UC-NRLF R c p n GIFT OF INSTITUTED 1828. UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY WILLIAM THE FOURTH. THIS COPY WAS PRINTED FOR THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD GLENELG, F.R.S. M.R.S.L A MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, AND T riental ran#Iation INSTITUTED 1828. UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY WILLIAM THE FOURTH. THIS COPY WAS PRINTED FOR THE RIGHT HONORABLE LORD GLENELG, F.R.S. M.R.S.L A MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, AND JFtoe wntal translation df unfc. THE POLITICAL AND STATISTICAL HISTORY OF GUJARAT, TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN OF ALI MOHAMMED KHAN, vu/oov-m THE REVENUE MINISTER OF THE PROVINCE; TO WHICH ARE ADDED, COPIOUS ANNOTATIONS, AND AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. U i' * BY JAMES BIRD, ESQ. PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. LONDON: RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, Publisher in (rttinatp to f^te fHajtSti), TO THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND, &C. M.DCCC.XXXV. ii LONDON : P. SFOEERL, JON., 4, LEICESTER STREET, LEICESTER-SQUARE. TO THE HONOURABLE MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE. DEAR SIR, While translating the following history, I frequently reflected that whatever leisure and opportunity I possessed, for accomplishing this task, had chiefly arisen from the libe- rality of public measures, and the impartiality of private patronage, during your government at Bombay. To no one so appropriately as you, therefore, could I dedicate these pages ; and, while I feel gratified in giving testimony to the utility of encouraging individuals, disposed to study the languages of the East, I am sen- sible that few can better judge the imperfections of my present undertaking than yourself. I fear to offend your delicacy of sentiment, by speaking of public principle in the language IV of eulogium ; but I should ill consult the inte- rests of the public service, or appreciate my own feelings, could I be silent, after having obtained the situation I lately held, for no other reason than having complied with the terms of your government orders, promulgated to pro- mote the study of oriental languages among the Europeans. Though the acquirement of these, and the cultivation of oriental literature, may be of use, in enlarging our views of general history and geography, they serve a yet more important purpose, in this country, by removing the pre- judices of early education, by interesting the feelings of Europeans for the welfare of Asiatics, and disposing the former to treat as equals those whom they had been taught to consider as inferiors. These advantages were duly estimated by your administration : during which to have possessed such acquirement was to obtain reward. Every good government will keep sight of such enlightened policy, if it regards the efficiency of its servants, or the happiness of its subjects; though I regret to observe an ill-judged economy, in this matter, has been of Jate ordered by authority from home. The love of distinction is, with some, a more powerful in- citement to exertion than even the hope of emo- lament ; and for such the establishment of the Royal Asiatic Society and Oriental Translation Fund holds out powerful inducements ; but, with the majority, the last will be found to be the more influential passion, and should be turned to good account by rulers, who wish to conciliate a conquered people. In ascribing this much to you, I must not forget what I owe to your successors, for leaving afforded me every facility in completing the pre- sent translation. The late Sir John Malcolm, who had himself so successfully cultivated ori- ental literature, and was ready to encourage others, placed at my command the services of the native whom 1 mention in the preface ; and I am under similar obligations to the Right Ho nourable the Earl of Clare. It is incumbent on us, as rulers of India, to possess an accurate knowledge of its customs, manners, religious opinions, history, and com- merce ; and regarding the early state of such there is yet a wide field of interesting research. The influence of the Greek kingdom of Bactria on Sanskrit literature ; the knowledge which the Romans possessed of India, and the state of their commerce with the country ; the intercourse of the primitive Arabs and eastern Christians with the Hindus ; the incorporation of foreign tribes VI with the aborigines ; the institutions of their civil society ; and rules of their military policy, are subjects of intense interest, that may be successfully elucidated by closely studying the Greek and Roman authors, in connexion with Sanskrit literature, and the historical and geo- graphical books in Arabic and Persian. In the introduction, prefixed to the following translation, I have endeavoured to clear up the obscurity that exists in one portion of Indian history ; and, if such obtain your approbation, it will gratify, Dear Sir, Your obedient servant, JAMES BIRD. London, 1st September, 1834. CONTENTS. PREFACE . . . . . j r ' r ' 1 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, illustrating the Constitution of Hindu Society, and the state of India, from the end of the Tenth to the beginning of the Thirteenth Century . 5 PREFACE TO THE MIRAT AHMADI, OR MIRROR OF AHMAD; A HISTORY OF GUJARA'T . . . .91 SECTION I. Preliminary Observations on the State of Gujarat \ . . 102 The beginning of the Kingdom of Gujarat, under its Rajas ; and the foundation of the city of Patan, sometimes named Anhilwarah, or Nahrwalah . . '.' . 137 The Capture of Somnath by Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi . 146 The Sovereignty of the Baghilah race at Nahrwalah ; and the Edifices erected by Siddha Raja Solanki Jey Singh . 154 The Triumph of the Faith, and the establishment of the Mo- hammedan Religion in the country . . . 160 The Reign of Sultan Kutbu-d-din Mubarak Shah, son of Ala-ud-din Khilji .... 165 The Reign of Sultan Mohammed Toghluk Shah . . 168 Vlll CONTENTS. . , PAGE The Reign of Firoz Shah Toghluk III. of Dehli, cousin of Mohammed Toghluk .... 170 The Reign of Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk II., grandson of Firoz, also called Firoz Shah IV. . . .172 The Reign of Sultan Abubekr Shah, grandson of Firoz III., and that of his uncle, Mohammed Toghluk II. . . 173 SECTION II. The Government of Zafir Khan, son of Wajihu-1-Mulk, with the Foundation of the Gujarat Metropolis, and the reign of the Gujarat Kings . . . .174 The Reign of Ahmad Khan, grandson of Muzaffir, and en- titled Ahmad Shah . . . .186 The Reign of Sultan Mohammed Shah I. . . 105 The Reign of Jalal Khan, entitled Kutbu-d-din . . 197 The Reign of Sultan Daod, uncle of Kutbu-d-din . . 201 The Reign of Sultan Fat'h Khan, entitled Mahmud Bigarrah 202 The Reign of Khalil Khan, entitled Muzaffir Shah II., or, The Clement . . . . .219 The Reign of Sultan Sikandar . . 229 The Reign of Sultan Bahadur . . . 232 The Reign of Sultan Mahmud II., son of Latif Khan .253 The Reign of Ahmad Khan II., son of Latif Khan, grandson of Shukar Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad I. ... 273 The Reign of Sultan Muzaffir III., commonly called Nathu, the last of the race of Gujarat Kings . . . 287 I SECTION III. A General Account of the celebrated Descendants of Sahibi Kiran Amir Taimur Kurkan, who have reigned in Hin- dustan ... . -290 CONTENTS. IX PAGE The commencement of Insurrection in Gujarat, the arrival of the Mirzas in the country, the termination of the power of its Kings, and its incorporation with the Kingdom of Hindustan, under Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar . 301 The Capture of Surat . . . .318 The return of the Imperial Banners to the Capital of Agra, and the appointment of Khan Aziz Koka to the Govern- ment of Gujarat, with Wajihu-1-Mulk Gujarati as his Diwan ..... 324 The arrival of the Emperor, in nine days, from the seat of Government, then at Fat'hpur . . . 328 The return of the Emperor to his Capital, after conferring the Government of Gujarat on Khan Aziz Koka a second time . . . . . 339 The Government of Shahabu-d-dm Ahmad Khan, and the Diwanship of Pragdas, with the flight and return of Mu- zaffir Sultan to Gujarat . . .348 The Government of Itimad Khan Gujarati, with the Diwan- ship of Abu-1-Kasim, and the capture of Ahmadabad by Sultan Muzaflir . . . .354 The Government of Mirza Khan, with the defeat of Muzaf- fir, and capture of Ahmadabad. The exaltation of Mirza Khan to the rank of Five Thousand, and the title of Khan Khanan, with the foundation of the Fat'h Bagh, at the town where the battle was fought. The Diwanship of Khoajah Abu-1-Kasim, and the order for adopting the Ilahi Era in the country of Hindustan . . 370 Copy of the Imperial Firman for the establishment of the Ilahi Era . . . . . 382 Copy of the Order regarding Veneration for God and atten- tion to the Government Regulations . . 389 X CONTENTS. PAGK The Government of Mirza Aziz Koka for a second time in Gujarat, and copy of the Order which was issued abolish- ing the Transit Duty on articles of commerce . . 405 Sultan Muzaffir, surnamed Nathu, excites the Jam, or land- holder of Nawanagar, to raise a tumult ; the latter is de- feated, and Junagarh taken . . . 412 The seizure and suicide of Sultan Muzaffir; the Pilgrimage of Mirza Aziz Koka to Mekka ; the Government of Prince Sultan Morad, with Surj Singh as his deputy, succeeded by that of Mirza Aziz Koka, on his return from the Pil- grimage, and the death of Akbar . . . 420 PREFACE. MOHAMMEDAN historians generally tire the patience of the reader by too minute a detail of sieges and battles, of murder and intrigue, with- out relieving the fatiguing sameness of their narratives, by the more pleasing and instructive accounts of individual character, or the policy and domestic manners of a people. The author of the " Mirat Ahmadi," who gives us a political and statistical history of the Gujarat province, must be exempted from this general censure. He commences with the early history of the country, under the Hindu Rajas, in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, centuries of our era ; and has briefly sketched the Mohammedan inva- sions, which, at this time, happened under the kings of Ghazni and Ghor. After narrating its subsequent conquest, in the thirteenth cen- tury, by the Patan kings of Dehli, and the rise of native Mohammedan princes in the province, he details its political management by the Mo- ghul emperors, from Akbar to Aurangzib. He then minutely describes the contests and dis- turbances, which, from the death of Aurangzib, A.D. 1707, to the defeat of the Mahrattas by Ahmad Shah Abdali, A.D. 1761, tended gra- dually to destroy the prosperity of the province ; and concludes his history by an Appendix, con- taining an account of the various sects of Hin- dus and Mohammedans, the different parganahs, and the most remarkable places of religious resort. This last portion gives a connected history of the Mahratta transactions in that quarter ; and ends with the settlement, at Baroda, of Damaji Gaikwar, and the death of Balaji Baji Rao, after the unfortunate battle of Panipat. The materials of this work were collected by Mohammed Ali Khan, the Imperial Diwan, or revenue minister of Gujarat ; who, in his pre- face, gives us a short biographical account of himself. He has there stated, that this history was brought to a conclusion in A.D. 1756 ; but it was not, in fact, completed until A.D. 1762, or Hij. 1175. As the author commenced collect- ing materials in A.D. 1748, he must have dedi- cated fourteen years of attention to its composi- tion. His style is more laboured and verbose than that of most Mohammedan historians ; but what it wants in elegance is compensated by general accuracy of facts, and research. In his account of the Rajas, he has added little or nothing to the information which had been pre- viously communicated by the historian Abu-1- Fazl ; though this is a period regarding which we could wish to have received more detailed accounts. I shall therefore endeavour to supply this de- ficiency, by giving a sketch of the state of Hindu Society, at this time ; and, though such be not so complete as I could wish, it can be filled up by the discoveries of future inquirers. Previous to doing so, it is necessary to say something regarding the manuscript of the work. I am not aware that a copy of the Mirat Ahmadi is to be found among any of the existing collec- tions of Persian books now in Europe. The one from which the translation is made was transcribed at Ahmadabad, A.D. 1822, by Nar- sain Das, of the Kait tribe. In rendering it into English, I have had the advice and assist- ance of the very learned Persian Secretary of the Satarah Residency, Mir Khairat Ali, com- monly called Mushtak ; who, had he lived in B 2 other times than ours, and under a different system, would, in consideration of his knowledge of the Persian language and of Mohammedan history, have risen to offices of great rank and emolument. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION; ILLUSTRATING THE CONSTITUTION OF HINDU SOCIETY, AND THE STATE OF INDIA, FROM THE END OF THE TENTH TO THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. THE Hindus, south of the Narbada river, are origin of the now amalgamated in religion ; and Southern possess a general system of faith and literature, which may be termed Brhamanical Hinduism. There was a time, however, in the history of the peninsula, when they consisted of distinct tribes, who were not Hindus ; and this is recognised in their traditionary histories, or indicated by their copper-plate grants of land. Even so late as the Mohammedan inva- sion, under Mahmud of Ghazni, the prevailing system of faith, in the provinces of Gujarat, Khandesh, Aurangabad, Bijapiir, and the Konkans, appears to have been the heterodox one of Hinduism, or the Jaina religion. This will sufficiently account to us why so many re- mains of this faith, as may be seen in their cave temples, are yet found on the western side of India. But to trace the progressive steps by which this religion was extended from the south- east to the north-west a would be foreign to this sketch of Hindu history in more recent.times. The interval from the first great battle be- tween the Mohammedans and Hindus, ofthe tenS to the establishment of the Patan em- to the end of oentuTf 11 pire of Dehli, or from A.D. 977 to 1193, is a time of great obscurity in the history of India. Excepting the names of individual Rajas, who at this period opposed the kings of Ghazni and Ghor, Mohammedan authors give but little information regarding the state of the country. That 'little, however, when compared ( a ) The close affinity between the Hali Kanara letters and those of Cave inscriptions justifies the conclusion. The Cave temples on the Island of Salsette are yet called the Caves of Ka- nara ; and I possess a Sanskrit grant of land, found at Bhandup, on that island, in which the Raja, then reigning at Tanna, spe- cifies his court was composed of five Ministers ; one of which, Sri Kama, was particularly consulted on making peace or war in the Karnatic. The Raja's name is Chin Raja Deva, who claims descent from the Rajas of Tagara, and from the same family as that of the Sanskrit grant translated by Sir W, Jones (A.R. I. p. 357). This dates anterior to the grant now in my possession, which is dated Salivahana, 948, A.D. 1026. A branch of this family, or the Silhara tribe of Rajputs, was at the same time reigning above the Ghats. The capital was Panalla, near Kolapur. with the traditionary history of the Hindus, and the list of dynasties supplied by the copper- plate grants of lands, written in Sanskrit, and found throughout India, will enable us to form an opinion of the civil constitution and state of Hindu society in those times. No work deserving the name of History can amon g the Hindus b . name of His- mi i p i i 11 f tory known i n e i is ts ol their kings, the legends of among them. their holy places, with the traditional histories of provinces and of religious leaders or sects , when extensively compared, will give us some insight into the migration and distribution of tribes, or the nature of their civil society. But such can be of little use in history, without some means of fixing the chronology of events to which they relate. It is here that Sanskrit grants and Moham- " medan annals come to our aid, in dis- . , i m i r covering truth. I he accounts oi even in illustrating tions. tra< the most recent transactions are so clouded by mythology, that without such we ( b ) The Raja Taringini is a Sanskrit history of Kashmir, the substance of which has been given to the world (see A. R. XV.) by the learned Professor Wilson ; but, as it bears much internal evidence of being traditionary and inaccurate, I cannot make it an exception. ( c ) These are called, in Sanskrit, Raja Vansavalis, Mahatmyas, and Charitras. and Moham- 8 cannot discriminate between history and fable. The exaggerated notions of chronology among the people, and the pretended antiquity of their gods, have led to the blind endeavour of adapt- ing their domestic history to the fabulous ages of the world, and tended to involve both in al- most impenetrable darkness. Other sources of exaggeration will be found in their traditions ; of which the most constant is confounding indi- vidual revolutions with the general history of India. Such may be discovered most frequently in traditionary accounts of provinces, where the history of the native princes is ignorantly blend- ed with that of their foreign conquerors. The western coast of India, from the Indus to Sanskrit geo- Dariya Bahadurgarh, appears to have western coast, been known to Sanskrit writers of early times by the name of Saurashtra, Gurjara, Abhira, Konkana, and Govarashtra. The first division extended from Hingula, or Hinglaj, in the great western Run, to Jambuka, or Jambu- sir, on the Narbada. From hence to the Tapi, or Tapti river, was Gurjara ; and from this, southwards to Devagarh, the country was called Abhira, or the region of Shepherds d . Konkana extended southwards from Devagarh to Sadase- ( d ) See Ward's Hindoos, III. p. 450 ; and Wilford's Geogra- phy of the Purdnas, A.E. VIII. p. 336. ogarh; and from hence to Bahadurgarh was Govarashtra 6 . The southern divisions, now enumerated, also bore the general name of Ahikshetra, or country of Snakes ; which is called, by Ptolomy, Adisatra, from the moun- tains of which the Chaberas, or Cavery river, has its origin. It was also known to the Sans- krit writers by the name of Maru f , or the wil- derness ; from which the Greek and Roman traders, by adopting the Arabic article Al, and inflecting the word, obtained the appellation of Limyrica, or Almurika. Abhira was distribu- ted into several minor divisions ; as Berbera g or Marahta, from the Tapti river to Bassein ; Virata, from hence to Bankut ; and Kirata, from Bankut to Devagarh. The latter name implies the region of Foresters ; and was also ( e ) Govarashtra was the country about Goa, and is the same as the district otherwise named Hayaga. Some geographers would extend its northern limits on the Bombay side of Sadase- ogarh, and thus contract those of the Konkana. See Wilson's Kashmir, A.R. XV. p. 47; and Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas, I. p. 4. ( f ) It is so named in a grant of land by Crishna Raya of Vijayanagar, or Bijnaggar, dated Salivahana, 1448; A.D. 1526. (%) Berbera is the Barbarike of Arian's Periplus. The name of Berbera was originally applied to a more northern region, as were most of the Sanskrit geographical divisions known in the south ; plainly indicating that the Brahmans introduced the lan- guage and the customs from the north. 10 applied to the western part of Gondwana, which was distinguished, however, by the ap- pellation of Kirata Chanda. When the Mohammedans, under the first with'th?'m" king of Ghazni, Nasir-ud-din-Sabuk- defeaTed. ar< tagin, carried their arms against the Hindus, they were opposed by an allied army of Rajputs, commanded by the Rajas of the Panjab, Dehli, Kanauj, and Kalanjar. The confederate army of the latter, amounting to a hundred thousand horse, accompanied by many elephants, was led to battle by Jaipal I., chief of the Panjab, and son of Chait or Chaitra Pal. His country extended from Sirhind, south-east, to the river of Alishang in Kabul, north-west, or the district of Lamghan. The kingdoms of his allies were situated near the Jumna and Ganges, and could not have exceeded in extent the modern provinces of Dehli, Agra, and Alla- habad. The opposing armies, having met near Lamghan, fought a battle, which was gained by Sabuktagin. If we may believe the accounts, the Rajputs, though numerous as the locusts of the wilderness, proved themselves very inferior soldiers, when tried against their opponents. The latter, though few in number, were confi- dent in themselves ; and Sabuktagin, by suc- cessively bringing up fresh squadrons of cavalry 11 against the enemy's centre, succeeded in break- ing their line. After this had been effected, the whole of the Hindus gave way, and left the Mohammedans an easy victory. The latter appear to have been so unequal in r c e a ade e red w them number to their enemies, that, know- inferior in war 111 n T medans Moham " in > as we **> e bravery of the Raj- puts, and their utter recklessness of life, we might well doubt whether the armies were so disproportioned as represented by Mohamme- dan authority. Causes, however, were at this time existing, in the constitution of Hindu soci- ety, which rendered the Rajputs inferior in war. The Mohammedans, stimulated by religious zeal and elated by the success of conquest, had triumphantly carried their arms and their faith from the shores of the Mediterranean to the banks of the Jaxartes. Every successive con- quest had enriched their leaders ; and the secret springs of avarice and ambition equally impelled the soldier and his chief to support fatigue or encounter danger. The whole were, conse- quently, a devoted band of warriors, consecra- ted to the support of a common cause, and had been long accustomed to exertion. The Hindus, on the contrary, though bound together by re- ligious faith, viewed it more with superstitious awe than worldly enthusiasm ; and, though 12 ready to sacrifice their lives on the funeral pile, when fortune forsook them, were more disposed to propitiate her favour by vain ceremonies than secure success by daring efforts. Other causes were not wanting to destroy unanimity, and paralyse their spirit ; of which deliberative councils of war, to which the priesthood were admitted, and the inferior equipment of their cavalry, were the principal. Multiplicity of opinion is no where more councils of inimical to success than in war. One brave and active commander, who has mastered the affections of his soldiers, and can control their wishes, leads them against an enemy with a confident daring that can do all but ensure victory; whilst a confederated body, without any singleness of effort, wastes the time in fri- volous discussions, or finds the bravery of its numbers rendered nugatory through the jea- lousy or caprice of its leaders. It was the cus- tom, as would appear, among the Hindu chiefs of those days to assemble their feudal retainers on occasions of great public emergency, or when the national safety and religion were threatened from without. The confederate lead- ers submitted in part to the guidance of a com- mon chief, who had, as we learn, the title of Pal, or Protector ; though we are left to sur- 13 mise whether he was entitled to the office by birth or raised to it by election. The last was probably the right on which he held his com- mand ; and, if so, it gave those he commanded undue influence over his authority. To add to the difficulty of his situation, he was, moreover, thwarted in his measures by the Brahmans, or priesthood ; who had a voice in the national councils, which took cognisance of his proceed- ings. We are told by Ferishta, that Sabukta- gin, on first advancing towards India, had fought a previous skirmish, in which he was successful ; and, after consenting to return to Ghazni, was to receive a tribute for his forbear- ance. No sooner, however, had the Mohamme- dans retired, than the Brahmans advised that the treaty should not be ratified. Jaipal, on reaching Lahore, imprisoned the persons whom Sabuktagin had sent to receive the money ; though the noblest Kshatris, or Rajputs, who also formed part of the council, remonstrated against so impolitic a proceeding. At this time, it was the custom for the Brahmans to be seated on the right, and the Rajputs on the left, of the throne. The former, who kept in subjection the minds of a superstitious people, could enforce their advice by appealing to popular prejudices ; but the latter, with more wisdom, and with the 14 natural manliness of their character, said, "The troops have not forgotten the terror of the ene- my's arms; and Jaipal may rest assured that Sabuktagin will not brook such an insult, with- out a dreadful revenge 11 /' The issue soon proved the truth of the prediction ; and Jaipal, by not listening to their advice, brought on fresh dis- asters, with the return of the Mohammedans. The latter, we are told, were better mounted than the Hindus, who were unable to caTiry, withstatfd their charge. The motley cavalry of feudal chieftains, brought together on emergency, could not well sustain the supe- rior weight of northern horses and their riders, when these had been long trained to the exer- cises of war, and taught to act in concert. The Rajput vassals were an ill-equipped and worse- commanded body of national militia, who per- formed military service as the price of a feudal fief i ; and, though sometimes called out in cases of internal warfare, were little prepared or in- clined to face the standing army of a foreign invader. Hindustan was, at this time, apportioned ft ta th e is time dia among various tribes of Rajputs ; whose grants still remaining, as memorials of ( h ) Briggs's Ferishta, I. p. 17. See Colonel Tod's Military Service of Rdjastan, I. p. 147. 15 their sway, enable us to form some opinion of their general distribution. Many of the tribes, now known, do not appear to have had an ex- istence till some time subsequent to the first invasion by Sabuktagin, as proved by the tenor of their gifts of land. We may enumerate the Chohan and Rahtore tribes among those who had not then risen into notice ; though their own vanity, and the pretensions of their poeti- cal legends, would claim for them a higher antiquity k . The earliest seat of the former appears to have been Sambar, or Sakambhari, north-west of Ajmir ; as Vella Deva, or Bil Deo, was probably the first of the family. The first of the Rahtore tribe was Yasovigraha, or Sri Pal, who calls himself a prince of the Solar race ; plainly intimating that the appellation of Rahtore had not yet been adopted ; though the third in descent from him, Sri Chandra Deva, who conquered the realm of Kanauj, might have assumed it soon after. Previous to this time, the prince of Kanauj, who was leagued in the confederacy against the Mohammedans, had the appellation of Korah ; but regarding the tribes to which the other confederates belonged ( k ) See Colebrooke's translation of an Inscription from the Firoz Lat, A.R. VII. p. 180. in reference to the former; and Asiatic Researches, IX. p. 441. XV. p. 461. regarding the latter. 16 nothing certain can be fixed, before we obtain multiplied translations of Sanskrit grants in the north of India. Bengal was ruled, at this period, by the Voidya monarchs, who had their capital at Nuddea, on the Ganges. In the south of India, the kingdom of Pandya, or Ma- dura, now on the decline, sank under the rising fortunes of the Chola kings of Tanjore, who also reduced the ancient kingdom of Chera 1 . The south-western part of Upper Kanara, or Karnata, near the Krishna, was possessed by the Yadavas, who appear to have been a pas- toral people. They were confined on the west by the Siyalara m or Silhara tribe of Rajputs, who had for their capital Panalla, near Kola- pur, and were in possession of the greater part of the country, on the sea-coast. On the north, and in the province of Khandesh, the Silharas were bounded by a branch, if not the original stock of the Chalukya family, who claimed de- scent from the Yadavas. Their capital was Mankhet, apparently the same as that now called Mangarh, or Manikgarh. They assumed See Professor Wilson's able Introduction to the M'Kenzie Collection. ( m ) Two grants from this family are in my possession, and two have been already published. See Asiatic Researches, I. p. 357 ; and Bombay Literary Transactions, III. p. 393. 17 the high-sounding titles of Raja of Rajas, in a grant of land 11 ; and styled themselves Parama Bhattarak, Parama Ishwar, or Supreme Lords. Their religious faith was the Jaina ; but the person who received the gift was a Brahman of the Bharadwaja tribe of Rig Veda. Whether this family of the Chalukya had any connexion with the former Raja of Tryambak, called, in Khandesh, the Gauri, or Gauli Raja , must be mere matter of opinion : but this much is cer- tain, that another branch of it was established, about this time, in Nahrwalah ; and that their previous settlement in Khandesh, as ascertained by this grant, is fatal to the authenticity of the Mirat Ahmadi's account of their origin in Gu- jarat. The Gohila tribe had previously esta- blished themselves in Malwa, and may claim the celebrated Raja Bhoja?, as a member of their family. Not long after, the Parmara had succeeded them in this quarter, and were pro- bably their descendants^. ( n ) Grants of land by Kakka Raja, dated Salivahana, 894, or A.D. 972. () Wilson's M'Kenzie Coll. Intr. c. vi. (P) See Translation of Inscriptions from Abu, A. R. XVI. p. 322. ( Elik Khan, had invaded Kho- rasan, and demanded his attention. After this matter had been settled, the interest of religion called him back to Hindustan. The Mohamme- dan rulers of Multan, established there by the kings of Ghazni, were permitted to continue the government in their families, on the payment of a tribute to their liege lords. The grandson of the original chief at length succeeded to the office, and, swerving from his allegiance, aban- doned the tenets of the faithful. This induced Mahmud to undertake his third expedition?. (y) This, according to Ferishta, would be his fourth expedi- tion : but that author, who has closely followed the Tabkat Ak- bari, having misplaced the expedition to Multan, as noticed in a former 23 But the rebel, who sought and obtained the aid of Ananga Pal, on this occasion, seeing the army of the latter defeated and dispersed, thought of purchasing his master's pardon ; and obtained it, by a profession of implicit obedience for the future, and the promise of an annual tribute of twenty thousand golden dirhems 2 . But, though transgression of the faithful A D. iocs, might be forgotten, the backsliding of Fourth Expe- . auion. an idolater could not be overlooked. Ananga Pal had assisted, in rebellion, Mah- mud's governor and tributary; and the latter was now resolved to revenge the insult. The former had timely warning of his intention ; and sent ambassadors to invite the assistance of the Hindu princes of the country. The latter now considered the expulsion of the Mohamme- former note, here repeats the story of a renegado Hindu, named Sewakpal, having swerved from his allegiance. There was no such person, as appears ; and the mistake has arisen from having placed the expedition to Multan before the war with Elik Khan, instead of after it. We are not informed how this Sewakpal obtained power ; and in some manuscripts he is called Zab-Sah, being an evident error of the copyist's for Nawa-Sah ; signifying " grandchild," a name which was applied to the revolted governor of Multan, Abul Fattah Daod, the grandson of Shaikh Hamid Lodi. Price, in his Mohammedan History, has also mistaken the name, and calls him Nowasah Shah. ( z ) Briggs's Ferishta, vol. I. p. 41. 24 dans from India as a sacred duty ; and hastened, with their contingents, to the neighbourhood of the Panjab. A greater army than had yet assembled took the field, and, as Ferishta tells us, numbered, among its leaders, the Rajas of Dehli a , Kanauj, Kalinjar, Goaliar, Ajmir, and Ujain. The Mohammedans had marched from Ghazni in the beginning of spring, and met the Hindus, in the neighbourhood of Peshawar, west of the Indus. After the armies had rested for forty days in sight of each other, and the Mohammedans had entrenched their camp, as some security against the hosts of the enemy, Mahmud resolved on giving battle. To com- mence the attack, he detached a body of archers to skirmish on his front ; but these were soon driven back by the Kahkres, or Gakkars, a warlike tribe, then inhabiting the salt range, or Johd mountains, between the Behut (Hydaspes) and Indus, and who are the ancestors of the modern Jauts. Such was the fury with which these barbarians made their onset, that, rushing pell-mell into the lines of the Mohammedans, they committed dreadful carnage among the latter ; of whom four or five thousand fell vic- tims, according to various accounts. The Gak- ( a ) The seat of government in the Dehli province appears to have been Mirat. 25 kars, described to have had their heads and feet bare, were armed with various weapons ; but such was the impression of their desperate effort, that Mahmud began to think of retiring from his entrenchments, when, fortunately for the cause of Islam, the elephant, which carried Ananga Pal, frightened by the naphtha balls, turned and fled. The death or flight of a leader, among eastern armies, is the signal for a gene- ral retreat ; and the panic of the Hindus, who saw their chief retire, becoming general, they gave way in every quarter. Five thousand Arabian horse, with ten thousand of the Turk- ish and Afghan cavalry, uninterruptedly pur- sued the fugitives for two days and nights ; during which, it is said, twenty thousand Hindus were slain b . Thirty elephants were taken, and the king obtained much other booty. If we might trust Ferishta's authority, Mah- mud, at this time marching into the mountains between the sources of the Ravi (Hydraotes) and Beyah c (Hyphasis) rivers, captured the ce- lebrated fortress of Nagrakot, then called the Fort of Bhim. It was not, however, till the fol- ( b ) Ferishta, vol. I. p. 47. ( c ) Called, in Sanskrit, Vipasa; from which the Greeks got Hyphasis. 26 A.D. ioo9. lowing year, Hij. 400, according to the Tabakat Akbari and Habibu-s-Sair, that this expedition was undertaken ; and, as the hostile armies, prior to the last battle, had con- sumed three or four months in operations west of the Indus, it is not probable that Mahmud could have marched into India at the com- mencement of the rainy season d . The fortress of Nagrakot had been for ages the object of Hindu veneration ; and not far distant from it there are temples, near one of those extraordi- nary spectacles of nature, a burning fountain, for which the ignorant have a superstitious and idolatrous regard. The last is known by the name of Jwala-Mukhi e , or "the effulgent countenance." Em* Expedi- when Mahmud invested Nagrakot, which was his fifth expedition, the temples were filled with wealth and jewels ; the pious offer- ings, by rulers of the neighbouring kingdoms, that had been thus accumulating for many years. Such was the vast booty obtained, by ( d ) The Hij. year 399, given for the march to Peshawar, or the previous year A.D. commenced the 5th September, A.D. 1008 ; and, as the spring season, when he left Ghazni, would not commence till A.D. 1009, he must have spent the summer in Ka- bul, and set out for Hindustan about October. ( e ) In Mandelslo's Indian Travels, p. 14, it is mentioned by the name of Kala Maka. 27 this expedition, that the conqueror, on his re- turn to Ghazni, prepared a magnificent festival ; and, having caused his pavilion to be pitched without the city, exhibited, to the assembled multitude, a golden throne and other ensigns of luxury, which the spoils of Hindustan had ena- bled him to prepare. As the Afghans, inhabiting the mountains of Ghor, employed Mahmud's attention in the suc- ceeding year, the war against the Hindus was for a time suspended. But another crusade against idolatry was, according to Ferishta, undertaken to Thanesar, near Dehli, in Hij. A.D.IOH. 402; though the Habibu-s-Sair says, that, after the conquest of Nagrakot, the most urgent solicitations for peace were made by the paramount sovereign of the Hindus, who promised an annual supply of fifty elephants, and a remittance of tribute to the treasury at Ghazni. Mahmud so far complied with the proposal, it is said, that the commercial inter- course between the subjects of the adverse powers was renewed. The account of this sixth Expedi- expedition f to India is, that the king ( f ) Ferishta makes Mahmiid march back from Ghor, to attack Multan in the previous year; and if such had taken place, it would constitute the sixth expedition. It is mentioned in the Tabkat 28 of Ghazni, hearing of Thanesar being held in equal veneration by the Hindus, as Mekka by the Mohammedans, resolved to march against it, and destroy the idol Jagsoma, which was worshipped there. As a treaty existed between Ananga Pal and Mahmud, by which the former was bound not to molest the Mohammedans in their march through the country, the latter sent to the Raja, according to Ferishta's ac- count, informing him of his intentions, and requesting that safeguards might be given to protect his towns and villages from the camp- followers. It is something new, indeed, in poli- tics, to find one of the parties to a treaty, en- tered into for mutual advantage, commanding to have that portion of it fulfilled which suits their wishes ; whilst an open avowal is made, that there is no intention of abiding by the re- mainder. Such, however, is the statement of this affair by the author just quoted ; and, as Ananga Pal is said to have prepared an enter- tainment for the king of Ghazni, this assertion casts suspicion on the narrative of the expedi- tion, which bears more the impress of fiction than of history. Tabkat Akbari, from which Ferishta borrowed ; but it is not no- ticed by the prior authorities, which I possess. Having, there- fore, doubts regarding it, I have rejected his account. 29 Part of the two succeeding years was spent in sending an army into Jurjan ; and in politi- cal discussions with the Khalif of Baghdad, re- garding the surrender of the Khorasan province, and the city of Samarkand, to the government H?. 405? 4 ' of Ghazni. Another crusade against Seventh Expe- . idolatry was at length resolved on ; and Mahmud led this, the seventh one, against Nardain, the then boundary of India &, or the eastern part of the Hindu Kush ; separating, as Ferishta says, the countries of Hindustan and Turkistan, and remarkable for its excel- lent fruits. The country into which the army of Ghazni marched appears to have been the same as that now called Kafiristan, where the inhabitants were, and still are, idolaters 11 ; and are named the Siah Push, or black-vested, by the Mohammedans of latter times. In Nardain there was a temple, which the army of Ghazni destroyed ; and brought from thence a stone covered with certain inscriptions, which were, according to the Hindus, of great antiquity 1 . (8) Habibu-s-Sair. ( h ) Consult Mr. Elphinstone's Kabool, Vol. II. p. 127, for an account of this people. ( 5 ) Briggs's Ferishta, I. p. 65. There is again much confu- sion in Ferishta's account of this expedition, which he places in Hij. 30 Mahmud, in returning to Ghazni, marched along the southern face of the mountains of Hindu Kush : till hearing that the ruler of Pansir, now called Panjshir k , was an infidel, and possessed some of those elephants called the elephants of Sulaiman, he advanced against this place, plun- dering and murdering the inhabitants. The murder of the king of Khawarazm (the ancient Chorasmia), who was Mahmud's bro- ther-in-law, called the attention of the latter to that quarter : and the affairs of that state, hav- ing been thus thrown into confusion, occupied the chief part of his time for the three succeed- ing years. At the expiration of this period, Hindustan, with its dependencies, was doomed, S h Expe " for the eighth time, to become the the- atre of the king of Ghazni's operations. After collecting a numerous army from Turkistan, Mawara-un-Nahr, (Transoxiana) and Khorasan, the followers of which, in aiding the crusade, were as much instigated by avarice as reli- gion, Mahmud marched for Kanauj in the spring Hij. 412; and makes Mahmud march to Bulnat, Hij. 404; though the narratives evidently refer to the same places and transactions. ( k ) This is the name of the river which joins that of Ghur- band, and gives name to a pass which leads through the Hindu Kush from Kabul to Turkistan. 31 of Hij. 409 l . The author of the Habibu-s-Sair tells us that, besides the king's regular troops, twenty-thousand Mohammedan crusaders form- ed part of the force, destined to destroy the devoted country, and the yet remaining strong- holds of idolatry. Kanauj is described as dis- tant from Ghaznf a journey of three months : and the Mohammedan army followed, as would appear, the route of Peshawar, to the attack. Ferishta makes the troops march from hence directly to Kanauj, and afterwards to Mirat : but here his ignorance of geography has so confused the account, that the army moves about, in all directions, without any obvious reason. After having passed the Indus, and entered Hindustan, the Mohammedans first at- tacked, according to the Habibu-s-Sair, a strong fortress ; of which the ruler, a person of rank and consequence, and an idolater, is said to have submitted, and adopted the faith of Islam. The name of this fortress is not given, but 0) Ferishta, and the Habibu-s-Sair. As the spring season is, however, mentioned, and as Hij. 409 commenced the 20th May, A.D. 1018, Mahmud must have left Ghazni in the end of the preceding Hijira year 408 ; which would correspond with the spring of A.D. 1018. Mohammedan historians, not attending to the fact of the seasons, west of the Indus, being the same as those in Europe, and forgetting the particular commencement of the Hij. years, are constantly committing such blunders. 32 appears to have been the same as Mirat m . From hence the army marched, along the banks of the Jumna, to another fort not named 11 ; the same, as we learn from other sources , with Mahwan, near Matra; and which was the capital of the Raja of Bindraban. The then governing Raja in this province was Kulchand, who attacked the Mohammedans, and was de- feated. This unfortunate Hindu chief, after the issue of the battle, fled, along with his wife, and was pursued ; when, seeing no means of escape, and doubtless to avoid pollution, he first murdered his partner, and then slew himself. Eighty-five elephants were taken by the Mo- hammedans. The troops next advanced against Matra, or Mathura, not far distant, and then the most venerated place of Hindu worship. Here the people of Ghazni were so struck by the magnificence of the buildings, that, says my authority?, no words can express it. The pa- laces and other buildings, which were many, ( m ) Ferishta quotes the Habibu-s-Sair, in asserting that the Raja, of Kanauj adopted the faith of Islam ; but this history makes no such assertion : and it is evident, from a comparison of the two accounts, that Ferishta has transferred the narrative of the Ha- bibu-s-Sair regarding this nameless fort, and made it applicable to Kanauj. ( n ) Habibu-s-Sair. () Ferishta. (P) Habibu-s-Sair. 33 are described as being built of stone and white marble ; and such was the feeling of wonder excited in the mind of Mahmud, that, while wri- ting to the nobles of Ghazni, he said, " Should any one propose to build such a town, he could not do so in two-and-twenty years, with the assistance of the most skilful architect, and after expending millions of dinars." But bigotry stifled, in the breast of Mahmud, every nobler feeling ; and though the art of the architect could raise his admiration, it could not make him generous to stay the work of destruction. The solidity of the temples alone resisted his efforts : the idols were broken down ; jewels were carried away of immense value ; and every thing combustible was given to the flames. Twenty- six days were thus spent : the king marched along the bank of the Ab-Gang, or Ganges, where he captured seven fortifications, and ar- rived at Kanauj on the eighteenth of Shaban^, or end of December. Six or seven months had elapsed since the army left Ghazni : the Panjab rivers on the route had, at this season of the year, impeded its advance ; and the solicitude of all was relieved by seeing before them the object of their wishes. The Raja of Kanauj, who is called by some Korah r , and by others (i) Habibu-s-Sair. ( r ) Tabakat Akbaru D 34 Jaipal 8 , warned, no doubt, by the fate of Matra, and perceiving the hopelessness of resistance, sued for peace, and paid a tribute ; though it is asserted, by other accounts, that he fled. This was followed by fresh conquests; where the blood of the idolaters was made to flow, that the intolerant spirit of Islam might be grati- fied. The recital of the enormities committed du- ring these barbarous expeditions sickens and fatigues the mind by the sameness of the narra- tive ; towns were captured and set on fire ; temples destroyed ; idols broken, or converted into currency, when found of precious metals ; the inhabitants pillaged and carried into cap- tivity; while commerce and cultivation were totally ruined and neglected. Such were the numbers of the captives carried away, after the sack of Matra, that a slave was sold in the Mo- hammedan camp for ten dirhems, or about five shillings of English money. Yet the unsatiable mind of Mahmud was not satisfied with the suf- ferings he had inflicted on idolatry, or the wealth he had acquired ; and, when affairs in other quarters left his thoughts at liberty, he ( 8 ) The Habibu-s-Sair calls him Jaipal ; who is the same, no doubt, as Jaipal II. the son of Ananga Pal : but otherwise called Koran, from the appellation of his tribe. 35 again turned his attention to India. Two more expeditions were undertaken against the de- voted country ; one of which was directed against the fort of Kalinjar, and the other to A.D.^io22. the temple of Somnath, in Gujarat. The Nmth Expedi- f ormer was undertaken to revenge the attack on the Raja of Kanauj ; who, in Mah- mud's absence, was put to death by Nanda Raja of Kalinjar, as he had submitted to the Mohammedans, and accepted their alliance. It is difficult to reconcile the conflicting testimony of the original authorities * in this matter ; though it appears, that, puzzled by the contra- diction of dates given for this event, they have made two separate expeditions to Kalinjar, where only one. took place u . About the time Review of of Mahmud's seventh expedition, the events preced- . in g " paramount sovereignty of India had been transferred, at the death of Ananga Pal, to his son Jaipal II x , who, if not the Raja of Kanauj, is the same as he who fled when the Mohammedans approached that city. If the (*) Ferishta and the Tabakat Akbari. ( u ) The author of the Tabakat Akbari places Mahmud's first march to Kalinjar, Hij. 410, or the year after he had taken Kanauj; but Ferishta gives Hij. 412 as the date. The second march is placed, by the former, Hij. 413, and by the latter, 414 : but either one or both must be wrong. ( x ) See Briggs's Ferishta I. D 2 36 Korah family were not the original lords of the latter, but to which opinion I incline, the Raja, who brought on himself the hostility of the neighbouring princes, was one who had gained the good will of the king of Ghazni, and was appointed to the office. But, be the truth of this transaction what it may, we are told that, when the Mohammedan army approached the banks of the Jumna, Jaipal II. who had repeatedly fled before the standards of Islam, now assisted by Nanda Raja of Kalinjar, took up a position on the eastern bank, with the ostensible motive of giving battle. The Hindu host of horse and foot, though far exceeding in numbers their opponents, and supported by six hundred and forty elephants, struck with panic, decamped during the night ; but, the story of their being routed by eight persons^, from the army of Ghazni, is too ridiculous to deserve notice. While the Mohammedans advanced to Kalinjar, their march was distinguished by the usual ex- cesses ; the fortress was invested and besieged ; and peace was, after a time, purchased by a money contribution and a present of three hun- dred elephants. The last crusade against idolatry, in which the king of Ghazni was engaged, was an expe- y See Ferishta and the Tabakat Akbari. 