hildesheim. School of, 22. 
 Hirshau, William of, 28. 
 History, Luther, 155. 
 
 Melancthon's Chronicon, 177. 
 Hochstraten and Haverling, 69, 91. 
 Holidays, 687 ; Recess, 376. 
 Home,*Examples of, 98. 
 Home and its Surroundings in Geography, 5fiO. 
 
 Comenius, 372, 687. 
 Home Training, Luther, 130. 
 Hoole.C., English Edition of Orbis Pictus,499. 
 Horn Book and Speller. 393. 
 Homer, Sturm's use. 206. 
 
 Wolf's Prolegomena, 566. 
 Hoschel, D., Rector of Augsburg, 328. 
 Horlenius, Joseph, Rector in Herford, 67. 
 
INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 677 
 
 Housekeeping, in Austrian Common Schools, 
 
 Hucbald, of St. Amand, 16. [631. 
 
 Humanists, Humanities, 12, 158. 
 
 Humbolt, cited, 32. 
 
 Hungary, Schools, 687. 
 
 Hutten, Ulric, aud Epistolae Obscurorum,91. 
 
 Hungarius, John, Melancthon's Teacher, 161. 
 
 Idea Ideatum Ideaus, Comenius, 379. 
 
 Ignatius, St., aud the Jesuits, 228. 
 
 Ilfield, Cloister School under Neander, 226. 
 
 Physical Sciences and Geography taught, 227. 
 Imagination, 317 ; and Memory, 337. 
 Imitation. Many things to be taught by, 356. 
 Imitation of Christ, Thomas a Kempis, 49. 
 Improvement Schools, 453, 593. 
 Industrial Schools, 687 ; for Girls, 505. 
 Industrial Drawing Schools, 456. 
 Ingoldstadt, Lectures 1472, 662. 
 Initia, School Book of Ernesti, 530. 
 Inspruck, University, 658. 
 Inspection, and Names, 355, 380, 482. 
 Inspection of Schools in Austria, 626, 638. 
 
 Germany, 520, 6S7. 
 Infant School-*, 644. 
 Induction, 33'.}. , 
 
 Interior of Cloister School, 12. 
 Intuition, and Intuitional Method, 318,482. 
 Ireland, Early Christian Schools, 3. 
 
 Influence on England and Continent, 3, 4, 29. 
 Irish Dungall, 5. 
 Irish John of Pavia, 5. 
 Irishman Maildus, at Malmesbury, 4. 
 Irish Missionaries in Scotland. 4. 
 Irish Scholars in Germany, 1, 29. 
 Isagoge, Pedagogical experience of Gesner, 524. 
 Iso, Master of Schools at St. Gall, 37. 
 Italy, Revival of Classic Studies, 50.711. 
 
 Influence on German Scholars, 51, 87. 
 Jacototand Herder, Contrasted, 558. 
 Janua, Methodicus NovissiniaofComenius,365. 
 Janua Linguarum, Bateus, 495. 
 Janua Reserasa Linguarura. Comenius, 495. 
 Jena University, in 1869, 658. 
 Jerome, Monk," Great Copyist, 27. 
 Jesus, Society of, 230. 
 Jesuits and their Schools, 229, 236. 
 
 History of the Order, 230; Authorities, 256. 
 
 Internal Organization, 232. 
 
 Constitution for Instructions, 257-267. 
 
 Activity in Establishing Schools, 231. 
 
 Educational Institutes, 236. 
 
 Studies Latin Text-books, 23S. 
 
 Houses, Colleges, Universities, 263. 
 
 Colleges, 237 ; Characteristic Features, 243. 
 
 Universities Admission Studies, 265. 
 
 Estimate of their work as Teachers, 248. 
 Protestant and Catholic, 248. 
 
 Generals of the Order, 235 ; Schools, 236, 238. 
 
 Classification of Members Professors Coad- 
 jutors, 233, 257. 
 
 Suppression and Renovation, 232. 
 
 Conditions of receiving a College, 237. 
 
 Course for Membership, 258. 
 
 Remuneration for Instruction, 261. [263. 
 
 Rector Chancellor Corrector Corrector, 
 Jews, Interest in Basedow's Schools, 465. 
 
 Literature Renchlin's judgment, 90. 
 Jodoctis, of Eisenach, Lathers Teacher, 123. 
 John Scotu* Erigena, 10. 
 Johnson, Dr., Tribute to Dr. Watts, 612. 
 Jourdain, cited, 32 
 Josquin, in Saxon School Code, 294. 
 Joseph II, of Austria, 627. 
 
 Address of Basedow in 1776, 463. 
 Journals of Education, in Austrian Law, 334. 
 Julius, Dr., Prussian Schools as they were, 651. 
 Jungius, Rector at Hamburg, 340. 
 
 Jurisprudence, German, Education in, 659. 
 Faculty, at Berlin and Leipsic, 658, 663, 667. 
 
 Kant, Emanuel, Hopes from Basedow, 474. 
 Kaplitz, Scene of Kindermann's Labors, 628. 
 Kelper, of St. Gall, interview with Luther, 127 
 Kempis, Thomas-a, 48. 
 
 Krachenberger, John, and change of Names, 95 
 Knoewell, Master Wolfgang, ofZurich, 275. 
 Kinderfreund, of Rochow, 505. 
 Kindergarten, attached to Normal Schools for 
 
 Females, 633. 
 Kindennann, Ferdinand, Memoir, 628. 
 
 School Reforms in Bohemia Kaplitz, 628. 
 
 Industrial Element in Popular Schools, 630. 
 Kinner, Cyprian, Way and Method of Teaching 
 Komensky. See Comenius, 495. [495 
 
 Kortholdt, Prof, at Kiel, 407. 
 KSthen, Ratich's Experimental School, 321. 
 Klosterbergen, Teachers' Seminary, 502, 518. 
 Kromayer, School System, 325, 333. 
 Kuhner, Definition of Grammar, 175. 
 Lange, Rudolph. Memoir, 53, 68, 123. 
 Language, used for Instruction, 631, 688. 
 
