UC-NRLF 
 
 R c p n 
 
GIFT OF 
 
INSTITUTED 1828. 
 
 UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY 
 
 WILLIAM THE FOURTH. 
 
 THIS COPY 
 
 WAS PRINTED FOR 
 
 THE RIGHT HONORABLE 
 LORD GLENELG, F.R.S. M.R.S.L 
 
 A MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, 
 AND 
 
 T 
 
 riental ran#Iation 
 
INSTITUTED 1828. 
 
 UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY 
 
 WILLIAM THE FOURTH. 
 
 THIS COPY 
 
 WAS PRINTED FOR 
 
 THE RIGHT HONORABLE 
 LORD GLENELG, F.R.S. M.R.S.L 
 
 A MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, 
 
 AND 
 
 JFtoe wntal translation df unfc. 
 
THE 
 
 POLITICAL AND STATISTICAL 
 
 HISTORY OF GUJARAT, 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN OF 
 
 ALI MOHAMMED KHAN, 
 
 vu/oov-m 
 
 THE REVENUE MINISTER OF THE PROVINCE; 
 
 TO WHICH ARE ADDED, 
 
 COPIOUS ANNOTATIONS, 
 
 AND AN 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. U i' 
 
 * 
 
 BY JAMES BIRD, ESQ. 
 
 PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE ORIENTAL 
 TRANSLATION FUND OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 
 
 LONDON: 
 RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, 
 
 Publisher in (rttinatp to f^te fHajtSti), 
 
 TO THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND, &C. 
 M.DCCC.XXXV. 
 
 ii 
 
LONDON : 
 P. SFOEERL, JON., 4, LEICESTER STREET, LEICESTER-SQUARE. 
 
TO 
 
 THE HONOURABLE 
 MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 While translating the following history, I 
 frequently reflected that whatever leisure and 
 opportunity I possessed, for accomplishing 
 this task, had chiefly arisen from the libe- 
 rality of public measures, and the impartiality 
 of private patronage, during your government 
 at Bombay. To no one so appropriately as 
 you, therefore, could I dedicate these pages ; 
 and, while I feel gratified in giving testimony to 
 the utility of encouraging individuals, disposed 
 to study the languages of the East, I am sen- 
 sible that few can better judge the imperfections 
 of my present undertaking than yourself. I 
 fear to offend your delicacy of sentiment, by 
 speaking of public principle in the language 
 
IV 
 
 of eulogium ; but I should ill consult the inte- 
 rests of the public service, or appreciate my 
 own feelings, could I be silent, after having 
 obtained the situation I lately held, for no other 
 reason than having complied with the terms of 
 your government orders, promulgated to pro- 
 mote the study of oriental languages among the 
 Europeans. 
 
 Though the acquirement of these, and the 
 cultivation of oriental literature, may be of use, 
 in enlarging our views of general history and 
 geography, they serve a yet more important 
 purpose, in this country, by removing the pre- 
 judices of early education, by interesting the 
 feelings of Europeans for the welfare of Asiatics, 
 and disposing the former to treat as equals those 
 whom they had been taught to consider as 
 inferiors. These advantages were duly estimated 
 by your administration : during which to have 
 possessed such acquirement was to obtain 
 reward. Every good government will keep 
 sight of such enlightened policy, if it regards 
 the efficiency of its servants, or the happiness 
 of its subjects; though I regret to observe an 
 ill-judged economy, in this matter, has been of 
 Jate ordered by authority from home. The love 
 of distinction is, with some, a more powerful in- 
 citement to exertion than even the hope of emo- 
 
lament ; and for such the establishment of the 
 Royal Asiatic Society and Oriental Translation 
 Fund holds out powerful inducements ; but, with 
 the majority, the last will be found to be the 
 more influential passion, and should be turned 
 to good account by rulers, who wish to conciliate 
 a conquered people. 
 
 In ascribing this much to you, I must not 
 forget what I owe to your successors, for leaving 
 afforded me every facility in completing the pre- 
 sent translation. The late Sir John Malcolm, 
 who had himself so successfully cultivated ori- 
 ental literature, and was ready to encourage 
 others, placed at my command the services of 
 the native whom 1 mention in the preface ; and 
 I am under similar obligations to the Right Ho 
 nourable the Earl of Clare. 
 
 It is incumbent on us, as rulers of India, to 
 possess an accurate knowledge of its customs, 
 manners, religious opinions, history, and com- 
 merce ; and regarding the early state of such 
 there is yet a wide field of interesting research. 
 The influence of the Greek kingdom of Bactria 
 on Sanskrit literature ; the knowledge which the 
 Romans possessed of India, and the state of their 
 commerce with the country ; the intercourse of 
 the primitive Arabs and eastern Christians with 
 the Hindus ; the incorporation of foreign tribes 
 
VI 
 
 with the aborigines ; the institutions of their 
 civil society ; and rules of their military policy, 
 are subjects of intense interest, that may be 
 successfully elucidated by closely studying the 
 Greek and Roman authors, in connexion with 
 Sanskrit literature, and the historical and geo- 
 graphical books in Arabic and Persian. In the 
 introduction, prefixed to the following translation, 
 I have endeavoured to clear up the obscurity 
 that exists in one portion of Indian history ; and, 
 if such obtain your approbation, it will gratify, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES BIRD. 
 
 London, 1st September, 1834. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PREFACE . . . . . j r ' r ' 1 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, illustrating the Constitution of 
 Hindu Society, and the state of India, from the end of 
 the Tenth to the beginning of the Thirteenth Century . 5 
 PREFACE TO THE MIRAT AHMADI, OR MIRROR OF AHMAD; 
 A HISTORY OF GUJARA'T . . . .91 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Preliminary Observations on the State of Gujarat \ . . 102 
 
 The beginning of the Kingdom of Gujarat, under its Rajas ; 
 and the foundation of the city of Patan, sometimes named 
 Anhilwarah, or Nahrwalah . . '.' . 137 
 
 The Capture of Somnath by Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi . 146 
 
 The Sovereignty of the Baghilah race at Nahrwalah ; and 
 the Edifices erected by Siddha Raja Solanki Jey Singh . 154 
 
 The Triumph of the Faith, and the establishment of the Mo- 
 hammedan Religion in the country . . . 160 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Kutbu-d-din Mubarak Shah, son of 
 Ala-ud-din Khilji .... 165 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Mohammed Toghluk Shah . . 168 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. . , 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Reign of Firoz Shah Toghluk III. of Dehli, cousin of 
 Mohammed Toghluk .... 170 
 
 The Reign of Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk II., grandson of Firoz, 
 also called Firoz Shah IV. . . .172 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Abubekr Shah, grandson of Firoz III., 
 and that of his uncle, Mohammed Toghluk II. . . 173 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 The Government of Zafir Khan, son of Wajihu-1-Mulk, with 
 the Foundation of the Gujarat Metropolis, and the reign 
 of the Gujarat Kings . . . .174 
 
 The Reign of Ahmad Khan, grandson of Muzaffir, and en- 
 titled Ahmad Shah . . . .186 
 The Reign of Sultan Mohammed Shah I. . . 105 
 The Reign of Jalal Khan, entitled Kutbu-d-din . . 197 
 The Reign of Sultan Daod, uncle of Kutbu-d-din . . 201 
 The Reign of Sultan Fat'h Khan, entitled Mahmud Bigarrah 202 
 The Reign of Khalil Khan, entitled Muzaffir Shah II., or, 
 
 The Clement . . . . .219 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Sikandar . . 229 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Bahadur . . . 232 
 
 The Reign of Sultan Mahmud II., son of Latif Khan .253 
 
 The Reign of Ahmad Khan II., son of Latif Khan, grandson 
 
 of Shukar Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad I. ... 273 
 The Reign of Sultan Muzaffir III., commonly called Nathu, 
 
 the last of the race of Gujarat Kings . . . 287 
 
 I 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 A General Account of the celebrated Descendants of Sahibi 
 Kiran Amir Taimur Kurkan, who have reigned in Hin- 
 dustan ... . -290 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The commencement of Insurrection in Gujarat, the arrival 
 of the Mirzas in the country, the termination of the power 
 of its Kings, and its incorporation with the Kingdom of 
 Hindustan, under Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar . 301 
 
 The Capture of Surat . . . .318 
 
 The return of the Imperial Banners to the Capital of Agra, 
 and the appointment of Khan Aziz Koka to the Govern- 
 ment of Gujarat, with Wajihu-1-Mulk Gujarati as his 
 Diwan ..... 324 
 
 The arrival of the Emperor, in nine days, from the seat of 
 Government, then at Fat'hpur . . . 328 
 
 The return of the Emperor to his Capital, after conferring 
 the Government of Gujarat on Khan Aziz Koka a second 
 time . . . . . 339 
 
 The Government of Shahabu-d-dm Ahmad Khan, and the 
 Diwanship of Pragdas, with the flight and return of Mu- 
 zaffir Sultan to Gujarat . . .348 
 
 The Government of Itimad Khan Gujarati, with the Diwan- 
 ship of Abu-1-Kasim, and the capture of Ahmadabad by 
 Sultan Muzaflir . . . .354 
 
 The Government of Mirza Khan, with the defeat of Muzaf- 
 fir, and capture of Ahmadabad. The exaltation of Mirza 
 Khan to the rank of Five Thousand, and the title of Khan 
 Khanan, with the foundation of the Fat'h Bagh, at the 
 town where the battle was fought. The Diwanship of 
 Khoajah Abu-1-Kasim, and the order for adopting the 
 Ilahi Era in the country of Hindustan . . 370 
 
 Copy of the Imperial Firman for the establishment of the 
 Ilahi Era . . . . . 382 
 
 Copy of the Order regarding Veneration for God and atten- 
 tion to the Government Regulations . . 389 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGK 
 
 The Government of Mirza Aziz Koka for a second time in 
 Gujarat, and copy of the Order which was issued abolish- 
 ing the Transit Duty on articles of commerce . . 405 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir, surnamed Nathu, excites the Jam, or land- 
 holder of Nawanagar, to raise a tumult ; the latter is de- 
 feated, and Junagarh taken . . . 412 
 
 The seizure and suicide of Sultan Muzaffir; the Pilgrimage 
 of Mirza Aziz Koka to Mekka ; the Government of Prince 
 Sultan Morad, with Surj Singh as his deputy, succeeded 
 by that of Mirza Aziz Koka, on his return from the Pil- 
 grimage, and the death of Akbar . . . 420 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 MOHAMMEDAN historians generally tire the 
 patience of the reader by too minute a detail of 
 sieges and battles, of murder and intrigue, with- 
 out relieving the fatiguing sameness of their 
 narratives, by the more pleasing and instructive 
 accounts of individual character, or the policy 
 and domestic manners of a people. The author 
 of the " Mirat Ahmadi," who gives us a political 
 and statistical history of the Gujarat province, 
 must be exempted from this general censure. 
 He commences with the early history of the 
 country, under the Hindu Rajas, in the tenth, 
 eleventh, and twelfth, centuries of our era ; and 
 has briefly sketched the Mohammedan inva- 
 sions, which, at this time, happened under the 
 kings of Ghazni and Ghor. After narrating 
 its subsequent conquest, in the thirteenth cen- 
 
tury, by the Patan kings of Dehli, and the rise 
 of native Mohammedan princes in the province, 
 he details its political management by the Mo- 
 ghul emperors, from Akbar to Aurangzib. He 
 then minutely describes the contests and dis- 
 turbances, which, from the death of Aurangzib, 
 A.D. 1707, to the defeat of the Mahrattas by 
 Ahmad Shah Abdali, A.D. 1761, tended gra- 
 dually to destroy the prosperity of the province ; 
 and concludes his history by an Appendix, con- 
 taining an account of the various sects of Hin- 
 dus and Mohammedans, the different parganahs, 
 and the most remarkable places of religious 
 resort. This last portion gives a connected 
 history of the Mahratta transactions in that 
 quarter ; and ends with the settlement, at 
 Baroda, of Damaji Gaikwar, and the death of 
 Balaji Baji Rao, after the unfortunate battle of 
 Panipat. 
 
 The materials of this work were collected by 
 Mohammed Ali Khan, the Imperial Diwan, or 
 revenue minister of Gujarat ; who, in his pre- 
 face, gives us a short biographical account of 
 himself. He has there stated, that this history 
 was brought to a conclusion in A.D. 1756 ; but 
 it was not, in fact, completed until A.D. 1762, 
 or Hij. 1175. As the author commenced collect- 
 ing materials in A.D. 1748, he must have dedi- 
 
cated fourteen years of attention to its composi- 
 tion. His style is more laboured and verbose 
 than that of most Mohammedan historians ; but 
 what it wants in elegance is compensated by 
 general accuracy of facts, and research. In his 
 account of the Rajas, he has added little or 
 nothing to the information which had been pre- 
 viously communicated by the historian Abu-1- 
 Fazl ; though this is a period regarding which 
 we could wish to have received more detailed 
 accounts. 
 
 I shall therefore endeavour to supply this de- 
 ficiency, by giving a sketch of the state of Hindu 
 Society, at this time ; and, though such be not 
 so complete as I could wish, it can be filled up 
 by the discoveries of future inquirers. Previous 
 to doing so, it is necessary to say something 
 regarding the manuscript of the work. I am 
 not aware that a copy of the Mirat Ahmadi is 
 to be found among any of the existing collec- 
 tions of Persian books now in Europe. The 
 one from which the translation is made was 
 transcribed at Ahmadabad, A.D. 1822, by Nar- 
 sain Das, of the Kait tribe. In rendering it 
 into English, I have had the advice and assist- 
 ance of the very learned Persian Secretary of 
 the Satarah Residency, Mir Khairat Ali, com- 
 monly called Mushtak ; who, had he lived in 
 
 B 2 
 
other times than ours, and under a different 
 system, would, in consideration of his knowledge 
 of the Persian language and of Mohammedan 
 history, have risen to offices of great rank and 
 emolument. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION; 
 
 ILLUSTRATING 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION OF HINDU SOCIETY, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE STATE OF INDIA, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 END OF THE TENTH TO THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 THE Hindus, south of the Narbada river, are 
 origin of the now amalgamated in religion ; and 
 
 Southern 
 
 possess a general system of faith and 
 literature, which may be termed Brhamanical 
 Hinduism. There was a time, however, in the 
 history of the peninsula, when they consisted 
 of distinct tribes, who were not Hindus ; and 
 this is recognised in their traditionary histories, 
 or indicated by their copper-plate grants of 
 land. Even so late as the Mohammedan inva- 
 sion, under Mahmud of Ghazni, the prevailing 
 system of faith, in the provinces of Gujarat, 
 Khandesh, Aurangabad, Bijapiir, and the 
 Konkans, appears to have been the heterodox 
 one of Hinduism, or the Jaina religion. This 
 will sufficiently account to us why so many re- 
 
mains of this faith, as may be seen in their cave 
 temples, are yet found on the western side of 
 India. But to trace the progressive steps by 
 which this religion was extended from the south- 
 east to the north-west a would be foreign to this 
 sketch of Hindu history in more recent.times. 
 The interval from the first great battle be- 
 tween the Mohammedans and Hindus, 
 
 ofthe tenS to the establishment of the Patan em- 
 
 to the end of 
 
 oentuTf 11 pire of Dehli, or from A.D. 977 to 
 1193, is a time of great obscurity in the history 
 of India. Excepting the names of individual 
 Rajas, who at this period opposed the kings of 
 Ghazni and Ghor, Mohammedan authors give 
 but little information regarding the state of the 
 country. That 'little, however, when compared 
 
 ( a ) The close affinity between the Hali Kanara letters and 
 those of Cave inscriptions justifies the conclusion. The Cave 
 temples on the Island of Salsette are yet called the Caves of Ka- 
 nara ; and I possess a Sanskrit grant of land, found at Bhandup, 
 on that island, in which the Raja, then reigning at Tanna, spe- 
 cifies his court was composed of five Ministers ; one of which, 
 Sri Kama, was particularly consulted on making peace or war 
 in the Karnatic. The Raja's name is Chin Raja Deva, who 
 claims descent from the Rajas of Tagara, and from the same 
 family as that of the Sanskrit grant translated by Sir W, Jones 
 (A.R. I. p. 357). This dates anterior to the grant now in my 
 possession, which is dated Salivahana, 948, A.D. 1026. A branch 
 of this family, or the Silhara tribe of Rajputs, was at the same time 
 reigning above the Ghats. The capital was Panalla, near Kolapur. 
 
with the traditionary history of the Hindus, and 
 the list of dynasties supplied by the copper- 
 plate grants of lands, written in Sanskrit, and 
 found throughout India, will enable us to form 
 an opinion of the civil constitution and state of 
 Hindu society in those times. 
 
 No work deserving the name of History can 
 
 amon g the Hindus b . 
 
 name of His- mi i p i i 11 f 
 
 tory known i n e i is ts ol their kings, the legends of 
 
 among them. 
 
 their holy places, with the traditional histories 
 of provinces and of religious leaders or sects , 
 when extensively compared, will give us some 
 insight into the migration and distribution of 
 tribes, or the nature of their civil society. But 
 such can be of little use in history, without some 
 means of fixing the chronology of events to 
 which they relate. 
 
 It is here that Sanskrit grants and Moham- 
 " medan annals come to our aid, in dis- 
 
 . , i m i r 
 
 covering truth. I he accounts oi even 
 
 in illustrating 
 
 tions. tra< the most recent transactions are so 
 clouded by mythology, that without such we 
 
 ( b ) The Raja Taringini is a Sanskrit history of Kashmir, the 
 substance of which has been given to the world (see A. R. XV.) 
 by the learned Professor Wilson ; but, as it bears much internal 
 evidence of being traditionary and inaccurate, I cannot make it 
 an exception. 
 
 ( c ) These are called, in Sanskrit, Raja Vansavalis, Mahatmyas, 
 and Charitras. 
 
 and Moham- 
 
8 
 
 cannot discriminate between history and fable. 
 The exaggerated notions of chronology among 
 the people, and the pretended antiquity of their 
 gods, have led to the blind endeavour of adapt- 
 ing their domestic history to the fabulous ages 
 of the world, and tended to involve both in al- 
 most impenetrable darkness. Other sources of 
 exaggeration will be found in their traditions ; 
 of which the most constant is confounding indi- 
 vidual revolutions with the general history of 
 India. Such may be discovered most frequently 
 in traditionary accounts of provinces, where the 
 history of the native princes is ignorantly blend- 
 ed with that of their foreign conquerors. 
 
 The western coast of India, from the Indus to 
 Sanskrit geo- Dariya Bahadurgarh, appears to have 
 western coast, been known to Sanskrit writers of 
 early times by the name of Saurashtra, Gurjara, 
 Abhira, Konkana, and Govarashtra. The first 
 division extended from Hingula, or Hinglaj, in 
 the great western Run, to Jambuka, or Jambu- 
 sir, on the Narbada. From hence to the Tapi, 
 or Tapti river, was Gurjara ; and from this, 
 southwards to Devagarh, the country was called 
 Abhira, or the region of Shepherds d . Konkana 
 extended southwards from Devagarh to Sadase- 
 
 ( d ) See Ward's Hindoos, III. p. 450 ; and Wilford's Geogra- 
 phy of the Purdnas, A.E. VIII. p. 336. 
 
ogarh; and from hence to Bahadurgarh was 
 Govarashtra 6 . The southern divisions, now 
 enumerated, also bore the general name of 
 Ahikshetra, or country of Snakes ; which is 
 called, by Ptolomy, Adisatra, from the moun- 
 tains of which the Chaberas, or Cavery river, 
 has its origin. It was also known to the Sans- 
 krit writers by the name of Maru f , or the wil- 
 derness ; from which the Greek and Roman 
 traders, by adopting the Arabic article Al, and 
 inflecting the word, obtained the appellation of 
 Limyrica, or Almurika. Abhira was distribu- 
 ted into several minor divisions ; as Berbera g 
 or Marahta, from the Tapti river to Bassein ; 
 Virata, from hence to Bankut ; and Kirata, 
 from Bankut to Devagarh. The latter name 
 implies the region of Foresters ; and was also 
 
 ( e ) Govarashtra was the country about Goa, and is the same 
 as the district otherwise named Hayaga. Some geographers 
 would extend its northern limits on the Bombay side of Sadase- 
 ogarh, and thus contract those of the Konkana. See Wilson's 
 Kashmir, A.R. XV. p. 47; and Grant Duff's History of the 
 Mahrattas, I. p. 4. 
 
 ( f ) It is so named in a grant of land by Crishna Raya of 
 Vijayanagar, or Bijnaggar, dated Salivahana, 1448; A.D. 1526. 
 
 (%) Berbera is the Barbarike of Arian's Periplus. The name 
 of Berbera was originally applied to a more northern region, as 
 were most of the Sanskrit geographical divisions known in the 
 south ; plainly indicating that the Brahmans introduced the lan- 
 guage and the customs from the north. 
 
10 
 
 applied to the western part of Gondwana, 
 which was distinguished, however, by the ap- 
 pellation of Kirata Chanda. 
 
 When the Mohammedans, under the first 
 with'th?'m" king of Ghazni, Nasir-ud-din-Sabuk- 
 defeaTed. ar< tagin, carried their arms against the 
 Hindus, they were opposed by an allied army 
 of Rajputs, commanded by the Rajas of the 
 Panjab, Dehli, Kanauj, and Kalanjar. The 
 confederate army of the latter, amounting to a 
 hundred thousand horse, accompanied by many 
 elephants, was led to battle by Jaipal I., chief 
 of the Panjab, and son of Chait or Chaitra Pal. 
 His country extended from Sirhind, south-east, 
 to the river of Alishang in Kabul, north-west, 
 or the district of Lamghan. The kingdoms of 
 his allies were situated near the Jumna and 
 Ganges, and could not have exceeded in extent 
 the modern provinces of Dehli, Agra, and Alla- 
 habad. The opposing armies, having met near 
 Lamghan, fought a battle, which was gained by 
 Sabuktagin. If we may believe the accounts, 
 the Rajputs, though numerous as the locusts of 
 the wilderness, proved themselves very inferior 
 soldiers, when tried against their opponents. 
 The latter, though few in number, were confi- 
 dent in themselves ; and Sabuktagin, by suc- 
 cessively bringing up fresh squadrons of cavalry 
 
11 
 
 against the enemy's centre, succeeded in break- 
 ing their line. After this had been effected, the 
 whole of the Hindus gave way, and left the 
 Mohammedans an easy victory. 
 
 The latter appear to have been so unequal in 
 r c e a ade e red w them number to their enemies, that, know- 
 
 inferior in war 
 
 111 n T 
 
 medans Moham " in > as we **> e bravery of the Raj- 
 puts, and their utter recklessness of life, we 
 might well doubt whether the armies were so 
 disproportioned as represented by Mohamme- 
 dan authority. Causes, however, were at this 
 time existing, in the constitution of Hindu soci- 
 ety, which rendered the Rajputs inferior in war. 
 The Mohammedans, stimulated by religious 
 zeal and elated by the success of conquest, had 
 triumphantly carried their arms and their faith 
 from the shores of the Mediterranean to the 
 banks of the Jaxartes. Every successive con- 
 quest had enriched their leaders ; and the secret 
 springs of avarice and ambition equally impelled 
 the soldier and his chief to support fatigue or 
 encounter danger. The whole were, conse- 
 quently, a devoted band of warriors, consecra- 
 ted to the support of a common cause, and had 
 been long accustomed to exertion. The Hindus, 
 on the contrary, though bound together by re- 
 ligious faith, viewed it more with superstitious 
 awe than worldly enthusiasm ; and, though 
 
12 
 
 ready to sacrifice their lives on the funeral pile, 
 when fortune forsook them, were more disposed 
 to propitiate her favour by vain ceremonies than 
 secure success by daring efforts. Other causes 
 were not wanting to destroy unanimity, and 
 paralyse their spirit ; of which deliberative 
 councils of war, to which the priesthood were 
 admitted, and the inferior equipment of their 
 cavalry, were the principal. 
 
 Multiplicity of opinion is no where more 
 councils of inimical to success than in war. One 
 brave and active commander, who has mastered 
 the affections of his soldiers, and can control 
 their wishes, leads them against an enemy with 
 a confident daring that can do all but ensure 
 victory; whilst a confederated body, without 
 any singleness of effort, wastes the time in fri- 
 volous discussions, or finds the bravery of its 
 numbers rendered nugatory through the jea- 
 lousy or caprice of its leaders. It was the cus- 
 tom, as would appear, among the Hindu chiefs 
 of those days to assemble their feudal retainers 
 on occasions of great public emergency, or 
 when the national safety and religion were 
 threatened from without. The confederate lead- 
 ers submitted in part to the guidance of a com- 
 mon chief, who had, as we learn, the title of 
 Pal, or Protector ; though we are left to sur- 
 
13 
 
 mise whether he was entitled to the office by 
 birth or raised to it by election. The last was 
 probably the right on which he held his com- 
 mand ; and, if so, it gave those he commanded 
 undue influence over his authority. To add to 
 the difficulty of his situation, he was, moreover, 
 thwarted in his measures by the Brahmans, or 
 priesthood ; who had a voice in the national 
 councils, which took cognisance of his proceed- 
 ings. We are told by Ferishta, that Sabukta- 
 gin, on first advancing towards India, had 
 fought a previous skirmish, in which he was 
 successful ; and, after consenting to return to 
 Ghazni, was to receive a tribute for his forbear- 
 ance. No sooner, however, had the Mohamme- 
 dans retired, than the Brahmans advised that 
 the treaty should not be ratified. Jaipal, on 
 reaching Lahore, imprisoned the persons whom 
 Sabuktagin had sent to receive the money ; 
 though the noblest Kshatris, or Rajputs, who 
 also formed part of the council, remonstrated 
 against so impolitic a proceeding. At this time, 
 it was the custom for the Brahmans to be seated 
 on the right, and the Rajputs on the left, of the 
 throne. The former, who kept in subjection the 
 minds of a superstitious people, could enforce 
 their advice by appealing to popular prejudices ; 
 but the latter, with more wisdom, and with the 
 
14 
 
 natural manliness of their character, said, "The 
 troops have not forgotten the terror of the ene- 
 my's arms; and Jaipal may rest assured that 
 Sabuktagin will not brook such an insult, with- 
 out a dreadful revenge 11 /' The issue soon proved 
 the truth of the prediction ; and Jaipal, by not 
 listening to their advice, brought on fresh dis- 
 asters, with the return of the Mohammedans. 
 The latter, we are told, were better mounted 
 than the Hindus, who were unable to 
 
 caTiry, withstatfd their charge. The motley 
 cavalry of feudal chieftains, brought together 
 on emergency, could not well sustain the supe- 
 rior weight of northern horses and their riders, 
 when these had been long trained to the exer- 
 cises of war, and taught to act in concert. The 
 Rajput vassals were an ill-equipped and worse- 
 commanded body of national militia, who per- 
 formed military service as the price of a feudal 
 fief i ; and, though sometimes called out in cases 
 of internal warfare, were little prepared or in- 
 clined to face the standing army of a foreign 
 invader. 
 
 Hindustan was, at this time, apportioned 
 ft ta th e is time dia among various tribes of Rajputs ; 
 whose grants still remaining, as memorials of 
 
 ( h ) Briggs's Ferishta, I. p. 17. 
 See Colonel Tod's Military Service of Rdjastan, I. p. 147. 
 
15 
 
 their sway, enable us to form some opinion of 
 their general distribution. Many of the tribes, 
 now known, do not appear to have had an ex- 
 istence till some time subsequent to the first 
 invasion by Sabuktagin, as proved by the tenor 
 of their gifts of land. We may enumerate the 
 Chohan and Rahtore tribes among those who 
 had not then risen into notice ; though their 
 own vanity, and the pretensions of their poeti- 
 cal legends, would claim for them a higher 
 antiquity k . The earliest seat of the former 
 appears to have been Sambar, or Sakambhari, 
 north-west of Ajmir ; as Vella Deva, or Bil Deo, 
 was probably the first of the family. The first 
 of the Rahtore tribe was Yasovigraha, or Sri 
 Pal, who calls himself a prince of the Solar 
 race ; plainly intimating that the appellation of 
 Rahtore had not yet been adopted ; though the 
 third in descent from him, Sri Chandra Deva, 
 who conquered the realm of Kanauj, might have 
 assumed it soon after. Previous to this time, 
 the prince of Kanauj, who was leagued in the 
 confederacy against the Mohammedans, had 
 the appellation of Korah ; but regarding the 
 tribes to which the other confederates belonged 
 
 ( k ) See Colebrooke's translation of an Inscription from the 
 Firoz Lat, A.R. VII. p. 180. in reference to the former; and 
 Asiatic Researches, IX. p. 441. XV. p. 461. regarding the latter. 
 
16 
 
 nothing certain can be fixed, before we obtain 
 multiplied translations of Sanskrit grants in 
 the north of India. Bengal was ruled, at this 
 period, by the Voidya monarchs, who had their 
 capital at Nuddea, on the Ganges. In the 
 south of India, the kingdom of Pandya, or Ma- 
 dura, now on the decline, sank under the rising 
 fortunes of the Chola kings of Tanjore, who 
 also reduced the ancient kingdom of Chera 1 . 
 The south-western part of Upper Kanara, or 
 Karnata, near the Krishna, was possessed by 
 the Yadavas, who appear to have been a pas- 
 toral people. They were confined on the west 
 by the Siyalara m or Silhara tribe of Rajputs, 
 who had for their capital Panalla, near Kola- 
 pur, and were in possession of the greater part 
 of the country, on the sea-coast. On the north, 
 and in the province of Khandesh, the Silharas 
 were bounded by a branch, if not the original 
 stock of the Chalukya family, who claimed de- 
 scent from the Yadavas. Their capital was 
 Mankhet, apparently the same as that now 
 called Mangarh, or Manikgarh. They assumed 
 
 See Professor Wilson's able Introduction to the M'Kenzie 
 Collection. 
 
 ( m ) Two grants from this family are in my possession, and two 
 have been already published. See Asiatic Researches, I. p. 357 ; 
 and Bombay Literary Transactions, III. p. 393. 
 
17 
 
 the high-sounding titles of Raja of Rajas, in a 
 grant of land 11 ; and styled themselves Parama 
 Bhattarak, Parama Ishwar, or Supreme Lords. 
 Their religious faith was the Jaina ; but the 
 person who received the gift was a Brahman of 
 the Bharadwaja tribe of Rig Veda. Whether 
 this family of the Chalukya had any connexion 
 with the former Raja of Tryambak, called, in 
 Khandesh, the Gauri, or Gauli Raja , must be 
 mere matter of opinion : but this much is cer- 
 tain, that another branch of it was established, 
 about this time, in Nahrwalah ; and that their 
 previous settlement in Khandesh, as ascertained 
 by this grant, is fatal to the authenticity of the 
 Mirat Ahmadi's account of their origin in Gu- 
 jarat. The Gohila tribe had previously esta- 
 blished themselves in Malwa, and may claim 
 the celebrated Raja Bhoja?, as a member of 
 their family. Not long after, the Parmara had 
 succeeded them in this quarter, and were pro- 
 bably their descendants^. 
 
 ( n ) Grants of land by Kakka Raja, dated Salivahana, 894, or 
 A.D. 972. 
 
 () Wilson's M'Kenzie Coll. Intr. c. vi. 
 
 (P) See Translation of Inscriptions from Abu, A. R. XVI. p. 
 322. 
 
 (<i) Grants of this tribe, dating A.D. 1134, translated by Mr. 
 Colebrooke. Trans. R.A.S. vol. I. p. 231. 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 The different principalities, into which India 
 t G he V R^T s ent of was divided, were of greater or less 
 extent ; and were called Mandalas, or districts. 
 The sovereign of a large tract was styled Maha 
 Mandala Ishwar, or a Chakravarti Raja, signi- 
 fying lord of an extensive country, and indica- 
 ting that he ruled over several minor tributaries. 
 The latter were named Mandaladesas r , and are 
 sometimes mentioned in the Mohammedan his- 
 tories by the appellation of Mandalik Rajas. 
 No historical records of their form of govern- 
 ment having been preserved to our time, we can 
 only judge of it by the analogy of institutions 
 yet existing among the Jharejas of Kach, and 
 the tribes of Rajputana, which are very similar 
 to the feudal system of Europe. The several 
 members of a chiefs family would, at his death, 
 be entitled to a certain appanage of his de- 
 mesnes ; and every district, so acquired, would 
 constitute a distinct principality ; subject to a 
 similar division, at the decease of the principal, 
 as had taken place in the original possession. 
 Every minor tributary would thus, in time, pos- 
 sess a body of kinsmen, standing in the same 
 relation to him as he and his brothers bore to 
 a common ancestor ; and would be called the 
 
 ( r ) Cavelly Boria's Account of the Jamas, A. R. IX. p. 246. 
 
19 
 
 Bhaiad, or brotherhood of the chiefs and of 
 their kinsmen. Such is the present state of 
 government in Kach; and a similar constitu- 
 tion existed, in former times, among the mem- 
 bers of the different tribes, as clearly indicated 
 by grants of land. The individuals of the ori- 
 ginal family had the unlimited authority of 
 their own lands ; were guardians of the public 
 peace, and charged with the chastisement of 
 general enemies ; whilst the kinsmen were 
 bound to attend them, in time of war, as the 
 price of the possessions they enjoyed. 
 
 Such were the discordant materials of the 
 Hindu army that opposed the Mohammedans ; 
 and, when we consider the state of India at this 
 time, there is no cause for wonder why the latter 
 experienced so little opposition in conquering it. 
 
 Mahmud of Ghazni, who had succeeded his 
 MahmX father Sabuktagm, was a bigoted ad- 
 ex]Si s on r t s o herent to the Sunni 8 - faith ; and a 
 stickler regarding points of doctrine 1 . The 
 idolaters of India were, therefore, the object of 
 his aversion ; and he had not long succeeded to 
 
 ( s ) The Sunnis are those who believe the Mohammedan tradi- 
 tions, and follow the three first Khalifs ; and the Shias are the 
 followers of Ali and the twelve Imams. The Turks adhere to 
 the former, the Persians to the latter. 
 
 (*) Life of Firdausi, in the Tazkerat-us-Shoara, or Lives of 
 the Poets, by Daulat Shah. 
 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 the throne before he led his first crusade against 
 the Hindus. Accompanied by ten thousand 
 horse, he left Ghazni in the month of August ; 
 and, marching against his father's former oppo- 
 nent, Jaipal I., met him at Peshawar. The 
 Hindu army, which consisted of twelve thou- 
 sand horse and thirty thousand foot, supported 
 by three hundred elephants, was defeated with 
 the loss of five thousand men. Jaipal and his 
 kinsmen were made prisoners ; but, as the for- 
 mer had been twice defeated, and was deemed 
 unworthy of reigning, he resigned the throne to 
 his son Ananda, or Ananga Pal, and expiated 
 his misfortunes by giving up his life on a fune- 
 ral pile. Mahmud obtained much plunder on 
 this occasion ; and the personal jewels taken 
 from Jaipal were estimated at eighty thousand 
 pounds. After this victory, the Mohammedans 
 invested and reduced the fort of Bahtinda, situ- 
 ated among the Bhattis or Shepherds, in the 
 most easterly and inaccessible part of the Pan- 
 jab kingdom. Jaipal generally resided at this 
 fort ; and probably did so as a measure of secu- 
 rity, though Lahore appears to have been his 
 capital. 
 
 After the first expedition, the king of Ghazni 
 HiM9& 5 ' established Mohammedan governors in 
 the country of the Panjab ; and made a treaty 
 
21 
 
 with Ananga Pal ; who, as we may infer from 
 the Mohammedan accounts, was to pay an 
 annual tribute. The minor Rajas, who had 
 borne allegiance to the chief of Lahore, now re- 
 fused to give their proportion of this contribu- 
 tion to Ananga Pal ; but were encouraged by 
 the latter, who might urge this as an excuse for 
 not forwarding the stipulated sum due to the 
 conqueror. One of the refractory tributaries 
 was Raja Vijaya Ray a, or Biji Ray, who re- 
 sided at Bhatnah u , now called Bhatnir; situated 
 on the northern extremity of the Bikanir desert. 
 The display of so much resistance among his 
 tributaries made Mahmud undertake his second 
 expedition against the Hindus. 
 
 The army accordingly marched, by Multan, 
 IitTon d Expe " against Bhatnah* ; and, on reaching 
 the territory of the Bhattis, was met by a force, 
 
 ( u ) The Habibu-s-Sair calls it Batnah, but Colonel Briggs's 
 Translation of Ferishta has Bhateea. It is the same place as that 
 called Bhulneer in Arrowsmith's Map. 
 
 ( x ) See Ferishta, the Habibu-s-Sair, and Price's Mohammedan 
 History, on the authority of the Kholasata-1-Akhbar. Ferishta 
 makes Mahmud march to Bhatnah, Hij. 395; and the following 
 year against Multan, to punish its refractory Mohammedan go- 
 vernor. The latter did not take place until after the war with 
 his father-in-law, Elik Khan, if we may trust the other authori- 
 ties. The Habibu-s-Sair, and Kholasata-1-Akhbar, were written 
 more than an hundred years prior to Ferishta, and are, in this 
 matter, more trustworthy. 
 
22 
 
 commanded by Vijaya Raya; who, having 
 strongly posted himself, bravely checked the 
 progress of the Mohammedans for three days. 
 The latter, at length prevailing, invested the 
 fortress ; from which the Raja fled, perceiving 
 it was no longer tenable, and left only a small 
 garrison of his troops to continue the defence. 
 It was soon after taken by assault ; and the 
 chief, Vijaya Raya, when pursued and sur 
 rounded, preferred running his breast against 
 a sword to being made a prisoner. 
 
 The crusades against the Indians were, for a 
 A. D, 1007. time, suspended : as Mahmud's father- 
 
 Hij. 398. Third 
 
 Expedition. m _i aw> Elik Khan, had invaded Kho- 
 rasan, and demanded his attention. After this 
 matter had been settled, the interest of religion 
 called him back to Hindustan. The Mohamme- 
 dan rulers of Multan, established there by the 
 kings of Ghazni, were permitted to continue the 
 government in their families, on the payment of 
 a tribute to their liege lords. The grandson of 
 the original chief at length succeeded to the 
 office, and, swerving from his allegiance, aban- 
 doned the tenets of the faithful. This induced 
 Mahmud to undertake his third expedition?. 
 
 (y) This, according to Ferishta, would be his fourth expedi- 
 tion : but that author, who has closely followed the Tabkat Ak- 
 bari, having misplaced the expedition to Multan, as noticed in a 
 
 former 
 
23 
 
 But the rebel, who sought and obtained the aid 
 of Ananga Pal, on this occasion, seeing the 
 army of the latter defeated and dispersed, 
 thought of purchasing his master's pardon ; 
 and obtained it, by a profession of implicit 
 obedience for the future, and the promise of 
 an annual tribute of twenty thousand golden 
 dirhems 2 . 
 
 But, though transgression of the faithful 
 A D. iocs, might be forgotten, the backsliding of 
 
 Fourth Expe- . 
 
 auion. an idolater could not be overlooked. 
 Ananga Pal had assisted, in rebellion, Mah- 
 mud's governor and tributary; and the latter 
 was now resolved to revenge the insult. The 
 former had timely warning of his intention ; 
 and sent ambassadors to invite the assistance 
 of the Hindu princes of the country. The latter 
 now considered the expulsion of the Mohamme- 
 
 former note, here repeats the story of a renegado Hindu, named 
 Sewakpal, having swerved from his allegiance. There was no 
 such person, as appears ; and the mistake has arisen from having 
 placed the expedition to Multan before the war with Elik Khan, 
 instead of after it. We are not informed how this Sewakpal 
 obtained power ; and in some manuscripts he is called Zab-Sah, 
 being an evident error of the copyist's for Nawa-Sah ; signifying 
 " grandchild," a name which was applied to the revolted governor 
 of Multan, Abul Fattah Daod, the grandson of Shaikh Hamid 
 Lodi. Price, in his Mohammedan History, has also mistaken 
 the name, and calls him Nowasah Shah. 
 ( z ) Briggs's Ferishta, vol. I. p. 41. 
 
24 
 
 dans from India as a sacred duty ; and hastened, 
 with their contingents, to the neighbourhood of 
 the Panjab. A greater army than had yet 
 assembled took the field, and, as Ferishta tells 
 us, numbered, among its leaders, the Rajas of 
 Dehli a , Kanauj, Kalinjar, Goaliar, Ajmir, and 
 Ujain. The Mohammedans had marched from 
 Ghazni in the beginning of spring, and met the 
 Hindus, in the neighbourhood of Peshawar, 
 west of the Indus. After the armies had rested 
 for forty days in sight of each other, and the 
 Mohammedans had entrenched their camp, as 
 some security against the hosts of the enemy, 
 Mahmud resolved on giving battle. To com- 
 mence the attack, he detached a body of archers 
 to skirmish on his front ; but these were soon 
 driven back by the Kahkres, or Gakkars, a 
 warlike tribe, then inhabiting the salt range, or 
 Johd mountains, between the Behut (Hydaspes) 
 and Indus, and who are the ancestors of the 
 modern Jauts. Such was the fury with which 
 these barbarians made their onset, that, rushing 
 pell-mell into the lines of the Mohammedans, 
 they committed dreadful carnage among the 
 latter ; of whom four or five thousand fell vic- 
 tims, according to various accounts. The Gak- 
 
 ( a ) The seat of government in the Dehli province appears to 
 have been Mirat. 
 
25 
 
 kars, described to have had their heads and 
 feet bare, were armed with various weapons ; 
 but such was the impression of their desperate 
 effort, that Mahmud began to think of retiring 
 from his entrenchments, when, fortunately for 
 the cause of Islam, the elephant, which carried 
 Ananga Pal, frightened by the naphtha balls, 
 turned and fled. The death or flight of a leader, 
 among eastern armies, is the signal for a gene- 
 ral retreat ; and the panic of the Hindus, who 
 saw their chief retire, becoming general, they 
 gave way in every quarter. Five thousand 
 Arabian horse, with ten thousand of the Turk- 
 ish and Afghan cavalry, uninterruptedly pur- 
 sued the fugitives for two days and nights ; 
 during which, it is said, twenty thousand 
 Hindus were slain b . Thirty elephants were 
 taken, and the king obtained much other 
 booty. 
 
 If we might trust Ferishta's authority, Mah- 
 mud, at this time marching into the mountains 
 between the sources of the Ravi (Hydraotes) 
 and Beyah c (Hyphasis) rivers, captured the ce- 
 lebrated fortress of Nagrakot, then called the 
 Fort of Bhim. It was not, however, till the fol- 
 
 ( b ) Ferishta, vol. I. p. 47. 
 
 ( c ) Called, in Sanskrit, Vipasa; from which the Greeks got 
 Hyphasis. 
 
26 
 
 A.D. ioo9. lowing year, Hij. 400, according to 
 the Tabakat Akbari and Habibu-s-Sair, that 
 this expedition was undertaken ; and, as the 
 hostile armies, prior to the last battle, had con- 
 sumed three or four months in operations west 
 of the Indus, it is not probable that Mahmud 
 could have marched into India at the com- 
 mencement of the rainy season d . The fortress 
 of Nagrakot had been for ages the object of 
 Hindu veneration ; and not far distant from it 
 there are temples, near one of those extraordi- 
 nary spectacles of nature, a burning fountain, 
 for which the ignorant have a superstitious and 
 idolatrous regard. The last is known by the 
 name of Jwala-Mukhi e , or "the effulgent 
 countenance." 
 
 Em* Expedi- when Mahmud invested Nagrakot, 
 which was his fifth expedition, the temples were 
 filled with wealth and jewels ; the pious offer- 
 ings, by rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms, 
 that had been thus accumulating for many 
 years. Such was the vast booty obtained, by 
 
 ( d ) The Hij. year 399, given for the march to Peshawar, or 
 the previous year A.D. commenced the 5th September, A.D. 
 1008 ; and, as the spring season, when he left Ghazni, would not 
 commence till A.D. 1009, he must have spent the summer in Ka- 
 bul, and set out for Hindustan about October. 
 
 ( e ) In Mandelslo's Indian Travels, p. 14, it is mentioned by the 
 name of Kala Maka. 
 
27 
 
 this expedition, that the conqueror, on his re- 
 turn to Ghazni, prepared a magnificent festival ; 
 and, having caused his pavilion to be pitched 
 without the city, exhibited, to the assembled 
 multitude, a golden throne and other ensigns of 
 luxury, which the spoils of Hindustan had ena- 
 bled him to prepare. 
 
 As the Afghans, inhabiting the mountains of 
 Ghor, employed Mahmud's attention in the suc- 
 ceeding year, the war against the Hindus was 
 for a time suspended. But another crusade 
 against idolatry was, according to Ferishta, 
 undertaken to Thanesar, near Dehli, in Hij. 
 A.D.IOH. 402; though the Habibu-s-Sair says, 
 that, after the conquest of Nagrakot, the most 
 urgent solicitations for peace were made by 
 the paramount sovereign of the Hindus, who 
 promised an annual supply of fifty elephants, 
 and a remittance of tribute to the treasury at 
 Ghazni. Mahmud so far complied with the 
 proposal, it is said, that the commercial inter- 
 course between the subjects of the adverse 
 powers was renewed. The account of this 
 sixth Expedi- expedition f to India is, that the king 
 
 ( f ) Ferishta makes Mahmiid march back from Ghor, to attack 
 Multan in the previous year; and if such had taken place, it 
 would constitute the sixth expedition. It is mentioned in the 
 
 Tabkat 
 
28 
 
 of Ghazni, hearing of Thanesar being held in 
 equal veneration by the Hindus, as Mekka by 
 the Mohammedans, resolved to march against 
 it, and destroy the idol Jagsoma, which was 
 worshipped there. As a treaty existed between 
 Ananga Pal and Mahmud, by which the former 
 was bound not to molest the Mohammedans 
 in their march through the country, the latter 
 sent to the Raja, according to Ferishta's ac- 
 count, informing him of his intentions, and 
 requesting that safeguards might be given to 
 protect his towns and villages from the camp- 
 followers. It is something new, indeed, in poli- 
 tics, to find one of the parties to a treaty, en- 
 tered into for mutual advantage, commanding 
 to have that portion of it fulfilled which suits 
 their wishes ; whilst an open avowal is made, 
 that there is no intention of abiding by the re- 
 mainder. Such, however, is the statement of 
 this affair by the author just quoted ; and, as 
 Ananga Pal is said to have prepared an enter- 
 tainment for the king of Ghazni, this assertion 
 casts suspicion on the narrative of the expedi- 
 tion, which bears more the impress of fiction 
 than of history. 
 
 Tabkat Akbari, from which Ferishta borrowed ; but it is not no- 
 ticed by the prior authorities, which I possess. Having, there- 
 fore, doubts regarding it, I have rejected his account. 
 
29 
 
 Part of the two succeeding years was spent 
 in sending an army into Jurjan ; and in politi- 
 cal discussions with the Khalif of Baghdad, re- 
 garding the surrender of the Khorasan province, 
 and the city of Samarkand, to the government 
 H?. 405? 4 ' of Ghazni. Another crusade against 
 
 Seventh Expe- . 
 
 idolatry was at length resolved on ; 
 and Mahmud led this, the seventh one, against 
 Nardain, the then boundary of India &, or the 
 eastern part of the Hindu Kush ; separating, 
 as Ferishta says, the countries of Hindustan 
 and Turkistan, and remarkable for its excel- 
 lent fruits. The country into which the army 
 of Ghazni marched appears to have been the 
 same as that now called Kafiristan, where the 
 inhabitants were, and still are, idolaters 11 ; and 
 are named the Siah Push, or black-vested, by 
 the Mohammedans of latter times. In Nardain 
 there was a temple, which the army of Ghazni 
 destroyed ; and brought from thence a stone 
 covered with certain inscriptions, which were, 
 according to the Hindus, of great antiquity 1 . 
 
 (8) Habibu-s-Sair. 
 
 ( h ) Consult Mr. Elphinstone's Kabool, Vol. II. p. 127, for an 
 account of this people. 
 
 ( 5 ) Briggs's Ferishta, I. p. 65. There is again much confu- 
 sion in Ferishta's account of this expedition, which he places in 
 
 Hij. 
 
30 
 
 Mahmud, in returning to Ghazni, marched along 
 the southern face of the mountains of Hindu 
 Kush : till hearing that the ruler of Pansir, now 
 called Panjshir k , was an infidel, and possessed 
 some of those elephants called the elephants of 
 Sulaiman, he advanced against this place, plun- 
 dering and murdering the inhabitants. 
 
 The murder of the king of Khawarazm (the 
 ancient Chorasmia), who was Mahmud's bro- 
 ther-in-law, called the attention of the latter to 
 that quarter : and the affairs of that state, hav- 
 ing been thus thrown into confusion, occupied 
 the chief part of his time for the three succeed- 
 ing years. At the expiration of this period, 
 Hindustan, with its dependencies, was doomed, 
 S h Expe " for the eighth time, to become the the- 
 atre of the king of Ghazni's operations. After 
 collecting a numerous army from Turkistan, 
 Mawara-un-Nahr, (Transoxiana) and Khorasan, 
 the followers of which, in aiding the crusade, 
 were as much instigated by avarice as reli- 
 gion, Mahmud marched for Kanauj in the spring 
 
 Hij. 412; and makes Mahmud march to Bulnat, Hij. 404; 
 though the narratives evidently refer to the same places and 
 transactions. 
 
 ( k ) This is the name of the river which joins that of Ghur- 
 band, and gives name to a pass which leads through the Hindu 
 Kush from Kabul to Turkistan. 
 
31 
 
 of Hij. 409 l . The author of the Habibu-s-Sair 
 tells us that, besides the king's regular troops, 
 twenty-thousand Mohammedan crusaders form- 
 ed part of the force, destined to destroy the 
 devoted country, and the yet remaining strong- 
 holds of idolatry. Kanauj is described as dis- 
 tant from Ghaznf a journey of three months : 
 and the Mohammedan army followed, as would 
 appear, the route of Peshawar, to the attack. 
 Ferishta makes the troops march from hence 
 directly to Kanauj, and afterwards to Mirat : 
 but here his ignorance of geography has so 
 confused the account, that the army moves 
 about, in all directions, without any obvious 
 reason. After having passed the Indus, and 
 entered Hindustan, the Mohammedans first at- 
 tacked, according to the Habibu-s-Sair, a strong 
 fortress ; of which the ruler, a person of rank 
 and consequence, and an idolater, is said to 
 have submitted, and adopted the faith of Islam. 
 The name of this fortress is not given, but 
 
 0) Ferishta, and the Habibu-s-Sair. As the spring season is, 
 however, mentioned, and as Hij. 409 commenced the 20th May, 
 A.D. 1018, Mahmud must have left Ghazni in the end of the 
 preceding Hijira year 408 ; which would correspond with the 
 spring of A.D. 1018. Mohammedan historians, not attending to 
 the fact of the seasons, west of the Indus, being the same as those 
 in Europe, and forgetting the particular commencement of the 
 Hij. years, are constantly committing such blunders. 
 
32 
 
 appears to have been the same as Mirat m . From 
 hence the army marched, along the banks of 
 the Jumna, to another fort not named 11 ; the 
 same, as we learn from other sources , with 
 Mahwan, near Matra; and which was the 
 capital of the Raja of Bindraban. The then 
 governing Raja in this province was Kulchand, 
 who attacked the Mohammedans, and was de- 
 feated. This unfortunate Hindu chief, after 
 the issue of the battle, fled, along with his wife, 
 and was pursued ; when, seeing no means of 
 escape, and doubtless to avoid pollution, he first 
 murdered his partner, and then slew himself. 
 Eighty-five elephants were taken by the Mo- 
 hammedans. The troops next advanced against 
 Matra, or Mathura, not far distant, and then 
 the most venerated place of Hindu worship. 
 Here the people of Ghazni were so struck by 
 the magnificence of the buildings, that, says my 
 authority?, no words can express it. The pa- 
 laces and other buildings, which were many, 
 
 ( m ) Ferishta quotes the Habibu-s-Sair, in asserting that the 
 Raja, of Kanauj adopted the faith of Islam ; but this history makes 
 no such assertion : and it is evident, from a comparison of the two 
 accounts, that Ferishta has transferred the narrative of the Ha- 
 bibu-s-Sair regarding this nameless fort, and made it applicable 
 to Kanauj. 
 
 ( n ) Habibu-s-Sair. () Ferishta. 
 
 (P) Habibu-s-Sair. 
 
33 
 
 are described as being built of stone and white 
 marble ; and such was the feeling of wonder 
 excited in the mind of Mahmud, that, while wri- 
 ting to the nobles of Ghazni, he said, " Should 
 any one propose to build such a town, he could 
 not do so in two-and-twenty years, with the 
 assistance of the most skilful architect, and after 
 expending millions of dinars." But bigotry 
 stifled, in the breast of Mahmud, every nobler 
 feeling ; and though the art of the architect 
 could raise his admiration, it could not make 
 him generous to stay the work of destruction. 
 The solidity of the temples alone resisted his 
 efforts : the idols were broken down ; jewels were 
 carried away of immense value ; and every thing 
 combustible was given to the flames. Twenty- 
 six days were thus spent : the king marched 
 along the bank of the Ab-Gang, or Ganges, 
 where he captured seven fortifications, and ar- 
 rived at Kanauj on the eighteenth of Shaban^, 
 or end of December. Six or seven months had 
 elapsed since the army left Ghazni : the Panjab 
 rivers on the route had, at this season of the 
 year, impeded its advance ; and the solicitude 
 of all was relieved by seeing before them the 
 object of their wishes. The Raja of Kanauj, 
 who is called by some Korah r , and by others 
 
 (i) Habibu-s-Sair. ( r ) Tabakat Akbaru 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 Jaipal 8 , warned, no doubt, by the fate of Matra, 
 and perceiving the hopelessness of resistance, 
 sued for peace, and paid a tribute ; though it is 
 asserted, by other accounts, that he fled. This 
 was followed by fresh conquests; where the 
 blood of the idolaters was made to flow, that 
 the intolerant spirit of Islam might be grati- 
 fied. 
 
 The recital of the enormities committed du- 
 ring these barbarous expeditions sickens and 
 fatigues the mind by the sameness of the narra- 
 tive ; towns were captured and set on fire ; 
 temples destroyed ; idols broken, or converted 
 into currency, when found of precious metals ; 
 the inhabitants pillaged and carried into cap- 
 tivity; while commerce and cultivation were 
 totally ruined and neglected. Such were the 
 numbers of the captives carried away, after the 
 sack of Matra, that a slave was sold in the Mo- 
 hammedan camp for ten dirhems, or about five 
 shillings of English money. Yet the unsatiable 
 mind of Mahmud was not satisfied with the suf- 
 ferings he had inflicted on idolatry, or the 
 wealth he had acquired ; and, when affairs in 
 other quarters left his thoughts at liberty, he 
 
 ( 8 ) The Habibu-s-Sair calls him Jaipal ; who is the same, no 
 doubt, as Jaipal II. the son of Ananga Pal : but otherwise called 
 Koran, from the appellation of his tribe. 
 
35 
 
 again turned his attention to India. Two more 
 expeditions were undertaken against the de- 
 voted country ; one of which was directed 
 against the fort of Kalinjar, and the other to 
 A.D.^io22. the temple of Somnath, in Gujarat. The 
 Nmth Expedi- f ormer was undertaken to revenge the 
 attack on the Raja of Kanauj ; who, in Mah- 
 mud's absence, was put to death by Nanda 
 Raja of Kalinjar, as he had submitted to the 
 Mohammedans, and accepted their alliance. It 
 is difficult to reconcile the conflicting testimony 
 of the original authorities * in this matter ; 
 though it appears, that, puzzled by the contra- 
 diction of dates given for this event, they have 
 made two separate expeditions to Kalinjar, 
 where only one. took place u . About the time 
 Review of of Mahmud's seventh expedition, the 
 
 events preced- . 
 
 in g " paramount sovereignty of India had 
 
 been transferred, at the death of Ananga Pal, 
 to his son Jaipal II x , who, if not the Raja of 
 Kanauj, is the same as he who fled when the 
 Mohammedans approached that city. If the 
 
 (*) Ferishta and the Tabakat Akbari. 
 
 ( u ) The author of the Tabakat Akbari places Mahmud's first 
 march to Kalinjar, Hij. 410, or the year after he had taken 
 Kanauj; but Ferishta gives Hij. 412 as the date. The second 
 march is placed, by the former, Hij. 413, and by the latter, 414 : 
 but either one or both must be wrong. 
 
 ( x ) See Briggs's Ferishta I. 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 Korah family were not the original lords of the 
 latter, but to which opinion I incline, the Raja, 
 who brought on himself the hostility of the 
 neighbouring princes, was one who had gained 
 the good will of the king of Ghazni, and was 
 appointed to the office. But, be the truth of this 
 transaction what it may, we are told that, when 
 the Mohammedan army approached the banks of 
 the Jumna, Jaipal II. who had repeatedly fled 
 before the standards of Islam, now assisted by 
 Nanda Raja of Kalinjar, took up a position on 
 the eastern bank, with the ostensible motive of 
 giving battle. The Hindu host of horse and 
 foot, though far exceeding in numbers their 
 opponents, and supported by six hundred and 
 forty elephants, struck with panic, decamped 
 during the night ; but, the story of their being 
 routed by eight persons^, from the army of 
 Ghazni, is too ridiculous to deserve notice. 
 While the Mohammedans advanced to Kalinjar, 
 their march was distinguished by the usual ex- 
 cesses ; the fortress was invested and besieged ; 
 and peace was, after a time, purchased by a 
 money contribution and a present of three hun- 
 dred elephants. 
 
 The last crusade against idolatry, in which 
 the king of Ghazni was engaged, was an expe- 
 
 y See Ferishta and the Tabakat Akbari. 
 
37 
 
 dition to the temple of Somnath, situated near 
 Diu, in the province of Gujarat. Poetry and 
 fable have been alike employed to adorn the 
 narrative and magnify the importance of this 
 conquest. But, if the record of past events 
 borrows more from fancy than memory, and 
 substitutes amusement for instruction, the order 
 of knowledge is inverted ; and, where history 
 ought to have commenced, fable has not yet 
 terminated. In this matter, doubt is better than 
 credulity ; and, if we hesitate to give assent to 
 much that has been said of Somnath, we will 
 not insult the spirit of philosophy. The district 
 The religious of the Guiarat peninsula, now called 
 
 sectaries who J 
 
 KS&r 1 Babrewar, of which Billawal Patan is 
 the chief town, was formerly known by the name 
 of Patan Somnath. It derived this appellation 
 from the title of a celebrated idol, whose temple 
 existed in the neighbourhood ; and the Brah- 
 mans of the country assert, that here Siva was 
 worshipped under the symbol of the Linga, or 
 Phallus 2 . The symbol then venerated was one 
 of the twelve famous Lingas, or Phalli, which 
 were of old set up in different parts ; and of 
 which Mahakal, at Ujain, and Ramnath in 
 Southern India, are well known to Mohamme- 
 dan history. The former was destroyed by 
 
 ( z ) Appendix to the Mirat Ahmadi. 
 
38 
 
 Shams-ud-din Altimsh, two hundred years after 
 the time of Mahmud of Ghazni ; and was, we 
 are told, formed on the same plan as Somnath a . 
 This is conclusive evidence that the assertion 
 of the Brahmans respecting the temple of Som- 
 nath is correct ; and Mahadeo, or Siva, was 
 the deity, who, under the title of Swayambhu 
 Nath b , or Swayam Nath, the self-existent, was 
 there worshipped. On the authority of the 
 Habibu-s-Sair, this idol was formed of cut 
 stone, five cubits in height ; of which three 
 cubits were visible, and two were below the sur- 
 face. The Hindus then venerated the idol more 
 than any other 6 ; the attendants washed it 
 
 daily with water brought from the Ganges d ; 
 
 % 
 
 ( a ) This great temple, in Malwa, was destroyed A.D. 1233. 
 See Briggs's Ferishta I. p. 24. 
 
 (") Derived from three Sanskrit words, *~ H H Swayam^ of 
 himself, ^[ Bhu, existing, and "TI^T Ndth, Lord; but which 
 is sometimes, for sake of brevity, pronounced Swayam Nath, 
 without the medial radical. This would be written by the 
 
 O X-C-X-.P 
 
 Mohammedans ^\l*4Jj*> Swayam Ndth; which, by the neglect 
 of the points and the reduplicated ^j ya, becomes -yli^jAi 
 Somndth. But Colonel Vans Kennedy, remarking on this note, 
 says that the name is rather derived from ^1 l*i and ^T^T, 
 lord of the moon ; a name of Siva under which he is generally 
 worshipped. 
 
 ( c ) Habibu-s-Sair. 
 
 ( d ) Rauzatu-s-saffa, quoted in the Mirat Ahmadi. 
 
39 
 
 the revenue of ten thousand villages' 5 was as- 
 signed for the support of its temple ; two thou- 
 sand Brahmans performed the ceremonies of its 
 worship ; five hundred dancing women, with 
 three hundred musicians, were ready to perform 
 before it ; many smaller images of gold and sil- 
 ver, in the temple, surrounded this the greatest 
 of the gods ; and three hundred barbers were 
 waiting to shave the devotees who sought admit- 
 tance to the holy place. Such was the popularity 
 of this obscene worship ; such the fanaticism 
 of its followers, that the princes of Hindustan 
 devoted their daughters to the service of the 
 temple f ; and, at the occurrence of an eclipse, 
 sometimes as many as a thousand individuals 
 came to perform their devotions. The religion 
 was of old common to Arabia and India ; and 
 there is reason for believing, what the early 
 Mohammedan authorities assert, that Lat, wor- 
 shipped by the idolaters of Mekka, was a similar 
 deity as the Swayam Nath of the Hindus^. Du- 
 
 ( e ) My copy of the Habibu-s-Sair says ten thousand, and is 
 supported in this account by the appendix to the Mirat Ahmadi, 
 which quotes the authority of the Rauzatu-s-saffa : but Colonel 
 Briggs's Ferishta says only two thousand. 
 
 ( f ) Ferishta. 
 
 (?) The Habibu-s-Sair quotes the following verse from 
 Shaikh Farid-ud-din Attar, as an authority for this opinion : 
 " The army of Mahmud found in Somnath the idol whose name 
 
 was 
 
40 
 
 ring the seventh century of our era, the worship 
 of Siva, if not prevalent, was at least known in 
 the west of India h ; and existed, for some time 
 after, in friendly union with the heterodox faith 
 of Jaina. But to trace the origin of the two sects, 
 their connexion, enmity, and disunion ; or to 
 show by what means the last gained ascendency, 
 would occupy more space and attention than can 
 be here devoted to this interesting subject. 
 
 The fame of the temple of Swayambhu Nath 
 at length reached the ear of Mahmud; who, 
 several years, had been projecting another ex- 
 pedition, for the destruction of the vain idola- 
 ters. Accompanied by thirty thousand horse, 
 besides many volunteers, he left Ghazni the 
 A.D. 1025. 10th of Shaban, Hii. 416 i ; and in the 
 
 October 7. 
 
 Tenth Expedi- m {^\ e o f tne following month, arrived 
 at Multan. An inhospitable desert lay on the 
 
 was Lat." Herodotus (B. III. c. 8.) notices Alilat as one of the 
 idols worshipped by the ancient Arabs ; but makes it a female 
 deity, by identifying it with Urania. The name of this goddess 
 
 is probably from the Arabic A^JI Ilahat, which signifies the 
 horned Moon, and the Sun. The assertion of the father of 
 history is, therefore, reconcileable with the opinion of Moham- 
 medan writers regarding the idol at Mekka, which was, they say, 
 a male deity, and the same with Swayam Nath. 
 
 ( h ) See translation of an inscription from Abu, dated Samvat 
 727, A.D. 671. 
 
 Hattbu-s-Sair. 
 
41 
 
 route to Gujarat ; water and provisions were to 
 be carried where none could be procured ; and 
 twenty thousand camels were laden with sup- 
 plies. The army came to several fortifications in 
 the desert, which submitted without resistance ; 
 sacked Ajmir; passed Nahrwalah ; and arrived, 
 at Somnath, in the month of Zulhijjah. Here 
 A.D. lose. the Mohammedans beheld a large for- 
 tress, whose walls were washed by the sea. The 
 people within, anxious to view the strangers, 
 crowded to the battlements ; the Mohammedans 
 advanced, and dispersed them with their ar- 
 rows ; and an attempt was made to scale the 
 walls. The Hindus, who now returned to the 
 works, rendered the last abortive ; and conti- 
 nued a brave resistance till night made the 
 besiegers retire. On the following day, the 
 siege was renewed ; the place captured ; and 
 five thousand Hindus slain in the storm. A 
 few, by escaping in a boat, saved themselves 
 from the vengeance of the enemy. Mahmud, 
 on entering the temple, observed a covered 
 apartment, whose roof was supported by six 
 pillars set with jewels k ; and here stood the idol. 
 
 ( k ) (Habibu-s-Sair.) This apartment was the recess, 
 which is placed at the extreme end of the temples dedicated to 
 Siva. Six pillars are as many as could be, in all probability, 
 studded with jewels, and no more are mentioned in my copy of 
 
 the 
 
42 
 
 The latter was broken in pieces by the king's 
 own hand; and orders were given to his at- 
 tendants, that the pieces, carried to Ghazni, 
 were to be cast before the great mosque in 
 honour of the triumph obtained by Islam. By 
 this expedition incalculable wealth was col- 
 lected, and exceeded many thousand dinars; 
 though the story of the jewels found in the 
 belly of the idol is the invention of some narra- 
 tor, who loved fable more than truth. Mah- 
 miid returned to Ghazni by the route of the 
 Sind desert, where his army suffered greatly 
 from the scarcity of forage and water ; and, 
 though information was brought him that Pa- 
 rama Deva 1 , greatest of the Indian Rajas, lay 
 with an army on his way, he pursued his march, 
 not deeming it advisable to follow him. After 
 much labour and suffering, the troops arrived at 
 Ghazni in the following year m . 
 A.D. lose. Four years subsequent to these events, 
 this great conqueror breathed his last. He had 
 attained his sixty-third year, and died of stone 
 
 the Habibu-s-Sair. Others, who have fancied that this de- 
 scription applied to the whole body of the temple, enumerate the 
 pillars from thirty-six to fifty-six. 
 
 (!) This was a title signifying supreme lord, and was applied 
 to the Raja of Nahrwalah. 
 
 ( m ) Tabakat Akbari. 
 
43 
 
 in the bladder ; a disease, which, at this period 
 of life, is equally common in its attack, as it is 
 suited to wear out the last energies of a vigo- 
 MahmM erof rous constitution. Mahmud, in sta- 
 ture, was of the middle size ; in face, strongly 
 marked with small pox n ; in spirit determined; 
 in disposition vindictive and unforgiving ; a 
 wrangler in the religious doctrines of Islam, yet 
 a follower of its most superstitious sect ; pos- 
 sessing vanity, to patronize learning as a mean 
 of extending his fame, though avarice, a stronger 
 passion, made him forget his purpose ; obsti- 
 nate, bigoted, and energetic, he could at once 
 awe the minds of the seditious, and secure the 
 support of his subjects : who, loving him as a 
 saint and their leader, shed tears of regret when 
 he left his sceptre to weaker hands. 
 e4i?eof f the With the declining power of the race 
 
 Ghazni at his _ _. . f _ 
 
 death. of bam an, the kings of Ghazni, from 
 
 the humble situation of provincial governors, 
 had raised themselves to extensive dominion. 
 The quarrels of neighbouring states gave them 
 a pretext for the necessity of interference ; and, 
 though not scrupulous in this matter, they jus- 
 tified the march of their troops into other coun- 
 
 ( n ) Ferishta. 
 
 () See the Tazkaratu-s-Shoara, by Daulat Shah, for his 
 treatment of Firdausi. 
 
44 
 
 tries, as state expediency and self-preservation, 
 while their only motive was a hope of adding to 
 their territory, through the weakness of those 
 they pretended to assist. The provinces of 
 GhazniP, Kabul, and Balkh, with part of Khora- 
 san, had been bequeathed to his children by Sa- 
 buktagin ; but such was the extent and rapidity 
 of the conquests made by Mahmud, that, in 
 no less than thirty years after, the empire of 
 Ghazni extended from the Persian Gulf to the 
 sea of Aral, and from the mountains of Kurdis- 
 tan to the Satlaj. With the exception of Khu- 
 zistan and Fars, yet remaining possessions of 
 the nearly extinguished race pf BawaihK this 
 mighty kingdom included the whole of Persia, 
 Transoxiana, and the Panjab ; while it embra- 
 ced every variety of climate, through twenty 
 degrees of latitude and thirty of longitude. 
 The decease of its founder was the signal for its 
 decline ; which was equally rapid as its rise. 
 S ar 8 e r ss o f rs . At the death of Mahmud, two sons 
 were left to dispute the succession to his throne ; 
 but, as these were twins, whose priority of right 
 was only established by a few hours, each con- 
 
 (?) The province of Ghazni is the same as that called Zabu- 
 listan, when distinguished from Kabul. 
 
 (<i) See Gibbon's Roman Empire, vol. x., p. 83, where they 
 are called Bowides. 
 
45 
 
 sidered his claim equally legitimate, and re- 
 solved to decide it by the sword. The will of 
 their father had been evinced in favour of the 
 elder; and, though his dying wish indicated him 
 for his successor, the younger was little disposed 
 to yield obedience to a decision, which he con- 
 sidered, no doubt, founded on caprice. Moham- 
 med, the name of the former, mild and winning 
 in his manner, had secured a father's affection 
 by filial duty and implicit obedience ; and 
 though Masud, the younger, had more striking 
 qualities to sway the multitude, they were little 
 calculated to win a parent's love, though they 
 might occasionally command his regard. The 
 former, though gentle and tractable in disposi- 
 tion, possessed little besides which might com- 
 mand respect : the other, bold and independent 
 in his language, might sometimes offend his 
 father ; but, distinguished for feats of strength, 
 loved for liberality, and admired for his valour, 
 won the hearts of the army and the nobles, and 
 calculated with certainty on success. The 
 Khalif of Baghdad had been privately instructed 
 by the late king of Ghazni that, in addressing 
 him, he was to insert the name of the Prince 
 Mohammed before that of Masud. The letter 
 was read aloud in court, at Ghazni ; some of 
 the nobles, in their zeal for the cause of the 
 
46 
 
 latter, expressed indignation and surprise at 
 the circumstance, but the answer of Masud to 
 them was characteristic of the man. "Concern 
 not yourselves," said he ; " when swords are 
 truest, we may write what follows V 
 M c a c s e u s i ionof Mahmiid contemplated, as would ap- 
 pear, the contest of the brothers for his throne ; 
 and arranged, as far as circumstances would 
 permit, that his favourite might find every fa- 
 cility for possessing himself of Ghazni. Masud, 
 who had been sent to rule the most westerly 
 dependencies of the empire, had his seat of go- 
 vernment at Ispahan ; while Mohammed, nearer 
 to the capital, directed the affairs of Transox- 
 iana, and resided at Jurjan 8 , in the ancient 
 Hyrcania, south-east of the Caspian. When 
 the intelligence of his father's decease was 
 brought to the latter, he immediately set out 
 for Ghazni, and was crowned with the approba- 
 tion and aid of the late king's relations, who 
 executed his will in this respect. The wishes of 
 the army and the nobles, however, were all in 
 favour of Masud, who, leaving governors in 
 the provinces of Persian Irak, made all possible 
 
 ( r ) Ferishta. 
 
 ( s ) Jurjan, on the Caspian, must be carefully distinguished 
 from Jurjistan, Ghirjistan, or Georgia, which also formed part 
 of the Ghaznian empire. 
 
47 
 
 expedition in advancing to Khorasan, with the 
 intention of asserting his right to the throne. 
 Mohammed made preparation to oppose him, 
 and marched to Taki-abad, not far distant from 
 Ghazni ; but the nobles, having formed a con- 
 spiracy, seized and confined him ; while they 
 o^ober 30 ' hastened to join his more fortunate 
 rival. The aspirations of the younger were 
 realized ; the conspirators joined him at Herat ; 
 the army marched by way of Balkh to Ghazni ; 
 the elder brother was blinded, as the greatest 
 mercy which can be extended to a rival in the 
 east ; and the crown of Ghazni encircled the 
 brow of Masud. 
 