37 dition to the temple of Somnath, situated near Diu, in the province of Gujarat. Poetry and fable have been alike employed to adorn the narrative and magnify the importance of this conquest. But, if the record of past events borrows more from fancy than memory, and substitutes amusement for instruction, the order of knowledge is inverted ; and, where history ought to have commenced, fable has not yet terminated. In this matter, doubt is better than credulity ; and, if we hesitate to give assent to much that has been said of Somnath, we will not insult the spirit of philosophy. The district The religious of the Guiarat peninsula, now called sectaries who J KS&r 1 Babrewar, of which Billawal Patan is the chief town, was formerly known by the name of Patan Somnath. It derived this appellation from the title of a celebrated idol, whose temple existed in the neighbourhood ; and the Brah- mans of the country assert, that here Siva was worshipped under the symbol of the Linga, or Phallus 2 . The symbol then venerated was one of the twelve famous Lingas, or Phalli, which were of old set up in different parts ; and of which Mahakal, at Ujain, and Ramnath in Southern India, are well known to Mohamme- dan history. The former was destroyed by ( z ) Appendix to the Mirat Ahmadi. 38 Shams-ud-din Altimsh, two hundred years after the time of Mahmud of Ghazni ; and was, we are told, formed on the same plan as Somnath a . This is conclusive evidence that the assertion of the Brahmans respecting the temple of Som- nath is correct ; and Mahadeo, or Siva, was the deity, who, under the title of Swayambhu Nath b , or Swayam Nath, the self-existent, was there worshipped. On the authority of the Habibu-s-Sair, this idol was formed of cut stone, five cubits in height ; of which three cubits were visible, and two were below the sur- face. The Hindus then venerated the idol more than any other 6 ; the attendants washed it daily with water brought from the Ganges d ; % ( a ) This great temple, in Malwa, was destroyed A.D. 1233. See Briggs's Ferishta I. p. 24. (") Derived from three Sanskrit words, *~ H H Swayam^ of himself, ^[ Bhu, existing, and "TI^T Ndth, Lord; but which is sometimes, for sake of brevity, pronounced Swayam Nath, without the medial radical. This would be written by the O X-C-X-.P Mohammedans ^\l*4Jj*> Swayam Ndth; which, by the neglect of the points and the reduplicated ^j ya, becomes -yli^jAi Somndth. But Colonel Vans Kennedy, remarking on this note, says that the name is rather derived from ^1 l*i and ^T^T, lord of the moon ; a name of Siva under which he is generally worshipped. ( c ) Habibu-s-Sair. ( d ) Rauzatu-s-saffa, quoted in the Mirat Ahmadi. 39 the revenue of ten thousand villages' 5 was as- signed for the support of its temple ; two thou- sand Brahmans performed the ceremonies of its worship ; five hundred dancing women, with three hundred musicians, were ready to perform before it ; many smaller images of gold and sil- ver, in the temple, surrounded this the greatest of the gods ; and three hundred barbers were waiting to shave the devotees who sought admit- tance to the holy place. Such was the popularity of this obscene worship ; such the fanaticism of its followers, that the princes of Hindustan devoted their daughters to the service of the temple f ; and, at the occurrence of an eclipse, sometimes as many as a thousand individuals came to perform their devotions. The religion was of old common to Arabia and India ; and there is reason for believing, what the early Mohammedan authorities assert, that Lat, wor- shipped by the idolaters of Mekka, was a similar deity as the Swayam Nath of the Hindus^. Du- ( e ) My copy of the Habibu-s-Sair says ten thousand, and is supported in this account by the appendix to the Mirat Ahmadi, which quotes the authority of the Rauzatu-s-saffa : but Colonel Briggs's Ferishta says only two thousand. ( f ) Ferishta. (?) The Habibu-s-Sair quotes the following verse from Shaikh Farid-ud-din Attar, as an authority for this opinion : " The army of Mahmud found in Somnath the idol whose name was 40 ring the seventh century of our era, the worship of Siva, if not prevalent, was at least known in the west of India h ; and existed, for some time after, in friendly union with the heterodox faith of Jaina. But to trace the origin of the two sects, their connexion, enmity, and disunion ; or to show by what means the last gained ascendency, would occupy more space and attention than can be here devoted to this interesting subject. The fame of the temple of Swayambhu Nath at length reached the ear of Mahmud; who, several years, had been projecting another ex- pedition, for the destruction of the vain idola- ters. Accompanied by thirty thousand horse, besides many volunteers, he left Ghazni the A.D. 1025. 10th of Shaban, Hii. 416 i ; and in the October 7. Tenth Expedi- m {^\ e o f tne following month, arrived at Multan. An inhospitable desert lay on the was Lat." Herodotus (B. III. c. 8.) notices Alilat as one of the idols worshipped by the ancient Arabs ; but makes it a female deity, by identifying it with Urania. The name of this goddess is probably from the Arabic A^JI Ilahat, which signifies the horned Moon, and the Sun. The assertion of the father of history is, therefore, reconcileable with the opinion of Moham- medan writers regarding the idol at Mekka, which was, they say, a male deity, and the same with Swayam Nath. ( h ) See translation of an inscription from Abu, dated Samvat 727, A.D. 671. Hattbu-s-Sair. 41 route to Gujarat ; water and provisions were to be carried where none could be procured ; and twenty thousand camels were laden with sup- plies. The army came to several fortifications in the desert, which submitted without resistance ; sacked Ajmir; passed Nahrwalah ; and arrived, at Somnath, in the month of Zulhijjah. Here A.D. lose. the Mohammedans beheld a large for- tress, whose walls were washed by the sea. The people within, anxious to view the strangers, crowded to the battlements ; the Mohammedans advanced, and dispersed them with their ar- rows ; and an attempt was made to scale the walls. The Hindus, who now returned to the works, rendered the last abortive ; and conti- nued a brave resistance till night made the besiegers retire. On the following day, the siege was renewed ; the place captured ; and five thousand Hindus slain in the storm. A few, by escaping in a boat, saved themselves from the vengeance of the enemy. Mahmud, on entering the temple, observed a covered apartment, whose roof was supported by six pillars set with jewels k ; and here stood the idol. ( k ) (Habibu-s-Sair.) This apartment was the recess, which is placed at the extreme end of the temples dedicated to Siva. Six pillars are as many as could be, in all probability, studded with jewels, and no more are mentioned in my copy of the 42 The latter was broken in pieces by the king's own hand; and orders were given to his at- tendants, that the pieces, carried to Ghazni, were to be cast before the great mosque in honour of the triumph obtained by Islam. By this expedition incalculable wealth was col- lected, and exceeded many thousand dinars; though the story of the jewels found in the belly of the idol is the invention of some narra- tor, who loved fable more than truth. Mah- miid returned to Ghazni by the route of the Sind desert, where his army suffered greatly from the scarcity of forage and water ; and, though information was brought him that Pa- rama Deva 1 , greatest of the Indian Rajas, lay with an army on his way, he pursued his march, not deeming it advisable to follow him. After much labour and suffering, the troops arrived at Ghazni in the following year m . A.D. lose. Four years subsequent to these events, this great conqueror breathed his last. He had attained his sixty-third year, and died of stone the Habibu-s-Sair. Others, who have fancied that this de- scription applied to the whole body of the temple, enumerate the pillars from thirty-six to fifty-six. (!) This was a title signifying supreme lord, and was applied to the Raja of Nahrwalah. ( m ) Tabakat Akbari. 43 in the bladder ; a disease, which, at this period of life, is equally common in its attack, as it is suited to wear out the last energies of a vigo- MahmM erof rous constitution. Mahmud, in sta- ture, was of the middle size ; in face, strongly marked with small pox n ; in spirit determined; in disposition vindictive and unforgiving ; a wrangler in the religious doctrines of Islam, yet a follower of its most superstitious sect ; pos- sessing vanity, to patronize learning as a mean of extending his fame, though avarice, a stronger passion, made him forget his purpose ; obsti- nate, bigoted, and energetic, he could at once awe the minds of the seditious, and secure the support of his subjects : who, loving him as a saint and their leader, shed tears of regret when he left his sceptre to weaker hands. e4i?eof f the With the declining power of the race Ghazni at his _ _. . f _ death. of bam an, the kings of Ghazni, from the humble situation of provincial governors, had raised themselves to extensive dominion. The quarrels of neighbouring states gave them a pretext for the necessity of interference ; and, though not scrupulous in this matter, they jus- tified the march of their troops into other coun- ( n ) Ferishta. () See the Tazkaratu-s-Shoara, by Daulat Shah, for his treatment of Firdausi. 44 tries, as state expediency and self-preservation, while their only motive was a hope of adding to their territory, through the weakness of those they pretended to assist. The provinces of GhazniP, Kabul, and Balkh, with part of Khora- san, had been bequeathed to his children by Sa- buktagin ; but such was the extent and rapidity of the conquests made by Mahmud, that, in no less than thirty years after, the empire of Ghazni extended from the Persian Gulf to the sea of Aral, and from the mountains of Kurdis- tan to the Satlaj. With the exception of Khu- zistan and Fars, yet remaining possessions of the nearly extinguished race pf BawaihK this mighty kingdom included the whole of Persia, Transoxiana, and the Panjab ; while it embra- ced every variety of climate, through twenty degrees of latitude and thirty of longitude. The decease of its founder was the signal for its decline ; which was equally rapid as its rise. S ar 8 e r ss o f rs . At the death of Mahmud, two sons were left to dispute the succession to his throne ; but, as these were twins, whose priority of right was only established by a few hours, each con- (?) The province of Ghazni is the same as that called Zabu- listan, when distinguished from Kabul. ( had conquered Kirhata Kundi Desh, Muta Konkun Desh, and the country about Merij m . His son Mara Sinha Raja, who appears to be the same as Marichand of Dekhan tra- dition 11 , reigned atPanala, and is styled Maha Mandala Ishwar, or master of an extensive region, and lord of the city of Tagara. About fifty years subsequent to this, the Rajas who ruled over the Gantur and Palnad districts, near the mouth of the Krishna, were also styled Gonka ; and, though these had the additional appellation of Chola, the probability is in favour of their relationship with the earlier Rajas, who ruled further west on the banks of that river. The Chalukya, or Solanki tribe of Rajputs, A.D.1078. had been established in Gujarat and Chalukyas of Khandesh some time prior to the de- struction of Somnath. A branch of this family had come from the westward at that time ; and, ( m ) Sanskrit grant in my possession, dated Salivahana 980, A.D. 1058. ( n ) See Scott's Ferishta, Vol. I. Introduc. p. XI. () See Introduc. to the M'Kenzie Collection, p. XCI. and cxv. 59 not long after, one of them conquered the terri- tory of KuntalaP desa, or the country about Kal- yani and Banawasi. The person who made these conquests was ViraRaya, who had also the appel- lation of Bhuvana Malla Vira ; and was, as the inscription tells us, the foe of the kings of Chola^. The reign of one of this family is remarkable for a revolution in the Jaina religion of the Dekhan ; by which the well known sectaries and followers of Siva, who are called Lingayats, were first esta- blished in the country. Vijala Raya, the indivi- dual then reigning, endeavouring to repress the extension of this belief, was put to death by the enraged followers of its founder, ChennaBasava r . Mohammedan conquests had so disorganized Rahtore family the petty principalities on the banks of established at the Jumna and Ganges, and so upset the constitution of Hindu society, that a favourable opportunity was left for a military adventurer to establish a new dynasty in the Doab. The last of the Korah family, who ruled Kanauj, had drawn on himself the hatred of the neighbouring Rajas by accepting a Mohammedan alliance, and was put to death as unworthy of the Hindu name. This (P) See Introduc. to the M'Kenzie Collection, p. CXV. (- Jahangir Namah, a history of the Emperor Jahangir of Dehli, written by Motamad Khan. This work was used by Colonel Dow in composing the second volume of his Indian history. ^l^ss- sll fQ\3 Tarikhi Shah-Jahan, by Mirza Amina. This history of the Emperor Shah Jahan, the father of Aurangzib, afforded materials for his life in Colonel Dow's second volume. ,0^ - tfc}^ Tariki Khafi Khan, sometimes called the Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, an excellent history of India, from the time of Baber, written by Mohammed Hashim, commonly enti- tled Khafi Khan. I only possess the second volume, containing the reign of Aurangzib. ^.JUJUi C^W-^j Fatuhat Alamgiri, or victories of Au- rangzib, written by Shridas, a Nagar Brahman of Gujarat. The author was a spectator of the occurrences he details : and was in the service of the Shaikh-ul-islam, the son of Abd-ul-Wahhab Ahmadabadi. This work is very rare, and was copied at Nahr- walah Patan, in Hij. 1163, A.D. 1749. \j~*y\ y U Maasir-ul-Omara, or biography of the Nobles, by Samsamu-d-daulah Shah Nawaz Khan. Two copies of this work are in my possession. ^jS>ll^JbU JL**!! jvy^ Dastur-ul-Amal Shahinshahi, or the imperial regulations and political divisions of Hindustan and the Dekhan, compiled by Munshi Thakor Lai. 90 *Jjl c^-vito Haft Iklim, a geographical and biographical treatise, composed by Amin Ahmad Razi. With regard to the system of orthography followed in this translation, it is necessary to say a few words. Most of the consonants are to be pronounced as in English. The lisping CJ is expressed by *, instead of th, adopted by some oriental orthographers ; ~ byj; ^ by ch^ as in the word church; by 7cA, a guttural, and pronounced like the Greek %, or the German ch, as in the Scotch word loch; cub by t; J ^o \3 by z; (j~ \J* by s, &c. In spelling the vowels, (^^) Fat'ha, has been expressed by a ; for \/) Kisra, f, as in the Italian; for Zamma, or Pesh, ('), u or o, according to what the pro- nunciation seems to require. The spelling of some names, familiarized by time to the English ear, and not far wide of the proper pronunciation, has been retained. PREFACE TO THE MIR AT AHMADi", oa MIRROR OF AHMAD ; A HISTORY OF GUJARAT. ACCORDING to the inevitable will of destiny " truly he is appointed vicegerent on earth, from the presence of him who is lord of every coun- try, and who giveth to whomsoever he chooseth," it has been decreed, that Abii-Nasr Muja- hidu-d-din Ahmad Shah b should bear the en- signs of Royalty, and the seal of the Khilafat. Being adorned with the signet of Prophecy, and bearing the exalted title of Kiblah of the world, and Kaba of the universe, the same is a king great as Jamshid c , and an emperor, whose court is exalted as the sky. He is styled pro- tector of the glorious religion, such being re- corded by the power and will of God, (granting nobility and conferring favour) and has be- stowed on the world both ease and comfort. 92 Moreover, the glad tidings of the clemency, kindness, and justice, of this mighty king, (who cherishes his servants and consumes] his ene- mies) having spread abroad into the four quar- ters of Hindustan, let all subjects and vassals observe the usual obedience, and perform the customary services, giving thanks for such great presents, as are the blessings of this fortunate, prosperous, and tranquil age ; and, praying continually that the state may remain stedfast, let them not oppose or resist the sublime de- crees, that are to be honoured like those of fate. And let this be known to governors, and keepers of the royal records, that, in past time, and after the passage of Aurangzib Alamgir Padshah d from this transitory world, there happened to be confusion in the settlement and arrangement of the countries of Hindustan ; and, because of the discord and innovation of that time, both trouble and perplexity began to spread themselves over the four quarters of that country ; while ease, satisfaction, and security, necessarily and inconveniently disappeared. It being the will of God, that confusion should daily increase, and that there should be a cor- 93 rupt negligence, both in the business of the treasury and administration, an anxious desire to mutiny arose in every heart ; and, ambition being produced in every mind, each Nazinr 3 of a province grew disobedient and refractory, and became independent. Wherefore business generally, and the im- portant concerns of civil government, being thus impeded, fell into neglect and arrears ; while the ordinances and regulations concerning such matters being lost and gradually forgotten, the treasuries and magazines became empty, as the hands of the poor. With respect to the Subah of Ahmadabad f Gujarat^, after Hamid Khan h , in the year of the Hijra 1137, A.D. 1724-25, had put to death Shujaat Khan Bahadur 1 , the deputy of Mobarizu-1-Mulk k in that province, he usurped the government lands and arrears of revenue ; and, seeking to get rid of the ser- vants and assignments, gradually obtained the volumes of the records, from the Register Office, where they had been accumulating for years. In this manner the revenue exchequer became useless. Other governors, perceiving this, re- tained the management of the province in their 94 own hands, without the assistance of a minister ; and, as there was neither inquiry nor question made from court concerning this, the collector- generalship of Gujarat, once the most import- ant of any in Hindustan, was thus in a manner set aside. Nothing, at present, remains but the name and the remembrance of the office ; and, as the affairs of the revenue court had been ended, the keepers of the records were scattered here and there, looking after their own affairs, or searching for employment; and the usual yearly records of the districts ceased alto- gether. Moreover, the volumes of the cur- rent business passed for the most part into the possession of Hamid Khan; and such as remained behind were entirely disregarded and neglected. Truly, according to the saying, "times change with men," the period of the latter part of Mohammed Shah's l reign will be explained by the blessing of God. /* The writer of these pages, being appointed revenue administrator of the province, in the first year of Ahmad Shah's reign, Hij. 1161, A.D. 1747-8, saw nothing to be done in this appointment ; and, having ascertained that the 95 records, like the office of the administrator, were only known by name, he made diligent search and inquiry regarding the affairs of the Subahs, Cities, Sirkars, Parganahs, and Towns, whilst registering the village lands and pay- ment, the present revenue and assessment ; and being, moreover, guided in these matters by the advice of Mittha Laal, of the Kait Tribe, who became his assistant, and had kept the provin- cial accounts, as did his father and forefathers, he thus collected the whole in the form of a book. He employed himself in correcting and arranging this, and, having brought it to a con- clusion, named it the Mir at Ahmadi, or a History of the Province of Gujarat. It was also his intention to send one copy to the re- cord office of the province, and the other to the Imperial Court; there being no such register known, on account of those accidents which have been mentioned. But, while anxious to forward the latter copy through Jawid Khan Nawab m , who was then the Emperor's Lieute- nant and Minister, (and regarded this your servant,) it happened that unkind heaven took away the Nawdb's life ; so the strong wish, then existing, that this book should be made 96 perfect, became void; and, on hearing of this distressing event, the correction was deferred and delayed. Doubtless, if this book, which is useful in other matters, besides those of the province, be equal to what I wish it, and be presented at the Im- perial Court, and be honoured by the inspection of the revenue accountants, (who collect gold, and whose sight hath the virtues of the philo- sophers' stone,) it must obtain a thousand thanks. And amongst its uses there is one, that it points out the origin of the Fazli Era, and in what it differs from the Hijra, of which none, in their researches, have hitherto found out the enigma, or true signification. While writing this book, the author was anxious to ascertain, from the annalists and accountants of this country, when it commenced ; but, though he sought for explanation and information among the revenue writers of the government exche- quer, no one could solve the difficulty. And, though he found neither mention nor record of it in the histories of former kings, the same be- came obvious and intelligible, after much labour and consideration ; and, having discovered, through his poor understanding, all that regards this innovation, and the time when it came into 97 use, and in what it differs from the Hijra, he laid down the method and rule for finding it, and annexed it to this volume. If it were God's pleasure, that the author's life should be spared, and sufficient leisure left him, amidst the anar- chy of this province, he resolved to detail its commencement in a separate work, and leave it as a memorial of him in the present record office. But what leisure and quiet can be obtained, for the completion of such things, in these perverse and unsettled times? and where is the man who can thoroughly understand this, or one so perfect as to here appreciate per- fection ? for truly painful is the labour of him who would attain perfection : according to the saying, " Perfection comes in the decline of things, and then the time of failure is com- plete." Agreeably to these words, which are full of truth, " perfect yourselves in learning, that you may be honoured by the world : for he who is imperfect has no value in my sight." And be ye joyous, satisfied, and thankful, until the time when things be made manifest, from behind the curtain that conceals them. But as the book, just mentioned, contained an account of the landholders and governors of H 98 these parts, from the time of AkbarV conquest, along with the affairs of the revenue adminis- tration and taxes, the author's intimate friends, being aware of its preparation, frequently in- treated him to separate the historical and re- venue matters, into distinct volumes, for these reasons : First, that the above book was too voluminous and ponderous, as is the case with records, and that it was not proper to make known to every one the business of the treasury and revenue, or the regulations of government ; and, secondly, that the affairs and condition of the landholders, from the first appearance of the Mohammedans in these provinces, with those of the rulers of the Dehli government, to the pre- sent time, ought not to be combined with the business of the revenue and administration. They said, moreover, that the historical portion, with only a small branch of the other, should be written as such works usually are, in order that men may profit thereby, and that, contem- plating with awe the things which have passed, one might more easily learn and remember precept by example. Though these pages possess not such excel- lence as to be accounted any thing among the 99 crowd of books, the author has complied with the wishes of those friends, to the best of his ability ; and, after allowing ten years to elapse without finishing it, he at length changed the introduction, from what was originally intended, and brought it to a conclusion, in the year of the Hijra 1170, A.D. 1756, being the fourth year of the Azizu-d-din Alamgir P II. ; which was a period of great anxiety, and a time of constant contest, as will be here explained. The preface too, which detailed the state of the first transcript, has now become the commencement of the present work. It must not be concealed, that, in what relates to the Rajas, who preceded the dominion of the Mohammedans, and also in what regards the rulers of the province, under the Patan govern- ment of Dehli, prior to the Gujarat kings, the information was not wholly to be depended on : but such parts of the history as seemed well authenticated have been here abridged. The account of the several transactions which took place, during the individual reigns of the Guja- rat kings, is selected from the Mir at Sikandari*, a history of that sovereignty written after its ^ H 2 100 termination, in Hijra 1020* A.D. 1611. The history of the period commencing with Akbar's conquest of the country, and ending with the tenth year of Aurangzib's reign, along with what relates to the governors of the province, has been extracted from the Akbar-Ndmah r , the Jahdngir-Ndmah*, and Pddshdh-Ndmah*. But, as no written record of the transactions after the tenth year of Aurangzib's reign was procurable, the account of these, up to the pre- sent time, is given on such authentic informa- tion as could be obtained from the old men of that period, And now regarding the author of the work. When he had attained his ninth year, in the beginning of the reign of Bahadur- Shah u Khuld-Manzil, corresponding with the Hijra, year 1120, A. D. 1708, having come from Burhan- * In the original the date is 1120, but is an evident error of the copyist's ; as the author says, in another place, that it was written forty years after the destruction of the Gujarat monarchy, which took place in Hij. 980. The author of the Mirat Sikandari moreover mentions himself as being concerned in Gujarat trans- actions which preceded the death of Akbar. 101 '' V' si pur into this country, he soon after began to write, in an abridged form, whatever made a strong impression on his mind ; and selected all that was authenticated by trustworthy chronicles, concerning the governors of the pro- vince. The original intention being to detail the past condition, the several transactions and misfortunes, the desolation and confusion of this country, such gave rise to the production of the Mir at Ahmadi : though a description of the whole transactions would have been too long and troublesome, yet, had it been his in- tention to write such a work, the author might have accomplished it ; but, as he has only chosen to detail a portion of these, with the years and months of their occurrence, he must be excused where his information failed him. The summary also of those things he witnessed has been written with care and attention. But, previous to commencing with his design, it is necessary to say something of the state,, extent, and revenue, of the province in former times ; whilst he trusts, that, if the learned reader discovers mistakes or errors, which are unavoidable, he will amend and correct them. SECTION I. CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS OF THE STATE OF GUJARAT. IT must be known to discriminating and inquiring men that the country of Gujarat, which is one of the principal provinces in Hin- dustan, is in the second climate. It has a temperate atmosphere, generally ; but, in places on the sea coast, the air is variable. The soil generally is sandy, and produces all kinds of wheat in abundance : though the greater part is cultivated with bajr'i, which is the usual food of the horses in Kach x , and even of a great part of the population there. In former times, good wheat was not to be ob- tained, but it is now generally procurable. In some of the districts, the fruits of the autumnal and spring crops, being blended together, are cultivated at such seasons, either by irrigation or the natural rains. 103 The fields and villages, for the most part, are surrounded by hedges of the prickly pear ; by which they are completely fortified in the course of time. Many fruit and other trees, such as the amba and khirni, cover the face of the country, from the neighbourhood of Patany to the town of Baroda 2 , being a distance of a hun- dred koss. Here also we find cucumbers and nashpatis of a good quality, with melons of dif- ferent kinds; which, when sown in the beds of rivers, are produced of an excellent quality and abundance, both during the cold and hot seasons. Such, however, are not procurable in Sorath. There are likewise different kinds of odoriferous herbs, fruits, and vegetables, used in these parts, whose names would occupy too much space in detailing them. The houses are all built of burnt bricks, and are roofed with teak wood and tiles. In Sorath, however, they use stone instead of bricks. The Kach horses possess activity ; and are so well proportioned in their make as to bear a comparison with those of Arabia and Irak. The cattle of Gujarat, that run well in draught, are of a very white colour and handsome form. The panthers are incomparable hunters; and the 104 buffaloes of this quarter are also very well made. Large elephants were formerly hunted in the territories of Rajpipalah a , but, the passage in the mountains being now closed up, they are no longer found. In respect to warlike instruments, the swords of Sirohi b are celebrated every where, and there are no better reeds than such as are procured in this country ; so that they are carried to Hin- dustan, Persia, and other countries, for the manufacture of arrows. Rings, like those of Yemen, necklaces, and cups, with handles for knives and daggers, are manufactured at Khambayat, from cornelian of different colours ; and these, with a variety of ivory instruments, when carried into the neighbouring countries, are exchanged, for other commodities. Cloths also, like those of Persia, Arabia, Abyssinia, Constantinople, and Europe, are made and coloured here. Another article of produce is salt. In all the places near the sea-shore, there are enclosed fields, called, in Hindi, kiyari ; which are filled, during the cold season, from reservoirs of salt water near them ; and, the salt, when con- creted there, is collected. But that procured at 105 the port of Khambayat c , resembles coarse sand; and, possessing- a considerable degree of bitter- ness of taste, has the virtue of recruiting- the strength of debilitated persons. The black salt, named black stone, and which is called sanchal in Hindi, is made at the above sea- port by boiling a grass, called morand, in the manner usually followed in procuring murdar sang*. This salt is then carried into the neigh- bouring countries both by sea and land. There is yet another kind, procured from the saline pits at the town of Junjwarah d , in the parganah of Biramgam e ; and similar salt, when obtained from the water of the wells, is of a white colour and good quality, resembling bits of sugar. It is carried by the merchants into Malwa f , and other places; and all the revenue collected therefrom is included in the settlement of the above-mentioned parganah. Another article of manufacture here is paper. Although the Daulatabad and Kashmir paper be fine and beautiful, it is not equal to what is made at Ahmadabad, either in point of white- ness or purity. Several different kinds are pro- duced ; all of which are faulty in being pene- ,.S ^ J . * This is a vitreous oxide of lead. 106 trated with innumerable small holes, caused by the particles of sand, from this sandy country, which adhere to it during its manufacture, being rubbed off in the process of polishing. Not- withstanding this, it is much prized for its whiteness, and is carried, in exchange for other commodities, to the cities of India, and Arabia, and to Constantinople. The teak wood here is only used for the ceil- ings and pillars of dwelling houses, or the building of ships ; but the black wood, which in quality and appearance resembles ebony, is used in the construction of bullock carriages and other things. In the mountainous country, about Idurs, there is a quarry of white stone, which is pro- curable in no other part. The lime made from this is used in stucco work ; for the walls or terraces of buildings ; and for fine edifices, pleasure-houses, and mausoleums. If employed in plastering, it takes so fine a polish as to reflect the light as a looking-glass. When, in the reign of Firdaus-Ashiani-Shah Jahan h , the royal buildings of the citadel of Shahjahanabad (Dehli) were repaired, the lime made from this stone was taken from Gujarat, by the King's 107 order, and used in their construction. The mausoleums of the Mohammedan saints, the temples of the Hindus, and other public works (an account of which will be detailed hereafter,) are erected with this lime ; as are also nume- rous canals, water reservoirs, wells, and other like buildings. Though the water of the wells is salt, yet, were all the other good things of this province made a subject of praise, another volume would be requisite: for it must be noticed, that tra- vellers from all quarters have heard of this country being proverbially good above all others. In the present time, the settlement of the province is accomplished by five thousand cavalry, mustered by the Nazim ; in addition to those of the Faujdars and other vassals, pro- vided no addition be requisite for other services, than those belonging to the usual business of the province. With regard to the extent and revenue of this country, in the reign of Sultan Muzaffir* III., who was the last of the Gujarat kings, and during the administration of Itimad Khan k , in the Hijra year 979, corresponding with the 108 year of the Hindu era of Vikramaditya 1627,* and with A.D. 1571, the whole collection! from the government lands, and those assigned in Jagir, was 5,84,0050,000, or five arabs\, eighty-four krores, and fifty thousand Gujarat tankchas ; *This era begins 56 years before the Christian era, and that number must be subtracted from it to make them correspond. f The province of Gujarat, when most flourishing under its own Mohammedan kings, consisted of twenty-five sirkars, or districts ; many of which had been conquered from the neighbouring pro- vinces. The whole of the revenue, at that time, amounted to five arabs, eighty-four krores, and fifty thousand tankchas, equal to 2,336,002,000 dams. When the country was conquered by Akbar, a new political distribution of the districts took place ; and Gujarat then consisted of nine sirkars. It is curious to contrast the original revenue of the province, when independent, with what it afterwards became, under the emperors of Dehli. The statements which are given on the authority of Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, Frazer's Life of Nadir Shah, and the Dastur-ul-Amal of the empire, by Thakor Lai, are as follow : Revenue of Gujarat when independent, Consisting of 25 Sirkars 2,336,020,000 dams. Akbar's reign 9 do. 26,738,1619 Jahangir's do. 9 do. 50,0000,000 Aurangzib's do. 9 do. 60,7849,135 Mohammed Shah's 9 do. 48,7344,000 The above exhibits the revenue greatest in the time of Aurang- zib, and least in that of Akbar ; a prince who did not exact too much from the people. | According to the Indian computation, one hundred thousand rupees form a lak, one hundred laks one krore, one hundred krores one arab, one hundred arabs one kharrab, one hundred kharrabs one sank. 109 there being then two laks and three thousand horsemen mustered in the kingdom. There were, in those days, a hundred tankchas to a rupee, and the same is now reckoned at forty dams ; so that the whole amount would, at the present time, be equal to five krores and forty- seven laks * of rupees. A sum also of twenty- five laks of hoons, and one krore of ibrahimis, that were two parts greater, being altogether nearly equal to five krores and sixty-two laks of rupees, was collected annually from the kings of the Dekhan ! , the European and Arab ports, and from other quarters as hereafter detailed. Sultan Bahadur m , after capturing the fort of Chitore", in the year of the Hijra 955f, A.D. 1548, fled from the emperor Nasiru-d-din Mo- hammed Humayun Padshah . On this occa- sion he took refuge, on board of ship, at the port of DIUP, (where there is a strong fortifica- tion surrounded by the sea,) and was fraudu- lently killed by the Europeans. At this period * The amount ought to be five krores and eighty-four laks of rupees. f There is here a mistake. It was taken in the month of Rama- zan A.H. 941 ; March, A.D. 1535. 110 the Europeans took possession of the above- mentioned harbour, as will be explained in the reign of that prince : and the kingdom of Gu- jarat soon after going to decay, the tribute from the ports was no longer paid. During such time as the power and sove- reignty of the Gujarat monarchy continued to increase, the several sirkars, and ports, which were then made subject to the government by conquest, were attached as parts of the country. In this manner twenty-five sirkars were ob- tained, and are named as follow : Sirkar* // JudhpurQ. Jalore r (in Rajputana). Nagore s f (in Rajputana). // Bassai* (Bassein). // Manbai u (Bombay). Damman x (Damaun). // Ram Nagar?. Dungarpiir 2 . : A sirkar, or district, is called tauman ^U^f west of the Indus. Every stibah, or province, is divided into so many districts, or sirkars, and these again subdivided into mahls or parganahs. t Nagore, which is eighty miles N.W. of Ajmir, is now sub- ject to Judhpur. Ill Sirkar Banswarah a . // Sirohi b . Kach c . // Somnat d . Pand-Rajpuri e (in the Konkan). // Ahmadabad f . // Baroda&. Bhroch h . Nadote 1 . Surat k (Surat). Champanir 1 . // Patan m . Sorath" *. Navanagar . // GodhrahP. Mulhiri (in Khandesh). Nadarbar r (Nandarbar in ditto). The personal establishment of Sultan Muz- affir III. and others, at this time, consisted of * b. r I Jo ^ \J * Sorath, or the ancient Saurashtra, and the same as the Syrastra vicus of Ptolemy's geography, must not be confounded with Surat, now usually called Surat in the maps. The former is in the most western side of Gujarat, and in that part now called Kahtiwar : and is said to encompass the mountains of Junagarh to the distance of thirty miles. The fort of Mangrole, generally included in this district, is the Monoglossum Emporium of Ptolemv. 112 thirty thousand horsemen, with estates of thirty- two ^mahls ; of which the revenue amounted to ninety laks of rupees*, equal to ninety krores of Gujarat tankchas ; and was divided in the following manner : Sultan Muzaffir 3 Itimad Khan Wazir* Alagh Khan Habshi u Jahjahar Khan x Maliku-s-Sherkyf Wajihu-l-Mulk z and others Horse. 10,000 Tankchas. 330,000,000 9,000 300,000,000 4,000 110,000,000 2,500 60,000,000 2,500 40,000,000 2,000 60,000,000 30,000 900,000,000 * The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Gujarat in 1633, or forty five years after it became subject to Dehli, says, that the whole revenue of Gujarat amounted heretofore to eighteen millions of gold (Trav. 48) not counting the customs of Baroda and Bhroch, which were nearly eight hundred thousand crowns. The, traveller Thevenot, who followed him and was there in A.D. 1655, says, " it paid the Moghul 25,500,000 French livres;" and these, calculated at tenpence half-penny would make 1,115,625 English money. ( Travels in the Indies, Chap, xviii.) Theve- not's visit to India took place in the early part of Aurangzib's reign, and the revenue, as stated by him, will be found to cor- respond very nearly with the amount of it given, in a former note, on native authority : for, assuming the medium value of a rupee at 2s. then 60,7849,135 dams = 15,196,228 rupees = 1,519,622. t The copyist of the original manuscript has evidently miscon- ceived the name of the person here intended. In the Tazkarat- ul- 113 Fifteen krores and fifty laks of Gujarat tankchas, equal to fifteen laks and fifty thou- sand rupees of revenue, were obtained from the customs and other taxes of the city of Ahmada- bad : of which total there were the following items : Tankchas. The cultivation of the lands ") in the environs . . [ 5 >>0.00 Taxes on vegetables . . 100,000,000 Tax on coinage . . . 30,000,000 13 A 5,000,000. making up the sum of thirteen krores and fifty laks of tankchas. Connected with the police department, the following sums were realized : Rupees. From the office of the Kotwal . 15,000 // the Pan market . . . 50,000 // the sale of cattle and horses . 35,000 // the sale of lac ... 5,000 // the manufacture of wires . 10,000 // the opium market . . . 5,000 // the silk market . . . 18,000 // the tax on porterage . . 5,000 // the tax on private messengers . 1,500 // the fines on false weights . 5,000 ul-Muluk, written by Rafi-ud-din-Shirazi, contemporary with the characters above mentioned, Malik Arslan Imadu-1-Mulk, cl^LiJl J\^c ^.$~~j\ LL^L< who must be the person here meant, is also noticed. There will be occasion, in a future note, to refer to the original passage. I I 3,500 114 Rupees. From the tax on shops . . . 15,000 u the revenue of the 12 Purahs of the city // the collections of the city gate 13,000 // the other Purahs . . 14,000 // the tax on confections and other "") Y 5,000 things . . . . J 200,000 The whole amounting to the sum of two krores of tankchas, or two laks of rupees, as above. The revenue of the parganahs, that were fixed as a provision for the Sultan and others, altoge- ther amounted to the sum of forty laks and fifty thousand rupees ; being in detail as follows : Villages. Rupees. Parganah Pitlad a . 276 2,000,000 // Khambayat b . . 6 450,000 // Mundah c , the 1 rr\- t> i^i / H > 84 500,000 Jagir of Jahjahar Khan d \ Mahmudabad 6 . . " 85 700,000 // Nariad f 36 400,000 487 40,50,000 Of the amount received from Khambayat, as inserted above, there were 50,000 rupees from the cultivation of the towns of Dhowans, Mah- mudpur h , &c. and 400,000 (four laks) from the collections of the city, tax on supplies, port du- ties, &c. 115 Regarding the bandars, or ports, they were twenty- three in number ; of which the port of Khambayat, being registered separately, there were five other places belonging to Gujarat, viz. 1 Bandar of Bhroch 1 . 2 // // Surat k . 3 // // Ghoga 1 , 4 // // Khandar" 1 *. 5 // // Ranir n . which, being put on one side from the total col- lection of 34,000,000, (thirty-four laks of rupees) left a revenue from the remaining twenty-two parts In the Sirkar of Mahis. /' // Sorath // // t Bandarf UnahP . . 2 // // Dili . . . 1 // // Purbandar . . 1 // // Mahwah^ . . .1 // // PatinDiii . . 1 // // Manglur 1 " \ 2 * Mentioned in Mandelslo's Travels, p. 16. f The port of Unah is situated inland, on a river, and E.S.E. of Diu Point. This and the six following ports belong to the coast of Kahtiwar. J This place, the Monoglossura Emporium of Ptolemy, though spelt Manglur by the Mohammedan writers, is always called Mangrole by the natives. In Mandelslo's Travels it is spelt Man- gerol, and is said to be famous for the great quantities of linen cloths made there. I 2 116 In the Sirkar of Bandar Talachah s Nagesar * . . Goriya u Dungar x - > Singhanur y Chikli z Mahls. 4 1 1 1 1 1 17 amounting to fourteen laks of rupees. The parts held in jdgir by the nobles were as follow. The jdgir of Ikhtiyaru-l-Mulk a , who served the State with ten thousand regular cavalry, consisting of the . Parganah of Ahmadnagar b // // Paranti c . . // // Jalore d // // Hursur 6 // H Murasah f // // MehkarS, containing two hun- dred and forty-five towns, out of which, however, there were fifty held in Enam by the Raja of Idur, and fifty by the Raja of Dungarpur, leav- ing balance // '// Piplud h . 36 300,000, Towns. 44 84 19 84 162 ;145 Rupees. 400,000 500,000 200,000 300,000 800,000 200,000 117 Towns. Rupees. The Parganah of Khutnal 1 and Mamurabad k 44 . 400,000 // Birpur 1 . 165 . 400,000 // // Bihal m . . . " 138 1,000,000 921 4,500,000 Thus forming a total of eleven parganahs, giving- an assignment of revenue for forty-five krores of Gujarat tankchas, or forty-five laks of rupees. The jdgirs of Sayyid Miran n , and Sayyid Hamed , who were the children of Sayyid Mu- barik KhanP, and served the State with four thousand cavalry, consisted of Towns. Tankchas. The Parganah of Dholkai 615 . 160,000,000 sixteen krores of tankchas, or sixteen laks of rupees. The jdgirs' of Shir Khan Faoladi, with seven thousand horse ; of Hasan Jamal r , with five thousand, with the assignment to the Shahzadah for five thousand horse, and of the Rajputs for three thousand, consisted of /v ._ / T> i 'A. 1.L- i- -\ Kasbah. Towns. Tankchas. City of Patan, its cultivation, in- ] , ,. > 160,000 ternal dues, and police taxes J Parganah of Patan 5 ... 419 2,650,000 // // Barnagar 4 . . 13 8,500,000 // // Bisalnagar u . 1 45,000 118 Towns. Tankchas. Parganah of Bijapur* ... 98 617,000 tf // Khirahiy . . .110 580,000 // // Palanpiir 2 . 180 525,000 // // Disa a . ' . . .23 285,000 // // Jalore b . . .400 2,600,000 // // Karhi c ' . . 299 2,800,000 18,762,000 The whole collection of ten parganahs. When the current value of the tankcha in the Patan parganah was less than of Gujarat generally, but was fixed in Jhalawar d and Karhi at the same rate as that of Ahmada- bad, the whole collection was one arab and six- teen krores of tankchas ; being equal to one krore and sixteen laks of rupees. The jdgirs of Rustam Khan e and Jangiz Khan f , the sons of Tmad-ul-Mulk, who served the State with twenty -five thousand cavalry, and had charge of five tahnahs%, each tahnah having five thousand horse, consisted of twenty- seven mahls, or parganahs, yielding a revenue of two krores and twenty-five thousand mah~ mudis and changizis* ; which, according to * These changizis are what the traveller Mandelslo calls (page 68) Ropaias chagam ; which were of very good silver, and worth half a crown French money. 119 the current value of the Ahmadabad tankcha, at that time, was equal to one arab, sixty-two krores, and fifty thousand tankchas, or one krore, sixty-two laks, and five hundred rupees. Rs. 1,620^500. Mahl. Towns. Changizis. Of which sum the Sirkar of the port of >. Surat, including port duties, provision- ( ^ Q93 5Q() OQO tax, and the rent of the cultivated land ( in the neighbourhood, yielded . . J Also the Sirkar of Mahl. Towns. Changizis. Baroda h , and the cultivation of its environs, 1 500,000 Parganah, and country round Baroda . 208 3,800,000 Dubhue 1 . ... . 44 800,000 Shenur k * ...... 46 500,000 Bahadurpur 1 27 200,000 Saowankhirah m ... . 82 200,000 407 6,000,000 The above, consisting of seven mahls, or par- ganahs, and four hundred and seven towns, yielding* a revenue of sixty laks of changizis. Also Sirkar Bhroch n Towns. Changizis. Parganah of Bhroch, and neighbourhood, not ~) including the port . .) 161 3000 >00 Hansut . . . 36 400,000 * This place is called Sinnore in the maps. It is situated immediately on the Nerbuddah. 120 Towns. Chaugizis. Parganah of DejbarahP ... 12 150,000 // Goralbarahq* . . 12 200,000 // // Urpar r t . 106 1200,000 i Charmandwi 8 ... 1 50,000 // // Kulah* . .36 400,000 // // Jambusir u ... 56 800,000 // // Oklasir x ... 55 600,000 // // Atlisar? . . .36 200,000 // // Tarkisar 2 . . . . 12 100,000 // // Amod a and Makbulabad* ' ' ' 40 ' 000 559 7,500,000 Being 1 in all twelve mahls, or parganahs, five hundred and fifty-nine towns, yielding a revenue of seventy-five laks of changizis. Also Sirkar Champanir c Towns. ~| J Sirkar Champanir, Parganah Champariir, and country adjacent y * I have some doubt regarding the place here intended. In the original manuscript the name is written Goralbarah, and is probably the same as Korul on the Nerbuddah, in Arrowsmith's map. f The Oolpar of the maps. This change of the letter r and / is common in the names of places in India. 121 Towns. Saoli d * . . . 54 Dahwad 6 . . 100 Halol f . 34 Taimurahbasnah ... .106 Rajod h . . .... 25 Jhalod 1 . . -. 17 423 Being in all eight molds, or parganahs, four hundred and twenty-three villages, yielding a revenue of fifteen laks of changizis. The jdgir of Nasiru-1-Mulkf, who served the State with twelve thousand horse, consisted of Changizis. Parganah Nadarbar 25,00,000 // Sultanpur 1 5,00,000 Hissabeh and Nerrada 10,00,000 g * The name of this place, which is spelt with a French nasal in Sanulee, is pronounced as here written. f The places assigned for this jdgir belong to the province of Khandesh. Sidi Ali ben Husein, who, as admiral of the great Ottoman Emperor Suleiman I. was ordered to carry a fleet down the Persian Gulf, to cruize against the Portuguese in the seas of India, makes mention of this Nasiru-1-Mulk, in the Miratu-1-Ma- malik, or Mirror of Countries. Mr. von Hammer of Vienna has given some extracts from the book, in Vol. ii. of the Bombay Literary Transactions. Sidi Ali ben Husein was in Gujarat about the end of AD. 1554, and notices the death of Nasiru-1-Mulk soon after. As this event happened in the reign of Ahmad Shah II., who was the predecessor of Muzaffir III., the author of the Mirat Ahmadi errs in including ~h\s> jdgir here, while professing to give the political divisions of the country in the reign of the latter. 