 Mother Tongue, 317, 552. 
 
 Latin, for German and Greek. 342. 
 Languages, not learned by Grammar only, 154. 
 
 Basedow, 492; Pestalozzi, 492. 
 
 Comenius, 376 ; Ratich,342. 
 Lascaris, Teacher of Greek, 54. 
 Last Hours of Eminent Teachers and Educators 
 
 Adam, 191; Gesner. 529; Hamann, 545; 
 
 Trotzendorf, 191 ; Rohcow, 508; Franke, 423. 
 Latin Language, Importance attached to, 302, 
 
 Schools of the Jesuits, 236, 242, 26. [559. 
 
 Sturm, 217; Trotzendorf, 188; Ratich, 327. 
 
 In Gymnasiums, 688 ; Comenius, 376. 
 
 Real Schools. 688. 
 
 Latin, ceased to be necessary for Courts, Diplo- 
 macy, etc., 300, 439. 
 Latin, Taught as Living Language, 376, 400. 
 
 Sturm, 217; Jesuits, 249, 261; Ratich, 324; 
 
 Kromayer, 327 
 
 Latin Debates in Trotzendorf s School, 186. 
 Latin Plays, 302, 305, 375. 
 Latin Grammars Alvarus, 239. 
 
 Melancthon. 172. 
 Editions by Camerarius, 173, 184. 
 
 By Neander, 174. 
 Lauenberg, Public School, 668. 
 Lauingen, Gymnasium, 209. 
 Lavater, Goethe's description, 460. 
 Law, Faculty and Lectures, 663, 667. 
 Laws respecting Common Schools, 287, 403, 
 
 512, 593, 619. 
 Lectures, University, Language. 167. 
 
 Programmes, 662, 665, 667. [544. 
 
 Leonard and Gertrude, Hamann's Estimate 
 Leopold Frederick Franz, Prince of Anhalt 
 Lesson Plans. 688. [459. 
 
 Libraries, Monastic, 11, 26, 36. 
 
 Universities, 285. 
 Licentiate in Theology, 121. 
 Liegnitz, School for Princes, 299. 
 Leipsic, Schools and Education, 688, 699. 
 
 University, Statistics, 657. 
 
 Lectures, 667. 
 
 Income and Expenditures in 1872, 670. 
 Life and Earnestness in Teacher, 316. 
 Lindermann, Margaret, Luther's Mother, 97. 
 Lippe Detmold, 643, 657, 688. 
 Lisba, St. Bischoffsheim, 2. 
 Lissa, School of concerning in 1631, 348. 
 Locality, Influence on Education, 35, 99, 110. 
 Loefller, School Reader, 379. 
 Logic as a Study, 175, 204. [517. 
 
 Locke, John, Thoughts published in Germany, 
 
678 
 
 INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 Lorraine, Dukedom of Bruno, 20. 
 
 Love and Reverence, as Motives, 191, 336. 
 
 Loyola, Ignatius Von, Memoir, 229. 
 
 Society of Jesus, 230. 
 
 Activity in developing Schools, 231. 
 
 Constitutions respecting Instruction, 251. 
 Ludwig, Prince of Anhalt Kothen, and Ratich, 
 Luidger, Bishop of Munster, 1. [320. 
 
 Lupus of Ferrieres, 12, 15. 
 Luther's Catechism, 688; Fred'k's Law, 598. 
 Luther's German Bible, 510. [07-1(50. 
 
 Luther, Martin, Life and Educational Work, 
 
 Memoir and School Education, 97. 
 
 Trivial Schools at that period Flogging, 100. 
 
 Knowledge of, and Attachment to the Poor, 
 
 Gymnasium, and University Life, 114. [106. 
 
 Residence and Labors at Wittenberg, 117. 
 
 Relations to Melancthon, 125, 167. 
 
 Domestic Life Letter to his son Johnny, 130. 
 
 Views on Home Education Children, 131. 
 
 Address to Conn oilmen of Towns, 139, 511. 
 
 Compulsory School Attendance, 150. 
 
 University Reform, 512. 
 
 Bible to be more read, 153. 
 
 Languages Natural Science History, 155. 
 
 Logic Rhetoric Mathemat ics Music, 157. 
 
 School Organizations under his direction, 160. 
 Luxemburg, Pub. Ins. ,688. 
 Magdeburg, Schools of. 25, 108, 688. 
 Mailduf. Founder of Malmesbury, 4. 
 Magistracy in Schools, 186. 376. 
 Maluden, of Liinorges, Private Tutor, 55. 
 Mammotrectns, Doctrinal, etc., 94. 
 Mansfield, School? in Luther's Time, 100. 
 Manual Labor in Schools, 402, 439, 452, 629. 
 Marburg, University, 658. 
 Maria Theresa, Empress, Memoir, 613, 688. 
 
 School Reforms, 614-7. 
 
 Military Schools-Higher Education. 614,707. 
 
 Primary Schools Special Schools, 615, 695. 
 Marianus Scotus, 29. 
 Marsilius, Picus di Mirandola, 92. 
 Martial, cited. 527. 
 Mathematics, variously estimated Wolf, 561. 
 
 At Wittenberg about 1550. 283. 
 
 None in Gymnasiums in 1735, 531. 
 
 In Military Schools, 705. 
 
 Matheshis, Miners in Luther's Time, 106. [463. 
 Mechanical School, proposed by Semler in 1706, 
 Mecklenberg, Public Instruction, 643, 676. 
 Medicine, Faculty of. 661, 658 
 
 Lectures in Berlin and Leipsic, 665, 668. 
 Meinrad of Reichenau, 39. 
 Meierotto, Joachimsthal Gymnasium, 488. 
 Meinwerc. St. of Paderborn, 25. 
 Melancthon, Philip Schwarzerd, 161-184. 
 
 Birthplace and School Education, 161. 
 
 Residence at Heidelberg, 162. 
 