 Notwithstanding the many eminent'qualities 
 which distinguished this prince, and which ap- 
 peared to indicate him as born for dominion, 
 his administration proved less vigorous than 
 was anticipated, and the extent of the empire 
 was considerably reduced during his reign. 
 The causes which occasioned such things were 
 perhaps beyond the possibility of control. The 
 pastoral tribe of Turkmans had found a brave 
 and active leader in the person of Toghrul Beg, 
 sprung from the race of Saljuk ; and, while these 
 warlike barbarians were professing obedience 
 to the king of Ghazni, they continued to com- 
 mit aggressions against his people and his 
 
48 
 
 power. Though long superior, the troops of 
 Ghazni had now met their equals : victory did 
 not always accompany their standards ; and 
 the northern parts of the kingdom were all but 
 severed from the monarch's control. 
 
 The rise of such formidable rivals proved an 
 auspicious event for the feeble states of India, 
 by directing the attention of the Ghazni go- 
 vernment to other parts of its possessions. But, 
 though Masud was no longer able to afflict 
 Hindustan with the desolating warfare which 
 had been carried on by his father, the country 
 was not altogether exempted from foreign inva- 
 A.D1036. sion. An expedition was undertaken 
 
 Expedition to . 
 
 Hansi. against the fort of Hansi, sixty miles 
 west of the river Jumna, and then the capital of 
 Sewalik, or that mountainous country which 
 separates the province of Dehli from the sources 
 of the Ganges. The place was taken ; the 
 troops advanced to Sonpat, of which the ruler 
 Depal, or Deva Pal Harnat', fled; and a Mo- 
 hammedan governor was established in the 
 
 (*) This is the title given him by the Tabakat Akbari ; but 
 Lieut.-Col. Briggs's Ferishta calls him Depal Hurry. We may 
 conclude that this person was a follower of Buddha, as his title 
 of Harinath is a designation of that deity, who, in the Sanskrit 
 inscription from Buddha Gaya, or Bahar, is called Hari, and 
 Harfsa. (See A.R. I. p. 284.) 
 
49 
 
 place. After ordering the idols to be broken, 
 Masud went in pursuit of the fugitive Raja ; 
 who, being surprised by the king, lost most of 
 his army, and escaped with much difficulty. 
 The troops soon after returned to Ghazni ; and 
 Majdud u , the younger son of Masud, was ap- 
 pointed to the government of Multan, and the 
 Indian dependencies of the empire. 
 
 While the aggressions of the Saljuk Turk- 
 mans were daily becoming more daring, Masud, 
 with singular infatuation, neglected to pursue 
 those vigorous measures, suited to check en- 
 croachments on his territory. Though the 
 nobles endeavoured to dissuade him from un- 
 dertaking the expedition to India, . representing 
 that the troops might be more properly em- 
 ployed in expelling the Turkmans from Kho- 
 rasan x , he would not attend to this good advice, 
 and suffered in the end for his obstinacy. In 
 his absence, the power of his formidable enemies 
 had increased ; the property and lives of his 
 subjects were made their sport ; and, as one of 
 his nobles said, " though once but ants, they 
 had become adders y." The several members of 
 the subjugated race of Bawaihi, who, as lieute- 
 
 ( u ) In Colonel Briggs's Ferishta he is sometimes called Ma- 
 dood. 
 
 ( x ) Habibu-s-Sair. (?) Ferishta. 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 nants of the king of Ghazni, continued to conduct 
 the government of Persian Irak, took this op- 
 portunity of regaining their independence, and 
 excited a rebellion. Masud, too late perceiving 
 that all these causes threatened to dismember 
 his empire, marched against the Turkmans. 
 Several engagements were fought with various 
 success, till the army of Ghazni, marching to 
 Sirakhsh, in Khorasan, was opposed by the 
 latter, and met with defeat. The king soon 
 after withdrew to his Indian possessions, with a 
 view of recruiting his army, and repairing his 
 losses ; but the troops, becoming discontented 
 on the road, mutinied, and dethroned their 
 leader. His blind brother Mohammed was now 
 elevated to the vacant throne, and Masud sent 
 to prison, where he was soon after assassi- 
 nated. 
 
 suSknM^M. The blind Mohammed did not long re- 
 tain his newly-acquired dignity. Modud, the 
 son of Masud, was not without suspicion that 
 his uncle had been privy to his father's murder. 
 The former received the news of this event by a 
 letter from his uncle, who affected to lament a 
 brother's death ; and the answer to the fratri- 
 cide was as biting and sarcastic, as condolence 
 was ill-dissembled and uncalled for, in his ne- 
 phew's opinion : " May God lengthen the days," 
 
51 
 
 said he, " of so merciful a king, and grant that 
 his mad son Ahmad gain glory in the practice 
 of regicide, till he obtains his reward at our 
 hands!" At this time, Modud was at Balkh, 
 whither he had been sent, after his father's 
 defeat and retreat to India. Indignant at his 
 uncle's supposed hypocrisy, this prince, on first 
 receiving intelligence of the event, was anxious 
 to march directly on the Panjab, that he might 
 revenge his father's murder. From this he was 
 dissuaded by his friends ; who induced him first 
 to go to Ghaznf, and take possession of the 
 ancient capital of his ancestors. His approach 
 was hailed with acclamation by the citizens, 
 who thronged to meet him. From this he hast- 
 ened to the banks of the Indus, to oppose his 
 uncle's army, which had marched from Lahore. 
 The struggle of the parties was soon decided ; 
 a battle was fought between them, in which 
 Modud was victorious ; and his father's murder- 
 ers were put to death. There was now no rival 
 to oppose his pretensions to the throne of 
 Ghazni, except his brother Majdud z ; who had 
 been left, as before noticed, in the government of 
 the south-eastern states. Hansi was, at this 
 time, the capital of the younger brother, who 
 
 (*) Habibu-s-Sair. 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 refused to bear allegiance to the elder. The 
 latter had failed by persuasion to bring the 
 other to obedience, and had no choice left him 
 but to trust to the sword for the issue of the 
 contest. A force was sent to the Panjab ; when 
 Majdtid, hearing of its approach, left Hansi, 
 and hastened to oppose it. Soon after, however, 
 he was found dead in his bed, without any previ- 
 ous complaint ; and left his brother undisputed 
 possession of the kingdom. 
 
 Revolt among its principal governors, increas- 
 JegaiuptL- ing encroachments by the Saljuk Turk- 
 
 sum of several 
 
 p l ia b iT te mans, and the domestic quarrels of 
 its princes, had much embarrassed the affairs of 
 the Ghazni government. The Hindus were 
 not slow in perceiving this change in the power 
 of their conquerors ; and, having experienced 
 nothing from their government in the height of 
 its prosperity but insult and dishonour, were 
 glad to perceive the day of retribution approach- 
 ing, and hastened to assist in its downfall and 
 disgrace. Priestcraft was at work with the 
 credulity of the people, and zealots of all parties 
 perceived it was their interest to unite against 
 their oppressors. A numerous host was col- 
 lected, under the command of the Raja of Dehli 
 and his confederates; and Hansi, Nagrakot, 
 and Thanesar, were retaken ; the dilapidated 
 
53 
 
 temples were rebuilt ; idolatrous rites re-esta- 
 blished, and the Mohammedans of Lahore nar- 
 rowly escaped the horrors of a storm. While the 
 relative power and knowledge of parties, since 
 those days, has turned much in favour of us 
 as conquerors, the principles of human nature, 
 and the incitement to action, are indelible and 
 unchangeable ; and the lesson ought not be 
 forgotten by those who have succeeded in 
 possession. 
 ihviewtffthe * n or( kr to fiM U P tne periods of fable, 
 
 rod, and bring down its history to the time 
 
 and the distri- J 
 
 when Mohammedan annals of India 
 
 its Hindu 
 
 , i T-T i -i / 
 
 rulers. commence, the Voidya monarchs .of 
 Bengal, cotemporary with the Rajput princes 
 bearing the title of Pal, are made to succeed 
 them in the general system of Hindu chronology. 
 This, as will presently be explained, is founded 
 on misconception and ignorance. The last but 
 one of the Voidya Rajas, Lakshmana Sinha, is 
 well known to Mohammedan history as Laka- 
 mir, and gives name to an era in Bengal. 
 Their original seat of government was Naddia a ; 
 but Gaur, or Laknauti, on the left bank of the 
 Ganges, near Malda, afterwards became their 
 capital. Cotemporary with this state was that 
 
 ( a ) They resided, as would appear, at Naddia, situated near the 
 junction of the Jellinghi and Kasimbazar rivers. 
 
54 
 
 of Benares and Gaur ; which was governed, 
 in the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni, by Rajas 
 of the Buddhist persuasion ; of whose former 
 existence and belief the urns found at Sarnath, 
 four miles north of Benares, and the inscription 
 on the statue of Buddha, afford us unequivocal 
 proof b . The contiguous Hindu principality, 
 north-westward, was Kalinjar, tributary to the 
 Buddhist princes of Benares ; and further east- 
 ward than that the kings of Ghazni do not appear 
 to have advanced. The first of the Benares 
 family, Bhupala, otherwise named Mahipala, was 
 succeeded by his sons Sthirapala and Vasanta- 
 pala, who erected the temple of Sarnath c . tf the 
 Sri Deva Pala, of the Mongir grant and in- 
 scription from Buddal d , be not the same person 
 
 ( b ) See A.R. Vol. V. p. 132. The date of the inscription, 
 commemorating the construction of edifices dedicated to Buddha, 
 is Samvat 1083, A.D. 1027. Of the princes named, the first was 
 Mahipal, whose sons were Sthirapala, and Kamapala. 
 
 ( c ) On the genealogical list of this family, see A.R. V. p. 133, 
 and Vol. XV. p. 465. 
 
 ( d ) A. R. Vol. I. p. 123 and 133. The date of the first is the 
 33rd year of the Raja's reign, and not of the general era called 
 Samvat, which commences fifty-six years before Christ. It was 
 the custom for the Balhara emperors, or Lord Protectors of India, 
 to date their reign from the last of their predecessor : and of this 
 we are informed by the two Mohammedan travellers of Renaudot, 
 who wrote in Hij. 596, A.D. 1173. It has been usual to place the 
 date of these travels as far back as the end of the ninth century 
 
 of 
 
55 
 
 as the last, though differently entitled, he cer- 
 tainly succeeded this family, not long after A.D. 
 1027. Ten years subsequent to this time, the 
 name of Yaso Pala occurs. He issues his com- 
 mands in the fort of Karrah 6 , but ruled the 
 realm of Kausamba, or Rangamatty, situated 
 on the Brahmaputra river. This can be no 
 other than Sri Deva Pala, who was mighty lord 
 of the great Sugats or Buddhists, and had for 
 his subjects the Gaur, Khoso, Laasata, and 
 Bhoto, or the people of Bahar, Kassay, Lhassa, 
 and Bhutan. He travelled on his pilgrimages 
 from the sources of the Ganges, at Kedar Nath, 
 to Gukerna on the ocean f , and overran the 
 kingdoms on his route. These conquests were 
 not permanent ; but the occurrence of such 
 indicates the unsettled habits of the military 
 class of Hindus in those times. As the prince 
 who made them is said to have acted according 
 
 of our era, or Hij. 264 ; simply because the commentator, Abii- 
 Zaid al-Hasan, of Siraf, has mentioned a revolution which hap- 
 pened in China at this time. But, as the original manuscript con- 
 tained observations on the extent and circumference of Damascus, 
 and of other cities subject to Nura-d-din, uncle of the cele- 
 brated Saladin, with the date when it was written, Hij. 569, the 
 evidence goes to prove that the travels could not have taken place 
 earlier than the end of the eleventh or twelfth century of our era. 
 
 ( e ) See A. R. IV. p. 433. 
 
 ( f ) The Gukerna mentioned in the grant is Gukerna on the 
 Malabar coast, and not Gokernak on the frontiers of Kashmir. 
 
56 
 
 to the Shastra, or the law, and emulated a God 
 in his actions, he may have thus received the 
 title of Sri Deva Pala ; while his other title of 
 Yaso Pala would express his celebrity. On the 
 west of India, Dhurlabha Chalukya had abdi- 
 cated, at Nahrwalah Patan, in favour of his 
 son, or brother, Bhima Raja I ; and made his 
 pilgrimage to Gaya. One of the Gohila family 
 occupied Ajmir, and, in the south of India, the 
 Belal princes, who afterwards took possession 
 of Dwara Samudra, had swerved from their alle- 
 giance to the Chola Rajas, and founded a new 
 state north of the Krishna . 
 
 There is nothing more perplexing to the reader 
 Appellations of oriental history than the variety 
 
 of the Rajputs ..,.., 
 
 at this time. o f names by which individuals are in 
 different places designated ; and this practice 
 has been a fruitful source of error, from the 
 period when Greek historians first made known 
 to us the history of Persia, even to the present 
 day. An acute discrimination of the analogy 
 and differences of historical facts, and an exten- 
 sive knowledge of the several revolutions and 
 rise of kingdoms which took place, can alone 
 guard us against the commission of mistakes 
 in this matter. In no part of oriental research 
 will such be found more necessary than in our 
 
 (8) SeeM'Kenzie Collection, Vol. II. p. 13. 
 
57 
 
 inquiries after the early history of the Hindus ; 
 when individuals are sometimes designated by 
 the appellation of their tribe, at others by their 
 religious or military titles ; and, as synonymous 
 terms are indiscriminately used for the last, the 
 causes for confusion are numerous, and their 
 effect not easily prevented. Rajaputras had at 
 this time the appellation of Verma, or Varman, 
 which was the customary designation for the 
 military tribe, as that of Sarman h pointed out 
 the Brahmans, or sacerdotal class. The former, 
 at the present day, is used to distinguish the 
 Arracanese Buddhists of Kshatrya or Rajput 
 origin, as Dr. Leyden informs us i : and this 
 similarity of appellation, among tribes west 
 and east of the Brahmaputra river, is one of 
 many facts, which go to establish their common 
 origin. These Rajputs, called "Verma Ksha- 
 trya," in a Sanskrit grant k by Jaya Chandra, the 
 last Hindu ruler of Kanauj, were sometimes en- 
 titled Bhumihara Brahmans 1 , or lords of the soil. 
 Among the Rihans, or Burmese priests, they are 
 
 ( h ) These are the barbarian philosophers of the Greeks, who 
 were called Sarmanse. See Opera dementis Alexandrini, edit. 
 Sylburg. fol., p. 305. 
 
 0) A.R. Vol. X. p. 231. 
 
 ( k ) The date of this grant is Samvat era 1234, A.D. 1177. 
 See A.R. XV. p. 450. 
 
 Q In the Buddal inscription, A. R. I. p. 134. 
 
58 
 
 called Biammas, and are thought to be the first 
 inhabitants of the earth. 
 
 A member of the Silhara tribe of Rajputs, 
 A.D.1058. having the appellation of Gonka 
 
 Conquests in 
 
 Dekhun. R4 j 4> had conquered Kirhata Kundi 
 Desh, Muta Konkun Desh, and the country about 
 Merij m . His son Mara Sinha Raja, who appears 
 to be the same as Marichand of Dekhan tra- 
 dition 11 , reigned atPanala, and is styled Maha 
 Mandala Ishwar, or master of an extensive 
 region, and lord of the city of Tagara. About 
 fifty years subsequent to this, the Rajas who 
 ruled over the Gantur and Palnad districts, near 
 the mouth of the Krishna, were also styled 
 Gonka ; and, though these had the additional 
 appellation of Chola, the probability is in favour 
 of their relationship with the earlier Rajas, who 
 ruled further west on the banks of that river. 
 
 The Chalukya, or Solanki tribe of Rajputs, 
 A.D.1078. had been established in Gujarat and 
 
 Chalukyas of 
 
 Khandesh some time prior to the de- 
 struction of Somnath. A branch of this family 
 had come from the westward at that time ; and, 
 
 ( m ) Sanskrit grant in my possession, dated Salivahana 980, A.D. 
 1058. 
 
 ( n ) See Scott's Ferishta, Vol. I. Introduc. p. XI. 
 
 () See Introduc. to the M'Kenzie Collection, p. XCI. and 
 
 cxv. 
 
59 
 
 not long after, one of them conquered the terri- 
 tory of KuntalaP desa, or the country about Kal- 
 yani and Banawasi. The person who made these 
 conquests was ViraRaya, who had also the appel- 
 lation of Bhuvana Malla Vira ; and was, as the 
 inscription tells us, the foe of the kings of Chola^. 
 The reign of one of this family is remarkable for 
 a revolution in the Jaina religion of the Dekhan ; 
 by which the well known sectaries and followers 
 of Siva, who are called Lingayats, were first esta- 
 blished in the country. Vijala Raya, the indivi- 
 dual then reigning, endeavouring to repress the 
 extension of this belief, was put to death by the 
 enraged followers of its founder, ChennaBasava r . 
 Mohammedan conquests had so disorganized 
 Rahtore family the petty principalities on the banks of 
 
 established at 
 
 the Jumna and Ganges, and so upset the 
 constitution of Hindu society, that a favourable 
 opportunity was left for a military adventurer to 
 establish a new dynasty in the Doab. The last of 
 the Korah family, who ruled Kanauj, had drawn 
 on himself the hatred of the neighbouring Rajas 
 by accepting a Mohammedan alliance, and was 
 put to death as unworthy of the Hindu name. This 
 
 (P) See Introduc. to the M'Kenzie Collection, p. CXV. 
 (<i) See A.R. IX. p. 428. 
 
 ( r ) Basava Purana extracted in the M'Kenzie Collection, Vol. 
 II. p. 10. 
 
60 
 
 was the cause of Mahmud of Ghazni's ninth 
 expedition to India. From that time the vacant 
 throne of Kanauj was to become the prize of 
 any one who had the inclination and power to 
 contend for it. A candidate at length appeared 
 in the person of Sri Chandra Deva ; who, only 
 six years prior to the revolution which extin- 
 guished the Jaina religion in the Dekhan, 
 " conquered by his own arm the unequalled 
 kingdom of Kanyakubja or Kanauj 8 ." His 
 grandfather, Sri Pal, otherwise named Yaso- 
 vigraha, claimed descent from the solar race * : 
 from which we learn that the appellation of 
 Rahtore, by which this family became celebrated 
 in the annals of India, could not have been 
 assumed prior to the conquest of Kanauj by Sri 
 Chandra Deva. This prince visited the holy 
 places of Kasi, Kusika, and northern Kosala, 
 which are now known to us by the names of 
 Benares, the Kusi river in Bahar, and the modern 
 Fyzabad in Oude. Conquest could not have 
 been the object of these visits, as the power of 
 the recently acquired sovereignty was curbed, 
 on the south-east, by the Pal princes of Benares ; 
 and the evidence of grants seems to establish 
 
 ( s ) See incriptions and grants relative to this family, A. R. 
 p. 447, and Vol. IX. p. 441. 
 ft) See A. R. Vol. IX. p. 441. 
 
61 
 
 that, while the conquests of the latter were 
 extended to the south, along the sea coast, those 
 of the former were carried westward into Malwa. 
 The state of Warangal, in the Dekhan, which 
 RiS ofthe became celebrated in the Mohammedan 
 
 Hindu kingdom _ 11-111 ft 
 
 of warangai. annals, was established by a leudatory, 
 or relative, of the Chalukya family of Kalyani. 
 The person who accomplished this was Kakateya 
 Pralaya ; whom some genealogies make the son 
 of Bhuvanika Malla, the same as Yira Raya. 
 After the death of Modiid, in A.D. 1049, the pro- 
 s P e rity of the Saljuk Turkmans conti- 
 nued to increase, while the fortune of the 
 house of Ghazni was on the wane. During this 
 period no extensive, conquests were made in 
 India, though there were occasional aggres- 
 sions committed on its borders. Nagrakot was 
 retaken in the time of Sultan Abdul Rashid ; 
 and, during the reign of Sultan Ibrahim, pos- 
 session of some places in the Panjab was 
 obtained. The kings of Ghazni, however, had 
 lost a great part of their paternal possessions 
 on the west ; which had been wrested from them 
 by Toghrul Beg and Alp Arslan, the victorious 
 leaders of the Turkmans. The former, for a 
 time, escaped total expulsion from their ancestral 
 property, as Masud III. of Ghazni had married 
 the daughter of Malik Shah Saljuk, otherwise 
 
62 
 
 named Jal41-ud-din, or the glory of religion. 
 But the limits of the empire were now so con- 
 tracted that the royal family resolved to reside 
 in India, and made Lahore 11 their capital. An 
 officer w r as soon after sent to carry on a crusade 
 against the Hindus ; during which, it is said, he 
 passed the Ganges : but there is cause for doubt- 
 ing whether the Mohammedan successes, in the 
 then weakened power of the Ghazni monarchs, 
 could have been very great, against the vigorous 
 Hindu leaders who ruled the kingdoms of 
 Kanauj and Benares. 
 
 Sri Deva Pala was succeeded in the government 
 e o f Benares and Gaur, by Raia Pala, 
 
 * J 
 
 Benares. 
 
 who had been appointed Yava Raja x , or suc- 
 cessor, previous to his father's death ; and the 
 throne of Kanauj was occupied by Madana Pala, 
 son and successor of Sri Chandra Deva. We 
 cannot but regret that the time of Sri Deva Pala's 
 death may not be accurately ascertained ; but, 
 knowing that he reigned thirty-three years, and 
 having identified him with Yaso Pala, whose 
 ascertained date is A. D. 1037, we shall not be 
 far wide of the truth by fixing the accession of 
 his successor in A.D. 1070. The states of Kanauj 
 and Benares were distinct at this time ; the 
 
 ( u ) Ferishta. 
 ( x ) See Mongir grant, A.R. I. p. 128. 
 
63 
 
 general title of the ruling* family in the former 
 being Chandra, while all the princes of the other 
 bore the appellation of Pala ; and Mohammedan 
 authorities recognise the two separate govern- 
 ments of Kanauj and Mongir. The last, which 
 comprised Benares and Gaur, extended its autho- 
 rity not long after into Orissa and Dravira. In 
 as far as the wealth and power of those who 
 governed influenced the literature or religion of 
 the Hindus, we may reasonably regret the want 
 of their history : though we have lost little by 
 the absence of other details, which would pre- 
 sent the same unvarying narrative of robbery 
 and oppression, that are characteristic of quar- 
 rels among a semi-barbarous people. 
 
 The sovereignty of Benares and Gaur had been 
 transferred, as would appear, to Sri 
 Sura Pala; who succeeded Raja Pala. 
 During the reign of this prince, the countries of 
 Utkal, the Huns, Dravira, and Kunjara, were 
 subdued, and annexed to the kingdom of Gaur^. 
 
 In the transcript of the inscription, which 
 informs us of these conquests, Gurjara is read 
 for Kunjara ; but, as neither western Gujarat 
 nor the small district of this name in the Panjab 
 can be the countries intended, an error has pro- 
 bably crept into the copy, by which Kunjara, or 
 
 (y) See Buddal Inscription, p. 13. A. R. I. p. 136. 
 
64 
 
 a country abounding with elephants, has been 
 converted into Gurjara. The country of Kunjara 
 is that now known by the name of Tipperah, 
 east of the Ganges ; where the people, being 
 of Scythian origin, were appropriately enough 
 termed Huns z . Utkal is the province now 
 called Orissa, east of the Godaveri river ; and 
 Dravira a , though limited in its most confined 
 sense to the eastern shore of the Peninsula, 
 between the Palar and Koartilair rivers, has 
 been here extended to include the maritime part 
 of Telingana. 
 
 By the traditionary history and native annals 
 of Orissa, the fact of its invasion, from the north, 
 about this time, is sufficiently well authen- 
 ticated b . The Vansavali, or genealogical list of 
 
 ( z ) The sea coast, at the summit of the bay of Bengal, from 
 point Godaveri to Cape Negrais is known in the Puranas by the 
 name of Kalinga, or a country abounding with creeks. In the 
 end of the first century of our era, it was so known to the 
 Roman traders : for Pliny tells us, that the people called Calingse 
 coast hard upon the sea (Book 17, chap. XVII). In chap. XIX, 
 he gives a most accurate description of them : " When you are 
 over the Ganges, the first region upon the coast that you set foot 
 into is that of the Gandaridse and the Calingse, called Parthiales : 
 (Quest. Thus named from the people having the manners of Parthi- 
 ans ?) The king of this country hath in ordinary for his wars eighty 
 thousand foot, one thousand horse, and seven hundred elephants." 
 
 ( a ) It originally included Arcot and Madras. 
 
 ( b ) See Mr. Sterling's account of Orissa, A. R. XV. p. 267. 
 
65 
 
 its princes, has erroneously brought the invader 
 from the banks of the Godaveri, or lesser Ganges, 
 and styles the new race Ganga-Vansa. The 
 person who subdued the province was named 
 Serang Deo, or Chor Ganga ; and was probably 
 the same as Sura Pala of Gaur. It is impossible 
 to determine whether the invasion of Orissa was 
 conducted by the Supreme Rajas of Gaur in 
 person, or by their military ministers ; but no 
 doubt can exist that the change of dynasty in 
 the former was effected through the influence of 
 one or other from the latter. The cognate 
 origin of the letters of the Mahavalipuram 
 inscription , and those of the Bhali alphabet, or 
 sacred character of the Burmese, and the tra- 
 dition that the temples there were executed by 
 the Dharma Raja, or a northern prince, are 
 other proofs confirming the authority of the 
 Buddal inscription, with regard to the conquests 
 which were effected in the south. 
 Death ofsui- Masud III. of Ghazui was eventually 
 
 tan Bairam of . . . 
 
 chazni. The succeeded by his son Bairam, who is 
 
 Mohammedan <f 
 
 more distinguished for the patronage 
 
 ( c ) Mahavalipuram, now known by the name of the Seven 
 Pagodas, is situated to the south of Madras. An account of 
 the inscriptions, by Dr. Babington, will be found in Vol. II. Trans. 
 R. A. S. p. 258; and further information may be collected from the 
 papers of Messrs. Chambers and Goldingham ; A, R. Vol. I. p. 145, 
 and V. p. 69. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 he extended to literature than for the conquests 
 he made. His death happened after a reign of 
 thirty-five years ; during which time he alter- 
 nately occupied Ghazni and Lahore as his capital. 
 In this reign the Arabic version of Bidpay's fables, 
 called the Kalila wa Dimna, which had been 
 translated from Pehlevi by Abdallah ben Mo- 
 kaffa, was rendered into Persian. Many learned 
 men at this time found a liberal patron in Sultan 
 Bairam, who united to an uncommon desire for 
 knowledge a noble and generous disposition^ 
 The poet Shaikh Nizami was one among the 
 many who experienced the benefit of such 
 enlightened liberality. 
 
 Soon after his accession to power, Sultan 
 Bairam was engaged in an expedition to Lahore, 
 for the purpose of chastising Mohammed Bahlin, 
 the refractory Viceroy of India ; who had been 
 appointed to the government by his rival brother, 
 Sultan Arslan. The Viceroy was defeated and 
 made captive : but, being subsequently pardoned 
 and reinstated in the government, effected 
 several conquests in the country of Sewalik. 
 Having soon after excited a rebellion, Moham- 
 med Bahlin was again defeated near Multan, 
 and perished in his flight. 
 
 ( d ) Ferishta. 
 
67 
 
 Jaya Chandra, the last Hindu sove- 
 reign of Kanaui, and one of the most 
 
 Partition of the 
 
 SS^e'time celebrated characters of Rajput history, 
 
 previous to this . . . 
 
 event. was a t this time appointed Yava Raja, 
 
 or designated successor and associate in the 
 empire of his father, Vijaya Chandra 6 . He is well 
 known in the legendary history of the Rajputs 
 as the rival and enemy of Prithvi Raya, prince of 
 Ajmir, between whom a contest for pre-emi- 
 nence, as supreme potentate of India, was con- 
 tinually kept up, till the Mohammedans, under 
 Mohammed Ghori, interfered and ruined both. 
 Some time previous to the accession of Jaya 
 Chandra, the supreme power of the Pal princes 
 of Gaur had terminated with Narayan Pala, 
 the last of his race : and to this cause we may 
 ascribe the contests which followed between 
 
 ( e ) See translation of a grant of land by Mr. Colebrooke in 
 A.R. IX. p. 441. The person who made the grant was the last 
 Raja of Kanauj, who, by some error, is there called by the name 
 of his father Vijaya Chandra Deva. It is plainly stated in the 
 grant that it was given on the occasion of his inauguration as 
 Yava Raja ; and here Vijaya Chandra Deva could not possibly be 
 meant; since the Mohammedan annals inform us that Jaya 
 Chandra, when slain in battle by the troops of Mohammed Ghori, 
 had attained extreme old age. It is evident from another grant 
 by this family, (A. R. XV. p. 449,) that Vijaya Chandra and 
 Jaya Chandra were father and son ; but Mr. Wilson, in his com- 
 ments, appears to be wrong when he assigns the first grant to 
 Vijaya Chandra. 
 
 F2 
 
68 
 
 Jaya Chandra of Kanauj and Prithvi Raya of 
 Ajmir. Benares and the north-western part of 
 that kingdom became the possession of the 
 Rajas of Kanauj, while Lakshmana Sinha, or 
 Lakamir f , last of the Voidya Rajas, seized on 
 Gaur and Bahar. 
 
 The family of Ghor, who originally possessed 
 the mountainous district of Khorasan, south-east 
 of Herat, was raised to distinction by the suc- 
 cessful wars of Ghiyasu-d-din Mohammed of 
 Ghor ; who had succeeded to the government of 
 his native country, at the death of his cousin 
 Ala-ud-din. He conquered the greater part 
 of Khorasan, and expelled the Kharizmians. 
 Previous to this time, the chiefs of Ghor had 
 connected themselves with the kings of Ghazni 
 
 ( f ) The Habibu-s-Sair says, that when Mohammed Bakh- 
 tiar Khilji, one of the nobles of Kutbu-d-din Aibuk, first 
 Mohammedan king of Dehli, took possession of Gaur and Bengal, 
 A.D. 1203, the Raja Lakamir had been in possession of his 
 throne seventy years. He had probably succeeded as a minor, 
 and must have commenced reigning A.D. 1133. This will be 
 found to agree exactly with Abul-Fazl's account of his era, from 
 which the people of Bengal date their transactions. When Akbar 
 issued the firman for establishing the Ilahi era, in Hij. 993, 
 the era of Lakshmana Sinha was then in its 465th year, and must 
 have consequently commenced Hij. 528, or A.D. 1133. Ferishta 
 is therefore in error when he places the first Mohammedan con- 
 quest of Bengal in Hij. 587, A.D. 1191. 
 
 0) On the authority of the Kholasatu-1-Akhbar. 
 
69 
 
 by marriage ; but, as several of the former had 
 been put to death by the latter, a fierce enmity 
 was produced between the families, and ended 
 by the Ghorians establishing their authority over 
 the possessions of Ghazni on the ruin of their 
 rivals. 
 
 Hi?.'' Ghiyasu-d-din, being firmly fixed in 
 the government of Ghor, conferred the title of 
 Shahabu-d-din Mohammed Ghori on his brother, 
 and appointed him his Viceroy at Ghazni h . An 
 army was conducted the following year into 
 India, where Multan and Ucha were subdued. 
 Having again marched his troops into that 
 country, A.D. 1178, Shahabu-d-din Mohammed 
 Ghori, by the route of the Sind desert, advanced 
 to the confines of Gujarat ; where he was 
 opposed by Bhima Deva Chalukya', lieutenant 
 of his brother, the Raja of Nahrwalah. The 
 Mohammedans experienced a severe defeat on 
 this occasion, and suffered many hardships in 
 their re treat k . 
 l'.Ji?ii. Tne power of the Ghazni princes, 
 
 last of the . t 
 
 Ghazni family wno "^ * or some time maintained a 
 
 ( h ) Habibu-s-Sair. 
 
 (i) The Sanskrit inscriptions from Abu, A.R. XV. p. 290 
 and 301, declare Bhima Deva to be of the Chalukya race, and 
 not of the Bajhila, as asserted by the Mirat Ahmadi. 
 ( k ) Ferishta. 
 
70 
 
 semblance of sovereign authority in India, 
 was now completely extinguished : Khusrau II. 
 having been made a prisoner, surrendered 
 Lahore to the Ghorian. Six years previous to 
 this event, Shahabu-d-din Mohammed Ghori 
 had invested this capital ; but, being unable to 
 take the place, concluded a peace with the feeble 
 representative of the once powerful house of 
 Ghazni : the latter having agreed to deliver up 
 his son, as a hostage, that the articles of the 
 treaty might be fulfilled. The terms of the 
 treaty were not observed, however, and the 
 Ghorian, again obliged to invest the town, failed 
 in an attempt to capture it. Treachery at length 
 secured to him what force was not able to effect ; 
 and the empire of Sabuktagin was transferred 
 to Mohammed Ghori. 
 A.D.H87. No Mohammedan rival remained to 
 
 Mohammed 
 
 2by p d r e ithvV PP se the conquests of the Ghorian in 
 A?mir. of India ; and his thoughts were now bent 
 on extending his possessions in that country. 
 The Hindu rulers of Kanauj and Ajmir were 
 the only authorities who had the means of de- 
 feating his pretensions ; and such, when weighed 
 against the arrogance of the champion of Islam, 
 would be as nothing in the balance. Mohammed 
 Ghori conducted his troops towards Ajmir, by 
 
71 
 
 the route of, Sirhind 1 , which he captured. He 
 then took Kohram and Samana m . The Raja of 
 Ajmir, at this time, was Prithvi Raya, whom 
 the Tarikhi Alfi names Gola, though more 
 correctly written Gohila, as such was the ap- 
 pellation of his tribe n . Having heard that the 
 Mohammedans had taken those places, he ad- 
 vanced with an army of Rajputs, to stop the 
 march of the Ghorians. The parties soon after 
 came to blows ; but the right arid left wings of 
 the Mohammedans being broken, took to flight, 
 and left their leader, with the centre, to main- 
 tain an unequal contest. Mohammed Ghori, 
 though forsaken by cowards, was himself un- 
 dismayed; and, notwithstanding many of his 
 friends continued urging him to leave the field 
 of action, he turned a deaf ear to their intrea- 
 ties, till unhorsed, and about to become a cap- 
 
 O Tarikhi Alfi and Tabakat Akbari. Colonel Briggs's 
 Ferishta makes the troops capture Behtenda, but they appear to 
 have kept more to the east. 
 
 ( m ) Both these places are south from Sirhind, and immediately 
 west from the Gogur River. 
 
 ( n ) Legendary history commonly names his tribe the Chohan ; 
 but the inscription from Hansi, dated A.D. 1168 (A.R. XV. 
 p. 444), says " He was an autumnal moon for an ornament to 
 the firmament of the tribe of the Gohilanta." This is excellent 
 authority, and proves that the name of Chohan was only adopted 
 about the time. 
 
72 
 
 tive. A fierce struggle here commenced be- 
 tween the Rajputs and the Mohammedans, the 
 former endeavouring to carry off the Sultan, 
 while the others made desperate efforts to pre- 
 vent them. Fortune at length favoured their 
 exertions ; and the troops of Ghor, having by 
 one determined effort driven back the Hindus, 
 released their leader. Mohammed Ghori, who 
 thus narrowly escaped from an untimely death, 
 was mounted by his followers on horseback, and 
 
 carried from the field of battle. He had not 
 
 i 
 
 gone far when, becoming faint and weak from 
 the loss of blood, they placed him in a covered 
 litter, and immediately continued their flight, 
 till far beyond the danger of pursuit ; notwith- 
 standing the Rajputs made no effort to follow up 
 their first success . On arriving in the neighbour- 
 hood of Lahore?, Mohammed Ghori disgraced 
 
 () Tarikhi Alfi. Ferishta says, that he was pursued ; but 
 this author has blended two different battles into one ; and so 
 frequently mixes up his narrative with fabulous accounts, manu- 
 factured in India, that, though he may be considered on the 
 whole a good historian, many of his assertions must not be 
 implicitly relied on. Ferishta was only a compiler, and not 
 always a judicious one. He could not have extensively studied 
 the history of the country, or the bearing of facts, and is very 
 contradictory in his dates at different places. 
 
 (P) Colonel Briggs's Ferishta has Ghor, but he did not reside 
 there, as appears. 
 
73 
 
 the officers who had deserted him ; and, having 
 compelled them to hang about their necks their 
 horses' mouth-bags, filled with grass, sent them 
 into the city with this badge of infamy. During 
 this year the Sultan remained at Lahore, to re- 
 pair the disasters of defeat, and then marched 
 to Ghazni. 
 
 The disgrace of defeat weighed so heavily on 
 the mind of Mohammed Ghori, that for several 
 years he remained inactive ; and, sorrowful for 
 the event, was so vexed with those who had 
 caused it, that he would not permit any of the 
 disgraced nobles to approach him, or pay their 
 respects. Having at length, however, assem- 
 bled an army, without permitting any one to be 
 privy in his counsel, he marched for Peshawar. 
 At this place an old man of Ghor came out to 
 meet him ; and, after having performed the usual 
 salutations and respect proper to be observed 
 before sovereigns, the sage requested to know 
 what were his intentions ; for, though there 
 were many speculations regarding them, no one 
 knew with certainty whither he was going. 
 Mohammed Ghori informed him, that, ever since 
 his defeat by the Hindus, he had neither slept 
 soundly nor indulged in pleasure ; and, though 
 little might be trusted to the troops of Ghor, he 
 nevertheless felt confident that God would aid 
 
74 
 
 him in consulting the interests of the true faith, 
 by conducting an army into Indian To this the 
 sage replied "Please God, your wishes will 
 be so accomplished by our kinsmen, that your 
 heart will be delighted : but let me advise you 
 to forget their past offences, and so honour them 
 with your confidence, that they may serve you 
 with zeal, and omit nothing which may contri- 
 bute to success." This good advice was fol- 
 lowed; the disgraced nobles were called to the 
 presence of their leader; to him they excused 
 themselves, saying " Though we know what 
 our master suffered for the past, we had yet no 
 remedy to offer ; and prayed to God that he 
 would again invade Hindustan, to give us an 
 opportunity of wiping away the stain on our 
 character. Thank Heaven, the time has now 
 arrived when, by a victory over the idolaters, 
 we may hope to have our wishes accomplished, 
 and the load of sorrow, which has weighed down 
 our hearts, removed r !" They were all again 
 received into favour, and honoured with proofs 
 of their master's regard. 
 
 After having passed the Indus, the 
 Ghctrians advanced by the route of 
 the Panjab to the neighbourhood of Dehli ; 
 
 (<0 Tarikhi Alfi. ( r ) Tarikhi Alfi. 
 
75 
 
 while the Hindus, under Prithvi R&ya, prepared 
 to oppose them. The former were yet distant 
 two stages from the camp of the enemy, when 
 their leader made a feint retreat in the direction 
 of Sirhind. Prithvi Raya, elated by his former 
 success, and imagining the invaders were panic- 
 struck, pursued the flying foe ; who thus retreat- 
 ed, four or five stages, without indicating a wish 
 to engage their pursuers. The Rajputs sent 
 the Mohammedans a message of defiance, telling 
 them " Like thieves, who enter the dwellings 
 of men, and fear punishment, you fly before 
 us ; but it is now fit you stand a battle : fly not, 
 therefore, if you respect the honour of your 
 government." To this an answer was returned 
 by the latter, that they, mistrusting their own 
 prowess against that of their pursuers, were 
 obliged to fly. The retreat had been thus con- 
 tinued, till the former reached the town of Na- 
 raini, since called Tirauri 8 , situated between 
 Kurnal and Thanesur, on the banks of the Chit- 
 tung river*. Here both armies encamped ; the 
 Mohammedans occupying the western and the 
 Rajputs the eastern bank. The latter, with 
 
 ( s ) Ferishta. This place is fourteen miles south of Thanesur, 
 and is inserted in Mr. Elphinstone's map of Kabul. 
 
 (*) Ferishta calls it the Sursutty (Saraswati) River, which is not 
 far distant, and has erred through his ignorance of geography. 
 
76 
 
 their leader, had been lulled into fatal security 
 by the well-dissembled fears of the other ; and 
 Shahabu-d-din Mohammed Ghori, perceiving- 
 he had thus accomplished the object of his re- 
 treat, made seven thousand cavalry pass the 
 river, during the night, with orders to attack 
 the enemy's camp at daybreak. His instruc- 
 tions were attended to ; the Mohammedans as- 
 saulted the Hindus, and took them by surprise ; 
 Prithvi Raya, in the first moment of panic, 
 endeavouring to escape on horseback, was 
 prevented by his followers, but, having sub- 
 sequently mounted his elephant, bravely led on 
 the Rajputs ; and the contest was maintained 
 till nightfall, when victory declared for the 
 Ghorians. Many of the Hindus were slain ; and 
 Prithvi Raya was made captive. This proud 
 Rajput chief, when brought into the presence 
 of the Sultan, refused to do him homage, by 
 bowing his head before him ; but one of the 
 Mohammedan attendants, indignant at the insult 
 offered to his master, seized the fallen monarch, 
 and bent his forehead to the earth u . On being 
 asked by the Ghorian, how he would have 
 treated him, had it been his own fate to become 
 a captive, Prithvi Raya replied, that he had 
 
 00 Tarikhi Alfi. 
 
77 
 
 prepared golden fetters with which he intended 
 to load his prisoner, had he himself been con- 
 queror ; but now that the day was his enemy's 
 he was ready to bear whatever might be inflict- 
 ed on him. He also advised the Ghorian, that, 
 if his desire was to seize on Hindustan, he 
 ought to proceed without delay to do so, as 
 there was no one remaining who possessed 
 power to oppose him ; but, that if gold was the 
 thing he fought for, he would present him with 
 as much as his soul might covet. The former 
 replied, that the conquest of the country, not 
 the possession of gold, was his object in con- 
 ducting his soldiers into India; and, having 
 carried Prithvi Raya along with him, he ad- 
 vanced against Ajmir, which contained the 
 treasure of the Hindu Prince. Ajmir, with 
 several other strongholds in that quarter, 
 was subsequently captured ; and the Sultan, 
 soon after having returned to Ghazni, appointed 
 Kutbu-d-din Aibuk, one of the royal slaves, 
 his deputy in India. 
 
 The war which Shahabu-d-din Moham- 
 
 Prithvi Raya, i/-^i r -i i -r\ T* 
 
 me( * Ghori waged with Prithvi Raya, 
 
 for the monarchy of India, is alike celebrated 
 among the Mohammedans and Rajputs ; but, in 
 the legendary history of the latter, the exploits 
 of this greatest among their heroes are embel- 
 
78 
 
 lished with all the poetical exaggeration that 
 could alone render this subject pleasing to a 
 people, whose vanity was gratified to hear their 
 household bards sing the actions of their ances- 
 tors. There is nothing improbable, or highly 
 coloured, in the Mohammedan narrative of this 
 transaction, given on the authority before 
 quoted; and, though it differs considerably 
 from that given by Ferishta, it seems on the 
 whole more consistent and authentic than the 
 account of that author. No doubt exists of this 
 action having been fought at Tirauri ; but, 
 according to some authorities, the troops of 
 Ghor, before they offered battle, had retreated 
 westward of Lahore. With regard to the mo- 
 tives which induced the Ghorian to invade 
 India, we learn, from the Mohammedans, that a 
 desire to support the interests of Islam, and a 
 wish to wipe away the disgrace of former de- 
 feat, were the only ones : though the Hindu 
 legends would lead us to suppose that, in a war 
 between the rulers of Kanauj and Ajmir, the 
 former, when the losing party, determined to 
 betray his country, and leagued with the in- 
 vader. It certainly appears that Prithvi Raya 
 was not supported in this war against the Gho- 
 rian by assistance from Jay a Chandra, of Kanauj ; 
 but the supineness of the former, on this occa- 
 
79 
 
 sion, may be with more reason ascribed to his 
 jealousy, as a rival candidate for the supreme 
 monarchy of India, than to revenge ; and there 
 is no good foundation for the belief that his 
 more favoured opponent had carried off his 
 daughter or his mistress. The supreme mo- 
 narchy of India had become vacant, as we have 
 seen, by the death of Narayan Pala, of Gaur ; 
 and those who set up their pretensions to the 
 paramount title were the Princes of Ajmir and 
 Kanauj. Jaya Chandra, who ruled the latter, 
 was of the Rahtore tribe ; and Prithvi Raya, 
 though a member of the recently established 
 tribe of Chohan, was more commonly styled a 
 Gohila, after the parent stock. If we may be- 
 lieve the Rajput legends, and in this particular 
 they are not unworthy of credit, the former 
 resolved to perform the Rajasuya* sacrifice, and 
 seal his supremacy. Prithvi Raya, who consi- 
 dered he had a superior claim to the honour, 
 absented himself from the ceremony ; though 
 most of the other Rajas paid their homage to the 
 monarch of Kanauj. The former was represent- 
 ed there, in effigy, as the doorkeeper. His 
 subsequent arrival, in disguise, at the court of 
 Kanauj ; his conquest of the affections of Jaya 
 
 ( x ) A sacrifice performed by a universal monarch, attended by 
 all his tributary princes. 
 
80 
 
 Chandra's daughter, her flight from her father's 
 house, his apathy in every thing but love, and 
 indifference to the affairs of his kingdom, even 
 when the invader was at his door, are so many 
 poetical inventions to adorn a tale, but do not 
 suit the gravity of history : notwithstanding 
 they have been adopted by the historian, Abul- 
 Fazl. The manner of his death is also a subject 
 of doubt; but the Mohammedan account, that 
 he was slain by order of the Sultan, after this 
 victory, is agreeable to their usual policy. 
 de e at e hofjaya Though it be related, by Hindu 
 
 Chandra, Raja 
 
 legends, that, in the war between 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Mohammed Ghori, and Prithvi 
 Raya, Jaya Chandra had called in the invader, 
 there is no evidence to support the truth of the 
 assertion. Mohammedan authorities are quite 
 silent regarding this matter ; and we cannot 
 suppose that the latter, who have been long 
 accustomed to detail the events of their history, 
 could have passed such unnoticed had it taken 
 place. But, though not actively aiding the Mo- 
 hammedans, Jaya Chandra, by having become 
 a tame spectator to the downfall of his rival, 
 had materially aided them in subduing India ; 
 and soon after he had cause to repent of such 
 indifference to his country's cause. Success 
 only serves as a stimulus to ambition, or to 
 
81 
 
 render its possessor more daring; and Mohammed 
 Ghori, who had accomplished the ruin of the 
 Prince of Ajmir, and possessed his country, 
 resolved to destroy the power of his rival. 
 After the defeat of Prithvi Raya, the troops of 
 Ghor, who marched for Ghazni, had wintered 
 the following year in Peshawar; and Kutbu- 
 d-din Aibuk, Viceroy of India, having in the 
 mean time subdued many of the cities in this 
 country, seized the inhabitants, and sent them 
 as slaves to his master. The Raja of Kanauj, 
 now the greatest sovereign in Hindustan, pre- 
 pared to revenge this wanton cruelty, and com- 
 menced hostilities against the Mohammedan 
 possessions, with seven hundred war elephants, 
 and one hundred thousand cavalry. On hearing 
 A.D. 1194. of this movement, the Sultan imme- 
 diately returned to India, and effected a junction 
 with the troops of the Viceroy. The united 
 armies of Ghor advanced to the banks of the 
 Jumna ; where, between Chandwar and Eta- 
 wah, they were met by the Hindus. Here an 
 action was fought, in which the latter were de- 
 feated, and Jaya Chandra slain y. The death 
 of the latter was not known till after the battle, 
 when his body was recognized by his followers ; 
 who identified it by means of the golden studs 
 
 (?) Tarikhi Alfi and Ferishta. 
 G 
 
82 
 
 with which his teeth, on account of extreme 
 age, had been fixed in their sockets. Of the 
 seven hundred elephants, which had been 
 brought against the Mohammedans, ninety 
 were taken ; among which a remarkable white 
 elephant is mentioned, that refused to make 
 obeisance to the Sultan, and had almost killed 
 the rider, who endeavoured to force the animal 
 into compliance. A knowledge that the Rajas 
 of Kanauj, like the monarchs of Siam, retained 
 white elephants in their service, combined with 
 other facts, leads to this opinion, that the for- 
 mer observed the Buddhist religion z , and wor- 
 shipped these animals. 
 
 country sub- Shahabu-d-diii Mohammed Ghori en- 
 fineso?ch e ina n tered Benares after this battle, where 
 he loaded four thousand camels with jewels, 
 fine clothes, and rarities of every description, 
 and sent them to Ghazni. At this time many 
 other cities of India were captured, and the 
 country subdued as far as the confines of China a . 
 
 ( z ) The Jaina and Buddhist systems of faith were of old very 
 little removed from each other; and the differences which now 
 justify a division appear to be of modern origin. 
 
 ( a ) (Tarikhi Alfi.) Mr. Wilford, in his essay on Vikramadi- 
 tya and Salivahana (A.R. IX. p. 203), has committed a remark- 
 able anachronism, by ascribing the conquest of Kakha Raj, or 
 Cachar, with Rangamatti, or Kausumba, to Mahmud of Ghazni, 
 in A.D. 1017. 
 
83 
 
 Soon after the defeat and death of 
 the Raja of Benares, Mohammed Ghori 
 returned to Ghazni ; and the viceroy of India, 
 having fought several battles, extended the 
 Mohammedan possessions in his absence. He 
 defeated the army of Bhima Deva, of Nahr- ^ 
 walah ; ravaged Gujarat and Ajmir ; entered 
 the province of Agra ; laid siege to the hill for- 
 tress of Biana b , north of the river Chambul ; 
 where, having heard that his master had left 
 A?D m ii96. Ghazni, in the month of Muharram 
 Hij. 592 c , and was advancing into India, he 
 abandoned the siege, and went to meet him at 
 Hansi. The united armies, having again 
 marched against Biana, took it ; and Mohammed 
 Ghori subsequently laid siege to Gwalior. The 
 Raja of this place had defended the fortress for 
 nearly twelve months, when the disturbed state 
 of Khorasan, and the hostile incursions of the t 
 
 Saljuk Turkmans, recalled the Sultan to 
 Ghazni. Having left his general, Baha-ud- 
 din Toghrul, to continue the siege of Gwalior, 
 I a D! a i r i97. he marched from India, during the 
 month of Saffar, in the following year of the 
 Hijra. Gwalior still held out for some time 
 against the Mohammedans ; but the Raja, tired 
 of their persevering efforts to take it, sent at 
 
 ( b ) Ferishta. ( c ) Tarikhi Alfi. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 length a messenger to the Viceroy, Kutbu-d- 
 din Aibuk, and instructed him to tell the lat- 
 ter, that, though he would not deliver up the 
 fortress to Baha-ud-din Toghrul, he was wil- 
 ling to give the other possession of it, and would 
 pay a tribute to his master. On this the Viceroy 
 marched against Gwalior, to the great annoy- 
 ance of Baha-ud-din Toghrul, who resolved 
 to resist this interference ; when his death hap- 
 pily relieved the former from all anxiety regard- 
 ing this matter. The Raja was subsequently 
 reinstated in power at Gwalior d . 
 
 -mir The Supreme Raja of Nahrwalah, 
 Bhima Deva Chalukya, assisted by his 
 feudatories, Prahladana and Dara Versha 6 , the 
 rulers of Chandravati, assisted by the Raja of 
 Nagore, made an effort to wrest Ajmir from 
 the Mohammedans. The troops of the latter 
 were, at this time, dispersed over the provinces ; 
 but Kutbu-d-din Aibuk, with the few soldiers 
 he could collect, marched to oppose them, and 
 
 ( d ) On the united authority of the Tarikhi Alfi and Ferishta. 
 
 ( e ) These are called Wallin and Darabarz by Ferishta ; and are 
 mentioned in the Inscrip. XVI. and XVIII. from Abu, trans- 
 lated by Mr. Wilson, A.R. vol. XVI. The magnificent ruins of 
 Chandravati, situated on the western face of the Aravalli Moun~ 
 tains of Rajputana, were visited not long since by Sir Charles 
 Colville, and several other gentlemen. This ancient city is only 
 fourteen miles east of Abii. 
 
85 
 
 was defeated. In this action the Viceroy was 
 severely wounded, and carried to Ajmir ; which 
 was now besieged by the allied army of Hindus. 
 When intelligence of these movements was re- 
 ceived at Ghazni, reinforcements were imme- 
 diately sent to the assistance of the Viceroy. 
 Ajmir was maintained against the besiegers 
 till the arrival of the troops from Ghazni ; 
 when the enemy, retiring, were pursued into 
 the district of Sirohi. At this time, the rulers 
 of Chandravati, who were encamped near Abu, 
 resolved to defend the passes into Gujarat ; and 
 the Viceroy, hearing of this, attacked and de- 
 feated them with great slaughter. On this 
 occasion vast spoils were obtained by the Mo- 
 hammedans, who now advanced into Gujarat, 
 and captured Nahrwalah. The Viceroy, soon 
 after retracing his steps to Dehli, took the forts 
 of Badaun, Kalpi, and Kalinjar f , having thus 
 reduced the country as far as the junction of the 
 Jumna and the Ganges. 
 MoZn e me s d by Mohammed Bakhtiar Khilji, who com- 
 
 Bakhtiar 
 
 ?nXhai^ wud man ded a division of troops under the 
 Viceroy, was at this time sent across the Ganges, 
 to possess the province of Awuds, which he 
 reduced. Here he obtained much spoil ; and, 
 
 ( f ) Ferishta. (&) Commonly called Oude in the maps. 
 
86 
 
 having rendered hmiself formidable by increasing* 
 his military force, excited the envy of the other 
 commanders who were serving under the Viceroy. 
 Soon after, this general appears to have conquer- 
 ed the northern part of Bahar, or Mithila ; and 
 his enemies had become so jealous of his suc- 
 cess, that they left no method untried of preju- 
 dicing the mind of Kutbu-d-din Aibuk against 
 him. The Viceroy yielded so far to their cla- 
 mour as to enter, at one time, into a design of 
 murdering Mohammed Bakhtiar Khilji ; but, 
 having been persuaded by some of his intimates 
 to commute this sentence, he determined that 
 his servant should decide his fate, in single 
 combat, against a fierce white elephant 11 . The 
 latter was successful, and rose in the estimation 
 of his master, who subsequently conferred on 
 A.D. 1203. him many favours. Mohammed Bakh- 
 tiar Khilji was again sent into Bahar; the 
 south-eastern part of which, or Magadha, was 
 subdued, and Gaor, its capital city, taken. The 
 Raja of South Bahar, at this time, was Laka- 
 mir, or Lakshmana Sinha', last of the Voidya 
 monarchs. He had reigned over the country 
 
 ( h ) The same elephant, no doubt, that was taken from the 
 Raja of Benares. 
 
 (') These facts have been strangely confounded by Mr. Wilford, 
 in his essay of Vikramaditya and Salivahana, A.R. IX., p. 190; 
 
 and 
 
87 
 
 for seventy or eighty years, and was renowned 
 for his equity and liberality. When the Mo- 
 hammedan general took Gaor, the Hindu mo- 
 narch escaped; and the former, not long after, 
 declared himself independent of the Viceroy, by 
 reading the khutba in his own name. 
 
 A.D. 1206. After the Gakkars had, in the be-in- 
 Death of Mo- 
 
 InTSab^h- 1 ' ning of this year, murdered Shahab- 
 
 ment of the -i i / i/ri I/-NI -r-r 
 
 Dewi empire, ud-din Mohammed Ghon, Kutbu-d- 
 din Aibuk was left undisputed master of all 
 the Indian possessions that belonged to the for- 
 mer, excepting Bahar and Bengal, which owned 
 the authority of Mohammed Bakhtiar Khilji. 
 From this date the first Mohammedan empire 
 of Dehli may be said to commence ; and was 
 sucessively ruled by different families of Af- 
 ghans, till the establishment of the Moghul 
 dynasty by the celebrated Baber. 
 
 and Mr. Wilson, in following him, has committed a similar mis- 
 take in his comments on the Abu inscriptions, A.R. XVI., p. 326. 
 The Laka, or Lagam Mir, of Mirkhond, author of the Habibu- 
 s-Sair, has been considered the same with Lakha Mul Deo, of 
 Gujarat ; but the Chalukya Raja of Nahrwalah, and the Voidya 
 monarch of Gaor, had no connexion with each other ; and Gujarat 
 was never invaded by Mohammed Bakhtiar Khilji, as supposed 
 by Wilford. 
 
88 
 
 A. 
 
 PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS, BELONGING TO THE TRANSLATOR, WHICH 
 HAVE BEEN REFERRED TO, AS AUTHORITIES FOR THE FACTS OF 
 THE HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, OR MAY BE HEREAFTER CITED 
 IN THE ANNOTATIONS. 
 
 pwji** Habibu-s-Sair, compiled by MirKhawand Shah, 
 otherwise named Mirkhond, in the end of the fifteenth century. 
 I possess only the second volume, which is neatly written, and 
 does not appear to have been copied in India. 
 
 ^\ ^J^ Tarikhi Alfi, or the history of one thousand 
 years, by Mullah Ahmad, the son of Nasr Allah of Nineveh. 
 This general history of Mohammedan transactions was compiled 
 at Agra, in Hij. 995, A.D. 1587, by order of Mohammed Jalal- 
 ud-din Akbar, Emperor of Dehli. It is one of the general works 
 used by Ferishta in compiling his general history of India. The 
 second and third volumes of the work are in my possession, and 
 were taken from a copy which once belonged to the library of 
 Khuld Manzal Bahadur Shah, the eldest son of Aurangzib. 
 
 ^j\ d-?lftJ? Tabakat Akbari, by Nizamu-d-din Ahmad 
 Bakhshi, the son of Mohammed Mokim, of Hirat. It is an ex- 
 cellent general history of India, composed during the reign of 
 Akbar, about Hij. 991, A.D. 1583. The plan of this work appears 
 to have suggested to Ferishta the idea of his general history of 
 India ; and this author has borrowed from it largely. Nizam-ud- 
 din Ahmad was Bakhshi, or military paymaster, of the troops in 
 Gujarat, and is frequently mentioned by the author of the Mirat 
 Ahmadi. My copy of the work was written in Hij. 1071, A.D. 1660. 
 
 <Ujlj j\ Akbar Namah and Ayin Akbari, by the learned 
 Shaikh Abul Fazl, the renowned minister of the Emperor Akbar. 
 My copy is complete in three volumes, and was copied, Hij. 1044, 
 A.D. 1634. 
 
 &L$J ij -^ jb* Tarikhi Ferishta, the history of Ferishta, which 
 has been well translated by Colonel Briggs. The Persian copy 
 
89 
 
 to which I have occasionally referred is one which was lithographed 
 at Bombay, 
 
 (JJ^Ul! *3u Tazkarat-ul-Muluk, or a memoir of Kings, 
 by Rafi-ud-din Ibrahim Shirazi, of Bijapur. The author lived in 
 the time of Ibrahim Adil Shah II. of Bijapur, and commenced to 
 write about the time that Ferishta finished his history, or A.D. 1608. 
 This work is a memoir of the author's own times, from A.D. 1559 
 to AD. 1636, and is very rare. 
 
 <tlj .Jo\^5>- Jahangir Namah, a history of the Emperor 
 Jahangir of Dehli, written by Motamad Khan. This work was 
 used by Colonel Dow in composing the second volume of his 
 Indian history. 
 
 ^l^ss- sll fQ\3 Tarikhi Shah-Jahan, by Mirza Amina. 
 This history of the Emperor Shah Jahan, the father of Aurangzib, 
 afforded materials for his life in Colonel Dow's second volume. 
 
 ,0^ <J,l>- tfc}^ Tariki Khafi Khan, sometimes called 
 the Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, an excellent history of India, from the 
 time of Baber, written by Mohammed Hashim, commonly enti- 
 tled Khafi Khan. I only possess the second volume, containing 
 the reign of Aurangzib. 
 
 ^.JUJUi C^W-^j Fatuhat Alamgiri, or victories of Au- 
 rangzib, written by Shridas, a Nagar Brahman of Gujarat. The 
 author was a spectator of the occurrences he details : and was 
 in the service of the Shaikh-ul-islam, the son of Abd-ul-Wahhab 
 Ahmadabadi. This work is very rare, and was copied at Nahr- 
 walah Patan, in Hij. 1163, A.D. 1749. 
 
 \j~*y\ y U Maasir-ul-Omara, or biography of the Nobles, by 
 Samsamu-d-daulah Shah Nawaz Khan. Two copies of this work 
 are in my possession. 
 
 ^jS>ll^JbU JL**!! jvy^ Dastur-ul-Amal Shahinshahi, or the 
 imperial regulations and political divisions of Hindustan and the 
 Dekhan, compiled by Munshi Thakor Lai. 
 
90 
 
 *Jjl c^-vito Haft Iklim, a geographical and biographical 
 treatise, composed by Amin Ahmad Razi. 
 
 With regard to the system of orthography followed in this 
 translation, it is necessary to say a few words. Most of the 
 consonants are to be pronounced as in English. The lisping 
 CJ is expressed by *, instead of th, adopted by some oriental 
 orthographers ; ~ byj; ^ by ch^ as in the word church; 
 by 7cA, a guttural, and pronounced like the Greek %, or the 
 German ch, as in the Scotch word loch; cub by t; J ^o \3 
 by z; (j~ \J* by s, &c. In spelling the vowels, (^^) Fat'ha, 
 has been expressed by a ; for \/) Kisra, f, as in the Italian; 
 for Zamma, or Pesh, ('), u or o, according to what the pro- 
 nunciation seems to require. The spelling of some names, 
 familiarized by time to the English ear, and not far wide of 
 the proper pronunciation, has been retained. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE 
 
 MIR AT AHMADi", 
 
 oa 
 MIRROR OF AHMAD ; 
 
 A HISTORY OF GUJARAT. 
 
 ACCORDING to the inevitable will of destiny 
 " truly he is appointed vicegerent on earth, from 
 the presence of him who is lord of every coun- 
 try, and who giveth to whomsoever he chooseth," 
 it has been decreed, that Abii-Nasr Muja- 
 hidu-d-din Ahmad Shah b should bear the en- 
 signs of Royalty, and the seal of the Khilafat. 
 Being adorned with the signet of Prophecy, and 
 bearing the exalted title of Kiblah of the world, 
 and Kaba of the universe, the same is a king 
 great as Jamshid c , and an emperor, whose 
 court is exalted as the sky. He is styled pro- 
 tector of the glorious religion, such being re- 
 corded by the power and will of God, (granting 
 nobility and conferring favour) and has be- 
 stowed on the world both ease and comfort. 
 
92 
 
 Moreover, the glad tidings of the clemency, 
 kindness, and justice, of this mighty king, (who 
 cherishes his servants and consumes] his ene- 
 mies) having spread abroad into the four quar- 
 ters of Hindustan, let all subjects and vassals 
 observe the usual obedience, and perform the 
 customary services, giving thanks for such great 
 presents, as are the blessings of this fortunate, 
 prosperous, and tranquil age ; and, praying 
 continually that the state may remain stedfast, 
 let them not oppose or resist the sublime de- 
 crees, that are to be honoured like those of 
 fate. 
 
 And let this be known to governors, and 
 keepers of the royal records, that, in past time, 
 and after the passage of Aurangzib Alamgir 
 Padshah d from this transitory world, there 
 happened to be confusion in the settlement and 
 arrangement of the countries of Hindustan ; 
 and, because of the discord and innovation of 
 that time, both trouble and perplexity began to 
 spread themselves over the four quarters of that 
 country ; while ease, satisfaction, and security, 
 necessarily and inconveniently disappeared. It 
 being the will of God, that confusion should 
 daily increase, and that there should be a cor- 
 
93 
 
 rupt negligence, both in the business of the 
 treasury and administration, an anxious desire 
 to mutiny arose in every heart ; and, ambition 
 being produced in every mind, each Nazinr 3 of a 
 province grew disobedient and refractory, and 
 became independent. 
 
 Wherefore business generally, and the im- 
 portant concerns of civil government, being thus 
 impeded, fell into neglect and arrears ; while 
 the ordinances and regulations concerning such 
 matters being lost and gradually forgotten, the 
 treasuries and magazines became empty, as the 
 hands of the poor. With respect to the Subah 
 of Ahmadabad f Gujarat^, after Hamid Khan h , 
 in the year of the Hijra 1137, A.D. 1724-25, 
 had put to death Shujaat Khan Bahadur 1 , the 
 deputy of Mobarizu-1-Mulk k in that province, 
 he usurped the government lands and arrears 
 of revenue ; and, seeking to get rid of the ser- 
 vants and assignments, gradually obtained the 
 volumes of the records, from the Register Office, 
 where they had been accumulating for years. 
 In this manner the revenue exchequer became 
 useless. Other governors, perceiving this, re- 
 tained the management of the province in their 
 
94 
 
 own hands, without the assistance of a minister ; 
 and, as there was neither inquiry nor question 
 made from court concerning this, the collector- 
 generalship of Gujarat, once the most import- 
 ant of any in Hindustan, was thus in a manner 
 set aside. Nothing, at present, remains but the 
 name and the remembrance of the office ; and, 
 as the affairs of the revenue court had been 
 ended, the keepers of the records were scattered 
 here and there, looking after their own affairs, 
 or searching for employment; and the usual 
 yearly records of the districts ceased alto- 
 gether. Moreover, the volumes of the cur- 
 rent business passed for the most part into 
 the possession of Hamid Khan; and such as 
 remained behind were entirely disregarded and 
 neglected. 
 
 Truly, according to the saying, "times 
 change with men," the period of the latter part 
 of Mohammed Shah's l reign will be explained 
 by the blessing of God. 
 
 /* The writer of these pages, being appointed 
 revenue administrator of the province, in the 
 first year of Ahmad Shah's reign, Hij. 1161, 
 A.D. 1747-8, saw nothing to be done in this 
 appointment ; and, having ascertained that the 
 
95 
 
 records, like the office of the administrator, 
 were only known by name, he made diligent 
 search and inquiry regarding the affairs of the 
 Subahs, Cities, Sirkars, Parganahs, and Towns, 
 whilst registering the village lands and pay- 
 ment, the present revenue and assessment ; and 
 being, moreover, guided in these matters by the 
 advice of Mittha Laal, of the Kait Tribe, who 
 became his assistant, and had kept the provin- 
 cial accounts, as did his father and forefathers, 
 he thus collected the whole in the form of a 
 book. He employed himself in correcting and 
 arranging this, and, having brought it to a con- 
 clusion, named it the Mir at Ahmadi, or a 
 History of the Province of Gujarat. It was 
 also his intention to send one copy to the re- 
 cord office of the province, and the other to the 
 Imperial Court; there being no such register 
 known, on account of those accidents which 
 have been mentioned. But, while anxious to 
 forward the latter copy through Jawid Khan 
 Nawab m , who was then the Emperor's Lieute- 
 nant and Minister, (and regarded this your 
 servant,) it happened that unkind heaven took 
 away the Nawdb's life ; so the strong wish, 
 then existing, that this book should be made 
 
96 
 
 perfect, became void; and, on hearing of this 
 distressing event, the correction was deferred 
 and delayed. 
 
 Doubtless, if this book, which is useful in other 
 matters, besides those of the province, be equal 
 to what I wish it, and be presented at the Im- 
 perial Court, and be honoured by the inspection 
 of the revenue accountants, (who collect gold, 
 and whose sight hath the virtues of the philo- 
 sophers' stone,) it must obtain a thousand 
 thanks. 
 
 And amongst its uses there is one, that it 
 points out the origin of the Fazli Era, and in 
 what it differs from the Hijra, of which none, 
 in their researches, have hitherto found out 
 the enigma, or true signification. While writing 
 this book, the author was anxious to ascertain, 
 from the annalists and accountants of this 
 country, when it commenced ; but, though he 
 sought for explanation and information among 
 the revenue writers of the government exche- 
 quer, no one could solve the difficulty. And, 
 though he found neither mention nor record of 
 it in the histories of former kings, the same be- 
 came obvious and intelligible, after much labour 
 and consideration ; and, having discovered, 
 through his poor understanding, all that regards 
 this innovation, and the time when it came into 
 
97 
 
 use, and in what it differs from the Hijra, he 
 laid down the method and rule for finding it, 
 and annexed it to this volume. If it were God's 
 pleasure, that the author's life should be spared, 
 and sufficient leisure left him, amidst the anar- 
 chy of this province, he resolved to detail its 
 commencement in a separate work, and leave 
 it as a memorial of him in the present record 
 office. 
 
 But what leisure and quiet can be obtained, 
 for the completion of such things, in these 
 perverse and unsettled times? and where is 
 the man who can thoroughly understand this, 
 or one so perfect as to here appreciate per- 
 fection ? for truly painful is the labour of him 
 who would attain perfection : according to 
 the saying, " Perfection comes in the decline 
 of things, and then the time of failure is com- 
 plete." 
 
 Agreeably to these words, which are full of 
 truth, " perfect yourselves in learning, that you 
 may be honoured by the world : for he who is 
 imperfect has no value in my sight." And be 
 ye joyous, satisfied, and thankful, until the time 
 when things be made manifest, from behind the 
 curtain that conceals them. 
 
 But as the book, just mentioned, contained an 
 account of the landholders and governors of 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 these parts, from the time of AkbarV conquest, 
 along with the affairs of the revenue adminis- 
 tration and taxes, the author's intimate friends, 
 being aware of its preparation, frequently in- 
 treated him to separate the historical and re- 
 venue matters, into distinct volumes, for these 
 reasons : First, that the above book was too 
 voluminous and ponderous, as is the case with 
 records, and that it was not proper to make 
 known to every one the business of the treasury 
 and revenue, or the regulations of government ; 
 and, secondly, that the affairs and condition of 
 the landholders, from the first appearance of the 
 Mohammedans in these provinces, with those of 
 the rulers of the Dehli government, to the pre- 
 sent time, ought not to be combined with the 
 business of the revenue and administration. 
 They said, moreover, that the historical portion, 
 with only a small branch of the other, should 
 be written as such works usually are, in order 
 that men may profit thereby, and that, contem- 
 plating with awe the things which have passed, 
 one might more easily learn and remember 
 precept by example. 
 
 Though these pages possess not such excel- 
 lence as to be accounted any thing among the 
 
99 
 
 crowd of books, the author has complied with 
 the wishes of those friends, to the best of his 
 ability ; and, after allowing ten years to elapse 
 without finishing it, he at length changed the 
 introduction, from what was originally intended, 
 and brought it to a conclusion, in the year of 
 the Hijra 1170, A.D. 1756, being the fourth 
 year of the Azizu-d-din Alamgir P II. ; which 
 was a period of great anxiety, and a time of 
 constant contest, as will be here explained. The 
 preface too, which detailed the state of the first 
 transcript, has now become the commencement 
 of the present work. 
 
 It must not be concealed, that, in what relates 
 to the Rajas, who preceded the dominion of the 
 Mohammedans, and also in what regards the 
 rulers of the province, under the Patan govern- 
 ment of Dehli, prior to the Gujarat kings, the 
 information was not wholly to be depended on : 
 but such parts of the history as seemed well 
 authenticated have been here abridged. The 
 account of the several transactions which took 
 place, during the individual reigns of the Guja- 
 rat kings, is selected from the Mir at Sikandari*, 
 a history of that sovereignty written after its 
 
 ^ 
 
 H 2 
 
100 
 
 termination, in Hijra 1020* A.D. 1611. The 
 history of the period commencing with Akbar's 
 conquest of the country, and ending with the 
 tenth year of Aurangzib's reign, along with 
 what relates to the governors of the province, 
 has been extracted from the Akbar-Ndmah r , 
 the Jahdngir-Ndmah*, and Pddshdh-Ndmah*. 
 But, as no written record of the transactions 
 after the tenth year of Aurangzib's reign was 
 procurable, the account of these, up to the pre- 
 sent time, is given on such authentic informa- 
 tion as could be obtained from the old men of 
 that period, 
 
 And now regarding the author of the work. 
 When he had attained his ninth year, in the 
 beginning of the reign of Bahadur- Shah u 
 Khuld-Manzil, corresponding with the Hijra, 
 year 1120, A. D. 1708, having come from Burhan- 
 
 * In the original the date is 1120, but is an evident error of 
 the copyist's ; as the author says, in another place, that it was 
 written forty years after the destruction of the Gujarat monarchy, 
 which took place in Hij. 980. The author of the Mirat Sikandari 
 moreover mentions himself as being concerned in Gujarat trans- 
 actions which preceded the death of Akbar. 
 
101 '' V' si 
 
 pur into this country, he soon after began to 
 write, in an abridged form, whatever made a 
 strong impression on his mind ; and selected 
 all that was authenticated by trustworthy 
 chronicles, concerning the governors of the pro- 
 vince. The original intention being to detail 
 the past condition, the several transactions and 
 misfortunes, the desolation and confusion of 
 this country, such gave rise to the production 
 of the Mir at Ahmadi : though a description of 
 the whole transactions would have been too 
 long and troublesome, yet, had it been his in- 
 tention to write such a work, the author might 
 have accomplished it ; but, as he has only 
 chosen to detail a portion of these, with the years 
 and months of their occurrence, he must be 
 excused where his information failed him. The 
 summary also of those things he witnessed has 
 been written with care and attention. 
 