122 Amounting in all to three mahls, yielding a re- venue of fifty laks of changizis, and which are equal to twenty-five krores of tankchas, or twenty-five laks of rupees. Moreover, Bohrji, zamindar of Baglanah k , possessed the forts of Mulhir and Sahler ; and performed service with three thousand horse. ( k ) Baglanah, the western and mountainous district of Khandesh, is divided from Sangamnir by the Chandii range of Ghauts. Mul- her and Salher are two forts belonging to this part, which may lay claim to some antiquity. It was governed in former times by Hindu Rajas of its own, who, in A.D. 1370, were obliged to pay tribute to Malik Raja Faruki, the founder of the Mohammedan Khans of Khandesh. The title of the Raja who paid tribute was Bohrji; and we find two descendants similarly designated, in A.D. 1529, during the reign of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. At a subsequent period, one of the family was incorporated among the nobles of Dehli by Aurangzib ; and, regarding his ancestors, theMaa- siru-1-Omara, or Memoirs of the Nobles, has the folio wing passage : 123 The jdgir of the Kamilu-1-Mulk 1 consisted of the Sirkar of Godhrah, containing twelve mahls aJ j\ " The ancestors of Bohrji, the zamindar of Baglanah, having held the dominion of this country for fourteen hundred years, claim their descent from Jeychand Rathore, who was Raja of Kanauj ; and each of them, while ruling, obtain the name of Bohrji. They had the power formerly of coining money, and, as the country was between Gujarat and the Dekhan, bore a nominal allegi- ance to each alternately, according to the preponderance of power on either side. Of old, while they paid tribute to Gujarat, the rulers of Khandesh, who were in their immediate neighbourhood, continued to plunder them. On the former country becoming subject to Arsh Ashiani (Akbar) in Hij. 980, A.D. 1572, Bohrji came and paid his respects to him at Surat ; and, as the emperor's brother-in-law Mirza Sharfu-d-din Hus- sain, who had rebelled, was passing through the country of Bag- lanah on his way to the Dekhan, Bohrji seized and delivered him up to Akbar, who rewarded him accordingly." Though the au- thority of the Maasiru-1-Omara, like many other Mohammedan books, is here completely at fault with regard to the chronology of Hindu history ; yet the claims made by this family to descent, from the Rajas of Kanauj, would seem authentic : as the present family of Judhpur Rathores trace the same connexion. Jaya Chandra, or Jey Chand, when defeated, in A.D. 1193, by Kutbu- d-din Aibuk, was drowned in crossing the Ganges. It is impossible to determine the proper name of the indi- vidual here noticed under the title of Kamilu-1-Mulk. There is no one mentioned, in the history of Muzaffir III , by this appellation ; and, at that time, this part of the country appears to have been included in the jdgir of Rustam Khan ; who was, according to some accounts, the nephew of Malik Arslan Imadu- 1-Mulk, or his slave, according to others. 124 or parganahs, out of which the revenue of two mahls was settled on the zamindar of Suth and Chattaral Kuli, for the services they per- formed. Deducting these, there remain ten mahls ; yielding a revenue of fifty laks of changizis, being about twenty laks of rupees ; or being, in detail Parganah Godhrah Towns. 171 . Changizis. . 2000,000 // Sehra . . 24 . . 1500,000 n Miral 42 . . 400,000 n Samdah, called some- ~| times Nasirabad 42 . . 800,000 n Dodah 36 . . 200,000 n Ambabad 42 . . 200,000 n Jhalod 84 . . 700,000 n Morwah . 24 . . 10,00,000 n Kaddhanah 24 . . 200,000 n Dahmod m . 12 . . 200,000 501 7200,000 Being, in all, ten mahls, five hundred and one villages, yielding a revenue of seventy-two laks of changizis. The jdgir of Ghaznavi Khan, son of Malik Khanji Jalori, who served the State ( m ) In Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, this place is written Dhamnud. The name does not appear on the map, but the parganah meant must be near the sources of the Mahye River, as all the others lie between these and the Vindhya range of mountains, N.W. of the Nerbuddah River. 125 255,000 with seven thousand horse, amounted, as sepa- rately detailed, to the sum of ten krores of tank- chas, or ten laks of rupees Towns. Rupees. The mint of Jalore, consisting of eleven "| mahls, and Taliika Judhpiir, from which V600 300,070 the talpat n tax was taken . . J From the government lands, of which "^ the fourth part belonged to the zamin- > .. 200,005 dars serving Ghaznavi Khan . j From the Taliika of Nagore, the fort of" which, after being several years ruined, was restored, at the request of Malik Khanji, by the Sultan, where half the lands of the Parganahs belonged to the wultuns of the Rajputs, serv- ing under Ghaznavi, with two thou- sand horse .... From the Taliika of Mirtah, in the Sir- kar of Nagore, of which half the Par- ganah belonged to the zamindars en- joying the fourth part of the revenue ; and who, under Ghaznavi] Khan, with two thousand horse, were to assist the king of Ahmadabad, in case of war, with six thousand horse 955,145 Thus amounting in all to nine laks, fifty-five thousand one hundred and forty-five rupees. ( n ) Tulput, or talpat, lands that pay a full rent into the public treasury of the paramount authority. The term is used in con- tradistinction to the usufructuary inheritance of the soil called wultun. 200,000 126 Moreover, Rai Jey Sing, the zamindar of Rajpipalah, who served the State with three thousand horse and one thousand foot, was ex- cused the payment of the tribute. The jdgirs of Fat'h Khan , Rustam Khan, and others of the Baluchi tribe, who served the State with fourteen thousand horse, con- sisted of the Mahmudis P . Parganah of Radhanpur . . 1500,000 // // Summi . . 600,000 // // Miinjpur . . 800,000 // // Kakre . . . 700,000 // // Tirwarrah . . 800,000 // // Morwarah . . . 400,000 // // Santhalpur . . 300,000 // // Thartad . . 1500,000 // // Murbi 1000,000 76,00,000 () The Turkish Admiral, already quoted, notices Fat'h Khan ; but designates him by the name of his tribe. In five days we came to the town of Patan, where we visited the tomb of the ancient Shaikh Nizami. Here Shir Khan and Musa Khan were collecting troops, and preparing for war with Bolody (Buluch) Khan of Radhanpur. (Bombay Literary Transact, vol. II., p. 9.) (P) The traveller Mandelslo says (p. 66), that the mahmudis are made at Surat, of a very base alloy, are worth about twelve pence sterling, and go only at Siirat, Baroda, Broitschia, Cam- baiya, and those parts. There were twenty-six peyse in his time to a mahmtidi, and fifty-four to a rupee. 127 forming a total of nine mahls, or parganahs, which yielded a revenue of seventy-five laks of mahmudis, being about equal to thirty laks of rupees. Moreover, the Rajput landholders retained the revenue of their hereditary estates, or wultuns, on performing service to the government, viz. / Horse. Punja Rahtore, the Idur zamindar, keeping up . 2,000 Rana Sahumul, zamindar of Dungarpur, retaining . 1,000 Waghilah Sahlah, who, with the enjoyment of the "1 whole grds* of Jhalawar, retained . f Jam Sahna, who had four hundred grdssia de-~| pendents in the province of Sorath . J Jahra Khangar 1 ", the zamindar of Buhj, who pos- ~| sessed 1409 towns, served the government with J ' The jdgir of Amin Khan, Fat'h Khan, and Tatar Khan Ghori, who with nine thousand horse served the government, consisted of Tahika. Rupees. Junagarh, containing eighty- seven mahls, of - which seventeen mahls, including the ports, being counted separately, there remain seventy mahls ; of which ten parganahs \ 10,000,000 and ten kasbahs yielded a collection of one krore of rupees, equal to one krore of ibrahimis and twenty-five laks of Mns (<0 A term of Sanskrit origin, meaning a mouthful of grass, which is now figuratively used to express a feudal feof, or pos- session ; the feoffee, or possessor, is named grassia. ( r ) This is the second among the ancestors of the present Rao of Kach. He obtained power A.D. 1549. 128 And, though there was no proper government, such was collected to the time of Sultan Ba- hadur. Moreover, the whole number of bandars 8 amounted to eighty-four; from which, deducting the twenty-three belonging to Gujarat, and the sirkar of Sorath, which were accounted for se- parately, there remained sixty-one, of which the collection amounted to one krore of ibrahimis. Regarding the port of Diu, and the kasbahs in possession of Malik Riyaz, and Malik Toghan, these were attached to the country of Sorath, and thus named Bandar Dili, // Bhim, // Madhapur, // Kajbin ; Ibrahi'mis. being in all four mahls, yielding a revenue of two laks 2,000,000 From the bandar of Damman, a dependency of Sorath, where there were seven hundred towns, a collection was made annually, amount- ing to forty-three laks of rupees, Ibrahimis. Equal to forty-five laks of ibrahimis 45,00,000 ( s ) Though the word bandar usually means a port, it also bears the signification of a trading town or mart ; and in this sense it must be here understood ; as many of the bandars here- after enumerated are in foreign countries ; to which commercial agents were appointed from Gujarat, or between which and the latter a trading intercourse was kept up. 129 N/ The ports of the Europeans, being in all twenty-five mahls, yielding a revenue of Ibrahimis. Twenty laks of Ibrahimis . . . 20,00,000 The names of these were Bandar ChaiwaP. //. Dabiil. // Belawal. // Bassai (Bassein). // Danda u . // Pan welly. // Akassi. // Sorab. // Kallian. // Bhimry (near Bombay). // Dand-Rajpuri. // Goba x . // Manbai (Bombay). // Kharrikot. // Kahilan. (*) The author of the Mirat Ahmadi spells this name as here written ; and the traveller Barthema calls it Cevul. He visited Bisnagar, the capital of Narsingha, now called Bijnagar, or Amagundy, and touched at this fort, in the end of the fifteenth century. This place, which is now abandoned, is on the coast of the Konkan, immediately south of Bombay, and is called Chaul in the maps. ( u ) Revadanda, in the Konkan, situated close by Chewal. It formerly belonged to the Portuguese, who built a fort and churches there. ( x ) This is Goa, which is called in Sanskrit Gova : and, as b and v are constantly permuted in that language, it is here cor- ruptly spelt Goba. K 130 Bandar Kokha?. // Dass. // Midrut. ,/ Kalsi. // Malabar. // Maldeo. // Dhaora. // Nandar. // Shashti. // Navanagar. From the bandars of the Arabs and others, that were twenty-six mahls, there was a reve- nue of twenty-five laks of ibrahimis. Their names were Bandar Maskat. // Ekraneh. // Basrah (Bussora). // Lochi. // Lahri (Lari Bunder, in Sind). // Harmuz (Ormus, in the Persian Gulf). // Sawah 2 (in Persia). /, Niku. // Dehnasri (in Sina). // Milgat. // Makkina. // Maltah (Malta?). (?) In the travels of Ibn Batuta, (translated by Professor Lee) who arrived in India A.D. 1332, and took ship at Kambaiya to go southward, there is the port of Kula beyond Goha mentioned, and may be the same as this. ( z ) This is the town of Saiva in Persian Irak, between which and the coast of India there was formerly an extensive commer- cial intercourse. 131 i Bandar Sul a . // Hodirwah. // Punamah. // Badirji Khan. // Bidar (a city in the Dekhan) . // Purbhai. // Bindasin. // Bidarchin. // Mallakhah (Malacca). // Bedrassa. // Kalliyan b . // Dhar. // Rakal. // Java. Regarding; the English ports, there were four mahls, and those of the Dutch (Wullendey) two mahls, being together six mahls, paying a tri- bute of ten laks of ibrahimis. In addition to the above, Nezen Shah Bheres, Adil Shah Bijapuri, Imad Shah Berari, Kutb Shah Gulkandavi, and Raja All Khan Bur- hanpuri, gave twenty-five laks of huns in tribute yearly. Inasmuch as many may doubt the truth of what has been now related, let them compare it ( a ) This is the Souly, or Swaldy, near Surat, which was for- merly the port of that 1 city. Thevenot in his Travels (p. 27) says, that in consequence of the Customs being after Slater, no ship was allowed to go there, since the year 1 660. The revenue of the Siirat Customs are stated by Thevenot at twelve lak? of rupees. ( b ) This is the CalHany of the Dekhan, and not the one near Bombay. K 2 132 with what has been written in the Tdrikhi Sikandari, regarding the power and greatness, the possessions, and wealth, of the Sultans and Nobles of Gujarat, and they may there inform themselves. If I had written even more than I have done, I should be justified: for of these things there is proof in the written account of the power of Malik Ayaz, the slave of the Sultan Mohammed Begarrah. The remains of superb buildings, such as forts, mosques, tanks, and wells, yet to be seen, also testify of these things ; and though there be no mountains in the neigh- bourhood of the city of Ahmad abad, yet all the buildings are of stone brought from a distance. The detail of the sirkars and tribute, copied from the registers of Mul-Chand (who with his forefathers was the keeper of the records to the Nizamat), has been inserted here ; and, as no other list but this was obtainable, many names of ports and other places may be erroneous. It '"is a tradition, however, that Sikandar ben Bah- lul, the King of Dehli, said, " the magnificence of the kings of Dehlf consists of wheat and bar- ley, whilst that of the King of Gujarat, who has eighty-four ports under him, has its foundation on coral and pearls ." ( c ) The power and wealth of this kingdom must have been at Mandelslo, in his Travels, tells us " that there 133 A survey of the extent and boundaries of the province was made when taken possession of by Akbar ; and embraced its subahs, sirkars, parganahs, and towns. It was then ascer- tained that, from Banswarah and Malwa, on the east, to Dvvarka or Jiggut, on the west, this province was two hundred and ninety kroh long*. Its breadth was found to be three hun- dred kroh, measuring in the following manner : from the city of Ahmadabad north to Birgaon, in the sirkar of Jalore, and subah of Ajmir, one hundred and ten kroh ; from the city south to the port of Surat, one hundred and ten kroh ; and thence to the passage of the mountains, at Khanapur, situated on the borders of Khan- desh and Baglanah, a distance of eighty kroh. there is a vast trade driven in manv commodities all over the kingdom of Guzuratta : but particularly in cotton and linen cloths, which are in fairness and fineness equal to those of Holland ; as also in several silk stuffs, as coutoons, which are of several colours, satins, taffatas, cummerbunds, ornis, of gold and silk, which women commonly make use of to cover their faces withal, bro- cades, tapestry, or alkatifs, chitringis, or streaked carpets to lay over chests and cabinets, quilted coverlets of silk or cotton, which they call geodries, (Guddree) or nalis, tents, periutos, or neuhar, which they make use of instead of couches, cadels or bedsteads, cabinets of lacque, chess-boards of tortoise-shell, seals, beads, chains, buttons, and rings of ivory, amber, rock-crystal, and agate." (Travels of Mandelslo, translated into English by John Davies, p 66.) 134 At this time there were twenty-five sirkars belonging to Gujarat, as before detailed, nine of which, being conquests by the Gujarat kings from other siibahs, were afterwards attached to their original countries. This arrangement was effected during the provincial government of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, A. Hij. 986.; A.D. 1578, by an order from the Emperor ; and the names of these sirkars were Sirkar Jiidhpur. // Jalore. // Nagore, united to the siibah of Ajmir. // Mulhir "| n Nadarbar f attached to Khandesh. // Bassein "1 * *. m_i r i parts ot the lul-Konkan, given over Manbai Y to the Europeans. // Damnian j ~\ made the possession of the Nizam a Dand-Rajpuri L Shahi and government of Ahmad- I nagar. Of the remaining sixteen sirkars, which be- longed to the Dehli government, ten were entered in the imperial registers ; but, as the sirkar of Siirat had been assigned over to the revenue writers, nine sirkars only are entered in the collection from the siibah of Gujarat, namely Mahls. Sirkar Ahmadabad 33 // Bhroch 14 135 Mahls. Sirkar Patan . . .17 // Baroda . . -4 // Nadote . . . .12 // Champanir . . .13 // Godhrah . . .11 // Sorath . . .63 // Navanagar, called also Islamnagar . 17 184 The latter, during the reign of Shah Alam I., was seized on by the Jam, a zamindar of that part ; and is now in his possession. The whole number of sirkars, arranged as above, contained one hundred and eighty-four mahls, including cities and parganahs, in which there were fifteen ports and 10,465 towns, ex- clusive of those possessed by the zamindars, and not inserted in the revenue records. The fields belonging to these were, in the time of Raja Todar Mai, measured by Akbar's order, and found to contain 12,360,594 bigahs and nine biswahs ; out of which there were 8,374,498 bigahs d and three biswahs fit for cultivation. The remainder consisted of waste land. The sirkars of Sorath, Godhrah, and Islam- nagar, which, with forty-nine mahls of other sirkars, were not measured, do not appear in the revenue registers. ( d ) In Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, the measure- ment is put down at 8,024,153 bigahs. 136 The sirkars not included in the revenue as- sessment, and belonging to zamindars, paid the peshkash (tribute), when enforced, to the governors of the province. These were, Sirkar Dungarpur // Banswarah // Kach, called Suleiman-Nagar // Sirohi // Somnath // Ram Nagar of which the peshkash had been settled, how- ever, on the revenue writers at the port of Siirat. Though the above, in former times, were not dependent on the Dfwanship of the province, the collection therefrom, including the sirkar of Surat, with the remissions and deductions on the public increase, amounted to , 799,645,213 dams, even to the reign of Moham- med Shah. Twenty krores, eighty-two laks, six hundred and forty-two dams (20,8200,642) of the above sum were fixed for the imperial use and royal expenses. A sum, also, of 2,2000,000 dams was set aside for the Nizarnat, and personal jagirs of the Sirdars : so that, without the tribute from the zamindars, there was the sum of twenty-four laks of rupees belonging to the Nazim. The remainder was settled to pay the Omaras, Mansabdars, and other servants. 137 Nearly one krore and twenty laks of dams, collected from fifty thousand bigahs of land and one hundred and three villages, with one lak and forty thousand rupees, in money, were variously given away, as rewards and pensions to religious orders and establishments, agree- ably to instructions from the government. The whole annual revenue, at present, is one krore, twenty-three laks, and fifty thousand rupees, whilst the whole annual expence amounts to one krore of rupees. In former times, how- ever, the surplus revenue payable to govern- ment amounted to sixty laks of rupees, not in- cluding the peshkash paid to the Sirkar, and to the Nazim or provincial governor. CHAPTER II. THE BEGINNING OF THE KINGDOM OF GUJARAT, UNDER ITS RAJAS; AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE CITY OF PATAN, SOMETIMES NAMED ANHILWARAH, OR NAHRWALAH. In ancient times, the country of Gujarat was possessed by the Rajputs and K lilies ; when every chief, being independent of another, was a person of power in his own domain. The army 138 of Raja Phur e , (Porus), however, then Deva Raja of Kanauj, and greatest of all the Rajas of Hindustan, was annually sent to collect the tribute ; and, after having done so, returned to the capital. One of the Raja's slaves, named Sawant Singh, having committed some fault, was put to death ; ( e ) Gladwin's translation of the Ay in Akbari has here Raja Sirry Bhordeo : but, on referring to the original text, I find that the name is Phordeo, preceded by the Sanskrit Sri, ^TT mean- ing prosperous. The name of Phur, or Porus, would appear to have been a general title. Alexander the Great, after crossing the river Hydaspes, entered the territories of the brave Porus : but the possessions of the other Porus, called by the Macedonians the Coward, lay between the rivers Acesines and Hydraotes ; and from this we may infer, that this word is a title and not a name. I am not much inclined to rely on the etymology, which would trace the origin of this word to the name of a comparatively mo- dern tribe of Rajputs, called the Powars ; but consider it has been applied, in a general way, to designate the Sovereign of the eastern country ; and is derived from the Sanskrit Purva, mean- ing Eastern. It is here so applied, I would say ; and that there was once a connexion between Kanauj and Gujarat is evident from what Abu Zeid al- Hasan of Siraf, the Arabian traveller, in the middle of the ninth century, says of the Indians, " who have devotees and doctors known by the name of Bramins. They have poets also who compose verses, stuffed with flattery, in praise of their kings. Astrologers they have, philosophers, soothsayers, and men who observe the flight of birds, particularly at Kanuge, a great city in the kingdom of Gozar." By the last, Gujar, or Gujarat, is meant ; though spelt Gozar, in the above extract from Renaudot's Travellers. 139 and, as his house was plundered at the same time, his wife, while pregnant, fled towards Gujarat. On her journey to this country, she bore a son ; who, being discovered in the wilderness by Raja Sil Deva f , was carried to Palanpur, and there ^ brought up by him. This boy, on arriving at man's estate, became so fond of evil company, that, soon following the ways of his companions, he turned highwayman and robber. Having, at length, seized on some treasure on its way from Gujarat to Kanauj, he was, from that time, blessed with the smiles of fortune, and esta- blished his power and independence. Soon after he became intimate with a marketman named Champa, who weaned him from his evil propen- sities ; and, having now assumed the title of Ban- Raj, or Bansraj, he laid the foundation of the city of Patan, and made it the seat of his government. This occurred five years after he had first become independents ; and from that ( f ) This is a title, and not a name, of the then ruling Raja. Thus the famous Bhoja is called Saila Dhara (see A.R. IX. p. 137) ; and, according to Wilford, this Saila Deva, or Sil Deva, was a most holy man, mentioned by Masudi, who wrote about A.D. 947. (A.R. IX. p. 181-2.) (8) An interesting commentary on these traditions, written by Mr. Wilford, will be found in A. R. IX. p. 185-87. According to Wilford, Bansraja is a corruption of Vana Rdjd, or king of the forest, 140 time, until the foundation of the good city of Ahmadabad, Patan continued to be the royal residence and the capital of Gujarat. When Ban Raj had resolved on founding the city of Patan, he went in search of a site favourably situated for the amusement of the chase ; and, having at length met a shepherd, was informed by him where a suitable place might be found. The shepherd, whose name was Anhil, stipulated that the city should be named after him ; saying at the same time, that he had there seen a hare beat a dog by her exertion and agility. The ground was selected ; and when a population had collected, received the name of Anhilwarah. This became known by degrees under the name of Nahrwalah ; which, when the population increased, and the town became a place of note, was changed to Patan : for, in the Hindi language, they call a favoured town and a royal residence Patan. The era of the foundation is 802 of Vikramaditya, cor- responding to A. Hij. 130, A.D. 747, or, as some say, to A. Hij. 202, A.D. 817. Three royal races of Hindus have successively ruled over this country, namely the Chawura 11 , forest, who was found in the wilderness, A.D. 696; and at fifty years of age built Nahrwalah, A.D. 746. . ( h ) Though I prefer reading the name of this tribe Chawura, as 141 Solankhi J , and Baghilah races. According to the Ayin Akbari, the total number of indivi- duals belonging to the tribes who held power amounted to twenty-three, and these retained possession of the country for five hundred and seventy-five years previous to the period when Gujarat became subject to the Mohammedans. Of the Chawura race there were seven in- dividuals ; one of whom, Ban Raj, who first established the principality, appears to have as being the well known designation of one of the thirty-six royal races of 'Rajputs, yet the original text of the Ayin Akbari has plainly Jawudan jJ^jW, and that of the Mirat Ahmadi, Jawudah aijjl*. The transition from Jawudah a!j.U>- to the name 3 j.b- Chawura becomes very easy on the obvious principles of Persian writing aod Indian pronunciation; for the Arabic j being permutable with the Persian and Sanskrit ch, ( , ^) whilst the Arabic d, pronounced hard in the Indian dialects, assumes the sound of the Sanskrit d, ** pronounced like r, Jawudah, from the mouth of an Arab, becomes Chawura by the pronunciation of a Hindu. (i) The Solankhi is the same Rajput tribe as that named Cha- lukya, in Sanskrit. Several of the Chalukya tribe were the founders of Hindu States, in the south of India, about the begin- ning of the eleventh century ; and there is an inscription, by one of this race, on the pillar of an old Hindu temple, within the fort of Bijapur, announcing a grant of land to the Brahmins, in the year 1 1 14 of the Salivahana era, A.D. 1 192. The Raja who gives this grant is named Chalukya MallaDeva: the same, probably, as the Rakshamalla Deva of the Curugode inscription, dating Salivahana 1103, A.D. 1181, and which has been translated (A.R. IX. p. 425.) 142 lived sixty years, and the others ruled as follow : Ban Raj 60 Jog Raj 35 Khim, or Bhim Raj ... 25 RajaPithu 29 Raja Bijy Singh k ... 25 Raja Rawat Singh . . . .15 Raja Sawant, or Saraant Singh The Chawura tribe ruled one hundred and ninety-six years ; after which the power passed into the hands of the Solankhi tribe in this manner. Sawant Singh Chawura gave his only daughter in marriage to one of the Solankhi tribe ; and she becoming pregnant died in child- birth. The child, however, being cut from her womb, was preserved ; and, as the moon was then in her 19th mansion, called Mul in Hindi, the boy received the name of Mul-Raj. Sawant Singh brought up the boy as his own ; and having, in a drunken fit, named him his heir, afterwards denied he had done so. At the death of Sawant Singh, Mul Raj found an oppor- tunity to possess himself of the government ; and from him descended ten individuals, who ( k ) The names are here written after the provincial manner of pronouncing them ; but the correct Sanskrit designation would be Raja Vijaya Sinha. 143 reigned two hundred and fifty years and six months : Years. Months. Miil Raj 1 56 Jomund m 12 4 Bilba 7 Durla, the brother of Jamund" . . 8 Raja Bhim Deo .... 42 RajaKiran 31 Sid Raj Jey Singh .... 50 KunwaraPal 30 6 Aji Pal, who poisoned his master and seized his power ..... 3 1 Lakhu Mul Deo, who was descended from the brother of Bhim Deo 20 253 6 (!) The individuals of this family are enumerated in an inscrip- tion, from the temples of Abu, which has been translated by Mr. H. Wilson, A. R. XV. p. 288. ( m ) These three names are corruptions of the more correct Sanskrit designations, Chamunda, Vallabha, and Durlabha. Mr. Wilford says that Bilba, being a weak man and blind, was suc- ceeded by the two sons of his brother, Durlabha and Bhima Raja, in A.D. 1025. (A. R. IX. p. 288.) ( n ) Durla, or more properly Durlabha, who was the nephew of Vallabha, according to Wilford, abdicated the throne of Patan, in Samvat 1079, or A.D. 1023, (see A. R. I. p. 223) ; and, if the length of his reign be there correct, it began A.D. 1011, He it is said visited Munja, but, as Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Gujarat, A.D. 1026, and Jamund was there reigning, the above period must be erroneous, as fixed by Major Tod for his pil- grimage to Gay a, and his interview with Miinja. Durlabha, according to the Kumara Pala Charitra, quoted by Major Tod, (A. R. I. p. 222) abdicated the throne in favour of his son, Bhima. 144 In the reign of Jamiind, A. Hij. 416, A.D. 1025-6, Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi marched for Somnath by way of Multan ; when, having in- Bhima. This was twelve years after the conquest of Gujarat by Mahmud of Ghazni, an event which happened in A.D. 1026, though erroneously placed by Major Tod on Hindu authority in A.D. ;011. Durlabha, after abdicating, made a pilgrimage to Gaya ; and, if we allow twelve years for his reign, he must have done so in A.D. 1038 ; or, if he reigned only eight years, A.D. 1034. Wilford, as quoted in a former note, has not erred con- siderably in fixing the beginning of his reign A.D. 1025 ; and if Durlabha was the brother of Jamiind, Vallabha was probably the same as Dabishlim, the anchorite. The conjecture that he was so derives some support from the acknowledged shortness of his reign, and the fact that both he and Dabishlim became blind. () This is the true date of Mahmiid's expedition to India, du- ring which he captured the celebrated temple of Somnath : though Ferishta, in his History, erroneously places the commencement of this march in the month of Shaban of A. Hij. 415, or A.D. 1024. It was during this last mentioned year that Mahmud led an army to the Oxus, and settled the affairs of Mawara-n-Nahr, or Trans- oxiana. From thence he returned to Ghazni, and wintered there. Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, the author of the Tabakat Akbari, after placing the expedition to Transoxiana, in Hij. 415, says : \^\ -\ . wd j+ *?~* J " From thence returning to Ghizneen, he spent the winter there, and carried that same army into Hindustan, with the inten- tion of capturing Somnath." As the winter of A. Hij. 415 fell in the end of A.D. 1024 and the three first months of A.D. 1025, Mahmud could not have marched for Hindustan before the end of March in that year ; and, as he was still further obliged to delay his intended expedition to India, in order to avoid the rainy season of 145 vaded the territories of Nahrwalah Patan, Raja Jamund quitted that city, and fled. Mahmud, after capturing Nahrwalah, made the necessary preparations for his army to march on Somnath ; and, in the month of Zu-1-kadah of the same year, accomplished the conquest of that place. Having afterwards received intelli- gence that Raja Jamund, the ruler of Nahrwa- lah, had at this time taken refuge in a certain fort?, distant forty-five farsangs, Mahmud re- solved on capturing it. He accordingly marched against this place, which, on his arrival, was discovered to be a fortification surrounded by deep water on every side. Two divers were brought to him ; and, being asked regarding the depth of the water, replied that, although a passage might be effected at a certain place, yet should the flood -tide come in while making the attempt, all of them must perish. Sultan Mah- mud, after confidently intreating the divine of that country, which commenced in June, he did not begin his march for Somnath till the tenth of Shaban, in Hij. 416, or the seventh of October, 1025. He reached Multan about the middle of Ramazan, or the tenth of November following ; and did not arrive at Somnath before the month Zu-1-hijjah, A. Hij. 416, or the end of January, A.D. 1026. Khondamir's History of the Habi- bu-s-Sair is my authority for these dates, and is fully supported by the account in the Tabakat Akbari. (P) This fort is called Gundaba bv Ferishtu. 146 favour, advanced through the water with his cavalry, and safely landed them below the walls of the fortification. Raja Jaimind Solankhi, observing this, quickly took to flight : and the army of Islam, after obtaining an enormous booty, put the people of the garrison to the sword. The author of the Rauzatu-s-Saffa has given a curious account of this transaction. CHAPTER III. THE CAPTURE OF SOMNATH BY SULTAN MAHMUD GHAZNAVI. It has been generally reported that Sultan Mahmud, after capturing Somnath, wished to remain several years in that quarter ; as the country, being open and extensive, pleased him. There were then wonderful mines in that part, yielding pure gold*! ; and all the precious stones of Hindustan were the produce of the mines of (i) The sands of several rivers in Gujarat are mixed with gold dust. I have also heard that specimens of gold ore were sent to Bombay, by the late Rao of Kach, with a view of ascertaining whether the gold could be separated from the matrix. It is, therefore, probable that Mahmud heard of such mines, and this is further confirmed by Captain M c Murdo's testimony, in his remarks on Kahtiwar, (Bombay Trans. I. p. 264) that the chief of Aji had rings and ornaments made of his native gold. 147 Sirandib, (Ceylon) which was then a dependancy of that country 1 ". The nobles, however, repre- sented, that if Somnath was made his capital, it would be too distant from Khorasan ; and the Sultan, now adopting the resolution of return- ing, said it would be necessary to appoint some one who would regulate and retain the country for him. The king's ministers told him that the only option left was to give it in charge to some one among the people of the country : and, as the Sultan had at this time consulted his inti- mates and friends, some of them said that none of the royal tribe of this country equalled Da- bishlim 8 in his ancestry, both by the father and mother's side : and, as one of that family was ( r ) It would appear, from the Maha-Vansi of Ceylon, or the historical book describing the lineage of Buddha, that the island was then a dependency of India ; and, it was not until the year A.D. 1290, that the king Vijayabahu recovered his independence, and shook off the Indian yoke. (See Upham's History of Bud- dhaism, p. 31.) ( s ) This word, written by the Mohammedan historians Dabish- lim, would appear to have been an honorary title, and not the name of an individual. It is derived from two Sanskrit words, Deva <^cj and Sila S[f{^ meaning the meditative king ; and, as the people, in the south of India, would put it in the objective instead of the nominative case, they would say Devasilam, in- stead of Devasila, just as they use Vaishnavam for Vaishnava, meaning the sect of Vishnu. The corruption of Devasilam to Dabishlim is then easily made. This Deva Sila, or the anchorite, L 2 was 148 yet remaining who had been employed in study- ing philosophy and mortifying the flesh, it would be well that the Sultan gave the government to him. Others, who were averse to this proposal, made it appear that Dabishlim, the anchorite, was an evil-disposed person, who had fallen un- der the displeasure of God ; and that his seclu- sion from the world and devotion came not of his own choice, as he had taken refuge in a soli- was an intriguing Rajput of Somnath, as would appear ; who, by deceiving Mahmud with flattery and large promises, obtained the sovereignty of Somnath, to which he had no just right. The words of the original text of Ferishta, though not fully translated by Colonel Briggs, are : <>) ^ Cjli^j-a iJWjl (^**J V J>\ L^wo! L-^-jL< ^ J J ^o jJo ^L^IU^ ^\ jjUaL "The Sultan, after speaking to several of the people of Somnath, was informed by them that there was no family in that part of equal rank with the race of Dabishlim ; and, as there was one of such remaining who, in the dress of a Brahman, was now leading an abstinent life, it would be well if the Sultan entrusted him with the government." The other Dabishlim, or the king, was proba- bly the lawful ruler of the country ; but was an inferior to, and distinct from the Raja of Nahrwalah, who is called Farm Deva by the Tabakat Akbari and Ferishta. Parama Deva is said to have been the greatest of all the Rajas of Hindustan, as implied by his title, which means in Sanskrit Supreme Lord. Colonel Briggs has mistaken the word Parama Deva, and makes it Brahma Dew in his translation. 149 tary retreat, with a view of saving his life, after his brothers had several before times confined him. They also informed him that there was another Dabishlim, related to the former ; and, as he was very wise and learned, all the Brahmans had great faith in his wisdom. The same was now reigning over a certain country ; and it would be therefore better that the Sultan, ap- pointing him to the government, ordered a fir- man to be written in his name, permitting him to rule over this country, according to the right he would be thereby invested with. It was also said that this Dabishlim was so upright and trust- worthy, that, having once taken upon himself the payment of tribute, he would, notwithstand- ing the length of the way, send the same annu- ally to Ghazni. To this the Sultan replied, that, would this Dabishlim come and make such a re- quest, he might consent to grant it : but where- fore should he confer so large a territory on one who, if he wished to be named to the sovereignty, had not even done a service, or paid him so much courtesy. Dabishlim the anchorite was then sent for ; and, having obtained the govern- ment of the country, became bound to pay tri- bute : saying, at the same time, " Whatever your Highness commands, I will obey, and will send to Ghazni all the gold and jewels obtained 150 from the mines of Hindustan. There is one of my kinsmen, however, another Dabishlim, who is very hostile to me; and, as several battles have taken place between us, he will, doubtless, ad- vance against me on knowing your Highness has departed ; and, as I am not yet firmly seated in my power, or have confidence in myself, I must be subdued, and he gain possession of "my country. But if the Sultan," said he, " would now march against him, and defend me against his evil designs, I will send to Ghazni a yearly tribute, equivalent to that of Khorasan and Kabul," The Sultan consented to his proposal ; and, when he turned his arms against that country, the people of Somnath upbraided Da- bishlim the anchorite, saying, " You have done wrong to instigate the Sultan to a religious war ; yet the Almighty delights in preserving the honour of the good whom he favours ; and such a one will not be injured by your designs or calumnies." On these words being reported to the Sultan, he was much annoyed ; but, having marched to that quarter, was pleased not to forget or for- give them. In fine, having taken Dabishlim the king, he gave him in charge to Dabishlim the anchorite, who represented " that it was custom- ary for the kings of this .country, when there is 151 an enemy in their power, to prepare for him a dark dwelling below their own royal seat; where, causing him to be seated on a throne, and kept closely confined, only a hole is to be left open, through which he may receive his daily food. In this manner," said he, " the king, who is in possession of the throne, treats his adversary during such time as he may reign. But, as I cannot just now confine him, it would be better and more convenient if your Highness would carry him to Ghazni, and send him back to me, after [ have taken possession of and ar- ranged the country, so as to become quite set- tled. I can then imprison him, in the manner just mentioned ; and to have my requests granted is nothing wonderful or uncommon from your Highness." The Sultan now r resolved on departure, and sounded the march for returning home. Suc- ceeding this, Dabishlim the anchorite seated himself on the throne of Somnath ; and, by for- warding rich gifts and presents, continued to please the nobles of Ghazni by all manner of good offices, till the time came for making a request that his enemy might be delivered up. The Sultan hesitated delivering a blameless person into the hands of his enemy : but, as Da- bishlim the anchorite,, through liberal distribu- 152 tion of presents to the courtiers, had gained their support, all of them represented it was not ne- cessary to have compassion on a Pagan idolater. They also said that the Sultan, having entered into a compact, ought not to break his promise ; since by such opposition Dabishlim the anchor- ite would lose the country. The Sultan at length delivered up Dabishlim the king to the servants of the other Dabishlim, writing at the same time to the kings* of Hind, that they must escort him to the neighbourhood of Somnath. On the former approaching Somnath, Dabishlim the anchorite gave orders to get ready the prison which had been made for him under the throne. As it was, moreover, a custom with the kings of this country to advance one stage and meet an enemy, when approaching the royal residence, in order that they might make him run before their horses, carrying on his head the royal gob- let and ewer to the precincts of the palace, the anchorite Dabishlim therefore came forth : and, there being some delay in the other's approach, determined on following the chase. After having pursued the sport in every direction, till the heat of the day became very great, the (*) The petty Rajput princes, on the banks of the Indus, who were Zamindars, with the title of Rawal, are here meant. 153 whole army received an order to halt ; when Dabishlim the anchorite, having taken up his station under a tree, covered his face with a red handkerchief and went to sleep. There hap- pened to be many beasts of prey in that jungle, who had both sharp claws and beaks ; and one of these, while on the wing, having mistaken the red cloth for a piece of flesh, descended and carried it away in its claws. Dabishiim, from the blow of its beak, became blind of an eye on this occasion ; and hence arose a great tumult in the army. In the mean time, the other Da- bishlim arrived. When the royal attendants saw that the anchorite of that name had a per- sonal blemish, and that there was no one worthy or fit for the sovereignty but the former, all of them agreed he must be king ; and made their obeisance to him accordingly. Having also advised his opponents to submit, they placed the goblet and ewer, which had been prepared for him, on the head of Dabishlim the anchor- ite ; and, after making him run before them to the palace, confined him in the prison he had himself made u . ( u ) The account of Mahmud's conquest of Somnath, as given by the Habibu-s-Sair, is similar to what has been above detailed. The author of that History informs us that the place was named after the idol Somnath, and quotes the words of Shaikh Faridu-d- dm 154 CHAPTER IV. THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE BAGHILAH RACE AT NAHRWA*LAH; AND THE EDIFICES ERECTED BY SIDDHA RAJA SOLANKHI JEY SINGH. WHEN the sovereignty of Nahrwalah came to Bhim-Deo Baghilah, Sultan Moizzu-d-din Sam, generally known by the name of Shahabu-d-din, while acting as the lieutenant of his brother, led din Attar, to prove that this image was identified with the idol Lat, one of those worshipped by the ancient Arabs, in the Man Kadah, or temple of the moon at Mekka. Faridu-d-din Attar says : " The army of Mahmud found in Somnath the idol whose name was Lat." The appellation given to it among the Hindus was Som- nath, or Regent of the Moon ; this being derived from the Sanskrit words, Soma, the Moon, and Ndth, Lord or Master. It is very pos- sible, however, that it was similar to the Arabian idol Lat, which Herodotus mentions under the name of Alilat, or, as it would be written in Arabic, &XS! signify ing the Lord above. TheHabibu-s- Sair gives the story of Dabishlim's exemplary punishment in these words : j^u 4sJ\i 155 an army toUcha, in A. Hij. 570, A.D. 1174; and, having afterwards obtained the sovereignty of Ghazni, in A. Hij. 574, A.D. 1178, he again re- turned, and took that country from the Infidels. s\ lijl called, by the people of Gujarat, Alp Khan d ,) and Nusrat Khan Jalesri ; and they having plundered the country about Nahrwalah, Raja Karan Baghilah, who was the last of the Rajas, gave them battle. Not being able, how- ( d ) According to Ferishta, this expedition was undertaken A. Hij . 697, A.D. 1297 ; and Almas Beg Alif Khan is called the king's brother. Rai Kurrun, the then reigning prince of Nahrwalah, fled to Ram Deo, the Raja of Deogarh, in the Dekhan. Colonel Briggs, in his Translation of Ferishta, mistakes the Alif Khan for Alp Khan. The last, whose name was Malik Sanjar, was brother-in-law to Ala-ud-din. According to Colonel Briggs's translation of Ferishta, he obtained the title of Riika Khan on the accession of Ala-ud-din to the throne ; but is there afterwards named Alif Khan. My copy of the original text of Ferishta is correct, with regard to his title; and agrees with that of the Tabakat Akbari. The words of the former are : " Wherefore he called Almas Beg by the title of Alif Khan; Malik Nusrat Jalesri by that of Nusrat Khan ; and named Malik Hizabru-d-din, and Malik Sanjar, who was his wife's brother, and president of his council, by the respective titles of Zafir Khan and Alp Khan." The Tarikhi Alfi of Miila Ahmad of Nineveh also says : .jjil JL*- ^'daL "Onthel9thofZti-l-hij- jah, Hij. 695, A.D. 1295, Almas Beg, who obtained the title of Alif Khan, was appointed, along with Zafir Khan and thirty or forty thousand cavalry, to expel the children of Sultan Jalalu-d-din Firoz Khilji." M 162 ever, to make a stand against them, the Raja fled to Deogarh, in the Dekhan, while his women, daughters, treasure, and elephants, fell into the hands of the victors. The two com- manders plundered the rich merchants of Kam- .f bay ; and, having destroyed the idol of Som- nath, which had been again set up after the time of Mahmud of Ghazni, sent all the effects and women of Raja Karan to Dehli, and presented them to the Sultan. The daughter of Raja Karan, who was named Dewalde, having ar- rived at Dehli, Khizr Khan, the son of Ala- nd-din Khilji, became enamoured of her beauty ; and the circumstance being made known to his father, the latter gave her in marriage to his son, whilst he himself formed an unlawful con- nexion with the mother of the damsel. Amir Khusrao of Dehli, in his poem of the loves of Khizr Khan and Dewalde, a book celebrated throughout the world, tells us that Alif Khan took care of Dewalde in her infancy ; and, having brought her up with his own family, afterwards married her, in compliance with the Sultan's orders, to Khizr Khan. The following stanzas are extracted from the above-mentioned poem : " Dewalde Rani, incomparable among the beauties of Hindustan, was named Dewalde, in 163 the Hindi language, by her mother and father ; as the first syllable in the name of that peri was Dew, fan angel in Hindi,) the Magie of Hind guarded her from the Devil (Dew, in Persian), On reflection, therefore, I have changed the name from Hindi to Persian ; and, by dropping one letter, have converted Dewal into Dawal. The plural of dawal is daolat'hd (possessions), and in this her history, many such are embo- died. As the Rani is possessed of wealth and affections, T have made her name Dawal Rani ; with which, when the name of her husband be- came united, the heaven received exaltation in the shadow of both. The name of this book is the Ashuki-Bahr, or the advantage of love be- tween Dawal Rani and Khizr Khan." After the conquest of Nahrwalah, and the de- feat of Raja Karan Baghilah, Alif Khan was com- missioned to govern the country ; and from this time, the rulers of the province were appointed by the Sultans of Dehli. Alif Khan, moreover, built the Friday mosque of white marble, which remains at the present time, and the pillars of the same work of his, as known to the common people, are so numerous, that one often makes a mistake in counting them. They also relate that it was once an idol temple converted to a mosque ; but it is, in short, a wonderful and noble M 2 164 building, which was then in the centre of the city, though now distant from the part inhabited. Regarding the greatness and extent of the buildings in the city of Patan during former times, there are yet many visible signs ; for, from the present inhabited part to the distance of three coss, the bricks and rubbish, strewed in the jungle, give testimony of these ; whilst round towers and ramparts, in different places, indicate where once extended the city. Cer- tainly, in the course of ages, there have been many changes ; and, by degrees, the vestiges of many former edifices have been obliterated. During the period the Rajas held power, so much marble was brought from Ajmir and other places, for building the Hindu temples, that on digging it is now found in abundance. All the marble which has been used at Ahmadabad and other places came from the same place. In short, Alif Khan governed Gujarat, on the part of Ala-ud-din Khilji, for the space of twenty years ; but, being recalled towards the latter part of that king's reign, because of the enmity and accusation of Malik Naib, the eunuch, and then Wazir, was unjustly put to death 6 . Khizr Khan, being accused along with ( e ) The author of the Mirat Ahmadi here confounds the names of Alif Khan and Alp Khan. The person put to death was Alp Khan 165 him, was imprisoned in the fortress of Gwalior ; succeeding which, the Sultan, after reigning twenty-one years, died of the dropsy, in the 717th year of the Hij., A.D. 1317. Some say that Malik Naib caused the Sultan to be poi- soned ; and, that having set aside Khizr Khan's right to the sovereignty, he placed a young boy, Shahabu-d-din f , on the throne, in whose name, wielding the power and authority of the State, he deprived Khizr Khan of sight. After things continuing in this state for a month and five days, several of the nobles belonging to the former government put Malik Naib to death. CHAPTER VL THE REIGN OF SULTAN KUTBU-D-DlN MUBARAK SHAH, SON OF ALA- UD DIN KHILJI. The nobles and other grandees having re- leased from prison the Sultan's son, Kutbu-d-din Mubarak Shah, then in his eighteenth year, seated him on the throne. Khan Malik Sanjar, brother-in-law to the king; and, as Alif Khan Almas Beg died after the siege of Rentumbhore, A. Hij. 699, A.D. 1299, according to Ferishta, he could not have been twenty years Governor of the province. This confusion has arisen from the similarity of the names, and from Alp Khan having succeeded Alif Khan in Gujarat. ( f ) His titles were Shahabu-d-din Omar Khilji. 