 Labors at Tubingen. 163: Wittenberer, 167. 
 
 School Plan, 169; Manuals. 172. 
 
 Realistic Drift of his Pedagogy, 426, 429. 
 Memory, Cultivation. 380,491. 
 
 Repetition, 243; Logical Arrangement, 63. 
 
 Vividness of Impressions, 496. 
 
 May be too much tasked, 534. 
 Mental Arithmetic, 683 
 Montz, Archbishop of, 2. 
 Meemes, Henry de, College Life, 55. 
 Messner, J , Rector, etc., Vienna, 615. 
 Metellus, of Tegernsee, 26. 
 Method, Simultaneous, 626. 
 
 Catechetic Spener, 513. 
 
 Dialogic Wolf. 504. 
 
 Heundic, or Inventive, 559. 
 
 Conversational, 500. 
 
 Monitorial, 512. 
 Military Schools, 614, 705. 
 Mining Academy, and Schools, 455, 699. 
 
 Mirabeau, Discourse on National Education, 
 Misnia, School of, 24. [507. 
 
 Missions, of Lutheran Church. 170(5, 422. 
 Modern Languages Jesuit Schools, 240. 
 Monastery, and Monastic Life, 28, 35, 41. 
 
 Painted by St. Ulric in his Customary, 28. 
 Monks, Occupation of the, 11, 23. 26. 28. [419 
 Monitorial, or Pupil Teacher System Franke^ 
 Monitors of Order and Instruction, 186, 288, 
 
 Comenius' System, "55. [313. 
 
 Morhof, Professor at .Kiel. 313, 407. 
 ; Moravians, or United Brethren. 516. 
 I Mosaic Work in Monasteries, 23. 
 ! Moellanus, of Leipsic, 125, 126, 185. 
 Mother Tongue of Pupils, 317, 343, 354. 
 1 Neglected, 821, 335. 
 
 Jesuit Schools, 240. 
 
 Sturm and Trotzendorf, 188, 216. 220. 
 
 Medium of Instruction and Training, 552. 
 
 Real Schools, 343. 439. 
 
 Necessary to Eloquence, 222. 
 Motives and Expect,- tions, 101, 336, 534. 
 
 Attractiveness of Subjects, 316, 354, 692. 
 Mount St. Agnes, Monastery of Hieronymians, 
 Muncer, and Peasants' War, 109. [49 
 
 Munich, Polytechnic Schools, 440, 697. 
 
 University, 657. 
 Munster, School and Bishop, 1. 
 
 Teachers' Seminary in 1757, 518. 
 Murmellius, John, on Alexander Hegius, 67. 
 Mailer, Rector of Zittau. 306. 
 Music in Monastic Sch' ols, 17, 18. 
 
 Cultivated for Utilitarian Purposes, 317, 689. 
 
 Luther's Attention to, 113, 158. 
 
 Comenius daily by all. 375. 
 Mutianus, and Luther. 124. 
 Myconius of Gotha, 104, 169, 278. 
 Names, German, Latinized. 95. 
 Nassau, Duchy, Public Instruction, 643, 676. 
 Nations, in Universities, 7, 8, 689, 709. 
 National Systems of Education. 673. 725. 
 Native Language, Culture of, 306, 689. 
 Nature and Art, 341, 496. 
 Nature, Laws of, in Education, 316,324, 491. 
 Natural Sciences, Albert's time, 31, 43. 
 
 Loyola, 265, 266 ; Gesner, 528. 
 
 Luther, 155. 
 
 Navigation, Schools for. 456, 671, 689. 
 Naucler, at Tubingen. 1(14. 
 
 History of the World. 1(55. 
 Neubauer, George Henry, and Franke, F15. 
 Neander, Michael, Memoir and Work, 225. 
 
 Family Name Home Training Schools, 225. 
 
 School School Manuals, 26. 
 Needlework for Girls, in Austrian Common 
 
 Schools, 631, 632. 689. 
 
 Neglected Children, 141. 689. [52, 56. 
 
 Netherlands, Eminent Teachers, 1300 to 1500. 
 Newman ; Rise and Progress of Universities. 5. 
 
 Monastic Institutions and Civilization, 41. 
 Newspapers, or Current Intelligence, as School 
 
 Reading, 375. 
 
 Niemeyer, Programme on Ratich, 346. 
 Notes to Lectures, 555. 
 Notker, the Blessed, at St. Gall. 37,39. 
 Novices, in Society of Jesus, 233. 
 Nuremberg, School of Art, ideal and useful, 
 
 Gymnasium, 168. [447, 450, 697. 
 
 Nutscell, Monastery and School. 1. 
 Nobles, in SturmVScliooi, 307. 
 
 Special Schools f<>r. 309. 
 Non-Attendance at School, 595, 689. 
 Nordhausen,Gymnasium T Assoriations,110,561. 
 Normal, earliest use of term. 617, 689. 
 Normal Schools, Pattern or Model. 512, 619, 689. 
 
 Kaplitz, 629; Sagan, 625: Halle. 516. 
 Normal Schools, List of German, in 1869, 646. 
 
 Barnard's Treatise on, 645. 
 
INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 679 
 
 Objects themselves, or Pictures of Real, 355 
 Objects and Object Lessons, Semler 1738, 434. 
 
 Books used only for reviews, 434. 
 
 Ascent from the created to the Creator, 435. 
 Obedience, to a Superior, Implicit, 234. 
 
 Luther's Comments, 139. 
 