 But, previous to commencing with his design, 
 it is necessary to say something of the state,, 
 extent, and revenue, of the province in former 
 times ; whilst he trusts, that, if the learned 
 reader discovers mistakes or errors, which are 
 unavoidable, he will amend and correct them. 
 
SECTION I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS OF THE STATE OF GUJARAT. 
 
 IT must be known to discriminating and 
 inquiring men that the country of Gujarat, 
 which is one of the principal provinces in Hin- 
 dustan, is in the second climate. It has a 
 temperate atmosphere, generally ; but, in places 
 on the sea coast, the air is variable. 
 
 The soil generally is sandy, and produces all 
 kinds of wheat in abundance : though the 
 greater part is cultivated with bajr'i, which is 
 the usual food of the horses in Kach x , and even 
 of a great part of the population there. In 
 former times, good wheat was not to be ob- 
 tained, but it is now generally procurable. In 
 some of the districts, the fruits of the autumnal 
 and spring crops, being blended together, are 
 cultivated at such seasons, either by irrigation 
 or the natural rains. 
 
103 
 
 The fields and villages, for the most part, are 
 surrounded by hedges of the prickly pear ; by 
 which they are completely fortified in the course 
 of time. Many fruit and other trees, such as 
 the amba and khirni, cover the face of the 
 country, from the neighbourhood of Patany to 
 the town of Baroda 2 , being a distance of a hun- 
 dred koss. Here also we find cucumbers and 
 nashpatis of a good quality, with melons of dif- 
 ferent kinds; which, when sown in the beds 
 of rivers, are produced of an excellent quality 
 and abundance, both during the cold and hot 
 seasons. Such, however, are not procurable in 
 Sorath. There are likewise different kinds of 
 odoriferous herbs, fruits, and vegetables, used in 
 these parts, whose names would occupy too 
 much space in detailing them. 
 
 The houses are all built of burnt bricks, and 
 are roofed with teak wood and tiles. In Sorath, 
 however, they use stone instead of bricks. 
 
 The Kach horses possess activity ; and are 
 so well proportioned in their make as to bear a 
 comparison with those of Arabia and Irak. The 
 cattle of Gujarat, that run well in draught, are 
 of a very white colour and handsome form. The 
 panthers are incomparable hunters; and the 
 
104 
 
 buffaloes of this quarter are also very well made. 
 Large elephants were formerly hunted in the 
 territories of Rajpipalah a , but, the passage in 
 the mountains being now closed up, they are no 
 longer found. 
 
 In respect to warlike instruments, the swords 
 of Sirohi b are celebrated every where, and there 
 are no better reeds than such as are procured 
 in this country ; so that they are carried to Hin- 
 dustan, Persia, and other countries, for the 
 manufacture of arrows. 
 
 Rings, like those of Yemen, necklaces, and 
 cups, with handles for knives and daggers, are 
 manufactured at Khambayat, from cornelian 
 of different colours ; and these, with a variety 
 of ivory instruments, when carried into the 
 neighbouring countries, are exchanged, for other 
 commodities. Cloths also, like those of Persia, 
 Arabia, Abyssinia, Constantinople, and Europe, 
 are made and coloured here. 
 
 Another article of produce is salt. In all the 
 places near the sea-shore, there are enclosed 
 fields, called, in Hindi, kiyari ; which are 
 filled, during the cold season, from reservoirs of 
 salt water near them ; and, the salt, when con- 
 creted there, is collected. But that procured at 
 
105 
 
 the port of Khambayat c , resembles coarse sand; 
 and, possessing- a considerable degree of bitter- 
 ness of taste, has the virtue of recruiting- the 
 strength of debilitated persons. The black 
 salt, named black stone, and which is called 
 sanchal in Hindi, is made at the above sea- 
 port by boiling a grass, called morand, in the 
 manner usually followed in procuring murdar 
 sang*. This salt is then carried into the neigh- 
 bouring countries both by sea and land. There 
 is yet another kind, procured from the saline pits 
 at the town of Junjwarah d , in the parganah of 
 Biramgam e ; and similar salt, when obtained 
 from the water of the wells, is of a white colour 
 and good quality, resembling bits of sugar. It 
 is carried by the merchants into Malwa f , and 
 other places; and all the revenue collected 
 therefrom is included in the settlement of the 
 above-mentioned parganah. 
 
 Another article of manufacture here is paper. 
 Although the Daulatabad and Kashmir paper 
 be fine and beautiful, it is not equal to what is 
 made at Ahmadabad, either in point of white- 
 ness or purity. Several different kinds are pro- 
 duced ; all of which are faulty in being pene- 
 
 ,.S 
 
 ^ J . 
 
 * This is a vitreous oxide of lead. 
 
106 
 
 trated with innumerable small holes, caused by 
 the particles of sand, from this sandy country, 
 which adhere to it during its manufacture, being 
 rubbed off in the process of polishing. Not- 
 withstanding this, it is much prized for its 
 whiteness, and is carried, in exchange for other 
 commodities, to the cities of India, and Arabia, 
 and to Constantinople. 
 
 The teak wood here is only used for the ceil- 
 ings and pillars of dwelling houses, or the 
 building of ships ; but the black wood, which in 
 quality and appearance resembles ebony, is used 
 in the construction of bullock carriages and 
 other things. 
 
 In the mountainous country, about Idurs, 
 there is a quarry of white stone, which is pro- 
 curable in no other part. The lime made from 
 this is used in stucco work ; for the walls or 
 terraces of buildings ; and for fine edifices, 
 pleasure-houses, and mausoleums. If employed 
 in plastering, it takes so fine a polish as to 
 reflect the light as a looking-glass. When, in 
 the reign of Firdaus-Ashiani-Shah Jahan h , the 
 royal buildings of the citadel of Shahjahanabad 
 (Dehli) were repaired, the lime made from this 
 stone was taken from Gujarat, by the King's 
 
107 
 
 order, and used in their construction. The 
 mausoleums of the Mohammedan saints, the 
 temples of the Hindus, and other public works 
 (an account of which will be detailed hereafter,) 
 are erected with this lime ; as are also nume- 
 rous canals, water reservoirs, wells, and other 
 like buildings. 
 
 Though the water of the wells is salt, yet, 
 were all the other good things of this province 
 made a subject of praise, another volume would 
 be requisite: for it must be noticed, that tra- 
 vellers from all quarters have heard of this 
 country being proverbially good above all 
 others. 
 
 In the present time, the settlement of the 
 province is accomplished by five thousand 
 cavalry, mustered by the Nazim ; in addition to 
 those of the Faujdars and other vassals, pro- 
 vided no addition be requisite for other services, 
 than those belonging to the usual business of 
 the province. 
 
 With regard to the extent and revenue of 
 this country, in the reign of Sultan Muzaffir* 
 III., who was the last of the Gujarat kings, 
 and during the administration of Itimad Khan k , 
 in the Hijra year 979, corresponding with the 
 
108 
 
 year of the Hindu era of Vikramaditya 1627,* and 
 with A.D. 1571, the whole collection! from the 
 government lands, and those assigned in Jagir, 
 was 5,84,0050,000, or five arabs\, eighty-four 
 krores, and fifty thousand Gujarat tankchas ; 
 
 *This era begins 56 years before the Christian era, and that 
 number must be subtracted from it to make them correspond. 
 
 f The province of Gujarat, when most flourishing under its own 
 Mohammedan kings, consisted of twenty-five sirkars, or districts ; 
 many of which had been conquered from the neighbouring pro- 
 vinces. The whole of the revenue, at that time, amounted to five 
 arabs, eighty-four krores, and fifty thousand tankchas, equal to 
 2,336,002,000 dams. When the country was conquered by 
 Akbar, a new political distribution of the districts took place ; 
 and Gujarat then consisted of nine sirkars. It is curious to 
 contrast the original revenue of the province, when independent, 
 with what it afterwards became, under the emperors of Dehli. 
 The statements which are given on the authority of Gladwin's 
 translation of the Ayin Akbari, Frazer's Life of Nadir Shah, and 
 the Dastur-ul-Amal of the empire, by Thakor Lai, are as follow : 
 Revenue of Gujarat when independent, 
 
 Consisting of 25 Sirkars 2,336,020,000 dams. 
 
 Akbar's reign 9 do. 26,738,1619 
 
 Jahangir's do. 9 do. 50,0000,000 
 
 Aurangzib's do. 9 do. 60,7849,135 
 
 Mohammed Shah's 9 do. 48,7344,000 
 
 The above exhibits the revenue greatest in the time of Aurang- 
 zib, and least in that of Akbar ; a prince who did not exact too 
 much from the people. 
 
 | According to the Indian computation, one hundred thousand 
 rupees form a lak, one hundred laks one krore, one hundred krores 
 one arab, one hundred arabs one kharrab, one hundred kharrabs 
 one sank. 
 
109 
 
 there being then two laks and three thousand 
 horsemen mustered in the kingdom. There 
 were, in those days, a hundred tankchas to a 
 rupee, and the same is now reckoned at forty 
 dams ; so that the whole amount would, at the 
 present time, be equal to five krores and forty- 
 seven laks * of rupees. A sum also of twenty- 
 five laks of hoons, and one krore of ibrahimis, 
 that were two parts greater, being altogether 
 nearly equal to five krores and sixty-two laks 
 of rupees, was collected annually from the kings 
 of the Dekhan ! , the European and Arab ports, 
 and from other quarters as hereafter detailed. 
 
 Sultan Bahadur m , after capturing the fort of 
 Chitore", in the year of the Hijra 955f, A.D. 
 1548, fled from the emperor Nasiru-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Humayun Padshah . On this occa- 
 sion he took refuge, on board of ship, at the 
 port of DIUP, (where there is a strong fortifica- 
 tion surrounded by the sea,) and was fraudu- 
 lently killed by the Europeans. At this period 
 
 * The amount ought to be five krores and eighty-four laks of 
 rupees. 
 
 f There is here a mistake. It was taken in the month of Rama- 
 zan A.H. 941 ; March, A.D. 1535. 
 
110 
 
 the Europeans took possession of the above- 
 mentioned harbour, as will be explained in the 
 reign of that prince : and the kingdom of Gu- 
 jarat soon after going to decay, the tribute from 
 the ports was no longer paid. 
 
 During such time as the power and sove- 
 reignty of the Gujarat monarchy continued to 
 increase, the several sirkars, and ports, which 
 were then made subject to the government by 
 conquest, were attached as parts of the country. 
 In this manner twenty-five sirkars were ob- 
 tained, and are named as follow : 
 
 Sirkar* 
 // JudhpurQ. 
 
 Jalore r (in Rajputana). 
 
 Nagore s f (in Rajputana). 
 // Bassai* (Bassein). 
 // Manbai u (Bombay). 
 
 Damman x (Damaun). 
 // Ram Nagar?. 
 
 Dungarpiir 2 . 
 
 : A sirkar, or district, is called tauman ^U^f west of the 
 Indus. Every stibah, or province, is divided into so many 
 districts, or sirkars, and these again subdivided into mahls or 
 parganahs. 
 
 t Nagore, which is eighty miles N.W. of Ajmir, is now sub- 
 ject to Judhpur. 
 
Ill 
 
 Sirkar Banswarah a . 
 // Sirohi b . 
 
 Kach c . 
 // Somnat d . 
 
 Pand-Rajpuri e (in the Konkan). 
 // Ahmadabad f . 
 // Baroda&. 
 
 Bhroch h . 
 
 Nadote 1 . 
 
 Surat k (Surat). 
 
 Champanir 1 . 
 // Patan m . 
 
 Sorath" *. 
 
 Navanagar . 
 // GodhrahP. 
 
 Mulhiri (in Khandesh). 
 
 Nadarbar r (Nandarbar in ditto). 
 
 The personal establishment of Sultan Muz- 
 affir III. and others, at this time, consisted of 
 
 * 
 
 b. r 
 I Jo 
 ^ \J 
 
 * Sorath, or the ancient Saurashtra, and the same as the 
 Syrastra vicus of Ptolemy's geography, must not be confounded 
 with Surat, now usually called Surat in the maps. The former 
 is in the most western side of Gujarat, and in that part now 
 called Kahtiwar : and is said to encompass the mountains of 
 Junagarh to the distance of thirty miles. The fort of Mangrole, 
 generally included in this district, is the Monoglossum Emporium 
 of Ptolemv. 
 
112 
 
 thirty thousand horsemen, with estates of thirty- 
 two ^mahls ; of which the revenue amounted to 
 ninety laks of rupees*, equal to ninety krores 
 of Gujarat tankchas ; and was divided in the 
 following manner : 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir 3 
 Itimad Khan Wazir* 
 Alagh Khan Habshi u 
 Jahjahar Khan x 
 Maliku-s-Sherkyf 
 Wajihu-l-Mulk z and others 
 
 Horse. 
 
 10,000 
 
 Tankchas. 
 
 330,000,000 
 
 9,000 
 
 300,000,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 110,000,000 
 
 2,500 
 
 60,000,000 
 
 2,500 
 
 40,000,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 60,000,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 900,000,000 
 
 * The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Gujarat in 1633, or forty 
 five years after it became subject to Dehli, says, that the whole 
 revenue of Gujarat amounted heretofore to eighteen millions 
 of gold (Trav. 48) not counting the customs of Baroda and 
 Bhroch, which were nearly eight hundred thousand crowns. The, 
 traveller Thevenot, who followed him and was there in A.D. 
 1655, says, " it paid the Moghul 25,500,000 French livres;" and 
 these, calculated at tenpence half-penny would make 1,115,625 
 English money. ( Travels in the Indies, Chap, xviii.) Theve- 
 not's visit to India took place in the early part of Aurangzib's 
 reign, and the revenue, as stated by him, will be found to cor- 
 respond very nearly with the amount of it given, in a former note, 
 on native authority : for, assuming the medium value of a rupee 
 at 2s. then 60,7849,135 dams = 15,196,228 rupees = 1,519,622. 
 
 t The copyist of the original manuscript has evidently miscon- 
 ceived the name of the person here intended. In the Tazkarat- 
 
 ul- 
 
113 
 
 Fifteen krores and fifty laks of Gujarat 
 tankchas, equal to fifteen laks and fifty thou- 
 sand rupees of revenue, were obtained from the 
 customs and other taxes of the city of Ahmada- 
 bad : of which total there were the following 
 items : 
 
 Tankchas. 
 
 The cultivation of the lands ") 
 
 in the environs . . [ 5 >>0.00 
 
 Taxes on vegetables . . 100,000,000 
 
 Tax on coinage . . . 30,000,000 
 
 13 A 5,000,000. 
 
 making up the sum of thirteen krores and fifty 
 laks of tankchas. 
 
 Connected with the police department, the 
 following sums were realized : 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 From the office of the Kotwal . 15,000 
 
 // the Pan market . . . 50,000 
 
 // the sale of cattle and horses . 35,000 
 
 // the sale of lac ... 5,000 
 
 // the manufacture of wires . 10,000 
 
 // the opium market . . . 5,000 
 
 // the silk market . . . 18,000 
 
 // the tax on porterage . . 5,000 
 
 // the tax on private messengers . 1,500 
 
 // the fines on false weights . 5,000 
 
 ul-Muluk, written by Rafi-ud-din-Shirazi, contemporary with 
 the characters above mentioned, Malik Arslan Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 cl^LiJl J\^c ^.$~~j\ LL^L< who must be the person here meant, is 
 also noticed. There will be occasion, in a future note, to refer to 
 the original passage. 
 
 I 
 
I 3,500 
 
 114 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 From the tax on shops . . . 15,000 
 u the revenue of the 12 Purahs 
 
 of the city 
 
 // the collections of the city gate 13,000 
 // the other Purahs . . 14,000 
 
 // the tax on confections and other "") 
 
 Y 5,000 
 things . . . . J 
 
 200,000 
 
 The whole amounting to the sum of two krores 
 of tankchas, or two laks of rupees, as above. 
 
 The revenue of the parganahs, that were fixed 
 as a provision for the Sultan and others, altoge- 
 ther amounted to the sum of forty laks and fifty 
 thousand rupees ; being in detail as follows : 
 
 Villages. Rupees. 
 
 Parganah Pitlad a . 276 2,000,000 
 
 // Khambayat b . . 6 450,000 
 
 // Mundah c , the 1 
 
 rr\- t> i^i / H > 84 500,000 
 
 Jagir of Jahjahar Khan d \ 
 
 Mahmudabad 6 . . " 85 700,000 
 
 // Nariad f 36 400,000 
 
 487 40,50,000 
 
 Of the amount received from Khambayat, as 
 inserted above, there were 50,000 rupees from 
 the cultivation of the towns of Dhowans, Mah- 
 mudpur h , &c. and 400,000 (four laks) from the 
 collections of the city, tax on supplies, port du- 
 ties, &c. 
 
115 
 
 Regarding the bandars, or ports, they were 
 twenty- three in number ; of which the port of 
 Khambayat, being registered separately, there 
 were five other places belonging to Gujarat, viz. 
 
 1 Bandar of Bhroch 1 . 
 
 2 // // Surat k . 
 
 3 // // Ghoga 1 , 
 
 4 // // Khandar" 1 *. 
 
 5 // // Ranir n . 
 
 which, being put on one side from the total col- 
 lection of 34,000,000, (thirty-four laks of rupees) 
 left a revenue from the remaining twenty-two 
 parts 
 
 In the Sirkar of Mahis. 
 
 /' // Sorath 
 
 // // t Bandarf UnahP . . 2 
 
 // // Dili . . . 1 
 
 // // Purbandar . . 1 
 
 // // Mahwah^ . . .1 
 
 // // PatinDiii . . 1 
 
 // // Manglur 1 " \ 2 
 
 * Mentioned in Mandelslo's Travels, p. 16. 
 
 f The port of Unah is situated inland, on a river, and E.S.E. 
 of Diu Point. This and the six following ports belong to the 
 coast of Kahtiwar. 
 
 J This place, the Monoglossura Emporium of Ptolemy, though 
 spelt Manglur by the Mohammedan writers, is always called 
 Mangrole by the natives. In Mandelslo's Travels it is spelt Man- 
 gerol, and is said to be famous for the great quantities of linen 
 cloths made there. 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 In the Sirkar of 
 
 Bandar Talachah s 
 Nagesar * . . 
 Goriya u 
 Dungar x - > 
 Singhanur y 
 Chikli z 
 
 Mahls. 
 
 4 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 amounting to fourteen laks of rupees. 
 
 The parts held in jdgir by the nobles were 
 as follow. 
 
 The jdgir of Ikhtiyaru-l-Mulk a , who served 
 the State with ten thousand regular cavalry, 
 consisting of the 
 
 . Parganah of Ahmadnagar b 
 
 // // Paranti c . . 
 
 // // Jalore d 
 
 // // Hursur 6 
 
 // H Murasah f 
 
 // // MehkarS, containing two hun- 
 dred and forty-five towns, 
 out of which, however, there 
 were fifty held in Enam by 
 the Raja of Idur, and fifty by 
 the Raja of Dungarpur, leav- 
 ing balance 
 
 // '// Piplud h . 36 300,000, 
 
 Towns. 
 
 44 
 
 84 
 
 19 
 
 84 
 
 162 
 
 ;145 
 
 Rupees. 
 400,000 
 
 500,000 
 200,000 
 300,000 
 800,000 
 
 200,000 
 
117 
 
 Towns. Rupees. 
 
 The Parganah of Khutnal 1 and Mamurabad k 44 . 400,000 
 
 // Birpur 1 . 165 . 400,000 
 
 // // Bihal m . . . " 138 1,000,000 
 
 921 4,500,000 
 
 Thus forming a total of eleven parganahs, 
 giving- an assignment of revenue for forty-five 
 krores of Gujarat tankchas, or forty-five laks of 
 rupees. 
 
 The jdgirs of Sayyid Miran n , and Sayyid 
 Hamed , who were the children of Sayyid Mu- 
 barik KhanP, and served the State with four 
 thousand cavalry, consisted of 
 
 Towns. Tankchas. 
 
 The Parganah of Dholkai 615 . 160,000,000 
 
 sixteen krores of tankchas, or sixteen laks of 
 rupees. 
 
 The jdgirs' of Shir Khan Faoladi, with 
 seven thousand horse ; of Hasan Jamal r , with 
 five thousand, with the assignment to the 
 Shahzadah for five thousand horse, and of the 
 Rajputs for three thousand, consisted of 
 
 /v ._ / T> i 'A. 1.L- i- -\ Kasbah. Towns. Tankchas. 
 
 City of Patan, its cultivation, in- ] 
 
 , ,. > 160,000 
 
 ternal dues, and police taxes J 
 
 Parganah of Patan 5 ... 419 2,650,000 
 
 // // Barnagar 4 . . 13 8,500,000 
 
 // // Bisalnagar u . 1 45,000 
 
118 
 
 Towns. Tankchas. 
 
 Parganah of Bijapur* ... 98 617,000 
 
 tf // Khirahiy . . .110 580,000 
 
 // // Palanpiir 2 . 180 525,000 
 
 // // Disa a . ' . . .23 285,000 
 
 // // Jalore b . . .400 2,600,000 
 
 // // Karhi c ' . . 299 2,800,000 
 
 18,762,000 
 
 The whole collection of ten parganahs. 
 
 When the current value of the tankcha in the 
 Patan parganah was less than of Gujarat 
 generally, but was fixed in Jhalawar d and 
 Karhi at the same rate as that of Ahmada- 
 bad, the whole collection was one arab and six- 
 teen krores of tankchas ; being equal to one 
 krore and sixteen laks of rupees. 
 
 The jdgirs of Rustam Khan e and Jangiz 
 Khan f , the sons of Tmad-ul-Mulk, who served 
 the State with twenty -five thousand cavalry, 
 and had charge of five tahnahs%, each tahnah 
 having five thousand horse, consisted of twenty- 
 seven mahls, or parganahs, yielding a revenue 
 of two krores and twenty-five thousand mah~ 
 mudis and changizis* ; which, according to 
 
 * These changizis are what the traveller Mandelslo calls (page 
 68) Ropaias chagam ; which were of very good silver, and worth 
 half a crown French money. 
 
119 
 
 the current value of the Ahmadabad tankcha, at 
 that time, was equal to one arab, sixty-two 
 krores, and fifty thousand tankchas, or one 
 krore, sixty-two laks, and five hundred rupees. 
 Rs. 1,620^500. 
 
 Mahl. Towns. Changizis. 
 
 Of which sum the Sirkar of the port of >. 
 Surat, including port duties, provision- ( ^ Q93 5Q() OQO 
 tax, and the rent of the cultivated land ( 
 in the neighbourhood, yielded . . J 
 
 Also the Sirkar of 
 
 Mahl. Towns. Changizis. 
 
 Baroda h , and the cultivation of its environs, 1 500,000 
 
 Parganah, and country round Baroda . 208 3,800,000 
 
 Dubhue 1 . ... . 44 800,000 
 
 Shenur k * ...... 46 500,000 
 
 Bahadurpur 1 27 200,000 
 
 Saowankhirah m ... . 82 200,000 
 
 407 6,000,000 
 
 The above, consisting of seven mahls, or par- 
 ganahs, and four hundred and seven towns, 
 yielding* a revenue of sixty laks of changizis. 
 
 Also Sirkar Bhroch n 
 
 Towns. Changizis. 
 
 Parganah of Bhroch, and neighbourhood, not ~) 
 
 including the port . .) 161 3000 >00 
 Hansut . . . 36 400,000 
 
 * This place is called Sinnore in the maps. It is situated 
 immediately on the Nerbuddah. 
 
120 
 
 Towns. Chaugizis. 
 
 Parganah of DejbarahP ... 12 150,000 
 
 // Goralbarahq* . . 12 200,000 
 
 // // Urpar r t . 106 1200,000 
 
 i Charmandwi 8 ... 1 50,000 
 
 // // Kulah* . .36 400,000 
 
 // // Jambusir u ... 56 800,000 
 
 // // Oklasir x ... 55 600,000 
 
 // // Atlisar? . . .36 200,000 
 
 // // Tarkisar 2 . . . . 12 100,000 
 
 // // Amod a and 
 
 Makbulabad* ' ' ' 40 ' 000 
 
 559 7,500,000 
 
 Being 1 in all twelve mahls, or parganahs, five 
 hundred and fifty-nine towns, yielding a revenue 
 of seventy-five laks of changizis. 
 Also Sirkar Champanir c 
 
 Towns. 
 
 ~| 
 J 
 
 Sirkar Champanir, Parganah Champariir, 
 
 and country adjacent 
 
 y 
 
 * I have some doubt regarding the place here intended. In 
 the original manuscript the name is written Goralbarah, and is 
 probably the same as Korul on the Nerbuddah, in Arrowsmith's 
 map. 
 
 f The Oolpar of the maps. This change of the letter r and / 
 is common in the names of places in India. 
 
121 
 
 Towns. 
 
 Saoli d * . . . 54 
 
 Dahwad 6 . . 100 
 
 Halol f . 34 
 
 Taimurahbasnah ... .106 
 
 Rajod h . . .... 25 
 
 Jhalod 1 . . -. 17 
 
 423 
 
 Being in all eight molds, or parganahs, four 
 hundred and twenty-three villages, yielding a 
 revenue of fifteen laks of changizis. 
 
 The jdgir of Nasiru-1-Mulkf, who served the 
 State with twelve thousand horse, consisted of 
 
 Changizis. 
 
 Parganah Nadarbar 25,00,000 
 
 // Sultanpur 1 5,00,000 
 
 Hissabeh and Nerrada 10,00,000 
 
 g 
 
 * The name of this place, which is spelt with a French nasal 
 in Sanulee, is pronounced as here written. 
 
 f The places assigned for this jdgir belong to the province 
 of Khandesh. Sidi Ali ben Husein, who, as admiral of the great 
 Ottoman Emperor Suleiman I. was ordered to carry a fleet down 
 the Persian Gulf, to cruize against the Portuguese in the seas of 
 India, makes mention of this Nasiru-1-Mulk, in the Miratu-1-Ma- 
 malik, or Mirror of Countries. Mr. von Hammer of Vienna has 
 given some extracts from the book, in Vol. ii. of the Bombay 
 Literary Transactions. Sidi Ali ben Husein was in Gujarat about 
 the end of AD. 1554, and notices the death of Nasiru-1-Mulk 
 soon after. As this event happened in the reign of Ahmad Shah 
 II., who was the predecessor of Muzaffir III., the author of the 
 Mirat Ahmadi errs in including ~h\s> jdgir here, while professing to 
 give the political divisions of the country in the reign of the latter. 
 
122 
 
 Amounting in all to three mahls, yielding a re- 
 venue of fifty laks of changizis, and which are 
 equal to twenty-five krores of tankchas, or 
 twenty-five laks of rupees. 
 
 Moreover, Bohrji, zamindar of Baglanah k , 
 possessed the forts of Mulhir and Sahler ; and 
 performed service with three thousand horse. 
 
 ( k ) Baglanah, the western and mountainous district of Khandesh, 
 is divided from Sangamnir by the Chandii range of Ghauts. Mul- 
 her and Salher are two forts belonging to this part, which may 
 lay claim to some antiquity. It was governed in former times by 
 Hindu Rajas of its own, who, in A.D. 1370, were obliged to pay 
 tribute to Malik Raja Faruki, the founder of the Mohammedan 
 Khans of Khandesh. The title of the Raja who paid tribute was 
 Bohrji; and we find two descendants similarly designated, in 
 A.D. 1529, during the reign of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. At a 
 subsequent period, one of the family was incorporated among the 
 nobles of Dehli by Aurangzib ; and, regarding his ancestors, theMaa- 
 siru-1-Omara, or Memoirs of the Nobles, has the folio wing passage : 
 
123 
 
 The jdgir of the Kamilu-1-Mulk 1 consisted of 
 the Sirkar of Godhrah, containing twelve mahls 
 
 
 
 aJ j\ " The ancestors of Bohrji, 
 the zamindar of Baglanah, having held the dominion of this 
 country for fourteen hundred years, claim their descent from 
 Jeychand Rathore, who was Raja of Kanauj ; and each of 
 them, while ruling, obtain the name of Bohrji. They had the 
 power formerly of coining money, and, as the country was 
 between Gujarat and the Dekhan, bore a nominal allegi- 
 ance to each alternately, according to the preponderance of 
 power on either side. Of old, while they paid tribute to 
 Gujarat, the rulers of Khandesh, who were in their immediate 
 neighbourhood, continued to plunder them. On the former 
 country becoming subject to Arsh Ashiani (Akbar) in Hij. 980, 
 A.D. 1572, Bohrji came and paid his respects to him at Surat ; 
 and, as the emperor's brother-in-law Mirza Sharfu-d-din Hus- 
 sain, who had rebelled, was passing through the country of Bag- 
 lanah on his way to the Dekhan, Bohrji seized and delivered him 
 up to Akbar, who rewarded him accordingly." Though the au- 
 thority of the Maasiru-1-Omara, like many other Mohammedan 
 books, is here completely at fault with regard to the chronology 
 of Hindu history ; yet the claims made by this family to descent, 
 from the Rajas of Kanauj, would seem authentic : as the present 
 family of Judhpur Rathores trace the same connexion. Jaya 
 Chandra, or Jey Chand, when defeated, in A.D. 1193, by Kutbu- 
 d-din Aibuk, was drowned in crossing the Ganges. 
 
 It is impossible to determine the proper name of the indi- 
 vidual here noticed under the title of Kamilu-1-Mulk. There is 
 no one mentioned, in the history of Muzaffir III , by this 
 appellation ; and, at that time, this part of the country appears 
 to have been included in the jdgir of Rustam Khan ; who was, 
 according to some accounts, the nephew of Malik Arslan Imadu- 
 1-Mulk, or his slave, according to others. 
 
124 
 
 or parganahs, out of which the revenue of two 
 mahls was settled on the zamindar of Suth 
 and Chattaral Kuli, for the services they per- 
 formed. Deducting these, there remain ten 
 mahls ; yielding a revenue of fifty laks of 
 changizis, being about twenty laks of rupees ; 
 or being, in detail 
 
 Parganah 
 
 Godhrah 
 
 Towns. 
 
 171 . 
 
 Changizis. 
 
 . 2000,000 
 
 // 
 
 Sehra . . 
 
 24 . 
 
 . 1500,000 
 
 n 
 
 Miral 
 
 42 . 
 
 . 400,000 
 
 n 
 
 Samdah, called some- ~| 
 times Nasirabad 
 
 42 . 
 
 . 800,000 
 
 n 
 
 Dodah 
 
 36 . 
 
 . 200,000 
 
 n 
 
 Ambabad 
 
 42 . 
 
 . 200,000 
 
 n 
 
 Jhalod 
 
 84 . 
 
 . 700,000 
 
 n 
 
 Morwah . 
 
 24 . 
 
 . 10,00,000 
 
 n 
 
 Kaddhanah 
 
 24 . 
 
 . 200,000 
 
 n 
 
 Dahmod m . 
 
 12 . 
 
 . 200,000 
 
 501 
 
 7200,000 
 
 Being, in all, ten mahls, five hundred and one 
 villages, yielding a revenue of seventy-two laks 
 of changizis. 
 
 The jdgir of Ghaznavi Khan, son of 
 Malik Khanji Jalori, who served the State 
 
 ( m ) In Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, this place is 
 written Dhamnud. The name does not appear on the map, but 
 the parganah meant must be near the sources of the Mahye 
 River, as all the others lie between these and the Vindhya range 
 of mountains, N.W. of the Nerbuddah River. 
 
125 
 
 255,000 
 
 with seven thousand horse, amounted, as sepa- 
 rately detailed, to the sum of ten krores of tank- 
 chas, or ten laks of rupees 
 
 Towns. Rupees. 
 
 The mint of Jalore, consisting of eleven "| 
 
 mahls, and Taliika Judhpiir, from which V600 300,070 
 the talpat n tax was taken . . J 
 
 From the government lands, of which "^ 
 
 the fourth part belonged to the zamin- > .. 200,005 
 dars serving Ghaznavi Khan . j 
 
 From the Taliika of Nagore, the fort of" 
 which, after being several years ruined, 
 was restored, at the request of Malik 
 Khanji, by the Sultan, where half 
 the lands of the Parganahs belonged 
 to the wultuns of the Rajputs, serv- 
 ing under Ghaznavi, with two thou- 
 sand horse .... 
 
 From the Taliika of Mirtah, in the Sir- 
 kar of Nagore, of which half the Par- 
 ganah belonged to the zamindars en- 
 joying the fourth part of the revenue ; 
 and who, under Ghaznavi] Khan, with 
 two thousand horse, were to assist the 
 king of Ahmadabad, in case of war, 
 with six thousand horse 
 
 955,145 
 
 Thus amounting in all to nine laks, fifty-five 
 thousand one hundred and forty-five rupees. 
 
 ( n ) Tulput, or talpat, lands that pay a full rent into the public 
 treasury of the paramount authority. The term is used in con- 
 tradistinction to the usufructuary inheritance of the soil called 
 wultun. 
 
 200,000 
 
126 
 
 Moreover, Rai Jey Sing, the zamindar of 
 Rajpipalah, who served the State with three 
 thousand horse and one thousand foot, was ex- 
 cused the payment of the tribute. 
 
 The jdgirs of Fat'h Khan , Rustam Khan, 
 and others of the Baluchi tribe, who served 
 the State with fourteen thousand horse, con- 
 sisted of the 
 
 Mahmudis P . 
 
 Parganah of Radhanpur . . 1500,000 
 
 // // Summi . . 600,000 
 
 // // Miinjpur . . 800,000 
 
 // // Kakre . . . 700,000 
 
 // // Tirwarrah . . 800,000 
 
 // // Morwarah . . . 400,000 
 
 // // Santhalpur . . 300,000 
 
 // // Thartad . . 1500,000 
 
 // // Murbi 1000,000 
 
 76,00,000 
 
 () The Turkish Admiral, already quoted, notices Fat'h 
 Khan ; but designates him by the name of his tribe. In five 
 days we came to the town of Patan, where we visited the tomb 
 of the ancient Shaikh Nizami. Here Shir Khan and Musa 
 Khan were collecting troops, and preparing for war with Bolody 
 (Buluch) Khan of Radhanpur. (Bombay Literary Transact, vol. 
 II., p. 9.) 
 
 (P) The traveller Mandelslo says (p. 66), that the mahmudis 
 are made at Surat, of a very base alloy, are worth about twelve 
 pence sterling, and go only at Siirat, Baroda, Broitschia, Cam- 
 baiya, and those parts. There were twenty-six peyse in his time 
 to a mahmtidi, and fifty-four to a rupee. 
 
127 
 
 forming a total of nine mahls, or parganahs, 
 which yielded a revenue of seventy-five laks of 
 mahmudis, being about equal to thirty laks of 
 rupees. 
 
 Moreover, the Rajput landholders retained the 
 revenue of their hereditary estates, or wultuns, 
 on performing service to the government, viz. 
 
 / Horse. 
 
 Punja Rahtore, the Idur zamindar, keeping up . 2,000 
 Rana Sahumul, zamindar of Dungarpur, retaining . 1,000 
 Waghilah Sahlah, who, with the enjoyment of the "1 
 
 whole grds* of Jhalawar, retained . f 
 
 Jam Sahna, who had four hundred grdssia de-~| 
 
 pendents in the province of Sorath . J 
 
 Jahra Khangar 1 ", the zamindar of Buhj, who pos- ~| 
 
 sessed 1409 towns, served the government with J ' 
 
 The jdgir of Amin Khan, Fat'h Khan, and 
 Tatar Khan Ghori, who with nine thousand 
 horse served the government, consisted of Tahika. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Junagarh, containing eighty- seven mahls, of - 
 which seventeen mahls, including the ports, 
 being counted separately, there remain 
 seventy mahls ; of which ten parganahs \ 10,000,000 
 and ten kasbahs yielded a collection of one 
 krore of rupees, equal to one krore of 
 ibrahimis and twenty-five laks of Mns 
 
 (<0 A term of Sanskrit origin, meaning a mouthful of grass, 
 which is now figuratively used to express a feudal feof, or pos- 
 session ; the feoffee, or possessor, is named grassia. 
 
 ( r ) This is the second among the ancestors of the present Rao 
 of Kach. He obtained power A.D. 1549. 
 
128 
 
 And, though there was no proper government, 
 such was collected to the time of Sultan Ba- 
 hadur. 
 
 Moreover, the whole number of bandars 8 
 amounted to eighty-four; from which, deducting 
 the twenty-three belonging to Gujarat, and the 
 sirkar of Sorath, which were accounted for se- 
 parately, there remained sixty-one, of which the 
 collection amounted to one krore of ibrahimis. 
 
 Regarding the port of Diu, and the kasbahs 
 in possession of Malik Riyaz, and Malik 
 Toghan, these were attached to the country of 
 Sorath, and thus named 
 
 Bandar Dili, 
 // Bhim, 
 // Madhapur, 
 // Kajbin ; 
 
 Ibrahi'mis. 
 
 being in all four mahls, yielding a revenue of two laks 2,000,000 
 
 From the bandar of Damman, a dependency 
 of Sorath, where there were seven hundred 
 towns, a collection was made annually, amount- 
 ing to forty-three laks of rupees, 
 
 Ibrahimis. 
 
 Equal to forty-five laks of ibrahimis 45,00,000 
 
 ( s ) Though the word bandar usually means a port, it also 
 bears the signification of a trading town or mart ; and in this 
 sense it must be here understood ; as many of the bandars here- 
 after enumerated are in foreign countries ; to which commercial 
 agents were appointed from Gujarat, or between which and the 
 latter a trading intercourse was kept up. 
 
129 
 
 N/ The ports of the Europeans, being in all 
 
 twenty-five mahls, yielding a revenue of 
 
 Ibrahimis. 
 
 Twenty laks of Ibrahimis . . . 20,00,000 
 
 The names of these were 
 
 Bandar ChaiwaP. 
 
 //. Dabiil. 
 
 // Belawal. 
 
 // Bassai (Bassein). 
 
 // Danda u . 
 
 // Pan welly. 
 
 // Akassi. 
 
 // Sorab. 
 
 // Kallian. 
 
 // Bhimry (near Bombay). 
 
 // Dand-Rajpuri. 
 
 // Goba x . 
 
 // Manbai (Bombay). 
 
 // Kharrikot. 
 
 // Kahilan. 
 
 (*) The author of the Mirat Ahmadi spells this name as here 
 written ; and the traveller Barthema calls it Cevul. He visited 
 Bisnagar, the capital of Narsingha, now called Bijnagar, or 
 Amagundy, and touched at this fort, in the end of the fifteenth 
 century. This place, which is now abandoned, is on the coast of 
 the Konkan, immediately south of Bombay, and is called Chaul 
 in the maps. 
 
 ( u ) Revadanda, in the Konkan, situated close by Chewal. It 
 formerly belonged to the Portuguese, who built a fort and 
 churches there. 
 
 ( x ) This is Goa, which is called in Sanskrit Gova : and, as b 
 and v are constantly permuted in that language, it is here cor- 
 ruptly spelt Goba. 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 Bandar Kokha?. 
 
 // Dass. 
 
 // Midrut. 
 
 ,/ Kalsi. 
 
 // Malabar. 
 
 // Maldeo. 
 
 // Dhaora. 
 
 // Nandar. 
 
 // Shashti. 
 
 // Navanagar. 
 
 From the bandars of the Arabs and others, 
 that were twenty-six mahls, there was a reve- 
 nue of twenty-five laks of ibrahimis. Their 
 names were 
 
 Bandar Maskat. 
 
 // Ekraneh. 
 
 // Basrah (Bussora). 
 
 // Lochi. 
 
 // Lahri (Lari Bunder, in Sind). 
 
 // Harmuz (Ormus, in the Persian Gulf). 
 
 // Sawah 2 (in Persia). 
 
 /, Niku. 
 
 // Dehnasri (in Sina). 
 
 // Milgat. 
 
 // Makkina. 
 
 // Maltah (Malta?). 
 
 (?) In the travels of Ibn Batuta, (translated by Professor Lee) 
 who arrived in India A.D. 1332, and took ship at Kambaiya to 
 go southward, there is the port of Kula beyond Goha mentioned, 
 and may be the same as this. 
 
 ( z ) This is the town of Saiva in Persian Irak, between which 
 and the coast of India there was formerly an extensive commer- 
 cial intercourse. 
 
131 
 
 i 
 
 Bandar Sul a . 
 
 // Hodirwah. 
 
 // Punamah. 
 
 // Badirji Khan. 
 
 // Bidar (a city in the Dekhan) . 
 
 // Purbhai. 
 
 // Bindasin. 
 
 // Bidarchin. 
 
 // Mallakhah (Malacca). 
 
 // Bedrassa. 
 
 // Kalliyan b . 
 
 // Dhar. 
 
 // Rakal. 
 
 // Java. 
 
 Regarding; the English ports, there were four 
 mahls, and those of the Dutch (Wullendey) two 
 mahls, being together six mahls, paying a tri- 
 bute of ten laks of ibrahimis. 
 
 In addition to the above, Nezen Shah Bheres, 
 Adil Shah Bijapuri, Imad Shah Berari, Kutb 
 Shah Gulkandavi, and Raja All Khan Bur- 
 hanpuri, gave twenty-five laks of huns in tribute 
 yearly. 
 
 Inasmuch as many may doubt the truth of 
 what has been now related, let them compare it 
 
 ( a ) This is the Souly, or Swaldy, near Surat, which was for- 
 merly the port of that 1 city. Thevenot in his Travels (p. 27) says, 
 that in consequence of the Customs being after Slater, no ship 
 was allowed to go there, since the year 1 660. The revenue of 
 the Siirat Customs are stated by Thevenot at twelve lak? of 
 rupees. 
 
 ( b ) This is the CalHany of the Dekhan, and not the one near 
 Bombay. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 with what has been written in the Tdrikhi 
 Sikandari, regarding the power and greatness, 
 the possessions, and wealth, of the Sultans and 
 Nobles of Gujarat, and they may there inform 
 themselves. If I had written even more than I 
 have done, I should be justified: for of these 
 things there is proof in the written account of the 
 power of Malik Ayaz, the slave of the Sultan 
 Mohammed Begarrah. The remains of superb 
 buildings, such as forts, mosques, tanks, and 
 wells, yet to be seen, also testify of these things ; 
 and though there be no mountains in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the city of Ahmad abad, yet all the 
 buildings are of stone brought from a distance. 
 The detail of the sirkars and tribute, copied 
 from the registers of Mul-Chand (who with his 
 forefathers was the keeper of the records to the 
 Nizamat), has been inserted here ; and, as no 
 other list but this was obtainable, many names 
 of ports and other places may be erroneous. It 
 '"is a tradition, however, that Sikandar ben Bah- 
 lul, the King of Dehli, said, " the magnificence 
 of the kings of Dehlf consists of wheat and bar- 
 ley, whilst that of the King of Gujarat, who has 
 eighty-four ports under him, has its foundation 
 on coral and pearls ." 
 
 ( c ) The power and wealth of this kingdom must have been at 
 Mandelslo, in his Travels, tells us " that 
 
 there 
 
133 
 
 A survey of the extent and boundaries of the 
 province was made when taken possession of by 
 Akbar ; and embraced its subahs, sirkars, 
 parganahs, and towns. It was then ascer- 
 tained that, from Banswarah and Malwa, on 
 the east, to Dvvarka or Jiggut, on the west, this 
 province was two hundred and ninety kroh 
 long*. Its breadth was found to be three hun- 
 dred kroh, measuring in the following manner : 
 from the city of Ahmadabad north to Birgaon, 
 in the sirkar of Jalore, and subah of Ajmir, 
 one hundred and ten kroh ; from the city south 
 to the port of Surat, one hundred and ten kroh ; 
 and thence to the passage of the mountains, at 
 Khanapur, situated on the borders of Khan- 
 desh and Baglanah, a distance of eighty kroh. 
 
 there is a vast trade driven in manv commodities all over the 
 
 
 
 kingdom of Guzuratta : but particularly in cotton and linen cloths, 
 which are in fairness and fineness equal to those of Holland ; as 
 also in several silk stuffs, as coutoons, which are of several colours, 
 satins, taffatas, cummerbunds, ornis, of gold and silk, which 
 women commonly make use of to cover their faces withal, bro- 
 cades, tapestry, or alkatifs, chitringis, or streaked carpets to lay 
 over chests and cabinets, quilted coverlets of silk or cotton, which 
 they call geodries, (Guddree) or nalis, tents, periutos, or neuhar, 
 which they make use of instead of couches, cadels or bedsteads, 
 cabinets of lacque, chess-boards of tortoise-shell, seals, beads, 
 chains, buttons, and rings of ivory, amber, rock-crystal, and 
 agate." (Travels of Mandelslo, translated into English by John 
 Davies, p 66.) 
 
134 
 
 At this time there were twenty-five sirkars 
 belonging to Gujarat, as before detailed, nine 
 of which, being conquests by the Gujarat kings 
 from other siibahs, were afterwards attached to 
 their original countries. This arrangement was 
 effected during the provincial government of 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, A. Hij. 986.; A.D. 
 1578, by an order from the Emperor ; and the 
 names of these sirkars were 
 
 Sirkar Jiidhpur. 
 // Jalore. 
 
 // Nagore, united to the siibah of Ajmir. 
 // Mulhir "| 
 
 n Nadarbar f attached to Khandesh. 
 
 // Bassein "1 * *. m_i r i 
 
 parts ot the lul-Konkan, given over 
 
 Manbai Y to the Europeans. 
 
 // Damnian j 
 
 ~\ made the possession of the Nizam 
 
 a Dand-Rajpuri L Shahi and government of Ahmad- 
 I nagar. 
 
 Of the remaining sixteen sirkars, which be- 
 longed to the Dehli government, ten were 
 entered in the imperial registers ; but, as the 
 sirkar of Siirat had been assigned over to the 
 revenue writers, nine sirkars only are entered 
 in the collection from the siibah of Gujarat, 
 namely 
 
 Mahls. 
 
 Sirkar Ahmadabad 33 
 
 // Bhroch 14 
 
135 
 
 Mahls. 
 
 Sirkar Patan . . .17 
 
 // Baroda . . -4 
 
 // Nadote . . . .12 
 
 // Champanir . . .13 
 
 // Godhrah . . .11 
 
 // Sorath . . .63 
 
 // Navanagar, called also Islamnagar . 17 
 
 184 
 
 The latter, during the reign of Shah Alam I., 
 was seized on by the Jam, a zamindar of that 
 part ; and is now in his possession. 
 
 The whole number of sirkars, arranged as 
 above, contained one hundred and eighty-four 
 mahls, including cities and parganahs, in which 
 there were fifteen ports and 10,465 towns, ex- 
 clusive of those possessed by the zamindars, 
 and not inserted in the revenue records. The 
 fields belonging to these were, in the time of 
 Raja Todar Mai, measured by Akbar's order, 
 and found to contain 12,360,594 bigahs and 
 nine biswahs ; out of which there were 8,374,498 
 bigahs d and three biswahs fit for cultivation. 
 The remainder consisted of waste land. 
 
 The sirkars of Sorath, Godhrah, and Islam- 
 nagar, which, with forty-nine mahls of other 
 sirkars, were not measured, do not appear in 
 the revenue registers. 
 
 ( d ) In Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, the measure- 
 ment is put down at 8,024,153 bigahs. 
 
136 
 
 The sirkars not included in the revenue as- 
 sessment, and belonging to zamindars, paid 
 the peshkash (tribute), when enforced, to the 
 governors of the province. These were, 
 
 Sirkar Dungarpur 
 // Banswarah 
 
 // Kach, called Suleiman-Nagar 
 // Sirohi 
 // Somnath 
 // Ram Nagar 
 
 of which the peshkash had been settled, how- 
 ever, on the revenue writers at the port of 
 Siirat. Though the above, in former times, 
 were not dependent on the Dfwanship of the 
 province, the collection therefrom, including 
 the sirkar of Surat, with the remissions and 
 
 deductions on the public increase, amounted to 
 , 
 
 799,645,213 dams, even to the reign of Moham- 
 med Shah. 
 
 Twenty krores, eighty-two laks, six hundred 
 and forty-two dams (20,8200,642) of the above 
 sum were fixed for the imperial use and royal 
 expenses. A sum, also, of 2,2000,000 dams was 
 set aside for the Nizarnat, and personal jagirs 
 of the Sirdars : so that, without the tribute 
 from the zamindars, there was the sum of 
 twenty-four laks of rupees belonging to the 
 Nazim. The remainder was settled to pay the 
 Omaras, Mansabdars, and other servants. 
 
137 
 
 Nearly one krore and twenty laks of dams, 
 collected from fifty thousand bigahs of land and 
 one hundred and three villages, with one lak 
 and forty thousand rupees, in money, were 
 variously given away, as rewards and pensions 
 to religious orders and establishments, agree- 
 ably to instructions from the government. 
 
 The whole annual revenue, at present, is one 
 krore, twenty-three laks, and fifty thousand 
 rupees, whilst the whole annual expence amounts 
 to one krore of rupees. In former times, how- 
 ever, the surplus revenue payable to govern- 
 ment amounted to sixty laks of rupees, not in- 
 cluding the peshkash paid to the Sirkar, and to 
 the Nazim or provincial governor. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE KINGDOM OF GUJARAT, UNDER ITS RAJAS; 
 AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE CITY OF PATAN, SOMETIMES 
 NAMED ANHILWARAH, OR NAHRWALAH. 
 
 In ancient times, the country of Gujarat was 
 possessed by the Rajputs and K lilies ; when 
 every chief, being independent of another, was a 
 person of power in his own domain. The army 
 
138 
 
 of Raja Phur e , (Porus), however, then Deva 
 Raja of Kanauj, and greatest of all the Rajas 
 of Hindustan, was annually sent to collect the 
 tribute ; and, after having done so, returned to 
 the capital. 
 
 One of the Raja's slaves, named Sawant Singh, 
 having committed some fault, was put to death ; 
 
 ( e ) Gladwin's translation of the Ay in Akbari has here Raja 
 Sirry Bhordeo : but, on referring to the original text, I find that 
 the name is Phordeo, preceded by the Sanskrit Sri, ^TT mean- 
 ing prosperous. The name of Phur, or Porus, would appear to 
 have been a general title. Alexander the Great, after crossing 
 the river Hydaspes, entered the territories of the brave Porus : but 
 the possessions of the other Porus, called by the Macedonians the 
 Coward, lay between the rivers Acesines and Hydraotes ; and 
 from this we may infer, that this word is a title and not a name. 
 I am not much inclined to rely on the etymology, which would 
 trace the origin of this word to the name of a comparatively mo- 
 dern tribe of Rajputs, called the Powars ; but consider it has 
 been applied, in a general way, to designate the Sovereign of the 
 eastern country ; and is derived from the Sanskrit Purva, mean- 
 ing Eastern. It is here so applied, I would say ; and that there 
 was once a connexion between Kanauj and Gujarat is evident 
 from what Abu Zeid al- Hasan of Siraf, the Arabian traveller, 
 in the middle of the ninth century, says of the Indians, " who 
 have devotees and doctors known by the name of Bramins. They 
 have poets also who compose verses, stuffed with flattery, in praise 
 of their kings. Astrologers they have, philosophers, soothsayers, 
 and men who observe the flight of birds, particularly at Kanuge, 
 a great city in the kingdom of Gozar." By the last, Gujar, or 
 Gujarat, is meant ; though spelt Gozar, in the above extract from 
 Renaudot's Travellers. 
 
139 
 
 and, as his house was plundered at the same time, 
 his wife, while pregnant, fled towards Gujarat. 
 On her journey to this country, she bore a son ; 
 who, being discovered in the wilderness by Raja 
 Sil Deva f , was carried to Palanpur, and there ^ 
 brought up by him. This boy, on arriving at 
 man's estate, became so fond of evil company, 
 that, soon following the ways of his companions, 
 he turned highwayman and robber. Having, at 
 length, seized on some treasure on its way from 
 Gujarat to Kanauj, he was, from that time, 
 blessed with the smiles of fortune, and esta- 
 blished his power and independence. Soon after 
 he became intimate with a marketman named 
 Champa, who weaned him from his evil propen- 
 sities ; and, having now assumed the title of Ban- 
 Raj, or Bansraj, he laid the foundation of the 
 city of Patan, and made it the seat of his 
 government. This occurred five years after he 
 had first become independents ; and from that 
 
 ( f ) This is a title, and not a name, of the then ruling Raja. 
 Thus the famous Bhoja is called Saila Dhara (see A.R. IX. p. 137) ; 
 and, according to Wilford, this Saila Deva, or Sil Deva, was a 
 most holy man, mentioned by Masudi, who wrote about A.D. 
 947. (A.R. IX. p. 181-2.) 
 
 (8) An interesting commentary on these traditions, written by 
 Mr. Wilford, will be found in A. R. IX. p. 185-87. According 
 to Wilford, Bansraja is a corruption of Vana Rdjd, or king of the 
 
 forest, 
 
140 
 
 time, until the foundation of the good city of 
 Ahmadabad, Patan continued to be the royal 
 residence and the capital of Gujarat. 
 
 When Ban Raj had resolved on founding the 
 city of Patan, he went in search of a site 
 favourably situated for the amusement of the 
 chase ; and, having at length met a shepherd, 
 was informed by him where a suitable place 
 might be found. The shepherd, whose name was 
 Anhil, stipulated that the city should be 
 named after him ; saying at the same time, that 
 he had there seen a hare beat a dog by her 
 exertion and agility. The ground was selected ; 
 and when a population had collected, received 
 the name of Anhilwarah. This became known 
 by degrees under the name of Nahrwalah ; which, 
 when the population increased, and the town 
 became a place of note, was changed to Patan : 
 for, in the Hindi language, they call a favoured 
 town and a royal residence Patan. The era 
 of the foundation is 802 of Vikramaditya, cor- 
 responding to A. Hij. 130, A.D. 747, or, as some 
 say, to A. Hij. 202, A.D. 817. 
 
 Three royal races of Hindus have successively 
 ruled over this country, namely the Chawura 11 , 
 
 forest, who was found in the wilderness, A.D. 696; and at fifty 
 years of age built Nahrwalah, A.D. 746. 
 
 . ( h ) Though I prefer reading the name of this tribe Chawura, 
 
 as 
 
141 
 
 Solankhi J , and Baghilah races. According to 
 the Ayin Akbari, the total number of indivi- 
 duals belonging to the tribes who held power 
 amounted to twenty-three, and these retained 
 possession of the country for five hundred and 
 seventy-five years previous to the period when 
 Gujarat became subject to the Mohammedans. 
 
 Of the Chawura race there were seven in- 
 dividuals ; one of whom, Ban Raj, who first 
 established the principality, appears to have 
 
 as being the well known designation of one of the thirty-six royal 
 races of 'Rajputs, yet the original text of the Ayin Akbari has 
 plainly Jawudan jJ^jW, and that of the Mirat Ahmadi, Jawudah 
 aijjl*. The transition from Jawudah a!j.U>- to the name 3 j.b- 
 Chawura becomes very easy on the obvious principles of Persian 
 writing aod Indian pronunciation; for the Arabic j being 
 permutable with the Persian and Sanskrit ch, ( , ^) whilst the 
 Arabic d, pronounced hard in the Indian dialects, assumes the 
 sound of the Sanskrit d, ** pronounced like r, Jawudah, from the 
 mouth of an Arab, becomes Chawura by the pronunciation of a 
 Hindu. 
 
 (i) The Solankhi is the same Rajput tribe as that named Cha- 
 lukya, in Sanskrit. Several of the Chalukya tribe were the 
 founders of Hindu States, in the south of India, about the begin- 
 ning of the eleventh century ; and there is an inscription, by one 
 of this race, on the pillar of an old Hindu temple, within the fort 
 of Bijapur, announcing a grant of land to the Brahmins, in the year 
 1 1 14 of the Salivahana era, A.D. 1 192. The Raja who gives this 
 grant is named Chalukya MallaDeva: the same, probably, as the 
 Rakshamalla Deva of the Curugode inscription, dating Salivahana 
 1103, A.D. 1181, and which has been translated (A.R. IX. p. 425.) 
 
142 
 
 lived sixty years, and the others ruled as 
 follow : 
 
 Ban Raj 60 
 
 Jog Raj 35 
 
 Khim, or Bhim Raj ... 25 
 
 RajaPithu 29 
 
 Raja Bijy Singh k ... 25 
 Raja Rawat Singh . . . .15 
 Raja Sawant, or Saraant Singh 
 
 The Chawura tribe ruled one hundred and 
 ninety-six years ; after which the power passed 
 into the hands of the Solankhi tribe in this 
 manner. Sawant Singh Chawura gave his only 
 daughter in marriage to one of the Solankhi 
 tribe ; and she becoming pregnant died in child- 
 birth. The child, however, being cut from her 
 womb, was preserved ; and, as the moon was 
 then in her 19th mansion, called Mul in Hindi, 
 the boy received the name of Mul-Raj. Sawant 
 Singh brought up the boy as his own ; and 
 having, in a drunken fit, named him his heir, 
 afterwards denied he had done so. At the death 
 of Sawant Singh, Mul Raj found an oppor- 
 tunity to possess himself of the government ; 
 and from him descended ten individuals, who 
 
 ( k ) The names are here written after the provincial manner of 
 pronouncing them ; but the correct Sanskrit designation would 
 be Raja Vijaya Sinha. 
 
143 
 
 reigned two hundred and fifty years and six 
 months : 
 
 Years. Months. 
 
 Miil Raj 1 56 
 
 Jomund m 12 4 
 
 Bilba 7 
 
 Durla, the brother of Jamund" . . 8 
 
 Raja Bhim Deo .... 42 
 
 RajaKiran 31 
 
 Sid Raj Jey Singh .... 50 
 
 KunwaraPal 30 6 
 
 Aji Pal, who poisoned his master and seized 
 
 his power ..... 3 1 
 Lakhu Mul Deo, who was descended from the 
 
 brother of Bhim Deo 20 
 
 253 6 
 
 (!) The individuals of this family are enumerated in an inscrip- 
 tion, from the temples of Abu, which has been translated by Mr. 
 H. Wilson, A. R. XV. p. 288. 
 
 ( m ) These three names are corruptions of the more correct 
 Sanskrit designations, Chamunda, Vallabha, and Durlabha. Mr. 
 Wilford says that Bilba, being a weak man and blind, was suc- 
 ceeded by the two sons of his brother, Durlabha and Bhima Raja, 
 in A.D. 1025. (A. R. IX. p. 288.) 
 
 ( n ) Durla, or more properly Durlabha, who was the nephew of 
 Vallabha, according to Wilford, abdicated the throne of Patan, in 
 Samvat 1079, or A.D. 1023, (see A. R. I. p. 223) ; and, if 
 the length of his reign be there correct, it began A.D. 1011, He 
 it is said visited Munja, but, as Mahmud of Ghazni invaded 
 Gujarat, A.D. 1026, and Jamund was there reigning, the above 
 period must be erroneous, as fixed by Major Tod for his pil- 
 grimage to Gay a, and his interview with Miinja. Durlabha, 
 according to the Kumara Pala Charitra, quoted by Major Tod, 
 (A. R. I. p. 222) abdicated the throne in favour of his son, 
 
 Bhima. 
 
144 
 
 In the reign of Jamiind, A. Hij. 416, A.D. 
 1025-6, Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi marched for 
 Somnath by way of Multan ; when, having in- 
 
 Bhima. This was twelve years after the conquest of Gujarat by 
 Mahmud of Ghazni, an event which happened in A.D. 1026, 
 though erroneously placed by Major Tod on Hindu authority in 
 A.D. ;011. Durlabha, after abdicating, made a pilgrimage to 
 Gaya ; and, if we allow twelve years for his reign, he must have 
 done so in A.D. 1038 ; or, if he reigned only eight years, A.D. 
 1034. Wilford, as quoted in a former note, has not erred con- 
 siderably in fixing the beginning of his reign A.D. 1025 ; and if 
 Durlabha was the brother of Jamiind, Vallabha was probably the 
 same as Dabishlim, the anchorite. The conjecture that he was so 
 derives some support from the acknowledged shortness of his 
 reign, and the fact that both he and Dabishlim became blind. 
 
 () This is the true date of Mahmiid's expedition to India, du- 
 ring which he captured the celebrated temple of Somnath : though 
 Ferishta, in his History, erroneously places the commencement of 
 this march in the month of Shaban of A. Hij. 415, or A.D. 1024. It 
 was during this last mentioned year that Mahmud led an army to 
 the Oxus, and settled the affairs of Mawara-n-Nahr, or Trans- 
 oxiana. From thence he returned to Ghazni, and wintered there. 
 Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, the author of the Tabakat Akbari, after 
 placing the expedition to Transoxiana, in Hij. 415, says : \^\ -\ . 
 
 wd j+ *?~* J 
 
 " From thence returning to Ghizneen, he spent the winter 
 there, and carried that same army into Hindustan, with the inten- 
 tion of capturing Somnath." As the winter of A. Hij. 415 fell in the 
 end of A.D. 1024 and the three first months of A.D. 1025, Mahmud 
 could not have marched for Hindustan before the end of March 
 in that year ; and, as he was still further obliged to delay his 
 intended expedition to India, in order to avoid the rainy season 
 
 of 
 
145 
 
 vaded the territories of Nahrwalah Patan, 
 Raja Jamund quitted that city, and fled. 
 Mahmud, after capturing Nahrwalah, made the 
 necessary preparations for his army to march 
 on Somnath ; and, in the month of Zu-1-kadah 
 of the same year, accomplished the conquest of 
 that place. Having afterwards received intelli- 
 gence that Raja Jamund, the ruler of Nahrwa- 
 lah, had at this time taken refuge in a certain 
 fort?, distant forty-five farsangs, Mahmud re- 
 solved on capturing it. He accordingly marched 
 against this place, which, on his arrival, was 
 discovered to be a fortification surrounded by 
 deep water on every side. Two divers were 
 brought to him ; and, being asked regarding 
 the depth of the water, replied that, although a 
 passage might be effected at a certain place, yet 
 should the flood -tide come in while making the 
 attempt, all of them must perish. Sultan Mah- 
 mud, after confidently intreating the divine 
 
 of that country, which commenced in June, he did not begin his 
 march for Somnath till the tenth of Shaban, in Hij. 416, or the 
 seventh of October, 1025. He reached Multan about the middle 
 of Ramazan, or the tenth of November following ; and did not 
 arrive at Somnath before the month Zu-1-hijjah, A. Hij. 416, or the 
 end of January, A.D. 1026. Khondamir's History of the Habi- 
 bu-s-Sair is my authority for these dates, and is fully supported 
 by the account in the Tabakat Akbari. 
 
 (P) This fort is called Gundaba bv Ferishtu. 
 
146 
 
 favour, advanced through the water with his 
 cavalry, and safely landed them below the walls 
 of the fortification. Raja Jaimind Solankhi, 
 observing this, quickly took to flight : and the 
 army of Islam, after obtaining an enormous 
 booty, put the people of the garrison to the 
 sword. The author of the Rauzatu-s-Saffa has 
 given a curious account of this transaction. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF SOMNATH BY SULTAN MAHMUD GHAZNAVI. 
 
 It has been generally reported that Sultan 
 Mahmud, after capturing Somnath, wished to 
 remain several years in that quarter ; as the 
 country, being open and extensive, pleased him. 
 There were then wonderful mines in that part, 
 yielding pure gold*! ; and all the precious stones 
 of Hindustan were the produce of the mines of 
 
 (i) The sands of several rivers in Gujarat are mixed with gold 
 dust. I have also heard that specimens of gold ore were sent to 
 Bombay, by the late Rao of Kach, with a view of ascertaining 
 whether the gold could be separated from the matrix. It is, 
 therefore, probable that Mahmud heard of such mines, and this is 
 further confirmed by Captain M c Murdo's testimony, in his remarks 
 on Kahtiwar, (Bombay Trans. I. p. 264) that the chief of Aji had 
 rings and ornaments made of his native gold. 
 
147 
 
 Sirandib, (Ceylon) which was then a dependancy 
 of that country 1 ". The nobles, however, repre- 
 sented, that if Somnath was made his capital, it 
 would be too distant from Khorasan ; and the 
 Sultan, now adopting the resolution of return- 
 ing, said it would be necessary to appoint some 
 one who would regulate and retain the country 
 for him. The king's ministers told him that the 
 only option left was to give it in charge to some 
 one among the people of the country : and, as 
 the Sultan had at this time consulted his inti- 
 mates and friends, some of them said that none 
 of the royal tribe of this country equalled Da- 
 bishlim 8 in his ancestry, both by the father and 
 mother's side : and, as one of that family was 
 
 ( r ) It would appear, from the Maha-Vansi of Ceylon, or the 
 historical book describing the lineage of Buddha, that the island 
 was then a dependency of India ; and, it was not until the year 
 A.D. 1290, that the king Vijayabahu recovered his independence, 
 and shook off the Indian yoke. (See Upham's History of Bud- 
 dhaism, p. 31.) 
 
 ( s ) This word, written by the Mohammedan historians Dabish- 
 lim, would appear to have been an honorary title, and not the 
 name of an individual. It is derived from two Sanskrit words, 
 
 Deva <^cj and Sila S[f{^ meaning the meditative king ; and, 
 as the people, in the south of India, would put it in the objective 
 instead of the nominative case, they would say Devasilam, in- 
 stead of Devasila, just as they use Vaishnavam for Vaishnava, 
 meaning the sect of Vishnu. The corruption of Devasilam to 
 Dabishlim is then easily made. This Deva Sila, or the anchorite, 
 
 L 2 was 
 
148 
 
 yet remaining who had been employed in study- 
 ing philosophy and mortifying the flesh, it would 
 be well that the Sultan gave the government to 
 him. Others, who were averse to this proposal, 
 made it appear that Dabishlim, the anchorite, 
 was an evil-disposed person, who had fallen un- 
 der the displeasure of God ; and that his seclu- 
 sion from the world and devotion came not of 
 his own choice, as he had taken refuge in a soli- 
 
 was an intriguing Rajput of Somnath, as would appear ; who, by 
 deceiving Mahmud with flattery and large promises, obtained the 
 sovereignty of Somnath, to which he had no just right. The 
 words of the original text of Ferishta, though not fully translated by 
 Colonel Briggs, are : <>) ^ Cjli^j-a iJWjl (^**J V 
 
 J>\ 
 
 L^wo! L-^-jL< ^ J J ^o jJo ^L^IU^ ^\ jjUaL "The 
 Sultan, after speaking to several of the people of Somnath, 
 was informed by them that there was no family in that part of 
 equal rank with the race of Dabishlim ; and, as there was one of 
 such remaining who, in the dress of a Brahman, was now leading 
 an abstinent life, it would be well if the Sultan entrusted him with 
 the government." The other Dabishlim, or the king, was proba- 
 bly the lawful ruler of the country ; but was an inferior to, and 
 distinct from the Raja of Nahrwalah, who is called Farm Deva by 
 the Tabakat Akbari and Ferishta. Parama Deva is said to have 
 been the greatest of all the Rajas of Hindustan, as implied by his 
 title, which means in Sanskrit Supreme Lord. Colonel Briggs 
 has mistaken the word Parama Deva, and makes it Brahma Dew in 
 his translation. 
 
149 
 
 
 tary retreat, with a view of saving his life, after 
 
 his brothers had several before times confined 
 him. They also informed him that there was 
 another Dabishlim, related to the former ; and, as 
 he was very wise and learned, all the Brahmans 
 had great faith in his wisdom. The same was 
 now reigning over a certain country ; and it 
 would be therefore better that the Sultan, ap- 
 pointing him to the government, ordered a fir- 
 man to be written in his name, permitting him 
 to rule over this country, according to the right 
 he would be thereby invested with. It was also 
 said that this Dabishlim was so upright and trust- 
 worthy, that, having once taken upon himself 
 the payment of tribute, he would, notwithstand- 
 ing the length of the way, send the same annu- 
 ally to Ghazni. To this the Sultan replied, that, 
 would this Dabishlim come and make such a re- 
 quest, he might consent to grant it : but where- 
 fore should he confer so large a territory on one 
 who, if he wished to be named to the sovereignty, 
 had not even done a service, or paid him so 
 much courtesy. Dabishlim the anchorite was 
 then sent for ; and, having obtained the govern- 
 ment of the country, became bound to pay tri- 
 bute : saying, at the same time, " Whatever 
 your Highness commands, I will obey, and will 
 send to Ghazni all the gold and jewels obtained 
 
150 
 
 from the mines of Hindustan. There is one of 
 my kinsmen, however, another Dabishlim, who 
 is very hostile to me; and, as several battles have 
 taken place between us, he will, doubtless, ad- 
 vance against me on knowing your Highness 
 has departed ; and, as I am not yet firmly seated 
 in my power, or have confidence in myself, I 
 must be subdued, and he gain possession of "my 
 country. But if the Sultan," said he, " would 
 now march against him, and defend me against 
 his evil designs, I will send to Ghazni a yearly 
 tribute, equivalent to that of Khorasan and 
 Kabul," The Sultan consented to his proposal ; 
 and, when he turned his arms against that 
 country, the people of Somnath upbraided Da- 
 bishlim the anchorite, saying, " You have done 
 wrong to instigate the Sultan to a religious war ; 
 yet the Almighty delights in preserving the 
 honour of the good whom he favours ; and such 
 a one will not be injured by your designs or 
 calumnies." 
 
 On these words being reported to the Sultan, 
 he was much annoyed ; but, having marched to 
 that quarter, was pleased not to forget or for- 
 give them. In fine, having taken Dabishlim the 
 king, he gave him in charge to Dabishlim the 
 anchorite, who represented " that it was custom- 
 ary for the kings of this .country, when there is 
 
151 
 
 an enemy in their power, to prepare for him a 
 dark dwelling below their own royal seat; 
 where, causing him to be seated on a throne, 
 and kept closely confined, only a hole is to be 
 left open, through which he may receive his 
 daily food. In this manner," said he, " the 
 king, who is in possession of the throne, treats 
 his adversary during such time as he may reign. 
 But, as I cannot just now confine him, it would 
 be better and more convenient if your Highness 
 would carry him to Ghazni, and send him back 
 to me, after [ have taken possession of and ar- 
 ranged the country, so as to become quite set- 
 tled. I can then imprison him, in the manner 
 just mentioned ; and to have my requests granted 
 is nothing wonderful or uncommon from your 
 Highness." 
 
 The Sultan now r resolved on departure, and 
 sounded the march for returning home. Suc- 
 ceeding this, Dabishlim the anchorite seated 
 himself on the throne of Somnath ; and, by for- 
 warding rich gifts and presents, continued to 
 please the nobles of Ghazni by all manner of 
 good offices, till the time came for making a 
 request that his enemy might be delivered up. 
 The Sultan hesitated delivering a blameless 
 person into the hands of his enemy : but, as Da- 
 bishlim the anchorite,, through liberal distribu- 
 
152 
 
 tion of presents to the courtiers, had gained their 
 support, all of them represented it was not ne- 
 cessary to have compassion on a Pagan idolater. 
 They also said that the Sultan, having entered 
 into a compact, ought not to break his promise ; 
 since by such opposition Dabishlim the anchor- 
 ite would lose the country. The Sultan at 
 length delivered up Dabishlim the king to the 
 servants of the other Dabishlim, writing at the 
 same time to the kings* of Hind, that they must 
 escort him to the neighbourhood of Somnath. 
 On the former approaching Somnath, Dabishlim 
 the anchorite gave orders to get ready the prison 
 which had been made for him under the throne. 
 As it was, moreover, a custom with the kings 
 of this country to advance one stage and meet 
 an enemy, when approaching the royal residence, 
 in order that they might make him run before 
 their horses, carrying on his head the royal gob- 
 let and ewer to the precincts of the palace, the 
 anchorite Dabishlim therefore came forth : and, 
 there being some delay in the other's approach, 
 determined on following the chase. After 
 having pursued the sport in every direction, till 
 the heat of the day became very great, the 
 
 (*) The petty Rajput princes, on the banks of the Indus, who 
 were Zamindars, with the title of Rawal, are here meant. 
 