166 At the time when Ala-ud-din recalled Alif Khan from the government of Gujarat, he put him to death : after which there happened to be great disorder in the affairs of the government ; and, as both mutiny and sedition occurred in the country, rebels rose up in every direction. But Sultan Kutbu-d-din Mubarak Shah, on com- mencing his reign, sent Malik Kamilu-d-din to allay these disturbances ; and this commander, having entered Gujarat, obtained the honour of martyrdom in a war with the Infidels ; after which the disturbances of the country increased. At length Ainu-1-Muluk Multani was deputed on this important business ; and, accompanied by an army, made a settlement of the province in the manner he thought best calculated to bring it to a state of repose. After these disturbances had been put down, the Sultan sent Malik Dinar, his father-in-law, with the title of Zafir Khan, as Governor of Gujarat, who, after being employed three or four months, completely settled the province, and sent large sums of money to the Royal Treasury. But the above-mentioned Khan, who was without a fault, and the chief support of the State, was recalled from Gujarat and put to death. At the same time, Hissamu-d-din, brother of Khusrao Khan, who had found favour 167 in the eyes of the Sultan, obtained the equipage formerly belonging to Zafir Khan, and was sent into Gujarat. On his arrival there, the Hindu tribe of Parmar s, to which both brothers belonged, assembled, and wished to excite him to rebellion. The other commanders who ac- companied him discovered his evil designs, and, imprisoning him, sent him to the Sultan. Suc- ceeding this, Malik Waji-ud-din Koreshi, a brave and active officer, was sent into Gujarat, in the place of Hissamu-d-din ; and the same brought the country into a peaceable state, after it had been disturbed by the former. At length, Waji-ud-din was recalled, and obtained the title of Taju-1-Mulk. Khusrao Khan, as before noticed, a Hindu of the Parmar tribe, and who was intimate with and possessed great power over the Sultan, w r as next appointed to Gujarat. Not being satisfied with this, however, he entertained im- proper desires of possessing the throne ; and, collecting his own tribe around him, put the Sultan to death. Having afterwards usurped the government, he assumed the title of Nasiru-d-din. tn short, the reign of Kutbu-d-din Mubarak (s) The Parmar, or Pramara tribe, is one of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs, and is the same tribe as that now called Powar. Colonel Briggs has mistaken the name, and reads Purwary, which is the appellation for a Hindu outcast. 168 Shah lasted four years and four months. At the end of this time, Ghazi Malik h , a nobleman of the former dynasty, becoming acquainted with Khusrao Khan's evil deeds, and urged on by a nice sense of honour, col- lected an army, and made him a prisoner in war. He afterwards cut the traitor's body in pieces, and sent it to the capital. In conse- quence of their being none of Ala-ud-din's pos- terity remaining, the nobles elevated Ghazi Malik to the sovereignty, in the year of the Hijra 720, A.D. 1320. He having assumed the title of Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk Shah, appointed Taju-1-Mulk to the government of Gujarat, in order that he might bring the same into subjec- tion. This took place about the latter part of his reign, of which only four years and a few months had passed away, when the roof of a summer-house falling in killed him, with six other persons. CHAPTER VII. THE REIGN OF SULTAN MOHAMMED TOGHLUK SHAH. Sultan Mohammed Toghluk 1 , the son of Ghiasu-d-din Toghluk, was next seated on the ( h ) Otherwise named Ghazi Beg Toghluk. (i) Sultan Mohammed Toghluk commenced reigning in A. Hij. 726, A.D. 1325-6. Several hundred gold mohurs and dinars, belonging 169 throne. He was a king of quick understand- ing, who had acquired excellence in several branches of knowledge; and, entertaining thoughts of great extent, as mentioned in various historical books, he adopted extraordi- nary schemes of ambition. In this reign, Malik Mukbil, the son of a mu- sician k , and who with the title of Khan Jehan, and Naibi Mukhtar, held the government of Gujarat, while marching by way of Baroda and Dubhue, on his way to Dehli with treasure and horses collected for the royal stables, was plun- dered by the chiefs of the Siddhas (Moghuls). At this time, Malik Mukbil fled to Nahrwalah ; and the Sultan, on receiving intelligence of belonging to this time, were dug up by some villagers of the Konkan, in the end of 1830, A.D. They are beautiful coins ; two of which are in my possession, and were struck at Damman (Damaun), in the first and second years of the reign. The inscription within a circle, on one face of the dinar, is -J\ &\ Ju*M *U J\ju . Kutbu-d-din, and in Rajab, his uncle Daod was seated on the throne, through the favour of the ministers and nobles. He soon after committed some improper acts ; when 202 Imadu-1-Mulk, at the instigation of the nobles, set up Fat'h Khan, half-brother of Kutbu-d-din, and who was then receiving his education under *he instruction of Shah Alam. The second flourish of the trumpets, which announced the entrance of the latter into the royal residence at the citadel, having reached the ears of Sultan Daod, made him aware of what had happened ; and he escaped by means of a window that overhung the banks of the river Sabarmati. The length of his reign was only one month and seven days. Sultan Daod, after abdicating, went into the monastery of Shaikh Adhan Rumi, where, enter- ing among his disciples, he served their master, and became daily more distinguished amongst them ; but soon after died there. CHAPTER VI. THE REIGN OF SULTAN FAT'H KHAN, ENTITLED MAHMUD B/GARRAH. Sultan Mahmud was enthroned at Ahmada- A.Hij.863, bad, on Sunday the 12th of Shaban, in 18th June, A.D.H59. the year of the Hijra, 863, A.D. 1459. Regarding his surname of Bigarrah, the peo- 203 pie of Gujarat say that each of his mustachios, being* large and twisted like a cow's horn, and such a cow being called Bigarrah, they thus obtained for him the name. Again it is said that the number two, in the Gujarat language, being called bi, and the name of a fort, garrah, the people called him Bigarrah, in consequence of i the two fortifications of Junagarh and Cham- panir having come into his possession. The author of the Mirdt Sikandari says, that Sultan Mahmud was the best of all the Gujarat kings, on account of his great justice and bene- ficence, his honouring and observing all the Mohammedan laws, and for the solidity of his judgment, whether in great or small matters. He obtained a great age, and was distinguished for strength, bravery, and liberality. He was also, it is said, a great eater. After thirteen years, ten months, and three days, of his age had passed away, he began to reign ; and, following the example of his ances- tors, gave the soldiers gifts and presents. Some months from this date, several of the nobles, who were averse to the minister Imadu-1-Mulk, otherwise named Shaban, and were anxious to destroy both his rank and influence, calumni- ated him to the Sultan, and put him in chains. At night, the master of the elephants, named 204 Abdiilah, explained to Mahmud Bigarrah that the minister was the friend of the government ; and when the slaves of the palace had accidentally released Imadu-1-Mulk, the Sultan ordered that the perfidious nobles should be seized and their houses plundered. The nobles, on becoming- acquainted with the king's intentions, prepared to defend themselves, and encamped with a force at Bhaddar. At this time the king ordered all the persons then in his service, amounting to five hundred, to assault them with the royal elephants. Wherefore they attacked the enemy, and, having dispersed the discontented nobles, punished those of them who were seized. After this transaction, no one had an oppor- tunity of disobeying during the whole of this king's reign ; and, the conspirators having been put to death, five hundred and two persons, who obtained titles and dignified offices, received assignments of land for their support. In a short time after this, a large army was collected, and tranquillity every where prevailed in the country. The Sultan also made it a rule that the assignments of land belonging to those who happened to fall in battle should be given to their sons ; and, in the event of there being no son, that the half of the estate should be given to the daughter. When there was nei- 205 ther son nor daughter, he was in the practice of granting a pension to the relations or depend- ants, in order that they might not complain of their lot. On one occasion, some person told the Sultan that the son of a certain nobleman who had died was not worthy of possessing wealth. To whom the king replied, that wealth would make him worthy 1 ; after which no one ventured to say a word on this subject. The Sultan built several magnificent cara- vanseras and lodging-houses for travellers, and founded several colleges and mosques. He also ordered, that no one in his army should borrow money with interest ; and established a distinct pay-office for such of the soldiers as were obli- ged to get in debt. By this means, a soldier could obtain an advance ; for, as he said, if the Mohammedans live in debt, how is it possible they can fight ? All the fruit-trees in the open country, as well as those in the city, towns, and villages, were planted in the reign of this Sultan ; who, if he ever knew of a shop or dwelling-house becoming empty, made inquiry after the causes, and or- dered it to be inhabited. 0) This anecdote deserves the notice of our Indian legislators, who, to better the Indian character, must give the people more places of trust. 206 In the eight hundred and sixty-sixth year of the Hijra, A.D. 1461-2, the Sultan advanced towards the Dekhan, having been requested to do so by Nizam Shah Bahmani, in consequence of Sultan Mahmtid Khilji, the king of Malwa, having marched an army into that country 1 ". Mahmud Khilji, on hearing that the king of Gujarat was advancing by way of Burhanpur, desisted from the siege of Bidar. and returned towards his own territories. When the ambas- sadors of Nizam Shah Bahmani were on this occasion sent to the Sultan, they omitted nothing that could be deemed a compliment ; and, having requested permission to depart, returned home. The king of Gujarat also returned to his capital. After this, and in the year of the Hijra 871, A.D. 1466-67, being desirous of capturing Gir- nar and Junagarh, in Gujarat, and to extirpate ^and destroy the Mandalik Raja, or petty prince of Girnar, he made preparation accordingly, ( m ) Nizam Shah Bahmani, the son of Humayunthe Cruel, and then a child of eight years, had succeeded to the Dekhan throne under a Regency, of which his mother was head. Dissensions soon arising among the members of it, the king of Malwa was induced to advance into the Dekhan, where, having met the Dekhan troops three coss from Bidar, he gained a battle, and besieged the town, until relieved by the approach of Mahmud Bigarrah, with eighty thousand horse. 207 ordering', it is said, the pay-office to carry along with it five krores of gold coin. He also ordered the commissary of stores to carry along with him eighteen hundred gilded handled swords, of Egyptian, Arabian, African, and Khorasanian manufacture, whose handles did not contain less x than from four to five Gujarat sirs of gold ; and to take in addition three thousand eight hun- dred swords, whose handles, of Ahmadabad manufacture and of silver work, were of differ- ent weights ; with, moreover, seven hundred daggers and poniards, whose golden handles should be from three to two sirs and a half weight in gold. The Sultan at this time com- manded the Master of the Horse to attend him in the expedition, with two thousand Arabian and Turkish horses, all of which, with the gold and arms, he distributed among the troops, during the period of the siege. Succeeding these things, he sent his victorious army to plunder the country of Sorath, where the soldiers ob- tained a large booty. The Rao Mandalik, or petty sovereign, having submitted, asked for favour, through means of ambassadors ; and the Sultan, thinking it advisable to desist from the siege of the fort for that year, returned to his own capital. But, in the year of the Hijra 872, A.D. 1467-8, 208 having heard that the Rao Mandalik visited the temple of idolatry, and went there with all the ensigns of royalty, the Sultan became ashamed of royalty, and appointed forty thou- sand horse, with many elephants, to take away the royal umbrella and other kingly ensigns from him. The Rao Mandalik, on becoming ac- quainted with this, instantly forwarded the umbrella and other ensigns to the Sultan ; and the gold and jewels obtained on this occasion were distributed among the king's musicians. In the year of the Hijra 874, A.D. 1469-70, on indicating a desire to take the forts of Girnar and Junagarh, the Sultan received an unexpected visit from the Rao Mandalik. On this occasion the Raja addressed the Sultan, saying " that whatever he might command should be obeyed, and requested to know why he desired the de- struction of his obedient subject, who had com- mitted no fault." To this, the Sultan replied, " that there could be no greater fault than that of infidelity, and, if he was to expect tranquillity, he must acknowledge the unity of God, and secure to himself his country ; for that, other- wise, he would extinguish him." The Manda- lik Raja, seeing such was the state of affairs, fled by night to his fort, and commenced a war, but soon after came and entreated for his life, 209 as the garrison was starved into submission. The Sultan guaranteed his safety, on condition that he would receive the faith of Islam ; and the Raja, having quitted the fort, delivered the keys to the Sultan, and uttered the confession of faith, in imitation of the conqueror. This conquest happened in the year of the Hijra 877, A.D. 1472-73*. Regarding the conversion of the Raja to Mo- hammedanism, it is sometimes said that, having come to Ahmadabad with the Sultan, he became a follower of Hazrat Shah Alam, as related in the Mirat Sikandari, and that his tomb, situated near the road leading from the Kolapur gate, is conspicuous on the right-hand side. After this, Mahmud Bigarrah called together the Sayyids and learned men of every quarter, in order to settle them in the country of Sorath ; and, having turned his thoughts to populating it, rebuilt a fort, and founded a noble palace there. The nobles also built dwelling-houses agreeably to order ; and in a little time there arose a city, almost equal to Ahmadabad, which was named Mustafabad. He also gave the ( n ) According to Ferishta, the conquest of Junagarh and Girnar was effected in A. Hij. 875, or two years earlier; and his authority for this date appears to be corroborated by the author of the Tabakat Akbari. 210 Mandalik Raja the title of Khani Jehan, on whom he conferred a jagir ; and having taken away the golden images from his idol temple, * ordered that they should be distributed as a present among the soldiery. After this, he hastened into Sind ; and in the year of the Hijra 878, A.D. 1473-74, having made many prisoners in that quarter, brought them from thence to Junagarh. In the same year, he conquered the island of Sankha-dhara , dependant on Jiggat, to which he was urged by a complaint from Mula Mohammed Samar- kand!, that the infidels of that quarter had cap- tured a boat, in which was he with his whole family. The difficulties and dangers of that expedition have been detailed at length by the author of the Mirat Sikandari, where the ac- count may be found. During the time of destroying the idols and temples of Jiggat, many rubies, pearls, and silken cloths, were obtained as booty; and the Sultan, having built a mosque there, gave the charge of Sankha-dhara to Malik Toghan, otherwise entitled Farhatu-1-Mulk. () Sankha-dhara means the City of Shells ; and, regarding Sankha-dwipa, which Mr. Wilford identifies with Africa, some- thing will be found in A. R. vol. viii. p. 303. This island is now called Bate. 211 In the year of the Hijra 800, A.D. 1475-6, Hazrat Shah Alam, the glory of the Saints, died ; and his tomb, which exists in Rasula- bad, was built by the instructions of Taj Khan Nariali, one of the nobles of distinguished rank at court. The Sultan having arrived at Mustafabad, September 16, or jfi na g ar h, O u Friday, the 13th of Jumada-ul-awal of the same year, heard that the people of Malabar had come with several ghordbs (small boats,) and were blockading the ports of Gujarat. He immediately ordered that several boats should be got ready for the punishment of the parties, and took his depar- ture for the port of Goa; whence returning by the way of Khambayat, he encamped at Sirki, where he remained three days on a pil- grimage to the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu. At this place, having called together the chil- dren of the nobles and soldiers who had fallen in battle, or had died during the above expedi- tion, he settled the jagirs on their sons. Where there were no sons, he conferred half the jagir on the daughters ; and in case of there being neither sons nor daughters, he fixed the means of subsistence for the dependants. Immediately following this, he returned to Ahmadabad, where he continued inactive (with the exception p 2 212 of going once a year on a journey to Musta- fabad for the purpose of hunting) until the time when he resolved on the capture of the fort of Champanir, which was in the possession of Rawal TuppaiP. On the occasion of his jour- ney thither, while hunting one day on the banks of the River Watruk, twelve coss south- east from Ahmadabad, he founded there the city of Mahmudabad; and, having fortified a rising ground on the banks of the before-men- tioned river, he ordered noble palaces to be built, of which the marks and remains are yet to be seen at the time of writing, being the year of the Hijra 1170, A.D. 1756. After this, he pursued his intention of cap- turing the fort of Champanir, which submitted AD.i4k to him on the 2d of Zu-1-kadah, A. Hij. 889, A.D. 1484 ; and, being much pleased with the climate of the place, he established it as his capital, and ordered a mosque and a fort to be built, and having made it a great city, it was known by the name of Mahmudabad (P) Tuppa means the subdivision of a parganah, the same as a taluka, or district ; and this Zamindar^ or Raja, is so named from possessing the tuppas of the Champanir parganah. One of the Raja? is called Rawal Pati, in Colonel Miles's account of this fort ; but the Tabakat Akbari calls the one mentioned in the text Jey Sing, the son of Gangadas, who had become refractory, having been encouraged by Ghiasu-d-din, of Malwa. 213 Champanir. The nobles and ministers, with the merchants and tradesmen, at length built houses for themselves, and several gardens ornamented the neighbourhood of this place. One of these gardens was known by the name of Halol. In A. Hij. 891, A.D. 1486, he went to Mus- tafabad, and returned several times to Mah- mudabad. After this, in the year Hij. 892, A.D. 1487, he committed the charge of the country about Sorath and Junagarh to the prince, Khalil Khan ; at which time some merchants, who had brought for sale four hundred Iraki and Turki horses, from the countries of Khorasan, came to demand redress, saying, that having brought these along with several silken stuffs, they had been plundered in the neighbourhood of the mountains of Abu, by the Raja of Sirohi, who had not even spared their old garments. The Sultan ordered that an account of the price of the horses and other articles should be made out, and commanded the merchants to be paid the money from the treasury, as he could re- ^ceive the amount from the Raja of Sirohi. The Sultan, having then marched towards Sirohi, sent a menacing order to the Raja, and to this effect, that if he did not return the merchants' 214 horses and their goods, the royal troops would be sent against him. The Raja, on this being made known to him, asked for forgiveness, and complied with the order ; on which the Sultan returned to Mahmudabad, where he amused himself for four years, going to Ahmadabad during the hot season of ripe melons, and re- turning again to Ahmadabad, after enjoying himself there for six months. In the year of the Hijra 904 1, A.D. 1498, when Adil Khan Faruki, the ruler of Khandesh, neglected to send the usual tribute, a force was sent forward to that quarter ; but, immediately on the arrival of the Sultan at the banks of the Tapti River, Adil Khan sent the tribute and made his excuses, The Sultan, consequently, sent back his army by the way of Nadarbar, and went in the direction of Talnir, for the purpose of seeing its fort : whence returning to Nadarbar, he there joined his army, and went to Mahmudabad (Champanir). Having carried an army against Chaiwal, in the year of the Hijra 913, A.D. 1507, in order to destroy the Europeans, he effected his designs against the towns of Bassai (Bassein) and Man- bai (Bombay) ; and returned to his own capital .(q) Ferishta places this A.D. 1498, or A. Hij. 905. 215 A.mj.9i4. on the llth of Muharram, A. Hij. 914 r , S.S A.D. 1508. ( r ) There were several attacks made on the Portuguese in the Indian Sea. This was the first in which the assistance of the Turks was given. Ferishta calls the Turkish commander Amir Husn ; and the Gujarat admiral was Malik lyaz Sultani. The Turkish emperor was then Bayazid II. A subsequent expedition was undertaken against them, aided by a Turkish fleet, in the reign of Suleiman II. of Constantinople. The admiral com- manding the last was Sidi Ali Katibi, who has written an account of the expedition, in the " Mirror of Countries," as translated, Bombay Literary Transactions, vol. ii. p. i. The expedition sailed from Bassora, A.D. 1553. The author of the Tabakat Akbari mentions the first of these expeditions ; but, by dating it A. Hij. 896, A.D. 1490, has erred in his chronology about seventeen years. That historian's account of the transaction is as follows : the Europeans excited disturbances at the different Mohammedan ports. The Sultan (Mahmud Bigarrah) went to Mahim; but, when he arrived at Dun, intelligence was brought him that lyaz, one of the royal slaves, who from the port of Diu got ready for sea with several of the king's own and ten Turkish vessels, had enga- ged the Europeans off the harbour of Chaiwal, and slain many of them. In this battle four hundred Turks were killed, and the Europeans fled. Moreover, one of their large ships, containing property valued at a krore of rupees, sunk on this occasion, in 216 Subsequently to this, Alam Khan, who was the Sultan's grandson by his daughter, and whose father was the ruler of Assir and Burhanpur, requested his mother to petition the king of Gu- jarat, representing that eight years had elapsed since the death of Adil Khan I. son of Miran Mubarak Faruki, who died without heirs ; and that the nobles, who supported the claim of one of Malik Raji's relations to the government, had given him the title of Adil Khan 8 ; while they, being in possession of the country, were predo- minant in his name. This petition further re- quested that the Sultan would place Alam Khan on the throne of his ancestors and protect his servant. The Sultan gave it his favourable at- tention ; and, in the month of Rajab, advanced consequence of one of her ribs being broken by a shot." In the Portuguese accounts of this transaction, it is stated that the Ad- miral, Don Lorenzo Almeida, was killed, and his ship taken, with the loss of one hundred and forty men. ( s ) In the Mirdt Sikandari, as here, the grandson of Mahmiid Bigarrah is called Alam Khan, and the Pretender Adil Khan ; but in the Tabakat Akbari the history of Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, the grandson of the Sultan, is Adil Khan, who finally succeeded as the second of that name ; and the Pretender is styled Alam Khan. This last agrees with Ferishta's account of the Gujarat and Ahmadnagar kings. Alam Khan was the son of one of the Faruki family born to the daughter of Ahmad Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. 2J7 towards Nadarbar, for the purpose of support- ing Alam Khan. Having arrived at Talnir, after the Idu-z-zoha, (the passover or sacrificial feast) he gave the title of Adil Khan to Alam Khan, the son of Husi Khan ; and, presenting him with four elephants and three laks of tank- chas, fixed him in the government of Assir and Burhanpiir. He also raised Malik Sarang Khilji to the title of Khan Jehan, and present- ed him with the town of Bunnass, which is a dependancy of Sultanpur and Nadarbar, and was his place of nativity. In the grant of this gift, he inserted the name of Adil Khan, and likewise promoted several of the nobles about Court. At length, Adil Khan departed well pleased to Assir, and the Sultan returned to his capital ; at which time Sayyid Mohammed Junpuri came to Ahmadabad, and laid claim to the miraculous power of the Imam Mehdi. The Pretender took up his abode in the mosque of Taj -Khan, son of Salar, which is near the Jumalpur gate ; where he began to assemble the people. On this ac- count, the Ulamas and doctors issued a religious decree against him, ordering that he should be put to death ; but the Sayyid took his departure for Patan, where he supported his ministry. 218 The Mohammedans of Palanpur became his followers ; and there are now some of the Med- hivi 1 sect to be found there. Not long after this period, in the month of Zu-1-hijjah, of A. Hij. 916, A.D. 1510, the Sul- tan set out for Patan ; and, as this was the last time he appeared in public, having collected to- gether all the great men of the state, he told them that his life was near a close. On return-* ing from Patan, he came to Ahmadabad in four days ; when, having made a pilgrimage to the burial place of Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, he wept tears of repentance over his own tomb, which had been built at the foot of the Shaikh's mau- soleum. Subsequently to this, having entered the city of Ahmadabad, he fell sick ; and, conti- nuing so for three months, sent for the prince, Khalil Khan, from Baroda. After informing him of his approaching dissolution, he finally took his leave for another world, on Monday tne ^d of Ramazan, in the year of the Hijra 917, A.D. 1511; and his re- mains were deposited in the mausoleum which exists at Sirkej. (*) An account of the Medhivi sect, written by Lieutenant Col. Miles, will be found in the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, ii. p, 281 . This impostor, according to that, was born A. Hij. 847, A.D. 1443. 219 Mahmiid Bigarrah, who was born in the month of Ramazan, A. Hij. 849, A.D. 1445, reigned fifty- four years, having attained sixty-seven years of age when he died. CHAPTER VII. THE REIGN OF KHALIL KHAN, ENTITLED MUZAFFIR SHAH II., OR THE CLEMENT. Khalil Khan, having assumed the title of Mu- zaffir Shah, mounted the throne, at Ahmadabad, on Friday the 17th of Ramazan, A. Hij. 917, A.D. 1511, being then in his twenty-seventh year. He distributed presents, according to every man's rank, after the manner of his an- cestors ; and those who had been his intimate friends, while he was prince, received titles. The noblemen of the late court had also their dignities increased, and additional villages were assigned for their support. An ambassador from Shah Ismael Safawi, king of Persia, whose name was Mir Ibrahim Khan, arrived in the month of Shawal ; when a crowd of nobles went out to meet him by order of the king of Gujarat, and received him with every 220 honour. The ambassador brought with him a cup of turquoise stone of great value, which, with a box full of jewels, many silken clothes, and thirty horses of Irak, sent by the king of Persia, he presented to the Sultan. The latter, after presenting the ambassador in return seve- ral costly dresses and princely presents, set out on a journey to Baroda, and named the district of that city Daulatabad. About this time, intelligence was received that a battle had been fought on the plains of Mandu, between Sultans Mahmud and Mohammed u of Malwa ; and that Sultan Mohammed, in order to take refuge with Sultan Muzaffir, had in the mean time encamped near Mahmudabad Cham- panir. The Sultan ordered that he should be supplied with whatever he might require ; and sent a message that, if it pleased God, he would advance with him to Malwa, after the end of the rainy season. The Malwa prince and his family came to live in the palace belonging to Adil Khan, the son-in-law of the Sultan ; which residence he inhabited till the time when he un- expectedly took his departure, without taking leave of the Sultan ; as there was a great talk about what had happened between him and the followers of the Persian ambassador. The Snl- ( u ) The latter is called Sahib Khan in Ferishta. 221 tan was much annoyed at this, and sent an am- bassador with presents to take leave of the fl.^ prince ; when, in the month of Shawal, er of A Hi j 917> A D 1511 it was re- presented to him that Sultan Mahmud of Man- du, brother of the Prince Mohammed just men- tioned, having heard that the latter was in Malwa, had collected a large army of Rajputs, and, after opposing him in battle, had put him to flight. It was also said that Maidani x , or Midani Rao, Sultan Mahmud 's chief man of business, had acquired such authority, as to leave nothing with the Sultan but the name of a king, and that infidelity was, consequently, spreading afresh in the cities of Malwa. The Sultan of Gujarat, being now moved with zeal for the cause of the true faith, commenced his march for Malwa, in the above mentioned month. During the period of the army halting at the town of Godhrah, waiting the junction of other troops, the Sultan received intelligence that the Raja of fdur had become disobedient. ( x ) This is the Midani Rao of Baber's Memoirs (p. 312). He was a Rajput and an officer in the Malwa Government, who rose into power, under Sultan Mahmud II. of Malwa ; and who, after the capture of Mandu, by Muzaffir Shah II. of Gujarat, held the districts of Chanderi and Gagrone. Baber says he took the former from Midani Rao, A. Hij. 934, A.D. 1528, at which time he was under Rana Sanka of Chitore. 222 He consequently ordered the troops to march in that direction, and to destroy the buildings and temples of Idur. This happened in the year of the Hijra 919, A.D. 1513. The Raja, repenting of his conduct, caused the fixed tribute to be paid. After this, the Sultan returned to Godh- rah; where he gave the prince, Sikandar Khan, an audience of leave, on his departure for Mah- mudabad Champanir, and he himself continued his march for Malwa. After arriving at the town of Dohad, he gave orders for the construc- tion of a fortification there, when, continuing to advance, he received intelligence that Midani Rao had carried Sultan Mahmud to Chanderi. On this occasion, the Sultan declared that it was not for the purpose of seizing the throne of Malwa from its prince that he carried his army there, but in order to drive Midani Rao and other infidels out of the country, by which he might reconcile the brothers to each other. The Sultan, after hearing the praises of the edifices that existed in the hunting-park at Dhar, went to amuse himself there ; and, having displayed intrepidity in the chase, returned to Ahmadabad. In the year of the Hijra 920, A.D. 1514, it was represented that Rai-Mal, brother of Bhim Rao, Raja of Idur, having expelled his brother's son, 223 Bhara Mai, from Idur, was assisted by Rana Sanka, Raja of Chitore, and had obtained power there. At this the Sultan was displeased ; say- ing, " that Bhim Rao ruled Idur by his autho- rity, and what power could Rana Sanka have to appoint Rai-Mal to idur ?" Wherefore, Ni- zamu-1-Mulk, the Jagirdar of Ahmadnagar, re- ceived orders to expel Rai Mai from Idur, and deliver over the country to Bhara-Mal. Rai Mai continued a warfare with the Sultan's troops, to the year of the Hijra 923, A.D. 1517, having been alternately victorious and defeated. In the mean time, the nobles of Malwa, such as Habib Khan, dreading Midani Rao, fled from thence; and, waiting on the Sultan, represented to him the then state of Mandu, saying, " the Mohammedan religion had been banished from thence ; that Midani Rao had caused many of the faithful to be slain, and would soon put to death or imprison Mahmud, the king of Malwa." In consequence of this, the Sultan of Gujarat said, " that at the end of the rainy season he would advance into Malwa, in order to punish Midani Rao." At this time, Sultan Mahmud of Malwa, perceiving the whole resources of this country were at the disposal of Midani Rao, and that he himself was strictly watched, found opportunity, one night, of mounting on one horse, 224 whilst he placed his wife on another ; and hav- ing escaped to Gujarat, was on his arrival there congratulated by Sultan Muzaffiry ; who, after furnishing him with a tent, elephants, horses, and whatsoever else was proper for a king, ad- i8th ^ November, vance d into Malwa, on Thursday the 4th of Zu-1-kadah, A. Hij. 923, A.D, 1517. 29th November. On Tuesday the 15th of the same month, Sultan Muzaffir met Sultan Mahmud of Malwa at the town of Deolah ; and marching from thence by regular stages, the Sultan en- camped with his army in the neighbourhood of ?th December. Mandu, on Sunday the 23d of the same month ; when he commenced erecting his bat- teries. Midani Rao, after quitting the fort of Dhar, went to Ran a Sanka for succour ; and sent to tell the besieged that they must ask for a truce, by which a month's delay would be gained, and he in the mean time would bring the Rana, with assistance. The Rana, being bribed by means of several jewels and fine elephants, which Midani Rao had taken from Sultan Mahmud of Malwa, was induced to send a large army as far as Sarang- pur. The Sultan, being made acquainted with this, and having discovered the treachery of the (Y) It appears from Ferishta that the king of Malwa was then at Gohand. 225 besieged, sent Adil Khan Asiri Kawamu-1- Mulk, and Malik Sarang, with several other brave and intelligent men, in order to keep in check the Rana ; whilst he himself, ordering the assault to be made on the fort, captured it on Monday the 2d of Safar of A. Hij. 924, A.D. 1518. On this occasion, nineteen thousand Raj- puts, and fifty-seven officers of rank, whose names are detailed in the histories called Mirat Sikandari and Muzaffir Shahi, were slain. The departure of the Sultan, the entertainment given to him by the king of Malwa, and his visit to the fort, are also detailed in the above-men- tioned histories. In the following year of the Hijra 925, A.D. 1519, intelligence was received that a great bat- tle had been fought between Rana Sanka and the king of Malwa, and that the latter, after being wounded, had fallen into the hands of his enemies. The Sultan was much astonished on receiving the news of these events, and sent an army for the protection of Mandu. Rana Sanka permitted Sultan Mahmud of Malwa to return to Mandu, after his wounds were healed, and retained his son as a pledge. Moreover, Rana Sanka, hastening towards Idur, in A. Hij. 926, A.D. 1520, made war on the Jagirdars of Ahmadnagar and other places. Q 226 The Sultan's troops, then opposed to him, being- defeated, the Rana was enabled to advance as far as Barnagar and Bisalnagar, which he plun- dered ; but, after hearing that the royal army had left Patan and Ahmadabad, in order to bring him to order, he returned to Chitore. In the year of the Hijra 927, A.D. 1520-21, and in the month of Muharram, Sultan 12th December, Muzaffir sent an army of one hundred thousand horse with one hundred strings of elephants, under the command of his slave, Ma- lik Ayaz Sultani, and twenty thousand cavalry, with twenty strings of elephants, in command of Kawamu-1-Mulk, in order that they might punish the Rana for his audacity. These troops first advanced against Bagarh (Wagarh), and plun- dered the country, as the Raja of that part had joined this mutinous coalition. The army, after killing many Hindus in this expedition, advan- ced against Rana Sanka's country. About this time news of the Rana's death arrived, and also of the death of Sultan Mahmud Khilji II. z who ( z ) This is quite an anachronism. Mahmud Khilji II., of Mal- wa, was put to death by the guards of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, A. Hij. 932, A.D. 1526 ; according to Ferishta's history of Malwa. In the same history and same year, Rana Sanka is said to have died, and to have been succeeded by his son, Rana Rattan Sing. Rana Sanka is mentioned by Baber in A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1523, (see Memoirs, p. 287.) 227 had marched from Mandu, with the intention of assisting Sultan Muzaffir. In the same year, a peace was patched up with the Rana, in consequence of the hypocriti- cal conduct of the officers commanding the troops, who now returned to Ahmadabad. The Sultan, in consequence of this, showed his dis- pleasure with Malik Ayaz, by saying that he would go himself after the rains, and complete the business : whilst Malik Ayaz received per- mission to proceed to Sorath. In A. Hij. 928, A.D. 1521-22, having prepared for an expedition, in order to punish the Rana, he came to Ahmadabad ; but the Rana's son having, in the mean time, waited on the Sultan, with the promised elephants and tribute, the expedition was stopped. In A. Hij. 931, A.D. 1524-25, the prince, Baha- dur Khan, who was displeased with the small- s ness of his jagir, went to Dehli, by way of Diingarpur, Chitore, and Mewat, in order that he might have a meeting with Sultan Ibrahim ''Shah Lodi of Dehli. At this time, the latter, who had opposed Zahiru-d-din Babar Padshah, ^on the plains of Panipat, sent for Bahadur Khan, and received him with much honour and respect. When Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, and other people of Dehli, became acquainted with the Q2 . 228 bravery and intrepidity of Bahadur, they were filled with jealousy. Bahadur Khan, aware of this circumstance, went towards Jiinpiir, where, on his arrival, he heard Muzaffir was dead; and immediately set out on his journey for Gujarat. Sultan Muzaffir was much vexed when he heard that Bahadur Khan had gone towards Bagarh in disgust ; and indicated his anxiety to pacify him, and make him return ; but the prince had previously abandoned the country. At this time, the Sultan fell sick ; when, at length, in the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-26, having come on account of this very sickness from Mahmudabad Champanir to Baroda, he pro- ceeded by easy stages to Ahmadabad, and took up his residence there, in the palace which is called Ghattamandal. Men nowbegan to de- spair of his life ; and the prince, Latif Khan, through fear that his brother Sikandar Khan, heir to the throne, would not leave him alive, i, departed for Baroda on the first of Ju- 15th March, AD. 1526. mada-s-sani, where a crowd of follow- ers accompanied him. On the second of the same month, Sultan Mu- zaffir ordered that Sikandar Khan should be called to him, when he exhorted him to study the interests of his kingdom ; and, after asking a blessing for great and poor, he departed this 229 life on Friday the 22d of Jumada-s-sani, of A. Hij. 932. He was buried in the mausoleum of Mahmud Bigarrah, which stands at Sirkej, after he had reigned fourteen years and nine months. This king was a follower of Sayyid Tahir, who is buried at Baroda. For piety and learning, clemency and intelligence, liberality and bravery, he had no equal of his time : and he is known by the name of the clement Muzaffir, on account of his many merciful acts. The author of the Mirat Sikandari tells us that there were no drunkards in his time, and that good manners were agreeable to him. On account of his cle- mency, he was careless of punishing many things that required it ; and such conduct was on the whole the cause of disturbances. As universally known, the Sultan once ordered part of the lands in the Parganah of Jhalawar should not be sown, but left as waste, because the people in that part complained that in conse- quence of the many cultivated fields they had pasturage for their cattle. CHAPTER VIII. THE REIGN OF SULTAN SIKANDAR. Sultan Sikandar, on the very day his father Muzaffir died, seated himself on the throne at 230 A.D A S. Ahmadabad ; and on the 25th of Ju- mada-s-sani of A. Hij. 932, undertook a journey to Mahmudabad, where, having distributed pre- sents in the manner of his ancestors, he com- menced his reign. After conferring titles on all those who had served him while he was a prince, he gave away, as presents among his people, seventeen hundred horses. The nobles belonging to the court of the late Muzaffir were much vexed at this proceeding ; and Imadu-1-Mulk, otherwise named Khush-Ka- dam, the foster-brother of the king, and who was in hope of his being made his prime-minis- ter, was greatly annoyed. The discontented nobles, being apprized of this circumstance, persuaded him that the king wished to cut him off. Imadu-1-Mulk, who was very powerful, now engaged in a conspiracy ; and joined the \ discontented nobles with part of the troops that had been gained over by his promises. At this time, Latif Khan, brother to the king, who set up his pretensions to the throne, held possession of the mountainous country about Sultanpiir and Nadarbar. He was assisted by Bhim Raja, and kept up a correspondence with several of the nobles ; wherefore Shirza Khan was ap- pointed to expel him from these parts ; but, he being killed in action, Nasir Khan was sent with a large army to succeed him. 231 When the conspiracy was completed, Imadu-1- Mulk, who, feigning sickness for some time, had confined himself to his house, wrapped up his head one day in the manner of a sick person, and waited on the king. He was accompanied by fifty horsemen ; and finding a fit opportu- nity, while most of the king's attendants were absent, he entered the royal apartments. Hav- ing carried along with him Malik Pahar, and finding the Sultan asleep, that person murdered him, on a signal given by Imadu-1-Mulk. This A.D.S. event happened on the 14th of Shaban of A. Hij. 932; and the Sultan was buried at Halol, which is two koss from Mahmudabad Champanir. Imadu-1-Mulk, having thus accomplished the important undertaking of Sikandar's mur- der, took from the harem a son of the late Muzaffir, then five or six years of age, and, after giving him the name of Sultan Mahmud, seated him on his knee ; but, distributing at the same time horses and honorary dresses among the soldiers and nobles, he conferred titles on them 3 . All the nobles, who thirsted after the blood of Imadu-1-Mulk, on account of this murder, retired ( a ) The author of the Mirat Ahraadi has not reckoned the child raised to the throne after the murder of Sikandar as one of the re- gular kings. In Colonel Briggs's Ferishta he is called Mahmud Shah II. 232 to their own jagirs ; and, anxious to find the means of revenge, despatched messengers in haste to acquaint Bahadur Khan of these events, and urged his return. The length of Sultan Sikandar's reign was two months and sixteen days. CHAPTER IX. THE REIGN OF SULTAN BAHADUR. It has been already mentioned that Bahadur Khan, son of Sultan Muzaffir II., had left the country, in consequence of the smallness of his personal estate, and his disagreement with his brother Sikandar. When Bahadur heard of his father's death, and his brother's murder, he mourned for four days, as is usual in such cases. Soon after having left Junpur, he set out for the capital, with all possible expedition ; and arrived at the town of Mukrej, otherwise named Mahmudnagar, where the nobles, who, through fear of Imadu-1-Mulk, had gone into retirement, now began to join him with troops from every quarter. On the 26th of Ramazan, of the same 233 year, he arrived at Ahmadabad, and entered the citadel there, which is commonly known by the name of Bhaddar. During the festival day of that month he went to the place of prayers, and caused the oration to be pronounced in his own name. Having soon after conferred titles on thirty-two persons, he ordered that they should be provided with suitable offices ; and, on the SiS'. 2d of Shaw al, set out for Mahmudabad. Imadu-1-Mulk, on hearing of the approach of the Sultan, became agitated ; and sent an intimation to Latif Khan, that, as Nasir Khan was now an infant, he, in the event of a war, would be able to conduct it. At length, however, through astonishment at the probable consequence of what he had done, he abandoned both Nasi'r Khan and Latif Khan, and assumed to himself the royal authority. Sultan Bahadur in the mean time crossed the Mahindri (Mahi river) ; and, regardless of his army, advanced rapidly with only a few followers. After making a pil- grimage to the grave of Sikandar at Halol, he appointed Taj Khan, with one hundred horse- men, to bring Imadu-1-Mulk captive. This com- mander plundered the house of Imadu-1-Mulk, who fled to the residence of the chief Diwan, and there concealed himself. During these proceed- ings, Sultan Bahadur entered Mahmudabad, 234 with all the ensigns and pomp of royalty ; and, after taking up his abode in the royal palace, ordered the seizure of Imadu-1-Mulk, which was effected after a little search. Imadu-1-Mulk was brought into the presence of the Sultan, who ordered him to be hung on a gibbet ; and all those concerned in the base murder were pun- ished according to their deserts. Latif Khan, who arrived in the immediate neighbourhood of the capital during these events, now retired ; and Sultan Bahadur having mounted the throne ".D.raE 8 * 1 . on the 4th of the month Zii-1-kadah, A. Hij. 932, A.D. 1526, bestowed honorary dresses on the ministers and nobles. After giving in- structions for a donation of one year's pay to be given to the soldiers, he conferred distinguished titles on one hundred and fifty persons. At this time, being a year of scarcity, a cha- rity-house was established by the king's order ; whilst he himself, when riding out, never gave less than a gold mohur to any poor person. As Latif Khan b , who had collected a body of Zamindars in the territories of Sultanpur and ( b ) The Tabakat Akbari says that Latif Khan fled to Pal, and was assisted by the Raja named Rai Bhim. Briggs's Ferishta calls the Raja Oody Sing. In Ferishta's history, these events are placed about the end of A. Hij. 932 ; and the Tabakat Akbari says that they happened in the beginning of A. Hij. 933. 