 Doctrine and Practice of Jesuits. -2:35. 
 Oberlin, on Basedow's Work, 475. 
 Obligatory Attendance, 150. 519, 689.^ 
 Observatory, Astronomical, 286. 
 Observing, Art of, 492. 
 Object Teaching, and Pictures, 390, 495, 689. 
 Oecouomi, in Goldberg School. 186. 
 Offense to Children in Scriptural Sense, 136. 
 Old and New in the Fifteenth Century, 45, 96, 
 Oldenburg, Public Schools, 643, 657, 689. [178. 
 Olivier at Dessau, 480. 
 Old and New, Corby, 16. 
 One thing at a time, 334, 380. 
 Oporinus, Dr., at Basle, 278, 
 Oral teaching Hamann, 538. 
 Oral Examinations, 656, 689. 
 Oratory in School Education, 240. 
 Orbis Pictus, English Edition, 369, 495. 
 Oratory and Poetry Sturm, 204. 
 Order of Studies each in its order, 334 
 Oriental Studies for Missionaries at Halle, 416. 
 Organizers of Public Instruction, 287. 
 
 Ernest, the Pious, Saxe-Gotha, 389. 
 
 Duke Christopher Wurtemburg, 287. 
 
 Elector Augustus Saxony, 293.' 
 
 Frederick II. Prussia, 578. 
 
 Maria Theresa Austria, 613. 
 Orphan House, 690 ; at Halle, 411, 5"3. 
 Orphans of Teachers, 69n. 
 Otfried, of Weissemburg, Tudesque Dialect, 13. 
 
 Charlemagne's German Grammar, 13. 
 Otheric, Master of School at Magdeburg, 25. 
 Othlonus of St. Emmerau, 26. 
 Otho, the Great. 20; Otho II., 22. 
 Out of School, and on their way home Chil- 
 dren, 597, 690. 
 
 Outside Occupation for T.-achers, 277, 596, 690. 
 Oxenstierna, Interest in Ratich's Views,323,346. 
 
 Comenius, Interview with, 349. 
 
 Didactica Magna, 378. 
 Paderborn, Schools of, 25. 
 Paedagogium, Franke's, 410, 690. 
 Paedagogium of Berlin under Silberschlag, 439. 
 
 Friederich Wilhelm's Gymnasium, 439. 
 Pagan Authors in Christian Schools, 17. 
 Palatinus, Ekkehard of St. Gall, 38. 
 Parental Duty, as to School Attendance of 
 Children, 519. 604, 633, 699. 
 
 Luther's enforcement, 140, 146. 
 
 Hamann, 533, 539. 
 
 Austrian Law, 622. 
 
 Parental Solicitude, 539 ; Legal Obligation, 641. 
 Paris, Charlemagne's Schoolat, 5. 7 
 
 University, 710. 711 ; Polytechnic School, 701. 
 
 Special Schools of Science, 701. 
 Parochial and Popular School, Origin, 510,690. 
 Paschasius Radpert, 16. 
 
 Manner of life at Corby, 17. 
 
 Attention to Music, 17. 
 Patience, in Teaching, 542. 
 Paul Scriptoris at Tubingen. 164. [521 . 
 
 Pedagogical Seminary Buddeus and Gesner, 
 Pedagogy, Professor at Halle, 562, 690. 
 
 Requirements of Wolf, 562. 
 
 Treatises on National, 2. [690. 
 
 Pensions for Superannuated Teachers, 520, 636, 
 Pensions or Boarding Schools, 238. 
 Perceptive Faculties, 354, 690. 
 Pestalozzi, General Principles, 491, 690, 714. 
 
 Defects of character, 494. 
 
 Influence on German Education, 491, 517. 
 
 Hamann, 544. 
 
 Pestalozzianism, 714. 
 
 Pfeft'erkorn. John. Controversy with Reuchlin. 
 
 Peterson, Dr., 400. [90 
 
 Pepin aud Charlemagne, 2. 
 
 Philanthropic Archives, by Basedow, 463. 
 
 Philological Seminaries, 661, 690. 
 
 Philosophical Faculty, in Wittenberg, 282. 
 
 Classes and Schools, 661, 690. 
 Philanthropinum, and the Philanthropists, 456. 
 
 Estimate by Goethe. 459. [464, 467 
 
 Hamann, 539 ; Herder, 539; Gedike, 488. 
 
 Kant, 474; Oberlin, ^75. 
 
 Interior Arrangement, 489. 
 Physics, of Aristotle, commentary on, 31. 
 
 Melancthon's Manual, 176. 
 Pelagianism, Development of the Good, 318. 
 Physical Science, 31, 155, 265. 
 Physical Education Basedow, 317, 480, 489. 
 Picus di Mirandola, 92. 
 Piarists, 690. 
 
 Pietists, and their Pedagogy, 414. 419. 
 Piety before Scholarship, 50, 66, 67. 
 Pictorial Illustrations. Scaliger. 496; Basedow 
 
 482; Comenius, 495 : Woodward, 496. 
 Plays and Gymnastics, 317, 375. 
 
 Dramatic Entertainments, 302, 305 
 ; Platter, Thomas, School lile about 1500, 269-80. 
 
 Experience as a fag, 270. . [276. 
 
 Acquisition of Hebrew, and rope making, 
 Pleasure, associated with Study, 627. [94, 95. 
 Poets name given to Champions of the Classics 
 
 Jurists, Theologians, and Artists, 94. 
 Poetry, Value of the Study of, 317, 571. 
 Poland, Early Schools in, 312, 347, 690. 
 Polytechnic Schools, 695 ; in Bavaria, 447. [160. 
 PomtTania, Church and School Order in 1535, 
 
 Schools for Girls as well as for Boys, 160. 
 Pomey, Amalthea, a Miscellany, 239 F52. 
 
 Poor Clerks, or Brethren of the Common Life, 
 Popular Education in Germany Dev't, 509,673. 
 Prague, University, Lectures hi 1366, 662. 
 
 Kinderman's Normal School, 629. 
 Prayer, at opening of morning session, 596, 690. 
 Primary Public Instruction, 519, 641, 673, 691. 
 Printing, Art of. 52, 510. 
 
 Influence on Popular Education, 510. 
 
 First Greek type and press, 52. 
 Praxis, Ratich's, 334, 345. 
 Precocity, 381. 
 
 Private Seminaries in Austria, 637. 
 Private Tutor, Trials, 535. [294. 
 
 Private or Select Schools in Saxon Code, 292, 
 Privileges, Academic, 9. 
 Prizes as a motive to study, 244. [245. 
 