153 
 
 whole army received an order to halt ; when 
 Dabishlim the anchorite, having taken up his 
 station under a tree, covered his face with a red 
 handkerchief and went to sleep. There hap- 
 pened to be many beasts of prey in that jungle, 
 who had both sharp claws and beaks ; and one 
 of these, while on the wing, having mistaken 
 the red cloth for a piece of flesh, descended and 
 carried it away in its claws. Dabishiim, from 
 the blow of its beak, became blind of an eye on 
 this occasion ; and hence arose a great tumult 
 in the army. In the mean time, the other Da- 
 bishlim arrived. When the royal attendants 
 saw that the anchorite of that name had a per- 
 sonal blemish, and that there was no one worthy 
 or fit for the sovereignty but the former, all of 
 them agreed he must be king ; and made their 
 obeisance to him accordingly. Having also 
 advised his opponents to submit, they placed 
 the goblet and ewer, which had been prepared 
 for him, on the head of Dabishlim the anchor- 
 ite ; and, after making him run before them to 
 the palace, confined him in the prison he had 
 himself made u . 
 
 ( u ) The account of Mahmud's conquest of Somnath, as given 
 by the Habibu-s-Sair, is similar to what has been above detailed. 
 The author of that History informs us that the place was named 
 after the idol Somnath, and quotes the words of Shaikh Faridu-d- 
 
 dm 
 
154 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE BAGHILAH RACE AT NAHRWA*LAH; AND 
 THE EDIFICES ERECTED BY SIDDHA RAJA SOLANKHI JEY SINGH. 
 
 WHEN the sovereignty of Nahrwalah came to 
 Bhim-Deo Baghilah, Sultan Moizzu-d-din Sam, 
 generally known by the name of Shahabu-d-din, 
 while acting as the lieutenant of his brother, led 
 
 din Attar, to prove that this image was identified with the idol 
 Lat, one of those worshipped by the ancient Arabs, in the Man 
 Kadah, or temple of the moon at Mekka. Faridu-d-din Attar says : 
 
 " The army of Mahmud found in Somnath the idol whose name 
 was Lat." The appellation given to it among the Hindus was Som- 
 nath, or Regent of the Moon ; this being derived from the Sanskrit 
 words, Soma, the Moon, and Ndth, Lord or Master. It is very pos- 
 sible, however, that it was similar to the Arabian idol Lat, which 
 Herodotus mentions under the name of Alilat, or, as it would be 
 written in Arabic, &XS! signify ing the Lord above. TheHabibu-s- 
 Sair gives the story of Dabishlim's exemplary punishment in these 
 words : j^u 4sJ\i 
 
155 
 
 an army toUcha, in A. Hij. 570, A.D. 1174; and, 
 having afterwards obtained the sovereignty of 
 Ghazni, in A. Hij. 574, A.D. 1178, he again re- 
 turned, and took that country from the Infidels. 
 
 s\ lijl <J AJ'WI Aj 
 
 Dabishlim the anchorite, having obtained absolute dominion in 
 the principality of Somnath, sent ambassadors, some years after- 
 wards, to request his enemy might be given up. The Sultan at 
 first refused to comply ; but, at length, through the instigation of 
 the nobles, gave him in charge to the agents of the anchorite Da- 
 bishlim. They having brought him to the neighbourhood of 
 Somnath, Dabishlim the anchorite ordered that his enemy's ap- 
 pointed prison should be made ready, and, having according to 
 established custom come out from the city to meet him, resolved 
 to make him run at his stirrup, carrying the royal goblet and 
 ewer on his head while they conducted him to the prison. But 
 Dabishlim, having engaged himself in hunting while on the road, 
 continued the pursuit till the air became oppressively hot ; and, 
 
 having 
 
156 
 
 At this time, also, having subdued the sinners 
 of Multan, he resolved to go into Gujarat, by 
 way of Rajasthan (the sandy desert). Bhim Deo 
 Baghilah opposed and defeated him in battle ; 
 after which the Sultan had much difficulty in 
 reaching Ghazni. 
 
 Succeeding this, Kutbu-d-din Aibuk, having 
 constituted Dehli the capital of the country, in 
 the 589th year of the Hijra, A.D. 1193, brought 
 an army to Nahrwalah Patan, and revenged 
 the Sultan's defeat on Bhim Deo x . 
 
 Moreover, Raja Siddha Raja Jey Singh So- 
 lankhi, having obtained the sovereignty of 
 Nahrwalah, conquered the country as far as 
 Malwa and Burhanpur. At this time he 
 founded the ports of Bhroch and Dubhiie, con- 
 structed many other buildings, such as the re- 
 having then sought repose under the shade of a tree, covered his 
 face with a red handkerchief. At this time, by the will of the 
 Almighty, some bird with sharp claws mistook the handkerchief 
 for beef; and, descending, struck it in such a way that its claws 
 entered the anchorite's eyes, by which he became blind. As the 
 nobles of Hindustan do not submit to any one defective in his 
 members, a great tumult on this occasion arose among the troops ; 
 but the other Dabishlim arriving in the mean time, all agreed on 
 making him king ; and, having placed the goblet and ewer on the 
 head of the anchorite, they in this manner conducted him to the 
 prison which had been appointed. The anchorite Dabishlim thus 
 obtained the lot which he had prepared for the other. 
 
 ( x ) This defeat of Bhim Deo happened in the year after the 
 Hijra 591, A.D. 1194, according to Ferishta, p. 179. 
 
157 
 
 servoir of Sahsar Lingy, at Patan, and several 
 others at Biramgam ; and, having caused seve- 
 ral water reservoirs to be dug in the country of 
 Sorath, built them up with stone. The above- 
 named Raja also built the idol temple of Rudra 
 Mala 2 , in the city of Sidhpiir, which he had ren- 
 dered habitable ; and the same temple is famous 
 throughout the world. 
 
 The Raja, on signifying his intention of build- 
 ing the above-mentioned temple, requested the 
 astrologers, it is said, to appoint a fortunate 
 hour ; and they at this time predicted the de- 
 struction of the building by Ala-ud-din Khilji, 
 
 (y) Sahsar Ling, in Sanskrit, signifies the thousand Lingas ; 
 the symbols of Mahadeva, or Siva. As this Raja dedicated so 
 many edifices to this god, he was a zealous follower, as appears, 
 of Sivaite worship. His successor, however, encouraged the 
 heterodox sect of Jaina. 
 
 ( z ) According to an inscription in my possession, the Rudra 
 Mala, a temple dedicated to Mahadeva, was built in Samvat 
 1202, A.D. 1146. According to Captain Tod, and the Kumdra 
 Pdla Charitra, he reigned from Samvat 1150 to 1201, or A.D. 
 1094 to 1145 ; but my inscription extends his reign to Samvat 
 1202, or A.D. 1146. He was contemporary with Nara Verma, 
 of the Pramara race, who was the grandson of Bhoja Raja, sove- 
 reign of Dhara in Malwa ; which Nara Verma, according to the 
 copper-plate grant translated by Mr. Colebrooke (A. R. vol. 1. 
 p. 230}, died Samvat 1190, A.D. 1134. The conquest of Malwa, 
 as above noticed, was made by this Siddha Raja from Nara 
 Verma. Assuming, then, that Siddha Raja began to reign, as 
 would appear evident, in A..D. 1094, and continued to do so until 
 
 1146, 
 
158 
 
 who was to be sovereign of Dehli, as plainly 
 perceivable from the revolution of the heavenly 
 bodies. The Raja, confiding in the words of 
 the astrologers, wished to make a treaty with 
 the Sultan just noticed, by sending letters to 
 him: but to these the latter replied, saying, 
 " If, by means of this treaty we have entered 
 on, I do not neglect the injunctions of the law, 
 I will certainly fulfil it a ." In short, that 
 great man, having soon afterwards obtained 
 the sovereignty of Dehli, sent an army to these 
 parts, and fulfilled the obligations of the law, 
 by converting the temple into a mujid with 
 minars. But, besides the above-mentioned 
 temple, there are many other celebrated ones, 
 
 1146, A.D., he would have reigned fifty-two years, or two years 
 longer than the length of his reign assigned by the Mir at Ahmadi. 
 Kumara Pala, who succeeded him, reigned thirty years ; there- 
 fore, the end of his reign would fall in A.D. 1176 ; and we know 
 he was converted by Himacharya Jati, his Pradhan (see Bom- 
 bay Transact. 1. p. 183) in A.D. 1174. Aji Pal, his successor, is 
 said to have reigned three years ; therefore, it terminated A.D. 
 1179, to which, if we add the twenty years of Lakhii Miil-Deo, 
 we have A.D. 1199 for the end of his and beginning of Bhim 
 Deo's power, previous to which he had acted as the lieutenant of 
 his cousin Lakhu. 
 
 ( a ) There is here the usual quantity of error, which may be 
 found mixed up with most historical traditions. Ala-ud-dm 
 Khilji did convert the temple into a mosque, but not till a century 
 and a half after the death of Siddha Raja Jey Singh. 
 
159 
 
 - 
 
 which, with wells built of stone, were com- 
 pleted by this Raja. 
 
 Regarding the transfer of the sovereignty 
 from the Solankhi family to the tribe of Baghilah, 
 it happened in this manner. As Lakhu Mul- 
 Deo Solankhi had no child fit for the sovereignty, 
 it became the property of the Baghilahs, of 
 whom there were six persons who held power 
 one hundred and twenty-six years and one 
 month, viz. 
 
 Years. Months. 
 
 AnwalMiilDeo ... 12 5 
 Raja Bisal Deo b , who colonized the town "1 
 
 ofBisalnagar . . J 34 
 
 Raja Bhim Deo . . .42 
 
 Raja Arjund Deo ... 10 
 
 Raja Sarang Deo ... 21 
 
 Raja Karan c . ... 6 2 
 
 126 
 
 ( b ) This is the Versala Deva of the Abu inscription, No. 22, 
 (A.R. XVI. p. 311,; who was governor or ruler of Chandravati, 
 with eighteen hundred mandals, or districts, and ought not to be 
 included among the Rajas of Nahrwalah. He was subject to the 
 then reigning lord paramount Saranga Deva, who lived at Ana- 
 hilla Pata, or Nahrwalah. Both Bhim Deva and Saranga Deva 
 were of the Jain faith. The inscriptions of the last date A.D. 
 1294. 
 
 ( c ) There is a Raja Kiran, or Parran, called a descendant of 
 the ancient Rajas of Gujarat, who is mentioned A.D. 1356. 
 
160 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE TRIUMPH OF THE FAITH, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOHAM- 
 MEDAN RELIGION IN THE COUNTRY. 
 
 IT being the will of God that the faith and 
 laws of the Prophet should be made known, the 
 sovereignty and power of the tribes already 
 noticed came to an end, and were transferred 
 to the supporters of our pure religion and illus- 
 trious law, in order that the light of the exalted 
 faith might shine resplendent as the sun, amidst 
 that dark region of infidelity ; and we, by pub- 
 lishing the words of truth, and obeying the 
 commandments of that religion, forbidding us 
 to do evil, might turn away the people from the 
 terrible desert of error, and lead them on the 
 high road of salvation. 
 
 In fine, the khutba, or public prayer, was read 
 in the name of Sultan Ala-ud-din, who was sove- 
 reign of Dehli in the year of the Hijra 696, A D. 
 1296. At this time, an army was sent into Gu- 
 jarat, under the command of Alif Khan, (who is 
 
161 
 
 > 
 
 called, by the people of Gujarat, Alp Khan d ,) 
 and Nusrat Khan Jalesri ; and they having 
 plundered the country about Nahrwalah, Raja 
 Karan Baghilah, who was the last of the 
 Rajas, gave them battle. Not being able, how- 
 
 ( d ) According to Ferishta, this expedition was undertaken A. Hij . 
 697, A.D. 1297 ; and Almas Beg Alif Khan is called the king's 
 brother. Rai Kurrun, the then reigning prince of Nahrwalah, 
 fled to Ram Deo, the Raja of Deogarh, in the Dekhan. Colonel 
 Briggs, in his Translation of Ferishta, mistakes the Alif Khan 
 for Alp Khan. The last, whose name was Malik Sanjar, was 
 brother-in-law to Ala-ud-din. According to Colonel Briggs's 
 translation of Ferishta, he obtained the title of Riika Khan on 
 the accession of Ala-ud-din to the throne ; but is there afterwards 
 named Alif Khan. My copy of the original text of Ferishta is 
 correct, with regard to his title; and agrees with that of the 
 Tabakat Akbari. The words of the former are : 
 
 " Wherefore he called Almas Beg by the 
 title of Alif Khan; Malik Nusrat Jalesri by that of Nusrat 
 Khan ; and named Malik Hizabru-d-din, and Malik Sanjar, who 
 was his wife's brother, and president of his council, by the 
 respective titles of Zafir Khan and Alp Khan." The Tarikhi 
 Alfi of Miila Ahmad of Nineveh also says : 
 
 .jjil JL*- ^'daL "Onthel9thofZti-l-hij- 
 jah, Hij. 695, A.D. 1295, Almas Beg, who obtained the title of Alif 
 Khan, was appointed, along with Zafir Khan and thirty or forty 
 thousand cavalry, to expel the children of Sultan Jalalu-d-din Firoz 
 Khilji." M 
 
162 
 
 ever, to make a stand against them, the Raja 
 fled to Deogarh, in the Dekhan, while his 
 women, daughters, treasure, and elephants, fell 
 into the hands of the victors. The two com- 
 manders plundered the rich merchants of Kam- 
 .f bay ; and, having destroyed the idol of Som- 
 nath, which had been again set up after the time 
 of Mahmud of Ghazni, sent all the effects and 
 women of Raja Karan to Dehli, and presented 
 them to the Sultan. The daughter of Raja 
 Karan, who was named Dewalde, having ar- 
 rived at Dehli, Khizr Khan, the son of Ala- 
 nd-din Khilji, became enamoured of her beauty ; 
 and the circumstance being made known to his 
 father, the latter gave her in marriage to his 
 son, whilst he himself formed an unlawful con- 
 nexion with the mother of the damsel. Amir 
 Khusrao of Dehli, in his poem of the loves of 
 Khizr Khan and Dewalde, a book celebrated 
 throughout the world, tells us that Alif Khan 
 took care of Dewalde in her infancy ; and, 
 having brought her up with his own family, 
 afterwards married her, in compliance with the 
 Sultan's orders, to Khizr Khan. The following 
 stanzas are extracted from the above-mentioned 
 poem : 
 
 " Dewalde Rani, incomparable among the 
 beauties of Hindustan, was named Dewalde, in 
 
163 
 
 the Hindi language, by her mother and father ; 
 as the first syllable in the name of that peri was 
 Dew, fan angel in Hindi,) the Magie of Hind 
 guarded her from the Devil (Dew, in Persian), 
 On reflection, therefore, I have changed the 
 name from Hindi to Persian ; and, by dropping 
 one letter, have converted Dewal into Dawal. 
 The plural of dawal is daolat'hd (possessions), 
 and in this her history, many such are embo- 
 died. As the Rani is possessed of wealth and 
 affections, T have made her name Dawal Rani ; 
 with which, when the name of her husband be- 
 came united, the heaven received exaltation in 
 the shadow of both. The name of this book is 
 the Ashuki-Bahr, or the advantage of love be- 
 tween Dawal Rani and Khizr Khan." 
 
 After the conquest of Nahrwalah, and the de- 
 feat of Raja Karan Baghilah, Alif Khan was com- 
 missioned to govern the country ; and from this 
 time, the rulers of the province were appointed 
 by the Sultans of Dehli. Alif Khan, moreover, 
 built the Friday mosque of white marble, which 
 remains at the present time, and the pillars of 
 the same work of his, as known to the common 
 people, are so numerous, that one often makes 
 a mistake in counting them. They also relate 
 that it was once an idol temple converted to a 
 mosque ; but it is, in short, a wonderful and noble 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 building, which was then in the centre of the 
 city, though now distant from the part inhabited. 
 
 Regarding the greatness and extent of the 
 buildings in the city of Patan during former 
 times, there are yet many visible signs ; for, from 
 the present inhabited part to the distance of 
 three coss, the bricks and rubbish, strewed in 
 the jungle, give testimony of these ; whilst 
 round towers and ramparts, in different places, 
 indicate where once extended the city. Cer- 
 tainly, in the course of ages, there have been 
 many changes ; and, by degrees, the vestiges of 
 many former edifices have been obliterated. 
 
 During the period the Rajas held power, so 
 much marble was brought from Ajmir and other 
 places, for building the Hindu temples, that on 
 digging it is now found in abundance. All the 
 marble which has been used at Ahmadabad and 
 other places came from the same place. 
 
 In short, Alif Khan governed Gujarat, on the 
 part of Ala-ud-din Khilji, for the space of 
 twenty years ; but, being recalled towards the 
 latter part of that king's reign, because of the 
 enmity and accusation of Malik Naib, the 
 eunuch, and then Wazir, was unjustly put to 
 death 6 . Khizr Khan, being accused along with 
 
 ( e ) The author of the Mirat Ahmadi here confounds the names 
 of Alif Khan and Alp Khan. The person put to death was Alp 
 
 Khan 
 
165 
 
 him, was imprisoned in the fortress of Gwalior ; 
 succeeding which, the Sultan, after reigning 
 twenty-one years, died of the dropsy, in the 
 717th year of the Hij., A.D. 1317. Some say 
 that Malik Naib caused the Sultan to be poi- 
 soned ; and, that having set aside Khizr Khan's 
 right to the sovereignty, he placed a young 
 boy, Shahabu-d-din f , on the throne, in whose 
 name, wielding the power and authority of the 
 State, he deprived Khizr Khan of sight. After 
 things continuing in this state for a month and 
 five days, several of the nobles belonging to the 
 former government put Malik Naib to death. 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN KUTBU-D-DlN MUBARAK SHAH, SON OF ALA- 
 UD DIN KHILJI. 
 
 The nobles and other grandees having re- 
 leased from prison the Sultan's son, Kutbu-d-din 
 Mubarak Shah, then in his eighteenth year, 
 seated him on the throne. 
 
 Khan Malik Sanjar, brother-in-law to the king; and, as Alif 
 Khan Almas Beg died after the siege of Rentumbhore, A. Hij. 699, 
 A.D. 1299, according to Ferishta, he could not have been twenty 
 years Governor of the province. This confusion has arisen from 
 the similarity of the names, and from Alp Khan having succeeded 
 Alif Khan in Gujarat. 
 
 ( f ) His titles were Shahabu-d-din Omar Khilji. 
 
166 
 
 At the time when Ala-ud-din recalled Alif 
 Khan from the government of Gujarat, he put 
 him to death : after which there happened to be 
 great disorder in the affairs of the government ; 
 and, as both mutiny and sedition occurred in 
 the country, rebels rose up in every direction. 
 But Sultan Kutbu-d-din Mubarak Shah, on com- 
 mencing his reign, sent Malik Kamilu-d-din to 
 allay these disturbances ; and this commander, 
 having entered Gujarat, obtained the honour 
 of martyrdom in a war with the Infidels ; after 
 which the disturbances of the country increased. 
 At length Ainu-1-Muluk Multani was deputed 
 on this important business ; and, accompanied 
 by an army, made a settlement of the province 
 in the manner he thought best calculated to 
 bring it to a state of repose. 
 
 After these disturbances had been put down, 
 the Sultan sent Malik Dinar, his father-in-law, 
 with the title of Zafir Khan, as Governor of 
 Gujarat, who, after being employed three or 
 four months, completely settled the province, 
 and sent large sums of money to the Royal 
 Treasury. But the above-mentioned Khan, 
 who was without a fault, and the chief support 
 of the State, was recalled from Gujarat and put 
 to death. At the same time, Hissamu-d-din, 
 brother of Khusrao Khan, who had found favour 
 
167 
 
 in the eyes of the Sultan, obtained the equipage 
 formerly belonging to Zafir Khan, and was 
 sent into Gujarat. On his arrival there, the 
 Hindu tribe of Parmar s, to which both brothers 
 belonged, assembled, and wished to excite him 
 to rebellion. The other commanders who ac- 
 companied him discovered his evil designs, and, 
 imprisoning him, sent him to the Sultan. Suc- 
 ceeding this, Malik Waji-ud-din Koreshi, a 
 brave and active officer, was sent into Gujarat, 
 in the place of Hissamu-d-din ; and the same 
 brought the country into a peaceable state, 
 after it had been disturbed by the former. At 
 length, Waji-ud-din was recalled, and obtained 
 the title of Taju-1-Mulk. 
 
 Khusrao Khan, as before noticed, a Hindu of 
 the Parmar tribe, and who was intimate with 
 and possessed great power over the Sultan, 
 w r as next appointed to Gujarat. Not being 
 satisfied with this, however, he entertained im- 
 proper desires of possessing the throne ; and, 
 collecting his own tribe around him, put the 
 Sultan to death. Having afterwards usurped the 
 government, he assumed the title of Nasiru-d-din. 
 
 tn short, the reign of Kutbu-d-din Mubarak 
 
 (s) The Parmar, or Pramara tribe, is one of the thirty-six 
 royal races of Rajputs, and is the same tribe as that now called 
 Powar. Colonel Briggs has mistaken the name, and reads 
 Purwary, which is the appellation for a Hindu outcast. 
 
168 
 
 Shah lasted four years and four months. 
 At the end of this time, Ghazi Malik h , a 
 nobleman of the former dynasty, becoming 
 acquainted with Khusrao Khan's evil deeds, 
 and urged on by a nice sense of honour, col- 
 lected an army, and made him a prisoner in 
 war. He afterwards cut the traitor's body in 
 pieces, and sent it to the capital. In conse- 
 quence of their being none of Ala-ud-din's pos- 
 terity remaining, the nobles elevated Ghazi 
 Malik to the sovereignty, in the year of the 
 Hijra 720, A.D. 1320. He having assumed the 
 title of Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk Shah, appointed 
 Taju-1-Mulk to the government of Gujarat, in 
 order that he might bring the same into subjec- 
 tion. This took place about the latter part of 
 his reign, of which only four years and a few 
 months had passed away, when the roof of a 
 summer-house falling in killed him, with six 
 other persons. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN MOHAMMED TOGHLUK SHAH. 
 
 Sultan Mohammed Toghluk 1 , the son of 
 Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk, was next seated on the 
 
 ( h ) Otherwise named Ghazi Beg Toghluk. 
 (i) Sultan Mohammed Toghluk commenced reigning in A. Hij. 
 726, A.D. 1325-6. Several hundred gold mohurs and dinars, 
 
 belonging 
 
169 
 
 throne. He was a king of quick understand- 
 ing, who had acquired excellence in several 
 branches of knowledge; and, entertaining 
 thoughts of great extent, as mentioned in 
 various historical books, he adopted extraordi- 
 nary schemes of ambition. 
 
 In this reign, Malik Mukbil, the son of a mu- 
 sician k , and who with the title of Khan Jehan, 
 and Naibi Mukhtar, held the government of 
 Gujarat, while marching by way of Baroda and 
 Dubhue, on his way to Dehli with treasure and 
 horses collected for the royal stables, was plun- 
 dered by the chiefs of the Siddhas (Moghuls). 
 At this time, Malik Mukbil fled to Nahrwalah ; 
 and the Sultan, on receiving intelligence of 
 
 belonging to this time, were dug up by some villagers of the 
 Konkan, in the end of 1830, A.D. They are beautiful coins ; two 
 of which are in my possession, and were struck at Damman 
 (Damaun), in the first and second years of the reign. The 
 inscription within a circle, on one face of the dinar, is <tJJt S\ <*J! S 
 $\ J*~Ji tX4*sr " There is no god but God, and Mohammed is 
 the prophet of God ;" around which the following is written : 
 
 "ThisisadinarofDehli, A.Hij.727," (A D. 1326-7.) On the reverse 
 the following is written : ( j^>-J\ &\ Ju*M *U J\ju <Xksr 
 ^J L-ytf f? 5 *^ " Mohammed Toghluk Shah, the servant of 
 the most gracious and merciful God. Struck at Damman." 
 
 ( k ) This is Lutchina the singer, mentioned by Ferishta, vol. 1. 
 p. 434. 
 
170 
 
 these transactions, became enraged, and brought 
 an army into Gujarat. After tarrying in the 
 country for two years, endeavouring to capture 
 the fort of Girnal (Junagarh), on which occasion 
 Khengar, the Raja of Kach, waited on him 1 , 
 the Sultan departed, and appointed Nizamu-1- 
 Mulk to the government of Gujarat. At this 
 very time, Sultan Mohammed Toghluk fell sick 
 on the road, and the Angel of Death carried his 
 soul to the world of eternity. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF FIROZ SHAH TOGHLUK III. OF DEHLI, WHO WAS THE 
 COUSIN OF MOHAMMED TOGHLUK. 
 
 Sultan Firoz Shah was crowned King on the 
 March 23, 2 4th of Muharram, in the seven hundred 
 and fifty-second year of the Hijra A.D. 1351, 
 
 O Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, author of the Tabakat Akbari, 
 states the capture of Girnal was effected by Mohammed Toghluk, 
 in A. Hij. 748, A.D. 1347 ; but Ferishta doubts his authority, and 
 thinks it was not taken before the time of Mahmud Bigarrah 
 of Gujarat, in A. Hij. 837, A.D. 1469. As Khengar Raja, the 
 ancestor of the present Kach family, did not obtain power until 
 A.D. 1549, or eighty years after, he could not have been contem- 
 porary with either. This, therefore, is an anachronism, and is at 
 variance with what the author has before stated, that he was con- 
 temporary with the last of the Gujarat kings. 
 
171 
 
 having been elected successor to Sultan Mo- 
 hammed, by the unanimous voice of the Moham- 
 medans, on account of his natural merit. He 
 engaged himself in regulating the important 
 affairs of State, and in protecting religion ; and 
 also obtained many victories. After the capture 
 of Nagrakot, he visited Gujarat, when, having 
 displaced Nizamu-1-Mulk, he appointed Zafir 
 Khan m to the government. At the death of the 
 latter, in A. Hij. 773, A.D. 1371 n , his elder son, 
 with the same title , was elevated to this dig- 
 nity. At this time, Shamsu-d-dm Damghani 
 represented to the Sultan, that he would give 
 forty laks of tankchas, one hundred head of ele- 
 phants, twenty-two hundred Arabian horses, 
 and four hundred slaves, above the usual collec- 
 tion received from Gujarat. It was then settled 
 that, if Shamsu-d-din Anwar Khan, the deputy 
 of Zafir Khan (Daria Khan), would consent to 
 
 ( m ) In a chronological table of mine, written at Baghdad, 
 Gujarat is said to date as a kingdom from A. Hij. 773 ; this, or 
 the first Zafir Khan, being erroneously supposed to be its founder. 
 
 ( n ) It was after the conquest of Nagrakot that Firoz, accord- 
 ing to Ferishta, marched against Jam Babunia, or Bany, the 
 chief of Sind. In his account of the Dehli Kings (vol. 1. p. 455), 
 this event is placed A. Hij. 762, A.D. 1360. In the following year 
 he marched into Gujarat, and gave the government to Zafir 
 Khan. 
 
 () Ferishta calls him Daria Khan. 
 
172 
 
 such a payment, he would be preferred to ano- 
 ther. But, as he would not consent to do so, 
 Shamsu-d-din Damghani was appointed; and 
 the latter, when not able to fulfil his agreement, 
 went into rebellion. The Sultan, having sent 
 an army against him, caused him to be slain, 
 and committed the government of Gujarat to 
 Malik Mofarrah, who afterwards obtained the 
 title of Farhatu-1-Mulk Rasti Khan. Sultan 
 Firoz Shah III., who died A. Hij. 790, A.D. 1387, 
 reigned thirty-eight years and nine months. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE REIGN OF GHIASU-D-DIN TOGHLUK II., WHO WAS GRANDSON OF 
 FIROZ, AND ALSO CALLED FIROZ SHAH IV. 
 
 On the death of Firoz Shah III., the king's 
 servants seated his grandson, Ghiasu-d-din, on 
 the throne, and gave him the title of Firoz Shah 
 IV. He was the son of the prince Fat'h Khan ; 
 and, being quite a youth, became addicted to 
 indolence, giving himself up to pleasure and 
 sensual amusements. As the people conse- 
 quently suffered oppression, Malik Ruknu-d-din, 
 the Viceroy, put him to death, in A. Hij. 791, 
 
173 
 
 A.D. 1387, and hung up his head in front of the 
 darbdr. His reign lasted six months and five 
 days P. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN ABUBEKR SHAH, GRANDSON OF FIROZ III., 
 AND THAT OF HIS UNCLE, MOHAMMED TOGHLUK II. 
 
 After the death of Firoz Shah IV., called 
 otherwise Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk, his cousin, 
 Abubekr Shah (who was the son of Zafir Khan, 
 third son of Firoz III.), was raised to the throne. 
 He was made a prisoner by his uncle, Moham- 
 med Toghluk II., and died, after having reigned 
 one year and six months. 
 
 Mohammed Shah Toghluk II. then obtained 
 the sovereignty ; and, as the people of Kham- 
 bayat complained against Farhatu-1-Mulk Rasti 
 Khan, and sought for redress, he sent Moham- 
 med Shah Zafir Khan (son of Waji-ul-Mulk), 
 as governor to Gujarat. Zafir Khan accord- 
 ingly took his departure, to assume this of- 
 fice, on the 17th of Rabi-ul-awal, A. Hij. 793, 
 
 (?) This event happened the 21st Safar, A. Hij. 791, 18th of 
 February, 1388, A.D. ; and, as Firoz Shah III. died on the 3d of 
 Ramazan, A. Hij. 790, 23d October, A.D. 1387, it would be about 
 the time in lunar months. 
 
174 
 
 (Feb. 21, A.D. 1391 ;) and his master, the Sultan, 
 falling sick, died in A. Hij. 796, A.D. 1394, after 
 a reign of six years and seven months. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 THE DYNASTY OF GUJARAT KINGS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF ZAFIR KHAN, SON OF WAJI-UL-MULK, WITH 
 THE FOUNDATION OF THE GUJARAT METROPOLIS, AND THE REIGN 
 OF THE GUJARAT KINGS. 
 
 The original intention with which these pages 
 were written was to explain the events that 
 took place under the administration of the 
 several governors, after the conquest of the 
 country by Akbar, and to detail those accidents 
 which led to the ruin of the province, and con- 
 verted it from a flourishing condition into one 
 of barrenness. Although several learned men 
 of former times have left behind them histories 
 of the Gujarat kings, such as the Tarikhi- 
 Muzaffir Shahi, subsequently the Hulwa Shirazi, 
 the poetical history called Ahmad Shahi, the 
 Tarikhi Mahmud Shahi (so called from Mah- 
 
175 
 
 mud Bigarrah), and the Tarikhi Bahadur Shahi, 
 all of which were written during the reigns of 
 the different kings, yet none of them embrace 
 the general history of the Gujarat dynasty. 
 This may be found in the history named the 
 Mirat Sikandari, which was composed forty 
 years after the destruction of the Gujarat 
 monarchy ; and, as it was necessary to explain 
 and arrange the several occurrences which took 
 place, from the period when the Rajas held 
 dominion to the establishment of the Gujarat 
 kings, a selection of whatever appeared most 
 necessary to be known, regarding each reign, 
 has been made from the last-mentioned work. 
 Whosoever may wish to know their history 
 more at length will find it in the book just 
 mentioned. 
 
 The first among the ancestors of the Gu- 
 jarat kings, who adopted the faith of Islam, 
 was Waji-ul-Mulk. He belonged to the Tank 
 tribe of Rajputs, which is one of the Kshatriya 
 branches claiming descent from Ramachandra, 
 whom they worship as a god. What is related 
 in other histories of Gujarat, regarding the 
 conversion and appellation of the Tanks and 
 Gohilas, need not be here noticed. 
 
 Sultan Mohammed Toghluk Shah II., who 
 obtained the sovereignty of Dehli in the year of 
 
176 
 
 the Hij. 792, A.D. 1390, hearing of the rebellion 
 and tyrannical administration of Malik Mo- 
 farrah (otherwise styled Farhatu-1-Mulk Rasti 
 Khan), then forming the country of Gujarat, 
 soon after conferred the title of Azim Humayun 
 on Zafir Khan, the son of Waji-ul-Mulk ; and, 
 granting him permission to use a red canopy, 
 such as peculiarly distinguishes kings, sent him 
 into Gujarat to punish Rasti Khan. 
 Feb.v,A.D. On the 2d of Rabi-ul-awal, in A. Hij. 
 793(i), A.D. 1390-91, Azim Humayiin pitched 
 his tents by the edge of the Howzikhas, at 
 Dehli ; where the Sultan, on the 4th of the same 
 month, coming to take leave of him, adopted 
 his son, Tatar Khan, as one of his own children. 
 Azim Humayun, after marching several stages, 
 received intelligence of a son being born to 
 Tatar Khan, whom they named Ahmad; and, 
 when he arrived by successive stages at the 
 town of Nagore, was there met by the people 
 from Khambayat, who complained of being 
 oppressed by Rasti Khan. Azim Humayun, 
 after giving them every encouragement, marched 
 to the city of Patan, where, having encamped, 
 he forwarded the Sultan's letter, enjoining Rasti 
 
 (<i) As the 1st of Muharram in that year was on the 9th of 
 December, 1390, the 1st of Rabi-ul-awal was the 5th of February, 
 1391. 
 
177 
 
 Khan to submit ; but, no proper answer being 
 
 returned, the latter advanced to give him battle. 
 
 In the engagement which took place between 
 
 them, at the town of Kambhu, a depend ancy of 
 
 the sirkar of Patan, Zafir Khan Azim Huma- 
 
 yun was victorious ; and Farhatu-1-Mulk Rasti 
 
 Khan was slain. Succeeding this, the former 
 
 returned to Patan, in A. Hij. 794, A.D. 1391-92 ; 
 
 where he enforced his authority, by conciliating 
 
 the cultivators and other subjects. He also 
 
 founded a town on the spot where the victory 
 
 took place, naming it Jitpiir ; and, continuing 
 
 to labour in the service of the true God, after 
 
 having plundered the temple of Somnath, 
 
 established the Mohammedan religion in many 
 
 places. Subsequently, having taken possession 
 
 of all the cities of Gujarat, he befriended those 
 
 who had been oppressed by Farhatu-1-Mulk 
 
 Rasti Khan, so that the chiefs and common 
 
 people were pleased with him. 
 
 On the death of Sultan Mohammed Toghluk 
 II., happening in the year of the Hijra 796, 
 A.D. 1393-94, the affairs of the Dehli empire 
 were in a state of disturbance. About this 
 time, Tatar Khan, the son of Zafir Khan Azim 
 Humayun, and prime minister to Nasiru-d-dm 
 Mohammed Shah, the son of Mohammed Togh- 
 luk II., being defeated by Mullu Ikbal Khan, 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 fled to his father in Gujarat r . Intelligence was 
 then also received that Amir Taimur Kurkan 
 had encamped in the neighbourhood of Dehli ; 
 and, as the country was in a helpless condition, 
 many people fled from Dehli and came into 
 Gujarat. Soon after this period, Nasiru-d-din 
 Mohammed Shah, having fled from Dehli, came 
 into Gujarat ; but, having nothing to look for 
 in this part, turned towards Malwa 8 . 
 
 ( r ) Tatar Khan appears to have fled to his father in Gujarat, 
 sometime about the middle of A, Hij. 800 ; which, beginning 24th 
 September, A.D. 1397, would place it somewhere about April or 
 May 1398, A.D. According to Ferishta, on the faith of Dehli 
 histories, which are here the best guides, Tatar Khan fled to 
 Gujarat, when Mullu Ikbal Khan laid siege to Pamput, of which 
 Tatar ^Khan was governor, on the part of Nasiru-d-din Nusrut 
 Shah (not Nasiru-d-din Mohammed), the brother to Ghiasu-d- 
 din Firoz Shah IV. At this time, Tatar Khan marched to Dehli, 
 and was defeated there. These events happened after Pir Mo- 
 hammed Jehangir, grandson of Taimur, passed the Indus ; and 
 which he effected soon after the 1st of Muharram, A. Hij. 800, or 
 the 14th September, A.D. 1397. According to the Rauzatu-s- 
 Saffa, Taimur, on hearing of Pir Mohammed's having arrived at 
 the Indus, left the banks of the Oxus, to invade India, in Rajab 
 A. Hij. 800, or March, A.D. 1398. 
 
 ( s ) The first passage of the Indus was effected by Pir Moham- 
 med Jehangir, grandson of Taimur, soon after the 1st of Muhar- 
 ram, A. Hij. 800, or the 24th September, 1397. Subsequent to 
 this, Taimur became acquainted with the event, and set out from 
 Samarkand to invade India, in Rajab, A, Hij. 800, March 1398. 
 He arrived at the Indus, and passed that river on the 12th of 
 Muharram, 801, or the 13th September, A.D. 138, and did not 
 
 reach 
 
179 
 
 Amir Taimur Kurkan, having marched back 
 to Samarkand, Mullu Ikbal Khan again became 
 master of Dehli. Tatar Khan, at this time, 
 advised his father to take revenge of this chief, 
 and to expel him from the capital ; saying they 
 had a large army, which was well equipped, and 
 that the throne was the property of no one. But 
 Zafir Khan, having foresight of things, did not 
 agree with his son for several reasons ; and 
 having, after much wrangling, withdrawn him- 
 self from authority, gave up the attendants and 
 ensigns of authority in Gujarat to the latter, 
 and then retired into solitude. 
 
 The more true account, however, is this : that 
 Tatar Khan, having imprisoned his father, 
 assumed the title of Mohammed Shah, and 
 commenced his reign at the town of Yessawal, 
 in the month of Jumadi-ul-awal, A. Hij. 806. In 
 the same week he commenced a religious war 
 against the Infidels of Nadote( l ), where, having 
 
 reach Dehli till the 5th of Jumadi-ul-awal, Hij. 801, or the 13th 
 January, 1399, about which time Sultan Mohammed Toghluk, 
 according to the Dehli histories, fled to Gujarat, and, not being 
 well received, went to Dilawar Khan in Malwa. 
 
 (*) The author of the Tabakat Akbari says he marched against 
 Nadote, the 1st Shaban 806, on the. 13th February, 1404 A.D. ; 
 and if his death took place then, the information agrees with the 
 accounts given in that history, that his father, Zafir Khan, died 
 in the beginning of A. Hij. 813, after reigning six years, seven 
 
 N 2 months, 
 
180 
 
 slain many, he resolved on marching to Dehli. 
 Ikbal Khan, hearing of this, became alarmed ; 
 when unexpectedly, in the month of Shaban in 
 
 months, and twenty days. Ferishta, in his history of Gujarat, has 
 placed Tatar Khan's usurpation in A. Hij. 807, and the death of his 
 father, Zafir Khan, in A. Hij. 814 ; but has evidently erred on both 
 occasions. The author of the Tarikhi Alfi says, in one place, 
 that, in A. Hij. 807, the intelligence was received at Dehli, that 
 Tatar Khan had usurped the government of Gujarat, after impri- 
 soning his father ; and, when on his way to Dehli with an army, 
 was soon after poisoned by Shams Khan. In a subsequent pas- 
 sage, however, the author says that these events took place 
 
 in A. Hij. 806, and the following are his words : ci?Ls~ jj . 
 
181 
 
 the same year, Sultan Mohammed Shah Tatar 
 Khan, having fallen sick, several ingenious phy- 
 sicians were employed to cure him, but all to no 
 
 X< JL 
 
 Zafir Khan became governor of Gujarat by 
 order of Sultan Mohammed, the son of Sultan Firoz Shah III. In 
 the year of the Hijra 795, A.D. 1392-3, having gone into Gujarat, 
 he carried an army against Idur, and levied a large tribute from 
 the governor of that part. In A. Hij. 798, A.D. 1395-6, he led a 
 force against the fort of Hindwanah, where, after a siege of one 
 year and some months, he levied a tribute, confirming the pos- 
 session of the place to the person then ruling there. From 
 thence he hastened to Ajmir, Dindwanah, and Sanir ; and, return- 
 ing to Gujarat by way of Dubwarah and Julwarah, he arrived at 
 Nahrwalah during the month of Ramazan, Hij. 800, A.D. 
 1397-8. At this time his son, Tatar Khan, who had been for the 
 most part at Dehli, having fled from Mullu Ikbal Khan, joined 
 his father ; and they together, after again levying a large tribute 
 with an army, returned to Nahrwalah. As Sultan Mahimid 
 was at this time defeated by Taimur, he fled into Gujarat ; but, 
 not being well received there by Zafir Khan, went from thence 
 to Malwa. Again, in the year of the Hijra 803, A D. 1400, an 
 army went against Idur, at which time Zafir Khan subdued the 
 
 place ; 
 
182 
 
 purpose. The people of Gujarat, however, think 
 it well established that the cause of the before- 
 mentioned Sultan's death was, that, when he paid 
 no regard to the support of his father's honour, 
 and became covetous of worldly greatness, 
 several of the companions and intimates of 
 Zafir Khan poisoned him ; and sometimes they 
 say that this was effected at the instigation of 
 his father, Zafir Khan. In fine, the body of 
 Sultan Mohammed, being brought to Patan, was 
 buried there, and honoured as that of a martyr. 
 After this, Zafir Khan went to the camp, 
 where all the nobles and government servants 
 submitted to his authority ; and it is a current 
 tradition that Zafir Khan continued to weep 
 for his son until the day of his death. 
 
 place -and, having in the year of the Hijra 804, A.D. 1401-2, gone 
 against Somnath, he obtained possession of the port of Dm, His 
 son, Tatar Khan, having usurped the government of Gujarat, in 
 the year of the Hijra 806, A.D. 1403-4, and having caused the 
 khutba to be read in his name, assumed the title of Mohammed 
 Shah. In short, the commencement of the Gujarat kingdom is 
 from this date. After this, Mohammed Shah, having marched 
 towards Dehli with a large army, arrived at the town of Simir, 
 where he died, either through poison or a natural cause. Where- 
 fore Zafir Khan, who was then at Bhroch, having returned with 
 an army, became ruler of the country, possessing absolute power 
 till the year of the Hijra 810, A.D. 1407-8, when he assumed the 
 ensigns of royalty in Gujarat, and, seating himself on the throne 
 of that country, assumed the title of Muzaffir Shah. 
 
183 
 
 The disorders of the government increased 
 among the descendants of Sultan Firoz Shah 
 III. till there were none of them remaining ; and 
 Mullii Ikbal Khan being slain in the battle 
 by Sayyid Khizr Khan, the nobles and other 
 grandees represented to Zafir Khan that, as 
 there was neither peace nor order in the affairs 
 of Gujarat, and no one was at that time more 
 suited for this important business of govern- 
 ment than himself, he ought to establish a king- 
 dom there. In compliance, therefore, with the 
 request and wishes of his well-wishers, he com- 
 menced his reign at the station of Shirpur u , 
 six years and seven months after the death of 
 his son, Sultan Mohammed. This happened in 
 A. Hij, 810, A.D. 1407-8 ; and Zafir Khan, hav- 
 ing assumed the title of MuzafBr Shah*, struck 
 
 ( u ) In the Tabakat Akbari it is written Birpur. 
 
 ( x ) Muzaffir Shah appears to have marched into Malwa in the 
 latter part of A.D. 1406, or beginning of 1407, being A. Hij. 809. 
 Ibrahim Shah Sharki, of Junpiir, who had spent the fains of A. Hij. 
 809, or those of A.D. 1406, at Kanauj, marched to Dehli at their 
 termination ; when, in A. Hij. 810 (commencing the 8th of June, 
 1407), he heard of Muzaffir Shah having defeated Hushing of 
 Malwa. On his arrival at the Jumna, the Malwa histories say he 
 arrived before Dhar, in the beginning of A. Hij . 810, or 8th of June, 
 1407 ; and, having soon after returned to Gujarat, he may have 
 been formally crowned in the rains of that year. But it is a 
 most obvious error for the author to state that he reigned six 
 years and seven months from that date, as he contradicts his own 
 statements, and must have meant that such was the length of his 
 
 whole 
 
184 
 
 coins in his own name, and appointed his grand- 
 son, Ahmad Shah, to succeed him as his heir. 
 He continued to dispense justice, to punish the 
 wicked, and to protect the poor, till his grand- 
 son, Ahmad Shah, poisoned him, in the year of 
 the Hijra 813, A.D. 1410-11. 
 
 There are different accounts given regarding 
 the manner of his death. The author of the 
 Mirdt Sikandari considers this the more authen- 
 tic, that the Kulies, inhabiting the town of 
 Yessawal, having become disobedient, com- 
 menced to rob and plunder the highway. At 
 which time, Sultan Ahmad Shah, grandson of 
 Zafir Khan, was sent with an army against 
 them; and he being about to depart from 
 Patan, encamped on the bank of the tank called 
 Khani Sarvvar, where he demanded of the 
 divines whether it was consistent with religion 
 . and the law to take revenge on the person who 
 had unjustly killed one's father. All of them 
 answered in the affirmative, and gave a written 
 decision, which the Sultan preserved. On this, 
 unexpectedly returning to the city, he impri- 
 soned his grandfather, Zafir Khan, and admi- 
 nistered poison to him in a cup. 
 
 whole reign, from the death of his son. The author of the 
 Tabakat Akbari says, that the length of it from the death of his 
 son was six years, seven months, and twenty days. 
 
185 
 
 They also relate that Zafir Khan said to his 
 grandson, " Oh, my child, you are in a great 
 hurry ; though if you had not done so, all I 
 have was intended for you." To which the 
 other replied, " that his time was come ;" when 
 Zafir Khan continued saying, " Hear these 
 words of advice from me, that they may profit 
 you : first, place no confidence in the person 
 who has urged you to this proceeding, and put 
 such a one to death ; secondly, abstain from 
 wine, since it is necessary that kings should do 
 so ; and, lastly, put to death Shaikh Malik and 
 Shir Malik y, as both of them are mutinous ser- 
 vants." 
 
 Having given him several other portions of 
 advice, he tasted the bitter cup of death about 
 the latter part of the month of Safar, in the 
 year before mentioned, and was buried in the 
 mausoleum, which stands within the citadel of 
 Patan. He possessed power for the space of 
 eighteen years, eight months, and fourteen 
 days. 
 
 From the time that Muzaffir Shah established 
 the kingdom of Gujarat, in A. Hij. 810, A.D. 
 
 00 Both these persons are mentioned in Ferishta's Gujarat 
 history. The former was the son of Shaikh Malik Ahdim, of 
 Bakkar; the other was Shir Kachi, both of whom soon after 
 went into rebellion. 
 
186 
 
 1407-8, until the latter part of the month of Safar, 
 A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572-73, being a period of some- 
 what less than one hundred and seventy lunar 
 years, there were thirteen or fourteen kings, 
 his descendants, who reigned over the country. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE REIGN OF AHMAD KHAN, GRANDSON OF MUZAFFIR. AND 
 ENTITLED AHMAD SHAH. 
 
 It was an invariable practice for the Sultans 
 of Gujarat to call their children Khan, in addi- 
 tion to their name; and, when these succeeded 
 to the government of the kingdom, they were 
 styled Sultans. On this account, Ahmad Khan, 
 after the death of Muzaffir Shah, in the month 
 The ist of RB- of Rauiazan, A. Hij. 813, A.D. 1410, 
 
 mazan, Hij. 813, J 
 
 I" 28 i4 h io Dec '' took the title of Sultan 2 Ahmad, when 
 obtaining possession of the throne. 
 
 At that time, Modud 8 , the cousin of the Sul- 
 tan, son of his uncle Firoz Khan, and governor 
 of Baroda, having gained over the chiefs of that 
 
 ( z ) In Ferishta's Gujarat history, the death of Muzaffir Shah 
 is placed A. Hij. 814, A.D. 1411 ; but, in his Malwa history, it 
 occurs A. Hij. 813, A.D. 1410. 
 
 ( a ) In Ferishta he is called Firoz Khan. 
 
187 
 
 part to his interests, excited a disturbance. 
 After a battle with the army sent against him, 
 he fled to the fort of Bhroch for refuge. Suc- 
 ceeding this occurrence, he had an interview 
 with the Sultan; who, when returning from 
 that part of the country, having reached the 
 neighbourhood of Yessawal, determined to ex- 
 tirpate Assa Bhil, and to found the good city 
 of Ahmadabad, being instigated to do so by 
 
 Shaikh Ahmad Khattii Gani Bakhsh. 
 
 J 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 814, A.D. 1411-12, 
 he led an army against jdur ; when the Raja, 
 who had fled from thence, became ashamed of 
 his actions b , and, agreeing to pay a fixed tribute 
 to the Sultan, was pardoned by him. 
 
 It must be known that in the time of Ala-ud- 
 din, the Mohammedan faith was introduced into 
 the country, extending from Nahrwalah Patan, 
 on the west, to Bhroch, on the east : but infide- 
 lity was still established in many places. These, 
 however, became purified and enlightened by de- 
 grees, through the efforts of the Gujarat kings : 
 and many of them acquired the light of the 
 faith, through the labours of Ahmad Shah. 
 Wherefore, being desirous of carrying on a reli- 
 gious war against the infidels of Girnar, which 
 
 ( b ) From Ferishta it would appear that Raja Ranwal had joined 
 the rebellion of Modud. 
 
188 
 
 is a fort in the district of Sorath, he ordered an 
 army to be sent against it in A. Hij. 817, A.D. 
 1414-15; when the Mandalik Raja c , giving the 
 army battle, sustained a defeat, and took refuge 
 in the fort of Baroda. From this time, it is said 
 the fort of Junagarh, in the neighbourhood of the 
 mountain of Girnar, fell into the possession of 
 the Sultan ; but the Mohammedan faith was 
 not extended over the whole of the country at 
 the time ; although the zamindars of that part, 
 becoming dependent, paid the tribute. 
 
 Subsequently to this, in the month of Jumadi- 
 sis. began ul-8LWSil, A. Hij. 818, A.D. 1415-16, he 
 destroyed the Hindu temple of Sidhpur, 
 and, during the year 819, A.D. 1416-17, carried 
 an army against the town of Dhar, in Malwa. 
 sist Oct. U18. On the first of Zu-1-kadah, A.Hij. 821, 
 A.D. 1418, having attacked the country about 
 Songarh d , he caused a mosque to be built in the 
 soth March, 1419. fort there ; and on the 22d of Safar, 
 822, A.D. 1419, having appointed a kazi and a 
 preacher to the mosque, he there established the 
 Mohammedan faith. In that same year he re- 
 built the fortified wall at the town of Mangni, 
 a dependancy of Songarh, and stationed a party 
 
 ( c ) The Raja of a small circle. The original government of 
 India was made up of these petty States. 
 
 ( d ) A fort on the borders of Khandesh. 
 
 A.D. 1415. 
 
189 
 
 of troops there for the protection of the country ; 
 but, in consequence of a letter 6 received from 
 his uncle, Shams Khan Dindani, who was the 
 ruler of Nagore, he soon after returned from 
 thence. They also relate, that at this time, 
 Shams Khan's four front teeth became elongated, 
 from which he was called Dindani. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 823, Ahmad Shah, hav- 
 ing returned to settle the boundaries of his own 
 country, dispersed the refractory, and, destroying 
 the Hindu temples, built mosques in their place. 
 
 ( e ) In Ferishta's Gujarat, the letter is mentioned, and is- said to 
 have been written by Firoz Khan, the son of Shams Khan, or the 
 same Firoz who, according to that authority, rebelled, instead of 
 Modud, as before mentioned. The cause of Ahmad Shah's return 
 was a combination of the Rajas of Idur, Champanir, Mundalgarh, 
 and Nadote ; who, assisted by Sultan Hushing of Malwa, his 
 son Ghazni Khan, and brother-in-law Nasir Khan Faruki of 
 Khandesh, were to invade Gujarat. Malik Nasir had taken 
 Talnir, in Khandesh, from his brother Malik Iftikhar, A.Hij. 820, 
 A.D. 1417 ; and was assisted by his nephew, Ghazni Khan ; after 
 which the combined forces marched to Sultanpur, N.E. of the 
 Tapti. Ahmad Shah had moved in that direction, the 31st Octo- 
 ber, 1418, A.Hij. 821, and, having built the mosque in March 1419, 
 returned to Gujarat, during the rains of the year 822 of the Hijra ; 
 but, hearing of this combination, he marched soon after in that year 
 against the rebels, or A.D. 1419. Having dispersed them in the 
 rains of that year, he returned to the conquest of Malwa, in the 
 cold season of Hijra 822, when Hushing, being defeated in battle, 
 fled to Mandii. In the following year, Hijra 823, A.D. 1420, 
 Ahmad Shah returned to Gujarat, and concluded a peace with 
 Hushing, in A. Hij. 824. 
 
190 
 
 Having also founded forts in such places, he 
 left garrisons in them, among which may be 
 mentioned the fort at the town of Jiniir, in the 
 Parganah of Barrah f , and that of Seopur. After 
 this, he established the market-town of Dahmod, 
 among the mountains : where he erected a for- 
 tification. After this, the fort of Karieh, built 
 in A. Hij. 704, A.D. 1304, by order of Alp Khan, 
 who governed the country for Ala-ud-din Khilji, 
 was now repaired, and named Sultanabad. 
 A. mj. sac, In the year of the Hiira 830, he again 
 
 began Nov. 2, J f 
 
 A.D. 1426. carried an army against Idur ; when 
 the Raja of that place fled before him. Sultan Ah- 
 mad. followed him into the mountainous country, 
 where he established the city of Ahmadnagar, 
 situated ten coss from Idur, and on the banks 
 of the river Channel called Sabarmati ; and, 
 having enclosed it with a strong stone wall, 
 made choice of it for a residence. 
 
 In the year Hijra 831, A.D. 1427, when the 
 army were foraging, Punja, the Raja of Idur, 
 left his ambush, and came upon the foragers. 
 The commander of the foraging party took to 
 flight, and his elephant was driven away by 
 Punja. The multitude, which l%ad been dis- 
 persed, again collected, and went in pursuit of 
 Punja : when the opposing parties, having come 
 
 ( f ) A district on the seaside. 
 
191 
 
 to a place where on one side of the road there 
 was a high mountain, and on the other a deep 
 pit, between which a single horseman could pass 
 with difficulty, the elephant-driver took an op- 
 portunity of turning the elephant round to at- 
 tack Punja, whilst the army of Islam was in his 
 rear. On this occasion, Punja's horse having 
 fallen into the pit, Punja disappeared along with 
 him ; and the Sultan's troops recovered the ele- 
 phant. Some days after, a woodcutter, who had 
 cut off the Raja's head, brought it to the audi- 
 ence tent of the Sultan. 
 
 For two succeeding years, the Sultan, being 
 at leisure, did nothing but settle and take care 
 of his country ; and, by the advice of his minis- 
 ters and military chiefs, made arrangements for 
 the advantage of his army and government. 
 
 The nature of this arrangement was to pay 
 the soldier one half of his subsistence by a grant 
 of land, and the other by money; as he per- 
 ceived that, if the whole was a money payment, 
 it would not be adequate to the expense ; whilst 
 the soldier, without his necessary equipments, 
 could have no solicitude about the management 
 of the country. But, if the half was paid by an 
 assignment of land, the soldier would thus ob- 
 tain grass, wood, and other necessaries from his 
 estate ; and, by making improvements, both in 
 
192 
 
 cultivation and in building, would take an in- 
 terest in the management and protection of the 
 province. The other half, or money payment, 
 would then come to him unsought or unlocked 
 for ; and the soldier, not burdened by debt, whe- 
 ther for future contingencies or present wants, 
 would hesitate in spending more than his as- 
 signed estate, whilst he could not obtain his pay 
 from the royal treasury till every thing necessary 
 for an army had been supplied. This would also 
 keep him from accumulating debts with interest ; 
 and would create for him an interest in his own 
 domestics, that he himself might use the revenue 
 of his landed property. 
 
 It was also usual to appoint men of power 
 among the royal slaves ; associated with whom 
 was an accountant, who was legitimately de- 
 scended : for, if both were of legitimate descent, 
 they might become friends or connexions, and 
 thus engage in treason ; or, were both slaves, 
 the same result was to be dreaded. 
 
 The officers of districts were, therefore, ap- 
 pointed in the manner just mentioned ; and this 
 practice was maintained to the end of Sultan 
 Muzaffir's reign, who was the son of Mohammed 
 Bigarrah. But, when the army became much 
 increased during the reign of Sultan Bahadur, 
 the ministers, condensing the details of revenue, 
 
193 
 
 farmed it on contract ; so that many parts, for- 
 merly yielding one rupee, now produced ten ; 
 and many others seven, eight, or nine. In no 
 place, almost, was there a less increase than 
 from ten to twenty. After this, many changes 
 were introduced ; and, the overseer of -the regu- 
 lations having been dismissed from his office, 
 mutiny and confusion were introduced into Gu- 
 jarat, as will be explained in the proper place. 
 
 The Sultan continued to make annual expe- 
 ditions, sometimes to ravage the country about 
 f dur, and sometimes to chastise Nasir Khan, the 
 ruler of Assir, or Sultan Ahmad Bahmani. He 
 occasionally sent an army against Mewar ; and, 
 as victory always accompanied his standards, 
 the army of Gujarat, which never sustained a 
 defeat in his time, overcame the troops of Man- 
 du, the Dekhan, Assir, and the infidels of IVJe- 
 war. He died at Ahmadabad, in the 845th year 
 of the Hijra, A.D. 1441 ; and was buried there 
 in the tomb standing in the market-place, now 
 called Manik, which is in front of the Jumaa 
 Masjid. 
 
 He was born the 19th day of Zu-1-hijjah of the 
 Hijra year 793 ; and, being twenty years of age 
 when he mounted the throne, whilst his reign 
 lasted thirty-two years, six months, and twenty- 
 two days, must have died at the age of fifty-two. 
 
 o 
 
194 
 
 He was a scholar of Kutbu-1-Mashaikh Shaikh 
 Rakamu-d-din, and was second to none in being 
 distinguished for justice, temperance, and liber- 
 ality. 
 
 It is related that, when his son-in-law com- 
 mitted an unjust murder, through the pride and 
 arrogance of youth, the Sultan confined him, 
 and sent him to the kazi. The latter satisfied 
 the murdered man's heir with a fine of twenty- 
 two gold mohurs, and carried him back to the 
 Sultan, who said, "that, though the murdered 
 man's heir was satisfied, he was not, and could 
 not be so ; as such a practice protected the evil- 
 disposed who w r ere wealthy, and, by causing 
 such a one to be enamoured of power, would 
 only make him more hardened in murderous 
 acts. In such a case, retribution for the injury 
 is better than a fine." He then ordered the 
 murderer should be hanged in front of his own 
 house ; and, after allowing his body to remain 
 there a night and a day, issued his commands 
 for burying it. After such an example of pu- 
 nishment, none of the nobles or soldiers, during 
 the Sultan's reign, were ever known to be en- 
 gaged in any case of murder. 
 
 There is a story also told of him, that, one 
 day, while enjoying the prospect from a pleasure- 
 house on the banks of the river Sabarmati, he 
 
195 
 
 perceived the water was disturbed, and that 
 something 1 black was rolling in it below. Orders 
 were given for ascertaining what this might be ; 
 when it was discovered that a jar containing a 
 dead body had been set adrift in the river. The 
 Sultan commanded that all the potters of the 
 city should be collected, in order to discover 
 who had made the jar. One of them saying 
 that he had sold it to the mukaddam of a 
 certain town in the environs of Ahmadabad, 
 this person was brought before the Sultan ; and 
 it was then clearly ascertained that the mu- 
 kaddam, having murdered a merchant, put the 
 body in a jar, and set it adrift in the river. The 
 order was consequently given to put the mur- 
 derer to death. These were the only two mur- 
 ders that happened during this reign. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN MOHAMMED SHAH I. 
 
 After the decease of Ahmad Shah, his son 
 Mohammed ascended the throne, in the year of 
 the Hijra845, A.D. 1441 ; but hegiving himself up 
 to pleasure and amusement, showed no solici- 
 
 02 
 
196 
 
 tude about the affairs of his government. Being 
 very liberal and profuse in his presents, this 
 Sultan was named by the people Zir-Bakhsh. 
 In that very year, he led an army against the 
 Raja of Idurs, who, having fled before him, 
 lurked for some time among the hills ; but, 
 having soon after sent ambassadors to ask 
 pardon for his faults, he was accordingly for- 
 given, and gave his daughter in marriage to the 
 Sultan. From thence he carried an army into 
 the district of Bagar (Wagar) ; and, after plun- 
 dering the country, returned to his capital. In 
 that same year, the holy Shaikh Ahmad Khattii 
 Ganj Bakhsh died. 
 
 The Sultan, after ordering a mausoleum and 
 mosque to be erected in the neighbourhood of 
 the Shaikh's tomb, marched against the fort of 
 
 (s) This Raja was a son of Punja. Ferishta, in his original 
 text, places this expedition in the first year of his reign ; which 
 commenced, he says, A. Hij. 846, A.D. 1441, or the year in which 
 his father died; and adds that, after his return, he engaged in 
 no war, until Hijra 853, A.D. 1449. In the following year, more- 
 over, A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450, he marched to Champanir. But, 
 in Col. Briggs's translation, the year 853 after the Hijra is put 
 down as the date of this last expedition. In the Tabakat Akbari, 
 it is said to have taken place A. Hij. 849, A.D. 1545 ; when he had 
 a son born, called Mahmud, but, in the Mirat Sikandari, named 
 Fat'h Khan. The latter history gives A. Hij. 849 for the date 
 of the Idur expedition. In the Tabakat Akbari the Raja of Idur 
 is named Bir, a corruption probably of the title Vira Raja. 
 
197 
 
 Champanir, in A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450. When re- 
 turning from this expedition, he fell sick at the 
 town of Godhrah in the parganah of Sanauli, 
 and died afterwards at Ahmadabad, on the 20th 
 2 A 2 D F i e 4 b 5i. day ofMuharram, A.Hij.855, A.D. 1451, 
 when he was buried under the vault of his fa- 
 ther's mausoleum. 
 
 The length of this Sultan's reign was nine 
 years and some months, though sometimes said 
 to be seven years and four months. The man- 
 ner of his death is also differently related, as 
 may be found in the history called the Mirdt 
 Sikandart. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE REIGN OF JALAL KHAN, ENTITLED KUTBU-D-D/N. 
 
 Sultan Kutbu-d-din, son of Mohammed Shah 
 
 
 I., was residing at Nariad at the death of his ^^ ' 
 father. He ascended the throneTm the month r L&-* 
 of Muharram, A. Hij. 855, at the request of the 
 ministers and nobles ; and, as had been the cus- 
 tom of his ancestors, conferred honorary dresses 
 and presents on the soldiers. 
 
 At this time, Mahmud-Khilji, king of Malwa, 
 
198 
 
 leaving his capital, moved an army towards 
 Gujarat, with the intention of subduing that 
 country. After tarrying some time in the 
 neighbourhood of Sultanpur, Mahmud Khilji 
 advanced by way ofBaroda, where he plundered 
 the neighbourhood ; and, hearing that Kutbu- 
 d-din had encamped at Khanapur, on the 
 banks of the river Mahindri, advanced on 
 Ahmadabad by way of Kapparwanj. The 
 armies met near the last town, when the 
 king of Malwa h , suffering a defeat, fled. This 
 A.Hij.856, happened on Friday the first day of 
 2 A 2 D F i1k Safar, A. Hij. 856, A.D. 1452; and, on 
 the first day of Zu-1-hijjah of that year, the saint 
 Burhan-ud-din Kutbu-1-Alam died. 
 
 When Mahmud Khilji advanced to the con- 
 fines of Gujarat, several writers of the civil de- 
 partment, it is said, who had been neglected by 
 Sultan Kutbu-d-din, went to the presence of the 
 king of Malwa ; and he, asking them for the 
 paper containing the divided appropriation of 
 property, in the country of Gujarat, perceived 
 
 ( h ) Mahmud Khilji had advanced in A. Hij. 854, A.D. 1450, to 
 assist Raja Gunzadas of Champanir, during its siege by the Gu- 
 jarat army ; and, in the following year, A. Hij. 855, determining to 
 conquer the country, he advanced in the end of A.D. 1451, and 
 was defeated, February, A.D. 1452. The Mahindri river men- 
 tioned in the text is the Myhee of our maps, which falls into the 
 Gulf of Kambay. 
 
199 
 
 that one-third was assigned over to the military 
 for services, the other was the government share, 
 and the remainder was given in charity to 
 Inamdars and religious establishments. On 
 this occasion, Mahmud Khilji observed that 
 the conquest of Gujarat would be a difficult 
 business, as it has an army always ready to 
 defend it. 
 
 Kutbu-d-din, thus victorious and prosperous, 
 returned to Ahmadabad, and completed the 
 mausoleum of the holy Ganj Bakhsh, which his 
 father, Sultan Mahmud, had founded. He also 
 completed at that time several other celebrated 
 works : such as the tank (reservoir of water), 
 at Kankriyah, the garden called Nuginah, and 
 the edifice called Ghattamandal. 
 
 The author of the Mir at Sikandari says that, 
 some years previous to the composition of his 
 history, he had seen all these works ; but, at the 
 present, the only ones remaining are the reser- 
 voir at Kankriyah and the garden before-men- 
 tioned. 
 
 Sultan Kutbu-d-din, having formed a confede- 
 racy with Mahmud Khilji of Malwa, in the year 
 of the Hijra 861, A.D. 1456-7, advanced with an 
 army against Rana Kumbha, who had endea- 
 voured to seize on the territory of Nagore ; at 
 which time, the former first conquered the fort 
 
200 
 
 of Abu. From thence he advanced to Kum- 
 bhalmir, with the intention of taking it, but only 
 plundered the neighbouring districts. 
 
 The Rana at this time had gone toChitore ; 
 and, the Sultan having also advanced in that 
 direction, the former came out of Chitore, with 
 forty thousand horsemen, and fought against 
 him for fifty days. Rana Kumbha, being at 
 length obliged to fly, took refuge in the fort of 
 Chitore ; and sending ambassadors to the Sultan 
 to ask pardon, agreed to pay tribute, and sti- 
 pulated to not again molest Nagore. The peti- 
 tion of the ambassadors was at last granted ; 
 and, the Sultan returning to his capital, Mah- 
 mud Khilji 1 went to Malwa. 
 
 The Rana k , soon after, having broken the 
 treaty, advanced with an intention of plundering 
 Nagore, of which Malik Shaban lmadu-1-Mulk 
 
 (') Rana Kumbha built the pillar of Chitore, between A.D. 1449 
 and A.D. 1459, according to the inscription on it. It was in 
 honour of a victory over Mahmud Khilji. 
 
 ( k ) This Rana Kumbha was the son of Mokal, the Hindu 
 king of Mewar, and of the Chohan tribe of Rajputs. He was 
 the fourth in descent from Arsi, who married the daughter of 
 Raja Ratten Sinha, who opposed Ala-ud-din Khilji of Dehli. 
 According to Ferishta's History of Malwa, he defeated Mahmud 
 Khilji of Malwa, A. Hij. 859, A.D. 1454 ; when the latter, in the 
 succeeding year, formed a treaty at Champanir with the king of 
 Gujarat. 
 
201 
 
 (the then Wazir) gaining intelligence, sent for- 
 ward the Sultan post haste to Kumbhalmir : 
 and the Rana, being apprized of this circum- 
 stance, returned to his own territory. 
 
 The Sultan a second time went with his army 
 against Sirohi ; and, after attacking and plun- 
 dering the Rana's country in that direction, re- 
 turned to Gujarat, and died on the 6th of the 
 i 3 D. S: month of Rajab, A. Hij. 863, A.D. 1458-9. 
 He was buried in the mausoleum of Sultan 
 Ahmad, and by the side of his father. The 
 length of his reign was eight years, six months, 
 and sixteen days. There are other accounts 
 given regarding the manner of the Sultan's 
 death, which may be found in the Mirdt Si/can- 
 dari. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN DAOD, THE UNCLE OF KUTBU-D-D1N. 
 
 On the third day after the death of the Sultan 
 
 A.BX>. Kutbu-d-din, and in Rajab, his uncle 
 
 Daod was seated on the throne, through the 
 
 favour of the ministers and nobles. He soon 
 
 after committed some improper acts ; when 
 
202 
 
 Imadu-1-Mulk, at the instigation of the nobles, 
 set up Fat'h Khan, half-brother of Kutbu-d-din, 
 and who was then receiving his education under 
 *he instruction of Shah Alam. The second 
 flourish of the trumpets, which announced the 
 entrance of the latter into the royal residence 
 at the citadel, having reached the ears of Sultan 
 Daod, made him aware of what had happened ; 
 and he escaped by means of a window that 
 overhung the banks of the river Sabarmati. 
 The length of his reign was only one month and 
 seven days. 
 
 Sultan Daod, after abdicating, went into the 
 monastery of Shaikh Adhan Rumi, where, enter- 
 ing among his disciples, he served their master, 
 and became daily more distinguished amongst 
 them ; but soon after died there. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN FAT'H KHAN, ENTITLED MAHMUD B/GARRAH. 
 
 Sultan Mahmud was enthroned at Ahmada- 
 A.Hij.863, bad, on Sunday the 12th of Shaban, in 
 
 18th June, 
 
 A.D.H59. the year of the Hijra, 863, A.D. 1459. 
 Regarding his surname of Bigarrah, the peo- 
 
203 
 
 pie of Gujarat say that each of his mustachios, 
 being* large and twisted like a cow's horn, and 
 such a cow being called Bigarrah, they thus 
 obtained for him the name. Again it is said that 
 the number two, in the Gujarat language, being 
 called bi, and the name of a fort, garrah, the 
 people called him Bigarrah, in consequence of 
 
 i 
 
 the two fortifications of Junagarh and Cham- 
 panir having come into his possession. 
 
 The author of the Mirdt Sikandari says, that 
 Sultan Mahmud was the best of all the Gujarat 
 kings, on account of his great justice and bene- 
 ficence, his honouring and observing all the 
 Mohammedan laws, and for the solidity of his 
 judgment, whether in great or small matters. 
 He obtained a great age, and was distinguished 
 for strength, bravery, and liberality. He was 
 also, it is said, a great eater. 
 
 After thirteen years, ten months, and three 
 days, of his age had passed away, he began to 
 reign ; and, following the example of his ances- 
 tors, gave the soldiers gifts and presents. Some 
 months from this date, several of the nobles, 
 who were averse to the minister Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 otherwise named Shaban, and were anxious 
 to destroy both his rank and influence, calumni- 
 ated him to the Sultan, and put him in chains. 
 At night, the master of the elephants, named 
 
204 
 
 Abdiilah, explained to Mahmud Bigarrah that 
 the minister was the friend of the government ; 
 and when the slaves of the palace had accidentally 
 released Imadu-1-Mulk, the Sultan ordered that 
 the perfidious nobles should be seized and their 
 houses plundered. The nobles, on becoming- 
 acquainted with the king's intentions, prepared 
 to defend themselves, and encamped with a force 
 at Bhaddar. At this time the king ordered all 
 the persons then in his service, amounting to 
 five hundred, to assault them with the royal 
 elephants. Wherefore they attacked the enemy, 
 and, having dispersed the discontented nobles, 
 punished those of them who were seized. 
 
 After this transaction, no one had an oppor- 
 tunity of disobeying during the whole of this 
 king's reign ; and, the conspirators having been 
 put to death, five hundred and two persons, 
 who obtained titles and dignified offices, received 
 assignments of land for their support. 
 
 In a short time after this, a large army was 
 collected, and tranquillity every where prevailed 
 in the country. The Sultan also made it a rule 
 that the assignments of land belonging to those 
 who happened to fall in battle should be given 
 to their sons ; and, in the event of there being 
 no son, that the half of the estate should be 
 given to the daughter. When there was nei- 
 
205 
 
 ther son nor daughter, he was in the practice 
 of granting a pension to the relations or depend- 
 ants, in order that they might not complain of 
 their lot. On one occasion, some person told the 
 Sultan that the son of a certain nobleman who 
 had died was not worthy of possessing wealth. 
 To whom the king replied, that wealth would 
 make him worthy 1 ; after which no one ventured 
 to say a word on this subject. 
 
 The Sultan built several magnificent cara- 
 vanseras and lodging-houses for travellers, and 
 founded several colleges and mosques. He also 
 ordered, that no one in his army should borrow 
 money with interest ; and established a distinct 
 pay-office for such of the soldiers as were obli- 
 ged to get in debt. By this means, a soldier 
 could obtain an advance ; for, as he said, if the 
 Mohammedans live in debt, how is it possible 
 they can fight ? 
 
 All the fruit-trees in the open country, as well 
 as those in the city, towns, and villages, were 
 planted in the reign of this Sultan ; who, if he 
 ever knew of a shop or dwelling-house becoming 
 empty, made inquiry after the causes, and or- 
 dered it to be inhabited. 
 
 0) This anecdote deserves the notice of our Indian legislators, 
 who, to better the Indian character, must give the people more 
 places of trust. 
 