235 Nadarbar, occasioned commotions there, an army was sent against him, when, being wounded in action, he was taken prisoner and brought before the Sultan, at the station of Miirghidinah, where he died. Sultan Bahadur, after causing Nasir Khan to be poisoned, on the 15th of the Rabi-ul-awal, of AS.i5S6. the year of the Hijra 933, A.D. 1526, went hunting in the direction of Khambayat, whence he went to Sorath, in consequence of the quarrels among the children of Malik Ayaz Sul- tani. In returning, he came by way of Diu, where he remained a month, and entrusted that place to the care of Mujahid Khan. When he arrived at Ahmadabad, Yikramajit, the son of Rana Sanka, waited upon him. After remain- ing there three months, Bahadur went to Mah- mudabad, and, having punished the Raja of Nadote, proceeded to the fort of Surat. From this place he travelled in the course of one night and day to Mahmudabad, where he took leave of the Rana's son on departure to return. The Sultan again visited Diu, and remained there several days, in the year of the Hijra 934. From thence going to Khambayat, he sailed for Ghoga ; and, after again visiting Diu, returned to Mahmudabad, by way of Kham- bayat. At this time, he gave orders that the 236 city wall of Bhroch should be built c . After this he carried an army against Bagarh ; when the Raja of Dungarpur, coming to Mukrej, paid his respects. From thence he set out for Patan, and, by way of Ahmadabad, returned to Mah- mudabad with great celerity. The Sultan's perambulations, in these days, became prover- bial in the mouths of men, " that one travelled with the celerity of Bahadur." Were any one to attempt an account of all such expeditions, it would be almost impossible to detail the whole. I have, therefore, chosen to give a short and abridged explanation of them in these pages ; but, should any one wish to know them more at length, let him turn to the pages of the Mirat Sikandari. In the year of the Hijra 935, A.D. 1528, he marched in the direction of Daulatabad, in order to assist his nephew, Mujahid Khan, son of Adil Khan Faruki. During that expedition, it is said, nine hundred elephants of large stature accompanied him. After settling the important affairs of that quarter, he returned to his own shaban began capital, in the month of Shaban of the the 10th April, same year d . ( c ) The Tabakat Akbari says that, having repaired the fort of Bhroch, he returned to Khambayat, and that he did so after the conquest of Bagarh. ( d ) The account of these events is confirmed by the Ahmad- nagar history of Ferishta. 237 When he set out for the conquest of the ITS* >5> Dekhan, in the month of Muharram, A.Hij. 936 e , A.D. 1529, many of the Dekhan kings, with Bohrji, the Raja Baglanah, waited upon him at Dhar, and tendered their services. The united armies of Sultan Bahadur and his nephew were at this time ordered to march against Ahmadnagar, the fort of Chaiwal f , and other places, which, with many cities in the Dekhan, were plundered. The oration was ( e ) According to the Tabakat Akbari, Bahadur heard from his nephew, the ruler of Khandesh, after he had returned to Khambayat from Bhroch. He then marched to assist him, in the month of Muharram, of the year of the Hijra 935, Cwhich month began the 15th of September, A.D. 1528; as the king of Nagar, Burhan Nizam Shah, and that of Bidar, Amir Berid, had attacked Imad Shah of Birar, and the ruler of Khandesh. While at Khambayat, he heard that a Portuguese ship had stranded at Dili ; and, while Bahadur waited for the army assembling at Baroda, Jam Firoz of Sind, Narsingh, nephew of Man-Singh, of Gwalior, and Birban Prithvi Raj, nephew of Rana Sanka, waited on him. The last is called Sreepelly by Colonel Briggs, but, in the original Ferishta, Sirvir. ( f ) According to the Portuguese accounts, the siege of Chaiwal took place in A.D. 1527, on which occasion they were assisted by the king of Ahmadnagar, Burhan Nizam Shah. This date is probably not correct. The kings of Ahmadnagar and Golkonda had confederated against Imad Shah, Bahadur Shah, and the king of Khandesh ; and, as a coalition existed between the Portuguese and the Nagar State, such was in all probability the cause why Bahadur Shah marched towards Daulatabad, A.D. 1528 ; but the expedition against Chaiwal could not have taken place until the end of A.D. 1529. 238 consequently read there in the name of the king of Gujarat. In the end of the month of Shaban, in that year, he resolved on returning, and, setting- out for Mahmudabad, accompanied by several persons, arrived there with great celerity. In the year of the Hijra 937, A.D. 1530, he car- ried an army against Bagarh, in order to subdue that country ; and thence going to Mandu, he completed its capture by approaches, as men- tioned in the history before quoted. After having spent some days in besieging this fort, he entered it, on the 29th of Shaban, by that side where the buildings are most lofty : and on this occasion he himself led the way, accompanied by several other nobles. As Mahmud Khilji, who had defended Mandu, now fled, Sultan Bahadur took possession of his palace ; and, on iTilli 6 ' the 12th of Muharram, A. Hij. 938, A.D. 1531, the former having returned with his sons, waited on the king of Gujarat, who gave them in charge to Alif Khan, Ikbal Khan, and Asif Khan. These officers were instructed to conduct them to Gujarat ; but the king of Malwa and his sons were killed in a scuffle, which took place when the Raja of Pals, and (8) Pal is a district of Gujarat, on the Mahindri, or Mahi, river ; the Raja in the Mirat Sikandari is called Udai Singh. In Ferishta's "Native Annals of Malwa," the attack of the Bhils and 239 the Kulis about Dahad, had come for the pur- pose of liberating them. After this, the whole of the country about Mandu came into possession of the king of Gujarat, to which a governor and faujdar were appointed. Sultan Bahadur passed the rainy season of that year in the upper fort of Mandu ; and, having gone to Burhanpur and Asir, on the 9th of Safar, of the year of the Hijra 939, A.D. 1532, he conferred the royal umbrella on Nizamu-1-Mulk, the prince of Ahmadnagar, and entitled him Nizam Shah ; since which time each of the rulers there is so entitled. Mah- mud Khan of Asir also received the title of Mahmud Shah; and the king of Gujarat, having undertaken a journey to Mandu, carried from thence an army against Silhaddi, the Raja of Ujain. Tt is accordingly recorded that Silhaddi was made prisoner ; after which the Sultan set out with all possible expedition, and arrived at Ujain, from which departing, he left the place in charge of Darya Khan Mandwi. Having gone to Sarangpur, he left that behind in charge of Mullu Khan, and afterwards took and Kulis on the Gujarat army is placed in the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1526, or the first year of Bahadur's reign, by which the battle between Latif Khan and the Gujarat army and that which happened on this occasion have been confounded. 240 possession of Bhilsah. From thence proceeding by stages to Raisein, then in possession of Lakshman Singh, brother of Silhaddi, he there encamped on the banks of the river, and order- ed his officers to prepare batteries for capturing the fort. Rumi Khan h , unrivalled in his time for skill in preparing fireworks, destroyed and levelled, in the twinkling of an eye, one of the bastions by a gun, while twelve thousand Dekhani foot-soldiers, who were in the Sultan's pay, sprung a mine beneath one of the bastions, and threw down a considerable part of the wall. The Silhaddi, who was then with the Sultan, observing these things, sent to say that he would embrace the Mohammedan faith ; and, after causing the fort to be evacuated, would de- liver up the place. He therefore sent for his bro- ther, Lakshman Singh, who came and waited on the Sultan. While the two brothers, however, were seated in consultation on this matter, Laksh- man Singh said to the Silhaddi, " Wherefore should you give up the fort ? Bhopat \ my son, ( h ) He is probably the Rumi Khan who cast the Mulki Meidan, or large gun of Bijapur. The copy of the Tarikhi Ahmadi is here faulty ; for, in the original of the Mirat Sikandari, it would appear that such was levelled by a mine. (*) In the Tarikhi Sikandari, from which the author of the Mirat Ahmadi has borrowed his account of these transactions, it is simply said, that Bhopat had gone to the Rana, whose son, Vikramajit, 241 has gone to the Rana, and he, with forty thou- sand cavalry, and infantry without number, is bringing us assistance. Till his arrival, it is necessary to procrastinate, and to employ cau- tion and deceit." The Silhaddi, therefore, told the Sultan that Lakshman Singh would take his departure, and evacuate the fort on the suc- ceeding day. After some days had passed, however, with- out the promise being fulfilled, the Sultan was informed that the Rana's son was approaching with assistance. Mohammed Shah Asiri and Imadu-1-Mulk were nominated, to keep in check the Rana's son, but, the latter excusing him- self to the Sultan, on account of the magnitude of the Rana's army, Ikhtiyar Khan was sent on the expedition. When the Sultan himself set out to join the army, he came up with it, as is said, in a night and a day, having travelled in that time seventy coss, accompanied by only thirty horsemen. The Rana's spies, im- mediately on the Sultan's joining the army, acquainted their master of his arrival ; and the latter, not thinking it advisable to front him, halted a stage in the rear. He at the same time sent one of his confidants into camp, who, Vikramajit, was to bring assistance. Bhopat is called by Ferishta the son of Silhaddi. 242 under many pretended excuses, wished to as- certain whether the Sultan had himself joined the army or not. In the mean time, the Rana, after ascertaining that Abigh Khan had arrived from Gujarat with thirty-six thousand cavalry, as an escort to the guns and elephants, sounded a retreat. The Sultan ordered that he should be closely pursued, and followed him to Chitore; but the Rana, before the army could come up, had taken refuge in the fort. It was now resolved that the troops should capture the fort of Raisein, after which they were to lay siege to Chitore. Sultan Bahadur accordingly marched against the former place, where the besieged, seeing no prospect of assistance, yielded up the fort, as related in the history above quoted. At this time, Sultan Alam Lodi, brother of Sultan Sikandar, had been driven from Kalpi, by the power of Jannat Makani Humayun Pad- shah, and, accompanied by twelve thousand Ahorse, sought an asylum with Sultan Bahadur. The latter presented him with the government of Raisein, Bhilsah, and Chanderi, which had belonged to Silhaddi. He also ordered that Mohammed Shah Asiri should seize on the town of Gagroni, which the Rana had taken by con- quest from Sultan Mohammed Khilji. About this time, Sultan Bahadur went to 243 Gondwanah for the purpose of hunting ele- phants, and obtained a great many. After cap- turing the fort of Kanur, he gave it in charge to Alp Khan ; and, having subsequently reduced Islamabad, Hushangabad, and other neighbour- ing districts dependant on Malwa, returned to Sarangpiir. From thence he went to Gagroni, which Mohammed Shah Asiri had not yet redu- ced, and immediately received its submission on his arrival. He then appointed Imadu-1- Mulk to conquer the country about Mandasur, whilst he himself marched back for his capital. Soon after Sultan Bahadur's arrival at Mah- mudabad, intelligence was brought him from the port of Diu, that the Europeans had come there with many ships and other warlike means, in order to capture the place. He lost no time in hastening to Khambayat : and the Europe- ans, hearing that the Sultan was advancing, took to flight k . After arriving at Dili, he or- dered two large guns, with a hundred of smaller size, to be sent to Mahmudabad for the capture of Chitore. From thence he went to Ahmada- bad ; and having subsequently arrived, in one day, at Mahmudabad, sent orders to Mohammed ( k ) See Briggs's Ferishta, IV. p. 123. This attempt on Did is placed by the Portuguese Annals about February and March, A.D. 1531, being the end of A. Hij. 937. R2 244 Shah Asiri to advance from Asir to the siege of Chitore. Khudawand Khan 1 and Wazir Khan, who were with the army at Mandu, were ordered to join Mohammed Khan Asiri, whilst the Sultan himself posted from Mahmudabad to Mandu in three days. At this time, Moham- med Khan Asiri and Khudawand Khan re- ceived orders to march on Chitore ; and when they with the army arrived at Mandasur, the Rana's agents came to say, that whatever the Sultan might be pleased to order he would per- form it to the best of his ability, provided the intention of besieging Chitore was abandoned. This request not being complied with, the Sul- tan's army invested Chitore, and straitened the besieged. At length the mother of Yikra- majit, the Rana's son, sent to say, that she had been of old a servant of the Sultan, and that, if he consented to spare the place, and would march from thence, she would give him in return a golden waistband m and jewelled (*) This is the same person as Rumi Khan. He was a Turkish slave, whose original name was Saghra Aka. His subsequent titles were Khudawand Khan and Rumi Khan. According to the Haft Iklim, he founded the castle of Surat A. Hij. 947, A.D. 1540 ; though Major Price in his Mohammedan History, vol. III. would place this foundation ten years earlier. ( m ) This valuable belt was afterwards presented to Suleiman, the lawgiver, at the court of Constantinople ; and the Chevalier Joseph 245 crown, which had been captured from Mahmud Khilji I. of Malwa, when the Rana defeated him. Besides these jewels, which were incalcu- lably valuable, she promised to pay five laks of rupees, one hundred horses, and ten elephants, as an acknowledgment of submission. Malik Burhanu-1-Mulk and Mujahid Khan were sent from thence with a large army to cap- ture the fort of Rattanbhore ; and Malik Sham- shiru -1-Mulk was despatched with twelve thou- sand cavalry to reduce Ajmir. The Sultan at this time went to Mandu, by way of Mandasur ; and, soon after his arrival there, deputed Mo- hammed Shah Asiri, with the most famous of the Gujarat nobles, to go against Nizamu-1- Mulk Dekhani. Mohammed Shah Asiri, after encountering the latter in the neighbourhood of the town of Bir, sent messengers to the Sultan, Joseph von Hammer, in his Memoirs on the Diplomatic Relations of Dehli and Constantinople, mentions it in these words of the Turkish historian : " The Tatar armies of Humayun, with which he had conquered the greatest part of Hindustan, having also taken possession of the countries of Bahadur Shah, Sultan of Gujarat, this prince sent away his principal ministers, his harem, and his treasure to Medina ; and at the same time despatched an ambassador to Constantinople with presents, who arrived there while the Sultan was absent at Adrianople. Besides other pre- cious gifts, he brought a girdle valued at sixty krores of ducats, the krore being a hundred thousand; or, taking the ducat at fifty aspers, 30,000,000 aspers." 246 acquainting him of the circumstance ; and twelve thousand brave horsemen were accord- ingly selected and sent to his assistance. The opposing armies, however, had come to action before the arrival of the others at Bir : and the Dekhan's troops, immediately on hearing of the Sultan's advance, took to flight 11 . A little time after, Burhan Nizam Shah came to meet the Sultan, when he acknowledged his dependence ; and the latter, having given him back his coun- try, proceeded towards Mandu. At this time, Burhan Nizam Shah, after accompanying the king of Gujarat several stages, obtained leave to return. The Sultan again showed an anxious wish to take the fort of Chitore, but Mohammed Zaman Mirza, grandson of Sultan Husain, king of Kho- rasan, happening at this time to fly from his relation, Jannat Ashiani Humayun Padshah, of Dehli, attached himself to Sultan Bahadur . ( n ) This expedition, which was the second against Burhan Ni- zam Shah, is here wrongly placed. It is rightly placed by Fe- rishta, both in his Gujarat and Ahmadnagar histories, being after Shaban, A. Hij. 937, A.D. 1531. () We have been already told that Sultan Bahadur had laid siege to Chitore, and was induced to abandon it. According to Ferishta's Dehli history, this happened A. Hij. 938, A.D. 1531; at which time Mohammed Zaman Mirza, having conspired against Humayun, fled to Bahadur Shah. Humayun on this very occa- sion advanced to Gwalior and returned ; whilst the Rana of Chi- tore 247 Humayun was much vexed at this, and wrote to the king of Gujarat, either to send the fugi- s tive back, or expel him from his country. The different letters on this subject which passed between them are to be found in the history be- fore quoted ; and, to terminate the matter, these produced a mutual enmity. About this time, Sultan Bahadur sent his army from Mandu to the siege of Chitore, and appointed Rumi Khan as his deputy there ; promising that, after cap- turing it, he would give it over to his care. At the same period, intelligence was received that Humayun Padshah had arrived at Gwalior, with the view of making war on Sultan Baha- dur ; who, while investing Chitore, and fighting with infidels, patiently waited the result. After being aware of Humayun's intentions, he com- manded Tatar Khan Locli to make a demon- stration against Dehli, and to go by way of tore paid a tribute of the waistband and crown. These events, which in his Gujarat history are placed A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-4, and have been confounded with the first siege of Chitore, are in- dividually placed in the Dehli accounts A. Hij. 938 and 941. But the dates of all these events appear very confused in Ferishta, and Abul-Fazl is certainly a better guide in this matter. Price, in his Mohammedan Annals, quoting this author says, Chitore fell to Bahadur the 3d of Ramazan, A. Hij. 941, March, A.D. 1535. If such be correct, Humayun's first advance and return to Agra must have been A. Hij. 940, A.D. 1533-34. 248 Beyana, under an impression that, if Humayun went into Gujarat, he himself would become master of Dehli ; or that the other, having nothing better left him, would order his troops to return. By the will of fate, and the mistakes of Tatar Khan Lodi, these me.asures were not accomplished, and the Gujarat army w r as ac- cordingly defeated by Hindal Mirza, the bro- ther of Humayun. Notwithstanding this, the siege of Chitore continued ; and the besieged at length, being straitened, surrendered the fort. Though Sultan Bahadur had promised to give Rumi Khan the command of Chitore, he did not do so on various accounts. Rumi Khan, of- fended at this, wrote privately to Humayun, and at the same time threw difficulties in the way of the king of Gujarat, whenever any thing was to be done, as is to be found detailed in the above history. Sultan Bahadur was at length forced to take shelter in the fort of Mandu, but, on the capture of this place by Humayun, es- caped to Champanir, and left Mandu to the care and protection of Ikhtiyar Khan and Raja Nar- singh Deo. From thence going to the country of Sorath, he took up his residence in the island of Dili?. Soon after this, Champanir fell (P) In Col. Miles's account of Champanir (Bombay Transac- tions, 1, 1431) Abul-Fazl is quoted; from whose account it ap- pears 249 into the power of Humayun, who went to Ah- madabad ; but, as he was obliged to return to the capital of Agra, in consequence of the insur- rection of Shir Khan Afghan, otherwise entitled Shir Shah, he left his brother, Mirza Askari, at Ahmadabad, Kasim Beg in the Sirkar of Bhroch, Yadgar Nasir Mirza in the Sirkar of Patan, and Baba Beg Jallairi in the fort of Champanir. At this time, Sultan Bahadur's commanders, such as Malik Amin Darwish, who had been ap- pointed to command Rentumbhore, Malik Bur- hanu-1-Mulk, the commandant of Chitore, and Shamshiru-1-Mulk, the commandant of Ajmir, having effected a junction, advanced with forty thousand cavalry to the neighbourhood of Pa- tan, whence they sent to tell the Sultan that, if it was his pleasure, their troops would attack those of Yadgar Nasir Mirza. The Sultan re- plied that he was about to join them, and that they must not engage the Mirza until he came. - Soon after Sultan Bahadur joined the troops, Yadgar Nasir Mirza hearing that he had arri- ved, kept aloof, and hastened to Ahmadabad. The former, on learning that soldiers from all quarters were flocking to join him, advanced against Ahmadabad ; soon after which Mirza pears that Bahadur was defeated at Mandasiir, A. Hij. 941, A.D. 1534-5, and that the fort was not taken until Safar, A. Hij. 942, or August A.D. 1535. 250 Askari and the others gave him battle near Mahmudabad. The Dehli commanders, how- ever, perceiving that it would be impossible to keep their footing in a strange country, went soon after to join Humayun. Mirza Askari and the others were in possession of Gujarat v^nine months and some days. Sultan Bahadur, at this period, went to Cham- panir, where he remained for some time ; but, bsing annoyed by the intrigues of the Europe- ans, and vexed with them for building a fort in the island of Diu, was continually contriving how he might expel them. The account of building this fortification may be found in the Mirat Sikandari. y When the Sultan, accompanied by a few other persons, went to have an interview with the treacherous European infidels, he was murdered, it is said, by them, and thrown into the sea**. (i) The death of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, who was killed in an affray with the Portuguese at Did, has been represented by some Mohammedan authors in a most unfavourable light for the latter. Colonel Briggs, in his translation of Ferishta, has ex- tracted a passage of the history called the Tarikhi Sikandari, from which, and the Portuguese accounts, it would appear that the parties were suspicious of each other, and were plotting accord- ingly. Bahadur Shah intended to imprison Nuno de Cunha, Governor General of Portuguese India, and Emanuel de Souza, Governor of Diu, by which he hoped to drive these foreigners from 251 These events happened on the 3d of Ramazan, A. Hij. 943 ; and from this time the port of Dili has been possessed by the Europeans, Ikhtiyar from Diu, and obtain possession of the place ; while the latter were desirous of seizing Bahadur and thwarting his designs. Some misunderstanding and quarrel having taken place between their followers, at a meeting on board the Portuguese ship, Bahadur was put to death in the squabble. The author of the Mirat Si- kandari wrote sixty-two years after this transaction, and probably derived his information from those cotemporary with the actors in it. This account is supported by the author of the Tazkaratu-1- Muluk, who wrote about the same time, and arrived in India little more than twenty years after the event of Bahadur's death. The latter says, " at this time it was reported that the Governor of Gova had arrived at the port of Diu, with the design of carry- ing on hostilities in this part of the country. Sultan Bahadur, therefore, accompanied by a large force, went to Dili, with a view of thwarting their designs ; and, as all the places on the sea coast were soon after given in charge to the Gujarat commanders, and their Sipahis, all ingress to the Europeans was thus prevented. Skirmishes between the Mohammedans and the latter daily took place on the sea coast, and several were killed on each side ; but a peace was at length agreed upon between them, as both were tired of this warfare. It was settled at this time that the parties should meet on shipboard, from whence the Europeans in amity with the Mohammedans were to come on shore to an entertain- ment. Several of the nobles about Sultan Bahadur were averse to his going on shipboard, lest something unfortunate might hap- pen, and thus frustrate his intentions ; but the Sultan, heedless of their wishes, determined to go there : thinking that the Euro- peans would be thus induced to attend an entertainment, where he might put the whole to death, and find opportunity for after- wards seizing on their ships and other property. The Sultan, accompanied by some friends, imprudently went on shipboard, where 252 Khan, the king's minister, has written the date thereof in these words : Sultdnu-l-barr Shahi- du'l-bahr " The king of the land was a martyr at sea." The length of his reign was eleven years ; and his death happened when he was only thirty- one years of age. After the murder of Bahadur, his minister and nobles sent to his nephew, Mohammed Shah Faruki, of Khandesh, then at Ujain, command- ing seven thousand horse; and, after acquainting him with the circumstances, requested he would come to Gujarat to be invested with power, according to the will of his late uncle. Mohammed Zaman Mirza, pleased at the con- fusion which at this time prevailed in Gujarat, took up a position at the town of Awan, three koss from Dili. The nobles, aware of his inten- tions, sent Imadu-1-Mulk with a strong force against him ; when, after a battle fought in that neighbourhood, the Mirza was defeated, and took his departure. Sultan Mohammed Shah Faruki, on receiving the intelligence of Sultan Bahadur's death, did not communicate the event to any one ; but was where his enemies slew him at this meeting, and all the Moham- medans who were with him. After having subsequently plun- dered many parts, the Europeans returned to Gova. 253 so much grieved at being thus separated from him, that his death also happened seventeen days afterwards. When the Gujarat nobles were made acquainted with this event, they saw that there was no heir to the throne, except Mohammed Khan, son of Latif Khan, and ne- phew to Bahadur. As he had been imprisoned, at Bahadur's request, by the late Mohammed Khan Faruki ; the nobles, therefore, wrote to Shamsu-d-din, in whose care he was, that he might send him to Gujarat. Shamsu-d-din ac- cordingly sent him to be installed in the manner of his ancestors. After the defeat of Sultan Bahadur, much dis- order and sedition found their way into the affairs of Gujarat ; and, from that time, the tri- bute from the kings of the Dekhan, and the ports possessed by the Europeans, was no longer received. CHAPTER X. THE REIGN OF SULTAN MAHMUD II., SON OF LATlF KHAN. A.D.feT' Mahmud Khan, in A. Hij. 943, A.D. 1536, commenced his reign at the age of eleven. On this occasion, Imadu-1-Mulk obtained the 254 office of prime-minister ; and Darya Khan re- ceived the title of Majlis Girami. These two agreed to carry on the affairs of the govern- ment, and watched the Sultan so narrowly, that he appeared as if placed between two planks of wood. No one, excepting these two noblemen, ever visited the Sultan ; and, though much an- noyed at this, he very wisely and judiciously never gave the least indication of his vexation. He appeared so much taken up with amuse- ments and hunting, that you would have said he had no thought for his kingdom or his army. He continued to say, both privately and openly, that a king, having such ministers as Imadu-1- Mulk and Darya Khan, need not give himself any trouble about his government; and often he would ask, What kind of a place is Mekka ? and what like is Medinah ? The ministers, pleased to hear him talking in this manner, conducted the affairs of government without any trouble. But the Sultan very wisely, and from necessity, played the simpleton ; and what- ever of good or bad he might hear, either pub- licly or privately, he repeated to them without alteration. They were, therefore, much asto- nished at the Sultan's conduct. At length, Darya Khan wished to remove Tmadu-1-Mulk from any interference with the 255 government. To further this design, he carried the Sultan on a pleasure trip to a tank near the Mahindri River, and distant from the city thirty koss ; where, having collected together a large force from the neighbouring districts, he com- manded Imadu-1-Mulk, in the name of the go- vernment, to quit the city of Ahmadabad, and retire to his personal estate. The latter, having no alternative but compliance, went to his estate in Jhalawar. On this occasion, Darya Khan, accompanied by the Sultan, pursued Imadu-1- Mulk, and, after following him to the confines of Burhanpur, sent a message to Mubarak Shah Faruki, requesting he would seize the fugitive, and send him to him. Mubarak Shah, who would not comply with this request, was now at war with Darya Khan ; and, in an engagement fought near Wankiri, the former being defeated, fled to Assir, while his famous elephants, and other ensigns of royalty, fell into the power of Mohammed Shah II. of Gujarat. Imadu-1-Mulk, continuing his flight from thence, went to Kadir Shah of Mandu, then Governor of Malwa; and the Sultan, after remaining several days at Burhanpur, entered into a treaty, stipulating that the oration at the mosque, and the currency of Burhanpur and Asir, should be in his name. Soon after this, Darya Khan, accompanied 256 by the Sultan, returned to Ahmadabad ; and, being now at leisure, subjected the whole of Gujarat to his control. He pretended to act in the name of Mohammed Shah, whom he retained as a pageant. Being much addicted to luxury, he made an agreement that Alam Khan Lodi, one of his confidants, should provide for the custody of the Sultan, whom he gave over to his charge. The people of Gujarat, they say, whether rich or poor, were pleased and gratified by the pro- priety of Darya Khan's kindness, presents, gifts, and pensions. It was his practice to keep by him blank grants of land, sealed with the royal signet, and ready for presentation, in order that the deserving might not be kept waiting. In this manner, Darya Khan, for the space of five years, enjoyed himself ; and, though the Sul- tan was informed of his excessive luxury, he took no notice of it. The former continually endea- voured to discover the other's secret thoughts, but was never able to do so, and was wont to say, " I am astonished at the conduct of the Sultan, who is either very knowing or a fool who has no equal." Alam Khan Lodi subsequently obtained Dar- ya Khan's permission to go to his own estate, as he was displeased with his benefactor for the 257 reasons found written in the Mirat Sikandari. It was reported that Imadu-1-Mulk, in Malwa, had at this time become more and more inti- mate with Kadir Shah. Darya Khan, who was much vexed at hearing this, sent an order in the name of the king of Gujarat, that Kadir Shah should either seize and send Imadu-1- Mulk to Gujarat, or expel him from his country. The Governor of Malwa wrote in answer that he did not chose to comply. Darya Khan was enraged at this reply ; and, having ordered the king's tents to be brought out, encamped at the palace of Ghattamandal, near the Kankriya- tank, with the intention of marching an army against Kadir Shah. He also issued a firman for the assembly of troops from all quarters of the kingdom ; during which time he daily passed two or three hours with the Sultan, and was wont, after returning to his own house, to spend his time in pleasure and amusement. The Sultan, while yet young, had acquired a habit of bearing whatever might come ; and, though consequently grieved, had no power of doing otherwise. Darya Khan one day invited him, along with Sayyid Mubarak Bokhari, to an entertainment, where the dancing and singing had induced him to remain all night a spectator. About the latter part of the night, the minister, 258 rising up, retired with one of the dancing girls, and left the Sultan quite alone ; at this very improper treatment, the latter manifested his indignation ; but, restraining his passion, whis- pered to the Sayyid, " Do you behold the impu- dence of this slave, who leaves me alone, and, in getting up, forgets the usual respect that should be paid me ?" The Sayyid told him that it was now necessary to bear and wait patiently, to see what might turn up. Alam Khan Lodi, then living on his estate at Dhandukah, and who had a grudge against Darya Khan, hearing what had happened, sent privately to the Sultan, saying, " that if he chose to favour him, and would give the orders for the removal of Darya Khan, such would be accomplished." This measure being finally re- solved on and agreed to between the parties, through the mediation of a bird-catcher named Charunji, the Sultan one night secretly took flight, and went over to Alam Khan Lodi. He was accompanied, on this occasion, by twenty- two horsemen, who had escorted some draught carriages sent by the latter. One day had elapsed before Darya Khan became acquainted with the Sultan's flight, and was now at a loss how to proceed. As he was in possession of the treasure, he elevated to the throne a grandson 259 of Sultan Ahmad II. ; and, having- entitled him Sultan Muzaffir, caused the currency to be struck, and the oration at the mosque to be pronounced in his name. After having, more- over, collected fifty thousand cavalry, he came out to oppose Alam Khan Lodi and the Sultan, who, in a severe battle fought soon after, sus- tained a defeat. Darya Khan, thus victorious, left the Sultan to himself, and went to Dholka. The latter, notwithstanding their defeat, collected another army, by people flocking to their standard from every quarter, and from among the numerous deserters of Darya Khan's army. The other, not thinking it advisable he should remain at Dholka, marched to Ahmadabad. On arriving there, the people refused him admittance ; but, entering the city by force, he endeavoured to conciliate the soldiers and the people. Not- withstanding this, his men deserted and went over to the opposite party. Darya Khan, who was now suspicious that the townspeople would seize and deliver him up to his sovereign, sent his family and effects to the fort of Champanir ; whilst he himself went to Mubarak Shah at Burhanpur. These events happened in the year of the Hijra 950, A.D. 1543. Mohammed Shah IT., after entering Ahmad- 260 abad, went to Champanir ; and, having captured that fort, obtained possession of Darya Khan's women and treasures. The Sultan, now invested with absolute dominion, conferred the office of prime-minister on Burhanu-1-Mulk Babi, and made Alam Khan Lodi commander-in-chief. His affairs had thus continued prosperous for six months ; when, at the intercession of Alam Khan Lodi, Imadu-1-Mulk was called to court, and Charunji, through his representation, ob- tained the title of Muhafiz Khan. The latter was made a companion of by the Sultan ; and, though naturally a mean wretch, became his adviser, frequently declaring that he was a friend and well-wisher of his sovereign. Imadu-1-Mulk, who had in the mean time arrived from Mandu, paid his respects to the Sultan ; and, after obtaining the sirkar of Bhroch, with the port of Surat as his jagir, received permission to go there and take possession. At this time, Muhafiz Khan, when the Sultan was one day heated with wine, advised him to dis- miss all the old nobles, and promote others. But, to accomplish this object, it was necessary first to remove Ala-ud-din Lodi, brother of Sikandar Lodi, of Dehli, and who, in the time of Bahadur Shah, entered the service of Gujarat ; and, secondly, Shujaat Khan, who had accom- 261 panied him in the war carried on against Darya Khan. The Sultan, without consulting any of his ministers or nobles in this matter, ordered that these two noblemen should be put to death on the gallows ; and they were accord- ingly executed. At this time, Sultan Mohammed retired to his private apartment, and ordered that no one should for three days be admitted to see him. On the third day, Alam Khan Lodi told Imadu- 1-Mulk, that, as Sultan Ala-ud-din had now been dead for three days, it would be necessary to tell the Sultan that he must be buried. Imadu- 1-Mulk consequently went to the darbdr, where Muhafiz Khan, coming from the presence of the Sultan, asked what he wanted, after having received permission to proceed to his jagir. The former replied, he must tell the Sultan that, if it was his pleasure, he would bury Sultan Ala-ud- din. The wretch Muhafiz Khan, laughing con- temptuously, said to him in a familiar manner, " Oh, Malik, these two ungrateful servants have suffered death, and a crowd of others will be made to follow them !" Imadu-1-Mulk, on hear- ing this speech, was angry ; and, going to Alam Khan Lodi, told him what he had heard. At the same time, he advised him that Muhafiz Khan should be put to death, if he himself had 262 a wish to live many days ; and that the Sultan should be closely watched. Imadu-1-Mulk im- mediately after went to his jagir; but Alam Khan, Wajihu-1-Mulk, and others, who were assembling troops for the purpose of having Muhafiz Khan put to death; resolved that they would not saldm to the Sultan till such had been accomplished. After burying Ala-ud-din Lodi, the conspi- rators assembled in a mosque near the royal court, where, seating themselves, they besieged the Sultan for three days. At the end of this time, the latter, being no longer able to endure his confinement, sent to ask them why they were assembled. They unanimously answered, " they were the Sultan's servants, but that his confidant, Muhafiz Khan, who was not a proper x person to serve him, must be delivered over to them." The Sultan would not consent to this, but soon after called these noblemen to him, that they might pay their respects. As one among them was in some way connected with Muhafiz Khan, the same sent to tell him that it would not be proper that he should be present at the meeting. The fool, either from pride or reliance on the Sultan's favour, did not attend to this warning ; and, having accordingly come, stood behind the king's throne. When Alam 263 .,- Khan Lodi saw him standing there, being no longer able to contain himself, he made a signal to his followers : on observing which, Muhafiz Khan, through fear of his life, took shelter below the throne. The mutineers, after drag- ging him by the hair of the head from below the throne, cut him in pieces; and, although the Sultan urged them to forbear, yet no one at- tended to his request. The latter, being quite petrified at this transaction, drew his dagger, with an intention of killing himself ; and, al- though the conspirators almost immediately wrested the dagger from his hand, a small part of the point had however penetrated his belly. After dressing his wound, they gave him into custody, to be confined as before : and Alam Khan Lodi, with Wajihu-1-Mulk, Mujahid Khan, and Mujahidu-1-Mulk, who were the principal nobles, were appointed to have charge of him. They, having conducted him to Ahmadabad, continued to watch him narrowly as before ; but, as an intrigue had been now set on foot among themselves, their vexation was mani- fested at being thus obliged to guard him. After consulting what ought to be done, they proposed to blind him with a hot iron, and raise a child to the throne ; but some said that there was n necessity for even a child ; and that, by 264 dividing the country among themselves, each might govern his own domain. It was, there- fore, agreed on that the country should be di- vided, and that each should have a determinate portion in certain districts. This design was never accomplished ; as one of them, Tatar Khan, privately told the Sultan what he had heard ; and the Sultan, going with a party of horse at night, ordered that the houses of Alam Khan Lodi and Wajihu-1-Mulk should be plun- dered. Those who were the leaders of the xnobles consequently took to flight ; and a de- tailed account of the same may be found in the Mirat Sikandari. The Sultan, having again become master of his kingdom, gave the office of prime-minister to Asaf Khan, who had before held the same office under Sultan Ba- hadur ; and who, with Khudawand Khan and several others, were promoted to high offices. As Alam Khan Lodi, after his flight, wrote to Darya Khan, then living in poverty among the cities of the Dekhan, and requested he would join him, the latter, accordingly, came, and met Imadu-1-Mulk at Bhroch : but with this event the Sultan became anxious and uneasy. In the mean time a communication came from Imadu-1- Mulk, representing that as Alam Khan and Darya Khan were old servants of his govern- 265 ment, it would be wrong to allow them to go to Shir Shah, the king of Dehli, and that he should give them jagirs on the frontiers ; where they might do him great service. To this proposi- tion he agreed ; but, as Alam Khan's brother, with his family, had fled, the fulfilment of the promise was delayed. The Sultan, being ever on the watch, lest Darya Khan, Alam Khan, and Imadu-1-Mulk, should join to raise a dis- turbance in the country, ordered the latter to come to him with all possible expedition, in order that he might consult him on these mat- ters. Sayyid Arab Shah was accordingly des- patched to Imadu-1-Mulk, who, having come to Champanir, with ten or twelve thousand cavalry, experienced the royal favour. Soon after, it happened that some one at night set up the cry that it was the Sultan's order to plunder Imadu-1-Mulk. The people rushing from all quarters, in consequence of this false assertion, plundered Imadu-1-Mulk and his followers ; on which the former, being much hurt at heart, and greatly injured, sought an asylum with Sayyid Mubarak. The Sultan, when made acquainted with this transaction, was much vexed ; and, after causing those who had occasioned this commotion to be seized, ordered them to be executed. He also endea- 266 voured by every means to conciliate Imadu-1- Mulk ; but, as he mentioned his intention of visiting the holy cities of Mekka and Medinah, the Sultan complied with his wishes, and for- warded him to the port of Surat ; where he was Imklf 2 ' killed soon after, on the seventeenth of Ramazan, of the year Hijra 952, A.D. 1545. Succeeding these events, the Sultan ap- pointed Sayyid Mubarak to command a force against Darya Khan and Alam Khan ; and he, after gaining a battle, drove them from Gujarat, when they both went to Shir Shah of Dehli. At this time, the Sultan abandoned the plea- sures of the harem ; and the government having thus received an accession of power, both nobles and soldiers fell so completely under its ma- nagement, that they had not the power of dis- obeying. There was now some desire mani- fested of seizing on Malwa ; but, when the Sul- tan consulted his minister, Asaf Khan, in this matter, he was told that he might obtain a country equal to Malwa by merely attaching a fourth of the Gujarat province, or that part called the apportioned lands, then possessed by x Rajputs, Grassias, and Kiilis. " If," said the minister, " that fourth was only brought under government management, it is sufficient, as a jagir, to maintain twenty-five thousand horse ;" 267 and the order was accordingly given for its re- sumption. The Grassias of I'dur, Sirohi, Dun- garpur, Banswarah, Lonawarah, Rajpipalah, the banks of the Mahindri river, and Halwad, r began on this account to disturb the country. The parties of soldiers stationed at Sirohi, Idur, and other places, were therefore ordered to ex- tirpate the very name of Rajput and Kuli from such places ; excepting, however, those who were the armed police of the country, or such as were engaged in trade, and who were to be distinguished by a specific mark on the right arm. Should any of this class be found with- out this mark, they were to be executed. In consequence of such orders, the Moham- medan faith obtained such a superiority in those parts, about the latter part of this reign, that no Hindu was allowed to ride on horseback through the city ; and those on foot were not allowed to wear clothing, unless distinguished by a red patch of cloth sewed on the shoulder. They were, moreover, prevented from exhibit- ing any public marks of infidelity, such as the \idolatries of the Hull and Dewali festivals. It is therefore related that after the villain Burhan murdered the Sultan, the Grassias and Kulis set up an image of the murderer, which they worshipped, and addressed it, saying, " This is 268 our protector, who has saved us from perdi- tion." The author of the Mirat Sikandari, who has mentioned the Sultan's contemporaries and friends, says that he was a great friend to Fakirs, and that, having a great regard for the unfortunate among this class, he built many places for their reception, where servants were appointed to supply them with whatever they required. He was also wont to give the devout, frequenting mosques and colleges, good clothing during the winter season, and make them pre- sents of coverlets. As many of the dissipated among them were, however, in the habit of selling the latter, he ordered that such should be made large enough for covering several persons, as they would not be then unanimous in their resolution to sell them. The Sultan, having rid himself of the domi- I'DasJe 3 ' neering nobles, set out, in A. Hij. 953, A.D. 1546, on a trip of pleasure to Mahmud- abad r ; where he resolved on erecting some magnificent works, called the deer park. The latter, which was two farsangs long, and in breadth nearly as far as a horse could run, con- tained at each corner a palace, the walls and ( r ) This city was founded by Mahmiid I, surnamed Bigarrah, in A. Hij. 880, A.D. 1475. 