 Ceremony of distribution in Jesuit Schools, 
 Prodromus of Comenius, 349. 
 Procurator of Nation in Universities, 7. 
 Proctors, Universities. Agency, 8. 
 Promotion by Merit, 520. 
 Professed, in the Society of Jesus, 263. 
 Progressives of 17th century, 311-318. 
 
 Summary of Principles, 315. 
 
 Mother Tongue and Real Objects, 317. 
 
 Learning with understanding and pleasure, 
 
 Music and Drawing, 317. [317. 
 
 Provincial in Society of Jesus. 233. 
 Public and Private Schools. 559, 691. 
 Purity of thought and style, 15. 
 Pupil's Self- Activity, 401 . 
 Pupil teacher, system of Franke, 419. 
 Prussia, Public Instruction, 651, 673, 691. 
 Elementary Schools, 593. 6*1,643. 
 
 Teachers' Seminaries, 64b. 
 Secondary Schools, 655, 657. 
 Superior Instruction, 659, 709. 
 Technical Schools, 451. 672, 695. 
 SundHv and Improvement Schools, 451, 641. 
 Pythagoras, Golden Lines, 294, 338. 
 
6 S3 
 
 iv> GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 Qnadrivium, 6, 9, 374. 
 Quaestor, in Trotzendorf's School, 186. 
 Qualification? of a good Teacher, 600. 
 Frederic II., 595; How ascertained, 595. 
 
 Details of Law for Silesia, 600. 
 Herder's views, 558. 
 Hamann, 534, 538, 543. 
 
 Rabanus Maurus, Scholar and Teacher, 13, 4. 
 Radbod, of Oriesland, 19. 
 Radewin's Fiorentius, Canon of Utrecht, 46. 
 Radpert, Paschasius, of Old Corby, 16. 
 Ragnor Lodbrog, 5. 
 
 Rambalt, Pedagogic Lectures at Jena, 517. 
 Rank, Social, in School, 307, 691. 
 KatgerofFulda, 20. 
 Itatpert, of St. Gall, 37. 
 Ratich, Memoir and Work, 319-346. 
 Instruction in Latin, 324. 
 General Principles of Education, 334. 
 Works relating to, 345. 
 Rathmelsigi Monastery, 1. 
 Ratio Studiorum, Manual of Jesuit Schools, 236. 
 Ratisbon, School and School room, 29, 31. 
 Raumer, Karl, Chapters of, 56-96, 131-228. 
 heading and Writing, taught together, 335. 
 Real Schools, 474, 691. 
 Realism, Verbal and Real, 429, 431. 
 Progressive Developments, 431, 441. 
 Realistic Studies in Austria, 618. 
 In Gymnasiums. 526,691. 
 Sturm's Class Books, 432. 
 Semler's first use ot the term Real, 433. 
 Schottgen Hecker Halm, 437. 
 Sandrart, Scarrar and others in Pavaria, 447. 
 Rector, in Schools of the Jesuits, 237. 
 Recreation, Necessity for. 415, 330. 
 Register of Attendance and Proficiency, 622. 
 
 Prussian Law, 595. 
 
 Reyher, Andrew, School Method of, 1942, 389. 
 Rehearsal from memory, Sturm, 203. 
 Reichnau, Monastery, i3, 39. 
 Reimarus, Teacher o Basedow, 457. 
 Reinhold, Mathematics and Astronomy. 283. 
 Rekahn, Scene of Rochow's Labors, 499. 
 Ritmaun's Description of the Schools, 507. 
 Rudolph's testimony as to Results, 508. 
 Religious Instruction,' 46, 215. 
 Schools of the Je-uits, 241. 
 Basedow, 464; Rochow's Plan, 502. 
 Austrian Common Schools, 620. 
 Reformation, Labors of Erasmus, Reuchlin, 
 
 Luther, 92 
 
 Influence on Schools and Education, 93. 
 Popular Schools, Utf; Grammar Schools- 
 Gymnasia, 96. 
 Universities, 281. 
 Prussian, 596. 
 
 Retrant>lation from Latin to Greek, &c., 203. 
 Remigius of Auxerre, 16. 
 Repetition of Lessons, 243, 335, 381. 
 Repetition, Courses for Teachers, 654. 
 Repetition frequent and accurate, 198. 335. 
 Repetition or Sup: lementary Schools of Fred- 
 eric II, 593, 691. 
 
 Reuchlinists, League of German Scholars, 90. 
 Reuchlin. John, Memoir, 87. 
 Educational Advantages Good teachers and 
 
 travel, 87. 
 
 Controversies with Jews, and Dominican j . 89. 
 Services to study of Greek Literature and 
 
 Hebrew. 93. 
 
 Reuse Public Instruction. 643. 680. 
 Reverence to Childhood, 557, 543. 
 Rheims. School of. 16. 
 Rhenish Society of Literature. 54, 163. 
 Rhenius, John, and Ratich, 328, 345. 
 Rhetoric as a study, 176 [203. 
 
 Melancthon, 176. Jesuit Schools, 240. Sturm, 
 
 I Rhodomannus, Laurentius, on Neander, 227. 
 | Ritter Academy, 457, 497, 614. 
 Roothaan, General of the Society of J., 237. 
 Rochow, Frederic Eberhard, Memoir, 497-508. 
 Ignorance and Superstition 01 his Tenant, 497. 
 School Books Competent Teachers, 499. 
 Local School Reforms, 504. 
 Educational Publications, 506. 
 Roman Chant. 29. 
 Roman Catholic Church and Schools, 1-40, 310 
 
 Theological Faculty, 660. 
 Roman Empire, Downfall, 41. 43. 
 
 Influence on Spread of Christianity. 42. 
 Rope-making, or Hemp Spinning and Twist- 
 ing, 277. 
 