 206 
 
 In the eight hundred and sixty-sixth year 
 of the Hijra, A.D. 1461-2, the Sultan advanced 
 towards the Dekhan, having been requested to 
 do so by Nizam Shah Bahmani, in consequence 
 of Sultan Mahmtid Khilji, the king of Malwa, 
 having marched an army into that country 1 ". 
 Mahmud Khilji, on hearing that the king of 
 Gujarat was advancing by way of Burhanpur, 
 desisted from the siege of Bidar. and returned 
 towards his own territories. When the ambas- 
 sadors of Nizam Shah Bahmani were on this 
 occasion sent to the Sultan, they omitted nothing 
 that could be deemed a compliment ; and, 
 having requested permission to depart, returned 
 home. The king of Gujarat also returned to 
 his capital. 
 
 After this, and in the year of the Hijra 871, 
 
 A.D. 1466-67, being desirous of capturing Gir- 
 
 nar and Junagarh, in Gujarat, and to extirpate 
 
 ^and destroy the Mandalik Raja, or petty prince 
 
 of Girnar, he made preparation accordingly, 
 
 ( m ) Nizam Shah Bahmani, the son of Humayunthe Cruel, and 
 then a child of eight years, had succeeded to the Dekhan throne 
 under a Regency, of which his mother was head. Dissensions 
 soon arising among the members of it, the king of Malwa was 
 induced to advance into the Dekhan, where, having met the 
 Dekhan troops three coss from Bidar, he gained a battle, and 
 besieged the town, until relieved by the approach of Mahmud 
 Bigarrah, with eighty thousand horse. 
 
207 
 
 ordering', it is said, the pay-office to carry along 
 with it five krores of gold coin. He also ordered 
 the commissary of stores to carry along with 
 him eighteen hundred gilded handled swords, of 
 Egyptian, Arabian, African, and Khorasanian 
 manufacture, whose handles did not contain less 
 x than from four to five Gujarat sirs of gold ; and 
 to take in addition three thousand eight hun- 
 dred swords, whose handles, of Ahmadabad 
 manufacture and of silver work, were of differ- 
 ent weights ; with, moreover, seven hundred 
 daggers and poniards, whose golden handles 
 should be from three to two sirs and a half 
 weight in gold. The Sultan at this time com- 
 manded the Master of the Horse to attend him 
 in the expedition, with two thousand Arabian 
 and Turkish horses, all of which, with the gold 
 and arms, he distributed among the troops, 
 during the period of the siege. Succeeding these 
 things, he sent his victorious army to plunder 
 the country of Sorath, where the soldiers ob- 
 tained a large booty. The Rao Mandalik, or 
 petty sovereign, having submitted, asked for 
 favour, through means of ambassadors ; and the 
 Sultan, thinking it advisable to desist from the 
 siege of the fort for that year, returned to his 
 own capital. 
 
 But, in the year of the Hijra 872, A.D. 1467-8, 
 
208 
 
 having heard that the Rao Mandalik visited 
 the temple of idolatry, and went there with all 
 the ensigns of royalty, the Sultan became 
 ashamed of royalty, and appointed forty thou- 
 sand horse, with many elephants, to take away 
 the royal umbrella and other kingly ensigns from 
 him. The Rao Mandalik, on becoming ac- 
 quainted with this, instantly forwarded the 
 umbrella and other ensigns to the Sultan ; and 
 the gold and jewels obtained on this occasion 
 were distributed among the king's musicians. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 874, A.D. 1469-70, on 
 indicating a desire to take the forts of Girnar and 
 Junagarh, the Sultan received an unexpected 
 visit from the Rao Mandalik. On this occasion 
 the Raja addressed the Sultan, saying " that 
 whatever he might command should be obeyed, 
 and requested to know why he desired the de- 
 struction of his obedient subject, who had com- 
 mitted no fault." To this, the Sultan replied, 
 " that there could be no greater fault than that 
 of infidelity, and, if he was to expect tranquillity, 
 he must acknowledge the unity of God, and 
 secure to himself his country ; for that, other- 
 wise, he would extinguish him." The Manda- 
 lik Raja, seeing such was the state of affairs, 
 fled by night to his fort, and commenced a war, 
 but soon after came and entreated for his life, 
 
209 
 
 as the garrison was starved into submission. 
 The Sultan guaranteed his safety, on condition 
 that he would receive the faith of Islam ; and 
 the Raja, having quitted the fort, delivered the 
 keys to the Sultan, and uttered the confession 
 of faith, in imitation of the conqueror. This 
 conquest happened in the year of the Hijra 
 877, A.D. 1472-73*. 
 
 Regarding the conversion of the Raja to Mo- 
 hammedanism, it is sometimes said that, having 
 come to Ahmadabad with the Sultan, he became 
 a follower of Hazrat Shah Alam, as related in 
 the Mirat Sikandari, and that his tomb, situated 
 near the road leading from the Kolapur gate, 
 is conspicuous on the right-hand side. 
 
 After this, Mahmud Bigarrah called together 
 the Sayyids and learned men of every quarter, 
 in order to settle them in the country of Sorath ; 
 and, having turned his thoughts to populating 
 it, rebuilt a fort, and founded a noble palace 
 there. The nobles also built dwelling-houses 
 agreeably to order ; and in a little time there 
 arose a city, almost equal to Ahmadabad, which 
 was named Mustafabad. He also gave the 
 
 ( n ) According to Ferishta, the conquest of Junagarh and 
 Girnar was effected in A. Hij. 875, or two years earlier; and his 
 authority for this date appears to be corroborated by the author 
 of the Tabakat Akbari. 
 
210 
 
 Mandalik Raja the title of Khani Jehan, on 
 whom he conferred a jagir ; and having taken 
 away the golden images from his idol temple, 
 * ordered that they should be distributed as a 
 
 present among the soldiery. 
 
 After this, he hastened into Sind ; and in the 
 year of the Hijra 878, A.D. 1473-74, having 
 made many prisoners in that quarter, brought 
 them from thence to Junagarh. In the same 
 year, he conquered the island of Sankha-dhara , 
 dependant on Jiggat, to which he was urged 
 by a complaint from Mula Mohammed Samar- 
 kand!, that the infidels of that quarter had cap- 
 tured a boat, in which was he with his whole 
 family. The difficulties and dangers of that 
 expedition have been detailed at length by the 
 author of the Mirat Sikandari, where the ac- 
 count may be found. 
 
 During the time of destroying the idols and 
 temples of Jiggat, many rubies, pearls, and 
 silken cloths, were obtained as booty; and the 
 Sultan, having built a mosque there, gave the 
 charge of Sankha-dhara to Malik Toghan, 
 otherwise entitled Farhatu-1-Mulk. 
 
 () Sankha-dhara means the City of Shells ; and, regarding 
 Sankha-dwipa, which Mr. Wilford identifies with Africa, some- 
 thing will be found in A. R. vol. viii. p. 303. This island is 
 now called Bate. 
 
211 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 800, A.D. 1475-6, 
 Hazrat Shah Alam, the glory of the Saints, 
 died ; and his tomb, which exists in Rasula- 
 bad, was built by the instructions of Taj Khan 
 Nariali, one of the nobles of distinguished rank 
 at court. 
 
 The Sultan having arrived at Mustafabad, 
 September 16, or jfi na g ar h, O u Friday, the 13th of 
 Jumada-ul-awal of the same year, heard that 
 the people of Malabar had come with several 
 ghordbs (small boats,) and were blockading the 
 ports of Gujarat. He immediately ordered that 
 several boats should be got ready for the 
 punishment of the parties, and took his depar- 
 ture for the port of Goa; whence returning 
 by the way of Khambayat, he encamped at 
 Sirki, where he remained three days on a pil- 
 grimage to the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu. 
 At this place, having called together the chil- 
 dren of the nobles and soldiers who had fallen 
 in battle, or had died during the above expedi- 
 tion, he settled the jagirs on their sons. Where 
 there were no sons, he conferred half the jagir 
 on the daughters ; and in case of there being 
 neither sons nor daughters, he fixed the means 
 of subsistence for the dependants. Immediately 
 following this, he returned to Ahmadabad, 
 where he continued inactive (with the exception 
 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 of going once a year on a journey to Musta- 
 fabad for the purpose of hunting) until the time 
 when he resolved on the capture of the fort of 
 Champanir, which was in the possession of 
 Rawal TuppaiP. On the occasion of his jour- 
 ney thither, while hunting one day on the 
 banks of the River Watruk, twelve coss south- 
 east from Ahmadabad, he founded there the 
 city of Mahmudabad; and, having fortified a 
 rising ground on the banks of the before-men- 
 tioned river, he ordered noble palaces to be 
 built, of which the marks and remains are yet 
 to be seen at the time of writing, being the year 
 of the Hijra 1170, A.D. 1756. 
 
 After this, he pursued his intention of cap- 
 turing the fort of Champanir, which submitted 
 AD.i4k to him on the 2d of Zu-1-kadah, A. 
 Hij. 889, A.D. 1484 ; and, being much pleased 
 with the climate of the place, he established it 
 as his capital, and ordered a mosque and a fort 
 to be built, and having made it a great city, it 
 was known by the name of Mahmudabad 
 
 (P) Tuppa means the subdivision of a parganah, the same as a 
 taluka, or district ; and this Zamindar^ or Raja, is so named from 
 possessing the tuppas of the Champanir parganah. One of the 
 Raja? is called Rawal Pati, in Colonel Miles's account of this 
 fort ; but the Tabakat Akbari calls the one mentioned in the text 
 Jey Sing, the son of Gangadas, who had become refractory, 
 having been encouraged by Ghiasu-d-din, of Malwa. 
 
213 
 
 Champanir. The nobles and ministers, with 
 the merchants and tradesmen, at length built 
 houses for themselves, and several gardens 
 ornamented the neighbourhood of this place. 
 One of these gardens was known by the name 
 of Halol. 
 
 In A. Hij. 891, A.D. 1486, he went to Mus- 
 tafabad, and returned several times to Mah- 
 mudabad. 
 
 After this, in the year Hij. 892, A.D. 1487, 
 he committed the charge of the country about 
 Sorath and Junagarh to the prince, Khalil 
 Khan ; at which time some merchants, who had 
 brought for sale four hundred Iraki and Turki 
 horses, from the countries of Khorasan, came 
 to demand redress, saying, that having brought 
 these along with several silken stuffs, they had 
 been plundered in the neighbourhood of the 
 mountains of Abu, by the Raja of Sirohi, who 
 had not even spared their old garments. The 
 Sultan ordered that an account of the price of 
 the horses and other articles should be made 
 out, and commanded the merchants to be paid 
 the money from the treasury, as he could re- 
 ^ceive the amount from the Raja of Sirohi. The 
 Sultan, having then marched towards Sirohi, 
 sent a menacing order to the Raja, and to this 
 effect, that if he did not return the merchants' 
 
214 
 
 horses and their goods, the royal troops would 
 be sent against him. The Raja, on this being 
 made known to him, asked for forgiveness, and 
 complied with the order ; on which the Sultan 
 returned to Mahmudabad, where he amused 
 himself for four years, going to Ahmadabad 
 during the hot season of ripe melons, and re- 
 turning again to Ahmadabad, after enjoying 
 himself there for six months. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 904 1, A.D. 1498, 
 when Adil Khan Faruki, the ruler of Khandesh, 
 neglected to send the usual tribute, a force was 
 sent forward to that quarter ; but, immediately 
 on the arrival of the Sultan at the banks of the 
 Tapti River, Adil Khan sent the tribute and 
 made his excuses, The Sultan, consequently, 
 sent back his army by the way of Nadarbar, 
 and went in the direction of Talnir, for the 
 purpose of seeing its fort : whence returning 
 to Nadarbar, he there joined his army, and 
 went to Mahmudabad (Champanir). 
 
 Having carried an army against Chaiwal, in 
 the year of the Hijra 913, A.D. 1507, in order to 
 destroy the Europeans, he effected his designs 
 against the towns of Bassai (Bassein) and Man- 
 bai (Bombay) ; and returned to his own capital 
 
 .(q) Ferishta places this A.D. 1498, or A. Hij. 905. 
 
215 
 
 A.mj.9i4. on the llth of Muharram, A. Hij. 914 r , 
 S.S A.D. 1508. 
 
 ( r ) There were several attacks made on the Portuguese in the 
 Indian Sea. This was the first in which the assistance of the 
 Turks was given. Ferishta calls the Turkish commander Amir 
 Husn ; and the Gujarat admiral was Malik lyaz Sultani. The 
 Turkish emperor was then Bayazid II. A subsequent expedition 
 was undertaken against them, aided by a Turkish fleet, in the 
 reign of Suleiman II. of Constantinople. The admiral com- 
 manding the last was Sidi Ali Katibi, who has written an account 
 of the expedition, in the " Mirror of Countries," as translated, 
 Bombay Literary Transactions, vol. ii. p. i. The expedition sailed 
 from Bassora, A.D. 1553. The author of the Tabakat Akbari 
 mentions the first of these expeditions ; but, by dating it A. Hij. 
 896, A.D. 1490, has erred in his chronology about seventeen 
 years. That historian's account of the transaction is as follows : 
 
 the Europeans excited disturbances at the different Mohammedan 
 ports. The Sultan (Mahmud Bigarrah) went to Mahim; but, 
 when he arrived at Dun, intelligence was brought him that lyaz, 
 one of the royal slaves, who from the port of Diu got ready for sea 
 with several of the king's own and ten Turkish vessels, had enga- 
 ged the Europeans off the harbour of Chaiwal, and slain many of 
 them. In this battle four hundred Turks were killed, and the 
 Europeans fled. Moreover, one of their large ships, containing 
 property valued at a krore of rupees, sunk on this occasion, in 
 
216 
 
 Subsequently to this, Alam Khan, who was the 
 Sultan's grandson by his daughter, and whose 
 father was the ruler of Assir and Burhanpur, 
 requested his mother to petition the king of Gu- 
 jarat, representing that eight years had elapsed 
 since the death of Adil Khan I. son of Miran 
 Mubarak Faruki, who died without heirs ; and 
 that the nobles, who supported the claim of one 
 of Malik Raji's relations to the government, had 
 given him the title of Adil Khan 8 ; while they, 
 being in possession of the country, were predo- 
 minant in his name. This petition further re- 
 quested that the Sultan would place Alam Khan 
 on the throne of his ancestors and protect his 
 servant. The Sultan gave it his favourable at- 
 tention ; and, in the month of Rajab, advanced 
 
 consequence of one of her ribs being broken by a shot." In the 
 Portuguese accounts of this transaction, it is stated that the Ad- 
 miral, Don Lorenzo Almeida, was killed, and his ship taken, with 
 the loss of one hundred and forty men. 
 
 ( s ) In the Mirdt Sikandari, as here, the grandson of Mahmiid 
 Bigarrah is called Alam Khan, and the Pretender Adil Khan ; but 
 in the Tabakat Akbari the history of Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, 
 the grandson of the Sultan, is Adil Khan, who finally succeeded 
 as the second of that name ; and the Pretender is styled Alam 
 Khan. This last agrees with Ferishta's account of the Gujarat 
 and Ahmadnagar kings. Alam Khan was the son of one of the 
 Faruki family born to the daughter of Ahmad Nizam Shah of 
 Ahmadnagar. 
 
2J7 
 
 towards Nadarbar, for the purpose of support- 
 ing Alam Khan. Having arrived at Talnir, 
 after the Idu-z-zoha, (the passover or sacrificial 
 feast) he gave the title of Adil Khan to Alam 
 Khan, the son of Husi Khan ; and, presenting 
 him with four elephants and three laks of tank- 
 chas, fixed him in the government of Assir and 
 Burhanpiir. He also raised Malik Sarang 
 Khilji to the title of Khan Jehan, and present- 
 ed him with the town of Bunnass, which is a 
 dependancy of Sultanpur and Nadarbar, and 
 was his place of nativity. In the grant of this 
 gift, he inserted the name of Adil Khan, and 
 likewise promoted several of the nobles about 
 Court. 
 
 At length, Adil Khan departed well pleased to 
 Assir, and the Sultan returned to his capital ; at 
 which time Sayyid Mohammed Junpuri came to 
 Ahmadabad, and laid claim to the miraculous 
 power of the Imam Mehdi. The Pretender took 
 up his abode in the mosque of Taj -Khan, son of 
 Salar, which is near the Jumalpur gate ; where 
 he began to assemble the people. On this ac- 
 count, the Ulamas and doctors issued a religious 
 decree against him, ordering that he should be 
 put to death ; but the Sayyid took his departure 
 for Patan, where he supported his ministry. 
 
218 
 
 The Mohammedans of Palanpur became his 
 followers ; and there are now some of the Med- 
 hivi 1 sect to be found there. 
 
 Not long after this period, in the month of 
 Zu-1-hijjah, of A. Hij. 916, A.D. 1510, the Sul- 
 tan set out for Patan ; and, as this was the last 
 time he appeared in public, having collected to- 
 gether all the great men of the state, he told 
 them that his life was near a close. On return-* 
 ing from Patan, he came to Ahmadabad in four 
 days ; when, having made a pilgrimage to the 
 burial place of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, he wept 
 tears of repentance over his own tomb, which 
 had been built at the foot of the Shaikh's mau- 
 soleum. Subsequently to this, having entered 
 the city of Ahmadabad, he fell sick ; and, conti- 
 nuing so for three months, sent for the prince, 
 Khalil Khan, from Baroda. After informing 
 him of his approaching dissolution, he finally 
 took his leave for another world, on Monday 
 tne ^d of Ramazan, in the year of the 
 Hijra 917, A.D. 1511; and his re- 
 mains were deposited in the mausoleum which 
 exists at Sirkej. 
 
 (*) An account of the Medhivi sect, written by Lieutenant Col. 
 
 Miles, will be found in the Transactions of the Bombay Literary 
 Society, ii. p, 281 . This impostor, according to that, was born 
 A. Hij. 847, A.D. 1443. 
 
219 
 
 Mahmiid Bigarrah, who was born in the month 
 of Ramazan, A. Hij. 849, A.D. 1445, reigned fifty- 
 four years, having attained sixty-seven years of 
 age when he died. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF KHALIL KHAN, ENTITLED MUZAFFIR SHAH II., OR 
 THE CLEMENT. 
 
 Khalil Khan, having assumed the title of Mu- 
 zaffir Shah, mounted the throne, at Ahmadabad, 
 on Friday the 17th of Ramazan, A. Hij. 917, 
 A.D. 1511, being then in his twenty-seventh 
 year. He distributed presents, according to 
 every man's rank, after the manner of his an- 
 cestors ; and those who had been his intimate 
 friends, while he was prince, received titles. 
 The noblemen of the late court had also their 
 dignities increased, and additional villages were 
 assigned for their support. 
 
 An ambassador from Shah Ismael Safawi, king 
 of Persia, whose name was Mir Ibrahim Khan, 
 arrived in the month of Shawal ; when a crowd 
 of nobles went out to meet him by order of the 
 king of Gujarat, and received him with every 
 
220 
 
 honour. The ambassador brought with him a 
 cup of turquoise stone of great value, which, 
 with a box full of jewels, many silken clothes, 
 and thirty horses of Irak, sent by the king of 
 Persia, he presented to the Sultan. The latter, 
 after presenting the ambassador in return seve- 
 ral costly dresses and princely presents, set out 
 on a journey to Baroda, and named the district 
 of that city Daulatabad. 
 
 About this time, intelligence was received that 
 a battle had been fought on the plains of Mandu, 
 between Sultans Mahmud and Mohammed u of 
 Malwa ; and that Sultan Mohammed, in order 
 to take refuge with Sultan Muzaffir, had in the 
 mean time encamped near Mahmudabad Cham- 
 panir. The Sultan ordered that he should be 
 supplied with whatever he might require ; and 
 sent a message that, if it pleased God, he would 
 advance with him to Malwa, after the end of 
 the rainy season. The Malwa prince and his 
 family came to live in the palace belonging to 
 Adil Khan, the son-in-law of the Sultan ; which 
 residence he inhabited till the time when he un- 
 expectedly took his departure, without taking 
 leave of the Sultan ; as there was a great talk 
 about what had happened between him and the 
 followers of the Persian ambassador. The Snl- 
 
 ( u ) The latter is called Sahib Khan in Ferishta. 
 
221 
 
 tan was much annoyed at this, and sent an am- 
 bassador with presents to take leave of the 
 fl.^ prince ; when, in the month of Shawal, 
 
 er of A Hi j 917> A D 1511 it was re- 
 
 presented to him that Sultan Mahmud of Man- 
 du, brother of the Prince Mohammed just men- 
 tioned, having heard that the latter was in 
 Malwa, had collected a large army of Rajputs, 
 and, after opposing him in battle, had put him 
 to flight. It was also said that Maidani x , or 
 Midani Rao, Sultan Mahmud 's chief man of 
 business, had acquired such authority, as to 
 leave nothing with the Sultan but the name of 
 a king, and that infidelity was, consequently, 
 spreading afresh in the cities of Malwa. 
 
 The Sultan of Gujarat, being now moved with 
 zeal for the cause of the true faith, commenced 
 his march for Malwa, in the above mentioned 
 month. During the period of the army halting 
 at the town of Godhrah, waiting the junction of 
 other troops, the Sultan received intelligence 
 that the Raja of fdur had become disobedient. 
 
 ( x ) This is the Midani Rao of Baber's Memoirs (p. 312). He 
 was a Rajput and an officer in the Malwa Government, who rose 
 into power, under Sultan Mahmud II. of Malwa ; and who, after 
 the capture of Mandu, by Muzaffir Shah II. of Gujarat, held the 
 districts of Chanderi and Gagrone. Baber says he took the 
 former from Midani Rao, A. Hij. 934, A.D. 1528, at which time 
 he was under Rana Sanka of Chitore. 
 
222 
 
 He consequently ordered the troops to march in 
 that direction, and to destroy the buildings and 
 temples of Idur. This happened in the year of 
 the Hijra 919, A.D. 1513. The Raja, repenting 
 of his conduct, caused the fixed tribute to be 
 paid. After this, the Sultan returned to Godh- 
 rah; where he gave the prince, Sikandar Khan, 
 an audience of leave, on his departure for Mah- 
 mudabad Champanir, and he himself continued 
 his march for Malwa. After arriving at the 
 town of Dohad, he gave orders for the construc- 
 tion of a fortification there, when, continuing to 
 advance, he received intelligence that Midani 
 Rao had carried Sultan Mahmud to Chanderi. 
 On this occasion, the Sultan declared that it 
 was not for the purpose of seizing the throne of 
 Malwa from its prince that he carried his army 
 there, but in order to drive Midani Rao and 
 other infidels out of the country, by which he 
 might reconcile the brothers to each other. 
 
 The Sultan, after hearing the praises of the 
 edifices that existed in the hunting-park at 
 Dhar, went to amuse himself there ; and, having 
 displayed intrepidity in the chase, returned to 
 Ahmadabad. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 920, A.D. 1514, it was 
 represented that Rai-Mal, brother of Bhim Rao, 
 Raja of Idur, having expelled his brother's son, 
 
223 
 
 Bhara Mai, from Idur, was assisted by Rana 
 Sanka, Raja of Chitore, and had obtained power 
 there. At this the Sultan was displeased ; say- 
 ing, " that Bhim Rao ruled Idur by his autho- 
 rity, and what power could Rana Sanka have 
 to appoint Rai-Mal to idur ?" Wherefore, Ni- 
 zamu-1-Mulk, the Jagirdar of Ahmadnagar, re- 
 ceived orders to expel Rai Mai from Idur, and 
 deliver over the country to Bhara-Mal. Rai 
 Mai continued a warfare with the Sultan's 
 troops, to the year of the Hijra 923, A.D. 1517, 
 having been alternately victorious and defeated. 
 In the mean time, the nobles of Malwa, such as 
 Habib Khan, dreading Midani Rao, fled from 
 thence; and, waiting on the Sultan, represented 
 to him the then state of Mandu, saying, " the 
 Mohammedan religion had been banished from 
 thence ; that Midani Rao had caused many of 
 the faithful to be slain, and would soon put to 
 death or imprison Mahmud, the king of Malwa." 
 In consequence of this, the Sultan of Gujarat 
 said, " that at the end of the rainy season he 
 would advance into Malwa, in order to punish 
 Midani Rao." At this time, Sultan Mahmud of 
 Malwa, perceiving the whole resources of this 
 country were at the disposal of Midani Rao, 
 and that he himself was strictly watched, found 
 opportunity, one night, of mounting on one horse, 
 
224 
 
 whilst he placed his wife on another ; and hav- 
 ing escaped to Gujarat, was on his arrival there 
 congratulated by Sultan Muzaffiry ; who, after 
 furnishing him with a tent, elephants, horses, 
 and whatsoever else was proper for a king, ad- 
 i8th ^ November, vance d into Malwa, on Thursday the 
 4th of Zu-1-kadah, A. Hij. 923, A.D, 1517. 
 29th November. On Tuesday the 15th of the same 
 month, Sultan Muzaffir met Sultan Mahmud of 
 Malwa at the town of Deolah ; and marching 
 from thence by regular stages, the Sultan en- 
 camped with his army in the neighbourhood of 
 ?th December. Mandu, on Sunday the 23d of the same 
 month ; when he commenced erecting his bat- 
 teries. Midani Rao, after quitting the fort of 
 Dhar, went to Ran a Sanka for succour ; and 
 sent to tell the besieged that they must ask for 
 a truce, by which a month's delay would be 
 gained, and he in the mean time would bring 
 the Rana, with assistance. 
 
 The Rana, being bribed by means of several 
 jewels and fine elephants, which Midani Rao 
 had taken from Sultan Mahmud of Malwa, was 
 induced to send a large army as far as Sarang- 
 pur. The Sultan, being made acquainted with 
 this, and having discovered the treachery of the 
 
 (Y) It appears from Ferishta that the king of Malwa was then 
 at Gohand. 
 
225 
 
 besieged, sent Adil Khan Asiri Kawamu-1- 
 Mulk, and Malik Sarang, with several other 
 brave and intelligent men, in order to keep in 
 check the Rana ; whilst he himself, ordering the 
 assault to be made on the fort, captured it on 
 Monday the 2d of Safar of A. Hij. 924, A.D. 
 
 1518. On this occasion, nineteen thousand Raj- 
 puts, and fifty-seven officers of rank, whose 
 names are detailed in the histories called Mirat 
 Sikandari and Muzaffir Shahi, were slain. The 
 departure of the Sultan, the entertainment given 
 to him by the king of Malwa, and his visit to 
 the fort, are also detailed in the above-men- 
 tioned histories. 
 
 In the following year of the Hijra 925, A.D. 
 
 1519, intelligence was received that a great bat- 
 tle had been fought between Rana Sanka and 
 the king of Malwa, and that the latter, after 
 being wounded, had fallen into the hands of his 
 enemies. The Sultan was much astonished on 
 receiving the news of these events, and sent 
 an army for the protection of Mandu. Rana 
 Sanka permitted Sultan Mahmud of Malwa to 
 return to Mandu, after his wounds were healed, 
 and retained his son as a pledge. 
 
 Moreover, Rana Sanka, hastening towards 
 Idur, in A. Hij. 926, A.D. 1520, made war on 
 the Jagirdars of Ahmadnagar and other places. 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 The Sultan's troops, then opposed to him, being- 
 defeated, the Rana was enabled to advance as 
 far as Barnagar and Bisalnagar, which he plun- 
 dered ; but, after hearing that the royal army 
 had left Patan and Ahmadabad, in order to 
 bring him to order, he returned to Chitore. 
 In the year of the Hijra 927, A.D. 1520-21, 
 and in the month of Muharram, Sultan 
 
 12th December, 
 
 Muzaffir sent an army of one hundred 
 thousand horse with one hundred strings of 
 elephants, under the command of his slave, Ma- 
 lik Ayaz Sultani, and twenty thousand cavalry, 
 with twenty strings of elephants, in command of 
 Kawamu-1-Mulk, in order that they might punish 
 the Rana for his audacity. These troops first 
 advanced against Bagarh (Wagarh), and plun- 
 dered the country, as the Raja of that part had 
 joined this mutinous coalition. The army, after 
 killing many Hindus in this expedition, advan- 
 ced against Rana Sanka's country. About this 
 time news of the Rana's death arrived, and also 
 of the death of Sultan Mahmud Khilji II. z who 
 
 ( z ) This is quite an anachronism. Mahmud Khilji II., of Mal- 
 wa, was put to death by the guards of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, 
 A. Hij. 932, A.D. 1526 ; according to Ferishta's history of Malwa. 
 In the same history and same year, Rana Sanka is said to have 
 died, and to have been succeeded by his son, Rana Rattan Sing. 
 Rana Sanka is mentioned by Baber in A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1523, 
 (see Memoirs, p. 287.) 
 
227 
 
 had marched from Mandu, with the intention of 
 assisting Sultan Muzaffir. 
 
 In the same year, a peace was patched up 
 with the Rana, in consequence of the hypocriti- 
 cal conduct of the officers commanding the 
 troops, who now returned to Ahmadabad. The 
 Sultan, in consequence of this, showed his dis- 
 pleasure with Malik Ayaz, by saying that he 
 would go himself after the rains, and complete 
 the business : whilst Malik Ayaz received per- 
 mission to proceed to Sorath. 
 
 In A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1521-22, having prepared 
 for an expedition, in order to punish the Rana, 
 he came to Ahmadabad ; but the Rana's son 
 having, in the mean time, waited on the Sultan, 
 with the promised elephants and tribute, the 
 expedition was stopped. 
 
 In A. Hij. 931, A.D. 1524-25, the prince, Baha- 
 dur Khan, who was displeased with the small- 
 
 s ness of his jagir, went to Dehli, by way of 
 Diingarpur, Chitore, and Mewat, in order that 
 he might have a meeting with Sultan Ibrahim 
 
 ''Shah Lodi of Dehli. At this time, the latter, 
 who had opposed Zahiru-d-din Babar Padshah, 
 
 ^on the plains of Panipat, sent for Bahadur 
 Khan, and received him with much honour and 
 respect. When Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, and other 
 people of Dehli, became acquainted with the 
 
 Q2 
 
 . 
 
228 
 
 bravery and intrepidity of Bahadur, they were 
 filled with jealousy. Bahadur Khan, aware of 
 this circumstance, went towards Jiinpiir, where, 
 on his arrival, he heard Muzaffir was dead; and 
 immediately set out on his journey for Gujarat. 
 Sultan Muzaffir was much vexed when he 
 heard that Bahadur Khan had gone towards 
 Bagarh in disgust ; and indicated his anxiety to 
 pacify him, and make him return ; but the prince 
 had previously abandoned the country. At this 
 time, the Sultan fell sick ; when, at length, in 
 the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-26, having 
 come on account of this very sickness from 
 Mahmudabad Champanir to Baroda, he pro- 
 ceeded by easy stages to Ahmadabad, and took 
 up his residence there, in the palace which is 
 called Ghattamandal. Men nowbegan to de- 
 spair of his life ; and the prince, Latif Khan, 
 through fear that his brother Sikandar Khan, 
 heir to the throne, would not leave him alive, 
 i, departed for Baroda on the first of Ju- 
 
 15th March, 
 
 AD. 1526. mada-s-sani, where a crowd of follow- 
 ers accompanied him. 
 
 On the second of the same month, Sultan Mu- 
 zaffir ordered that Sikandar Khan should be 
 called to him, when he exhorted him to study 
 the interests of his kingdom ; and, after asking 
 a blessing for great and poor, he departed this 
 
229 
 
 life on Friday the 22d of Jumada-s-sani, of 
 A. Hij. 932. He was buried in the mausoleum of 
 Mahmud Bigarrah, which stands at Sirkej, after 
 he had reigned fourteen years and nine months. 
 This king was a follower of Sayyid Tahir, who 
 is buried at Baroda. For piety and learning, 
 clemency and intelligence, liberality and bravery, 
 he had no equal of his time : and he is known 
 by the name of the clement Muzaffir, on account 
 of his many merciful acts. The author of the 
 Mirat Sikandari tells us that there were no 
 drunkards in his time, and that good manners 
 were agreeable to him. On account of his cle- 
 mency, he was careless of punishing many 
 things that required it ; and such conduct was 
 on the whole the cause of disturbances. As 
 universally known, the Sultan once ordered part 
 of the lands in the Parganah of Jhalawar should 
 not be sown, but left as waste, because the 
 people in that part complained that in conse- 
 quence of the many cultivated fields they had 
 pasturage for their cattle. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN SIKANDAR. 
 
 Sultan Sikandar, on the very day his father 
 Muzaffir died, seated himself on the throne at 
 
230 
 
 A.D A S. Ahmadabad ; and on the 25th of Ju- 
 mada-s-sani of A. Hij. 932, undertook a journey 
 to Mahmudabad, where, having distributed pre- 
 sents in the manner of his ancestors, he com- 
 menced his reign. After conferring titles on all 
 those who had served him while he was a prince, 
 he gave away, as presents among his people, 
 seventeen hundred horses. 
 
 The nobles belonging to the court of the late 
 Muzaffir were much vexed at this proceeding ; 
 and Imadu-1-Mulk, otherwise named Khush-Ka- 
 dam, the foster-brother of the king, and who 
 was in hope of his being made his prime-minis- 
 ter, was greatly annoyed. The discontented 
 nobles, being apprized of this circumstance, 
 persuaded him that the king wished to cut him 
 off. Imadu-1-Mulk, who was very powerful, 
 now engaged in a conspiracy ; and joined the 
 \ discontented nobles with part of the troops that 
 had been gained over by his promises. At this 
 time, Latif Khan, brother to the king, who set 
 up his pretensions to the throne, held possession 
 of the mountainous country about Sultanpiir 
 and Nadarbar. He was assisted by Bhim Raja, 
 and kept up a correspondence with several of 
 the nobles ; wherefore Shirza Khan was ap- 
 pointed to expel him from these parts ; but, he 
 being killed in action, Nasir Khan was sent 
 with a large army to succeed him. 
 
231 
 
 When the conspiracy was completed, Imadu-1- 
 Mulk, who, feigning sickness for some time, had 
 confined himself to his house, wrapped up his 
 head one day in the manner of a sick person, 
 and waited on the king. He was accompanied 
 by fifty horsemen ; and finding a fit opportu- 
 nity, while most of the king's attendants were 
 absent, he entered the royal apartments. Hav- 
 ing carried along with him Malik Pahar, and 
 finding the Sultan asleep, that person murdered 
 him, on a signal given by Imadu-1-Mulk. This 
 A.D.S. event happened on the 14th of Shaban 
 of A. Hij. 932; and the Sultan was buried at 
 Halol, which is two koss from Mahmudabad 
 Champanir. 
 
 Imadu-1-Mulk, having thus accomplished 
 the important undertaking of Sikandar's mur- 
 der, took from the harem a son of the late 
 Muzaffir, then five or six years of age, and, after 
 giving him the name of Sultan Mahmud, seated 
 him on his knee ; but, distributing at the same 
 time horses and honorary dresses among the 
 soldiers and nobles, he conferred titles on them 3 . 
 All the nobles, who thirsted after the blood of 
 Imadu-1-Mulk, on account of this murder, retired 
 
 ( a ) The author of the Mirat Ahraadi has not reckoned the child 
 raised to the throne after the murder of Sikandar as one of the re- 
 gular kings. In Colonel Briggs's Ferishta he is called Mahmud 
 Shah II. 
 
232 
 
 to their own jagirs ; and, anxious to find the 
 means of revenge, despatched messengers in 
 haste to acquaint Bahadur Khan of these events, 
 and urged his return. 
 
 The length of Sultan Sikandar's reign was 
 two months and sixteen days. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN BAHADUR. 
 
 It has been already mentioned that Bahadur 
 Khan, son of Sultan Muzaffir II., had left the 
 country, in consequence of the smallness of his 
 personal estate, and his disagreement with his 
 brother Sikandar. When Bahadur heard of 
 his father's death, and his brother's murder, he 
 mourned for four days, as is usual in such cases. 
 Soon after having left Junpur, he set out for 
 the capital, with all possible expedition ; and 
 arrived at the town of Mukrej, otherwise named 
 Mahmudnagar, where the nobles, who, through 
 fear of Imadu-1-Mulk, had gone into retirement, 
 now began to join him with troops from every 
 quarter. On the 26th of Ramazan, of the same 
 
233 
 
 year, he arrived at Ahmadabad, and entered the 
 citadel there, which is commonly known by the 
 name of Bhaddar. During the festival day of 
 that month he went to the place of prayers, and 
 caused the oration to be pronounced in his own 
 name. Having soon after conferred titles on 
 thirty-two persons, he ordered that they should 
 be provided with suitable offices ; and, on the 
 SiS'. 2d of Shaw al, set out for Mahmudabad. 
 Imadu-1-Mulk, on hearing of the approach 
 of the Sultan, became agitated ; and sent 
 an intimation to Latif Khan, that, as Nasir 
 Khan was now an infant, he, in the event of 
 a war, would be able to conduct it. At length, 
 however, through astonishment at the probable 
 consequence of what he had done, he abandoned 
 both Nasi'r Khan and Latif Khan, and assumed 
 to himself the royal authority. Sultan Bahadur in 
 the mean time crossed the Mahindri (Mahi river) ; 
 and, regardless of his army, advanced rapidly 
 with only a few followers. After making a pil- 
 grimage to the grave of Sikandar at Halol, he 
 appointed Taj Khan, with one hundred horse- 
 men, to bring Imadu-1-Mulk captive. This com- 
 mander plundered the house of Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 who fled to the residence of the chief Diwan, and 
 there concealed himself. During these proceed- 
 ings, Sultan Bahadur entered Mahmudabad, 
 
234 
 
 with all the ensigns and pomp of royalty ; and, 
 after taking up his abode in the royal palace, 
 ordered the seizure of Imadu-1-Mulk, which was 
 effected after a little search. Imadu-1-Mulk was 
 brought into the presence of the Sultan, who 
 ordered him to be hung on a gibbet ; and all 
 those concerned in the base murder were pun- 
 ished according to their deserts. Latif Khan, 
 who arrived in the immediate neighbourhood of 
 the capital during these events, now retired ; 
 and Sultan Bahadur having mounted the throne 
 ".D.raE 8 * 1 . on the 4th of the month Zii-1-kadah, 
 A. Hij. 932, A.D. 1526, bestowed honorary dresses 
 on the ministers and nobles. After giving in- 
 structions for a donation of one year's pay to be 
 given to the soldiers, he conferred distinguished 
 titles on one hundred and fifty persons. 
 
 At this time, being a year of scarcity, a cha- 
 rity-house was established by the king's order ; 
 whilst he himself, when riding out, never gave 
 less than a gold mohur to any poor person. 
 
 As Latif Khan b , who had collected a body of 
 Zamindars in the territories of Sultanpur and 
 
 ( b ) The Tabakat Akbari says that Latif Khan fled to Pal, and 
 was assisted by the Raja named Rai Bhim. Briggs's Ferishta 
 calls the Raja Oody Sing. In Ferishta's history, these events are 
 placed about the end of A. Hij. 932 ; and the Tabakat Akbari 
 says that they happened in the beginning of A. Hij. 933. 
 
235 
 
 Nadarbar, occasioned commotions there, an 
 army was sent against him, when, being 
 wounded in action, he was taken prisoner and 
 brought before the Sultan, at the station of 
 Miirghidinah, where he died. 
 
 Sultan Bahadur, after causing Nasir Khan to 
 be poisoned, on the 15th of the Rabi-ul-awal, of 
 AS.i5S6. the year of the Hijra 933, A.D. 1526, 
 went hunting in the direction of Khambayat, 
 whence he went to Sorath, in consequence of the 
 quarrels among the children of Malik Ayaz Sul- 
 tani. In returning, he came by way of Diu, 
 where he remained a month, and entrusted that 
 place to the care of Mujahid Khan. When he 
 arrived at Ahmadabad, Yikramajit, the son of 
 Rana Sanka, waited upon him. After remain- 
 ing there three months, Bahadur went to Mah- 
 mudabad, and, having punished the Raja of 
 Nadote, proceeded to the fort of Surat. From 
 this place he travelled in the course of one night 
 and day to Mahmudabad, where he took leave 
 of the Rana's son on departure to return. 
 
 The Sultan again visited Diu, and remained 
 there several days, in the year of the Hijra 
 934. From thence going to Khambayat, he 
 sailed for Ghoga ; and, after again visiting Diu, 
 returned to Mahmudabad, by way of Kham- 
 bayat. At this time, he gave orders that the 
 
236 
 
 city wall of Bhroch should be built c . After this 
 he carried an army against Bagarh ; when the 
 Raja of Dungarpur, coming to Mukrej, paid his 
 respects. From thence he set out for Patan, 
 and, by way of Ahmadabad, returned to Mah- 
 mudabad with great celerity. The Sultan's 
 perambulations, in these days, became prover- 
 bial in the mouths of men, " that one travelled 
 with the celerity of Bahadur." 
 
 Were any one to attempt an account of all 
 such expeditions, it would be almost impossible 
 to detail the whole. I have, therefore, chosen 
 to give a short and abridged explanation of 
 them in these pages ; but, should any one wish 
 to know them more at length, let him turn to 
 the pages of the Mirat Sikandari. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 935, A.D. 1528, he 
 marched in the direction of Daulatabad, in order 
 to assist his nephew, Mujahid Khan, son of 
 Adil Khan Faruki. During that expedition, it 
 is said, nine hundred elephants of large stature 
 accompanied him. After settling the important 
 affairs of that quarter, he returned to his own 
 shaban began capital, in the month of Shaban of the 
 
 the 10th April, 
 
 same year d . 
 
 ( c ) The Tabakat Akbari says that, having repaired the fort of 
 Bhroch, he returned to Khambayat, and that he did so after the 
 conquest of Bagarh. 
 
 ( d ) The account of these events is confirmed by the Ahmad- 
 nagar history of Ferishta. 
 
237 
 
 When he set out for the conquest of the 
 ITS* >5> Dekhan, in the month of Muharram, 
 A.Hij. 936 e , A.D. 1529, many of the Dekhan 
 kings, with Bohrji, the Raja Baglanah, waited 
 upon him at Dhar, and tendered their services. 
 The united armies of Sultan Bahadur and his 
 nephew were at this time ordered to march 
 against Ahmadnagar, the fort of Chaiwal f , and 
 other places, which, with many cities in the 
 Dekhan, were plundered. The oration was 
 
 ( e ) According to the Tabakat Akbari, Bahadur heard from his 
 nephew, the ruler of Khandesh, after he had returned to Khambayat 
 from Bhroch. He then marched to assist him, in the month of 
 Muharram, of the year of the Hijra 935, Cwhich month began the 
 15th of September, A.D. 1528; as the king of Nagar, Burhan Nizam 
 Shah, and that of Bidar, Amir Berid, had attacked Imad Shah of 
 Birar, and the ruler of Khandesh. While at Khambayat, he 
 heard that a Portuguese ship had stranded at Dili ; and, while 
 Bahadur waited for the army assembling at Baroda, Jam Firoz 
 of Sind, Narsingh, nephew of Man-Singh, of Gwalior, and Birban 
 Prithvi Raj, nephew of Rana Sanka, waited on him. The last is 
 called Sreepelly by Colonel Briggs, but, in the original Ferishta, 
 Sirvir. 
 
 ( f ) According to the Portuguese accounts, the siege of 
 Chaiwal took place in A.D. 1527, on which occasion they were 
 assisted by the king of Ahmadnagar, Burhan Nizam Shah. This 
 date is probably not correct. The kings of Ahmadnagar and 
 Golkonda had confederated against Imad Shah, Bahadur Shah, and 
 the king of Khandesh ; and, as a coalition existed between the 
 Portuguese and the Nagar State, such was in all probability the 
 cause why Bahadur Shah marched towards Daulatabad, A.D. 
 1528 ; but the expedition against Chaiwal could not have taken 
 place until the end of A.D. 1529. 
 
238 
 
 consequently read there in the name of the 
 king of Gujarat. In the end of the month of 
 Shaban, in that year, he resolved on returning, 
 and, setting- out for Mahmudabad, accompanied 
 by several persons, arrived there with great 
 celerity. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 937, A.D. 1530, he car- 
 ried an army against Bagarh, in order to subdue 
 that country ; and thence going to Mandu, he 
 completed its capture by approaches, as men- 
 tioned in the history before quoted. After 
 having spent some days in besieging this fort, 
 he entered it, on the 29th of Shaban, by that side 
 where the buildings are most lofty : and on this 
 occasion he himself led the way, accompanied 
 by several other nobles. As Mahmud Khilji, 
 who had defended Mandu, now fled, Sultan 
 Bahadur took possession of his palace ; and, on 
 iTilli 6 ' the 12th of Muharram, A. Hij. 938, 
 A.D. 1531, the former having returned with his 
 sons, waited on the king of Gujarat, who gave 
 them in charge to Alif Khan, Ikbal Khan, and 
 Asif Khan. These officers were instructed to 
 conduct them to Gujarat ; but the king of 
 Malwa and his sons were killed in a scuffle, 
 which took place when the Raja of Pals, and 
 
 (8) Pal is a district of Gujarat, on the Mahindri, or Mahi, river ; 
 the Raja in the Mirat Sikandari is called Udai Singh. In 
 Ferishta's "Native Annals of Malwa," the attack of the Bhils 
 
 and 
 
239 
 
 the Kulis about Dahad, had come for the pur- 
 pose of liberating them. After this, the whole of 
 the country about Mandu came into possession 
 of the king of Gujarat, to which a governor 
 and faujdar were appointed. 
 
 Sultan Bahadur passed the rainy season of 
 that year in the upper fort of Mandu ; and, 
 having gone to Burhanpur and Asir, on the 
 9th of Safar, of the year of the Hijra 939, 
 A.D. 1532, he conferred the royal umbrella on 
 Nizamu-1-Mulk, the prince of Ahmadnagar, and 
 entitled him Nizam Shah ; since which time 
 each of the rulers there is so entitled. Mah- 
 mud Khan of Asir also received the title of 
 Mahmud Shah; and the king of Gujarat, having 
 undertaken a journey to Mandu, carried from 
 thence an army against Silhaddi, the Raja of 
 Ujain. Tt is accordingly recorded that Silhaddi 
 was made prisoner ; after which the Sultan set 
 out with all possible expedition, and arrived at 
 Ujain, from which departing, he left the place 
 in charge of Darya Khan Mandwi. Having 
 gone to Sarangpur, he left that behind in 
 charge of Mullu Khan, and afterwards took 
 
 and Kulis on the Gujarat army is placed in the year of the Hijra 
 932, A.D. 1526, or the first year of Bahadur's reign, by which the 
 battle between Latif Khan and the Gujarat army and that which 
 happened on this occasion have been confounded. 
 
240 
 
 possession of Bhilsah. From thence proceeding 
 by stages to Raisein, then in possession of 
 Lakshman Singh, brother of Silhaddi, he there 
 encamped on the banks of the river, and order- 
 ed his officers to prepare batteries for capturing 
 the fort. Rumi Khan h , unrivalled in his time 
 for skill in preparing fireworks, destroyed and 
 levelled, in the twinkling of an eye, one of the 
 bastions by a gun, while twelve thousand 
 Dekhani foot-soldiers, who were in the Sultan's 
 pay, sprung a mine beneath one of the bastions, 
 and threw down a considerable part of the 
 wall. The Silhaddi, who was then with the 
 Sultan, observing these things, sent to say that 
 he would embrace the Mohammedan faith ; and, 
 after causing the fort to be evacuated, would de- 
 liver up the place. He therefore sent for his bro- 
 ther, Lakshman Singh, who came and waited on 
 the Sultan. While the two brothers, however, 
 were seated in consultation on this matter, Laksh- 
 man Singh said to the Silhaddi, " Wherefore 
 should you give up the fort ? Bhopat \ my son, 
 
 ( h ) He is probably the Rumi Khan who cast the Mulki Meidan, 
 or large gun of Bijapur. The copy of the Tarikhi Ahmadi is here 
 faulty ; for, in the original of the Mirat Sikandari, it would appear 
 that such was levelled by a mine. 
 
 (*) In the Tarikhi Sikandari, from which the author of the 
 Mirat Ahmadi has borrowed his account of these transactions, it 
 is simply said, that Bhopat had gone to the Rana, whose son, 
 
 Vikramajit, 
 
241 
 
 has gone to the Rana, and he, with forty thou- 
 sand cavalry, and infantry without number, is 
 bringing us assistance. Till his arrival, it is 
 necessary to procrastinate, and to employ cau- 
 tion and deceit." The Silhaddi, therefore, told 
 the Sultan that Lakshman Singh would take 
 his departure, and evacuate the fort on the suc- 
 ceeding day. 
 
 After some days had passed, however, with- 
 out the promise being fulfilled, the Sultan was 
 informed that the Rana's son was approaching 
 with assistance. Mohammed Shah Asiri and 
 Imadu-1-Mulk were nominated, to keep in check 
 the Rana's son, but, the latter excusing him- 
 self to the Sultan, on account of the magnitude 
 of the Rana's army, Ikhtiyar Khan was sent on 
 the expedition. When the Sultan himself set 
 out to join the army, he came up with it, as 
 is said, in a night and a day, having travelled 
 in that time seventy coss, accompanied by 
 only thirty horsemen. The Rana's spies, im- 
 mediately on the Sultan's joining the army, 
 acquainted their master of his arrival ; and the 
 latter, not thinking it advisable to front him, 
 halted a stage in the rear. He at the same 
 time sent one of his confidants into camp, who, 
 
 Vikramajit, was to bring assistance. Bhopat is called by Ferishta 
 the son of Silhaddi. 
 
242 
 
 under many pretended excuses, wished to as- 
 certain whether the Sultan had himself joined 
 the army or not. In the mean time, the Rana, 
 after ascertaining that Abigh Khan had arrived 
 from Gujarat with thirty-six thousand cavalry, 
 as an escort to the guns and elephants, sounded 
 a retreat. The Sultan ordered that he should 
 be closely pursued, and followed him to Chitore; 
 but the Rana, before the army could come up, 
 had taken refuge in the fort. It was now 
 resolved that the troops should capture the fort 
 of Raisein, after which they were to lay siege to 
 Chitore. Sultan Bahadur accordingly marched 
 against the former place, where the besieged, 
 seeing no prospect of assistance, yielded up the 
 fort, as related in the history above quoted. 
 
 At this time, Sultan Alam Lodi, brother of 
 Sultan Sikandar, had been driven from Kalpi, 
 by the power of Jannat Makani Humayun Pad- 
 shah, and, accompanied by twelve thousand 
 Ahorse, sought an asylum with Sultan Bahadur. 
 The latter presented him with the government 
 of Raisein, Bhilsah, and Chanderi, which had 
 belonged to Silhaddi. He also ordered that 
 Mohammed Shah Asiri should seize on the town 
 of Gagroni, which the Rana had taken by con- 
 quest from Sultan Mohammed Khilji. 
 
 About this time, Sultan Bahadur went to 
 
243 
 
 Gondwanah for the purpose of hunting ele- 
 phants, and obtained a great many. After cap- 
 turing the fort of Kanur, he gave it in charge 
 to Alp Khan ; and, having subsequently reduced 
 Islamabad, Hushangabad, and other neighbour- 
 ing districts dependant on Malwa, returned to 
 Sarangpiir. From thence he went to Gagroni, 
 which Mohammed Shah Asiri had not yet redu- 
 ced, and immediately received its submission 
 on his arrival. He then appointed Imadu-1- 
 Mulk to conquer the country about Mandasur, 
 whilst he himself marched back for his capital. 
 Soon after Sultan Bahadur's arrival at Mah- 
 mudabad, intelligence was brought him from 
 the port of Diu, that the Europeans had come 
 there with many ships and other warlike means, 
 in order to capture the place. He lost no time 
 in hastening to Khambayat : and the Europe- 
 ans, hearing that the Sultan was advancing, 
 took to flight k . After arriving at Dili, he or- 
 dered two large guns, with a hundred of smaller 
 size, to be sent to Mahmudabad for the capture 
 of Chitore. From thence he went to Ahmada- 
 bad ; and having subsequently arrived, in one 
 day, at Mahmudabad, sent orders to Mohammed 
 
 ( k ) See Briggs's Ferishta, IV. p. 123. This attempt on Did 
 is placed by the Portuguese Annals about February and March, 
 A.D. 1531, being the end of A. Hij. 937. 
 
 R2 
 
244 
 
 Shah Asiri to advance from Asir to the siege 
 of Chitore. Khudawand Khan 1 and Wazir 
 Khan, who were with the army at Mandu, were 
 ordered to join Mohammed Khan Asiri, whilst 
 the Sultan himself posted from Mahmudabad to 
 Mandu in three days. At this time, Moham- 
 med Khan Asiri and Khudawand Khan re- 
 ceived orders to march on Chitore ; and when 
 they with the army arrived at Mandasur, the 
 Rana's agents came to say, that whatever the 
 Sultan might be pleased to order he would per- 
 form it to the best of his ability, provided the 
 intention of besieging Chitore was abandoned. 
 This request not being complied with, the Sul- 
 tan's army invested Chitore, and straitened 
 the besieged. At length the mother of Yikra- 
 majit, the Rana's son, sent to say, that she 
 had been of old a servant of the Sultan, and 
 that, if he consented to spare the place, and 
 would march from thence, she would give him 
 in return a golden waistband m and jewelled 
 
 (*) This is the same person as Rumi Khan. He was a Turkish 
 slave, whose original name was Saghra Aka. His subsequent 
 titles were Khudawand Khan and Rumi Khan. According to the 
 Haft Iklim, he founded the castle of Surat A. Hij. 947, A.D. 
 1540 ; though Major Price in his Mohammedan History, vol. III. 
 would place this foundation ten years earlier. 
 
 ( m ) This valuable belt was afterwards presented to Suleiman, 
 the lawgiver, at the court of Constantinople ; and the Chevalier 
 
 Joseph 
 
245 
 
 crown, which had been captured from Mahmud 
 Khilji I. of Malwa, when the Rana defeated 
 him. Besides these jewels, which were incalcu- 
 lably valuable, she promised to pay five laks of 
 rupees, one hundred horses, and ten elephants, 
 as an acknowledgment of submission. 
 
 Malik Burhanu-1-Mulk and Mujahid Khan 
 were sent from thence with a large army to cap- 
 ture the fort of Rattanbhore ; and Malik Sham- 
 shiru -1-Mulk was despatched with twelve thou- 
 sand cavalry to reduce Ajmir. The Sultan at 
 this time went to Mandu, by way of Mandasur ; 
 and, soon after his arrival there, deputed Mo- 
 hammed Shah Asiri, with the most famous of 
 the Gujarat nobles, to go against Nizamu-1- 
 Mulk Dekhani. Mohammed Shah Asiri, after 
 encountering the latter in the neighbourhood of 
 the town of Bir, sent messengers to the Sultan, 
 
 Joseph von Hammer, in his Memoirs on the Diplomatic Relations of 
 Dehli and Constantinople, mentions it in these words of the 
 Turkish historian : " The Tatar armies of Humayun, with 
 which he had conquered the greatest part of Hindustan, having 
 also taken possession of the countries of Bahadur Shah, Sultan of 
 Gujarat, this prince sent away his principal ministers, his harem, 
 and his treasure to Medina ; and at the same time despatched an 
 ambassador to Constantinople with presents, who arrived there 
 while the Sultan was absent at Adrianople. Besides other pre- 
 cious gifts, he brought a girdle valued at sixty krores of ducats, 
 the krore being a hundred thousand; or, taking the ducat at 
 fifty aspers, 30,000,000 aspers." 
 
246 
 
 acquainting him of the circumstance ; and 
 twelve thousand brave horsemen were accord- 
 ingly selected and sent to his assistance. The 
 opposing armies, however, had come to action 
 before the arrival of the others at Bir : and the 
 Dekhan's troops, immediately on hearing of the 
 Sultan's advance, took to flight 11 . A little time 
 after, Burhan Nizam Shah came to meet the 
 Sultan, when he acknowledged his dependence ; 
 and the latter, having given him back his coun- 
 try, proceeded towards Mandu. At this time, 
 Burhan Nizam Shah, after accompanying the 
 king of Gujarat several stages, obtained leave 
 to return. 
 
 The Sultan again showed an anxious wish to 
 take the fort of Chitore, but Mohammed Zaman 
 Mirza, grandson of Sultan Husain, king of Kho- 
 rasan, happening at this time to fly from his 
 relation, Jannat Ashiani Humayun Padshah, of 
 Dehli, attached himself to Sultan Bahadur . 
 
 ( n ) This expedition, which was the second against Burhan Ni- 
 zam Shah, is here wrongly placed. It is rightly placed by Fe- 
 rishta, both in his Gujarat and Ahmadnagar histories, being after 
 Shaban, A. Hij. 937, A.D. 1531. 
 
 () We have been already told that Sultan Bahadur had laid 
 siege to Chitore, and was induced to abandon it. According to 
 Ferishta's Dehli history, this happened A. Hij. 938, A.D. 1531; 
 at which time Mohammed Zaman Mirza, having conspired against 
 Humayun, fled to Bahadur Shah. Humayun on this very occa- 
 sion advanced to Gwalior and returned ; whilst the Rana of Chi- 
 tore 
 
247 
 
 Humayun was much vexed at this, and wrote 
 to the king of Gujarat, either to send the fugi- 
 s tive back, or expel him from his country. The 
 different letters on this subject which passed 
 between them are to be found in the history be- 
 fore quoted ; and, to terminate the matter, these 
 produced a mutual enmity. About this time, 
 Sultan Bahadur sent his army from Mandu to 
 the siege of Chitore, and appointed Rumi Khan 
 as his deputy there ; promising that, after cap- 
 turing it, he would give it over to his care. 
 
 At the same period, intelligence was received 
 that Humayun Padshah had arrived at Gwalior, 
 with the view of making war on Sultan Baha- 
 dur ; who, while investing Chitore, and fighting 
 with infidels, patiently waited the result. After 
 being aware of Humayun's intentions, he com- 
 manded Tatar Khan Locli to make a demon- 
 stration against Dehli, and to go by way of 
 
 tore paid a tribute of the waistband and crown. These events, 
 which in his Gujarat history are placed A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-4, 
 and have been confounded with the first siege of Chitore, are in- 
 dividually placed in the Dehli accounts A. Hij. 938 and 941. But 
 the dates of all these events appear very confused in Ferishta, and 
 Abul-Fazl is certainly a better guide in this matter. Price, in his 
 Mohammedan Annals, quoting this author says, Chitore fell to 
 Bahadur the 3d of Ramazan, A. Hij. 941, March, A.D. 1535. If 
 such be correct, Humayun's first advance and return to Agra 
 must have been A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-34. 
 
248 
 
 Beyana, under an impression that, if Humayun 
 went into Gujarat, he himself would become 
 master of Dehli ; or that the other, having 
 nothing better left him, would order his troops 
 to return. By the will of fate, and the mistakes 
 of Tatar Khan Lodi, these me.asures were not 
 accomplished, and the Gujarat army w r as ac- 
 cordingly defeated by Hindal Mirza, the bro- 
 ther of Humayun. Notwithstanding this, the 
 siege of Chitore continued ; and the besieged 
 at length, being straitened, surrendered the fort. 
 Though Sultan Bahadur had promised to give 
 Rumi Khan the command of Chitore, he did not 
 do so on various accounts. Rumi Khan, of- 
 fended at this, wrote privately to Humayun, 
 and at the same time threw difficulties in the 
 way of the king of Gujarat, whenever any thing 
 was to be done, as is to be found detailed in the 
 above history. Sultan Bahadur was at length 
 forced to take shelter in the fort of Mandu, but, 
 on the capture of this place by Humayun, es- 
 caped to Champanir, and left Mandu to the care 
 and protection of Ikhtiyar Khan and Raja Nar- 
 singh Deo. From thence going to the country 
 of Sorath, he took up his residence in the 
 island of Dili?. Soon after this, Champanir fell 
 
 (P) In Col. Miles's account of Champanir (Bombay Transac- 
 tions, 1, 1431) Abul-Fazl is quoted; from whose account it ap- 
 pears 
 
249 
 
 into the power of Humayun, who went to Ah- 
 madabad ; but, as he was obliged to return to 
 the capital of Agra, in consequence of the insur- 
 rection of Shir Khan Afghan, otherwise entitled 
 Shir Shah, he left his brother, Mirza Askari, at 
 Ahmadabad, Kasim Beg in the Sirkar of Bhroch, 
 Yadgar Nasir Mirza in the Sirkar of Patan, and 
 Baba Beg Jallairi in the fort of Champanir. At 
 this time, Sultan Bahadur's commanders, such 
 as Malik Amin Darwish, who had been ap- 
 pointed to command Rentumbhore, Malik Bur- 
 hanu-1-Mulk, the commandant of Chitore, and 
 Shamshiru-1-Mulk, the commandant of Ajmir, 
 having effected a junction, advanced with forty 
 thousand cavalry to the neighbourhood of Pa- 
 tan, whence they sent to tell the Sultan that, if 
 it was his pleasure, their troops would attack 
 those of Yadgar Nasir Mirza. The Sultan re- 
 plied that he was about to join them, and that 
 they must not engage the Mirza until he came. 
 
 - 
 
 Soon after Sultan Bahadur joined the troops, 
 Yadgar Nasir Mirza hearing that he had arri- 
 ved, kept aloof, and hastened to Ahmadabad. 
 The former, on learning that soldiers from all 
 quarters were flocking to join him, advanced 
 against Ahmadabad ; soon after which Mirza 
 
 pears that Bahadur was defeated at Mandasiir, A. Hij. 941, A.D. 
 1534-5, and that the fort was not taken until Safar, A. Hij. 942, 
 or August A.D. 1535. 
 
250 
 
 Askari and the others gave him battle near 
 Mahmudabad. The Dehli commanders, how- 
 ever, perceiving that it would be impossible to 
 keep their footing in a strange country, went 
 soon after to join Humayun. Mirza Askari 
 and the others were in possession of Gujarat 
 v^nine months and some days. 
 
 Sultan Bahadur, at this period, went to Cham- 
 panir, where he remained for some time ; but, 
 bsing annoyed by the intrigues of the Europe- 
 ans, and vexed with them for building a fort in 
 the island of Diu, was continually contriving 
 how he might expel them. The account of 
 building this fortification may be found in the 
 Mirat Sikandari. 
 
 y When the Sultan, accompanied by a few other 
 persons, went to have an interview with the 
 treacherous European infidels, he was murdered, 
 it is said, by them, and thrown into the sea**. 
 
 (i) The death of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, who was killed in 
 an affray with the Portuguese at Did, has been represented by 
 some Mohammedan authors in a most unfavourable light for the 
 latter. Colonel Briggs, in his translation of Ferishta, has ex- 
 tracted a passage of the history called the Tarikhi Sikandari, from 
 which, and the Portuguese accounts, it would appear that the 
 parties were suspicious of each other, and were plotting accord- 
 ingly. Bahadur Shah intended to imprison Nuno de Cunha, 
 Governor General of Portuguese India, and Emanuel de Souza, 
 Governor of Diu, by which he hoped to drive these foreigners 
 
 from 
 
251 
 
 These events happened on the 3d of Ramazan, 
 A. Hij. 943 ; and from this time the port of Dili 
 has been possessed by the Europeans, Ikhtiyar 
 
 from Diu, and obtain possession of the place ; while the latter 
 were desirous of seizing Bahadur and thwarting his designs. Some 
 misunderstanding and quarrel having taken place between their 
 followers, at a meeting on board the Portuguese ship, Bahadur 
 was put to death in the squabble. The author of the Mirat Si- 
 kandari wrote sixty-two years after this transaction, and probably 
 derived his information from those cotemporary with the actors 
 in it. This account is supported by the author of the Tazkaratu-1- 
 Muluk, who wrote about the same time, and arrived in India 
 little more than twenty years after the event of Bahadur's death. 
 The latter says, " at this time it was reported that the Governor 
 of Gova had arrived at the port of Diu, with the design of carry- 
 ing on hostilities in this part of the country. Sultan Bahadur, 
 therefore, accompanied by a large force, went to Dili, with a view 
 of thwarting their designs ; and, as all the places on the sea coast 
 were soon after given in charge to the Gujarat commanders, and 
 their Sipahis, all ingress to the Europeans was thus prevented. 
 Skirmishes between the Mohammedans and the latter daily took 
 place on the sea coast, and several were killed on each side ; but 
 a peace was at length agreed upon between them, as both were 
 tired of this warfare. It was settled at this time that the parties 
 should meet on shipboard, from whence the Europeans in amity 
 with the Mohammedans were to come on shore to an entertain- 
 ment. Several of the nobles about Sultan Bahadur were averse 
 to his going on shipboard, lest something unfortunate might hap- 
 pen, and thus frustrate his intentions ; but the Sultan, heedless 
 of their wishes, determined to go there : thinking that the Euro- 
 peans would be thus induced to attend an entertainment, where 
 he might put the whole to death, and find opportunity for after- 
 wards seizing on their ships and other property. The Sultan, 
 accompanied by some friends, imprudently went on shipboard, 
 
 where 
 
252 
 
 Khan, the king's minister, has written the date 
 thereof in these words : Sultdnu-l-barr Shahi- 
 du'l-bahr " The king of the land was a martyr 
 at sea." 
 
 The length of his reign was eleven years ; 
 and his death happened when he was only thirty- 
 one years of age. 
 
 After the murder of Bahadur, his minister 
 and nobles sent to his nephew, Mohammed Shah 
 Faruki, of Khandesh, then at Ujain, command- 
 ing seven thousand horse; and, after acquainting 
 him with the circumstances, requested he would 
 come to Gujarat to be invested with power, 
 according to the will of his late uncle. 
 
 Mohammed Zaman Mirza, pleased at the con- 
 fusion which at this time prevailed in Gujarat, 
 took up a position at the town of Awan, three 
 koss from Dili. The nobles, aware of his inten- 
 tions, sent Imadu-1-Mulk with a strong force 
 against him ; when, after a battle fought in that 
 neighbourhood, the Mirza was defeated, and 
 took his departure. 
 
 Sultan Mohammed Shah Faruki, on receiving 
 the intelligence of Sultan Bahadur's death, did 
 not communicate the event to any one ; but was 
 
 where his enemies slew him at this meeting, and all the Moham- 
 medans who were with him. After having subsequently plun- 
 dered many parts, the Europeans returned to Gova. 
 
253 
 
 so much grieved at being thus separated from 
 him, that his death also happened seventeen 
 days afterwards. When the Gujarat nobles 
 were made acquainted with this event, they saw 
 that there was no heir to the throne, except 
 Mohammed Khan, son of Latif Khan, and ne- 
 phew to Bahadur. As he had been imprisoned, 
 at Bahadur's request, by the late Mohammed 
 Khan Faruki ; the nobles, therefore, wrote to 
 Shamsu-d-din, in whose care he was, that he 
 might send him to Gujarat. Shamsu-d-din ac- 
 cordingly sent him to be installed in the manner 
 of his ancestors. 
 
 After the defeat of Sultan Bahadur, much dis- 
 order and sedition found their way into the 
 affairs of Gujarat ; and, from that time, the tri- 
 bute from the kings of the Dekhan, and the 
 ports possessed by the Europeans, was no longer 
 received. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN MAHMUD II., SON OF LATlF KHAN. 
 
 A.D.feT' Mahmud Khan, in A. Hij. 943, A.D. 
 1536, commenced his reign at the age of eleven. 
 On this occasion, Imadu-1-Mulk obtained the 
 
254 
 
 office of prime-minister ; and Darya Khan re- 
 ceived the title of Majlis Girami. These two 
 agreed to carry on the affairs of the govern- 
 ment, and watched the Sultan so narrowly, that 
 he appeared as if placed between two planks of 
 wood. No one, excepting these two noblemen, 
 ever visited the Sultan ; and, though much an- 
 noyed at this, he very wisely and judiciously 
 never gave the least indication of his vexation. 
 He appeared so much taken up with amuse- 
 ments and hunting, that you would have said 
 he had no thought for his kingdom or his army. 
 He continued to say, both privately and openly, 
 that a king, having such ministers as Imadu-1- 
 Mulk and Darya Khan, need not give himself 
 any trouble about his government; and often 
 he would ask, What kind of a place is Mekka ? 
 and what like is Medinah ? The ministers, 
 pleased to hear him talking in this manner, 
 conducted the affairs of government without 
 any trouble. But the Sultan very wisely, and 
 from necessity, played the simpleton ; and what- 
 ever of good or bad he might hear, either pub- 
 licly or privately, he repeated to them without 
 alteration. They were, therefore, much asto- 
 nished at the Sultan's conduct. 
 
 At length, Darya Khan wished to remove 
 Tmadu-1-Mulk from any interference with the 
 
255 
 
 government. To further this design, he carried 
 the Sultan on a pleasure trip to a tank near the 
 Mahindri River, and distant from the city thirty 
 koss ; where, having collected together a large 
 force from the neighbouring districts, he com- 
 manded Imadu-1-Mulk, in the name of the go- 
 vernment, to quit the city of Ahmadabad, and 
 retire to his personal estate. The latter, having 
 no alternative but compliance, went to his estate 
 in Jhalawar. On this occasion, Darya Khan, 
 accompanied by the Sultan, pursued Imadu-1- 
 Mulk, and, after following him to the confines of 
 Burhanpur, sent a message to Mubarak Shah 
 Faruki, requesting he would seize the fugitive, 
 and send him to him. Mubarak Shah, who 
 would not comply with this request, was now at 
 war with Darya Khan ; and, in an engagement 
 fought near Wankiri, the former being defeated, 
 fled to Assir, while his famous elephants, and 
 other ensigns of royalty, fell into the power of 
 Mohammed Shah II. of Gujarat. Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 continuing his flight from thence, went to 
 Kadir Shah of Mandu, then Governor of Malwa; 
 and the Sultan, after remaining several days at 
 Burhanpur, entered into a treaty, stipulating 
 that the oration at the mosque, and the currency 
 of Burhanpur and Asir, should be in his name. 
 Soon after this, Darya Khan, accompanied 
 
256 
 
 by the Sultan, returned to Ahmadabad ; and, 
 being now at leisure, subjected the whole of 
 Gujarat to his control. He pretended to act in 
 the name of Mohammed Shah, whom he retained 
 as a pageant. Being much addicted to luxury, 
 he made an agreement that Alam Khan Lodi, 
 one of his confidants, should provide for the 
 custody of the Sultan, whom he gave over to his 
 charge. 
 
 The people of Gujarat, they say, whether rich 
 or poor, were pleased and gratified by the pro- 
 priety of Darya Khan's kindness, presents, 
 gifts, and pensions. It was his practice to keep 
 by him blank grants of land, sealed with the 
 royal signet, and ready for presentation, in order 
 that the deserving might not be kept waiting. 
 
 In this manner, Darya Khan, for the space of 
 five years, enjoyed himself ; and, though the Sul- 
 tan was informed of his excessive luxury, he took 
 no notice of it. The former continually endea- 
 voured to discover the other's secret thoughts, 
 but was never able to do so, and was wont to 
 say, " I am astonished at the conduct of the 
 Sultan, who is either very knowing or a fool who 
 has no equal." 
 
 Alam Khan Lodi subsequently obtained Dar- 
 ya Khan's permission to go to his own estate, 
 as he was displeased with his benefactor for the 
 
257 
 
 reasons found written in the Mirat Sikandari. 
 It was reported that Imadu-1-Mulk, in Malwa, 
 had at this time become more and more inti- 
 mate with Kadir Shah. Darya Khan, who 
 was much vexed at hearing this, sent an order 
 in the name of the king of Gujarat, that Kadir 
 Shah should either seize and send Imadu-1- 
 Mulk to Gujarat, or expel him from his country. 
 The Governor of Malwa wrote in answer that 
 he did not chose to comply. Darya Khan was 
 enraged at this reply ; and, having ordered the 
 king's tents to be brought out, encamped at the 
 palace of Ghattamandal, near the Kankriya- 
 tank, with the intention of marching an army 
 against Kadir Shah. He also issued a firman 
 for the assembly of troops from all quarters of 
 the kingdom ; during which time he daily passed 
 two or three hours with the Sultan, and was 
 wont, after returning to his own house, to spend 
 his time in pleasure and amusement. 
 
 The Sultan, while yet young, had acquired 
 a habit of bearing whatever might come ; and, 
 though consequently grieved, had no power of 
 doing otherwise. Darya Khan one day invited 
 him, along with Sayyid Mubarak Bokhari, to an 
 entertainment, where the dancing and singing 
 had induced him to remain all night a spectator. 
 About the latter part of the night, the minister, 
 
258 
 
 rising up, retired with one of the dancing girls, 
 and left the Sultan quite alone ; at this very 
 improper treatment, the latter manifested his 
 indignation ; but, restraining his passion, whis- 
 pered to the Sayyid, " Do you behold the impu- 
 dence of this slave, who leaves me alone, and, in 
 getting up, forgets the usual respect that should 
 be paid me ?" The Sayyid told him that it was 
 now necessary to bear and wait patiently, to see 
 what might turn up. 
 
 Alam Khan Lodi, then living on his estate at 
 Dhandukah, and who had a grudge against 
 Darya Khan, hearing what had happened, sent 
 privately to the Sultan, saying, " that if he 
 chose to favour him, and would give the orders 
 for the removal of Darya Khan, such would be 
 accomplished." This measure being finally re- 
 solved on and agreed to between the parties, 
 through the mediation of a bird-catcher named 
 Charunji, the Sultan one night secretly took 
 flight, and went over to Alam Khan Lodi. He 
 was accompanied, on this occasion, by twenty- 
 two horsemen, who had escorted some draught 
 carriages sent by the latter. One day had 
 elapsed before Darya Khan became acquainted 
 with the Sultan's flight, and was now at a loss 
 how to proceed. As he was in possession of the 
 treasure, he elevated to the throne a grandson 
 
259 
 
 of Sultan Ahmad II. ; and, having- entitled him 
 Sultan Muzaffir, caused the currency to be 
 struck, and the oration at the mosque to be 
 pronounced in his name. After having, more- 
 over, collected fifty thousand cavalry, he came 
 out to oppose Alam Khan Lodi and the Sultan, 
 who, in a severe battle fought soon after, sus- 
 tained a defeat. 
 
 Darya Khan, thus victorious, left the Sultan 
 to himself, and went to Dholka. The latter, 
 notwithstanding their defeat, collected another 
 army, by people flocking to their standard from 
 every quarter, and from among the numerous 
 deserters of Darya Khan's army. The other, 
 not thinking it advisable he should remain at 
 Dholka, marched to Ahmadabad. On arriving 
 there, the people refused him admittance ; but, 
 entering the city by force, he endeavoured to 
 conciliate the soldiers and the people. Not- 
 withstanding this, his men deserted and went 
 over to the opposite party. Darya Khan, who 
 was now suspicious that the townspeople would 
 seize and deliver him up to his sovereign, sent 
 his family and effects to the fort of Champanir ; 
 whilst he himself went to Mubarak Shah at 
 Burhanpur. These events happened in the year 
 of the Hijra 950, A.D. 1543. 
 
 Mohammed Shah IT., after entering Ahmad- 
 
260 
 
 abad, went to Champanir ; and, having captured 
 that fort, obtained possession of Darya Khan's 
 women and treasures. The Sultan, now invested 
 with absolute dominion, conferred the office of 
 prime-minister on Burhanu-1-Mulk Babi, and 
 made Alam Khan Lodi commander-in-chief. 
 His affairs had thus continued prosperous for 
 six months ; when, at the intercession of Alam 
 Khan Lodi, Imadu-1-Mulk was called to court, 
 and Charunji, through his representation, ob- 
 tained the title of Muhafiz Khan. The latter 
 was made a companion of by the Sultan ; and, 
 though naturally a mean wretch, became his 
 adviser, frequently declaring that he was a 
 friend and well-wisher of his sovereign. 
 
 Imadu-1-Mulk, who had in the mean time 
 arrived from Mandu, paid his respects to the 
 Sultan ; and, after obtaining the sirkar of Bhroch, 
 with the port of Surat as his jagir, received 
 permission to go there and take possession. At 
 this time, Muhafiz Khan, when the Sultan was 
 one day heated with wine, advised him to dis- 
 miss all the old nobles, and promote others. 
 But, to accomplish this object, it was necessary 
 first to remove Ala-ud-din Lodi, brother of 
 Sikandar Lodi, of Dehli, and who, in the time of 
 Bahadur Shah, entered the service of Gujarat ; 
 and, secondly, Shujaat Khan, who had accom- 
 
261 
 
 panied him in the war carried on against 
 Darya Khan. The Sultan, without consulting 
 any of his ministers or nobles in this matter, 
 ordered that these two noblemen should be put 
 to death on the gallows ; and they were accord- 
 ingly executed. 
 
 At this time, Sultan Mohammed retired to his 
 private apartment, and ordered that no one 
 should for three days be admitted to see him. 
 On the third day, Alam Khan Lodi told Imadu- 
 1-Mulk, that, as Sultan Ala-ud-din had now been 
 dead for three days, it would be necessary to 
 tell the Sultan that he must be buried. Imadu- 
 1-Mulk consequently went to the darbdr, where 
 Muhafiz Khan, coming from the presence of the 
 Sultan, asked what he wanted, after having 
 received permission to proceed to his jagir. The 
 former replied, he must tell the Sultan that, if it 
 was his pleasure, he would bury Sultan Ala-ud- 
 din. The wretch Muhafiz Khan, laughing con- 
 temptuously, said to him in a familiar manner, 
 " Oh, Malik, these two ungrateful servants have 
 suffered death, and a crowd of others will be 
 made to follow them !" Imadu-1-Mulk, on hear- 
 ing this speech, was angry ; and, going to Alam 
 Khan Lodi, told him what he had heard. At 
 the same time, he advised him that Muhafiz 
 Khan should be put to death, if he himself had 
 
262 
 
 a wish to live many days ; and that the Sultan 
 should be closely watched. Imadu-1-Mulk im- 
 mediately after went to his jagir; but Alam 
 Khan, Wajihu-1-Mulk, and others, who were 
 assembling troops for the purpose of having 
 Muhafiz Khan put to death; resolved that they 
 would not saldm to the Sultan till such had 
 been accomplished. 
 
 After burying Ala-ud-din Lodi, the conspi- 
 rators assembled in a mosque near the royal 
 court, where, seating themselves, they besieged 
 the Sultan for three days. At the end of this 
 time, the latter, being no longer able to endure 
 his confinement, sent to ask them why they 
 were assembled. They unanimously answered, 
 " they were the Sultan's servants, but that his 
 confidant, Muhafiz Khan, who was not a proper 
 x person to serve him, must be delivered over to 
 them." The Sultan would not consent to this, 
 but soon after called these noblemen to him, 
 that they might pay their respects. As one 
 among them was in some way connected with 
 Muhafiz Khan, the same sent to tell him that it 
 would not be proper that he should be present 
 at the meeting. The fool, either from pride or 
 reliance on the Sultan's favour, did not attend 
 to this warning ; and, having accordingly come, 
 stood behind the king's throne. When Alam 
 
263 
 
 .,- 
 
 Khan Lodi saw him standing there, being no 
 longer able to contain himself, he made a signal 
 to his followers : on observing which, Muhafiz 
 Khan, through fear of his life, took shelter 
 below the throne. The mutineers, after drag- 
 ging him by the hair of the head from below the 
 throne, cut him in pieces; and, although the 
 Sultan urged them to forbear, yet no one at- 
 tended to his request. The latter, being quite 
 petrified at this transaction, drew his dagger, 
 with an intention of killing himself ; and, al- 
 though the conspirators almost immediately 
 wrested the dagger from his hand, a small part 
 of the point had however penetrated his belly. 
 After dressing his wound, they gave him into 
 custody, to be confined as before : and Alam 
 Khan Lodi, with Wajihu-1-Mulk, Mujahid Khan, 
 and Mujahidu-1-Mulk, who were the principal 
 nobles, were appointed to have charge of him. 
 They, having conducted him to Ahmadabad, 
 continued to watch him narrowly as before ; 
 but, as an intrigue had been now set on foot 
 among themselves, their vexation was mani- 
 fested at being thus obliged to guard him. 
 After consulting what ought to be done, they 
 proposed to blind him with a hot iron, and raise 
 a child to the throne ; but some said that there 
 was n necessity for even a child ; and that, by 
 
264 
 
 dividing the country among themselves, each 
 might govern his own domain. It was, there- 
 fore, agreed on that the country should be di- 
 vided, and that each should have a determinate 
 portion in certain districts. This design was 
 never accomplished ; as one of them, Tatar 
 Khan, privately told the Sultan what he had 
 heard ; and the Sultan, going with a party of 
 horse at night, ordered that the houses of Alam 
 Khan Lodi and Wajihu-1-Mulk should be plun- 
 dered. Those who were the leaders of the 
 xnobles consequently took to flight ; and a de- 
 tailed account of the same may be found in the 
 Mirat Sikandari. The Sultan, having again 
 become master of his kingdom, gave the office 
 of prime-minister to Asaf Khan, who had 
 before held the same office under Sultan Ba- 
 hadur ; and who, with Khudawand Khan and 
 several others, were promoted to high offices. 
 
 As Alam Khan Lodi, after his flight, wrote to 
 Darya Khan, then living in poverty among the 
 cities of the Dekhan, and requested he would 
 join him, the latter, accordingly, came, and met 
 Imadu-1-Mulk at Bhroch : but with this event 
 the Sultan became anxious and uneasy. In the 
 mean time a communication came from Imadu-1- 
 Mulk, representing that as Alam Khan and 
 Darya Khan were old servants of his govern- 
 
265 
 
 ment, it would be wrong to allow them to go to 
 Shir Shah, the king of Dehli, and that he should 
 give them jagirs on the frontiers ; where they 
 might do him great service. To this proposi- 
 tion he agreed ; but, as Alam Khan's brother, 
 with his family, had fled, the fulfilment of the 
 promise was delayed. The Sultan, being ever 
 on the watch, lest Darya Khan, Alam Khan, 
 and Imadu-1-Mulk, should join to raise a dis- 
 turbance in the country, ordered the latter to 
 come to him with all possible expedition, in 
 order that he might consult him on these mat- 
 ters. Sayyid Arab Shah was accordingly des- 
 patched to Imadu-1-Mulk, who, having come to 
 Champanir, with ten or twelve thousand cavalry, 
 experienced the royal favour. 
 
 Soon after, it happened that some one at 
 night set up the cry that it was the Sultan's 
 order to plunder Imadu-1-Mulk. The people 
 rushing from all quarters, in consequence of 
 this false assertion, plundered Imadu-1-Mulk 
 and his followers ; on which the former, being 
 much hurt at heart, and greatly injured, sought 
 an asylum with Sayyid Mubarak. The Sultan, 
 when made acquainted with this transaction, 
 was much vexed ; and, after causing those who 
 had occasioned this commotion to be seized, 
 ordered them to be executed. He also endea- 
 
266 
 
 voured by every means to conciliate Imadu-1- 
 Mulk ; but, as he mentioned his intention of 
 visiting the holy cities of Mekka and Medinah, 
 the Sultan complied with his wishes, and for- 
 warded him to the port of Surat ; where he was 
 Imklf 2 ' killed soon after, on the seventeenth 
 of Ramazan, of the year Hijra 952, A.D. 1545. 
 
 Succeeding these events, the Sultan ap- 
 pointed Sayyid Mubarak to command a force 
 against Darya Khan and Alam Khan ; and he, 
 after gaining a battle, drove them from Gujarat, 
 when they both went to Shir Shah of Dehli. 
 
 At this time, the Sultan abandoned the plea- 
 sures of the harem ; and the government having 
 thus received an accession of power, both nobles 
 and soldiers fell so completely under its ma- 
 nagement, that they had not the power of dis- 
 obeying. There was now some desire mani- 
 fested of seizing on Malwa ; but, when the Sul- 
 tan consulted his minister, Asaf Khan, in this 
 matter, he was told that he might obtain a 
 country equal to Malwa by merely attaching a 
 fourth of the Gujarat province, or that part 
 called the apportioned lands, then possessed by 
 x Rajputs, Grassias, and Kiilis. " If," said the 
 minister, " that fourth was only brought under 
 government management, it is sufficient, as a 
 jagir, to maintain twenty-five thousand horse ;" 
 
267 
 
 and the order was accordingly given for its re- 
 sumption. The Grassias of I'dur, Sirohi, Dun- 
 garpur, Banswarah, Lonawarah, Rajpipalah, 
 the banks of the Mahindri river, and Halwad, r 
 began on this account to disturb the country. 
 The parties of soldiers stationed at Sirohi, Idur, 
 and other places, were therefore ordered to ex- 
 tirpate the very name of Rajput and Kuli from 
 such places ; excepting, however, those who 
 were the armed police of the country, or such 
 as were engaged in trade, and who were to be 
 distinguished by a specific mark on the right 
 arm. Should any of this class be found with- 
 out this mark, they were to be executed. 
 
 In consequence of such orders, the Moham- 
 medan faith obtained such a superiority in 
 those parts, about the latter part of this reign, 
 that no Hindu was allowed to ride on horseback 
 through the city ; and those on foot were not 
 allowed to wear clothing, unless distinguished 
 by a red patch of cloth sewed on the shoulder. 
 They were, moreover, prevented from exhibit- 
 ing any public marks of infidelity, such as the 
 \idolatries of the Hull and Dewali festivals. It 
 is therefore related that after the villain Burhan 
 murdered the Sultan, the Grassias and Kulis 
 set up an image of the murderer, which they 
 worshipped, and addressed it, saying, " This is 
 
268 
 
 our protector, who has saved us from perdi- 
 tion." 
 
 The author of the Mirat Sikandari, who has 
 mentioned the Sultan's contemporaries and 
 friends, says that he was a great friend to 
 Fakirs, and that, having a great regard for the 
 unfortunate among this class, he built many 
 places for their reception, where servants were 
 appointed to supply them with whatever they 
 required. He was also wont to give the devout, 
 frequenting mosques and colleges, good clothing 
 during the winter season, and make them pre- 
 sents of coverlets. As many of the dissipated 
 among them were, however, in the habit of 
 selling the latter, he ordered that such should 
 be made large enough for covering several 
 persons, as they would not be then unanimous 
 in their resolution to sell them. 
 
 The Sultan, having rid himself of the domi- 
 I'DasJe 3 ' neering nobles, set out, in A. Hij. 953, 
 A.D. 1546, on a trip of pleasure to Mahmud- 
 abad r ; where he resolved on erecting some 
 magnificent works, called the deer park. The 
 latter, which was two farsangs long, and in 
 breadth nearly as far as a horse could run, con- 
 tained at each corner a palace, the walls and 
 
 ( r ) This city was founded by Mahmiid I, surnamed Bigarrah, 
 in A. Hij. 880, A.D. 1475. 
 
269 
 
 roof of which were gilded. On the right hand 
 side of the doors, leading to each of these 
 palaces, he caused a fine bazar to be made ; 
 where in every shop a Peri-faced damsel was 
 stationed, to dispense to customers every thing 
 which contributed to pleasure. The Sultan 
 often, when engaged on a hunting party, was 
 wont to entertain and amuse himself there with 
 these fair damsels ; and, once every year, from 
 the 1st to the 12th of Rabi-ul-awal, the nativity 
 of the Prophet Mohammed was celebrated, when 
 . all the Ulamas, Shaikhs, and learned men, at- 
 tended the Court, and rehearsed the traditions. 
 On the 12th day, the Sultan personated the 
 Sharif of Mekka in that assembly, after having 
 ordered the whole to be fed at a banquet. This 
 practice had been continued downwards from 
 the time of Muzaffir II. 
 
 When Sultan Mahmud II. had exerted him- 
 self at the celebration of this festival, held in 
 the year of the Hijra 961, A.D. 1533-4, he re- 
 tired to rest, after having taken farewell of the 
 people then assembled. Having slept a little, 
 he awoke, and called for some sherbet and 
 water; when Burhan, whose office was to pre- 
 pare these things, mixing poison with the 
 draught, gave it to the Sultan. The latter soon 
 after felt unwell, and, having vomited, asked 
 
270 
 
 Burhan what kind of sherbet he had given 
 him. The latter replied that, as the Sultan's 
 illness had been solely brought on by his exer- 
 tions, it was necessary for him to take rest, that 
 he might drive it away. Another hour of the 
 night passed, and the Sultan, again going to 
 sleep, was murdered by Burhan with a dagger. 
 This event happened on Friday, during the na- 
 tivity of the Prophet, A. Hij. 962, A.D. 1554. 
 As nearly eighteen years had passed from the 
 time he was first enthroned, and as Tie was in 
 his eleventh year, he must have attained his 
 twenty-eighth year at the period of his death. 
 
 The wretch Burhan, with his wicked accom- 
 plices in this infamous transaction, resolved to 
 finish the business, by concealing, in the ante- 
 chamber of the royal apartments, a party of 
 armed men, to whom instructions were given 
 to kill every one who should approach. After 
 this arrangement was made, a person was sent 
 to Asaf Khan, the prime-minister, with a mes- 
 sage to say " that the Sultan was calling him, 
 and that he was on no account to make the least 
 delay." The minister accordingly went ; when 
 Burhan, rising up, received him with much re- 
 spect, telling him that it was the Sultan's order 
 that he should wait in the ante-chamber, where 
 the armed men had been concealed. The wretch 
 
271 
 
 soon after made the minister advance before 
 him ; and, whilst he himself drew back, the 
 latter was slain on entering the ante-chamber : 
 as was also Khudawand Khan, who was sent 
 for in the same manner. Itimad Khan had been 
 also sent for; but he, wisely supposing that there 
 was some pretence for doing so, went not. About 
 the same time, another of the ministers, Afzal 
 Khan, was sent for ; on whom Burhan, seeing 
 him approaching, began to smile, and flattered 
 him, saying, " That if the Khan gave him his 
 assistance, he would grant him whatsoever he 
 might desire." To this, Afzal Khan replied, 
 " Wretch ! what are your thoughts ? and what 
 is this you talk of?" Burhan at length, de- 
 spairing of gaining over Afzal Khan, caused 
 him also to be put to death. 
 
 The wretch, having thus glutted his vile 
 heart with these and many other murders, laid 
 his hands on the royal treasure and effects ; and, 
 having dressed himself in fine attire, binding on 
 his neck a collar of great value, studded with 
 jewels, which had been worn by the Sultan, 
 seated himself like a dog on the royal jewelled 
 chair, making manifest the saying, " that the 
 dog sits in the cook's place." 
 
 Having thus commenced to govern, he gave 
 away the king's best horses as presents to his 
 
272 
 
 accomplices, along with their saddles, their gold 
 and silver head-ornaments; and orclered that 
 all the prisoners in jail should be set free. 
 Those who joined him took the money and the 
 horses, but, soon after seceding from his party, 
 left him with only a few. 
 
 In the mean time, these events became gene- 
 rally known. The confidants of the late Sul- 
 tan, such as Imadu-l-Mulk s , the leader of the 
 Turks, and Alagh Khan, chief of the Abyssi- 
 nians, now went with all possible expedition to 
 the palace, and, having locked up the treasure, 
 gave it in charge to trustworthy persons. They 
 next proceeded to expel Burhan ; who, with 
 those he had collected, came out ; and as one of 
 the nobles, named Shirwan Khan, had advanced 
 in front. Burhan said to him, " Come on, Shir- 
 wan Khan; you have arrived in time!" To 
 this the Khan replied, "I have indeed !" and, 
 spurring on his horse, so cut him across the 
 shoulder with his sword that he fell at his 
 feet. All who were with him were also put to 
 death. 
 
 Sayyid Mubarak now called together all the 
 great nobles, such as Itimad Khan and others, 
 
 ( s ) This is the Imadu-1-Mulk mentioned in the Miratu-1-Ma- 
 malik, who must not be confounded with him who died at Surat. 
 His original name was Malik Arslan, 
 
273 
 
 that they might deliberate how government 
 should be carried on. The late Sultan having 
 left no heir behind, Riza-ul-Mulk was despatched 
 to Ahmadabad, to bring one of his relations, 
 named Ahmad Khan. The messenger, who 
 found him at a merchant's shop, purchasing- 
 grain, brought him accordingly to Mahmuda- 
 bad. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE REIGN OF AHMAD KHAN II. SON OF LAT1F KHAN, WHO WAS 
 GRANDSON OF SHUKAR KHAN, THE SON OF SULTAN AHMAD 1. 
 
 A.Hij.961, On the 15th of Rabi-ul-awal, A. Hii. 
 
 28th February, J 
 
 961, A.D. 1554, Sayyid Mubarak, as- 
 sisted by the grandees and great nobles of 
 state, taking Ahmad Khan by the hand, placed 
 him on the throne, and entitled him Ahmad 
 Sultan. From this date, the Sultan confided 
 much in Sayyid Mubarak, and Itimad Khan 
 was made prime-minister. 
 
 As Ahmad Sultan was yet a minor, the nobles 
 agreed to divide the treasure and country among 
 each other, until he attained maturity ; and 
 every one in his own domain was to guard 
 against disturbances of the public peace, and 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 protect the frontiers. When Mubarak Shah, of 
 Khandesh, became aware of this state of affairs 
 in Gujarat, he undertook an expedition to that 
 quarter, and encamped with his army on the 
 Nerbuddah, opposite Bhroch. The Gujarat 
 nobles, marching thither, encamped opposite to 
 him. After an . interchange of messages be- 
 tween the parties, a peace was at length con- 
 cluded, through the mediation of Sayyid Muba- 
 rak ; when the nobles returned towards Ahmad - 
 abad ; but, having soon after split into two 
 factions, one of them joined Itimad Khan, and 
 the other followed Nasiru-1-Mulk. Sayyid Mu- 
 barak, who was a brave and honourable man, 
 continued to support Itimad Khan. The two 
 opposite factions continued watching each other, 
 until they arrived in the neighbourhood of Ba- 
 roda, where a battle was fought between Sayyid 
 Mubarak and Nasiru-1-Mulk, in which the for- 
 x mer suffered a defeat. As this had happened 
 in consequence of Itimad Khan having withheld 
 his assistance, Sayyid Mubarak took his depar- 
 ture for his jagir of Kapparwanj ; and the for- 
 mer, without fighting, soon after joined him at 
 that place. 
 
 ISFasiru-1-Mulk carried Sultan Ahmad along 
 with him ; and, having entered Ahmadabad 
 with uncontrolled power, administered the af- 
 
275 
 
 fairs of government in this manner for two 
 months. At the end of that time, he carried 
 his troops against Kapparwanj, for the purpose 
 of expelling Sayyid Mubarak and Itimad Khan, 
 who came out to oppose him. As Alagh Khan 
 Habshi and Imadu-1-Mulk Rumi, who had 
 charge of the Sultan, came to the resolution, at 
 this time, of going over with him to Sayyid Mu- 
 barak ; and were afraid that, if Nasiru-1-Mulk 
 succeeded against the Sayyid and Itimad Khan, 
 he would proceed against them in turn ; they 
 accordingly carried the Sultan over to the enemy, 
 one morning at daybreak: in consequence of 
 which Nasiru-1-Mulk took to flight. 
 
 Sayyid Mubarak and Itimad Khan carried 
 the Sultan with them to Ahmadabad : from 
 whence they went in pursuit of Nasiru-1-Mulk, 
 who had gone into the mountainous country 
 about Pal. Itimad Khan, on this occasion, 
 appointed Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk his deputy in Ah- 
 madabad ; but as the latter, two days after 
 the departure of the Sultan with Itimad Khan, 
 gave his support to a person named Shahu, the 
 Sultan's paternal uncle, discord was renewed 
 afresh. 
 
 Sayyid Mubarak and the others, on being made 
 acquainted with this proceeding, marched from 
 Bhroch for Ahmadabad ; but had only advanced 
 
 T2 
 
276 
 
 as far as Mahmudabad, when the supporters of 
 Shahu marched out to meet them. A battle hav- 
 ing consequently taken place between the parties, 
 at the town of Uprah, four koss distant from Ah- 
 madabad, Shahu and the rebellious nobles who 
 supported him were put to flight. Sayyid Mu- 
 barak now carried the Sultan along with him, 
 and entered Ahmadabad in triumph. Soon 
 after, the nobles having divided the country in 
 the manner agreed on 1 , each took possession of 
 his portion ; whilst the Sultan and Itimad Khan 
 remained at Ahmadabad, and were absolute 
 there. 
 
 But, when was discord ever known to cease ? 
 About this time, Darya Khan dying, his com- 
 panion in exile, Alam Khan Lodi, who was with 
 Shir Shah of Dehli, wrote to say that he could 
 not remain there ; and soon after, coming to 
 Ahmadabad, endeavoured to bring about a union 
 between himself and Sayyid Mubarak. Itimad 
 Khan and Imadu-1-Mulk, who were now dis- 
 pleased with Sayyid Mubarak, had at length, 
 through the intrigues and evil advice of Alam 
 
 (*) The division of the country here noticed is detailed in a note 
 at the end of this chapter, supported by the authority of a con- 
 temporary historian. It is not the same division which took 
 place during the reign of Muzaffir III., as mentioned by Ferishta, 
 and subsequently in this work. 
 
277 
 
 Khan Lodi, come prepared for war against him ; 
 and these nobles, having carried the Sultan 
 along with them, went forth for battle. But, 
 when it was known that Alam Khan Lodi had 
 caused all this, a meeting took place between 
 them, when the Sultan was again sent back to 
 Sayyid Mubarak. Alam Khan Lodi now fled 
 to the mountainous country about Pal ; and the 
 two commanders, after following him for some 
 distance, returned to Champanir. 
 
 Mubarak Shah, of Khandesh, on learning this 
 state of affairs, again entered Gujarat with an 
 army, and returned without effecting any thing. 
 Though the Sultan, at this time, entertained 
 several private servants, Itimad Khan and 
 Imadu-1-Mulk retained the whole power of the 
 government ; and, as each strove for the superio- 
 rity, the confidential servants of either alter- 
 nately kept watch on the Sultan. The kings and 
 nobles of Gujarat, who were now doomed to 
 destruction by the will of God, ended the busi- 
 ness by going to war with one another ; and, 
 though a treaty of agreement had been renewed, 
 and sworn to falsely, they bartered their faith 
 for the mean idea of gain. Sayyid Mubarak, 
 who was peaceably inclined, continually endea- 
 voured to mediate between them, and smother 
 the flame of discord. 
 
278 
 
 Some time had passed in this manner, when 
 the enmity existing between Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 Rumi, and Itimad Khan, became apparent by the 
 Sultan uniting himself with the former, in order 
 that he might free himself from the control of 
 the other. Itimad Khan, being vexed at this, 
 went to Mubarak Shah of Khandesh ; and, 
 bringing the latter along with him, advanced on 
 Gujarat, when Sayyid Mubarak's good advice 
 induced the Khan to return to his former situa- 
 tion of minister. The Sultan, having now no 
 expectation of obtaining the direction of govern- 
 ment affairs, through means of Imadu-1-Mulk, 
 and perceiving that he must again fall into the 
 power of Itimad Khan, came privately, with 
 several friends, to Sayyid Mubarak, at Sayyid- 
 pur, near Mahmudabad, a place rendered flou- 
 rishing by the Sayyid. The Sayyid, not being 
 pleased at his coming in this manner, reproved 
 his friends, and told them that they had acted 
 improperly in bringing him in this way. 
 
 About this time, Haji Khan, one of the best 
 commanders of Islam Shah, king of Dehli, having 
 left that capital, on account of its conquest by 
 the troops of Humayun Padshah, set out for 
 Gujarat, with fifty thousand horse and one hun- 
 dred elephants. The Khan, on his way hither, 
 having engaged the Rana, defeated him; when, 
 
279 
 
 being thus victorious, he turned towards Gu- 
 jarat. As Itimad Khan and Imadu-1-Mulk sup- 
 posed that Haji Khan had come at the request 
 of the Sultan and Sayyid Mubarak, they resolved 
 on putting to death the latter, before the Haji 
 had yet joined Sayyid Mubarak and the Sultan. 
 The two commanders accordingly marched out 
 with thirty thousand cavalry, accompanied by 
 guns ; and, having encamped in the neighbour- 
 hood of Mahmudabad, fought a battle there, after 
 a frequent exchange of messages. On this occa- 
 sion, Sayyid Mubarak was killed, and Sayyidpur 
 plundered. His family was, however, respected ; 
 as^ it is customary with the people of Gujarat, 
 
 |fl 
 
 on such occasions, not to injure the honour of 
 their opponent's family, however much they be 
 their enemies or wish them evil. 
 
 The leaders, with their troops, having now 
 separated, removed from one another a distance 
 of ten or twelve koss ; but parties from each 
 camp continued to frequent the city. After 
 some days, a peace was concluded, through the 
 interference of mediators. In short, Sayyid 
 Miran, the son of Sayyid Mubarak, went to 
 Kapparwanj, with his family and people, whilst 
 the two commanders, taking the Sultan along 
 with them, went to Ahmadabad, where they 
 entered into a private treaty with each other. 
 
280 
 
 Sayyid Miran came to Ahmadabad, a short 
 time after, having been requested to do so by 
 Imadu-1-Mulk and Itimad Khan. As some fresh 
 cause of disagreement between the two leaders 
 happened at this time, the Sultan was again 
 
 ^privately intriguing with Imadu-1-Mulk, who 
 sent for his son, Jangiz Khan, from Bhroch. 
 Itimad Khan also sent for Tatar Khan Ghazi 
 from Junagarh ; and, after having left Ahmad- 
 abad and collected an army in the neighbour- 
 hood, sent a message to Imadu-1-Mulk that he 
 must leave the city, and go to his own personal 
 
 ^estate. Imadu-1-Mulk, perceiving that he could 
 not remain there, left it along with Alagh Khan 
 Habshi, and went to Bhroch, on which occasion 
 
 \ the latter obtained Baroda from him. 
 
 Itimad Khan now appointed his confidential 
 friends to watch over the Sultan : and, being 
 free from all responsibility and uneasiness with 
 regard to governing, gave half the parganah of 
 Karri, in jagir, to Haji Khan, whom he enter- 
 tained in service. He also permitted Musa 
 Khan and others to go to their own estates. 
 
 Intelligence was at this time received that 
 Imadu-1-Mulk's brother-in-law, named Ikhtiyar 
 Khan u , who was then at Surat, had put him to 
 
 ( u ) The person here noticed is called Khudawand Khan by a 
 contemporary, the author of the Tazkaratu-1-Muliik, and had mar- 
 ried 
 
281 
 
 death ; and that, some months after, the son of the 
 former, Jangiz Khan, had revenged his father's 
 murder by slaying his murderer. During these 
 proceedings, Itimad Khan carried an army 
 against Bhroch ; but, immediately after, re- 
 turned to Ahmadabad, on account of disturb- 
 ances happening at this time in the Zillahs of 
 Patan and Radhanpur. Ftimad Khan was now 
 employed in guarding against the Sultan's in- 
 trigues, as men from all quarters had collected 
 in Gujarat, with whom the Sultan had a com- 
 munity of feeling. The minister, impressed 
 with an idea that some calamity might happen, 
 for which he might not be prepared, passed his 
 time in much anxiety. As Sultan Ahmad was 
 of an evil and subtile disposition, he would 
 often, when drunk with wine, take a sword, and, 
 cutting a plantain tree, would say, " I have 
 cut off the head of Itimad Khan, and divided 
 v Imadu-1-Mulk's body into pieces." In this 
 manner he spoke of several of the nobles ; on 
 which account, Wajihu-1-Mulk, who was Itimad 
 Khan's assistant, was continually advising them 
 to put the Sultan to death, before he could effect 
 any thing treacherous. 
 
 ried a daughter of Imadu-1-Mulk Malik Arslan. This same Khuda- 
 wand Khan was in possession of Surat at this time, as appears 
 from the mention of him by the Miratu-1-Mamalik. (Bombay Lite- 
 rary Transactions, vol. ii., p. 1.) 
 
282 
 
 Sultan Ahmad was at this time so powerful, 
 as to be capable of riding three koss either for 
 the sake of amusement or the chase ; and, as he 
 often came to Itimad Khan's house at unseason- 
 able times, the Khan received him with fear and 
 trembling. Although Wajihu-1-Mulk continued 
 to urge Itimad Khan to put the Sultan to death, 
 he continued to delay the measure. One day, 
 'however, Wajihu-1-Mulk sent a message to the 
 Sultan, saying, that if a promise of succeeding 
 as prime-minister was given him, he would put 
 Itimad Khan to death. The Sultan, unconscious 
 of anything being intended, encouraged him by 
 a promise of succeeding the minister; but, when 
 Wajihu-1-Mulk told this to Itimad Khan, he 
 would not, he said, give credence to such a 
 thing, without having heard it with his own 
 ears. Wajihu-1-Mulk, therefore, having carried 
 the Khan at night time to a house near Bhaddar, 
 concealed him in an antechamber; whence he 
 sent this message to the Sultan, " that, as he 
 could not venture to publicly meet the Sultan for 
 fear of Itimad Khan's spies, he begged the latter 
 would take the trouble of meeting him, in order 
 that an agreement might be drawn up. Waji- 
 hu-1-Mulk then prepared a royal seat for the 
 Sultan at the door of the antechamber where 
 he had concealed Itimad Khan. The Sultan 
 
 
 
283 
 
 accordingly came and took his seat, when Waji- 
 hu-1-Mulk recapitulated to him what he had be- 
 fore said, requesting that an agreement between 
 them might be drawn up. The former, without 
 hesitation, repeated all that had already passed 
 between them ; when Itimad Khan, who had 
 overheard the whole conversation, presenting 
 himself from the antechamber, asked the Sultan 
 what he had ever done that he should conspire 
 against his life. The Sultan, who became pe- 
 trified with astonishment, was immediately 
 killed by Itimad Khan's servants, who, accord- 
 ing to order, inflicted on him several blows of a 
 stick. Having afterwards taken up his dead 
 body, they threw it on the sands of the Sabar- 
 mati river, which is close by the houses of 
 Bhaddar. These events happened on Monday, 
 l p D U i5 2 6i. the 5th of Shaban, A. Hij. 968, A.D. 
 1560-1 x . 
 
 ( x ) Rafi-ud-din Shirazi, author of the Tazkaratu-1-Muluk, was in 
 Ahmadabad at this time, and mentions the death of Ahmad Khan 
 IT. of Gujarat in these words ; 
 
284 
 
 Those who found the body thought some of 
 his intimate associates must have murdered the 
 Sultan ; and, on removing it from thence, it was 
 buried in the vault of Sultan Ahmad I. 
 
 " After the murder of Sultan Mahraud II . of 
 Gujarat, Sultan Ahmad II. was seated on the throne ; hut the 
 latter only possessed the name, without the power, of governing, 
 as several of his servants had appointed a residence for him, 
 where their associates were stationed, and permitted no other 
 person to see him. The Sultan and Itimad Khan, with Jahjahar 
 Khan and Alagh Khan, Abyssinians, occupied the capital, while 
 the other nobles declared themselves independent on their own 
 estates. Musa Khan, Haji Khan, and Malik Arslan Imadu-1- 
 Mulk in Bhroch, and Amir Khan in Bijnagar [not Bijnagar in 
 the Dekhan, but the city of this name in Gujarat], enjoyed abso- 
 lute authority, but read the khutba and coined money in the name 
 of their sovereign. Sultan Ahmad, in the course of seven years, 
 had twice escaped from Itimad Khan, and taken refuge with the 
 other nobles, in order that, through their assistance, he might 
 
 establish 
 
285 
 
 Previously to the Sultan's murder, Beiram 
 Khan had been murdered at the city of Pa- 
 tan, on his way to Mekka; as Arsh Ashiani 
 Akbar Padshah, on that very year, for the 
 several reasons detailed in the Akbar-Namah, 
 had given him permission to go to the Holy 
 City, on a pilgrimage. Beiram Khan, on arriv- 
 ing at Patan, encamped there on the plain, 
 intending to rest himself for some days. As 
 Musa Khan Faoladi was at this time in un- 
 controlled power in that quarter, a crowd of 
 Afghans, who increased the disorders of the 
 country, had collected about him. Among 
 others, was a person named Mubarak Khan 
 Lohani ; who, as his father had been inadver- 
 tently killed, in the battle of Machiwarah, by 
 Beiram Khan, was now determined to take re- 
 venge. The Afghans accordingly excited a 
 tumult, both on account of this occurrence, and 
 
 establish his own authority. Having failed in doing so, however, 
 he left them, and returned to Itimad Khan, when, one morning, 
 in A. Hij. 967, A.D. 1559, the people found Sultan Ahmad with- 
 out a head, in a small water- course which flows near the city. 
 The writer of these pages chanced at this time to arrive in the 
 environs of Ahmadabad ; when, having heard that they had be- 
 headed the Sultan during the r.ight, and being afraid that sedi- 
 tious risings and disturbances would follow, he went into the city, 
 where neither sedition nor tumult existed, in consequence of a 
 successor having been appointed." 
 
286 
 
 because a Kashmirian woman, the wife of Selim 
 Khan, by whom she had a daughter, after be- 
 trothing her to the son of Beiram Khan, was 
 now accompanying him 'on his pilgrimage to 
 Mekka. One day, Beiram Khan had gone to a 
 pleasure seat, situated in the midst of a large 
 lake, near the city ; and had returned in the 
 boat which had conveyed him there, when the 
 above-mentioned Afghan, accompanied by thirty 
 or forty others, arrived on the borders of the 
 lake, just as Beiram Khan had mounted his 
 horse. On this occasion, the dishonourable 
 Afghan, though the Khan had requested the 
 whole to come to him, so struck him on the 
 back with a dagger that it passed out at his 
 breast. The others, then drawing their swords, 
 completed his business, and put him to death. 
 His followers and attendants, distracted and 
 astonished, took to flight ; and left the Khan's 
 bleeding body in the dust, where it was allowed 
 to lie, until some Fakirs and inhabitants carried 
 it away, and buried it near the mausoleum of 
 Shaikh Hissam. This event happened on Fri- 
 day, the 14th of Jumada-ul-awal, A. Hij. 968, 
 A.D d ^i uary ' A.D. 1560-1. 
 
 Beiram Khan's body was afterwards carried 
 to the holy Mashhad, and buried there, through 
 the exertion of Hussain Kuli Khan. 
 
287 
 
 After Beiram Khan's death, the robbers of 
 Patan plundered his followers, and left them 
 nothing. Khoajah Malik, and several others, 
 who brought away Abdu-1-Karim, (son and 
 rightful heir of the Khan,) with his mother, 
 saved them from that calamity, and sent them 
 to Ahmadabad ; whence, after four months, 
 they went to the capital, (Dehli) by desire of the 
 Emperor Akbar. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE REIGN OF SULTAN MUZAFFIR III, COMMONLY CALLED NATHU, 
 WHO WAS THE LAST OF THE RACE OF GUJARAT KINGS. 
 
 A^sS?' After the murder of Sultan Ahmad in 
 A. Hij. 968, A.D. 1561, Itimad Khan seated 
 Muzaffir on the throne. According to the faith 
 of most historians, Itimad Khan, who had all 
 the power of government in his hands, seeing 
 that there were none of the late Sultan's rela- 
 tions fit for the government, produced a young 
 boy, named Nathii ; and having in open as- 
 sembly taken an oath that such was the son 
 v of Sultan Mahmud II, he explained that his 
 
288 
 
 mother, when pregnant, had been delivered 
 over to him, for the purpose of procuring an 
 abortion ; but that this child had been brought 
 forth : as. five months of her pregnancy having 
 passed, no abortion could take place. He said, 
 moreover, that he had brought him up in 
 secret, and that there was no heir to the 
 government excepting him. Every one, assent- 
 ing to this, and supporting his claim to the 
 throne, entitled him Muzaffir Shah. 
 
 After a lapse of some months, Itimad Khan 
 carried an army against Musa Khan and Shir 
 Khan Faoladi, at Patan, for the purpose of 
 being revenged on Fat'h Khan Baliich. The 
 nobles, now aware of the circumstances attend- 
 ing the Sultan's murder, were annoyed with 
 Itimad Khan ; and only remained attached to 
 him through fear of their own lives. When the 
 minister arrived at Patan, having given Musa 
 Khan and Shir Khan battle, he sustained a 
 defeat : and the nobles, without fighting, came 
 back to Ahmadabad. Itimad Khan resolved 
 again to raise troops, and exerted himself to 
 the utmost, notwithstanding none of the nobles 
 were on his side, and all of them had gone to 
 their own estates. He, at length, proceeded 
 against Musa Khan and Shir Khan, with the 
 army he had ; and after sustaining a second 
 
289 
 
 defeat, came to Ahmadabad. These events hap- 
 tixL'S: pened in A. Hij. 969, A.D. 1561-2. 
 
 Finally, enmity among the nobles, and a con- 
 test for superiority, happening at this time, 
 Itimad Khan left the capital ; and Jangiz Khan 
 took possession of it, when he also was killed by 
 the Abyssinians. An account of these things, 
 and of the anarchy which was thus produced 
 in the kingdom, may be found in the Mirat 
 Sikandari. 
 
 The victories gained in Gujarat by the army 
 of Arsh-Ashiani Akbar Padshah, with the ter- 
 mination of Sultan Muzaffir's reign, and the 
 government of Azim Mirza Aziz Koka, for a 
 AjK 00 ' second time, in A. Hij. 1000, A.D. 1591 , 
 will be yet detailed. But now, please God, 
 we may proceed to give a short account of 
 the conquest of the country by Akbar, and of 
 such things as happened under the rule of the 
 Nazims, who from that time were appointed to 
 Gujarat. We, therefore, deem it necessary to 
 write down whatever may have happened under 
 the government of those permanently appointed 
 to the office of Nazim, or those acting as de- 
 puties for a time. And, as the Mirat Ahmadi 
 principally consists of revenue regulations and 
 assessments, with the greater part of the orders, 
 issued and observed in settling the province in 
 
290 
 
 the name of the collectors-general, the several 
 Diwans, under each individual reign, are there- 
 fore mentioned, along with the Nazims, or pro- 
 vincial governors. From a deficiency of infor- 
 mation regarding the Faujdars and Amildars, 
 any lengthened account of them has been 
 omitted. Several of these are, however, occa- 
 sionally mentioned : and, as the offices of re- 
 venue minister and governor were akin to each 
 other, the account has been abridged accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF GUJARAT BY THE EMPEROR AKBAR, 
 WHEN IT WAS UNITED AS A PROVINCE TO THE MOGHUL 
 EMPIRE OF DEHLI. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CELEBRATED DESCENDANTS OF SA- 
 HIBI KIRAN AMIR TAIMUR KOREAN, WHO HAVE REIGNED IN HIN- 
 DUSTAN. , 
 
 It is truly wonderful to think on what a cele- 
 brated line of ancestry the members of this 
 family can show ; whose forefathers, from Adam 
 downwards, have been kings and emperors of 
 
291 
 
 great fortune and dignity. Such have been the 
 habits of justice and equity, of beneficence and 
 liberality, with which they have been endowed 
 by the great Giver of all things, that, if inquirers 
 into history will diligently search, they will find 
 that the kings, princes, and potentates of the 
 seven climates have derived their power from 
 them. From them, also, contrary to the cus- 
 toms of other kings, every one travelling hither 
 from Iran, Turan, Rumelia, Assyria, Arabia, 
 and Abyssinia, obtains his desires. But, not- 
 withstanding the amazing extent of their pos- 
 sessions, their power and opulence, it can never 
 be said that they have either been so proud or 
 arrogant as to treat with contempt the meanest 
 of their servants ; whilst they have also sup- 
 ported the usages of our exalted religion. It is 
 related, that Sahibi Kiran II., or Shah Jahan 
 Padshah, on the commencement of his reign, 
 after seating himself on the Peacock throne, 
 which cost one krore of rupees, equal to several 
 years' revenue of Egypt, gave thanks to God, 
 after having twice knelt, saying, " though Pha- 
 roah in Egypt, when on his ivory throne, claimed 
 equality with the great God of truth, and said, 
 * I am thy God the highest/ yet, master as I am 
 of such a country, I dare not address to him 
 such language." How proper and becoming 
 
 U2 
 
292 
 
 is such a faith ! and, by thus continuing 
 to glorify God, we trust that he will continue 
 to support this noble family on the throne. 
 Wherefore, it has come to pass that, amidst the 
 disturbances and revolutions which have hap- 
 pened throughout the world, both in Iran 
 and Turan, the princes of this family are still 
 lords of Hindustan : for which we ought to be 
 thankful. 
 
 As must be generally known, Amir Taimur 
 Sahibi Kiran captured the capital of Hindustan, 
 A.Hij.soi, in the beginning of A. Hii. 801, A.D. 
 
 January, & J 
 
 1398-9 ; and, after subduing the whole 
 of the country in the course of a year, marched 
 for his capital of Samarkand, at the end of that 
 very year. Sultan Mahmud Toghluk, who was 
 then king of Dehli, being defeated by Taimur, 
 fled to Gujarat, where Muzaffir Khan had assu- 
 med the style and title of a king ; and, as Mah- 
 mud Toghluk met with no encouragement in 
 Gujarat, he went from thence to Malwa, as has 
 been already detailed. 
 
 His Highness Firdaus-Makani Zahiru-d-din 
 Mohammed Babar, who was the son of Omar 
 Shaikh Mirza, the son of Abu Said Mirza, by 
 Miran Shah, the son of Taimur, having left Ka- 
 bul for the conquest of Hindustan, in the year 
 of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-6, captured Dehli 
 
293 
 
 and Agra, with several other cities in the East. 
 This happened about the latter part of the reign 
 of Sultan Muzaffir II. of Gujarat, who was suc- 
 ceeded by Sultans Sikandar and Bahadur ; and, 
 in the fifth year of the latter's reign, Babar 
 having departed this life, at Agra, on the 6th 
 A.Hij.937, of Jumada-ul-awal, A. Hii. 937, A.D. 
 
 25th Dec. 
 
 1530, was carried to Kabul and buried 
 there. Babar therefore reigned about six 
 years. 
 
 His son, Nasiru-d-din Humayun Padshah, 
 named Jannat-Ashiani, succeeded him ; and 
 commenced his reign at Agra on the 9th of Ju- 
 mada-ul-awal, A. Hij. 937. The date of this 
 event is contained in the words " Kheir-ul Mu- 
 luk ;" and at this time Sultan Bahadur was 
 reigning in Gujarat. As Humayun was vexed 
 with the latter, on account of the affair of Mo- 
 hammed Zaman Mirza; he brought an army 
 against him in A. Hij. 941, A.D. 1534-5, while 
 the latter was besieging Chitore ; and, after 
 defeating him, captured the fort of Champanir, 
 These transactions are partly detailed in the 
 Mirat Sikandari, and more at length in the Ak- 
 bar-Namah. 
 
 After a lapse of some years, Humayun 
 went to Iran ; and, on his return from thence, 
 in the middle of the month of Zu-1-hijjah, 
 
294 
 
 -i-hijjah then A. Hij. 962, A.D. 1555, took the coun- 
 
 began J?th Sept. 
 
 try a second time from those who had 
 rebelled against him, and made it wholly his 
 own. In the mean time, Sultan Bahadur of 
 Gujarat had been removed, Sultan Mahmud II. 
 killed, and Sultan Ahmad II. placed on the 
 i3t.h Raw-ui- throne: when, on the 13th of Rabi-ul- 
 
 awal, 26th Jan. 
 
 awal, A. Hij. 963, Humayun himself 
 died, at Dehli, and was buried there in the mau- 
 soleum, now called Humayun's. His reign, 
 from the time he was first enthroned in Hindu- 
 stan, lasted twenty-five years, two months, and 
 two days. 
 
 After the decease of Humayun, his son Arsh- 
 Ashiani Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar com- 
 menced his reign, at the idgdh, in the city of 
 1 4 S I5 e 56 ruary> Kalanur, about midday of Friday, the 2d 
 of Rabi-us-sani ; at which time Sultan Ahmad 
 uth Rajab. II. was reigning in Gujarat. On the 
 
 18th November, 
 
 A.D. 1572. 14th of the month of Ra j ab O f A. Hij. 
 980, when thirteen complete years had elapsed 
 from the beginning of the reign of Muzaffir III. 
 the whole of the country of Gujarat came into 
 possession of Akbar, as detailed hereafter, 
 among the affairs of Hindustan. Akbar died 
 A.Di C 6ot er ' on Wednesday, the 12th of Jumada-s- 
 sani, A. Hij. 1014 ; and was buried in the mau- 
 soleum, which exists at Sikandrah. His reign 
 
295 
 
 lasted fifty-one lunar years, two months, and 
 nine days ; during which time nine persons 
 were appointed to the government of Gujarat. 
 His son, Jannat-Makani Nuru-d-din Moham- 
 med Jahangir, succeeded him ; and commenced 
 his reign at Akbarabad, or Agra, on Friday the 
 i7th Oct. o.s. 14th of Jumada-s-sani of the above 
 year. He died on the afternoon of Sunday the 
 28thsafar, 28th of Safar, A. Hii. 1037, at the sta- 
 
 29th Oct. O.S. J 
 
 tion of Jannak Hatti, when returning 
 from Kashmir to Lahore, which was the seat of 
 government. He was buried in the mausoleum 
 near Lahore, after having reigned twenty-one 
 years and a month. During this period eight 
 persons were honoured with the government of 
 Gujarat. 
 
 Shah-Jahan Padshah, otherwise named Fir- 
 daus-Ashiani, and Sahibi Kiran II., succeeded 
 sln^A'Sf^io'sv k* s father Jahangir, on Friday the 
 A.D. 1627. " 12th of Jumada-s-sani, A. Hij. 1037. 
 l 2 D dT i666 s He died on Monday the 26th of Rajab, 
 A. Hij. 1076, A.D. 1665-6, and was buried in the 
 mausoleum which exists at Akbarabad (Agra), 
 after having reigned thirty-two years. For the 
 last seven years of his life, he was kept under 
 restraint, in the fort of Agra; during which 
 time there were twelve persons who held the 
 government of Gujarat. 
 
296 
 
 On the death of Shah-Jahan, his son, Mohei- 
 ud-din Mohammed Aurangzib, otherwise named 
 Khuld-Makani, succeeded to the government. 
 He first commenced to date his reign at the 
 fstlEi-Sh, garden of Aiz Khan, on Friday the 
 3 AD. J i5& os 1st of Zu-1-kadah, A. Hij. 1068 y ; and 
 a second time, when the coins of the empire 
 and the oration at the mosque were proclaimed 
 24th Ramazan, under his title, corresponding to Sun- 
 
 A. Hij. lOby, 
 
 S.S: s day the 24th of Ramazan, A. Hij. 1069. 
 This prince died at Ahmadnagar, a province of 
 f^^/kadah.the Dekhan, on Sunday the 27th of Zu- 
 
 A. HIJ. lllo, * 
 
 I 9 D.I 7 e o b 7 as ' l-kadah, A. Hij. 1118; and his body 
 was sent from thence to Khuldabad, known by 
 the name of Roza, where it was buried side by 
 side of Burhanu-d-din Aulia, in the mausoleum 
 called after him. The length of his reign was 
 fifty years, two months, and four days ; during 
 which time ten persons were sent as governors 
 to Gujarat. 
 
 On the death of Aurangzib, his son, Shah 
 Alam Bahadur, otherwise called Khuld-Manzal, 
 
 (y) This is not quite accurate, regarding the mode of reckoning 
 Aurangzib's personal era, as it also appears to be counted from A. Hij. 
 1067. The inscription placed by his order on the Mulki-Meidan, 
 or great gun of Bijapur, is the 30th year of his reign, or A. Hij. 
 1097, A.D. 1686 ; and, as Bijapur was taken in Zu-1-kadah, the 
 llth Mohammedan month, he had just completed his 30th year 
 from A. Hij. 1067. 
 
297 
 
 succeeded under the title of Mohammed Moazzam ; 
 and, after his victory over Mohammed Azim, 
 commenced his reign on the 19th of Rabi-ul- 
 A"To7. ' 8 - awal, A. Hij. 1119, A.D. 1707, at the 
 garden of Dhora, near Agra. He departed this 
 A.D h m 2 s - life on the 19th of Muharram, A. Hij. 
 1 1 24 ; and was buried near the sepulchre of 
 Khoajah Nasiru-d-din, the lamp of Dehli, which 
 exists at Shahjahanabad. The length of his reign 
 was four years and nine months ; during which 
 time only one person came as governor to Gujarat. 
 
 Moizzu-d-dm Mohammed Jahandar Shah, who 
 now mounted the throne, commenced his reign 
 IRITIS, during the month of Muharram, A. Hij. 
 1124, in the neighbourhood of Lahore; and, dying 
 one year, ten months, and twenty days after- 
 wards, was buried in the mausoleum of Huma- 
 yun Padshah. During his reign, only one person 
 obtained the government of Gujarat. 
 
 Abu-1-Muzaffir Moinu-d-din Mohammed Far- 
 rukhsir, the son of Mohammed Azimu-d-dm, and 
 grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahadur Padshah, 
 after being victorious over his uncle, Jahandar 
 Shah, mounted the throne, in the neighbourhood 
 of Agra, on the 13th of Zu-1-hijjah, A. Hij. 1124; 
 at which time he ordered that the oration at the 
 mosque should be pronounced, and coins struck 
 in his name. 
 
298 
 
 After having been put under restraint, he was 
 subsequently murdered on the 18th of 
 ' Rabi-ul-awal, A. Hij. 1131 Z ; and was 
 buried in the mausoleum of Humayun. The 
 length of his reign, including that of Jahandar 
 Shah, was six years and twenty-five days ; du- 
 ring which time there was no one honoured with 
 the government of Gujarat. 
 9 ^D M S 9 s On the 18th of Rabi-ul-awal, of the 
 same year, Jannat-Aramgah Mohammed Rafi- 
 ud-durjat Padshah, son of Rafi-us-shan, and 
 grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahadur Padshah, 
 mounted the throne, at Shahjahanabad ; and 
 A.D M i7 y i9' s died of a severe fever, on the 3d of 
 Rajab following. He bequeathed the throne to 
 his elder brother, after having reigned four 
 months and fifteen days ; and was buried in the 
 mausoleum of Humayun. During his reign, 
 there was no change in the government of Gu- 
 jarat. 
 
 His brother, Rafi-ud-daulah, entitled Shah 
 Jahan II., another grandson of Bahadur Shah, 
 succeeded, according to the above will ; and 
 seth May. commenced his reign on Sunday the 
 20th of Rajab of the same year. With a view 
 
 ( z ) It would appear from Scott's Dekhan and Eraser's History 
 of Nadir Shah, that his death took place in February or Rabi-us- 
 sani. 
 
299 
 
 of quashing the rebellion of Mohammed Nekasir, 
 having gone to Agra, he died in the month of 
 September. Zu-1-kadah following. His reign lasted 
 four months ; during which time there was no 
 change in the provincial government. 
 
 Nasiru-d-din Mohammed Shah, a grandson of 
 Bahadur Shah, by his son, Jahan Shah, next 
 mounted the throne, and is otherwise styled Fir- 
 daus-Aramgah. When Shah Jahan II. died, the 
 minister Sayyid Abdallah Khan, with Hussein 
 Ali Khan, chief of the nobles, and his brother 
 Najjamu-d-din All Khan, then governor of the 
 province of Dehli, wrote to Mohammed Roshan- 
 Akhtar, requesting him to send, with all possible 
 expedition, one of the princes who might fill the 
 throne of his ancestors. The son of Jahan 
 Shah, having been accordingly selected, mounted 
 the throne on the 15th of Zu-1-kadah, in that 
 year, and assumed the title of Mohammed Shah. 
 He died in the month of Rabi-us-sani of the year 
 Hijra 1161 ; and was buried in the sepulchre of 
 Nizamu-d-din Aulia, at Dehli. The length of 
 his reign, including the time from the first of 
 Rafi-ud-durjat, was thirty years and twenty-six 
 days : during which period there were six per- 
 sons who held the government of Gujarat. 
 
 His son, Mujahidu-d-din Ahmad Shah, com- 
 menced his reign at the station of Gondrah, on 
 
300 
 
 Sunday, the 1st of Jumada-1-awal of the above 
 year; after having" returned from his victory 
 over Ahmad Abdalli. In consequence of dis- 
 sensions among the ministers, he was placed in 
 Ma^A.1)! r?54. confinement, during the month of Sha- 
 ban, A. Hij. 1167, A.D. 1754% after a reign of 
 six years, three months, and nine days, during 
 which time Raja Bakht Singh governed Gu- 
 jarat. 
 
 On the very day that Ahmad Shah was de- 
 posed, Arsh-Manzal Mohammed Alamgir II. was 
 elevated to the throne, at Shahjahanabad. He 
 was subsequently murdered at the instigation 
 of his minister, on Thursday, the 8th of Rabi-us- 
 sani, of A. Hij. 1173, after having reigned five 
 years, seven months, and twenty-seven days ; 
 during which time there was no governor sent 
 to Gujarat, in consequence of Ballaji Rao Ma- 
 rat'ha having taken possession of it. 
 
 Succeeding this, Shah Jahan Padshah III. 
 was invested with the authority, on the very 
 day of the murder ; and with him ends our 
 account of the descendants of Taimur. 
 
 ( a ) Mr. Mills's history is out a year in this date, by giving 
 A.D. 1753. 
 
301 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OF INSURRECTION IN GUJARAT, THE, ARRIVAL 
 OF THE MIRZAS IN THE COUNTRY, THE TERMINATION OF THE 
 POWER OF ITS KINGS, AND ITS INCORPORATION WITH THE KING- 
 DOM OF HINDUSTAN, UNDER JALALU-D-DIN MOHAMMED AKBAR. 
 
 The learned and observing well know that a 
 cause for the decline of every empire, which has 
 existed since the beginning of the world, may 
 be found in the animosities of its nobles, assisted 
 by rebellious subjects, whose mutiny and en- 
 deavours, thank God ! generally revert on 
 themselves, so that some more fortunate rival 
 steps in and profits thereby. 
 
 Such was the end of the kings and nobles of 
 Gujarat, as will be here explained. Fate having 
 decreed the destruction of the government, its 
 servants, by disregarding all sacred ties in the 
 midst of rebellions, went to war among each 
 other ; so, under the semblance of friendship, 
 they openly committed acts of hostility, until, at 
 length, those parties being set aside, the powers 
 and seals of this kingdom were transferred to 
 the hands of the illustrious descendant of 
 Taimur Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar. 
 
 To be brief, Mohammed Hussein Mirza, 
 
302 
 
 Masiid Hussein Mirza, and Aligh Hussein Mirza, 
 sons of Mohammed Sultan Mirza, a descendant 
 of Taimiir, after raising disturbances in the 
 country of Hindustan (whilst their father, on 
 account of old age, remained at his jagir of 
 Sambal, in the Panjab), were obliged to leave 
 that quarter, in consequence of the advance of 
 the imperial troops. They subsequently plun- 
 dered several places ; and, having put to death 
 some Jagirdars, invested the city of Dehli. 
 These proceedings gave rise to insurrections in 
 the country, and many people were consequently 
 oppressed. Akbar, on hearing what had taken 
 place, advanced for the relief of Dehli ; and the 
 Mirzas, after desisting from their attempts 
 against that city, hastened into Malwa, which 
 they subdued as far as Hindiah, taking the 
 country from the Imperial Governor, Moham- 
 med Kiili Birlas. The Emperor now sent his 
 victorious troops from Dehli to exterminate the 
 Mirzas ; at which time the rebellious nobles of 
 Gujarat, subsequently to the murder of Mah- 
 mud II., had conferred the throne of that country 
 on a child, said to be a grandson of Sultan 
 Ahmad I., and who had no just claim to the 
 government. The nobles, who gave him the 
 title of Ahmad II., had retained all the power 
 in their own hands ; but, as he at this time 
 
303 
 
 arrived at man's estate, they completed his 
 business, and elevated to power another child, 
 who was said to be a son of Mahmud II. The 
 latter was entitled Muzaffir III. ; and, though 
 many knew the story of his birth to be a lie, 
 they only talked of it, without doing any thing, 
 as the nobles were then in absolute power. At 
 this time, the latter divided the country among 
 themselves, when Ahmadabad, with the port of 
 Khambayat, and much more of the country, 
 was possessed by Itimad Khan ; the sirkar of 
 Patan by Musa Khan and Shir Khan Faoladi ; 
 the districts of Surat, Bhroch, Champanir, and 
 Baroda, by Jangiz Khan ; Dhanduka and Dholka, 
 with other parts, by Sayyid Hamid b , the grand- 
 son of Sayyid Mubarak ; and Junagarh, with 
 the country of Sorath, by Amir Khan Ghori. 
 l After these powerful but unworthy rulers had 
 governed for some time, and had introduced 
 every species of oppression and injustice, they 
 began to quarrel and attack one another. As 
 the Mirzas saw no prospect of being able to hold 
 out against the imperial army in Malwa, they 
 came into Gujarat during these disturbances, 
 and sought an asylum with Jangiz Khan, at 
 Bhroch. The latter was then carrying on war 
 with Itimad Khan, in the neighbourhood of 
 
 ( b ) Briggs's Ferishta says, Sayyid Miran, his son. 
 
3O4 
 
 Ahmadabad : and. being afraid that the Mirzas 
 would plunder him, he conferred on them the 
 district of Bhroch in jagir. 
 
 After this, Shujar Khan c , having imprisoned 
 Jangiz Khan at Ahmadabad. put him to death : 
 on which the disturbances in Gujarat increased. 
 The Mirzas, who deemed this a fit opportunity, 
 captured the forts of Champanir and Siirat : 
 and. having also taken possession of the fort of 
 Bhroch. thus acquired power. Itimad Khan 
 had at this time taken on himself the responsi- 
 bility of governing, when Sultan Muzaffir III., 
 at the instigation of Shir Khan Faoladi. flying 
 from Ahmadabad, joined the latter at Patan. 
 After effecting this junction. Sultan Muzaffir 
 advanced against Ahmadabad. with an army ; 
 and Itimad Khan, now besieged, formed a 
 union with the Mirzas : but, sending a message 
 at the same time to Akbar, representing the 
 state of affairs, entreated him to enter Gujarat, 
 and take possession of the country. 
 
 Akbar. who now resolved on quelling these 
 disturbances, commenced his preparations, for 
 an expedition against Gujarat on Tuesday the 
 20th of Safar, A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572 ; 
 
 Hagaz Khan in Briggs's copy of 
 
 ram the similarity of die letters m 
 
306 
 
 and appointed Khan Kilan, Sayyid Mohammed 
 Barha, Kuli Khan. Sadik Khan, and Shah Fakh- 
 ru-d-din, with several other great chiefs, to 
 command the army, sent in advance. The 
 Emperor himself left Ajmir for Gujarat, on 
 Monday the 22d of Rabi-us-sani : and, on the 
 arrival of the troops at the station of Xagore. 
 Khan Kilan, with the other commanders, went 
 as ambassadors to Sirohi. The mad Raja of 
 this place, named Man Singh, being intent on 
 treachery, sent a friendly message to Khan 
 Kilan. The deputation of Rajputs who brought 
 it had been received, and were about to take 
 leave, when Khan Kilan. as was the custom in 
 Hindustan, called each of them up, in order to 
 receive the betel nut. At this time, a Rajput, 
 advancing to Khan Kilan, struck him so for- 
 cibly with a dagger, on the back of the shoul- 
 der, and at its lower part, that three fingers" 
 length of the instrument appeared from below 
 the shoulder-blade. One of Khan Kilan "s at- 
 tendants, named Bahadur Khan, seized the Raj- 
 put, and threw him on the ground ; when Sadik 
 Khan and Mohammed Kalij Khan finished his 
 business with a sword, and put all who were 
 with him to death. 
 
 The Emperor's army soon after joined the 
 advance ; and, as it was known how improperly 
 
 i 
 
306 
 
 the people of Sirohi had behaved, several brave 
 men were ordered to go there, and extirpate the 
 people. In consequence of this order, many of 
 the Sirohi people were brought to ruin ; and 
 some took shelter in the defiles of the moun- 
 tains ; whilst several of those, called in Gujarat 
 " Machators d ," were put to death, at the Hindu 
 temples. 
 
 The army had, at length, encamped in the 
 neighbourhood of Patan ; when Shah Fakhru- 
 d-din was ordered to go and offer words of as- 
 surance to Itimad Khan ; who, having written 
 a friendly letter, requested that he might be 
 permitted to come into the imperial camp. On 
 the arrival of the troops near Disa, it was re- 
 ported that Shir Khan Faoladi, who invested 
 Ahmadabad, had abandoned the siege of that 
 place, on learning that the imperial army ap- 
 proached ; and that, after hastening into the 
 country of Sorath, he had sent his sons, Mo- 
 hammed Khan and Baddar Khan, in order that 
 they might station his family and domestics in 
 a place of security. In the mean time, his sons, 
 having sent his family and domestics in advance, 
 turned towards Idur ; and Ibrahim Husain 
 
 ( d ) These would appear to have formed a caste of soldiers 
 among the Rajputs, much addicted to opium-eating, and ready 
 for any desperate enterprize. 
 
307 
 
 Mirza, who had accompanied Itimad Khan's 
 troops, returned to that part of the country 
 which owed him allegiance : as the latter wished 
 to submit. After this, the Emperor ordered 
 Man Singh to proceed, with a body of troops, 
 and seize the family of Shir Khan Faoladi ; but, 
 although the Raja came up with his baggage, 
 and plundered it, the Khan's sons, who had pre- 
 viously received information of this movement, 
 threw themselves into the defiles of the moun- 
 tains, and escaped. 
 
 On Sunday the 1st of Rajab, in the above 
 year, while the army was encamped at Patan, 
 Hakim Ainu-1-Mulk and Mir Abu Turab were 
 sent to conduct Itimad Khan to camp. After 
 their arrival at the town of Chotanah, several 
 representations were sent to the Emperor, in- 
 forming him that Muzaffir Shah Gujarati III, 
 who had separated from Shir Khan Faoladi, 
 was then wandering about that neighbourhood. 
 Wherefore, Mir Khan, Master of the Horse, 
 with Farid of the guard, Mir Abu Kasim 
 Tumkin, and Karam Ali, were despatched to 
 make him a prisoner. When they had ad- 
 vanced a short way, they seized his royal 
 umbrella and canopy ; and, after some search, 
 found him hid in a field of grain. Having im- 
 mediately seized him, they brought him to the 
 
 x 2 
 
308 
 
 Emperor, who very benevolently granted his 
 life, and gave him in charge to Karam Ali. 
 But, on this subject, the author of the Mirat 
 Sikandari says, that Muzaffir came and sub- 
 mitted, previous to any of the Gujarat nobles 
 doing so. 
 
 At this time, Sayyid Mohammed Bokhari 
 and Alagh Khan Habshi came with their 
 people, in proof of their allegiance. Succeed- 
 ing this, Shah Fakhru-d-din, Ainu-1-Mulk, and 
 Mir Abu Turab, came to represent that Itimad 
 Khan, having sent in his submission, was on his 
 way to pay his respects ; and that he had pre- 
 viously sent them, with Wajihu-1-Mulk and 
 Mujahid Khan, to appease the Emperor. 
 
 After this, Shah Fakhru-d-din hastened to 
 Itimad Khan, accompanied by a crowd of at- 
 tendants ; and Hakim Ainu-1-Mulk followed 
 him. The Gujarat nobles, having deliberated 
 for some time, now came to the resolution of 
 having coins struck, and the oration at the 
 mosque pronounced in the name of Akbar. 
 
 Itimad Khan, on his arrival near Karri, a 
 town distant from Ahmadabad twenty koss, 
 sent forward Shah Fakhru-d-din, to declare 
 his attachment to Akbar's government ; and, on 
 the following day, when the Emperor marched 
 from Chotanah, Khoajah Khan and Mir Abu 
 
309 
 
 Turab, were ordered to go and bring Itimad 
 Khan to pay his respects. Itimad Khan came 
 accordingly ; on which occasion, the Emperor 
 was mounted on a large elephant, escorted by 
 foot soldiers. Subsequently, Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, 
 Maliku-s-Shark, Shujar Khan Habshi, Wajihu- 
 1-Mulk, and Mujahid Khan, came to pay their 
 respects, and were each distinguished by marks 
 of imperial favour, according to their rank. 
 Itimad Khan and several others were directed 
 to ride near the Emperor ; and, when the im- 
 perial standards arrived at Karri, Sadik Khan, 
 and several of those who had accepted service, 
 were sent to Mahmudabad, with a view of in- 
 ducing Seifu-1-Mulk Habshi and others to come 
 in and pay their respects. 
 
 As Akbar was solicitous to settle and protect 
 the country, he at this time assembled all the 
 Gujarat nobles ; telling them, " that, as he had 
 spared the country, through the intercession of 
 Itimad Khan, he would grant whatever they 
 should ask through him ; but that they must 
 give respectable security to preserve the peace 
 of the country." Mir Abu Turab became Iti- 
 mad Khan's security ; and the latter became 
 security for all the others, excepting the class 
 of Abyssinians. As the latter were the slaves 
 of Sultan Mahmud, the Emperor ordered that 
 they should be numbered among those belong- 
 
310 
 
 ing to himself, and that there would be conse- 
 quently no occasion for bail. Soon after, how- 
 ever, he ordered that they should be distributed 
 among the great officers of state, to perform the 
 different duties connected with the government. 
 
 The army encamped the next day at Hajipur, 
 when a set of vagabonds raised a cry that there 
 was an order for plundering the Gujarat camp. 
 A crowd of men given to robbery consequently 
 entered the Gujarat line, and plundered it, on 
 which occasion a great tumult was produced. 
 When this dishonourable affair was represented 
 to the Emperor, he ordered that the quarter- 
 masters and their deputies should see the rob- 
 bers punished, and not permit one to be left 
 alive. Wherefore, all the things plundered from 
 the Gujaratis were recovered, and given to the 
 rightful owners. 
 
 The Emperor at this time, mounting a throne, 
 gave a general audience to the people ; and or- 
 dered all concerned in the plunder to be 
 trampled under the feet of furious elephants. 
 Confidence and tranquillity being thus restored, 
 the imperial colours were pitched soon after, 
 within sight of Ahmadabad, on the 14th of 
 ^November, R a j a b, in A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572 ; when 
 a crowd of people, both high and low, came se- 
 parately to pay their respects. 
 
 Thus was Gujarat conquered without a battle; 
 
311 
 
 and which is in every respect allowed to be the 
 finest country of Hindustan. Such was once its 
 populous state, that it contained three hundred 
 and eighty purahs ; and a purah is itself a con- 
 siderable quarter, containing good buildings and 
 bazars, filled with every thing valuable and 
 rare, so that each is almost a city. 
 
 Some days after, Amm Khan Ghori sent a 
 letter, wi-th a suitable tribute; and, though 
 Ibrahim Husain Mirza also sent a tribute, the 
 latter was not accepted, as the Emperor did not 
 think it was given with a sincere intention. 
 The government of Ahmadabad, with the set- 
 tlement of the country, was now entrusted to 
 the great Khan Mirza Aziz Koka; who received, 
 in jagir, the parganahs situated on this side of 
 'the river Mahindri. The other parganahs, 
 such as Baroda, Champanir, Surat, and others, 
 then in possession of the Mirzas, were given to 
 the Gujarat nobles, who had lately renewed 
 their allegiance, and now undertook the task 
 of driving out the Mirzas. 
 
 Some days afterwards, the Emperor, desirous 
 of having some amusement on the sea, marched 
 for Khambayat, on the 2d of Shaban. The no- 
 bles of Gujarat remained behind some days at 
 Ahmadabad, and asked permission to do so, 
 that they might prepare for the journey. Ha- 
 kim Ainu-1-Mulk, who had formed a friendship 
 
312 
 
 with them, was left behind to watch, and bring 
 them along with him. The Emperor, while on 
 the road, received intelligence that Ikhtiyaru-1- 
 Mulk had fled to Lunawarah, and that Itimad 
 Khan and other Gujaratis were irresolute, and 
 disposed to be ungrateful for the benefits they 
 had received. Shabaz Khan was accordingly or- 
 dered to proceed, with all possible expedition, to 
 Ahmadabad, so as not to give them an oppor- 
 tunity of being treacherous, and was instructed 
 to collect them, and bring them along with him. 
 When the Emperor arrived at Khambayat, 
 he was met and welcomed by the merchants and 
 inhabitants of the place ; and soon after, going 
 
 \pn board a boat, he amused himself with sailing 
 on the sea. After Shabaz Khan had returned 
 with Itimad Khan and the other Gujarat nobles, 
 Akbar, with a view of preserving the peace of 
 the country, and preventing quarrels in the go- 
 vernment, stationed one of his own confidential 
 people with each of the Gujarat nobles. 
 
 i Being now at leisure, the Emperor proposed 
 to drive out the aggressive Mirzas ; and ap- 
 pointed Husain Khan, the paymaster of the 
 army, to be governor of Khambayat. On leav- 
 ing this place, the imperial banners went to 
 Baroda ; from whence Mirza Aziz Koka took 
 his departure for his government of Ahmad- 
 abad, whilst Shabaz Khan, Kasim Khan, Baz 
 
313 
 
 Bahadur Khan, and an army of brave soldiers, 
 were sent to capture Champanir. As it was 
 reported at Baroda that the Mirzas had strength- 
 ened the fort of Surat, and had joined their 
 forces at Champanir, a large part of the imperial 
 nobles and troops was necessarily sent there. 
 
 At this time, news arrived that Ibrahim Hu- 
 sain Mirza was still in the fort of Bhroch, and 
 was thinking of leaving it, with several others, 
 to disturb the neighbouring country. The road 
 by which he must pass was only eight koss dis- 
 tant from the imperial camp ; and, though several 
 of the great commanders, with their troops, had 
 been already appointed to serve under Khani 
 Azim Koka, and to drive out the Mirzas, leav- 
 ing only a few select men with the Emperor, he 
 himself resolved to go and punish Ibrahim 
 Husain Mirza with all possible despatch. 
 Shabaz Khan Mir Bakhshi was therefore ordered 
 to immediately proceed and order back the 
 great commanders who had been previously 
 sent to drive out the Mirzas, but who were now 
 to join the Emperor. Mir Mohammed Khan, 
 Khoajah Jahan, Shujar Khan, and Sadik 
 Khan, were left behind in charge of the camp, 
 whilst the imperial banners advanced against 
 the Mirza. It was also ordered that none from 
 camp should follow in the rear of the party, lest 
 
314 
 
 the magnitude of its numbers might cause the 
 enemy to resolve on flight ; who, if they ob- 
 served the smallness of the Emperor's party, 
 would probably make a stand, and thus bring 
 about their own punishment. 
 
 Two or three hours of the night had elapsed, 
 when the Emperor, placing a firm reliance on 
 God, mounted his horse, and, taking along with 
 him, as a guide, Maliku-s-Shark Gujarati, pro- 
 ceeded at a brisk pace. He continued to push 
 on till the evening of the succeeding day had 
 nearly closed, without seeing any thing of the 
 enemy, when a Brahman at length appearing, 
 said that Ibrahim Husain Mirza, having crossed 
 the Mahindri, by the ford of Biakapur, was en- 
 camped at the town of Sartal, with his troops, 
 and was distant nearly four koss. The Emperor 
 asked his followers, who were ready to die with 
 him, what he might best do. Jalal Khan said, 
 " that it would not be proper to attack the 
 enemy in open day, before all the imperial 
 troops had yet arrived ; and, as their opponents 
 were now on the alert, a night attack would be 
 advisable." This advice was not approved of 
 by the Emperor, who truly said, "that night 
 murder formed no part of a good government, 
 and that it would be better if he now attacked." 
 
 The town of Sartal, which is on a rising 
 
315 
 
 ground, may be seen from a distance. When 
 the troops came to the Mahindri, they received 
 orders to put on their quilted cotton jackets ; 
 and, at this time, Akbar had not more than 
 forty persons with him. Immediately after that, 
 however, intelligence of the remaining troops 
 being close by was received ; but, as the Em- 
 peror was annoyed at this delay, he angrily 
 ordered that these men should not accompany 
 him into battle. When he ascertained that the 
 delay had arisen from having mistaken the 
 road, however, he forgave them. After this 
 junction, the party numbered about two hundred 
 men, when the son of Man Singh, with a few 
 others, was sent in advance to cross the river. 
 
 Ibrahim Husain Mirza, on perceiving the 
 troops, knew that they were the Emperor's ; and, 
 resolving to stand a battle, took a position for 
 his men on a rising ground, where he placed a 
 gun. The imperial troops had received orders 
 to cross the river at a place ,where there was 
 much broken ground, called in the language of 
 Gujarat Gotar ; and, in their eagerness to ad- 
 vance, had taken different ways, so that the 
 Emperor, with only a few associates, advanced 
 to the gates of Sartal, which faced the river. 
 The enemy, who possessed the place, endea- 
 voured to drive them back ; but Mukbil Khan 
 
316 
 
 Kalmak and others, making a push at them, 
 killed several. The Emperor, followed by those 
 who accompanied him, entered the streets of the 
 town, which were filled with quadrupeds and 
 beasts of burden ; and, after squeezing through 
 these with much difficulty, met the enemy and 
 engaged them. 
 
 At this time, Baba Khan Kakshal and several 
 others were carried off by the enemy ; but the 
 rest, defending themselves with the most obsti- 
 nate bravery, slew many of their opponents. 
 Several of those who had been kept back by the 
 broken ground now arrived, when a smart ac- 
 tion took place. The Emperor, on advancing to 
 drive off his opponents, came to a bound hedge 
 of euphorbium, where three of the enemy met 
 him. One of these impelled his spear against 
 Raja Bhagwandas ; but the Raja, having turned 
 it aside, killed him. The two others made a 
 push at the Emperor, but luckily did not reach 
 him ; as Khan Alam, Shah Kiili Khan, and 
 others, were at hand to give their assistance. 
 Akbar, after causing the bay horse on which he 
 rode to leap the euphorbium hedge, ordered a 
 charge to be made against the two horsemen ; 
 who, seeing that they could not resist, took to 
 flight. Ibrahim Husain Mirza, observing the 
 success of the imperial party, also took to flight ; 
 
317 
 
 and the remainder of his scattered followers 
 retired, when the imperial party, pursuing, cut 
 them down like grass. In this manner was the 
 Emperor left victorious. 
 
 The troops encamped for the night at Sartal ; 
 whence Shah Rukh Badakhshi was sent forward 
 to announce the victory. The imperial troops 
 returned to camp the following day, when 
 Shah Kuli Khan and Sadik Khan were ap- 
 pointed to command an army, in advance 
 against the fort of Surat. After the troops had 
 arrived in the neighbourhood of the place, Gul 
 Rukh Begum, daughter of Mirza Kamran, and 
 wife of Ibrahim Husain Mirza, fled to the De- 
 khan ; taking with her her son, Muzaffir Husain 
 Mirza. Though several of the nobles endea- 
 voured to overtake her, none succeeded in the 
 attempt. 
 
 At this time, some one represented to the 
 Emperor that the Mirzas had strengthened the 
 fort of Surat, and had given it in charge to 
 Hamzaban, who had been the imperial armour- 
 bearer, and had joined the rebels. Akbar there- 
 fore determined to make the greatest possible 
 exertions for its capture : and ordered Raja 
 Todar Mall to arrange the disposition of the 
 intrenched lines. Shahm Khan Jallair, who 
 was made governor of Champanir, being allowed 
 to depart for that place, was ordered to send 
 
318 
 
 from there the admiral, Kasim Khan, to join 
 the Emperor ; as the latter was very experienced 
 in sapping 6 and mining. An order was also 
 sent to Khan Aziz Koka, that he must exert 
 himself in protecting Ahmadabad and other 
 cities ; and must punish the Mirzas, should they 
 take flight in that direction. Shir Beg was also 
 appointed to collect the revenue of Malwa, in 
 order that Kutbu-d-din, with the Zamindars of 
 that quarter, might come to assist Khan Aziz 
 Koka. 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF SURAT. 
 
 The Emperor's army encamped before Surat 
 AS/i573 ary> on Monday, the 17th of Ramazan, in 
 the above year ; and the besieged, vainly trust- 
 ing to the abundance of their provisions, exerted 
 themselves in defence of the place. Among the 
 events which happened at this time, we may 
 mention the capture of the Mirza's elephants 
 and baggage ; which was effected in the follow- 
 ing manner. These unhappy men, during the 
 period of confusion, when they had separated, 
 sent several elephants with their effects to Rana 
 Ram Deo, the Zamindar of that part of the 
 country, in order that he might take care of 
 
 ( e ) The practice of sabat, here translated sapping, is the con- 
 struction of protected zig-zags of approach. An account may be 
 found in Briggs's Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 230. 
 
319 
 
 them ; when the whole consequently fell into 
 the hands of some camp followers, who had 
 gone out on a plundering expedition. These 
 men, who brought the whole to the Emperor, 
 were all rewarded. 
 
 The other event which happened at this time 
 was that of the nobles being sent to Agra ; and 
 of which the circumstances are these. Ibrahim 
 Husain Mirza, after his late defeat, joined Mo- 
 hammed Husain Mirza and Shah Mirza at Pa- 
 tan ; but, as a dispute among the brothers hap- 
 pened there, at which Ibrahim Husain Mirza 
 was annoyed, he formed the resolution of under- 
 taking an expedition against Agra. The Em- 
 peror, on learning his intentions, appointed 
 Sayyid Mohammed Khan Barha, Shah Kuli 
 Khan Muharram, and Raja Bhagwandas, to 
 pursue and seize him ; but the Mirza soon after 
 met his end in the vicinity of Multan. 
 
 The other two Mirzas now strengthened their 
 connexion with the Faoladis, and went to Patan, 
 where Sayyid Ahmad Khan exerted himself to 
 maintain the imperial interest. Khan Aziz Ko- 
 ka, on learning this state of affairs, began to 
 collect an army ; when, by great good luck, 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, Subahdar of 
 Malwa, with the Zamindars from that quarter, 
 joined Khan Aziz Koka, as did also Shaikh Mo- 
 
320 
 
 hammed Bokhari, who was on his way from 
 Dholka to join the Emperor. 
 
 Khan Aziz Koka now marched to Patan, 
 where a battle took place between the two sides ; 
 in which the enemy's right, by advancing sharply 
 against the imperial left, drove back several 
 of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan's men. The 
 Khan, with a select few, after most brave exer- 
 tions and a severe contest, repulsed this attack 
 of the Mirzas ; who betook themselves to flight, 
 and went towards the Dekhan, whilst Shir 
 Khan Faoladi fled to Junagarh. Khan Aziz 
 Koka and the others resolved to pursue them ; 
 but, when the Emperor received the glad tidings 
 of this fresh victory, he issued an order that 
 Khan Aziz Koka should repair to court, while 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, Shah Budagh 
 Khan, Murad Khan, and others, followed the 
 Mirzas. Wherefore, Khan Aziz Koka obeyed 
 the order ; and, meeting the Emperor on the 
 A*D F $iT Y> 20th of Shawal, received many marks 
 of the imperial favour. 
 
 At this time, the besieged, in the fort of Surat, 
 wishing to save themselves, were endeavouring 
 to effect a union with the Portuguese at Goa, 
 and had written to say that, if they came 
 quickly to their assistance, they would give 
 them up the fort. The Portuguese, under the 
 
321 
 
 pretence of an embassy, sent agents to Surat, 
 with rarities and valuables of their own coun- 
 try ; who were instructed to get possession of 
 the fort if possible, without disclosing their in- 
 tentions ; but, in the event of not obtaining their 
 object, they were to pretend having come on a 
 friendly embassy to the Emperor. They accord- 
 ingly came; and, after observing the great 
 train and power accompanying the Emperor, 
 gave up all thoughts of the fort ; but, assuming 
 the name of ambassadors, paid their respects to 
 Akbar, and presented a peshkah. They re- 
 ceived in return many marks of favour, and 
 were allowed to depart. 
 
 One month and seventeen days had been spent 
 in besieging Surat : at which time the mines 
 were advanced to the door of the place, and the 
 mounds for carrying it had been all prepared. 
 The besieged despaired of assistance from any 
 quarter ; when Hamzaban sent a message to 
 the Emperor, through his father-in-law, Mula 
 Nizamu-d-din Lari, saying that if his life was 
 spared he would surrender the fort. Kasim 
 Ali Khan and Khoajah Daolat were therefore 
 ordered to promise safety to Hamzaban and the 
 others, and were directed to conduct them to 
 the Emperor. All of them appeared before him 
 on Thursday the 23d of Shawal, in the above 
 
322 
 
 year ; and, being much ashamed of their con- 
 duct, had their lives and property respected. 
 But Hamzaban, who was a great talker, and a 
 foolish prattling fellow, had used no measured 
 language in regard to the Emperor, and was 
 doomed to lose his tongue. The following day, 
 the imperial troops, accompanied by Akbar, 
 walked into the fort, where they found a large 
 gun, called Suleimani f , of which the model was 
 so exquisitive, that an order was given to have 
 it transported to the capital of Agra. This is 
 the very gun which belonged to Salim (Selim), 
 the Emperor of Constantinople, whose troops 
 were sent with several large guns to take the 
 ports on the shores of Hindustan from the Eu- 
 ropeans : but returned without effecting any- 
 thing, as the force was discomfited, and received 
 x no assistance from the rulers of Gujarat. The 
 Emperor not finding means for transporting the 
 gun from Surat,,it consequently remains there. 
 A strange event happened at this time, when 
 "the Emperor was wounded in the hand, of which 
 the following is an account. One night he was 
 
 ,/ ( f ) It was so called from Suleiman I, of Constantinople, who 
 reigned from A.D. 1520 to 1566; and who sent an expedition 
 here mentioned from the Persian Gulf A D.I 55 3. The account 
 of it is written in the Miratu-1-Mamalik (See Bombay Transac- 
 tions, vol. ii.) 
 
323 
 
 elevated with wine, in an assembly of his friends, 
 when the conversation turned on the careless- 
 ness which the Rajputs manifest in regard to 
 life. -Some one said, such was their disregard 
 of it, that two of them, when engaged, would 
 run their breasts against a double-headed spear, 
 held by a third person, until the same had gone 
 through them ; and that, in this manner, they 
 would continue fighting with one another. On 
 this, Akbar, who was bold and daring, fixing 
 a sharp sword in the wall by its handle, and 
 having the point towards himself, said that no 
 one could better follow the example of the Raj- 
 puts than he, as would be seen by his running 
 against the sword. Those present, though as- 
 tonished at this conduct, were afraid to speak 
 for fear of offending him, and remained silent, 
 until Rana Man Singh, in the sincerity of friend- 
 ship, running forward, struck the sword so for- 
 cibly from the Emperor's hand, that it wounded 
 him betwixt the thumb and forefinger. The 
 latter, who was much enraged, threw Man Singh 
 on the ground ; when Sayyid Muzaffir Sultan, 
 brother of Sayyid Abdulah Khan, imprudently 
 released Man Singh from the Emperor's gripe. 
 During this scuffle, the wound became much 
 enlarged ; but this being soon healed, the Em- 
 peror was again able to join society. 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 
 
 Akbar, after the capture of Surat, gave Kalij 
 Khan charge of the place ; and on Monday 
 A h D M i573 h ' the 4th of Zu-1-kadah, marched back 
 towards Ahmadabad. On his arrival at Bhroch, 
 the mother of Jangiz Khan came to implore as- 
 sistance against Shujar Khan Habshi, who had 
 put her son to death under the cloak of friend- 
 ship. On its being fully ascertained that Shu- 
 jar Khan had committed an unjust murder, he 
 was trod to death by the foot of an elephant. 
 The troops arrived at Ahmadabad on the 29th 
 A.D.^573 h ' of the above month, when the Emperor 
 began to make a settlement of the country. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE RETURN OF THE IMPERIAL BANNERS TO THE CAPITAL OF 
 AGRA, AND THE APPOINTMENT OF KHAN AZIZ KOKA TO THE 
 GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT, WITH WAJIHU-L-MULK GUJARATI AS 
 HIS DlWN. 
 
 As soon as the Emperor has effected a settle- 
 ment of the conquered territory of Gujarat, he 
 conferred the government on Khan Aziz Koka, 
 who was raised to the rank of five thousand ; 
 and was the first Subahdar in this part, under 
 the authority of Taimur's family. The town, 
 
325 
 
 suburbs, and parganah of Ahmadabad, with the 
 parganah of Pitlad, and other districts, were 
 assigned him as a jagir. Nurang-Khan ob- 
 tained Baroda, and Mir Mohammed Kilan, the 
 uncle of Khan Aziz Koka, received the sirkar 
 of Patan. Bhroch and the country round about 
 were given to Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan ; 
 and Dholka and Dhandukah were bestowed on 
 Hamid Khan Bokhari. In this manner the 
 whole of the country was divided among the 
 great nobles. 
 
 USfSa On Monday the 10th of Zu-1-hijjah, 
 
 the Emperor set out for the capital of Agra by 
 way of Patan and Jalore. Khan Aziz Koka, 
 and the great nobles who had been appointed 
 to situations in Gujarat, after being honoured 
 with marks of distinction, were allowed to re- 
 turn from the neighbourhood of Sidhpur. 
 
 Khan Aziz Koka, on his way back, heard that 
 Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, through the assistance of 
 Rai Narayan, Zamindar of Idur, was creating 
 disturbances in that neighbourhood, and that 
 the sons of Shir Khan Faoladi, who were with 
 him, were similarly engaged. The Khan, in- 
 stead of returning to Ahmadabad, resolved to 
 go in that direction, and drive out the enemy. 
 The latter had collected in such force that 
 Mirza Mokim, who had a jagir in these parts, 
 
326 
 
 was obliged to quit his post, and joined Khan 
 Aziz Koka, at Ahmadnagar, ten koss distant 
 from Idur. Mohammed Husain Mirza, then in 
 the neighbourhood of Daolatabad, on being- 
 made acquainted with Akbar's marching back 
 to Agra, took this opportunity of advancing to 
 the neighbourhood of Surat, where he besieged 
 Kalij Khan in the fort. The latter did all that 
 was necessary for the safety of the place, and 
 the Mirza, seeing no prospect of its capture, 
 desisted from investing it. From thence he 
 went to Bhroch, and obtained possession of it, 
 from the faithless followers of Kutbu-d-din 
 Mohammed Khan, who was then at Baroda. 
 Afterwards, going to Khambayat, he became 
 possessed of it, through the folly of Husain 
 Khan, who offered him no opposition. 
 
 Husain Khan, then commandant of Kham- 
 bayat, went to Ahmadabad ; from whence 
 Khan Aziz Koka sent along with him Sayyid 
 HamidBokhari, Sayyid Baha-ud-din, and Shaikh 
 Mohammed Mungiri, to assist Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan in expelling Mohammed Husain 
 Mirza, then at Khambayat, with six hundred 
 cavalry. The above mentioned joined Kutbu- 
 d-din Mohammed Khan at the station of Samli, 
 five koss distant from the town of Dholka. At 
 this time, Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk advanced with a 
 
327 
 
 force from the fortresses of the mountains, when 
 Khan Aziz Koka took up a strong position, 
 where the rebels could not assail him. The 
 enemy, having no other choice left, resolved on 
 going to Ahmadabad, with the expectation of 
 either possessing themselves of that place, or of 
 being able to draw the Khan from his position, 
 and bring on a battle. They therefore marched 
 with this intent ; but Khan Aziz Koka, well 
 aware of their plans, set out for Ahmadabad 
 late in the day, when the enemy could not at- 
 tack him ; and, after marching all night, entered 
 the city next morning. On that very night, 
 Mohammed Husain Mirza, having been de- 
 feated and driven from Khambayat, passed near 
 Khan Aziz Koka's troops ; when some of his 
 baggage fell into possession of the latter. The 
 Mirza himself, now quite ruined, kept at a 
 greater distance, and went to join the sons of 
 Shir Khan Faoladi. 
 
 The account of Mohammed Husain Mirza's 
 defeat is the following. When Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan, with Sayyid Hamid Khan Bo- 
 khari, reached Khambayat, the Mirza engaged 
 the imperial party, with the few men he had, but 
 was defeated and quite ruined. The victors, 
 thinking that they had done enough in defeating 
 him, made no subsequent effort in pursuit : for, 
 
328 
 
 had they done so, they must have taken him 
 prisoner. The latter, at length, formed a junc- 
 tion with the other rebels, and made every effort 
 to reach Ahmadabad; but, three days having 
 been spent by the Gujaratis in debating what 
 ought to be done, Khan Aziz Koka, by great 
 exertions, had in that time strengthened the 
 place. The Gujarat nobles, at length, arrived 
 before it, when continual skirmishes followed 
 betwixt the imperial troops and the enemy. No 
 general engagement, however, took place, as 
 Khan Aziz Koka had not confidence in his own 
 followers, nor in those of Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan. He was, moreover, dissuaded 
 from engaging the enemy, as the Emperor had 
 particularly cautioned him against risking a 
 battle in the event of disturbances, and re- 
 quested that he would send to him immediately. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE ARRIVAL OF THE EMPEROR, IN NINE DAYS, FROM THE SEAT OF 
 GOVERNMENT, THEN AT FAT'HPUR. 
 
 The Emperor, on hearing of the disturbances 
 in Gujarat, determined to proceed to that 
 quarter, with all possible expedition : and, as 
 
329 
 
 the shortness of the time would not allow of 
 much preparation for the journey, he opened 
 the doors of the treasury, to distribute as pre- 
 sents large sums of money among his attend- 
 ants. He also issued a mandate that the chiefs 
 of Malwa should expeditiously enter Gujarat ; 
 after which he himself set out, for that quarter, 
 l 4 D. J i57 y a on Sunday the 24th & of Rabi-ul-awal, 
 in the year of the Hijra 981, A.D. 1573, being 
 accompanied by a few faithful and select at- 
 tendants, who were mounted on swift camels, or 
 fleet horses. 
 
 On Monday the 25th, he arrived at Huns ; 
 and, proceeding by Moizzabad, pitched his tents 
 at Ajmir, on the following Tuesday, when he 
 visited the tomb of Moayyanu-d-din Chisti. On 
 Wednesday he was at Mirtha ; from whence he 
 went forward the same night ; and, after halting 
 to rest a little at Sojat, arrived, the following 
 morning, in the neighbourhood of Banhriah, 
 which is a dependancy of Jalore. Early on the 
 morning of Friday, he reached Jalore ; and, 
 having halted there to the middle of the follow- 
 ing night, he proceeded on a fleet steed, till he 
 displayed his banners at the town of Disa, on 
 the following Monday. Here Shah Ali Linga, 
 
 (s) The Maasiru-1-Omara, in the life of Mirza Aziz Koka, says 
 it was the 4th of this month. 
 
330 
 
 * 
 
 who was in authority at Patan, on the part of 
 Khan Kilan, paid his respects to the Emperor. 
 His Highness, having resolved not to go to 
 Patan, ordered Khoajah Ghiasu-d-din to join 
 him, with the troops from thence; and, after 
 leaving this place, arrived at the town of Bali- 
 sanah about noon, where the troops encamped. 
 Here Khan Kilan, Wazir Khan, and Shah 
 Fakhru-d-din, with the troops previously sent 
 to prevent disturbances, then openly manifested, 
 came and paid their respects, they having 
 halted at Patan, on account of the dangers 
 on the road. 
 
 The troops were now furnished with every 
 thing they required. The Emperor, accom- 
 panied by a guard of a hundred horsemen, left 
 this place on the evening of the same day, after 
 sending a messenger to Ahmadabad, in order to 
 tell the besieged that, as he was near at hand, 
 they might prepare for war, and join him on 
 his arrival. He continued to proceed on horse- 
 back at a quick pace, and arrived, a little after 
 daybreak of Tuesday, at the town of Chotanah, 
 which is a dependancy of Karri. A party of the 
 enemy, stationed there under the command of 
 Aulia Khan, a follower of Shir Khan Faoladi, 
 thinking that the imperial troops were those of 
 Khan Kilan from Patan, came out and pre- 
 
331 
 
 pared for battle; but the former, having been 
 ordered out against them, killed many ; though 
 the remainder, who fled, took shelter in the fort. 
 The army was anxious to take the place ; but 
 the Emperor, who came up at this time, told 
 them that he had not exerted himself, and taken 
 all this trouble, in order to capture so insig- 
 nificant a fortification, since he had come to 
 punish the rebels of Gujarat, and that, after 
 such had been accomplished, this fort would 
 be captured without any difficulty. The troops 
 were therefore ordered to quit the place, and 
 continue to advance. 
 
 On Wednesday, when he had come to within 
 three koss of Ahmadabad, he sent forward Asif 
 Khan, in order to tell Khan Aziz Koka the glad 
 tidings of his approach, and that he should be 
 prepared accordingly.* As the army now ap- 
 proached the enemy, he put on his armour, and 
 mounted a white charger ; at which time Raja 
 Bhagwandas came up, and congratulated him 
 on the conquest of Gujarat, saying that he had 
 observed three signs of his being victorious 
 1st, that the Emperor should be mounted on 
 horseback at such a time 2nd, that the wind 
 should be blowing from the rear of the troops, 
 and wafting their inclinations against the faces 
 of the enemy 3rd, that crowds of crows and 
 kites continued to follow him. 
 
332 
 
 The Emperor was pleased at these remarks ; 
 and, having thus terminated his march, in the 
 , space of nine days, prepared for battle, on Wed- 
 nesday, the 5th of Jumada-s-sani. As he ap- 
 proached the enemy, and saw no appearance of 
 the Gujarat troops under Khan Aziz Koka join- 
 ing- him, he ordered the war-drum to be beaten. 
 The enemy, proud of their numbers, amounting 
 to more than twenty thousand persons, had 
 closely invested the place, and were looking for 
 Shir Khan Faoladi joining them. They were 
 now, however, distressed by the arrival of the 
 imperial troops, who were, at this time, ordered 
 to cross the river in the order of formation they 
 were then in. When the nobles beheld the 
 numbers of the Gujarat army, they hesitated to 
 advance. At this time, six hundred of the 
 enemy's horsemen, having retired from Sirkej, 
 came into view of the imperial musketmen, such 
 as S&lbahan, Kaddam Kuli, and Ranjit, who 
 were ordered by the Emperor to direct a fire 
 against them. The enemy, not able to make a 
 stand, hastened to take shelter behind their in- 
 trenchments. 
 
 The Gujarat troops, on first hearing the sound 
 of the imperial trumpets and war-drums, thought 
 that either Shir Khan Faoladi had arrived, or 
 that the troops of Khan Kilan had come from 
 Patan to assist Khan Aziz Koka. Mohammed 
 
333 
 
 Husain Mirza, distracted with the noise, advanced 
 before the others, and demanded in a loud voice 
 to know of Subhan Kuli Turk, then on the bank 
 of the river, What troops were these ? To this 
 the Turk replied (on seeing that the enemy were 
 panic-struck), " Behold this army is commanded 
 by the Emperor in person, and why do you 
 abide to ask the question ?" To this the other 
 answered, " What ! do you wish to intimidate 
 me, by telling me this is the Emperor ? And 
 if this be he, where are his elephants and large 
 army ? Besides, only fourteen days have elapsed 
 since my spies came from the capital of Fat'h- 
 pur, and left him there." The Turk then said, 
 " The Emperor, with a devoted few, had made 
 the journey in nine days ;" and the other, con- 
 vinced that he spoke the truth, hastened back 
 to his own camp, that the line might be got 
 under arms. 
 
 The Emperor, now aware that the enemy had 
 remained in complete ignorance of his move- 
 ments, ordered his troops to cross the river with- 
 out delay. As he was anxiously looking for the 
 junction of Khan Kilan's troops from Patan, 
 some one said, " that as the Gujarat army was 
 numerous, he had better remain on this side of the 
 river till the troops from Ahmadabad came up." 
 To this the Emperor replied, "The enemy being 
 
334 
 
 DOW aware of our condition, what time is there 
 for delay, and what necessity is there for waiting- 
 longer in expectation ? for, had we rested our 
 hopes on external parade, what cause was there 
 for all this haste in coming here ?" As his sol- 
 diers were cautious, and looked to consequences, 
 they still hesitated to pass the river, and put off 
 the time by speaking and jesting with the Em- 
 peror. The latter, soon after, observing their 
 spirit roused, plunged into the stream with a 
 few select friends ; and, at this very time, having 
 taken off his helmet, gave it to Raja Deva 
 Chand, whom he ordered to accompany him. 
 While they were riding along at a quick pace, 
 the helmet by chance fell, and the Emperor 
 remarked that this was a good omen of the road 
 being open before him. To give weight to this 
 prediction, some person brought the head of one 
 of the enemy, on which the nobles overcame 
 their scruples, and began to pass the river. 
 
 Succeeding this, Mohammed Husain Mirza 
 advanced to oppose their passage, and gave 
 command of his right to Duli Khan, who had 
 the Abyssinian s and Gujaratis ; whilst he en- 
 trusted his left to Mohammed Khan Faoladi, 
 who had a large body of Afghans. His centre 
 was occupied by Shah Mirza, supported by the 
 Abyssinians and people of Ma-wara-ul-Nahr. 
 
335 
 
 The Emperor, after crossing the river, took 
 his station on a rising ground, and was look- 
 ing at the troops, when Asif Khan^ame to say 
 that Mirza Aziz Koka, though not aware of the 
 imperial army being so close, was now ready to 
 join them. These troops had not, however, yet 
 come up, when part of the enemy's troops ap- 
 peared from among the trees. On this occasion, 
 as Mohammed Kuli Khan Tirkhan, and several 
 other bowmen had retired, after a slight skir- 
 mish, the Emperor, addressing Raja Bhagwan- 
 das, observed, " that, though the army of the 
 enemy might be numerous, God's favour was on 
 his side ; and that it behoved all who were with 
 him to make a simultaneous and determined 
 attack on the red ensigns of the former, without 
 fearing the result, as he felt assured of Moham- 
 med Husain Mirza having adopted the red 
 canopy to establish his claim to the throne. 
 
 Mohammed Husain Mirza, advancing at a 
 brisk pace, was at this time a considerable way 
 before the rest of the troops. Shah Kuli Khan 
 Muharram, and Husain Khan, saying it was 
 the period for making a charge, the Emperor 
 remarked that, as yet, the distance between 
 them and the enemy was too great. He then 
 gave orders that, after advancing in a firm and 
 compact line till they met the latter, they should 
 
336 
 
 make a charge. The line, however, being broken 
 in the advance, some of the troops on the right 
 gave way on coming to close quarters, and just 
 as the Emperor was about to charge. But 
 Happa Charun calling out the word, the charge 
 and shout of "Allah Akbar !" became general. 
 One of the enemy's own elephants, frightened 
 by a rocket, happening at this time to rush into 
 their own ranks, threw the whole into confusion, 
 when the Emperor was left standing on the 
 plain, with only Tara Chand and Balawal Khan 
 by his side. 
 
 Mohammed Husain Mirza, with a consider- 
 able body of men, now made an attack on some 
 of the imperial troops, when a trooper, riding 
 up to the Emperor, struck his horse on the head 
 with a sword, and made the animal rear. His 
 Highness, however, holding on by his left hand, 
 kept his seat, and speared his opponent. Ano- 
 ther, also, threw a spear at him, but, missing 
 his aim, immediately fled; and a third, who 
 made an attack, was speared by a Gujar. 
 The imperial main body now joined the Em- 
 peror, who placed himself in the centre, and 
 ordered a general charge to be made. This was 
 immediately obeyed, and Mohammed Husain 
 Mirza being taken, the victory was complete. 
 
 The troops subsequently marched to Ahmad- 
 
337 
 
 abad ; and Mohammed Husain Mirza, when 
 brought before the Emperor, was given over in 
 charge to Raja Man Singh Darbari. The Mirza's 
 foster-brother, Shaikh Maddu. having been also 
 brought before Akbar, at this time, was speared 
 by him on the spot, for having been concerned 
 with the Mirza in rebellion. 
 
 The day was far spent, when as yet Khan 
 Aziz Koka had not come up ; and another large 
 body of the enemy came in sight. The greater 
 part of the imperial troops, having dispersed in 
 different directions, left the Emperor attended 
 by only a hundred followers. The enemy, how- 
 ever, without making a stand, fled in the direc- 
 tion of Mahmudabad ; when it was ascertained 
 that these were the followers of Ikhtiyaru-1- 
 Mulk. As the small party of the imperial troops 
 became alarmed on seeing this body, his High- 
 ness gave orders to sound the war-drums and 
 trumpets, whilst he encouraged his men by 
 placing himself in the centre. The person whose 
 duty it was to beat the war-drum was so over- 
 come with fear, that he neither heard the Em- 
 peror's orders nor sounded the drum, till roused 
 by the point of a spear. During this confu- 
 sion, Rai Singh, at the instigation of Raja 
 Bhagwandas, put Mohammed Husain Mirza to 
 death. 
 
338 
 
 This body had been investing Ahmadabad, 
 as would appear, and had kept Khan Aziz 
 Koka, with Kutbu-d-din , Mohammed Khan 
 from joining the Emperor. During these con- 
 tests, the imperial troops lost about a hundred 
 men, and the enemy twelve hundred. 
 
 Khan Aziz Koka and his troops at length 
 arrived, when the Emperor, much pleased, em- 
 braced the Khan at meeting. The Gujarat no- 
 bles subsequently came up to pay their respects ; 
 and Sohrab Turk, having presented the head of 
 Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, at this time, was praised for his 
 conduct. Orders were now issued that the heads 
 of the slain rebels should be built into a pyramid, 
 in order that it might serve as an example of 
 terror to the people and a lesson to the nobles. 
 
 The Emperor, after entering Ahmadabad, 
 issued a proclamation announcing his success to 
 all the neighbouring districts. After dismissing 
 several persons presented to him at this time, 
 he was informed that one of the Gujarat poets 
 had found the date of his coming in the words 
 Kahri Gujarat dmadah, " The scourge of Gu- 
 jarat has come." The poet, on being sent for, 
 was asked why he had been guilty of such dis- 
 respect, when the same denied having used these 
 words, but that he had found the date in this 
 sentence, Shdhi Gujarat dmaddh, " The Prince 
 
339 
 
 of Gujarat has come." He was accordingly 
 dismissed with a present. 
 
 The imperial head-quarters were now fixed 
 at Itimad Khan's former residence ; where the 
 mode of governing the country was agreed upon. 
 Shah Mirza having fled to Bhroch, Kutbu-d-din 
 Mohammed Khan, Nurang Khan, and some 
 others, were sent there ; whilst Raja Bhagwan- 
 das and Shah Kuli Khan were sent with a large 
 army to punish the Ranaofldur. The govern- 
 ment of Patan was entrusted to Khan Kilan ; 
 while Dholka and Dhandiikah were given in 
 jagir to Wazir Khan. It was also ordered that 
 the country of Sorath, then in possession of 
 Amin Khan Ghori, should be allowed to remain 
 with him. But, after the imperial troops 
 marched, Wazir Khan hastened into Sorath, 
 and endeavoured to wrest the country from the 
 latter. He fought several battles, but, not 
 being successful in the attempt, returned to 
 Court. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE RETURN OF THE EMPEROR TO HIS CAPITAL, AFTER CONFER- 
 RING THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT ON KHAN AZIZ KOKA A 
 SECOND TIME. 
 
 Akbar, after having settled in eleven days the 
 whole affairs of Gujarat, set out for his capital 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 
 
 uth August, on Saturday the 12th of Jumada-ul- 
 awal, and carried along with him Sayyid Ha- 
 mid, his family and domestics. The first day's 
 march was to Mahmudabad, the next to Dholka; 
 where, having halted a day, he gave Khan 
 Aziz Koka leave to return. After conferring on 
 Khoajah Ghiasu-d-din the title of Asif Khan, he 
 promoted him to the important situation of pay- 
 master in Gujarat; in which office he was to 
 be guided by the provincial governor's advice. 
 Here all the important affairs of the province 
 were finally arranged ; and the Emperor marched 
 from thence to Karki. From this he went to 
 Sidhpur, in two marches ; and halted till the 
 3 capture of Barnagar, and the seizure of Aulia 
 Khan, by the troops sent under Raj a Bhag wan- 
 das, were reported to him. He then continued 
 his journey ; and sent Raja Todar Mall to in- 
 vestigate and purify the revenue settlement of 
 Gujarat. It was expected that the Raja, from 
 his great experience, would fix the assessment 
 at what was just; and that, when the same had 
 been arranged, without observing a selfish or 
 avaricious policy, he would submit it to the Em- 
 peror, for the future guidance of the revenue 
 accountants in all that concerned the military 
 or the cultivators. He accordingly amended 
 the revenue settlement of the country in a very 
 
34J 
 
 short time, and, returning to the imperial pre- 
 sence, delivered his account of it into the regis- 
 ter office. 
 
 The Emperor, interested in the welfare of the 
 Gujarat nobles who had served him, conferred 
 the rank of one thousand horse on Itimad Khan, 
 A.S'iS in the year of the Hijra 983, A.D. 1575. 
 As the same was celebrated for prudence and 
 outward parade, he was also entrusted to ar- 
 range and decorate the imperial darbdr ; having 
 the traffic in jewels and ornaments connected 
 therewith particularly confided to him. His 
 son, Shir Khan, also received the rank of four 
 hundred ; Alagh Khan Habshi had similar rank, 
 and a jagir conferred on him : and Malik u-s- 
 Shark was honoured with a command at the city 
 of Thanesar. 
 
 Some districts of Gujarat had been already 
 set aside, as assignments to the nobles serving 
 in the province ; but several places were this 
 year appropriated to the government exchequer, 
 and Wajihu-1-Mulk Gujarati was sent as Diwan 
 of the province. He was, therefore, the first 
 collector-general appointed from Dehli. Some 
 of the Emperor's ladies, in this same year, went 
 to Mekka, having come through Gujarat ; and 
 Khan Aziz Koka returned by order to Court. 
 A regulation had been passed, previously to 
 
342 
 
 the Khan's return, that the different troops of 
 cavalry, in the service of government, should be 
 specially marked. Khan Aziz Kokawas, there- 
 fore, the first who was to carry into effect this 
 order, on his arrival at Court : since he, being 
 the greatest of the nobles, might, by commencing 
 this practice, leave no room for others to cavil. 
 Presuming on his intimacy, however, he did not 
 comply with the order; and, retiring to a solitary 
 place, in a garden near Agra, commenced a 
 hermit's life. The Emperor, in deference to the 
 feelings of the Khan's mother, and out of regard 
 to his own services, wished to send him back to 
 Gujarat, if he would repent of his ungracious 
 conduct ; but the same showed his independence 
 by telling the Emperor that, having now renoun- 
 ced a soldier's life, he must be numbered among 
 his well-wishers. 
 
 It being absolutely necessary that Akbar 
 should now otherwise provide for the government 
 of Gujarat, he conferred this office on Mirza 
 Khan, the son of Beiram Khan, who had then 
 the rank of four thousand horse, and afterwards 
 obtained the exalted title of Khan Khanan, or 
 chief of the nobles. Wazir Khan, Mir Ala-ud- 
 din Kazwini, Sayyid Muzaffir, and Pragdas, 
 were sent to accompany and assist him ; but, 
 being yet in the flower of his youth, and this the 
 
343 
 
 first service he had ever performed, he was or- 
 dered to follow the advice of the former in all 
 things. At the same time, Mir Ala-ud-din was 
 made Amin of the province. 
 
 Pragdas, who was one of the experienced 
 government writers, was next appointed Diwan, 
 in place of Wajihu-1-Mulk. [n the month of 
 Rabi-us-sani of the same year, the imperial stand- 
 ards arrived at Ajmir, when Wazir Khan left 
 Gujarat to meet the Emperor, and was made 
 deputy governor of the province. Sayyid Ha- 
 shim and Rai Singh were ordered, on this occa- 
 sion, to remain at the town of Nadote, and to 
 keep in subjection the refractory of that quarter. 
 A suitable army was also sent to subdue Idur ; 
 and Tarsu Khan, who was at this time com- 
 mandant of Patan, captured the fort of Sirohi. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 984, A.D. 1576, Ka- 
 lij Khan, government clerk of Surat, received 
 permission to accompany the caravan, going on 
 a pilgrimage to the Hijaz. The Raja of Idur, 
 being overwhelmed by the multitude of the im- 
 perial army, took refuge in the mountains ; but 
 at length, advancing to give the latter battle, 
 sustained a defeat. Idur was at the same time 
 taken. ', "i 
 
 Akbar, hearing that the country did not pros- 
 per under the thoughtless administration of 
 
344 
 
 Wazir Khan, despatched Mutamadu-d-Daolah 
 Raja Todar Mall into Gujarat, for the purpose 
 of bringing the province into order. On the 
 latter arriving in the neighbourhood of Jalore, 
 the Zamindar of Sirohi was induced to pay him 
 a visit, having been instigated thereto by Pa- 
 har Khan Jalori ; and as the Sirohi Zamindar 
 presented a tribute of five hundred rupees, with 
 one hundred gold mohurs, Raja Todar Mall 
 gave him in return an honorary dress, a jewelled 
 head ornament, and an elephant, after making 
 an agreement with him, on the part of the Dehli 
 government, that he was to serve the governor 
 of Gujarat with two thousand cavalry. Raja 
 Todar Mall went from thence to Siirat ; and, on 
 the way thither, having had a meeting at Bhroch 
 with the Zamindar of Ramnagar, who presented 
 a tribute of twelve thousand rupees and four 
 horses, he made him suitable presents in return. 
 The Zamindar was at this time permitted to 
 assume the rank of fifteen hundred horse, and 
 agreed to serve the governor of Gujarat with 
 one thousand cavalry. 
 
 Gul Riikh Begum, daughter of KamranMirza, 
 and who, as before mentioned, had fled into the 
 Dekhan, now returned ; and, accompanied by 
 her son, Muzaffir Husain Mirza, with a crowd 
 of other rebels, raised disturbances in the coun- 
 
345 
 
 try. Wazir Khan, having many seditious per- 
 sons among* his followers, was obliged to act 
 with great caution ; and, having shut himself 
 up at Ahmadabad, sent a messenger to Raja 
 Todar Mall, at Patan, acquainting him that he 
 had done so. While the enemy's troops were 
 at Sultanpur, in Khandesh, several of the go- 
 vernment servants proving faithless, joined them. 
 From thence they advanced on Baroda, when 
 the imperial Faojdar fled without making any 
 effort to oppose them. Wazir Khan now sent 
 Baz Bahadur and the Diwan Pragdas, with 
 troops, to drive back the enemy; but, having 
 been met by the latter, in the parganah of Sir- 
 tal, they experienced a defeat. These conten- 
 tions increased the audacity of the rebels ; and, 
 though Raja Todar Mall had completed the re- 
 venue settlement of the country, and was about 
 to leave Patan for the capital, he immediately 
 returned to Ahmadabad, on receiving Wazir 
 Khan's letter. After his arrival there, he indu- 
 ced Wazir Khan to leave the fort and prepare 
 for war. The imperial troops were only four 
 koss from Baroda, when the enemy fled to 
 Khambayat ; where they were opposed by the 
 force under Sayyid Hashim, chief of the govern- 
 ment exchequer. The latter, having been 
 severely wounded on this occasion, shut himself 
 
346 
 
 up in the citadel, and was besieged by the rebels ; 
 who were closely followed in their flight to 
 Khambayat. When the imperial troops arrived 
 there, the enemy abandoned the siege and re- 
 tired on Jiinagarh ; but the former, continuing 
 the pursuit, overtook the rebels near Dholka ; 
 where an engagement was fought, in which se- 
 veral women, dressed in men's clothes, acted the 
 part of bowmen, and shot their arrows. The 
 engagement was fiercely contested by both sides; 
 but the rebels, who at length gave way, took to 
 flight. On this occasion many of the latter were 
 either killed or taken prisoners, among whom 
 were several women who had been employed as 
 archers. 
 
 Raja Todar Mall, after collecting the pri- 
 soners and plunder, sent the whole to the 
 Emperor, in charge of his son Sidhari, and left 
 Gujarat for the capital. On the road thither, 
 he received a visit from Rana Sahsmall, Zamin- 
 dar of Dungarpur, when this chief was pre- 
 sented with an honorary dress, and the rank of 
 two thousand five hundred cavalry. He was 
 also permitted to take leave at Mirtha, after 
 having agreed to serve in the province of Gu- 
 jarat. 
 
 Subsequently to Todar Mall's departure for 
 the capital, a set of robbers, who had assembled 
 
347 
 
 about Muzaffir Husain Mirza, plundered the 
 city of Khambayat ; and, as many opulent mer- 
 chants dwelt there, they thus obtained posses- 
 sion of much wealth and valuables. Wazir 
 Khan now left Ahmadabad to pursue them ; but, 
 learning on the way that the enemy were in 
 great force, and suspecting the fidelity of his 
 own troops, he returned to Ahmadabad, and 
 there shut himself up in the citadel. Many of 
 his followers deserted him on the march, and 
 joined the enemy ; who, at length, appearing 
 with all the parade they could exhibit, invested 
 Ahmadabad. 
 
 Wazir Khan, at this time, suspecting several 
 of his followers, put them in chains; and, by 
 encouraging his old and trustworthy servants, 
 made every necessary effort to defend the place. 
 The men in the citadel, being much frightened, 
 were relieved every, day from the batteries, 
 whilst the Khan, taking on himself the task of 
 going the rounds, remained on the alert. The 
 enemy, who had some accomplices among the 
 besieged, had at one time applied the scaling 
 ladders, and were about to make an assault on 
 all quarters, when Mihr Ali, their commander, 
 and leader of the rebellion, was luckily shot 
 dead. The whole now took to flight, though 
 some had even ascended the wall ; and the be- 
 
348 
 
 sieged, though wavering, did not prove untrue. 
 Wazir Khan, and those who had been ransomed, 
 returned thanks for their unexpected success. 
 Muzaffir Husain Mirza, having subsequently 
 fled to Khandesh, was seized by Ali Khan 
 Faruki, and sent to the Emperor Akbar, with 
 which ended the rebellion of the Mirzas h . 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 / 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF SHAHABU-D-DlN AHMAD KHAN, AND THE D 1 
 WANSHIPOF PRAGDAS, WITH THE FLIGHT AND RETURN OF MUZA F- 
 FIR SULTAN TO GUJARAT. 
 
 As Wazir Khan had not successfully accom- 
 plished the settlement of Gujarat, Shahabu-d-din 
 Ahmad Khan, governor of Malwa, who had the 
 rank of five thousand cavalry, was ordered to 
 assume the former government in the end of the 
 IS 85 ' year of the Hijra, 985, AD. 1577. The 
 following noblemen, who had permission to ac- 
 company him thither, were also to assist in the 
 administration of the province, namely, Kasim 
 Khan Saifu-1-Mulk, Mir Ghiasu-d-din, Ali Na- 
 kib, Kamar Khan, Ghazi Khan, nephew of Na- 
 
 ( h ) It would appear, from Ferishta's history, that the Mirza 
 was not delivered up before A.Hij. 986, A.D. 1578. 
 
349 
 
 kib Khan, Firoz Khan Kabuli, Shaikh Mozim, 
 and Shaikh Jadid. Wazir Khan was, at this 
 
 / 
 
 time, ordered to subdue the country about Idur. 
 A^kii 6 ' In the year of the Hijra 986, A.D. 
 1578, the ladies of the Emperor's family, who 
 had gone on a pilgrimage to Mekka, returned 
 in safety ; and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan was 
 ordered to assist them on their journey to the 
 capital. 
 
 As the Emperor was wholly given in these 
 days to beneficent acts, he yearly appointed one 
 of the nobles as chief of the caravan going to 
 Mekka ; and supplied him with money and va- 
 luables, to be given away among the attendants 
 and visiters at that holy place. Mir Abu 
 Turab, who, at this time, obtained permission 
 to make a pilgrimage to the Hijaz, was there- 
 fore made chief of the caravan ; and Itimad 
 Khan Gujarat! was also permitted to accom- 
 pany it. 
 
 Mir Abu Turab, on returning from this pil- 
 grimage, brought with him an impression of the 
 Prophet Mohammed's foot, which belonged to 
 the temple of Mekka ; and, after landing this 
 relic at the port of Surat, prepared to send it to 
 Akbar, then at Fat'hpur. He accordingly ap- 
 pointed seven or eight hundred people of Hijaz 
 to accompany it ; and, after wrapping it in a 
 
\ 
 
 350 
 
 portion of the veil which had covered the temple 
 of Mekka, set forward with it in a covered litter. 
 Letters were also sent to acquaint the Emperor 
 of having obtained this precious prize ; when an 
 order was issued, complimenting the chief of the 
 pilgrims. Instructions were also sent that due 
 notice of its arrival within one stage of the royal 
 residence should be given, in order that the 
 Emperor, to show the relic due respect, might 
 advance and welcome its arrival. 
 
 Due notice was accordingly given ; when the 
 ladies of the Emperor's family, with all the 
 nobles, went out to meet it, and were blessed 
 by having thus made the pilgrimage. All ranks 
 flocked to kiss this model of the Prophet's foot ; 
 and the Emperor, after wrapping it in a splendid 
 covering, carried it the distance of a hundred 
 feet, in the direction of the city. It was subse- 
 quently entrusted to the particular charge of 
 Mir Abu Tiirab, chief of the pilgrims ; when all 
 the ministers, judges, and principal nobles, re- 
 lieved each other in conveying it to the foot of 
 the throne. This impression of the foot was 
 kept for one year contiguous to the palace, and 
 here the people made pilgrimages. But Mir 
 Abu Tiirab, having been allowed to go into Gu- 
 A.iSo 88 ' jarat, about the year of the Hijra 988, 
 A D. 1580, requested to carry the foot along 
 
351 
 
 with him, that he might build a temple for it in 
 this country, which is, as it were, the gate of the 
 holy Mekka. He moreover petitioned that, after 
 preparing a place for its reception, he might be 
 appointed superintendent of the same. His 
 wishes were after some time complied with ; 
 and Mir Abu Turab conveyed this impression of 
 the Prophet's foot to Asawal, near Ahmad abad, 
 where, in the course of six years, he built a 
 mosque for it. As must be generally known, 
 the same became a place where great numbers 
 were wont to walk round in religious veneration : 
 and the practice was continued for many years. 
 But, when disorder and anarchy in Gujarat had 
 rendered Asawal and other places desolate, the 
 heirs of Mir Abu Turab brought the sacred foot 
 into the city, where it yet remains in their pos- 
 session. 
 
 Subsequently, Shah Fakhru-d-din was or- 
 dered to go from Ujain to the government of 
 Patan, and to send Tarsu Khan to court. Haji 
 Ibrahim Sirhindi was promoted to the chief- 
 justiceship of Gujarat ; and Asif Khan, on re- 
 ceiving the appointment of Bakhshi, was ordered 
 first to put the imperial mark on the cavalry of 
 Malwa, according to regulation ; and then to do 
 the same to those of Gujarat, on arriving there, 
 provided the concurrence of Shahabu-d-din 
 Ahmad Khan and Kalij Khan was obtained. 
 
352 
 
 A short time after these events, Sultan Mu- 
 zaffir, who had been kept in close attendance on 
 the Emperor, fled to Gujarat, and remained for 
 some time at Tarwari, with the Zamindar of 
 Rajpipalah, without the circumstance being 
 known by Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, then 
 at Bhroch. After leaving this place, he took 
 up his residence among the Kattis of Karrein, in 
 the parganah of Sordhar, one of the dependancies 
 of Sorath ; where he remained so completely 
 concealed, that it was the only period during the 
 government of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan 
 when the seditious were at rest, and the people 
 in quiet. 
 
 Fat'h Khan Shirwani, who commanded the 
 troops of Amin Khan Ghori, being annoyed at 
 his master, made a proposition to Shahabu-d- 
 din Ahmad Khan to wrest Junagarh and the 
 country of Sorath from the latter, and to render 
 it subject to the Emperor, provided he was sup- 
 plied with troops. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan 
 accordingly appointed his own brother, Mirza 
 Khan, with four thousand horse, to accompany 
 Fat'h Khan on this expedition. When the troops 
 arrived in the neighbourhood of Sorath, Amin 
 Khan Ghori sent a messenger to say that he 
 would pay tribute, and mark his cavalry, 
 according to imperial regulation, provided a 
 sufficient jagir was assigned him for this pur- 
 
353 
 
 pose. He also stipulated that they would per- 
 mit him to retain Junagarh for the sake of his 
 dignity, whilst the rest of the country should 
 remain with them. To this Mirza Khan an- 
 swered that such could not be conceded, without 
 taking Junagarh ; and, having afterwards ad- 
 vanced, captured the city of Junagarh, named 
 Mustafabad, through the efforts of Fat'h Khan. 
 Amin Khan Ghori now strengthened the upper 
 fort, and took refuge there. Fat'h Khan, at 
 whose instigation this expedition had been 
 undertaken, fell sick at this time and died ; when 
 Mirza Khan, abandoning the siege, marched to 
 Manglur, distant twenty koss, where he took 
 up a position, having this town between him and 
 the enemy. Amin Khan Ghori, now assisted by 
 the Jam with four thousand cavalry, left his 
 stronghold, and hastened to Manglur ; and, on 
 his approach, Mirza Khan, retreating to the 
 mountain of Dinar, risked a battle there and 
 met with a defeat. The whole of his baggage 
 fell into the hands of the enemy, and he himself, 
 after having been severely wounded, came to 
 Ahmadabad. 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan now built forti- 
 fications at Morasah and other towns, where the 
 people were disaffected ; and, having there sta- 
 tioned parties of cavalry, thus completely settled 
 
 A A 
 
354 
 
 the country. On a complaint from the cultiva- 
 tors of Ahmadabad and several other parga- 
 nahs, he made a second admeasurement of all 
 arable drylands, and brought them into cultiva- 
 tion. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF ITIMAD KHAN GUJARATI, WITH THE DIWANSHIP 
 OF ABU-L-KASIM, AND THE CAPTURE OF AHMADABAD BY SULTAN 
 MUZAFFIR. 
 
 As already related in these pages, Itimad 
 Khan obtained permission to proceed to Mekka 
 on a pilgrimage ; and, returning from thence, 
 joined the Emperor. Having had expectations 
 held out to him that he would obtain the go- 
 vernment of Gujarat when the latter conquered 
 the country, Itimad Khan made several repre- 
 sentations on this subject, at the time when 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan was raised to the 
 dignity of governor. Among other things, he 
 represented that he was a well-wisher to the 
 Emperor, and promised both an increase of 
 revenue and prosperity in the province. His 
 Highness consequently caused him to be raised 
 to the distinguished post of governing Gujarat, 
 
355 
 
 about the end of the year of the Hijra991, A.D. 
 liS 1 ' T583 ; although many of the imperial 
 advisers said that he had not the capacity to 
 settle the country. But, a promise having been 
 passed, and the business settled, the Emperor 
 would not listen to them, and accordingly gave 
 Itimad Khan permission to go to his govern- 
 ment. On this occasion, Mir Abu Turab was 
 raised to the dignity of Amin, and Khoajah 
 Nizamu-d-din Ahmad to that of Bakhshi '. The 
 Emperor also appointed Khoajah Abu-1-Kasim 
 to be collector-general, and sent along with 
 him, as assistants, Mohammed Husain, Shaikh 
 Mir, Muzaffir Beg, Mohammed Beg, Mir Mohab- 
 ullah, Mir Sharfu-d-din, Mir Salah, Shah Beg, 
 Mir Hashim, Mir Masum Bhakri k , Zainu-d-din 
 Kamboh, Sayyid Jalal Bhakri, Sayyid Abu 
 Is'hak, Faiz-ullah Beg, and Pehlwan Ali Sistani. 
 The son of Mehtar Ramazan, superintendent 
 of the perfume department, who was named 
 Karm Ali, was appointed to conduct Shahabu- 
 d-din Ahmad Khan to Court, after Itimad 
 Khan's arrival in Ahmadabad. At this time, 
 
 (i) This is the distinguished author of the history called the 
 Tabakat Akbari. 
 
 ( k ) Mir Masum is the author of a history of Sind, and assisted, 
 it is said, Nizamu-d-dm Ahmad in compiling the Tabakat 
 Akbari. 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 
 
 crowds of people complained against Haji 
 Ibrahim Sirhindi, chief judge of the province, 
 on which the Emperor removed him from office 
 and recalled him to Court. Clear proofs of his 
 crime having been established, he was impri- 
 soned in the fort of Rentumbhore. 
 
 When Itimad Khan was about to join his go- 
 vernment, there were several rebellious wretches 
 in Ahmadabad, who had been once retainers of 
 the Mirzas, but, after their overthrow, had con- 
 tinued in the service of whatever person held 
 the government of the province. These people 
 watched every fit opportunity for rebellion, and, 
 during the government of Wazir Khan, had 
 actively excited an insurrection, which Shahabu- 
 d-din Ahmad Khan opportunely put down, 
 whilst he entertained several of them in his ser- 
 vice. Akbar, on then hearing the state of the 
 matter, ordered that they should be dismissed 
 from service, and expelled that country, and 
 that others more trustworthy should be taken 
 to replace them. He, in the mean time, marched 
 for Kabul; and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, 
 not thinking it advisable to expel them, increased 
 their munsubs and jagi'rs ; and, *by various other 
 means, endeavoured to make, them contented. 
 Orders were again issued for expelling them, 
 when Itimad Khan went to Gujarat ; and these 
 
357 
 
 seditious men, hearing of these, were thinking 
 what they should do. Mir Abid, chief of these 
 vagabonds, in consultation with Mohammed 
 Yusaf Balkhi and Khalil Beg Badakhshi, agreed 
 that they ought to put Ahmad Khan to death, 
 before Itimad Khan had arrived in Gujarat, and 
 that, after electing Muzaffir for their leader, 
 they should take possession of Ahmadabad. 
 One of the mutineers, named Jahangir, informed 
 Ahmad Khan of this iniquitous plot ; but he, 
 being about to leave the government, made no 
 inquiry into the matter, and merely sent a mes- 
 sage to Khalil Beg and Mohammed Yusaf, that 
 they must quit the city. They perceived that 
 by doing so they would strengthen their cause, 
 and went accordingly to their jagir at Matur, 
 where they began to make preparations. They 
 at the same time wrote to Sultan Muzaffir, inti- 
 mating their submission to him, and requesting 
 that he would join them. Mir Abid outwardly 
 professed that he was ready to accompany 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan ; but, by secretly 
 plotting evil, induced Moghul Beg Wafadar 
 and Taimur Husain, chief men about Shahabu- 
 d-din Ahmad Khan, to unite with him in the 
 insurrection. 
 
 At this time, Itimad Khan, Khoajah Abu-l-Ka- 
 sim Diwan, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad 
 
358 
 
 Bakhshi, arrived at Patan ; while Karm Ali, who 
 had been sent on deputation to Shahabu-d-din 
 Ahmad Khan, reached Ahmadabad, along with 
 Itimad Khan's agent. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad 
 Khan, who came forth to meet the horse and 
 honorary dress, which accompanied the impe- 
 rial commands, conducted Karm Ali to the 
 city, and, on being made acquainted with the 
 Emperor's instructions, delivered over the keys 
 of the town to Itimad Khan's agent. He also 
 caused the parties of cavalry to be withdrawn 
 from the different posts, which were nearly eighty 
 in number ; but, as soon as the troops left, the 
 Kulis and Grassiahs destroyed several fortifica- 
 tions, and excited disturbances. In the mean 
 time, Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, leaving Ah- 
 madabad, encamped at Osmanpur, on the Sa- 
 barmati river, while Itimad Khan, with the 
 others, entered the city. Mir Abid and the 
 rebels, in number about five hundred persons, 
 took up a position near the reservoir of Batwah. 
 The latter sent Itimad Khan a message, that, 
 being in distress, he could not accompany 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan to Court, but was 
 willing to perform whatever service might be 
 required of him, provided he was put in posses- 
 sion of the jagir formerly belonging to him, and 
 that, if the last was not conceded, he would be 
 
359 
 
 under the necessity of following a vagabond 
 life. Itimad Khan replied, that, though he could 
 not, contrary to the Emperor's orders, assign 
 them a jagir, he would do as much as he had 
 personally power to do. These unfortunates 
 now became altogether desperate ; and, going 
 to Khalil Beg and Mohammed Yusaf, at Matar, 
 joined them in insurrection. 
 
 The force destined to assist Itimad Khan had 
 not yet arrived from the capital ; and this offi- 
 cer, therefore, deemed it advisable to detain 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan for some days, 
 that, by his assistance, he might act with vigour 
 against the disobedient. Wherefore, when 
 Shah Abu Turab, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din 
 Ahmad Bakhshi, went to consult Shahabu-d-din 
 Ahmad Khan in this matter, he advised that 
 the rebels should have their jagirs on former 
 conditions, in order that the peace of the coun- 
 try might be preserved. But, if this could not 
 be done, he recommended the imperial com- 
 manders to sow dissension among the mutineers, 
 by going against them with a force, before the 
 former had been joined by any men of note, or 
 were agreed among themselves what to do. To 
 this Itimad Khan replied, that if Shahabu-d-din 
 Ahmad Khan returned to the city, he would do 
 whatever might appear most advisable. Sha- 
 
360 
 
 habu-d-din Ahmad Khan excused himself from 
 remaining, as he had already expended consi- 
 derable sums of money on account of the jour- 
 ney, and as his people, having left the city with 
 their families, were distressed and disgusted. 
 Itimad Khan, therefore, agreed to assist him with 
 money from the government exchequer ; but, 
 as there was no ready money in the treasury, 
 several days were spent in correspondence re- 
 garding the means of raising the sum wanted. 
 
 Itimad Khan, by discussing this matter, only 
 wished to gain time, and detain the other till 
 the troops from the capital had arrived ; after 
 which he would abandon him. He therefore 
 marched from Ahmadabad, and went to Karki : 
 when a crowd of vagabonds, who had collected 
 in the parganah of Matur, thinking this a fit 
 time for plundering, went into Kahtiwar and 
 joined Sultan Muzaffir. On joining the latter, 
 they represented to him the richness of the 
 country ; and he, through avarice and desire of 
 plunder, taking the Karki chiefs along with him, 
 turned towards Ahmadabad. The rebels, hav- 
 ing assembled nearly fifteen hundred Karki 
 cavalry, made all possible expedition till they 
 arrived at the town of Dholka, where, having 
 encamped, they proposed for the general safety 
 to make a night attack on the camp of Shaha- 
 
361 
 
 bu-d-din Ahmad Khan. Sultan Muzaffir, how- 
 ever, wished to go to Khambayat, and plunder 
 that populous town. But, when Itimad Khan 
 heard that the enemy had arrived at Dholka, he 
 lost all self-possession, and, not knowing what 
 to do, followed Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan to 
 Karki, with a view of inducing him to return to 
 Ahmadabad. The former, after much wavering 
 and hesitation, thus committed one grand mis- 
 take, namely, in leaving the enemy within ten 
 koss of the gates, and actually going eighteen 
 to seek assistance. This was unwise, as he had 
 no confidential person to whom he could well 
 entrust the charge of the city ; while the more 
 judicious and candid endeavoured to dissuade 
 him from such a resolution. He would not lis- 
 ten to their advice, however ; and, after giving 
 his son, Shir Khan, charge of the city, left Ah- 
 madabad for Karki, accompanied by Nizamu-d- 
 din Ahmad Bakhshi. On this occasion he gave 
 the city gates in charge to Mir Masuin Bhakri, 
 Faiz-ullah Beg Aka, and Zainu-d-din Kamboh, 
 while Mujahid Khan Gujarati was stationed at 
 the Ramkhir gate. 
 
 Several of the discontented people of Gujarat, 
 who were in league with the rebels, sent mes- 
 sengers to represent his departure in the man- 
 ner of a flight ; and such happy intelligence 
 
362 
 
 arrived at the very time when the rebels were 
 about to retire, not knowing what to do. They 
 now, however, made all possible haste to Ahmad- 
 abad ; whilst their numbers continued to in- 
 crease every minute. On arriving there, they 
 made an assault on the Ramkhir gate, and, after 
 the interchange of a few blows, entered the city. 
 The confusion consequently increased ; and 
 while Shir Khan, Mir Masum, and others, with- 
 drew from their dangerous situation, the rebels 
 plundered everywhere. Sultan Muzaffir, who 
 had prayed for the present crisis, entered the 
 dwellings of the Gujarat kings, and obtained his 
 desire of sitting on their throne. Thus, in an 
 instant, this populous city, filled with gold, 
 jewels, and fine clothes, was left a prey to plun- 
 derers. 
 
 Itimad Khan induced Shahabu-d-din Ahmad 
 Khan to return after some preliminary agree- 
 ment, but, mistrusting the fidelity of some of 
 his followers, made them swear on the Koran to 
 be faithful. The chief of these ungrateful men 
 was the first to join the enemy. 
 
 When the imperial confederates came within 
 eight koss of Ahmad abad, they were met by 
 Shir Khan, Mir Masum Bhakri, and others ; 
 who separately made known the frightful intel- 
 ligence of the city being taken. Shahabu-d-din 
 
363 
 
 Ahmad Khan, on hearing this, was much puz- 
 zled how to act, and consulted the others in this 
 matter. Each having* given counsel to the best 
 of his ability, it was finally agreed on, that, after 
 advancing to Ahmadabad, they ought to give 
 the enemy battle, if the latter would meet them ; 
 or, if not, that after surrounding the place, they 
 must besiege it, until such time as the troops 
 from the capital arrived. In effecting this plan, 
 they committed an error by carrying along with 
 them the men's wives and children, instead of 
 leaving them in a place of security. 
 
 The imperial party arrived at Osmanpur, 
 within sight of Ahmadabad, by morning, and 
 had just fixed on the ground for encamping, 
 when the enemy, aware of their arrival, came 
 out, mounted and prepared for battle. Some of 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan's men were at this 
 time engaged in pitching the tents ; and others 
 were taking care of their families and baggage. 
 But, though the main body which came up with 
 him were on the alert, nearly two thousand of 
 the enemy's cavalry left the city, and drew up on 
 the river bank. Sultan Muzaffir, having there 
 taken up his position in the centre, placed the 
 Kahti chiefs around him, and detached Moham- 
 med Yiisaf Badakhshi, and Khalil Beg, as his 
 advanced guard. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, 
 
364 
 
 observing this, quietly mounted his horse, and 
 put his troops in order of battle ; while Itimad 
 Khan, under a pretence of retaining possession 
 of the ford at Osmanpur, and of thus preventing 
 the enemy passing the river, kept aloof with 
 Mir Abu Tiirab and the Gujarat troops, and 
 was only looking for an opportunity to fly. 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who had taken 
 possession of a rising ground with seven or 
 eight hundred cavalry, determined to make a 
 stand against the rebels. He therefore detached 
 from his centre two hundred horsemen to cross 
 the river and make an attack. Though the 
 commanders were in league with their oppo- 
 nents, those under their command twice drove 
 back the latter. One of the commanders, named 
 Shaibak, restrained his men from fighting, and, 
 by constantly sending messages to the enemy, 
 continued inviting them to advance. Badr Beg 
 Turkman, who had gallantly exerted himself 
 for the Imperialists, was at this time killed ; 
 when Shaibak and others, to the amount of five 
 hundred, went over and joined the enemy, who 
 now crossed the river. 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who had not 
 more than two hundred horsemen left, endea- 
 voured to retain his position, and animated his 
 companions to repel the enemy's attack ; his 
 
365 
 
 horse had, however, received an arrow wound, 
 while several of his relations and brothers had 
 fallen around him, and, being attacked by great 
 numbers, he was thus reduced to extremities. 
 Some of his friends at this time seized the reins 
 of his horse, and forced him from the field of 
 battle ; when one of the deserters, coming be- 
 hind, made a blow at him withr a sword, from 
 which he escaped unhurt. 
 
 The Kahtis and people of the city, who had 
 come for plunder, now committed depredations 
 on the property of the imperial party, and made 
 their wives and daughters prisoners. Money 
 and other valuables, with horses and elephants, 
 were carried away in the confusion. Sultan 
 Muzaffir, thus loaded with plunder, afterwards 
 went to Ahmadabad ; and took up his abode in 
 the citadel ; where, with the confidence of a 
 great man, he commenced to administer the go- 
 vernment of Gujarat; and, having promoted 
 Shaibak, who had deserted to him from the 
 service of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, assign- 
 ed him a jagir. On the succeeding day, accom- 
 panied by several of the rebel chiefs, he went to 
 the principal mosque : and, after causing the 
 oration to be read in his own name, sent for 
 Shir Khan Faoladi from Junagarh, where he was 
 living in disgrace and indigence. This chief 
 
366 
 
 joined Sultan Muzaffir soon after with two hun- 
 dred ill-mounted horsemen. But, as the latter 
 was not quite at ease regarding Kutbu-d-din 
 Mohammed Khan, then in the neighbourhood of 
 Sultanpur and Nadarbar, he left Mir Abid in 
 charge of Ahmadabad, and then marched to 
 that neighbourhood. He at the same time sent 
 Shir Khan Faoladi to keep in check Shahabu- 
 d-din Ahmad Khan at Patan ; and the former, 
 having enlisted all the imperial soldiery in this 
 part of the country, collected fourteen or fifteen 
 thousand men in the course of a fortnight. 
 
 Soon after this, the force sent to assist Itimad 
 Khan, amounting to two thousand men, joined 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan at Patan, and the 
 Imperialists, after strengthening the garrison 
 there, represented the state of affairs to Court. 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, hearing of 
 these events, marched by successive stages to 
 Baroda. During this confusion, as Sayyidu-d- 
 Daolat, the servant of Kalian Rao, of Kham- 
 bayat, had collected troops and seized on this 
 place, he thus obtained a considerable sum of 
 money ; and, after increasing his force to four 
 thousand men, acquainted Sultan Muzaffir of 
 what he had done. Sultan Muzaffir gave him 
 the title of Rustam Khan ; and, presenting him 
 with an honorary dress, wrote him in reply to 
 
367 
 
 remain where he was, until sent for. Moreover, 
 Aulia Khan, a servant of Shir Khan Faoladi, 
 excited an insurrection at the town of Chotanah ; 
 and, as Mohammed Beg, then in his neighbour- 
 hood, had defeated him, Shir Khan Faoladi 
 sent his son-in-law, Husain Khan, to assist him. 
 The Imperialists, under Mohammed Husain, 
 and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, 
 had by this time joined Mohammed Beg, who 
 now came up with the enemy and defeated 
 them. Shir Khan Faoladi, hearing of this 
 event, advanced in turn, when Itimad Khan, 
 and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, resolving to 
 remain at Patan, sent the son of the former, 
 with others of the imperial troops, to oppose 
 him. The contending parties met within 
 eighteen miles of Patan, where the rebels were 
 defeated, and the son-in-law of Shir Khan Fao- 
 ladi killed. 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir, as already mentioned, had 
 marched against Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan 
 from Ahmad abad. Sayyidu-d-Daolat, on this 
 occasion, joined him in the neighbourhood of / 
 Nariad, with four thousand men from Kham- 
 bayat ; while Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, 
 detaching Mohammed Afzal and Mohammed 
 Mirak to guard the ferries of Khanpur and \ 
 ankanir, ordered them to prevent the enemy 
 
368 
 
 from crossing the Tapti. These commanders, 
 who were secretly in league with rebels, fled 
 after a little skirmishing, when Sultan Muzaffir 
 came to the ford at Khanpur. 
 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan now shut 
 himself up in the walled town of Baroda, with 
 some trusty followers ; while the enemy, advan- 
 cing, besieged the place. Though twenty thou- 
 sand horse and foot of Rajputs or Kulis had 
 collected around Muzaffir, Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan, nevertheless, held out the fort 
 against them for twenty- two days ; and exerted 
 himself to the utmost, as he could not trust his 
 own men. At this time, Mohammed Mirak and 
 Chirkash Khan Rumi sent, from the* trenches, 
 to tell Muzaffir that, as they were there watched 
 by the imperial spies, he must, under pretence 
 of concluding a peace, send for them, along 
 with Zainu-d-din Kamboh, Sayyid Jalal Bhakri, 
 and Khoajah Yahya, the agent of Naorang 
 Khan ; and that, if after imprisoning them and 
 Khoajah Yahya, he would put the other two to 
 death, he might attack the fort on the succeed- 
 ing day, without meeting with any opposition 
 from the troops of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed 
 Khan. Sultan Muzaffir followed the advice of 
 these dissemblers ; and, as Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan sent him a deputation of the 
 
369 
 
 five persons mentioned, he instantly imprisoned 
 them, and caused Zainu-d-din Kamboh to be 
 put to death the same day, by ordering that he 
 should be trodden under the feet of an elephant. 
 Sayyid Ahmad Bokhari, however, having inter- 
 ceded for Sayyid Jalal Khan, obtained his re- 
 lease, and carried him to his own house. 
 
 Succeeding this, Sultan Muzaffir, mounting 
 his horse, gave orders to surround the fort, when 
 the besiegers, having closely invested the town 
 with the guns brought from Ahmadabad, Kut- 
 bu-d-din Mohammed Khan thought his followers 
 had quite deserted him, and shut himself up in 
 the citadel. The next day, Sultan Muzaffir 
 took an oath that he would not injure Kutbu- 
 d-din Mohammed Khan's person ; and, after 
 making a compact to this effect, sent for him. 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, thus reduced to 
 extremities, visited Sultan Muzaffir, who in- 
 stantly imprisoned him, and soon after put him 
 to death, along with his sister's son, Jalalu-d- 
 din. 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir, after remaining at Baroda 
 for two days, marched to the neighbourhood of 
 Bhroch ; where the mother of Kutbu-d-din Mo- 
 hammed Khan and several slaves were residing. 
 On the third day after Muzaffir had encamped 
 before Bhroch, the slaves, proving traitorous, 
 
 B B 
 
370 
 
 left the fort, and, having gone to visit the Sul- 
 tan, delivered to him the keys of the place. By 
 this means the whole treasure and effects of 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan fell into his 
 hands. Sultan Muzaffir remained at Bhroch 
 fifteen days ; but, during that time, having 
 heard that Mirza Khan, son of Beiram Khan, 
 was marching on Ahmadabad, he suddenly de- 
 camped, and moved to that quarter. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF MIRZA KHAN, WITH THE DEFEAT OF MUZAFFIR, 
 AND CAPTURE OF AHMADABAD. THE EXALTATION OF MIRZA KHAN 
 TO THE RANK OF FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE TITLE OF KHAN KHANAN, 
 WITH THE FOUNDATION OF THE FAT'H BAGH, AT THE TOWN WHERE 
 THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT. THE DIWANSHIP OF KHOAJAH ABU-L-KA- 
 SIM, AND THE ORDER FOR ADOPTING THE ILAHI ERA IN THE COUN- 
 TRY OF HINDUSTAN. 
 
 The news of the Gujarat insurrection having 
 AiD^lsIs!' reached the Emperor, in the end of 
 A. Hij. 991, A.D. 1583, at a time when the im- 
 perial standards turned eastward, the govern- 
 ment of the province was conferred on Mirza 
 Khan, son of Beiram Khan, who, then only a 
 youth, had been brought up through the favour 
 and kindness of Akbar. Several brave and 
 enterprizing leaders, such as Rai Durga, Medini 
 
371 
 
 Rai, Shaikh Kabir, entitled Shujaat Khan, and 
 Nasib Khan, who were sent to assist Mirza 
 Khan, were ordered to take the direct road 
 to Gujarat. Kalij Khan and Naorang Khan 
 were, moreover, ordered to proceed by the way 
 of Malwa ; and, entering* Gujarat by that route, 
 to take along with them all who were com- 
 manding in these parts. Sultan Muzaffir, hear- 
 ing of Mirza Khan's intended march, returned 
 to Ahmadabad. 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, and the impe- 
 rial nobles then at Patan, on learning that 
 Mirza Khan was approaching, sent forward a 
 messenger to him, and soon after joined him at 
 Mirtha. Mirza Khan, judging wisely, did not 
 generally make known the unfortunate fate of 
 Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan ; but, having 
 called the different leaders, asked their advice, 
 when every one gave it to the best of his abi- 
 lity. It was at length settled that they, trust- 
 ing to the good fortune which had ever accom- 
 panied the imperial cause, must expeditiously 
 bring on a battle ; and, having made the neces- 
 sary clispositions,they exerted themselves to do so. 
 Sultan Muzaffir, on the 9th of Mu- 
 harram, A. Hij. 992, A.D. 1584, ad- 
 vancing with a large force and many guns, took 
 up a position at Mohammednagar, contiguous 
 
 BB2 
 
 A. 
 
372 
 
 to Osmanpiir, on the bank of the Sabarmati 
 river, where he waited their attack. Mirza 
 Khan accordingly proclaimed publicly that they 
 must immediately engage the enemy ; but, 
 expecting that the army from Malwa would 
 soon join him, he delayed the attack for some 
 days, and marched, on the llth of the same 
 month, to the town of Sirkej. Here he en- 
 camped on the banks of the Sabarmati, having 
 the town on one flank and a grove of trees on 
 the other. 
 
 At first, a party of the enemy came and made 
 a night attack, but returned without accom- 
 plishing their wishes. The expected arrival of 
 the Malwa troops was currently rumoured 
 abroad ; and Sultan Muzaflfir, thinking the pre- 
 sent a fit opportunity for marching from Mo- 
 hammednagar, crossed the river, and began 
 skirmishing. The imperial army now necessa- 
 rily made its dispositions, and hastened to op- 
 pose the enemy ; but, as its front rank and 
 right flank were passing a small stream, whose 
 banks were covered with brushwood, they fell 
 into confusion. Notwithstanding this, having 
 soon after engaged their opponents, they be- 
 haved gallantly. Mirza Khan, who, with five 
 hundred horsemen and one hundred elephants, 
 had taken up a position, and was watching the 
 
373 
 
 recent manifestations of the imperial good for- 
 tune, beheld Sultan Muzaffir, with five or six 
 thousand cavalry, confidently occupying the 
 plain, and saw that there were evident signs of 
 the enemy proving victorious. 
 
 Several of Mirza Khan's friends wished him 
 at this time to leave the scene of action ; but he, 
 deeming such conduct pusillanimous, deter- 
 mined to maintain his ground, and urged his 
 men forward. On this the elephants threw the 
 enemy's army into disorder ; and Sultan Muzaf- 
 fir, giving all up as lost, took to flight. Several 
 of his associates fled along with him to Mahmud- 
 abad, on the banks of the Mahindri river ; and, 
 though his whole army was dispersed, and 
 many had been killed by the sword, the Impe- 
 rialists could not follow him, as the day was 
 now far spent. These events happened on the 
 A a .D. 2 i584. 13th of Muharram in the above year. 
 
 On the day of Sultan Muzaffir's defeat, Kalij 
 Khan, Sharif Khan, and Naorang Khan, from 
 Malwa, arrived at Baroda, and, having there 
 received intelligence of the victory, halted. 
 Naorang Khan detached Mirza Zahid to obtain 
 possession of Bhroch ; but Haji Beg Chirkash 
 and Nasir Khan, who had charge of the trea- 
 sure in the place, closed the gates and attacked 
 the Imperialists. 
 
 i 
 
374 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir, after his flight, went to 
 Khambayat, where, having raised a x money 
 contribution from the merchants and inhabit- 
 ants, he collected ten or twelve thousand vaga- 
 bonds, by distributing his gold to all discon- 
 tented and seditious characters. The cultiva- 
 tors, also, thinking he was the lawfully-born 
 prince, exhibited proofs of their fidelity, and 
 were joining him from all quarters. Mirza 
 Khan, receiving intelligence of these things, left 
 Ahmadabad in charge of Sayyid Kasim, who 
 had been wounded, and, with the intention of 
 dispersing the rebels, marched, on the 2d of 
 A?i>. 1*584. Safar, against Sultan Muzaffir, having 
 at the same time ordered the troops of Malwa, 
 then besieging Bhroch, to join him. 
 
 The enemy detached Sayyidu-d-Daolat, with 
 a force, to Dholka, and the sons of Ikhtiyaru-1- 
 Mulk, with Mustafa Khan Shirwani, to Mah- 
 mudabad. The Malwa commanders, with their 
 troops, joined Mirza Khan at the town of 
 Barayah ; and Sultan Muzaffir, hearing of this, 
 left Khambayat, and marched to Baroda. 
 Mirza Khan pursued him to the latter place, 
 whence he despatched Naorang Khan against 
 Sayyidu-d-Daolat, whilst he himself continued 
 the pursuit of Sultan Muzaffir. The enemy at 
 length resolved to risk a battle, when victory 
 
375 
 
 declared for the Imperialists, after some sharp 
 work on both sides. Naorang Khan, having 
 also proved victorious, joined the main body ; 
 and Sultan Muzaffir, crossing- the Nerbuddah, 
 took refuge among the mountains of Ihaniyah. 
 The imperial commanders, at the town of 
 Nadote (Nandode), now put their troops in mo- 
 tion, with the intention of extirpating the vaga- 
 bonds, several of whom, after having separated, 
 came and visited Mirza Khan, and others went 
 into the Dekhan. Nearly two thousand persons 
 were slain during the campaign, and five hun- 
 dred, having been made prisoners, were put to 
 death. 
 
 When the glad tidings were communicated to 
 the Emperor, he gave Mirza Khan the title of 
 Khan Khanan, with the rank of five thousand 
 cavalry, and exalted others according to their 
 merits, giving to each suitable assignments for 
 the support of their ranks. 
 
 The Khan Khanan, now leaving Nadote, came 
 to Ahmad abad, where he laboured for the pro- 
 sperity of the country and the relief of the op- 
 pressed. He also established a garden near 
 the town of Keshapur Sirkej, on the spot where 
 he had defeated Sultan Muzaffir, giving it the 
 name of Fat'h Bagh. Several of the buildings 
 and remains of the summer-house belonging to 
 
376 
 
 this garden are yet there, and the collection 
 from the ground still cultivated is counted dis- 
 tinct from that of the above-named town. 
 
 In fine, Sultan Muzaffir, whose cause was now 
 totally ruined, left the defiles of the Rajpipalah 
 mountains, and marched to Patan. And, as 
 Abid Mirak, Yusaf, Abdullah, and others of the 
 enemy, had at this time excited an insurrection 
 in his favour near the town of Miindah, an 
 army, under Shadman Beg, was sent against 
 them. Sultan Muzaffir, not being able to make 
 a stand here, fled towards Idur, and from thence 
 to Kathiyawar and the town of Kharri, among 
 the Lonah Kathis. Mirza Khan Khanan, having 
 accordingly equipped another force, sent it under 
 the command of Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad 
 Bakhshi, and Mir Abu-1-Muzaffir, to drive out 
 the rebels ; but, by the time the troops reached 
 Dholka, the insurrection had altogether ceased, 
 and many of the enemy were wandering about 
 in a distressed condition. On this account, 
 Shir Khan Faoladi took refuge with the Zamin- 
 dar of Baglanah. 
 
 While Kalij Khan and Naorang Khan, with 
 the army of Malwa, sent against Bhroch, were 
 unsuccessfully besieging it, Nasir Khan, who 
 was in the fort, thinking he should recommend 
 himself to the imperial troops, treacherously 
 
377 
 
 put to death Haji Beg. The Khan Khanan con- 
 sequently sent Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan 
 with troops to that quarter, and gave him 
 Bhroch in jagir. One of the gunners from the 
 fort came to tell Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan 
 that the men within were quite harassed by the 
 siege, and that he and his associates would 
 open the doors, provided the imperial troops 
 directed their efforts there. As the man ap- 
 peared to speak truth, a party was instantly 
 detached to the gates, and easily got possession 
 of the place. Nasi'r Khan and Charkish Khan 
 escaped, with much difficulty; and the latter, 
 falling into the hands of the Imperialists as a 
 prisoner, was put to death. 
 
 When Sultan Muzaffir, now much distressed, 
 went at the end of this year to Jiinagarh, the 
 Imperialists returned to Ahmadabad, while se- 
 veral of the commanders of the subsidized troops 
 of Gujarat returned to their jagirs. But, as the 
 collection from the jagirs, On account of the dis- 
 turbances in the country, was at this time less 
 than usual, the troops were much distressed for 
 want of pay. 
 
 The rebels, who only waited for a fit oppor- 
 tunity, again collected ; and the Khan Khanan, 
 leaving Ahmadabad in charge of Kalij Khan, 
 marched against the enemy, with troops under 
 
378 
 
 Naorang Khan and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din 
 Ahmad Bakhshi ; after previously detaching 
 Sayyid Kasim Barah to Patan, and stationing 
 detachments wherever they were required. Sul- 
 tan Muzaffir, having come to Miirbi, plundered 
 Radhanpur, and continued forcibly, to seize 
 whatever he could find. While he was looking 
 for assistance from the Zamindars of this quar- 
 ter, the imperial troops arrived ; when he, having 
 fled before them, was pursued by Khan Khanan, 
 as far as the mountainous country of Barnagar. 
 The Zamindars of this part, wishing to be 
 received into imperial favour, sent forward their 
 agents, and, though they had previously accom- 
 panied Sultan Muzaffir, they yet perceived that 
 being thus received would be the means of 
 saving themselves. They, therefore, came in 
 . - submissively, and made their complaints. Amin 
 
 Khan Ghori, the commandant of Junagarh, 
 agreed to send his son to attend the Khan 
 Khanan ; and the Jam Raja, to show how well 
 disposed he was to the imperial government, 
 sent to say that Sultan Muzaffir was in a cer- 
 tain place, and that he might possibly be taken 
 prisoner, if a party of the light troops were 
 quickly sent to do so. The Khan Khanan went 
 in person ; and, as he found no traces of Sultan 
 Muzaffir on entering the mountainous country, 
 
379 
 
 divided his troops into four portions. After re- 
 taining the command of one of these for himself, 
 he appointed Naorang Khan, Khoajah Nizamu- 
 d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, and Daolat Khan Lodi, 
 to the other three, with orders to enter the cul- 
 tivated country and plunder it. 
 
 It was at this time rumoured abroad that 
 Sultan Muzaffir, leaving his son in charge of the 
 Jam, had gone to Ahmadabad. This disap- 
 pointment did not dismay the Khan Khanan, 
 who determined to punish the Jam ; and, on 
 this occasion, many of the Rajputs were slain, 
 and much plunder obtained by the imperial 
 troops. When the latter came within four koss 
 of Nawanagar, the Jam sent in his submission ; 
 and, after having obtained the intercession of 
 Rai Durga and Kalian Rai, sent his son to pre- 
 sent the Khan Khanan with an elephant and 
 other valuables. The Khan Khanan, being vic- 
 torious, respected the offer made him, and re- 
 turned. 
 
 Sultan Muzaffir, who, with great boldness and 
 presumption, had gone towards Ahmadabad, 
 having arrived at the post of Puranti, the troops 
 there, with those of Nahrwalah, happening to 
 be together, made an effort to expel him. These, 
 having come to action with his followers, slew 
 many of them. When the glad tidings of this 
 
380 
 
 victory reached the Khan Khanan on the road, 
 he returned thanks for this great mark of kind- 
 ness shown by Providence. 
 
 Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who from the 
 Zillah of Bhroch had been promoted to the 
 government of Malwa, went there in the year 
 l:D Hi ib85 93 ' of the Hijra 993, A.D. 1585. In this 
 year, the Khan Khanan, having completed the 
 arrangement of the country of Gujarat, went to 
 the imperial presence, where he was honoured 
 in various ways ; and, a short time after, having 
 obtained permission to leave Dehli, returned to 
 Gujarat. 
 
 1:S 4 ' In A. Hij. 994, A.D. 1586, Khan Aziz 
 Koka, who held the government of the Dekhan, 
 being at enmity with the commanders of the 
 subsidized troops, there under his orders, 
 quitted them ; and, coming alone to Ahmada- 
 bad, requested the assistance of the Khan Kha- 
 nan against those who were hostile to him. 
 The Khan Khanan, who much respected him, 
 and went to give him an honorary meeting, was 
 about to comply with his request; but, after 
 hearing the representations of those opposed to 
 him, abandoned this intention. Wherefore, Khan 
 Aziz Koka, without obtaining his wishes, went 
 into Malwa. 
 ID^S*?: In A. Hij. 995, A.D. 1586-7, the 
 
381 
 
 Khan Khanan went to Court, agreeably to 
 order, as the celebration of the marriage fes- 
 tival of Sultan Morad then took place ; and, 
 having left Kalij Khan as his deputy, the 
 same continued to perform the duties of his 
 office at Ahmadabad. 
 
 The Khan Khanan, whose original name was 
 Abdu-r-Rahim, was brought from Gujarat to 
 Court, at the death of his father, Beiram Khan, 
 and was then only four years of age, as has 
 been already mentioned in this work. After 
 receiving instruction, under the immediate care 
 and kindness of the Emperor, he was first dig- 
 nified with the title of Mirza Khan ; and was 
 IS 3 ' promoted, in A. Hij. 983, A.D. 1575, to 
 the government of Gujarat. Being soon after 
 recalled to Court, Wazir Khan was appointed 
 his deputy, and continued to perform the office 
 of the Nizamat. Mirza Khan, on obtaining the 
 government of Gujarat a second time, received 
 his father's title of Khan Khanan, after his vic- 
 tory over Sultan Muzaffir. He was an excel- 
 lent man, who constantly kept company with 
 the good ; and most distinguished men were 
 continually entertained in his service. He was 
 so well acquainted with military matters, and 
 the mode of defeating his enemies, that no 
 words could here explain his character. He 
 
382 
 
 was even more graceful and liberal than Hatim 
 Tai ; and if all his rare qualities, which are ge- 
 nerally known, were to be detailed, such would 
 require a distinct volume. 
 
 In this same year, an order for the establish- 
 ment and adoption of the Ilahi Era 1 , and code 
 of regulations in all the countries of Hindustan, 
 was issued, and all government servants were 
 to observe the same. Wherefore a copy of 
 these two orders is inserted in the present work. 
 
 COPY OF THE IMPERIAL FIRMAN FOR THE ESTA- 
 BLISHMENT OF THE ILAHI ERA. 
 
 After a cycle m of the Emperor's reign had 
 elapsed, an order to this effect was issued. Be 
 it known to governors of provinces, and govern- 
 ment writers, in their several ranks and depart- 
 ments, that, as the Emperor's endeavour has 
 ever been to make both great and small happy 
 and prosperous, all such should esteem these 
 precious times, and employ themselves in works 
 
 C 1 ) The Ilahi Era was established A. Hij. 992, according to 
 Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, and not in 995, as be- 
 fore inserted. Mr. Gladwin has, however, made an error of one 
 year, as the order was issued in A. Hij. 993. 
 
 ( m ) A barn, or cycle, is a period of time usually counted by 
 the Mohammedans, from ten to eighty years. As Akbar com- 
 menced reigning in A. Hij. 963, it is here meant for thirty years. 
 
383 
 
 agreeable to God. And let them, at the same 
 time, beware of adopting this opinion, that the 
 founders of religion and of sys'tems, being per- 
 fect men, and secluded from the world, have 
 completely explained the perfections and imper- 
 fections of faiths 11 ; but let them, on the con- 
 trary, follow the example of philosophers, and 
 never wholly trust their pretensions, without 
 some one as their guide; nor undertake any 
 thing, either great or small, without due consi- 
 deration ; so that, conscious of rectitude, and a 
 desire to attain perfection, they may attend to 
 the truths of theology, and the subtilties of 
 science, till, by the favour and guidance of God, 
 they obtain and are entrusted with the grace of 
 his revelations and designs ; and be especially 
 informed of past and future things. 
 
 At this time, his Highness, while studying 
 the almanacks of the Hindus, called by them 
 Patra, observed that, according to iheKdl-Patra, 
 the commencement of the lunar month is reck- 
 oned from the conjunction, or the time when 
 the darkness is increasing, called in Hindi 
 Kishn-Pach (Krishna Paksha.) But, as these 
 
 ( n ) I have made the translation of this passage as explained by 
 the very learned Mir Khairat Ali Munshi, commonly called 
 Mushtak ; but the original Persian would imply a more severe 
 censure of the difference of religions, and indirectly intimates that 
 Akbar had some designs of founding a new system. 
 
384 
 
 people ignorantly, and from custom, make the 
 month commence with the darkness, and as such 
 practice is not sanctioned by authority, it be- 
 comes necessary to demonstrate this to them. 
 Wherefore, the Emperor was informed by the 
 chiefs of their religion that such is their practice; 
 and, their old and celebrated works being pro- 
 duced, it was discovered that the commencement 
 of the lunar month was once reckoned from the 
 time of the new moon's appearance, a period 
 called by the Hindus Shukal-Pach (Sukla 
 Paksha) ; though, from the days of Yikramajit 
 (Vikramaditya,) this enlightened practice has, 
 through various causes of confusion, fallen into 
 disuse. But, still more wonderful, though these 
 people acknowledge that the month commences 
 with the appearance of the light, they do not 
 practically follow this opinion. Wherefore, it is 
 ordered that all astrologers, and keepers of the 
 calendar, with all other accountants under the 
 government, shall regulate their almanacks on 
 the practice of reckoning from the Shukal-Pach. 
 Moreover, having prepared a calendar with 
 much care and attention, to facilitate the use of 
 this method, and having stamped it with the 
 royal seal, the Emperor has distributed the 
 same that all men may follow it. 
 
 The grandees, on this occasion, said Doubt- 
 
385 
 
 less, the Emperor's intention, in establishing this 
 Era, must be to facilitate a knowledge of im- 
 portant events and commercial transactions ; so 
 that no one may have the power of wrangling 
 in any matter : for, in the instance of a person 
 agreeing to a contract, a lease, or the payment 
 of a debt, within four years and four months, 
 the period cannot be accurately ascertained, if 
 the commencement of it be not fixed. 
 
 The establishment of new eras, moreover, has 
 ever been with a view of facilitating a know- 
 ledge of certain events, happening after a con- 
 siderable period had elapsed from the original 
 commencement of some other era. Historians 
 must also be aware, that such has been the 
 practice of former great kings ; and that, 
 through their care in fixing new eras, men of 
 business have been relieved from doubt and 
 difficulty. And now, said they, a thousand 
 years of the Hijra having nearly elapsed, while 
 the eras of Sikandar and Yezdijerd, though 
 used in calendars, are not accurately known, 
 the people of Hindustan, therefore, use a variety 
 of eras, such as that in Bengal, dated from the 
 reign of Lakhsman Singh, now in its 465th 
 year ; in the country of Gujarat the era of Sal- 
 
 () In two copies of the Akbar Namah which I have consulted, 
 this is the number of the year corresponding to that of the Hijra ; 
 
 C C but 
 
386 
 
 bahan (Salivahana), now dating 1 in its 1506th 
 year, A.D. 1584; in the country of Malwa and 
 Dehli, the era of Yikramajit (Vikramaditya), now 
 in its 1640th year, A.D. 1584 ; whilst the people 
 of Nagrakot date from the government of every 
 individual who rules over that fortress. 
 
 As the learned are also of opinion, added 
 they, that the eras of Hindustan do not com- 
 mence from any great event, and have no true 
 foundation, if the Emperor, through his uni- 
 versal clemency and paternal care, would esta- 
 blish a new era to remove such discrepancies, 
 he will be rewarded and blessed both now and 
 hereafter. It is, moreover, ordered in astrono- 
 mical books, such as the Ilkhani and Gurkani 
 tables, that the eras should be made to com- 
 mence from some great transaction, either the 
 establishment of a religion or a dynasty : and, 
 though many great and glorious occurrences of 
 the present reign are each suited to this pur- 
 pose, let the Emperor fix the same from the 
 period he came to the sovereignty, (now in its 
 thirtieth lunar year, and the greatest manifes- 
 tation of God's favour and grace,) and he will 
 be certainly repaid with thanks for this good 
 work, as having complied with the wishes of the 
 
 but in a third I find that the 1165th year is called the corre- 
 sponding one. The former is, however, the true date. 
 
387 
 
 learned. By having done so, the era of the 
 Hijra, established at the flight of the best of 
 men from the honoured Mekka to the sacred 
 Medina, will lose nothing of its dignity : for, 
 though this, in the time of Malik Shah, had not 
 reached its present lengthened period of dura- 
 tion, and business had not then become so dif- 
 ficult, the Jalali era was nevertheless esta- 
 blished, in order that, in all affairs of difficulty, 
 mankind might be relieved from perplexity. 
 The same is now used in the calendars of all 
 Mohammedan countries, as those of Arabia, 
 Constantinople, Ma-wara-ul-Nahr, Khorasan, 
 and Irak ; and all the written obligations of the 
 faithful are drawn up from these almanacks. 
 
 In consequence of the repeated requests of 
 these people, and to quiet their importunities, 
 the Emperor, giving his consent, has issued this 
 order : " Let the gates of felicity and rejoicing 
 be opened, by dating the Ilahi Era from the 
 day of the year corresponding with the first of 
 the king's reign." A command to this effect is 
 also sent to the learned ; " Let all compilers of 
 almanacks used in the country of Islam, in which 
 are inserted the Arabi, Rumi, Farsi, and Jalali 
 eras, open the door of facility, by therein using 
 the new era ; and, in the almanacks of the Hin- 
 dus, let the same be written, that their various 
 c c 2 
 
388 
 
 eras may fall into disuse, particularly that of 
 Vikramajit, which had its foundation in false- 
 hood." As the years in the common calendars 
 are solar, and the months lunar, we hereby 
 command that the months of the new era shall 
 be also solar. 
 
 The learned of all religions and systems, hav- 
 ing set aside certain days of the year, which 
 are agreeable to heaven and favourable to spi- 
 rituality, have specially appropriated them for 
 the delight of all men: and named them the 
 days of festival, in order that such may give 
 rise to charity and beneficence. Having more- 
 over pointed out the efficacy of prayer, at such 
 joyful seasons, when men are to observe the 
 customary homage and veneration for the great 
 God, they have thus spread the table of benefi- 
 cence, and opened the gates of gladness, for 
 both rich and poor. Wherefore, agreeably to 
 this order, several festivals, formerly known in 
 this country, which, though long neglected, had 
 been observed for the last thousand years, will 
 be thus fixed : and let all men use their utmost 
 endeavour to observe such ; and not disregard 
 the same as here detailed : viz. the nineteenth 
 of the month of Farwardin of the Ilahi Era ; 
 the third of Ardibehisht ; the sixth of Khurdad; 
 the thirteenth of Sir ; the seventh of Mirdad ; 
 
389 
 
 the fourth of Shariwar ; the sixteenth of Mehr ; 
 the tenth of Aban ; the ninth of Azar ; the fif- 
 teenth and twenty-third of Dai ; the second of 
 Bahman ; and the ninth of Isfendiar. Written 
 by order of the Emperor. 
 
 COPY OF THE ORDER REGARDING VENERATION 
 FOR GOD AND ATTENTION TO THE GOVERNMENT 
 REGULATIONS. 
 
 All government servants, nobles, and other 
 persons, are to observe the following commands, 
 in administering the affairs of cities, villages, 
 towns, and other places. 
 
 1st. It is essential that all such endeavour to 
 please God in whatever they undertake ; and, 
 as suppliants at his shrine, that they act impar- 
 tially to themselves and others. 
 
 2d. They must not seclude themselves from 
 society, as such is the practice of dervishes ; nor 
 must they keep company with the commonalty, 
 and be constantly engaged in worldly matters, as 
 such is the way of the market people ; but, in 
 following a middle course, let them choose mo- 
 deration, and be neither too much in society 
 nor too much in solitude. 
 
 3d. Let them honour the incomparable God, 
 by watching night and day ; and let them more 
 particularly observe his worship at morning, 
 noon, evening, and midnight. 
 
 4th. When not conducting the affairs of man- 
 
390 
 
 kind, let them study the writings of the good, 
 and books of morality, which are as spiritual 
 medicine, and the essential part of science. 
 Among these, let them use the Akhlaki Nasiri?, 
 or Morals of Nasir ; the Munajiat ; the Mahu- 
 lakat; the Ahiya <i ; the Kimia/; and Masnavi 
 of Mula Rumi s ; till, having become acquainted 
 with the various systems of faith, they cannot, 
 by the illusion of impostors, be shaken in their 
 belief that the worship of God is best in this 
 world, and the great object with his creatures*. 
 
 (P) The Akhlaki Nasiri is a system of ethics and politics, trans- 
 lated from its original Arabic by Nasiru-d-din of Tus, who lived 
 in the middle of the thirteenth century of our Era. Some extracts 
 from it have been translated into English and published in the 
 Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, vol. 1., and in the 
 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 1, p. 514, &c. 
 
 (<0 The Ahiya, an esteemed work on Theology, written in Ara- 
 bic, was composed by Iman Abu Hamid Mohammed-ul-Ghazali 
 of Tus, now Meshid, about the beginning of tlfcs twelfth century. 
 
 ( r ) The Kimia-i-Saadat, a General System of Ethics, by the au- 
 thor of the Ahiya. 
 
 ( s ) This poetical work treats of religion, morality, and politics : 
 the author was Jalalu-d-din Rumi, who lived in the city of Koni- 
 yah, or Iconium, in Asiatic Turkey. 
 
 (*) It is well known that the infidelity of the celebrated Akbar, 
 in regard to the Mohammedan creed, led him to investigate the 
 doctrines of other religions. Christian Monks, the Dasturs of the 
 Fire-worshippers, the Brahmans of the Hindus, were each assem- 
 bled, and called on to explain the principles of their belief to Ak- 
 bar. As the Emperor lent a willing ear to the expounders of all 
 faiths, they were each alternately convinced he had become a fol- 
 lower 
 
391 
 
 Wherefore, by making no distinction between 
 friend or enemy, a relation or a stranger, let 
 them act with fearless independence. 
 
 5th. Let them be charitable, according to 
 their means, to all religious mendicants, and to 
 all poor, indigent, and naked persons, who will 
 not open tlieir mouths to ask for the means of 
 subsistence, and have secluded themselves from 
 the world. 
 
 6th, Bring back the discontented to their 
 duty, by alternative severity and kindness, ac- 
 cording to their various ranks ; and, when the 
 matter admits not of admonition, let them be 
 fettered, beaten, or put to death in various ways. 
 With regard to the latter punishment, reflect 
 well, and be not too ready to use it : for, accord- 
 ing to the verse, " one cannot restore the head of 
 him who is slain." Moreover, wherever it is 
 possible, send all such as are worthy of death 
 to court, forwarding along with them an ac- 
 count of their case ; and subsequently they will 
 comply with the Emperor's orders. But if, by 
 retaining or sending to court such rebellious 
 characters, there be a chance of sedition, let 
 them be put to death ; in doing so, however, ab- 
 stain from mangling them in any way. 
 
 lower of their creed. His true belief, however, appears to have 
 been a system of Theism, similar to that of the Sufi philosophers. 
 
392 
 
 7th. Let them release whosoever is venerated 
 for wisdom or religious opinions ; and, if they 
 perceive any thing improper in his conduct, let 
 them warn him of it in secret. As the advisers, 
 however, may be sometimes in error, let them 
 not reproach such a person in anger ; since, by 
 doing so, they prevent him offering a reply. 
 Let all those who, by the grace of God, speak 
 the truth, be held in particular veneration, as 
 men who do so are very rare : and many are the 
 evil-disposed who have no mind to speak truth, 
 but have hearts unfortunately inclined to the 
 contrary. Men of good intentions are very cau- 
 tious in what they say, lest he who hears them 
 should be annoyed, and they themselves fall into 
 misfortune. Consider all men, therefore, who 
 are ready to give up their own interests for the 
 sake of others to be precious as the philoso- 
 phers' stone. 
 
 8th. They must not befriend flatterers ; since, 
 by the advice of such, business is improperly 
 performed. They must not, however, be sud- 
 denly displeased with those who speak in a flat- 
 tering manner, as it is proper for servants to 
 discourse politely. 
 
 9th. Regarding those who petition for justice, 
 let their cause be inquired into by yourself in 
 person, and in the order in which their names 
 
393 
 
 have been filed ; so that those coming* first may 
 not have the trouble of waiting in expectation. 
 In this matter let not the inferior agents of 
 business invert the natural order of precedence ; 
 but, according to this verse, let them represent 
 the complaint to the master, as from him per- 
 haps the complainant will obtain redress. 
 
 10th. Be not hasty in punishing those who 
 speak ill of their neighbours, yet investigate the 
 matter ; as there are many who find fault with 
 other people, and those who speak good of them 
 are very rare. In this case do not, through 
 passion, forget what is reasonable, but do what 
 is necessary in a deliberate manner and with 
 patience. In the time of sorrow or anger, let 
 such acquaintances, or servants, as are distin- 
 guished for their wisdom and friendship, have 
 authority over you ; and wise men, on such oc- 
 casions, will confine themselves to repeating the 
 confession of faith. 
 
 llth. Become not habituated to taking oaths, 
 as men who do so expose themselves to the sus- 
 picion of telling lies, if at any time they take an 
 oath ; and thus obtain a name for bad faith. 
 
 12th. Become not addicted to the custom of 
 giving abuse, as such is the practice of mean 
 men. 
 
 13th. Let them use their endeavours to in- 
 
394 
 
 / 
 
 crease the cultivation, to conciliate the cultiva- 
 tor, and give him advances in money ; so that 
 villages, towns, and cities, may yearly increase ; 
 and let them collect the rent from the subjects 
 in an easy manner, in order that all lands may 
 be cultivated and blessed with population. 
 After such, moreover, let them strive to increase 
 the production of useful articles, being strictly 
 guided in their conduct by the regulations which 
 have been separately detailed. In collecting 
 rent from the cultivators, do so piecemeal, and 
 deviate in no degree from the agreement which 
 has been made. 
 
 14th. Have a care that soldiers or others take 
 not up their abode in any one's house* without 
 his permission. 
 
 15th. Be not entirely guided by self-opinion 
 in any matter ; and let them consult those wiser 
 than themselves. Though no one wiser may be 
 found, let them still seek for counsel ; as the ig- 
 norant may discover truth, according to the 
 saying, " it happens that the old and wise man 
 does not always think aright, while the ignorant 
 child sometimes hits the mark by mistake." 
 Let them not, however, consult every one, as 
 the wisdom fit for business, being the gift of 
 God, cannot be obtained by reading or by 
 length of life. As the ignorant may advise, 
 
395 
 
 through enmity, it is necessary to be suspicious 
 in this matter, and to retain good men of busi- 
 ness, who are rarely to be found. 
 
 16th. Let them not permit any thing to be 
 done by their children, when it may be accom- 
 plished by their servants : and let them not be- 
 come accountable for any thing done by the 
 former ; since it is difficult to alter it should it 
 miscarry. 
 
 17th. Let them readily hear men's excuses, 
 and wink at their faults : as man, who cannot 
 be without faults, sometimes becomes more har- 
 dened by punishment, or takes to flight through 
 fear of it. In short, there may be one man who 
 must be punished for one fault, and another 
 who must be forgiven for a thousand : knowing 
 then that punishment is the most important bu- 
 siness of a government, let them execute it with 
 mildness and discernment. 
 
 18th. Let them entrust the care of the high 
 roads to such as fear God ; and, holding these 
 responsible for the good or evil there committed, 
 let them be well informed regarding such mat- 
 ters : for as government, or command, is but 
 another word for keeping watch, such cannot 
 be accomplished without good information. 
 
 19th. Punish each man according to his tribe ; 
 and, though it may be necessary to kill the 
 
396 
 
 proud, a blow to a man of meaner disposition 
 benefits him nothing. 
 
 20th. Let them not afflict men on account of 
 their faith, their sect, or their religion ; for a 
 wise man does not, in this transitory world, wish 
 for his own destruction ; and in the matter of 
 religion, will follow such, as he knows or hears 
 of. The truth may be with him or them, per- 
 haps ; act not towards him, therefore, with 
 enmity or oppressure : and, if the truth be with 
 them, though he pursues an opposite course, it 
 is fit to pity, and assist such an unfortunate, 
 instead of oppressing and detesting him. In 
 this matter, be friendly to all who are distin- 
 guished for virtuous actions or benevolent opi- 
 nions. 
 
 21st. Indulge not beyond measure, or what is 
 necessary, in sleeping or in eating; so that men 
 may be distinguished from the brutes ; and let 
 them watch at night when they can, but not 
 delay till that season the performance of what 
 should be done by day. 
 
 22d. In weighing the faults or sins of others, 
 let them do so by the standard of their own ; 
 after which, let them decree their punishment. 
 In this matter, however, let them nicely deter- 
 mine what faults it is necessary to forgive, and 
 what it is necessary to punish ; for many slight 
 
397 
 
 faults require great punishments, and many 
 great faults must be overlooked, and a light 
 punishment awarded, 
 
 23d. It is not proper to entertain an inveterate 
 enmity to any one, or to make the breast the 
 prison of revenge. When much annoyed, there- 
 fore, with any individual, let such be discharged: 
 as the foundation of action is the inscrutable 
 God, and to him should be left the investigation 
 of all that relates to quarrels. 
 
 24th. Let them be on their guard with respect 
 to spies, and not implicitly trust any individual; 
 as such are very rarely faithful and without 
 avarice. Wherefore, let them have several spies 
 in every business, and station them in such a 
 manner that they may have no communication 
 with each other. By thus comparing their dif- 
 ferent accounts, form an opinion of what should 
 be done, and remove from office such spies in 
 the city as are well known. 
 
 25th. Let them hold no intercourse with evil 
 disposed persons ; and, though the business of 
 great men, in regard to other evil doers, cannot 
 be at all times carried on without them, let them 
 not implicitly rely on them in such matter, 
 but, on the contrary, hold them in suspicion, 
 lest, in the garb of friendship, they have designs 
 against the lives of good men, while their em- 
 
398 
 
 ployers have no leisure to discover their inten- 
 tions. 
 
 26th. Let them be on their guard against 
 smooth-tongued deceivers, who meditate enmity 
 under the cloak of friendship, lest sedition be 
 accidentally produced by confiding in such men, 
 who have much leisure, while their employers, 
 through multiplicity of business, have none. 
 
 27th. Let them occasionally ask for grace, in 
 the company of the solitary, who seek God. 
 
 28th. Let them collect information regarding 
 every part of their neighbourhood ; and, without 
 being too communicative, let them represent 
 things worthy of being known to the imperial 
 court. 
 
 29th. Let them labour in diffusing science, 
 and acquiring knowledge, so that men of genius, 
 in whatever tribe, may not be neglected. 
 
 30th. Let them look carefully after every sol- 
 dier's accoutrements and arms, so that he may 
 spend less than his income ; while the equipment 
 of every person is a contract ; for, according to 
 the saying, he is a fool who spends more than 
 his income, whilst he who adapts his expences 
 to his pay, if not a wise man, is still no fool. 
 
 3 1st. Let them have no fixed place of resi- 
 dence, but remain in constant expectation of 
 being recalled to court. 
 
399 
 
 32d. Let them not delay in fulfilling whatever 
 they have promised ; and let them speak up- 
 rightly, more particularly revenue writers, 
 wherever they have held forth expectations. 
 
 33d. Let them be continually employed in the 
 practice of archery and ball firing, so that they 
 may teach the soldiers a habit in such things. 
 
 34th. Let them not be too much addicted to 
 the pleasures of the chase, and only engage in 
 them so far as they are necessary for the mili- 
 tary profession and for relaxation in this world. 
 
 35th. Let them labour in instructing their old 
 domestics, and abstain from frequently laughing 
 or jesting with them. 
 
 36th. Let them beat the nukarah, or great 
 drum, at sunrise and midnight; as from that 
 time day may be said to commence. 
 
 37th. During the course of the sun through 
 the signs of the zodiac, let them salute him by 
 firing muskets and great guns, so that all men 
 may give thanks for the favour he confers. 
 
 38th. Let them look after their intimates and 
 servants, lest, presuming on their intimacy, such 
 may commit oppression. 
 
 39th. Let them retain one person specially in 
 their service to present petitions. 
 
 40th. Let them be attentive to the regulations 
 of the Kutwdl, or police magistrate ; and, if in 
 
400 
 
 any of the cities there be no such person, let them 
 strive in giving effect to the sections of the regu- 
 lations hereafter detailed, and endeavour to exe- 
 cute this office to the best of their ability. As one 
 person, however, cannot execute every thing re- 
 lating to this office, let them use their utmost 
 efforts to entrust the different departments to 
 good men. In this matter, let them assign each 
 his portion of business, of which the different 
 departments will be here detailed. Let them, 
 therefore, entrust this office to a well-informed 
 person, and let them not ignorantly suppose 
 that it is not fit to be attended to ; but, know- 
 ing, on the contrary, that it is one of great 
 responsibility, let them labour in this depart- 
 ment according to the following detail : 
 
 1st. The Kutwdl, in all cities, towns, and 
 villages, must, in connexion with the govern- 
 ment writers, keep a list of the houses and build- 
 ings, and must enter in a book the inhabitants 
 of each quarter, mentioning the individual 
 houses, the men who inhabit them, the number 
 of cultivators, the tradesmen, the soldiers, and 
 others. By also taking bail from every house, 
 he must thus unite the community, and, appor- 
 tioning the place into divisions, must station a 
 superintendent of every quarter, to be answer- 
 able for the good or evil deeds there committed. 
 
401 
 
 He must also station a spy in each quarter to 
 give a daily account of every transaction that 
 takes place, and to make arrangements for all 
 the neighbours assisting, whenever a theft, a 
 fire, or other such event, happens. In such 
 matters, let all persons in the neighbourhood 
 assist the superintendent of a division and the 
 government police ; and, should they not do so 
 on all necessary occasions, they will be to blame, 
 and must be set down as having acted impro- 
 perly. When any person quits his house, let 
 him give it in charge to a neighbour, or the 
 government policeman appointed to that quar- 
 ter ; and, whenever a guest is in any one's 
 house, whether friend or stranger, let the master 
 of the same acquaint the superintendent of the 
 division of such a one's arrival, whose name will 
 be written in a register. In short, let one or 
 more guards be stationed in every quarter to 
 write down the arrivals and departures, with 
 other transactions in the place ; and, when any 
 one comes alone to the division, let them demand 
 bail of him, and not permit him to live there, 
 unless he can give such. Let them send all 
 such as cannot find bail to live in a separate 
 quarter ; where a superintendent and a police 
 must be stationed, in order secretly to discover 
 the income and expences of each individual. 
 
 D D 
 
402 
 
 Any person whose income is less than his ex- 
 pen ces must be certainly in fault, and let them 
 inquire into such accordingly ; but, in this mat- 
 ter, by not forgetting what is proper and virtu- 
 ous, let them know that such an investigation is 
 necessary for good regulation, and not for the 
 purpose of seizing on men's property. 
 
 2d. The Kutwdl must appoint one or more 
 brokers, to transact the various kinds of com- 
 mercial business ; and, after taking security 
 from them, must station such in the market- 
 places, that they may afford information regard- 
 ing such things as are bought or sold. He must 
 also make it a rule that every person buying or 
 selling, without the advice of the above-men- 
 tioned brokers, will be deemed in fault ; and that 
 both the name of the buyer and seller must be 
 written in the register of daily transactions. 
 Every thing, therefore, must be bought or sold 
 in connexion with the superintendent of that 
 particular division and the government police- 
 men. 
 
 3d. Let him station a nightly guard, for the 
 protection of the division in the by-paths and 
 neighbourhood of the city. 
 
 4th. Let him take care that there be no 
 strange persons in the division, by-streets, or 
 market-places. 
 
403 
 
 5th. Let him search after and find out thieves, 
 through the aid of pickpockets, shoplifters, and 
 other such persons ; and, whenever any thing 
 in the neighbourhood may be lost or plundered, 
 such persons must either produce the thief or 
 forfeit the benefit of their contract with govern- 
 ment in this matter. 
 
 6th. Let him look after the effects of de- 
 ceased persons, and give them up to the rela- 
 tions, or heirs of such ; but, if there be none to 
 claim the property, let him place it in security, 
 sending, at the same time, an account of such 
 to Court, so that when the true heir appears he 
 may obtain the same. In fine, let him act con- 
 scientiously and virtuously in this matter, lest 
 it should be the same here as in the kingdom of 
 Constantinople. 
 
 7th. Let him be very careful that there should 
 be no wine within his limits ; and let the judge 
 punish the drinker, the seller, and the maker of 
 such, in such a manner as to be an example to 
 other men. 
 
 8th. Let him endeavour to keep down the 
 market prices, and not permit that the wealthy, 
 while possessing large heaps of things for sale, 
 should sell them in small portions. 
 
 9th. Let him do every thing that is proper to 
 be done at the festival of the Nao-Roz, a feast 
 D D 2 
 
404 
 
 of great consequence, which commences at the 
 time when the sun enters Aries, and is the be- 
 ginning of the month of Farwardin. The other 
 festivals are, one on the 19th of the above 
 month, which is a day to be particularly ho- 
 noured ; one, on the 3rd of the month of Ardi- 
 behisht ; one, on the 6th of the month of Khur- 
 dad ; one, on the 10th of the month of Aban ; 
 and one, on the 9th of the month of Azar. In 
 the month of Dai, there are three festivals to be 
 respectively observed, on the 8th, 15th, and 23rd 
 days of the month. On the 2nd of the month of 
 Bahman there is one festival. . On the 9th of the 
 month of Isfendiar there is another, besides which, 
 let people observe all the other usual festivals. 
 
 10th. Let the night of the Nao-Roz be held in 
 similar honour as that of Burat. Wherefore, let 
 the lamps be lighted, and let the nukardli be 
 beaten during the part of the night, which is 
 the commencement of the festival. During the 
 day of the Nao-Roz, the great drums must be 
 beaten at the top of every mountain. 
 
 llth. Women must not ride on horseback, 
 without an absolute necessity for doing so. 
 
 12th. Let the stations on the river, where 
 people go to bathe, be appointed separately 
 from those where they draw water ; and distinct 
 ones must be set aside for the women. 
 
405 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE GOVERMENT OF M/RZA AZIZ KOKA, FOR A SECOND TIME IN GU- 
 JARAT, AND COPY OF THE ORDER WHICH WAS ISSUED ABOLISHING 
 THE TRANSIT DUTY ON ARTICLES OF COMMERCE. 
 
 A.JW: Mirza Aziz Koka, who, in A. Hij . 997, 
 A.D. 1588-9, had been promoted from the go- 
 vernment of Malwa to that of Gujarat, ar- 
 rived the following- year, and carried on the 
 important concerns of the country. 
 
 While Khan Khanan was at this period leav- 
 ing- the neighbourhood of Jalore, Ghazni Khan 
 Jalori, who had come with an intention of join- 
 ing Sultan Muzaffir's insurrection, not being 
 able to effect a junction with the latter, com- 
 mitted many acts of folly. The Khan Khanan, 
 on the9thofMuharram, A. Hij. 998, A.D. 1589-90, 
 sent a force against him ; but the latter, on learn- 
 ing this, and perceiving that he was not in a fit 
 condition to offer opposition, went submissively 
 to Court. The Emperor, at this time, taking 
 compassion on him, confirmed to him his here- 
 ditary patrimony of Jalore, as a subsistence. 
 A.D. 15901. In A. Hij. 999, A.D. 1590-1, an im- 
 perial order was issued abolishing transit duties 
 in all the countries of Hindustan ; and the fol- 
 lowing is an exact copy of the same. 
 
406 
 
 COPY OF AN ORDER ISSUED FOR ABOLISHING 
 TRANSIT DUTY. 
 
 Be it known to all government writers, both 
 now and hereafter, and to all executive officers, 
 in every part of Hindustan, that, in this auspi-. 
 cious period, being the seventh year of the 
 second cycle from the commencement of the im- 
 perial reign, an order has been issued to this 
 effect. " As the divine government of the glo- 
 rious and blessed God has, in conformity with 
 its greatness and purity, and with a knowledge 
 exalted as eternity, deemed it necessary that 
 the dominion of countries, and the government 
 of cities, (which must provide for friend and 
 stranger, and must arrange the affairs of the 
 merchant and trader,) should be accomplished 
 by means of just kings, a tax was therefore es- 
 tablished on all articles brought into the market ; 
 that from this source of revenue, troops might 
 be kept up, and proper guardians appointed to 
 protect the property of the State and of indi- 
 viduals. But, as such tax, when not justly col- 
 lected, must be a source of confusion, and detri- 
 mental to business, (though, praised be God ! 
 since the Emperor's just reign commenced, the 
 attention and consideration of his heart have 
 ever been exerted for the necessary comfort of 
 
407 
 
 the common people, and the encouragement of 
 his subjects,) an order is hereby issued exempt- 
 ing from taxation and registry the following 
 articles : all kinds of grain, or seeds ; herbs, 
 whether edible or medicinal ; oils, sugar, es- 
 sences ; cotton and woollen cloths ; things made 
 of leather ; copper articles ; madder, wood, reeds, 
 and grass ; with such like things and^effects as 
 are in common use among the people : except- 
 ing, however, horses, elephants, camels, sheep, 
 goats, military arms, and silken stuffs, the taxes 
 on which, besides one per cent., are claimed, as 
 ^vested rights, toll, or for beneyolent purposes u . 
 The government writers, and other executive 
 officers, are hereby commanded to give effect to 
 this order, so that the powerful may not oppress 
 the weak, nor the tyrannical commit aggres 
 sions on those who are at their mercy ; and, now 
 that respect for the imperial greatness and 
 magnificence exists in every breast, and that 
 the light of justice and clemency has appeared ; 
 let us give thanks for all these presents to Him 
 who is the beneficent author of truth. 
 
 "It is therefore necessary that all executive 
 officers and commanders, all provincial writers 
 and governors of cities, with all Jagirdars, admi- 
 
 ( u ) T^hese three sources of taxation are respectedly called by 
 
 the Mohammedans, Tumgha, lv*J Baj, _b and Zakat, C 
 
408 
 
 nistrators of government lands, custom-house 
 officers, keepers of the highways or passes, 
 landholders, and all other government authori- 
 ties, should attend to this order, and use their 
 utmost efforts to obey it ; without attempting 
 in any way to evade the same. 
 
 " Finally, during the government of Mirza Aziz 
 Koka, the Desayas, Mukaddams x , and inhabit- 
 ants of several parganahs, made a complaint at 
 court that the agents of the Nazims and Jagir- 
 dars were possessing themselves of all revenue 
 dues ; and that the Rajputs, Kulis, and Moham- 
 medans of these villages, which they had been 
 in possession of, previously to the country be- 
 coming tributary to Dehli, were in rebellion, and 
 squandered the land revenues, so as to occasion 
 the ruin of the subjects and a deficiency of the 
 government collections. Wherefore, it was or- 
 dered that the Diwan of the province, with the 
 approbation of the Desayas, Mukaddams, and 
 Amils, should set aside two and a half per cent, 
 from the collections of the Khalsah, or govern- 
 ment lands, and those of Jagirdars, as a per- 
 quisite for the Mukaddams of villages ; and on 
 
 ( x ) A Desaya is the chief of a district, .who inherits lands and 
 money perquisites ; but on which the government intendant of 
 revenue had a claim of from two to ten per cent. The Mukaddam 
 is chief of a village. 
 
409 
 
 this account, nothing more than the above was 
 to be demanded. It was further ordered, that 
 the Kulis should be permitted to retain one 
 fourth of the land, with its revenue, on produ- 
 cing good security for their conduct, and that 
 all landholders of villages should put the go- 
 vernment mark on their cavalry contingents, in 
 order that they might attend the provincial 
 governor on all necessary occasions. One half 
 of the usual collection was also to be taken from 
 the purchaser of all saleable lands, and, while 
 the. province^ was managed agreeably to the 
 above regulations, it continued to increase in 
 prosperity. 
 
 "The Rajputs and Kulis before mentioned ori- 
 ginally possessed the country. But, when the 
 Sultans of Gujarat had completely subdued the 
 same, they continued to punish these people, 
 and forcibly to exact the tribute from them ; till, 
 at length, the original possessors consented to 
 perform service and to pay a quit rent y, for re- 
 taining one fourth of their villages and heredi- 
 tary estates, which portion is called Banta; 
 whilst the other three-fourths were given up as 
 the government share, and named Talpat lands. 
 An agreement was also made with the greater 
 landholders, who possessed several parganahs, 
 
 (y) The term in the original is Malguzari ^ 
 
410 
 
 that they were to serve the State in war time 
 with infantry and cavalry, according to the size 
 of their jagirs, and extent of their means ; till 
 at length the Kulis and Rajputs, who possessed 
 the Banta of different villages, in consideration 
 for the military services they performed, made 
 themselves masters of this share, and presented 
 in the harvest time a free gift to the Jagirdars. 
 
 " In the course of time, the Rajputs and Kulis, 
 who had become powerful, excited disturbances, 
 carried away the cattle from towns, and mur- 
 dered the inhabitants, during the harvest season. 
 The people, having no means of redress, purcha- 
 sed exemption from these evils, by giving the 
 authors of them a yearly payment in money, or 
 by yielding up possession of one or more fields 
 fit for cultivation ; and such claim for exemption 
 is called Gras, or Dol. This custom, gradually 
 established, has been so matured through the 
 weakness of the provincial governors, that there 
 are very few places in the parganahs where 
 some of the Rajput, Kiili, or Mohammedan in- 
 habitants do not possess the right to Gras. 
 
 As these people are naturally disobedient, ad- 
 dicted to theft, highway robbery, and sedition, 
 they therefore excited insurrections, whenever 
 the government of the provincial rulers indi- 
 cated the least weakness. On this account. 
 
411 
 
 several of the governors, both in past and present 
 times, after strengthening the fortifications* of 
 the province, stationed a sufficient party of 
 soldiers therein: and these posts are named 
 Tahnahs. The payment of each Tahnah has 
 been fixed by government, and certain lands are 
 set aside for this purpose, in order that the 
 party of men may never leave the post, lest dis- 
 turbances might be set on foot. Now that the 
 unsettled state of the province goes on increas- 
 ing, the seditious tribes already mentioned have 
 levelled the small forts, where there were for- 
 merly Tahnahs, and, by establishing themselves 
 in others, have obtained possession, in many 
 towns, of the Talpat government share instead 
 of Gras. 
 
 "Many of the great landholders, who were Ja- 
 girdars, performed the usual services until the 
 time of Aurangzib ; but, at present, the provin- 
 cial governor raises a force, and collects a tribute 
 from the Bantiitars, in possession of the Talpat, 
 in proportion to the capability of each place ; 
 while he takes security from his own Amildars. 
 But, when the great landholders refuse to pay 
 the tribute, what power has the provincial go- 
 vernor to enforce it ? and so faithless have they 
 become, that he cannot pass the city gate with- 
 out an escort from them." 
 
412 
 
 In fine, Mirza Aziz Koka, in A.Hij. 999, A.D. 
 t'D.H'590?' 1590, gave the Emperor an introduc- 
 tory present of elephants and fine things. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 
 
 SULTAN MUZAFFIR, SURNAMED NATHU, EXCITES THE JAM, OR LAND- 
 HOLDER OF NAWANAGAR, TO RAISE A TUMULT; THE LATTER IS DE- 
 FEATED, AND JUNAGARH TAKEN. 
 
 Among the events which happened in this 
 year, we may mention the disturbances excited 
 by Sultan Muzaffir, of which the account is 
 briefly this. When Mirza Aziz Koka arrived in 
 Gujarat, the Jam, who is the great landholder 
 in the district of Sorath, was bent on rebellion 
 and war, and only waited for a suitable oppor- 
 tunity. About this time, Sultan Muzaffir, who 
 quitted his place of concealment, made exertions 
 to collect together a crowd of discontented va- 
 gabonds ; and was joined by Daolat Khan, son 
 of Amin Khan Ghori, and by K hangar, Zamin- 
 dar of Kach. Mirza Aziz Koka, after making 
 the necessary preparations, marched to quell the 
 disturbance ; though the brothers of Kalij Khan 
 (who were the children of Ismael Kalij Khan, 
 and had a jagir at Sorath,) would not accom- 
 
413 
 
 pany him. After his arrival at Viramgam, he 
 had a meeting with Fat'h Khan, son of Amin 
 Khan Ghori, Chandar Sen, Zamindar of Hal- 
 wad, and Karan Parmal, Zamindar of Morbi ; 
 while Sayyid Kasim and Khoajah Suleiman 
 Bakhshi, were sent with a force in advance. The 
 troops came to Morbi, distant twenty-five koss 
 from the enemy, where they halted : and, at this 
 time, some proposals for peace passed between 
 the imperial commanders and the latter. This 
 endeavour to treat made them more arrogant ; 
 and, having resolved on war, they advanced to 
 battle. Mirza Aziz Koka, who was much en- 
 raged at their conduct, prepared to receive 
 them ; not pausing to consider that the enemy's 
 strength was thirty thousand, whilst his own 
 was only ten thousand cavalry. Muzaffir, who 
 advanced, was accompanied by a great crowd 
 of Gujaratis and Rajputs. 
 
 At this time it rained heavily, and continued 
 to do so without intermission for two days and 
 nights. The enemy encamped on an elevated 
 plain, while the imperial troops were on a low 
 spot of ground ; and, as the severity of the rain 
 prevented large quantities of grain being brought 
 into the camp of the latter, the men were strait- 
 ened for provisions. Khan Aziz Koka, not 
 thinking it advisable to offer battle, marched 
 
414 
 
 towards Nawanagar, in order that his soldiers 
 might more easily be supplied with provisions 
 and grain, and that dissensions among the ene- 
 my might spring up in the mean time. The Im- 
 perialists took up their position within four koss 
 of a flourishing town, where the troops obtained 
 much grain and other things by plunder ; many 
 of the enemy, in the mean time, went to their 
 homes and families. 
 
 Muzaffir had encamped at the edge of a river 
 which divided the two armies ; and one day, 
 soon after, an engagement having taken place 
 between them, each bravely contended for vic- 
 tory. The Rajputs, dismounting from their 
 horses, formed a compact line, and advanced 
 with their knives and daggers ; but the right 
 of the Imperialists having driven back the ene- 
 my's left, threw them into confusion ; and Khan 
 Aziz Koka, who, with a reserve of chosen men, 
 was watching an opportunity, having made a 
 rapid advance at this time, broke their line. 
 The brother and two sons of Jasa Raba, with 
 five hundred Rajputs, were killed on this occa- 
 sion. Muzaffir and the Jam, not knowing what 
 to do, took to flight; and Daolat Khan, who 
 was wounded, went to Junagarh. The enemy 
 had two thousand killed and wounded, and the 
 Imperialists only seven hundred. 
 
415 
 
 Subsequently to this victory, Mirza Aziz Koka 
 marched to Nawanagar, where he obtained large 
 booty ; and, as Muzaffir and the Jam had taken 
 refuge in the defiles of the mountains, he lin- 
 gered for some time in that neighbourhood. 
 Naorang Khan and Sayyid Kasim were sent 
 from thence with a force to take Junagarh. As 
 Daolat Khan, who had been wounded in the late 
 engagement, died at this time, the people in the 
 fortress asked for quarter, and agreed to come 
 out ; but, when Muzaffir soon after joined them, 
 they changed their intentions. On this account, 
 Mirza Aziz Koka went in person to capture the 
 place ; and Muzaffir, thinking it unsafe to re- 
 main there, abandoned it, and spread a report 
 that he had gone to Ahmadabad. Mirza Aziz 
 Koka sent his son with a force to follow him ; 
 while he himself invested Junagarh. Intelli- 
 gence was at this time brought to the former 
 that the Jam was passing in the neighbourhood 
 of the imperial troops to his hereditary estate ; 
 and, though every possible expedition was made 
 in pursuit of him, the latter fled like a wild beast 
 before his pursuers. 
 
 In consequence of the length of the march and 
 the privations experienced by the troops, Mirza 
 Aziz Koka did not take Junagarh in that year, 
 but returned to Ahmadabad, when the nobles 
 
416 
 
 were for once permitted to remain quiet on their 
 own estates. 
 
 CAPTURE OF JUNAGARH. 
 
 In the year of the Hijra 1000, A.D. 1591, 
 A.'D.lim 00 ' Mirza Aziz Koka, after having equipped 
 another force, marched with the determination 
 of capturing Junagarh and punishing the^ 
 enemy ; at which time, the son of the Jam, Jalal 
 Khan, Ghazi Khan, and Malik Husain, came 
 and met him. The ports of Gogar, Manglur, 
 and Somnath, with sixteen others, were taken 
 possession of without a blow ; and from thence 
 Mirza Aziz Koka marched against Junagarh, 
 then in possession of the sons of Amin Khan 
 Ghori. After having established his entrench- 
 ments for capturing the place, he sent Naorang 
 Khan to take up a position on the high road, 
 from which provisions and supplies were brought 
 into the fortress. At this time, a fire broke out 
 in the latter, by which a great part of the provi- 
 sions and implements of the besieged were con- 
 sumed. During this conflagration, the enemy 
 kept up a sharp fire on the besiegers, who, after 
 taking possession of a small hill in the vicinity 
 of the fort, threw up a breastwork and brought 
 up a gun. From this position, the latter ascer- 
 tained the exact range of their shot, and occa- 
 
417 
 
 sioned great annoyance to the besieged ; who, 
 when at length straitened, asked permission to 
 treat, and delivered up the keys of the place. 
 The sons of Amin Khan and Daolat Khan, with 
 five other persons of consequence, came out and 
 waited on Mirza Aziz Koka, who conferred on 
 each, according to their rank, a horse, honorary 
 dress, office, or jagir. 
 
 As this fortress, in the district of Sorath, 
 came into the power of the imperial govern- 
 ment, the author will here insert what is neces- 
 sary to be known regarding this country, and 
 the appellation of Junagarh. This territory is 
 bounded on the south and west by the sea ; on 
 the east by the Zillah of Jhalawar ; and on the 
 north by the boundaries of the provinces of 
 Thattah, where the black soil of the hills and 
 stony grounds become so swampy after a little 
 rain that one can with difficulty walk over it. 
 It is generally destitute of wood, though the 
 mango, khirny, tamarind, and mimosa trees are 
 to be found in the hilly parts. The inhabitants 
 are a mixed race of Kulis and Rajputs, who, 
 being for the most part armed horsemen, wear 
 a quilted cotton jacket as armour, and carry a 
 spear. They are addicted to robbery, and will 
 not pay the revenue without the presence of 
 troops to enforce it. This country is divided 
 
 E E 
 
418 
 
 into five Zillahs, which are named Hallar, 
 Kathiyawar, Golwar, Babrewar, and Jaitwar ; 
 comprehending several ports, rivers, fortifica- 
 tions, and places of Hindu worship, such as 
 Dwarka, Somnath, and Shatrinjah z . A greater 
 produce is obtained from the spring than the 
 autumnal crop ; and such is the natural strength 
 of the soil, that it requires no manure previously 
 to being sown. After the rainy season, the 
 wheat and nukhod a are sown, and do not re- 
 quire to be irrigated, but are brought forward 
 by the natural moisture of the soil and the 
 assistance of the dews, which are heavy in this 
 quarter. The species of wheat called kath, 
 which is very fine, is a product of this country. , 
 In the collected revenue of Sorath, that of 
 Islamnagar is included. 
 
 Sultan Ahmad, who founded Ahmadabad, 
 made two separate attempts to gain possession 
 of this country, but without success. At length, 
 Mahmud Bigarrah having taken the Raja Rao 
 Mandalik, as before detailed, built a fortified 
 city, and named it Mustafabad. 
 
 In regard to the appellation of Junagarh, the 
 
 ( z ) This is said to be the same place as that otherwise named 
 Hinglaj ; which is sometimes, however, included in the Subah 
 of Thattah. 
 
 ( a ) Cicer Arietinum. 
 
419 
 
 people of Sorath generally relate that the Raja 
 of the country, who was named Mandalik, and 
 was contemporary with Mahmud Bigarrah, was 
 the last of a race that had possessed dominion 
 there for nineteen hundred years. His ances- 
 tors had succeeded each other in the Raj during 
 that time, and had their seat of government at 
 the town of Bhantulli, distant from Junagarh 
 five koss. Formerly an impenetrable forest 
 existed in this neighbourhood, and had not been 
 explored. One day, however, a woodcutter 
 penetrated so far as to discover the fortress, 
 and, returning, informed the Raja of what he 
 had seen. The latter, after having caused the 
 trees to be cut down, went in person to view the 
 place, and beheld a wonderful fortification, con- 
 structed on the western side of Mount Girnar, 
 whose walls had been scarped from the sur- 
 rounding rock, above which a kind of battle- 
 ment had been erected. It was entered by three 
 doors, one of which is on the east, the other on 
 the west ; but within the latter there was a 
 third door, towards the north, which cannot be 
 passed without first entering the outer one. The 
 water of the fortress was supplied by two deep 
 wells and two smaller ones. During this visit, 
 the Raja Mandalik, having asked his followers 
 regarding the name of this place, and the time 
 
 E E 2 
 
420 
 
 of its construction, received for answer they did 
 not know. He therefore called it Junagarh, 
 or the ancient fortress ; the first part of the ap- 
 pellation signifying old, and the last a fort, ac- 
 cording to the language of the country. The 
 place has ever since retained this name. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE SEIZURE AND SUICIDE OF SULTAN MUZAFFIR, THE PILGRIMAGE 
 OF MIRZA Azfz KOKA TO MEKKA ; THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PRINCE 
 SULTAN MORAD, WITH StJRJ SINGH AS HIS DEPUTY, SUCCEEDED 
 BY THAT OF MIRZA AZIZ KOKA, ON HIS RETURN FROM THE PIL- 
 GRIMAGE, AND THE DEATH OF AKBAR. 
 
 As Mirza Aziz Koka, after capturing Juna- 
 garh, made every possible endeavour to discover 
 the retreat of Muzaffir, intelligence was at length 
 received that this unfortunate had taken refuge 
 with the landholder of Haraw b , in the territory 
 of Dwarka. He therefore sent a suitable force 
 in search of the fugitive, and gave command of 
 the same to Naorang Khan, who was accompa- 
 nied by Gujar Khan, Nizamu-d-din Ahmad 
 Bakhshi, and Mohammed Anwar, the son of 
 Mirza Aziz Koka. These commanders, after 
 
 ( b ) I cannot find this place in the map, but it is probably the 
 same as Aramraw, opposite the Bate Pagoda. 
 
421 
 
 arriving at Dwarka, took the place, and esta- 
 blished a mosque ; and, having there left a party 
 of troops, marched in pursuit of Muzaffir. But, 
 as the landholder of that part had heard of the 
 expedition, he conveyed Muzaffir by sea to a for- .n , 
 
 tified island, and went along with him. The 
 Imperialists followed the enemy, who now made 
 a stand on ground where cavalry could not act ; 
 but the troops of the former dismounted and 
 engaged their opponents. Many of the latter 
 were slain ; and, as' the landholder had been at 
 this time killed by an arrow, Muzaffir, much 
 distressed and perplexed, took refuge with the 
 Bharah Zamindar of Kach. 
 
 When intelligence of these events was brought 
 to Mirza Aziz Koka, then at Junagarh, he sent 
 another force to that quarter, and gave com- 
 mand of it to his son, Abdullah. The Jam, in 
 token of submission and good wishes, met the 
 latter on the way, and, having indicated a wish 
 to be received with favour by the imperial go- 
 vernment, concluded a treaty. The Zamindar 
 of Kach also sent his agents, who agreed to send 
 the son of their master to the imperial camp ; 
 but, as Mirza Aziz Koka, who would not fa- 
 vourably receive this proposition, told them that 
 if they had any real intention of serving the 
 imperial government, or wish to be received into 
 
422 
 
 favour, they must deliver up Muzaffir to the 
 servants of the latter. An attempt was made to 
 procrastinate and deceive ; but, as Mirza Aziz 
 Koka had yielded up some territory to the Jam, 
 a force was in the mean time sent to assist him 
 in this matter; and he, being afraid of the 
 consequences, sent to say that he would deliver 
 up Muzaffir, provided the parganah of Murbi, 
 which had been formerly part of his territory, 
 was given to him as a reward for his services. 
 Mirza Aziz Koka gladly accepted his proposal; 
 and a party, detached for the purpose of seizing 
 Muzaffir, was guided to the spot by the Jam, 
 who sent on a messenger to say that the Bharah 
 Zamindar was about to pay him a visit ; when 
 the latter, coming out to meet him, having been 
 surrounded by the men of the detachment, was 
 made a prisoner. 
 
 The party, after thus accomplishing the object 
 for which it had been sent, hastened to return, 
 and marched all night with their prisoners ; 
 who, when morning dawned, having alighted 
 for a little, retired behind a tree under some 
 pretext, and cut his throat with a razor, which 
 had been kept concealed in his pocket. He thus 
 liberated himself from the contentions of this 
 world ; and, such was the celerity with which the 
 act was accomplished, that, in the time it could 
 
423 
 
 have been known he was dead, Mirza Aziz 
 Koka sent his head to Court along with Ni- 
 zamu-d-din Bakhshi. These events happened 
 at Dharrol, fifteen koss from Murbi. 
 
 When the news of Muzaffir's death, and the 
 capture of Jiinagarh, reached the ear of Akbar, 
 an affectionate order, recalling Mirza Aziz Koka, 
 was issued. Notwithstanding the latter had 
 done such service, he could not, for various 
 reasons and suspicions, make up his mind to go 
 to Court ; and excused himself, by saying that 
 he intended to take Diu from the Portuguese. 
 Having first permitted Naorang Khan, Gujar 
 Khan, and Khoajah Ashraf, with others of the 
 nobles, to return to their jagirs, he at the same 
 time wrote to the commanders at the different 
 sea-ports, that they must prevent the merchants 
 from trading to the harbour of Dili ; in order 
 that, by thus reducing the Portuguese to ex- 
 tremity, they might procure for him a licence to 
 go to sea. He at the same time sent to the 
 Bharah Zamindar and the Jam, saying that he 
 intended to return to Court by way of Sind. 
 After his arrival at Somnath, he confined Mir 
 Abdu-r-Rizzak Bakhshi and Say y id Bayazid 
 Diwan, but on what account the author is not 
 aware ; and at this time a letter of licence to go 
 
424 
 
 to sea was received from the Portuguese. In 
 tS 01 ' the year of the Hijra 1001, A.D. J592, 
 having- embarked with his family, and about 
 one hundred followers, he sailed from Bilawal 
 Patan, in a vessel called the Ilahi, with the in- 
 tention of making the pilgrimage to Mekka. On 
 the day he went on shipboard, the whole of the 
 troops had been drawn out in line ; and the 
 great drums were sounding, when Mirza Aziz 
 Koka bade his companions farewell with tears 
 in his eyes. He at the same time released the 
 persons he had confined, and asked them for 
 forgiveness. Akbar, on hearing of these things, 
 was greatly vexed ; but, after conferring the 
 rank of one thousand horse on the Mirza's 
 eldest son, then at Court, and giving to another 
 that of five hundred, he entrusted the govern- 
 ment of Gujarat to the Prince Sultan Morad 
 Bakht. 
 
 As the prince had been appointed to the go- 
 vernment of the Dekhan, previous to these 
 events, and had delayed taking charge of it, in 
 endeavouring to assemble troops in Malwa, 
 Gujarat was now granted him in place of the 
 other. He at the same time received instruc- 
 tions to leave Malwa and go to Ahmadabad, 
 whence he was to lead the troops of both pro- 
 
425 
 
 vinces into the Dekhan, and endeavour to mend 
 the state of affairs in that quarter. 
 A.S^f' In A. Hij. 1002, A.D. 1593-4, Mirza 
 Aziz Koka returned from the pilgrimage, and 
 went to Court by way of Gujarat, and, as the 
 Prince Morad Bakht, in the following year, 
 went into the Dekhan, Siirj Singh came to 
 Ahmadabad as his deputy. 
 
 Bahadur, the son of the late Sultan Muzaffir, 
 IMS' ^ A. Hij. 1003, A.D. 1594-5, excited an 
 insurrection in the province, and met with de- 
 feat. At the death of Muzaffir, two sons and 
 two daughters had been left behind, who took 
 refuge with the Parwar Zamindar of Loari. 
 The Jagirdars of Gujarat had been sent to assist 
 in the conquest of the Dekhan ; and, as a fa- 
 vourable opportunity for exciting an insurrec- 
 tion in the former province now appeared, 
 Muzaffir's eldest son raised the standard of 
 insurrection, and plundered the towns and vil- 
 lages. Raja Siirj Singh went against him 
 with a force ; and the enemy, being overtaken, 
 made a demonstration as if they resolved to 
 fight, but fled at the first onset. Subsequently 
 to this, Bahadur withdrew into retirement. 
 A. iK 7 ' In A. Hij. 1007, A.D. 1598, the for- 
 tress of Asir, which, from the time of Sultan 
 Bahadur Gujarati, had been possessed by Ikh- 
 
426 
 
 tiyar Khan, Alagh Khan, and Murjan, sons 
 of Yakut Sultan, was incorporated with the 
 provinces of the Dehli empire . 
 AJxSfeoo 009 ' The death of Prince Sultan Morad 
 having taken place in the Dekhan A. Hij. 1009 d , 
 A.D. 1600, Mirza Aziz Koka was for a third time 
 made governor of Gujarat. In this same year, 
 Shamsu-d-din Husain was sent as deputy go- 
 vernor to Ahmadabad, and one of his sons was 
 appointed Faojdar of Sorath. 
 
 The revenue of the province had been as- 
 signed over to Mirza Aziz Koka and his family, 
 in A. Hij. 1011, A.D. 1602 ; when, at his request, 
 the Emperor conferred on his son Shadman the 
 deputyship of the province, and made his other 
 son, Abdullah, governor of Junagarh. In this 
 same year, the sum of one lak of rupees, from 
 the revenue of the port of Khambayat, was 
 assigned as an annual gift to the Prince Salim e . 
 
 ( c ) There is an inscription on the minaret of the great mosque 
 at Burhanpiir, written by Mir Masum of Bhakar, which records 
 the capture of Asir in the 44th year of the Ilahi Era. As Akbar 
 commenced to reign in A. Hij. 963, the 44th year of that Era 
 would therefore correspond to the Hijra year 1007 ; but, if the 
 inscription has been correctly copied, this year of the reign is 
 there called 1009. The last is an error ; and Ferishta, in convert- 
 ing the years into each other, appears to have committed a si- 
 milar one. 
 
 ( d ) This appears to be wrong ; it had happened two years before. 
 
 ( e ) The same who succeeded Akbar on the throne. 
 
427 
 On Wednesday the 12th of Jumada-s-sani, in 
 
 will of God, left this transitory world for the 
 mansions of eternity. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 LONDON : 
 P. SHOBERL, JUN., 4, LEICESTER STREET, LEICESTER-SQUARE. 
 

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