269 roof of which were gilded. On the right hand side of the doors, leading to each of these palaces, he caused a fine bazar to be made ; where in every shop a Peri-faced damsel was stationed, to dispense to customers every thing which contributed to pleasure. The Sultan often, when engaged on a hunting party, was wont to entertain and amuse himself there with these fair damsels ; and, once every year, from the 1st to the 12th of Rabi-ul-awal, the nativity of the Prophet Mohammed was celebrated, when . all the Ulamas, Shaikhs, and learned men, at- tended the Court, and rehearsed the traditions. On the 12th day, the Sultan personated the Sharif of Mekka in that assembly, after having ordered the whole to be fed at a banquet. This practice had been continued downwards from the time of Muzaffir II. When Sultan Mahmud II. had exerted him- self at the celebration of this festival, held in the year of the Hijra 961, A.D. 1533-4, he re- tired to rest, after having taken farewell of the people then assembled. Having slept a little, he awoke, and called for some sherbet and water; when Burhan, whose office was to pre- pare these things, mixing poison with the draught, gave it to the Sultan. The latter soon after felt unwell, and, having vomited, asked 270 Burhan what kind of sherbet he had given him. The latter replied that, as the Sultan's illness had been solely brought on by his exer- tions, it was necessary for him to take rest, that he might drive it away. Another hour of the night passed, and the Sultan, again going to sleep, was murdered by Burhan with a dagger. This event happened on Friday, during the na- tivity of the Prophet, A. Hij. 962, A.D. 1554. As nearly eighteen years had passed from the time he was first enthroned, and as Tie was in his eleventh year, he must have attained his twenty-eighth year at the period of his death. The wretch Burhan, with his wicked accom- plices in this infamous transaction, resolved to finish the business, by concealing, in the ante- chamber of the royal apartments, a party of armed men, to whom instructions were given to kill every one who should approach. After this arrangement was made, a person was sent to Asaf Khan, the prime-minister, with a mes- sage to say " that the Sultan was calling him, and that he was on no account to make the least delay." The minister accordingly went ; when Burhan, rising up, received him with much re- spect, telling him that it was the Sultan's order that he should wait in the ante-chamber, where the armed men had been concealed. The wretch 271 soon after made the minister advance before him ; and, whilst he himself drew back, the latter was slain on entering the ante-chamber : as was also Khudawand Khan, who was sent for in the same manner. Itimad Khan had been also sent for; but he, wisely supposing that there was some pretence for doing so, went not. About the same time, another of the ministers, Afzal Khan, was sent for ; on whom Burhan, seeing him approaching, began to smile, and flattered him, saying, " That if the Khan gave him his assistance, he would grant him whatsoever he might desire." To this, Afzal Khan replied, " Wretch ! what are your thoughts ? and what is this you talk of?" Burhan at length, de- spairing of gaining over Afzal Khan, caused him also to be put to death. The wretch, having thus glutted his vile heart with these and many other murders, laid his hands on the royal treasure and effects ; and, having dressed himself in fine attire, binding on his neck a collar of great value, studded with jewels, which had been worn by the Sultan, seated himself like a dog on the royal jewelled chair, making manifest the saying, " that the dog sits in the cook's place." Having thus commenced to govern, he gave away the king's best horses as presents to his 272 accomplices, along with their saddles, their gold and silver head-ornaments; and orclered that all the prisoners in jail should be set free. Those who joined him took the money and the horses, but, soon after seceding from his party, left him with only a few. In the mean time, these events became gene- rally known. The confidants of the late Sul- tan, such as Imadu-l-Mulk s , the leader of the Turks, and Alagh Khan, chief of the Abyssi- nians, now went with all possible expedition to the palace, and, having locked up the treasure, gave it in charge to trustworthy persons. They next proceeded to expel Burhan ; who, with those he had collected, came out ; and as one of the nobles, named Shirwan Khan, had advanced in front. Burhan said to him, " Come on, Shir- wan Khan; you have arrived in time!" To this the Khan replied, "I have indeed !" and, spurring on his horse, so cut him across the shoulder with his sword that he fell at his feet. All who were with him were also put to death. Sayyid Mubarak now called together all the great nobles, such as Itimad Khan and others, ( s ) This is the Imadu-1-Mulk mentioned in the Miratu-1-Ma- malik, who must not be confounded with him who died at Surat. His original name was Malik Arslan, 273 that they might deliberate how government should be carried on. The late Sultan having left no heir behind, Riza-ul-Mulk was despatched to Ahmadabad, to bring one of his relations, named Ahmad Khan. The messenger, who found him at a merchant's shop, purchasing- grain, brought him accordingly to Mahmuda- bad. CHAPTER XL THE REIGN OF AHMAD KHAN II. SON OF LAT1F KHAN, WHO WAS GRANDSON OF SHUKAR KHAN, THE SON OF SULTAN AHMAD 1. A.Hij.961, On the 15th of Rabi-ul-awal, A. Hii. 28th February, J 961, A.D. 1554, Sayyid Mubarak, as- sisted by the grandees and great nobles of state, taking Ahmad Khan by the hand, placed him on the throne, and entitled him Ahmad Sultan. From this date, the Sultan confided much in Sayyid Mubarak, and Itimad Khan was made prime-minister. As Ahmad Sultan was yet a minor, the nobles agreed to divide the treasure and country among each other, until he attained maturity ; and every one in his own domain was to guard against disturbances of the public peace, and T 274 protect the frontiers. When Mubarak Shah, of Khandesh, became aware of this state of affairs in Gujarat, he undertook an expedition to that quarter, and encamped with his army on the Nerbuddah, opposite Bhroch. The Gujarat nobles, marching thither, encamped opposite to him. After an . interchange of messages be- tween the parties, a peace was at length con- cluded, through the mediation of Sayyid Muba- rak ; when the nobles returned towards Ahmad - abad ; but, having soon after split into two factions, one of them joined Itimad Khan, and the other followed Nasiru-1-Mulk. Sayyid Mu- barak, who was a brave and honourable man, continued to support Itimad Khan. The two opposite factions continued watching each other, until they arrived in the neighbourhood of Ba- roda, where a battle was fought between Sayyid Mubarak and Nasiru-1-Mulk, in which the for- x mer suffered a defeat. As this had happened in consequence of Itimad Khan having withheld his assistance, Sayyid Mubarak took his depar- ture for his jagir of Kapparwanj ; and the for- mer, without fighting, soon after joined him at that place. ISFasiru-1-Mulk carried Sultan Ahmad along with him ; and, having entered Ahmadabad with uncontrolled power, administered the af- 275 fairs of government in this manner for two months. At the end of that time, he carried his troops against Kapparwanj, for the purpose of expelling Sayyid Mubarak and Itimad Khan, who came out to oppose him. As Alagh Khan Habshi and Imadu-1-Mulk Rumi, who had charge of the Sultan, came to the resolution, at this time, of going over with him to Sayyid Mu- barak ; and were afraid that, if Nasiru-1-Mulk succeeded against the Sayyid and Itimad Khan, he would proceed against them in turn ; they accordingly carried the Sultan over to the enemy, one morning at daybreak: in consequence of which Nasiru-1-Mulk took to flight. Sayyid Mubarak and Itimad Khan carried the Sultan with them to Ahmadabad : from whence they went in pursuit of Nasiru-1-Mulk, who had gone into the mountainous country about Pal. Itimad Khan, on this occasion, appointed Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk his deputy in Ah- madabad ; but as the latter, two days after the departure of the Sultan with Itimad Khan, gave his support to a person named Shahu, the Sultan's paternal uncle, discord was renewed afresh. Sayyid Mubarak and the others, on being made acquainted with this proceeding, marched from Bhroch for Ahmadabad ; but had only advanced T2 276 as far as Mahmudabad, when the supporters of Shahu marched out to meet them. A battle hav- ing consequently taken place between the parties, at the town of Uprah, four koss distant from Ah- madabad, Shahu and the rebellious nobles who supported him were put to flight. Sayyid Mu- barak now carried the Sultan along with him, and entered Ahmadabad in triumph. Soon after, the nobles having divided the country in the manner agreed on 1 , each took possession of his portion ; whilst the Sultan and Itimad Khan remained at Ahmadabad, and were absolute there. But, when was discord ever known to cease ? About this time, Darya Khan dying, his com- panion in exile, Alam Khan Lodi, who was with Shir Shah of Dehli, wrote to say that he could not remain there ; and soon after, coming to Ahmadabad, endeavoured to bring about a union between himself and Sayyid Mubarak. Itimad Khan and Imadu-1-Mulk, who were now dis- pleased with Sayyid Mubarak, had at length, through the intrigues and evil advice of Alam (*) The division of the country here noticed is detailed in a note at the end of this chapter, supported by the authority of a con- temporary historian. It is not the same division which took place during the reign of Muzaffir III., as mentioned by Ferishta, and subsequently in this work. 277 Khan Lodi, come prepared for war against him ; and these nobles, having carried the Sultan along with them, went forth for battle. But, when it was known that Alam Khan Lodi had caused all this, a meeting took place between them, when the Sultan was again sent back to Sayyid Mubarak. Alam Khan Lodi now fled to the mountainous country about Pal ; and the two commanders, after following him for some distance, returned to Champanir. Mubarak Shah, of Khandesh, on learning this state of affairs, again entered Gujarat with an army, and returned without effecting any thing. Though the Sultan, at this time, entertained several private servants, Itimad Khan and Imadu-1-Mulk retained the whole power of the government ; and, as each strove for the superio- rity, the confidential servants of either alter- nately kept watch on the Sultan. The kings and nobles of Gujarat, who were now doomed to destruction by the will of God, ended the busi- ness by going to war with one another ; and, though a treaty of agreement had been renewed, and sworn to falsely, they bartered their faith for the mean idea of gain. Sayyid Mubarak, who was peaceably inclined, continually endea- voured to mediate between them, and smother the flame of discord. 278 Some time had passed in this manner, when the enmity existing between Imadu-1-Mulk, Rumi, and Itimad Khan, became apparent by the Sultan uniting himself with the former, in order that he might free himself from the control of the other. Itimad Khan, being vexed at this, went to Mubarak Shah of Khandesh ; and, bringing the latter along with him, advanced on Gujarat, when Sayyid Mubarak's good advice induced the Khan to return to his former situa- tion of minister. The Sultan, having now no expectation of obtaining the direction of govern- ment affairs, through means of Imadu-1-Mulk, and perceiving that he must again fall into the power of Itimad Khan, came privately, with several friends, to Sayyid Mubarak, at Sayyid- pur, near Mahmudabad, a place rendered flou- rishing by the Sayyid. The Sayyid, not being pleased at his coming in this manner, reproved his friends, and told them that they had acted improperly in bringing him in this way. About this time, Haji Khan, one of the best commanders of Islam Shah, king of Dehli, having left that capital, on account of its conquest by the troops of Humayun Padshah, set out for Gujarat, with fifty thousand horse and one hun- dred elephants. The Khan, on his way hither, having engaged the Rana, defeated him; when, 279 being thus victorious, he turned towards Gu- jarat. As Itimad Khan and Imadu-1-Mulk sup- posed that Haji Khan had come at the request of the Sultan and Sayyid Mubarak, they resolved on putting to death the latter, before the Haji had yet joined Sayyid Mubarak and the Sultan. The two commanders accordingly marched out with thirty thousand cavalry, accompanied by guns ; and, having encamped in the neighbour- hood of Mahmudabad, fought a battle there, after a frequent exchange of messages. On this occa- sion, Sayyid Mubarak was killed, and Sayyidpur plundered. His family was, however, respected ; as^ it is customary with the people of Gujarat, |fl on such occasions, not to injure the honour of their opponent's family, however much they be their enemies or wish them evil. The leaders, with their troops, having now separated, removed from one another a distance of ten or twelve koss ; but parties from each camp continued to frequent the city. After some days, a peace was concluded, through the interference of mediators. In short, Sayyid Miran, the son of Sayyid Mubarak, went to Kapparwanj, with his family and people, whilst the two commanders, taking the Sultan along with them, went to Ahmadabad, where they entered into a private treaty with each other. 280 Sayyid Miran came to Ahmadabad, a short time after, having been requested to do so by Imadu-1-Mulk and Itimad Khan. As some fresh cause of disagreement between the two leaders happened at this time, the Sultan was again ^privately intriguing with Imadu-1-Mulk, who sent for his son, Jangiz Khan, from Bhroch. Itimad Khan also sent for Tatar Khan Ghazi from Junagarh ; and, after having left Ahmad- abad and collected an army in the neighbour- hood, sent a message to Imadu-1-Mulk that he must leave the city, and go to his own personal ^estate. Imadu-1-Mulk, perceiving that he could not remain there, left it along with Alagh Khan Habshi, and went to Bhroch, on which occasion \ the latter obtained Baroda from him. Itimad Khan now appointed his confidential friends to watch over the Sultan : and, being free from all responsibility and uneasiness with regard to governing, gave half the parganah of Karri, in jagir, to Haji Khan, whom he enter- tained in service. He also permitted Musa Khan and others to go to their own estates. Intelligence was at this time received that Imadu-1-Mulk's brother-in-law, named Ikhtiyar Khan u , who was then at Surat, had put him to ( u ) The person here noticed is called Khudawand Khan by a contemporary, the author of the Tazkaratu-1-Muliik, and had mar- ried 281 death ; and that, some months after, the son of the former, Jangiz Khan, had revenged his father's murder by slaying his murderer. During these proceedings, Itimad Khan carried an army against Bhroch ; but, immediately after, re- turned to Ahmadabad, on account of disturb- ances happening at this time in the Zillahs of Patan and Radhanpur. Ftimad Khan was now employed in guarding against the Sultan's in- trigues, as men from all quarters had collected in Gujarat, with whom the Sultan had a com- munity of feeling. The minister, impressed with an idea that some calamity might happen, for which he might not be prepared, passed his time in much anxiety. As Sultan Ahmad was of an evil and subtile disposition, he would often, when drunk with wine, take a sword, and, cutting a plantain tree, would say, " I have cut off the head of Itimad Khan, and divided v Imadu-1-Mulk's body into pieces." In this manner he spoke of several of the nobles ; on which account, Wajihu-1-Mulk, who was Itimad Khan's assistant, was continually advising them to put the Sultan to death, before he could effect any thing treacherous. ried a daughter of Imadu-1-Mulk Malik Arslan. This same Khuda- wand Khan was in possession of Surat at this time, as appears from the mention of him by the Miratu-1-Mamalik. (Bombay Lite- rary Transactions, vol. ii., p. 1.) 282 Sultan Ahmad was at this time so powerful, as to be capable of riding three koss either for the sake of amusement or the chase ; and, as he often came to Itimad Khan's house at unseason- able times, the Khan received him with fear and trembling. Although Wajihu-1-Mulk continued to urge Itimad Khan to put the Sultan to death, he continued to delay the measure. One day, 'however, Wajihu-1-Mulk sent a message to the Sultan, saying, that if a promise of succeeding as prime-minister was given him, he would put Itimad Khan to death. The Sultan, unconscious of anything being intended, encouraged him by a promise of succeeding the minister; but, when Wajihu-1-Mulk told this to Itimad Khan, he would not, he said, give credence to such a thing, without having heard it with his own ears. Wajihu-1-Mulk, therefore, having carried the Khan at night time to a house near Bhaddar, concealed him in an antechamber; whence he sent this message to the Sultan, " that, as he could not venture to publicly meet the Sultan for fear of Itimad Khan's spies, he begged the latter would take the trouble of meeting him, in order that an agreement might be drawn up. Waji- hu-1-Mulk then prepared a royal seat for the Sultan at the door of the antechamber where he had concealed Itimad Khan. The Sultan 283 accordingly came and took his seat, when Waji- hu-1-Mulk recapitulated to him what he had be- fore said, requesting that an agreement between them might be drawn up. The former, without hesitation, repeated all that had already passed between them ; when Itimad Khan, who had overheard the whole conversation, presenting himself from the antechamber, asked the Sultan what he had ever done that he should conspire against his life. The Sultan, who became pe- trified with astonishment, was immediately killed by Itimad Khan's servants, who, accord- ing to order, inflicted on him several blows of a stick. Having afterwards taken up his dead body, they threw it on the sands of the Sabar- mati river, which is close by the houses of Bhaddar. These events happened on Monday, l p D U i5 2 6i. the 5th of Shaban, A. Hij. 968, A.D. 1560-1 x . ( x ) Rafi-ud-din Shirazi, author of the Tazkaratu-1-Muluk, was in Ahmadabad at this time, and mentions the death of Ahmad Khan IT. of Gujarat in these words ; 284 Those who found the body thought some of his intimate associates must have murdered the Sultan ; and, on removing it from thence, it was buried in the vault of Sultan Ahmad I. " After the murder of Sultan Mahraud II . of Gujarat, Sultan Ahmad II. was seated on the throne ; hut the latter only possessed the name, without the power, of governing, as several of his servants had appointed a residence for him, where their associates were stationed, and permitted no other person to see him. The Sultan and Itimad Khan, with Jahjahar Khan and Alagh Khan, Abyssinians, occupied the capital, while the other nobles declared themselves independent on their own estates. Musa Khan, Haji Khan, and Malik Arslan Imadu-1- Mulk in Bhroch, and Amir Khan in Bijnagar [not Bijnagar in the Dekhan, but the city of this name in Gujarat], enjoyed abso- lute authority, but read the khutba and coined money in the name of their sovereign. Sultan Ahmad, in the course of seven years, had twice escaped from Itimad Khan, and taken refuge with the other nobles, in order that, through their assistance, he might establish 285 Previously to the Sultan's murder, Beiram Khan had been murdered at the city of Pa- tan, on his way to Mekka; as Arsh Ashiani Akbar Padshah, on that very year, for the several reasons detailed in the Akbar-Namah, had given him permission to go to the Holy City, on a pilgrimage. Beiram Khan, on arriv- ing at Patan, encamped there on the plain, intending to rest himself for some days. As Musa Khan Faoladi was at this time in un- controlled power in that quarter, a crowd of Afghans, who increased the disorders of the country, had collected about him. Among others, was a person named Mubarak Khan Lohani ; who, as his father had been inadver- tently killed, in the battle of Machiwarah, by Beiram Khan, was now determined to take re- venge. The Afghans accordingly excited a tumult, both on account of this occurrence, and establish his own authority. Having failed in doing so, however, he left them, and returned to Itimad Khan, when, one morning, in A. Hij. 967, A.D. 1559, the people found Sultan Ahmad with- out a head, in a small water- course which flows near the city. The writer of these pages chanced at this time to arrive in the environs of Ahmadabad ; when, having heard that they had be- headed the Sultan during the r.ight, and being afraid that sedi- tious risings and disturbances would follow, he went into the city, where neither sedition nor tumult existed, in consequence of a successor having been appointed." 286 because a Kashmirian woman, the wife of Selim Khan, by whom she had a daughter, after be- trothing her to the son of Beiram Khan, was now accompanying him 'on his pilgrimage to Mekka. One day, Beiram Khan had gone to a pleasure seat, situated in the midst of a large lake, near the city ; and had returned in the boat which had conveyed him there, when the above-mentioned Afghan, accompanied by thirty or forty others, arrived on the borders of the lake, just as Beiram Khan had mounted his horse. On this occasion, the dishonourable Afghan, though the Khan had requested the whole to come to him, so struck him on the back with a dagger that it passed out at his breast. The others, then drawing their swords, completed his business, and put him to death. His followers and attendants, distracted and astonished, took to flight ; and left the Khan's bleeding body in the dust, where it was allowed to lie, until some Fakirs and inhabitants carried it away, and buried it near the mausoleum of Shaikh Hissam. This event happened on Fri- day, the 14th of Jumada-ul-awal, A. Hij. 968, A.D d ^i uary ' A.D. 1560-1. Beiram Khan's body was afterwards carried to the holy Mashhad, and buried there, through the exertion of Hussain Kuli Khan. 287 After Beiram Khan's death, the robbers of Patan plundered his followers, and left them nothing. Khoajah Malik, and several others, who brought away Abdu-1-Karim, (son and rightful heir of the Khan,) with his mother, saved them from that calamity, and sent them to Ahmadabad ; whence, after four months, they went to the capital, (Dehli) by desire of the Emperor Akbar. CHAPTER XII. THE REIGN OF SULTAN MUZAFFIR III, COMMONLY CALLED NATHU, WHO WAS THE LAST OF THE RACE OF GUJARAT KINGS. A^sS?' After the murder of Sultan Ahmad in A. Hij. 968, A.D. 1561, Itimad Khan seated Muzaffir on the throne. According to the faith of most historians, Itimad Khan, who had all the power of government in his hands, seeing that there were none of the late Sultan's rela- tions fit for the government, produced a young boy, named Nathii ; and having in open as- sembly taken an oath that such was the son v of Sultan Mahmud II, he explained that his 288 mother, when pregnant, had been delivered over to him, for the purpose of procuring an abortion ; but that this child had been brought forth : as. five months of her pregnancy having passed, no abortion could take place. He said, moreover, that he had brought him up in secret, and that there was no heir to the government excepting him. Every one, assent- ing to this, and supporting his claim to the throne, entitled him Muzaffir Shah. After a lapse of some months, Itimad Khan carried an army against Musa Khan and Shir Khan Faoladi, at Patan, for the purpose of being revenged on Fat'h Khan Baliich. The nobles, now aware of the circumstances attend- ing the Sultan's murder, were annoyed with Itimad Khan ; and only remained attached to him through fear of their own lives. When the minister arrived at Patan, having given Musa Khan and Shir Khan battle, he sustained a defeat : and the nobles, without fighting, came back to Ahmadabad. Itimad Khan resolved again to raise troops, and exerted himself to the utmost, notwithstanding none of the nobles were on his side, and all of them had gone to their own estates. He, at length, proceeded against Musa Khan and Shir Khan, with the army he had ; and after sustaining a second 289 defeat, came to Ahmadabad. These events hap- tixL'S: pened in A. Hij. 969, A.D. 1561-2. Finally, enmity among the nobles, and a con- test for superiority, happening at this time, Itimad Khan left the capital ; and Jangiz Khan took possession of it, when he also was killed by the Abyssinians. An account of these things, and of the anarchy which was thus produced in the kingdom, may be found in the Mirat Sikandari. The victories gained in Gujarat by the army of Arsh-Ashiani Akbar Padshah, with the ter- mination of Sultan Muzaffir's reign, and the government of Azim Mirza Aziz Koka, for a AjK 00 ' second time, in A. Hij. 1000, A.D. 1591 , will be yet detailed. But now, please God, we may proceed to give a short account of the conquest of the country by Akbar, and of such things as happened under the rule of the Nazims, who from that time were appointed to Gujarat. We, therefore, deem it necessary to write down whatever may have happened under the government of those permanently appointed to the office of Nazim, or those acting as de- puties for a time. And, as the Mirat Ahmadi principally consists of revenue regulations and assessments, with the greater part of the orders, issued and observed in settling the province in 290 the name of the collectors-general, the several Diwans, under each individual reign, are there- fore mentioned, along with the Nazims, or pro- vincial governors. From a deficiency of infor- mation regarding the Faujdars and Amildars, any lengthened account of them has been omitted. Several of these are, however, occa- sionally mentioned : and, as the offices of re- venue minister and governor were akin to each other, the account has been abridged accord- ingly. SECTION III. THE CONQUEST OF GUJARAT BY THE EMPEROR AKBAR, WHEN IT WAS UNITED AS A PROVINCE TO THE MOGHUL EMPIRE OF DEHLI. CHAPTER I. A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CELEBRATED DESCENDANTS OF SA- HIBI KIRAN AMIR TAIMUR KOREAN, WHO HAVE REIGNED IN HIN- DUSTAN. , It is truly wonderful to think on what a cele- brated line of ancestry the members of this family can show ; whose forefathers, from Adam downwards, have been kings and emperors of 291 great fortune and dignity. Such have been the habits of justice and equity, of beneficence and liberality, with which they have been endowed by the great Giver of all things, that, if inquirers into history will diligently search, they will find that the kings, princes, and potentates of the seven climates have derived their power from them. From them, also, contrary to the cus- toms of other kings, every one travelling hither from Iran, Turan, Rumelia, Assyria, Arabia, and Abyssinia, obtains his desires. But, not- withstanding the amazing extent of their pos- sessions, their power and opulence, it can never be said that they have either been so proud or arrogant as to treat with contempt the meanest of their servants ; whilst they have also sup- ported the usages of our exalted religion. It is related, that Sahibi Kiran II., or Shah Jahan Padshah, on the commencement of his reign, after seating himself on the Peacock throne, which cost one krore of rupees, equal to several years' revenue of Egypt, gave thanks to God, after having twice knelt, saying, " though Pha- roah in Egypt, when on his ivory throne, claimed equality with the great God of truth, and said, * I am thy God the highest/ yet, master as I am of such a country, I dare not address to him such language." How proper and becoming U2 292 is such a faith ! and, by thus continuing to glorify God, we trust that he will continue to support this noble family on the throne. Wherefore, it has come to pass that, amidst the disturbances and revolutions which have hap- pened throughout the world, both in Iran and Turan, the princes of this family are still lords of Hindustan : for which we ought to be thankful. As must be generally known, Amir Taimur Sahibi Kiran captured the capital of Hindustan, A.Hij.soi, in the beginning of A. Hii. 801, A.D. January, & J 1398-9 ; and, after subduing the whole of the country in the course of a year, marched for his capital of Samarkand, at the end of that very year. Sultan Mahmud Toghluk, who was then king of Dehli, being defeated by Taimur, fled to Gujarat, where Muzaffir Khan had assu- med the style and title of a king ; and, as Mah- mud Toghluk met with no encouragement in Gujarat, he went from thence to Malwa, as has been already detailed. His Highness Firdaus-Makani Zahiru-d-din Mohammed Babar, who was the son of Omar Shaikh Mirza, the son of Abu Said Mirza, by Miran Shah, the son of Taimur, having left Ka- bul for the conquest of Hindustan, in the year of the Hijra 932, A.D. 1525-6, captured Dehli 293 and Agra, with several other cities in the East. This happened about the latter part of the reign of Sultan Muzaffir II. of Gujarat, who was suc- ceeded by Sultans Sikandar and Bahadur ; and, in the fifth year of the latter's reign, Babar having departed this life, at Agra, on the 6th A.Hij.937, of Jumada-ul-awal, A. Hii. 937, A.D. 25th Dec. 1530, was carried to Kabul and buried there. Babar therefore reigned about six years. His son, Nasiru-d-din Humayun Padshah, named Jannat-Ashiani, succeeded him ; and commenced his reign at Agra on the 9th of Ju- mada-ul-awal, A. Hij. 937. The date of this event is contained in the words " Kheir-ul Mu- luk ;" and at this time Sultan Bahadur was reigning in Gujarat. As Humayun was vexed with the latter, on account of the affair of Mo- hammed Zaman Mirza; he brought an army against him in A. Hij. 941, A.D. 1534-5, while the latter was besieging Chitore ; and, after defeating him, captured the fort of Champanir, These transactions are partly detailed in the Mirat Sikandari, and more at length in the Ak- bar-Namah. After a lapse of some years, Humayun went to Iran ; and, on his return from thence, in the middle of the month of Zu-1-hijjah, 294 -i-hijjah then A. Hij. 962, A.D. 1555, took the coun- began J?th Sept. try a second time from those who had rebelled against him, and made it wholly his own. In the mean time, Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat had been removed, Sultan Mahmud II. killed, and Sultan Ahmad II. placed on the i3t.h Raw-ui- throne: when, on the 13th of Rabi-ul- awal, 26th Jan. awal, A. Hij. 963, Humayun himself died, at Dehli, and was buried there in the mau- soleum, now called Humayun's. His reign, from the time he was first enthroned in Hindu- stan, lasted twenty-five years, two months, and two days. After the decease of Humayun, his son Arsh- Ashiani Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar com- menced his reign, at the idgdh, in the city of 1 4 S I5 e 56 ruary> Kalanur, about midday of Friday, the 2d of Rabi-us-sani ; at which time Sultan Ahmad uth Rajab. II. was reigning in Gujarat. On the 18th November, A.D. 1572. 14th of the month of Ra j ab O f A. Hij. 980, when thirteen complete years had elapsed from the beginning of the reign of Muzaffir III. the whole of the country of Gujarat came into possession of Akbar, as detailed hereafter, among the affairs of Hindustan. Akbar died A.Di C 6ot er ' on Wednesday, the 12th of Jumada-s- sani, A. Hij. 1014 ; and was buried in the mau- soleum, which exists at Sikandrah. His reign 295 lasted fifty-one lunar years, two months, and nine days ; during which time nine persons were appointed to the government of Gujarat. His son, Jannat-Makani Nuru-d-din Moham- med Jahangir, succeeded him ; and commenced his reign at Akbarabad, or Agra, on Friday the i7th Oct. o.s. 14th of Jumada-s-sani of the above year. He died on the afternoon of Sunday the 28thsafar, 28th of Safar, A. Hii. 1037, at the sta- 29th Oct. O.S. J tion of Jannak Hatti, when returning from Kashmir to Lahore, which was the seat of government. He was buried in the mausoleum near Lahore, after having reigned twenty-one years and a month. During this period eight persons were honoured with the government of Gujarat. Shah-Jahan Padshah, otherwise named Fir- daus-Ashiani, and Sahibi Kiran II., succeeded sln^A'Sf^io'sv k* s father Jahangir, on Friday the A.D. 1627. " 12th of Jumada-s-sani, A. Hij. 1037. l 2 D dT i666 s He died on Monday the 26th of Rajab, A. Hij. 1076, A.D. 1665-6, and was buried in the mausoleum which exists at Akbarabad (Agra), after having reigned thirty-two years. For the last seven years of his life, he was kept under restraint, in the fort of Agra; during which time there were twelve persons who held the government of Gujarat. 296 On the death of Shah-Jahan, his son, Mohei- ud-din Mohammed Aurangzib, otherwise named Khuld-Makani, succeeded to the government. He first commenced to date his reign at the fstlEi-Sh, garden of Aiz Khan, on Friday the 3 AD. J i5& os 1st of Zu-1-kadah, A. Hij. 1068 y ; and a second time, when the coins of the empire and the oration at the mosque were proclaimed 24th Ramazan, under his title, corresponding to Sun- A. Hij. lOby, S.S: s day the 24th of Ramazan, A. Hij. 1069. This prince died at Ahmadnagar, a province of f^^/kadah.the Dekhan, on Sunday the 27th of Zu- A. HIJ. lllo, * I 9 D.I 7 e o b 7 as ' l-kadah, A. Hij. 1118; and his body was sent from thence to Khuldabad, known by the name of Roza, where it was buried side by side of Burhanu-d-din Aulia, in the mausoleum called after him. The length of his reign was fifty years, two months, and four days ; during which time ten persons were sent as governors to Gujarat. On the death of Aurangzib, his son, Shah Alam Bahadur, otherwise called Khuld-Manzal, (y) This is not quite accurate, regarding the mode of reckoning Aurangzib's personal era, as it also appears to be counted from A. Hij. 1067. The inscription placed by his order on the Mulki-Meidan, or great gun of Bijapur, is the 30th year of his reign, or A. Hij. 1097, A.D. 1686 ; and, as Bijapur was taken in Zu-1-kadah, the llth Mohammedan month, he had just completed his 30th year from A. Hij. 1067. 297 succeeded under the title of Mohammed Moazzam ; and, after his victory over Mohammed Azim, commenced his reign on the 19th of Rabi-ul- A"To7. ' 8 - awal, A. Hij. 1119, A.D. 1707, at the garden of Dhora, near Agra. He departed this A.D h m 2 s - life on the 19th of Muharram, A. Hij. 1 1 24 ; and was buried near the sepulchre of Khoajah Nasiru-d-din, the lamp of Dehli, which exists at Shahjahanabad. The length of his reign was four years and nine months ; during which time only one person came as governor to Gujarat. Moizzu-d-dm Mohammed Jahandar Shah, who now mounted the throne, commenced his reign IRITIS, during the month of Muharram, A. Hij. 1124, in the neighbourhood of Lahore; and, dying one year, ten months, and twenty days after- wards, was buried in the mausoleum of Huma- yun Padshah. During his reign, only one person obtained the government of Gujarat. Abu-1-Muzaffir Moinu-d-din Mohammed Far- rukhsir, the son of Mohammed Azimu-d-dm, and grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahadur Padshah, after being victorious over his uncle, Jahandar Shah, mounted the throne, in the neighbourhood of Agra, on the 13th of Zu-1-hijjah, A. Hij. 1124; at which time he ordered that the oration at the mosque should be pronounced, and coins struck in his name. 298 After having been put under restraint, he was subsequently murdered on the 18th of ' Rabi-ul-awal, A. Hij. 1131 Z ; and was buried in the mausoleum of Humayun. The length of his reign, including that of Jahandar Shah, was six years and twenty-five days ; du- ring which time there was no one honoured with the government of Gujarat. 9 ^D M S 9 s On the 18th of Rabi-ul-awal, of the same year, Jannat-Aramgah Mohammed Rafi- ud-durjat Padshah, son of Rafi-us-shan, and grandson of Khuld-Manzal Bahadur Padshah, mounted the throne, at Shahjahanabad ; and A.D M i7 y i9' s died of a severe fever, on the 3d of Rajab following. He bequeathed the throne to his elder brother, after having reigned four months and fifteen days ; and was buried in the mausoleum of Humayun. During his reign, there was no change in the government of Gu- jarat. His brother, Rafi-ud-daulah, entitled Shah Jahan II., another grandson of Bahadur Shah, succeeded, according to the above will ; and seth May. commenced his reign on Sunday the 20th of Rajab of the same year. With a view ( z ) It would appear from Scott's Dekhan and Eraser's History of Nadir Shah, that his death took place in February or Rabi-us- sani. 299 of quashing the rebellion of Mohammed Nekasir, having gone to Agra, he died in the month of September. Zu-1-kadah following. His reign lasted four months ; during which time there was no change in the provincial government. Nasiru-d-din Mohammed Shah, a grandson of Bahadur Shah, by his son, Jahan Shah, next mounted the throne, and is otherwise styled Fir- daus-Aramgah. When Shah Jahan II. died, the minister Sayyid Abdallah Khan, with Hussein Ali Khan, chief of the nobles, and his brother Najjamu-d-din All Khan, then governor of the province of Dehli, wrote to Mohammed Roshan- Akhtar, requesting him to send, with all possible expedition, one of the princes who might fill the throne of his ancestors. The son of Jahan Shah, having been accordingly selected, mounted the throne on the 15th of Zu-1-kadah, in that year, and assumed the title of Mohammed Shah. He died in the month of Rabi-us-sani of the year Hijra 1161 ; and was buried in the sepulchre of Nizamu-d-din Aulia, at Dehli. The length of his reign, including the time from the first of Rafi-ud-durjat, was thirty years and twenty-six days : during which period there were six per- sons who held the government of Gujarat. His son, Mujahidu-d-din Ahmad Shah, com- menced his reign at the station of Gondrah, on 300 Sunday, the 1st of Jumada-1-awal of the above year; after having" returned from his victory over Ahmad Abdalli. In consequence of dis- sensions among the ministers, he was placed in Ma^A.1)! r?54. confinement, during the month of Sha- ban, A. Hij. 1167, A.D. 1754% after a reign of six years, three months, and nine days, during which time Raja Bakht Singh governed Gu- jarat. On the very day that Ahmad Shah was de- posed, Arsh-Manzal Mohammed Alamgir II. was elevated to the throne, at Shahjahanabad. He was subsequently murdered at the instigation of his minister, on Thursday, the 8th of Rabi-us- sani, of A. Hij. 1173, after having reigned five years, seven months, and twenty-seven days ; during which time there was no governor sent to Gujarat, in consequence of Ballaji Rao Ma- rat'ha having taken possession of it. Succeeding this, Shah Jahan Padshah III. was invested with the authority, on the very day of the murder ; and with him ends our account of the descendants of Taimur. ( a ) Mr. Mills's history is out a year in this date, by giving A.D. 1753. 301 CHAPTER II. THE COMMENCEMENT OF INSURRECTION IN GUJARAT, THE, ARRIVAL OF THE MIRZAS IN THE COUNTRY, THE TERMINATION OF THE POWER OF ITS KINGS, AND ITS INCORPORATION WITH THE KING- DOM OF HINDUSTAN, UNDER JALALU-D-DIN MOHAMMED AKBAR. The learned and observing well know that a cause for the decline of every empire, which has existed since the beginning of the world, may be found in the animosities of its nobles, assisted by rebellious subjects, whose mutiny and en- deavours, thank God ! generally revert on themselves, so that some more fortunate rival steps in and profits thereby. Such was the end of the kings and nobles of Gujarat, as will be here explained. Fate having decreed the destruction of the government, its servants, by disregarding all sacred ties in the midst of rebellions, went to war among each other ; so, under the semblance of friendship, they openly committed acts of hostility, until, at length, those parties being set aside, the powers and seals of this kingdom were transferred to the hands of the illustrious descendant of Taimur Jalalu-d-din Mohammed Akbar. To be brief, Mohammed Hussein Mirza, 302 Masiid Hussein Mirza, and Aligh Hussein Mirza, sons of Mohammed Sultan Mirza, a descendant of Taimiir, after raising disturbances in the country of Hindustan (whilst their father, on account of old age, remained at his jagir of Sambal, in the Panjab), were obliged to leave that quarter, in consequence of the advance of the imperial troops. They subsequently plun- dered several places ; and, having put to death some Jagirdars, invested the city of Dehli. These proceedings gave rise to insurrections in the country, and many people were consequently oppressed. Akbar, on hearing what had taken place, advanced for the relief of Dehli ; and the Mirzas, after desisting from their attempts against that city, hastened into Malwa, which they subdued as far as Hindiah, taking the country from the Imperial Governor, Moham- med Kiili Birlas. The Emperor now sent his victorious troops from Dehli to exterminate the Mirzas ; at which time the rebellious nobles of Gujarat, subsequently to the murder of Mah- mud II., had conferred the throne of that country on a child, said to be a grandson of Sultan Ahmad I., and who had no just claim to the government. The nobles, who gave him the title of Ahmad II., had retained all the power in their own hands ; but, as he at this time 303 arrived at man's estate, they completed his business, and elevated to power another child, who was said to be a son of Mahmud II. The latter was entitled Muzaffir III. ; and, though many knew the story of his birth to be a lie, they only talked of it, without doing any thing, as the nobles were then in absolute power. At this time, the latter divided the country among themselves, when Ahmadabad, with the port of Khambayat, and much more of the country, was possessed by Itimad Khan ; the sirkar of Patan by Musa Khan and Shir Khan Faoladi ; the districts of Surat, Bhroch, Champanir, and Baroda, by Jangiz Khan ; Dhanduka and Dholka, with other parts, by Sayyid Hamid b , the grand- son of Sayyid Mubarak ; and Junagarh, with the country of Sorath, by Amir Khan Ghori. l After these powerful but unworthy rulers had governed for some time, and had introduced every species of oppression and injustice, they began to quarrel and attack one another. As the Mirzas saw no prospect of being able to hold out against the imperial army in Malwa, they came into Gujarat during these disturbances, and sought an asylum with Jangiz Khan, at Bhroch. The latter was then carrying on war with Itimad Khan, in the neighbourhood of ( b ) Briggs's Ferishta says, Sayyid Miran, his son. 3O4 Ahmadabad : and. being afraid that the Mirzas would plunder him, he conferred on them the district of Bhroch in jagir. After this, Shujar Khan c , having imprisoned Jangiz Khan at Ahmadabad. put him to death : on which the disturbances in Gujarat increased. The Mirzas, who deemed this a fit opportunity, captured the forts of Champanir and Siirat : and. having also taken possession of the fort of Bhroch. thus acquired power. Itimad Khan had at this time taken on himself the responsi- bility of governing, when Sultan Muzaffir III., at the instigation of Shir Khan Faoladi. flying from Ahmadabad, joined the latter at Patan. After effecting this junction. Sultan Muzaffir advanced against Ahmadabad. with an army ; and Itimad Khan, now besieged, formed a union with the Mirzas : but, sending a message at the same time to Akbar, representing the state of affairs, entreated him to enter Gujarat, and take possession of the country. Akbar. who now resolved on quelling these disturbances, commenced his preparations, for an expedition against Gujarat on Tuesday the 20th of Safar, A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572 ; Hagaz Khan in Briggs's copy of ram the similarity of die letters m 306 and appointed Khan Kilan, Sayyid Mohammed Barha, Kuli Khan. Sadik Khan, and Shah Fakh- ru-d-din, with several other great chiefs, to command the army, sent in advance. The Emperor himself left Ajmir for Gujarat, on Monday the 22d of Rabi-us-sani : and, on the arrival of the troops at the station of Xagore. Khan Kilan, with the other commanders, went as ambassadors to Sirohi. The mad Raja of this place, named Man Singh, being intent on treachery, sent a friendly message to Khan Kilan. The deputation of Rajputs who brought it had been received, and were about to take leave, when Khan Kilan. as was the custom in Hindustan, called each of them up, in order to receive the betel nut. At this time, a Rajput, advancing to Khan Kilan, struck him so for- cibly with a dagger, on the back of the shoul- der, and at its lower part, that three fingers" length of the instrument appeared from below the shoulder-blade. One of Khan Kilan "s at- tendants, named Bahadur Khan, seized the Raj- put, and threw him on the ground ; when Sadik Khan and Mohammed Kalij Khan finished his business with a sword, and put all who were with him to death. The Emperor's army soon after joined the advance ; and, as it was known how improperly i 306 the people of Sirohi had behaved, several brave men were ordered to go there, and extirpate the people. In consequence of this order, many of the Sirohi people were brought to ruin ; and some took shelter in the defiles of the moun- tains ; whilst several of those, called in Gujarat " Machators d ," were put to death, at the Hindu temples. The army had, at length, encamped in the neighbourhood of Patan ; when Shah Fakhru- d-din was ordered to go and offer words of as- surance to Itimad Khan ; who, having written a friendly letter, requested that he might be permitted to come into the imperial camp. On the arrival of the troops near Disa, it was re- ported that Shir Khan Faoladi, who invested Ahmadabad, had abandoned the siege of that place, on learning that the imperial army ap- proached ; and that, after hastening into the country of Sorath, he had sent his sons, Mo- hammed Khan and Baddar Khan, in order that they might station his family and domestics in a place of security. In the mean time, his sons, having sent his family and domestics in advance, turned towards Idur ; and Ibrahim Husain ( d ) These would appear to have formed a caste of soldiers among the Rajputs, much addicted to opium-eating, and ready for any desperate enterprize. 