 Scholars' Side Occupation, 276. 
 Rossleben, Cloister School, 110. 
 Rote, Learning by, 337, 689, 691. 
 Roucoulles, Madame de, Governness of Young 
 
 Frederick, 579. 
 Rousseau, Influence on German Educators 479 
 
 Herder, 549 ; Basedow, 475. 
 Routine, Daily School, Jesuit Schools, 242. 
 Basedow, 489 ; Prussian Common Schools. 
 Royal Schools in Saxon Code, 294. [596. 
 
 Rudiger Rescius, Professor at Louvain, 193. 
 Rules, Developed, out of Examples, 339. 
 Ruthard, of Hirsange, T2. 
 Ruysbro3ck, Prior of Grunthal, 45. 
 Saalfield, Gymnasium and Melancthon, 691. 
 Sacrabusto, John, on the sphere, 208, 692. 
 ! Sacristans, as Teachers of Common Schools, 
 
 593,595,691. 
 
 Sagan, Felbiger's Normal School. 625, 691. 
 Salaries, of Professors, 284. 670, 691. 
 Paid partly by fees, 285, 590. 
 Teachers Under Duke Ernest, 394. 
 Salzwedel Gymnasium, 302. 
 Salzmann Chaplin at Philanthropinum, 477. 
 
 Institution at Schnepfenthal, 488, 397. 
 Sandrart, Trade School of Nuremberg, 447. 
 j Sapidus, John, Rector of Gymnasium, 86, 274. 
 Satire, Influence on young minds, 84. 
 Saturday, Special exercises for, 598, 691. 
 Saxe-t otha, School reforms, 389, 406, 681. 
 Reyher's Manual of 1643, 389. 
 Programme of 1863. 400. 
 Saxony in Luther's time. 120; 1869, 680. 
 School Code of 1580, 293. 
 Primary Schools in 1865, 403, 643, 692. 
 
 Teachers' Seminaries, 650. 
 Secondary Schools, 657. 
 Superior Instruction , 671. 
 Technical Schools. 672. 
 Saxony, Reigning Family about 1500, 120. 
 j Scalliger, Value of Pictures, 4%. 
 1 Scharrer, Technical Schools of Nuremberg, 447. 
 Schepfenthal, Salzman. 69. 
 Schlettstadt School in Alsace, and the Classics, 
 Platter's account, 274. [85. 
 
 Scheurl of Nuremberg, 126. 
 School, Names given to. 60, 559, 662. 
 School Books, Mediaeval, 94. 
 Improvements in, by Rochow, 500. 
 Austrian Law, 621, 626: Prussian, 5<8. 
 Schools as they were in the Sixteenth and Sev- 
 enteenth century, 479, 692. 
 Silesia. 600: Bohemia, 628; Suabia, 479. 
 School Plan, Luther, and Melancthon, 169, 511. 
 
 For Grammar Schools, 170. 
 School-houses.Austrian Law, 621; Prussian, 601 . 
 School-master, Agricola Views, 60; Herder, 558. 
 Scholae, Minores, 9 : Majores, 9. 
 Schuppius. Balthazar. German Grammar, 301. 
 Schweinfurt Gymnasium, fc v ,K.. 
 Schottgen, Rector in Dresden, 1742, 435. 
 Schools and Universities, their Relations, 570. 
 Scholastics, in Society of Jesus, 233. 
 
INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 681 
 
 Schleswig-Holstein, Public Schools, 692. 
 Schulz, Otto, Latin Grammar, 175. 
 
 Indebtedness to Rochovv, 506. 
 Schrdder of Dantzig, 313. 
 Scriptorium in Ancient Monasteries, 11, 27, 36. 
 Schwarzburg, Public Schools, 643, 650, 657, 692. 
 Schwarz, Franke's Missionary, 421. 
 Schwarzerd, Melancthou's family name, 162. 
 Science and the Church Melaucthon, 178. 
 Scott, Michael, cited, 33. 
 Secondary Schools in Germany, 655, 657, 673. 
 
 Admission, Studies, Examinations, 655, 692. 
 Self-governing Schools, 376. [433. 
 
 Semfer, Christopher, Plan of Real Schools, 1739, 
 
 Non Scholae, Sed Vitae discendum, 433. 
 
 Anticipator of Rousseau and Pestalozzi, 433. 
 Seminaries, Episcopal, 5; Theological, 555. 
 
 Teachers of Common Schools, German, 517, 
 Austria, 633, 646. [646. 
 
 Prussia, 600, 64S. 
 Seminaries, Pedagogical in Universities, 660. 
 
 Philosophical and Mathematical, 660. 
 Senanus, St., of Cork, 3 
 Sententiarius, in Theology, 120. 
 Seventeenth Century Pedagogy, 289-310, 311. 
 Seven Liberal Arts, 7, 9, 374. 
 Seven Years' War, 615. 
 Severity in Discipline. 337, 479. ' 
 Sewing and Knitting, 304. 
 Shelly, cited. Sadness in Music, 17. 
 Sickengen, Francis Von, and Reuchlia, 91, 92. 
 Sighart, Life of Albertus Magnus, 32. 
 Silberschlag, Pupil of Frank!, 435 
 Silence in th School Room, 338, 555. 
 Silesia, Frederick II.. Reforms, 600, 611. 
 
 Felbiger's Labors, 6-25. 
 Silkworm Culture, Kinderman, 630. 
 Simler, George, at Pforzheim and Tubingen, 
 Singing in Schools, 692. [86, 162, 166. 
 
 Sixteenth Century Pedagogy, 114 269-295. 
 Sleidanus, Pupil of Hieronymians, 193. 
 Sleep, how Scholars produce, 276. 
 Society of Jesus, or Jesuits, 229-262. 
 
 History and Organization. 230. 
 
 Constitutions respecting Instruction, 257. 
 
 Development of Colleges. 231, 232. 
 Sophistry, distinguished from love and trust, 
 Spangel,* Pallas, at Heidelberg, 163. [177. 
 
 Spalatin, and Luther, 114, 167. 
 Special Technical Schools, 452, 697. 
 
 Military Schools, 705. 
 Sphere, Lectures on, in 1559, 291, 294. 
 Spelling neglected, 415 ; by Dictation, 603. 
 Spengler, Lazarus, 168. 
 Spener, Philip J., Memoir, 408, 413. 
 
 Catechetical Method. 513. 
 Spilleke, Real School of Berlin, 440. 
 Stadian, Francis, 165. 
 Standonch, J.. Hieronymians in France, 52. 
 
 Statutes su 'gest the Rule of St. Ignatius, 52. 
 Staupitz, John Von, Memoir, 117. 
 Stargard, Endowed School, 299. 
 
 Dramatic Performances, 303. 
 State, Duty of Education, 692. 
 
 Austria, 619: Prussia, 606. 
 Strasburg Gymnasium, 193. 209. 
 
 College Schedule and Lectures in 1578, 209. 
 Stein, EUelwolf, and Hutten, 86, 96. 
 Steinmetz, at Klosterbergen, 516, 692. 
 Stephen of Wurtzberg, 31. 
 Stettin, Teacher's Seminary in 1735, 518. 
 Strabo, Walafrid. 12. 
 
 Strobel, Contributions to Literature, 281. 
 Students' Life about 1700. t Halle, 414. 
 
 Wittenberg about 1533. 119, 285. 
 
 Eighteenth Century, 709; Nineteenth 711. 
 Studium Ge"ne"rale, 4, 7, 709. 
 
 Conspiring Causes in Establishment, 7,31. 
 
 Studies and Conduct General Principles, 117. 
 
 Erasmus, 81 ; Loyola, 257. 
 
 Wimpheling, Adolescentia, Integritate86, 
 
 Agricola, de formando Studio, 62. 
 Sturm, Abbot of Fulda, 14. 
 i r*turm, John Christopher, Class-book in Math- 
 ematics, 432. 
 
 Use of the Compass, Square, Rod, etc., 432. 
 \ Sturm, John, Life and Educational Work, 193 
 
 Parentage and Education, 193. [223 
 
 I Aim of all high culture, 195, 212. 
 j Recitations and Text-Books from 6 to 15, 195 
 
 Lectures from 6 to 21, 195, 212. 
 
 Influence on German Schools, 313. 
 St. Elizabeth, in Thunngia, 102. 
 
 College for Swiss at Breelau, 272. 
 St. Emeran, Monastery and School, at Ratisbon, 
 St. Gall, Abbey and School, 22, 35. 126. 
 
 Subjects of Elementary Schools, 644. 
 
 Secondary, 655, 692; Superior, 662, 663. 
 Suffering and Want, Lessons from, 111, 280. 
 
 Luther's, 112. 
 
 Summermatter, Paul, and Thomas Platter, 269. 
 Sunday-school in Germany, 451, 692. 
 
 Law of Frederick II., 594. 
 
 Pupil's walk with Teacher to Church, 599. 
 Superior Instructio in Germany, 659-672. 
 
 Contents of Special Treatise, 709. 
 Support of Elen.entary Schools, 693. 
 
 Fees, per child, 694. 
 
 Funds, 636, 686. 
 
 Government. 636. 
 
 Style, Attendance to, by Sturm, 199, 205. 
 Supervision and Inspection of Schools, 641, 655. 
 
 Law of Frederick II., 599. 
 
 Maria Theresa 623. 
 Supplementary Schools, 644, 686, 693. 
 Sweiten, Gerard Van, Memoir, 618. 
 
 Imperial Librarian, 618. 
 Swiss, School Life in 15th Century, 269. 
 
 Thomas Platter of Canton Valais, 269. 
 Syntax, and Style, 289. 
 
 Tangmar, of Hildesheim, 23. 
 Taubman, Verbalist and Renlist, 430. 
 Teaching, Dignity and Delicacy of the Office. 
 
 Value in Learning a Subject, 548, 555. [543. 
 Teacher, Estimate of a good, 693. 
 
 Agricola, 60; Hamanri, 543. 
 
 Evils of Frequent Changes. 419 [416, 645, 693. 
 Teachers' Seminary, Historical Development, 
 
 Franke's Efforts, 316, 418, 576. 
 
 Herder in 1787, 554. 
 Technical Instruction and Real Schools, 447- 
 
 Statistics for Germany, 672, 697. [456, 597. 
 Tegernsee. Monastery and School of, 26. 
 Teronce, Utilized in Speaking Latin, 83. 
 
 UPC in Schools of the Seventeenth Century, 
 Tertullian.on Roman Civilization, 42. [327-334. 
 Tetto,of Reichneti, 13. 
 Tetzel and Luther, 124. 
 Text-books, Rules of Loyola, 265 ; Rochow's, 
 
 Melancthon. 172; Neander, 227. [597. 
 
 Theodore of Tarsus, 5. 
 Theology, Requirement for. 120, 179, 660. 
 
 Loyola's Constitutions, 266. 
 Theolosrical Seminary, Herder's plan, 555. 
 Theophania. Greek Princess, and Otho II., 22. 
 Things and Words, tansrht together, 353. 
 Thirty Years' War, 1618-48, 513. 
 
 Influence on Schools and Society, 297. 
 Thiemon, Monk, Bishop and Painter, 28. 
 ; Thomas-a-Kempis, Memoir, 48. 
 Thomasius, Jacob, 528. 
 Thomasius, Christian. 304, 433, 523. 
 Thomas, School at Leipsic, 523. 
 
 Laws drawn at Gerner, 523. 
 Thorn, Gymnasium. 302. 
 Thuringia, in Luther's Boyhood, 103, 107. 
 
682 
 
 INDEX TO GERMAN TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS. 
 
 Tigernach, Irish Scholar, 29. 
 Tours, School of, 15. 
 Trade School, Earliest, 447, 697. 
 Training for Teachers, 237, 515, 645. 
 Trapp, Champion of Basedow, 476, 562. 
 
 Professor of Pedagogy at Halle, 562. 
 Translations, Oral and Written, 20. 
 Trent, Council, and Episcopal Seminaries, 5. 
 Treves, Brother's House and School, 311. 
 
 Jesuit School in 1566, 312. 
 Trivial Schools in Luther's Time, 100. 
 
 Platter's Autobiography, 101. 
 
 Austrian, 619. 
 
 Trivium, and Quadrivium, 6, 9, 
 Trotzendorf, Valentine Friedland, 185. 
 
 Family Name School and University, 185. 
 
 Rectorship of Goldberg Gymnasium, 185. 
 
 German School Regulations, 186. 
 
 School Magistracy Nomenclature, 185. 
 Tubingen University, Melancthon's time, 163. 
 
 Scholarship, 291 ; Statistics in 1869, 658. 
 Tudesque, dialect, 38. 
 Tuition, paid, 698. 
 Tutilo, of St. Gall, 37. 
 Udalric, St. of Augsburgh, 22. 
 Ulric, St. of Cluny, 28; of Engeltrecht, 34. 
 Ulrich, Duke of Wurtemberg, 92. 
 Ulrich, Von Hutten, 91. 128. 
 Universities, 281, 659, 709. 
 
 Rise of, Newman, 5. 
 
 Wittenberg, 21-281. 
 
 Halle, State of Preparatory Schools, 415. 
 
 Statistics of German, in 1869, 658. 
 Utrecht, Early Christian Seminary, 1, 19. 
 Understanding and Speech, 359. 
 Usefulness of Society, in 1620, 306. 
 Uniformity of School Books, 698. 
 University Lectures, Language used, 304. 
 
 As they were in the Fourteenth Century, 662. 
 Sixteenth Century, 282. 
 Nineteenth Century, 663, 667, 709. 
 University, Manners and Morals, about 1533, 
 
 Apparatus and Libraries, 285. [285. 
 
 Vacations, 694. 
 
 Variety, as well as Repetition, 335. 
 Verbalist and Realist, 430. 
 Verbal Realism, 425. 
 
 Erasmus, the Pioneer, 425. 
 
 Things studied for better Understanding of 
 Words, 425. 
 
 Melancthon and Eber, 427. 
 Vermin, Schools infested with, 272. 
 Vernacular Language, 12, 306, 694. 
 Village Schools, Prussia, 599, 694. 
 Visitor of Studies, or Syndic, in Jesuit Schools, 
 Vienna, First Jesuit School. 811. [261. 
 
 Scheme of Institutions, 640, 694. 
 
 Lectures, in 1389. 664. 
 Vispach, Platter's Experience, 269, 273. 
 Vives. Ludovicns. 379 
 
 Vow, of the Professor. &c. Jesuits, 259,278. 
 Von Schulstein, See Kindermann, 630. 
 Voice, Living, and Artificial, 538. 
 Von Zedlitz syid Rochow, 501. 
 
 Vocal Music, Comenius, 375. 
 
 Basedow, 492. 
 
 Pestalozzi, 492. 
 
 Luther, 158. 
 Von Sybel, 310. 
 
 Voight, Scientific Text-book, 398. 
 Vestibulum, of Comenius, 362. 
 Wagenseil, C., Vocabulary, and Style, 300. 
 Walafrid, Strabo, 12. 
 
 Waldeck, Public Instruction, 643, 657, 694. 
 Welburga, St., Hildesheim, 2. 
 Watts, Isaac, Dr. Johnson's Tribute. 612. 
 Weaving and Dyeing, Schools for, 455, 701. 
 Wessel, John, Memoir, 56, 57. 
 Widows of Teachers, 645, 694. 
 Wiese, High Schools of Prussia, 656. 
 Weimar, Duchess Dorothea, 305. 
 Westphalia, Peace of, 300 
 Wigger, Teacher at Misnia, 24. . 
 Wilfred-Wilbald-Wilibrord, 1. 
 William, Duke of Bavaria, and Reuchlin, 92. 
 William of Herschau. 28. 
 Willing Study, Wolf, 571. 
 Wimpheling, Pupil of Schlettstadt School, 85. 
 Winbert Abbot. 1. 
 
 Windesheim, Mother House of Hieronymans. 
 Winfred, St. Boniface, 1. [48. 
 
 Winkler, G. Pastor of Goldberg, 324. 
 
 Teacher at Leipsic, 523. 
 
 Winshemius, Eulogy on Melancthon, 161. [104. 
 Witches, Popular belief in Luther's boyhood. 
 Wittenberg University in Luther's time, 119. 
 
 Melancthon Statutes, 281-285. 
 Witz. John Sapidus, 87. 
 Woodward, Hezekiah, Gate of Sciences, 496. 
 Workshops, in Monasteries, 24, 35. 
 Wolf, H., Rector of Ausrsburg, 419. 
 Wolf, F. A., Memoir, 561. 
 
 Professor of Pedagogy at Halle, 562. 
 
 Influence of his criticism. 567. 
 
 Scholars of his Tuition, 568. 
 
 Examples of his Pedagogy, 569. 
 
 Professorship at Berlin, 573. 
 Wolfgang of W T urtzburg, 21, 26. 
 \V61ke, Basdow's principal teacher, 461. 
 
 Mode of instructing Emilie, 462. 
 Writing in Schools, 695. 
 Writing and Reading, 694. 
 Writing, and transcription in Monasteries, 27. 
 Written Examinations, 650. 
 Wnrtzburg. School of, 20. 
 
 University, 658. 
 Wurtemberg, School Code of 1559, 289. 
 
 Elementary Schools, 643, 694. 
 
 Secondary 'Schools, 656. 
 
 Universities, 657. 
 
 Technical, 671, 700. 
 Year. School, 633, 644, 694. 
 Young Children, 644, 694. 
 Zedlitz, and Rochow, 501, 994. 
 Zinzendorf, Count, 422, 518. 
 Zurich, Frauenminster School, 275. 
 
 University, 658 ; Polytechnic, 704. 
 Zwoll, Monastery of Hieronymians, 48. 
 
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