307 Mirza, who had accompanied Itimad Khan's troops, returned to that part of the country which owed him allegiance : as the latter wished to submit. After this, the Emperor ordered Man Singh to proceed, with a body of troops, and seize the family of Shir Khan Faoladi ; but, although the Raja came up with his baggage, and plundered it, the Khan's sons, who had pre- viously received information of this movement, threw themselves into the defiles of the moun- tains, and escaped. On Sunday the 1st of Rajab, in the above year, while the army was encamped at Patan, Hakim Ainu-1-Mulk and Mir Abu Turab were sent to conduct Itimad Khan to camp. After their arrival at the town of Chotanah, several representations were sent to the Emperor, in- forming him that Muzaffir Shah Gujarati III, who had separated from Shir Khan Faoladi, was then wandering about that neighbourhood. Wherefore, Mir Khan, Master of the Horse, with Farid of the guard, Mir Abu Kasim Tumkin, and Karam Ali, were despatched to make him a prisoner. When they had ad- vanced a short way, they seized his royal umbrella and canopy ; and, after some search, found him hid in a field of grain. Having im- mediately seized him, they brought him to the x 2 308 Emperor, who very benevolently granted his life, and gave him in charge to Karam Ali. But, on this subject, the author of the Mirat Sikandari says, that Muzaffir came and sub- mitted, previous to any of the Gujarat nobles doing so. At this time, Sayyid Mohammed Bokhari and Alagh Khan Habshi came with their people, in proof of their allegiance. Succeed- ing this, Shah Fakhru-d-din, Ainu-1-Mulk, and Mir Abu Turab, came to represent that Itimad Khan, having sent in his submission, was on his way to pay his respects ; and that he had pre- viously sent them, with Wajihu-1-Mulk and Mujahid Khan, to appease the Emperor. After this, Shah Fakhru-d-din hastened to Itimad Khan, accompanied by a crowd of at- tendants ; and Hakim Ainu-1-Mulk followed him. The Gujarat nobles, having deliberated for some time, now came to the resolution of having coins struck, and the oration at the mosque pronounced in the name of Akbar. Itimad Khan, on his arrival near Karri, a town distant from Ahmadabad twenty koss, sent forward Shah Fakhru-d-din, to declare his attachment to Akbar's government ; and, on the following day, when the Emperor marched from Chotanah, Khoajah Khan and Mir Abu 309 Turab, were ordered to go and bring Itimad Khan to pay his respects. Itimad Khan came accordingly ; on which occasion, the Emperor was mounted on a large elephant, escorted by foot soldiers. Subsequently, Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, Maliku-s-Shark, Shujar Khan Habshi, Wajihu- 1-Mulk, and Mujahid Khan, came to pay their respects, and were each distinguished by marks of imperial favour, according to their rank. Itimad Khan and several others were directed to ride near the Emperor ; and, when the im- perial standards arrived at Karri, Sadik Khan, and several of those who had accepted service, were sent to Mahmudabad, with a view of in- ducing Seifu-1-Mulk Habshi and others to come in and pay their respects. As Akbar was solicitous to settle and protect the country, he at this time assembled all the Gujarat nobles ; telling them, " that, as he had spared the country, through the intercession of Itimad Khan, he would grant whatever they should ask through him ; but that they must give respectable security to preserve the peace of the country." Mir Abu Turab became Iti- mad Khan's security ; and the latter became security for all the others, excepting the class of Abyssinians. As the latter were the slaves of Sultan Mahmud, the Emperor ordered that they should be numbered among those belong- 310 ing to himself, and that there would be conse- quently no occasion for bail. Soon after, how- ever, he ordered that they should be distributed among the great officers of state, to perform the different duties connected with the government. The army encamped the next day at Hajipur, when a set of vagabonds raised a cry that there was an order for plundering the Gujarat camp. A crowd of men given to robbery consequently entered the Gujarat line, and plundered it, on which occasion a great tumult was produced. When this dishonourable affair was represented to the Emperor, he ordered that the quarter- masters and their deputies should see the rob- bers punished, and not permit one to be left alive. Wherefore, all the things plundered from the Gujaratis were recovered, and given to the rightful owners. The Emperor at this time, mounting a throne, gave a general audience to the people ; and or- dered all concerned in the plunder to be trampled under the feet of furious elephants. Confidence and tranquillity being thus restored, the imperial colours were pitched soon after, within sight of Ahmadabad, on the 14th of ^November, R a j a b, in A. Hij. 980, A.D. 1572 ; when a crowd of people, both high and low, came se- parately to pay their respects. Thus was Gujarat conquered without a battle; 311 and which is in every respect allowed to be the finest country of Hindustan. Such was once its populous state, that it contained three hundred and eighty purahs ; and a purah is itself a con- siderable quarter, containing good buildings and bazars, filled with every thing valuable and rare, so that each is almost a city. Some days after, Amm Khan Ghori sent a letter, wi-th a suitable tribute; and, though Ibrahim Husain Mirza also sent a tribute, the latter was not accepted, as the Emperor did not think it was given with a sincere intention. The government of Ahmadabad, with the set- tlement of the country, was now entrusted to the great Khan Mirza Aziz Koka; who received, in jagir, the parganahs situated on this side of 'the river Mahindri. The other parganahs, such as Baroda, Champanir, Surat, and others, then in possession of the Mirzas, were given to the Gujarat nobles, who had lately renewed their allegiance, and now undertook the task of driving out the Mirzas. Some days afterwards, the Emperor, desirous of having some amusement on the sea, marched for Khambayat, on the 2d of Shaban. The no- bles of Gujarat remained behind some days at Ahmadabad, and asked permission to do so, that they might prepare for the journey. Ha- kim Ainu-1-Mulk, who had formed a friendship 312 with them, was left behind to watch, and bring them along with him. The Emperor, while on the road, received intelligence that Ikhtiyaru-1- Mulk had fled to Lunawarah, and that Itimad Khan and other Gujaratis were irresolute, and disposed to be ungrateful for the benefits they had received. Shabaz Khan was accordingly or- dered to proceed, with all possible expedition, to Ahmadabad, so as not to give them an oppor- tunity of being treacherous, and was instructed to collect them, and bring them along with him. When the Emperor arrived at Khambayat, he was met and welcomed by the merchants and inhabitants of the place ; and soon after, going \pn board a boat, he amused himself with sailing on the sea. After Shabaz Khan had returned with Itimad Khan and the other Gujarat nobles, Akbar, with a view of preserving the peace of the country, and preventing quarrels in the go- vernment, stationed one of his own confidential people with each of the Gujarat nobles. i Being now at leisure, the Emperor proposed to drive out the aggressive Mirzas ; and ap- pointed Husain Khan, the paymaster of the army, to be governor of Khambayat. On leav- ing this place, the imperial banners went to Baroda ; from whence Mirza Aziz Koka took his departure for his government of Ahmad- abad, whilst Shabaz Khan, Kasim Khan, Baz 313 Bahadur Khan, and an army of brave soldiers, were sent to capture Champanir. As it was reported at Baroda that the Mirzas had strength- ened the fort of Surat, and had joined their forces at Champanir, a large part of the imperial nobles and troops was necessarily sent there. At this time, news arrived that Ibrahim Hu- sain Mirza was still in the fort of Bhroch, and was thinking of leaving it, with several others, to disturb the neighbouring country. The road by which he must pass was only eight koss dis- tant from the imperial camp ; and, though several of the great commanders, with their troops, had been already appointed to serve under Khani Azim Koka, and to drive out the Mirzas, leav- ing only a few select men with the Emperor, he himself resolved to go and punish Ibrahim Husain Mirza with all possible despatch. Shabaz Khan Mir Bakhshi was therefore ordered to immediately proceed and order back the great commanders who had been previously sent to drive out the Mirzas, but who were now to join the Emperor. Mir Mohammed Khan, Khoajah Jahan, Shujar Khan, and Sadik Khan, were left behind in charge of the camp, whilst the imperial banners advanced against the Mirza. It was also ordered that none from camp should follow in the rear of the party, lest 314 the magnitude of its numbers might cause the enemy to resolve on flight ; who, if they ob- served the smallness of the Emperor's party, would probably make a stand, and thus bring about their own punishment. Two or three hours of the night had elapsed, when the Emperor, placing a firm reliance on God, mounted his horse, and, taking along with him, as a guide, Maliku-s-Shark Gujarati, pro- ceeded at a brisk pace. He continued to push on till the evening of the succeeding day had nearly closed, without seeing any thing of the enemy, when a Brahman at length appearing, said that Ibrahim Husain Mirza, having crossed the Mahindri, by the ford of Biakapur, was en- camped at the town of Sartal, with his troops, and was distant nearly four koss. The Emperor asked his followers, who were ready to die with him, what he might best do. Jalal Khan said, " that it would not be proper to attack the enemy in open day, before all the imperial troops had yet arrived ; and, as their opponents were now on the alert, a night attack would be advisable." This advice was not approved of by the Emperor, who truly said, "that night murder formed no part of a good government, and that it would be better if he now attacked." The town of Sartal, which is on a rising 315 ground, may be seen from a distance. When the troops came to the Mahindri, they received orders to put on their quilted cotton jackets ; and, at this time, Akbar had not more than forty persons with him. Immediately after that, however, intelligence of the remaining troops being close by was received ; but, as the Em- peror was annoyed at this delay, he angrily ordered that these men should not accompany him into battle. When he ascertained that the delay had arisen from having mistaken the road, however, he forgave them. After this junction, the party numbered about two hundred men, when the son of Man Singh, with a few others, was sent in advance to cross the river. Ibrahim Husain Mirza, on perceiving the troops, knew that they were the Emperor's ; and, resolving to stand a battle, took a position for his men on a rising ground, where he placed a gun. The imperial troops had received orders to cross the river at a place ,where there was much broken ground, called in the language of Gujarat Gotar ; and, in their eagerness to ad- vance, had taken different ways, so that the Emperor, with only a few associates, advanced to the gates of Sartal, which faced the river. The enemy, who possessed the place, endea- voured to drive them back ; but Mukbil Khan 316 Kalmak and others, making a push at them, killed several. The Emperor, followed by those who accompanied him, entered the streets of the town, which were filled with quadrupeds and beasts of burden ; and, after squeezing through these with much difficulty, met the enemy and engaged them. At this time, Baba Khan Kakshal and several others were carried off by the enemy ; but the rest, defending themselves with the most obsti- nate bravery, slew many of their opponents. Several of those who had been kept back by the broken ground now arrived, when a smart ac- tion took place. The Emperor, on advancing to drive off his opponents, came to a bound hedge of euphorbium, where three of the enemy met him. One of these impelled his spear against Raja Bhagwandas ; but the Raja, having turned it aside, killed him. The two others made a push at the Emperor, but luckily did not reach him ; as Khan Alam, Shah Kiili Khan, and others, were at hand to give their assistance. Akbar, after causing the bay horse on which he rode to leap the euphorbium hedge, ordered a charge to be made against the two horsemen ; who, seeing that they could not resist, took to flight. Ibrahim Husain Mirza, observing the success of the imperial party, also took to flight ; 317 and the remainder of his scattered followers retired, when the imperial party, pursuing, cut them down like grass. In this manner was the Emperor left victorious. The troops encamped for the night at Sartal ; whence Shah Rukh Badakhshi was sent forward to announce the victory. The imperial troops returned to camp the following day, when Shah Kuli Khan and Sadik Khan were ap- pointed to command an army, in advance against the fort of Surat. After the troops had arrived in the neighbourhood of the place, Gul Rukh Begum, daughter of Mirza Kamran, and wife of Ibrahim Husain Mirza, fled to the De- khan ; taking with her her son, Muzaffir Husain Mirza. Though several of the nobles endea- voured to overtake her, none succeeded in the attempt. At this time, some one represented to the Emperor that the Mirzas had strengthened the fort of Surat, and had given it in charge to Hamzaban, who had been the imperial armour- bearer, and had joined the rebels. Akbar there- fore determined to make the greatest possible exertions for its capture : and ordered Raja Todar Mall to arrange the disposition of the intrenched lines. Shahm Khan Jallair, who was made governor of Champanir, being allowed to depart for that place, was ordered to send 318 from there the admiral, Kasim Khan, to join the Emperor ; as the latter was very experienced in sapping 6 and mining. An order was also sent to Khan Aziz Koka, that he must exert himself in protecting Ahmadabad and other cities ; and must punish the Mirzas, should they take flight in that direction. Shir Beg was also appointed to collect the revenue of Malwa, in order that Kutbu-d-din, with the Zamindars of that quarter, might come to assist Khan Aziz Koka. THE CAPTURE OF SURAT. The Emperor's army encamped before Surat AS/i573 ary> on Monday, the 17th of Ramazan, in the above year ; and the besieged, vainly trust- ing to the abundance of their provisions, exerted themselves in defence of the place. Among the events which happened at this time, we may mention the capture of the Mirza's elephants and baggage ; which was effected in the follow- ing manner. These unhappy men, during the period of confusion, when they had separated, sent several elephants with their effects to Rana Ram Deo, the Zamindar of that part of the country, in order that he might take care of ( e ) The practice of sabat, here translated sapping, is the con- struction of protected zig-zags of approach. An account may be found in Briggs's Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 230. 319 them ; when the whole consequently fell into the hands of some camp followers, who had gone out on a plundering expedition. These men, who brought the whole to the Emperor, were all rewarded. The other event which happened at this time was that of the nobles being sent to Agra ; and of which the circumstances are these. Ibrahim Husain Mirza, after his late defeat, joined Mo- hammed Husain Mirza and Shah Mirza at Pa- tan ; but, as a dispute among the brothers hap- pened there, at which Ibrahim Husain Mirza was annoyed, he formed the resolution of under- taking an expedition against Agra. The Em- peror, on learning his intentions, appointed Sayyid Mohammed Khan Barha, Shah Kuli Khan Muharram, and Raja Bhagwandas, to pursue and seize him ; but the Mirza soon after met his end in the vicinity of Multan. The other two Mirzas now strengthened their connexion with the Faoladis, and went to Patan, where Sayyid Ahmad Khan exerted himself to maintain the imperial interest. Khan Aziz Ko- ka, on learning this state of affairs, began to collect an army ; when, by great good luck, Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, Subahdar of Malwa, with the Zamindars from that quarter, joined Khan Aziz Koka, as did also Shaikh Mo- 320 hammed Bokhari, who was on his way from Dholka to join the Emperor. Khan Aziz Koka now marched to Patan, where a battle took place between the two sides ; in which the enemy's right, by advancing sharply against the imperial left, drove back several of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan's men. The Khan, with a select few, after most brave exer- tions and a severe contest, repulsed this attack of the Mirzas ; who betook themselves to flight, and went towards the Dekhan, whilst Shir Khan Faoladi fled to Junagarh. Khan Aziz Koka and the others resolved to pursue them ; but, when the Emperor received the glad tidings of this fresh victory, he issued an order that Khan Aziz Koka should repair to court, while Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, Shah Budagh Khan, Murad Khan, and others, followed the Mirzas. Wherefore, Khan Aziz Koka obeyed the order ; and, meeting the Emperor on the A*D F $iT Y> 20th of Shawal, received many marks of the imperial favour. At this time, the besieged, in the fort of Surat, wishing to save themselves, were endeavouring to effect a union with the Portuguese at Goa, and had written to say that, if they came quickly to their assistance, they would give them up the fort. The Portuguese, under the 321 pretence of an embassy, sent agents to Surat, with rarities and valuables of their own coun- try ; who were instructed to get possession of the fort if possible, without disclosing their in- tentions ; but, in the event of not obtaining their object, they were to pretend having come on a friendly embassy to the Emperor. They accord- ingly came; and, after observing the great train and power accompanying the Emperor, gave up all thoughts of the fort ; but, assuming the name of ambassadors, paid their respects to Akbar, and presented a peshkah. They re- ceived in return many marks of favour, and were allowed to depart. One month and seventeen days had been spent in besieging Surat : at which time the mines were advanced to the door of the place, and the mounds for carrying it had been all prepared. The besieged despaired of assistance from any quarter ; when Hamzaban sent a message to the Emperor, through his father-in-law, Mula Nizamu-d-din Lari, saying that if his life was spared he would surrender the fort. Kasim Ali Khan and Khoajah Daolat were therefore ordered to promise safety to Hamzaban and the others, and were directed to conduct them to the Emperor. All of them appeared before him on Thursday the 23d of Shawal, in the above 322 year ; and, being much ashamed of their con- duct, had their lives and property respected. But Hamzaban, who was a great talker, and a foolish prattling fellow, had used no measured language in regard to the Emperor, and was doomed to lose his tongue. The following day, the imperial troops, accompanied by Akbar, walked into the fort, where they found a large gun, called Suleimani f , of which the model was so exquisitive, that an order was given to have it transported to the capital of Agra. This is the very gun which belonged to Salim (Selim), the Emperor of Constantinople, whose troops were sent with several large guns to take the ports on the shores of Hindustan from the Eu- ropeans : but returned without effecting any- thing, as the force was discomfited, and received x no assistance from the rulers of Gujarat. The Emperor not finding means for transporting the gun from Surat,,it consequently remains there. A strange event happened at this time, when "the Emperor was wounded in the hand, of which the following is an account. One night he was ,/ ( f ) It was so called from Suleiman I, of Constantinople, who reigned from A.D. 1520 to 1566; and who sent an expedition here mentioned from the Persian Gulf A D.I 55 3. The account of it is written in the Miratu-1-Mamalik (See Bombay Transac- tions, vol. ii.) 323 elevated with wine, in an assembly of his friends, when the conversation turned on the careless- ness which the Rajputs manifest in regard to life. -Some one said, such was their disregard of it, that two of them, when engaged, would run their breasts against a double-headed spear, held by a third person, until the same had gone through them ; and that, in this manner, they would continue fighting with one another. On this, Akbar, who was bold and daring, fixing a sharp sword in the wall by its handle, and having the point towards himself, said that no one could better follow the example of the Raj- puts than he, as would be seen by his running against the sword. Those present, though as- tonished at this conduct, were afraid to speak for fear of offending him, and remained silent, until Rana Man Singh, in the sincerity of friend- ship, running forward, struck the sword so for- cibly from the Emperor's hand, that it wounded him betwixt the thumb and forefinger. The latter, who was much enraged, threw Man Singh on the ground ; when Sayyid Muzaffir Sultan, brother of Sayyid Abdulah Khan, imprudently released Man Singh from the Emperor's gripe. During this scuffle, the wound became much enlarged ; but this being soon healed, the Em- peror was again able to join society. Y 2 324 Akbar, after the capture of Surat, gave Kalij Khan charge of the place ; and on Monday A h D M i573 h ' the 4th of Zu-1-kadah, marched back towards Ahmadabad. On his arrival at Bhroch, the mother of Jangiz Khan came to implore as- sistance against Shujar Khan Habshi, who had put her son to death under the cloak of friend- ship. On its being fully ascertained that Shu- jar Khan had committed an unjust murder, he was trod to death by the foot of an elephant. The troops arrived at Ahmadabad on the 29th A.D.^573 h ' of the above month, when the Emperor began to make a settlement of the country. CHAPTER III. THE RETURN OF THE IMPERIAL BANNERS TO THE CAPITAL OF AGRA, AND THE APPOINTMENT OF KHAN AZIZ KOKA TO THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT, WITH WAJIHU-L-MULK GUJARATI AS HIS DlWN. As soon as the Emperor has effected a settle- ment of the conquered territory of Gujarat, he conferred the government on Khan Aziz Koka, who was raised to the rank of five thousand ; and was the first Subahdar in this part, under the authority of Taimur's family. The town, 325 suburbs, and parganah of Ahmadabad, with the parganah of Pitlad, and other districts, were assigned him as a jagir. Nurang-Khan ob- tained Baroda, and Mir Mohammed Kilan, the uncle of Khan Aziz Koka, received the sirkar of Patan. Bhroch and the country round about were given to Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan ; and Dholka and Dhandukah were bestowed on Hamid Khan Bokhari. In this manner the whole of the country was divided among the great nobles. USfSa On Monday the 10th of Zu-1-hijjah, the Emperor set out for the capital of Agra by way of Patan and Jalore. Khan Aziz Koka, and the great nobles who had been appointed to situations in Gujarat, after being honoured with marks of distinction, were allowed to re- turn from the neighbourhood of Sidhpur. Khan Aziz Koka, on his way back, heard that Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, through the assistance of Rai Narayan, Zamindar of Idur, was creating disturbances in that neighbourhood, and that the sons of Shir Khan Faoladi, who were with him, were similarly engaged. The Khan, in- stead of returning to Ahmadabad, resolved to go in that direction, and drive out the enemy. The latter had collected in such force that Mirza Mokim, who had a jagir in these parts, 326 was obliged to quit his post, and joined Khan Aziz Koka, at Ahmadnagar, ten koss distant from Idur. Mohammed Husain Mirza, then in the neighbourhood of Daolatabad, on being- made acquainted with Akbar's marching back to Agra, took this opportunity of advancing to the neighbourhood of Surat, where he besieged Kalij Khan in the fort. The latter did all that was necessary for the safety of the place, and the Mirza, seeing no prospect of its capture, desisted from investing it. From thence he went to Bhroch, and obtained possession of it, from the faithless followers of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, who was then at Baroda. Afterwards, going to Khambayat, he became possessed of it, through the folly of Husain Khan, who offered him no opposition. Husain Khan, then commandant of Kham- bayat, went to Ahmadabad ; from whence Khan Aziz Koka sent along with him Sayyid HamidBokhari, Sayyid Baha-ud-din, and Shaikh Mohammed Mungiri, to assist Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan in expelling Mohammed Husain Mirza, then at Khambayat, with six hundred cavalry. The above mentioned joined Kutbu- d-din Mohammed Khan at the station of Samli, five koss distant from the town of Dholka. At this time, Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk advanced with a 327 force from the fortresses of the mountains, when Khan Aziz Koka took up a strong position, where the rebels could not assail him. The enemy, having no other choice left, resolved on going to Ahmadabad, with the expectation of either possessing themselves of that place, or of being able to draw the Khan from his position, and bring on a battle. They therefore marched with this intent ; but Khan Aziz Koka, well aware of their plans, set out for Ahmadabad late in the day, when the enemy could not at- tack him ; and, after marching all night, entered the city next morning. On that very night, Mohammed Husain Mirza, having been de- feated and driven from Khambayat, passed near Khan Aziz Koka's troops ; when some of his baggage fell into possession of the latter. The Mirza himself, now quite ruined, kept at a greater distance, and went to join the sons of Shir Khan Faoladi. The account of Mohammed Husain Mirza's defeat is the following. When Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan, with Sayyid Hamid Khan Bo- khari, reached Khambayat, the Mirza engaged the imperial party, with the few men he had, but was defeated and quite ruined. The victors, thinking that they had done enough in defeating him, made no subsequent effort in pursuit : for, 328 had they done so, they must have taken him prisoner. The latter, at length, formed a junc- tion with the other rebels, and made every effort to reach Ahmadabad; but, three days having been spent by the Gujaratis in debating what ought to be done, Khan Aziz Koka, by great exertions, had in that time strengthened the place. The Gujarat nobles, at length, arrived before it, when continual skirmishes followed betwixt the imperial troops and the enemy. No general engagement, however, took place, as Khan Aziz Koka had not confidence in his own followers, nor in those of Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan. He was, moreover, dissuaded from engaging the enemy, as the Emperor had particularly cautioned him against risking a battle in the event of disturbances, and re- quested that he would send to him immediately. CHAPTER IV. THE ARRIVAL OF THE EMPEROR, IN NINE DAYS, FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT, THEN AT FAT'HPUR. The Emperor, on hearing of the disturbances in Gujarat, determined to proceed to that quarter, with all possible expedition : and, as 329 the shortness of the time would not allow of much preparation for the journey, he opened the doors of the treasury, to distribute as pre- sents large sums of money among his attend- ants. He also issued a mandate that the chiefs of Malwa should expeditiously enter Gujarat ; after which he himself set out, for that quarter, l 4 D. J i57 y a on Sunday the 24th & of Rabi-ul-awal, in the year of the Hijra 981, A.D. 1573, being accompanied by a few faithful and select at- tendants, who were mounted on swift camels, or fleet horses. On Monday the 25th, he arrived at Huns ; and, proceeding by Moizzabad, pitched his tents at Ajmir, on the following Tuesday, when he visited the tomb of Moayyanu-d-din Chisti. On Wednesday he was at Mirtha ; from whence he went forward the same night ; and, after halting to rest a little at Sojat, arrived, the following morning, in the neighbourhood of Banhriah, which is a dependancy of Jalore. Early on the morning of Friday, he reached Jalore ; and, having halted there to the middle of the follow- ing night, he proceeded on a fleet steed, till he displayed his banners at the town of Disa, on the following Monday. Here Shah Ali Linga, (s) The Maasiru-1-Omara, in the life of Mirza Aziz Koka, says it was the 4th of this month. 330 * who was in authority at Patan, on the part of Khan Kilan, paid his respects to the Emperor. His Highness, having resolved not to go to Patan, ordered Khoajah Ghiasu-d-din to join him, with the troops from thence; and, after leaving this place, arrived at the town of Bali- sanah about noon, where the troops encamped. Here Khan Kilan, Wazir Khan, and Shah Fakhru-d-din, with the troops previously sent to prevent disturbances, then openly manifested, came and paid their respects, they having halted at Patan, on account of the dangers on the road. The troops were now furnished with every thing they required. The Emperor, accom- panied by a guard of a hundred horsemen, left this place on the evening of the same day, after sending a messenger to Ahmadabad, in order to tell the besieged that, as he was near at hand, they might prepare for war, and join him on his arrival. He continued to proceed on horse- back at a quick pace, and arrived, a little after daybreak of Tuesday, at the town of Chotanah, which is a dependancy of Karri. A party of the enemy, stationed there under the command of Aulia Khan, a follower of Shir Khan Faoladi, thinking that the imperial troops were those of Khan Kilan from Patan, came out and pre- 331 pared for battle; but the former, having been ordered out against them, killed many ; though the remainder, who fled, took shelter in the fort. The army was anxious to take the place ; but the Emperor, who came up at this time, told them that he had not exerted himself, and taken all this trouble, in order to capture so insig- nificant a fortification, since he had come to punish the rebels of Gujarat, and that, after such had been accomplished, this fort would be captured without any difficulty. The troops were therefore ordered to quit the place, and continue to advance. On Wednesday, when he had come to within three koss of Ahmadabad, he sent forward Asif Khan, in order to tell Khan Aziz Koka the glad tidings of his approach, and that he should be prepared accordingly.* As the army now ap- proached the enemy, he put on his armour, and mounted a white charger ; at which time Raja Bhagwandas came up, and congratulated him on the conquest of Gujarat, saying that he had observed three signs of his being victorious 1st, that the Emperor should be mounted on horseback at such a time 2nd, that the wind should be blowing from the rear of the troops, and wafting their inclinations against the faces of the enemy 3rd, that crowds of crows and kites continued to follow him. 332 The Emperor was pleased at these remarks ; and, having thus terminated his march, in the , space of nine days, prepared for battle, on Wed- nesday, the 5th of Jumada-s-sani. As he ap- proached the enemy, and saw no appearance of the Gujarat troops under Khan Aziz Koka join- ing- him, he ordered the war-drum to be beaten. The enemy, proud of their numbers, amounting to more than twenty thousand persons, had closely invested the place, and were looking for Shir Khan Faoladi joining them. They were now, however, distressed by the arrival of the imperial troops, who were, at this time, ordered to cross the river in the order of formation they were then in. When the nobles beheld the numbers of the Gujarat army, they hesitated to advance. At this time, six hundred of the enemy's horsemen, having retired from Sirkej, came into view of the imperial musketmen, such as S&lbahan, Kaddam Kuli, and Ranjit, who were ordered by the Emperor to direct a fire against them. The enemy, not able to make a stand, hastened to take shelter behind their in- trenchments. The Gujarat troops, on first hearing the sound of the imperial trumpets and war-drums, thought that either Shir Khan Faoladi had arrived, or that the troops of Khan Kilan had come from Patan to assist Khan Aziz Koka. Mohammed 333 Husain Mirza, distracted with the noise, advanced before the others, and demanded in a loud voice to know of Subhan Kuli Turk, then on the bank of the river, What troops were these ? To this the Turk replied (on seeing that the enemy were panic-struck), " Behold this army is commanded by the Emperor in person, and why do you abide to ask the question ?" To this the other answered, " What ! do you wish to intimidate me, by telling me this is the Emperor ? And if this be he, where are his elephants and large army ? Besides, only fourteen days have elapsed since my spies came from the capital of Fat'h- pur, and left him there." The Turk then said, " The Emperor, with a devoted few, had made the journey in nine days ;" and the other, con- vinced that he spoke the truth, hastened back to his own camp, that the line might be got under arms. The Emperor, now aware that the enemy had remained in complete ignorance of his move- ments, ordered his troops to cross the river with- out delay. As he was anxiously looking for the junction of Khan Kilan's troops from Patan, some one said, " that as the Gujarat army was numerous, he had better remain on this side of the river till the troops from Ahmadabad came up." To this the Emperor replied, "The enemy being 334 DOW aware of our condition, what time is there for delay, and what necessity is there for waiting- longer in expectation ? for, had we rested our hopes on external parade, what cause was there for all this haste in coming here ?" As his sol- diers were cautious, and looked to consequences, they still hesitated to pass the river, and put off the time by speaking and jesting with the Em- peror. The latter, soon after, observing their spirit roused, plunged into the stream with a few select friends ; and, at this very time, having taken off his helmet, gave it to Raja Deva Chand, whom he ordered to accompany him. While they were riding along at a quick pace, the helmet by chance fell, and the Emperor remarked that this was a good omen of the road being open before him. To give weight to this prediction, some person brought the head of one of the enemy, on which the nobles overcame their scruples, and began to pass the river. Succeeding this, Mohammed Husain Mirza advanced to oppose their passage, and gave command of his right to Duli Khan, who had the Abyssinian s and Gujaratis ; whilst he en- trusted his left to Mohammed Khan Faoladi, who had a large body of Afghans. His centre was occupied by Shah Mirza, supported by the Abyssinians and people of Ma-wara-ul-Nahr. 335 The Emperor, after crossing the river, took his station on a rising ground, and was look- ing at the troops, when Asif Khan^ame to say that Mirza Aziz Koka, though not aware of the imperial army being so close, was now ready to join them. These troops had not, however, yet come up, when part of the enemy's troops ap- peared from among the trees. On this occasion, as Mohammed Kuli Khan Tirkhan, and several other bowmen had retired, after a slight skir- mish, the Emperor, addressing Raja Bhagwan- das, observed, " that, though the army of the enemy might be numerous, God's favour was on his side ; and that it behoved all who were with him to make a simultaneous and determined attack on the red ensigns of the former, without fearing the result, as he felt assured of Moham- med Husain Mirza having adopted the red canopy to establish his claim to the throne. Mohammed Husain Mirza, advancing at a brisk pace, was at this time a considerable way before the rest of the troops. Shah Kuli Khan Muharram, and Husain Khan, saying it was the period for making a charge, the Emperor remarked that, as yet, the distance between them and the enemy was too great. He then gave orders that, after advancing in a firm and compact line till they met the latter, they should 336 make a charge. The line, however, being broken in the advance, some of the troops on the right gave way on coming to close quarters, and just as the Emperor was about to charge. But Happa Charun calling out the word, the charge and shout of "Allah Akbar !" became general. One of the enemy's own elephants, frightened by a rocket, happening at this time to rush into their own ranks, threw the whole into confusion, when the Emperor was left standing on the plain, with only Tara Chand and Balawal Khan by his side. Mohammed Husain Mirza, with a consider- able body of men, now made an attack on some of the imperial troops, when a trooper, riding up to the Emperor, struck his horse on the head with a sword, and made the animal rear. His Highness, however, holding on by his left hand, kept his seat, and speared his opponent. Ano- ther, also, threw a spear at him, but, missing his aim, immediately fled; and a third, who made an attack, was speared by a Gujar. The imperial main body now joined the Em- peror, who placed himself in the centre, and ordered a general charge to be made. This was immediately obeyed, and Mohammed Husain Mirza being taken, the victory was complete. The troops subsequently marched to Ahmad- 337 abad ; and Mohammed Husain Mirza, when brought before the Emperor, was given over in charge to Raja Man Singh Darbari. The Mirza's foster-brother, Shaikh Maddu. having been also brought before Akbar, at this time, was speared by him on the spot, for having been concerned with the Mirza in rebellion. The day was far spent, when as yet Khan Aziz Koka had not come up ; and another large body of the enemy came in sight. The greater part of the imperial troops, having dispersed in different directions, left the Emperor attended by only a hundred followers. The enemy, how- ever, without making a stand, fled in the direc- tion of Mahmudabad ; when it was ascertained that these were the followers of Ikhtiyaru-1- Mulk. As the small party of the imperial troops became alarmed on seeing this body, his High- ness gave orders to sound the war-drums and trumpets, whilst he encouraged his men by placing himself in the centre. The person whose duty it was to beat the war-drum was so over- come with fear, that he neither heard the Em- peror's orders nor sounded the drum, till roused by the point of a spear. During this confu- sion, Rai Singh, at the instigation of Raja Bhagwandas, put Mohammed Husain Mirza to death. 338 This body had been investing Ahmadabad, as would appear, and had kept Khan Aziz Koka, with Kutbu-d-din , Mohammed Khan from joining the Emperor. During these con- tests, the imperial troops lost about a hundred men, and the enemy twelve hundred. Khan Aziz Koka and his troops at length arrived, when the Emperor, much pleased, em- braced the Khan at meeting. The Gujarat no- bles subsequently came up to pay their respects ; and Sohrab Turk, having presented the head of Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, at this time, was praised for his conduct. Orders were now issued that the heads of the slain rebels should be built into a pyramid, in order that it might serve as an example of terror to the people and a lesson to the nobles. The Emperor, after entering Ahmadabad, issued a proclamation announcing his success to all the neighbouring districts. After dismissing several persons presented to him at this time, he was informed that one of the Gujarat poets had found the date of his coming in the words Kahri Gujarat dmadah, " The scourge of Gu- jarat has come." The poet, on being sent for, was asked why he had been guilty of such dis- respect, when the same denied having used these words, but that he had found the date in this sentence, Shdhi Gujarat dmaddh, " The Prince 339 of Gujarat has come." He was accordingly dismissed with a present. The imperial head-quarters were now fixed at Itimad Khan's former residence ; where the mode of governing the country was agreed upon. Shah Mirza having fled to Bhroch, Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, Nurang Khan, and some others, were sent there ; whilst Raja Bhagwan- das and Shah Kuli Khan were sent with a large army to punish the Ranaofldur. The govern- ment of Patan was entrusted to Khan Kilan ; while Dholka and Dhandiikah were given in jagir to Wazir Khan. It was also ordered that the country of Sorath, then in possession of Amin Khan Ghori, should be allowed to remain with him. But, after the imperial troops marched, Wazir Khan hastened into Sorath, and endeavoured to wrest the country from the latter. He fought several battles, but, not being successful in the attempt, returned to Court. CHAPTER V. THE RETURN OF THE EMPEROR TO HIS CAPITAL, AFTER CONFER- RING THE GOVERNMENT OF GUJARAT ON KHAN AZIZ KOKA A SECOND TIME. Akbar, after having settled in eleven days the whole affairs of Gujarat, set out for his capital Z 2 340 uth August, on Saturday the 12th of Jumada-ul- awal, and carried along with him Sayyid Ha- mid, his family and domestics. The first day's march was to Mahmudabad, the next to Dholka; where, having halted a day, he gave Khan Aziz Koka leave to return. After conferring on Khoajah Ghiasu-d-din the title of Asif Khan, he promoted him to the important situation of pay- master in Gujarat; in which office he was to be guided by the provincial governor's advice. Here all the important affairs of the province were finally arranged ; and the Emperor marched from thence to Karki. From this he went to Sidhpur, in two marches ; and halted till the 3 capture of Barnagar, and the seizure of Aulia Khan, by the troops sent under Raj a Bhag wan- das, were reported to him. He then continued his journey ; and sent Raja Todar Mall to in- vestigate and purify the revenue settlement of Gujarat. It was expected that the Raja, from his great experience, would fix the assessment at what was just; and that, when the same had been arranged, without observing a selfish or avaricious policy, he would submit it to the Em- peror, for the future guidance of the revenue accountants in all that concerned the military or the cultivators. He accordingly amended the revenue settlement of the country in a very 34J short time, and, returning to the imperial pre- sence, delivered his account of it into the regis- ter office. The Emperor, interested in the welfare of the Gujarat nobles who had served him, conferred the rank of one thousand horse on Itimad Khan, A.S'iS in the year of the Hijra 983, A.D. 1575. As the same was celebrated for prudence and outward parade, he was also entrusted to ar- range and decorate the imperial darbdr ; having the traffic in jewels and ornaments connected therewith particularly confided to him. His son, Shir Khan, also received the rank of four hundred ; Alagh Khan Habshi had similar rank, and a jagir conferred on him : and Malik u-s- Shark was honoured with a command at the city of Thanesar. Some districts of Gujarat had been already set aside, as assignments to the nobles serving in the province ; but several places were this year appropriated to the government exchequer, and Wajihu-1-Mulk Gujarati was sent as Diwan of the province. He was, therefore, the first collector-general appointed from Dehli. Some of the Emperor's ladies, in this same year, went to Mekka, having come through Gujarat ; and Khan Aziz Koka returned by order to Court. A regulation had been passed, previously to 342 the Khan's return, that the different troops of cavalry, in the service of government, should be specially marked. Khan Aziz Kokawas, there- fore, the first who was to carry into effect this order, on his arrival at Court : since he, being the greatest of the nobles, might, by commencing this practice, leave no room for others to cavil. Presuming on his intimacy, however, he did not comply with the order; and, retiring to a solitary place, in a garden near Agra, commenced a hermit's life. The Emperor, in deference to the feelings of the Khan's mother, and out of regard to his own services, wished to send him back to Gujarat, if he would repent of his ungracious conduct ; but the same showed his independence by telling the Emperor that, having now renoun- ced a soldier's life, he must be numbered among his well-wishers. It being absolutely necessary that Akbar should now otherwise provide for the government of Gujarat, he conferred this office on Mirza Khan, the son of Beiram Khan, who had then the rank of four thousand horse, and afterwards obtained the exalted title of Khan Khanan, or chief of the nobles. Wazir Khan, Mir Ala-ud- din Kazwini, Sayyid Muzaffir, and Pragdas, were sent to accompany and assist him ; but, being yet in the flower of his youth, and this the 343 first service he had ever performed, he was or- dered to follow the advice of the former in all things. At the same time, Mir Ala-ud-din was made Amin of the province. Pragdas, who was one of the experienced government writers, was next appointed Diwan, in place of Wajihu-1-Mulk. [n the month of Rabi-us-sani of the same year, the imperial stand- ards arrived at Ajmir, when Wazir Khan left Gujarat to meet the Emperor, and was made deputy governor of the province. Sayyid Ha- shim and Rai Singh were ordered, on this occa- sion, to remain at the town of Nadote, and to keep in subjection the refractory of that quarter. A suitable army was also sent to subdue Idur ; and Tarsu Khan, who was at this time com- mandant of Patan, captured the fort of Sirohi. In the year of the Hijra 984, A.D. 1576, Ka- lij Khan, government clerk of Surat, received permission to accompany the caravan, going on a pilgrimage to the Hijaz. The Raja of Idur, being overwhelmed by the multitude of the im- perial army, took refuge in the mountains ; but at length, advancing to give the latter battle, sustained a defeat. Idur was at the same time taken. ', "i Akbar, hearing that the country did not pros- per under the thoughtless administration of 344 Wazir Khan, despatched Mutamadu-d-Daolah Raja Todar Mall into Gujarat, for the purpose of bringing the province into order. On the latter arriving in the neighbourhood of Jalore, the Zamindar of Sirohi was induced to pay him a visit, having been instigated thereto by Pa- har Khan Jalori ; and as the Sirohi Zamindar presented a tribute of five hundred rupees, with one hundred gold mohurs, Raja Todar Mall gave him in return an honorary dress, a jewelled head ornament, and an elephant, after making an agreement with him, on the part of the Dehli government, that he was to serve the governor of Gujarat with two thousand cavalry. Raja Todar Mall went from thence to Siirat ; and, on the way thither, having had a meeting at Bhroch with the Zamindar of Ramnagar, who presented a tribute of twelve thousand rupees and four horses, he made him suitable presents in return. The Zamindar was at this time permitted to assume the rank of fifteen hundred horse, and agreed to serve the governor of Gujarat with one thousand cavalry. Gul Riikh Begum, daughter of KamranMirza, and who, as before mentioned, had fled into the Dekhan, now returned ; and, accompanied by her son, Muzaffir Husain Mirza, with a crowd of other rebels, raised disturbances in the coun- 345 try. Wazir Khan, having many seditious per- sons among* his followers, was obliged to act with great caution ; and, having shut himself up at Ahmadabad, sent a messenger to Raja Todar Mall, at Patan, acquainting him that he had done so. While the enemy's troops were at Sultanpur, in Khandesh, several of the go- vernment servants proving faithless, joined them. From thence they advanced on Baroda, when the imperial Faojdar fled without making any effort to oppose them. Wazir Khan now sent Baz Bahadur and the Diwan Pragdas, with troops, to drive back the enemy; but, having been met by the latter, in the parganah of Sir- tal, they experienced a defeat. These conten- tions increased the audacity of the rebels ; and, though Raja Todar Mall had completed the re- venue settlement of the country, and was about to leave Patan for the capital, he immediately returned to Ahmadabad, on receiving Wazir Khan's letter. After his arrival there, he indu- ced Wazir Khan to leave the fort and prepare for war. The imperial troops were only four koss from Baroda, when the enemy fled to Khambayat ; where they were opposed by the force under Sayyid Hashim, chief of the govern- ment exchequer. The latter, having been severely wounded on this occasion, shut himself 346 up in the citadel, and was besieged by the rebels ; who were closely followed in their flight to Khambayat. When the imperial troops arrived there, the enemy abandoned the siege and re- tired on Jiinagarh ; but the former, continuing the pursuit, overtook the rebels near Dholka ; where an engagement was fought, in which se- veral women, dressed in men's clothes, acted the part of bowmen, and shot their arrows. The engagement was fiercely contested by both sides; but the rebels, who at length gave way, took to flight. On this occasion many of the latter were either killed or taken prisoners, among whom were several women who had been employed as archers. Raja Todar Mall, after collecting the pri- soners and plunder, sent the whole to the Emperor, in charge of his son Sidhari, and left Gujarat for the capital. On the road thither, he received a visit from Rana Sahsmall, Zamin- dar of Dungarpur, when this chief was pre- sented with an honorary dress, and the rank of two thousand five hundred cavalry. He was also permitted to take leave at Mirtha, after having agreed to serve in the province of Gu- jarat. Subsequently to Todar Mall's departure for the capital, a set of robbers, who had assembled 347 about Muzaffir Husain Mirza, plundered the city of Khambayat ; and, as many opulent mer- chants dwelt there, they thus obtained posses- sion of much wealth and valuables. Wazir Khan now left Ahmadabad to pursue them ; but, learning on the way that the enemy were in great force, and suspecting the fidelity of his own troops, he returned to Ahmadabad, and there shut himself up in the citadel. Many of his followers deserted him on the march, and joined the enemy ; who, at length, appearing with all the parade they could exhibit, invested Ahmadabad. Wazir Khan, at this time, suspecting several of his followers, put them in chains; and, by encouraging his old and trustworthy servants, made every necessary effort to defend the place. The men in the citadel, being much frightened, were relieved every, day from the batteries, whilst the Khan, taking on himself the task of going the rounds, remained on the alert. The enemy, who had some accomplices among the besieged, had at one time applied the scaling ladders, and were about to make an assault on all quarters, when Mihr Ali, their commander, and leader of the rebellion, was luckily shot dead. The whole now took to flight, though some had even ascended the wall ; and the be- 348 sieged, though wavering, did not prove untrue. Wazir Khan, and those who had been ransomed, returned thanks for their unexpected success. Muzaffir Husain Mirza, having subsequently fled to Khandesh, was seized by Ali Khan Faruki, and sent to the Emperor Akbar, with which ended the rebellion of the Mirzas h . CHAPTER VI. / THE GOVERNMENT OF SHAHABU-D-DlN AHMAD KHAN, AND THE D 1 WANSHIPOF PRAGDAS, WITH THE FLIGHT AND RETURN OF MUZA F- FIR SULTAN TO GUJARAT. As Wazir Khan had not successfully accom- plished the settlement of Gujarat, Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, governor of Malwa, who had the rank of five thousand cavalry, was ordered to assume the former government in the end of the IS 85 ' year of the Hijra, 985, AD. 1577. The following noblemen, who had permission to ac- company him thither, were also to assist in the administration of the province, namely, Kasim Khan Saifu-1-Mulk, Mir Ghiasu-d-din, Ali Na- kib, Kamar Khan, Ghazi Khan, nephew of Na- ( h ) It would appear, from Ferishta's history, that the Mirza was not delivered up before A.Hij. 986, A.D. 1578. 349 kib Khan, Firoz Khan Kabuli, Shaikh Mozim, and Shaikh Jadid. Wazir Khan was, at this / time, ordered to subdue the country about Idur. A^kii 6 ' In the year of the Hijra 986, A.D. 1578, the ladies of the Emperor's family, who had gone on a pilgrimage to Mekka, returned in safety ; and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan was ordered to assist them on their journey to the capital. As the Emperor was wholly given in these days to beneficent acts, he yearly appointed one of the nobles as chief of the caravan going to Mekka ; and supplied him with money and va- luables, to be given away among the attendants and visiters at that holy place. Mir Abu Turab, who, at this time, obtained permission to make a pilgrimage to the Hijaz, was there- fore made chief of the caravan ; and Itimad Khan Gujarat! was also permitted to accom- pany it. Mir Abu Turab, on returning from this pil- grimage, brought with him an impression of the Prophet Mohammed's foot, which belonged to the temple of Mekka ; and, after landing this relic at the port of Surat, prepared to send it to Akbar, then at Fat'hpur. He accordingly ap- pointed seven or eight hundred people of Hijaz to accompany it ; and, after wrapping it in a \ 350 portion of the veil which had covered the temple of Mekka, set forward with it in a covered litter. Letters were also sent to acquaint the Emperor of having obtained this precious prize ; when an order was issued, complimenting the chief of the pilgrims. Instructions were also sent that due notice of its arrival within one stage of the royal residence should be given, in order that the Emperor, to show the relic due respect, might advance and welcome its arrival. Due notice was accordingly given ; when the ladies of the Emperor's family, with all the nobles, went out to meet it, and were blessed by having thus made the pilgrimage. All ranks flocked to kiss this model of the Prophet's foot ; and the Emperor, after wrapping it in a splendid covering, carried it the distance of a hundred feet, in the direction of the city. It was subse- quently entrusted to the particular charge of Mir Abu Tiirab, chief of the pilgrims ; when all the ministers, judges, and principal nobles, re- lieved each other in conveying it to the foot of the throne. This impression of the foot was kept for one year contiguous to the palace, and here the people made pilgrimages. But Mir Abu Tiirab, having been allowed to go into Gu- A.iSo 88 ' jarat, about the year of the Hijra 988, A D. 1580, requested to carry the foot along 351 with him, that he might build a temple for it in this country, which is, as it were, the gate of the holy Mekka. He moreover petitioned that, after preparing a place for its reception, he might be appointed superintendent of the same. His wishes were after some time complied with ; and Mir Abu Turab conveyed this impression of the Prophet's foot to Asawal, near Ahmad abad, where, in the course of six years, he built a mosque for it. As must be generally known, the same became a place where great numbers were wont to walk round in religious veneration : and the practice was continued for many years. But, when disorder and anarchy in Gujarat had rendered Asawal and other places desolate, the heirs of Mir Abu Turab brought the sacred foot into the city, where it yet remains in their pos- session. Subsequently, Shah Fakhru-d-din was or- dered to go from Ujain to the government of Patan, and to send Tarsu Khan to court. Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi was promoted to the chief- justiceship of Gujarat ; and Asif Khan, on re- ceiving the appointment of Bakhshi, was ordered first to put the imperial mark on the cavalry of Malwa, according to regulation ; and then to do the same to those of Gujarat, on arriving there, provided the concurrence of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan and Kalij Khan was obtained. 352 A short time after these events, Sultan Mu- zaffir, who had been kept in close attendance on the Emperor, fled to Gujarat, and remained for some time at Tarwari, with the Zamindar of Rajpipalah, without the circumstance being known by Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, then at Bhroch. After leaving this place, he took up his residence among the Kattis of Karrein, in the parganah of Sordhar, one of the dependancies of Sorath ; where he remained so completely concealed, that it was the only period during the government of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan when the seditious were at rest, and the people in quiet. Fat'h Khan Shirwani, who commanded the troops of Amin Khan Ghori, being annoyed at his master, made a proposition to Shahabu-d- din Ahmad Khan to wrest Junagarh and the country of Sorath from the latter, and to render it subject to the Emperor, provided he was sup- plied with troops. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan accordingly appointed his own brother, Mirza Khan, with four thousand horse, to accompany Fat'h Khan on this expedition. When the troops arrived in the neighbourhood of Sorath, Amin Khan Ghori sent a messenger to say that he would pay tribute, and mark his cavalry, according to imperial regulation, provided a sufficient jagir was assigned him for this pur- 353 pose. He also stipulated that they would per- mit him to retain Junagarh for the sake of his dignity, whilst the rest of the country should remain with them. To this Mirza Khan an- swered that such could not be conceded, without taking Junagarh ; and, having afterwards ad- vanced, captured the city of Junagarh, named Mustafabad, through the efforts of Fat'h Khan. Amin Khan Ghori now strengthened the upper fort, and took refuge there. Fat'h Khan, at whose instigation this expedition had been undertaken, fell sick at this time and died ; when Mirza Khan, abandoning the siege, marched to Manglur, distant twenty koss, where he took up a position, having this town between him and the enemy. Amin Khan Ghori, now assisted by the Jam with four thousand cavalry, left his stronghold, and hastened to Manglur ; and, on his approach, Mirza Khan, retreating to the mountain of Dinar, risked a battle there and met with a defeat. The whole of his baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, and he himself, after having been severely wounded, came to Ahmadabad. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan now built forti- fications at Morasah and other towns, where the people were disaffected ; and, having there sta- tioned parties of cavalry, thus completely settled A A 354 the country. On a complaint from the cultiva- tors of Ahmadabad and several other parga- nahs, he made a second admeasurement of all arable drylands, and brought them into cultiva- tion. CHAPTER VII. THE GOVERNMENT OF ITIMAD KHAN GUJARATI, WITH THE DIWANSHIP OF ABU-L-KASIM, AND THE CAPTURE OF AHMADABAD BY SULTAN MUZAFFIR. As already related in these pages, Itimad Khan obtained permission to proceed to Mekka on a pilgrimage ; and, returning from thence, joined the Emperor. Having had expectations held out to him that he would obtain the go- vernment of Gujarat when the latter conquered the country, Itimad Khan made several repre- sentations on this subject, at the time when Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan was raised to the dignity of governor. Among other things, he represented that he was a well-wisher to the Emperor, and promised both an increase of revenue and prosperity in the province. His Highness consequently caused him to be raised to the distinguished post of governing Gujarat, 355 about the end of the year of the Hijra991, A.D. liS 1 ' T583 ; although many of the imperial advisers said that he had not the capacity to settle the country. But, a promise having been passed, and the business settled, the Emperor would not listen to them, and accordingly gave Itimad Khan permission to go to his govern- ment. On this occasion, Mir Abu Turab was raised to the dignity of Amin, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad to that of Bakhshi '. The Emperor also appointed Khoajah Abu-1-Kasim to be collector-general, and sent along with him, as assistants, Mohammed Husain, Shaikh Mir, Muzaffir Beg, Mohammed Beg, Mir Mohab- ullah, Mir Sharfu-d-din, Mir Salah, Shah Beg, Mir Hashim, Mir Masum Bhakri k , Zainu-d-din Kamboh, Sayyid Jalal Bhakri, Sayyid Abu Is'hak, Faiz-ullah Beg, and Pehlwan Ali Sistani. The son of Mehtar Ramazan, superintendent of the perfume department, who was named Karm Ali, was appointed to conduct Shahabu- d-din Ahmad Khan to Court, after Itimad Khan's arrival in Ahmadabad. At this time, (i) This is the distinguished author of the history called the Tabakat Akbari. ( k ) Mir Masum is the author of a history of Sind, and assisted, it is said, Nizamu-d-dm Ahmad in compiling the Tabakat Akbari. A A 2 356 crowds of people complained against Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi, chief judge of the province, on which the Emperor removed him from office and recalled him to Court. Clear proofs of his crime having been established, he was impri- soned in the fort of Rentumbhore. When Itimad Khan was about to join his go- vernment, there were several rebellious wretches in Ahmadabad, who had been once retainers of the Mirzas, but, after their overthrow, had con- tinued in the service of whatever person held the government of the province. These people watched every fit opportunity for rebellion, and, during the government of Wazir Khan, had actively excited an insurrection, which Shahabu- d-din Ahmad Khan opportunely put down, whilst he entertained several of them in his ser- vice. Akbar, on then hearing the state of the matter, ordered that they should be dismissed from service, and expelled that country, and that others more trustworthy should be taken to replace them. He, in the mean time, marched for Kabul; and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, not thinking it advisable to expel them, increased their munsubs and jagi'rs ; and, *by various other means, endeavoured to make, them contented. Orders were again issued for expelling them, when Itimad Khan went to Gujarat ; and these 357 seditious men, hearing of these, were thinking what they should do. Mir Abid, chief of these vagabonds, in consultation with Mohammed Yusaf Balkhi and Khalil Beg Badakhshi, agreed that they ought to put Ahmad Khan to death, before Itimad Khan had arrived in Gujarat, and that, after electing Muzaffir for their leader, they should take possession of Ahmadabad. One of the mutineers, named Jahangir, informed Ahmad Khan of this iniquitous plot ; but he, being about to leave the government, made no inquiry into the matter, and merely sent a mes- sage to Khalil Beg and Mohammed Yusaf, that they must quit the city. They perceived that by doing so they would strengthen their cause, and went accordingly to their jagir at Matur, where they began to make preparations. They at the same time wrote to Sultan Muzaffir, inti- mating their submission to him, and requesting that he would join them. Mir Abid outwardly professed that he was ready to accompany Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan ; but, by secretly plotting evil, induced Moghul Beg Wafadar and Taimur Husain, chief men about Shahabu- d-din Ahmad Khan, to unite with him in the insurrection. At this time, Itimad Khan, Khoajah Abu-l-Ka- sim Diwan, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad 358 Bakhshi, arrived at Patan ; while Karm Ali, who had been sent on deputation to Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, reached Ahmadabad, along with Itimad Khan's agent. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who came forth to meet the horse and honorary dress, which accompanied the impe- rial commands, conducted Karm Ali to the city, and, on being made acquainted with the Emperor's instructions, delivered over the keys of the town to Itimad Khan's agent. He also caused the parties of cavalry to be withdrawn from the different posts, which were nearly eighty in number ; but, as soon as the troops left, the Kulis and Grassiahs destroyed several fortifica- tions, and excited disturbances. In the mean time, Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, leaving Ah- madabad, encamped at Osmanpur, on the Sa- barmati river, while Itimad Khan, with the others, entered the city. Mir Abid and the rebels, in number about five hundred persons, took up a position near the reservoir of Batwah. The latter sent Itimad Khan a message, that, being in distress, he could not accompany Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan to Court, but was willing to perform whatever service might be required of him, provided he was put in posses- sion of the jagir formerly belonging to him, and that, if the last was not conceded, he would be 359 under the necessity of following a vagabond life. Itimad Khan replied, that, though he could not, contrary to the Emperor's orders, assign them a jagir, he would do as much as he had personally power to do. These unfortunates now became altogether desperate ; and, going to Khalil Beg and Mohammed Yusaf, at Matar, joined them in insurrection. The force destined to assist Itimad Khan had not yet arrived from the capital ; and this offi- cer, therefore, deemed it advisable to detain Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan for some days, that, by his assistance, he might act with vigour against the disobedient. Wherefore, when Shah Abu Turab, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, went to consult Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan in this matter, he advised that the rebels should have their jagirs on former conditions, in order that the peace of the coun- try might be preserved. But, if this could not be done, he recommended the imperial com- manders to sow dissension among the mutineers, by going against them with a force, before the former had been joined by any men of note, or were agreed among themselves what to do. To this Itimad Khan replied, that if Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan returned to the city, he would do whatever might appear most advisable. Sha- 360 habu-d-din Ahmad Khan excused himself from remaining, as he had already expended consi- derable sums of money on account of the jour- ney, and as his people, having left the city with their families, were distressed and disgusted. Itimad Khan, therefore, agreed to assist him with money from the government exchequer ; but, as there was no ready money in the treasury, several days were spent in correspondence re- garding the means of raising the sum wanted. Itimad Khan, by discussing this matter, only wished to gain time, and detain the other till the troops from the capital had arrived ; after which he would abandon him. He therefore marched from Ahmadabad, and went to Karki : when a crowd of vagabonds, who had collected in the parganah of Matur, thinking this a fit time for plundering, went into Kahtiwar and joined Sultan Muzaffir. On joining the latter, they represented to him the richness of the country ; and he, through avarice and desire of plunder, taking the Karki chiefs along with him, turned towards Ahmadabad. The rebels, hav- ing assembled nearly fifteen hundred Karki cavalry, made all possible expedition till they arrived at the town of Dholka, where, having encamped, they proposed for the general safety to make a night attack on the camp of Shaha- 361 bu-d-din Ahmad Khan. Sultan Muzaffir, how- ever, wished to go to Khambayat, and plunder that populous town. But, when Itimad Khan heard that the enemy had arrived at Dholka, he lost all self-possession, and, not knowing what to do, followed Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan to Karki, with a view of inducing him to return to Ahmadabad. The former, after much wavering and hesitation, thus committed one grand mis- take, namely, in leaving the enemy within ten koss of the gates, and actually going eighteen to seek assistance. This was unwise, as he had no confidential person to whom he could well entrust the charge of the city ; while the more judicious and candid endeavoured to dissuade him from such a resolution. He would not lis- ten to their advice, however ; and, after giving his son, Shir Khan, charge of the city, left Ah- madabad for Karki, accompanied by Nizamu-d- din Ahmad Bakhshi. On this occasion he gave the city gates in charge to Mir Masuin Bhakri, Faiz-ullah Beg Aka, and Zainu-d-din Kamboh, while Mujahid Khan Gujarati was stationed at the Ramkhir gate. Several of the discontented people of Gujarat, who were in league with the rebels, sent mes- sengers to represent his departure in the man- ner of a flight ; and such happy intelligence 362 arrived at the very time when the rebels were about to retire, not knowing what to do. They now, however, made all possible haste to Ahmad- abad ; whilst their numbers continued to in- crease every minute. On arriving there, they made an assault on the Ramkhir gate, and, after the interchange of a few blows, entered the city. The confusion consequently increased ; and while Shir Khan, Mir Masum, and others, with- drew from their dangerous situation, the rebels plundered everywhere. Sultan Muzaffir, who had prayed for the present crisis, entered the dwellings of the Gujarat kings, and obtained his desire of sitting on their throne. Thus, in an instant, this populous city, filled with gold, jewels, and fine clothes, was left a prey to plun- derers. Itimad Khan induced Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan to return after some preliminary agree- ment, but, mistrusting the fidelity of some of his followers, made them swear on the Koran to be faithful. The chief of these ungrateful men was the first to join the enemy. When the imperial confederates came within eight koss of Ahmad abad, they were met by Shir Khan, Mir Masum Bhakri, and others ; who separately made known the frightful intel- ligence of the city being taken. Shahabu-d-din 363 Ahmad Khan, on hearing this, was much puz- zled how to act, and consulted the others in this matter. Each having* given counsel to the best of his ability, it was finally agreed on, that, after advancing to Ahmadabad, they ought to give the enemy battle, if the latter would meet them ; or, if not, that after surrounding the place, they must besiege it, until such time as the troops from the capital arrived. In effecting this plan, they committed an error by carrying along with them the men's wives and children, instead of leaving them in a place of security. The imperial party arrived at Osmanpur, within sight of Ahmadabad, by morning, and had just fixed on the ground for encamping, when the enemy, aware of their arrival, came out, mounted and prepared for battle. Some of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan's men were at this time engaged in pitching the tents ; and others were taking care of their families and baggage. But, though the main body which came up with him were on the alert, nearly two thousand of the enemy's cavalry left the city, and drew up on the river bank. Sultan Muzaffir, having there taken up his position in the centre, placed the Kahti chiefs around him, and detached Moham- med Yiisaf Badakhshi, and Khalil Beg, as his advanced guard. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, 364 observing this, quietly mounted his horse, and put his troops in order of battle ; while Itimad Khan, under a pretence of retaining possession of the ford at Osmanpur, and of thus preventing the enemy passing the river, kept aloof with Mir Abu Tiirab and the Gujarat troops, and was only looking for an opportunity to fly. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who had taken possession of a rising ground with seven or eight hundred cavalry, determined to make a stand against the rebels. He therefore detached from his centre two hundred horsemen to cross the river and make an attack. Though the commanders were in league with their oppo- nents, those under their command twice drove back the latter. One of the commanders, named Shaibak, restrained his men from fighting, and, by constantly sending messages to the enemy, continued inviting them to advance. Badr Beg Turkman, who had gallantly exerted himself for the Imperialists, was at this time killed ; when Shaibak and others, to the amount of five hundred, went over and joined the enemy, who now crossed the river. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who had not more than two hundred horsemen left, endea- voured to retain his position, and animated his companions to repel the enemy's attack ; his 365 horse had, however, received an arrow wound, while several of his relations and brothers had fallen around him, and, being attacked by great numbers, he was thus reduced to extremities. Some of his friends at this time seized the reins of his horse, and forced him from the field of battle ; when one of the deserters, coming be- hind, made a blow at him withr a sword, from which he escaped unhurt. The Kahtis and people of the city, who had come for plunder, now committed depredations on the property of the imperial party, and made their wives and daughters prisoners. Money and other valuables, with horses and elephants, were carried away in the confusion. Sultan Muzaffir, thus loaded with plunder, afterwards went to Ahmadabad ; and took up his abode in the citadel ; where, with the confidence of a great man, he commenced to administer the go- vernment of Gujarat; and, having promoted Shaibak, who had deserted to him from the service of Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, assign- ed him a jagir. On the succeeding day, accom- panied by several of the rebel chiefs, he went to the principal mosque : and, after causing the oration to be read in his own name, sent for Shir Khan Faoladi from Junagarh, where he was living in disgrace and indigence. This chief 366 joined Sultan Muzaffir soon after with two hun- dred ill-mounted horsemen. But, as the latter was not quite at ease regarding Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, then in the neighbourhood of Sultanpur and Nadarbar, he left Mir Abid in charge of Ahmadabad, and then marched to that neighbourhood. He at the same time sent Shir Khan Faoladi to keep in check Shahabu- d-din Ahmad Khan at Patan ; and the former, having enlisted all the imperial soldiery in this part of the country, collected fourteen or fifteen thousand men in the course of a fortnight. Soon after this, the force sent to assist Itimad Khan, amounting to two thousand men, joined Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan at Patan, and the Imperialists, after strengthening the garrison there, represented the state of affairs to Court. Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, hearing of these events, marched by successive stages to Baroda. During this confusion, as Sayyidu-d- Daolat, the servant of Kalian Rao, of Kham- bayat, had collected troops and seized on this place, he thus obtained a considerable sum of money ; and, after increasing his force to four thousand men, acquainted Sultan Muzaffir of what he had done. Sultan Muzaffir gave him the title of Rustam Khan ; and, presenting him with an honorary dress, wrote him in reply to 367 remain where he was, until sent for. Moreover, Aulia Khan, a servant of Shir Khan Faoladi, excited an insurrection at the town of Chotanah ; and, as Mohammed Beg, then in his neighbour- hood, had defeated him, Shir Khan Faoladi sent his son-in-law, Husain Khan, to assist him. The Imperialists, under Mohammed Husain, and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, had by this time joined Mohammed Beg, who now came up with the enemy and defeated them. Shir Khan Faoladi, hearing of this event, advanced in turn, when Itimad Khan, and Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, resolving to remain at Patan, sent the son of the former, with others of the imperial troops, to oppose him. The contending parties met within eighteen miles of Patan, where the rebels were defeated, and the son-in-law of Shir Khan Fao- ladi killed. Sultan Muzaffir, as already mentioned, had marched against Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan from Ahmad abad. Sayyidu-d-Daolat, on this occasion, joined him in the neighbourhood of / Nariad, with four thousand men from Kham- bayat ; while Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, detaching Mohammed Afzal and Mohammed Mirak to guard the ferries of Khanpur and \ ankanir, ordered them to prevent the enemy 368 from crossing the Tapti. These commanders, who were secretly in league with rebels, fled after a little skirmishing, when Sultan Muzaffir came to the ford at Khanpur. Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan now shut himself up in the walled town of Baroda, with some trusty followers ; while the enemy, advan- cing, besieged the place. Though twenty thou- sand horse and foot of Rajputs or Kulis had collected around Muzaffir, Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan, nevertheless, held out the fort against them for twenty- two days ; and exerted himself to the utmost, as he could not trust his own men. At this time, Mohammed Mirak and Chirkash Khan Rumi sent, from the* trenches, to tell Muzaffir that, as they were there watched by the imperial spies, he must, under pretence of concluding a peace, send for them, along with Zainu-d-din Kamboh, Sayyid Jalal Bhakri, and Khoajah Yahya, the agent of Naorang Khan ; and that, if after imprisoning them and Khoajah Yahya, he would put the other two to death, he might attack the fort on the succeed- ing day, without meeting with any opposition from the troops of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan. Sultan Muzaffir followed the advice of these dissemblers ; and, as Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan sent him a deputation of the 369 five persons mentioned, he instantly imprisoned them, and caused Zainu-d-din Kamboh to be put to death the same day, by ordering that he should be trodden under the feet of an elephant. Sayyid Ahmad Bokhari, however, having inter- ceded for Sayyid Jalal Khan, obtained his re- lease, and carried him to his own house. Succeeding this, Sultan Muzaffir, mounting his horse, gave orders to surround the fort, when the besiegers, having closely invested the town with the guns brought from Ahmadabad, Kut- bu-d-din Mohammed Khan thought his followers had quite deserted him, and shut himself up in the citadel. The next day, Sultan Muzaffir took an oath that he would not injure Kutbu- d-din Mohammed Khan's person ; and, after making a compact to this effect, sent for him. Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan, thus reduced to extremities, visited Sultan Muzaffir, who in- stantly imprisoned him, and soon after put him to death, along with his sister's son, Jalalu-d- din. Sultan Muzaffir, after remaining at Baroda for two days, marched to the neighbourhood of Bhroch ; where the mother of Kutbu-d-din Mo- hammed Khan and several slaves were residing. On the third day after Muzaffir had encamped before Bhroch, the slaves, proving traitorous, B B 370 left the fort, and, having gone to visit the Sul- tan, delivered to him the keys of the place. By this means the whole treasure and effects of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan fell into his hands. Sultan Muzaffir remained at Bhroch fifteen days ; but, during that time, having heard that Mirza Khan, son of Beiram Khan, was marching on Ahmadabad, he suddenly de- camped, and moved to that quarter. CHAPTER VIII. THE GOVERNMENT OF MIRZA KHAN, WITH THE DEFEAT OF MUZAFFIR, AND CAPTURE OF AHMADABAD. THE EXALTATION OF MIRZA KHAN TO THE RANK OF FIVE THOUSAND, AND THE TITLE OF KHAN KHANAN, WITH THE FOUNDATION OF THE FAT'H BAGH, AT THE TOWN WHERE THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT. THE DIWANSHIP OF KHOAJAH ABU-L-KA- SIM, AND THE ORDER FOR ADOPTING THE ILAHI ERA IN THE COUN- TRY OF HINDUSTAN. The news of the Gujarat insurrection having AiD^lsIs!' reached the Emperor, in the end of A. Hij. 991, A.D. 1583, at a time when the im- perial standards turned eastward, the govern- ment of the province was conferred on Mirza Khan, son of Beiram Khan, who, then only a youth, had been brought up through the favour and kindness of Akbar. Several brave and enterprizing leaders, such as Rai Durga, Medini 371 Rai, Shaikh Kabir, entitled Shujaat Khan, and Nasib Khan, who were sent to assist Mirza Khan, were ordered to take the direct road to Gujarat. Kalij Khan and Naorang Khan were, moreover, ordered to proceed by the way of Malwa ; and, entering* Gujarat by that route, to take along with them all who were com- manding in these parts. Sultan Muzaffir, hear- ing of Mirza Khan's intended march, returned to Ahmadabad. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, and the impe- rial nobles then at Patan, on learning that Mirza Khan was approaching, sent forward a messenger to him, and soon after joined him at Mirtha. Mirza Khan, judging wisely, did not generally make known the unfortunate fate of Kutbu-d-din Mohammed Khan ; but, having called the different leaders, asked their advice, when every one gave it to the best of his abi- lity. It was at length settled that they, trust- ing to the good fortune which had ever accom- panied the imperial cause, must expeditiously bring on a battle ; and, having made the neces- sary clispositions,they exerted themselves to do so. Sultan Muzaffir, on the 9th of Mu- harram, A. Hij. 992, A.D. 1584, ad- vancing with a large force and many guns, took up a position at Mohammednagar, contiguous BB2 A. 372 to Osmanpiir, on the bank of the Sabarmati river, where he waited their attack. Mirza Khan accordingly proclaimed publicly that they must immediately engage the enemy ; but, expecting that the army from Malwa would soon join him, he delayed the attack for some days, and marched, on the llth of the same month, to the town of Sirkej. Here he en- camped on the banks of the Sabarmati, having the town on one flank and a grove of trees on the other. At first, a party of the enemy came and made a night attack, but returned without accom- plishing their wishes. The expected arrival of the Malwa troops was currently rumoured abroad ; and Sultan Muzaflfir, thinking the pre- sent a fit opportunity for marching from Mo- hammednagar, crossed the river, and began skirmishing. The imperial army now necessa- rily made its dispositions, and hastened to op- pose the enemy ; but, as its front rank and right flank were passing a small stream, whose banks were covered with brushwood, they fell into confusion. Notwithstanding this, having soon after engaged their opponents, they be- haved gallantly. Mirza Khan, who, with five hundred horsemen and one hundred elephants, had taken up a position, and was watching the 373 recent manifestations of the imperial good for- tune, beheld Sultan Muzaffir, with five or six thousand cavalry, confidently occupying the plain, and saw that there were evident signs of the enemy proving victorious. Several of Mirza Khan's friends wished him at this time to leave the scene of action ; but he, deeming such conduct pusillanimous, deter- mined to maintain his ground, and urged his men forward. On this the elephants threw the enemy's army into disorder ; and Sultan Muzaf- fir, giving all up as lost, took to flight. Several of his associates fled along with him to Mahmud- abad, on the banks of the Mahindri river ; and, though his whole army was dispersed, and many had been killed by the sword, the Impe- rialists could not follow him, as the day was now far spent. These events happened on the A a .D. 2 i584. 13th of Muharram in the above year. On the day of Sultan Muzaffir's defeat, Kalij Khan, Sharif Khan, and Naorang Khan, from Malwa, arrived at Baroda, and, having there received intelligence of the victory, halted. Naorang Khan detached Mirza Zahid to obtain possession of Bhroch ; but Haji Beg Chirkash and Nasir Khan, who had charge of the trea- sure in the place, closed the gates and attacked the Imperialists. i 374 Sultan Muzaffir, after his flight, went to Khambayat, where, having raised a x money contribution from the merchants and inhabit- ants, he collected ten or twelve thousand vaga- bonds, by distributing his gold to all discon- tented and seditious characters. The cultiva- tors, also, thinking he was the lawfully-born prince, exhibited proofs of their fidelity, and were joining him from all quarters. Mirza Khan, receiving intelligence of these things, left Ahmadabad in charge of Sayyid Kasim, who had been wounded, and, with the intention of dispersing the rebels, marched, on the 2d of A?i>. 1*584. Safar, against Sultan Muzaffir, having at the same time ordered the troops of Malwa, then besieging Bhroch, to join him. The enemy detached Sayyidu-d-Daolat, with a force, to Dholka, and the sons of Ikhtiyaru-1- Mulk, with Mustafa Khan Shirwani, to Mah- mudabad. The Malwa commanders, with their troops, joined Mirza Khan at the town of Barayah ; and Sultan Muzaffir, hearing of this, left Khambayat, and marched to Baroda. Mirza Khan pursued him to the latter place, whence he despatched Naorang Khan against Sayyidu-d-Daolat, whilst he himself continued the pursuit of Sultan Muzaffir. The enemy at length resolved to risk a battle, when victory 375 declared for the Imperialists, after some sharp work on both sides. Naorang Khan, having also proved victorious, joined the main body ; and Sultan Muzaffir, crossing- the Nerbuddah, took refuge among the mountains of Ihaniyah. The imperial commanders, at the town of Nadote (Nandode), now put their troops in mo- tion, with the intention of extirpating the vaga- bonds, several of whom, after having separated, came and visited Mirza Khan, and others went into the Dekhan. Nearly two thousand persons were slain during the campaign, and five hun- dred, having been made prisoners, were put to death. When the glad tidings were communicated to the Emperor, he gave Mirza Khan the title of Khan Khanan, with the rank of five thousand cavalry, and exalted others according to their merits, giving to each suitable assignments for the support of their ranks. The Khan Khanan, now leaving Nadote, came to Ahmad abad, where he laboured for the pro- sperity of the country and the relief of the op- pressed. He also established a garden near the town of Keshapur Sirkej, on the spot where he had defeated Sultan Muzaffir, giving it the name of Fat'h Bagh. Several of the buildings and remains of the summer-house belonging to 376 this garden are yet there, and the collection from the ground still cultivated is counted dis- tinct from that of the above-named town. In fine, Sultan Muzaffir, whose cause was now totally ruined, left the defiles of the Rajpipalah mountains, and marched to Patan. And, as Abid Mirak, Yusaf, Abdullah, and others of the enemy, had at this time excited an insurrection in his favour near the town of Miindah, an army, under Shadman Beg, was sent against them. Sultan Muzaffir, not being able to make a stand here, fled towards Idur, and from thence to Kathiyawar and the town of Kharri, among the Lonah Kathis. Mirza Khan Khanan, having accordingly equipped another force, sent it under the command of Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, and Mir Abu-1-Muzaffir, to drive out the rebels ; but, by the time the troops reached Dholka, the insurrection had altogether ceased, and many of the enemy were wandering about in a distressed condition. On this account, Shir Khan Faoladi took refuge with the Zamin- dar of Baglanah. While Kalij Khan and Naorang Khan, with the army of Malwa, sent against Bhroch, were unsuccessfully besieging it, Nasir Khan, who was in the fort, thinking he should recommend himself to the imperial troops, treacherously 377 put to death Haji Beg. The Khan Khanan con- sequently sent Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan with troops to that quarter, and gave him Bhroch in jagir. One of the gunners from the fort came to tell Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan that the men within were quite harassed by the siege, and that he and his associates would open the doors, provided the imperial troops directed their efforts there. As the man ap- peared to speak truth, a party was instantly detached to the gates, and easily got possession of the place. Nasi'r Khan and Charkish Khan escaped, with much difficulty; and the latter, falling into the hands of the Imperialists as a prisoner, was put to death. When Sultan Muzaffir, now much distressed, went at the end of this year to Jiinagarh, the Imperialists returned to Ahmadabad, while se- veral of the commanders of the subsidized troops of Gujarat returned to their jagirs. But, as the collection from the jagirs, On account of the dis- turbances in the country, was at this time less than usual, the troops were much distressed for want of pay. The rebels, who only waited for a fit oppor- tunity, again collected ; and the Khan Khanan, leaving Ahmadabad in charge of Kalij Khan, marched against the enemy, with troops under 378 Naorang Khan and Khoajah Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Bakhshi ; after previously detaching Sayyid Kasim Barah to Patan, and stationing detachments wherever they were required. Sul- tan Muzaffir, having come to Miirbi, plundered Radhanpur, and continued forcibly, to seize whatever he could find. While he was looking for assistance from the Zamindars of this quar- ter, the imperial troops arrived ; when he, having fled before them, was pursued by Khan Khanan, as far as the mountainous country of Barnagar. The Zamindars of this part, wishing to be received into imperial favour, sent forward their agents, and, though they had previously accom- panied Sultan Muzaffir, they yet perceived that being thus received would be the means of saving themselves. They, therefore, came in . - submissively, and made their complaints. Amin Khan Ghori, the commandant of Junagarh, agreed to send his son to attend the Khan Khanan ; and the Jam Raja, to show how well disposed he was to the imperial government, sent to say that Sultan Muzaffir was in a cer- tain place, and that he might possibly be taken prisoner, if a party of the light troops were quickly sent to do so. The Khan Khanan went in person ; and, as he found no traces of Sultan Muzaffir on entering the mountainous country, 379 divided his troops into four portions. After re- taining the command of one of these for himself, he appointed Naorang Khan, Khoajah Nizamu- d-din Ahmad Bakhshi, and Daolat Khan Lodi, to the other three, with orders to enter the cul- tivated country and plunder it. It was at this time rumoured abroad that Sultan Muzaffir, leaving his son in charge of the Jam, had gone to Ahmadabad. This disap- pointment did not dismay the Khan Khanan, who determined to punish the Jam ; and, on this occasion, many of the Rajputs were slain, and much plunder obtained by the imperial troops. When the latter came within four koss of Nawanagar, the Jam sent in his submission ; and, after having obtained the intercession of Rai Durga and Kalian Rai, sent his son to pre- sent the Khan Khanan with an elephant and other valuables. The Khan Khanan, being vic- torious, respected the offer made him, and re- turned. Sultan Muzaffir, who, with great boldness and presumption, had gone towards Ahmadabad, having arrived at the post of Puranti, the troops there, with those of Nahrwalah, happening to be together, made an effort to expel him. These, having come to action with his followers, slew many of them. When the glad tidings of this 380 victory reached the Khan Khanan on the road, he returned thanks for this great mark of kind- ness shown by Providence. Shahabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, who from the Zillah of Bhroch had been promoted to the government of Malwa, went there in the year l:D Hi ib85 93 ' of the Hijra 993, A.D. 1585. In this year, the Khan Khanan, having completed the arrangement of the country of Gujarat, went to the imperial presence, where he was honoured in various ways ; and, a short time after, having obtained permission to leave Dehli, returned to Gujarat. 1:S 4 ' In A. Hij. 994, A.D. 1586, Khan Aziz Koka, who held the government of the Dekhan, being at enmity with the commanders of the subsidized troops, there under his orders, quitted them ; and, coming alone to Ahmada- bad, requested the assistance of the Khan Kha- nan against those who were hostile to him. The Khan Khanan, who much respected him, and went to give him an honorary meeting, was about to comply with his request; but, after hearing the representations of those opposed to him, abandoned this intention. Wherefore, Khan Aziz Koka, without obtaining his wishes, went into Malwa. ID^S*?: In A. Hij. 995, A.D. 1586-7, the 381 Khan Khanan went to Court, agreeably to order, as the celebration of the marriage fes- tival of Sultan Morad then took place ; and, having left Kalij Khan as his deputy, the same continued to perform the duties of his office at Ahmadabad. The Khan Khanan, whose original name was Abdu-r-Rahim, was brought from Gujarat to Court, at the death of his father, Beiram Khan, and was then only four years of age, as has been already mentioned in this work. After receiving instruction, under the immediate care and kindness of the Emperor, he was first dig- nified with the title of Mirza Khan ; and was IS 3 ' promoted, in A. Hij. 983, A.D. 1575, to the government of Gujarat. Being soon after recalled to Court, Wazir Khan was appointed his deputy, and continued to perform the office of the Nizamat. Mirza Khan, on obtaining the government of Gujarat a second time, received his father's title of Khan Khanan, after his vic- tory over Sultan Muzaffir. He was an excel- lent man, who constantly kept company with the good ; and most distinguished men were continually entertained in his service. He was so well acquainted with military matters, and the mode of defeating his enemies, that no words could here explain his character. He 382 was even more graceful and liberal than Hatim Tai ; and if all his rare qualities, which are ge- nerally known, were to be detailed, such would require a distinct volume. In this same year, an order for the establish- ment and adoption of the Ilahi Era 1 , and code of regulations in all the countries of Hindustan, was issued, and all government servants were to observe the same. Wherefore a copy of these two orders is inserted in the present work. COPY OF THE IMPERIAL FIRMAN FOR THE ESTA- BLISHMENT OF THE ILAHI ERA. After a cycle m of the Emperor's reign had elapsed, an order to this effect was issued. Be it known to governors of provinces, and govern- ment writers, in their several ranks and depart- ments, that, as the Emperor's endeavour has ever been to make both great and small happy and prosperous, all such should esteem these precious times, and employ themselves in works C 1 ) The Ilahi Era was established A. Hij. 992, according to Gladwin's translation of the Ayin Akbari, and not in 995, as be- fore inserted. Mr. Gladwin has, however, made an error of one year, as the order was issued in A. Hij. 993. ( m ) A barn, or cycle, is a period of time usually counted by the Mohammedans, from ten to eighty years. As Akbar com- menced reigning in A. Hij. 963, it is here meant for thirty years. 383 agreeable to God. And let them, at the same time, beware of adopting this opinion, that the founders of religion and of sys'tems, being per- fect men, and secluded from the world, have completely explained the perfections and imper- fections of faiths 11 ; but let them, on the con- trary, follow the example of philosophers, and never wholly trust their pretensions, without some one as their guide; nor undertake any thing, either great or small, without due consi- deration ; so that, conscious of rectitude, and a desire to attain perfection, they may attend to the truths of theology, and the subtilties of science, till, by the favour and guidance of God, they obtain and are entrusted with the grace of his revelations and designs ; and be especially informed of past and future things. At this time, his Highness, while studying the almanacks of the Hindus, called by them Patra, observed that, according to iheKdl-Patra, the commencement of the lunar month is reck- oned from the conjunction, or the time when the darkness is increasing, called in Hindi Kishn-Pach (Krishna Paksha.) But, as these ( n ) I have made the translation of this passage as explained by the very learned Mir Khairat Ali Munshi, commonly called Mushtak ; but the original Persian would imply a more severe censure of the difference of religions, and indirectly intimates that Akbar had some designs of founding a new system. 384 people ignorantly, and from custom, make the month commence with the darkness, and as such practice is not sanctioned by authority, it be- comes necessary to demonstrate this to them. Wherefore, the Emperor was informed by the chiefs of their religion that such is their practice; and, their old and celebrated works being pro- duced, it was discovered that the commencement of the lunar month was once reckoned from the time of the new moon's appearance, a period called by the Hindus Shukal-Pach (Sukla Paksha) ; though, from the days of Yikramajit (Vikramaditya,) this enlightened practice has, through various causes of confusion, fallen into disuse. But, still more wonderful, though these people acknowledge that the month commences with the appearance of the light, they do not practically follow this opinion. Wherefore, it is ordered that all astrologers, and keepers of the calendar, with all other accountants under the government, shall regulate their almanacks on the practice of reckoning from the Shukal-Pach. Moreover, having prepared a calendar with much care and attention, to facilitate the use of this method, and having stamped it with the royal seal, the Emperor has distributed the same that all men may follow it. The grandees, on this occasion, said Doubt- 385 less, the Emperor's intention, in establishing this Era, must be to facilitate a knowledge of im- portant events and commercial transactions ; so that no one may have the power of wrangling in any matter : for, in the instance of a person agreeing to a contract, a lease, or the payment of a debt, within four years and four months, the period cannot be accurately ascertained, if the commencement of it be not fixed. The establishment of new eras, moreover, has ever been with a view of facilitating a know- ledge of certain events, happening after a con- siderable period had elapsed from the original commencement of some other era. Historians must also be aware, that such has been the practice of former great kings ; and that, through their care in fixing new eras, men of business have been relieved from doubt and difficulty. And now, said they, a thousand years of the Hijra having nearly elapsed, while the eras of Sikandar and Yezdijerd, though used in calendars, are not accurately known, the people of Hindustan, therefore, use a variety of eras, such as that in Bengal, dated from the reign of Lakhsman Singh, now in its 465th year ; in the country of Gujarat the era of Sal- () In two copies of the Akbar Namah which I have consulted, this is the number of the year corresponding to that of the Hijra ; C C but 386 bahan (Salivahana), now dating 1 in its 1506th year, A.D. 1584; in the country of Malwa and Dehli, the era of Yikramajit (Vikramaditya), now in its 1640th year, A.D. 1584 ; whilst the people of Nagrakot date from the government of every individual who rules over that fortress. As the learned are also of opinion, added they, that the eras of Hindustan do not com- mence from any great event, and have no true foundation, if the Emperor, through his uni- versal clemency and paternal care, would esta- blish a new era to remove such discrepancies, he will be rewarded and blessed both now and hereafter. It is, moreover, ordered in astrono- mical books, such as the Ilkhani and Gurkani tables, that the eras should be made to com- mence from some great transaction, either the establishment of a religion or a dynasty : and, though many great and glorious occurrences of the present reign are each suited to this pur- pose, let the Emperor fix the same from the period he came to the sovereignty, (now in its thirtieth lunar year, and the greatest manifes- tation of God's favour and grace,) and he will be certainly repaid with thanks for this good work, as having complied with the wishes of the but in a third I find that the 1165th year is called the corre- sponding one. The former is, however, the true date. 387 learned. By having done so, the era of the Hijra, established at the flight of the best of men from the honoured Mekka to the sacred Medina, will lose nothing of its dignity : for, though this, in the time of Malik Shah, had not reached its present lengthened period of dura- tion, and business had not then become so dif- ficult, the Jalali era was nevertheless esta- blished, in order that, in all affairs of difficulty, mankind might be relieved from perplexity. The same is now used in the calendars of all Mohammedan countries, as those of Arabia, Constantinople, Ma-wara-ul-Nahr, Khorasan, and Irak ; and all the written obligations of the faithful are drawn up from these almanacks. In consequence of the repeated requests of these people, and to quiet their importunities, the Emperor, giving his consent, has issued this order : " Let the gates of felicity and rejoicing be opened, by dating the Ilahi Era from the day of the year corresponding with the first of the king's reign." A command to this effect is also sent to the learned ; " Let all compilers of almanacks used in the country of Islam, in which are inserted the Arabi, Rumi, Farsi, and Jalali eras, open the door of facility, by therein using the new era ; and, in the almanacks of the Hin- dus, let the same be written, that their various c c 2 388 eras may fall into disuse, particularly that of Vikramajit, which had its foundation in false- hood." As the years in the common calendars are solar, and the months lunar, we hereby command that the months of the new era shall be also solar. The learned of all religions and systems, hav- ing set aside certain days of the year, which are agreeable to heaven and favourable to spi- rituality, have specially appropriated them for the delight of all men: and named them the days of festival, in order that such may give rise to charity and beneficence. Having more- over pointed out the efficacy of prayer, at such joyful seasons, when men are to observe the customary homage and veneration for the great God, they have thus spread the table of benefi- cence, and opened the gates of gladness, for both rich and poor. Wherefore, agreeably to this order, several festivals, formerly known in this country, which, though long neglected, had been observed for the last thousand years, will be thus fixed : and let all men use their utmost endeavour to observe such ; and not disregard the same as here detailed : viz. the nineteenth of the month of Farwardin of the Ilahi Era ; the third of Ardibehisht ; the sixth of Khurdad; the thirteenth of Sir ; the seventh of Mirdad ; 389 the fourth of Shariwar ; the sixteenth of Mehr ; the tenth of Aban ; the ninth of Azar ; the fif- teenth and twenty-third of Dai ; the second of Bahman ; and the ninth of Isfendiar. Written by order of the Emperor. COPY OF THE ORDER REGARDING VENERATION FOR GOD AND ATTENTION TO THE GOVERNMENT REGULATIONS. All government servants, nobles, and other persons, are to observe the following commands, in administering the affairs of cities, villages, towns, and other places. 1st. It is essential that all such endeavour to please God in whatever they undertake ; and, as suppliants at his shrine, that they act impar- tially to themselves and others. 2d. They must not seclude themselves from society, as such is the practice of dervishes ; nor must they keep company with the commonalty, and be constantly engaged in worldly matters, as such is the way of the market people ; but, in following a middle course, let them choose mo- deration, and be neither too much in society nor too much in solitude. 3d. Let them honour the incomparable God, by watching night and day ; and let them more particularly observe his worship at morning, noon, evening, and midnight. 4th. When not conducting the affairs of man- 390 kind, let them study the writings of the good, and books of morality, which are as spiritual medicine, and the essential part of science. Among these, let them use the Akhlaki Nasiri?, or Morals of Nasir ; the Munajiat ; the Mahu- lakat; the Ahiya fe RJ T'jy JAN 2 1 1982 rs 1 r-i 1QQ "1 Q lAARlB Ap K 3 J969 8 '( jiii 3 iQRq 6 "t RECEIVED till - *KQ n nm JUL j 03 -9/\f/J LOAN DEPT. A 8 ft a 7 2 -2PM 06 j^B tB Wfttt* 3 1 fl oee i 8 \to\ ' ' LD 21-100m-7,'39(402s) 3>< 4." UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY