CORN: 
 
 .*, Jr, 
 
 University of California Berkeley 
 
 Bequest of 
 LOUISIANA SCOTT SHUMAN 
 
/ 
 
 ' 
 
ooiira TO WVISK SEKVICK IN THE TIMES OF THK EARLY INDIAN WARS. 
 
INDIAN BATTLES, 
 
 CAPTIVITIES, 
 
 AND 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 
 
 EDITED BY JOHN FROST, LL.D. 
 
 WITH MANY ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 DERBY & JACKSON, 498 BROADWAY. 
 
 1860. 
 
. * 
 
TKE EA'NCROI T I IRRARY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 6 
 
 LANDING OP OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH, 13 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES, 24 
 
 WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION IN 1753, AND DEFEAT OF GENERAL 
 
 BRADDOCK BY THE INDIANS IN 1755, 83 
 
 EXPEDITION AND DEFEAT OF GENERAL HARMER BY THE INDIANS, 
 
 1790 89 
 
 EXPEDITIONS OF GENERALS SCOTT AND WILKINSON IN MAY AND 
 
 AUGUST, 1791, '. .... & 94 
 
 DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. GLAIR BY THE INDIANS, 1791, 109 
 
 DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS IN 1791, 1792, 
 
 AND 1793,....' 118 
 
 DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS BY GEN. WAYNE, AUGUST 20, 1794, 122 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF THE CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON, ; 128 
 
 BURNING OFROYALTON,. /. 183 
 
 CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STE&LE, ' 209 
 
 EVENTS ON THE NORTH WESTERN FRONTIER FROM 1794 TO 1811, 277 
 
 TIPPECANOE WAR, 284 
 
 SURRENDER OF DETROIT,.. 290 
 
 DEFENCE OF FORT HARRISON, 297 
 
 EVENTS OF NORTH WESTERN FRONTIER DURING 1813, 303 
 
 THE CREEK WAR, 315 
 
 THR BLACK HAWK WAR, *. 359 
 
 THB FLORIDA WAR, 365 
 
 INCIDENTS IN THE BORDER WARS OF THE MEXICAN INDIANS, 378 
 
 RECENT INCIDENTS IN THE TEXAS AND MEXICAN BORDER WARS,.. 392 
 * 
 
5.MT 
 
INDIAN NAERATIVES. 
 
 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY CHRISTOPHER 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 MANKIND owe the discovery of the western world to the 
 gold, the silver, the precious stones, the spices, silks, and costly 
 manufactures of the East ; and even those incentives were for 
 a considerable time insufficient to prompt to the undertaking, 
 although the most skilful navigator of the age proffered to 
 risk his life in the attempt. 
 
 Christopher Columbus, who was destined to the high honor 
 of revealing a new hemisphere to Europeans, was by birth a 
 Genoese, who had been early trained to a seafaring life, and, 
 having acquired every branch of knowledge connected with 
 that profession, was no less distinguished by his skill and abil 
 ities than for his intrepid and persevering spirit. This man, 
 when about forty years of age, had formed the great idea of 
 reaching the East Indies by sailing westward ; but as his for 
 tune was very small, and the attempt required very effectual 
 patronage, desirous that his native country should profit by 
 his success, he laid his plait before the senate of Genoa ; but 
 the scheme appearing chimerical, it was rejected. , He then 
 repaired to the court of Portugal ; and although the Portu 
 guese were at that time distinguished for their commercial 
 spirit, and John II., who then reigned, was a discerning and 
 enterprising prince, yet the prepossessions of the great men 
 1* (fi) 
 
6. INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 in his court, to whom the matter was referred, caused Coluin- 
 bus finally to fail in his attempt there also. He next applied 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Arragon and 
 Castile, and at the same time sent his brother Bartholomew 
 (who followed the same profession, and who was well qualified 
 to fill the immediate place under such a leader) to England, 
 to lay the proposal before Henry VII., which likewise, very 
 fortunately for the future well being of the country, met with 
 m> success. Many were the years which Christopher Colmn- 
 buS'Spent in ineffetual attendance at the Castilian court; the 
 impoverished state into which the finances of the united king 
 doms were reduced, the war with Grenada, repressing every 
 disposition to attempt to great designs ; but the war being at 
 length terminated, the powerful mind of Isabella broke through 
 all obstacles : she declared herself the patroness of Columbus ; 
 whilst her husband, Ferdinand, declining to partake as an ad 
 venturer in the voyage, only gave it the sanction of his name. 
 Thus did the superior genius of a woman effect the discovery 
 of one half of the globe. 
 
 The ship's sent on this important search were only three in 
 number, two of them very small ; they had ninety men on 
 board. Although the expense of the expedition had long re 
 mained the sole obstacle to its being undertaken, yet, when 
 every thing was provided, the cost did not amount to more 
 than seventeen thousand seven hundred and sixty dollars, and 
 there were twelve months' provision put on board. 
 
 Columbus set sail from Port Palos, in the Province of An 
 dalusia, on the 2d of August, 1492 : he proceeded to the Ca 
 nary Islands, and from thence directed his course due west, 
 in the latitude of about 28 north. In this course he continued 
 for two months without falling in with any land, which caused 
 such a spirit of discontent and mutiny to arise as the superior 
 address and management of the commander became unequal 
 to suppress, although for these qualities he was eminently 
 distinguished. He was at length reduced to the necessity of 
 
DISCOVERT OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS. 7 
 
 r 
 
 entering into a solemn engagement to abandon the enterprise 
 and return home if land did not appear in three days. Prob 
 ably he would not have been able to retain his people so long 
 from acts of violence and outrage, in pursuing so untried and 
 dreary a course, had thej not been sensible that their safety 
 in returning home depended very much on his skill as a nav 
 igator in conducting the vessel. 
 
 At length the appearance of land changed their despond 
 ency to the most exulting rapture. It was an island abound 
 ing with inhabitants, both sexes of which were quite naked, 
 their manners kind, gentle, and unsuspecting. Columbus 
 named it San Salvador ; it is one of the cluster which bears 
 the general name of Bahama ; it was only 3 30' latitude to 
 the south of the Island of Gomora, one of the Canaries, from 
 whence he took his departure. This navigator was still so 
 confirmed in the opinion which he had formed before he un 
 dertook the voyage that he believed himself then to be on an 
 island which was situated adjacent to the Indies. Proceeding 
 to the south, he saw three other islands, which he named St. 
 Mary of the Conception, Ferdinand, and Isabella. -At length 
 he arrived at a very large island ; and as he had taken seven 
 of the natives of San Salvador on board, he learned from 
 them it was called Cuba ; but he gave it the name of Juanna. 
 He next proceeded to an island which he called Espagniola, 
 in honor of the kingdom by which he was employed ; and it 
 still bears the name of Hispaniola. Here he built a fort and 
 formed a small settlement ; he then returned home, having on 
 board some of the natives whom he had taken from the differ 
 ent islands. Steering a more southern course, he fell in with 
 some of the Caribbee Islands, and Arrived at the port of Palos 
 on the 15th of March, 1493, having been seven months and 
 eleven days on this most important voyage. 
 
 On his arrival letters patent were issued by the king and 
 queen, confirming to Columbus and to his heirs all the privi* 
 
8 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 leges contained in a capitulation whicli had been executed 
 before his departure, and his family was ennobled. 
 
 Not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Europe, 
 seem to have adopted the opinion of Columbus, in considering 
 the countries which he had discovered as a part of India 
 whence Ferdinand and Isabella gave them the name " Indies," 
 in the ratification of their former agreement with Columbus. 
 Even after the error was detected the name was retained ; 
 and the appellation of " West Indies " is now given by all 
 Europe to this country, and that of Indians to the inhabitants. 
 Nothing could possibly tend more effectually to rouse every 
 active principle of human nature than the discoveries which 
 Columbus had made ; no time was therefore lost, no expense 
 spared, in preparing a fleet of ships with which this great 
 man should revisit the countries he had made known. Sev 
 enteen ships were got ready in six months, and fifteen hun 
 dred persons embarked on board them, among whom were 
 many of noble families and who had filled honorable stations. 
 These engaged in the enterprise from the expectation that 
 &e new-discovered country was either the Cipango of Marco 
 Paulo, or the Ophir from which Solomon obtained his gold 
 and precious merchandise. Ferdinand, now desirous of se 
 curing what he had before been unwilling to venture for the 
 obtaining, applied to the pope to be invested with a right in 
 these new-discovered countries, as well as to all future dis 
 coveries in that direction ; but as it was necessary that there 
 should be some favor of religion in the business, he founded 
 his plea on a desire of converting the savage natives to the 
 Romish faith, which plan had its desired effect. 
 
 Alexander VI., who then filled the Papal chair, it ought to 
 be mentioned, was the most profligate and abandoned of men. 
 Being a native of Arragon, and desirous of conciliating the 
 favor of Ferdinand for the purpose of aggrandizing his fam 
 ily, he readily granted a request which, at no expense or risk, 
 
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS. 9 
 
 tended to extend the consequence and authority of the Pa 
 pacy ; he therefore bestowed on Ferdinand and Isabella " all 
 the countries inhabited by infidels which they had discovered." 
 But as it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering 
 with one not long before made to the crown of Portugal, he 
 appointed that a line, supposed to be drawn from pole to pole, 
 one hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, should 
 serve as a limit between them ; and in the plenitude of his 
 power conferred all to the east of this imaginary line upon 
 the Portuguese, and all to the west of it upon the Spaniards, 
 
 Columbus set sail on his voyage from the Port of Cadiz on 
 the 25th of September, 1493 : when he arrived at St. Espag- 
 niola, he had the affliction to find that all the Spaniards whom 
 he had left there, amounting to thirty-six in number, had been 
 put to death by the natives, in revenge for the insults and 
 outrages which they had committed. After having traced 
 out the plan of a town in a large plain near a spacious bay, 
 and given it the name of Isabella in honor of his patroness 
 the Queen of Castile, and appointed his brother Don Diego 
 to preside as deputy governor in his absence, Columbus, on 
 the 24th of April, 1494, sailed with one ship and two small 
 barks to make further discoveries in those seas. In this 
 voyage he was employed five months, and fell in with many 
 small islands on the coast of Cuba, but with none of any im 
 portance except the Island of JamaAca. 
 
 Soon after his return to* Hispaniola he resolved to make 
 war with the Indians, who, according to the Spanish histori 
 ans, amounted to one hundred thousand men ; these, having 
 experienced every lawless act of violence from their invaders, 
 were rendered extremely .inveterate, and thirsted for revenge, 
 a disposition which appears to have been foreign from their 
 natures. Having collected his full force, he attacked ftiem by 
 night whilst they were assembled on a wide plain, and ob 
 tained a most decisive victory, without the loss of one man on 
 his part. Besides the effect of cannon and firearms, the noise 
 
10 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 of which was appalling, and their effect against a numerous 
 body of Indians, closely drawn together, in the highest degree 
 destructive, Columbus had brought over with him a small body 
 of cavalry. The Indians, who had never before seen such a 
 creature, imagined the Spanish horses to be rational beings, 
 and that each, with its rider, formed but one animal : they 
 were astonished at their speed, and considered their impetu 
 osity and strength as irresistible. In this onset they had, be 
 side, another formidable enemy to terrify and destroy them : 
 a great number of the largest and fiercest species of dogs 
 which were then bred in Europe had been brought hither, 
 which, set on by their weapons, without attempting resistance, 
 they fled with all the speed which terror could excite. Num 
 bers were slain, and more made prisoners, who were imme 
 diately consigned to slavery. 
 
 The character of Columbus stands very high in the esti 
 mation of mankind ; he is venerated not only as a man pos 
 sessing superior fortitude, and such a steady perseverance as 
 no impediment, dangers, or sufferings could shake, but as 
 equally distinguished for piety and virtue. His second son, 
 Ferdinand, who wrote the Life of his father, apologizes for this 
 severity towards the natives on account of the distressed state 
 into which the colony was brought: the change of climate, 
 and the indispensable labors which were required of men un 
 accustomed to any exertions, had swept away great numbers 
 of the new settlers, and the survrvors were declining daily ; 
 whilst such was the irreconcilable enmity of the natives, that 
 the most kind and circumspect conduct on the part of the 
 Spaniards would not have been effectual to regain their good 
 will. This apology seems to have Jbeen generally admitted ; 
 for all modern writers have bestowed upon the discoverer of 
 the new world the warmest commendations unmixed with 
 censure. It is an unpleasant task to derogate from exalted 
 merit, and to impute a deliberate plan of cruelty and extir 
 pation to a man revered for moral worth ; but although a pert 
 
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS. 11 
 
 affectation of novel opinions could only originate in weak 
 minds, and can be countenanced only by such, yet a free and 
 unreserved scrutiny of facts can alone separate truth from 
 error, and apportion the just and intrinsic degree of merit 
 belonging to any character. That Columbus had formed the 
 design of waging offensive war against the Indians, and re 
 ducing them to slavery, before he entered upon his second 
 voyage, and, consequently, before he was apprised of the de 
 struction of the people which he had left upon the Island of 
 Hispaniola, may be inferred from his proceeding himself with 
 such a number of fierce and powerful dogs. 
 
 Having found the natives peaceable and well disposed, he 
 had no reason to apprehend that they would commence un 
 provoked hostilities : the cavalry which he took over, whilst 
 it tended to impress ^those people w r ith the deepest awe and 
 veneration, was fully sufficient for the security of the new 
 colony, if the friendship of the natives had been sincerely 
 meant t6 be cultivated by a kind and equitable deportment; 
 but to treat them as a free people was inconsistent with the 
 views which led to planting a colony ; for as the grand incen 
 tive to undertake the distant voyages was the hope of acquir 
 ing gold, so, as Columbus had seen some worn as ornaments 
 by the natives, and had been informed that the mountainous 
 parts of the country yielded that precious metal, he had ex 
 cited expectations in his employers, and in the nation at large, 
 which both his interest and ambition compelled him as far as 
 possible to realize. The Spaniards could not obtain gold with 
 out the assistance of the natives, and those were so constitu 
 tionally indolent that no allurements of presents or gratifica 
 tions could excite them to labor. To rescue himself therefore 
 from disgrace, and to secure- further support, he seems delib 
 erately to have devoted a harmless race of men to slaughter 
 and slavery. Such as survived the massacre of that dreadful 
 day and preserved their freedom fled into the mountains and 
 inaccessible parts of the island, which not yielding them 
 
12 INDIAN NARRATIYES. 
 
 sufficient means of resistance, they were compelled to obtain 
 a portion of food from their cruel pursuers by obtaining gold 
 dust in order to support life ; a tribute being imposed upon 
 them which was rigorously exacted. These wretched re 
 mains of a free .people, thus driven from fruitfulness and 
 amenity, compelled to labor for the support of life, a prey to 
 despondency, which the recollection of their former happiness 
 sharpened, and which their hopeless situation rendered insup 
 portable, died in great numbers, the innocent but unrevenged 
 victims of European avarice. Such are the facts which have 
 ever been admitted ; yet, strange contradiction ! Columbus is 
 celebrated for his humanity and goodness. But should he not 
 rather be considered as a most consummate dissembler, pro 
 fessing moderation while he meditated subversion, and, like 
 most of the heroes and conquerors whom history records, re 
 nouncing every principle of justice and humanity when they 
 stopped the career of his ambition ? Ferdinand Columbus, 
 his son and biographer, has with great address covered the 
 shame of his father ; whilst the admiring world has been little 
 disposed to censure a man the splendor of whose actions BO 
 powerfully fascinates and dazzles. 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT 
 PLYMOUTH. 
 
 THE English, conducted by John Cabot, in the year 1497, 
 found the way to North America soon after Columbus had 
 successfully crossed the Atlantic ; but as the torrents in that 
 country brought down no gold, and the Indians were not be 
 decked with any costly ornaments, no attempts were made 
 to explore the country for near a century after its discovery. 
 Sir Francis Drake, who traversed the whole circumference 
 of the globe in one voyage and in one ship, which had never 
 been achieved before, when afterwards annoying the Span 
 iards in the West Indies and on the main, gained some knowl 
 edge of the eastern shore of the northern continent, as he 
 had before of the western parts about the same parallel. 
 Sir Walter Ealeigh, however, was the first navigator who 
 explored the coast, bestowed on it a name, and attempted to 
 settle a colony. 
 
 At that time colonization made no part of the system of 
 government, so that there were few stimulants to abandon a 
 native soil for the purpose of seeking possession in another 
 hemisphere. At length a powerful incentive arose, stronger 
 than the influence of kings, than the love of ease, than the 
 dread of misery. Religion, which had long been convert 
 ed into the most powerful engine which human subtlety ever 
 made use of to subjugate the mass of mankind, no sooner 
 ceased to be so perverted than by its own proper force it 
 compelled large bodies of people to renounce every present 
 enjoyment, the instinctive love of a native soil, rooted habits, 
 2 ( 13) 
 
1 4 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 nnd dearest connections, and to settle in the dreary wilds of 
 a far-distant continent. 
 
 When England, by a very singular concurrence of circum 
 stances, threw off the Papal yoke, state policy so predominated 
 in the measure that the consciences of men were still re 
 quired to bend to the discipline, conform to the ceremonials, 
 and assent to the doctrines which the governing powers estab 
 lished. Although a dissent from the church of Rome was 
 considered as meritorious, yet a dissent from the church of 
 England was held to be heretical, and an offence to be pun 
 ished by the civil magistrate. The human mind, somewhat 
 awakened from a long suspension of its powers by a Wick- 
 liffe, further enlightened by an Erasmus and Melancthon, and 
 at length called, forth into energy by the collusion of those 
 two ardent and daring spirits, Luther and Calvin, then began 
 to bend all its attention towards religious inquiries, and exer 
 cised all its powers in such pursuits. Hence arose a vast 
 diversity of opinions, which gave rise to numerous sects arid 
 denominations of Christians ; but as the Protestant establish 
 ment in England held it essential to preserve a unity of 
 faith, those novel opinions obtained no more quarter there 
 than under Papal power. 
 
 In the year 1610 a company of persecuted religionists, 
 composing the church of a Mr. Robinson, having previously 
 determined to remove to a country where they might be 
 enabled to worship God agreeably to the dictates of their 
 consciences, emigrated to Holland, and settled in the city of 
 Leyden, where they continued to reside until the year 1620. 
 Although the ecclesiastical laws of Holland did not at this 
 time sanction or condemn the principles of any particular 
 sect of Christians, yet great were the disadvantages under 
 which the emigrants labored ; for, notwithstanding the Dutch 
 gave them a welcome reception, and manifested a disposition 
 to treat them with great respect, they never could be pre 
 vailed upon by the former to conform to their mode of wor 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 15 
 
 ship, or to renounce principles which the English conceived 
 destructive to moral society ; nor did the emigrants here 
 succeed in other respects agreeable to their views. So far 
 from increasing the\r little flock, they found that, in the course 
 of ten years, they had experienced a diminution of more than 
 one half their original number ; many, in consequence of the 
 impoverished state of the country, had spent their estates and 
 returned to England. Hence it was that the remaining few 
 formed the determination of attempting once more to seek a 
 country better adapted to their pious purposes, and such as 
 would promise a more fruitful abode to their offspring. By 
 some the unexplored parts of ^nerica were proposed ; and 
 after a day set apart for solemn humiliation and praise to 
 Almighty God, it was resolved that a part of the church 
 should first emigrate to America, and, if there meeting with 
 a favorable reception, should prepare an abode for the re 
 mainder. 
 
 They easily obtained a royal grant of a very extensive 
 tract of land now called New England, whither they in 
 tended to repair, not to amass wealth or to exterminate the 
 inhabitants, but to subsist by industry, to purchase security 
 by honorable intercourse with the natives, and to acquire 
 strength under the auspices of freedom. 
 
 They made a purchase of two small ships, and on the 5th of 
 August, 1620, having repaired to Plymouth, England, for the 
 purpose, were in readiness to embark ; previous to which 
 they were very affectionately addressed by their pious pastor, 
 Dr. Robinson, who, in fervent prayer, commended them to 
 the holy keeping of Him who rules the destinies of all men. 
 
 At 1 1 A. M., with a fair wind, they set sail, and bade adieu 
 forever to their native country. Nothing material occurred 
 to obstruct their passage until the 20th, when they experienced 
 a tremendous gale, which threatened them with instant de 
 struction. For three days successively they were tossed 
 about at the mercy of the waves : the ships were, however 
 
16 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 enabled to keep company until the storm had somewhat 
 abated, when those on board one of them, conceiving their 
 vessel no longer seaworthy, abandoned her, and were received 
 on board the other. 
 
 On the 10th of November, they, to their inexpressible joy, 
 discovered land, which proved to be that of Cape Cod, where 
 they with much difficulty the day following succeeded m land 
 ing : as soon as on shore, they fell upon their knees and returned 
 thanks to the Almighty for enabling them to reach in safety 
 their place of destination. But, although they had thus far 
 succeeded in their views, although they had been enabled to 
 flee from persecution, to qjpss a wide and boisterous ocean, 
 what was their situation now ! Sojourners in a foreign land, 
 traversing the broken and unwrought* shores of a wild 
 and unexplored country, they found here no friends to 
 welcome them, or house to shelter them from the inclemency 
 of an approaching winter. On one side they beheld nought 
 but a hideous and desolate wilderness, the habitation of wild 
 and ferocious animals, and probably, the abode of a race of 
 beings not less wild and unmerciful ; on the other the briny 
 ocean, foaming and with tremendous roar dashing against the 
 huge and projecting rocks, which, as far as the eye could 
 perceive, marked the sea-beaten shores. 
 
 After succeeding with much difficulty in discovering a 
 harbor in which their ship could ride with safety, they made 
 choice of ten of the most resolute of their number to explore 
 the adjacent country, and discover, if possible, a more con 
 venient place for their future abode; whoj on the morning 
 of the 16th, provided with a musket each, set out for this 
 purpose. They had not penetrated the woods above three 
 miles when they discovered five of the natives, which were 
 the first seen by them since their arrival. They were clothod 
 with the skins of animals, and armed with bows and arrows. 
 The English, with signs of friendship, made towards them, but 
 were no sooner discovered by the savages than they, with a 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 17 
 
 terrible yell, fled with the greatest precipitancy. Night ap 
 proaching, the English erected a small temporary encamp 
 ment, and, after placing their sentinels, retired to rest. Early 
 the ensuing morning they continued their journey, following 
 for a considerable distance the tracks of the five Indians above 
 mentioned, in hopes the/eby to discover their habitations and 
 obtain therefrom a fresh supply of provision, of which they 
 were in much want ; but in this they did not fully succeed. 
 At about noon they arrived at an extensive plat of clear 
 ground, near which they discovered a pond of fresh water, 
 an<^ several small hillocks of raised earth, which they con 
 jectured to be the graves of the Indians. Proceeding a little 
 farther west, they discovered a large quantity of stubble, 
 which they imagined to be that of some kind of Indian grain 
 peculiar to the country ; they also discovered a spot where 
 they suspected an Indian hut had recently stood, as they 
 found near by some planks curiously wrought and a small 
 earthen pot. Proceeding still farther, they discovered a num 
 ber more of the little hillocks of broken ground as above 
 described, and which they now began to suspect to be the 
 place of deposit of something more than the dead. Curiosi 
 ty leading them to examine more closely one of these what 
 they had before supposed to be Indian sepulchres, they, to 
 their great surprise, found it to contain a large quantity of 
 the Indian grain (corn) above mentioned. It was still in the 
 ear, and excited to no small degree the curiosity of the Eng 
 lish, as they had never before seen any thing of the kind. 
 By a few of the company the discovery was deemed of im 
 portance ; but by others, who had attempted to eat of the corn 
 in its raw state, it was pronounced indifferent food, of little 
 value. They, however, concluded it best to return and make 
 known the discovery to their brethren. 
 
 Having succeeded with some difficulty in reaching the 
 place from which they started, they were met by those whom 
 2* 
 
18 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 they had left behind with the most unspeakable joy and sat 
 isfaction ; to whom they exhibited a specimen of the grain 
 which they had found, and recommended the spot from which 
 it was procured as .the most convenient and suitable at which 
 to abide during the approaching winter. The company ac 
 cordingly, on the 25th, proceeded for, and in safety reached 
 the place above mentioned, with which, being so much pleased, 
 they termed New Plymouth, in remembrance of the port at 
 which they last embarked in Europe. Here they concluded 
 to abide until such time as further discoveries could be made. 
 They erected a few temporary huts, sufficient to shelter them 
 from the weather, and soon after, by mutual consent, entered 
 into a solemn combination as a body politic ; and, on the 
 10th of December, assembled to form for themselves such a 
 government and laws as they should deem the most just and 
 equitable ; previous to which the following instrument was 
 drawn up, which, being first read and assented to by the com 
 pany, received their signatures, to wit : 
 
 " In the name of God, amen. We, whose names are un 
 derwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread -sovereign King 
 James, by the grace of God King of Great Britain, France, 
 and Ireland, and defender of the faith, &c., having under 
 taken, for the glory of God, advancement of the Christian 
 faith, and the honor of our king and country, a voyage to 
 plant the first colony in the northern parts of America, do by 
 these presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of 
 iGod and one another, covenant and combine ourselves to 
 gether into a civil body politic for our own convenience and 
 the preservation and support of the ends aforesaid ; and by 
 virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame such just and 
 equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitution, and officers, from 
 time to time, as shall be thought most mee.t and convenient 
 for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise 
 
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 19 
 
 all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof, we 
 have hereunto subscribed our names, at New Plymouth, on 
 the 10th day of December, A. D. 1620. 
 
 John Carver, 
 William Bradford, 
 Edward Winslow, 
 William Brewster, 
 Isaac Allerton, 
 Miles Standish, 
 Joseph Fletcher, 
 John Goodman, 
 Samuel Fuller, 
 Christopher Martin, 
 William White, 
 Richard Warren, 
 John Howland, 
 Stephen Hopkins, 
 Didgery Priest, 
 Thomas Williams, 
 Gilbert Winslow, 
 Edmund Morgeson, 
 Peter Brown, 
 
 John Alden, 
 John Turner, 
 Francis Eaton, 
 James Chilton, 
 John Craxton, 
 John Billington, 
 Richard Bitteridge, 
 George Soule, 
 Edward Tilley, 
 John Tilley, 
 Thomas Rogers, 
 Thomas Tinker, 
 John Ridgdale, 
 Edward Fuller, 
 Richard Clarke, 
 Richard Gardiner, 
 John Allerton, 
 Thomas English, 
 Edward Liester." 
 
 The company next proceeded by ballot to the choice of a 
 governor ; and, on counting the votes, it appeared that John 
 Carver had the greatest number, and was declared chosen 
 for one year. 
 
 On the 19th of December, Mrs. Susannah White, the wife 
 of William White, was delivered of a son, which was the 
 first born of the English in N$w England. 
 
 On the 21st it was agreed by the company to despatch a 
 second exploring party by water, to make, if possible, further 
 discoveries. The persons selected for this purpose were Gov 
 ernor Carver, Messrs. Bradford, Winslow, Standish, Howland, 
 Warren, Hopkins, Allerton, Tilley, Clarke, Tinker, Turner, 
 
20 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and Brown : they embarked at 10 A. M., with a view of 
 circumnavigating the deep bay of Cape Cod. On the morn 
 ing of the 23d they discovered a large party of the natives 
 on shore, who were employed in cutting up a fish resembling 
 a grampus. By order of Governor Carver, the English 
 made immediately for the shore ; but were no sooner discov 
 ered by the Indians than they, with a yell peculiar to savages, 
 deserted their fish and fled with precipitancy. The English 
 landed and took possession of the fish, which, having enkindled 
 a fire, they cooked, and *found to be excellent food. They con 
 cluded to continue encamped here through the night ; and 
 while employed a few rods from their boat, in which their 
 arms were deposited, in erecting a temporary dwelling for 
 the purpose, they were suddenly attacked by a large party 
 of the natives, who discharged a shower of arrows among 
 them. The English, nearly panic-struck at so sudden and 
 unexpected an onset, were on the eve of retreating to their 
 boat, when they were reminded by their governor (a brave 
 and experienced man) of the importance of facing the enemy 
 and maintaining their ground, as a precipitate flight might 
 prove their total destruction : in the mean time two or three 
 of the company were despatched for their arms, which having 
 obtained, the whole were ordered to form a close body and 
 proceed with moderate pace for the boat, and, if hard pushed 
 by the natives, to face about and give them the contents of 
 their muskets. {The Indians, perceiving the English retiring, 
 rushed from their strong coverts, and were on the point of 
 attacking them in the rear with clubs, hatchets, stones, &c., 
 when they received the fire of the latter, which brought three 
 or four of them to the ground^ The Indians halted, viewed 
 for a few moments, with marks of astonishment and surprise, 
 their wounded brethren, and then, with one general, united 
 yell, which probably might have been heard at the distance 
 of three miles, fled in every direction. This was the first 
 engagement between the English and natives in New England. 
 
LANDING OP OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 21 
 
 and probably the first time that the latter had ever heard the 
 report of a musket. 
 
 The fenglish embarked and returned immediately to New 
 Plymouth, having been absent four days without making any 
 important discoveries. The company despairing of making 
 any further discovery of importance during the winter, con 
 cluded to remain at their winter quarters until the spring 
 ensuing. The winter proved an uncommonly tedious one, 
 during which a great proportion of the company sickened 
 and died : unaccustomed to hardship, and deprived of many 
 of the necessaries of life, they fell victims to the inclemency 
 of the season. Being thus reduced to a very small number, 
 they would have fallen an easy prey to the savages had the 
 latter (relying on the superiority of their strength) attacked 
 them ; but the natives having by bitter experience learned 
 the effects of their firearms, although they were daily seen 
 by the English at a distance, not one of them could be pre 
 vailed upon to approach them within gunshot until about-the 
 20th of March, 1621, when, to their great surprise, an Indian 
 came boldly up to them and addressed them in broken- Eng 
 lish. He informed them that he belonged to an eastern part 
 of the country, and was acquainted with a number of tjieir 
 countrymen, who came frequently there to procure fish, and 
 of whom he learned to speak their language. 
 
 This Indian proved very serviceable to the company, in 
 supplying them with provision, in acquainting them with the 
 state of the country, the number and strength of the natives, 
 and the name of their chief sachem, to whom he said the 
 land which they improved belonged. The Indian being dis 
 missed with many presents and friendly assurances, he the day 
 following returned, accompanied by the grand sachem (Mas- 
 sasoiet) and a number of his chief men, to whom the English 
 gave a welcome reception, presenting them with many trink 
 ets which the natives esteemed of great value. With Massa- 
 treaty was proposed and concluded the day following, 
 
22 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 in which it was stipulated that the English and natives were, 
 to live amicably together, and that the latter were to furnish 
 the former with provision, and to receive in pay therefor such 
 articles as the former were willing to part with ; to which 
 terms both parties continued ever after faithfully to adhere. 
 
 In May, 1621, the English planted their first corn in New 
 England. In July following their worthy governor sickened 
 and died. His death was greatly lamented by those of the 
 company who survived him, and by whom he was interred 
 with all possible solemnity. His loving consort survived him 
 but a few weeks. In August the company made choice of 
 Mr. William Bradford to fill the vacancy occasioned by the 
 death of Governor Carver. 
 
 New England from this period began to be rapidly peopled 
 by the Europeans : so great was the emigration from the 
 mother country, that, in less than six years from the time that 
 the first adventurers landed at New Plymouth, there were 
 seven considerable towns built and settled in Massachusetts 
 and Plymouth colonies. 
 
 In the summer of 1627 Mr. Endicot, one of the original 
 planters, was sent over to begin a plantation at Naumkeag, 
 (now Salem.) The June following about two hundred per 
 sons, furnished with four ministers, came over and joined 
 Mr. Endicot's colony ; and the next year they formed them 
 selves into a regular church. This was the first church gath 
 ered in Massachusetts, and the second in New England. The 
 church at Plymouth had been gathered eight years before. 
 In 1629 a large embarkation was projected by the company in 
 England : at the request of a number of respectable gentlemen, 
 most of whom afterwards came over to New England, the gen 
 eral consent of the company was obtained that the government 
 should be transferred and settled in Massachusetts. 
 
 In ^630 seventeen ships from different ports in England 
 arrived in Massachusetts with more than fifteen hundred 
 passengers, among whom were many persons of distinction. 
 
LANDING OP OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 23 
 
 V 
 
 Incredible were the hardships they endured : reduced to a 
 scanty pittance of provisions, and that of a kind to which 
 they had not been accustomed, and destitute of necessary ac 
 commodations, numbers sickened and died ; so that, before the 
 end of the year, they lost two hundred of their number. 
 About this time settlements were made at Charlestown, Bos 
 ton, Dorchester, Cambridge, Roxbury, and Medford. 
 
 In the years 1632 and 1633 great additions were made to 
 the colony. Such was the rage for emigration to New Eng 
 land that the king and council thought fit to issue an order, 
 February 7, 1633, to prevent it. The order, however, was 
 not strictly obeyed. 
 
 In 1635 the foundation of a new colony was laid in Con 
 necticut, adjoining the river which passes through the state : 
 of this river and the country adjacent Lord Say and Lord 
 Brook were the proprietors : at the mouth of said river a 
 fort by their direction was built, which, in honor to them, was 
 called Saybrook Fort. New Haven was settled soon after the 
 building of this fort, as was a number of other towns of con 
 siderable note in Connecticut. Some difficulty arising among 
 those who first settled at New Plymouth, a part of the inhab 
 itants, to prevent any serious consequences, removed to a 
 pleasant and fertile island to the south-west of Cape Cod, now 
 called Rhode Island, while others settled at Providence, War 
 wick, Taunton, &c. Thus it was that in the course of a very 
 few years a great part of New England, which so late was an 
 uncultivated forest resounding with the yells of savages and 
 beasts of prey, became the place of abode of our persecuted 
 forefathers. 
 
 But this newly-settled country was not to be acquired with 
 out bloodshed. The natives, although they at first appeared 
 harmless and well disposed towards the new settlers, from the 
 rapid increase and too frequent aggressions of the latter the 
 jealousy of the former 'was excited, which they soon began 
 more openly to manifest, as will appear by what follows. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH THE 
 NATIVES. 
 
 THERE was a tribe of Indians which inhabited the borders 
 of Connecticut River, from its mouth to within a few miles 
 of Hartford, called Pequots, a fierce, cruel, and warlike tribe, 
 and the inveterate enemies of the English ; never failing to 
 improve every opportunity to exercise towards them the most 
 wanton acts of barbarity. In June, 1634, they treacherously 
 murdered a Captain Stone and a Captain Norton, who had 
 been long in the habit of visiting them occasionally to trade. 
 In August, 1635, they inhumanly murdered a Mr. Weeks and 
 his whole family, consisting of a wife and six children, and 
 soon after murdered the wife and children of a Mr. Williams, 
 residing near Hartford. Finding, however, that by their un 
 provoked acts of barbarity they had enkindled the resentment 
 of the English, (who, aroused to a sense of their danger, were 
 making preparation to exterminate this cruel tribe,) the Pe- 
 quots despatched messengers with gifts to the governor of the 
 new colonies the Hon. Josiah Winslow. He being, how 
 ever, "inflexible in his determination to revenge the deaths of 
 his friends, dismissed these messengers without an answer. 
 The Pequots finding the English resolute and determined, 
 and fearing the consequence of their resentment, the second 
 time despatched messengers with a large quantity of wampum 
 (Indian money) as a present to the , governor and council ; 
 with whom the latter had a considerable conference, and at 
 length concluded a peace on the following terms : 
 
 CM) 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 25 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 I. The Pequots shall deliver up to the English those of 
 their tribe that are guilty of the deaths of their countrymen. 
 
 II. The Pequots shall relinquish to the English all their 
 right and title to the lands lying within the colony of Con 
 necticut. 
 
 III. The English, if disposed to trade with the Pequots, 
 shall be treated as friends. 
 
 To these articles the Pequots readily agreed and promised 
 faithfully to adhere, and at the same time expressed a desire 
 to make peace with the Narraganset Indians, with whom they 
 were then at war. 
 
 Soon after the conclusion of peace with the Pequots, the 
 English, to put their fair promises to the test, sent a small 
 boat into the river, on the borders of which they resided, with 
 the pretence of trade ; but so great was the treachery of the 
 natives, that, after succeeding by fair promises in enticing the 
 crew of said boat on shore, they were by them inhumanly 
 murdered. 
 
 The Pequots, despairing of again deceiving the English in 
 the manner they had late done, now threw off the mask of 
 friendship, and, avowing themselves the natural enemies of 
 the English, commenced open hostilities against them, barba 
 rously murdering all that were so unfortunate as to fall into 
 their hands. A few families were at this time settled at or 
 near Weathersfield, Connecticut, the whole of whom were 
 carried away captives by them. Two girls, the daughters of 
 a Mr. Gibbons, of Hartford, were in the most brutal manner 
 put to death : after gashing their flesh with their knives, the 
 Indians filled their wounds with hot embers, in the mean time 
 mimicking their dying groans. 
 
 The Pequots, encouraged by the trifling resistance made 
 by the English to their wanton acts of barbarity, on the 20th 
 3 
 
26 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 of June, 1636, besieged Fort Saybrook, in which there were 
 about twenty men stationed : the Indians were to the number 
 of about one hundred and fifty. They surrounded and furious 
 ly attacked the fort at midnight, horribly yelling, and mimick 
 ing the dying groans of such as had fallen victims to their 
 barbarity ; but the English, being fortunately provided with a 
 piece of cannon or two, caused their savage enemies to groan 
 in reality, who, after receiving two or three deadly fires from 
 the besieged, retreated, leaving behind them dead or mortally 
 wounded about twenty of their number : the English sustained 
 no loss in the attack. 
 
 The governor and council of Massachusetts colony, alarmed 
 at the bold and daring conduct of the Pequots, on the 20th of 
 August despatched Captain Endicot, of Salem, with ninety 
 men, to avenge the murders committed by them, unless they 
 should consent to. deliver up the murderers and make repara 
 tion for the injuries which the English had sustained. Cap 
 tain Endicot was directed to proceed first to Block Island, 
 (then inhabited by the Pequots,) put the men to the sword, 
 and take possession of the island : the women and children were 
 to be spared. Thence he was to proceed to the Pequot coun 
 try, demand the murderers of the English, a thousand fathom 
 of wampum, and a number of their children as hostages. 
 
 Captain Endicot sailed from Boston on the morning of the 
 20th. When he arrived at Block Island, about sixty Indians 
 appeared on the shore and opposed his landing ; his men soon, 
 however, effected a landing, and after a little skirmishing drove 
 the Indians into the woods, where . they could not be found. 
 The English continued two days on the island, in which time 
 they destroyed one hundred wigwams and about fifty canoes, 
 when they proceeded for the Pequot country. When they 
 arrived in Pequot Harbor, Captain Endicot acquainted the 
 enemy with his designs and determination to avenge the cru 
 elties practised upon his countrymen. In a few moments 
 nearly five hundred of the enemy collected upon the shores ; 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 27 
 
 but as soon as they were made acquainted with the hostile 
 views of the English, they hastily withdrew and secreted 
 themselves in swamps and ledges inaccessible to the troops. 
 Captain Endicot landed his men on both sides the harbor, 
 burned their wigwams and destroyed their canoes, killed an 
 Indian or two, and then returned to Boston. Enough, indeed, 
 had been done to exasperate, but nothing to subdue, a haughty 
 and warlike enemy. 
 
 Sassacus (chief sachem of the Pequots) and his captains 
 were men of great and independent spirits ; they had con 
 quered and governed the nations around them without con 
 trol ; they viewed the English as strangers and mere intruders, 
 who had no right to the country, nor to control its original 
 proprietors, independent princes and sovereigns ; they had 
 made settlements at Connecticut without their consent, and 
 brought home the Indian kings whom they had conquered, 
 and restored to them their authority and lands; they had 
 built a fort, and were making a settlement, without their appro 
 bation, in their very neighborhood. Indeed, they had now 
 proceeded to attack and ravage the country. The Pequots, 
 in consequence, breathed nothing but war and revenge ; they 
 were determined to extirpate or drive all the English from 
 New England. For this purpose they conceived "the plan of 
 uniting the Indians generally against them. They spared no 
 art nor pains to make peace with the Narragansets and to 
 engage them in the war against the English, to whom they 
 represented that the English, who were merely foreigners, 
 were overspreading the country, and depriving the original 
 inhabitants of their ancient rights and possessions ; that, unless 
 effectual measures were immediately taken to prevent it, they 
 would soon entirely dispossess the original proprietors and 
 become the lords of the continent. They insisted that, by a 
 general combination, they could either destroy or drive them 
 from the country ; that there would be no necessity of coming 
 to open battles; that by killing their cattle, firing their houses, 
 
28 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 laying ambushes on the roads, in the fields, and wherever they 
 could surprise and destroy them, they might accomplish their 
 wishes. They represented that, if the English should effect 
 the destruction of the Pequots, they would also soon destroy 
 the Narragansets. So just and politic were these represen 
 tations, that nothing but that thirst for revenge which inflames 
 the savage heart could have resisted their influence ; indeed, 
 it is said that for some time the Narragansets hesitated. 
 
 The governor of the colonies, to prevent a tfnion between 
 these savage nations and to strengthen the peace between the 
 Narraganset Indians and the colonies, despatched a messenger 
 to invite Miantinomi, their chief sachem, to Boston. The in 
 vitation was accepted by Miantinomi, and while at Boston 
 with the governor and council he entered into a treaty, the sub 
 stance of which was as follows ; viz., that there should be a 
 firm peace maintained between the English and Narragansets 
 and their posterity ; that neither party should make peace 
 with the Pequots without its being first mutually assented to ; 
 that the Narragansets should not harbor the enemies of the 
 English, but deliver up to them such fugitives as should resort 
 to them for safety. The English were to give them notice 
 when they went out against the Pequots, and the Narragan 
 sets were to furnish guides. 
 
 In February, 1637, the English in Connecticut colony rep 
 resented to the governor and council their desire to prosecute 
 more effectually the war with the Pequots, who yet continued 
 to exercise. towards them the most wanton acts of barbarity. 
 They represented that, on the 10th of January, a boat contain 
 ing three of their countrymen was attacked by the enemy as it 
 was proceeding down the river ; that the English for some 
 time bravely defended themselves, but were at length over 
 powered by numbers ; that the Indians, when they had suc 
 ceeded in capturing the boat's crew, ripped them up from the 
 bottom of their bellies to their throats, and in like manner 
 split them down their backs, and, thus mangled, hung tt.om 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 29 
 
 upon trees by the river side. They represented that 'the 
 affairs of Connecticut colony at this moment wore a most 
 gloomy aspect ; that they had sustained great losses in cattle 
 and goods the preceding years, but were still more unfortu 
 nate the present ; that a most dreadful and insidious enemy 
 were now seeking opportunity to destroy them; that they 
 could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel at 
 home or abroad, but at the peril of their lives ; that they were 
 obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day ; to go 
 armed to their daily labors and to the houses of public wor 
 ship. And although desirous to prosecute the war more ef 
 fectually with the common enemy, they were not in a situa 
 tion to do it ; and therefore humbly prayed for assistance. 
 
 The report of the horrid and unprovoked cruelties of the 
 Pequots, practised upon the defenceless inhabitants of Con 
 necticut colony, roused the other colonies to harmonious and 
 spirited exertions against -them. Massachusetts determined 
 to send two hundred and Plymouth forty men to assist their 
 unfortunate brethren in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick, 
 with forty men, was sent forward before the other troops, in 
 order that he might be enabled seasonably to form a junction 
 with the troops in Connecticut, who, notwithstanding their 
 weak and distressed state, had engaged to furnish ninety men. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the Connecticut troops 
 proceeded for their fort at Saybrook. They consisted of 
 ninety Englishmen and seventy Mohegan and river Indians 
 the latter commanded by Uncus, sachem of the Mohegans, 
 and the former by Captain John Mason, who was accompanied 
 by the Rev. Mr. Stone, of Hartford, as chaplain. The Mo 
 hegans, being detached from the English on their way to Say- 
 brook, fell in with a considerable body of the enemy, whom 
 they attacked and defeated ; they killed twenty-twc, and took 
 eighteen of them prisoners. 
 
 Among' the prisoners there was one who was recognized as 
 a perfidious villain : he had lived in the fort with the English 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 some time before, and well understood their language : lie re 
 mained attached to their interest until the commencement of 
 hostilities with the Pequots, when he deserted the garrison 
 and joined the enemy, whom he served as guide, and through 
 whose instigation many of the English had been captured and 
 put to death. Uncus and his men insisted upon executing 
 him according to the custom of their ancestors ; and the Eng 
 lish, in the circumstances in which they then were, did not 
 judge it prudent to interfere. The Indians enkindled a fire, 
 near which they confined the prisoner to a stake, in which sit 
 uation he remained until his skin became parched with the 
 heat : the Mohegans then violently tore him limb from limb. 
 Barbarously cutting his flesh in pieces, they handed it round 
 from one to another, eating it while they sung and danced 
 round the fire in a manner, peculiar to savages. The bones 
 and such parts of the unfortunate captive as were not con 
 sumed in this dreadful repast were committed to the flames 
 and consumed to ashes. 
 
 On the 16th Captain Mason and his men proceeded for 
 Narraganset Bay, at which place they safely arrived on the 
 21st. Captain Mason marched immediately to the plantation 
 of Canonicus, a Narraganset sachem, and acquainted him 
 with his designs, and immediately after despatched a messen 
 ger to Miantinomi to inform him likewise of the expedition. 
 The next day Miantinomi, with his chief counsellors and war 
 riors, met the English. Captain Mason informed him that 
 the cause of his entering his country with an armed force 
 was to avenge the injuries which the Pequots had done the 
 English, and desired a free passage to their forts, which they 
 intended to attack. After a sole'mn consultation in the Indian 
 manner, Miantinomi observed that " he highly approved of 
 the expedition, and would send men to assist the English, but 
 that they were too few in number to fight the enemy ; that 
 the Pequots were great warriors, and rather slighted the 
 English." 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 31 
 
 Captain Mason landed his men and marched to the planta 
 tion of Miantinomi, which, by previous agreement, was to be 
 the place of general rendezvous. In the evening an Indian 
 runner arrived with information that Captain Patrick, with 
 the men under his command, had arrived at the plantation of 
 Roger Williams, in Providence, and was desirous that Cap 
 tain Mason should postpone his march until such time as he 
 could join him. Captain- Mason, after, mature deliberation, 
 determined, however, not to wait his arrival, although a junc 
 tion was considered important. His men had already been 
 detained much longer than was agreeable to their, wishes, and 
 the Mohegans apparently were impatient for battle. The 
 little army, therefore, (consisting of ninety Englishmen, sixty 
 Mohegans and river Indians, and about two hundred Narra 
 gansets,) commenced their march on the 24th, and in the even 
 ing of that day reached Nihantiek, which bounded on the 
 country of the Pequots. Nihantick was the seat of a Narra- 
 ganset sachem, who seemed displeased with the expedition, 
 and would not suffer the English to enter his fort. Captain 
 Mason, suspecting the treachery of this fellow, placed a sen 
 tinel at night at the entrance of the fort, determined that, as 
 he could not be permitted to enter, no one should come out to 
 advise the enemy of his approach. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th Captain Mason was joined by 
 an additional number of the Narragansets and a few of the 
 Nihanticks. They -formed a circle, and, brandishing their 
 scalping knives, made protestations how gallantly they would 
 fight and what numbers they would kill, &c. Captain Mason 
 had now under his command near five hundred Indians in 
 addition to his former force, with whom he early resumed 
 his march for the head quarters of the enemy. The day 
 proved uncommonly warm, and the men, through excessive 
 heat and want of provision, were only enabled by night to 
 reach Paucatuck River, where the "Narragansets began to 
 manifest great fear and inquire of Captain Mason his real 
 
32 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 designs. He assured them that "it was to attack the Pe-^ 
 quots in their fort;" at which they appeared greatly sur 
 prised, and exhibited a disposition to quit the English and 
 return home. 
 
 Wequash, a Pequot sachem who had revolted from Sassacus, 
 was the principal guide of the English, and he proved faithful. 
 He gave such information respecting the distance of the forts 
 of the e'nemy from each other, and the distance they were 
 then from that of the chief sachem's, as induced Captain Ma 
 son to determine to attack the latter, which his guide repre 
 sented as situated at the head of Mystic River. He found his 
 men so much fatigued in marching through a pathless wilder 
 ness, with their provision, arms, and ammunition, that this 
 resolution appeared to be absolutely necessary. The little 
 army accordingly, on the morning of the 26th, proceeded 
 directly for Mystic, and at about sundown penetrated a thick 
 swamp, where, imagining that they could not be far distant 
 from the fort, they pitched their little camp between two large 
 rocks, now known by the name of " Porter's Rocks," situated 
 in Groton : the sentinels, who were considerably advanced in 
 front of the main body of the English, distinctly heard the 
 enemy singing and dancing through the night at their fort. 
 
 The important day was now approaching when the very 
 existence of Connecticut was to be determined by the sword 
 in a single action, and to be decided by the valor of less than 
 one hundred brave men. About two hours before day the 
 men were aroused from their slumbers by their officers, and, 
 after commending themselves and their cause to the Almighty, 
 proceeded with all possible despatch for the enemy's fort. 
 When within a few rods of the fort, Captain Mason sent for 
 Uncus and Waquash, and desired them in their Indian man 
 ner to harangue and prepare their men for cOmbat. They 
 replied that " their men were much afraid, and could not be 
 prevailed upon to advance any farther." " Go, then," said 
 Captain Mason, " and request them not to retire, but to 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 33 
 
 surround the fort at any distance they please, and see what 
 courage Englishmen can display." The day was now dawn 
 ing, and no time was to be lost ; the fort was soon in view ; the 
 soldiers pressed forward, animated with the reflection that it 
 was not for themselves alone they were about to fight, but 
 for their parents, wives, children, and countrymen. As they 
 approached the fort within a short distance, they were dis 
 covered by a Pequot sentinel, who roared out, " Owanux . 
 Owanux ! " (Englishmen ! Englishmen !) The troops pressed 
 on, and as the Indians were rallying poured in upon them the 
 contents of their muskets, and, instantly hastening to the prin 
 cipal entrance of the fort, rushed in, sword in hand. An inv 
 portant moment this ; for, notwithstanding the blaze and thun 
 der of the arms of the English, the Pequots made a manly 
 and desperate resistance : sheltered by their wigwams, and 
 rallied by their sachems and squaws, they defended them 
 selves, and, in some instances, attacked the English with a 
 resolution that would have done honor to Romans. After a 
 bloody and desperate conflict of near two hours' continuance, 
 in which hundreds of the Indians were slain and many of 
 the English killed and wounded, victory still hung in suspense. 
 In this critical state of the action Captain Mason had re 
 course to a successful expedient : rushing into a wigwam 
 within the -fort, he seized a brand of fire, and in the mean 
 time crying out to his men, " We must burn them ! " commu 
 nicated it to the mats with which the wigwams were covered, 
 by which means the whole fort was very soon inwrapped in 
 flames : as the fire increased, the English retired and formed 
 a circle around the fort : the Mohegans and Narragansets, 
 who had remained idle spectators to the bloody conflict, now 
 mustered courage sufficient to form another circle in the rear 
 of them. The enemy were now in a deplorable situation ; 
 death inevitably was their portion. Sallying forth from their 
 burning cells, they were shot or cut in pieces by the English 
 many of them, perceiving it impossible to escape the vigi 
 
34 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 lance of the troops, threw themselves voluntarily into the 
 flames. 
 
 The violence of the flames, the reflection of the light, the 
 clashing and roar of arms, the shrieks and yells of the sav 
 ages in "the fort, and .the shoutings of the friendly Indians 
 without, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In less than 
 two hours from the commencement of the bloody action the 
 English completed their work : eighty wigwams were burned, 
 and upwards of eight hundred Indians destroyed; parents 
 and children, the sannup and the squaw, the aged and the 
 young, perished in promiscuous ruin : the loss of the English 
 was comparatively trifling, not exceeding twenty-five in killed 
 and wounded. 
 
 After the termination of this severe engagement, as the 
 English were proceeding to embark on board their vessels, 
 (which, fortunately for them, at this moment arrived in the 
 harbor,) they were attacked in the rear by about three hundred 
 of the enemy, who had been despatched from a neighboring 
 fort to assist their brethren. The English gave them so warm 
 a reception that they soon gave way and fell back to the field 
 of action, where, viewing for a few moments, with apparent 
 marks of horror and surprise, the shocking scene which it 
 presented, they stamped, bellowed, and with savage rage tore 
 their hair from their heads, and then, with a hideous yell, 
 pursued the English, as if with a determination to avenge the 
 deaths of their friends even at the expense of their lives. 
 They pursued the English nearly six miles, sometimes shoot 
 ing at a distance from behind rocks and trees, and sometimes 
 pressing hard upon them and hazarding themselves in open 
 field. The English killed numbers of them, but sustained no 
 loss on their part ; when a Pequot fell, the Mohegans would 
 cry out, " Run and fetch his head ! " The enemy finding at 
 length that they discharged their arrows in vain, and that the 
 English appeared to be well supplied with ammunition, gave 
 over the pursuit. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 36 
 
 In less than three weeks from the time the English em 
 barked at Saybrook they returned, with the exception of the 
 few killed and wounded, in safety to their respective habita 
 tions. Few enterprises were ever, perhaps, achieved with 
 more personal bravery ; in few have so great a proportion 
 of the effective men of a whole colony, state, or nation been 
 put to so great and immediate danger ; in few have a people 
 been so deeply and immediately interested as were the Eng 
 lish inhabitants of Connecticut at this important crisis, in 
 these respects even the great armaments and battles of Eu 
 rope are comparatively of little importance, and it ought 
 never to be forgotten, that, through the bravery and uncon 
 querable resolution of less than one hundred men, Connecticut 
 was once s'aved, and the most warlike and terrible tribe of 
 Indians in New England completely exterminated. * 
 
 The few Pequots that now remained alive, conceiving it 
 unsafe to inhabit longer a country so exposed to invasion, re 
 moved far to the westward ; among whom was Sassacus, their 
 principal sachem. On the 25th of June ttie Connecticut 
 troops under command of Captain Mason, together with a 
 company from Massachusetts commanded by Captain Stough- 
 ton, were sent in pursuit of them. They proceeded westward, 
 and on the 27th fell in with, attacked, and defeated a consid 
 erable body of them. They took about fifty of them prison 
 ers, among whom were two sachems, whose lives*were offered 
 them on condition of their serving as guides to the English. - 
 
 The English on their march frequently fell in with small 
 detached parties of the enemy, whom they captured or de 
 stroyed, but could not obtain any information relative to the 
 main body commanded by Sassacus. Finding that the two 
 sachern prisoners would not give them the information re 
 quired, they, on the 27th, beheaded them at a place called 
 Menunkatuck, (now Guilford,) from which circumstance the 
 place still bears the name of " Sachems' Head." The Eng 
 lish, on the 30th, arrived at Quinnipiak, (now New Haven,) 
 
36 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 where they were informed by a friendly Pequot that the 
 enemy were encamped in a swamp a few miles to the west 
 ward. The troops pushed forward, and on the succeeding 
 day arrived at the border of said swamp, which they found 
 a thicket so extremely boggy as to render it inaccessible to 
 any one *but the natives ; the English, therefore, thought it 
 most advisable to surround the swamp and annoy the enemy 
 as opportunity presented. The Indians, after a few skir 
 mishes, requested a parley, which being granted them, Thomas 
 Stanton, interpreter to the English, was sent to treat with 
 them. He was authorized to offer life to such as had not 
 shed the blood of Englishmen ; upon which the sachem of 
 the place, together with about three hundred of his tribe, 
 came out, and, producing satisfactory proof of their innocence, 
 were permitted to retire: but the Pequots boldly declared 
 that " they had both shed and drank the blood of Englishmen, 
 and would not upon such terms accept of life, but would fight 
 it out." The English, unwilling to brook the threats and 
 insulting language of the Pequots, attempted now to devise 
 means to attack the whole body of them without further de 
 lay. The officers were, however, divided in opinion as to 
 the mode of attack : some were for setting fire to the swamp, 
 others for cutting their way through with hatchets, and others 
 for surrounding it with a high fence, or palisade ; neither 
 of which plans were, however, fully adopted. As night ap 
 proached the English cut through a part of the swamp, by 
 which means its circumference was much lessened, and the}' 
 enabled so completely to surround the enemy as to prevent 
 their escape during the night. Early the ensuing morning 
 the Indians, perceiving themselves completely hemmed in by 
 the English, made a violent attempt to break through their 
 lines ; they were, however, driven back with great loss They 
 next attempted to force the line formed by the Connecticut 
 troops ; but here they met with a much warmer reception. 
 The contest now became close and severe ; the Indians, who 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 37 
 
 wore about six hundred in number, appeared determined not 
 to yield but at the expense of their lives. One of the most 
 resolute of them walked boldly up to Captain Mason with an 
 uplifted tomahawk, and when about to give the fatal stroke 
 received a blow from the latter, who, with his cutlass, severed 
 the head of the savage from his body. The enemy soon after 
 made another attempt to break through the lines of the Eng 
 lish, and in which, after a violent struggle, they finally suc 
 ceeded. About sixty of their bravest warriors escaped, the 
 remainder being either killed or taken prisoners. The loss 
 of the English was eleven killed and about twenty wounded. 
 
 The prisoners taken were divided among the troops, some 
 of whom were retained by them as servants, and the remain 
 der sent to the West Indies and sold to the planters. The 
 prisoners reported that the whole tribe of Pequots was nt>w 
 nearly exterminated ; that in different engagements there 
 had been upwards of two thousand of them killed, and about 
 one thousand captured, among whom were thirteen sachems ; 
 and that six yet survived, one of whom was Sassacus, who 
 had fled with the fragment of his tribe to the country border 
 ing on Hudson River inhabited by the Mohawks. 
 
 After the swamp fight the Pequots became so weak and 
 scattered that the Mohegans and Narragansets daily destroyed 
 them and presented their scalps to the English ; the few that 
 fled with Sassacus to the westward were attacked and totally 
 destroyed by the Mohawks. The scalp of Sassacus was, in 
 the fall of 1638, presented to the governor and council of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Soon after the extermination of the Pequots the Narra- 
 gansets, the most numerous tribe in New England, being dis 
 pleased with the small power with which they were vested 
 and the respect which the English uniformly manifested for 
 Uncus, appeared disposed to break their treaty of friendship. 
 Miantinomi, without consulting the English according to 
 agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncus the 
 4 
 
88 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 least information, raised an army of one thousand men and 
 marched against him. The spies of Uncus discovered the 
 army at .some distance and gave him intelligence. He was 
 unprepared ; but, rallying about five hundred of his bravest 
 men, he told them they must by no means suffer Miantinomi 
 to enter their town, but must go and give him battle on the 
 way. The Mohegans, having marched three or four miles, 
 met the enemy upon an extensive plain. When the armies 
 had advanced within fair bowshot of each other, Uncus had 
 recourse to stratagem, with which he had previously ac 
 quainted his warriors. He desired a parley, which being 
 granted, both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncus, 
 gallantly advancing in front of his men, addressed Mianti 
 nomi to this effect : " You have a number of stout men 
 with you ; and so have I with me. It is a great pity that so 
 many brave warriors should be killed in consequence of a 
 privafe misunderstanding between us two. Come like a brave 
 man, as you profess to be, and let us decide the dispute alone : 
 if you kill me, my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you, your 
 men shall be mine." " No," replied Miantinomi ; " my men 
 come to fight; and they shall fight." Upon which Uncus 
 falling instantly to the ground, his men discharged a shower 
 of arrows among the Narragansets, and without a moment's 
 interval, rushing upon them in the most furious manner with 
 a hideous yell, put them to flight. The Mohegans pursued 
 the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with" which they 
 commenced the action. The Narragansets were driven down 
 rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe by the huntsmen : 
 many of them, to escape from their pursuers, plunged into a 
 river from rocks of near thirty feet in height ; among others 
 Miantinomi was hard pushed : some of the most forward of 
 the Mohegans, coming up with him, twirled him about, and 
 impeded his flight, that Uncus, their sachem, might alone have 
 the honor of taking him. Uncus, who was a man of great 
 bodily strength, rushing forward like a lion greedy of his 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 39 
 
 prey, seized Miantinomi by the shoulder, and, giving the 
 Indian whoop, called up his men who were behind to his assist 
 ance. The victory was complete. Aboujt fifty of the Narra- 
 gansets were killed, and a much greater number wounded and 
 taken prisoners ; among the latter was a brother of Mianti 
 nomi and two of the sons of Canonicus, whom Uncus con 
 ducted in triumph to Mohegan. Some few days after Uncus 
 conducted Miantinomi back to the spot where he was taken, 
 for the purpose of putting him to death. At the instant they 
 arrived on the ground, an Indian, who was ordered to march 
 in the rear for the purpose, sunk a hatchet into his head and 
 despatched him at a single stroke. He was probably unac 
 quainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. 
 Uncus cut out a large piece of his shoulder, which he devoured 
 in savage triumph, declaring in the mean time that '* it was 
 the sweetest meat he ever ate ; it made his heart strong ! " 
 The Mohegans buried Miantinomi at the place of his execu 
 tion, and erected upon his grave a pillar of stones. This 
 memorable event gave the place the name of " Sachem's 
 Plains." They are situated in an eastern corner of Norwich. 
 The Narragansets became now greatly enraged at the death 
 of their sachem, and sought means to destroy Uncus, whose 
 country they in small parties frequently invaded, and, by lay 
 ing ambushes, cut off a number of his most valuable warriors. 
 As Uncus was the avowed friend of the English, and had in 
 many instances signalized himself as such, they conceived it 
 their duty to afford him all the protection possible. They 
 despatched messengers to acquaint the Narragansets with 
 their determination, should they continue to molest and dis 
 turb the repose of the Mohegans. The messengers of the 
 English met with quite an unfavorable reception, to whom 
 one of the Narraganset sachems declared that " he would kill 
 every Englishman and Mohegan that came within his reach ; 
 that whoever began the war he would continue it, and that 
 nothing should satisfy him but the head of Uncus ! " 
 
40 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 The 'English, irritated at the provoking language of the 
 Narragansets, now determined not only to protect Uncus, but 
 to invade their country with an army of three hundred men ; 
 first to propose a peace on their own terms, but, if rejected, to 
 attack and destroy them. For this purpose Massachusetts 
 was to furnish one hundred and ninety, and Plymouth and 
 Connecticut colonies fifty-five, men each. 
 
 The Narragansets learning that an army was about to enter 
 the heart of their country, and fearful of the issue, despatched 
 several of their principal men to sue for peace on such terms 
 as the English should be pleased to grant. The governor 
 and council demanded that they should restore to Uncus all 
 the captives and canoes which they had taken from him, and 
 pledge themselves to maintain perpetual peace with the Eng 
 lish and their allies, and to the former pay an annual tribute 
 of two thousand fathom of white wampum. These, indeed 
 were hard terms,, against which the Narragansets strongly 
 remonstrated ; but, aware that the English had already a con 
 siderable force collected for the express purpose of invading 
 their country, they at length thought it most prudent to ac 
 quiesce. 
 
 During the war between the Narragansets and Uncus, the 
 former once besieged the fort of the latter until his provisions 
 were nearly exhausted, and he found that his men must soon 
 perish either by famine or the tomahawk unless speedily re 
 lieved. In this crisis he found means of communicating an 
 account of his situation to the English scouts, who had been 
 despatched from the fort in Saybrook to reconnoitre the en 
 emy. Uncus represented the danger to which the English 
 would be exposed if the Naryagansets should succeed in de 
 stroying the Mohegans. It was at this critical juncture that 
 (he greatest part of the English troops in Connecticut were 
 employed on an expedition abroad. A Mr. Thomas Leffing- 
 well, however, a bold and enterprising man, on learning the 
 situation of Uncus, loaded a canoe with provision, a*id, under 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 41 
 
 cover of niglit, paddled from Saybrook into the River Thames, 
 and had the address to get the whole into the fort. The 
 enemy soon after discovering that Uncus had received sup 
 plies, raised the siege : for this piece of service Uncus pre 
 sented said Leffingwell with a deed of a very large tract of 
 land, now comprising the whole town of Norwich. 
 
 The English in New England now enjoyed a peace until 
 the year 1671, when they again took up arms to revenge the 
 death of one of their countrymen who had been inhumanly 
 murdered by an Indian belonging to the Nipnet tribe, of which 
 the celebrated Philip, of Mount Hope, (now Bristol, R. I.,) 
 was sachem. It was thought the most prudent step by the 
 governor and council first to send for Philip and acquaint 
 him with the cause of their resentment and the course which 
 they were determined to pursue in case he refused to deliver 
 into their hands the murderer. Philip being accordingly sent 
 for, and appearing before the court, appeared much dissatis 
 fied with the conduct of the accused, assuring them that no 
 pains should be spared to bring him to justice ; and more fully 
 to confirm his friendship for the English, expressed a wish 
 that the declaration which he was about publicly to make 
 might be committed to paper, that he and his council might 
 thereunto affix their signatures. The governor and council, 
 in compliance with the request of Philip, drew up the follow 
 ing, which, after being signed by Philip and his chief men, 
 was presented to the governor by Philip in confirmation of 
 his friendly assurances : 
 
 " Whereas my father, my brother, and myself have uni 
 formly submitted to the good and wholesome laws of his 
 majesty the King of England, and have ever respected his 
 faithful subjects, the English, as our friends and brothers, and 
 being still anxious to brighten the chain of friendship between 
 us, we do now embrace this opportunity to pledge ourselves 
 that we will spare no pains in seeking out and bringing to 
 4* 
 
42 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 justice such of our tribe as shall hereafter commit any outrage 
 against them; and to remove all suspicion, we voluntarily 
 agree to deliver up to them all the firearms which they have 
 heretofore kindly presented us with until such time as they 
 can safely repose confidence in us ; and for the true perform 
 ance of these our sacred promises, we have hereunto set our 
 hands. 
 
 Chief Sachem. 
 
 PHILIP'S ^ mark. 
 Chief Men. 
 
 POKANOKET'S ^ mark. 
 
 UNCOMBO'S }xj mark. 
 
 SAMKAMA'S ft mark. 
 
 WOCOKOM'S X mark. 
 In presence of the governor and council.",. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fair promises of Philip, it was soon 
 discovered by the English that he was playing a deep game ; 
 that he was artfully enticing his red brethren throughout the 
 whole of New England to rise, en masse, against them, and 
 drive them out of the country. The Narragansets for this 
 purpose had engaged to raise four thousand fighting men. 
 The spring of 1672 was the time agreed upon on which the 
 grand blow was to be given. The evil intentions of Philip 
 were first discovered and communicated to the English by a 
 friendly Indian of the Narraganset tribe : fortunately for them, 
 this Indian had been taken into favor by the Rev. Mr. Elliot, 
 by whom he had been taught to read and write, and became 
 much attached to the English. The governor, upon receiving 
 the important information relative to the hostile views of 
 Philip, ordered a military watch to be kept up in all the Eng 
 lish settlements within the three colonies ; by some of whom 
 it was soon discovered that the report of their Indian friend 
 was too well founded, as the Indians of different tribes were 
 daily seen flocking in great numbers to the head quarters of 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 48 
 
 Philip, previously sending their wives and children to the 
 Narraganset country, which they had ever done previous to 
 the commencement of hostilities. 
 
 The inhabitants of Swanzey, a small settlement adjoining 
 Mount Hope, the head quarters of Philip, were the first who 
 felt the effects of this war. Philip, encouraged by the num 
 bers who were daily enlisting under his banners, and despair 
 ing of discovering cause that could justify him in the com 
 mencement of hostilities against his " friends and brothers," 
 as he had termed them, resolved to provoke them to war by 
 killing their cattle, firing their barns, &c. This plan had its 
 desired effect, as the inhabitants, determined to save their 
 property or perish in the -attempt, fired upon the Indians, which 
 was deemed cause sufficient by the latter to commence their 
 bloody work. The war whoop was immediately thereupon 
 sounded, when the Indians commenced an indiscriminate mur 
 der of the defenceless inhabitants of Swanzey, sparing not 
 the tender infant at the breast ; but three of seventy-eight 
 persons which the town contained made their escape. Mes 
 sengers were despatched with the melancholy tidings of this 
 bloody affair to the governor, who, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the council, despatched a company of militia 
 with all possible speed to the relief of the distressed inhabit 
 ants residing near the head quarters of Philip. As soon as 
 they could be raised, thr5e companies more were despatched, 
 under the command of Captains Henchman, Prentice, and 
 Church, who arrived in the neighborhood of Swanzey on the 
 28th of June, where they were joined by four more compa 
 nies from Plymouth colony. It was found that the Indians 
 had pjllaged and set fire to the village, and with their booty 
 had retired to Mount Hope. A company of cavalry were 
 sent, under the command of Captain Prentice, to reconnoitre 
 them ; but before they arrived at a convenient place for this 
 purpose they were ambushed and fired upon by the enemy, 
 who killed six of their number and wounde,d ten. Tbfe report 
 
44 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 cf their guns alarming the remaining companies of the English, 
 they hastened to the relief of the cavalry, who at this moment 
 were completely surrounded by about six hundred Indians, 
 between whom and the English a warm contest now ensued. 
 The savages fought desperately, and more than once nearly 
 succeeded in overpowering the English ; but, very fortunately 
 for the latter, when nearly despairing of victory, a fresh com 
 pany of militia from Boston arrived, which, flanking the enemy 
 on the right and left and exposing them to two fires, soon 
 overpowered them and caused them to seek shelter in an ad 
 joining wood inaccessibly to the English. The English had 
 in this severe engagement forty-two killed, and severity-three 
 wounded, many of them mortally. The enemy's loss was 
 supposed to be much greater. 
 
 On the 3.0th Major Savage, who by his excellency the 
 governor had been appointed commander-in-chief of the com 
 bined English forces, arrived with an additional company of 
 cavalry, who with the remaining companies the following day 
 commenced their march for Mount Hope, the head quarters 
 of Philip. On their way the English were affected with a 
 scene truly distressing. The savages, not content with bath 
 ing their tomahawks in the blood of the defenceless inhabit 
 ants of Swanzey, had, it was discovered, in many instances 
 detached their limbs from their mangled bodies and affixed 
 them to poles which were extendedin the air among which 
 were discovered the heads of several infant children; the 
 whole of which, by order of Major Savage, were collected 
 and buried. 
 
 The English arrived at Mount Hope about sunset ; but the 
 enemy, having received information of their approach, had de 
 serted their wigwams and retired into a neighboring wood. 
 Major Savage, to pursue the enemy with success, now divided 
 his men into separate companies, which he ordered to march 
 in different directions, stationing forty at Mount Hope. On 
 the 4tl> of July the men under the command of Captains 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 45 
 
 Church and Henchmen fell in with a body of the enemy to 
 the number of two hundred, whom they attacked. The Eng 
 lish being but thirty-two in number, including officers, victory 
 for a considerable length of time appeared much in favor of 
 the savages ; but very fortunately for the former, being com 
 manded by bold and resolute officers, they defended them 
 selves in the most heroic manner until relieved by a company 
 of cavalry under the command of Captain Prentice. The 
 Indians, now in turn finding the fire of the English too warm 
 for them, fled in every direction, leaving thirty of their num 
 ber dead and about sixty severely wounded on the field of 
 action. The English in this engagement had seven killed 
 and twenty-two wounded, five of whom survived the action 
 but a few hours. 
 
 This action, so far from daunting the bold and resolute 
 Captain Church, seemed to inspire him with additional bra 
 very. Unwilling that any of the enemy should escape, he 
 boldly led his men into an almost impenetrable forest, into 
 which those who survived the action had fled. The In 
 dians, perceiving the English approaching, concealed them 
 selves from their view by lying flat on their bellies, in which 
 situation they remained concealed until the English had 
 advanced within a few rods of them, when each, unperceived, 
 fixing upon his man, discharged a shower of arrows among 
 them. This unexpected check threw the English into confu 
 sion, which the Indians perceiving, rushed furiously upon them 
 with their knives and .tomahawks, shouting horribly. The 
 English, their cavalry being unable to afford them assistance, 
 were now in a very disagreeable situation ; the trees being so 
 very large as to render it difficult to use their firearms with 
 any effect, and they were very soon so encompassed by the 
 savages as to render almost every effort to defend themselves 
 useless. Of sixty -four who entered the swamp but twenty* 
 seven escaped, among whom very fortunately was their vaV 
 uable leader, Captain Church. 
 
46 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 The English, finding that they could neither bring theii 
 enemies to action in open field nor engage them with any suc 
 cess in the forest in which they were lodged, returned home, 
 with the exception of three companies who were stationed 
 by Major Savage near the borders of a swamp, into which it 
 was strongly suspected that Philip, with a number of his 
 tribe, had fled. This swamp was two miles in length, and to 
 the English inaccessible. Philip, who had been watching the 
 motion of his enemies, perceiving the greater part of them 
 marching off, conjectured that their object was to obtain a re- 
 enforcement : impressed with this belief, he resolved to im 
 prove the first opportunity to escape, with a few chosen men, 
 by water, which he with little difficulty effected the succeed 
 ing night, taking the advantage of a low tide. The enemy 
 were soon after their escape discovered and pursued by the 
 inhabitants of Rehoboth, accompanied by a party of the Mo- 
 hegans, who had volunteered their services against Philip. 
 
 The Rehoboth militia came up with the rear of the enemy 
 about sunset, and killed twelve of them, without sustaining 
 any loss on their part : night prevented their engaging the 
 whole force of Philip ; but early the succeeding morning they 
 continued the pursuit. The Indians had, however, fled with 
 such precipitancy that it was found impossible to overtake 
 them. They bent their course to the westward, exhorting 
 the different tribes through which they passed to take up 
 arms against the English. 
 
 The United Colonies became now greatly alarmed at the 
 hostile views and rapid strides of Philip. The general court 
 was constantly in sitting, and endeavoring to plan means to 
 cut him off before he should have an opportunity to corrupt 
 the minds of too many of his countrymen. 
 
 While the court was thus employed, information was re 
 ceived that Philip had arrived in the neighborhood of Brook- 
 field, situated about sixty-five miles from Boston, and that a 
 number of its inhabitants had been inhumanly butchered by 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. WITH NATIVES. 47 
 
 his adherents. Orders were immediately thereupon issued 
 for the raising ten companies of foot and horse, to be de 
 spatched to the relief of the unfortunate inhabitants of Brook- 
 field ; but before they could reach that place Philip and his 
 party had entered the town and indiscriminately put to death 
 almost every inhabitant which it contained ; the few that 
 escaped having taken the precaution, previous to the attack, 
 to assemble together in one house, which they strongly forti 
 fied. This house was furiously attacked by the savages, and 
 several times set on fire ; and the besieged were on the point 
 3f surrendering when Major Willard happily arrived to their 
 relief. Between the English and the Indians a desperate 
 engagement now ensued : the former, by the express command 
 of their officers, gave no quarter, but in a very heroic man 
 ner rushed upon the savages with clubbed muskets. The 
 action continued until near sunset, when the few Indians that 
 remained alive sought shelter in the neighboring woods. In 
 this engagement the English had twenty-two killed and sev 
 enty-five wounded. The enemy's loss was two hundred .and 
 seventeen killed, and between two and three hundred wound 
 ed, who, by way of retaliation for their barbarity exercised 
 towards the defenceless inhabitants of Brookfield, were imme 
 diately put to death. 
 
 The governor and council, on learning the fate of the un 
 fortunate inhabitants of Brookfield, despatched a reenforce- 
 ment of three companies of cavalry to Major Willard, and 
 ordered the like number to be sent him from Hartford, in 
 Connecticut colony, with which he was directed to pursue 
 Philip with fire and sword to whatever part of the country 
 he should resort. 
 
 It being discovered that a part of Philip's forces had fled 
 to Hatfield, two companies of English, under command of 
 Captain Lathrop and Captain Beers, were sent in pursuit of 
 them, who, within about three miles of Hatfield, overtook 
 and attacked them ; but the force of the English being greatly 
 
48 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 inferior to that of the enemy, the former were defeated and 
 driven back to the main body, which enabled the enemy, 
 who had in the late engagement been detached from their 
 main body, to join Philip. On the 18th of September in 
 formation was received by Major Willard that the enemy 
 had successfully attacked and defeated the troops under the 
 command of Captain Lathrop ; that they were ambushed and 
 unexpectedly surrounded by one thousand of the enemy, to 
 whom they all, except three who escaped, fell a sacrifice. 
 The defeat of Captain Lathrop took place in the neighbor 
 hood of Deerfield, for the defence of which there was an 
 English garrison, which the Indians were about to attack 
 when Major Willard happily arrived, on the approach of 
 whom the Indians fled. 
 
 On the 10th of October following a party of Philip's In 
 dians successfully assaulted the town of Springfield, which 
 they pillaged and set fire to, killing about forty of the inhabit 
 ants. On the 14th they assaulted the town of Hatfield, in 
 which two companies, under the command of Captain Mosely 
 and Captain Appleton, were stationed. The enemy continued 
 the attack about two hours, when, finding the fire of the Eng 
 lish too warm for them, they fled, leaving a number of their 
 party behind them dead. 
 
 Philip, now finding himself closely pursued by a large and 
 formidable body of the English, deemed it prudent to bend 
 his course towards his old place of residence, there* to remain 
 until the ensuing spring. 
 
 But the commissioners of the United Colonies, duly reflect 
 ing on the deplorable situation of their defenceless brethren 
 throughout the country, aware that there were then a much 
 greater number of their savage enemies imbodied than at 
 any former period, who, if suffered peaceably to retire into 
 winter quarters, might prove too powerful for them the spring 
 ensuing, resolved to attack the whole force under Philip in 
 their winter encampment ; for the purpose of which every 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 49 
 
 jfinglishman capable of bearing arms was commanded, by 
 proclamation of the governor, to hold himself in readiness to 
 march at the shortest notice. The 10th of December was 
 the day appointed by the commissioners on which the decisive 
 blow was to be given. Six companies were immediately 
 raised in Massachusetts, consisting in the whole of five hun 
 dred and twenty-seven men, to the command of which were 
 appointed Captains Mosely, Gardener, Davenport, Oliver, 
 and Johnson. Five companies were raised in Connecticut, 
 consisting of four hundred and fifty men, to the command of 
 which were appointed Captains Siely, Mason, Gallop, Watts, 
 and Marshall. Two companies were likewise raised in Plym 
 outh, consisting of one hundred and fifty men, who were 
 commanded by Captains Rice and Goram. Three majors of 
 the three respective divisions were also appointed; to wit, 
 Major Appleton, of Massachusetts ; Major Treat, of Connecti 
 cut ; and Major Bradford, of Plymouth. The whole force, 
 consisting of eleven hundred and twenty-seven men, were 
 commanded by Major General "Winslow, late governor of the 
 colonies. On the 7th of December the combined forces com 
 menced their march for the head quarters of the enemy. 
 At this inclement season it was with the utmost difficulty 
 that the troops were enabled to penetrate through a wild and 
 pathless wood. On the morning of the 9th, having travelled 
 all the preceding night, they arrived at the border of an ex 
 tensive swamp, in which, they were informed by their guides, 
 the enemy were encamped to the number of four thousand. 
 The English, after partaking of a little refreshment, formed 
 for battle. Captain Mosely and Captain Davenport led the 
 van, and Major Appleton and Captain Oliver brought up the 
 rear of tlae Massachusetts forces. General Winslow, with 
 the Plymouth troops, formed the centre. The Connecticut 
 troops, under the command of their respective captains, to 
 gether with about three hundred of the Mohegans, command 
 ed by Oneco, the son of Uncus, brought up the rear. 
 
50 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 It was discovered by an Indian, sent for that purpose, that 
 in the centre of the swamp the enemy had built a very strong 
 fort, of so wise construction that it was with difficulty that 
 more than one person could enter at one time. About 10 
 o'clock, A. M., the English, with the sound of the trumpet, 
 entered the swamp, and, when within about fifty rods of their 
 fort, were met and attacked by the enemy. The Indians, in 
 their usual manner, shouting and howling like beasts of prey, 
 commenced the attack with savage fury : but with a hideous 
 noise the English were not to be intimidated. Charging them 
 with unequalled bravery, the enemy were soon glad to seek 
 shelter within the walls of their fort. The English, having 
 closely pressed upon the enemy as they retreated, now in turn 
 found themselves in a very disagreeable situation, exposed to 
 the^fire of the Indians, who were covered by a high breast 
 work : they were not even enabled to act on the defensive. 
 At this critical juncture the lion-hearted Oneco, with the as 
 sent of General Winslow, oifered with the men under his 
 command to scale the walls of the fort ; which being approved 
 of by the English commanders, Oneco, with about sixty picked 
 men, in an instant ascended to the top of the fort, where, hav 
 ing a fair chance at the enemy, they hurled their tomahawks 
 and discharged their arrows with such success among them 
 as in a very short time to throw them into the utmost confu 
 sion : those who attempted to escape from the fort were in 
 stantly cut in pieces by the troops without. The enemy, find 
 ing themselves thus hemmed in and attacked on all sides, in 
 the most abject terms begged for quarter, which was denied 
 them by the English. A great proportion of the troops being 
 now mounted on the walls of the fort, they had nothing to do 
 but load and fire ; the enemy being penned up and huddled 
 together in such a manner that there was scarcely a shot lost. 
 This bloody contest was of near six hours' continuance, when 
 the English, perceiving the fort filled with nought but dead or 
 such as were mortally wounded of the enemy, closed the 
 bloody conflict. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES' WITH NATIVES. 51 
 
 The scene of action, at this instant, was indeed such as 
 could not fail to shock the stoutest hearted. The huge logs 
 of which the fort was constructed were completely crimsoned 
 with the blood of the enemy, while the surrounding woods 
 resounded with the dying groans of the wounded. The num 
 ber of slain of the enemy in this severe engagement could, 
 not be ascertained ; it was, however, immense. Of four thou 
 sand, which the fort was supposed to contain at the commence 
 ment of the action, not two hundred escaped ; among whom, 
 unfortunately, was the treacherous Philip. 
 
 After the close of this desperate action, the troops, having 
 destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's ground, and, 
 carrying about three hundred wounded men, marched back 
 to the distance of sixteen miles to head quarters. The night 
 proved cold and stormy ; the snow fell deep ; and it was not 
 until midnight or after that the troops were enabled to reach 
 their place of destination : many of the wounded, who prob 
 ably otherwise might have recovered, perished with the cold 
 and inconvenience of a march so fatiguing. 
 
 Although the destruction of so great a number of the ene 
 my was considered of the greatest importance to the English, 
 yet it proved a conquest dearly bought. It was obtained at 
 the expense of the lives of not; only a great number of pri 
 vates, but a great proportion of their most valuable officers ; 
 among whom were Captains Davenport, Gardner, Johnson, 
 Siely, and Marshall. On enumerating their number of slain 
 
 and wounded, it was found as follows : 
 
 
 
 Of the companies commanded by 
 
 Captains Mosely, . ^ 10 killed, 40 wounded. 
 
 " Oliver, .- .-20 " 48 " 
 
 " Gardner, . ; . 11 32 
 
 Johnson, . ... 18 " 38 
 
 Davenport, . * 15 " 19 " 
 
 Gallop, . Hf fc* 28 43 
 
52 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Captains Siely, . . * - 32 killed, 50 wounded. 
 
 Watts, ; .' 19 33 
 
 Mason, . . .... 40 - 50 
 
 Marshall, . . . 25 " 37 " 
 
 Goram, . . 30 " 41 " 
 
 Sachem Oneco, /"'' . ,. 51 " 82 " 
 
 Total, . 299 " 513 
 
 The courage displayed during the action by every part of 
 the army, the invincible heroism of the officers, the firmness 
 and resolution o the soldiers when they saw their captains 
 falling before them, and the hardships endured before and 
 after the engagement, are hardly credible, and rarely find a 
 parallel in ancient or modern ages. The cold the day preced 
 ing the action was extreme, and in the night of which the 
 snow fell so deep as to render it extremely difficult for the 
 army to move the day succeeding : four hundred of the 
 soldiers were so completely frozen as to be unfit for duty. 
 The Connecticut troops were the most disabled, having en 
 dured a tedious march, without halting, from Stonington to the 
 place of public rendezvous ; they sustained, too, a much great 
 er loss in the action, in proportion to their numbers, than the 
 troops of the other colonies. ' The bold and intrepid Captain 
 Mason, who received a fatal wound in the action, of which he 
 died in about three months after, was the first after the Mo- 
 hegans to mount the walls of the fort ; nor did the troops 
 under his command fail to follow the noble example. 
 
 The loss of the troops from Connecticut was so great that 
 Major Treat conceived it absolutely necessary to return im 
 mediately home. Such of the wounded as were not able to 
 travel were put on board a vessel and conveyed to Stonington. 
 The troops, on their return, killed and captured about thirty 
 of the enemy. 
 
 The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces kept the field the 
 greater part of the winter. They ranged the country, took a 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 53 
 
 number of prisoners, destroyed about three hundred wigwams, 
 but achieved nothing brilliant or decisive. 
 
 The Nipnet and Narraganset tribes being by the late action 
 nearly exterminated, the few that survived, by the direction 
 of Philip, fled in small parties to different parts of the coun 
 try, improving every opportunity that presented to revenge 
 the untimely fate of their brethren. On the 10th of Februa 
 ry, 1678, about one hundred of them surprised the inhabit 
 ants of Lancaster, Massachusetts, a part of whom, as a place 
 of greater safety, had the day previous resorted to the dwell 
 ing of the Rev. Mr. Rowland ; this, however, being construct 
 ed of dry logs, was set fire to by the Indians, which the un 
 fortunate English within being unable to extinguish, they fell 
 victims to the devouring flames. On the 21st the enemy 
 attacked the inhabitants of Medfield, thirty-two of whom they 
 killed, and of the remainder made captives. 
 
 On the 3d of March, the Indians still continuing their dep 
 redations, two companies of cavalry, under the command of 
 Captain Pierce and Captain Watkins, were ordered out for 
 the purpose of affording protection to the defenceless inhabit 
 ants of towns most exposed to their incursions. On the 5th 
 they marched to Pautuxet, near where there was a consid 
 erable body of Indians encamped, whom, on the morning of 
 the 5th, they fell in with and attacked. The enemy at first 
 appeared but few in number ; but these were only employed 
 to decoy the English, who, on a sudden, found themselves 
 surrounded by near three hundred Indians, who, with their 
 tomahawks and scalping knives, rushing furiously upon them, 
 threatened them with instant destruction. The English, now 
 acting upon the defensive, although surrounded by five times 
 their number, fought with their usual spirit, and were resolved 
 to sell their lives at as dear rate as possible : they were very 
 soon, however, compelled to yield to the superior force of 
 their savage enemies : but five escaped. This victory, though 
 of considerable importance to the savages, cost them a number 
 5* 
 
54 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 of their bravest warriors, ninety-three of whom were the suc 
 ceeding day found dead upon the field of action : there were* 
 in this engagement about twenty friendly Indians with the 
 English, who fought like desperadoes : one of them, observing 
 Captain Pierce unable to stand, in consequence of the many 
 wounds he had received, for nearly two hours bravely de 
 fended him ; when, perceiving his own imminent danger, and 
 that he could afford the captain no further assistance, by 
 blacking his face as the enemy had done, he escaped unnoticed. 
 
 On the 25th of March a party of Indians attacked and 
 burned the towns of Weymouth and Warwick, killing a great 
 number of the inhabitants. On the 10th of April following 
 they pillaged and burned Rehoboth and Providence. 
 
 On the 1st of May a company of English and one hundred 
 and fifty Mohegans, under command of Captain George Den- 
 nison, were sent in pursuit of a body of the enemy com 
 manded by the son of Miantinomi. On the 8th they met with 
 and attacked them near Groton. The Indians, .apparently 
 determined on victory or death, displayed an unusual degree 
 of courage ; but the English and Mohegans proved too strong 
 for them, who, after destroying the greater part with their 
 muskets and tomahawks, drove the" remainder into a neigh 
 boring river, where they soon perished. 
 
 On the 23d Cononchet, sachem of the few scattered re 
 mains of the Narragansets, proposed to his council that the 
 lands bordering on Connecticut River not inhabited by the 
 English should be by them planted with corn for their future 
 subsistence ; which being approved of by the latter, two hun 
 dred of the Narragansets were despatched for this purpose : 
 the governor, being apprised of their intentions, despatched 
 three companies of cavalry to intercept them. About one 
 hundred of the Mohegans, under the command of Oneco, ac 
 companied the English. The eneiny were commanded by 
 Cononchet in person, who first proceeded to Seconk to pro 
 cure, seed corn : it was. in the neighborhood of this place that 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES \\TTH NATIVES. 55 
 
 they were first met with and engaged by the English and 
 Mohegans. The enemy, with becoming bravery, for a long 
 time withstood the attack ; but, being but poorly provided with 
 weapons, they were at length overpowered and compelled to 
 yield to the superior power of their enemies. In the midst 
 of the action Cononchet, fearful of the issue, deserted his men 
 and attempted to seek shelter in a neighboring wood ; but, be 
 ing recognized by the Mohegans, they pursued him. Conon 
 chet, perceiving himself nearly overtaken by his pursuers, to 
 facilitate his flight first threw away his blanket, and then .his 
 silvsr-laced coat, with which he had been presented by the 
 English a few weeks previous ; but, finding that he could not 
 escape from his pursuers by flight, he plunged into a river, 
 where he was even followed by half a dozen resolute Mohe 
 gans,- who, laying hold of him, forced him under water and 
 there held him until he was drowned. The loss of the Eng 
 lish and Mohegans in this engagement was twelve killed and 
 ^twenty-one wounded ; that of the enemy was forty-three killed 
 and about eighty wounded. 
 
 The inhabitants of New London, Norwich, and Stonington, 
 having frequently discovered a number of the enemy lurking 
 about in small bodies in the adjacent woods, by joint agree 
 ment voluntarily enlisted themselves, to the number of three 
 hundred, under the command of Major Palmer and Captains 
 Dennison and Avery, who, with the assistance of the Mohe 
 gans and a few friendly Narragansets, in three expeditions 
 destroyed near one thousand of the enemy. 
 
 On the 8th of June the Indians assaulted and burned 
 Bridgewater, a small settlement in the colony of Massachu 
 setts : forty of its inhabitants fell victims to savage barbarity. 
 
 The governor and. council of Massachusetts colony, aware 
 of the danger to which many of the inland settlements were 
 exposed by frequent incursions of the enemy, and finding it 
 extremely difficult to raise a sufficient force to oppose them 
 in the many parts to which the fragments of the broken tribe* 
 
5fc INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 had resorted, adopted the policy of sending among them, as 
 spies, such Indians as were friendly and could be depended on 
 which plan had its desired effect. These Indians, represent 
 ing the force of the English much greater than it really was, 
 and warning the enemy of danger which did not at that time 
 exist, deterred them from acting in many instances on the 
 offensive. One of the friendly Indians, returning to Boston 
 on the 10th of July, reported as follows : " That a large num 
 ber of Indians were imbodied in a wood near Lancaster, 
 which village they intended to attack and burn in a few days ; 
 that they had been encouraged ' to continue the war with the 
 English by Frenchmen from the great lake, who had supplied 
 them with firearms and ammunition." 
 
 On the receipt of this important information the governor 
 despatched three companies of cavalry, under the command 
 of Major Savage, for the defence of Lancaster, who unfor 
 tunately, by mistaking the road, fell into an ambush of about 
 three hundred and fifty Indians, by whom they were instantly* 
 surrounded. The English exhibited great presence of mind, 
 and repelled the attack of the enemy in a very heroic man 
 ner. The savages being, however, well provided with fire 
 arms, soon gained a complete victory over the English, whose 
 loss in this unfortunate engagement was fifty-four. The num 
 ber of killed and wounded of the enemy could not be ascer 
 tained, as they remained masters of the field of action. 
 
 On the 15th a severe engagement took place between a 
 company of English cavalry and about three hundred of the 
 enemy near Groton. The latter were not perceived by the 
 former until they were within a few paces of them, the In 
 dians having concealed themselves in the bushes ; when, sud 
 denly issuing forth with a hideous yell, the cavalry were 
 thrown into confusion ; but instantly forming and charging the 
 enemy with great spirit, they fled in every direction. The 
 cavalry, in attempting to pursue them, were once more am 
 bushed. The contest now became close and severe : the Indians 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 57 
 
 having succeeded in decoying the English into a thick wood, 
 attacked them with great fury and success. The commander 
 of the English being killed, every man sought his own safety. 
 Of forty-five of which the company was composed, but twelve 
 escaped. The loss of the enemy was, however, supposed to 
 be much greater. 
 
 On the 12th of August a party of Indians entered the town 
 of Westfield, killed and took several of the inhabitants pris 
 oners, and burned several houses. Three of them soon after 
 made their appearance at a house near said town and fired at 
 a man at his door, who fell. They ran towards him, and one 
 of them stooping to scalp him, he was saluted by the man's 
 wife with a stroke from a large hatchet, which went so com 
 pletely into his body that at three different efforts she could 
 not disengage it ; and the Indian made off with it sticking in 
 him. A second Indian also made an attempt ; when she, by a 
 well-directed stroke with a stick she had got,, laid him on the 
 ground. The third then run ; and the other, as soon as he 
 had recovered his feet, followed the example ; on which the 
 woman took her husband in her arms and carried him into 
 the house, where he soon after recovered. 
 
 On the 17th a party of Indians commenced an attack on 
 Northampton ; but there being a number of English soldiers 
 therein stationed, the enemy were repulsed. 
 
 On the 20th a number of the inhabitants of Springfield 
 were attacked by a party of Indians as they were returning 
 from divine service ; and although the former were provided 
 with firearms, the enemy succeeded in making prisoners of 
 two women and several children, whom they soon after inhu 
 manly tomahawked and scalped ; in which situation they were 
 the succeeding day found by a party of English sent out in 
 pursuit of the enemy. One of the unfortunate women, al 
 though shockingly mangled, was found still alive, and, when 
 so far recovered as to be enabled to speak, gave the following 
 account of the fate of her unfortunate companions, to wit 
 
58 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 " That they were first conveyed by the savages to a thick 
 wood, where they were severally bound with cords ; that the 
 Indians soon after built a fire and regaled themselves with' 
 what they had previously stolen from the English ; that soon 
 after a warm dispute arose between them relative to the pris 
 oners, each claiming the women for their squaws, (or wives;) 
 that they at length proceeded to blows ; and, after beating 
 each other for some time with clubs, it was agreed by both 
 parties, to prevent further altercation, that the women should 
 be put to death ; which they, as they supposed, carried imme 
 diately into execution. The unfortunate narrator received a 
 severe blow on the head, which brought her senseless to the 
 ground, and, while in this situation, was scalped and left for 
 dead by her savage enemies." 
 
 The inhabitants of Sudbury, with a company of soldiers 
 under the command of Lieutenant Jacobs, of Marlborough, 
 alarmed at the near approach of the enemy, who to the num 
 ber of about two -hundred were encamped near that place, 
 resolved to attack them at night. Accordingly, on the 6th of 
 September they marched within view of them, and at night, 
 as they lay extended around a large fire, approached them, 
 unperceived, within gunshot, when they gave them the con 
 tents of their muskets. Many of those that remained un 
 hurt, being suddenly aroused from their slumber by the yells 
 of their wounded brethren, and imagining that they were 
 completely, surrounded by the English, whom the darkness of 
 the night prevented their seeing, threw themselves into the 
 fire which they had enkindled, and there perished. But few" 
 if any escaped. In this attack the English sustained no loss. 
 
 On the 25th a considerable body of the enemy attacked the 
 inhabitants of Marlborough, many of whom they killed, and 
 set fire to their houses. A company of English, who had been 
 ordered from Concord for the defence of this place, were cut 
 off by the savages and totally destroyed. Two other com 
 panies, despatched from Boston for the like purpose, met with 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 59 
 
 the same fate. It appeared that the governor, on learning 
 the situation of the unfortunate inhabitants of Mailborough, 
 despatched to their relief two companies, under the command 
 of Captains Wadsworth and Smith, who, before they arrived 
 at their place of destination, were informed that the savages 
 had quitted .Marlborough and proceeded for Sudbury, twelve 
 miles distant ; which induced the English to alter their course 
 and proceed immediately for the latter place. Of this it ap 
 peared that the enemy had been apprised by their runners, 
 and had lain a plan to cut them off ere they should reach 
 Sudbury ; which they in the following manner completely- 
 effected. Learning the course which the English would take, 
 they within a few rods thereof stationed fifty or sixty of their 
 number in an open field, who were ordered to retreat into a 
 neighboring thicket as soon as discovered and pursued by the 
 English. In this thicket the remainder of the Indians, to the 
 number of about three liundred, concealed themselves by 
 lying prostrate on their bellies. The English, on their arri 
 val, espying the Indians in the field, and presuming them to 
 be but few in number, pursued and attacked them, who very 
 soon retreated to the fatal spot where their treacherous breth 
 ren lay concealed, and prepared to give their pursuers a warm 
 if not a fatal reception : here they were closely pursued by 
 the English, who too late discovered the fatal snare which 
 had been laid for them. In an instant they were completely 
 surrounded and attacked on all sides by the savages. The 
 English for several hours bravely defended themselves, but 
 at length were borne down by numbers far superior to their 
 own. Thus fell the brave Captain Wadsworth and Captain 
 Smith, as well as most of the troops under their command. 
 
 The Indians bordering on the River Merrimack, feeling 
 themselves injured by the encroachments of the English, once 
 more reassumed the bloody tomahawk, which had been buried 
 for a number of years. On the 1st of November they in a 
 considerable body entered the villages of Chelmsford and 
 
60 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Woburn, and indiscriminately put to death every inhabitant 
 they contained, not sparing the infant at the breast. On the 
 9th they burned the house of a Mr. Eames, near. Concord, 
 killed his wife and threw her body into the flames, and made 
 captives of his children. On the 15th they took prisoner a 
 young woman, sixteen years of age, who, by the family with 
 whom she resided, had been placed on a hill in the neighbor 
 hood of their dwelling to watch the motions of the enemy. 
 The account which the young woman gave of her capture and 
 escape was as follows : " That on the morning of her capture, 
 the family having been informed that a party of Indians had 
 the day previous been discovered in a neighboring wood, she, 
 by their request, ascended a hill near the house to watch their 
 motions, and alarm the family if seen approaching the house ; 
 that about noon she discovered a number of them ascending 
 the hill in great haste ; that she immediately thereupon at 
 tempted to evade them by retiring %n to a thicket ; but that the 
 Indians, who it appeared had before observed her, found her 
 after a few moments' search, and compelled her to accompany 
 them to their settlement, about forty miles distant. It was 
 here they gave her to understand she must remain and be 
 come their squaw, and dress and cook their victuals ; that she 
 remained with them about three weeks, during which time 
 they made several expeditions against the English, and re 
 turned with a great number of human scalps ; that on the 
 night of the 6th of December they returned with six horses 
 which the^" had stolen from the English, which having turned 
 into a small enclosure, they set out on a new expedition ; that 
 she viewed this as a favorable opportunity to escape, to effect 
 which she caught and mounted one of the horses, and, making 
 use of a strip of bark as a bridle, penetrated a wild and 
 pathless wood, and arrived at Concord at seven o'clock the 
 morning succeeding, having travelled all the preceding night 
 to evade the pursuit of the enemy." In like manner did one 
 of the children of Mr. Eames, of whose capture mention is 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP -HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 61 
 
 made in the preceding page, escape from the Indians. Al 
 though but ten years of age, he travelled sixty miles through 
 an uninhabited wood, subsisting on acorns. 
 
 On the 12th of December a party of Indians attacked and 
 killed several of the inhabitants of Bradford. The governor 
 of Massachusetts colony, for the protection of the defenceless 
 inhabitants of the Merrimack, ordered the raising and equip 
 ping of four companies of cavalry ; to the command of which 
 were appointed Captains Sill, Holyoke, Cutler, and Prentice, 
 
 On the 2od the above troops proceeded for the borders of 
 the Merrimack, and on the 26th fell in with a considerable 
 body of the enemy, whom they engaged and completely de 
 feated. On the 4th of January, 1679, Captain Prentice 
 detached from the main body, fell in with and engaged about 
 one hundred of the 'enemy in the neighborhood of Amherst, 
 whom he likewise defeated, but with considerable loss on his 
 part. 
 
 On the 6th a son of the brave Captain Holyoke, of Spring 
 field, receiving information that a number of the enemy in 
 small bodies were skulking about in the woods bordering on 
 that town, with twenty resolute young men marched out to 
 attack them. Falling in with a considerable body of them, 
 an engagement ensued, which, though severe, terminated at 
 length in favor of the English. The Indians, being furnished 
 with muskets, were unwilling to give ground, and would 
 probably have remained masters of the field had not the 
 English received a reenforcement which put them to flight. 
 The loss of the English in the engagement was five killed 
 and nine wounded, and that of the enemy twenty-three killed, 
 and between thirty and forty wounded. 
 
 The savages were no longer confined to any particular tribe 
 or place, but, in parties from fifty to three hundred, were 
 scattered all over the thinly-inhabited parts of New England 
 a considerable body of them were yet in the neighborhood of 
 H#dley, Deerfield, and Northampton, where they wore con 
 6 
 
62 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tinually committing their wanton acts of barbarity. Several 
 of the inhabitants of the towns above mentioned, duly reflect 
 ing on the danger to which they and their families were daily- 
 exposed, formed themselves into several companies, and made 
 choice of their commanders. On the 4th of February, re 
 ceiving information that there were near two hundred Indians 
 imbodied in a swamp in the neighborhood of Deerfield, the 
 above-mentioned force marched to attack them. Arriving 
 within view of them about daybreak, they discovered them 
 in a profound sleep, stretched out upon the ground around 
 their fire. The cavalry immediately thereupon alighted, and, 
 after forming themselves, approached them within pistol shot 
 before they were discovered by the enemy, who, being sud 
 denly aroused from their slumber, and astonished at the un 
 expected appearance of so many of their enemies, fell an 
 easy prey to the English, who, without the loss of a man, 
 killed one hundred and twenty of them; the remainder, as 
 the only means of escape, having plunged into a river, where 
 probably many of them perished. 
 
 Although the English achieved this action without any loss 
 on their part, they were on their return unhappily ambushed 
 by about four hundred of the enemy. The English, having 
 expended all their ' ammunition in the late engagement, and 
 being much fatigued, were now in turn likely to fall an easy 
 prey to their enemies, who with their bloody knives and tom 
 ahawks, for the space of an hour, attacked them with the 
 greatest success. Not one of the English, it is probable, would 
 have survived this bloody and unexpected attack, had it not 
 been for the presence of inind of their brave commander, 
 Captain Holyoke, who, by a stratagem, succeeded in saving a 
 part of them. Captain Holyoke had his horse killed undej* 
 him, and at one time was attacked by five of the enemy, whom 
 he beat off with his cutlass. The loss of the English in this 
 unfortunate action was fifty-one killed and eighty-four wound 
 ed ; many of the latter survived the action but a few days 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 63 
 
 The defeat and destruction of the English in this engagement 
 were much to be lamented, as among the slain were the heads 
 of several families who had volunteered their services in 
 defence of their infant settlements. 
 
 On the 10th several hundreds of the enemy, encouraged by 
 their late success, appeared before Hatfield and fired several 
 dwelling houses without the fortification *bf the town. The 
 inhabitants of Hadley being seasonably apprised of the situ 
 ation of their brethren at Hatfield, a number of them volun 
 teered their services and marche'd to their relief. The In 
 dians, as they were accustomed to do on the approach of the 
 English, lay flat on their bellies until the latter had advanced 
 within bowshot, when, partly rising, they discharged a show 
 er of arrows among them, which wounded several of the 
 English ; but they, having wisely reserved their fire, now in 
 turn levelled their pieces with the best effect before the sav 
 ages had time to recover their legs, about thirty of whom 
 were instantly despatched, and the remainder dispersed. 
 
 On the 15th of February the governor of Massachusetts 
 colony, receiving information that the Indians were collecting 
 in great numbers, under the immediate guidance of Philip, 
 near Brookfield, despatched Captain Henchman, with fifty 
 men, to dislodge them, who, proceeding first to Hadley, was 
 joined by a company of cavalry from Hartford. On the 20th 
 they discovered and attacked a party of Indians near Lan 
 caster : they kilted fifty of them, and took between fifty and 
 sixty of their squaws and children prisoners. Captain Hench 
 man, on his way to Brookfield, discovered the dead bodies of 
 several of his countrymen half consumed by fire, who, it 
 appeared, had a few days previous fallen victims to the wan 
 ton barbarity of the savages. 
 
 The scattered remains of the enemy being now so com 
 pletely harassed and driven from place to place by the Eng 
 lish, a number of them resorted to 'the western country, then 
 inhabited by the Mohawks ; but the latter, being on friendly 
 
64 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 terms with the English and Dutch, who were settling among 
 them, were unwilling to harbor their enemies, and conse 
 quently attacked a considerable body of them on the 5th of 
 March. The engagement was a severe one. The fugitive 
 Indians, being furnished with firearms, repelled the attack of 
 the Mohawks with a becoming spirit, but were at length over 
 powered and completely defeated : the loss on both sides was 
 very great. 
 
 On the 20th the Indians took a Mr. Willet prisoner near 
 Swanzey, and, after cutting off his nose and ears, set him at 
 liberty. On the 23d they made prisoners of the family of a 
 Mr. Barney, of Rehoboth, consisting of himself, *wife, and 
 six children : two of the youngest of the latter they killed 
 and scalped, and threw their mangled bodies to their dogs to 
 devour. 
 
 On the 28th a negro man, who had been for several months 
 a prisoner among the savages, escaped from them and re 
 turned to the English, to whom he gave the following infor 
 mation ; to wit, that the enemy were concerting a plan to 
 attack Taunton and the villages adjacent ; that for this pur 
 pose there were then imbodied near Worcester one thousand 
 of them, at the head of whom was Philip, and that near one 
 hundred of them were furnished with firearms ; that, a few 
 days previous to his escape, a scouting party arrived and 
 brought in with them two prisoners and three human scalps. 
 To frustrate the intentions of the enemy, the governor of 
 Massachusetts colony despatched three companies of cavalry 
 for the defence of Taunton. 
 
 The English of Connecticut colony, although but little 
 troubled with the enemy since the destruction of the Pequots, 
 were not unwilling to afford their brethren all the assistance 
 possible in a protracted and bloody war with the common 
 enemy. They accordingly furnished three companies of cav 
 alry, who, under command of the experienced Major Talcott, 
 on the 5th of April, proceeded to the westward in search of 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 65 
 
 the enemy. On the llth they fell in with, attacked, and de 
 feated a considerable body of them. Apparently, by the special 
 direction of divine Providence, Major Talcott arrived in the 
 neighborhood of Hadley in time to preserve the town and 
 save its inhabitants from total destruction. The savages, to 
 the number of five hundred, were on the eve of commencing 
 an attack when they were met by the major with the troops 
 under his command. This unexpected relief animating the 
 few inhabitants which the town contained, they hastened to 
 the assistance of the cavalry, who, at this moment, were seri 
 ously engaged with the whole body of the enemy. The sav 
 ages having gained some signal advantages, victory for a con 
 siderable length of time appeared likely to decide in their 
 ."avor. Fortunately, the inhabitants of Hadley having for 
 their defence, a few weeks previous, procured from Boston an 
 eight pounder, it was at this critical period loaded by the 
 women, and, being mounted, was by them conveyed to the 
 English, which, being charged with small shot, nails, &c., 
 was. by the latter discharged with the best effect upon the 
 enemy, who immediately thereupon fled in every direction. 
 Thus it was that the English in a great measure owed the 
 preservation of their lives to the unexampled heroism of a 
 few women. 
 
 The governor and council of the United Colonies, taking 
 under serious consideration the miraculous escape of the in 
 habitants of Hadley from total destruction and the recent 
 success of the armp of the English in various parts of the 
 country, appointed the 27th day of August, 1679, to be ob 
 served, throughout the colonies as a day of public thanksgiv 
 ing and praise to Almighty God. This, it maybe well to 
 observe, was the commencement of an annual custom of our 
 forefathers, which to the present day is so religiously observed 
 by their descendants throughout the New England States. 
 
 On the 3d of September the Connecticut troops, under com 
 mand of Major Talcott and Captains Dennison and New- 
 6* 
 
66 INDIAN NARRATIVES. ->* 
 
 bury, proceeded to Narraganset in quest of the enemy, who, 
 to the number of about three hundred, had been discovered in 
 a piece of woods. The English were accompanied by their 
 faithful friend Oneco, with one hundred Mohegans under his 
 command. In the evening of the 5th they discovered the 
 enemy encamped at the foot of a steep hill ; on which Major 
 Talcott made arrangements for an attack. The Mohegans 
 were ordered by a circuitous route to gain the summit of the 
 hill, to prevent the flight of the enemy : two companies of 
 cavalry were ordered to flank them on the right and left ; 
 while Major Talcott, with a company of foot, stationed him 
 self in their rear. Having thus disposed of his forces, a sig 
 nal was given by the major for the Mohegans to commence 
 the attack, which they did, and with such spirit, accompanied 
 by their savage yells, that, had the enemy been renowned for 
 their valor, they must have been to the highest degree ap 
 palled at so unexpected an onset. After contending a few 
 moments with the Mohegans, the enemy were attacked on the 
 right and left by the cavalry, who, with their cutlasses, made 
 great havoc among them : they were, however, unwilling to 
 give ground until they had lost nearly one half their number, 
 when they attempted a flight to a swamp in their rear ; but 
 here they were met by Major Talcott, with the company of 
 foot, who gave them so warm a reception that they once more 
 fell back upon the Mohegans, by whom they were very soon 
 overpowered, and would have been totally destroyed had not 
 Major Talcott humanely interfered in their behalf and made 
 prisoners of the few that remained alive : among the latter 
 was their leader, a squaw, commonly termed the Queen of 
 Narraganset ; and among them an active young fellow, who 
 begged to be delivered into the hands of the Mohegans, that 
 they might put him to death in their own way, and sacrifice 
 him to their cruel genius of revenge, in which they so much 
 delighted. The English, although naturally averse to acts 
 of savage barbarity, were not, in this instance, unwilling to 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 67 
 
 comply with the voluntary, although unnatural, request of the 
 prisoner ; as it appeared that he had, in presence of the Mo 
 hegans, exultingly boasted of having killed nineteen of the 
 English with his gun since the commencement of the war,* 
 and after loading it for the twentieth, there being no more of 
 the latter within reach, he levelled at a Mohegan, whom he 
 killed ; which completing his number, he was willing to die 
 by their hands. The Mohegans accordingly began to prepare 
 for the tragical event. Forming themselves into a circle, 
 admitting as many of the English as were disposed to witness 
 their savage proceedings, the prisoner was placed in the cen 
 tre ; when one of the Mohegans, who, in the late engagement, 
 had lost a son, with his knife cut off the prisoner's ears, then 
 his nose, and then the fingers of each hand ; and after the 
 lapse of a few moments dug out his eyes, and filled their 
 sockets with hot embers. Although the few English present 
 were overcome with a view of a scene so shocking to human 
 ity, yet the prisoner, so far from bewailing his fate, seemed 
 to surpass his tormentors in expressions of joy. When near 
 ly exhausted with the loss of blood, and unable longer to 
 stand, his executioner closed the tragic scene by beating out 
 his brains with a tomahawk. 
 
 The few Indians that now remained in the neighborhood 
 of Plymouth colony, being in a state of starvation, surren 
 dered themselves prisoners to the English ; one of whom, 
 being recognized as the person who had a few days previous 
 inhumanly murdered the daughter of a Mr. Clarke, was, by 
 order of the governor, publicly executed : the remainder were 
 retained and treated as prisoners of war. By the assistance 
 of one of the prisoners, who served as guide, twenty more of 
 the enemy were, on the following day, surprised and taken 
 prisoners by the English. 
 
 The troops, under the command of Major Bradford and 
 Captains Mosely and Brattle, on the 15th of September sur 
 prised and took one hundred and fifty of the enemy prisoners 
 
68 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 near Pautuxet, among whom was the squaw of the celebrated 
 Philip ; and on the day following, learning that the enemy 
 in considerable bodies were roving about in the woods near 
 Dedham, Major Bradford despatched Captain Brattle with 
 fifty men to attack them, who, the day following, fell in with 
 and engaged about one hundred of them. As hatchets were 
 the only weapons with which they were provided, they made 
 but a feeble defence, and were soon overpowered by the Eng 
 lish, who took seventy-four of them prisoners, the remainder 
 having fallen in the action. The loss of the English was 
 two killed and five wounded. The above party was com 
 manded by a bloodthirsty sachem called Pomham, renowned 
 for his bodily strength, which exceeded that of any of his 
 countrymen ever met with. He bravely defended himself to 
 the last : being wounded in the breast and unable to stand, 
 he seized one of the soldiers while in the act of despatching 
 him with the but of his gun, and by whom he would have 
 been strangled had he not been fortunately rescued by one 
 of his comrades. 
 
 A general famine now prevailing among the enemy, in con 
 sequence of being deprived of an opportunity to plant their 
 lands, numbers were daily compelled by hunger to surrender 
 themselves prisoners to the English, among whom was a Nip- 
 net sachem, accompanied by one hundred and eighty of his 
 tribe. 
 
 On the 12th of October Captain Church, with fifty so.ldiers 
 and a few friendly Indians under his command, attacked and 
 defeated a party of the enemy near Providence ; and on the 
 day following, conducted by Indian guides, discovered a con 
 siderable body of the enemy encamped in a swamp near Pom- 
 fret : a friendly Indian first espying them, commanded them 
 to surrender ; but the enemy did not appear disposed to-obey. 
 Being sheltered by large trees, they first^ discharged their 
 arrows among the English, and then, with a terrible yell, at 
 tacked them with their long knives and tomahawks. The 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 69 
 
 English, meeting with a much warmer reception than what 
 they expected, gave ground ; but being rallied by their old and 
 experienced commander, Captain Church, they rushed upon 
 them with such impetuosity that the enemy were thrown into 
 confusion and dislodged from their coverts. The action con 
 tinued about an hour and a quarter. The English had seven 
 men killed and fourteen wounded; among the latter their 
 brave commander, who received an arrow through his left 
 arm. The loss of the enemy was thirty-two killed and be-, 
 tween sixty and seventy wounded. 
 
 On the 20th information was forwarded the governor and 
 council that the famous Philip, who had been for a long time 
 skulking about in the woods near Mount Hope, much disheart 
 ened by the ill success of his countrymen, was, the morning 
 preceding, discovered in a swamp near that place, attended by 
 about ninety Seaconet Indians ; on which the brave Captain 
 Church, with his little band of invincibles, was immediately 
 despatched in pursuit of him. Captain Church was accom 
 panied, as usual, by a number of the Mohegans and a few 
 friendly Seaconet Indians. On the 27th they arrived in the 
 neighborhood of the swamp, near the border of which he 
 stationed several of the Mohegans to intercept Philip in case 
 he should attempt an escape therefrom. Captain Church, at 
 the head of his little band, now with unconquerable resolu 
 tion plunged into the swamp, and, wading nearly to his waist 
 in water, discovered and attacked the enemy. The Indians 
 were nearly one hundred strong ; but being unexpectedly at 
 tacked they made no resistance, but fled in every direction ; 
 the inaccessible state of the swamp, however, prevented the 
 English from pursuing them with success. Their dependence 
 was now upon their friends stationed without ; nor did it 
 appear that those faithful fellows sutfered so good an oppor 
 tunity to pass unimproved. The report of their muskets 
 convinced Captain Church that they were doing their duty ; 
 in confirmation of which, he was very soon after presented 
 with the head of Kin <f Philip* 
 
INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Philip, it appeared, in attempting to fly from his pursuers 
 was recognized by one of the English who had been stationed 
 with the Mohegans to intercept him, and at whom he. levelled 
 his piece ; but the pruning being unfortunately wet and pre 
 venting the discharge thereof, the cunning sachem would yet 
 have escaped had not one of the brave sons of Uncus at this 
 instant given him the contents of his musket. The ball went 
 directly through his heart ; and thus fell, by the hands of a 
 faithful Mohegan, the famous Philip, who was the projector 
 and instigator of a war which not only proved the cause of 
 his own destruction, but that of nearly all his tribe, once the 
 most numerous of any inhabiting New England. - 
 
 It was at this important instant that the English were made 
 witnesses of a remarkable instance of savage custom. Oneco, 
 on learning that Philip had fallen by the hand of one of his 
 tribe, urged that, agreeable to their custom, he had an un 
 doubted right to the body, and a right to feast himself with a 
 piece thereof; which the English not objecting to, he delib 
 erately drew his long knife from his girdle, and with it de 
 tached a piece of flesh from the bleeding body of Philip of 
 about one pound weight, which he broiled and ate, in the 
 mean time declaring that " he had not for many moons eaten 
 any thing with so good an appetite ! " The head of Philip 
 was detached from his body and sent by Captain Church to 
 Boston, to be presented to the governor and council as a val 
 uable trophy. 
 
 The few hostile Indians that now remained within the 
 United Colonies, conscious that, if so fortunate as to evade the 
 vigilance of the English, they must soon fall victims to the 
 prevailing famine, fled with their families far to the westward. 
 The English were disposed rather to facilitate than prevent 
 their flight. Having been for a number of years engaged in a 
 destructive and bloody war with them, they were willing that 
 the few that remained alive should escape to a country so far 
 distant that there was no probability of their returning to 
 
DEATH OF KIKO PHILIP. PtlQ* 70. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 71 
 
 resume the bloody tomahawk. Impressed with this idea, and 
 that the enemy were completely exterminated, they were 
 about to bury the hatchet and turn their attention to agricul 
 tural pursuits, when, by an express, they were informed that 
 the natives in the eastern part of the country, Province of 
 Maine, had unprovokedly attacked and killed a considerable 
 number of the English in that quarter. 
 
 To quench the flame which appeared to be enkindling in 
 the east, the governor despatched four companies of cavalry 
 to the relief of the unfortunate inhabitants. The enemy, who 
 were of the Kennebeck and Amoscoggin tribes, first attacked 
 with unprecedented fury the defenceless inhabitants settled 
 on Kennebeck River, the most of whom were destroyed or 
 dispersed by them. 
 
 On the 2d of November about seven hundred of the en 
 emy attacked with their accustomed fury, accompanied by 
 their savage yells, the inhabitants of Newchewannick, an 
 English settlement, situated a few miles from the mouth of 
 the River Kennebeck. Before they had fully accomplished 
 their hellish purpose they were surprised by the troops sent 
 from Boston, between whom a most bloody engagement now 
 ensued. The Indians, encouraged by their numbers, repelled* 
 the attack of the English in so heroic a manner that the lat 
 ter were very soon thrown into disorder and driven out of 
 town, where they again formed, faced about, and in turn 
 charged the enemy with unconquerable resolution. The con 
 test now became close and severe : the savages, with their 
 terrific yells, dexterously hurled their tomahawks among the 
 English ; while the latter, with as much dexterity, attacked and 
 mowed them down with their cutlasses. Each were appar 
 ently determined on victory or death. The English at one 
 moment, unable to withstand the impetuosity of the savages, 
 would give ground ; at the next, the latter, hard pushed by 
 the cavalry, would fall back. Thus for the space of two hours 
 did victory appear balancing between the two contending 
 
72 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 parties. The field of action was covered with the slain, 'while 
 the adjacent woods resounded with the shrieks and groans of 
 the wounded. At this critical juncture the English, when on 
 the very point of surrendering, were providentially preserved 
 by a stratagem. In the heat of the action "Major Bradford 
 despatched a company of cavalry by a circuitous route to 
 attack the enemy in the rear, w r hich had the most happy 
 effect. The enemy, suspecting this company a reenforcement 
 of the English, fled in every direction, leaving the English 
 masters of the field. Thus, after two hours' hard fighting, did 
 the English obtain a victory at the expense of the lives of 
 more than half their number. Their killed and wounded 
 amounted to ninety-nine. The* loss of the enemy was not 
 ascertained;- it was, however, probably three times greater 
 than that of the English. 
 
 The day succeeding this bloody engagement a lieutenant 
 with twelve men was sent by the commander to "the place of 
 action to bury their dead ; when they were a few rods there 
 from unexpectedly attacked by about one hundred of the en 
 emy who had lain in ambush. The lieutenant ordered his 
 men to reserve their fire until they could discharge with the 
 best effect upon the enemy, by whom they were soon sur 
 rounded and furiously attacked on all sides. The savages, 
 yelling horribly, brandished their long knives in the air, yet 
 crimsoned with the blood of their countrymen. The brave 
 little band, however, remained firm and undaunted ; and as 
 the savages approached them, each taking proper aim, dis 
 charged with so good effect upon them that the Indians, 
 amazed^ at the instantaneous destruction of so many of their 
 comrades, fled in every direction. The English sustained no 
 loss. 
 
 On the 5th the enemy successfully attacked the inhabitants 
 of the village of Casco, thirty of whom they killed, and mads 
 prisoners of the family of a Mr. Bracket, who on the 7th, in 
 the following manner, made their escape. The Indians, cu 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 73 
 
 their*return to their wigwams, learning that a detached party 
 of their brethren had attacked with success and plundered 
 the village of Arowsick, to enjoy a share of the spoil hastened 
 to join them, leaving the prisoners in the care of two old men 
 and three squaws. Mr. Bracket, whose family consisted of 
 himself, wife, three small children, and a negro lad, viewed 
 this as a favorable opportunity to escape ; to effect which, he 
 requested the lad to attempt an escape by flight, which, being 
 uncommonly active, he easily effected. The plan of Mr. 
 Bracket had now its desired effect ; as the old men, pursuing 
 the negro, left him and his family guarded only by the three 
 squaws, whom, being intoxicated, he soon despatched, and re 
 turned the day succeeding with his family to Casco, where 
 the negro lad had arrived some hours bef9re. 
 
 On the 15th the Indians attacked the dwelling house of a 
 Captain Bonithon and Major Philips, situated on the east side 
 of Casco River. They having seasonable notice of the hos 
 tile views of the enemy, the family of the former, as a place 
 of greater safety, had resorted to the house of the latter a 
 few moments previous to the attack. The savages first, com 
 municating fire to the house of Captain Bonithon, next pro 
 ceeded furiously to attack the dwelling of Major Philips, in 
 which there were about twenty persons, by whom it was most 
 gallantly defended. The enemy had their leader and a num 
 ber of their party killed by the fire of the English. Despair 
 ing of taking the house by assault, they adopted a new plan 
 to communicate fire thereto. They procured a carriage, on 
 which they erected a stage, in front of which was a barricade 
 rendered bullet proof, and to which long poles were at 
 tached nearly twenty feet in length, to the ends of which 
 were affixed every kind of combustible, such as birch rinds, 
 straw, pitch, pine, &c. The Indians were sheltered by the 
 barricade from the fire of the English while they approached 
 the walls of the house with their carriage. The English were 
 now on the eve of despairing, when fortunately one of the 
 7 
 
74 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 wheels of the carriage, being brought in contact with a rock, 
 was turned completely round, which exposed the whole body 
 of Indians to their fire. This unexpected opportunity was 
 improved with the greatest advantage by the English, who 
 with a few rounds soon dispersed the enemy with no incon 
 siderable loss. 
 
 The day following the Indians attacked and set fire to the 
 house of a Mr. Wakely, whom with his whole family they 
 murdered. A company of English, apprised of their dan 
 gerous situation, marched to their relief, but arrived too late 
 to afford them assistance. They found the house reduced to 
 ashes, among which they discovered the mangled bodies of 
 the unfortunate family half consumed by fire. 
 
 The savages, emboldened by their late success, on the 20th 
 attacked a small English settlement on Piscataqua River, and 
 succeeded in murdering a part and carrying away the remain 
 der of the inhabitants into captivity. As an instance of their 
 wanton barbarity, it should be here mentioned, that, after tom 
 ahawking and scalping one of the unfortunate women of the 
 above place, they bound to the dead body her little infant, in 
 which situation it was the succeeding day discovered by the 
 English, attempting to draw nourishment from its mother's 
 breast. 
 
 The governor and council of the United Colonies, conceiv 
 ing it their duty, if possible, to put a final stop to the ravages 
 of the enemy in the east, and to prevent the further elmsioa 
 of innocent blood, despatched Major Wallis and Major Brad 
 ford, with six companies under their command, to destroy, 
 "root and branch," the common enemy. On the 1st of De 
 cember they arrived in the neighborhood of Kennebeck, near 
 where they were informed the main body of the enemy were 
 encamped. On the morning of the 3d they fell in with and 
 attacked them. The enemy, who were about eight hundred 
 strong, appeared disposed to maintain their ground. They 
 fought with all the fury of savages, and even assailed tho. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. * 
 
 English from the tops of lofty trees which they ascended foi 
 the purpose. They were possessed of but few firearms, but 
 hurled their tomahawks with inconceivable exactness, and 
 checked the progress of the cavalry with long spears. Vic 
 tory for a long time remained doubtful. The ground, being 
 covered with snow, greatly retarded the progress of the troops, 
 who probably would have met with a defeat had not a fresh 
 company of infantry arrived in time to change the fortune 
 of the day. These having remained inactive as a body of 
 reserve, the commander found himself under the necessity of 
 calling for their aid. The enemy, disheartened at the unex 
 pected arrival of an additional number of the English, fled 
 with precipitancy to the woods ; but very few of them, how 
 ever, escaped : more than two hundred of them remained dead 
 upon the field of action, and double that number mortally 
 wounded. The loss of the English was twenty-five killed and 
 forty-four wounded. This engagement, which proved a deci 
 sive one, was of the greatest importance to the English. The 
 great and arduous work was now completed. The few re 
 maining Indians that inhabited the eastern country now ex 
 pressed a desire to bury the bloody hatchet and to^make peace 
 with the English. Their request was cheerfully complied 
 with, and they continued ever after the faithful friends of the 
 English. 
 
 From this important period which, being the 5th day of 
 December, 1679 ought the peace and prosperity of the now 
 flourishing states of New England to receive their date. It 
 was at this period that her hardy sons quitted the sanguine field 
 and exchanged their implements of death for such as were 
 better calculated for the cultivation and tillage of their farms. 
 The forests with which they were encompassed no longer 
 abounded with fierce and untutored savages. The Indian 
 death song and war whoop was no longer heard. The greater 
 part of the Indians that survived the many bloody engage 
 ments had sought peace and retirement far westward The 
 
76 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 prisoners which the English had captured were liberated upon 
 condition*" of resorting to and remaining wjth them. They 
 proved faithful to their promise ; they took possession of the 
 country bounding on the great lakes, and in possession of 
 which their descendants remain to the present day a de 
 scription of whose manners and customs will be found in the 
 succeeding chapter. 
 
 We shall close this with a few remarks relative to the state, 
 customs, and ludicrous opinions of the Indians in New Eng 
 land when first visited by our forefathers, and of their rapid 
 depopulation since that period. 
 
 We cannot even hazard a conjecture respecting the Indian 
 population of New England at the time of its first settlement 
 by the English. Captain Smith, in a voyage to this coast 
 ill 1614, supposed that on Massachusetts Island there were 
 about three thousand Indians. All accounts agree that the 
 sea coast and neighboring islands were thickly inhabited. 
 
 Three years before the arrival of the Plymouth colony a 
 very mortal sickness, supposed to have been the plague, or 
 perhaps the yellow fever, raged with great violence among 
 the Indians in the eastern parts of New England. Whole 
 towns were Depopulated. The living were not able to bury 
 the dead ; and their bones were found lying above ground 
 many years after. The Massachusetts Indians are said to 
 have been reduced from thirty thousand to three hundred 
 fighting men. In 1633, the small pox swept off great num 
 bers of the Indians in Massachusetts. 
 
 In 1763, on the Island of Nantucket, in the space of four 
 months the Indians were reduced by a mortal sickness from 
 three hundred and twenty to eighty-five souls. The hand of 
 Providence is notable in these surprising instances of mortal 
 ity among the Indians to m*ake room for the whites. Com 
 paratively few have perished by wars ; and the descendants 
 of the few that were not driven to the westward by the English 
 waste and moulder away and in a manner unaccountable dis 
 appear. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 77 
 
 The number of Indians in the State of Connecticut, in 1774, 
 was one thousand three hundred and sixty-three ; but their 
 number is now doubtless much lessened. The principal part, 
 of their population in this state is at Mohegan, in the county 
 of New London. These are the descendants of the Mohe- 
 gans, of whom frequent mention is made in the foregoing 
 pages as being very serviceable, under the command of Uncus, 
 to the English, in their many engagements with the natives. 
 The Mohegans have ever exhibited great reverence for the 
 descendants of their royal sachem. After the death of Until s, 
 his body was conveyed, by his request, to Norwich, and there 
 interred in the neighborhood of one of his forts. This spot 
 was selected by him previous to his death ; and it was his 
 dying request that the whole family of Uncus should be there 
 buried - a request which has been strictly complied with by 
 the Mohegans, who, although the distance is seven miles from 
 their own burying ground, have deposited, and continue to 
 deposit there, the descendants of their revered sachem. 
 
 The number of Indians in Rhode Island, in 1783, was only 
 five hundred and twenty-five. More than harff of these live 
 in Charleston, in the county of Washington. In 1774 the 
 number of Indians in Rhode Island was one thousand four 
 hundred and eighty-two ; so that, in nine years, the decrease 
 was nine hundred and fifty-seven. We have not been able to 
 ascertain the exact state of the Indian population in Massa 
 chusetts and New Hampshire. In 1784 there was a tribe of 
 about forty Indians at Norridgewalk, in the Province of 
 Maine, with some few other scattering remains of tribes in 
 other parts, and a number of towns thinly inhabited round 
 Cape Cod. 
 
 When the English first arrived in America, the Indians 
 had no time or places set apart for religious worship. The 
 first settlers in New England were at great pains to introduce 
 among them the habits of civilized life and to instruct them 
 in the Christian religion. A few years' intercourse with the 
 
78 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Indians induced them to establish several good and natural 
 regulations. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Elliot, of Roxbury, rie'ar Boston, who has 
 been styled the great "Indian apostle," with much labor 
 learned the Natic dialect of the Indian languages. He pub 
 lished an Indian grammar, and preached in Indian to several 
 tribes, and, in 1664, translated the Bible and several religious 
 books into the Indian language. He relates several pertinent 
 queries of the Indians respecting the Christian religion ; 
 among others, whether Jesus Christ, the Mediator, or Inter 
 preter, could understand prayer in the Indian language. If 
 the father be bad and the child good, why should God, in the 
 second commandment, be offended with the child ? How the 
 Indians came to differ so much from the English in the 
 knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, since they all sprang 
 from one father. Mr. Elliot was indefatigable in his labors, 
 and travelled through all parts of Massachusetts and Plym 
 outh colonies as far as Cape Cod. The colony had such a 
 veneration for him, that, in an act of the General Assembly 
 relating to Indians, they express themselves thus : ." By the 
 advice of the said magistrates and of Mr. Elliot." 
 
 Concerning the religion of the untaught natives of New 
 England, who once held a plurality of deities, after the arri 
 val of the English they supposed there were only three, be 
 cause they saw people of three kinds of complexions ; viz., 
 English, negroes, and themselves. 
 
 It was a notion pretty generally prevailing .among them 
 that it was not the same God made them who made us, but 
 that they were created after the white people ; and it is prob 
 able they supposed their God gained some special skill by 
 seeing the white people made^, and so made them better. For 
 it is certain they looked upon themselves and their methods 
 of living, which they say their God expressly prescribed for 
 them, as vastly preferable to the white people and their 
 methods. 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 79 
 
 With regard to a future state of existence, many of them 
 imagined that the chichung, that is, the shadow, or what sur 
 vived the body, would at death go southward, and in an un 
 known but curious place ; would enjoy some kind of happi 
 ness, such as hunting, feasting, dancing, and the like. And 
 what they supposed would contribute much to their happiness 
 was, that they should there never be weary of those enter~ 
 tainments. 
 
 The natives of New England believed not only a plurality 
 of gods, who made and governed the several nations of the 
 world, but they made deities of every tiling they imagined to 
 be great, powerful, beneficial, and hurtful to mankind : yet 
 they conceived an almighty Being, whom they called Kich- 
 tau, who at first, according to their tradition, made a man 
 and woman out of stone; but upon some dislike destroyed 
 them again, and then made another couple out of a tree, from 
 whom descended all the nations of the earth ; but how they 
 came to be scattered and dispersed into countries -so remote 
 from one another, they could not tell. They believed their 
 supreme God to be a good Being, and paid a sort of acknowl 
 edgment to him for plenty, victory, and other benefits. 
 
 The immortality of the soul was universally believed among 
 them. When good men died they said their souls went to 
 Kichtau, where they met with their friends and enjoyed all 
 manner of pleasures. When the wicked died they went to 
 Kichtau also, but were commanded to walk away, and so 
 wander about in restless discontent and darkness forever. 
 ' The natives of New England, in general, were quick of 
 apprehension, and ingenious ; and, when pleased, nothing could 
 exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence 
 distinguished them in council, address and bravery in war. 
 They were not more easily provoked than the English ; but 
 when once they had received an injury it was never forgotten. 
 In anger they were not like the English, talkative and bois 
 terous but sullen and revenreful. The men declined all 
 
80 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 labor, and spent their time in hunting, lishmg, shooting, and 
 warlike exercises. They imposed all the drudgery upon their 
 women, who gathered and brought home their wood, planted, 
 dressed, and gathered their corn. When they travelled the 
 women carried their children, packs, and provisions. The 
 women submitted patiently to such treatment : this ungener 
 ous usage of their husbands they repaid with smiles and good 
 humor. 
 
 The clothing of the .natives was the skins of wild beasts. 
 The men threw a mantle of skins over them, and wore a 
 small flap; which were termed Indian breeches. The women 
 were much more modest : they wore a coat of skins, girt about 
 their loins, which reached down to their hams, which they 
 never put off in company. If the husband chose to dispose 
 of hig wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to 
 part with it until he had provided another of some sort. In 
 the winter their blanket of skins, which hung loose in sum 
 mer, was tied or wrapped more closely about them. The 
 old men in the severe seasons also wore a sort of trousers, 
 made of skins and fastened to their girdles; and on their 
 feet they wore moccasons made of moose leather ; and their 
 chiefs, or sachems, wore on their heads a cap decorated with 
 feathers. 
 
 Their houses, or wigwams, were-at best but miserable cells. 
 They were constructed generally like arbors, or small young 
 trees bent and twisted together, and so curiously covered with 
 mats or bark that they were tolerably dry and warm. The 
 natives made their fires in the centre of the house ; and there' 
 was an opening at the top, which emitted the smoke. For 
 the convenience of wood and water these huts were common 
 ly erected in groves, near some river, brook, or living spring ; 
 when either failed, the family removed to another place. 
 
 They lived in a poor, low manner ; their food was coarse 
 and simple, without any kind of seasoning ; they had neither 
 spice, salt, or bread. Their food was principally the entrails 
 
COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH NATIVES. 81 
 
 of moose, deer, bears, iind all kinds of wild beasts and fowls : 
 of fish and snakes they were extremely fond. They had 
 strong stomachs, and nothing came amiss. They had no set 
 meals, but, like other wild creatures, ate when they were hun 
 gry and could find any thing to satisfy the cravings of nature. 
 They had but little food from the earth except what it spon 
 taneously produced. Indian corn, beans, and squashes were 
 the only eatables for which the natives of New England 
 labored. 
 
 Their household furniture was of but small value. Their 
 beds were composed of mats or skins. They had neither chairs 
 nor stools ; but commonly sat upon the ground, with their 
 elbows upon their knees. A few wooden and stone vessels 
 and instruments served all the purposes of domestic life. 
 Their knife was -a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which 
 they sharpened in such 'a manner as to cut their hair, make 
 their bows and arrows, &c. They made their axes of stone, 
 which they shaped somewhat similar to our axes, but with 
 the difference of theirs being made with a neck instead of an 
 eye, and fastened with a with like a blacksmith's chisel. 
 
 The manner of the courtship and marriage of the natives 
 manifested the impurity of their morals. When a young 
 Indian wished for marriage, he presented the girl with whom 
 he was enamoured with bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum. 
 If she received his presents they cohabited together for a 
 time upon trial ; if they pleased each other they were joined 
 in marriage ; but if, after a few weeks, they were not suited, 
 the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl and sought 
 another mistress, and she another lover. In this manner they 
 courted until two met who were agreeable to each other. 
 
 The natives of New England, although they consisted (jf a 
 great number of different nations and clans, appear to have 
 spoken radically the same language : from Piscataqua to 
 Connecticut it was so nearly the same that the different tribes 
 could converse tolerably together. The Mobegan, or Pequot, 
 
82 INDIAN NAlvRATlVES. 
 
 language was essentially that of all the Indians in New Eng 
 land. The word Mohegan is a corruption of Mulihekaneew 
 in the singular, or of Muhhekaneek in the plural number. 
 The Penobscots bordering on Nova Scotia, the Indians of 
 St. Francis in Canada, the Delawares in Pennsylvania, the 
 Shawanese on the Ohio, and the Chippewaus at the west 
 ward of Lake Huron, all now speak the same radical lan 
 guage. 
 
WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION IN 1753; 
 
 AND 
 
 DEFEAT OF GENERAL BRADDOCK, BY THE 
 INDIANS, IN 1755. 
 
 IN 1753 the French and Indians began to make inroads 
 on our western frontiers along the Ohio. Governor Dinwid- 
 die, of Virginia, was very desirous to get a letter of remon 
 strance to their commander-in-chief. He had applied to sev 
 eral young gentlemen of his acquaintance ; but they were all 
 so deficient in courage that they could not be prevailed on 
 for love or money U venture out among the savages. Our 
 beloved Washington, happening to hear of it, instantly waited 
 on his excellency and offered his services, but not without 
 being terribly afraid lest his want of a beard should go against 
 him. However, the governor was so charmed with his mod 
 esty and manly air that he never asked him a syllable about 
 his age ; but, after thanking him for " a noble youth," and 
 insisting on his taking a glass of wine with him, slipped a 
 commission into his hand. The next day, accompanied by an 
 interpreter and a couple of servants, he set out on his expe 
 dition, which was, from start to pole, as disagreeable and dan 
 gerous as any thing Hercules himself could have wished. 
 Soaking rains, chilling blasts, roaring floods, pathless woods, 
 and mountains clad in snows opposed his course, but opposed 
 in vain. The glorious ambition to serve his country imparted 
 an animation to his nerves which rendered him superior to all 
 difficulties, 
 
 (83) 
 
84 INDIAN NARIIAT1VES. 
 
 Returning homewards he was waylaid and shot at by a 
 French Indian; and though the copper-colored ruffian was 
 not fifteen steps distant when he fired at him, yet not even so 
 much as the smell of lead passed on the clothes of our young 
 hero. On his return to Virginia it was found that he had 
 executed his negotiations, both with the French and Indians, 
 with such fidelity and judgment that he received the hearti 
 est thanks of the governor and council for the very important 
 services he had done his country. 
 
 He was now, in the twentieth year of his age, appointed 
 major and adjutant general of the Virginia forces. Soon after 
 this, the Indians continuing their encroachments, orders were 
 given by the English government for the colonies to arm and 
 unite in one confederacy. Virginia took the lead, and raised 
 a regiment of four hundred men, at the head of which she 
 placed her darling Washington. 
 
 With this handful of brave fellows Colonel Washington, 
 not yet twenty-three years of age, boldly pushed out into the 
 Indian country, and there, for a considerable time, Hannibal- 
 like, maintained the war against three times the number of 
 French and Indians. At' the Red Stones he came up with a 
 strong party of the enemy, whom he engaged and effectually 
 defeated, after having killed and taken thirty-one men. From 
 his prisoners he obtained undoubted intelligence that the 
 French forces on the Ohio consisted of upwards of a thousand 
 regulars and many hundreds of Indians. But, notwithstand 
 ing this disheartening advice, he still pressed on undauntedly 
 against the enemy, and at a" place called the Little Meadows 
 built a fort, which he .called Fort Necessity. Here he waited, 
 hourly and anxiously looking for succors from New York and 
 Pennsylvania ; but he looked in vain. Nobody came to his 
 assistance. Not long after this, his small force, now reduced 
 to three hundred men, were attacked by an army of eleven 
 hundred French and Indians. Never did the true Virginian 
 valor shine more gloriously than on this trying occasion. 
 
WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION, ETC. 85 
 
 To see three hundred young fellows, commanded by a 
 smoothfaced boy, all unaccustomed to the terrors of war ; far 
 from home and from all hopes of help ; shut up in a dreary 
 wilderness, and surrounded by four times their number oi 
 savage foes ; and yet, without sign of fear, without thought of 
 surrender, preparing for mortal combat, O, it was a noble 
 sight! Scarcely since the days of Leonidas and his three 
 hundred deathless Spartans had the sun beheld its equal. 
 With hideous whoops and yells the enemy came on like a host 
 of tigers. The woods, and rocks, and tall tree tops, as the 
 Indians, climbing to the tops of the trees, poured down their 
 bullets into the fort, were in one continued blaze and crash of 
 firearms. Nor were our young warriors idle, but, animated 
 by their gallant chief, plied their rifles with such spirit that 
 their little fort represented a volcano in full blast, roaring and 
 discharging thick sheets of liquid ,fire and of leaden deaths 
 among their foes. For three glorious hours, salamander-like, 
 enveloped in smoke and flame, they sustained the attack of 
 the enemy's whole force, and laid two hundred of them dead 
 on the spot. Discouraged by such desperate resistance, the 
 French general, the Count de Villiers, sent in a flag to Wash 
 ington, extolling his gallantry to the skies, and offering him 
 the most honorable terms. It was stipulated that Colonel 
 Washington and his little band of heroes should march away 
 with all the honors of war, and carry with them their military 
 stores and baggage. 
 
 In the spring of 1755 Washington, while busied in the 
 highest military operations, was summoned to attend General 
 Braddock, who, in the month of February, arrived at Alexan 
 dria with two thousand British troops. The Assembly of 
 Virginia appointed eight hundred provincials to join him 
 The object of this army was to march through the country 
 by the way of Will's Creek, to Fort Du Quesne, now Pitts 
 burg", or Fort Pitt. As no person was so well acquainted 
 with the frontier country as Washington, and none stood so 
 
86 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 high in military fame, it was thought he would be infinitely 
 serviceable to General Braddock. At the request of the 
 governor and council he cheerfully quitted his own command 
 to act as volunteer aid-de-camp to that very imprudent and 
 unfortunate general. The army, near three thousand strong, 
 marched from Alexandria, and proceeded unmolested within 
 a few miles of Fort Pitt. On the morning of the day in 
 which they expected to arrive the provincial scouts discov 
 ered a large party of French and Itdians lying in ambush. 
 Washington, with his usual modesty, observed to General 
 Braddock what sort of enemy he had now to deal with an 
 enemy who would not, like the Europeans, come forward to a 
 fair contest in the field, but, concealed behind rocks and trees, 
 carry on a deadly warfare with their rifles. He concluded 
 with begging that General Braddock would grant him the 
 honor to let him place himself at the head of the Virginia 
 riflemen and fight them in their own way. And it was gen 
 erally thought that our young hero and his eight hundred 
 hearts of hickory would very easily have beaten them too ; 
 for they were not superior to the force which, with only three 
 hundred, he had handled so roughly a twelvemonth before. 
 But General Braddock, who had all along treated the Ameri 
 can officers and soldiers with infinite contempt, instead of fol 
 lowing this truly salutary advice, swelled and reddened with 
 most unmanly rage. " High times, by G d ! " he exclaimed, 
 strutting to and fro, with arms akimbo. " High times, when 
 a young buckskin can teach a British general how to fight ! " 
 Washington withdrew, biting his lips with grief and indigna 
 tion to think whaT numbers of brave fellows would draw short 
 breath that day through the pride and obstinacy of one epau- 
 letted fool. The troops were ordered to form and .advance 
 in columns through the woods. In a little time the ruin 
 which Washington had predicted ensued. This poor, devoted 
 army, pushed on by their madcap general, fell into the fatal 
 snare which was laid for them. All at once a thousand rifles 
 
WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION, ETC. 87 
 
 began the work of death. The ground was instantly covered 
 with the dying and the dead. The British troops, thus slaugh 
 tered by hundreds, and by an enemy whom they could not 
 see, were thrown irrecoverably into panic and confusion ; and 
 in a few minutes their haughty general, with twelve hundred 
 of his brave but unfortunate countrymen, bit the ground. 
 Poor Braddock closed the tragedy with great decency. He 
 was mortally wounded in the beginning of the action, and 
 Washington had him placed in a cart ready for retreat. Close 
 on the left, where the weight of the French and Indian fire 
 principally fell, Washington and his Virginia riflemen, dressed 
 in blue, sustained the shock. At every discharge of their 
 rifles the wounded general cried out, " my brave Virginia 
 blues, would to God I could live to reward you for such 
 gallantry ! " But he died. Washington buried him in the 
 road, and, to save him from discovery and the scalping knife, 
 ordered the wagons on their retreat to drive over his grave. 
 God, what is man ? . Even a thing of nought. 
 
 Amidst all this fearful consternation and carnage, amidst 
 all the uproar and horrors of a rout, rendered still more 
 dreadful by the groans of the dying, the screams of the 
 wounded, the piercing shrieks of the women, and the yells of 
 the furious assaulting savages, Washington, calm and self- 
 collected, rallied his faithful riflemen, led them on to the 
 charge, killed numbers of the enemy who were rushing on 
 with tomahawks, checked their pursuit, and brought off the 
 shattered remains of the British army. 
 
 With respect to our beloved Washington we cannot but 
 mention here two very -extraordinary speeches that were ut 
 tered about him at this time, and which, as things have turned 
 out, look a good deal-like prophecies. A famous' Indian war 
 rior, who assisted in the defeat of Braddock, was often heard 
 to swear that Washington was not born to be killed by a 
 bullet ; " for," continued he, " I had seventeen fair fires at 
 him with my rifle ; and, after all, I could not bring him to the 
 
88 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 ground." And indeed, whoever considers that a good rifle, 
 levelled by a proper marksman, hardly ever misses its aim, 
 will readily enough conclude, with this unlettered savage, that 
 seme invisible hand must have turned aside his bullets. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Davies, in a sermon occasioned by General 
 Braddock's defeat, has these remarkable words : " I beg leave 
 to point the attention of the public to that heroic youth, Col 
 onel George Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence 
 has preserved for some great service to this country." 
 
EXPEPITION AND DEFEAT OF GENERAL 
 HARMER BY THE INDIANS, 1790. 
 
 ALTHOUGH a peace was happily effected between the two 
 contending parties, Great Britain and America, in 1783, yet 
 the savages, who had been persuaded to take a part with the 
 former, were unwilling to bury the bloody hatchet. They 
 had not sufficiently bathed that destructive weapon in the 
 blood of the Americans. Without any pretext whatever, they 
 continued to exercise towards them the most wanton acts of 
 barbarity. It appeared from respectable evidence that from 
 the year 1783 until the month of October, 1790, the time the 
 United States commenced offensive operations against the said 
 Indians, that on the Ohio and the frontiers on the south side 
 thereof, they killed, wounded, and took prisoners about one 
 thousand five hundred men, women, and children, besides car 
 rying off upwards' of two thousand horses and other property 
 to the amount of fifty thousand dollars. 
 
 The particulars of many of the instances of barbarity ex 
 ercised upon the prisoners of different ages and sexes, al 
 though supported by indisputable evidence, are of too shocking 
 a nature to be presented to the public. It is sufficient here 
 to observe that the scalping knife and tomahawk were the 
 mildest instruments of death ; that, in some cases torture by 
 fire and other execrable means were used. 
 
 But the outrages which *vere committed upon the frontier 
 inhabitants were not the only injuries that were sustained. 
 Repeated attacks upon detachments of the troops of the Unit 
 ed States were at different times made. The following, from 
 8 * (89) 
 
00 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 its peculiar enormity, deserves recital: In April, 1790, Major 
 Doughty, in service of the United States, was ordered to the 
 friendly Chicasaws on public business. He performed this 
 duty in a boat, having with him a party of fifteen men. 
 While ascending the Tennessee River he was met by a party 
 of forty Indians in four canoes, consisting principally of 
 Shawanese and outcast Cherokees. They approached under 
 a white flag, the well-known emblom of peace. "They came 
 on board the major's boat, received his presents, continued 
 with him nearly an hour, and then departed in the most 
 friendly manner. But they had scarcely cleared his oars be 
 fore they poured in a fire upon his crew, which was returned 
 as soon as circumstances would permit, and a most unequal 
 combat was sustained for several hours, when they abandoned 
 their design, but not until they had killed and wounded eleven 
 out of fifteen of the boat's crew. 
 
 All overtures of peace failing, and the depredations still 
 continuing, an attempt at coercion became indispensable. 
 Accordingly, on the 30th of September, 1790, the president, 
 by and with the consent and advice of the Congress of the 
 United States, despatched General Harmer, with three hun 
 dred and twenty federal troops and eleven hundred and thirty- 
 three militia under his command, to attack and destroy their 
 principal villages. 
 
 The troops, after seventeen days' march from Miami, 
 reached the great Miami village without any other molesta 
 tion than that of having a number of their packhorses stolen* 
 On their arrival they found the village deserted, and all the 
 valuable buildings in flames, set on fire by the Indians. After 
 a short tarry they proceeded to the neighboring villages with 
 out molestation and destroyed five of them and a large quan 
 tity of corn, computed at fifteen thousand bushels, which they 
 found buried in different places, and very large quantities of 
 vegetables of every kind. 
 
 The first opposition that was met with, a party of about one 
 
EXPEDITION AND DEFEAT OF GEN. HARMER. 01 
 
 hundred and fifty Kentucky militia and thirty regular troops, 
 all under the command of Colonel Harding, of Kentucky, 
 were detached from the main body lying in the great Miami 
 village, to pursue the trail of a party of Indians which had 
 the day before been discovered. After a pursuit of about six 
 miles they came up with and were attacked on surprise by a 
 body of Indians who were concealed in the thickets on every 
 side of a large plain ; and on the first onset the militia, with 
 out exchanging a single shot, made a most precipitate retreat, 
 and left the regular troops to stand the whole charge of the 
 Indians. The conflict was short and bjpody ; the troops were 
 soon overpowered by numbers ; and all fell, except two offi 
 cers and two or three privates, after defending themselves at 
 their bayonet points with the greatest possible obstinacy. 
 Ensign Hartshorn was one of the officers who providentially 
 escaped; and his escape appeared to depend more on a lucky 
 circumstance of faltering over a log in his retreat, and by that 
 means screening himself from the eye of his pursuers, than 
 from any other circumstance. Captain Armstrong, who com 
 manded the party, likewise made his escape by plunging him 
 self into a pond, or swamp, up to his. neck, within two hundred 
 yards of the field of action, where he remained the whole night 
 a spectator to the horrid scene of the war dance performed 
 over the -dead and wounded bodies of the poor soldiers that 
 had fallen the preceding day ; where their shrieks, mixed with 
 the horrid yells of the savages, rendered his situation shocking. 
 After this some few skirmishes succeeded, but nothing ma 
 terial until the second capital action, which happened two 
 days after the army left the Miami village, l^t ten miles' 
 distance from the town the general ordered a halt, and de 
 tached from four to five hundred militia and about sixty leg- 
 ular soldiers, under the command of Major "Wyllys and Colo 
 nel Harding, who were ordered to march back to the town. 
 On their first entrance there appeared a small body of In 
 dians, who immediately fled at the first onset, and by that 
 
92 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 means decoyed the whole body of the militia, by making their 
 flight in different directions and encouraging the militia to 
 pursue. By this stratagem the few regular troops were left 
 alone, and the Indians had effected their design ; for, the mo 
 ment they found the small handful of regular troops detached 
 from the main body of the militia, they commenced the attack 
 with their whole force, excepting the flying parties that had 
 divided tl^e militia ; and although they soon found some part 
 of the militia returning on their backs, pursued their object 
 of routing and destroying the troops as the only sure plan of 
 success, which, after a most bloody conflict on each side, they 
 effected. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages on this 
 occasion. The militia they appeared to despise, and, with all 
 the undauntedness conceivable, threw down their guns and 
 rushed upon the bayonets of the regular soldiers. A number 
 of them fell, but being so far superior in numbers the regu 
 lars were soon overpowered ; for, while the poor soldier had 
 his bayonet in one Indian, two more would sink their toma 
 hawks in his head. The defeat of the troops was complete ; 
 the dead and wounded were left on the field of action in pos 
 session of the savages. 
 
 The following is a copy of the official return of the killed 
 and wounded in the expedition : 
 
 Killed of the Federal Troops. 
 
 I major, 1 lieutenant, 73 rank and file ; total, 75. Wound 
 ed, 3 rank and file. 
 
 Killed of the Militia. 
 
 1 major, 3 captains, 2 lieutenants, 4 ensigns, 98 rank and 
 file ; total, 180. Wounded, 2 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 25 rank 
 and file; total, 28. 
 
 The regular troops, all but nine, including two commissioned 
 
EXPEDITION AND DEFEAT OF GEN. HARMER. 93 
 
 officers, were killed. Among the slain was Major Wyllys 
 and a number of brave and valuable soldiers. The Indians, 
 it appeared from some cause, did not think it prudent to pur 
 sue their successes from the field of action ; as most of the 
 troops that were not killed or badly wounded made their 
 escape, which they could not have effected -had the enemy 
 pursued with their usual fury. 
 
EXPEDITIONS OF GENERALS SC01T AND WIL 
 KINSON, IN MAY AND AUGUST, 1791. 
 
 GENERAL SCOTT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 SIR, In prosecution of the enterprise, I marched with 
 eight hundred and fifty troops under my command, four miles 
 from the banks of the Ohio, on the 23d of May ; and on the 
 24th I resumed my march and pushed forward with the ut 
 most industry, directing my route to Ouiattannan in the best 
 manner my guides and information enabled me, though I 
 found myself greatly deficient in both. 
 
 By the 31st I had marched one hundred and thirty-five 
 miles over a country cut by four large branches of White 
 River, and many smaller streams with steep, muddy banks. 
 During this march I traversed a -country alternately inter 
 spersed with the most luxurious soil and deep clayey bogs, 
 from one to five miles wide, rendered almost impervious by 
 brush and briers. Rain fell in torrents every day, with fre 
 quent blasts of wind and thunder storms. These obstacles 
 impeded my progress, wore down my horses, and destroyed 
 my provisions. 
 
 On the morning of the 1st instant, as the army entered 
 an extensive prairie, I perceived an Indian on horseback a 
 few miles to the right. I immediately made a detachment tc^. 
 intercept him ; but he escaped. Finding myself discovered, I 
 determined to advance with all the rapidity my circumstances 
 would permit, rather with the hope than the expectation of 
 reaching the object sought that day ; for my guides were 
 
EXPEDITIONS OF GENERALS SCOTT AND WILKINSON. 95 
 
 strangers to the country which I occupied. At one o'clock, 
 having marched by computation one hundred and fifty-five 
 miles from the Ohio, as I penetrated a grove which bordered 
 on an extensive prairie, I discovered two small villages to my 
 left, at two and four miles' distance. 
 
 My guides now recognized the ground, and informed me 
 that the main town was*four or five miles in front, be 
 hind a point of wood which jutted into the prairie. I imme 
 diately detached Colonel John Hardin with sixty mounted 
 infantry, and a troop of light horse under Captain M'Coy, 
 to attack the villages to the left, and moved on briskly with 
 my main body in order of battle towards tfce town, the smoke 
 of which was discernible. My guides were deceived with 
 respect to the situation of the town ; for, instead of standing at 
 the edge of the plain through which I marched, I found in 
 the low ground bordering on the Wabash, on turning the 
 point of woods, one house presented in my front. Captain 
 Price was ordered to assault that with forty men. He ex 
 ecuted the command with great gallantry, and killed two 
 warriors. 
 
 When I gained the summit of the eminence which over 
 looks the villages on the banks of the Wabash, I discovered 
 the enemy in great confusion, endeavoring to make their es-. 
 cape over the river in canoes. I instantly ordered Lieutenant 
 Colonel Commandant Wilkinson to rush forward with the 
 first battalion. The order was executed with promptitude, 
 and this detachment gained the bank of the river just as the 
 rear of the enemy had embarked ; and, regardless of a brisk 
 fire kept up from a Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they 
 in a few minutes, by a well-directed fire from their rifles, de 
 stroyed all the savages with which five canoes were crowded. 
 
 The enemy still kept possession of the Kickapoo town. 
 I determined to dislodge them, and for the purpose ordered 
 Captains King's and Logsdon's companies to march down 
 the rivej: below the town and cross, under the conduct of 
 
96 INDIAN NARRATIVES." 
 
 Major Barbee. Several of the .men swam the river, and 
 others passed in a small canoe. This movement was unob 
 served, and my men had taken post on the bank before they 
 were discovered by the enemy, who immediately abandoned 
 the village. About this time word was brought me that Colo 
 nel Hardin was encumbered with prisoners, and had discov 
 ered a stronger village, farther to^my left, than those I had 
 observed, which he was proceeding to attack. I immediately 
 detached Captain Brown, with his company, to support the 
 colonel ; but the distance being six miles, before the captain 
 arrived the business was done, and Colonel Hardin joined me 
 little before sunset, having killed six warriors and taken fifty- 
 two prisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior who discovered me 
 in the morning, had gained the main town and given the 
 alarm a short time before me ; but the villages to the left were 
 uninformed of my approach, and had no retreat. The next 
 morning I determined to detach my lieutenant colonel com 
 mandant with five hundred men to destroy the important town 
 of Kethlipecanunk, at the mouth of the Eel River, eighteen 
 miles from my camp, and on the west side of Wabash. But 
 on examination I discovered my men and horses to be crippled 
 and worn down by a long, laborious march, and the active 
 exertions of the preceding day ; that three hundred and sixty 
 men only could be found in capacity to undertake the enter 
 prise, and they prepared to march on foot. 
 
 Colonel Wilkinson marched with this detachment at half 
 past five in the evening, and returned to my camp the next 
 day at one o'clock, having marched thirty-six miles in twelve 
 hours, , and destroyed the most important settlement of the 
 enemy in that quarter of the federal territory. 
 
 The following is Colonel Wilkinson's report respecting the 
 enterprise : 
 
 SIR, The detachment under my command, destined to 
 attack the village Kethlipecanunk, was put in motion at half 
 
EXPEDITIONS OP GENERALS SCOTT AND WILKINSON. 97 
 
 past five o'clock last evening. Knowing that an enemy, whose 
 chief dependence is in his dexterity as a marksman, and 
 alerfciess in covering himself behind trees, stumps, and other 
 impediments to fair sight, would not hazard an action in the 
 night, I determined to pusjj. my march until I approached the 
 vicinity of the villages where I knew the country to be cham 
 paign. I gained my point without a halt twenty minutes be 
 fore eleven o'clock, lay upon my arms until four o'clock, and 
 half an hour after assaulted the town at all quarters. The 
 enemy was vigilant, gave way on my approach, and in canoes 
 crossed Eel Creek, which washed the north-east part of the 
 town ; that creek was. not fordable. My corps dashed forward 
 with the impetuosity becoming volunteers, and were saluted 
 by the enemy with a brisk fire from the opposite side of the 
 creek. Dauntless they rushed on to the water's edge, and, 
 finding the river impassable, returned a volley which so galled 
 and disconcerted their antagonists that they threw awa^ their 
 fire without effect. In five minutes the Indians were driven 
 from their covering and fled with precipitation. I have three 
 men slightly wounded. At half past five the town was in 
 flames, and at six o'clock I commenced my retreat. 
 I am, sir, yours, &c., 
 
 JAMES WILKINSON, 
 Brigadier General Scott. 
 
 Many of the inhabitants of Kethlipecanunk were Frencn, 
 and lived in a state of civilization. Misunderstanding the 
 object of a white ffog, which appeared on an eminence oppo 
 site to me in the afternoon of the first, I liberated an aged 
 squaw, and sent with her a message to the savages, that, if they 
 would come in and surrender, their towns should be spared 
 and they should receive good treatment. It was afterwards 
 found that this white flag was not intended as a signal of par 
 ley, but was placed there to mark the spot where a person of 
 distinction among the Indians, who had died some time before, 
 9 
 
98 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 was interred, On the 4th I determined to discharge sixteen 
 of the weakest and most infirm of my prisoners with a talk 
 to the "Wabash tribes, a copy of which follows. My moires 
 to this measure were, to rid the army of a heavy encumbrance, 
 to 'gratify the impulses of humanity, to increase the panic my 
 operations had produced, and, by distracting the council of 
 the enemy, to favor the views of government. 
 
 On the same day, after having burned the towns and ad 
 jacent villages and destroyed the growing corn and pulse, I 
 began my march for the rapids of Ohio, where I arrived the 
 14th, without the loss of a single man by the enemy, and five 
 only wounded, having killed thirty-two, chiefly warriors of 
 size and figure, and taken fifty-eight prisoners. 
 
 To the various Tribes of the Peankashaws and all the Nations 
 of Red People living on the Waters of the Wabash River. 
 
 The sovereign council of the thirteen United States, hav 
 ing long patiently borne your depredations against their set 
 tlements on this side of the great mountains, in hopes that 
 you would see your error and correct it, by entering into 
 bonds of amity and lasting peace, moved by compassion, 
 and pitying your misguided councils, have not unfrequent- 
 ly addressed you on this subject, but without effect. At 
 length their patience is exhausted, and they have stretched 
 forth the arm of power against you. Their mighty sons and 
 chief warriors have at length taken up the hatchet; they 
 have penetrated far into your country, to meet your warriors 
 and punish them for their transgressions. But you fled before 
 them and decline the battle, leaving your wives and children 
 to their mercy. They have destroyed your old town, Ouiat- 
 tanau, and the neighboring villages, and have taken many 
 prisoners. Resting here two days, to give you time to collect 
 
EXPEDITIONS OF GENERALS SCOTT AND WILKINSON. 99 
 
 your strength, they have proceeded to your town of Kethli- 
 pecanunk ; but you again fled before them ; and that great 
 town has been destroyed. After giving you this evidence of 
 their power they have stopped their ha*nds, because they are 
 as merciful as strong ; and they again indulge the hope that 
 you will come to a sense of your true interest, and determine 
 to make a lasting peace with them and all their children for 
 ever. The United States have no desire to destroy the red 
 people, although they have^ the power to do it ; but should 
 you decline this invitation and pursue your unprovoked hos 
 tilities, their strength will again be exerted against you, your 
 warriors will be slaughtered, your wives and children carried 
 into captivity ; and you may be assured that those who escape 
 the fury of our mighty chiefs shall find no resting-place on 
 this side the great lakes. The warriors of the United States 
 wish not to distress or destroy women and children or old 
 men ; and although policy obliges them to retain some in cap 
 tivity, yet compassion and humanity have induced them to 
 set others at liberty, who will deliver you this talk. Those 
 who are carried off will be left in the care of our great chief 
 and warrior General St. Clair, near the mouth of the Miami 
 and opposite to the Licking River, where they will be treated 
 with humanity and tenderness. If you wish to recover them, 
 repair to that place by the first day of July next. Determine 
 with true hearts to bury the hatchet and smoke the pipe of 
 peace : they will then be restored to you, and you may again, 
 set down in security at your old towns, and live in peace and 
 happiness, unmolested by the people of the United States, 
 who will become your friends and protectors, and will be 
 ready to furnish you with all the necessaries you may require. 
 But should you foolishly persist in your warfare, the sons of 
 war will be let loose against you, and the hatchet will never 
 be buried until your country is desolated and your people 
 humbled to the dust. 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES SCOTT, Brig. Gen. 
 
GENERAL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 GENERAL WILKINSON TO GOVERNOR ST. CLAIR. 
 
 " SIR, Having carried into complete effect the enterprise 
 which you were pleased to direct against L'Anguille, and 
 having done the savages every other damage on the Wabash 
 to which I conceived my force adequate, I embrace the first 
 moment's recess from active duty to detail to your excellency 
 the operations of the expedition intrusted to my command. 
 
 I left the neighborhood of Fort Washington on the 1st 
 instant at one o'clock, and, agreeably to my original plan, 
 feinted boldly at the Miami villages by the most direct course 
 the nature of the ground over which I had to march would 
 permit. I persevered in this plan until the morning of the 
 4th instant, and thereby avoided the hunting ground of the 
 enemy and the paths which led direct from White River to 
 the Wabash, leaving the head waters of the first to my left. 
 I then, being about seventy miles advanced of Fort Wash 
 ington, turned north-west. I made no discovery until the 5th, 
 about nine o'clock, A. M., when I crossed three much fre 
 quented paths within two miles of each other, and all bearing 
 east of north. My guides were urgent for me to follow these 
 paths, which betrayed their ignorance of the country, and 
 convinced me I had to depend on my own judgment only. 
 In the afternoon of that day I was obliged to cross a deep 
 bog, which injured several of my horses exceedingly, and a 
 few miles beyond I struck a path, bearing north by west, 
 marked by the Tecent footsteps of five or six savages. My 
 
GENERAL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 101 
 
 guides renewed their application to me to follow this path ; 
 but I pursued my own course. I had not got clear of my 
 encampment next morning before my advance reported an 
 impassable bog in my front, extending several miles on either 
 hand ; and the guides asserted that the whole country to the 
 "Wabash was cut by such bogs, and that it would be impossi 
 ble for me to proceed unless I followed the Indian paths, 
 which avoided these bogs, or led through them at places where 
 they were least difficult. Although I had little regard to this 
 information, as delay was dangerous, and every thing depend 
 ed on the preservation of my horses, I determined to return 
 to the right and fall into the path I had passed the evening 
 before, which varied in its course from north by west to north 
 east. The country had now become pondy in every direc 
 tion. I therefore resolved to pursue this path until noon, in 
 the hope that it would conduct me to better ground, or to 
 some devious trace, which might lead to the object sought. 
 
 At seven o'clock I crossed an east branch of the Calumet 
 River about forty yards wide, and about noon my advance 
 guard fired on a small party of warriors and took a prisoner ; 
 the rest ran off to the eastward. I halted about a mile be 
 yond the spot where this affair happened, and, on examining 
 the prisoner, found him to be a Delaware, living near the site 
 of the late Miami village, which, he informed, was about 
 thirty miles distant. I immediately retrograded four miles, 
 and filed off by the right over some rising ground, which I 
 had observed between the east branch of the Calumet River 
 and a creek four or five miles in advance of it, taking my course 
 north, sixty degrees west. This measure fortunately extri 
 cated me from the bogs and ponds, and soon placed me on 
 firm ground. Late in the afternoon I crossed one path run 
 ning from north to south, and. shortly after fell in with anoth 
 er varying from north-west to north. I pursued this about 
 two miles, when I encamped ; but, finding it still inclining 
 northward, I determined to abandon it in the morning! I 
 9* 
 
102 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 resumed my march on the 6th at four o'clock. The Calumet 
 being to the westward of me, I was fearful I should strike 
 the "Wabash too high up, and, perhaps, fall in with the small 
 town, which you mentioned to me, at the mouth of the forme* 
 river. I therefore steered a due west course, and at six 
 o'clock A. M. crossed a road much used both by horse 
 and foot, bearing due north. I now knew that I was near 
 a Shawanese village, generally supposed to be on the waters 
 of White River, but actually on the waters of the Calumet, 
 and was sensible that every thing depended on the celerity 
 and silence of my movements, as my real object had become 
 manifest. I therefore pushed my march vigorously, leaving 
 an officer and twenty men in ambush to. watch the road, in 
 order to intercept or beat off any party of the enemy which 
 might casually be passing that way, and thereby prevent, as 
 long as possible, the discovery of my real intentions. 
 
 At eight o'clock I crossed Calumet River, now eighty yards 
 wide, and running down north north-west. I was now sensi 
 ble from my reckoning, compared with my own observations 
 during the late expedition under General Scott and the in 
 formation received from your excellency and others, that I 
 could not be very fai^from L'Anguille. The party left at the 
 road soon fell in with four warriors encamped half a mile 
 from the right of my line of march, killed one, and drove off 
 the others to the northward. My situation had now become 
 extremely critical ; the whole country to the north being in 
 alarm, which made me greatly anxious to continue my march 
 during the night : but I had no path to direct me, and it was 
 impossible for me to keep my course, or for horsemen to 
 march through a thick, swampy country in utter darkness. I 
 quitted my camp on the 7th as soon as I could see my way ; 
 crossed one path at three miles' distance, bearing north-east ; 
 and at seven miles fell into another very much used, bearing 
 north-west by north, which I at once adopted as the direct route 
 to my object, and pushed forward with the utmost despatch- I 
 
GENERAL WILKINSON'S- EXPEDITION 103 
 
 halted at twelve o'clock to refresh the horses and examine 
 the men's arms and ammunition, marched again at half past 
 one, and at* fifteen minutes before five struck the Wabash 
 at one and a half leagues above the mouth of Eel River, 
 being the very spot for which I had aimed from the com 
 mencement of my march. I crossed the river, and, following 
 the path a north by east course, at the distance of two and a 
 half miles my reconnoitring party announced Eel River in . 
 front and the town on the opposite bank. I dismounted, ran 
 forward, and examined the situation of the town as far as 
 was practicable without exposing myself; but the whole face 
 of the country, from the Wabash to the margin of Eel River, 
 being a continued thicket of brambles, blackjacks, weeds, and 
 shrubs of various kinds, it was impossible for me to get a 
 satisfactory view without endangering a discovery. I imme 
 diately determined to post two companies near the bank of 
 the river opposite to the town and above the ground I then 
 occupied, to make a detour with Major Caldwell and the 
 second battalion until I fell into the Miami trace, and by that 
 route to cross the river above and gain the rear of the town, 
 and to leave directions with Major M'Dowell, who commanded 
 the first battalion, to lie perdu until I commenced the attack ; 
 then to dash through the river with his corps and the ad 
 vanced guard and assault the house in front and upon the left. 
 In the moment I was about to put this arrangement into 
 execution, word was brought me that the enemy had taken 
 the alarm and were flying, I ^instantly ordered a general 
 charge, which was obeyed with alacrity : the men, forcing their 
 way over every obstacle, plunged through the river with vast 
 intrepidity. The enemy was unable to make the smallest re 
 sistance. Six warriors, and, in the hurry and confusion of 
 the charge, two squaws and a child, were killed ; thirty -four 
 prisoners were taken, and an unfortunate captive released ; 
 with the loss of two men killed and one wounded. I found 
 this town scattered along Eel River for full three miles, ou 
 
104 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 an uneven, shrubby, oak barren, intersected alternately by 
 bogs almost impassable and impervious thickets of plum and 
 hazel. Notwithstanding these difficulties, if T may credit 
 the report of the prisoners, very few who were in town es 
 caped : expecting a second expedition, their goods were gen 
 erally packed up or buried. Sixty warriors had crossed the 
 "Wabash to watch the paths leading from the Ohio. The 
 head chief, with all the prisoners and a number of families, 
 was out digging a root, which they substitute in the place of 
 the potato ; and about one hour before my arrival, all the 
 warriors except eight had mounted their horses and rode up 
 the river to a French store to purchase ammunition. This 
 ammunition had arrived from the Miami village that very 
 day, and the squaws informed me was stored aboat two miles 
 from town. I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it ; but he 
 failed to make any discovery, although he scoured the coun 
 try for seven or eight miles up the river. I encamped in the 
 town that night, and the next morning I cut up the corn 
 scarcely in the milk, burned the cabins, mounted my young 
 warriors, squaws, and children in the best manner in my pow 
 er, and, leaving two infirm squaws and a child with a short 
 talk, (which will be found annexed,) I commenced my march 
 for the Kickapoo town in the prairie. I felt my prisoners a 
 vast encumbrance ; but I was not in force to justify a detach 
 ment, having barely five hundred and twenty-three rank and 
 file, and being then in the bosom of the Ouiattanau country, 
 one hundred and eighty miles removed from succor, and not 
 more than one and a half days' forced march from the Patta- 
 wamees, Shawanese, and Delawares. 
 
 Not being able to discover any path in the direct course to 
 the Kickapoo town, I marched by the road leading to Tippe- 
 canoe, in the hope of finding some diverting trace which 
 might favor my design. I encamped that evening about six 
 miles from Kenapacomaque, the Indian name for the town I 
 had destroyed, and marched the next morning at four o'clock 
 
GENERAL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 105 
 
 My course continued west till about nine o'clock, when I 
 turned to the north-west on a small hunting path, and at a 
 short distance launched into the boundless prairies of the 
 west, with the intention to pursue that course until I should 
 strike a road which leads from the Pattawamees of Lake 
 Michigan immediately to the town I sought. "With this view 
 I pushed forward through bog after bog, to the saddle skirts, 
 in mud and water, and after persevering for eight hours I 
 found myself environed on all sides with morasses which for 
 bade my advancing, and at the same time rendered it difficult 
 for me to extricate my little army. The way by which we 
 had entered was so much beat and softened by the horses that 
 it was almost impossible to return by that route, and my guides 
 pronounced the morass in front impassable. A chain of thin 
 groves extending in the direction to the Wabash at this time 
 presented to my left ; it was necessary I should gain these 
 groves, and for this purpose I dismounted, went forward, and, 
 leading my horse through a bog to the armpits in mud and 
 water, with difficulty and fatigue I accomplished my object, 
 and, changing my course to south by west, regained the Tip- 
 pecanoe road at five o'clock, and encamped on it at seven 
 o'clock, after a march of thirty miles, which broke down sev 
 eral of my horses. 
 
 I am the more minute in detailing the occurrences of this 
 day, because they produced the most unfavorable effect. I 
 was in motion at four next morning ; and at eight o'clock my 
 advanced guard made some discoveries, which induced me to 
 believe we were near an Indian village. I immediately 
 pushed that body forward in a trot, and followed with Majoi 
 Caldwell and the second battalion, leaving Major M'Dowell 
 to take charge of the prisoners. I reached Tippecanoe at 
 twelve o'clock, which had been occupied by the enemy, who 
 watched my motions and abandoned the place that morning. 
 After the destruction of this town in June last, the enemy had 
 returned and cultivated their corn and pulse, which I found 
 
106 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Vi high perfection and in much greater quantity than at 
 L'Anguille. To refresh my horses and give time "to cut down 
 the corn, I determined to halt until the next morning, and then 
 resume my march to the Kickapoo town in the prairie by the 
 road which leads from Ouiattanau to that place. In the 
 course of the day I had discovered some murmurings and 
 discontent among the men, which I found, on inquiry, to pro 
 ceed from their reluctance to advance into the enemy's coun 
 try. This induced me to call for a &tate of the horses and 
 provisions, when to my great mortification two hundred and 
 seventy horses were returned lame i nd tired, with barely five 
 days' provision for the men. 
 
 Under these circumstances I was compelled to abandon my 
 designs upon the Kickapoos of the prairie , and, with a degree 
 of anguish not to be cpmprehended but by those who have 
 experienced similar disappointments, I marched forward to a 
 town of the same nation, situate about three leagues west of 
 Ouiattanau. As I advanced to the town the enemy made 
 some show of fighting me, but vanished at my approach. I 
 destroyed this town, consisting of thirty houses, with a con 
 siderable quantity of corn in the milk ; and the same day I 
 moved on to Ouiattanau, where I forded the Wabash, and 
 proceeded to the site of the villages on the margin of the 
 prairie, where I encamped at seven o'clock. At this town 
 and the villages destroyed by General Scott in June we found 
 the corn had been replanted and was now in high cultivation ; 
 several fields being well ploughed, all which we destroyed. 
 On the 12th I resumed my march, and, falling into General 
 Scott's return trace, I arrived without material accident at the 
 rapids of the Ohio on the 21st instant, after a march, by accu 
 rate computation, of four hundred and fifty-one miles from 
 Fort Washington. . 
 
 The services which I have been able to render fall short 
 of my wishes, my intention, and expectation. But, sir, when 
 you reflect on the causes which checked my career and 
 
GENERAL WILKINSON'S EXPEDITION. 107 
 
 blasted my designs, I flatter myself you will believe every 
 thing has been done which could be done in my circumstances. 
 I have destroyed the chief town of the Ouiattanau nation, 
 and made prisoners the sons and sisters of the king. I have 
 burned a respectable Kickapoo village, and cut down at least 
 four hundred and thirty acres of corn chiefly in the milk. 
 The Ouiattanaus left without horses, home, or provision, must 
 cease to war, and will find active employ to subsist their 
 squaws and children during the impending winter. 
 
 Should these services secure to the country which I imme 
 diately represented, and the corps which I had the honor to 
 command, the favorable consideration of government, I shall 
 infer the approbation of my own conduct, which, added to a 
 consciousness of having done my duty, will constitute the rich 
 est reward I can enjoy. 
 
 With the most perfect respect, I have the honor to be your 
 excellency's obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 JAMES WILKINSON. 
 
 Governor St. Clair. 
 
 A Talk from Colonel Wilkinson to the Indian Nations living 
 on the River Wabash. 
 
 The arms of the United States are again exerted against 
 you, and again your towns are in flames, and your wives and 
 children made captives. Again you are cautioned to listen to 
 the voice of reason, to sue for peace, and submit to the pro 
 tection of the United States, who are willing to become your 
 friends and fathers ; but, at the same time, are determined to 
 punish you for every injury you may offer to their children. 
 Regard not those evil counsellors who, to secure to them 
 selves the benefits of your trade, advise you to measures 
 which involve you, your women, and children in trouble and 
 distress. The United States wish to give you peace, because 
 
108 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 it is good in the eyes of the Great Spirit that all his children 
 should unite and live like brothers ; but if you foolishly pre 
 fer war, their warriors are ready to meet you in battle, and 
 will not be the first to lay down the hatchet. You may find 
 your squaws and your children under the protection of our 
 great chief and warrior General St. Clair, at Fort Wash 
 ington ; to him you will make all applications for an exchange 
 of prisoners or for peace. 
 
 JAMES WILKINSON. 
 
DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR BY THE 
 INDIANS, 1791. ' 
 
 GENERAL ST. CLAIR TO THE SECRETARY OP WAR. 
 
 FORT WASHINGTON, November 9, 1791. 
 
 SIR, Yesterday afternoon the remains of the army under 
 my command got back to this place ; and I have now the pain 
 ful task to give an account of as warm and as unfortunate an 
 action as almost any that has been fought, in which every 
 corps was engaged and worsted except the first regiment, that 
 had been detached upon a service I had the honor to inform 
 you of in my last despatch, and had not joined me. 
 
 On the 3d instant the army had reached a creek about 
 twelve yards wide, running to the southward of west, which I 
 believe to have been the River St. Mary, that empties into 
 the Miami of the lake, arrived at the village about four o'clock 
 in the afternoon, having marched near nine miles, and were 
 immediately encamped upon a very commanding piece of 
 ground in two lines, having the above-mentioned creek in 
 front. The right wing, composed of Butler's, Clarke's, and 
 Patterson's battalions, commanded by Major General Butler, 
 formed the first line ; and the left wing, consisting of Bedin- 
 ger's and Gaither's battalions and the second regiment, com 
 manded by Colonel Drake, formed the second line, with an 
 interval between them of about seventy yards, which was all 
 the ground would allow. 
 
 The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek, a 
 
 10 (109) 
 
110 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 steep bank, and Faulkener's corps : some of the cavalry and 
 their pickets covered the left flank. The militia were thrown 
 over the creek, and advanced about one quarter of a mile, and 
 encamped in the same order. There were a few Indians who 
 appeared on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the 
 utmost precipitation on the advance of the militia. At this 
 place, which I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami 
 village, I had determined to throw up a slight work, the plan 
 of which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson, 
 wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks and every 
 thing else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have 
 moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment 
 was come up. But they did not permit me to execute either ; 
 for on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when 
 the men had been just dismissed from the parade, for it was 
 a constant practice to have them all under arms a consider 
 able time before light, an attack was made upon the militia. 
 Those gave way in a very little time, and rushed into camp 
 through Major Butler's battalion, which, together with part 
 of Clarke's, they threw into considerable disorder, and which, 
 notwithstanding the exertions of both these officers, was never 
 altogether remedied : the Indians followed close at their heels. 
 The fire, however, of the front line checked them ; but almost 
 instantaneously a very heavy attack began upon that line, 
 and in a few minutes it was extended to the second likewise. 
 The great weight of it was directed against the centre of 
 each, where the artillery was placed, and from which the men 
 were repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no 
 great effect from the fire, and confusion beginning to spread 
 from the great number of men who were fallen in all quar 
 ters, it became necessary to try what could be done by the 
 bayonet. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Drake was accordingly ordered to make 
 a charge with a part of the second line and to turn the left 
 
DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR. Ill 
 
 flank of the enemy. This was executed with great spirit. 
 The Indians instantly gave way, and were driven back three 
 or four hundred yards ; but, for want of a sufficient number 
 of riflemen to pursue this advantage, they soon returned, and 
 the troops were obliged to give back in their turn. At this 
 moment they had entered our camp by the left flank, having 
 pursued back the troops that were posted there. 
 
 Another charge was made here by the second regiment, 
 Butler's and Clarke's battalions, with equal effect ; and it was 
 repeated several times, and always with .success. But in all 
 of them many men were lost, and particularly the officers, 
 which, with some raw troops, was a loss altogether irremedi 
 able. In that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment 
 and Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously wounded, 
 and every officer of the second regiment fell except three, 
 one of Which, Captain Greaton, was shot through the body. 
 
 Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed 
 except Captain Ford, who was badly wounded, more than 
 half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it be 
 came necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make a 
 retreat, if possible. To this purpose the remains of the army 
 were formed, as well as circumstances would admit, towards 
 the right of the encampment ; from which, by the way of the 
 second line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if 
 with the design to turn their right flank, but, in fact, to gain 
 the road. ' This was effected ; and as soon as it was open the 
 militia took along it, followed by the troops, Major Clarke with 
 his battalion covering the rear. 
 
 The retreat in those circumstances was, you may be sure, 
 a precipitate one ; it was, in fact, a flight. The camp and 
 the artillery were abandoned ; but that was unavoidable, for 
 not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off had it other 
 wise been practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the 
 business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away 
 
112 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which 
 continued about four miles, had ceased. 
 
 I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but 
 was not able to remedy it ; for, having had all my horses killed, 
 and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of 
 a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent 
 forward, either to halt the front or prevent the men from 
 parting with their arms, were unattended to. 
 
 The route continued quite to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine 
 miles, which was reached a little after sunsetting. The action 
 began about half an hour before sunrise, and the retreat was 
 attempted at half an hour after nine o'clock. 
 
 I have not yet been able to get returns of the killed and 
 wounded. But Major General Butler, Lieutenant Colonel 
 Oldham, of the militia, Major Ferguson, Major Hart, and 
 Major Clarke are among the former. 
 
 I have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale a tale that 
 will be felt, sensibly felt, by every one that has sympathy for 
 private distress or for public misfortune. I have nothing, 
 sir, to say to the charge of the troops but their want of dis 
 cipline, which, from the short time they had been in service, 
 it was impossible they should have acquired, and which ren 
 dered it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, 
 to reduce them again to order ; and is one reason why the 
 loss has fallen so heavy upon the officers, who did every thing 
 in their power to effect it. Neither were my own exertions 
 wanting ; but worn down with illness, and suffering under a 
 painful disease, unable either to mount or dismount a horse 
 without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise 
 would, or perhaps ought to have been. 
 
 We were overpowered by numbers. But it is no more 
 than justice to observe, that, though composed of so many 
 different species of troops, the utmost harmony prevailed 
 through the whole army during the campaign. 
 
DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR. 113 
 
 At Fort Jefferson I found the firsf regiment, which had 
 returned from the service they had been sent upon with 
 out either overtaking the deserters or meeting the convoy 
 of provisions. I am not certain, sir, whether I ought to con 
 sider the absenca of this regiment from the field of action as 
 fortunate or otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate ; 
 for I very much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the 
 fortune of the day had been turned ; and if it had not, the 
 triumph of the enemy would have been more complete, and 
 the country would have been destitute of every means of 
 defence. 
 
 Taking a view of the situation of our broken troops at 
 Fort Jefferson, and that there were no provisions in the fort, 1 
 called on the field officers for their advice what would be 
 proper further to be done ; and it was their unanimous opin 
 ion that the addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, 
 did not put the army on so respectable a footing as it was in 
 the morning, because a great part of it was now unarmed ; 
 that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and should they 
 come on, which was probable, would be found so again ; 
 that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, both be 
 cause it was too small and that there was no provision in it ; 
 that provisions were known to be upon the road at the 
 distance of one, or at most two, marches ; that therefore it 
 would be proper to move without loss of time to meet the 
 provisions, when the men might have the sooner an opportu 
 nity of some refreshment ; and that a proper detachment might 
 be sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the fort. 
 
 This advice was accepted, and the army was put in motion 
 again at ten o'clock, and marched all night, and the' succeed 
 ing day met with a quantity of flour. Part of it was distributed 
 immediately, part taken back to supply the army on the march 
 to Fort Hamilton, and the remainder, about fifty horseloads, 
 sent forward -to Fort Jefferson. 
 
 I have said, sir, in the former part of my communication. 
 10*" 
 
114 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 that we were overpowered by numbers ; of that, however, I 
 have no other evidence but the weight of the fire, which was 
 always a most deadly one, and generally delivered from the 
 ground ; few of the enemy showing themselves on foot, except 
 when they were charged, and that in a few minutes our whole 
 camp, which extended above three hundred and fifty yards in 
 length, was entirely surrounded and attacked on all quarters. 
 
 The loss, sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many 
 officers, particularly General Butler and Major Ferguson, 
 cannot be too much regretted ; but it is a circumstance that 
 will alleviate the misfortune, in" some measure, that all of 
 them 'fell most gallantly doing their duty. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 
 
 Honorable secretary of war. 
 
 The defeat of General St. Clair took place within six miles 
 of the Miami village. The loss on this occasion was about 
 six hundred killed and wounded, (said to be nearly equal to 
 Braddock's defeat,) with seven pieces of artillery and all the 
 stores. General St. Clair had about twelve hundred men ; 
 had reason to expect an attack ; and kept his men under arms 
 all night, drawn up in a square. The attack commenced about 
 dawn of day on all the lines, but principally on the rear lines, 
 which were composed of the militia. The Indians gave one 
 fire and rushed on, tomahawk in hand. The mihjtia gave way 
 to the centre ; and before the artillery could be brought into 
 action the matrosses were all killed, and it fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. It was retaken ; but was useless, for want of 
 men to manage the pieces. 
 
 The action was continued obstinately until nine o'clock, 
 when the troops gave way. St. Clair rallied his men, and 
 brought them off in tolerable order, with most of the wounded. 
 
DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR. 115 
 
 to Fort Jefferson, thirty miles in the rear of the action. The 
 enemy pursued five miles. 
 
 The following is a copy of a return of the officers killed 
 and wounded in the engagement : 
 
 Killed. 1 major general, 1 lieutenant colonel, 4 majors, 
 11 captains, 10 lieutenants, 9 ensigns, 1 surgeon; total, 37. 
 
 Wounded. 2 lieutenant colonels, 1 major, 11 captains, 
 6 lieutenants, 6 ensigns, 1 surgeon ; total, 27. 
 
 Beside the above there were about five hundred and fifty 
 privates killed, and many more wounded. Few officers of 
 distinction escaped except General St. Clair, who had many 
 narrow escapes ; eight balls passed through his clothes. The 
 attack was conducted with astonishing intrepidity on the part 
 of the Indians. In a few moments the general's tent was 
 surrounded : however, he was rescued by a party of regular 
 soldiers, who repelled the enemy with fixed bayonets. There 
 was a party of the Chickasaw nation on their way to joit 
 General St. Clair, but did not arrive in season. There was 
 but one fellow only of that nation in the action, who killed 
 and scalped eleven of the enemy with his own hands, and 
 engaging with the twelfth he fell, greatly lamented by the 
 Americans. 
 
 Major General Butler was wounded and carried to a con 
 venient place to have his wounds dressed ; but an Indian, hav 
 ing discovered the place to which he was conveyed, broke 
 through the troops who attended him, and tomahawked and 
 scalped the former before he was killed by the troops. 
 
 Agreeably to the statement of the Indians, they killed six 
 hundred and fifty of the American troops, and took seven 
 pieces of cannon, two hundred oxen, and a great number of 
 horses, but no prisoners ; and that their loss was only fifty- 
 six warriors killed. They stated that they were four thousand 
 strong, and were commanded by one of the Missasago In* 
 
116 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 dians, who had been in the British service in the late war ; 
 that he planned and conducted the attack, which was even 
 contrary to the opinion of a majority of the chiefs ; and that, 
 after the Americans began their retreat, he told the Indians 
 they had killed enough, and that it was proper to give over 
 the pursuit, and return and enjoy the booty they had taken. 
 He was six feet in height, about forty-five years of age, of a 
 very sour, and morose countenance, and apparently very 
 crafty and subtle. His dress was Indian hose and moccasons, 
 a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs, a Euro 
 pean waistcoat and surtout : his head was bound with an Indian 
 cap, that hung half way down his back, and was almost entirely 
 filled with plated silver broaches to the number of more than 
 two hundred. He had two earrings to each ear j the upper 
 part of each was formed of three silver medals about the 
 size of a dollar ; the lower part was formed of quarter dol 
 lars, and fell more than twelve inches from his ear ; one 
 from each ear over his breast, the other over his back. He 
 had three very large nose jewels of silver that were curiously 
 painted. 
 
 The party of friendly Chickasaws, who were on their way 
 to join the American troops, arrived at Fort Jefferson two 
 days after the bloody action. They were commanded by 
 Piomingo, or the Mountain Leader. On their way they dis 
 covered that the troops had been defeated, but saw but one 
 of the enemy, who, mistaking Piomingo's party for some of 
 his own comrades, made up to them. He perceived his mis 
 take, but too late to retreat. He was accosted by Piomingo 
 with " Rascal, you have been killing white men." He en 
 deavored to exculpate himself; but Piomingo ordered two of 
 his warriors to expand his arms, and a third, an old man, 
 ("for," says Piomingo, "none of my young men shall dis 
 grace themselves so much as to kill a wretch like thee,") to 
 shoot him through the heart, which was accordingly executed : 
 they afterwards took off his scalp. 
 
DEFEAT OP GENERAL ST. GLAIR. 117 
 
 During Si. Glair's bloody engagement Adjutant Burgess 
 received two wounds, the second of which proved mortal. 
 After the receipt of the*first he continued to fight with distin- ' 
 guished gallantry ; the second unfortunately stopped his prog 
 ress. Faint with the loss of blood, he fell : a woman, who 
 attended him and was particularly attached to him, raised him 
 up, and, while supporting him in her arms, received a ball in 
 her breast, which put an immediate end to her existence. 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE 
 FRONTIERS IN 1791, 1792, AND 1793. 
 
 ON the 10th of December, 1791, as two men and three 
 boys were fishing on Floyd's fork of Salt River, they were 
 suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who killed the two 
 men and made prisoners of the boys. Soon after they lib 
 erated one of the lads, first presenting him with a tomahawk, 
 which they desired him to carry to his friends and inform 
 them what had become of his companions. 
 
 About the 20th a party of Indians attacked the house of a 
 Mr. Chenoweth, situated near the mouth of the Wabash : they 
 killed and scalped two of his children, and tomahawked and 
 scalped his wife, whom they left for dead. Mr. C., who had 
 his arm broken by the fire of the savages, with the remainder 
 of the family made his escape. A sick daughter, who was 
 confined to her chamber, and who, during the bloody affray, 
 had been forgotten by her father, remained ignorant of the 
 horrid massacre until the succeeding day ; when, no one of 
 the family coming to her assistance, she succeeded in crawling 
 down stairs, where she was inexpressibly shocked at the sight 
 of a beloved parent stretched upon the floor, almost lifeless, 
 and beside of whom lay the mangled bodies of her dear 
 brothers. Fortunately her unhappy father returned the 
 succeeding day to the house, and conveyed the two surviving 
 members of his family to the house of a friend, where they 
 finally recovered. 
 
 On the 24th a party of Indians attacked the dwelling house 
 of a Mr. John Merril, in Nelson county, Kentucky. Mr. 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS. 119 
 
 Merril, who was first alarmed by the barking of his dog, 
 hastened to the door to discover the cause, on opening ol 
 which he received the fire of the Indians, which broke his 
 right leg and arm. The Indians now attempted to enter the 
 house, but were prevented by the doors being immediately 
 closed and secured by Mrs. Merril and her daughter. The 
 Indians succeeded in hewing away a part of the door, through 
 which passage one of them attempted to enter ; but the heroic 
 mother, in the midst of her screaming children and groaning 
 husband, seized an axe and gave the ruffian a fatal blow; 
 after which she hauled him through the passage into the 
 house. The others, unconscious of the fate of their compan 
 ion, supposing that they had now nearly succeeded in their 
 object, rushed forward, four of whom Mrs. Merril in like 
 manner despatched before the others discovered their mistake. 
 The remaining Indians, after retiring for a few moments, re 
 turned and renewed their efforts to enter the house. Despair 
 ing of succeeding at the door, they got on the top of the house 
 and attempted to descend the chimney ; to prevent which Mr. 
 Merril directed his little son to empty upon the fire The con 
 tents of a feather bed, which had the desired effect, as the 
 smoke and heat caused thereby soon brought down rather 
 unexpectedly two of the enemy. Mr. Merril, exerting every 
 faculty at this critical moment, seized a billet of wood, with 
 which he soon despatched the two half-smothered Indians ; 
 while in the mean time his heroic wife was busily engaged in 
 defending the door against the efforts of the only remaining 
 one, whom she so severely wounded with an axe that he was 
 soon glad to retire. 
 
 A prisoner, who escaped from the enemy soon after the 
 transaction, informed that the wounded, savage above men 
 tioned was the only one that escaped of the party, which con 
 sisted of eight ; that on his return, being asked by the prison 
 er, " What news ? " he answered, " Bad news for poor Indian ; 
 me lose a son, me lose a brother : the squaws have taken the 
 breach clout, and fight worse than the Long Knives." 
 
120 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Copy of a Letter from a Gentleman in Marietta to his Frien* 
 in Washington. 
 
 MARIETTA, March 4, 1793. 
 
 About eight weeks since two brothers, by the name of 
 Johnson, one twelve the other nine years old, were playing 
 on the western bank of Short Creek, about twelve miles from 
 "Wheeling, skipping stones in the water. At a distance they 
 discovered two men, who appeared to be settlers, being dressed 
 with coats and hats. These men, to amuse and deceive the 
 children, as they even showed, engaged in the same sport, 
 advancing towards the boys, till by degrees they got so near 
 that the children discovered them to be Indians ; but it was 
 then too late to make their escape. The Indians seized and 
 carried them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire 
 and took up their lodgings for the night : their rifles and tom 
 ahawks they rested against a tree, and then laid down, each 
 Indian with a boy on his arm. The children, as may be sup 
 posed, kept awake.. The oldest began to move, and, finding 
 his Indian sound asleep, by degrees disengaged himself and 
 went to the fire, which had then got low, and stirred it up. 
 The Indian not waking, he whispered to his brother, who 
 likewise crept away, and both of them went to the fire. The 
 oldest boy then observed to his brother, " I think we can kill 
 these Indians and get away from them." The youngest agreed 
 in the proposal of attempting it. The oldest then took one 
 of the rifles, and placed the muzzle, which he rested on a 
 small stick that he found for the purpose, close to the head 
 of one of the Indians, and, committing the execution of this 
 part of the business to his brother, ordered him to pull the 
 trigger at the moment he saw him strike the other Indian 
 with one of the tomahawks. The oldest gave the signal ; the 
 youngest pulled trigger. The rifle shot away the lower part 
 of the Indian's face and left him senseless. He then told his 
 
DEPREDATIONS OP THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS. 121 
 
 brother to lay on, for he had done for his ; after which he 
 snatehed up the gun and ran. The boy with the tomahawk 
 gave the stroke with the wrong end : the Indian started on 
 his seat : the boy found the mistake, and, turning the toma 
 hawk in his hand, gave him another blow, which brought him 
 to the ground : he repeated his strokes until he had despatched 
 him, and then made the best of his way after his brother. 
 When the boys had found the path which they recollected to 
 have travelled before, the oldest fixed his hat on a bush, as a 
 directory to find the scene of action the next day. The tom 
 ahawked Indian was found near the place where the boys 
 had left him. The other was not there, but was tracked by 
 his blood, and although so weakened by his wounds that he 
 could not raise his rifle to fire at his pursuers, the whites, they 
 suffered him to escape : but it is supposed he must have died 
 rof his wounds. These two Indians were sent out to reconnoi 
 tre the best place for an attack, which was to have been made 
 by a body of warriors waiting in the neighborhood. 
 11 
 
DEFEAT OF THE INDIAN* BY GENERAL WAYNE, 
 AUGUST 20, 1794. 
 
 GENERAL WAYNE TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 SIR, It is with infinite pleasure that I announce to you 
 the brilliant success of the federal army under my command, 
 in a general action with the combined force of the hostile In 
 dians, and a considerable number of the volunteers and militia 
 of Detroit, on the 20th of August, on the banks of the Miamis, , 
 in the vicinity of the British post and garrison at the foot of 
 the Rapids. 
 
 The army advanced from Fort Washington on the 15th, 
 and arrived at Roach de Bout on the 18th; and the 19th we 
 were employed in making a temporary post for the reception 
 of our stores and baggage, and in reconnoitring the position 
 of the enemy, who were encamped behind a thick bushy wood 
 and the British fort. 
 
 At eight o'clock on the morning of the 20th the army again 
 advanced in columns agreeably to the standing order of the 
 march, the legion on the right, its right flank covered by the 
 Miamis ; one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, 
 under Brigadier General Todd, and the other in the rear, 
 under Brigadier General Barbee. A select battalion of 
 mounted volunteers moved in front of the legation, com 
 manded by Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently 
 advanced, and to give timely notice for the troops to form in 
 case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians 
 would decide for peace or war. 
 
 (J3S) 
 
DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS BY GENERAL WAYNE. 123 
 
 After advancing about five miles, Major Price's corps re 
 ceived so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in 
 the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. 
 
 The legion was immediately formed in two lines, princi 
 pally in a close, thick wood, which extended for miles on our 
 left and for a very considerable distance in front, the ground 
 being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by 
 a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to 
 act with effect, and afforded the enemy the most favorable 
 covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed 
 in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, and 
 extending for near two miles at right angles with the river. 
 I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and extent of 
 their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in pos 
 session of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our 
 left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to ad 
 vance to support the first, and directed Major General Scott 
 to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the whole 
 of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route. At the 
 same time I ordered the front line to advance and charge with 
 trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the 
 point of the bayonet, and, when up, to deliver a close and 
 well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, 
 so as not to give them time to load again or to form their lines. 
 
 I also ordered Captain M. Campbell, who commanded the 
 legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the -enemy next the 
 river, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act 
 in. All those orders were obeyed with spirit arid promptitude ; 
 but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line 
 of infantry that the Indians and Canadian militia and volun 
 teers weredriven from all their coverts, in so short a time, 
 that, although every possible exertion was used by the officers 
 of the second line of the legion, and by Generals Scott, Wood, 
 and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper 
 positions, but part of each could get up in season to participate 
 
124 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 in the action ; the enemy being driven in the course of one 
 hour more than two miles through the thick woods already 
 mentioned by less than one. half their number. 
 
 From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand 
 combatants ; the troops actually engaged against them were 
 short of nine hundred. This horde . of savages, with their 
 allies, abandoned themselves to flight and dispersed with ter 
 ror and dismay, leaving our victorious army in lull and quiet 
 possession of the field of battle, which terminated under tl^e- 
 influence of the guns of the British garrison. 
 
 The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the 
 army, from the generals down to the ensigns, merit my ap 
 probation. 
 
 Lieutenant Covington,' upon whom the command of the 
 cavalry devolved, Captain Campbell being killed, cut down 
 two savages with his own hand, and Lieutenant Webb one, in 
 turning the enemy's left flank. 
 
 The wounds received by Captains Slough, Prior, Van Ran- 
 selaer, and Rawlins, and Lieutenants M'Kenny and Smith, 
 bear honorable testimony of their bravery and conduct. In 
 fact, every officer and soldier who had an opportunity to come 
 into action displayed that true bravery which will always 
 insure success. And here permit me to declare that I have 
 never discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action than 
 appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers ; 
 and I am well persuaded, that, had the enemy maintained 
 their favorite ground for one half hour longer, they would 
 have most severely felt the prowess of that corps. 
 
 But whilst I pay this just tribute to the living, I must not 
 neglect the gallant dead, among whom we have to lament the 
 early death of those worthy and brave officers, Cap'tain Camp 
 bell and Lieutenant Towles, who fell in the first charge. 
 
 The loss of the enemy was more than double to that of the 
 federal army. The woods were strewed for a considerable 
 distance with dead bodies of Indians and their white auxiliaries. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS BY GENERAL WAYNE. 125 
 
 the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets. We 
 remained three days and nights on the banks of the Miamis, 
 in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses 
 and cornfields were consumed and destroyed for a consider 
 able distance above and below the garrison, among which 
 were the houses, stores, and property of Colonel M'Kee, the 
 British Indian agent and principal stimulator of the war now 
 existing between the United States and the savages. 
 
 The army returned to head quarters on the 27th by easy 
 marches, laying waste the villages and cornfields for about 
 fifty miles on each side of the Miamis. It is not improbable 
 but that the enemy may make one desperate effort against the 
 army, as it is said a reenforcement was hourly expected at 
 Fort Miamis from Niagara, as well as numerous tribes of In 
 dians living on the margins and islands of the lakes. This 
 is an event rather to be wished for than dreaded whilst the 
 army remains in force ; their numbers will only tend to con 
 fuse the savages, and the victory will be the more complete 
 and decisive, and may eventually insure a permanent and 
 happy peace. 
 
 The following is a return of the killed and wounded and 
 missing of the federal army in the late action, to wit : 
 
 Killed. 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 3 sergeants, 28 privates ; 
 total, 33. 
 
 Wounded. 4 captains, 2 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 
 3 corporals, 2 musicians, 84 privates ; total, 100. 
 
 I have the honor to be your most obedient and very humble 
 servant, 
 
 ANTHONY WAYNE. 
 To the secretary of war. 
 
 The following circumstances, which took place previous to 
 and during General Wayne's engagement, are worthy of 
 record. 
 
 11* 
 
126 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 At the instant Captain Campbell was ^attempting to turn 
 the left flank of the enemy, three of them plunged into the 
 river. Two friendly negroes, being on the opposite side and 
 observing the Indians making for the shore, placed them 
 selves on the bank behind a log, and, as soon as the Indians 
 approached within shot, one of the negroes fired and killed 
 one of the Indians. The other two got hold of him to drag 
 him out, when the other negro fired and killed another. The 
 remaining Indian got hold of both those dead to pull them 
 ashore ; when the negro who killed the first, having again re 
 loaded, fired and killed the third, and they all floated down 
 the river. 
 
 Another circumstance is also related ; viz., a soldier, soon 
 after the conclusion of the action, proceeding some distance 
 from the camp, met an Indian. They attacked each other, the. 
 soldier with his bayonet and the Indian with his tomahawk. 
 Some of the soldiers passing by that way two days after 
 found them both dead the soldier with his bayonet in the 
 body of- the Indian, and the Indian with his tomahawk in the 
 soldier's head. 
 
 The following circumstance took place previous to the 
 action : A Mr. Wells, who, when very young, was taken pris 
 oner by the Indians, and had resided several years among 
 them, had made his escape, and was employed by General 
 Wayne as a spy. The day before the action he was taken 
 by the Indians, who determined to put him to death. Find 
 ing it impossible to escape, he informed them that General 
 Wayne had not five hundred men under his command, and 
 did not expect an attack. On hearing this, the Indians at 
 tacked General Wayne with a confidence inspired by their 
 supposed superiority of numbers, and were repulsed as be 
 fore mentioned. After the action, Major Campbell, in whose 
 custody the Indians had left Wells, inquired his motives for 
 deceiving them. He answered, " For the good of my country." 
 For this heroic action he was unfeelingly delivered to the 
 
DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS BY GENERAL WAYNE. 127 
 
 Indians, in whose hands it is supposed he experienced every 
 torture that savage barbarity could invent or inflict. The 
 circumstances respecting Mr. Wells were related by a British 
 drummer who deserted from the fort to General Wayne. 
 
 A council of Indians was held a few days after their defeat 
 by General Wayne, in which British agents endeavored to 
 persuade them to risk another action ; but this they refused 
 to do, expressing a willingness to bury the bloody hatchet and 
 return to their homes. Their loss they declared to be two 
 hundred, and that their whole force at the commencement of 
 the action amounted to fifteen thousand Indians and eighty 
 Canadians. The body of the collector of Niagara was found 
 among the slain. 
 
A NARRATIVE OF THE CAPTIVITY OF 
 MRS. JOHNSON. 
 
 Notices of the Wittard Family. 
 
 To trace the progress of families from their origin- to the 
 present day, when, perhaps, they are spread over the four 
 quarters of the globe, and no memorandums are found except 
 in the uncertain pages of memory, is a task which can be 
 but feebly performed. In noticing the name of Willard, 
 which was my family name, I cannot pretend to accuracy ; 
 but the information which I have collected will, perhaps, be 
 of some service to others who possess a greater stock ; and 
 if the various branches of families would contribute their 
 mites, it would be an easy way of remedying the deficiency 
 which at present exists in American genealogy. 
 
 The first person by the name of "Willard who settled in this 
 country was Major Willard, whose name is recorded in the 
 history of New England wars. In the year 1675, in the 
 time of " Philip's war," (a notorious Indian, who lived within 
 the present limits of the State of Rhode Island,) Major Wil 
 lard, who then lived in the town of Lancaster, in Massachu 
 setts, commanded a troop of horse ; and among his vigorous 
 services he relieved the town of Brookfield from the Nipnet 
 Indians, who had burned every house but one, and had al 
 most reduced that to capitulation. When Lancaster was 
 destroyed by the Indians Major Willard removed to Salem, 
 where he spent the rest of his days. He had two sons ; one 
 of whom was a settled minister in the town of Groton, from 
 
 (128) 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 129 
 
 which place he was driven by the Indians, and was afterwards 
 installed in Boston. His other son, Simon, established him 
 self on Still River, since taken from Lancaster and incorpo 
 rated into the town of Harvard. He had nine sons ; Simon, 
 Henry, Hezekiah, John, Joseph, Josiah, Samuel, Jonathan, 
 and James. Josiah removed to Winchester, in New Hamp 
 shire, and afterwards commanded Fort Dummer ; the rest 
 inherited the substance of their father, and lived to very ad 
 vanced ages in the vicinity of their birth. -They all left 
 numerous families, who spread over the United States. His 
 eldest son, Simon, was my grandfather. He had two sons, 
 Aaron and Moses : Aaron lived in Lancaster, and Moses, my 
 father, removed to Lunenburg. I ought to remark, that my 
 grandmother Willard, after the death of her husband, married 
 a person by the name of Farnsworth, by whom she had three 
 sons, who were the first settlers of Charlestown, No. 4. One 
 of them was killed by the Indians. 
 
 My father had twelve children. He removed to Charles- 
 town, No. 4, in 1742, and soon had the pleasure to find his 
 children settled around him. He was killed by the Indians 
 in 1756. My mother died in March, 1797,* and had lived 
 to see twelve children, ninety-two grandchildren, one hundred 
 and twenty-three great-grandchildren, and four great-great 
 grandchildren. The whole that survive are now settled on 
 Connecticut River. 
 
 Notices of Mr. James Johnson. 
 
 In the year 1730 my great-uncle, Colonel Josiah Willard, 
 while at Boston, was invited to take a walk on the Long 
 Wharf to view some transports who had just landed from 
 Ireland. A number of gentlemen present were viewing the 
 
 * At the age of eighty-four she busied herself in making a cover 
 lid, which contains something of the remarkable ; she did not quite 
 complete it. It now contains upwards of five thousand pieces 
 
130 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 exercise of some lads, who were placed on shore to exhibit 
 their activity to those who wished to purchase. My uncle 
 spied a boy of some vivacity, of. about ten years of age, and 
 who was the only one in the crew who spoke English. He 
 bargained for him. I have never been able to learn the 
 .price ; but as he was afterwards my husband, I am willing to 
 suppose it a considerable sum. He questioned the boy re 
 specting his parentage and descent. All the information he 
 could get was, that young James, a considerable time previous, 
 went to sea with his uncle, who commanded a ship and had 
 the appearance of a man of property; that this uncle was 
 taken sick at sea and died : immediately after his death they 
 came in sight of this ship of Irish transports, and he wa's put 
 on board. His being the only one of the crew who spoke 
 English and other circumstances have led his friends to con 
 clude that this removal on board the Irish ship was done to 
 facilitate the sequestration of his uncle's property. He lived 
 with Colonel Willard until he was twenty years old, and 
 then bought the other year of his time. In 1748 Governor 
 Shirley gave him a lieutenant's commission under Edward 
 Hartwell, Esq. 
 
 Situation of the Country in 1744. 
 
 It is an old maxim, that, after a man is in possession of a 
 small, independent property, it is easy for him to acquire a 
 great fortune. Just so with countries : possess them of a 
 few inhabitants, and let those be unmolested by Indians and 
 enemies, the land will soon swarm with inhabitants. But 
 when a feeble band only are gathered together and obliged to 
 contend with pestilence, famine, and the sword, their melan 
 choly numbers will decrease and waste away. The situation 
 of our ancestors has often been described in language that 
 did honor to the hearts that conceived it. The boisterous 
 ocean, with unknown shores, hemmed them in on one side .; and 
 a forest, swarming with savages yelling for their blood, threat- 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 131 
 
 cned on the other. But the same undaunted spirit which has 
 defended them in so many perils fauoyed them above despair 
 in their early struggles for safety and liberty. I shall be 
 pardoned for the digression when I observe that I have in all 
 my travels felt a degree of pride in recollecting that I be 
 longed to a country whose valor was distinguished and whose 
 spirit had never been debased by servile submission. 
 
 At the age of fourteen, in 1744, 1 made a visit from Leorn- 
 inste* to Charlestown to visit my parents. Through a long 
 wilderness from Lunenburg to Lower Ashuelot, no\v Swan- 
 zey, we travelled two days : a solitary house was all the 
 mark of cultivation that occurred on the journey. Guided 
 by marked trees, we travelled cautiously through the gloomy 
 forest where now the well-tilled farms occupy each rod of 
 ground. From Ashuelot to Charlestown the passage was 
 opposed, now by the Hill of Difficulty, an'd now by the 
 Slough Despond. A few solitary inhabitants, who appeared 
 the representatives of wretchedness, were scattered on the way. 
 
 When I approached the town of Charlestown, the first ob 
 ject that met my eyes was a party of Indians holding a war 
 dance : a cask of rum, which the inhabitants had suffered 
 them to partake of, had raised their spirits to all the horrid 
 yells and feats of distortion which characterize the nation. 
 I was chilled at the sight, and passed tremblingly by. J4ft this 
 time Charlestown contained nine or ten families, who lived 
 in huts not far distant from each other. The Indians were 
 numerous, and associated in a friendly manner with the whites. 
 It was the most northerly settlement on Connecticut River, 
 and the adjacent country was terribly wild. A saw mill was 
 erected, and the first boards were sawed while I was there. 
 The inhabitants commemorated the event with a dance, which 
 took place on the new boards. In those days there was such 
 ti mixture on the frontiers of savages and settlers, without 
 established laws to govern them, that the state of society can 
 not be easily described ; and the impending dangers of war 
 
32 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 where it was known that the savages would join the enemies 
 of our country, retarded the progress of refinement and culti 
 vation. The inhabitants of Charlestown began to erect a fort, 
 and took some steps towards clearing their farms ; but war 
 soon checked their industry. 
 
 Charlestown. 
 
 In the year 1740 the first settlement was made in the town 
 of Charlestown, then known by the name of No. 4, by three 
 families, who emigrated from Lunenburg, by the name of 
 Farnsworth : that part of New Hampshire west of Merrimack 
 River was then a trackless wilderness. Within a few years 
 past instances have been known of new townships, totally un 
 inhabited, becoming flourishing and thick-settled villages in 
 the course of sjx or seven years. But in those days, when 
 government was weak, when savages were on our borders and 
 Frenchmen in Canada, population extended with timorous 
 and tardy paces : in the course of twelve years the families 
 increased only to twenty-two or three. The human race will 
 not flourish unless fostered by the warm sunshine of peace. 
 
 During the first twenty years of its existence as a settled 
 place, until the peace between Great Britain and France, it 
 suffered all the consternation and ravages of war ; not that 
 warfare which civilized nations wage with each other, but the 
 cruel carnage of savages' and Frenchmen. Sometimes en 
 gaged in the duties of the camp, at others sequestering them 
 selves from surrounding enemies, they became familiar with 
 danger, but not with industrious husbandry. 
 
 In the year 1744 the inhabitants began to erect a fort for 
 their safety. When the Cape Breton war commenced the 
 Indians assumed the hatchet and began their depredations on 
 Charlestown on the 19th of April, 1746, by burning the mills 
 and taking Captain John Spafford, Isaac Parker, and Ste 
 phen Farnsworth prisoners. On the 2d of May following 
 Seth Putnam was killed. Two days after Captain Payne 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON 133 
 
 arrived with a troop of horse, from Massachusetts, to defend 
 the place. About twenty of his men had the curiosity to 
 view the place where Putnam was killed, and were ambushed 
 by the Indians. Captain Stevens, who commanded a few 
 men, rushed out of the fort to their relief: a sharp combat 
 ensued, in which the Indians were routed. They left some 
 guns and blankets on the field of action ; Tmt they carried their 
 dead off with them, which is a policy they never omit. En 
 sign Obadiah Sartwell was captured ; and Samuel Farnsworth, 
 Elijah Allen, Peter Perin, Aaron Lyon, and Joseph Massey 
 fell victims to Indian vengeance. 
 
 On the 19th of June a severe engagement took place. 
 Captain Brown, from Stow, in Massachusetts, had previously 
 arrived with some troops : a party of his joined a number of 
 Captain Stevens's soldiers to go into the meadow after their 
 horses. The dogs discovered an ambush, which put them 
 into a posture for action and gave them the advantage of the 
 first fire. This disconcerted the savages, who, being on higher 
 ground, overshot and did but little damage to the English. 
 The enemy were routed, and even seen to drag several dead 
 bodies after them. They left behind them guns, spears, and 
 blankets, which sold for forty pounds, old tenor. During the 
 time Captain Josiah Brown assisted in defending tbe fort 
 Jedediah Winchel was killed; Samuel Stanhope, Cornet Ba 
 ker and David Parker were wounded. During this summer 
 the fort was entirely blockaded, and all were obliged to take 
 refuge withiii the pickets. On the 3d of August one Philips 
 was killed within a few feet of the fort as he accidentally 
 stepped out : at night a soldier crept to him with a rope, and 
 he was drawn into the fort and interred. In the summer of 
 the year 1746 Captain Ephraim Brown, from Sudbury, ar 
 rived with a troop of horse to relieve Captain Josiah Brown. 
 The Sudbury troop tarried about a month, and were relieved 
 by a company commanded by Captain Winchester, who de 
 fended the place till autumn, when the inhabitants, fatigued 
 12 
 
134 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 with watching and weary of the dangers of the forest, desert 
 ed the place entirely for about six months. In the month of 
 August, previous to the evacuation, the Indians, assisted by 
 their brethren the French, were very troublesome nd mis 
 chievous : they destroyed all the horses, hogs, and cattle. An 
 attack was made on the fort which lasted two days. My 
 father at this time lost ten cattle ; but the people were secured 
 behind their wooden walls, and received but little damage. 
 
 In this recess of the settlement of No. 4 the Indians and 
 French were icelocked in Canada, and the frontiers suffered 
 only in apprehension. In March, 1747, Captain Phinehas 
 Stevens, who commanded a ranging party of about thirty 
 men, marched to No. 4 and took possession of the fort. He 
 found it uninjured by the enemy ; and an old spaniel and a 
 cat, who had been domesticated before the evacuation, had 
 guarded it safely through the winter, and gave the troops a 
 iiearty welcome to their tenement. 
 
 Captain Stevens was of eminent service to the infant settle 
 ment. In 1748 he moved his family to the place, and en 
 couraged the settlers by his fortitude and industry. In the 
 early part of his life, when Rutland suffered by savage ven 
 geance, when the Rev. Mr. Willard was murdered, he was 
 taken prisoner and carried to St. Francis. This informed 
 him of the Indian customs and familiarized him with their 
 mode of warfare. He was an active, penetrating soldier, and 
 a respectable, worthy citizen. 
 
 In a few days after the fort was taken possession of by 
 Captain Stevens's troops a party of five hundred French 
 and Indians, commanded by Monsieur Debelcie, sallied from 
 their .den in Canada and made a furious attack on the fort 
 The battle lasted five days, and every stratagem which French 
 policy or Indian malice could invent was practised to reduce 
 the garrison. Sometimes they made an onset by a discharge 
 of musketry; at others they discharged fire arrows, which 
 communicated fire to several parts "of the fort. But these 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 135 
 
 were insufficient to daunt the courage of the little band that 
 were assailed. Their next step was to fill a cart with com 
 bustibles, and roll it against the walls, to communicate fire; 
 but the English kept up such a brisk, incessant fire that they 
 were defeated in the project. At length the monsieurs, tired 
 with fighting, beat a parley. Two Indians, formerly acquaint 
 ed with Captain Stevens, came as negotiators, and wished to 
 exchange some furs for corn : this Captain Stevens refused, 
 but offered a bushel of corn For each hostage they .would 
 leave to be exchanged at some firture day. These terms were 
 not complied with ; and on the fifth day the enemy retreated, 
 at which time the soldiers in the garrison honored them with 
 as brisk a discharge as they could afford, to let them know 
 that they were neither disheartened nor exhausted in ammu 
 nition. The garrison had none killed ; and only one, by the 
 name of Brown, was wounded. 
 
 Perhaps no place was ever defended with greater bravery 
 than this fort during this action. Thirty or forty men, when 
 attacked by five hundred, must have an uncommon degree of 
 fortitude and vigilance to defend themselves during a siege 
 of five days. But Captain Stevens was equal to the task, 
 and will be applauded by posterity. After the battle he sent 
 an express to Boston with the tidings. Governor Charles 
 Knowles happened then to be at Boston, arid rewarded Cap 
 tain Stevens with a handsome sword ; in gratitude for which 
 the place was afterwards called Charlestown. 
 
 In November, 1747, a body of the troops set out from the 
 fort to return to Massachusetts. They had not proceeded far 
 before the Indians fired on them. Isaac Goodale and Na 
 thaniel Gould were killed, and one Anderson taken prisoner. 
 From this period until the end of the Cape Breton war the 
 fort was defended by Captain Stevens. Soldiers passed and 
 repassed to Canada ; but the inhabitants took sanctuary in the 
 fort, and made but little progress in cultivation. During the 
 Indian wars, which lasted till the year 1760, Charleston n was 
 
136 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 noted more for its feats of war than a place of rapid improve 
 ment. Settlers thought it more prudent to remain with their 
 friends in safety than risk their scalps with savage power. 
 Since that period it has become a flourishing village, and con 
 tains all that a rural situation affords of the useful and the 
 pleasant. Numerous farms and stately buildings now flourish 
 where the savage roamed the forest. The prosperity of the 
 town was greatly promoted by the Rev. Bulkely Olcott, who 
 was a settled minister there about thirty-two years. In the 
 character of this good man were combined the agreeable .com 
 panion, the industrious citizen, and the unaffected Christian. 
 During the whole of his ministry his solicitude for the happi 
 ness of his parishioners was as conspicuous in the benefits 
 they received from his assistance a.i in their sincere attach 
 ment to his person. As a divine he was pathetic, devout, and 
 instructive, and may with propriety be said to have 
 
 Shown, the path to heaven, and led the way. 
 
 He was highly respected through life. In June, 1793, he 
 died, much lamented. 
 
 Removal to Charlestown, fyc. 
 
 In May, 1749, we received information of the cessation of 
 arms between Great Britain and France. I had then been 
 married about two years, and Mr. Johnson's enterprising 
 spirit was zealous to remove to Charlestown. In June we 
 undertook the hazardous and fatiguing journey. We arrived 
 safe at the fort, and found five families, who had ventured so 
 far into the woods during hostilities. But the gloomy forest 
 and the warlike appearance of the place soon made me liome- 
 sicJ. Two or three days after my arrival orders came from 
 Massachusetts to withdraw the troops. Government placed 
 confidence in the proffered peace of Frenchmen, and withdrew 
 even the appearance of hostility. * But French treachery and 
 savage malice will ever keep pace with each other. Without 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 137 
 
 even the suspicion of danger, the inhabitants went about their 
 business of husbandry. The day the soldiers left the fort 
 Ensign Obadiah Sartvvell went to harrow some corn, and 
 took Enos Stevens, the fourth son of Phinehas Stevens, Esq., 
 to ride horse : my father and two brothers were at work In 
 the meadow. Early in the afternoon the Indians appeared 
 and shot Ensign Sartwell and the horse, and took young 
 Stevens a prisoner. In addition to this my father and broth 
 ers were in the meadow, and we supposed they must be 
 destroyed. My husband was gone to Northfield. In the 
 fort were seven women and four men : the anxiety and grief 
 we experienced were the highest imaginable. The next night 
 we despatched a post to Boston to carry the news of our 
 disaster ; but my father and brothers did not return. The 
 next day but one my husband and five or six others arrived 
 from Northfield. We kept close in the garrison, suffering 
 every apprehension for ten or twelve days, when the sentry 
 from the box cried out that troops were coming : joyful at the 
 relief, we all mounted on the top of the fort, and among the 
 rest discovered my father. He, on hearing the guns, sup 
 posed the fort was destroyed, left his team in the meadow, 
 and made the best of his way to Northfield with my two 
 brothers. The soldiers were about thirty in number, and 
 headed by Major Josiah Willard, of Fort Dummer. Enos 
 Stevens was carried to Montreal ; but the French commander 
 sent him back directly by the way of Albany. This was the 
 last damage done the frontiers during the Cape Breton 
 
 Cursory Notices. 
 
 A detail of the miseries of a " frontier man " must excite 
 the pity of every child of humanity. The gloominess of the 
 rude forest, the distance from friends and competent defence, 
 and the daily inroads and nocturnal yells of hostile Indians, 
 awaken those keen apprehensions and anxieties which con 
 ception only can picture. If the peaceful employment of bus 
 12* 
 
138 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 bandry is pursued, the loaded musket must stand by his side ; 
 if he visits a neighbor, or resorts on Sundays to the sacred 
 house of prayer, the weapons of war must bear him company ; 
 at home the distresses of a wife and the tears of lisping 
 children often unman the soul that real danger assailed in 
 vain. Those who can recollect the war that existed between 
 France and England fifty years ago may figure to them 
 selves the unhappy situation of the inhabitants on the fron 
 tiers of New Hampshire : the malice of the French in Can 
 ada, and the exasperated savages that dwelt in their vicinity, 
 rendered the tedious days and frightful nights a season of 
 unequalled calamities. The daily reports of captured families 
 and slaughtered friends mingled grie'f with fear. Had there 
 been an organized government to stretch forth its protecting 
 arni in any case of danger, the misery might have been in a 
 degree alleviated. But the infancy of our country did not 
 admit of this blessing. While Governor Shirley, of Massa 
 chusetts, was petitioning to England for a fleet and an army, 
 Benning Wentworth, the supine governor of New Hampshire, 
 obeyed implicitly the advice of his friend Shirley, and re 
 mained inactively secure at his seat at Portsmouth. At the 
 commencement of the year 1745 the Quixotic expedition to 
 Louisburg was projected, the success of which originated 
 from the merest accident rather than from military valor or 
 generalship : this drained the thinly inhabited State of New 
 Hampshire of most of its effective men. From that period 
 till the peace, which took place in the year 1749, the vision 
 ary schemes of Shirley kept the best soldiers imbodied in 
 some remote place, as a force to execute some impolitic pro 
 ject. The conquest of Canada and the attack upon Crown 
 Point- are recorded as specimens of the wild projects which 
 were to employ the infant forces of New England. During 
 this time the frontiers sustained additional miseries by having 
 the small forces of the state deducted for purposes which 
 could be of no immediate service to them. The savages com 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 130 
 
 mitted frequent depredations on the defenceless inhabitants ; 
 and the ease with which they gained their prey encouraged 
 their boldness, and by scattering in small parties they were 
 able to infest the whole frontier of New Hampshire, from 
 Fort Dummer, on Connecticut River, to the lowest settlement 
 on the Merrimack. During this war, which is known by 
 the name of the Cape Breton war, the town of No. 4 could 
 hardly be said to be inhabited : some adventurers had made 
 a beginning, but few were considered as belonging to the 
 town. Captain Stevens, whose valor is recorded as an in 
 stance of consummate generalship, part of the time kept the 
 fort, which afforded a shelter to the enterprising settlers in 
 times of imminent danger. But even his vigilance did not 
 save the town from numerous scenes of carnage. At the 
 commencement of the peace, in 1749, the enterprising spirit 
 of New England rose superior to the dangers of the forest, 
 and they began to venture innovation. The Indians, still 
 thirsty for plunder and rapine, and regardless of the peace 
 which their masters the French had concluded, kept up a 
 flying warfare, and committed several outrages upon lives 
 and property. This kept the increasing inhabitants in a state 
 of alarm for three or four years : most of the time they per 
 formed their daily work without molestation, but retreated to 
 the fort at each returning night. 
 
 Our country has so long been exposed to. Indian wars that 
 recitals of exploits and sufferings, of escapes and deliverances, 
 have become both numerous and trite. The air of novelty 
 will not be attempted in the following pages : simple facts, 
 unadorned, are what the reader must expect : pity for my suf 
 ferings and admiration at my safe return is all that my histo 
 ry can excite. The aged man, while perusing, will probably 
 turn his attention to the .period when the facts took place ; 
 his memory will be refreshed with the sad tidings of his coun 
 try's sufferings, which gave, a daily wound to his feelings, 
 between the years 1740 and 1760. By contrasting those days 
 
140 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 with the present he may rejoice that he witnesses thgse times 
 which many have " waited for, but died without the sight." 
 Those " in early life," while they commiserate the sufferings 
 which their parents and ancestors endured, may felicitate 
 themselves that their lines "fell in a land of peace, where 
 neither savages nor neighboring wars molest their happiness 
 
 Situation until August 31, 1754. 
 
 Some of the soldiers who arrived with Major Willard, with 
 the inhabitants who bore arms, were commanded by Captain 
 Stevens the rest of the year 1749 and part of the following 
 spring; after which the inhabitants resided pretty much in 
 the fort until the spring or fall of the year 1752. They cul 
 tivated their lands in some degree, but they put but little 
 confidence in the savages. 
 
 The continuation of peace began by degrees 'to appease the 
 resentment of the Indians, and they appeared to discover a 
 wish for friendly intercourse. The inhabitants in No. 4 and 
 its vicinity relaxed their watchfulness and ventured more 
 boldly into their fields. Every appearance of hostility at 
 length vanished. The Indians expressed a wish to traffic ; 
 the inhabitants laid by their fears, and thought no more of 
 tomahawks or scalping knives. Mr. Johnson now thought 
 himself justified in removing to his farm, a hundred rods dis 
 tant from the fort, which was then the uppermost settlement 
 on Connecticut River. He pursued his occupation of trade, 
 and the Indians made frequent visits to traffic their furs for 
 his merchandise. He frequently credited them for blankets 
 and other necessaries, and in most instances they were punc 
 tual in payment. During the year 1753 all was harmony 
 and safety ; settlements increased with tolerable rapidity ; and 
 the new country began to assume the appearance of cul 
 tivation. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 141 
 
 The commencement of the year 1754 began to threaten 
 another rupture between the .French and English ; and as the 
 dividing line between Canada and the English colonies was 
 tlje object of contention, it was readily seen that the frontier 
 towns would be in imminent danger. But as immediate war 
 was not expected, Mr. Johnson thought that he might risk 
 the safety of his family while he made a tour to Connecticut 
 for trade. He set out the last of May ; and his absence of 
 three months was a tedious and a bitter season to me. Soon 
 after his departure every body was " tremblingly alive " with 
 fear. The Indians were reported to be on their march for 
 our destruction ; and our distance from sources of information 
 gave full latitude for exaggeration of news before it reached 
 our ears. The fears of the night were horrible beyond de 
 scription ; and even the light of day was far from dispelling 
 painful anxiety. While looking from the windows of my log 
 house and seeing my neighbors tread cautiously by each hedge 
 and hillock lest some secreted savage might start forth to take 
 their scalp, my fears would baffle description. Alarms grew 
 louder and louder, till our apprehensions were too strongly 
 confirmed by the news of the capture of Mr. Malloon's family 
 on Merrimack River. This reached us about the 20th of 
 August. Imagination ROW saw and heard a thousand Indians ; 
 and I never went round my own house without first looking 
 with trembling caution by each corner to see if a tomahawk 
 was not raised for my destruction. 
 
 On the 24th of August I wasr relieved from all my fears 
 by the arrival of my husband. He brought intelligence from 
 Connecticut that a war was expected the next spring, but that 
 no immediate danger was contemplated. He had made prep 
 arations to remove to Northfield as soon as our stock of hay 
 was consumed and our dozen of swine had demolished our 
 ample stores of grain, which would secure his family and 
 property from the miseries and ravages of war. Our eldest 
 POP Sylvanus, who was six years old, was in the mean tima 
 
142 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 to be put to school at Springfield. Mr. Johnson brought home 
 a large addition to his stores, and the neighbors made frequen* 
 parties at our house to express their joy for his return; and 
 time passed merrily off by the aid of spirit and a ripe yard 
 of melons. As I was in the last days of pregnancy, I could 
 not join so heartily in their good cheer as I otherwise might. 
 Yet in a new country pleasure is often derived from sources 
 unknown to those less accustomed to the woods. The return 
 of my husband, the relief from danger, and the crowds of 
 happy friends combined to render my situation peculiarly 
 agreeable. I now boasted with exultation that I should, with 
 husband, friends, and luxuries, live happy in spite of the fear 
 of savages. 
 
 On the evening of the 29th of August our house was vis 
 ited by a party of neighbors, who spent the time very cheer 
 fully with watermelons and flip till midnight. They all then 
 retired in high spirits except a spruce young spark, who 
 tarried to keep company with my sister. We then went to 
 bed with feelings well tuned for sleep, and rested with fine 
 composure till midway between daybreak and sunrise, when 
 we were roused by neighbor Labarree's knocking at the door, 
 who had shouldered his axe to do a day's work for my hus 
 band. Mr. Johnson slipped on his jacket and trousers and 
 stepped to the door to let him in. But by opening the door 
 he opened a scene terrible to describe. " Indians ! Indians ! " 
 were the first words I heard. He sprang to his guns ; but 
 Labarree, heedless of danger, instead of closing the door to 
 keep them out, began to rally our hired men up stairs for 
 not rising earlier. But in an instant a crowd of savages, 
 fixed horribly for war, rushed furiously in. I screamed and 
 begged my friends to ask for quarter. By this time they 
 were all over the house some up stairs, some hauling my 
 sister out of bed ; another had hold of me ; and one was ap 
 proaching Mr. Johnson, who stood in the middle of the floor 
 to deliver himself up. But the Indian, supposing that lie 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 14 
 
 would make resistance and be more than his matcn, went t 
 the doofr and brought three of his comrades, and the fou? 
 boui*l him. I was led to the door, fainting and trembling 
 There stood my friend Labarree bound. Ebenezer Farns 
 worth, whom they found up chamber, they were putting in 
 the same situation ; and, to complete the shocking scene, my 
 three little children were driven naked to the place where I 
 stood. On viewing myself I found that I, too, was naked. 
 An Indian had plundered three gowns, who, on seeing my 
 situation, gave me the whole. I asked another for a petti 
 coat ; but he refused it. After what little plunder their hurry 
 would allow them to get was confusedly bundled up, we were 
 ordered to march. After going about twenty rods we fell 
 behind a rising ground, where we halted to pack the things 
 in a better manner : while there a savage went back, as we 
 supposed, to fire the buildings. Farns worth proposed to my 
 husband to go back with him, to get a quantity of pork from 
 the cellar to help us on our journey ; but Mr. Johnson pru 
 dently replied, that, by that means, the Indians might find the 
 rum, and in a fit of intoxication kill us all. The Indian pres 
 ently returned with marks of fear in his countenance,* and 
 we were hurried on with all violence. Two savages laid hold 
 of each of my arms, and hurried me through thorny thickets 
 in a most unmerciful manner. I lost a shoe and suffered 
 exceedingly. We heard the alarm guns from the fort. This 
 added new speed to the flight of the savages. They were 
 apprehensive that soldiers might be sent for our relief. When 
 
 * This, as we afterwards found, was occasioned by his meeting Mr. 
 Osmer at the door of the house, who lodged in the chamber and had 
 secreted himself behind a box, and was then making his escape. He 
 ran directly to the fort, and the alarm guns were fired. My father, 
 Mr. Moses Willard, "was then second in command. Captain Stevens 
 was for sallying out with a party for our relief ; but my father begged 
 him to desist, as the Indians made it an invariable practice to kil' 
 their prisoners when attacked. 
 
144 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 we had got a mile and a half my faintness obliged me to sit. 
 This being observed by an Indian, he drew his knife, as I 
 supposed, to put an end to my existence. But he only cut 
 some band with which my gown was tied, and then pushed 
 me on. My little children were .crying, my husband and the 
 other two men were bound, and my sister and myself were 
 obliged to make the beet of our way with all our might. The 
 loss of my shoe rendered travelling extremely painful. At 
 the distance of three miles there was a general halt. The 
 savages, supposing that we as well as themselves might have 
 an appetite for breakfast, gave us. a loaf of bread, some raisins, 
 and apples which they had taken from the house. While we 
 were forcing down our scanty breakfast a horse came in sight, 
 known to us all by the name of Scoggin, belonging to Phinehas 
 Stevens, Esq. One of the Indians attempted to shoot him, 
 but was prevented by Mr. Johnson. They then expressed a 
 wish to catch him, saying, by pointing to me, for squaw to 
 ride. My husband had previously been unbound to assist the 
 children ; he, with two Indians, caught the horse on the banks 
 of the river. By this time my legs and feet were covered 
 with blood, which being noticed by Mr. Labarree, he, with 
 that humanity which never forsook him, took his own stock 
 ings and presented them to me, and the Indians gave me a 
 pair of moccasons. Bags and blankets w r ere thrown over 
 Scoggin, and I mounted on the top of them, and on we jogged 
 about seven miles to the upper end of Wilcott's Island. We 
 there halted and prepared to cross the river. Rafts were 
 made of dry timber. Two Indians and Farnsworth crossed 
 first ; Labarree, by signs, got permission to swim the horse ; 
 and Mr. Johnson was allowed to swim by the raft that I was 
 on, to push it along. We all arrived safe on the other side 
 of the river about four o'clock in the afternoon. A fire was 
 kindled, and some of their stolen kettles were hung over it 
 and filled with porridge. The savages took delight in view 
 ing their spoil, which amounted to forty or fifty pounds in 
 

CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 145 
 
 value. They then with a true savage yell gave the war 
 whoop and bade defiance to danger. As our tarry in this place 
 lasted an hour, I had time to reflect on our miserable situation. 
 Captives, in the power of unmerciful savages, without pro 
 vision and almost without clothes, in a wilderness where we 
 must sojourn as long as the children of Israel did for aught 
 we knew ; and, what added to our distress, not one of our sav 
 age masters could understand a worcl of English. Here, after 
 being hurried from home with such rapidity, I have leisure to 
 inform the reader respecting our Indian masters. They were 
 eleven * in number, men of middle age except one, a youth 
 of sixteen, who in our journey discovered a very mischievous 
 and troublesome disposition. According to their national 
 practice, he who first laid hands on a prisoner considered him 
 as his property. My master, who was the one that took my 
 hand when I sat on the bed, was as clever an Indian as ever 
 I saw. He even evinced, at numerous times, a disposition 
 that showed he was by no means void of compassion. The 
 four who took my husband claimed him as their property ; 
 and my sister, three children, Labarree, and Farnsworth had 
 each a master. When the time came for us to prepare to 
 march I almost expired at the thought of leaving my aged 
 parents, brothers, sisters, and friends, and travel with savages 
 through a dismal forest to unknown regions, in the alarm 
 ing situation I then was in, with three small children. The 
 eldest, Sylvanus, was but six years old ; my eldest daughter, 
 Susanna, was four ; and Polly, the other, two. My sister 
 Miriam was fourteen. My husband was barefoot, and other 
 wise thinly clothed. His master had taken his jacket, and 
 nothing but his shirt and trousers remained. My two daugh- 
 
 * Mr. Labarree is very positive, and I tliink Mr. Johnson was of the 
 same opinion, that seventeen Indians attacked the house. The other 
 six might have been a scouting party, that watched till we were oul 
 "f danger, and then took another route. 
 13 
 
14:6 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 ters had nothing but their shifts, and I only the gown that 
 was handed me by the savages. In addition to the sufferings 
 which arose from my own deplorable condition, I could not 
 but feel for my^pfriend Labarree. He had left a wife and 
 four small children behirid to lament his loss and to render 
 his situation extremely unhappy. With all these misfortunes 
 lying heavily upon me, the reader can imagine my situation. 
 The Indians pronounced the dreadful word " munch," march ; 
 and on we must go. I was put on the horse ; Mr. Johnson 
 took one daughter ; and Mr. Labarree, being unbound, took 
 the other. We went six or eight miles and stopped for the 
 night. The men were made secure by having their legs put 
 in split sticks, somewhat like stocks, and tied with cords, 
 which were tied torthe limbs of trees too high to be reached. 
 My sister, much to her mortification, must lie between two 
 Indians, with a cord thrown over her and passing under each 
 of them. The little children had blankets ; and I was allowed 
 one for my use. Thus we took lodging for the night, with 
 the sky for a covering and the ground for a pillow. The fa 
 tigues of the preceding day obliged me to sleep several hours, 
 in spite of the horrors which surrounded me. The Indians 
 observed great silence, and never spoke but when really ne 
 cessary ; and all the prisoners were disposed to say but little. 
 My children' were much more peaceable than could be ima 
 gined ; gloomy fear imposed a deadly silence. 
 
 History of our Journey through the Wilderness till we came to 
 the Waters that enter Lake Champlain. 
 
 In the morning we were roused before sunrise : the Indians 
 struck up a fire, hung on their stolen kettles, and made us 
 some water gruel for breakfast. After a few sips of this 
 meagre fare I was again put on the horse, with my husband 
 by my side to hold me on. My two fellow-prisoners took 
 the little girls, and we marched sorrowfully on for an hour or 
 two, when a keener distress was added to my multiplied afflic- 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 14.7 
 
 tions. I was taken with the pangs of childbirth. The In 
 dians signified to us that we must go on to a brook. When 
 we got there they showed some humanity by making a booth 
 for me. Here the compassionate reader will drop a fresh 
 tear for my inexpressible distress ; fifteen or twenty miles 
 from the abode of any civilized being, in the open wilderness, 
 rendered cold by a rainy day, in one of the most perilous 
 hours, and unsupplied with the least necessary that could 
 yield convenience in the hazardous moment. My children 
 were crying at a distance, where they were held by their 
 masters, and only my husband and sister to attend me. None 
 but mothers can figure to themselves my unhappy fortune. 
 The Indians kept aloof the whole time. About ten o'clock a 
 daughter was born. They then brought me some articles of 
 clothing for the child which they had taken from the house. 
 My master looked into the booth and clapped his hands with 
 joy, crying, ' Two moneys for me ! two moneys for me ! " I was 
 permitted to rest the remainder of the day. The Indians 
 were employed in making a bier for the prisoners to carry 
 me on, and another booth for my lodging during night. They 
 brought a needle, and two pins, and some bark to tie the 
 child's clothes, which they gave my sister, and a large wooden 
 spoon to feed it with. At dusk they made some porridge, 
 and brought a cup to steep some roots in, which Mr. Labarree 
 had provided. In the evening I was removed to the new 
 booth. For supper they made more porridge and some 
 johnny cakes. My portion was brought me in a little bark. 
 I slept that night far beyond expectation. 
 
 In the morning we were summoned for the journey, after 
 the usual breakfast of meal and water. I, with my infant in 
 my arms, was laid on the litter, which was supported alter 
 nately by Mr. Johnson, Labarree, and Farns\yorth. My sis 
 ter and son were put upon Scoggin, and the two little girls 
 rode on their masters' backs. Thus we proceeded two miles, 
 when my carriers grew too faint to proceed any farther. This 
 
148 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 being observed by oui sable masters, a general halt was 
 called, and they imbodied themselves for council. My master 
 soon made signs to Mr. Johnson that if I could ride on the 
 horse I might proceed, otherwise I must be left behind. Here 
 I observed marks of pity in his countenance ; but this might 
 arise from the fear of losing his two moneys. I preferred an 
 attempt to ride on the horse rather than to perish miserably 
 alone. Mr. Labarree took the infant, and every step of the 
 horse almost deprived me of life. My weak and helpless 
 condition rendered me, in a degree, insensible to every thing. 
 My poor child could have no sustenance from my breast, and 
 was supported entirely by water gruel. My other little chil 
 dren, rendered peevish by an uneasy mode of riding, often 
 burst into cries ; but a surly check from their masters soon 
 silenced them. We proceeded on with a slow, mournful pace. 
 My weakness was too severe to allow me to sit on the horse 
 long at a time. Every hour I was taken off and laid on the 
 ground to rest. This preserved my life during the third day. 
 At night we found ourselves at the head of Black River Pond. 
 Here we prepared to spend the night. Our supper consisted 
 of gruel and the broth of a hawk they had killed the preced 
 ing day. The prisoners were secured as usual, a booth was 
 made for me, and all went to rest. After encampment- we 
 entered into a short conversation. My sister observed, that, 
 if I could have been left behind, our trouble would have been 
 seemingly nothing. My husband hoped, by the assistance of 
 Providence, we should all be preserved. Mr. Labarree pitied 
 his poor family ; and Farnsworth summed the whole of his 
 wishes by saying, that, if he could have got a layer of pork 
 from the cellar, we should not be in fear of starvation. The 
 night was uncommonly dark, and passed tediously off. 
 
 In the morning, half chilled with a cold fog, we were or 
 dered from our places of rest, were offered the lean fare of 
 meal and water, and then prepared for the journey. Every 
 thing resembled a funeral procession. The* savages preserved 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 149 
 
 their gloomy sadness. The prisoners, bowed down with grief 
 and fatigue, felt little disposition to talk ; and the unevenness 
 of the country, sometimes lying in miry plains, at others 
 rising into steep and broken hills, rendered our passage haz 
 ardous and painful. Mr. Labarree kept the infant in his 
 arms and preserved its life. The fifth day's journey was an 
 unvaried scene of fatigue. The Indians sent out two or 
 three hunting parties, who -returned without game. As we 
 had in the morning consumed the last morsel of our meal, 
 every one now began to be seriously alarmed ; and hunger, 
 with all its horrors, looked us earnestly in the face. At night 
 we found the waters that run into Lake Champlain, which 
 was over the height of land. Before dark we halted ; and 
 the Indians, by the help of their punk, which they carried in 
 horns, made a fire. They soon adopted a plan to relieve 
 their hunger. The horse was shot, and his flesh was in a 
 few moments broiling on embers ; and they, with native glut 
 tony, satiated their craving appetites. To use the term po 
 liteness, in the management of this repast, may be thought a 
 burlesque ; yet their offering the prisoners the best parts of 
 the horse certainly bordered on civility. An epicure could 
 not have catered nicer slices, nor in that situation served them 
 up with more neatness. Appetite is said to be the best sauce ; 
 yet our abundance of it did not render savory this novel 
 steak. My children, however, ate too much, which made 
 them "very unwell for a number of days. Broth was made 
 for me and my child, which was rendered almost a luxury by 
 the seasoning of roots. After supper countenances began to 
 brighten. Those who had relished the meal exhibited new 
 strength, ana those who had only snuffed its effluvia confessed 
 themselves regaled. The evening was employed in drying 
 and smoking what remained for future use. The night was 
 a scene of distressing fears to me ; and my extreme weakness 
 had affected my mind to such a degree that every difficulty 
 eppeared doubly terrible. By the assistance of Scoggin I 
 13* 
 
150 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 had been brought so far ; yet so great was my debility that 
 every hour I was taken off and laid on the ground, to keep 
 me from expiring. But now, alas ! this conveyance was no 
 more. To walk was impossible. Inevitable death, in the 
 midst of woods one hundred miles wide, appeared my only 
 portion. 
 
 Our Arrival at East Bay, in Lake Champlain. 
 
 In the morning of the sixth day the Indians exerted them 
 selves to prepare one of their greatest dainties. The marrow 
 bones of old Scoggin were pounded for a soup ; and every 
 root, both sweet and bitter, that the woods afforded, was thrown 
 in to give it a flavor. Each one partook of as much as his 
 feelings would allow. The war whoop then resounded, with 
 an infernal yell, and we began to fix for a march. My fate 
 was unknown, till my master brought some bark and tied my 
 petticoats as high as he supposed would be convenient for 
 walking, and ordered me to " munch." With scarce strength 
 to stand alone, I went on half a mile with my little son and 
 three Indians. The rest were advanced. My power to move 
 then failed ; the world grew dark, and I dropped down. I had 
 sight enough to see an Indian lift his hatchet over my head ; 
 while my little son screamed, " Ma'am, do go ; for they will 
 kill you." As I fainted, my last thought was, that I should 
 presently be in the world of spirits. When I awoke my 
 master was talking angrily with the savage who had threat 
 ened my life. By his gestures I could learn that he charged 
 him with not acting the honorable part of a warrior, by an 
 attempt to destroy the prize of a brother. A whoop was 
 given for a halt. My master helped me to the rest of the 
 company, where a council was held, the result of which was, 
 that my husband should walk by my side and help me along. 
 This he did for some hours ; but faintness then overpowered 
 me, and Mr. Johnson's tenderness and solicitude were unequal 
 to the task of aiding me farther. Another council was held ' 
 
 I 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 151 
 
 while in debate, as I lay on the ground gasping for breath ; 
 my master sprang towards me with his hatchet. My husband 
 and fellow-prisoners grew pale at the sight, suspecting that 
 he by a single blow would rid themselves of so great a burden 
 as myself. But he had yet too much esteem for his " two 
 moneys." His object was to get bark from a tree, to make a 
 pack saddle for my conveyance on the back of my husband. 
 He took me up, and we marched in that form the rest of the 
 day. Mr. Labarree still kept my infant. Farnsworth carried 
 one of the little girls, and the other rode with her master, 
 They were extremely sick and weak, owing to the large por 
 tion of the horse which they ate ; but if they uttered a mur 
 muring word, a menacing frown from the savages soon im 
 posed silence. None of the Indian^ were disposed to show 
 insults of any nature except the youngest, which I have be 
 fore mentioned. He often delighted himself by tormenting 
 my sister, by pulling her hair, treading on her gown, and 
 numerous other boyish pranks, wjiich were provoking and 
 troublesome. We moved on, faint and wearily, till night. 
 The Indians then yelled their war whoop, built a fire, and 
 hung over their horse broth. After supper my booth was 
 built as usual, and I reposed much better than I had the pre 
 ceding nights. 
 
 In the morning I found myself greatly restored. Without 
 the aid of physicians, or physic, Nature had begun the cure 
 of that weakness to which she had reduced me but a few days 
 before. The reader will be tired of the repetition of the same 
 materials for our meals ; but if my feelings can be realized, 
 no one will turn with -disgust from a breakfast of steaks which 
 were cut froni the thigh of a horse. After which Mr. John 
 son was ordered to take the infant and go forward with part 
 of the company. I " munched " in the rear till we came to 
 a beaver pond, which was formed in a branch of Otter Creek. 
 Here I was obliged to wade. When half way over, up to 
 the middle in cold water, my little strength failed, and my 
 
152 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 power to speak or see left me. While motionless and stiff 
 ened, in the middle of the pond, I was perceived from the 
 other side by Mr. Johnson, who laid down the infant and 
 came to my assistance. He took me in his arms ; and when 
 the opposite side was gained, life itself had apparently for 
 saken me. The whole company stopped ; and the Indians, 
 with more humanity than I supposed them possessed of, 
 busied themselves in making a fire to warm me into life. The 
 warm influence of the fire restored my exhausted strength by 
 degrees ; and in two hours I was told to munch. The rest 
 of the day I was carried by my husband. In the middle of 
 the afternoon we arrived on the banks of one of the great 
 branches of Otter Creek. Here we halted ; and two savages, 
 who had been on a hunting scout, returned with a duck. A 
 fire was made, which was thrice grateful to my cold, shiver 
 ing limbs. Six days had now almost elapsed since the faral 
 morn in which we were taken ; and by the blessing of that 
 Providence whose smiles. give life to creation we were still 
 in existence. My wearied husband, naked children, and help 
 less infant formed a scene that conveyed severer pangs to my 
 heart than all the sufferings I endured myself. The Indians 
 were sullen and silent ; the prisoners were swollen with gloomy 
 grief; and I was half the time expiring. After my feelings 
 were a little quickened by warmth, my sad portion was brought 
 in a bark, consisting of the duck's head and a gill of broth. 
 As I lifted the unsavory morsel with a trembling hand to my 
 mouth, I cast my thoughts back a few days to a time when, 
 from a board plentifully spread in my own house, I ate my 
 food with a merry heart. The wooden spoon dropped from 
 my feeble hand. The contrast was too affecting. Seated on 
 a ragged rock, beneath a hemlock, as I then was, emaciated 
 by sickness, and surrounded by my weeping and distressed 
 family, who were helpless prisoners, despair would have 
 robbed me of life, had I not put my whole confidence in that 
 Being who has power to save. Our masters began to prepare 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 153 
 
 to ford the stream. I swallowed most of my broth, and was 
 taken up by my husband. The river was very rapid and 
 passing dangerous. Mr. Labarree, when half over with my 
 child, was tripped up by its rapidity, and lost the babe in the 
 water : little did I expect to see the poor thing again ; but he 
 fortunately reached a corner of its. blanket and saved its life. 
 The rest got safe to the ot'her shore ; another fire was built, 
 and my sister dried the infant and its clothes. 
 
 ***** 
 
 Here the savages for the first time gave loud tokens of joy, 
 by hallooing and yelling in a tremendous manner. The pris 
 oners were now introduced to a new school. Little did we 
 expect that the accomplishment of dancing would ever be 
 taught us by the savages. But the war dance must now be 
 held, and every prisoner that could move must take its awk 
 ward steps. The figure consisted of circular motion round 
 the fire ; each sang his own music, and the best dancer was 
 the one most violent in motion. The prisoners were taught 
 each a song ; mine was, Danna witchee natchepung ; my 
 son's was, Narwiscumpton. The rest I cannot recollect. 
 Whether this task was imposed on us for their diversion, or a 
 religious ceremonial, I cannot say ; but it was very painful 
 and offensive. In the forenoon seven Indians came to us ; 
 who were received with great joy by our masters, who tools 
 great pleasure in introducing their prisoners. The war dance 
 was again held ; we were obliged to join and sing our songs 
 while the Indians rent the air with infernal yelling. We then 
 embarked, and arrived at Crown Point about noon. Each 
 prisoner was then led by his master to the residence of the 
 French commander. The Indians kept up their infernal yell 
 ing the whole time. We were ordered to his apartment, and 
 used with that hospitality which characterizes the best part 
 of the nation. We had brandy in profusion, a good dinner, 
 and a change of linen. This was luxury indeed, after what 
 we had suffered for the want of these things. None but our 
 
154 , INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 selves could prize their value We, after dinner, were pa 
 raded before Mr. Commander and underwent examination ; 
 after which we were shown a convenient apartment, where 
 we resided four days, not subject -to the jurisdiction of our 
 savage masters. Here we received great civilities and many 
 presents. I had a nurse, who in a great measure restored my 
 exhausted strength. My children were all decently clothed, 
 and my infant in particular. The first day, while I was tak 
 ing a nap, they dressed it so fantastically, d la France, that I 
 refused to own it when brought to my bedside, not guessing 
 that I was the mother of such a strange thing. 
 
 On the fourth day, to our great grief and mortification, we 
 were again delivered to the Indians, who led us to the water 
 side, where we all embarked in one vessel for St. John's 
 The wind shifted after a short sail, and we dropped anchor. 
 In a little time a canoe came alongside of us, in which was a 
 white woman, who was bound for Albany. Mr. Johnson 
 begged her to stop a few minutes while he wrote to Colonel 
 Lydius, of Albany, to inform him of our situation, and to re 
 quest him to put the same in the Boston newspapers, that our 
 friends might learn that we were alive. The woman deliv 
 ered the letter, and the contents were published, which con 
 veyed the agreeable tidings to our friends, that, although pris 
 oners, we were then alive. 
 
 The following letter, in return for the one we sent to Colonel 
 Lydius, was the first we received from New England : 
 
 ALBANY, November 5, 1754. 
 
 SIR, I received yours of the 5th of October, with a letter 
 or two for New England, which I have forwarded immediate 
 ly, and have wrote to Boston, in which I urged the govern 
 ment to endeavor your and family's redemption as soon as 
 conveniency would admit. 
 
 I am quite sorry for your doleful misfortune, and hope the 
 just God will endue you with patience to undergo your trou- 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 155 
 
 bles, and justly use his rewards on the evil doers and authors 
 of your misfortune. Present my service to all the prisoners 
 with you, from him who subscribes himself to be 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 JOHN "W. LYDIUS. 
 Lieutenant James Johnson, Montreal. 
 
 After a disagreeable voyage of three days, we made St. 
 John's the 16th of September, where we again experienced 
 the politeness of a French commander. I, with my child, 
 was kindly lodged in the same room with himself and lady. 
 In the morning we still found misfortune treading close at our 
 heels : we must again be delivered to our savage masters, 
 and take another passage in the boats for Chamblee ; when 
 within three miles of which, Labarree, myself and child, 
 with our two masters, were put on shore. We were ignorant 
 of our destiny ; and parting from my husband and friends was 
 a severe trial, without knowing whether we were ever to 
 meet them again. We walked on to Chamblee; here our 
 fears were dissipated by meeting our friends. In the garrison 
 of this place we found all the hospitality our necessities re 
 quired. Here for the first, after my captivity, I lodged on a 
 bed. Brandy was handed about in large bowls, and we lived 
 in -high style. The next morning we were put in the custody 
 of our old masters, who took us to the canoes, in which we 
 had a painful voyage that day and the following night tc 
 Sorell, where we arrived on the 19th. A hospitable friar 
 came to the shore to see us, and invited us to his house. He 
 gave us a good breakfast, and drank our better healths in a 
 tumbler of brandy. He took compassionate notice of my 
 child, and ordered it some suitable food. But the Indians 
 hurried us off before it could eat. He then went with us to 
 the shore, and ordered his servant to carry the food, prepared 
 for the child, to the canoe, where he waited till I fed it. 
 The friar was a very genteel man. and gave us his benedio* 
 
156 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tion at parting in feeling language. We then rowed on till 
 the middle of the afternoon, when we landed on a barren 
 heath, and by the help of a fire cooked an Indian dinner ; 
 after which the war dance was held and another infernal 
 yelling. The prisoners were obliged to sing till they were 
 hoarse, and dance round the fire. 
 
 "We had now arrived within a few miles of the village of 
 St. Francis, to which place our masters belonged. Whenever 
 the warriors return from an excursion against an enemy, 
 their return to the tribe or village must be designated by war 
 like ceremonial ; the captives or spoil, which may happen to 
 crown their valor, must be conducted in a triumphant form, 
 and decorated to every possible advantage. For this end we 
 must now submit to painting : their vermilion, with which 
 they were ever supplied, was mixed with bear's grease, .and 
 every cheek, chin, and forehead must have a dash. We then 
 rowed on within a mile of the town, where we stopped at a 
 French house to dine : the prisoners were served with soup 
 meagre and bread. After dinner two savages proceeded to 
 the village to carry the glad tidings of our arrival. The 
 whole atmosphere soon resounded from every quarter with 
 whoops, yells, shrieks, and screams. St. Francis, from the 
 noise that came from it, might be supposed the centre of 
 pandemonium. Our masters were not backward ; they made 
 every response they possibly could. The whole time we were 
 sailing from the French house the noise was direful to be 
 heard. Two hours before sunset we came to the landing at 
 the village. No sooner had we landed than the yelling in the 
 town was redoubled ; a cloud of savages, of all sizes and 
 sexes, soon appeared running towards us. When they reached 
 the boats they formed themselves into a long parade, leaving 
 a small space through which we must pass. Each Indian 
 then took his prisoner by his hand, and, after ordering him to 
 sing the war song, began to march through the gantlet. We 
 expected a severe beating before we got through ; bat were 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 157 
 
 agreeably disappointed when we found that each Indian only 
 gave us a tap on the shoulder. We were led directly to the 
 houses, each taking his prisoner to his own wigwam. When 
 I entered my master's door his brother saluted me with a large 
 belt of wampum, and my master presented me with another. 
 Both were put over my shoulders, and crossed behind and 
 before. My new home was not the most agreeable : a large 
 wigwam, without a floor, with a fire in the centre, and only a 
 few water vessels and dishes to eat from, made of birch bark, 
 and tools for cookery, made clumsily of wood, for furniture, 
 will not be thought a pleasing residence to one accustomed to 
 civilized life. t 
 
 Residence at St. Francis. Sale of most of the Prisoners to 
 the French, and Removal to Montreal. 
 
 Night presently came after our arrival at St. Francis. 
 Those who have felt the gloomy, homesick feelings which 
 sadden those hours which a youth passes when first from a 
 father's house, may judge of part of my sufferings ; but when 
 the rest of my circumstances are added, their conception must 
 fall infinitely short. I now found myself, with my infant, in 
 a large wigwam, accompanied with two or three warriors 
 and as many squaws, where I must spend the night, and per 
 haps a year. My fellow-prisoners were dispersed over the 
 town, each one, probably, feeling the same gloominess with 
 myself. Hasty pudding presently was brought forward for 
 supper. A spacious bowl of wood, well filled, was placed in 
 a central spot, and each one drew near with a wooden spoon. 
 As the Indians never use seats, nor have any in their wig 
 wams, my awkwardness in taking my position was a matter 
 of no small amusement to my new companions. The squaws 
 first fall upon their knees, and then sit back upon their heels. 
 This was a posture that I could not imitate. To sit in any 
 other was thought by them indelicate and unpolite. But I 
 advanced to my pudding with the best grace I could ; not, 
 14 
 
158 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 however, escaping some of their funny remarks. When the 
 hour for sleep came on, for it would be improper to call it 
 bedtime where beds were not, I was pointed to a platform, 
 raised half a yard, where upon a board covered with a blanket 
 I was to pass the night. The Indians threw themselves down 
 in various parts of the building in a manner that more re 
 sembled cows in a shed than human beings in a house. In 
 the morning our breakfast consisted of the relics of the last 
 night. My sister came to see me in the forenoon ; and we 
 spent some hours in observations upon our situation while 
 washing some apparel at a little brook. In the afternoon I, 
 with my infant, was taken .to the grand parade, where we 
 found a large collection of the village inhabitants. An aged 
 chief stepped forward into an area, and after every noise was 
 silenced and every one fixed in profound attention he began 
 to harangue : his manner was solemn ; his motions and expres 
 sion gave me a perfect idea of an orator. Not a breath was 
 heard, and every spectator seemed to reverence what he said. 
 After the speech my little son was brought to the opposite 
 side of the parade, and a number of blankets laid by his side. 
 It now appeared that his master and mine intended an ex 
 change of prisoners. My master, being a hunter, wished for 
 my son to attend him on his excursions. Each delivered his 
 property with great formality ; my son and blankets being an 
 equivalent for myself, child, and wampum. I was taken to 
 the house of my new master, and found myself allied to the 
 first family. My master, whose name was Gill, was son-in- 
 law to the grand sachem, was accounted rich, had a store of 
 goods, and lived in a style far above the majority of his tribe. 
 He often told me that he had an English heart, but his wife 
 was true Indian blood. Soon after my arrival at his house 
 the interpreter came to inform me that I was adopted into his 
 family. I was then introduced into the family, and was told 
 to call them brothers and sisters. I made a short reply, ex 
 pressive of gratitude for being introduced to a house of high 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 159 
 
 rank, and requested their patience while I should learn the 
 customs of the nation. This was scarce over when the atten 
 tion of the village was called to the grand parade, to attend 
 a rejoicing occasioned by the arrival of some warriors who 
 had brought some scalps. They were carried in triumph on 
 a pole. Savage butchery upon murdered countrymen ! The 
 right was horrid. As I retired to my new residence I could 
 near the savage yells that accompanied the war dance. I 
 spent the night in sad reflection. 
 
 My time now was solitary beyond description. My new 
 sisters and brothers treated me with the same attention that 
 they did their natural kindred ; but it was an unnatural situ 
 ation to me. I was a novice at making canoes, bunks, and 
 tumplines, which was the only occupation of the squaws ; of 
 course, idleness was among my calamities. My fellow-prison 
 ers were as gloomy as myself; ignorant whether they were 
 to spend their days in this inactive village, to be carried into 
 a war campaign, to slaughter their countrymen, or to be 
 dragged to the cold lakes of the north in a hunting voyage. 
 We visited each other daily, and spent our time in conjectur 
 ing our future destiny. 
 
 The space of forty-two years having elapsed since my resi 
 dence in St. Francis, It is impossible to give the reader a 
 minute detail of events that occurred while there : many of 
 them are still forcibly impressed upon my memory ; but dates 
 and particulars are now inaccurately treasured up -by fain', 
 recollection. Mr. Johnson tarried but a few days with me 
 before he was carried to Montreal to be sold. My two daugh 
 ters, sister, and Labarree were soon after carried to the same 
 place at different times. Farnsworth was carried by his 
 master on a hunting scout ; but not proving so active in the 
 chase and ambush as they wished, he was returned and sent 
 to Montreal. I now found an increase to my trouble : with 
 only my son and infant in this strange land, without a pros 
 pect of relief, and with all my former trouble lying heavy 
 
100 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 upon me, disappointment and despair came well nigli being 
 my executioners. In this dilemma, who can imagine my dis 
 tress when my little son came running to me one morning, 
 swollen with tears, exclaiming that the Indians were going 
 to carry him into the woods to hunt ? He had scarcely told 
 the piteous story before his master came to pull him away. 
 He threw his little arms around me, begging, in the agony of 
 grief, that I would keep him. The inexorable savage un- 
 clinched his hands and forced him away : the last words I 
 heard, intermingled with his cries, were, "Ma'am, I shall 
 never see you again." The keenness of my pangs almost 
 obliged me to wish that I had never been a mother. " Fare 
 well, Sylvanus," said I ; " God will preserve you." 
 * * * * * 
 
 Mr. Johnson and my daughter were taken with the small 
 pox ; and I obtained permission to go to the hospital and see 
 them, after which I never returned to the Indians. It is a 
 singular instance of divine interposition that we all recovered 
 from this malignant disease. We were remanded to prison, 
 but were not compelled to our former rigid confinement. Mr. 
 Johnson was allowed, at certain times, to go about the city in 
 quest of provision. But, on the 20th of October, St. Luc 
 Lucorne arrived from Montreal with the news of Dieskau's 
 defeat : he had, ever since my husband's misfortune about his 
 parole, been his persecuting enemy. By his instigation we 
 were all put directly to close prison. 
 
 The ravages of the small pox reduced us to the last extrem 
 ity ; and the fetid prison, without fire or food, added bitterness 
 to our distress. Mr. Johnson preferred a petition to the lord 
 intendant, stating our melancholy situation. I had the liberty 
 of presenting it myself; and by the assistance of Mr. Per- 
 thieur, the interpreter, in whom we ever found a compassion 
 ate friend, we got some small relief. About the 1st of Novem 
 ber I was taken violently ill of a fever, and was carried to 
 the hospital with my daughter Captive. After a month'? 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 161 
 
 residence there, with tolerably good attendance, I recovered 
 from ray illness and went back to my husband. While at 
 the hospital I found an opportunity to convey the unwelcome 
 idings of our deplorable situation to my sister at Montreal, 
 charging her to give niy best love to my daughter Susanna, 
 and to inform our fellow-prisoners, Labarree and Farns worth, 
 that our good wishes awaited them. Not a word had we yet 
 heard from poor Sylvanus. 
 
 Winter now began to approach, and the severe frosts of 
 Canada operated keenly upon our feelings. Our prison was 
 a horrid defence from the blasts of December : with two 
 chairs, and a heap of straw, and two lousy blankets, we may 
 well be supposed to live uncomfortably : but in addition to 
 this, we had but one poor fire a day, and the iron grates gave 
 free access to the chills of the inclement sky. A quart basin 
 was the only thing allowed us to cook our small piece of 
 meat and dirty crusts in ; and it must serve at the same time 
 for table furniture. In this sad plight, a prisoner, in jail, 
 winter approaching, conceive, reader, for I cannot speak, 
 our distress. 
 
 * 
 
 Our former benevolent friends, Captains Stowbrow and 
 Vambram, had the peculiar misfortune to be cast into a prison 
 opposite to us. Suspicion of having corresponded with their 
 countrymen was the crime with which they were charged. 
 Their misfortune did not preclude the exertion of generosity : 
 they frequently sent us, by the waiting maid, bottles of wine 
 and articles of provision."^ But the malice of Frenchmen had 
 now arrived to such a pitcn against all our country that we 
 must be deprived of these comforts. These good men were 
 forbidden their offices of kindness, and our intercourse was 
 entirely prohibited. We, however, found means by a strata 
 gem to effect in some measure what could not be done by 
 open dealing. When the servants were carrying in our daily 
 supplies, we slipped into the entry and deposited our letters 
 in an ash box, which were taken by our friends, they leaving 
 
162 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 one at the same time for U3 : this served in some measure to 
 amuse a dull hour. Somstimes we diverted ourselves by the 
 use of Spanish cards : as Mr. Johnson was ignorant of the 
 gara<3, I derived no inconsiderable pleasure from instructing 
 him. But the vigilance of our keepers increased, and our 
 paper and ink were withheld. We had now been prisoners 
 seventeen months, and our prospects were changing from bad 
 to worse. Five months had elapsed since our confinement in 
 this horrid receptacle, except the time we lingered in the hos 
 pital. Our jailer was a true descendant from Pharaoh ; but, 
 urged by impatience and despair, I softened him so much as 
 to get him to ask Mr. Perthieur to call on us. "When the 
 good man came we described our situation in all the moving 
 terms which our feelings inspired, which, in addition to what 
 he saw, convinced him of the reality of our distress. He 
 proposed asking an influential friend of his to call on us, who, 
 perhaps, would devise some mode for our relief. The next 
 day the gentleman came to see us : he was one of those good 
 souls who ever feel for others' woes. He was highly affronted 
 with his countrymen for reducing us to such distress, and 
 declared that the lord intendant himself should call on us and 
 see the extremities to which he had reduced us. He sent 
 from his own house that night a kettle, some candles, and each 
 of us a change of linen. 
 
 The next day, January 8, 1756, Mr. Intendant came to 
 see us. He exculpated himself by saying that we were put 
 there by the special order of Monsieur Vaudrieul, the gover- 
 nor-in-chief, and that he had no authority to release us. But 
 he would convey a letter from Mr. Johnson to monsieur, which 
 might have the desired effect. The letter was accordingly 
 written, stating our troubles and beseeching relief; likewise 
 praying that our son might be got from the Indians and sent 
 to us, with our daughter and sister from Montreal. The gov 
 ernor returned the following obliging letter : 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 163 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 I have received, sir, your letter, and am much concerned 
 for the situation you are in. I write to Mr. Longieul to put 
 you and your wife in the civil jail. Mr. L. Intendant will be 
 so good as to take some notice of the things you stand in need 
 of, and to help you. As to your boy, who is in the hands of 
 the Indians, I will do all that is in my power to get him ; but 
 I do not hope to have a good success in it. Your child in 
 town and your sister-in-law are well. If it is some opportu 
 nity of doing you some pleasure I will make use of it, unless 
 some reason might happen that hinder and stop the effects of 
 my good will. If you had not before given some cause of 
 being suspected, you should be at liberty. 
 
 I am, sir, your most humble servant, 
 
 YAUDRIEUL. 
 
 From the receipt of this letter we dated our escape 
 direful bondage. Mr. Intendant ordered us directly to the 
 new jail, called the civil prison, where our accommodations 
 were infinitely better. We had a decent bed, candles, fuel. 
 and all the conveniences belonging to prisoners of war. Mr. 
 Johnson was allowed fifteen pence per day, on account of a 
 lieutenant's commission which he held under George II. ; and 
 I was permitted to go once a week into the city to purchase 
 necessaries, and a washerwoman was provided for my use. 
 We were not confined to the narrow limits of a single room, 
 but were restrained only by the bounds of the jail yard. Our 
 situation formed such a contrast with what we endured in the 
 gloomy criminal jail that we imagined ourselves the favorites 
 of fortune and in high life. 
 
 Residence in the Civil Jail, and*0ccurrences till the 20t/i of 
 July, 1757. 
 
 To be indolent from necessity has ever been (Jeemed a 
 formidable evil. No better witnesses than ourselves can 
 
164 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 testify to the truth of the remark, althougjj^pur lodgings were 
 now such as we envied a month before ; yet to be compelled 
 to continual idleness was grievous to be borne. We derived 
 some amusement from the cultivation of a small garden within 
 the jail yard; but a continued sameness of friends and action 
 rendered our time extremely wearisome. 
 
 About a month after our arrival at this new abode, one 
 Captain Milton, with his crew, who with their vessel were 
 taken at sea, were brought prisoners of war to the same place. 
 Milton was lodged in our apartment. He had all the rude, 
 boisterous airs of a seaman, without the least trait of a gen 
 tleman, which rendered him a very troublesome companion. 
 His impudence was consummate ; but that was not the great 
 est evil : while some new recruits were parading before the 
 prison one day, Milton addressed them in very improper lan 
 guage from our window, which was noticed directly by city 
 authority, who, supposing it to be Mr. Johnson, ordered him 
 into the dungeon. ^Deeply affected by this new trouble, I 
 again called on my friend Mr. Perthieur, who, after having 
 ascertained the facts, got him released. Mr. Milton was then 
 put into other quarters. 
 
 A new jailer, who had an agreeable lady for his wife, now 
 made our situation still more happy. My little daughters 
 played with hers and learned the French language. But my 
 children were some trouble ; the eldest, Polly, could slip out 
 into the street under the gate, and often came nigh being lost. 
 I applied to the sentinel, and he kept her within proper 
 bounds. 
 
 Captain M'Neil and his brother, from Boston, were brought 
 to us as prisoners. They informed us of the state of politics 
 in our own country, and told us some interesting news about 
 some of our friends at home. 
 
 In the morning of the 13th of August, our jailer, with 
 moon eyes, came to congratulate us on the taking, of Oswego 
 by the French. We entered little into his spirit of joy, pre- 
 
CAPTIVI1T OF MRS. JOHNSON. 165 
 
 % 
 
 ferring much to hear good news from the other side. We 
 were soon visited by some of the prisoners who had surren 
 dered. Colonel Schuyler was in the number, who, with the 
 gentlemen in his suit, made us a generous present. 
 
 The remainder of the summer and fall of 1756 passed off 
 without any sensible variation. We frequently heard from 
 Montreal. My sister was very well situated in the family of 
 the lieutenant governor, and my eldest daughter was caressed 
 by her three mothers. Could I have heard from my son, 
 half my trouble would have ended. 
 
 In December I was delivered of a son, who lived but a 
 few iiours, and was buried under the Cathedral Church. 
 
 In the winter I received a letter from my sister, contain 
 ing the sad tidings of my father's death, who was killed by 
 Indians on his own farm the preceding June, at the age of 
 fifty-three. Savage vengeance fell heavily upon our family. 
 I had a brother' wounded at the- same time, who ran to the 
 fort with the spear sticking in his thigh. Too much grief 
 reduced me to a weak condition. I was taken sick and car 
 ried to the hospital, where, after a month's lingering illness, I 
 found myself able to return. 
 
 The commencement of the year 1757 passed off without a 
 prospect of liberty. Part of our fellow-prisoners were sent 
 to France, but we made no voyage out of the jail yard. 
 About the 1st of May we petitioned Mons. Vaudrieul to per 
 mit our sister to come to us. Our prayer was granted ; and 
 in May we had the pleasure of seeing her, after an absence 
 of two years. She had supported herself by her needle in 
 .the family of the lieutenant governor, where she was treated 
 extremely well, and received a present of four crowns at 
 parting. 
 
 Impatient of confinement, we now made another attempt to 
 gain our liberty. Mr. Perthieur conducted us to the house 
 of the lord intendant, to whom we petitioned in pressing 
 terms, stating that we had now been prisoners almost three 
 
166 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 
 
 years, and had suffered every thing but death ; and that would 
 be our speedy portion, unless we had relief. His lordship 
 listened with seeming pity, and promised to lay our case be 
 fore the head man at Montreal and give us an answer in 
 seven days ; at the expiration of which time we had a per 
 mit to leave the prison. It is not easy to describe the effect 
 of such news ; those only who have felt the horrors of con 
 finement can figure to themselves the happiness we enjoyed 
 when breathing once more the air of liberty. We took lodg 
 ings in town, where we tarried till the 1st of June, when a 
 cartel ship arrived to carry prisoners to England for an ex 
 change. Mr. Johnson wrote an urgent letter to Mons. Vau- 
 drieul, praying that his family might be included with those 
 who were to take passage. Monsieur wrote a very encour 
 aging letter back, promising that he and his family should 
 sail, and that his daughter, Susanna, should be sent to him. 
 He concluded by congratulating him on his good prospects, 
 and ordering the governor of Quebec to afford us his assist 
 ance. This letter was dated June the 27th. 
 
 This tide of good fortune almost wiped away the remem 
 brance of three years' adversity. We began our prepara 
 tions for embarkation with alacrity. Mr. Johnson wrote St 
 Luc Lucorne for the seven hundred livres due on Mr. Cuy- 
 ler's order ; but his request was, and still is, unsatisfied. This 
 was a period big with every thing propitious and happy. 
 The idea of leaving a country where I had suffered the keen 
 est distress during two months and a half with the savages, 
 been bowed down by every mortification and insult which 
 could arise from the misfortunes of my husband in New Eng- . 
 land, and where I had spent two years in sickness and de 
 spair in a prison too shocking to mention, contributed to fill 
 the moment with all the happiness which the benevolent 
 reader will conceive my due after sufferings so intense. To 
 consummate the whole, ray daughter was to be returned to 
 my arms who had been absent more than two years. There 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 167 
 
 was a good prospect of our son's being released from the In 
 dians. The whole formed such a lucky combination of fortu 
 nate events that the danger of twice crossing the ocean to gain 
 our native shore vanished in a moment. My family were all 
 in the same joyful mood, and hailed the happy day when we 
 should sail for England. 
 
 But little did we think that this sunshine of prosperity was 
 so soon to be darkened by the heaviest clouds of misfortune. 
 Three days before the appointed hour for sailing, the ship 
 came down from Montreal without my daughter. In a few 
 moments I met Mr. Perthieur, who told me that counter 
 orders had come, and Mr. Johnson must be retained a pris 
 oner ; only my two little daughters, sister, and myself could 
 go. This was calamity indeed. To attempt such a long, 
 wearisome voyage, without money and without acquaintance, 
 and to leave a husband and two children in the hands of ene 
 mies, was too abhorrent for reflection. But it was an affair 
 of importance, and required weighty consideration. Accord 
 ingly, the next day" a solemn council of all the prisoners in 
 the city was held at the coffee house. Colonel Schuyler was 
 president; and after numerous arguments for and against 
 were heard, it was voted, by a large majority, that I should 
 go. I, with hesitation, gave my consent. Some, perhaps, 
 will censure the measure as rash, and others may applaud my 
 courage ; but I had so long been accustomed to danger and 
 distress, in the most menacing forms they could assume, that 
 I was now almost insensible to their threats ; and this act was 
 not a little biased by desperation. Life could no longer re 
 tain its value if lingered out in the inimical regions of Canada. 
 In Europe I should, at least, find friends, if not acquaintance ; 
 and among the numerous vessels bound to America I might 
 chance to get a passage. But then, to leave a tender husband, 
 who had so long, at the hazard of his life, preserved my own, 
 to part, perhaps forever, from two children, put alt my TASO 
 lution to the test and shook my boasted firmness. 
 
168 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Colonel Selmyler, whom we ever found our benevolent 
 friend, promised to use his influence for Mr. Johnson's re 
 lease and for the redemption of our children. 
 
 On the 20th of July we went on board the vessel, accom 
 panied by Mr. Johnson, who went with us to take leave. We 
 were introduced to the captain, who was a gentleman and a 
 person of great civility. He showed us the best cabin, which 
 was to be the place of our residence ; and after promising my 
 husband that the voyage should be made as agreeable to me 
 as possible, he gave orders for weighing anchor. The time 
 was now come that we must part. Mr." Johnson took me by 
 the hand ; our tears imposed silence. I saw him step into the 
 barge ; but my two little children, sister, and myself were 
 bound for Europe. 
 
 We fell down the River St. Lawrence but a small distance 
 that night. The next morning the captain, with a cheerful 
 countenance, came to our cabin and invited us to rise and 
 take our leave of Quebec. None but myself complied ; and I 
 gazed, as long as sight would permit, at the place where 1 had 
 left my dearest friend. 
 
 While in the custody qf the Canadians, a number of cir 
 cumstances occurred with which my memory is not strongly 
 impressed ; but a dream which I had while in the civil jail 
 will never be forgotten. Methought that I had two rings on 
 one finger ; the one a plain, and the other a diamond mourn 
 ing ring. The plain ring broke and fell from my finger, while 
 the other remained. My family was now broke, and I left to 
 mourn. 
 
 Voyage to Plymouth. Occurrences. Sailing from Plym 
 outh to Portsmouth ; from thence, by the Way of Cork, to 
 New York. 
 
 All my fears and affliction did not prevent my feeling some 
 little joy at being released from the jurisdiction of French 
 men. I could pardon the Indians for their vindictive spirit, 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 169 
 
 
 
 because they had no claim to the benefits of civilization. But 
 the French, who give lessons of politeness to the rest of the 
 world, can derive no advantage from the plea of ignorance. 
 The blind superstition which is inculcated by their monks and 
 friars doubtless stifles, in some measure, the exertion of pity 
 towards their enemies ; and the common herd, which includes 
 almost seven eighths of their number, have no advantages 
 from education. To these sources I attribute most of my 
 sufferings. But I found some benevolent friends, whose gen 
 erosity I shall ever recollect with the warmest gratitude. 
 
 The commencement of the voyage had every favorable 
 presage ; the weather was fine, the sailors cheerful, and the 
 ship in good trim. My accommodations in the captain's fam 
 ily were very commodious. A boy was allowed me for my 
 particular use. We sailed with excellent fortune till the 19th 
 of August, when we hove in sight of old Plymouth, and at 
 four o'clock in the afternoon dropped anchor. 
 
 The next day all but myself and family were taken from 
 the vessel. We felt great anxiety at being left, and began to 
 fear that fortune was not willing to smile on us even on these 
 shores. We waited in despair thirty or forty hours and found 
 no relief. The captain, observing our despondency, began 
 his airs of gayety to cheer us. He assured us that we should 
 not suffer ; that, if the English would not receive us, he would 
 take us to France and make us happy. But at last an officer 
 came on board to see if the vessel was prepared for the re 
 ception of French prisoners. We related to him our situa 
 tion. He conducted us on shore and applied to the admiral 
 for directions, who ordered us lodgings and the king's allow 
 ance of two shillings sterling per day for our support. For 
 tunately we were lodged in a house where resided Captain 
 John Tufton Mason, whose name will be familiar to the in 
 habitants of New Hampshire on account of his patent. He 
 very kindly interested himself in our favor, and wrote to 
 Messrs. Thomlinson and Apthorp, agents at London for thf 
 15 
 
170 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Province of New Hampshire, soliciting their assistance in my 
 behalf. We tarried at Plymouth but a fortnight, during 
 which time I received much attention, and had to gratify 
 many inquisitive friends with the history of my sufferings. 
 
 Captain Mason procured me a passage to Portsmouth in 
 the Rainbow man-of-war, from whence I was to take passage 
 in a packet for America. Just as I stepped on board the 
 Rainbow, a good lady, with her son, came to make me a visit. 
 Her curiosity to see a person of my description was not abated 
 by my being on my passage. She said she could not sleep 
 till she had seen the person who had suffered such hard for 
 tune. After she had asked all the questions that time would 
 allow of she gave me a guinea, and a half guinea to my sister, 
 and a muslin handkerchief to each of our little girls. On 
 our arrival at Portsmouth the packet had sailed. The cap 
 tain of the Rainbow, not finding it convenient to keep us with 
 him, introduced us on board the Royal Ann. 
 
 Wherever we lived we found the best friends and the po 
 litest treatment. It will be thought singular that a defence 
 less woman should suffer so many changes without meeting 
 with some insults and many incivilities. But during my long 
 residence on board the various vessels I received the most 
 delicate attention from my companions. The officers were 
 assiduous in making my situation agreeable, and readily prof 
 fered their services. 
 
 While on board the Royal Ann I received the following 
 letters. The reader will excuse the recitation. It would be 
 ingratitude not to record such conspicuous acts of benevolence. 
 
 PLYMOUTH, September 13, 1757. 
 
 MADAM, Late last postnight I received an answer from 
 ,.*r. Apthorp, who is partner with Mr. Thomlinson, the agent 
 for New Hampshire, with a letter enclosed to you, which gave 
 you liberty to draw on him for fifteen guineas. As Madam 
 Hornech was just closing her letter to you, I gave it her to 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 171 
 
 enclose for you. I now write again to London on your be 
 half. You must immediately write Mr. Apthorp what you 
 intend to do, and what further you would have him and 'our 
 friends at London do for you. 
 
 I hope you have received the benefaction of the. charitable 
 Indies in this town. All friends here commiserate your mis 
 fortunes and wish you well, together with your sister and 
 children. 
 
 Your friend and countryman to serve, 
 
 JOHN T. MASON. 
 
 Mrs. Johnson. 
 
 LONDON, September 7, 1757. - 
 
 MADAM, I received a letter from Captain Mason, dated 
 the 30th of last month, giving an account of your unfortu 
 nate situation ; and yesterday Mr. Thomlinson, who is ill in 
 the country, sent me your letter, together with Captain Ma 
 son's, to him, with the papers relative to you. In consequence 
 of which I this day applied to a number of gentlemen in your 
 behalf, who very readily gave their assistance ; but as I am a 
 stratfger to the steps you intend to pursue, I can only give 
 you liberty at present to draw on me for ten or fifteen guineas, 
 for which sum your bill shall be paid ; and when you furnish 
 me with information I shall very Cheerfully give any further 
 ance in my power to your relief, when I shall also send you 
 a list of your benefactors. 
 
 I am, madam. 
 
 Your most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN APTHORP. 
 Mrs. Susanna Johnson. f 
 
 LETTER FROM H. GROVE. 
 
 I have now the pleasure to let dear Mrs. Joimson know the 
 goodness of Mrs. Hornech. She has collected seven pounds 
 for you, and sent it to Mrs. Brett, who lives in the yard at 
 
172 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Portsmouth, to beg her favors to you in any thing she can do 
 to help or assist you. She is a good lady : do go to her and 
 let her know your distress. Captain Mason has got a letter 
 this post, but he is not at home ; cannot tell you further. 
 You will exeuse this scrawl, likewise my not enlarging, as Mr. 
 Ilornech waits to send it away. Only believe me, madam, 
 you have my earnest prayers to 'God to help and assist you. 
 My mamma's compliments with mine, and begs to wait on 
 you ; and believe me, dear Mrs. Johnson, yours in all events 
 to serve you, 
 
 HANNAH GROVE. 
 
 Sunday eve, 10 o'clock. 
 
 I received the donation, and Mr. Apthorp sent me the fif 
 teen guineas. I sincerely lament that he omitted sending me 
 the names of my benefactors. 
 
 The captain of the Royal Ann, supposing my situation with 
 him might not be so convenient, applied to the mayor for a 
 permit for me to take lodgings in the city ; which, was granted. 
 I took new lodgings, where I tarried^ three or four days, when 
 orders came for me to be on board the Orange man-of-war in 
 three hours, which was to sail for America. "We made all 
 possible despatch ; but when we got to the shore we were as 
 tonished to find the ship too far under way to be overtaken. 
 No time was to be lost. I applied to a waterman to carry us 
 to a merchantman, which was weighing anchor at a distance to 
 go in the same fleet. He hesitated long enough to pronounce 
 a chapter of oaths, and rowed us off. When we came to the 
 vessel I petitioned the captain to take us on board till he 
 overtook the Orange. He directly flew into a violent passion, 
 and offered greater insults than I had ever received during 
 my whole voyage. He swore we were women of bad fame, 
 who wished to follow'the army, and that he would have noth 
 ing to do with us. I begged him to calm his rage, and 
 we would convince him of his error. But fortunately the 
 
CAlvriVlTY OF MK*. JOIINSOX. 173 
 
 victualler of the fleet happened to be in the ship, who at this 
 moment stepped forward with his roll of names and told the 
 outrageous captain that he would soon convince him whether 
 we deserved notice by searching his list. He soon found our 
 names, and the captain began to beg pardon. He took us on 
 board and apologized for his rudeness. 
 
 When within half a dozen miles of Springfield, Mr. Ely, a 
 benevolent friend of Mr. Johnson's, sent his two sons with a 
 sleigh to convey me to his house, where I proposed, staying 
 till some of my friends could hear of my arrival. Fortu 
 nately Mr. Johnson about the same time arrived at Boston ; 
 but misfortune had not yet filled the measure of his calamity. 
 He had no sooner landed than he was put under guard, on 
 suspicion of not performing his duty in the redemption of the 
 Canada prisoners, which suspicion was occasioned by his' re- 
 missness in producing his vouchers. But the following cer 
 tificate procured his liberty : 
 
 % 
 
 This is to certify whom it may concern, that the bearer, 
 Lieutenant James Johnson, inhabitant in the town of Charles- 
 town, in the Province of New Hampshire, in New England, 
 who, together with his family, were taken by the Indians on 
 the 30th of August, 1754, has ever since continued a steady 
 and faithful subject to his majesty King George, and has used 
 his utmost endeavors to redeem his own family, and all others 
 belonging to the province aforesaid, that were in the hands of 
 the French and Indians, which he cannot yet accomplish ; and 
 that both himself and family have undergone innumerable 
 hardships and alllictions since they have been prisoners in 
 Canada*. 
 
 In testinlbny of which, we, the subscribers, officers in his 
 Britannic majesty's service, and now prisoners ,of war at 
 Quebec, have thought it necessary to grant him this certificate, 
 15* 
 
174 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and do recommend him as an object worthy the aid and com 
 passion of every honest Englishman. 
 
 (Signed,) PETER SCHUYLER, 
 
 ANDREW WATKINS, 
 WILLIAM MARTIN, 
 WILLIAM PADGETT. 
 QUEBEC, September 16, 1757. 
 
 To compensate him for this misfortune, Governor Pownall 
 recommended a grant, which the general court complied with, 
 and gave him one hundred dollars from the treasury ; and he 
 was recorded a faithful subject of King George. > 
 
 After his dismission from the guards in Boston he pro 
 ceeded directly for Charlestown. When within fifteen mile's 
 of Springfield he was met by a gentleman who had just be 
 fore seen me, who gave him the best news he could have 
 heard : although it was then late at night, he lost not a mo 
 ment. At two o clock in the morning of the 1st of January, 
 1758, 'I again embraced my dearest friend. Happy New 
 Year ! With pleasure would I describe my emotions of joy, 
 could language paint them sufficiently forcible ; but the feeble 
 pen shrinks from the task. 
 
 Charlestown was still a frontier town, and suffered from 
 savage depredations, which rendered it an improper residence 
 for me ^consequently I went to Lancaster. Mr. Johnson in 
 a few days set out for New York to adjust his Canada ac 
 counts. But on his journey he was persuaded by Governor 
 Pownall to take a captain's commission and join the forces 
 hound for Ticonderoga, where he was killed on the 8th of 
 July following, in the battle that proved fatal to Lord How, 
 while fighting for his country. Humanity will weep with me. 
 The cup of sorrow was now replete with bitter drops. All 
 my former miseries were lost in the affliction of a*widow. 
 
 In October, 1758, I was informed that my son Sylvanus 
 was at Northampton sick of a scald. I hastened to the place 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 175 
 
 and found him in a deplorable situation. He was brought 
 there by Major Putnam, (afterwards General Putnam,) with 
 Mrs. How and her family, who had returned from captivity. 
 The town of Northampton had taken the charge of him. His 
 situation was miserable : when I found him he had no recol 
 lection of me ; but after some conversation he had some con 
 fused ideas of me, but no remembrance of his father. It 
 was four years since I had seen him ; he was then eleven 
 years old. During his absence he had entirely forgotten the 
 English language, spoke a little broken French, but was per 
 fect in Indian. He had been with the savages three years, 
 and one year with the French ; but his habits were somewhat 
 Indian. He had been with them in their hunting excursions 
 and suffered numerous hardships ; he could brandish a toma 
 hawk or bend the bow ; but these habits wore off by degrees. 
 I carried him from that place to Lancaster, where he lived a 
 few years with Colonel Aaron "VYillard. 
 
 I lived in Lancaster till October, 1759, when I returned to 
 old Charlestown. The sight of my former residence afforded 
 a strange mixture of joy and grief; while the desolations of 
 war, and the loss of a number of dear and valuable friends, 
 combined to give the place an air of melanctioly. Soon after 
 my arrival Major Rogers returned from an expedition against 
 the village of St. Francis, which he had destroyed, and killec 
 most of the inhabitants. He brought with him a young In 
 dian prisoner, who stopped at my house : the moment he saw 
 me he cried, " My God ! my God ! here is my sister ! " It 
 was my little brother Sabatis, who formerly used to bring the 
 cows for me when I lived at my Indian masters. He was 
 transported to see me, and declared that he was still my 
 brother, and I must be his sister. Poor fellow ! The fortune 
 of war had left him without a single relation ; but with his 
 country's enemies he could find one who too sensibly felt his 
 miseries. I felt the purest pleasure in administering to hi? 
 comfort 
 
176 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 I was extremely fortunate in receiving, by one of Major 
 Rogers's men, a bundle of Mr. Johnson's papers, which he 
 found in pillaging St. Francis. The Indians took them when 
 we were captivated, and they had lain at St. Francis five 
 years. 
 
 Sabatis went from Charlestown to Crown Point with Major 
 .Rogers. When he got to Otter Greek he met my son Sylva- 
 nus, who was in the army with Colonel Willard. He recog 
 nized him, and, clasping him in his arms, " My God ! " says he, 
 " the fortune of war ! " I shall ever remember this young 
 Indian with affection : he had a high sense of honor and good 
 behavior : he was affable, good natured, and polite. 
 
 My daughter Susanna was still in Canada ; but as I had 
 the fullest assurances that every attention was paid to her 
 education and welfare by her three mothers, I felt less anxie 
 ty than I otherwise might have done. 
 
 Every one will imagine that I have paid Affliction her ut 
 most demand : the pains of imprisonment, the separation 
 from my children, the keen sorrow occasioned by the death 
 of a butchered father, and the severe grief arising from my 
 husband's death, will amount to a sum perhaps unequalled 
 But still my family must be doomed to further and severe 
 persecutions from the savages. In the commencement or the 
 summer of 1766, my brother-in-law", Mr. Joseph Willard, son 
 of the Rev. Mr. Willard, of Rutland, who was killed by tl\e 
 Indians in Lovell's war, with his wife and five children, who 
 lived but two miles distant from me, were taken by a party 
 of Indians. They were carried much the same route that I 
 was to Montreal. Their journey of fourteen days through 
 the wilderness was a series of miseries unknown to any but 
 those who have suffered Indian captivity : they lost two chil 
 dren, whose deaths were owing to savage barbarity. The 
 history of their captivity would almost equal my own ; but 
 the reader's commiseration and pity must now be exhausted, 
 No more of anguish ; no more of sufferings. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF MRS. JOHNSON. 177 
 
 They arrived at Montreal a few days before the French 
 surrendered it to tfce English, and after four months' absence 
 returned home, and brought my daughter Susanna to my 
 arms. While I rejoiced at again meeting my child, whom I 
 had not seen for above five years, I felt extremely grateful to 
 the Mrs. Jaissons for the affectionate attention they had be 
 stowed on her. As they had received her as their child, they 
 had made their affluent fortune subservient to her best inter 
 est. To give her the accomplishments of a polite eduoation 
 had been their principal care : she had contracted an ardent 
 love for them, which never will be obliterated. Their parting 
 was an affecting scene of tears. They never forgot her dur 
 ing their lives : she has eight letters from them, which are 
 proofs of the warmest friendship. My daughter did not 
 know me at her return, and spoke nothing but French : my 
 son spoke Indian ; so that my family was a mixture of nations. 
 
 Mr. Farnsworth, my only fellow-prisoner whose return I 
 have not mentioned, came home a little before. ' .^ 
 
 Thus, by the goodness of Providence, we all returned in 
 the course of six painful years to the place from whence we 
 were taken. The long period of our captivity and the sever 
 ity of our sufferings will be called uncommon and unprece 
 dented. But we even found some friends to pity among our 
 most persecuting enemies ; and from the various shapes in 
 which mankind appeared, we learned many valuable lessons. 
 Whether in the wilds of Canada, the horrid jails of Quebec, 
 or in our voyage to Europe, daily occurrences happened to 
 convince us that the passions of men are as various as their 
 complexions. And although my sufferings were often in 
 creased by the selfishness of this world's spirit, yet the numer 
 ous testimonies of generosity I received bid me suppress the 
 charge of neglect or want of benevolence. That I have been 
 an unfortunate woman, all will grant ; yet my misfortunes, 
 while they enriched my experience and taught me the value 
 of patience, have increased my gratitude to the Author of all 
 
17& INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 blessings, whose goodness and mercy have preserved my life 
 to the. present time. 
 
 During the time of my widowhood, misfortune and disap- 
 pointmen*- were my intimate companions. "When New Eng 
 land was ruled by a few men who were the creatures of a 
 king, the pleasures of dissipation were preferred to the more 
 severe attention to business ; and the small voice of a woman 
 was seldom heard. Hence, in the settlement of my husband's 
 estate, the delay and perplexity were distressing. I made 
 three journeys to Portsmouth, fourteen to Boston, and three 
 to Springfield, to effect the settlement. Whether my captivi 
 ty had taught me to be ungrateful, or whether imagination 
 formed a catalogue of evils, I will not pretend to say ; but 
 from the year 1754 to the present day, greater 1 misfortunes 
 have apparently fallen to my share than to mankind in gen 
 eral, and the meteor happiness has eluded my grasp. The 
 life of a widow is peculiarly afflictive; but my numerous 
 and long journeys over roads imminently bad, and incidents 
 that seemed to baffle all my plans and foresight, render mine 
 more unfortunate than common.- 
 
 But I found many attentive friends, whose assistance and 
 kindness will always claim my gratitude. Colonel White, of 
 Leominster, with whom I had lived from the time I was eight 
 years old until I married, was extremely affectionate and 
 kind : in his house I found a welcome home. Mr. Samuel 
 Ely, of Springfield, who was the friend of my husband, ren 
 dered me numerous kindnesses. Colonel Murray, of Rutland, 
 and Colonel Chandler, of Worcester, were very friendly and 
 kind. Mr. Clarke, deputy secretary, Governor Pownall, and 
 Governor Wentworth, exerted their influence for me in at 
 tempting to procure a grant from the general assembly. 
 
 In one of my journeys to Portsmouth I conversed with 
 Captain Adams, who was in Europe at the time I was. He 
 informed me that while there Mr. Apthorp gave him .fourteen 
 pounds sterling, for the purpose of conveying me and my 
 
CAPTIVITY OP MRS. JOHNSON. 17 3 
 
 family to America. My sailing with the convoy prevented 
 my receiving this kindness. 
 
 During the four years of my widowhood I was in quite an 
 unsettled situation ; sometimes receiving my children who 
 were returning from captivity, and at others settling the 
 estate of my deceased husband. In October, 1759, I moved 
 to Charlestown and took possession of my patrimony, consist 
 ing of a house which Colonel Whiting had generously assisted 
 my mother in building. In copartnership with my brother, 
 Moses Willard, I kept a small store, which was of service in 
 supporting my family ahd settling my husband's estate. I 
 have received, by petitioning, from the general assembly of 
 New Hampshire forty-two pounds, to indemnify myself and 
 family for losses sustained by our country's enemies. This 
 was of eminent service to me. Mr. Johnson left with Mr. 
 Charles Apthprp, of Boston, the sum which my son's re 
 demption cost, for Colonel Schuyler, who had paid the same. 
 But the general assembly of Massachusetts afterwards paid 
 Colonel Schuyler his demand for redeeming my son. 
 
 By Mr. Johnson I had seven children : two sons and a 
 daughter died in infancy. Sylvanus, with whom the reader 
 is acquainted, now lives in Charlestown. Susanna married 
 Captain Samuel Wetherbee, and has been the mother of 
 fifteen children, among whom were five at two births. Polly 
 married Colonel Timothy Bedel, of Haverhill : she died in Au* 
 gust, 1789. Captive married Colonel George Kimball. In the 
 year 1762 I married Mr. John Hastings, my present husband. 
 He was one of the first settlers in Charlestown. I recollect 
 to have seen him when I visited the place in the year 1744. 
 He suffered much by the Indians, and assisted in defending 
 the town during the wars. By him I have had seven chil 
 dren : one daughter and four sons died in their infancy. The- 
 odosia is' married to Mr. Stephen Hasham. Randilla died at 
 the age of twenty-two. She lived from her infancy with Mr. 
 Samuel Taylor, of Rockingham, by whom she was treated 
 
180 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 with great affection. I have had thirty-nine grandchildren 
 and four great-grandchildren. 
 
 I am now in the winter of life, and feel sensibly the effects 
 of old age. I live on the same spot where the Indians tooK us 
 from in 1754 ; but the face of Nature has so changed that old 
 savage fears are all banished. My vacant hours T often em 
 ploy in reflecting on the various scenes that have marked the 
 different stages of my life. When viewing the present rising 
 generation, in the bloom of health and enjoying those gay 
 pleasures which shed their exhilarating influence so plenti 
 fully in the morn of life, I look back to my early days, when 
 I, too, was happy and basked in the sunshine of good fortune. 
 Little do they think that the meridian of their lives can pos 
 sibly be rendered miserable by captivity or a prison : as little, 
 too, did I think that my gilded prospects could be obscured : 
 but it was the happy delusion of youth ; and I fervently wish 
 there was no deception. But that Being who " sits upon the 
 circle of the earth and views the inhabitants as grasshoppers " 
 allots all our fortunes. 
 
 Although I have drunk so largely from the cup of sorrow 
 yet my present happiness is a small compensation. Twice 
 has my country been ravaged by war since my remembrance. 
 I have detailed the share I bore in the first : in the last, al 
 though the place in which I live was not a field of bloody 
 battle, yet its vicinity to Ticonderoga and the savages that 
 ravaged the Coos country rendered it perilous and distress 
 ing. But now no one can set a higher value on the smiles of 
 peace than myself. The savages are driven beyond the lakes, 
 and our country has no enemies. The gloomy wilderness, 
 that forty years ago secreted the Indian and the beast of prey, 
 has vanished away, and the thrifty farm smiles in its stead ; 
 the Sundays, that were then employed in guarding a fort, are 
 now quietly devoted to worship ; the tomahawk and scalping 
 knife have given place to the sickle and ploughshare ; and 
 prosperous husbandry now thrives where the terrors of death 
 once chilled us with fear. 
 
CAPTIVITY OP MRS. JOHNSON. 181 
 
 My numerous progeny often gather around me to hear the 
 sufferings once felt by their aunt or grandmother, and wonder 
 at their magnitude. My daughter Captive still keeps the 
 dress she appeared in when brought to my bedside by the 
 French nurse at the Ticonderoga hospital, and often refreshes 
 my memory with past scenes when showing it to her children. 
 These things yield a kind of melancholy pleasure. 
 
 Instances of longevity are remarkable in my family. My 
 aged mother, before her death, could say to me, " Arise, 
 daughter, and go to thy daughter ; for thy daughter's daugh 
 ter has got a daughter ; " a command which few mothers can 
 make and be obeyed. 
 
 And now, reader, after sincerely wishing that your days 
 may be as happy as mine have been unfortunate, I bid you 
 adieu. 
 
 CHARLESTOWN, June 20, 1798. 
 
 Names of Persons killed by the Indians in Charlestovm, No. 4 
 
 Seth Putnam, May 2, 1748. 
 
 Samuel Farnsworth, ~] 
 
 Joseph Allen, 
 
 Peter Perin, I May 24, 174G. 
 
 Aaron Lyon, 
 
 Joseph Massey, 
 
 Jedediah Winchel, June or July, 1746. 
 
 Philips, August 3, 1746. 
 
 Isaac Goodale, ) , 
 
 .., , i n Va I October, 1747. 
 Nathaniel Gould, ) 
 
 Obadiah Sartwell, June, 1749. 
 Lieutenant Moses Willard, June 18, 1756. 
 Asahel Stebbins, August, 1758. 
 Josiah Kellogg, 1759. 
 1C 
 
182 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Number taken Prisoners by the Indians from Gharle&town^ 
 No. 4. 
 
 Captain John Spafford, \ 
 
 Isaac Parker, V April 19, 1746. 
 
 Stephen Farnsworth, ) 
 
 Anderson, October, 1747. 
 
 Enos Stevens, June 17, 1749. 
 
 James Johnson, 
 
 Susanna Johnson, 
 
 Sylvanus Johnson, 
 
 Susan Johnson, 
 
 Polly Johnson, . 
 
 Miriam Willard, 
 
 Peter Labarree, 
 
 Ebenezer Farnsworth, > 
 
 Sampson Colefax, 
 
 David Farnsworth, 
 
 Thomas Robins, ^May, 1756. 
 
 Thomas Robins, 
 
 Asa Spafford, 
 
 Mrs. Robins, ") 
 
 Isaac Parker, [-August, 1758. 
 
 David Hill, ) 
 
 Joseph Willard, Ij une 7,1760 
 
 Wife, and five children, j 
 
 August 29, 1754. 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 
 
 As a union of interest always strengthens the bonds of 
 affection, so a participation in extreme sufferings will never 
 fail to produce a mutual sensibility. Prompted by a gener 
 ous glow of filial love and affection, we generally take delight 
 in surveying whatever gave our forefathers joy, and are ready 
 to drop a sympathetic tear when we review the sufferings 
 which they have undergone. But, contrary to the laws of 
 sympathy and justice, the attention of the public is often en 
 grossed with accounts of the more dreadful conflagrations of 
 populous cities in foreign countries or the defeat of armies in 
 the field of carnage ; while the destruction of small frontier 
 settlements by the Indian tribes in our own country is at the 
 same time little known, if not entirely forgotten. Thus the 
 miseries of our neighbors and friends around us, whose bitter 
 cries have been heard in our streets, are too often suffered to 
 pass unnoticed down the current of time into the tomb of 
 oblivion. 
 
 The burning of Royalton was an event most inauspicious 
 and distressing to the first settlers of that town. Nor is it a 
 little strange that, among the numerous authors who have re 
 corded the events of the Ajnerican revolution, some of them 
 have not given place in their works to a more full detail of 
 that afflictive scene. 
 
 Laboring under all the difficulties and hardships to which 
 our infant settlements were subject, and striving by perse 
 vering industry to soar above every obstacle which might 
 present itself to obstruct their progress, they had filled their 
 
184 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 barns with the fruits of the land, their storehouses were 
 crowded with the comforts of life, and all nature seemed to 
 wear a propitious smile. All around them promised pros 
 perity. They were far removed from the noise of war ; and, 
 though conscious of their danger, fondly hoped they should 
 escape the ravages of a savage foe. 
 
 Royalton was chartered in the year 1779. A considerable 
 settlement, however, had taken place previous to that time, 
 and the town was in a thriving condition. Large stocks of 
 cattle, which would confer honor upon the enterprise of 
 farmers in old countries, were here seen grazing in their 
 fields. 
 
 United by common interest, living on terms of friendship, 
 and manifesting that each one in a good degree " loved his 
 neighbor as himself," harmony prevailed in their borders, 
 social happiness was spread around their firesides, and plenty 
 crowned their labors. But, alas ! the dreadful reverse remains 
 to be told. While joys possessed were turned to sorrows, 
 their hopes for joys to come were blasted. And as the former 
 strongly marked the grievous contrast between a state of 
 prosperity and affliction, the latter only showed the fallacy of 
 promising ourselves the future. 
 
 On the morning of the 16th of October, 1780, before the 
 dawn of ~day, the inhabitants of this town were surprised by 
 the approach of about three hundred Indians of various tribes. 
 They were led by the Caghnewaga tribe, and had left Canada 
 intending to destroy Newbury, a town in the eastern part of 
 Vermont, on Connecticut River. . A British lieutenant, by 
 the name of Horton, was their chief commander ; and one Le 
 Mott, a Frenchman, was his second. Their pilot, or leader, 
 was a despicable villain, by the name of Hamilton, who had 
 been made prisoner by the Americans at the taking of Bur- 
 goyne in 1777. He had been at Newbury and Royalton the 
 preceding summer on parole of honor, left the latter place 
 with several others under pretence of going to survey lands 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTOK. 185 
 
 in the northern part of this state, and went directly to the 
 enemy. He was doubtless the first instigator of those awful 
 depredations which were the bitter fruits of this expedition, 
 and which ought to stamp his name with infamy and disgrace. 
 
 On their way thither, it is said, they came across several 
 men from Newbury, who were engaged in hunting near the 
 place where Montpelier village now stands, and made them 
 prisoners. They made known their object to these hunters, 
 and inquired of them whether an armed force was stationed 
 at Newbury. Knowing the defenceless state of that town, 
 and hoping they should be able to induce the Indians to re 
 linquish their object and return to Canada, they told them 
 that such an armed garrison was kept at Newbury as would 
 render it extremely dangerous for them to approach thus 
 artfully dissembling by ambiguity of expression the true con 
 dition of their fellow-townsmen, and, like Rahab the harlot, 
 saved their father's house from destruction. 
 
 Unwilling, however, that their expedition should prove 
 wholly fruitless, they turned their course to Royalton. No 
 arguments which the prisoners could adduce were sufficient 
 to persuade them from that determination. 
 
 Following up Onion River as far as the mouth of Stevens's 
 branch, which empties into the river at Montpelier, they 
 steered their course through Barre, at that time called Wil- 
 dersburg; proceeded up Gaol branch, which forms a part 
 of Stevens's branch, and travelled over the mountains through 
 Orange and Washington ; thence down the first branch of 
 White River, through Chelsea and Tunbridge, to Royalton. 
 They laid in their encampment at Tunbridge, not far distant 
 from Royalton, during the Sabbath, the day preceding their 
 attack upon the latter place^ for the purpose of concerting 
 measures to carry into effect their atrocious and malignant 
 designs. Here were matured those diabolical seeds of depre 
 dation ancf cruelty from which sprung bitterness, sorrow, and 
 death. 
 
 16* 
 
186 INDIAN 
 
 As they entered the town before daylight appeared dark 
 ness covered their approach, and they were not discovered 
 till Monday morning at dawn of day, when they entered the 
 house of Mr. John Hutchinson, who resided not far from the 
 hne separating Eoyalton from Tunbridge. He was totally 
 ignorant of their approach and wholly unsuspicious of dan 
 ger till they burst the door upon him. 
 
 Here they took Mr. John Hutchinson, and Abijah Hutch 
 inson, his brother, prisoners, and plundered the house ; crossed 
 the first branch and went to the house of Mr. Robert Havens, 
 who lived at a small distance from Mr. Hutchinson's. Mr. 
 Havens had gone out into his pasture in pursuit of his sheep, 
 and having ascended a hill about forty rods from his house, 
 hearing his neighbor Hutchinson's dog bark, halted, and stood 
 in pensive silence. Here he listened with deep anxiety to 
 know the extent of the evil he feared. But, alas ! he little 
 expected to find a herd of savage men. It was his only fear 
 that some voracious animal was among his sheep, which so 
 disturbed the watchful dog. While he listened in silence, 
 with his thoughts suspended, he heard a noise as of sheep 
 or cattle running with full speed through the water. Casting 
 his eye to the west, towards his own dwelling, he beheld a 
 company of Indians just entering the door. Seeing his own 
 danger, he immediately laid down under a log and hid himself 
 from their sight. But he could not hide sorrow from his 
 mind. Here he wept. Tears trickling down his withered 
 cheeks bespoke the anguish of his soul while he thought upon 
 the distress of his family. With groanings unutterable he 
 lay a while, heard the piercing shrieks of his beloved wife 
 and saw his sons escaping for their lives. 
 
 Laden with the weight of years, decrepit and infirm, he 
 was sensible if he appeared in sight it would prove his death. 
 He therefore resolved not to move until a favorable opportu 
 nity presented. His son, Daniel Havens, and Thomas Pern- 
 ber, were in the house, and made their appearance at the door 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 18V 
 
 a little before the Indians came up. Beholding the foe but 
 few rods distant, they ran for their lives. Daniel Havens 
 made his escape by throwing himself over a hedge fence 
 down the bank of the branch and crawling under a log, al 
 though a large number of the Indians passed directly over it 
 in pursuit of him. Who can tell the fears that agitated his 
 bosom while these savage pursuers stepped upon the log under 
 which he lay ? and who can tell the joys he felt when he 
 saw them pass off, leaving him in safety ? a quick transition 
 from painful fear and imminent danger to joyful peace and 
 calm retirement. They pursued Thomas Pember till they 
 came so near as to throw a spear at him, which pierced his 
 body and put an end to his existence. He ran some time, 
 however, after he was wounded, till by loss of blood he fainted, 
 fell, and was unable to proceed farther. The savage mon 
 sters came up, several times thrust a spear through his body, 
 took off his scalp, and left him food for worms. While they 
 were tearing his scalp from his head, how did his dying groans 
 pierce the skies and call on Him who holds the scales of jus 
 tice to mark their cruelty and avenge his blood ! 
 
 He had spent the night previous at the house of Mr. Ha 
 vens, engaged in amorous conversation with a daughter of 
 Mr. Havens, who was his choice companion, the intended 
 partner of his life. 
 
 By imagination we view the fair survivor surrounded by 
 the savage tribe, whose frightful aspect threatened ruin ; her 
 soul overwhelmed with fear, and stung with grief, bereft of 
 her dearest friend. 
 
 They made the house of Mr. Havens their rallying point, 
 or post of observation, and stationed a part of their company 
 there to guard their baggage and make preparations for re 
 treat when they had completed their work of destruction, 
 Like the messenger of death, silent and merciless, they were 
 scarcely seen till felt ; or, if seen, filled the mind with terror ; 
 nor often afforded opportunity for escape. Moving with 
 
188 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 violent steps, they proceeded down the first branch to its mouth ; 
 while a number, armed with spears, led the van, and were fol 
 lowed by others, armed with muskets and scalping knives. 
 The former they called runners, who were directed to kill all 
 those who should be overtaken in an attempt to escape ; while 
 the latter were denominated gunners, took charge of the pris 
 oners, and scalped those who were killed. 
 
 They had not proceeded far before a young man, by the 
 name of Elias Button, being ignorant of their approach, made 
 his appea*rance in the road but a few rods from them. Espy 
 ing his danger, he turned and ran with the greatest possible 
 speed in his power to escape their cruel hands. .The savage 
 tribe pursued him with their usual agility, soon overtook the 
 trembling youth, pierced his body with their spears, took off 
 his scalp, and left him weltering in his gore. Young, vigor 
 ous, and healthy, and blessed with the brightest hopes of long 
 life and good days, he was overtaken by the merciless stroke 
 of death without having a minute's warning. Innocence and 
 bravery were* no shield, nor did activity secure him a safe 
 retreat. 
 
 That they might be enabled to fall upon the inhabitants 
 unawares, and thereby secure a greater number of prisoners 
 as well as procure a greater quantity of plunder, they kept 
 profound silence till they had arrived at the mouth of the 
 branch. 
 
 After killing Pember and Button and taking such plunder 
 as most pleased their fancy, they proceeded to the house of 
 Joseph Kneeland, who resided about half a mile distant from 
 the house of Mr. Havens. Here they found Messrs. Simeon 
 Belknap, Giles Gibbs, and Jonathan Brown, together with 
 Joseph Kneeland and his aged father, all of whom they made 
 prisoners. They then went to the house of Mr. Elias Curtis, 
 where they took Mr. Curtis, John Kent, and Peter Mason. 
 Mrs. Curtis had just waked from the slumbers of the night, 
 and was about dressing herself as she sat upon her bed, when 
 
BURNING OF KOYALTON. 189 
 
 the savage monsters entered the door ; and one of them in 
 stantly flew at her, with a large knife in his hand, and seized 
 her by the neck, apparently intending to cut her throat. 
 While in the very attitude of inflicting the fatal wound the 
 murderous wretch discovered a string of gold beads around 
 her neck, which attracted his attention and prevented the 
 dreadful stroke of death. Thus his avidity for gold allayed 
 his thirst for human blood. His raging passions were sud 
 denly cooled ; curiosity restrained his vengeance and spared 
 the life of the frightened object of his cruelty. He Had put 
 the knife to her throat, and eternity seemed open to her view ; 
 but instead of taking her life he only took her beads, and left 
 her rejoicing at her deliverance. The barbarous looks of the 
 wicked crew bespoke their malignant designs, and caused 
 horror and dismay to fill the minds of all who beheld them. 
 But, alas ! who can tell what horror. thrilled the bosom of this 
 trembling woman ? What fearful pangs were made to pierce 
 her soul ! Behold the tawny wretch, with countenance wild 
 and awful grimaces, standing by her bedside, holding her by 
 the throat with one hand, and the weapon of death in the 
 other ! See standing around her a crowd of brutal savages, 
 the sons of violence, foul tormentors ! In vain do I attempt 
 to paint the scene. Nor will I pretend to describe the feel 
 ings of a kind and tender mother, who, reposing in the arms 
 of sleep, with her infant at her bosom, is roused from her 
 slumbers by the approach of a tribe of savage Indians at her 
 bedside. 
 
 To prevent an alarm from being sounded abroad, they com 
 manded the prisoners to keep silence on pain of death. While 
 the afflicted inhabitants beheld their property wasted and 
 their lives exposed to the arrows of death, it caused their 
 hearts to swell with grief. But they were debarred the priv 
 ilege of making known their sufferings to their nearest friends, 
 or even to pour out their cries of distress, while surrounded 
 by the savage band, whose malevolent appearance could not 
 
190 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 fail to spread fear and distress in every bosom. They plun 
 dered every house they found till they arrived at the mouth 
 of the branch. Here the commander, a British officer, took 
 his stand with a small party of Indians, while some went up 
 and others down on each side of the river to complete the 
 work of destruction. They had already taken several horses, 
 which some of them rode, to facilitate their march and enable 
 them to overtake those who attempted to make their escape. 
 Frightened at the horrible appearance of their riders, who 
 were imno way qualified to manage them, the horses served 
 rather to impede than hasten their progress. 
 
 Instigated by " the powers of darkness," fired with rage, 
 eager to obtain that booty which they acquired by the pillage 
 of houses, and fearful, at the same time, that they should 
 themselves fall a prey to the American forces, they pursued 
 their ravages with infuriated zeal, and violence and horror 
 attended their movement. 
 
 General Elias Stevens, who resided in the fiist house on 
 the river above the mouth of the branch, had gone down the 
 river about two miles, and was engaged at work with his oxen 
 and cart. While busily employed loading his cart, casting his 
 eye up 'the river he beheld a man approaching, bareheaded, 
 with his horse upon the run, who, seeing General Stevens, 
 cried out, " For God's sake, turn out your oxen, for the In 
 dian's are at the mill ! " * General Stevens hastened to un 
 yoke his oxen, turned them out, and immediately mounted his 
 horse and started to return to his family, filled with fearful 
 apprehensions for the fate of his beloved wife and tender 
 offspring. He had left them in apparent safety, reposing in 
 the arms of sleep. Having proceeded on his return about 
 half way home he met Captain Joseph Parkhurst, who in 
 formed him that the Indians were but a few rods distant, in 
 
 * The mills to which he referred, owned by a Mr. Morgan, were 
 situated on the first branch, near its mouth. 
 
MRS nix Page 191. 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 1* 
 
 swift pursuit down the river, and that, unless he returned im 
 mediately, he would inevitably fall into their hands. 
 
 Apprised of his danger, he turned and accompanied the 
 captain down the river. Conjugal and parental affection 
 alone can suggest to the imagination of the reader what were 
 the feelings of General Stevens when compelled for his own 
 safety to leave the wife of his bosom and their little ones to 
 the mercy of a savage foe. "What pains did he feel when he 
 found himself deprived of all possible means to afford them 
 relief ! Nor could he expect a more favorable event than to 
 find them all sacrificed at the shrine of savage barbarity. 
 Who, not totally devoid of sympathy, can refrain to drop a 
 tear as he reflects upon those painful emotions which agitated 
 the general's breast when he was forced to turn his back upon 
 his beloved family while thus exposed to danger ? Indeed, 
 it was his only source of consolation that he might be able to 
 afford assistance to his defenceless neighbors ; and as they 
 soon came to the house of Deacon Daniel Rix, he there found 
 opportunity to lend the hand of pity. General Stevens took 
 Mrs. Rix and two or three children with him upon his horse ; 
 Captain Parkhurst took Mrs. Benton and several children 
 upon his horse with him ; and they all rode off as fast as pos 
 sible, accompanied by Deacon Rix and several others on foot, 
 till they arrived at the place where the general first received 
 the alarm. Filled with anxiety for his fa,mily, and not hav 
 ing seen any Indians, General Stevens here concluded again 
 to return, hoping he should be able to reach home in time to 
 secure his household from danger before the Indians arrived. 
 Leaving Mrs. Rix and children in the care of a Mr. Burroughs, 
 he started for home, and had proceeded about half a mile 
 when he discovered the Indians in the road ahead of him, 
 but a few rods distant. He quickly turned about, hastened 
 his retreat, soon overtook the company he had left, and en 
 treated them immediately to leave the road and take to the 
 woods, to prevent being taken. Those who were on foot 
 
192 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 jumped over the fence, hastened to the woods out of sight of 
 the Indians, where they remained in safety, undiscovered by 
 the savage foe, who kept 'the road in pursuit of General Ste 
 vens. He passed down the road about half a mile, and came 
 to the house of Mr. Tilly Parkhurst, his father-in-law. See 
 ing his sister engaged in milking by the barn, he " told her to 
 leave her cow immediately, or the Indians would have her," 
 and left her to secure her own retreat. They were now in 
 plain sight, not more than eighty or a hundred rods off. The 
 road was full of them, running like bloodhounds. The gen 
 eral rode to the house, told them to run for their lives, and 
 proceeded to warn others who lived contiguous. By this 
 time the way was filled with men, women, and children, and 
 a large body of Indians in open view but just behind them. 
 The savage tribe now began to make the surrounding wilder 
 ness reecho with their frightful yells. Frightened and alarmed 
 for their safety, children clung to their parents ; and half-dis 
 tracted mothers, filled with fearful apprehensions of approach 
 ing destruction, were heard to make the air resound with their 
 cries of distress. General Stevens endeavored to get them 
 into the woods, out of sight of the Indians. Fear had usurped 
 the power of reason, and Wisdom's voice was drowned in the 
 torrent of distraction. There was no time for argument : all 
 was at stake : the enemy hard by, and fast approaching : 
 defenceless mothers, with helpless infants in their arms, flee 
 ing for their lives. Despair was spread before them, while 
 the roaring flood of 'destruction seemed rolling behind them. 
 Few could be persuaded to go into the woods ; and most of 
 them kept the road till they arrived at the house of Captain 
 E. Parkhurst, in Sharon. Here they halted a moment to 
 take breath, hoping they should not be pursued any far 
 ther. The Indians, being taken up in plundering the houses, 
 had now fallen considerably in the rear. But the unhappy 
 Tictims of distress had not long been here when the cruel 
 pursuers again appeared in sight. 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 198 
 
 Screaming and crying now witnessed the horrors of that 
 dreadful scene. Groans and tears bespoke the feelings of a 
 heart agitated with fear and swollen with grief. There was 
 no time to be lost. While they waited they waited for de 
 struction. Children hanging to their mothers cloth* ; moth 
 ers inquiring what they should do, and calling for assistance ; 
 floods of tears and piercing shrieks, all presented to view 
 a most painful scene. Seeing the Indians approaching with 
 hideous yells that thrilled the heart of every one, General 
 Stevens put his mother and his sister upon his own horse. 
 Captain Joseph Parkhurst put Mrs. Rix and three of her 
 children upon another horse, without a bridle, and ordered 
 them to hasten their flight. There yet remained the wife 
 of Captain E. Parkhurst, who stood in the most critical situ 
 ation in which a woman can be placed, begging and crying 
 for help, surrounded by six small children clinging to her 
 clothes and pleading with her for protection. Alas ! how 
 awful was the spectacle, how affecting the scene, to see a 
 woman in this deplorable condition pleading for succor when 
 none could help, when safety and support had fled and dan 
 gers were rushing upon* her ! A heart not devoid of sympa 
 thy could not fail to >veep. Conscious of her wretched sit 
 uation, feeling for her dear children, being told there was no 
 probability for her escape, gathering her little ones around 
 her she wept in bitterness of soul ; tears of pity ran down 
 her cheeks while she waited the approach of the savage 
 tribe to inflict upon her whatever malice could invent or 
 inhumanity devise. 
 
 Her husband, to whom she fain would have looked for pro 
 tection, was gone from home when all her woes fell upon her. 
 Well might she say, " Therefore are my loins filled with pain ; 
 pangs have taken hold upon me as the pangs of a woman 
 that travaileth ; my heart panted ; fearfulness affrighted me ; 
 the night of my pleasure hath he turned into fear unto me." 
 While Mrs. Parkhurst saw her friends and neighbors fleeing 
 17 
 
194 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 from her, and beheld the Indians approaching with impetuous 
 step, her bosom throbbed with anguish ; horror seized her 
 soul ; and death, immediate death, both to her and her children, 
 " stood thick around her," threatening to thrust his dagger 
 into her aching "heart. There was no time to decide on the 
 priority of claims to pity or the demands of justice. Those 
 who were nearest at hand first received assistance ; not, how 
 ever, without regard to that affection which arises from con 
 sanguinity or matrimonial connection ; and these relations not 
 cnly unite the hearts but connect the hands in scenes of dis 
 tress. : , 
 
 At the time General Stevens put his mother and his sister 
 upon his horse the Indians were not eight rods from him : 
 they, in company with Mrs. Rix and her children, rode off 
 as fast as possible : the general followed with several others 
 on foot. Part of the Indians pursued them, while others en 
 tered the house and plundered it of its furniture. They took 
 her eldest son from her ; then ordered her, with the rest of her 
 children, to leave the house. She accordingly repaired into 
 the fields back of the house with five of her children, and 
 remained in safety till they had left the place. Soon after 
 General Stevens started his dog came in his way and caused 
 him to stumble and fall, which so retarded his progress that 
 he was obliged to flee to the woods for safety, leaving the 
 women and children to make the best of their retreat. The 
 Indians pursued down the road after them with frightful yells, 
 and soon overtook those who were on foot. They took Gard 
 ner Rix, son of Deacon Rix,* a boy about fourteen years old, 
 just at the heels of his mother's horse, while she was com 
 pelled to witness the painful sight. Alas ! what distress and 
 horror filled her bosom, when she, with three of her children 
 no less dear than herself, fleeing from the savage foe, mount 
 ed upon a horse snorting with fear, having nothing but a 
 
 * Captain Rix then lived where Mr Phelps now lives, 1353. 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 195 
 
 pocket handkerchief in his mouth for a bridle, saw her wea 
 ried son, faint for want of breath, fall a captive to this barba 
 rous crew ! Cruel fate ! The trembling youth, overwhelmed 
 with fear and bathed in tears, was now torn from his tender 
 parents and compelled to roam the wilderness to unknown 
 regions. Nor was the disconsolate mother, with her other 
 little ones, left in a much more safe condition. Exposed and 
 expecting every step to fall to the ground, which, if it proved 
 not their death, would leave them a prey to the savage mon 
 sters, no tongue can tell the pains she felt, nor pen describe 
 the horrors of her soul. To behold her little son, while flee 
 ing for his life, fall into the hands of these sons of cruelty, 
 what kind and tender mother would not feel her heart to 
 bleed ? May we not listen to the voice of Imagination, and 
 hear her say, 
 
 " O infinite distress ! such raging grief 
 Should command pity, and despair relief ; 
 Passion, methinks, should rise from all my groans, 
 Give sense to rocks and sympathy to stones" ? 
 
 The Indians pursued the women and children as far as the 
 house of Mr. Benedict, the distance of about a mile. They 
 effected their escape, though surrounded with dangers and 
 pursued with impetuous and clamorous steps. Here they 
 discovered Mr. Benedict on the opposite side of a stream, 
 called Broad Brook, which ran near the house. They beck 
 oned to have him come over to them : choosing, however, not 
 to hazard the consequences of yielding obedience to their re 
 quest, he turned and ran a short distance and hid himself 
 under a log. He had not long been in this situation when 
 these bloodthirsty wretches came and stood upon the same 
 log, and were heard by him to exclaim, in angry tone, " If 
 we could find him he should feel the tomahawk." 
 
 After standing upon the log some time and endeavoring to 
 espy, the concealed, trembling object of their pursuit, they left 
 
196 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 him and returned to the house. Ah, what joy filled his 
 bosom when he saw these messengers of death pass away, 
 leaving him in safety ! How must his heart have glowed 
 with gratitude towards the " great Preserver of men " at this 
 unexpected deliverance from the most imminent danger ! 
 
 His joys, however, were not unmingled with sorrow, as the 
 fell destroyers were still at his house committing ravages and 
 wasting his property. But no man can be supposed to put 
 his property in competition with his life. 
 
 The Indians pursued down the river about forty rods far 
 ther, where they made a young man, by the name of Avery, 
 prisoner, and then concluded to return. 
 
 While they were at the house of Tilly Parkhurst, afore 
 mentioned, (which was about six miles from the place they 
 entered Royalton,) his son, Phineas Parkhurst, who had been 
 to alarm the people on the east side of the river, just as he 
 entered the stream on his return discovered the Indians at 
 his father's door. Finding himself in danger he immediately 
 turned to go back ; and the Indians just at this time happened 
 to see him, and fired upon him. This was the first gun they 
 fired after they entered the town. The ball entered his back, 
 went through his body, came out under his ribs, and lodged in 
 the skin : notwithstanding the wound, he was, however, able 
 to ride, and continued his retreat to Lebanon, in the State of 
 New Hampshire, the distance of about sixteen miles, with 
 very little stop, supporting the ball between his fingers. He 
 now resides in that town, and sustains the character of a use 
 ful physician, and an industrious, independent farmer. 
 
 That party of Indians which went down on the east side of 
 the river extended their ravages as far as the house of Cap 
 tain Gilbert, in Sharon, where a public house is now kept by 
 Captain Dana. Here they took a nephew of Captain Gil 
 bert, by the name of Nathaniel Gilbert, a boy about fifteen 
 years of age. They now resolved to return, and commenced 
 that waste of property which tracked their progress. As 
 
"Hjj 
 
BURNING OF ROFALTON. 197 
 
 they retraced their steps, they set fire to all the buildings 
 they found of every description. They spread desolation and 
 distress wherever they went. Houses filled with furniture 
 and family supplies for the winter, barns stored with the 
 fruits of industry, and fields stocked with herds of cattle were 
 all laid waste. 
 
 They shot and killed fourteen fat oxen in one yard, which, 
 in consequence of the inhabitants being dispersed, were whol 
 ly lost. Cows, sheep, and hogs, and, indeed, every creature 
 designed by the God of nature to supply the wants of man, 
 which came within their sight, fell a prey to these dreadful 
 spoilers. Parents torn from their children, husbands sepa 
 rated from their wives, and children snatched from their 
 parents presented to view an indescribable scene of wretch 
 edness and distress. Some were driven from their once peace 
 ful habitations into the adjacent wilderness for safety, there to 
 wait the destruction of their property ; stung with the painful 
 reflection that their friends, perhaps a kind father and affec 
 tionate brother, were made captives, and compelled to travel 
 with a tawny herd of savage men into the wild regions of the 
 north, to be delivered into the hands of enemies and undergo 
 the fatigues and dangers of a wretched captivity ; or, what 
 was scarcely more to be deplored, learn with pain that they 
 had fallen the unhappy victims to the relentless fury of the 
 savage tribe, and were weltering in their gore where there 
 was no eye to pity or friendly hand to admiuster relief. 
 
 The third party of Indians who went up the river first 
 came to the house of General Stevens. Daniel Havens, .whose 
 escape I have mentioned, went directly there and warned the 
 family of their danger. Trembling with fear, he only stepped 
 into the house, told them that " the Indians were as thick as 
 the d 1 at their .house," and turned and went directly out, 
 leaving the family to secure their own retreat. 
 
 Mrs. Stevens and the family were in bed excepting her 
 husband, who, as before stated, had gone down the river, about 
 17* 
 
198 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 two miles from home. She immediately arose from her bed, 
 flung some loose clothes over her, took up her child, and had 
 scarcely got to the fire when a large body of Indians rushed 
 in at the door. They immediately ransacked the house in 
 search of men, and then took the beds and bedding, carried 
 them out of doors, cut open the bed ticks, and threw the feath 
 ers into the air. This made them sport enough. Nor did 
 they fail to manifest their infernal gratification by their tar- 
 tarean shouts and disingenuous conduct. 
 
 Mrs. Stevens entreated them to let her have some clothes 
 for herself and child ; but her entreaties were in vain. They 
 were deaf to the calls of the needy and disregarded the de 
 mands of justice. Her cries reached their ears ; but nothing 
 could excite one single glow of sympathy. Her destitute 
 and suffering condition was plain before their eyes ; but they 
 were blind to objects of compassion. Alas ! what bitterness 
 of soul, what 'anguish, what heartrending pangs of fear dis 
 tressed her tender bosom ! Surrounded by these pitiless, 
 terrific monsters in human shape, with her little offspring in 
 her arms, whose piercing shrieks and tender age called for 
 compassion ; exposed to the raging fire of savage jealousy, 
 unquenchable by a mother's tears ; anxious for the safety and 
 mourning the absence of her bosom friend, the husband of 
 her youth, it is beyond the powers of imagination to conceive 
 or language 'to express the sorrows of her heart. 
 
 At one moment securely reposing in the arms of sleep, with 
 her darling infant at her breast ; the next amid a savage 
 crew, whose wicked hands were employed in spreading deso 
 lation and mischief, whose mortal rage exposed her to the 
 Barrows of death. After plundering the house they told Mrs. 
 Stevens to " begone, or they would burn." She had been 
 afraid to make any attempt to escape, but now gladly em 
 braced the opportunity. She hastened into the adjacent wil 
 derness, carrying her child, where she tarried till the Indians 
 had left the town. . ; 
 
BURNING OP ROTALTON. 199 
 
 A boy by the name of Daniel Waller, about fourteen years 
 old, who lived with General Stevens, hearing the alarm given 
 by Mr. Havens, set out immediately to go to the general and 
 give him the information. He had proceeded about half a 
 mile when he met the Indians, was taken prisoner, and car 
 ried to Canada. * 
 
 They left the house and barn of General Stevens in flames 
 and proceeded up the river as far as Mr. Durkee's, where 
 they took two of his boys prisoners, Adan and Andrew, and 
 carried the former to Canada, who died there in prison. 
 
 Seeing a smoke arise above the ttfees in the woods adjacent, 
 the hostile invaders directed their course to the spot, where 
 they found a young man, by the name of Prince Hasjiell, 
 busily engaged in chopping, for the commencement of a set 
 tlement. Haskell heard a rustling among the leaves behind 
 him, and, turning round, beheld two Indians but a few feet 
 from him. One stood with his gun pointed directly at nim, 
 and the other in the attitude of throwing a tomahawk. Find 
 ing he had no chance to escape, he delivered himself up as a 
 prisoner, and was also carried to Canada. He returned in 
 about one year, after enduring the most extreme' sufferings in 
 his wanderings through the wilderness on his way home. 
 
 A Mr. Chafee,* who lived at the house of Mr. Hendee 
 started early in the morning to go to the house of Mr. Elias 
 Curtis to get his horse shod. On his way he saw Mr. John 
 Kent ahead of him, who was upon the same business. Wish 
 ing to put in his claim before Mr. .Chafee, he rode very fast, 
 and arrived at the house first. He had scarcely dismounted 
 from his horse when the Indians came out of the house, took 
 him by the hair of his head, and pulled him over backwards 
 Seeing this, Mr. Chafee immediately dismounted, jumped be 
 hind the shop, hastened away, keeping such a direction as 
 would cau^e the shop to hide his retreat. Thus he kept out 
 
 * Mr. Chafee lived near where Mr. Dewey now lives, 185 . 
 
200 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 of sight of the Indians, effected his escape, and returned to 
 the house of Mr. Hendee.* On receiving the alarm given 
 by Mr. Chafee, Mr. Hendee directed his wife to take her little 
 boy, about seven years old, and her little daughter, who was 
 still younger, and hasten to one of their neighbors for safety, 
 while he should go to Bethel, the town west of Royalton, and 
 give the alarm at the fort. 
 
 Mrs. Hendee had not proceeded far when she was met by 
 several Indians upon the run, who took her little boy from 
 her. Feeling anxious for the fate of jaer child, she inquired 
 what they were going to do with him. They replied that they 
 should make a soldier of him ; and then hastened away, pull 
 ing him along by the hand, leaving the weeping mother with 
 her little daughter to witness the scene and hear the piercing 
 shrieks of her darling son. 
 
 This leads me to notice one instance of female heroism, 
 bledfaed with benevolence, displayed by Mrs. Hendee, whose 
 name deserves ever to be held in remembrance by every 
 friend of humanity. 
 
 She was now separated from her husband, and placed in 
 the midst of- a savage crew, who were committing the most 
 horrid depredations and destroying every kind of property 
 that fell within their grasp. Defenceless, and exposed to the 
 shafts of envy or the rage 'of a company of despicable tories 
 and brutal savages, the afflicted mother, robbecl of her only 
 son, proceeded down the river with her tender little daughter 
 hanging to her clothes, screaming with fear, pleading with her 
 mother to keep away the Indians. 
 
 In this condition, possessing uncommon resolution and great 
 presence of mind, she determined again to get possession of 
 her son. As she passed down the river she met several tories 
 who were with the Indians, of whom she continued to inquire 
 what they intended to do with the children they had taken, 
 
 * Mr. Hendee lived neai 1 where Milo Dewey now lives, 1853. 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 201 
 
 and received an answer that they should kill them. Still de 
 termined not to part with her son, she passed on and soon 
 discovered a large body of Indians stationed on the opposite 
 side of the river. Wishing to find the commanding officer, 
 and supposing him to be there, she set out to. cross the river, 
 and just as she arrived at the bank an old Indian stepped 
 ashore. He could not talk English, but requested by signs to 
 know where she was going. She signified that she was going 
 to cross ; when he, supposing she intended to deliver herself 
 up to them as a prisoner, kindly offered to carry her and her 
 child across on his back. "But she refused to be carried. He 
 then insisted upon carrying her child ; to which she consented. 
 The little girl cried, and said " she didn't want to ride the old 
 Indian." She was, however, persuaded to ride him ; and they 
 all set out to ford the river. 
 
 Having proceeded about half way across they came to deeper 
 and swifter water ; and the old Indian, patting the mother upon 
 the shoulder, gave her to understand that if she would tarry 
 upon a rock near them, which was not covered with water, 
 till he had carried her child over, he would return and carry 
 her also. She therefore stopped and sat upon the rock till 
 he had carried her daughter and set it upon the opposite 
 shore, when he returned and took her upon his back, lugged 
 her over, and safely landed her with her child. 
 
 Supported by a consciousness of the justice of her cause, 
 braving every danger, and hazarding the most dreadful con 
 sequences, not excepting her own life and that of her children, 
 she now sat out to accomplish her object. 
 
 She hastened to the commanding officer and boldly in 
 quired of him what he intended to do with her child. He 
 told her that it was contrary to orders to injure women or 
 children. " Such boys as should be taken," he said, " would 
 be trained for soldiers, and would not be hurt." 
 
 " You know," said she, in reply, " that these little ones can 
 not endure the fatigues of a march through the vast extent 
 
202 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 of wilderness which you are calculating to pass. And when 
 their trembling limbs shall fail to support their feeble bodies, 
 and they can no longer go, the tomahawk and the scalping 
 knife will be the only relief you will afford them. Instead 
 of falling into a mother's arms and receiving a mother's ten 
 der care, you will yield them into the arms of death, and earth 
 must be their pillow where the howling wilderness shall be 
 their only shelter. Truly a shelter from a mother's tears, but 
 not from the jaws of wild beasts or a parent's grief. And 
 give me leave to tell you," added she, " were you possessed 
 of a parent's love, could you feel the anguish of a mother's 
 heart at the loss of her first born, her darling son, torn from 
 her bosom by the wicked hands of savage men, no entreaties 
 would be required to obtain the release of my dear child." 
 
 Horton replied, " that the Indians were an ungovernable 
 race, and would not be persuaded to give up any thing they 
 should see fit to take." 
 
 ''You are their commander," continued she, "and they 
 must and will obey you. The curse will fall upon you for 
 whatever crime they may commit ; and all the innocent blood 
 they shall here shed will be found in your skirts ' when the 
 secrets of men's hearts shall be made known ; ' and it will 
 then cry for vengeance on your heajl ! " 
 
 Melted .inta tears at this generous display of maternal af 
 fection, the infamous destroyer felt a relenting in his bosom, 
 bowed his head under the weight of this powerful eloquence 
 and simple boldness of the brave heroine, and assured her 
 that he would deliver her child up when the Indians arrived 
 with him. The party who took him had not yet returned. 
 When he arrived, Horton, with much difficulty, prevailed on 
 the Indians to deliver him up. After she had gained posses 
 sion of him she set out, leading him and her little girl by the 
 hand, and hastened away with speed, while the mingled sen 
 sations of fear, joy, and gratitude filled her bosom. She had 
 not gone more than ten rods when Horton followed and told 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 203 
 
 ier to go back and stay till the scouting parties had returned, 
 test they should again take her boy from her. She accord 
 ingly returned and tarried with the Indians till they all ar 
 rived and started for Canada. While she was there, several 
 of her neighbors' children, about tlje same age of her own, 
 were brought there as .captives. Possessing benevolence 
 equal to her courage, she now made suit for them ; and, by 
 her warm and affectionate entreaties, succeeded in procuring 
 their release. While she waited for their departure, sitting 
 upon a pile of boards, with the little objects of charity around 
 her holding fast to her clothes, with their cheeks wet with 
 tears, an old Indian came and took her son by the hand and 
 endeavored to get him away. She refused to let him go, and 
 held him fast by the other hand till the savage monster vio 
 lently waved his cutlass over her head, and the piercing 
 shrieks of her beloved child filled the air. This excited the 
 rage of the barbarous crew so much as to endanger her own 
 and the lives of the children around her, and compelled her to 
 yield him into his hands. She again m<ide known her griev 
 ances to Horton, when, after considerable altercation with the 
 Indians, he obtained her son and delivered him to her a sec 
 ond time, though he might be said to "fear notf^od nor re 
 gard man." Thus, like the importunate widow who " troubled 
 .the unjust judge," this young woman * obtained the release 
 of nine small boys from a wretched captivity which doubt 
 less would have proved their death. She led eight of them 
 away, together with her daughter, all hanging to her own 
 clothes and to each other, mutually rejoicing at their deliver 
 ance. The other, whose name was Andrew Durkee, whom 
 the Indians had carried to the house of Mr. Havens, was 
 there released according to the agreement of Horton with 
 Mrs. Hendee, and sent back on account of his lameness. 
 Being told that the great bone in his leg had been taken 
 
 * Mrs. Hendee was at this time aged twenty-seven years. 
 
204 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 out in consequence of a fever sore, an old Indian examined U 
 and cried out, " No boon ! no go ! " and, giving him a blanket 
 and a hatchet, sent him back. 
 
 Mrs. Hendee carried two of the children across the river 
 on her back, one at a time, and the others waded through the 
 water with their arms around each other's neck. After cross 
 ing the river she travelled about three miles with them and 
 encamped for the night, " gathering them around her as a hen 
 gathereth her chickens under her wings." The names of the 
 children who were indebted to her for their release from the 
 savage tribe were Michael Hendee, Roswell Parkhurst, son 
 of Captain Ebenezer Parkhurst, Andrew and Sheldon Dur- 
 
 kee, Joseph Rix, Rufus and Fish, Nathaniel Evans, 
 
 and Daniel Downer. The latter received such an affright 
 from the horrid crew that he was ever afterwards unable to 
 take care of himself, wholly unfit for business, and lived for 
 many years wandering from place to place, a solemn though 
 silent witness of the distress and horror of that dreadful 
 scene. 
 
 Mrs. Hendee now (1818) lives in Sharon, where the au 
 thor visited her and received the foregoing statement of this 
 noble exploitfTrom her own mouth. It is also corroborated 
 by several gentlemen, now living, who were eye witnesses. 
 
 She has buried her first and second husbands, and now lives 
 a widow, by the name of Moshier. Her days are almost 
 gone. May her declining years be crowned with the reward 
 due to her youthful deeds of benevolence. She has faced the 
 most awful dangers for the good of mankind, and rescued 
 many from the jaws of death. 
 
 In view of the exceeding riches of that mercy which has 
 protected her through such scenes of danger, may she devote 
 her life to the service of the mighty God, and, at last, find a 
 happy seat at the right hand of Him " who gave himself a 
 ransom for all." And thus let the children, who are indebted 
 to her bravery and benevolence for their lives, " rise up and 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 205 
 
 call her blessed." Gratitude forbids their silence ; for to 
 maternal affection and female heroism alone, under God, they 
 owe their deliverance from savage cruelty. The boldest hero 
 of the other sex could never have effected what she accom 
 plished. His approach to the savage tribe to intercede in 
 behalf of those defenceless children most surely would have 
 brought upon himself a long and wretched captivity, and per 
 haps even death itself. 
 
 The Indians, having accomplished their nefarious designs, 
 returned to the house of Mr. Havens with their prisoners 
 and the plunder of houses which they had devoted to destruc 
 tion. Here was the place where they had commenced their 
 ravages. The old man, as before observed, having concealed 
 himself under a log, a the time he espied the Indians in the 
 morning while hunting for his sheep, still remained in sorrow 
 ful silence undiscovered. He had considered it unsafe to 
 move, as a party of the crew had continued there during the 
 day, and had twice come and stood upon the log under which 
 he lay without finding him. 
 
 After collecting their plunder together and distributing it 
 among them they burned the house and barn of Mr. Havens 
 and started for Canada. It was now about two o'clock in the 
 afternoon. They carried off twenty-six prisoners from Roy- 
 alton, who were all delivered up to the British as prisoners 
 of war. 
 
 They all obtained their release and returned in about one 
 year excepting Adan Durkee, who died in camp at Montreal. 
 
 Twenty-one dwelling houses, and sixteen good new barns, 
 well filled with hay and grain, the hard earnings of indus 
 trious young farmers, were here laid in ashes by the impious 
 crew. They killed about one hundred and fifty head of neat 
 cattle and all the sheep and swine they found. Hogs in 
 their pens and cattle tied in their stalls were burned alive. 
 They destroyed all the household furniture except what they 
 carried with them. They burned the house of Mr. John 
 18 
 
206 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Hutehinson ; and giving his wife a hatchet and a flint, to 
 gether with a quarter of mutton, told her to " go and cook 
 for her men." This they said to aggravate her feelings and 
 remind her of her forlorn condition. 
 
 Women and 'children were left entirely destitute of food 
 and every kind of article necessary for the comforts of life, 
 almost. naked,' and without a shelter. "Wandering from place 
 to place, they beheld their cattle rolling in their blood, groan 
 ing in the agonies of death, and saw their houses laid in 
 ruins. Disconsolate mothers and weeping orphans were^ left 
 to wander through the dreadful waste and lament the loss of 
 their nearest friends, comfortless and forlorn. 
 
 The Indians took away about thirty horses, which were 
 however of little use to them, but rather served to hinder 
 their progress. Their baggage was composed of almost every 
 article commonly found among farmers ; such as axes and 
 hoes, pots, kettles, shovels and tongs, sickles, scythes and 
 chains, old side saddles, and bed ticks emptied of their feath 
 ers, Warming pans, plates, and looking glasses, and indeed 
 nearly all kinds of articles necessary for the various avoca 
 tions of life. 
 
 On their return they crossed the hills in Tunbridge, lying 
 west of first branch, and proceeded to Randolph, where they 
 encamped for the first night, near the second branch, a dis 
 tance of about ten miles. They had, however, previously 
 despatched old Mr. Kneeland, a prisoner whom they consid 
 ered would be of the least service to them, with letters to the 
 militia, stating that, " if they were not followed, the prisoners 
 should be used well ; but should they be pursued, every one 
 of them would be put to death." 
 
 The alarm had by this time spread through the adjacent 
 towns; and the scattering, undisciplined militia shouldered 
 their muskets and hastened to pursue .them. They collected 
 at the house of Mr. Evans, in Randolph, about two miles 
 south of the encampment of the Indians. Here they formed 
 
BURNING OF ROYALTON. 207 
 
 a company, consisting of about three hundred in number, and 
 made choice of Colonel John House, of Hanover, New Hamp 
 shire, for their commander. They supposed the Indians had 
 gone to Brookfield, about ten miles from that place, up the 
 second branch. With this expectation they took up their 
 march about twelve o'clock at night, hoping they should be 
 able to reach Brookfield before light and make them prison 
 ers. They had scarcely started when the American front 
 guard, to their utter surprise, were fired upon by the rear 
 guard of the enemy. Several fires were exchanged and one 
 of the Americans wounded; when Colonel House, through 
 cowardice or want of skill, commanded them to halt and 
 cease firing. He then ordered them to make a stand, and 
 kept them in suspense till the Indians had made their escape. 
 To hasten their flight, the savage tribe were compelled to leave 
 at their encampment a considerable quantity of their plunder, 
 nearly all the horses, and made good their retreat. 
 
 Here they killed two of the prisoners, by the names of 
 Joseph Kneeland and Giles Gibbs. The former was founcl 
 dead, with his scalp taken off, and the latter with a tomahawk 
 in his head. 
 
 At daylight Colonel House courageously entered the de 
 serted camp and took possession of the spoil ; but, alas ! the 
 enemy were gone he knew not where. Urged by his brave 
 soldiers, who were disgusted at his conduct, he proceeded up 
 the second branch, as far as Brookfield, in pursuit of the en 
 emy, and, not finding them, disbanded his men and returned. 
 
 Had Colonel H. possessed courage and skill adequate to 
 the duties of his station he might have defeated the enemy, 
 it is thought, without the least difficulty, and made them all 
 prisoners. His number was equal to that of the enemy, well 
 armed with muskets and furnished with ammunition. The 
 enemy, though furnished with -muskets, had little ammunition, 
 and were cumbered with the weight of much guilt and a load 
 of pJ under. They had encamped upon a spot of ground 
 
208 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 which gave the Americans all the advantage, and their only 
 safety rested in their flight. The American force consisted 
 of undisciplined militia, who promiscuously assembled from 
 different quarters, but were full of courage, animated by the 
 principles of justice and determined to obtain redress for the 
 injuries they had received from the barbarous crew. 
 
 Many of them likewise had friends and connections then in 
 possession of the Indians, to o.btain whose freedom they were 
 stimulated to action. But, alas ! their determination failed, 
 their hopes were blasted. They were forced to relinquish 
 the object, and suffer their friends to pass on and endure a 
 wretched captivity. They, however, forced the Indians to 
 leave the stream and take their course over the hills, be 
 tween the second and third branch, which brought them di 
 rectly and unexpectedly to the house of Zadock Steele, whom 
 they made prisoner and took to Canada. 
 
 To his " captivity and sufferings," as related by himself in 
 the following pages, the reader is referred for a further ae- 
 dbunt of the expedition of the Indians and its dreadful con 
 sequences, 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZAD3CK ST.EELE. 
 
 BEFORE the mind of the indulgent reader is engaged in a 
 perusal of the sufferings of my maturer years, it may not be 
 improper to direct the attention to scenes of nativity and 
 youth. 
 
 The day of my birth, and the events which transpired to 
 bring upon me the miseries I have undergone, will not be un 
 interesting, I think, to those who may feel disposed to read 
 the following pages. 
 
 As, in the evening of a tempestuous day, with solemn yet 
 pleasing emotions we look back on the dangers through which 
 we have been preserved, so, when man has passed through 
 scenes of fatigue, endured the hardships of a savage captivity, 
 as well as the pains of a prison, and again obtained his free 
 dom, it is a source of pleasure to cause those scenes to pass 
 in review before his imagination, and cannot fail to excite his 
 gratitude to the Power that afforded him relief. 
 
 I was born at Tolland, Connecticut, on the 17th of De 
 cember, 1758. In 1776 my father, James Steele, Esq., moved 
 from Tolland to Ellington, a town adjoining, where he kept a 
 house of entertainment several years. During the years of 
 my childhood the American colonies were put in commotion 
 by what is generally termed the French war. 
 
 The colonies had hardly recovered from the convulsions of 
 that war when the American revolution commenced. My 
 father had been actively engaged in the former war, and now 
 received a lieutenant's commission in the revolutionary army. 
 The importance of the contest in which the colonies were 
 
 1$* (209) 
 
210 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 engaged- called upon every friend to the rights of man to bo 
 actively employed. Being in my eighteenth year in May, 
 1776, I enlisted int3 the army for one year as waiter to my 
 father. Soon after I enlisted he was visited with a severe fit 
 of sickness, which prevented him from entering the army, 
 and compelled me to go into the ranks, leaving him behind. 
 My two older brothers, Aaron and James, also enlisted the 
 same year. Aaron died in March following at Chatham, New 
 Jersey, in the twenty-third year of his age. Bereft of a 
 brother whom I held dear, after serving the term of my en 
 listment I returned to Ellington. 
 
 The next year I served one campaign in the militia, and 
 the year following as a teamster, which closed my services in 
 the army. I was now about nineteen years of age. I had 
 been favored with very little opportunity, as yet, to acquire an 
 education ; as the infantile state of the colonies and the agita 
 tion of public affairs at that time afforded little encourage 
 ment to schools, and caused a universal depression of literature 
 in general. 
 
 I, however, acquired an education sufficient to enable me to 
 transact the business of a farmer and regulate my own con 
 cerns in, my intercourse with mankind. But long have I 
 deeply regretted the want of that knowledge of letters requi 
 site to prepare for the press a narrative of my own sufferings 
 and those of my fellow-captives which should be read with 
 interest and receive the approbation of an indulgent public. 
 
 No hope of pecuniary gain or wish to bring myself into 
 public notice has induced me to publish a narrative of my 
 sufferings. A desire that others as well as myself might 
 learn wisdom from the things I have suffered is the principal 
 cause of its publication. The repeated instances of my de 
 liverance from threatened death, in which the finger of Goc 
 was visible, call for the deepest gratitude, and have made an 
 impression upon my mind which I trust will remain as long 
 as the powers of my recollection shall endure. I was sensible 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 211 
 
 it might also furnish a lesson of instruction to my fellow-men 
 and to future generations duly to prize the privileges and 
 blessings they may enjoy, by observing the dreadful contrast 
 which is brought to view in this narrative* 
 
 Desirable, however, as it might be, I had long since relin 
 quished all idea of ever seeing an account of my sufferings in 
 print. But by the earnest solicitations and friendly though 
 feeble assistance of others, I have thought fit at this late pe 
 riod of my life, yet with humble deference to the good sense 
 of an enlightened public, to give a short narrative of what I 
 have endured in common with many of my fellow-men who 
 were my fellow-prisoners. 
 
 Among the evils resulting from the destruction of Royal- 
 ton, my own captivity was far from being the least. That 
 event was the precursor of all my sorrows the fountain 
 from which sprung streams of wretchedness and want. Nor 
 will the channel be forgotten, though the raging flood cease 
 to roll. As small streams are swallowed up by larger ones, 
 so many serious and sore trials are doubtless lost in that dread 
 ful current of distress through which I was called to pass. 
 
 The attention of the reader is, however, requested to a 
 simple statement of facts, as they occur to my mind, while I 
 relate the circumstances of my captivity by the Indians, the 
 treatment I received from them, my privations while a pris 
 oner to the British, my wonderful escape from their hands, 
 and extreme sufferings in the wilderness on my way home. 
 Truth will not easily permit, nor have I any desire, to enlarge 
 or exaggerate upon the things I suffered. Guided by the 
 principles of justice, and wishing no ill to any man or set of 
 men, I hope I shall not be found disposed to calumniate or 
 reproach. 
 
 It is not my intention to speak of any individual or nation 
 with less respect than is due to their true character and 
 conduct. 
 
 I sjiall, however, be under the necessity of noticing many 
 
INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 cruelties that were inflicted upon the prisoners, by men who 
 enjoyed the advantages of civilization, which were sufficient 
 to put the rudest savage to the bjush. 
 
 But the long lapse of time and the effects of old age have, 
 no doubt, blotted from my memory incidents which would have 
 been no less, and. perhaps more, interesting and instructive 
 than many circumstances which I shall be able to recollect. 
 This, together with the inexperience of the writer, must be 
 the only apology for the imperfections of the following pages. 
 
 In April, 1780, being in my twenty-second year, I started 
 from my father's house in Ellington, leaving all my friends 
 and relatives, and came to Randolph, in the State of Vermont, 
 a town south of Brookfield, a distance of nearly two hundred 
 miles. I there purchased a right of land, lying in the north 
 part of the town, on which was a log house and a little im 
 provement. Suffering the privations and hardships common 
 to those who dwell in new countries, I spent the summer in 
 diligent labor, subsisting upon rather coarse fare, and sup 
 ported by the fond hopes of soon experiencing better days. 
 
 The young man who drove my team from Connecticut, with 
 provisions, farming utensils, &c., labored with me through the 
 summer and fall seasons till October, when he returned to 
 Ellington just in time to escape the danger of being taken by 
 the Indians. 
 
 A small settlement had commenced in the south-wester 
 ly part of Randolph, on the third branch of White River, 
 about six miles from my own. A little settlement had 
 also commenced on the second branch of the same river in 
 Brookfield, in the easterly part of the town, and at about an 
 equal distance from my abode. As there were in Randolph 
 a number of families situated in different parts of the town, 
 and our country being engaged in a war, which rendered our 
 frontier settlements exposed to the ravages of an exasperated 
 foe, we had taken the necessary precaution to establish alarm 
 posts, by which we might announce to each other the approach 
 of an enemy. 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 213 
 
 But our Brookfield brethren, though in a town adjoin 
 ing, were beyond the hearing of the report of our alarm 
 guns. 
 
 On the 16th of October we were apprised of the arrival of 
 the Indians at Royalton, a town about ten miles south of Ran 
 dolph. They entered that town on the morning of the 16th, 
 and were committing ravages, taking and killing the inhab 
 itants, sparing the lives of none whom they could overtake in 
 an attempt to escape, destroying property, burning all the 
 buildings that they discovered, killing the cattle, pillaging the 
 houses, and taking captives. 
 
 It was expected they would follow up either the second or 
 third branch on their return to Canada, as these two branches 
 run to the south and nearly parallel to each other ; the former 
 of which empties itself into the river at Royalton, and the 
 latter a few miles west. 
 
 I was employed during the sixteenth day till nearly night in 
 assisting the settlers on the third branch in Randolph to move 
 their families and effects into the woods such a distance as 
 was thought would render them safe, should the Indians pur 
 sue that stream up on their return. 
 
 I then requested that some one of them should accompany 
 me to go 'and notify the Brookfield settlers of their danger. 
 Being unable to persuade any to go with me, I 'started 
 alone. I had only time to arrive at my own dwelling, which 
 was on my direct course, before I was overtaken by the ap 
 proach of night. As there was no road and nothing but 
 marked trees to guide' Iny way, I tarried all night. Having 
 prepared some food for breakfast I lay down to sleep, little 
 knowing what awaited my waking hours. At the dawn of 
 day on the morning of the 17th I set out to prosecute the 
 object for which I started, though, in a violent tempest, at 
 tended with snow. I had not proceeded far before the storm 
 greatly increased, which I found would not only much en 
 danger my life, but so retard my progress that I could not 
 
214 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 arrive in time seasonably to warn my friends of their danger 
 or escape myself from the hands of the enemy should they 
 follow the second branch instead of the third. I therefore 
 returned to my .house. Soon after I arrived within doors, 
 filled with anxiety for the unsuspecting inhabitants of Brook- 
 field, I heard a shocking cry in the surrounding woods ; and, 
 trembling for my own safety, I ran to the door, when, to my 
 utter astonishment, and the reader may judge my feelings, I 
 beheld a company of Indians, consisting of not less than three 
 hundred in number, not ten rods distant, approaching with 
 hideous cries and frightful yells ! 
 
 " O how unlike the chorus of the skies ! " 
 
 There was no way of escape. I had only to stand still, 
 wait their approach, and receive my miserable destiny. In 
 deed, I could now say with David, " The sorrows of death 
 compassed me, and the floods of ungodly men made me 
 afraid." I had nowhere to flee but to the " great Preserver 
 of men, who was my only hiding-place," " my goodness and 
 my fortress, my high tower and my deliverer, my shield, 
 and he in whom I trust." 
 
 " They came upon me as a wide breaking of waters ; in 
 the desolation they rolled themselves upon me." 
 
 Their leader came up and told me I must go with them. 
 They asked me if any other persons were to be found near 
 that place. I told them it was probable there were none to 
 be found. They then inquired if any cattle were near ; to 
 which I answered in the negative. But they seemed to choose 
 rather to take the trouble to search than to confide in what I 
 told them. 
 
 After taking every thing they found worthy to carry with 
 them, and destroying all t^at was not likely to suffer injury 
 by fire, iheji set the house on fire and marched on. One of 
 them took a bag of grass seed upon his back, and, cutting a 
 hole in the bag, scattered the seed as he marched, which tools 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 215 
 
 root, stocked the ground, and was for many years a sad me 
 mento of my long captivity* 
 
 The chief who came up to me could talk English very well, 
 which was a circumstance much in my favor, as he became 
 my master, under which name I shall have frequent occasion 
 to speak of him in the course of this narrative. 
 
 They took all my clothes, not excepting the best I had on, 
 and distributed them amongst themselves. They, however, 
 furnished me with blankets sufficient to defend me against the 
 cold, but deprived me of my own property ; the bitter con 
 sequences of which I felt in my subsequent confinement with 
 the British, and on my return to resume my settlement at 
 Randolph. 
 
 The Indians had encamped the night preceding on the sec 
 ond branch in Randolph, on which the Brookfield settlers 
 lived, and not more than ten miles below them, but during 
 the night had been put to rout by a party of Americans, con 
 sisting of about two hundred and fifty in number, who were 
 commanded by Colonel John House, of Hanover, New Hamp 
 shire. To make their escape, they left the stream and took a 
 course which brought them directly to my dwelling. 
 
 Had they not been molested, but permitted to pursue their 
 intended course up the stream, the defenceless inhabitants of 
 Brookfield would doubtless have shared the miserable fate of 
 the inhabitants of Royalton, themselves taken prisoners, and 
 doomed to suffer a long and wretched captivity, and their 
 property destroyed by the devouring element. This preven 
 tion, which, however, was the cause of my captivity, the sub 
 ject of the following narrative, was probably the only good 
 that Colonel H. effected ; and this he did unwittingly, for 
 which he can claim no thanks. 
 
 Soon after we started from my house my master, who was 
 the principal conductor and chief of the whole tribe, discov 
 ered that I had a pair of silver buckles in my shoes, and at 
 tempted to take them from me ; but, by promising to let him 
 
216 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 have them when we arrived at our journey's end, I persuaded 
 him to let me keep them. But we- had not travelled far be 
 fore another Indian espied them, and crying out, " Wall ston 
 dorum ! " (Ah, there's silver ! ) took them from me, and fui - 
 nished me with strings for my shoes as substitutes. 
 
 We travelled the first day to Berlin and encamped on Dog 
 River, not many miles from the place where Montpelier vil 
 lage now stands. They built a fire of some rods in length, 
 to which opportunity was afforded for all to approach. They 
 then placed sentinels around, which rendered it impossible 
 for any one to move unnoticed. But this precaution was not 
 sufficient" to satisfy their minds to prevent the escape of their 
 captive prisoners. Therefore, to render our escape less easy 
 to be effected, as we lay down upon the ground they tied a 
 rope around our bodies, and, extending it each way, the In 
 dians laid upon it on our right and on our left, not suffering 
 any two prisoners to lie next each other. I could, however, 
 crawl so far out of the rope as to be able to sit upright, but 
 always found some of the Indians sitting up, either to prepare 
 their clothing for the following day's march, or intentionally 
 to set as additional guards ; and I never found the favored 
 moment when all were at rest. 
 
 As they had told me before we encamped that if they were 
 overtaken by the Americans they should kill every prisoner, 
 I felt the more anxious to make my escape ; and they seemed, 
 in view of their danger, more desirous to keep us within 
 reach of the tomahawk, and secure us against a flight in case 
 the Americans should approach. I watched with trembling 
 fear and anxious expectation during the night we lay at Ber 
 lin, seeking an opportunity to escape, which I found utterly 
 impossible, and looking every moment for the arrival of a 
 company of Americans, whose approach I was assured would 
 be attended with death to every prisoner. 
 
 They compelled many of the prisoners to^carry their packs, 
 enormous in size and extremely heavy, as they were filled 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 217 
 
 with the plunder of pillaged houses and every thing which 
 attracted their curiosity or desire to possess. Looking glasses, 
 which by the intention or carelessness of the prisoners became 
 broken in a short time, pots, spiders, frying pans, and old side 
 saddles, which were sold on their arrival at St. John's for one 
 dollar, composed a part of their invaluable baggage. 
 
 On the morning of the 18th they first ordered me to eat 
 my breakfast, urging me to effe as much as I wanted ; while, 
 on account of the loss of their provisions at Randolph, they 
 had scarce half an allowance for themselves. I knew not 
 whether to attribute this conduct to their feelings of charity 
 and generosity, a desire to secure my friendship, or a wishvto 
 preserve my life under a prospect of procuring gain, or to 
 some other cause. 
 
 Indeed, they seemed at all times to be willing to " feed the 
 hungry," not even seeing one of the prisoners leisurely pick 
 a berry by the way, as they passed along, without offering 
 them food, considering this as a token of our hunger. 
 
 Their food, however, was very unsavory, insomuch that 
 nothing but extreme hunger would have induced me to eat 
 of it, though I always had a share of their best. 
 
 Habituated to a partial covering themselves and excited by 
 curiosity, they took from me all my best clothes, and gave me 
 blankets in exchange. They often travelled with the utmost 
 celerity in their power to try my activity, viewing me with 
 *ooks of complacency to find me able to keep pace with them. 
 
 We this day passed down Dog River till we came to Onion 
 River, into which the former empties itself, and then kept the 
 course of the latter during the day, steering nearly a north 
 west direction. At night we came to a very steep mountain, 
 which was extremely difficult of access, not far from the place 
 now called Bolton, in the county of Chittenden. Upon the 
 top of this mountain the Indians, on their way to Royalton, 
 had secreted a number of bags of fine flour which they brought 
 with them from Canada, and now regained. This greatly re- 
 19 
 
218 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 plenisbed their stores, and afforded a full supply of wholesome 
 bread. The manner of making their bread is curious, and 
 exhibits useful instruction to those who may be called to make 
 their bread in the wilderness without enjoying the privilege 
 of household furniture. 
 
 They took their dough, wound it around a stick in the form 
 of a screw, stuck it into the ground by the fire, and thus 
 baked their bread, without receiving injury by the smoke or 
 rendering it more filthy than it came from their hands. 
 
 Their fear that they should be overtaken by the Ameri 
 cans had by this time greatly abated, and this was considered 
 by the prisoners grounds for less apprehension of the danger 
 of being put to death by the Indians. Till now, however, it 
 is beyond the power of language to express, nor can imagina 
 tion paint, the feelings of my heart, when, torn from my 
 friends and all I held dear on earth, compelled to roam the 
 wilderness to unknown parts, obliged to ford rivers, and then 
 lie down at night upon the cold ground with scarcely a dry 
 thread in my clothes, having a rope fastened around my 
 body, surrounded by a tribe of savage Indians, from whose 
 very friendship I could expect nothing but wretchedness and 
 misery, and whose brutal rage would be sure to prove my 
 death. 
 
 Nor was this rage only liable to be excited by a sense of 
 real danger, but, from conscious guilt, equally liable to be put 
 in force by the most slight, false, and trifling alarm. 
 
 " 'Tis a prime part of happiness to know 
 How much unhappiness must prove our lot 
 A part which few possess." 
 
 On the fourth day we arrived at Lake Champlain. We 
 here found some bateaux, in which the Indians had conveyed 
 themselves thither on their way to Royalton. On their arri 
 val at the lake, and regaining their bateaux, they gave a 
 shout of exultation and laughter, manifesting their joy and 
 triumph 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 219 
 
 My master, who was about to take a different route from 
 the rest of the tribe, took me aside, and, in a dissembling tone, 
 told me with great professions of friendship, with little credit, 
 however, that I had better take off my coat and let him have 
 it, for which he would give me a blanket in exchange, assur 
 ing me that the Indians would take it from me if I did not do 
 it. Dreading the consequences of a refusal more th#n the 
 loss of the coat, I let him have it, and received a blanket in 
 return. We crossed over and encamped on Grand Isle that 
 night. The next morning we reembarked in our bateaux, and 
 safely landed at the Isle Aux Noix before night. Here the 
 Indians found a supply of rum, which gave them an opportu 
 nity to make market for a part of their plunder and satiate 
 their thirst. Nor, indeed, was the opportunity unimproved. 
 Irritated by the force of intoxication, they were all in confu 
 sion : savage yells and shrill outcries filled the surrounding 
 atmosphere, and death seemed to stare every captive full in 
 the face. 
 
 " So sung Philander, as a friend went round 
 In the rich ichor, in the generous blood 
 Of Bacchus, purple god of joyous wit." 
 
 At length, ftowever, their senses became drowned in the tor 
 rent of inebriety ; they sank into a helpless state, and reposed 
 in the arms of insensibility. As we had now arrived within 
 the dominions of the British, and were not only guarded by a 
 number of the Indians who were not under the power of in 
 toxication, but watched by the enemy's subjects resident at 
 that place, we could find no opportunity to make our escape. 
 
 The next morning, which was the sixth day of our march, 
 we started for St. John's, and arrived there that day. At this 
 place, likewise, the Indians found a plenty of ardent spirits, 
 by a too free use of which they became more enraged, if pos- 
 fiiblef than before. 
 
 They now began to threaten the lives of all the captives 
 
220 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 whose faces were not painted, as the face being painted was a 
 distinguishing mark put upon those whom they designed not 
 to kill. 
 
 As I was not painted, one of the Indians, under the influ 
 ence of intoxication and brutal rage, like many white people, 
 more sagacious tlian humane, came up to me, and, pointing a 
 gun directly at my head, cocked it, and was about to fire, 
 when an old Indian, who was my new master, knocked it 
 aside, pushed him backwards upon the ground, and took a 
 bottle of rum, and, putting it to his mouth, turned down his 
 throat a considerable quantity, left him, and went on. 
 
 The punishment seemed in no way to displease the crim 
 inal : he wished he would continue to punish him through the 
 day in the same manner ; regarding the momentary gratifica 
 tion of appetite more than all other blessings of life, 01 even 
 -life itself. 
 
 They now procured some paint and painted my face, which 
 greatly appeased the rage of those who, before, had been ap 
 parently determined to take my life. I now received their 
 marks of friendship, nor felt myself in danger of becoming 
 the subject of their fatal enmity. Clothed with an Indian 
 blanket, with my hands and my face painted, and possessing 
 activity equal to any of them, they appeared tt> be willing I 
 should live with them and be accounted as one of their number. 
 
 "We arrived at Caghnewaga on the seventh day of our 
 march. Thus I found myelf, within the space of seven days, 
 removed from my home and from all my relatives the dis 
 tance of about three hundred miles, almost destitute of cloth 
 ing, entirely without money, with no other associates than a 
 race of savage Indians, whose language I could not under 
 stand, whose diet was unsavory and unwholesome, whose " ten 
 der mercies are cruel," barbarism their civility, no pardon to 
 an enemy their established creed, and presented with no other 
 prospect for the future than a captivity for life, a finafc sep 
 aration from all earthly friends, and situated in an enemy's 
 country. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 221 
 
 In short, stripped of every comfort that sweetens life ex 
 cept the " one thing needful, which the world can neither give 
 nor take away," my temporal prospects were banished and 
 lost forever. No earthly friends to administer consolation 01 
 with whom to sympathize,* nor hope of escape to feed upon, 
 truly, humble submission to the will of Heaven, and an entire 
 " trust in the ord," was the only balm afforded me. 
 
 " A soul prepared for such a state as this 
 Is heir expectant to immortal bliss." 
 
 Some days after we arrived at Caghnewaga, an old man by 
 the name of Philips, whose silver locks bespoke the experi 
 ence of many winters ; whose visage indicated the trials, sor 
 rows, and afflictions of a long andi wretched captivity ; whose 
 wrinkled face and withered hands witnessed the sufferings of 
 many hardships, and presented to me a solemn and awful 
 token of what I myself might expect to suffer, came and told 
 me that I was about to be adopted into one of the Indian fam 
 ilies, to fill the place of one whom they had lost on their 
 expedition to Royalton. ^ 
 
 Mr. Philips was taken prisoner in the western part of the 
 State of New York, by the Indians, in his youthful days, and, 
 having been adopted into one of their families, had always 
 lived with them. He had retained his knowledge of the 
 English language, and served as an interpreter for the tribe. 
 
 The ceremony of my own adoption, as well as that of many 
 other of the prisoners, afforded no small degree of diversion. 
 The scene presented to view a spectacle of an assemblage of 
 barbarism assuming the appearance of civilization. 
 
 All the Indians, both male and female, together with the 
 prisoners, assembled and formed a circle, within which one 
 of their chiefs, standing upon a stage erected for the purpose, 
 harangued the audienca in the Indian tongue. Although I 
 could not understand his language, yet I could plainly dis 
 cover a great share of native eloquence. His speech was of 
 19* 
 
222 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 
 
 considerable length, and its effect obviously manifested weight 
 of argument, solemnity of thought, and at least human sensi 
 bility. I was placed near by his side, and had a fair view of 
 the whole circle. After he had ended his speech an old 
 squaw came and took me by the hand and led me to her wig 
 wam, where she dressed me in a red coat, with a ruffle in my 
 bosom, and ordered me to call her mother. She could speak 
 English tolerably well ; but was very poor, and therefore una 
 ble to furnish me with very sumptuous fare. My food was 
 rather beneath a savage mediocrity ; though no doubt my new 
 mother endeavored as far as lay in her power to endear the 
 affections of her newly-adopted yet ill-natured son. 
 
 I found the appellation of mother highly pleased the tawny 
 jade, which proportionably increased my disgust, already in 
 tolerable ; and, instead of producing contentment of mind, 
 added disquietude to affliction and sorrow. 
 
 As I was blessed with an excellent voice for singing, I was 
 the more beloved by, and, on that account, received much 
 better treatment from, my new mother, as well as from other 
 Indians. ,. 
 
 I was allowed the privilege of visiting any part of the vil 
 lage in the daytime, and was received with marks of fraternal 
 affection and treated with all the civility an Indian is capable 
 to bestow. 
 
 A prisoner, by the name of Belknap, was set about hewing 
 some poles for a stable floor while his Indian master held 
 them for him. As he hewed, the Indian, sitting upon the pole, 
 suffered it gradually to turn over, though unperceived by him ; 
 which occasioned the workman, who saw its operation, laugh 
 ing in his sleeves, to hew quite round the stick, in hewing 
 from end to end. Thinking that Belknap knew no better, the 
 Indian endeavored to instruct him. After trying several poles 
 with the same success, the Indian, filled with impatience for 
 this untractable pupil, with his eyes on fire, left him and called 
 his interpreter to make his wishes more distinctly known : to 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 223 
 
 whom Belknap declared, that he did well understand the 
 wishes of the Indian, and was determined to avoid doing 
 his will. 
 
 After remaining in this condition a few weeks, finding the 
 prisoners very incorrigible, and wishing for the reward they 
 might obtain for them, information was given the prisoners 
 that they might be delivered over to the British at Montreal 
 as prisoners of war, or continue with the Indians, as they 
 should choose. 
 
 We sought the advice of an English gentleman, by the 
 name of Stacy, resident in the village of Caghnewaga, who 
 had married a squaw for his wife, and was extensively ac 
 quainted, not only with the affairs of the Indians, but with the 
 citizens of Montreal. He appeared to be a man of integrity 
 and veracity, was employed in merchandise, and also served 
 as one of their interpreters. 
 
 I was advised by Mr. Stacy to be delivered into the hands 
 of the British. He said I might doubtless obtain leave to 
 dwell in some family of a private gentleman until I should 
 be exchanged. 
 
 Encouraged by the prospect of enjoying the company of 
 civilized people, and flattered with the idea of being soon ex 
 changed, and thereby enabled to re.turn once more to see my 
 friends in Connecticut, I made choice to be given up to the 
 British. All the captives did likewise. 
 
 We were all conducted to Montreal, by the Indians, ki the 
 latter part of November, 1780, and there "sold for a half 
 joe" each. Most of the captives were young, and remarka 
 bly robust, healthy, and vigorous. I was now almost twenty- 
 two years of age. To be compelled to spend the vigor of my 
 days in useless confinement was a source of grief and pain 
 to my mind ; but I could see no way of escape. The wisdom 
 of God I found to be unsearchable indeed. I felt, however, 
 a good degree of submission to the providence of the Most 
 High, and a willingness to " accept of the punishment of mine 
 iniquities." 
 
224 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 We found at the city of Montreal about one hundred and 
 seventy prisoners, some of whom were made captives by the 
 Indians in different parts of America, and others had been 
 taken prisoners of war in forts by capitulation and by con 
 quest. Here we could see women and children, who had 
 fallen the victims of savage captivity, weeping and mourning 
 their fate, whose tears, trickling down their cheeks, bespoke 
 the language of their hearts. It was enough to melt the heart 
 of stone wft.li grief to behold the bosoms of the " poor widows " 
 heaving with sighs and to hear their groans ; while the com 
 panions of their youth, their bosom friends and partners in 
 life, were no more, having spilled their blood and laid down 
 their lives in defence of their country, their families, and their 
 firesides. 
 
 Here I beheld the orphan, fatherless and motherless, whose 
 tender age called for compassion and required the kind pro 
 tection of an affectionate mother, whose infantile mind ren 
 dered it incapable of telling its name, the place of its birth, 
 or giving any information respecting itself or its parents. 
 
 This led me to consider my own sufferings comparatively 
 small ; and a sense of my own wretched condition became lost 
 in the feelings of compassion for these unhappy widows and 
 orphans. 
 
 We were put into a large building, called the Old Regal 
 Church, with the other prisoners, in which we were kept 
 several days, when we were removed into a large stone build-,, 
 ing, fitted up for the purpose, in the suburbs of the city, upon, 
 the shore of the River St. Lawrence. 
 
 I often made application for liberty to take quarters in the 
 family of some private gentleman, where I might enjoy the 
 advantages of a common slave until I should be able to pro 
 cure a ransom or be exchanged, urging the manner of my 
 being taken and my destitute situation as arguments in my 
 favor, having been stripped of all my property by the Indians 
 and deprived of all my change of clothes. But all my efforts 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 225 
 
 i 
 
 Droved only a witness to myself and my fellow-sufferers of 
 that deafness to the calls of humanity which is always the 
 characteristic of tyranny and despotism. 
 
 Many of the prisoners as well as myself had only one 
 shirt, and were obliged to go without any while we washed 
 that. Indolence and disregard for cleanliness prevented many 
 from doing this, which may be reckoned among the many 
 causes that brought our subsequent evils upon us. We were 
 allowed, or rather said to be allowed, one pound of bread and 
 one pound of fresh beef per day. But, through the injustice 
 and dishonesty of the person who dealt out our allowance, we 
 were robbed even of a part of this humble pittance. Had 
 we been able to obtain our full allowance in provisions of good 
 quality, we should have been able to have furnished ourselves 
 with other necessary articles ; but now we were deprived of 
 the privilege by the curtailment of our rations. We were 
 obliged by the calls of hunger to pound up the beef bones, 
 which composed no small share of our rations of meat, and 
 boil them for broth. We had no butter, cheese, flour, nor any 
 kind of sauce during the winter. We were kept almost to 
 tally without firewood, having scarcely enough to enable us 
 to cook our meat. Our beds consisted principally of blan 
 kets, which they brought from the hospital in all their filth. 
 This was an apparent manifestation of their disregard at 
 least for the prisoners, if not a malevolent design to introduce 
 that contagion which should spread disease, desolation, and 
 dfcath throughout our camp. 
 
 Pinched with hunger, half naked, and chilled with the cold, 
 we were forced to have recourse to our beds, and occupy them 
 a great part of the time, though they were the habitations of 
 fil.thy vermin, tainted with the infections of mortal distempers, 
 and scented with the nauseous smell of the dying and the 
 dead. 
 
 The complicated collection of people of different habits, 
 comprising almost every kind of foul and vicious character, 
 
226 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and the combination of so many events, either oi which should 
 seem alone sufficient to create disease, caused a general and 
 universal prevalence of the itch. 
 
 Our close confinement was, to some of the prisoners, a 
 source of grief ; to others a cloak of indulgence in laziness ; 
 while to all it was the mother of disease, the harbinger of 
 pain. f 
 
 We suffered so much with hunger that we should have 
 thankfully " fed upon the crums that fell from the rich man's 
 table ; " and so great were our afflictions that we should have 
 gladly caressed the " dog that had come and licked our sores." 
 
 While I was a captive with the Indians I was in sorrow, 
 and " desired a better country." And I had not experienced 
 the "trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, of bonds and 
 imprisonment," sufficiently to enable me to say with Paul, " I 
 have learned in whatsoever state I am therewith to be con 
 tent." When we were put into the hands of the British 
 " we looked for peace, but no good came ; and for a time of 
 health, and beheld trouble." Indeed, it may justly be said of 
 them, " They turned the needy out of the way ; they caused 
 the naked to lodge without clothing, that they have no cover 
 ing in the cold ; they pluck the fatherless^ from the breast, 
 and take a pledge of the poor ; they cause him to go naked 
 without clothing, and they take away the sheaf from the hun 
 gry." (Job xxiv. 4-7, 10.) I pleaded that they would "make 
 me as one of their hired servants ; " but they would not. 
 
 In the spring, after being " brought low, through opprs- 
 sion, affliction, and sorrow," we were supplied with salt pork, 
 bread, oatmeal, and peas in abundance. As we had long 
 been almost starved, our avidity for the food which was now 
 before us may more easily be imagined than described. Let 
 it suffice us to say, that none ate sparingly, but all greedily. 
 Indeed, some seemed not only anxious to satisfy hunger, but 
 determined to revenge for their past sufferings. This sudden 
 repletion of our wants produced the scurvy among the pris- 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 22V 
 
 oners, which threatened death to every one. Reiterated sighs 
 and dying groans now filled our camp. 
 
 To such an alarming degree did this dreadful disease pre 
 vail that many were obliged to be removed to the hospital 
 for relief; distress and anguish pervaded the whole body of 
 the prisoners ; and the citizens of Montreal, alarmed, perhaps, 
 for their own safety, seemed to feel anxious for our relief. 
 But justice require^ I should state that we received at this 
 time all that kind^attention which was due to our wretched 
 condition and every favor in the power of our keepers to be 
 stow ; while the inhabitants manifested a humane disposition, 
 and displayed the genepous feelings of pity and tender com 
 passion. In short, conscious that they, in truth, had all par 
 tially contributed to increase our miseries, they seemed to feel 
 a relenting for their past misconduct, which excited them to 
 use their utmost exertion to exonerate themselves from guilt 
 by their subsequent good offices for our relief. 
 
 They furnished us with green herbs and every thing which 
 was adapted to our disorders or calculated for our comfort 
 and recovery. By these means our health was fully restored, 
 gratitude and joy sat smiling on every countenance, and songs 
 of deliverance dwelt on every tongue. Pain now gave place 
 to pleasure, sorrow fled as happiness approached, murmurs 
 and complaints which had long been the universal cry now 
 were heard no more, and quietude was felt in every breast. 
 
 After our recovery we were allowed the privilege of a yard, 
 of some rods square in extent, by which we were enabled to 
 exercise for the preservation of our health. But at length 
 some of the prisoners made their escape, which occasioned 
 all the rest to be put into close confinement and kept under 
 lock and key. We were supplied, however,, with all the com 
 forts of life, so far as our close confinement would permit. 
 
 In October, 1781, all the prisoners were removed to an 
 island in the River St. Lawrence, called Prison Island, about 
 forty-five miles above the city of Montreal, and opposite to 
 
228 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 a place called Gateau du Lac. Here we were furnished with 
 a full supply of wholesome food during our confinement on 
 the island. 
 
 This island is situated a little below the Lake St. Francis, 
 which is formed by a large swell in the River St. Lawrence, 
 and was considered a very eligible place for the confinement 
 of the prisoners. Indeed, it was thought impossible that any 
 person destitute of boats should be able to escape without 
 being drowned, as the water ran with the^utmost velocity on 
 each side of the island. We were, therefore, allowed the 
 liberty of traversing the whole island, which contained about 
 twenty acres. 
 
 Guarded by a company of refugees and tories possessing 
 as little humanity as patriotism, and having long been the 
 miserable sufferers of a wretched captivity and painful impris 
 onment, many of the prisoners attempted to make their escape 
 by 'swimming down the current the distance of three miles. 
 But few succeeded, while some were drowned in the hazard 
 ous attempt. The captain of the guard, whose name was 
 M'Daniel, was a tory, and as totally devoid of humanity and 
 generosity as the Arab who traverses the deserts of Africa. 
 His conduct towards the prisoners was such as ought to stamp 
 his character with infamy and disgrace. Cruelty to the pris 
 oners seemed to be his greatest delight. I once saw one of 
 the prisoners plunge into the river in the daytime and sw.ini 
 down the current the distance of three miles, but was discov 
 ered by M'Daniel soon after he started, who ordered him to be 
 shot before he should ever reach shore ; but a British soldier, 
 possessing more humanity than his commander, waded into 
 the river and took hold of the trembling prisoner, almost ex 
 hausted, declaring, " if the prisoner was shot, he would be 
 likewise." 
 
 The malignant disposition of M'Daniel and the invidious 
 character of the guard induced the prisoners to seek oppor 
 tunity and confront almost every danger to effect their escape 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 229 
 
 ''But time soon rolled away, till winter approached, without 
 bringing to our view that propitious moment which could 
 afford the slightest hope of success in the attempt. On the 
 one hand, the eye of an implacable foe was upon us, with ran 
 cor, malice, and revenge in his bosom, and the implements of 
 destruction in his hand ; and on the other, the rapid current 
 of the stream threatened us with death if we approached ; 
 while the foaming billows, rowing in a voice like thunder, 
 bade us beware. 
 
 Desperate, indeed, must be the attempt for any one know 
 ingly to plunge himself into the jaws of death to escape from 
 trouble. 
 
 At the approach of winter, the ice below the island rendered 
 it visibly and.utterly impossible to escape alive. We were, 
 therefore, now forced into submission, and had only to consult 
 together upon those measures which should be most likely to 
 promote our own happiness while we waited the return of 
 spring. 
 
 In January we were ordered by M'Daniel to shovel the 
 snow for a path, in which the guard were to travel while on 
 their duty. 
 
 Regarding the proverb of Solomon as worthy of our notice, 
 that ". it is an honor for a man to cease from strife," we com- 
 , plied with the demand, thus sacrificing our rights on the altar 
 of peace. But now, finding by ocular demonstration the 
 verity of a like proverb of the same wise man r that " every 
 fool will be meddling," we unanimously agreed to disobey all 
 similar orders and every command which should be after 
 wards given contrary to right. We were not insensible that 
 the prisoner, though unable to defend, was possessed of certain 
 inalienable rights, which we resolved to assert, and refuse 
 obedience to the tyrant who should attempt to encroach upon 
 them. The time soon arrived when duty called us boldly to 
 assert our rights, and manly firmness forbade submission. 
 
 We were again commanded by M'Daniel to shovel ths 
 20 
 
230 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 snow, to make a path for the guard to travel in ; while they 
 themselves had nothing to do but to wait our toil. Disdain 
 ing to become slaves, we hadginiversally determined to reject 
 their unauthorized servitude. I therefore informed the in 
 famous M'Daniel what was our unanimous resolution, and 
 told him I feared less what he should dare to do than I did 
 the consequences of yielding to the lawless requisitions of a 
 petty tyrant. Enraged at th opposition of the prisoners to 
 his arbitrary commands, and more highly exasperated against 
 me as the organ, he directed me to be put in irons and carried 
 to the guard house. After uttering the most dreadful threats 
 and horrid imprecations, and finding I was not easily terrified 
 nor readily forced to abandon my rights, he carried his order 
 into execution, took me to the guard house, put me in irons, 
 and kept me there during the whole day till night, when he 
 came and repeated his threats of torture and death in case I 
 continued to refuse compliance. But still finding me unmoved 
 in my determination, and that " hatred stirreth up strifes," he 
 ordered me to be kept in irons till nine o'clock at night with 
 out food and then sent back to my barrack. 
 
 This was accordingly done, though some Dutchmen, ter 
 rified at my fate, consented to his requirements and performed 
 the service while I was confined in the guard house. In con 
 sequence of our refusal to comply with his unjust and illegal 
 demands, the most severe punishments and barbarous cruel 
 ties were inflicted upon the prisoners. 
 
 ."To revenge upon," he said, "no prisoner should be al 
 lowed to have a fire another night while they remained on 
 the island." 
 
 Accordingly the guard came into our barracks every night 
 with large quantities of snow and put out all the fires, using 
 as much caution not to leave a spark unquenched as thougli 
 the lives of thousands and the wealth of a metropolis were at 
 Stake. 
 
 "Though seen, we labor to believe it true." 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 231 
 
 What malice is manifest in the breasts of those who labor 
 with diligence and toil with pain to increase the misery of 
 those who are already wretched and groaning in sorrow ! 
 
 Here we beheld the depravity of man. Here we could see 
 the fulfilment of that passage of holy writ which declares that, 
 " because sentence against an evil work is not executed speed 
 ily, therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them 
 to do evil." 
 
 Here we could behold a full display of the seven abomina 
 tions in the sight of God : " A proud look, a lying tongue, and 
 hands that shed innocent blood, a heart -that deviseth wicked 
 imaginations, feet that be swift in running to mischief, a false 
 witness that speaketh lies, and him that soweth discord among 
 brethren." (Prov. vi. 16, &c.) 
 
 Here .we could see monsters in human shape feeding upon 
 revenge ; for the labor which they unjustly required of us 
 was not a tenth part of what they performed every night by 
 putting out our fires to punish us for non-compliance with their 
 tyrannical demands. But, possessing the spirit of freemen, 
 we "chose rather to suffer affliction" than to become the 
 slaves of a set of despicable refugees and tories, feeling as 
 sured that our affliction would afford us more consolation in 
 the hour of reflection than could be found in a servitude im 
 posed upon us by an infamous renegado. 
 
 As our barracks were very cold and open, and being scan 
 tily clothed, we suffered greatly for want of fire, to support 
 which we were willing to get wood ourselves. But our keep 
 ers chose rather to suffer pain themselves than to permit us 
 to enjoy comfort. * 
 
 M'Daniel, however, was called away ,- and succeeded by one 
 M'Kelpin in command. He w r as also a refugee, the son of a 
 tory, and had the appearance of a raw boy not more than 
 eighteen or nineteen years old, whose very visage portended 
 evil and bade the prisoners prepare for trouble. 
 
 His father, he said, had received very ill treatment from 
 
232 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 the American army, and he had also shared with his father in 
 the abuse for not engaging in the rebellion against the British 
 government. As "the rod is for the back of him that is void 
 of understanding," we doubted not the truth of his statement, 
 nor felt disposed to question but that he received very severe 
 treatment, and more especially when the station in which 
 he was found was taken into consideration ; for this, together 
 with the littleness of his mind and the malignity of his tem 
 per, will forever prove his want of patriotism and stamp his 
 indignant character with infamy and disgrace as long as evil 
 shall be had in remembrance. 
 
 His immature age can be no palliation of his crimes, nor 
 admit of much hope of his reformation by repentance ; for, 
 like all other fools, " he hated knowledge, and was wise in his 
 own conceit." Inheriting from his father all the qualities of 
 a knave, and the cowardice of a western savage, who looks for 
 security from danger in his own flight only or" in the strength 
 of his allies, he perverted the power put into his hands to do 
 good ; used it as a weapon of revenge and an instrument of 
 cruelty. His paternal education was, at the best, toryism, 
 perfectly congenial to his natural disposition. In short, " he 
 was wise to do evil ; but to do good he had no knowledge." 
 His first steps towards tyranny and oppression met no oppo 
 sition ; as we wished to enjoy peace, and were willing to yield 
 a portion of our rights to the enjoyment of so invaluable a 
 blessing. But our indulgence served only to stimulate him 
 in the course of revengeful tyranny ; and he seemed the more 
 angry, as if " coals of fire were heaped upon his head." 
 
 Manifesting a desire to meet with opposition, by using every 
 exertion to provoke to rage, he ordered the prisoners to shovel 
 the snow from the door of his own house. As the prisoners 
 discovered in him a settled determination to pursue compli 
 ance with greater and more grievous burdens until he could 
 meet a refusal to comply, we resolved to reject all further en 
 croachments upon our rights. We therefore refused to obey 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 233 
 
 his arbitrary commands any longer. As there was a fort di 
 rectly opposite the island where a company of soldiers were 
 stationed, we feared the consequences of a revolt, and could 
 only refuse our obedience without making any actual resist 
 ance. The prisoner to whom he addressed himself possessed 
 courage equal to the most trying scene, and, choosing rather 
 to suffer an honorable death in defence of his rights than to 
 endure an ignominious life of captive slavery, he met the in 
 famous M'Kelpin with firmness and intrepidity, although he 
 had no prospects of any thing but to endure extreme tqrture, 
 if not death itself. And this he was the more inclined to do, 
 since it was the avowed object of the infamous villain " to 
 wreak his vengeance upon the unhappy prisoners for injuries," 
 which he said he had received from men who were entire 
 strangers to us, and in which abuse he well knew we took no 
 agency or even had any knowledge. 
 
 When the prisoner refused compliance, M'Kelpin came up 
 with a bayonet pointing directly at him, and thrust it within 
 a few inches of his breast, threatening to run him through 
 the heart if he did not immediately comply. But the pris 
 oner, continuing firm in his obstinacy, replied with dauntless 
 courage and deliberate coolness, " Run me through if you 
 dare ; I fear you not." Enraged at this reply, M'Kelpin re 
 peated his threats with redoubled vehemence and infuriated 
 madness, and again rushed at the prisoner with the greatest 
 violence, thus endeavoring to terrify him into submission to 
 his will. But the prisoner, with all the appearance of a full 
 sense of death and Supported by the rectitude of his motives, 
 met M'Kelpin with manly firmness and true heroism, putting 
 his hand upon his breast, and telling the impertinent fugitive 
 that " he had resolved to die before he should yield obedi 
 ence to the arbitrary commands of one whose name was sy 
 nonymous with disgrace, and whose very visage bespoke the 
 corruptions of a heart loaded with every thing that is requi 
 site to fit a soul to become an inhabitant of the regions of 
 20* 
 
234 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 blackness and darkness forever." After repeating his threats 
 and menaces several times, and each time receiving the most 
 unqualified denials from the prisoner, he proceeded to punish 
 all such as refused compliance with his request. He associ 
 ated with threats the most daring oaths and awful impreca 
 tions, as if he would endeavor to establish his own authority 
 by manifesting to the world his want of the fear of God and 
 a disregard of every thing that is good. 
 
 Like many of the present day, he appeared to imagine 
 that he should be thought to possess uncommon courage and 
 power unlimited if he dared, openly and without fear, to blas 
 pheme the name of Him who is the Ruler of all people, of 
 every language, tongue, and nation. Finding all his threat- 
 enings in vain, and discovering that no one would yield obe 
 dience to his requirements, forgetting or disregarding the 
 injustice of his claim, and lost in the torrent of anger and 
 revenge, he came, with a guard of soldiers possessing feelings 
 in perfect coincidence with his own, and took the defenceless 
 yet dauntless prisoner whom he had threatened to run through 
 with his bayonet, conveyed him to the barrack, which was 
 used for an ash house, put him in irons, and left him to suffer 
 in the cold the malicious gratification of his malignant and 
 revengeful disposition ; telling the innocent and unfortunate 
 victim of his relentless fury that " he was glad he refused to 
 comply with his demands, because he had long wanted and 
 had anxiously sought opportunity to wreak his vengeance 
 on him, and gave the order to shovel the snow from his own 
 door for no other purpose but to excite the opposition of the 
 prisoners, and thus find occasion to punish them, and at the 
 same time take revenge on them for the abuse he had re 
 ceived from the Americans." He then proceeded to order 
 others to shovel the sncfw ; and, being still refused compliance, 
 he threatened and confined in the same manner as he did the 
 first, until he had collected together and confined in that cold 
 barrack the number of twenty-one, who were all handcuffed 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 235 
 
 and chained to the posts of the barrack. This was in Janu 
 ary, 1782, when the cold was exceeding severe, and hardly 
 permitted a comfortable seat by the fireside, pr admitted of 
 a lodging free from suffering in our closed barracks with a 
 large quantity of blankets. 
 
 Here they were ordered to be kept in this barrack, with the 
 windows and doors open to the wind and snow, all that day 
 and tha next night. But most of them made their escape to 
 their own barracks before the next morning, some with frozen 
 hands and feet, others with their ears and faces frozen ; and, 
 indeed, all having some part of their bodies frozen, and bear 
 ing the miserable tokens of their wretched sufferings. 
 
 But their escape, notwithstanding the visible and abiding 
 marks of their pain and distress, only exasperated the mind 
 of ^the unfeeling M'Kelpin, and so enraged the desperate vil 
 lain that he the next day morning selected the same pris 
 oners, and, with a heart harder than adamant and hands more 
 cruel than the grave, again confined them all in irons and or 
 dered them to be put into the chamber of one of the barracks, 
 there to be kept during that day, the next night, and the fol 
 lowing day, without provision, any food, or even a quid of 
 tobacco. 
 
 Destitute of any clothing except their wearing apparel, 
 which was poor ; confined in irons, in a small, cold room ; hav 
 ing no food of any kind ; deprived of a luxury which habit 
 had rendered necessary to preserve health ; and groaning 
 under the severe pains of their frozen bodies, their suffer 
 ings cannot easily be imagined, far less described. 
 
 It was my happy lot, however, not to fall into this number 
 of miserable sufferers of human depravity who were put into 
 the ash house and in the chamber. But the sufferings which 
 I hav,e mentioned were only a prelude to more painful tor 
 ments and greater barbarities. They were taken from the 
 barrack chamber one by one, carried to the guard house, and 
 tor* - red in the most cruel manner. Some were surrounded 
 
236 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 with soldiers, armed with guns and bayonets pointing directly 
 at them, and so near as to render the prisoners unable to 
 move without being pierced with the bayonets ; while the in 
 famous M'Kelpin whipped the prisoners and caned them till 
 he had glutted his vengeance. Who can describe the inhu 
 man scene ? To see a prisoner, the victim of cruelty and 
 wretchedness, guiltless and defenceless, confined in irons with 
 his hands behind him, ready to faint for want of food, groan 
 ing under the excruciating pains of his frozen limbs, bathed 
 in blood which gushed from his mangled body, tears flowing 
 from his eyes in streams, which bespoke in language more 
 forcible than a voice like thunder, as they trickled down his 
 frozen cheeks, the sorrows of a heart swollen with grief and 
 racked with pain. I could say with Job, " Mine eye is also 
 dim by reason of sorrow, and all my members are a^s a 
 shadow." 
 
 Others of this unhappy number were hung up by the neck 
 till nearly dead, while their hands were confined in irons and 
 their faces black with death, when they were taken down, and 
 the irons which had bound their hands jammed into their 
 mouths till they were filled with blood. Who could behold 
 this and not weep and mourn for the depravity of man left to 
 himself? Who can witness a scene like this without ac 
 knowledging with self-application the truth of those words 
 which fell from our Savior's lips to the unbelieving Jews, " Ye 
 are of your father the devil, and the lusts of your father ye 
 will do " ? After enduring these horrid barbarities and inhu 
 man tortures, inflicted by men professing the principles of 
 humanity, the unhappy sufferers were sent back to their bar 
 racks, there to weep and bewail their miserable fate. Often 
 have my cheeks been wet with tears of commiseration, while 
 my heart ached within me, for these unfortunate sufferers of 
 the unrestrained vengeance of a depraved villain. Nor was 
 I left to be reminded of their torture and distress only by a 
 "recollection of the past ; but my eyes could witness the scars 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 237 
 
 of wounds and behold the. palefaced visage of death abiding 
 on the countenance of many, which were received by the cru 
 elties of this horrid scene. And, alas ! I needed only to look 
 at myself and all around me to remind me of the woful case 
 of those whose lot it is to fall into the hands and become the 
 victims of a revengeful tyrant, and suffer the wrath of a man 
 totally devoid of mercy, unrestrained either by the authority 
 of a superior, the laws of his country, or the fear of God. 
 Doubtless many will wear the marks, and thus bear witness 
 of his cruelty, to their graves. 
 
 Emaciated countenances, scars, and impediment of speech 
 were the visible marks of the savage and inhuman treatment 
 which they received from the hand of M'Kelpin. Let detes 
 tation be written upon his character as legibly as the marks 
 of depravity are to be seen in his visage, and it shall be a 
 lesson to his posterity to flee from iniquity and follow the path 
 of virtue. He excelled in nothing but cruelty and inhuman 
 ity, and was superior to none except in the most nefarious 
 acts of iniquity, tyranny, and oppression. His highest am 
 bition appeared to be to " heap up wrath against the day of 
 wrath," and prepare himself to receive " vengeance due to 
 them that know not God, and obey not the gospel of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, who shall be punished with everlasting destruc 
 tion." He appeared, involuntarily, to verify the truth of the 
 proverb, " He that is soon angry dealeth foolishly ; and a man 
 of wicked devices is hated." Out of the abundance of the 
 heart he publicly declared " that he had taken more comfort 
 in afflicting the prisoners four days than he had four years' 
 time previous." This declaration requires no additional proof 
 to convince every mind susceptible of the least sympathetic 
 affection that he was possessed of no better disposition than 
 the infernal spirits, and must be sufficient to stamp his name 
 with infamy ; and, at the same time, excite commiseration in 
 the heart of every person who realizes it is by grace, and not 
 by works, that he is saved from falling into the like wicked- 
 
238 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 ness. Nor let any man boast of his good works, knowing it 
 is the gift of God to possess charity. 
 
 When we review this awful though faint description of 
 the 'conduct of M'Kelpin, who enjoyed the advantages of civ 
 ilization and was favored with the joyful tidings of " peace 
 on earth and good will towards men," filled with anger and re 
 venge, nature cries within us, " Curse the wretch ! " But when 
 the meekness and pity of the Savior in his dying agonies 
 upon the shameful and accursed tree are suifered to find a 
 place in our bosoms, we are led to cry, with him, " Father, 
 forgive ! " And though the conflict between revenge and for 
 giving mercy be strong, yet the latter will surely prevail 
 whenever she is properly commanded and led by the Spirit 
 of truth. 
 
 I would not intimate that I have the power of necromancy, 
 or pretend to possess a spirit of divination ; but, from the au 
 thority of holy writ, " this is the portion of a wicked man with 
 God, and the heritage of oppressors, which they shall receive 
 of the Almighty. If his children be multiplied, it is for the 
 sword ; and his offspring shall not be satisfied with bread. 
 Those that remain of him shall be buried, in death, and his 
 widows shall not weep. Though he heap up silver as the 
 dust, and prepare raiment as the clay, he may prepare it, but 
 the just shall put it on, and the innocent shall divide the sil 
 ver." I shall therefore leave this great disturber of peace 
 and oppressor of the afflicted to receive from the hand of 
 " Him, who doeth all things well," the punishment due to his 
 wickedness, or share in the mercy offered to the truly peni 
 tent, hoping that he may have already, by deep repentance, 
 found forgiveness, or will, before his death, if he is yet living, 
 taste the sweetness of redeeming grace. 
 
 He tarried not long on the island, though much longer than 
 he was desired, when another took his office whose name I 
 do not recollect, who manifested a disposition for peace, es 
 tablished good order, appeared tc have a regard to the laws 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 239 
 
 of justice, humanity, and benevolence, restored tranquillity 
 among the prisoners, and reconciliation between them and the 
 guard. 
 
 Could I recollect the name of this person, I would present 
 him to the public as a character worthy of imitation ; and as 
 " peacemakers shall be called the children of God," I think I 
 am authorized by the Holy Scriptures to call him by that dig 
 nified and honorable title. 
 
 In the spring, complaint was made to the British provincial 
 government against the base M'Kelpin, which resulted only 
 in his exclusion from the service of the army with disgrace. 
 The long and successful rebellion of the colonies had greatly 
 exasperated the British ; and M'Kelpin, being a strong ad 
 herent to their government, loyal to his majesty, and having 
 been harshly treated for his toryism, doubtless the court by 
 which he was tried was strongly though unjustly biased in 
 his favor, which greatly ameliorated his punishment. 
 
 In seedtime we were allowed the privilege to sow garden 
 seeds and plant corn. This gave us a prospect of being fur 
 nished with not only a more full supply but a greater variety 
 of food, if it should prove our unhappy lot to be kept in con 
 finement another winter. It also gave the prisoners an op 
 portunity to use proper exercise to preserve health and pre 
 vent disease a consideration of no small importance. But, 
 disaffected by our former treatment, and fearing that the 
 afflictions we had once received would. again be laid upon us, 
 many chose to hazard their lives by an attempt to swim down 
 the rapids. Some thus succeeded in making their escape, 
 while others only plunged themselves into the jaws of death. 
 
 This caused the confinement of all who were left behind. 
 The British now set about encompassing our barracks with 
 pickets or barricades, by setting posts in the ground adjoining 
 each other and fastening them together. 
 
 Discovering what they were about to do, several of the 
 prisoners, among whom I was myself one, resolved to ma-ke 
 
240- INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 pur endeavors to effect our escape before they had completed 
 the barricade and encircled our camp, which would deprive 
 us of the liberty of the island. We accordingly collected 
 some logs together on the lower part of the island for a raft, 
 carried some provisions for our sustenance on the way home, 
 secreted it near the logs, and, at an hour when we supposed 
 all were at rest, we started, but had not gone far when we 
 espied one of the soldiers upon the bank of the river em 
 ployed in dressing some fish. We then returned to our bar 
 racks. Our attempt to escape now became known to some 
 of our fellow-prisoners by discovering our absence, who be 
 trayed our object to our keepers, thus courting favor by the 
 deeds of treachery. Having these suspicions, we improved 
 an opportunity to bring back our provisions ; and the next 
 day gave proof that our suspicions were well founded, as 
 they then went and rolled all the logs off that part of the 
 islafcd. 
 
 We still were determined to use every exertion and watch 
 for an opportunity to effect our escape from confinement 
 Thile we saw their labors to pravent us. We sought, but 
 sought in vain. Time rolled away, till we found ourselves 
 enclosed with pickets, which rendered it almost impossible to 
 make our escape, as we were not allowed to go without this 
 enclosure unattended by the guard, and that, too, in the day 
 time only. ' 
 
 We were allowed to go in the daytime, attended by one or 
 two of the guard, and hoe our corn and garden roots. But 
 this afforded us no opportunity for escape, as it was impossi 
 ble to swim the current on either side of the island undiscov 
 ered by the guard or the soldiers stationed in the fort oppo 
 site the island. The prisoners, as may well be supposed, had 
 long been very uneasy and discontented ; but, as is usually the 
 case, a sense of being confined caused still more disquietude 
 in their minds, and excited an eager desire to be freed from 
 bondage. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 241 
 
 The yard whicfi. was surrounded by the pickets was about 
 ten or fifteen rods wide and nearly forty rods long, extending 
 lengthwise of the stream. They completed the yard some 
 time in the month of July, 1782. Having encouragement of 
 receiving our discharge, by exchange, of&n held out to us, 
 and seeing little prospect of succeeding in the hazardous at 
 tempt to escape from our confinement, we long waited with 
 great impatience for the approach of that desirable event, and 
 wholly neglected to use any exertion to gain our liberty by 
 flight. But we at length perceived "that their object in giving 
 us repeated encouragement of being exchanged was only to 
 dally us with the fond hopes of soon seeing better days, and 
 thus amuse our minds with fancied prospects, while they should 
 be enabled to rivet our chains or privately assassinate some 
 undistinguished number of us. Of this design we had abun 
 dant proof, or at least of a disposition to abuse their power 
 by rendering it subservient to the most despicable actions and 
 wicked purposes ; for, finding one of the prisoners alone in 
 the evening, a gang of them took him, put a rope round his 
 neck, threatening to stab him to the heart if he made any 
 noise, and were about to hang him, when one of the company, 
 staring him in the face, with a tone of disappointment cried 
 out, " 0, this is not the one ! " They then took the rope off 
 his neck and let him go. 
 
 This manifested to the prisoners either a determination 
 among the guard to waylay some of us, or a wish to trifle 
 with their authority by creating fear in our minds and thus 
 torment the afflicted. 
 
 As we were sensible that the guard, if disposed, which we 
 little doubted, might assassinate one or more of the prisoners, 
 and, consigning the body to the waters of the river, keep the 
 transaction hid from the knowledge of any person who should 
 not be engaged in the horrid deed, we were led ever after 
 wards to take the precaution never to be found alone in the 
 dark unarmed with a large scalping knife, which we kept in 
 21 
 
242 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 our camp, and which served as a dagger and weapon of de 
 fence against a violent attack of nocturnal enemies. Having 
 long been flattered with 'the prospect of soon being set at lib 
 erty, and discovering an intention among the guard privately 
 to assassinate some unknown number of us, we resolved to 
 make another attempt to effect our escape, and thus free our 
 selves from their brutal tyranny and unhallowed pretences. 
 
 We had once paid several dollars to one of the guard to 
 suffer us to pass through the gate, should he find an opportu 
 nity ; but never had the good fortune even to see him again. 
 
 The plan we adopted was in itself extremely precarious as 
 to its success, and afforded so little encouragement, even to 
 those who seemed to be most anxious to obtain their freedom, 
 that few would engage in the enterprise, believing it would 
 be a fruitless attempt to obtain our object, which would only 
 cost' us pain and bring upon us more sore trials and far greater 
 afflictions. 
 
 Had we been confined upon the main land, where liberty 
 from the prison would have afforded us a chance to retreat 
 from danger, though we should be obliged even to pass the 
 gates of a city surrounded with enemies, having our hands 
 bound in irons and our feet fettered with chains, yet our pros 
 pects of success in our attempt to escape had Still been 
 brighter than now presented to our view ; for then our deliv 
 erance from prison might have given us a passport to the wil 
 derness free from danger ; but now our freedom from those 
 w^lls of wretchedness incurred the penalty of death, which 
 was annexed to our escape if overtaken,. and brought us to 
 " troubled waters," which seemed to promise death inevitable 
 to all who should attempt to pass the current even with well- 
 fitted boats ; while we had nothing in our power but logs, fas 
 tened together with* ropes. 
 
 Our plan was, to dig a passage under ground that should 
 extend beyond the pickets, which stood about twenty feet from 
 1he barracks. It had been our practice during the summer 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 243 
 
 to hang up blankets around the bunks in which we slept, to 
 prevent the flies from troubling us while we reposed upon our 
 couch in the daytime. 
 
 We now again hung up the blankets around on 3 of our 
 bunks in a corner of the room, though ft>t to prevent being 
 disturbed by flies, but to hide ourselves from the face of " ser 
 pents that will bite without enchantment ; and a babbler, 
 which is no better." 
 
 Fearing the consequence of making our object known to 
 the prisoners generally, we determined to keep it a profound 
 secret to all except the number who belonged to our room, 
 consisting of twelve. Accordingly, we took up the floor, both 
 of the bunk and barrack, and commenced digging. If any of 
 our fellow-prisoners or the guard happened to come in while 
 one was at work, others would drown the noise of his digging 
 by making some noise with a stick or with their feet, which 
 was easily done without being suspected of the design. 
 
 We dug in a perpendicular direction deep enough to have 
 a horizontal course leave the earth between the barracks and 
 the pickets, of sufficient depth to render it safe for the guard 
 to travel over the hole without breaking through. As they 
 had dug a ditch along the back side of the barracks between 
 them and the pickets in order to bank up the walls of the 
 barracks, it became necessary for us to dig a perpendicular 
 course of considerable depth before we could dig horizontally, 
 to prevent any person who might chance to travel in the ditch 
 from breaking in and discovering our plan. 
 
 We had no other tool to dig with except a large jackknife ; 
 nor, indeed, could we use any other instrument with any ad 
 vantage when we came to dig in a horizontal line. And, like 
 the animal that makes his abode in the bosom of the earth 
 by digging a subterraneous passage to his gloomy cell, after 
 we had dug a quantity of earth loose so that we had no room 
 to dig more, we returned backwards drawing or scraping the 
 dirt we had dug with our hands and arms, which we put under 
 the floor of the barrack*. 
 
244 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Our progress, as must readily be perceived, was very slow ; 
 though some one of us kept constantly digging except in the 
 hours of sleep and time of taking refreshment, alternately 
 following each other in our turns ; having a dress prepared 
 for the purpose whfch each one wore while at work in this 
 dreary cavern, where we were groping in cfarkness at noon 
 day. Here we had an opportunity to reflect upon our wretch 
 ed condition, while our labor itself witnessed our sufferings 
 and discontentment. Here we could perceive the comparative 
 Kiate of him who spiritually " walketh in darkness and, hath 
 no light." Here it might, indeed, with propriety be said that 
 silence wept. We succeeded, however, in the prosecution of 
 our design extremely well, finding no obstacle in our way till 
 we had dug under the ditch before mentioned, when a heavy 
 rain fell and filled the ditch full of water, which soaked through 
 the ground into our subterraneous way and filled the hole we 
 had dug completely full. This was truly a great misfortune, 
 which dampened the feelings of every one who had been en 
 gaged in the arduous undertaking. 
 
 As we had dug considerable distance and advanced nearly 
 to the pickets, had toiled with diligence and expended much 
 labor, we were unwilling to relinquish the task and submit to 
 the idea of continuing in bondage another winter. And we 
 were the more anxious to pursue the undertaking and effect 
 our escape, because the infamous M'Daniel, of whom I have 
 spoken, had now returned and resumed his command over us, 
 which gave us greater reason to fear that we should again be 
 compelled to undergo those tortures which he had once in 
 flicted. 
 
 But it now became impossible any longer to keep the mat 
 ter secret as we had done. We therefore made known our 
 object to all the prisoners who were stationed in our line of 
 barracks ; and, receiving their universal and respective prom 
 ises not to divulge the secret to any of the prisoners who were 
 stationed in the other line of barracks, although few would 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 245 
 
 assist us, considering it labor in vain, we resolved to perse 
 vere in the plan, and, if possible, effect our escape. 
 
 We now commenced dipping out the water into a barrel, 
 which we emptied into a ditch that was made to convey our 
 wash water from the barracks into the river. "We dipped six 
 barrels' full and emptied it into the ditch, besides a considera 
 ble quantity which we put into a clay pit under the barracks 
 where they dug clay for their chimneys ; and still there was 
 much left in our way. 
 
 The guard, no doubt, supposed we were washing, or they 
 would have suspected us. Nor yet can I account for their 
 stupidity while they saw we were . in possession of such a 
 quantity of water, -which we brought out of, without carrying 
 into, our barracks. 
 
 We were now obliged to lie half buried in mud and water 
 while digging, which chilled our bodies, benumbed our senses, 
 and depressed our spirits. 
 
 1\> prevent being discovered, when we returned from our 
 toil we were under the necessity of washing ourselves in a 
 large tub of water, which we had also placed behind our 
 blankets that were hung up around our bunk ; as we now were 
 forced, on account of the mud, to enter upon our subterrane 
 ous labor entirely naked. Vain would be the attempt to give 
 a description of my feelings while at work in this dreary cav 
 ern, twenty feet under ground, wholly without clothing, half 
 buried in mud, and struggling for liberty. 
 
 I was removed from all my friends and relatives the dis 
 tance of more than three hundred miles, and placed upon an 
 island in the river, on both sides of which the water moved 
 over the ragged rocks with such velocity as to appear white 
 to the eye like a foaming billow, not less than three miles- in 
 length. Here I was confined within the power, and exposed 
 to the envy, malice, and resentment, of an implacable enemy. 
 Shrouded in darkness, in the heart of the earth where light 
 was unapproachable, my body lay in the mire, and my mind 
 21* 
 
24G INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 was overwhelmed with sorrow. If we refrained from digging, 
 we seemed to be threatened with death on every side ; and if 
 we continued to dig, our prospect appeared as melancholy as 
 the grave. Fear and trouble were before us ; while our ab 
 sence from the barracks exposed us to the danger of having 
 our plan discovered, which would be sure to bring upon us 
 the most awful tortures, and perhaps even death itself. We 
 chose, however, rather to hazard our lives in an attempt to 
 escape, though doubtful of success, than to risk the conse 
 quences of remaining in confinement. 
 
 When we arrived to the picket we found it was placed 
 upon a large stone. We then dug to the right, where we 
 found another, which formed an angle with the first. Then, 
 turning to the left, we also found a third. All which seemed 
 to discourage my fellow-laborers, and led them entirely to 
 give up the object. But, being in perfect health and in good 
 spirits myself, I went in with a determination to remove one 
 of these obstacles, if possible, before I returned. We had, by 
 this time, made quite -a large cavern near the pickets, which 
 gave me considerable chance to work. After laboring in this 
 cold, dismal place during the space of two hours, I succeeded 
 in removing one of the stones out of the way, and, to my 
 great joy, found that the picket was hollow up a few inches 
 above the ground, which emitted light into this before gloomy 
 but now delightful place. I could verily say with Solomon, 
 " Truly the light is sweet ; and a pleasant thing it is to behold 
 the sun." 
 
 I then returned and informed my fellow-prisoners of my 
 success, which occasioned transports of joy, raised the de 
 sponding, encouraged the. faithless, confirmed the doubting, 
 and put new vigor in every breast. 
 
 The work was now prosecuted in earnest and soon com 
 pleted. Animated at the prospect of gaining our liberty, the 
 one who dug last undesignedly broke through the ground and 
 rendered the hole visible to any person who should happen tc 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 247 
 
 pass on the outside of the pickets. It now became necessary 
 to devise a plan to secrete the hole from the observation of 
 the guard. To effect this, Mr. Belknap, one of our fellow- 
 prisoners, went to the guard, and, in a dissembling tone, rep 
 resented to M'Daniel the little prospect we had of being 
 exchanged ; that we had long been flattered, and as long 
 waited with anxious expectation, for the approach of such 
 a happy event, but, finding ourselves disappointed, were 
 forced to abandon all hopes of deliverance by exchange that 
 fall ; that, under these considerations, the prisoners were re 
 solved to be contented during their confinement on the island, 
 till they should find themselves actually set at liberty, when 
 all their hopes would be swallowed up in the full fruition of 
 the object we had so long" sought. Consequently we desired 
 the indulgence of an opportunity to secure all our garden 
 seeds, some of which, such as lettuce and mustard, were then 
 ripe and fit to harvest, that we might be enabled to supply 
 ourselves with the like articles the ensuing year, should it be 
 our unhappy case to remain on the island another season. 
 
 Pleased with the idea that the prisoners were resolved to 
 be submissive to his requirements, he readily ordered one of 
 the guard to go and attend us while we gathered our lettuce 
 and mustard, whose duty it was to see that no one absconded. 
 Having cut and tied up in small bundles these vegetables, we 
 proceeded to hang them up so as to fill the space between the 
 pickets, and also place them over the hole we had dug, to 
 hide our escape from the sight of the sentinel, who walked 
 over the hole between the pickets and the barracks in which 
 we were stationed. This we accomplished while our unsus 
 pecting attendant was lounging about at a distance from us. 
 
 Here we beheld an example of selfishness, discontentment, 
 fear, and deception, actually assuming the appearance of hon 
 esty, contentment, and submission. 
 
 Knowing that we must separate ourselves into small com 
 panies and take different rafts, in order to render our passage 
 
248 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 down the rapids more safe, we now made choice of our asso 
 elates -to pass the dangerous scene before us. I associated 
 myself with William Cferk, of Virginia, John Sprague, of 
 Ballston, New York, and Simeon Belknap, of Randolph, Ver 
 mont. "We had prepared some food for our sustenance on 
 the way by taking a quantity of flour and. mixing it with 
 melted butter, which we put into a small bag made for the 
 purpose. We also had a lifcle salt pork and bread, together 
 with some parched corn and black pepper. 
 
 Those of us who had been engaged in digging had pre 
 viously furnished ourselves with ropes, by cutting our blank 
 ets into strings and twisting them together ; while those who 
 had believed our attempt to b^ vain and foolish had neither 
 provided themselves with provisions, ropes, or materials for a 
 raft, and were, therefore, unable to improve the opportunity 
 which now presented to effect their escape. 
 
 But they could not forbear collecting in small companies 
 and whispering together to devise plans for escape, which 
 raised suspicions in the minds of the guard that the prisoners 
 were entering into some plot either to make their escape or 
 to raise a mutiny in the camp. Under these apprehensions, 
 which took rise from no other source but from the conduct 
 of those who had been made privy to our undertaking, and 
 would neither assist us in the work nor prepare themselves to 
 make their escape, M'Daniel ordered that, " if any prisoner 
 should be found attempting to make his escape or be guilty 
 of any misconduct that night, he should not be spared alive." 
 
 We commenced digging on the 24th of August, 1782 ; and 
 having dug a passage under ground the distance of twenty-two 
 feet and a half with no other tool but a jackknife, on the night 
 of the 10th of September following, after waiting till nine 
 o'clock, when the roll was called and all was still, we tied our 
 ropes to our packs and crawled out, drawing our packs after 
 us. I was preceded by six of my fellow-prisoners, who, after 
 crawling through the hole, which was nearly half filled witb 
 
CAPTIVITX OF ZADOCK STEELE. 249 
 
 mud, made a path in the grass, as they crawled down the 
 banks of the river, which resembled that of a log having been 
 drawn through the mud. 
 
 The moon shone bright. The sentinel was walking directly 
 across the hole just as I was about to crawl out, when he 
 cried out, " AU's well ! " Thought I, " Be it so ; continue the 
 cry, if you please." My head at this time was not more than 
 a yard from his feet. I crawled on, and was followed by 
 about twenty more, who were our fellow-laborers. 
 
 As we had been allowed to go out of our enclosure in the 
 daytime to hoe our corn and garden roots and get our wood, 
 attended by one of the guard, we had improved the opportu 
 nity, and*selected some loga for a raft to which we could go 
 without difficulty. Clark, Belknap, Sprague, and myself now 
 separated ourselves from the rest of the prisoners and re 
 mained together, sharing equally in all the sufferings through 
 which we were called to pass. 
 
 We took a large scalping knife with us and a pocket com 
 pass, together with a tinder box^ and fireworks. We rolled a 
 large log into the river on the upper part of the north side 
 of the island, on each side of which we placed another ; then, 
 putting sticks across both ends of them, underneath and on 
 the upper side, opposite each other, we tied all of them to 
 gether with our blanket ropes, and fastening our packs there 
 on, which contained our provision, &c., we then sat one on 
 each corner and set sail down the rapids. 
 
 Death in its most frightful form now seemed to threaten 
 us, and the foaming billows pointed us to a watery grave. 
 Guided only by the current, sometimes floating over rocks, 
 sometimes buried in the water, with little hope of again being 
 carried out alive, we passed down the raging stream with 
 the greatest rapidity imaginable, clinging to our logs respec 
 tively, sensible that, under the guidance of divine Providence, 
 our only ground of hope rested in our adhesion to the raft. 
 
 We- passed down the river about nine miles, when we were 
 
250 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 enabled to reach shore. We lanoed on the north side of the 
 river about two hours before day, with not a dry thread in our 
 clothes, chilled with the cold and trembling with fear. Our 
 bread had all washed to a jelly and been rendered wholly unfit 
 to eat. None of our provision remained fit to carry with us 
 except a little parched corn, which was in a small, wooden 
 bottle, some salt pork, and our buttered flour, which we found 
 to be waterproof. Our compass was also rendered useless ; 
 which was indeed a great misfortune to us, as the want of it 
 protracted our journey through the woods many days. We 
 marched up the river till daybreak, when we discovered that 
 we were near the fort opposite the island. We then turned 
 north into the woods, which led us into a swamp,' where we 
 encamped under some old tree tops that had fallen together, 
 about one mile from the fort, which formed no shelter from 
 rain, but merely hid us from our expected pursuers. We 
 plainly heard the report of the alarm guns on the morning of 
 the llth of September, which announced to us the discovery 
 of what had cost us great^pains, and evinced, to all who 
 should behold the place, our love of liberty and resolution to 
 obtain it. 
 
 . We remained under these tree tops three days and two 
 nights without going ten rods from the place, having nothing 
 to eat but salt pork, parched corn, and our buttered flour, 
 together with a few kernels of black pepper ; for the want of 
 which last I think we must have perished, as it rained with a 
 mixture of snow every day and night sufficiently to keep us 
 completely wet all the time. 
 
 Having been so harshly treated by the British, and know 
 ing that " confidence in an unfaithful man in time of trouble 
 is like a broken tooth and a foot out of joint," we resolved to 
 make ourselves known to no one ; and like the Ishmaelites 
 of old, while we had reason to suppose that every man's hand 
 was against us, we were determined to put our own hands 
 against every man who should come in our way. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 251 
 
 Destitute of food sufficient to supply us through the long 
 woods we were to pass to reach our homes, we were deter- 
 mjned to replenish our stores before we crossed the River St. 
 Lawrence, as there were, but few settlements on the south 
 side of the river in that part of the country. We were, there 
 fore, under the necessity of staying about there till they had 
 done searching for us. 
 
 On the night of the third day after our escape we ventured 
 to take up our march, and travelled till we came to a stream 
 which <ve supposed emptied into the River St. Lawrence at 
 the fort ; but we afterwards found it to be only a branch of 
 that stream. I waded into it, and found it was so deep that 
 we could not ford it. I therefore returned, and we encamped 
 for the night. Our sufferings this night were almost insup- 
 porta^le ; as it was a cold, frosty night, and we- were wholly 
 exposed, having nothing about us except what was completely 
 wet, without a shelter, and destitute of fire. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th, benumbed and chilled with 
 the cold, we found a place where we forded the stream, and 
 travelled till we came to another ; and by mistaking the former, 
 we supposed this to empty itself into the river above the fort. 
 We followed the current of this stream till about dark, when 
 we came in sight of a settlement. After waiting till about 
 nine o'clock at night we ventured to approach a little nearer, 
 when to our utter astonishment we heard the drum beat, 
 which gave us assurance that we were near the fort. Find 
 ing ourselves so near, we concluded to cross the stream at the 
 nearest fording-place. In 'passing off we went through the 
 commanding officer's garden ; and I pulled up a hill of his 
 potatoes and carried them along with me. 
 
 We then went into the road and followed up the River St. 
 Lawrence about four miles. We had not proceeded far, how 
 ever, before we came to a boat lying at anchor in the river, 
 near the shore. I waded in towards it till I heard men in it 
 snoring in their sleep, when I quickly made my retreat. TVa 
 
252 INDIAN NAKRATIVES. 
 
 then went on till we came to the house of a Frenchman, as 
 we supposed by his speech, who, just as we came up, opened 
 the door and hailed us. Turning into his lot, we went to ^iis 
 barn and endeavored to find some creature to kill. We found 
 one cow. As we were approaching towards her, two large 
 dogs came at us with great rage, and, barking most furiously, 
 appeared to be determined to bite us. The old Frenchman 
 again came to the door and hailed us. Fearing that soldiers 
 might be quartered there, we retreated as fast as we could, 
 keeping an eye upon the dogs, and swinging our staves at 
 them to keep them from biting us, while the old Frenchman 
 was trying to set them on. The ground was descending as 
 we retreated ; and while we were all moving together very 
 fast, having our eyes partially turned upon the dogs, we *an 
 against a fence, slightly laid up, and threw down* many 
 lengths, which made such a rattling that it terrified the dogs 
 and immediately put them upon their retreat, as much af 
 frighted as they had been outrageous. 
 
 Trembling for our safety, we kept in the fields back of the 
 street ; while the dogs continued their barking as if determined 
 to arouse our enemies from their slumbers and cause us to be 
 taken. They succeeded, at least, in exciting all the dogs in 
 the neighborhood to engage in the general alarm, and seemed 
 anxious to maintain a constant echo in the surrounding atmos 
 phere. They were busily employed at every house, and 
 sometimes in great earnest, as we passed along the distance 
 of several miles. . 
 
 At length we came to a number of cattle in a field not tar 
 from the road, among which we found a two-year-old heifer, 
 very tame and in good flesh. 
 
 We had long been lurking about, waiting for the agitation 
 of the public mind to abate, that we might have opportunity 
 to obtain some provision before we entered into the wide wil 
 derness through which we were expecting to pass ; and as 
 the favored moment had now arrived, we agreed that Belknap 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK ST.EELE. 253 
 
 should go in search of a boat to convey us over the Lake St. 
 Francis, near which we found the cattle ; that Sprague should 
 stand with our scalping knife to defend against every foe ; 
 while Clark and myself should kill the heifer and procure a 
 quantity of meat. By the help of a little salt I soon suc 
 ceeded in catching the heifer ; and, taking her by the horns 
 and nose, I instantly flung her down, when Clark cut her 
 throat with a large jackknife ; and, not waiting for her to die 
 or even spending time to skin her, we took off a gammon and 
 left her bleeding. Belknap had now returned and informed 
 us that he had found a boat, to which we immediately resorted, 
 carrying with us our unskinned beef, the booty we had de 
 sired for many days, leaving the owner of the heifer to seek 
 his recompense where he could find it; willing, however, he 
 should share with us in his beef by taking what we left. 
 
 We were not insensible that, if he were a British subject, we 
 had abundantly compensated his loss to his government by 
 our own starvation ; or, if he were a friend to the unfortunate, 
 he could not lament his loss, since he had thus far contributed 
 to feed the hungry without even knowing what his right hand 
 did. Nor, indeed, did we trouble ourselves, while we rumi 
 nated upon the affair, concerning what might be the cogitations 
 of the owner ; since we had obtained the meat, and thus an 
 swered our own purpose. 
 
 Having entered the boat with all our baggage, the moon 
 shining bright, we set out upon the lake, steering for the south 
 shore. We had advanced but little distance when a breeze 
 arose from the north-west and drifted us ahead with great 
 violence, every wave dashing the water into our boat. 
 
 ' It now became necessary that two of. us should dip the 
 water from our boat with our hats as fast as possible, while 
 the other two rowed for the shore with the greatest exertion. 
 The wind increased. The boat was fast filling in spite of all 
 we could do. Every wave, to human view, brought us by 
 rapid 'strides to the arms of death and presented to us a 
 22 
 
254 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 watery grave. But, through the wonderful goodness of the 
 great Preserver of men, we succeeded in landing just as our 
 boat had filled with water. Haying fastened it to the shore 
 we went into the woods, t struck up a fire, skinned our beef 
 and cut it into thin slices, which we partially roasted on sticks 
 by the fire, and then lay down to sleep. This was the first 
 time we had been to any fire since we left Prison Island. We 
 had lain secreted in bushes and old tree tops ; wandered in the 
 darkness of the night, exposed to the inclemency of the 
 weather ; forded streams of water up to our necks, constantly 
 and completely wet ; 'hungry, and chilled with cold ; filled 
 with fear and anxiety for our safety during the space of four 
 days and five nights, including the night in which we made 
 our escape. 
 
 Destruction and misery often appeared in our way. Death 
 frequently stared us in the face, threatening to make us his 
 prey, but seemed to be held from falling upon us by the finger 
 of God. 
 
 On the morning of the 15th of September, (the fifth day 
 after we escaped,) supposing we had landed upon an island, 
 we began to seek how we should get off without being discov 
 ered by the inhabitants on the northern shores of the lake or 
 by those who might happen to be upon the waters. Happily 
 we found, by travelling into the woods, that we were upon a 
 peninsula, joined to the main land by an isthmus not more than 
 eight or ten feet wide. This was a circumstance greatly in 
 our favor, as we should otherwise have been under the neces 
 sity of exposing ourselves to the view of our enemies, or 
 waiting for the night to cover our escape. 
 
 We now set out, directing our course nearly south-east, for 
 the American fort at Pittsford, a town situated on Otter 
 Creek, in the western part of the State of Vermont. 
 
 Our companion, Mr. Clark, had been much accustomed to 
 travelling in the woods, having been engaged in the business 
 of surveying in the western part of the United States at the 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 255 
 
 time he was taken by the Indians. We therefore cnose him 
 to be our leader through the wilderness and our pilot to a 
 more favored country. 
 
 We travelled all. the first day over low, marshy land, tim 
 bered with, cedar, but were unable to find any water to drink 
 either in running brooks or by digging ; for the want of which 
 we suffered much, being thirsty as well as hungry, and greatly 
 fatigued. Wishing to escape the vigilance of our expected 
 pursuers, we travelled with great speed, which, together with 
 our living on flesh alone, doubtless occasioned a far greater 
 degree of thirst than we should have felt had we been sup 
 plied with bread. The next day we found water in great 
 plenty. We crossed many streams of considerable size ; some 
 by fording, although of such depth as to reach to our shoulders : 
 others we crossed by making a small raft sufficient to bear one 
 of us with our baggage ; while the other three stripped, and, 
 hanging by one hand to the raft, swam by her side. 
 
 After wandering in the wilderness during the space of ten 
 days, sometimes progressing on our journey, sometimes loun 
 ging in suspense, doubting which course to take, and waiting 
 for the clouds to be dispelled, that the sun might appear to en 
 lighten our path and guide our way, we arrived at Lake 
 Champlain with our clothes nearly torn from our bodies, ema 
 ciated with hunger and fatigued with the daily toil and long 
 deprivation of the comforts of civilized life. * During these ten 
 days we saw no other human being, nor heard his voice, be 
 held his footsteps, or the works of his hand. We lived almost 
 wholly on flesh, like the carnivorous race, and, like them, re 
 posed upon the ground, equally fearing the face of man, sus 
 picious of his design, and dreading his approach as we did the 
 instrument of death. 
 
 While we one day lay encamped by the fire, waiting for the 
 appearance of the sun, we were aroused from our sleep by the 
 supposed report of a musket. Ignorant of the source whence 
 it came) and fearing to make immediate flight lest we should 
 
256 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 flee into the hands of our enemies, we prepared ourselves to 
 march, and we.re endeavoring to espy the foe, when a similar 
 noise, proceeding from the bursting of a stone heated by the 
 fire, relieved our minds from fearj and filled our bosoms with 
 joy at the happy disappointment of expected danger. 
 
 Soon after we arrived at Lake Champlain we found a part 
 of an old flat-bottomed boat, which we fitted up, for the pur 
 pose of conveying us across the lake, by lashing a log on 
 each side with bark and withs. 
 
 At about sunset we Went aboard and set sail to cross the 
 lake. We had proceeded nearly half way across, when the 
 wind arose against us and baffled all our exertions to proceed 
 farther. After laboring till about midnight without success, 
 and fearing we should be taken by the British if we remained 
 on the water till light, we concluded to row back to the shore 
 we left and relinquish the idea of crossing the lake that 
 night. We Lad continued upon the water till a tempest 
 arose, and the wind blew from, various directions, shifting its 
 course every few minutes ; and our strength had become almost 
 exhausted, being faint for want of food, insomuch that we 
 could hardly move. We labored with diligence and with all 
 our might till daybreak, having nothing to use for oars ex- . 
 cept such sticks as we found in the woods and prepared for 
 the purpose with a jackknife. We were now enabled to reach 
 the same shore from which we started, though several miles 
 farther north. Our clothes were completely wet, and our 
 strength so far gone that neither of us could scarcely go. 
 In this wretched state, stupefied and chilled with the cold, 
 so faint and tired that we could hardly move, we crept a few 
 rods into the woods, built a fire, and laid down upon the ground. 
 
 I never suffered so much. fatigue, in the same space of time 
 in my life, as I did this night ; nor would I have believed I 
 could endure as much, with so little strength, without perish 
 ing. Language is too feeble to expres?, nor can imagination 
 conceive, the sufferings we underwent. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 257 
 
 We bad but little provision left, and were compelled to cur 
 tail our former allowance, so that we should be enabled to 
 subsist and continue our journey till \ve could reach the 
 desired country. , 
 
 Having rested from the wearisome and fruitless labors of 
 the night till nearly sunset the next day, we resolved to travel 
 on the west side of the lake till we should come to a narrow 
 place where we could well hope for success in an attempt to 
 cross. We resumed our march and travelled a few miles that 
 night, then camped down and waited for the morning. 
 
 The next day we came to the River Saranac, which empties 
 into Lake Champlain at a place now called Plattsburg, in 
 the State of New York. We heard the noise of the British 
 engaged in chopping a few rods up the river, while we 
 crossed it between them and the lake, not far from its 
 mouth. 
 
 After we crossed the river we travelled a small distance 
 and encamped for the night in a valley which was in the 
 form of a basin. We followed up the lake upon the western 
 shore ; crossed Duck Creek, Eiver-au-Sable, Salmon River, 
 and Gilliland's Creek ; when we came to a place called Split 
 Rock, where the lake is narrow, which afforded us a prospect 
 of succeeding if we attempted to cross. We then went to 
 work to build a raft, and while engaged, a little before sunset, 
 espied a British armed vessel making towards us from the 
 south. We went into the bushes and lay secreted from their 
 view, though they were so visible to us that we could see 
 their red coats, and even count the buttons upon them, while 
 they sailed around at a small distance from us, apparently for 
 amusement, and then returned again to the south, out of our 
 sight, without discovering us. 
 
 We then went to work, completed our raft at dark, set sail 
 
 across the lake, and safely landed in a few hours at a place 
 
 now called Charlotte, in the State of Vermont. We were, 
 
 however, ignorant at that time both of the name of the place 
 
 22* 
 
258 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and of its local situation. Being yet in a strange wilderness, 
 we knew not which way to direct our course to reach inhab 
 itants. Indeed, all that prompted us to go forward was the 
 information we had received that there were settlements near 
 some part of this lake. But we were wholly ignorant what 
 way to take that should enable us to find them. Supposing 
 ourselves to be between the mouth of Onion River and Otter 
 Creek, we concluded to steer in a south-east direction, which 
 we supposed would bring us to Pittsford Fort. We travelled 
 into the woods a i#w rods and lay down for the night. In the 
 morning we resumed our march, and had not gone far before 
 we came to an 'old log house, which had long been abandoned, 
 and, by the long continuance of the war, had become greatly 
 decayed. 
 
 We however found a few beans, which had probably been 
 there a number of years, and were covered with mould. As 
 our provision was mostly gone and we were extremely hun 
 gry, we took and parched them, as we would corn, by the fire, 
 which gave some relish to the twigs, roots, and berries that 
 had already, for some days, composed our principal food. 
 
 Our clothes were almost torn from our mangled bodies by 
 the bushes, logs, and trees ; and the blood that gushed from 
 our naked and wornout feet witnessed, in every track we 
 made, the pains we suffered. 
 
 Parts of our stockings still remained about our feet ; and, 
 having a needle (but no thread) with us, we ravelled off the 
 tops of them and sewed our tattered rags together as. much as 
 possible, to defend our bo'dies from the inclemency of the* 
 weather. 
 
 Our daily allowance of the food we brought with us from 
 Prison Island was now reduced to about an inch square of 
 salt pork and as much of our buttered flour as we could twice 
 put upon the point of a large jackknife. We had eaten al. 
 our beef and parched corn. 
 
 We dug roots of various kinds and ate them, together with 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 259 
 
 birch and other twigs. Spikenard roots, which we roasted by 
 the fire, comprised the greatest part of our subsistence. We 
 found several small frogs, which we killed and ate with great 
 delight. But we could find only a few of them, though we 
 searched diligently. Their meat tasted exceedingly sweet and 
 delicious. We also found means to catch several small fish 
 from a little rivulet which we crossed ; but could not obtain 
 more than two or three, although we spent much time and 
 used every exertion in our power. 
 
 Some time after we had dressed our fish and had advanced 
 considerable distance, we espied a bear upon a tree a few rods 
 ahead of us. We hastened to the foot of the tree, in view of- 
 killing her, as she descended, by stabbing her with our large 
 scalping knife. But, on examination, we found the knife was 
 left at the place of dressing the fish, which frustrated our plan 
 and blighted our hopes of obtaining any meat. 
 
 Disappointment was now added to hunger and distress, and 
 our faint and wearied bodies were hardly able to support the 
 dreadful weight of sorrow which hung over our minds. 
 
 We however continued to keep a south-east course till we 
 reached the top of the mountains lying between Onion River 
 and Otter Creek, when, looking back, we could see the" lake 
 in fair view. Being so faint for want of food that we could 
 hardly step, and seeing no prospect of obtaining any, it 
 seemed as if death must be our inevitable fate. We had' 
 travelled seven or eight days, and had subsisted the whole 
 time mostly upon the spontaneous productions of the country. 
 The season for berries was nearly gone, though we were able 
 to find some. 
 
 Our natures seemed to waste away and leave nothing but 
 death to stare us in the face. Winter was fast approaching, 
 while we were almost naked, destitute, and forlorn. O the 
 wretched condition of those whose lot it is to be cast into the 
 wilderness and left to wander upon the dark mountains of 
 despair ! I could feelingly adopt the language of Job, and 
 
260 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 say, " Terrors are turned upon me : they pursue my soul as 
 the wind ; and my welfare passeth away as a cloud. When 
 I looked for good, then evil came unto me; and when I 
 waited for light, there came darkness. I am a brother to 
 dragons and a companion to owls; for I have eaten ashes 
 like bread and mingled my drink with weeping." 
 
 Had we seen any prospect of soon finding the house of a 
 friend, or of obtaining provision in any other way before we 
 should arrive among inhabitants, we could not have denied 
 ourselves at once to eat the little provision we had in our 
 packs while we suffered so much by hunger on our way. 
 
 The barren' mountains and rocky cliffs of Bristol, Ripton, 
 and Hancock, the dismal plain of Chataugua, and the waters 
 of Champlain witnessed the cries of our sufferings ; while our 
 steps traced in blood the distress we endured. 
 
 We wandered from mountain to mountain and from valley 
 to valley, keeping at a distance from the lake, lest we should 
 fall into the hands of the British, who had command of the 
 lake at that time. Sorrow, hunger, and bitterness of soul 
 were our constant attendants through the day ; and the ap 
 proach of the night only increased our miseries and multi 
 plied our sighs and groanings. 
 
 Though we slept, it was for trouble ; and if we continued to 
 roam the wilderness we found no comfort, and our strength 
 failed. If we slumbered, it was upon the brink of the grave, 
 and it would not feed us. While our hunger increased, our 
 hopes of relief grew dim. 
 
 Seeing no prospect of ever finding the habitations of friends, 
 our companions, Clark and Sprague, like the lepers of old, 
 " said onp to another, Why sit we here until we die ? " It we 
 say we will pursue our journey, " we shall die ; and if we sit 
 still here, we die also." They therefore resolved to return to 
 the lake if they could get there, and deliver themselves up 
 into the hands of the British. 
 
 They were both possessed of true courage, and a noble, 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 261 
 
 generous spirit. But they were wholly ignorant of the coun- 
 try east of Lake Champlain, and consequently had less to en 
 courage them than Belknap and myself. They were " unwill 
 ing," said they, " that we should either return or remain with 
 them, if we could ever reach inhabitants. But to go forward 
 was apparent death, even if inhabitants might be found by two 
 or three days' travel ; as we are so weak we can hardly go, 
 and still growing weaker." They requested us to leave them 
 to be food for wild beasts or a prey to an exasperated foe. 
 But the tender feelings of human sensibility forbade us to leave 
 them ; and Belknap and myself persuaded them to persevere 
 and remain with us to the end by dealing out to them an 
 extra allowance of provision, on condition that I should take 
 the lead and be their pilot ; to which I consented. 
 
 It being nearly night, we encamped till morning, when we 
 concluded to change our course and steer nearly a south- 
 south-westerly direction. We travelled on moderately, fearful 
 of the event, till about noon, when, being some rods forward 
 of my companions, I was so fortunate as to come to a road. 
 Of this I notified my languishing companions^ famishing with 
 hunger and groaning under the weight of their wretchedness, 
 which occasioned transports of joy, gladdened their hearts, 
 and invigorated their bodies ; yea, it " shed happiness around 
 us and banished misery before us." For we could say with 
 David, that we had " wandered in the wilderness, in a solitary 
 way, and found no city to dwell in. Hungry and thirsty, our 
 souls fainted within us. Then we cried unto the Lord in 
 our trouble, and he delivered us out of our distresses ; and he 
 led us forth by the right way, that we might go to a city oi 
 habitation." 
 
 Animated with the prospect of soon finding inhabitants, we 
 travelled on the road with joy a^id delight. Our hopes of 
 again seeing our friends became brightened, and our expecta 
 tions greatly strengthened our weak and trembling limbs. We 
 soon came in sight of an old horse, and an old mare with a 
 
262 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 sucking colt by her side. As they were in a valley some dis 
 tance from the road, we concluded not to go after them, hop 
 ing soon to find inhabitants, where we should be enabled also 
 to find friends, who would lend the hand of charity. We 
 therefore travelled on, and soon came to a stream, but could not 
 determine whether it was Otter Creek or only a branch of it. 
 If it were a branch, we knew we ought to follow the current 
 till we came to the creek. But to follow the current of the 
 creek itself would lead us directly to the lake, where we 
 should be exposed to the British. 
 
 We however thought it most prudent to follow down the 
 stream, and soon ca*me to its mouth, and still were left in 
 doubt whether the stream into which the first we discovered 
 emptied itself was Otter Creek or some other branch. 
 
 As it began to draw near sunset, and seeing no prospect of 
 finding inhabitants that night, we resolved to return to the 
 place where we came to the first stream, having there found 
 the Avails of an old log house. Clark and myself went and 
 procured the horses and colt; while Belknap and Sprague 
 struck up a fire and built a camp. 
 
 Having returned with the horses and confined them in the 
 old log house, we killed and dressed the colt and roasted some 
 of the meat upon sticks by the fire and ate it ; and surely " it 
 was pleasant to the taste." Indeed, I never ate any meat of 
 so delicious a flavor, although without bread, salt,* or sauce 
 of any kind. 
 
 The next morning we started with our old horse and colt- 
 less mare, and travelled till after the middle of the day, when 
 we came to the place we passed about noon the day preceding. 
 We were confident it was the same place, by finding some^ 
 spikenard roots which we had thrown away soon after we 
 found the road. 
 
 * We brought a small quantity of salt from Prison Island, but losv 
 the principal part of it in passing down the rapids. The remaindei 
 we gave to the heifer we killed, and took her gammon in exchange. 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 263 
 
 Being lost, and knowing not whether to turn to the right 
 hand or to the left, having obtained a new supply of meat, 
 by which we had been much refreshed, and as the sun had 
 been invisible to us for several days, we concluded to tarry 
 there through the day and encamp for the night, hoping the 
 sun would rise clear the next morning, which would enable us 
 'the better to determine what course to take. 
 
 "While we were patrolling about the fields, which appeared 
 to have been unoccupied and but partially cultivated during 
 the long war, we found a large yard of turnips. 
 
 We then prepared our camp, built a fire, and, having pro 
 cured some turnips, kept continually roasting them successively 
 during the night, first sleeping a little and then eating ; thus 
 alternately refreshing ourselves by sleep and eating cold meat 
 with roasted turnips till the approach of day. As we had 
 long lived upon the spontaneous growth of the wilderness, and 
 had not only been almost entirely destitute of bread and meat, 
 but wholly deprived of every cultivated vegetable, we were 
 conscious that it would be injurious, and even dangerous, to 
 eat immediately all we might crave for the night. 
 
 We therefore chose to satiate our hunger in a measure by 
 piecemeals, while we truly feasted upon that kind of fare 
 which was undoubtedly, of all kinds of food, the best adapted 
 to our wretched condition and craving appetites. In the 
 morning the sky was clear, and the sun rose, to every one of 
 us, directly in the west. We now discovered the cause of 
 becoming lost ; and, feeling much refreshed and strengthened, 
 we took our horses and directed our course according to the 
 sun, diametrically against our own ideas of the true point of 
 compass. We had not proceeded far when we came to three 
 other horses, which we took, leaving the old mare for the ben 
 efit of the owner. 
 
 After travelling till about noon we came to a man chop 
 ping in the woods. Seeing us all on horseback, with bark 
 bridles and no saddles, having on coats made of Indian blan 
 
264 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 kets, which were all in rags, with beards an inch long, and 
 each one of us armed with a cudgel) the trembling wood 
 cutter stood in dreadful awe, with his axe raised above his 
 shoulder, dreading our approach, but fearing to try his suc 
 cess in an attempt to. escape ; while we drew near, rejoicing 
 that we had once more arrived where we could behold the 
 face of one whose hand should not be against us, and against 
 whom we were not compelled for our safety to put our' own 
 hands. 
 
 We were not much surprised, though very sorry, to find our 
 friend so grievously alarmed while we only desired his friend 
 ship. We informed him of our wretched condition, and be 
 sought him to be our friend, with tears of joy and tenderness 
 trickling down our emaciated cheeks. Finding we were not 
 his enemies, but the subjects of his pity and tender compas 
 sion, bursting into tears of sympathy at the short relation we 
 gave him of our sufferings, he invited us to go with him and 
 he would lead us to Pittsford Fort, which was only about one 
 mile distant, where we should be made welcome to every thing 
 necessary for our comfort. 
 
 We soon arrived at the fort. It was now about one o'clock 
 in the afternoon. We were received with the greatest marks 
 of sympathy and commiseration and treated with every 
 respect due to our wretchedness and want. And though 
 justice demands that I should acknowledge the generous dis 
 play of philanthropic zeal, as well as selfish curiosity, com 
 mon on such occasions, yet I could not forbear to notice 
 with pain that cold indifference for the miseries of others, 
 commonly observable in those who have long been familiar 
 with scenes of wretchedness and woe, which was manifested 
 by some, and especially by the commander of the fort, on our 
 arrival at that place. 
 
 Not long after we arrived at the fort the owners of the horses 
 came up, carrying their saddles upon their backs. They 
 had been out for the purpose of surveying land, and had turned 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 265 
 
 out their horses to feed. After hearing a short account of our 
 sufferings and being made acquainted with our deplorable condi 
 tion, they readily replied, with seeming compassion, that they 
 were only sorry we had not been so fortunate as to find their 
 saddles likewise. 
 
 After wandering in the wilderness twenty-two days, we ar 
 rived at the fort on the 2d day of October, 1782, having 
 forded rivers of water up to our shoulders ; traversing 
 through dismal swamps, the habitations of beasts of prey ; 
 and climbing mountains of rocks, where no human eye could 
 pity or friends console us ; making the earth our bed of re 
 pose for the night, and extreme anxiety our constant compan 
 ion through the day ; nearly starved, and almost naked ; little 
 expecting ever again to see the faces of our friends or to be 
 hold those habitations which witnessed our juvenile years, 
 where we enjoyed the kind embraces of tender and affec 
 tionate mothers and the paternal care of indulgent fathers ; 
 expecting every day to see the approach of that hour when 
 our spirits should be called to leave our bodies in a howling 
 wilderness to become food for wild beasts, and our friends to 
 lament our absence, ignorant of our end. After enduring all 
 this, yea, more than pen can describe or language 'express, 
 who can tell our joy and gratitude when we came to behold a 
 " city of habitation " and the abodes of plenty ?' What heart 
 would not palpitate for exceeding great joy at such an event ? 
 Who could forbear to speak forth praise to the great Pre 
 server of men on such an occasion ? Would not every heart, 
 susceptible of the least impression, acknowledge the hand of 
 the Almighty in so great a deliverance ? 
 
 Instead of making our bed upon the cold ground, with our 
 clothes wet and our bodies benumbed, we could now enjoy 
 sweet repose by the fireside, sheltered from storms and sur 
 rounded with friends. Instead of feeding upon frogs and 
 the spontaneous growth of uncultivated nature, subsisting on 
 roots, twigs, and bark, we could now taste the fruits of labor 
 23 
 
266 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and industry, and feast upon the bounties of Heaven. ID 
 stead of wandering through a lonely wilderness, with otfr 
 cheeks wet with tears of sorrow, almost overwhelmed with 
 despair, we could now travel through a country of civiliza 
 tion free from enemies, and receive support from the hand of 
 charity. 
 
 After sharing in the benevolence of many individuals, and 
 receiving every token of friendship from the garrison at the 
 fort, as they were expecting soon to be attacked by the Brit 
 ish, we were advised to travel on still farther that night, that 
 we might be the more safe from the grasp of the enemy. 
 
 We therefore proceeded on towards Rutland several miles, 
 when we obtained lodgings in the house of a " poor widow," 
 who furnished us with the best food 'her house afforded, of 
 which we ate heartily. Having long been without bread of 
 any kind, and being now furnished with a full supply of good 
 wheat bread, it seemed as if we should die with the effect of 
 eating it. It lay like lead* in our Stomachs, and caused us the 
 most agonizing distress for some hours, while we rolled u|>on the 
 floor with bitter groanings, although we had denied ourselves 
 the satisfaction of eating the half of what our appetites craved. 
 But our extreme hunger prevented the exercise of prudence 
 and economy in the choice of that kind of food which was 
 best adapted to our wretched condition. Nor did we wait 
 long to consult about the propriety or impropriety of eating 
 any thing we found within our reach. Our avidity for food, 
 however, soon abated, when we found no injury to result from 
 eating all we desired. 
 
 We made our escape on the night of the 10th of Septem 
 ber, arrived at Lake Champlain in about ten days, and came 
 to the fort on the night of the 2d of October following; 
 having been in the wilderness twenty-two days, without speak 
 ing to any other person except our own company.* It is true 
 
 * When the sun was invisible, harlt jg lost our compass, we direc ted 
 our course by the moss upon tree? which is found only upon th 
 
CAPTIVITY OF ZADOCK STEELE. 267 
 
 we had seen some of our species at a distance from us, though 
 with terror and dismay, fearing their approach as we should 
 have done that of a voracious animal ready to devour us. 
 
 In a few days we arrived at Bennington, in Bennington 
 county, Vermont, where we were employed till we had acquired, 
 by our own labor and the benevolence of others, some money 
 sufficient to enable us to prosecute our journey to Connecticut. 
 
 Having travelled many days through the woods almost des 
 titute of any covering for our feet, they had become very sore, 
 which prevented our going far in a day. 
 
 Assisted by the hand of charity and by means of occasional 
 labor on the way, we were enabled to reach our friends. Be 
 ing destined to different places, our companions, Clark and 
 Sprague, separated from us at Bennington. By a mutual 
 participation of sufferings, we had acquired that affection for 
 each other which will remain, I trust, till death. Having suf 
 fered many hardships and endured many trials together, 
 having been rescued from many,dangers and delivered out of 
 many troubles, sharing equally in hunger, pains, and distress, 
 as well as in the joys resulting from our deliverance, we now 
 reluctantly parted, affectionately taking our leave, perhaps 
 never again to see each other till .we shall meet in that world 
 where " the weary be at rest. There the prisoners rest 
 together; they hear not the voice of the oppressor. The 
 small and great are there ; and the servant is free from his 
 master." 
 
 And may it not be the unspeakable infelicity of either of 
 us to fail of " entering into that rest because of unbelief." ^ . 
 
 Belknap and I continued our course together to Ellington, 
 in Connecticut, where our friends resided. We arrived there 
 on the 17th of October, 1782, being just two years from 
 the day I was taken by the Indians at Randolph. What pen 
 
 north, side. In passing over land timbered with cedar, -which has no 
 moss upon it, we were compelled to lie still and wait the appearance 
 of the sun, which protracted our journey many days. 
 
268 INDIAN NARRATIVES.. 
 
 can describe the mutual joy which was felt by parents and 
 children on our arrival ? Truly our fathers, " seeing us while 
 yet/a great way off, ran and fell upon our necks and kissed 
 us." Behold now the affection of a father. See him shed 
 the tear of compassion. Hear him say, " This my son was 
 dead, and is alive again ; he was lost, and is found." See 
 him " begin to be merry ; " nor think it strange that the fat 
 ted calf should be killed. 
 
 Behold a kind father in tears of joy, and a tender step 
 mother * kindly embracing the subject of her husband's for 
 mer grief, but present delight. See '" the best robe " cast 
 around him, with " the ring upon his hand and the shoes upon 
 his feet." See brothers and sisters surrounding the returned 
 brother. Hear their acclamations of joy and gladness, em 
 bracing their once lost but now living brother. What heart 
 would not melt at the sight 'of such a joyful scene? And 
 what can I say to express my own feelings on this delightful 
 interview ? Having endured the hardships of an Indian cap 
 tivity and the pains of the prison, the gnawings of hunger, 
 the tortures of the rack, and the still more dreadful distress 
 of twenty-two days' w r andering in the wilderness ; filled with 
 despair, anxiety, and fear ; almost starved, and nearly naked ; 
 full of wounds, and constantly chilled with the cold ; imagine, 
 kind reader, the feelings of my heart when I came to behold 
 the face of affectionate parents and receive the tender em 
 braces of beloved brothers and a loving sister. Think of the 
 festivities of that evening, when I could again enjoy a seat in a 
 social circle of friends and acquaintance around the fireside in 
 my father's house. 
 
 Vain is the attempt to describe my own feelings on that 
 joyful occasion. Fruitless indeed must be all my endeavors 
 to express the mutual congratulations manifested by all on 
 my return. 
 
 * My own mother died while I was quite young, and my father 
 had married again to a woman possessing the kindest affections and 
 the most endearing love. 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 269 
 
 My long absence from my friends, together with a sense of 
 the numerous and awful dangers through which I had been 
 preserved, increased our gratitude, and causejd wonder and 
 astonishment to dwell in every breast. We could now heartily 
 unite in ascribing praise and adoration to Him who granted 
 me protection while exposed to the shafts of hatred and re- 
 venge. I was treated with all that friendship which pity 
 could excite or sympathy dictate, and saluted by every per 
 son I met, whether old or young, with a hearty welcome. 
 Every one seemed to be in a good degree conscious of the 
 extreme sufferings I had undergone. In short, my return 
 afforded me an opportunity to witness a display of all the ten 
 der passions of the soul. 
 
 Knowing the deplorable wretchedness of those who had 
 the misfortune to become prisoners to the British, and conse 
 quently expecting every day to hear of m^ death, my friends 
 were little less astonished at my return than they would have 
 been had they witnessed the resurrection of one from the 
 dead. 
 
 The extreme hunger and distress I had felt were clearly 
 manifested to those who beheld my emaciated countenance 
 and mangled feet; and no one was disposed to doubt the 
 truth of my words who heard me relate the affecting tale 
 of my sore afflictions. For, " by reason of the voice of my 
 groanings, my bones," it might verily be said, did " cleave to 
 my skin." I however had the satisfaction to find mylfceep 
 anxiety to be delivered from bondage and escape from the 
 enemy, my ardent wishes to see my friends, and my hungry, 
 craving appetite, wholly satisfied in the full fruition of all my 
 toils. The munificence of the wealthy was offered for my re 
 lief, and the poor approached me with looks of tenderness and 
 pity. All things around me wore a propitious smile. From 
 morning till night, instead of being guarded by a company of 
 refugees and tories, or wandering in a lonesome wilderness, 
 hungry and destitute, I could now behold the face of friends^ 
 23* 
 
270 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and at the approach of night repose my head upon a downy 
 pillow, under the hospitable covert of my father's roof. In 
 stead of being made a companion of the wretched, I could 
 now enjoy the sweet conversation of a beloved sister and 
 affectionate brothers. 
 
 Having for more than two years been deprived of hearing 
 the gospel sound, surely " I was glad when they said unto me^ 
 Let us go into the house of the Lord." For unto God I could 
 say, " Thou art my hiding-place ; thou shalt preserve me from 
 trouble ; thou shalt compass me about with songs of deliver 
 ance. I will be glad and rejoice in thy name ; for thou hast 
 considered my trouble ; thou hast known my soul in adversity." 
 This I hoped would be the language of every one who made 
 their escape with me. Forfcnyself, I trust it was the sincere 
 language of my heart. 
 
 Notwithstanding the prisoners whom we left on the island 
 were set at liberty shortly after our escape, and although our 
 sufferings in. the wilderness were exceedingly great, yet I 
 never found cause to lament that I improved the opportunity 
 to free myself from the hands of t^se cruel tormentors and 
 oppressors of the afflicted. For "the spirit of a man will 
 sustain his infirmity." And under this consideration we chose 
 rather to hazard the consequences of an escape, though it 
 might prove our death, than to become the menial servants, 
 and thus gratify the infernal desires, of a petty tyrant. 
 
 " Now I feel, by proof, 
 That fellowship in pain divides not smart, 
 Nor lightens aught each man's peculiar load." 
 
 I have never had the satisfaction to hear from either of my 
 friends and fellow-sufferers, Clark and Sprague, since I parted 
 with them at Bennington. 
 
 Mr. Belknap now lives in Randolph, Vermont, and, from 
 the sad experience of the like sufferings himself and his par 
 ticipation in my own, can witness to the truth of ray statement 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 271 
 
 Let not the preservation of my life through such a train 
 of dangers be attributed to mere chance ; but let the praise 
 be given to " God our Rock, and the high God our Redeemer." 
 
 In September, previous to my escape, a treaty of peace 
 was concluded between Great Britain and the United States 
 at Paris, the glad news of which reached America not long 
 after my return, which occasioned the release of the remain 
 der of the prisoners who were confined upon Prison Island. 
 
 As the war had now terminated, my return to Randolph 
 would not be attended with the dange* of being again made 
 captive by the Indians ; which induced me, the spring follow 
 ing, to go to that place and resume my settlement. 
 
 On my arrival there I found my house was demolished, 
 which recalled to mind the confusion and horror of that dread 
 ful morning when the savage tribe approached, with awful 
 aspect, my lonely dwelling. I went to work and erected a 
 house upon the same spot, into which my father shortly after 
 moved his family. The grass seed which the Indians had 
 scattered for some distance from the house, as before* observed, 
 had taken root, stocked the ground, and remained entire for 
 many years a fresh memento of that woful event, which 
 proved but a faint prelude of all my direful sufferings. 
 
 Here my father lived by cultivating that soil which had 
 borne the brutal band to my unwelcome door till April, 1812, 
 when he died at the good old age of seventy-six. Here he 
 has spent many a winter's evening in rehearsing the mournful 
 tale of my " captivity and sufferings " to his friends and ac 
 quaintance. 
 
 Generous and hospitable by nature, and having been taught 
 by my sufferings to feel for the needy, he was ever ready to 
 extend the hand of charity to relieve their distresses,. His 
 house, always the abode of plenty, was an asylum for the 
 naked and forlorn, an acceptable home to the poor and the 
 wretched. 
 
 Always exhibiting a sense of what sufferings I had under 
 
272 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 gone for want of food, he seemed in nothing to be more 
 delighted than " to feed the hungry and clothe the naked." 
 My loving and aged step-mother, with one of her sons, (a half- 
 brother of mine,) now lives on the same farm. 
 
 In the winter of 1785 I was married to Hannah Shurtliff, 
 of Tolland, Connecticut, and settled at Randolph not far 
 from my father's house, where I resided eight years, when 
 I purchased a farm and removed to Brookfield, a town ad 
 joining. 
 
 Here I have reside^ until the present time, (1816,) and ob 
 tained my own subsistence and that of my numerous family 
 by means of ultivating the soil. By a steady course of in 
 dustry and economy I have been enabled, under the divine 
 blessing, to acquire a comfortable support, and enjoy the 
 fruits of my labors in quietude and peace. As my occupation 
 was that of a farmer, my opportunities for information, like 
 those of many others of my class, have been limited. 
 
 My family, not unlike Job's, consists of seven sons and 
 three daughters ; nor have I reason to think my afflictions 
 much inferior to his. Although deafh has never been per 
 mitted to enter my dwelling and take any of my family, yet 
 my substance has once been destroyed by worse than Chal 
 dean hands, and that, too, at the very outset of my adventures 
 : n life. Not only were my house and effects destroyed, but 
 myself, at a most unpropitious hour, when far removed from 
 all my friends, compelled to leave my employment, relinquish 
 all those objects of enterprise peculiar to the juvenile age, 
 and forced to enter the ranks of a savage band and travel 
 into an enemy's country. Thus were all my expectations cut 
 off. My hopes were blasted and my youthful prospects 
 darkened. " I was not in safety, neither had I rest, neither 
 was I quiet ; yet trouble came. O that my grief were thor 
 oughly weighed, and my calamity laid in the balances to 
 gether!" 
 
 Notwithstanding that inhumanity and cruelly which char 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 273 
 
 acterized the conduct of the savages, yet I think that the 
 barbarous treatment which we received from the impious 
 commanders of the British fort, in whose charge we were 
 kept, might put to the blush the rudest savage who traverses 
 the western wild. Their conduct illy comported with what 
 might be expected from men who are favored with the light 
 of revelation. 
 
 The savage, when he does a deed of charity towards his 
 prisoner, is no doubt less liable to be actuated by a selfish 
 principle,- and influenced by the hope of reward or by a fear 
 of losing his reputation, than he is who has been made ac 
 quainted with the gracious reward offered to those who " do 
 unto others as they would that others should do unto them," 
 and knows the bitter consequences of the contrary prac 
 tice. 
 
 And I think the destruction of Royalton and all its evil 
 consequences may with less propriety be attributed to the 
 brutal malevolence of the savage tribe than to the ignoble 
 treachery and despicable fanaticism of certain individuals of 
 our own nation. 
 
 Scarce can that man be found in this enlightened country 
 who would treat his enemy with as much tenderness and com 
 passion as I was treated by the savage tribe ; though I ha - 
 abundant cause to say that the " tender mercies of the wicked 
 are cruel." 
 
 Who would not shudder at the idea of being compelled to 
 take up their abode with a herd of tawny savages ? Yet,, 
 alas ! when I contrasted The sufferings I endured while with 
 the Indians with those afflictions that were laid upon me by 
 men who had been from their youth favored with the advantages 
 of civilization, clothed with authority, and distinguished with a 
 badge of honor, I could truly say the former chastised me 
 with whips, but the latter with scorpions. 
 
 An Indian captivity will hardly admit of a comparison with 
 
274 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 my wretched condition while in the hands of the British and 
 under the domineering power of a company of refugees and 
 tories. 
 
 While with the Indians my food was unsavory and un 
 wholesome ; my clothing, like their own, was scant and cov 
 ered with filthy vermin ; and my life was always exposed to 
 the danger of their implacable hatred and revenge. This 
 was a most perilous condition indeed for any one to be 
 placed in. But my confinement with the British multiplied 
 my complaints, added to my afflictions, rendered me more 
 exposed to the danger of losing my life, increased my sorrows, 
 and apparently brought me near the grave. My food was 
 less filthy ; but I was not allowed the half of what my ap 
 petite craved and my nature required to render me com 
 fortable. 
 
 By these and my subsequent afflictions I have been taught 
 a lesson that has made an impression upon my mind which I 
 trust will remain as long as life shall last. 
 
 I have been taught, by ocular demonstration and sad expe 
 rience, the depravity of man, and the fallacy of looking for 
 durable happiness in terrestrial things. 
 
 My own sufferings have implanted within my breast that 
 sympathy for the distressed which is better felt than described. 
 Nakedness and poverty have once be^en my companions ; and 
 I shall not readily forget to lend a listening ear to the cries of 
 the needy. 
 
 And I would exhort myself and all my fellow-men, by 
 the extreme sufferings I have endured, to be ready at all 
 times to " feed the hungry and clothe the naked," nor ever 
 fail to extend the hand of charity for the assistance of the 
 unfortunate. * 
 
CAPTIVITY OP ZADOCK STEELE. 275 
 
 Names of a Part of the Persons killed and taken at the Burn 
 ing of Royalton. 
 
 Zadock Steele, taken at Randolph. 
 
 Experience Davis. 
 
 Elias Curtis. 
 
 J. Parks. 
 
 Moses Parsons. 
 
 Simeon Belknap, now living in Randolph. 
 
 Samuel Pember. 
 
 Thomas Pember, killed at Royalton. 
 
 Gardner Rix, now living at Royalton. 
 
 Daniel Downer. 
 
 Joseph Kneeland, killed at the encampment at Randolph, 
 
 Jonathan Brown, now residing in Williamstown. 
 
 Adan Durkee, died at Montreal. 
 
 Joseph Havens. 
 
 Peter Hutchinson. 
 
 John Hutchinson, now living in Bethel. 
 
 John Kent. 
 
 Peter Mason. 
 
 Giles Gibbs, killed at Randolph. ' 
 
 Elias Button, killed at Royalton. 
 
 Nathaniel Gilbert. 
 
 fhe following Persons were released by the Intercession of 
 Mrs. Hendee. 
 
 Daniel Downer, Jr. 
 Andrew Durkee. 
 Michael Hendee. 
 
76 * INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Roswell Parkhurst. 
 Shelden Durkee. 
 Joseph Bix. 
 Bufus Fish. 
 
 Fish. 
 
 Nathaniel Evi 
 
EVENTS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN FRON 
 TIER FROM 1794 TO 1811. 
 
 THIS was a period of comparative tranquillity; but the 
 British still continued their intrigues, with the Indians, on the 
 northern and western frontiers. 
 
 On the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison, at In 
 diana Territory, entered into an agreement with various chiefs 
 of the Pottawatomie, Eel River, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, 
 and Kickapoo tribes, by which were settled the bounds of a 
 tract of land near that place, said to have been given by the 
 Indians to its founder; and certain chiefs were named who were 
 to conclude the matter at Fqrt Wayne. This was the first step 
 taken by Harrison in those negotiations which continued through 
 so 'many years, and added so much to the dominions of the 
 Confederation. He found the natives jealous and out of temper, 
 owing partly to American injustice, but also in a great degree, 
 it was thought, to the acts of the British traders and agents. 
 
 Governor Harrison, on the 18th of August, 1804, purchased 
 from the Delawares their claim to a large tract between the 
 Wabash and Ohio ; from the Piankeshaws their claims to the" 
 same, and also to the lands granted by the Kaskaskias in 1803, 
 from the Sacs and Foxes their title to most of the immense dis 
 trict between the Mississippi, Illinois, Fox river emptying into 
 the Illinois, and Wisconsin rivers ; comprehending, it is said, 
 more than fifty-one millions of acres. This latter treaty was 
 made at St. Louis. 
 
 24 277 
 
278 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 On the 21st of August, 1805, G-overnor Harrison, at Vin- 
 cennes, received from the Miamies a region containing two 
 million acres within what is now Indiana; and on the 30th of 
 December, at the same place, purchased of the Piankeshaws a 
 tract of eighty or ninety miles wide, extending from the Wabash 
 west to the cession by the Kaskaskias in 1803. At this timd ; 
 although some murders by the Indians had taken place in the 
 far west, the body of the natives seemed bent on peace. But 
 mischief was gathering. Tecumthe, his brother the Prophet, 
 and other leading men, had formed at Greenville, the germ of 
 that union of tribes by which the whites were to be restrained 
 in their invasions. We are by no means satisfied that Tecumthe 
 used any concealment, or meditated any treachery towards the 
 United States, for many years after this time. The efforts of 
 himself and his brother were directed to two points : first, the 
 reformation of the savages, whose habits unfitted them for con 
 tinuous and heroic effort \ and second, such a union as would 
 make the purchase of land by the ynited States impossible, and 
 give to the aborigines a strength that might be dreaded. Both 
 these objects were avowed, and both were pursued with won 
 derful energy, perseverance, and success ; in the whole country 
 bordering upon the lakes, the power of the Prophet was felt, and 
 the work of reformation went on rapidly. 
 
 During 1808, Tecumthe and the Prophet still continued 
 quietly to extend their influence, professing no other end than 
 a reformation of the Indians. Before the end of June, they 
 had removed from Greenville to the banks of the Tippecanoe, a 
 tributary to the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had been 
 granted them by the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. In July, 
 the Prophet sent to General Harrison a messenger begging him 
 not to believe the tales told by his enemies, and promising a 
 visit ; in August, accordingly, he spent two weeks at Vincennes, 
 *nd by his words and promises led the governor to think him 
 
INDIANS PREPARING FOR WAR. ' 279 
 
 other than a fool and impostor, and to believe that his influence 
 might be beneficial rather than mischievous. 
 
 Through the year 1809, we again find Tecumthe and his 
 brother strengthening themselves both openly and secretly. 
 Harrison, however, had been once more led to suspect their 
 ultimate designs, and was preparing to meet any emergency that 
 might arise. The probability of its being at hand was very 
 greatly increased by the news received from the Upper Missis 
 sippi of hostile movements there among the savages. In refe 
 rence to these movements and the position of the Shawaneso 
 brothers, Harrison wrote to the secretary of war on the 5th of 
 July, as follows : 
 
 The Shawanese Prophet and about forty followers arrived 
 here about a week ago. He denies most strenuously any par 
 ticipation in the late combination to attack our settlements, 
 which he says was entirely confined to the tribes of the Missis 
 sippi and Illinois rivers ; and he claims the merit of having 
 prevailed upon them to relinquish their intentions. 
 
 I must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been 
 rather strengthened than diminished at every interview I have 
 had with him since his arrival. He acknowledges that he re 
 ceived an invitation to war against us, from the British, last 
 fall, and that he was apprised of the intention of the Sacs and 
 Foxes, &c. early in the spring, and warmly solicited to join in 
 their league. But he could give no satisfactory explanation of 
 his neglecting to communicate to me circumstances so extremely 
 interesting to us, and towards which, I had a few months before, 
 directed his attention, and received a solemn assurance of his 
 cheerful compliance with the injunctions I had impressed upon 
 him. 
 
 The result of all my inquiries on the subject, is, that the late 
 combination was produced by British intrigue and influence, in 
 anticipation of war between them and the United States. It was ; 
 
280 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 however, premature and ill judged, and the event sufficiently 
 manifests a great decline in their influence, or in the talents and 
 address, with which they have been accustomed to manage their 
 Indian relations. 
 
 The warlike and well armed tribes of the Pottawatomies, Ot- 
 tawas, Chippewas, Delawares, and Miamies, I believe neither 
 had, nor would have joined in the combination : and, although 
 the Kickapoos, whose warriors are better than those of any 
 other tribe, the remnant of the Wyandottes excepted, are much 
 under the influence of the Prophet. I am persuaded that they 
 were never made acquainted with his intentions, if these were 
 really hostile to the United States. 
 
 During the year 1810, the hostile intentions of Tecumthe 
 and his followers towards the United States, were placed beyond 
 a doubt. The exciting causes were the purchase at Fort 
 Wayne, in 1809, which the Shawanese denounced as illegal and 
 unjust; and British influence. And here, as in 1790 to 1795, 
 it is impossible to learn what really was the amount of British 
 influence, and whence it proceeded ; whether from the agents 
 merely, or from higher authority.* 
 
 But however we may think the evil influence originated, cer 
 tain it is that the determination was taken by " the successor 
 of Pontiac," to unite all the western tribes in hostility to the 
 United States, in case that power would not give up the lands 
 bought at Fort Wayne, and undertake to recognize the principle, 
 that no purchases should thereafter be made unless from a 
 Council representing all the tribes united as one nation. By 
 various acts the feelings of Tecumthe became more and more 
 evident, but in August, he having visited Vincennes to see the 
 governor, a Council was held, at which, and at a subsequent 
 interview, the real position of affairs was clearly ascertained 
 
 * Perkins. 
 
COUNCIL WITH THE INDIANS. 181 
 
 of that Council we give the account contained in Mr. Drake's 
 life of the Great Chieftain. 
 
 Governor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the 
 Council on the portico of his own house, which had been fitted 
 up with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning of the 
 15th, he awaited the arrival of the chief, being attended by the 
 judges of the supreme court, some officers of the army, a ser 
 geant and twelve men, from Fort Knox, and a large number 
 of citizens. At the appointed hour, Tecumthe supported by 
 forty of his principal warriors, made his appearance ; the re 
 mainder of his follo^rs being encamped in the village and its 
 environs. When the chief had approached within thirty or 
 forty yards of the house, he suddenly stopped, as if awaiting 
 some advances from the governor. An interpreter was sent 
 requesting him and his followers to take seats on the portico. 
 To this Tecumthe objected -he did not think the place a suit 
 able one for holding the conference, but preferred that it should 
 take place in a grove of trees to which he pointed standing 
 a short distance from the house. The governor said he had no 
 objection to the grove, except that there were no seats in it for 
 their accommodation. Tecumthe replied, that constituted no 
 objection to the grove, the earth being the most suitable place 
 for the Indians, who loved to repose upon the bosom of their 
 mother. The governor yielded Uhe point, and the benches and 
 chairs having been removed to the spot, the conference was 
 begun, the Indians being seated on the grass. 
 
 Tecumthe opened the meeting by stating, at length, his objec 
 tions to the Treaty of F.ort Wayne, made by General Harrison 
 in the previous year ; and in the course of his speech, boldly 
 avowed the principle of his party to be, that of resistance to 
 every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes, who, he 
 contended, formed but one nation. He admitted that he had 
 threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the Treaty of Fort 
 
282 
 
 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Wayne; and that it was his fixed determination not to permit 
 the village chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but to place 
 the power with which they had been heretofore invested, in the 
 hands of the war chiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven 
 the Indians from the sea coast, and would soon push them into 
 the lakes; and, while he disclaimed all intention of making war 
 upon the United States, he declared it -to be his unalterable 
 resolution to take a stand, and resolutely oppos.e the further 
 intrusion of the whites upon the Indian lands. He concluded, 
 by making a brief but impassioned recital of the various wrongs 
 and aggressions inflicted by the white men upon the Indians, 
 from the commencement of the revolutionary war down to the 
 period of that council; all of which was calculated to arouse 
 and inflame the minds of such of his followers as were present. 
 
 To him the governor replied, and having taken his seat, the 
 interpreter co'mmenced explaining the speech to Tecumthe, who, 
 after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his feet and began 
 to speak with great vehemence of manner. 
 
 The governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but, as he 
 did not understand him, thought that he was making some 
 explanation, and suffered his attention to be drawn towards ^ 
 Winnemac, a friendly Indian lying on the grass before him, 
 who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had kept 
 concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the gover 
 nor. His attention, however, was again directed towards Te 
 cumthe, by hearing General Gibson, who was intimately 
 acquainted with the Shawanese language, say to Lieutenant 
 Jennings, " those fellows intend to do mischief; you had better 
 bring up the guard." At that moment, the followers of Te 
 cumthe seized their tomahawks and war-clubs, and sprung upon 
 their feet, their eyes turned upon the governor. As soon as he 
 could disengage himself from the arm-chair in which he sat, he 
 rose, drew a small sword which he had by his side, and stood 
 
EVENTS ON THE FRONTIER. 283 
 
 on the defensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who 
 stood near him, drew a dirk, and the chief Winnemac cocked 
 his pistol. The citizens present were more numerous than the 
 Indians, but were unarmed ; some of them procured clubs and 
 brickbats, and also stood on the defensive. The Rev. Mr. Wi- 
 oans, of the Methodist church, ran to the governor's house, got 
 a gun, and posted himself at the door to defend the family. 
 During this singular scene, no one spoke, until the guar3 came 
 running up, and appearing to be in the act of firing, the gover 
 nor ordered them not to do so. He then demanded of the 
 interpreter, an explanation of what had happened, who replied 
 that Tecumthe had interrupted him, declaring that all the go 
 vernor had said was false ; and that he and the Seventeen Fires 
 had cheated and imposed on the Indians. 
 
 The governor then told Tecumthe that he was a bad man, 
 and that he would hold no further communication with him ; 
 that as he had come to Vincennes under the protection of a 
 council-fire, he might return in safety, but that he must imme 
 diately leave the village. Here the council terminated. 
 
 The now undoubted purposes of the brothers being of a cha 
 racter necessarily leading to war, General Harrison proceeded 
 to strengthen himself for the contest by preparing the militia, 
 and posting the regular troops that were under him, under 
 Captains Posey and Cross at Vincennes. 
 
TIPPECANOE WAR. 
 
 THE difficulties with England seemed to increase, and during 
 the early part of the year 1811, nothing was looked for but the 
 breaking out of hostilities between England and the United 
 States. But little was accomplished as far as concerned the 
 Indians, during the first part of this year ; yet a spirit of enmity 
 was still rife among them, and the prospect of a contest was not 
 improbable. Harrison sent a message to the Shawanese cau 
 tioning them to beware of hostilities. A visit from Tecumthe 
 with about three hundred of his warriors followed, but nothing 
 was done ; the chief going south, for the purpose of enlisting 
 the Creeks in his cause. 
 
 Harrison, in the meanwhile, received reinforcements, and 
 after warning the Indians to respect the treaty of Greenville, 
 he resolved if necessary to break up the Prophet's Town on the 
 Tippecanoe. For this purpose, he marched to a point on the 
 Wabash, some sixty miles above Vincennes, where he built 
 Fort Harrison. One of his sentinels being fired upon, he 
 entertained no doubt that the intentions of the Prophet were 
 hostile. 
 
 Harrison reached the mouth of Vermilion creek on the 31st 
 of October, where he built a block-house, as a depot for his 
 luggage, and the protection of his boats. He then proceeded 
 to the vicinity of the Prophet's Town, where he was met by a 
 party of Indians, who were assured that the Governor's inten 
 tions were peaceful, should they continue true to their treaties. 
 One of the chiefs pointed out a place for an encampment, which 
 < (284) 
 
TIPPECANOE WAR. 285 
 
 Harrison did not like, as it offered too great facilities for the 
 approach of the savages. We give Harrison's own account of 
 the order of encampment and battle 
 
 " For a night attack the order of encampment was the order 
 of battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his post 
 in the line. In the formation of my troops I used a single rank, 
 or what is called Indian file because in Indian warfare, where 
 there is no shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, 
 and in that kind of warfare the extension of line is of the first 
 importance. Raw troops also manoeuvre with much more facility, 
 in single than in double ranks. It was my constant custom to 
 assemble all the field officers at my tent every evening by signal, 
 to give them the watchword and their instructions for the night ; 
 those given for the night of the 6th were, that each corps which 
 formed a part of the exterior line of the encampment, should 
 hold its own ground until relieved. The dragoons were directed 
 to parade dismounted in case of a night attack, with their pistols 
 in their belts, and to act as a corps of reserve. The camp was 
 defended by two captains' guards, consisting each of four non 
 commissioned officers and forty-two privates; and two-subal 
 terns' guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates. 
 The whole under the command of a field officer of the day. The 
 troops were regularly called up an hour before day, and made 
 to continue under arms until it was quite light. On the morn 
 ing of the 7th, I had risen at a quarter after four o'clock, and 
 the signal for calling out the men would have been given in 
 two minutes, when the attack commenced. It began on our 
 left flank but a signal gun was fired by the sentinels or by the 
 guards in that direction, which made not the least resistance, 
 but abandoned their officer and fled into the camp, and the first 
 notice which the troops of that flank had of the danger, was 
 from the yells of the savages within a short distance of the line 
 but even under those circumstances the men were not wanting 
 
286 INDIAN NARRATIVE. 
 
 to themselves or to the occasion. Such of them as were awake, 
 or were easily awakened, seized their arms and took their sta 
 tions ; others, who were more tardy, had to contend with the 
 enemy in the doors of their tents. The s^orni first fell upon 
 Captain Barton's company of the 4th United States regiment, 
 and Captain Geiger's company of mounted riflemen, which 
 formed the left ang.e of the rear line. The fire upon these was 
 exceedingly severe, and they suffered considerably before relief 
 could be brought to them. Some few Indians passed into the 
 encampment ncq^ the angle, and one or two penetrated to some 
 distance before they were killed. I believe all the other com 
 panies were under arms and tolerably formed before they were 
 fired on. The morning was dark and cloudy ; our fires afforded 
 a partial light, which if it gave us some opportunity of taking 
 our positions, was still more advantageous to the enemy, afford 
 ing them the means of taking a surer aim ; they were therefore 
 extinguished as soon as possible. Under all these discouraging 
 circumstances the troops (nineteen-twentieths of whom had never 
 been in action before) behaved in a manner that can never be 
 too much applauded. They took their places without noise and 
 with less confusion that could have been expected from veterans 
 placed in a similar situation. As soon as I could mount my 
 horse, I rode to the angle that was attacked I found that Bar 
 ton's company had suffered severely, and the left of Geiger's 
 entirely broken. I immediately ordered Cook's company and 
 the late Captain Wentworth's, under Lieutenant Peters, to be 
 brought up from the centre of the rear line, where the ground 
 was much more defensible, and formed across the angle in sup 
 port of Barton's and Geiger's. My attention was then engaged 
 by a heavy firing upon the left of the front line, where were 
 stationed the small company of United States riflemen (then, 
 however, armed with muskets) and the companies of Baen, 
 Snelling, and Prescott of the 4th regiment. I found Majo/ 
 
TIPPECANOE WAR. 28? 
 
 Davies forming the dragoons in the rear of thoso companies, and 
 understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's fire pro* 
 ceeded from some trees about fifteen or twenty paces in front of. 
 those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them with a 
 part of the dragoons. " Unfortunately the major's gallantry 
 determined him to execute the order with a smaller force than 
 was sufficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front, 
 and attack his flanks. The major was mortally wounded, and 
 his party driven back. The Indians were, however, imme 
 diately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous position, 
 by Captain Snelling, at the head of his company. In the course 
 of a few minutes after the commencement of the attack, the fire 
 extended along the left flank, the whole of the front, the right 
 flank, and part of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted 
 riflemen, and the right of Warwick's company, which was posted 
 on the right of the rear line, it was excessively severe ; Captain 
 Spencer, and his first and second lieutenants, were killed, and 
 Captain Warwick was mortally wonnded those companies how 
 ever still bravely maintained their posts, but Spencer had 
 suffered so severely, and having originally too much ground to 
 occupy, I reinforced them with Robb's company of riflemen, 
 which had been driven, or by mistake ordered from the position 
 on the left flank, towards the centre of the camp, and filled the 
 vacancy occupied by Robb with Prescott's company of the 4th 
 United States regiment. My great object was to keep the lines 
 entire, to prevent the enemy*from breaking into the camp until 
 daylight, which should enable me to make a general and effec 
 tual charge. With this view, I had reinforced every part of 
 the line that had suffered much ; and as spon as the approach 
 of morning discovered itself, I withdrew from the front line, 
 Snelling' s, Posey's, (under Lieutenant Albright,) and Scott's, 
 and from the rear line, Wilson's companies, and drew them up 
 upon the left flank, and at the same time I ordered Cook's an* 1 
 
288 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Baen's companies, the former from the rear, and the latter from 
 the front lines, to reinforce the right flank; foreseeing that at 
 these points the enemy would make their last efforts. Major 
 Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing my inten 
 tions precisely, had taken the command of these-companies, had 
 charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons 
 with which I had meant to support the infantry ; a small detach 
 ment of these were, however, ready, and proved amply sufficient 
 for the purpose. The Indians were driven by the infantry, at the 
 point of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forced them 
 Into a marsh, where they could not be followed. Captain Cook 
 and Lieutenant Larrabee had, agreeably to my order, marched 
 their companies to the right flank, had formed them under the 
 fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that 
 flank, had charged the Indians, killed a number, and put the 
 rest to a precipitate flight. A favorable opportunity was here 
 offered to pursue the. enemy with dragoons, but being engaged 
 at that time on the other flank, I did not observe it until it was 
 too late." 
 
 There were near seven hundred Americans engaged in this 
 battle, of whom thirty-seven were killed, and one hundred and 
 fifty-two wounded : twenty-six mortally. On the part of the 
 Indians, forty were killed; the number of wounded not being 
 known. Their numbers amounted to between eight hundred 
 and a thousand warriors. 
 
 The Indians fought with unusual fury and courage. The 
 Prophet did not engage in the battle, but sat on a rock, out of 
 the reach of all danger, singing his songs, and going through 
 with his absurd ceremonies. The cause of the obstinacy of his 
 followers is ascribed to his assurance that the bullets of their 
 enemies would do them no harm, and that victory would crown 
 their efforts. Their defeat was the disgrace of the Prophet; 
 and from that period his influence was almost entirely destroyed. 
 
TIPPECANOE WAR. 289 
 
 The battle of Tippecanoe was fought on the 7th $f November, 
 and on the 4th of December, Harrison asserted that the frontiers 
 never enjoyed more perfect tranquillity. flp" 
 
 Tecumthe upbraided "his brother, for rendering his plans fruit 
 less, by risking a battle at that time. The declaration of war by 
 the United States against Great Britain, before ho could mature 
 new schemes, forced him to become an ally, when he aimed to 
 be a principal. 
 
 25 
 
SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 
 
 AT the commencement of the war with Great Britain, in 1812, 
 preparations were made for an invasion of Canada. The com 
 mand of the expedition was given to General Hull, who with 
 about two thousand men was soon upon the north-western fron 
 tier. He took .possession of the beautiful little town of Sand 
 wich, some two miles below Detroit. The British and Indians, 
 were posted at Maiden ; and amounted to about eleven hundred 
 men, under the command of Gkneral Brock and Tecumthe. 
 
 Upon entering Canada, Hull issued a proclamation, offering 
 them security if they submitted to the American arms, and 
 destruction if they opposed them. 
 
 In the meantime ths British and Indians at St. Joseph's, pre 
 pared to attack Fort Michilimackinac, on an island of the same 
 name. The force of the enemy .was some three hundred British 
 and seven hundred Indians, under the command of Captain 
 Roberts. That of the Americans amounted to only fifty-seven 
 men. The inhabitants knowing this force to be inadequate to 
 cope with the enemy, and being informed by Roberts, that unless 
 they surrendered, the whole garrison would be delivered into 
 the hands of the Indians, and subjected to their merciless treat 
 ment, fled in great numbers. 
 
 Lieutenant Porter Hanks, who commanded the garrison, 
 resolved to offer as gallant a resistance as was in his power. 
 The Indians were posted in an adjoining wood, while the Bri 
 tish were stationed on an eminence, that commanded the weakest 
 point of the little garrison. 
 (290) 
 
SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 291 
 
 A flag was now sent by Roberts for a surrender of the fort, 
 and Hanks being for the first time" informed of the state of 
 affairs between the United States and England, and knowing 
 that if he resisted, an indiscriminate slaughter would follow, 
 prudently resolved to surrender the place. He entered into 
 terms of capitulation, in which the right of private-property was 
 acknowledged, though he placed the enemy in possession of a 
 fortress, capable of being rendered the strongest in America. 
 
 Meantime, on the 29th of July, Colonel Proctor had reached 
 Maiden, and seeing at once the power which the position of that 
 post gave him over the supplies of the army of the United States, 
 he commenced a series of operations, the object of which was 
 to cut off the communications of Hull with Ohio, and thus not 
 merely neutralize all active operations on his part, but starve 
 him into surrender. 
 
 Hull dispatched Major Vanhorne to escort a company of 
 volunteers, on their way from Ohio, with provisions for the 
 army. They had arrived as far as the Raisin, a distance of thirty- 
 six miles from Detroit. Vanhorne had Searly reached Browns- 
 town, when he was attacked by a large force of British and 
 Indians. The Americans stood their ground nobly, but were 
 forced to retreat. This was performed in a masterly manner \ 
 Vanhorne only losing nineteen men killed, and nine wounded. 
 
 General Hull, contrary to the wishes and entreaties of his 
 officers, abandoned the enterprise against Maiden, and proclaimed 
 his intention of evacuating Canada, and posting himself at Fort 
 Detroit. Here they received the intelligence of the late skir 
 mish. The communication between the Raisin and their pre 
 sent post, was entirely destroyed, and the way blocked up by 
 savages. It was necessary that this should be opened, or the 
 army would be in want of provisions very shortly. 
 
 For this purpose Colonel James Miller was dispatched with a 
 force of five hundred men. Tho British and Indians anticipat- 
 
282 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 ing a return of the detachment they had driven back, reinforced, 
 increased their numbers sufficiently, as they supposed, to drive 
 them off again. They took possession of, and fortified a place 
 called Maguaga, four miles from Brownstown. They erected 
 breastworks by felling trees, from behind which they might 
 shower forth, -death and destruction. Tecumthe commanded the 
 Indians ; the united force of British and Indians was commanded 
 by Major Muir. 
 
 On the 9th, the American troops, though they proceeded with 
 great caution, reached the ground oa which the enemy desired 
 to see them before they discovered their ambuscade. Captain 
 Snelling, commanding the advance, was attacked from it, and 
 sustained a combat until the main body came up, when the 
 British and Indians sprang suddenly from behind the works, 
 formed a line of buttle with great celerity, and commenced a 
 brisk fire, accompanied with all the demonstrations of savage 
 war. Sudden and unexpected as was the attack, the intrepid 
 commander of the American force was not the least dismayed ; 
 his troops received the shock without shrinking, and with a 
 coolness and sagacity which are commonly looked for in soldiers 
 of long experience, he as suddenly drew up his men, and after 
 very a rapid fire, charged upon the enemy with such unlocked 
 for firmness, as to throw them into complete disorder. The 
 obstinacy of the Indians, however, would not admit of flight; 
 they might not act in concert with the British, and resorting to 
 their own kind of combat, they were resolved not to abandon 
 the contest. But the British had now recovered from their 
 confusion, and a scene of indescribable horror ensued. Five 
 hundred Indians, led on and encouraged by the regulars, (many 
 of whom were like themselves, almost naked,) frightfully 
 painted, and sending forth such dreadful whooping and yelling 
 as might have appalled almost any other troops, were fighting 
 on every side of the American detachment; but on every side 
 
SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 293 
 
 they were gallantly repulsed. No such means could induce 
 these brave men to forsake their standard, or to disgrace their 
 nation. They saw danger strengthening arcund them, they 
 knew what kind of destiny awaited their defeat, and they were 
 resolutely determined to repel the foe, or to yield only with 
 their lives. 
 
 Athough Colonel Miller was contending against a force greatly 
 superior, he succeeding in driving them back into Brownstown, 
 and would have totally conquered them, had not boats been in 
 waiting to receive them. The loss of the British was seven 
 killed and wounded ; while that of the Indians was about one 
 hundred. The Americans had fifteen of their number killed 
 and between thirty and forty wounded. 
 
 The force at the Raisin still continued there, waiting an 
 escort, when Captain Brush, who commanded the party, received 
 instructions from General Hull, dated the llth of August, to 
 remain there, and in conjunction with the -regiment, Le Croix's 
 corps, and his own, protect the provisions until further orders. 
 Hull added a postscript, in which he stated that Captain Brush 
 on consulting Colonel Anderson, the bearer of the letter, might 
 use his own discretion, about proceeding on an upper road, 
 crossing the river Huron ; but notice was to be given at Detroit, 
 if this was determined on. Hull sent Colonels Cass and 
 W Arthur, on the 14th, with some three hundred men, to assist 
 in the transportation of provisions. 
 
 Captain Heald, who commanded at Fort Chicago, received 
 orders on the same day that the battle of Maguaga was fought, 
 to repair at once to Detroit. After giving the friendly Indians 
 all the goods in the factory, and the provisions that they could 
 not take with them, he hastened to obey orders. The inhabi 
 tants, principally women and children, accompanied them, fearing 
 to be left behind, as the place would be almost defenceless. 
 
 They had not proceeded far, when they suddenly discovered 
 25*' ; 
 
294 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 that they were about to be attacked by a party of hostile In 
 dians. Heald was forced to surrender, after nearly two-thirds 
 of his army were slain. Heald stipulated for the safety of the 
 women and children, but forgot to mention the wounded, whom, 
 with the exception of Mrs. Heald, Mrs. Helm, Captain Heald, and 
 Lieutenant Helm, who were saved by some friendly Indians, 
 they massacred on the spot. 
 
 The other prisoners were distributed among the cuiefs, and 
 carried in different directions into the country of the Potta- 
 watomies. Captain Heald and his heroic wife, who endured 
 wounds and scenes of horror with wondrous fortitude, after 
 many adventures and hair-breadth escapes, arrived safely at 
 Detroit. 
 
 Meanwhile the British occupied a point opposite Detroit, and 
 any attempt to accelerate the transportation of the provisions 
 would be useless. Three days were occupied by the British in 
 throwing up breastworks, without the slightest opposition from 
 the Americans. 
 
 General Brock, on the 15th, sent Hull a flag, with a demand 
 to surrender, stating that if they did not, that it would be 
 utterly out of his power to control the numerous body of Indians, 
 the moment the contest commenced ; and that if he did not 
 surrender, a war of extermination must ensue, as the character 
 of the Indians was well known, and that nothing but blood 
 would satisfy their savage natures. 
 
 Hull answered this summons by stating that the "town and 
 fort would be defended to the last extremity." 
 
 An officer rode round Detroit, warning the inhabitants to 
 seek a place of safety, as the batteries of the British, at Sand 
 wich, would most probably soon open upon the town. The 
 utmost panic and confusion ensued. Women were busy pack 
 ing up their valuables ; men running about, here and there, 
 seeking a place fo those dear to them by all the ties of blood ; 
 
SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 295 
 
 infants crying* and clinging to their agonized mothers j every 
 thing in short conspired to render the town a second Babel. 
 
 The inhabitants commenced leaving the town about noon ; 
 but, alas ! there seemed to be no place of safety. The enemy 
 on one side ; the woods swarming with Indians professing 
 friendship but what dependence could be placed upon savage 
 integrity, should the enemy gain the upper hand. A deep 
 ravine on the " Cass farm/ 7 owned at that time by General Mc 
 Donald, seemed to offer the best security, and there assembled 
 the mass of helplessness, with a few men for protectors. 
 
 The enemy then opened their fire from their batteries upon the 
 town, which was returned with precision and effect. At day 
 light, on the 16th, the cannonade was renewed ; and their whole 
 force soon afterwards crossed the river and landed at Spring- 
 wells, about three miles west of Detroit. Here the British ge 
 neral, learning the absence of Colonel Miller with his detach 
 ment, resolved at once upon forcing the American camp. 
 
 The American army appears to have waited the approach of 
 the enemy with coolness and. good order. Two twenty-four- 
 pounders, loaded with grape, were planted in a favorable posi 
 tion for their annoyance. The regular troops were placed in 
 the fort, and the militia and volunteers behind pickets, when, 
 to the astonishment of every one, the whole force was ordered 
 to retire into the fort, where their arms were stacked, and the 
 artillerymen forbidden to fire. Here, crowded as they were, 
 into a narrow compass, every ball from the enemy's batteries 
 took effect, and the general soon ordered the white flag to be 
 hung out in token of surrender. In a short time the terms of 
 capitulation were agreed upon ; and the whole army, including 
 the detachments of Colonels Miller and M' Arthur, which re 
 turned in the evening of the same day, and the force under Cap 
 tain Brush, at the river Raisin, were surrendered prisoners of 
 war. The enemy found in the fort an ample supply of ammu- 
 
296 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 nition and provisions. They must have been greatly astonished 
 at obtaining such a capital prize, with so little effort. 
 
 The indignation of the Americans at this cowardly and dis 
 graceful transaction knew no bounds. Expectation had been 
 raised to such a height by the confident language of previous 
 dispatches from General Hull, that nothing less than the cap 
 ture of all Upper Canada was expected. The surrender, there 
 fore, of an American army to an inferior force, together with 
 the cession of a large extent of territory, as it had never entered 
 into the calculations of the people, was almost too much for 
 them to bear. General Hull was openly accused of imbecility 
 and cowardice. 
 
 As soon as he was exchanged, he was, of course, brought 
 before a court-martial, tried on the charges of treason, cowardice, 
 and un-officerlike conduct, found guilty of the two last, and 
 sentenced to be shot. The President, however, in consequence 
 of his age and former services, remitted the capital punishment, 
 but directed his name to be stricken from the rolls of the army; 
 a disgrace, which, to a lofty and honorable spirit, is worse than 
 death. 
 
DEFENCE OF FORT HARRISON. 
 
 THE surrender of Detroit was not the only misfortune, 
 although the leading one of this unfortunate summer. Fort 
 Michilimackinac, the key of the northern lakes, was in the pos 
 session of the British and Indians ; whilst the garrison at Fort 
 Dearborne, under Captain Heald, had nearly all been massacred. 
 
 Thus by the middle of August, the whole north-west, with 
 the exception of Forts Wayne and Harrison, was again in pos 
 session of the British and their, red allies. These forts were 
 attacked early in September, and had the latter not been stoutly 
 defended, it would have shared a similar fate to the others. 
 The following account is from its commander, then Captain 
 Taylor, and will be perused with additional interest when it is 
 remembered that he occupied so conspicuous a place in the 
 recent war with Mexico. 
 
 Fort Harrison, Sept. 10. 
 
 " DEAR SIR On Thursday evening, the 3d instant, after 
 retreat beating, four guns were heard to fire in the direction 
 where two young men (citizens who resided here) "were making 
 hay, about four hundred yards distance from the fort. I was 
 immediately impressed with the idea that they were killed by 
 the Indians, as the Prophet's party would soon be here for the 
 purpose of commencing hostilities, and that they had been 
 directed to leave this place, as we were about to do. I did not 
 think it prudent to send out at that late hour of the night to 
 <ioe what had become of them; and their not coming in con* 
 
 297 
 
298 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 vinced me that I was right in my conjecture. I waited until 
 eight o'clock next morning, when I sent out a corporal with a 
 small party to find them, if it could be done without running 
 too much risk of being drawn into an ambuscade. He soon sent 
 back to inform me that he had .found them both killed, and 
 wished to know my further orders; I sent the cart and oxen, 
 had them brought in and buried ; they had been shot with two 
 balls, scalped, and cut in the most shocking manner. Late in 
 evening of the 4th instant, old Joseph Lenar and between thirty 
 and forty Indians arrived from the Prophet's town, with a white 
 flag ; among whom were about ten women, and the men were 
 composed of chiefs of the different tribes that compose the Pro 
 phet's party. A Shawanese man, that spoke good English, 
 informed me that old Lenar intended to speak to me the next 
 morning, and try to get something to eat. 
 
 At retreat beating I examined the men's arms, and found 
 them all -in good order, and completed their cartridges to fifteen 
 rounds per man. As I had not been able to mount a guard of 
 more than six privates and two non-commissioned officers for 
 some time past, and sometimes part of them every other day, 
 from the unhealthiness of the company ; I had not conceived my 
 force adequate to the defence of this post should it be vigorously 
 attacked, for some time past. 
 
 As I had just recovered from a severe attack of the fever, I 
 was not able to be up much through the night. After tattoo, I 
 cautioned the guard to be vigilant, and ordered one of the non 
 commissioned officers, as the sentinels could not see every part 
 of the garrison, to walk rouftd on the inside during the whole 
 night, to prevent the Indians taking any advantage of attacking 
 us. About eleven o'clock, I was awakened by the firing of one 
 of the sentinels; I sprang up, ran out, and ordered the men to 
 their posts ; when my orderly sergeant, who had charge of the 
 upper block-house, called out that tho Indians had fired tbo 
 
DEFENCE OP FORT HARRISON. 299 
 
 lower block-house, (which contained the property of the con 
 tractor, which was deposited in the lower part, the upper hav 
 ing been assigned to a corporal and ten privates as an alarm- 
 post.) The guns had began to fire pretty smartly from both 
 sides. I directed the buckets to be got ready and water brought 
 from the well, and the fire extinguished immediately, as it was 
 perceivable at that time : but from debility or some other cause, 
 the men were very slow in executing iny orders the word fire 
 appeared -to throw the whole of them into confusion ; and by the 
 time they had got the water and broken open the door, the fire 
 had unfortunately communicated to a quantity of whiskey (the 
 stock having licked several holes through the lower part of the 
 building, after the salt that was stored there, through which 
 they had introduced the fire without being discovered, as the 
 night was very dark,) and in spite of every exertion we could 
 make use of, in less than a moment it ascended to the roof and 
 baffled every effort we could make to extinguish it. As that 
 block-house adjoined the barracks that made part of the fortifi 
 cations most of the men immediately gave themselves up for 
 Tost, and I had the greatest difficulty in getting my orders exe 
 cuted and, sir, what from the raging of the fire the yelling 
 and howling of several hundred Indians the cries of nine wo 
 men and children (a part soldiers' and a part citizens' wives, 
 who had taken shelter in the fort) and the desponding of so 
 many of the men, which was worse than all I can assure you 
 that my feelings were unpleasant and indeed there were not 
 more than ten or fifteen men able to do a great deal, the others 
 being sick or convalescent and to add to our misfortunes, two 
 of the strongest men in the fort, and that I had every confi 
 dence in, jumped the picket and left us. But my presence of 
 mind did not for a moment forsake me. I saw, by throwing off 
 a part of the roof that joined the block-house that was on fire, 
 and keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole row of buildings 
 
00 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 might be saved, and leave only a space of eighteen or twenty 
 feet for the entrance of the Indians after the house was con 
 sumed ; and that a temporary breastwork might be executed to 
 prevent their even entering there I convinced the men that 
 this might be accomplished and it appeared to inspire them with 
 more firmness and desperation. Those that were able (while 
 the others kept up a constant fire from the other block-house 
 and the two bastions) mounted the roofs of the house, with 
 Dr. Clarke at thetr head, who acted with the greatest firmness 
 and presence of mind the whole time the attack lasted, which 
 was seven hours, under a shower of bullets, and in less than a 
 moment threw off as much of the roof as was necessary. This 
 was done with the loss of only one m*an and two wounded, and 
 I am in hopes neither of them dangerously ; the man that was 
 killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house as 
 soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt and although 
 the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an immense 
 quantity of fire against them, the men used such exertions that 
 they kept it under, and before day raised a temporary breast 
 work as high as a man's head, although the Indians continued 
 tp pour in a heavy fire of ball and an innumerable quantity of 
 arrows during the whole time the attack lasted, in every part 
 of the parade. I had but one other man killed, nor any other 
 wounded inside the fort, and he lost his life by being too 
 anxious he got into one of the gallies in the bastions, and fired 
 over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he had 
 killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down in an instant he 
 was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the pickets, 
 returned an hour before day, and running up toward the gate, 
 begged for God's sake for it to be opened. I suspected it to be 
 a stratagem of the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the 
 voice. I directed the men in the bastion, where I happened to 
 be, to shoot him let him be who be would, and one of them 
 
DEFENCE OF FORT HARRISON. 301 
 
 fired at him, but fortunately he ran up to the other bastion, 
 where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clarke directed him to lie 
 down close to the pickets behind an empty barrel that happened 
 to be there, and at daylight I had let him in. His arm was 
 broken in a most shocking manner ; which he says was done by 
 the Indians which, I suppose, was the cause of his returning 
 I think it probable that he will never recover. The other 
 tiey caught about one hundred and thirty yards from the gar- 
 lison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a constant 
 fire until six o'clock the next morning, which we began, to return 
 with some effect after daylight, they removed out of reach of 
 our guns. A party of them drove up the horses that belonged 
 to the citizens here, as they could not catch them very readily, 
 shot the whole of them in our sight, as well as a number of their 
 hogs. ' They drove off the whole of the cattle, which amounted 
 to sixty-five head, as well as the public oxen. I had the vacancy 
 filled before night, (which was made by the burning of the 
 block-house) with a strong row of pickets, which I got by pull 
 ing down the guard-house. We lost the whole of our provisions, 
 but must make out to live upon green corn until we can get a 
 supply, which I am in hopes will not be long. I believe the 
 whole of the Miamies or Weas, were among the Prophet's party, 
 as one chief gave his orders in that language, which resembled 
 Stone Eater's voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there like 
 wise. A Frenchman here understands their different languages, 
 and several of the Miamies or Weas, that have been frequently 
 here, were recognized by the Frenchman and soldiers, the next 
 morning. The Indians suffered smartly, but were so numerous 
 as to take off all that were shot. They continued with us until 
 the next morning, but made no further attempt upon the fort, 
 nor have we seen any thing more of them since. 
 
 " I have delayed informing you of my situation, as I did not 
 like to weaken the garrison, and I looked for some person from 
 
 26 
 
302 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Vincennes, and none of my men were acquainted with the 
 woods, and therefore I would either have to take the road or 
 the river, which I was fearful was guarded by small parties of 
 Indians, that would not dare attack a company of rangers that 
 was on a scout ; but being disappointed, I have at length deter 
 mined to send a couple of my men by water, and am in hopes 
 they will arrive safe. I think it would be best to send the pro 
 visions under a pretty strong escort, as the Indians may attempt 
 to prevent their coming. If you carry on an expedition against 
 the Prophet this fall, you ought to be well provided with every 
 thing, as you may calculate on having every inch of ground 
 disputed between this and there t%i they can defend with 
 advantage. Z. TAYLOR. 
 
 His Excellency Gov. HARRISON. 
 
EVENTS ON THE NORTH-WESTERN FRON 
 TIER DURING 1813. 
 
 BUT little of any importance was done on the north-western 
 frontier during the latter part of the year of 1812, after the de 
 fence of Fort Harrison ; although the Indians were as hostile 
 as ever, and gave some trouble to the settlers of that portion of 
 the country. General Harrison was appointed to the command 
 of the army in the west. His main objects were, Srst to drive 
 the Indians from the western side of Detroit river ; second to 
 take Maiden ; and third, having thus secured his communica 
 tions, to recapture the Michigan Territory and its dependencies. 
 But his plans were of no avail. A portion of his troops, under 
 General Winchester, worn 'out and starved, were on the verge 
 of mutiny. Under these circumstanced, Harrison deemed it 
 best to wait until the winter had bridged the streams and 
 morasses with ice, and even when that had taken place, he was 
 doubtful as to the wisdom of an attempt to conquer without 
 vessels on Lake Erie. 
 
 On the 10th of January, 1813, Winchester with his troops 
 reached the Rapids, General Harrison with the right wing of 
 the army being still at Upper Sandusky, and Tupper with the 
 centre at Fort McArthur. From the 13th to the 16th, mes 
 sengers arrived at Winchester's camp, from the inhabitants of 
 Frenchtown on the river Raisin, representing the danger to 
 which that place was exposed from the hostility of the British 
 and Indians, and begging for protection. These representations 
 
 (303) 
 
f>04 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and petitions excited the feelings of the Americans, and led them, 
 forgetful of the main objects of the campaign, and of military 
 caution, to determine upon the step of sending a strong party 
 to the aid of the sufferers. On the 17th, accordingly, Colonel 
 Lewis was dispatched with five hundred and fifty men to the 
 river Raisin, and soon after Colonol Allen followed with one 
 hundred and ten more. Marching along the frozen Bay and 
 Lake, on the afternoon of the 18th the Americans reached and 
 attacked the enemy who were posted in the village, and after a 
 severe contest defeated them. Having gained possession of the 
 town, Colonel Lewis wrote for reinforcements, and prepared 
 himself to defend the position he had gained. And it was evi 
 dent that all his means of defence would be needed, as the place 
 was but eighteen miles from Maiden, where the whole British 
 force was collected under Proctor. Winchester, on the 19th, 
 having heard of the action on the previous day, marched with 
 two hundred and fifty men, which was the most he dared detach 
 from the Rapids, to the aid of the captor of Frenchtown, which 
 place he reached on the next evening. But instead of placing 
 nis men in a secure position, and taking measures to prevent 
 the secret approach of the enemy, Winchester suffered the troops 
 he had brought with him to remain in the open ground, and 
 took no efficient measures to protect himself from surprise, 
 although informed that an attack might be expected at any 
 moment. The consequence was that during the night of the 
 21st the whole British force approached undiscovered, and 
 erected a battery within three hundred yards of the American 
 camp. From this, before the troops were fairly under arms in 
 the morning, a discharge of bombs, balls, and grape-shot, in 
 formed the devoted soldiers of Winchester of the folly of their 
 commander, and in a moment more the dreaded Indian yell 
 sounded on every side. The troops under Lewis were protected 
 by the garden pickets behind Avhich their commander, who afone 
 
BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN. 305 
 
 seems to have been upon his guard, had stationed them ; those 
 last arrived were, as we have said, in the open field, and against 
 them the main effort of the enemy was directed. Nor was it 
 long so directed without terrible results ; the troops yielded, 
 broke, and fled, but fled under a fire which mowed them down 
 like grass : Winchester and Lewis, (who had left his pickets to 
 aid his superior officer,) were taken prisoners. Upon the party 
 who fought from behind their slight defences, however, no im 
 pression could be made, and it was not till Winchester was 
 induced to send them what was deemed an order to surrender 
 that they dreamed of doing so. This Proctor persuaded him to 
 do by the old story of an India-n massacre in case of continued 
 resistance, to which he added a promise of help and protection 
 for the wounded, and of a removal at the earliest moment; 
 without which last promise the troops of Lewis refused to yield 
 even when required by their general. But the promise, even 
 if given in good faith, was not redeemed, and the horrors of the 
 succeeding night and day will long be remembered by the inha 
 bitants of the frontier. Of a portion of the horrors we give a 
 description in the words of an eye-witness.* 
 
 Nicholasville, Kentucky, April 24, 1813. 
 
 " SIR : Yours of the 5th instant, requesting me to give you 
 a statement respecting the late disaster at Frenchtowu, was 
 duly received. Rest assured, sir, that it is with sensations the 
 most unpleasant that I undertake to recount the infamous and 
 barbarous conduct of the British and Indians after the battle of 
 the 22d of January. The blood runs cold in my veins when T 
 think of it. 
 
 " On the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight 
 Indians came to the house of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where I 
 was, in company with Major Graves, Captains Hart and Hick 
 
 iH * Perkins. 
 
 26* 
 
806 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 man, Dr. Todd, and fifteen or twenty volunteers, belonging to 
 different corps. They did not molest any person or thing on 
 their first approach, but kept sauntering about until there was 
 a large number collected, (say one or two hundred) at which 
 time they commenced plundering the houses of the inhabitants, 
 and the massacre of the wounded prisoners. I was one amongst 
 the first that was taken prisoner, and was taken to a place about 
 twenty paces from the house, after being divested of part of my 
 clothing, and commanded by signs there to remain for further 
 orders. Shortly after being there, I saw them knock down 
 Captain Hickman at the door, together with several others with 
 whom I was not acquainted. Supposing a general massacre 
 had commenced, I made an effort to get to a house about one 
 hundred yards distant, which contained a number of wounded, 
 but on my reaching the house, to my great mortification, found 
 it surrounded by Indians, which precluded the possibility of my 
 giving notice to the unfortunate victims of savage barbarity. 
 An Indian chief of the Tawa tribe, of the name of M'Carty, 
 gave me possession of his horse and blanket, telling me by signs, 
 to lead the h^rse to the house which I had just before left. The 
 Indian that first took me, by this time came up and manifested 
 a hostile disposition towards me, by. raising a tomahawk as if 
 to give me the fatal blow, which was prevented by my very 
 good friend M'Carty. On my reaching the house which I had 
 just started from, I saw the Indians take off several prisoners, 
 which I afterwards saw in the road, in a most mangled condi 
 tion, and entirely stripped of their clothing. 
 
 " Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner, and Blythe, were col 
 lected round a carryall, which contained articles taken by the 
 Indians from the citizens. We had all been placed there, by 
 our respective captors, except Blythe, who came where we were 
 entreating an Indian to convey him to Maiden, promising to 
 give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of pleading 
 
MASSACRE OF PRISONERS AFTER THE BATTLB OF rXKSCmoWV.Paat 806. 
 
307 
 
 for mercy, an Indian, more savage than the other, stepped up 
 behind, tomahawked, stripped, and scalped him. The next 
 that attracted my attention, was the houses on fire that contained 
 several wounded, who I knew were unable to get out. After 
 the houses were nearly consumed, we received marching orders, 
 and after arriving at Sandy Creek, the Indians called a halt 
 and commenced cooking; after preparing and eating a little 
 sweetened gruel, Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and myself, 
 received some, and were eating, when an Indian came up and 
 proposed exchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searls's shoes, which 
 he readily complied with. They then exchanged hats, after 
 which the Indian inquired how many men Harrison had with 
 him, and at the same time, calling Searls a Washington or Madi 
 son, then raised his tomahawk and struck him on the shoulder, 
 which cut into the cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold 
 of the tomahawk, and appeared to resist, and upon my telling 
 him his fate was inevitable, he closed his eyes and received the 
 savage blow which terminated his existence. I was near enough 
 to him to receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, 
 on my blanket. A short time after the death of Searls, I saw 
 three others share a similar fate. We then set out for Browns- 
 town, which place we reached about twelve or one o'clock at 
 nigjit. After being exposed to several hours incessant rain in 
 reaching that place, we were put into the council-house, the 
 floor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we 
 remained until next morning, when we again received march 
 ing orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place we 
 made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit 
 and sold. For a more detailed account of the proceedings, I 
 take the liberty of referring you to a publication which appeared 
 in the public prints, signed by Ensign J. L. Baker, and to the 
 publication of Judge Woodward, both of which I have particu- 
 

 308 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 larlj examined, and find them to be literally correct, so far an 
 came under my notice. 
 
 I am, sir, with due regard, your fellow-citizen, 
 
 GUSTAVUS M. BOWER. 
 
 General Harrison was at Upper Sandusky when Winchester 
 reached the Rapids. He received some word of a meditated 
 movement, and hurried with all speed to Winchester's assistance, 
 but all was in vain. He met the few survivors long before he 
 reached the ground. Harrison with his troops retired to the 
 Rapids; here a consultation was held, when it was determined 
 to retreat yet farther in order to prevent the possibility of being 
 cut off from the convoys of stores and artillery upon their way 
 from Sandusky. The next morning the troops retired to Pol tage 
 river, eighteen miles in the rear of Winchester's position, there 
 to await the guns and reinforcements, which were daily expected. 
 
 General Harrison now found his army to be seventeen hun 
 dred strong, and on the 1st of February, again advanced to the 
 Bapids, where he took up a new and stronger position, at which 
 point he ordered all the troops to gather as rapidly as possible. 
 This was done in the hope of advancing upon Maiden before 
 the middle of the month ; but the warm weather had placed 
 the roads in such a condition that his troops were unable to join 
 him ; so the winter campaign was of necessity abandoned, as 
 the autumnal one had been before. 
 
 Thus far the operations in the north-west had certainly been 
 discouraging. Nothing had been gained, and of what had been 
 lost, nothing had been retaken ; the slight advantages gained 
 by a few officers over the Indians, had not shaken the power or 
 confidence of Teeumthe and his allies, while the unsuccessful 
 efforts of Harrison through five months, to gather troops enough 
 at the mouth of the Maumee river, to attempt the reconquest 
 of Michigan, which had been taken in a week, depressed th& 
 
SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. 309 
 
 spirits of the Americans, and gave new life and hope to their 
 foes. 
 
 Among the defensive operations of the spring and summer 
 of 1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs, the new post occupied by 
 Harrison at the Rapids, and that at Lower Sandusky, deserve 
 notice. It was supposed that in the beginning of spring, that 
 the British would attempt the reconquest of the position upon 
 the Maumee. As had been expected on the 28th of April, the 
 English forces began the investment of Harrison's camp, and 
 by- the 1st of May, had completed their batteries. In the mean 
 time, the Americans had thrown up a bank of earth twelve feet 
 high, behind which they withdrew, the moment the enemy com 
 menced operations. 
 
 Up to the 5th, nothing had been done of importance. On 
 that day, General Clay, with twelve hundred additional troops, 
 came down the Maumee in flat-boats, and according to orders' 
 received from General Harrison, detached eight hundred men 
 under Colonel Dudley, to attack the batteries on the left bank 
 of the river, while, with the remainder, he landed upon the 
 southern shore, and fought his way into camp. Dudley suc 
 ceeded in capturing the batteries, but he neglected spiking the 
 cannon, and then returning to the boats, he suffered his men 
 to dally with the Indians, until Proctor cut off their only 
 chance of retreat, and only one hundred and fifty men out of 
 the eight hundred escaped captivity or death. Colonel Miller, 
 however, captured and made useless the batteries, that had been 
 erected south of the Maumee. 
 
 The result of these proceedings was sad enough for the Ame 
 ricans, still the British general saw in it nothing to encourage 
 him j and as news was received that the Americans were about 
 to receive reinforcements from Ohio and Kentucky, Proctor 
 deemed it best to retreat, and on the 9th of May, returned to 
 Maiden. 
 
310 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 The principal stores of Harrison were at 3andusky, and 
 thither Proctor moved with immense bands of Indians. Har 
 rison himself was at Seneca, and Major Croghan at Fort Ste- 
 phenson, or Lower Sandusky. It was deemed advisable to 
 abandon the fort, as it was indefencible against heavy cannon, 
 which it was thought the British general would bring against 
 it ; but before this could be accomplished, the appearance of the 
 enemy on the 31st of July, rendered it impossible to carry out 
 their determination. 
 
 The garrison of this little fort was composed of one Hundred 
 and fifty men, under a commander just past his 21st year, and 
 with a single piece of cannon, while the investing force, includ 
 ing Tecumthe's Indians, was, it is said, three thousand three 
 hundred strong, and with six pieces of artillery, all of them, 
 fortunately, light ones. Proctor demanded a surrender, and told 
 the unvarying story of the danger of provoking a general mas 
 sacre by the savages, unless the fort was yielded : to all which 
 the representative of young Croghan replied by saying that the 
 Indians would have none left to massacre, if the British con 
 quered, for every man of the garrison would have^ died at his 
 post. Proctor, upon this, opened his fire, which being concen 
 trated upon the north-west angle of the fort, led the commander 
 to think that it was meant to make a breach there, and carry 
 the works by assault : he therefore proceeded to strengthen that 
 point by bags of sand and flour, while under cover of night he 
 placed his ix pounder in a position to rake the angle threatened, 
 and then, having charged his infant battery with slugs, and 
 hidden it from the enemy, he waited the event. During the 
 night of the 1st of August, and till late in the evening of the 
 2d, the firing continued upon the devoted north-west corner) 
 then, under cover of the smoke and gathering darkness, a 
 column of three hundred and fifty men approached unseen to 
 within twenty paces of the walls. The musketry opened upon 
 
s BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 311 
 
 them, but with little effect, the ditch was gained, and in a 
 moment filled with men ; at that instant, the masked cannon, 
 only thirty feet distant, a,nd so directed as to sweep the, ditch, 
 was unmasked and fired, killing at once twenty-seven of the 
 assailants ; the effect was decisive, the columns recoiled, and the 
 little fort was saved with the loss of one man j on the next 
 morning the British and their allies, having the fear of Harrison 
 before his eyes, were gone, leaving behind them in their haste, 
 guns, stores, and clothing. 
 
 Meanwhile Perry had gained his famous victory on the lakes, 
 and the American army having been reinforced, set sail for 
 Canada on the 27th of September, and in a few hours stood 
 around the ruins or the deserted and wasted Maiden, from which 
 place Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, intending to make his 
 way into Canada, by the valley of the Thames. 
 
 General Harrison started in pursuit, and he found Proctor 
 posted on the Thames ; his left flanked by the river, and his 
 right by a swamp. Between this and another swamp, and still 
 further to the right, waa Tecumthe and his Indians. Proctor 
 had formed his men in open order, that is, with intervals of 
 three or four feet between the files. Colonel Johnson was ordered 
 by Harrison to dash through the enemy's line in a column. 
 This was done, and the broken line of the Indians assailed. 
 The British threw down their arms, and begged for quarter. 
 
 Some fighting took place on the American left, with the In 
 dians. Tecumthe rushed on Colonel Johnson with his toma 
 hawk raised, and was in the act of striking him, when Johnson 
 drew a pistol, and shot him dead. The Indians no longer hear 
 ing the cry of their chief, animating them to renewed exertions, 
 gave way, and fled in great confusion. We give Harrison's 
 account of the battle. 
 
 "The troops at my disposal consisted of about -one hundred 
 and twenty regulars of the 27th regiment, five brigades of Ken- 
 
31iJ INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tucky volunteer militia infantry, under his excellency Governoi 
 Shelby, averaging less than five hundred men, and Colonel 
 Johnson's regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole 
 an aggregate of something above three thousand. No disposi 
 tion of an army, opposed to an Indian force, can be safe unless 
 it is secured on the flanks and in the rear. I had, therefore, 
 no difficulty in arranging the infantry conformably to my general 
 order of battle. General Trotter's brigade of five hundred men, 
 formed the front line, his right upon the road and his left upon 
 the swamp. General King's brigade as a second line, <jne hun 
 dred and fifty yards in the rear of Trotter's and Chiles' s brigade, 
 as a corps of reserve in the rear of it. These three brigades 
 formed the command of Major-General Henry; the whole of 
 General Desha's division', consisting of two brigades, were formed 
 en pot^ice upon the left of Trover. 
 
 " Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had di 
 rected Colonel Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, to 
 be formed in two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon the 
 advance of the* infantry, to take ground to the left and forming 
 upon that flank to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. A 
 moment's reflection, however, convinced me that from the thick 
 ness of the woods and swampiness of the ground, they would 
 be unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no time 
 to dismount them and place their horses in security; I, there 
 fore determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break 
 the British lines at once, by a charge of the mounted infantry; 
 the measure was not sanctioned by any thing that I had seen 
 or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed. 
 The American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than any 
 other people. A musket or rifle is no impediment to them, 
 being accustomed to carry them on horseback from their earliest 
 youth. I was persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite 
 unprepared for the shock, and that they could not resist it 
 
BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 313 
 
 Conformably to this idea, I directed the regiment to be drawn 
 up in close column, with its right at the distance of fifty yards 
 from the road, (that it might be in some measure protected by 
 the trees from the artillery) its left upon the swamp, and to 
 charge at full speed as soon as the enemy delivered their fire. 
 The few regular troops of the 27th regiment under their Colonel 
 (Paull) occupied, in columns of sections of four, the small space 
 between the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the 
 enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly Indians were 
 directed to move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the 
 front line, and General Desha's division was an important point. 
 At that place, the venerable governor of Kentucky was posted, 
 who at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth, the 
 ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revolutionary war., 
 and the undaunted bravery which he manifested at King's 
 Mountain. With myaids-de-camp, the acting assistant adjutant- 
 general, Captain Butler, my gallant friend, Commodore Perry, 
 who did me the honor to serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, 
 and Brigadier-General Cass, who, having no command, tendered 
 me his assistance, I placed myself at the head of the front line 
 of infantry, to direct the movements of the cavalry, and give 
 them the necessary support. The army had moved on in this 
 order but a short distance,, when the mounted men received the 
 fire of the British line, and were ordered to charge ; the horses 
 in the front of the column recoiled from the fire ; another was 
 given by the enemy, and our column at length getting in mo 
 tion, broke through the enemy with irresistible force. In one 
 minute the contest in front was over; the British officer seeing 
 no hopes of reducing their disordered ranks to order, and our 
 mounted men wheeling upon them and pouring in a destructive 
 fire, immediately surrendered. It is certain that three only of 
 our troops were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, how 
 ever, the contest was more severe with the Indians. Colonel 
 
 27 
 
314 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received 
 a most galling fire from them, which was returned with great 
 effect. The Indians still further to the right advanced and fell 
 in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with Desha's 
 division, and for a moment made an impression upon it. His 
 excellency, Governor Shelby, however, brought up a regiment 
 to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe fire in front, 
 and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, 
 retreated with precipitation. Their loss was very considerable 
 in the action, and many were killed in their retreat. 
 
THE CEEEK WAR. * 
 
 IN the spring of 1812, the southern Indians were visited by 
 Tecumthe, the celebrated Shawanese chief, who attended their 
 councils, and used every persuasion, to induce them to league 
 with their brethren of the north, and with the aid of the British 
 to extirpate the whites. " He told them that the Great Spirit 
 had ordered the destruction of the whites, and the re-possession 
 of the country by the red men. The Creeks received these doc 
 trines as gospel, and with other tribes were induced to commence 
 hostilities against tke United States. . 
 
 Several murders and robberies were committed, and the per 
 petrators refused to be given up ; evident appearances of hos 
 tilities were now every where visible. Alarm and consternation 
 prevailed among the white inhabitants; those of the Tensaw 
 district, a considerable settlement on the Alabama, fled for safety 
 to Fort Mimms, on that river, sixteen miles above Fort Stod- 
 dard. The place was garrisoned by one hundred and fifty 
 volunteers of the Mississippi Territory, under Major Beasly. 
 The inhabitants collected at the fort amounted to about three 
 hundred. 
 
 At eleven o'clock in the forenoon of August, a body of In 
 dians to the amount of six or seven hundred warriors issued 
 from the adjoining wood, and approached the fort; they ad- 
 vanced within a few rods of it before the alarm was given. As 
 the sentinel cried out^ " Indians," they immediately gave the 
 war-whoop, and rushed in at the gate Before the garrison had 
 
 (315) 
 
316 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 time to shut it. This decided their fate. Major Beasly was 
 mortally wounded at the" commencement of the assault - } he 
 ordered his men to secure the ammunition, and retreat into the 
 house ; he was himself carried into the kitchen, and afterwards 
 consumed in the flames. The fort was originally square, but 
 Major Beasly fead enlarged it by extending the lines upon two 
 sides about fifty feet, and putting up a new side, into which the 
 gate was removed ; the old line of pickets were standing, and 
 the Indians on rushing in at the gate, obtained possession of ths 
 outer part, and through the port-holes of the old line of pickets, 
 fired on the people who held the interior. On the opposite side 
 of the fort was an off-set or bastion made round the back gate, 
 which being open on the outside, was occupied by the Indians, 
 who, with the axes that lay scattered about, cut down the gate. 
 The people in the fort kept possession of the port-holes on the 
 other lines, and fired on the Indians who remained on the out 
 side. Some of the Indians ascended the block-house at one of 
 the corners, and fired on the garrison below, but were soon dis 
 lodged ] they succeeded, however, in setting fire to a house near 
 the pickets, which communicated to the kitchen, and thence to 
 the main dwelling-house. When the people in the fort saw the 
 Indians in full possession of the outer court, the gate open, the 
 men fast falling, and their houses in flames, they gave up all 
 for lost, and a scene of the most distressing horror ensued. The 
 women and children sought refuge in the upper story of the 
 dwelling-house, and were consumed .in the flames, the Indians 
 dancing and yelling round them with the most savage delight. 
 Those who were without the buildings were murdered and scalped 
 without distinction of age or sex ; seventeen only escaped. The 
 battle and massacre lasted from eleven in the forenoon until six *. 
 in the afternoon, by which time the work of destruction was 
 fully completed, the for and buildings entirely demolished, and 
 upwards of four hundred men, women, and children massacred, 
 
DESTRTCTION OF TALLUSHATCHES. #17 
 
 This event spread consternation and dismay thi Dugh all the 
 neighboring settlements ; the inhabitants fled with the utmost 
 precipitation, without taking any means of subsistance, to Fort 
 Stoddard, Mobile, and other places, where they deemed them 
 selves safe from the fury of the savages. Their dwellings and 
 property were left a prey to the Indians, who .plundered and 
 laid waste the adjacent country to a great extent, without 
 opposition. ^ 
 
 These calamitous events, excited the liveliest feelings of 
 anxiety in Tennessee and Georgia, and three thousand five hun 
 dred men were immediately raised in Tennesee, and placed under 
 the command of General Jackson and General Cocke. Georgia 
 organized and equipped eighteen hundred men, who were placed 
 under the command of General Floyd, and marched into the 
 southern section of the Creek nation. 
 
 The infatuated Creeks were now doomed to atone in the most 
 exemplary manner for the massacre at Fort Minims, and their 
 subsequent ravages. The first object to which the troops under 
 General Jackson were directed, was their encampments at the 
 Tallushatches towns, on the Coosa river, a northern branch of 
 the Alabama. On the 2d of November, General Coffee was 
 detached with a part of his brigade of cavalry, and a corps of 
 mounted riflemen, amounting to nine hundred, against this 
 assemblage. He arrived on the morning of the^Sd, and encircled 
 the encampment with his cavalry; when he had approached 
 within half a mile, the Creeks sounded the war-whoop, and pre 
 pared for action. Captain Hammond's and Lieutenant Patter 
 son's companies advanced within the circle and gave a few shots 
 for the purpose of drawing out the enemy. The Creeks formed 
 and made a violent charge. Captain Hammond, according to 
 his orders, gave way, and was pursued by the Indians, until 
 they met the right column, which gave them a general fire, a,nd 
 then charged. The Indians immediately retreated within and 
 
 27* 
 
318 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 behind their buildings, and fought with desperation ; but their 
 destruction was soon accomplished. The soldiers rushed up to 
 the doors of their houses, broke them open, and in a few minutes 
 killed the last warrior of them : not one escaped to carry the 
 news. None asked for quarters, but fought as long as they 
 could stand or sit, and met death in various chapes without a 
 groan. Two hundred warriors were killed, eighty-four women 
 and children taken prisoners and discharged; of General Coffee's 
 troops five only were killed, and forty-one wounded. 
 
 General Jackson's head-quarter's were established at a place 
 called the Ten Islands, on the Coosa. river, and after fortifying 
 it, he called it Fort Strother. Jackson received information from 
 some friendly Indians, that the hostile Creeks were assembling 
 in great numbers at Fort Talladega, thirty miles below, on the 
 same river. He determined to commence his march the same 
 " night, and dispatched a messenger to General White, informing 
 him of his movement, and wishing him to hasten his march, in 
 order to protect Fort Strother. He had previously ordered Ge 
 neral White to join him as speedily as possible, and had received 
 his assurances that he would be with him on the 7th. General 
 Jackson crossed the river at Ten Islands immediately, leaving 
 his baggage wagons, and whatever else might hinder his pro- 
 greSs, behind. He was within six miles of Talladega, about 
 midnight, when |je was overtaken by a runner, with a note from 
 General White, informing him that he had altered his course, 
 and was on his march back t6 join General Cocke, at the mouth 
 of the Chataga. 
 
 It was then too late for the general to change his plan of ope 
 rations, or make any new arrangements. He renewed his 
 inarch at three o'clock, and at sunrise, came within half a mile 
 of his enemy, whom he found encamped a quarter of a mile in 
 adyance of the fort. He immediately formed the line of battle; 
 the militia on the left, the volunteers on the right, and the 
 
BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 819 
 
 cavalry on the wings ; and advanced in a curve, keeping his 
 rear connected with the advance of the infantry line, so as to 
 inclose the enemy in a circle. The advance guard met the 
 attack of the Indians with intrepidity, and having poured upon 
 them four or five rounds, fell back to the main body. The 
 enemy pursued, and were met by the front line. This line 
 was broken, and several companies of militia retreated. At this 
 moment a corps of cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Dyer, 
 which was kept as a reserve, was ordered to dismount and fill 
 the vacancy. The order was promptly executed, the militin 
 soon rallied, and returned to the charge. The fire now became 
 general along the first line and the contiguous wings. The In 
 dians fled, and were mefr and pursued in every direction. The 
 right wing followed them with a' destructive fire to the moun- 
 tians, three miles distant. Two hundred and ninety of their 
 warriors were found dead, and a large number killed in the 
 pursuit, who were not found. General Jackso'n lost fifteen 
 men killed, and eighteen wounded. In consequence of the 
 failure of General White to proceed "to camp Strother, General 
 Jackson was obliged to give up further pursuit, and immediately 
 return to his camp to protect his sick, wounded, and baggage. 
 
 In the meantime, General White, with a party of Tennessee 
 militia, acting under orders from General Cocke, who considered 
 that he held a command entirely separate from General Jackson, 
 attacked the chief town of the Hillabee tribe of Indians, killed 
 sixty warriors, and returned to Fort Armstrong with two hun 
 dred and fifty prisoners, without the loss of a man killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 On the 29th of November, General Floyd, with a body of 
 Georgia militia, attacked a number of hostile Indians, at the 
 Autosee towns, on the southern bank of the Tallapoosa river. 
 His line of battle was formed at half-past six in the morning, 
 ia front of the principal town. The Indians presented them- 
 

 320 INDIAN" NARRATIVES. 
 
 selves at every point, and fought with desperate fury. But the 
 fire of the artillery forced them to take refuge in the copses, 
 thickets, and out-houses, in the rear of the town. At nine 
 o'clock, the Indians were completely driven from the plain ; the 
 contest lasted about three hours. Their loss was estimated au 
 about two hundred killed, among whom were the Autosee and 
 Tallisee kings. The numoer of wounded could not be ascer 
 tained, as they were dragged from the field by their friends, 
 yet they must have been considerable. 
 
 After resting a few days, General Floyd proceeded to camp 
 Defiance, some fifty miles further west, into the enemy's country. 
 Here he was attacked, about five o'clock in the morning on the 8d 
 of January, 1814, and after a sharp contest, the enemy were driven 
 from the field at the point of the bayonet, leaving thirty-seven 
 dead, and from the numerous war-clubs, head-dresses, and trails 
 of blood found in various directions their loss must have been 
 much greater. General Floyd lost seventeen killed, and one 
 hundred and thirty wounded : of the friendly Indians five were 
 killed, and fifteen wounded. 
 
 On the 13th of December, 1813, General Glaiborne, marched 
 a detachment of volunteers, from Fort Claiborne, on the east 
 Alabama, eighty-five miles above Fort Stoddard, with a view of 
 destroying some towns of the Creeks above the mouth of the 
 Cahawba. He proceeded up the river one hundred and ten miles, 
 when he arrived at a newly erected town, called Eccanachaca, 
 or Holy Ground, occupied by a large body of Indians, under 
 the command of the noted chief Weatherford, who commanded 
 at the massacre of Fort Minims. On the 23d at noon, the right 
 wing, commanded by Colonel Carson, commenced the attack OB 
 the enemy, who had been apprised of Colonel Claiborne' s ap. 
 proach, and judiciously chosen the ground. Before the centre 
 arrived so as to join in the action, the Indians fled in all direc 
 tions, leaving thirty dead on the field. A pursuit was irnrnt! 
 
BATTLE OF ECCAXACHACA. 321 
 
 diately ordered, but owing to the nature of the country, noth 
 ing was effected. The town was nearly surrounded by swamps 
 and deep ravines, which rendered the approach difficult, and 
 facilitated the escape of the enemy. A large quantity of pro 
 visions, and property of various kinds was found, which, together 
 with the town, were destroyed. The next day was employed in 
 destroying another town, eight miles further up the river, and 
 in taking and destroying the enemy's boats. Eccanachaca was 
 built after the commencement of hostilities, as a place of safety 
 for the inhabitants of several villages; and was the residence 
 of their principal prophets, Weatherford, Francis, and Singuis- 
 ter. Three of the Shawanese, or Tecumthe's tribe from the 
 north, were among the slain. General Claiborne had one killed 
 and six wounded. At this town was found a letter from the 
 governor of Pensacola, directed to Weatherford and the other 
 chiefs, congratulating them on their success at Fort Mimms, 
 encouraging them to continue the war, and promising them 
 presents, arms, and munitions from Havana. 
 
 About this time a mutiny commenced among the Tennessee 
 volunteers, which threatened to end in their total abandonment 
 of the campaign. It arose from a want of provisions, an=L 
 although occasional supplies were forwarded by the contractors^ 
 the army was in a state bordering on starvation. While Ge 
 neral Jackson remained wholly unmoved by his own privations, 
 he was filled with the deepest concern for his army. His utmost 
 exertions unceasingly applied, were insufficient to remove the 
 sufferings to which he saw them exposed; and although they 
 were by no means so great as they themselves represented, yet 
 were undoubtedly such as to be severely felt. Discontents and 
 a desire to return home arose, and presently spread throughout 
 the camp ; and these were still further embittered and augmented 
 by the arts of a few designing officers, who believing that the 
 campaign would now break up, hoped to make themselves 
 
822 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 popular, on the return, by encouraging and taking part in tha 
 complaints of the soldiery. 
 
 At length revolt began to show itself openly. The officers 
 and soldiers of the militia, collecting in their tents, and talking 
 over their grievances, determined to abandon the camp. Jackson 
 on being apprized of their determination to abandon him, re 
 solved to oppose it. In the morning, when they were to carry 
 their intentions into execution, he drew up the volunteers ic 
 front of them, with positive commands to 'prevent their pro 
 gress, and compel them to return to their former position in the 
 camp. The militia, seeing this, and fearing the consequences 
 of persisting in their purpose, at once abandoned it, and returned 
 to their quarters, without further murmuring; extolling, in the 
 highest terms, the unalterable firmness of the general. 
 
 The next day, however, presented a singular scene. The 
 volunteers, who, the day before, had been the instrument for 
 compelling the militia to return to their duty, seeing the de 
 struction of those hopes on which they had lately built, in turn 
 began to mutiny themselves. Their opposition to the departure 
 of the militia was but a mere pretence to escape suspicion ; for 
 they silently wished them success. They now determined to 
 move off in a body, believing, from the known disaffection in 
 the camp, that the general could find no means to prevent it. 
 What was their surprise, however, when, on attempting to effec 
 tuate their resolves, they found the same men whom they so 
 lately opposed, occupying the very position which they had done 
 the day previous, for a similar purpose, and manifesting a fixed 
 determination to obey the orders of their general ! All they 
 ventured to do, was to take the exampb through, and, like f '-m, 
 move back in peace and quietness to their quarters. 
 
 About this time Jackson received letters from the contractor*, 
 and principal wagon-master, stating that supplies were on the 
 voad and would shortly reach hip camp. He hastened to lay 
 
JACKSON'S ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS. 823 
 
 them before the division, and invited the field and platoon 
 officers to his quarters that evening, to consult on measures 
 proper to be pursued. He addressed them in an animated 
 speech, in which he extolled their patriotism and achievements, 
 and lamented the privations to which they had been exposed. 
 He spoke of the great importance of the conquests they had 
 already made, and that if abandoned, dreadful consequences 
 must ensue. 
 
 " What," continued he, " is the present situation of our camp ? 
 a number of our fellow soldiers are wounded, and unable to help 
 themselves. Shall it be said that we are so lost to humanity, 
 as to leave them in this condition ? Can any one, under these 
 circumstances, and under these prospects, consent to an aban 
 donment of the camp ; of all that we have acquired in the midst 
 of so many difficulties, privations, and dangers ; of what it will 
 cost us so much to regain ; of what we never can regain, our 
 brave wounded companions, who will be murdered by our un 
 thinking, unfeeling inhumanity? Surely there can be none 
 such ! No, we will take with us, when we go, our wounded 
 and sick. , They must not, shall not perish by our cold-blooded 
 indifference. But why should you despond ? I do not, and 
 yet your wants are not greater than mine/ To be sure, we do not 
 live sumptuously : but no one has died of hunger, or is likely 
 to die ; and then how animating are our prospects ! Large sup 
 plies are at Deposit, and already are officers dispatched to hasten 
 them on. Wagons are on the way ! a large number of beeves 
 are in the neighborhood; and detachments are out to bring 
 them in. All these resources surely cannot fail. I have no 
 wish to starve you none to deceive you. Stay contentedly ; 
 and if supplies do not arrive in two days, we will all march back 
 together, and throw the blame of our failure where it should 
 properly lie j until then, we certainly have the means of sub 
 sisting ; . and if we are compelled to bear privations, let us 
 
324 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 remember that they are borne for our country, and are not 
 greater than many perhaps most armies have been compelled 
 to endure. I have called you together to tell you my feelings 
 and my wishes; this evening, think on them seriously; and lei 
 me know yours in the morning." 
 
 They then retired to their tents, when the officers of the 
 volunteer brigade came to this conclusion, that " nothing short 
 of marching the army immediately back to the settlements, 
 could prevent that disgrace which must attend a forcible deser 
 tion of the camp, by the soldiers." The officers of the militia 
 concluded differently, and determined to remain a few days 
 longer. Jackson ordered General Hull to march his brigade to 
 Fort Deposit, and after satisfying their wants to return^, and act 
 as escort to the provisions. The second tegiment, however, 
 unwilling to be outdone by the militia consented to remain ; 
 and the first proceeded alone. Two days elapsed, and the militia, 
 demanded to be sent back to the settlements as agreed upon; 
 There was no help for it, and Jackson had to comply with their 
 demand. One hundred and. nine men expressed their willing 
 ness to remain with him, and protect Fort Strother> the place 
 at which they were then encamped. Rejoiced that he would 
 not have to entirely abandon his position, he set out with the 
 remainder of his army for Deposit. Before starting they were 
 made distinctly to understand that in the event of their meet 
 ing supplies they were to return and prosecute the campaign. 
 This soon took place, for scarcely had they proceeded more than 
 ten miles, when they met one hundred and fifty beeves; but 
 this was to them an unwelcome sight. 
 
 Their faces being now turned toward home, no spectacle could 
 be more hateful, than one which was to change their destina 
 tion. They were halted, and having satisfied their hungry 
 appetites, the troops, with the exception of such as were neces 
 sary to proceed with the sick and wounded, were ordered to 
 
MUTINY IN THE CAMP. 325 
 
 return to the encampment, he himself intending to see the 
 contractors, and establish more effectual arrangements for the 
 future. So great was their aversion to returning, that they pre 
 ferred a vielation of their duty, and their pledged honor. Low 
 murmuring ran- along the lines, and presently broke out into 
 open mutiny. In spite of the order they had received, they 
 began to revolt, and one company was already moving off, in a 
 direction towards home. They had proceeded some distance, 
 before information of their departure was known to Jackson. 
 Irritated at their conduct, in attempting to violate the promises 
 they had given, and knowing that the success of future opera 
 tions depended on the result; the general pursued, until he 
 came near a part of his staff, and a few soldiers, who, with 
 General Coffee, had' halted about a quarter of a mile ahead. He 
 ordered them to form immediately across the road, and to fire 
 on the mutineers, if they attempted to proceed. Snatching up 
 their arms, these faithful adherents presented a front which 
 threw the deserters into affright, and caused them to retreat 
 precipitately to the main body. Here, it was hoped, the matter 
 would end, and that no further opposition would be made to re 
 turning. This expectation was not realized ; a mutinous temper 
 began presently to display itself throughout the whole brigade. 
 Jackson having left his aid-de-camp, Major Reid, engaged in 
 making up some dispatches, had gone out alone amongst his 
 troops, who were at some little distance ; on his arrival he found 
 a much more extensive mutiny, than that which had just been 
 quelled. Almost the whole brigade had put itself into an atti 
 tude for moving forcibly off. A crisis had arrived ; and feeling 
 its importance, he determined to take no middle ground, but to 
 triumph or perish. He was still without the use of his left arm ; 
 but, seizing a musket, and resting it on the neck of his horse, 
 he threw himself in front of the column, and threatened to shoot 
 the first man who should attempt to advance. In this situation 
 
 28 
 
S26 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 he was fouud by Major Reid and General Coffee, who, fearing 
 from the length of his absence, that some disturbance had arisen, 
 hastened where he was, and placing themselves by his side, 
 awaited the result in anxious expectation. For many minutes 
 the column preserved a sullen, yet hesitating attitude, fearing 
 to proceed in their purpose, and disliking to abandon it. In 
 the mean time, those who remained faithful to their duty, 
 amounting to about two companies, were collected and formed 
 at a short distance in advance of the troops, and in rear of the 
 general, with positive directions to imitate his example in firing, 
 if they attempted to proceed. At length, finding no one bold 
 enough to advance, and overtaken by those fears that in the hour 
 of peril always beset persons engaged in what they know to be 
 a bad cause, they abandoned their purpose, and turning quietly 
 round, agreed to return to their po'sts. 
 
 He restored quiet at .Deposit, where there was signs of mutiny 
 and set out on his return to Fort Strother. Here another diffi 
 culty arose, the volunteers claimed that the period for which 
 they had undertaken to act would end on the 10th of December. 
 Jackson replied that he could not undertake to discharge thcin 
 unless specially authorized. But he resolved in case of contin 
 gency to provide other means for the continuance of the cam 
 paign. He accordingly ordered General Roberts to return, ancf 
 (ill up the deficiencies in his brigade,- and dispatched Colonel 
 Carroll and Major Searcy into Tennessee to raise volunteers for 
 six months, or during the campaign ; writing at the same time, 
 to many respectable characters, he exhorted them to contribute 
 all "their assistance to the accomplishment of this object. He 
 received a letter from the Rev. Gideon Blackburn, assuring 
 him that volunteers from Tennessee would eagerly hasten to his 
 relief, if they knew their services were wanted. 
 
 Jackson was anxious to employ his troops actively, and t-c 
 prosecute the campaign. Ho thought that by this method b<3 
 
327 
 
 might dispel their discontents. He wrote to General Cocke, 
 desiring him to join him immediately at Ten Islands, with fif 
 teen hundred men, as he desired to commence operations imme 
 diately. Notwithstanding his utmost efforts, the spirit of dis 
 affection was still rife, and the volunteers through Colonel Mar 
 tin, who addressed Jackson a letter, stating that their terms of 
 service would expire on the 10th of December. He stated that 
 he deplored the state of affairs, and that the company looked 
 to their general for an honorable discharge. To this the general 
 replied, that he had written to the governor of Tennessee on the 
 subject, and the moment it was signified to him by any compe 
 tent authority, that the volunteers might be exonerated from 
 further service, that moment would he pronounce it with the 
 utmost satisfaction. " I have only the power of pronouncing a 
 discharge, not of giving it, in any case ; a distinction which 
 I would wish should be borne in mind. Already I have sent to 
 raise volunteers, on my own responsibility, to complete a cam 
 paign which has been so happily begun, and thus far, so fortu 
 nately prosecuted. The moment they arrive, and I am assured, 
 that, fired by our exploits, on the first intimation that we need 
 their services, they will be substituted in the place of those who 
 aro discontented here ; the latter will then be permitted to re 
 turn to their homes, with all the honor, which, under such cir 
 cumstances, they can carry along with them. But I still cherish 
 the hope, that their dissatisfaction and complaints have been 
 greatly exaggerated. I can not, must not -believe, that the 
 * Volunteers of Tennessee/ a name ever dear to fame, will dis 
 grace themselves, and a country which they have honored, by 
 abandoning her standard, as mutineers and deserters ; but should 
 I be disappointed, and compelled to resign this pleasing hope, 
 one thing I will not resign my duty. Mutiny avid sedition, 
 so long as I possess the power of quelling them, shall be put 
 Gown; and when left destitute if this, I will still be found, in 
 
828 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 the last extremity, endeavoring to discharge the duty I own my 
 country and myself." 
 
 He replied to the platoon officers, who had addressed him 
 upon the same subject, in much the same manner. On the 
 evening of the 9th, he was informed by General Hull, that his 
 whole brigade was in a state of mutiny. He immediately issued 
 the following general order: 
 
 " The commanding general being informed that an actual 
 mutiny exists in the camp, all officers and soldiers are com 
 manded to put it down. 
 
 " The officers and soldiers of the first brigade will, without 
 delay, parade on the west side of the fort, and await further 
 orders." ^'The artillery company, with two small field-pieces, 
 being posted in the front and rear ; and the militia, under the 
 command of Colonel Wynne, on the eminences, in advance, were 
 ordered to prevent any forcible departure of the volunteers. 
 
 The general rode along the line, which had been formed 
 agreeably to his orders, and addressed them by companies, in a 
 strain of impassioned eloquence. He fully expatiated on their 
 former good conduct,.and the esteem and applause it had secured 
 them ; and pointed to the disgrace which they must heap upon 
 themselves, their families, and their country, by persisting, even 
 if they could -succeed, in their present mutiny. But he told 
 them they should not succeed, but by passing over his body ; 
 that even in opposing their mutinous spirit, he should perish 
 honorably, by perishing at his post, and in the discharge of 
 his duty. " Reinforcements," he continued, "are preparing 
 to hasten to my assistance; it cannot be long before they will 
 arrive. I am, too, in daily expectation of receiving information, 
 whether you may be discharged or not until then, you mast 
 not, and shall not retire. I have done- with entreaty, it has 
 been used long enough. I will attempt it no more. You must 
 now determine whether you will go,' or peaceably remain ; if 
 
JACKSON'S ADDRESS TO THE TIUOPS. 829 
 
 you still perist in your determination to move forcibly off, the 
 point between us shall soon be decided." At first they hesi 
 tated; he demanded an explicit and positive answer. They still 
 hesitated, and he commanded the artillerists to prepare the 
 match ; he himself remaining in front of the volunteers, and 
 within the line of fire, which he intended soon to order. Alarmed 
 at his apparent determination, and dreading the consequences 
 involved in such a contest; " Let us return," was presently 
 lisped along the line, and was soon after determined upon. The 
 officers now came forward, and pledged themselves for their men, 
 who either nodded as'sent, or openly expressed a willingness to 
 retire to their quarters, and remain without further tumult, until 
 information were had, or the' expected aid should arrivef Thus 
 passed awa.y'a moment of the greatest peril, pregnant with the 
 most important consequences. 
 
 But their purpose was not wholly abandoned, and Jackson 
 determined to rid himself of men whose presence answered no 
 other purpose than to keep discontent alive in the camp. He 
 therefore ordered General Hull to march them to Nashville, and 
 do with them as the governor of Tennessee should direct. He 
 determined to make one more appeal to their honor and patriot 
 ism, however, and on the 13th, directed his aid-de-camp to read 
 to them the following address : 
 
 " On the 10th of December, 1812, you assembled at the call 
 of your country. Your profession of patriotism, and ability to 
 endure fatigue, were at once tested by the inclemency of the 
 weather. Breaking your way through sheets of ice, you de 
 scended the Mississippi, and reached the point at which you 
 were ordered to be halted and dismissed. All this you bore 
 without murmuring. Finding that your services were not needed, 
 the means of marching you back were procured ; every difficulty 
 was surmounted, and, as soon as the point from which you em 
 barked was. regained, the order for your dismissal was carried into 
 
 28* 
 
330 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 effect. The promptness with which you assembled, the regularity 
 of your conduct, your attention to your duties, the determination 
 manifested, on every occasion, to carry into effect the wishes 
 and will of your government, placed you on elevated ground. 
 You not only distinguished yourselves, but gave to your state a 
 distinguished rank with her sisters; and led your government 
 to believe that the honor of the nation would never be tarnished, 
 when entrusted to the holy keeping of the ' Volunteers of 
 Tennessee/ 
 
 " In the progress of a war, which the implacable and eternal 
 enemy of our independence induced to be' waged, we found that, 
 without cause on our part, a portion of the Creek nation was 
 added vfco the number of our foes. To put it down, the first 
 glance of the administration fell on you : and yftu were again 
 summoned to the field of honor. In full possession of your 
 former feelings, that summons was cheerfully obeyed. Before 
 your enemy thought you in motion, you were at Tallushatchee 
 and Talladega. The thunder of your arms was a signal to 
 them, that the slaughter of your countrymen was about to be 
 avenged. You fought, you conquered ! barely enough of the 
 foe escaped, to recount to their savage associates, your deeds of 
 valor. You returned to this place, loaded with honors, and the 
 applauses of your country. 
 
 " Can it be, that these brave men are about to become the 
 tarnishers of their own reputation ! the destroyers of a name, 
 which does them so much honor? Yes, it is truth too well dis 
 closed, that cheerfulness has been exchanged for complaints : 
 murmurings and discontents alone prevail. Men who a little 
 while sinc were offering up prayers, for permission to chastise 
 the merciless savage, who burned with impatience to teach 
 them how much they had hitherto been indebted to our for 
 bearance; are now, when they could so easily attain their wishes, 
 seeking to be discharged- The heart of your general has been 
 
JACKSON'S ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS. 381 
 
 pierced. The first object of his military affections, and the first 
 glory of his life, were the volunteers of Tennessee ! The very 
 name recalls to him a thousand endearing recollections. But 
 these men, these volunteers have become mutineers. The 
 feelings he would have indulged, your general has been com 
 pelled to suppress he has been compelled by a regard to that 
 subordination, so necessary to the support of every army, and 
 which he is bound to have observed, to check the disorder which 
 would have destroyed you. He has interposed his authority 
 for your safety; to prevent you from disgracing yourselves and 
 your country. Tranquillity has been restored in our camp, 
 contentment shall also be restored; this can be done only by 
 permitting those to retire, whose dissatisfaction proceeds from 
 causes that cannot be controlled. This permission will now be 
 given. Your country will dispense with your services, if you 
 have no longer a regard for that fame, which you have so nobly 
 earned for yourselves and her. Yes, soldiers, you who were 
 once so brave, and to whom honor was so dear, shall be per 
 mitted to return to your homes, if you still desire it. But in 
 what language, when you. arrive, will you address your families 
 and friends ?- "Will you tell them that you abandoned your 
 general, and your late associates in arms, within fifty miles of a 
 savage enemy ; who equally delights in shedding the blood of 
 the innocent female and her sleeping babe, as that of the warrior 
 contending in battle ? Lamentable, disgraceful tale ! If your 
 dispositions are really changed ; if you fear an enemy you so 
 lately conquered ; this day will prove it. I now put it to your 
 selves ; determine upon- the part you will act, influenced only 
 by the suggestions of your own hearts, and your own under 
 standings. All who prefer an inglorious retirement, shall be 
 ordered to Nashville, to be discharged, as the president or the 
 governor may direct. Who choose to remain, and unite with their 
 general., in the furihsr prosecution rf the campaign, can do so, 
 
332 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 and will thereby furnish a proof, that they have been greatly 
 traduced; and that although disaffection and cowardice has 
 reached the hearts of some, it has not reached theirs. To such 
 my assurance is given, that former irregularities will not be 
 attributed to them. They shall be immediately organized into 
 a separate j3orps, under officers of their own choice ; and in a little 
 while, it is confidently believed, an opportunity will be afforded 
 of adding to the laurels you have already won." 
 
 This appeal failed of the desired effect. Captain Williamson 
 alone agreed to remain. Finding that their determination to 
 abandon the service could not be changed, and that every prin 
 ciple of patriotism was forgotten, the general communicated his 
 order to General Hull, directing him to march his brigade to 
 Nashville, and await such instructions of he might receive from 
 the president, or the governor of Tennessee. 
 
 General Cocke with fifteen hundred men arrived on the 12th ; 
 but it was found that no part as his troops were brought into 
 the field under the requisition of the president of the United 
 States ; and that the term of service of a greater part of them 
 would expire in a few days; and of the whole in a few weeks. 
 In consequence of this he was ordered into his district to comply 
 with that requisition, and to carry with him and discharge near 
 their homes, those of his troops, the period of whose service was 
 within a short time of being ended. 
 
 Meantime the cavalry and mounted riflemen, who under an 
 express stipulation to return and complete the campaign, had 
 been permitted to retire into the settlements, to recruit their 
 horses and procure winter clothing, had, at the time appointed, 
 reassembled in the neighborhood of Huntsville. But, catching 
 the infection of discontent from the infantry, on their return 
 march, they began now to clamour with equal earnestness for a 
 discharge. The cavalry insisted that they were as well entitled 
 to it as the infantry ; and the riflemen, that they could not be 
 
VIOLENT CONDUCT OF THE TROOPS 333 
 
 held in service after the 24th, that being three months from tne 
 time they had been mustered ; and as that day was so near at 
 hand, it waswholly useless to advance any farther. 
 
 General Coffee, who was confined at Hun-tsville by severe 
 indisposition, employed all the means which his debilitated 
 strength would allow him, to remove the dangerous impressions 
 they had so readily imbibed, and to reclaim them to a sense of 
 honor and duty ; but all his efforts proved unavailing. He im 
 mediately ordered his brigade to head-quarters; they had pro 
 ceeded as far as Ditto's Ferry, when the greater part of them 
 refusing to cross the river, returned in a tumultuous manner, 
 committing on the route many irregularities, which there was not 
 sufficient force to restrain. Not more than seven hundred of the 
 brigade could be gotten over ; who, having marched to Deposit, 
 were directed to be halted, until further orders could be obtained 
 from General Jackson. At this place they committed the wildest 
 extravagancies ; profusely wasting the public grain, which, with 
 much difficulty and labor, had been collected there, for the pur 
 pose of the campaign; and indulging in every species of excess. 
 Whilst thus rioting, they continued to. clamour most vocife 
 rously, for their^discharge. General Coffee finding his utmost 
 efforts ineffectual, to restrain or to quiet thein ; wrote to Jackson, 
 acquainting him with their conduct and demands, and inclosing 
 a petition that had been addressed to him by the rifle regiment. 
 In his letter, he says, " I am 'of opinion, the sooner they can be 
 gotten clear of the better ; they are consuming the forage that 
 will be necessary for others, and I am satisfied they will do no 
 more good. I have told them, their petition would be submitted 
 to you, who would decide upon it in the shortest possible time." 
 This was truly disagreeable news to the general. Already 
 sufficiently harassed by the discontents and opposition of his 
 troops ; now that they had retired, he looked anxiously forward, 
 in hopes that the tranquillity of his camp would be no more 
 
334 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 assailed. On the brigade of Coffee, be bad placed great reliance, 
 arid, from tbe pledges it had given him, entertained no fears but 
 that it would return and act with him, as soon as be should be 
 ready to proceed. He replied to General Coffee, and taking a 
 view of the grounds and causes of their complaints, endeavored 
 to reconcile their objections, and persuade them to a discharge 
 of the duties they had undertaken, and covenanted to perform. 
 
 The signers of that address, observes the general, commence 
 by saying, " that jealousy is prevailing in our camp, with respect 
 to the understanding between themselves and the government, 
 relative to the service required of them ; and believing it to be 
 its policy to act fairly, are of opinion that a full explanation of 
 their case will have a good effect, in promoting the cause in 
 %hich they are engaged." 
 
 Jackson addressed them in the most pointed manner ; he re 
 minded them of the pledge they had given ; he appealed to their 
 honor, -believing that if this were unsuccessful, there was 
 "nothing by which he could hope to hold them/' Meantime 
 Jackson received a letter from the governor of Tennessee. It 
 recommended him to dismiss, not discharge them, because the 
 latter was out of their power. To induce them to remain, the 
 governor had suggested but one argument, which as yet had not 
 been tried; "that it was very doubtful if the government would 
 pay them for the services they had already rendered, if aban 
 doned without her authority." The letter was enclosed for their 
 inspection, accompanied with these remarks : 
 
 "I have just received a letter from Governor Blount, which 
 I hasten to transmit to you, that you may avail yourselves of 
 whatever benefits and privileges it holds out. You will perceive, 
 that he does not consider he has any power to discharge you 
 neither have I : but you have my permission to retire from 
 the service, if you are still desirous of doing so, and are prepared 
 to risk the consequences." 
 
MUTINY IN THE CAMP. 335 
 
 These letters, so /ar from answering the desired end, had a 
 directly contrary effect. The governor's was no sooner read than 
 they eagerly laid hold of it to support the resolution they had 
 already formed ; and without further ceremony or delay, aban 
 doned the campaign, with their colonel, Allcorn, at their head, 
 who, so far from having endeavored to reconcile them, is believed 
 by secret artifices to have fomented their discontents. 
 
 So general was the dissatisfaction of this brigade, and with 
 such longing anxiety did they indulge the hope of a speedy 
 return to their homes, that their impatience did not permit them 
 to wait the return of the messenger from head-quarters. Before 
 an answer could reach General Coffee, they had broken up their 
 encampment at Deposit, re-crossed the river, and proceeded four 
 miles beyond Hunts ville. On receiving it, Coffee had the bri 
 gade drawn up in solid column, and the letters, together with 
 the pledge they had given, read to them ; after which, the Rev. , 
 Mr. Blackburn endeavored, in an eloquent speech, in which he 
 pointed out the ruinous consequences that were to be appre 
 hended, if they persisted in their present purpose, to recall them 
 to a sense of duty and honor ; but they had formed their reso 
 lution too steadfastly, and had gone too extravagant lengths, to 
 be influenced by the letter, the pledge, or the speech. As to 
 the pledge, a few said they had not authorised it to be made ; 
 . others, that as the general had not returned an immediate ac 
 ceptance, they did not consider themselves bound by it ; but 
 the greater part candidly acknowledged, that they stood com 
 mitted, and were without any justification for their present con 
 duct. Nevertheless, except~ a few officers, and three or four 
 privates, the whole persisted in the determination to abandon 
 the service. Thus, in a tumultuous manner, they broke up, 
 and committing innumerable extravagancies regardless alike of 
 law and decency, continued their route to their respective homes. 
 Whilst, these unfortunate events were transpiring in the rear, 
 
236 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 matters were far from wearing a very encouraging aspect at 
 head-quarters. General Robert's brigade of West Tennessee 
 militia, consisting in consequence of numerous desertions of 
 about six hundred men, imitating the example set them, began 
 on the day they thought themselves entitled to discharge to set 
 about returning home. General Jackson, however, did not put 
 the same construction upon it that they did. It was true the 
 act did not determine the time of their engagements ; but it had 
 specified the object for which they had been called out; viz. : 
 the subjugation of the Indians ; and as that object was not yet 
 attained, it was thought that they were not entitled to a dis 
 charge. He again solicited the governor of Tennessee infcthe 
 most pressing manner to take the earliest measures for supply 
 ing by draft, or voluntary enlistment, the deficiencies, as well 
 as that which was so soon to be expected. 
 
 The governor replied that he had ordered General Cocke to 
 bring into the field fifteen hundred men of the detached militia, 
 as the secretary of war had required, together with a thousand 
 volunteers under the act of the assembly of Tennessee, and he 
 did not feel authorized to grant a new order. He remarked 
 that he looked upon the further prosecution of the campaign as 
 fruitless, and concluded by advising him to withdraw the troops 
 into the settlements, and suspend all active operations, until the 
 ge'neral government should provide more effectual means, for 
 conducting it to a favorable issue. Jackson determined to oppose 
 this advice, and in his letter remarks as follows : 
 
 " Had your wish, that I should discharge a part of my force, 
 and retire, with the residue, into the settlements, assumed the 
 form of a positive order, it might have furnished me some 
 apology for pursuing such a course; but by no means a full 
 justification. As you would have no power to give such an 
 order, I could not be inculpable in obeying, with my eyes 
 open to the fatal consequences that would attend it. But a bare 
 
JACKSON'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. 337 
 
 recommendation, founded, as I am satisfied it must be, on the 
 artful suggestions of those fireside patriots, who seek, in a failure 
 of the e^edition, an excuse for their supineness ; and upon the 
 misrepresentations of the discontented from the army, who wish 
 it to be believed, that the difficulties which overcame their patriot 
 ism are wholly insurmountable, would afford me but a feeble 
 shield, against the reproaches of my country, or my conscience. 
 Believe me, my respected friend, the remarks I make proceed 
 from the purest personal regard. If you would preserve your 
 reputation, or that of the state over which you preside, you 
 must take a straight- forward, determined course ; regardless of 
 the applause or censure of the populace, and of the forebodings 
 of that dastardly and designing crew, who, at a time like this, 
 may be expected to clamour continually in your ears. The very 
 wretches who now beset you with evil council, will be the first, 
 should the measures which they recommend eventuate in disaster, 
 to call down imprecations on your head, and load you with 
 reproaches. Your country is in danger; apply its resources to 
 its defence! Can* any course be more plain? Do you, my 
 friend, at such a moment as the present, sit with your arms 
 folded, and your heart at ease, waiting a solution of your doubts, 
 and a definition of your powers? Do you wait for special 
 instructions from the secretary of war, which it is impossible for 
 you to receive in time for the danger that threatens ? How 
 did the venerable Shelby act, under similar circumstances ; or 
 rather, under circumstances by no means as critical ? Did he 
 wait for orders, to do what every man of sense knew what 
 every patriot felt to be right ? He did not ; and yet how 
 highly and justly did the government extol his manly and ener 
 getic conduct ! and how dear has his name become to all the 
 friends of their country ! 
 
 " You say, that, having given an order to General Cocke, to 
 bring his quota of men into the field, your power ceases ; and 
 
 29 
 
838 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 that, although you are made sensible that he has wholly neglected 
 that order, you can take no measure to remedy the omission. 
 Widely different, indeed, is my opinion. % consider -it your 
 imperious duty, when the men, called for by your order, founded 
 upon that of the government, are known not to be in the field, 
 to see that they be brought there ; and to take immediate mea 
 sures with the officer, who, charged with the execution of your 
 order, omits or neglects to do it. As the executive of the state, 
 it is your duty to see that the full quota of troops be constantly 
 kept in the field, for the time they have been required. For 
 you are responsible to the government; your officer to you. 
 Of what avail is it, to give an order, if it be never executed, 
 and may be disobeyed with impunity? Is it by empty orders, 
 that we can hope to conquer our enemies, and save our defence 
 less frontiers from butchery and devastation ? Believe me, my 
 valued friend, there are times, when it is highly criminal to 
 shrink from responsibility, or scruple about the exercise of our 
 powers. There are times, when we must disregard punctilious 
 etiquette, and think only of serving our country. What is really 
 our present situation ? The enemy we have been sent to subdue, 
 may be said, if we stop at this, to be only exasperated. The 
 commander-in-chief, General Pinckney, who supposes me, by 
 this time, prepared for renewed operations, has ordered me to 
 advance, and form a junction with the Georgia army ; and upon 
 the expectation that I will do so, are all his arrangements 
 formed, for the prosecution of the campaign. Will it do to de 
 feat his plans, and jeopardize the safety of the Georgia army ? 
 The general government, too, believe, that we have now not 
 less than fivejthousand in the heart of the enemy's country; 
 and on this opinion are all their calculations bottomed; and 
 must they all be frustrated, and I become the instrument by 
 which it is done ? God forbid ! 
 
 " You advise me, too, to discharge, or dismiss from service, 
 
JACKSON'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. 339 
 
 until the will of the president can be known, such portion of 
 the militia, as have rendered three months' service. This advice 
 astonishes me, even more than the former. I have no such dis 
 cretionary power ; and it would be impolitic and ruinous to ex 
 ercise it, if I had. I believed the militia, who were not specially 
 received for a shorter period, were engaged for six months, 
 unless the objects of the expedition should be sooner attained ; 
 and in this opinion I was greatly strengthened, by your letter 
 of the 15th, in which you say, when answering my inquiry upon 
 this subject, ' the militia are detached for six months' service;' 
 nor did I know, or suppose, you had a different opinion, until 
 the arrival of your last letter. This opinion must, I suppose, 
 agreeably to your request, be made known to General Roberts 1 
 brigade, and then the consequences are not difficult to be foreseen. 
 Every man belonging to it will abandon me on the 4th of next 
 month ; nor f^ll I have the means of preventing it, but by the 
 application of force, which, under such circumstances, I shall 
 not be at liberty to use. I have labored hard, to reconcile these 
 men, to a continuance in service, until they could be honorably 
 discharged, and had hoped I had, in a great measure, succeeded ; 
 but your opinion, operating with their own prejudices, will give 
 a sanction to their own conduct, and render useless any further 
 attempts. They will go ; but I can neither discharge nor dis 
 miss them. Shall I be 'told, that, as they will go, it may as 
 well be permitted ; can that be any good reason why I should 
 do an unauthorized act ? Is it a good reason why I should 
 violate the order of my superior officer, and evince a willingness 
 to defeat the government ? And wherein does the ' sound policy' 
 of the measures that have been recommended consist ? or in 
 what way are they ' likely to promote the public good- ?' Is it 
 sound policy to abandon a conquest thus far made, and deliver 
 up to havoc, or add to the number of our enemies, those friendly 
 Creeks and Cherokees, who, relying on our protection, have 
 
340 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 espoused our cause, and aided us with their arms ? Is it good 
 policy to turn loose upon our defenceless frontiers, five thousand 
 exasperated savages, to reek their hands once more in the blood 
 of our citizens ? What ! retrogade under such circumstances ! 
 I will perish first. No, I will do my duty : I will hold the 
 posts I have established, until ordered to abandon them by the* 
 commanding general, or die in the struggle : long since have I 
 determined, not to seek the preservation of life, at the sacrifice 
 of reputation. 
 
 "But our frontiers, it seems, are to be defended, and by 
 whom ? By the very force that is now recommended to be dis 
 missed ; for I am first told to retire into the settlements, and 
 protect the frontiers ; next, to discharge my troops ; and then, 
 that no measures can be taken for raising others. No, my friend, 
 if troops be given me, it is not by loitering on the frontiers that 
 I will seek to give protection ; they are to be d^ffcnded, if de 
 fended at all, in a very different manner; by carrying the war 
 into the heart of the enemy's country. All other hopes of de 
 fence are more visionary than dreams. What then is to be done ? 
 I'll tell you what. You have only to act with the energy and 
 decision the crisis demands, and all will be well. Send me a 
 force engaged for six months, and I will answer for the result, 
 but withhold it, and all is lost, the reputation of the state, 
 and your's, and mine ^long with it." 
 
 The governor immediately ordered twenty-five hundred militia, 
 for a tour of three months, to rendezvous at Fayetteville, on the 
 28th of January. The command was given to Colonel Johnson, 
 with orders to proceed without delay, by detachments or other 
 wise, to Fort g troth er. 
 
 A difficulty now occurred with General Roberts' brigade. He 
 had been ordered back to supply deficiencies, and returned on 
 27th with one hundred and ninety men, mustered for three 
 months. He halted within a short distance of the camp, and 
 
VOLUNTEERS CLAIM THEIR DISCHARGE. 841 
 
 proceeded to ascertain whether the general would receive them 
 for the term they had stipulated. Jackson replied that he 
 would prefer to engage them for six months, or during the cam 
 paign ; but would gladly receive them for the period they had 
 mustered ; at the expiration of which time he would discharge 
 them. Notwithstanding this assurance, however, they deter 
 mined for some unknown cause to abandon their engagements, 
 and return home. This was attributed to the conduct of Ge 
 neral Roberts. He reported to his men, that he had been un 
 successful, and remarked that he had exonerated them from all 
 obligations that they were under to him. They instantly set 
 about returning. Jackson, on learning this, dispatched General 
 Roberts after them, but he failed to induce them to return, when 
 he was again ordered to bring them back at all hazards. Those 
 who should willingly return to duty, except those officers, who 
 had been reported as the instigators should be pardoned. Many 
 of the men, upon understanding the nature of affairs, returned 
 of their own accord, and laid the charge upon their general. He 
 was afterwards arrested, and upon this and other charges exhi 
 bited against him, sentenced, by a court-martial, to be cashiered. 
 The day had arrived, when that portion of Roberts' brigade, 
 which had continued in service, claimed to be discharged ; and 
 that whether this were given to them or not, they would aban 
 don the campaign and return home. Jackson believed them 
 not entitled to it, and hence, that he had no right to give it ; 
 but as Governor Blount had said differently, and his opinion, as 
 he had required, had been promulgated, he felt it was improper 
 that he should attempt the exercise of force to detain them. 
 Nevertheless, believing it to be his duty to keep them, he issued 
 a general order, commanding all persons, in the service of the 
 United States, under his command, not to' leave the encamp 
 ment, without his written permission, under the penalties an 
 nexed, by the rules and articles of war, to the crime of desertion 
 
 29* 
 
842 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Thfe was accompanied by an address, in which they were ex 
 horted, by all those motives which he supposed would be most 
 likely to have any influence, to remain at their posts, until they 
 could be legally discharged. Neither the order nor the address 
 availed any thing. On the morning- of the 4th of January, the 
 officer of the day, Major Bradley, reported, that, on visiting his 
 guard, half after ten o'clock, he found neither the officer, Lieu 
 tenant Kearley, nor any of the sentinels at their posts. Upon 
 this information, General Jackson ordered the arrest of Kearley, 
 who refused to surrender his sword, alleging it should protect 
 him to Tennessee; that he was a freeman, and not subject to 
 the orders of General Jackson, or any body else. This being 
 made known to the general, he issued, immediately, this order 
 to the adjutant general; "You will forthwith cause the guards 
 to parade, with Captain Gordon's company of spies, and arrest 
 Lieutenant Kearley ; and, in case you shall be opposed, in the 
 execution of this order, you are commanded to oppose force to 
 force, and arrest him at all hazards. Spare the effusion of blood, 
 if possible ; but mutiny must, and shall be put down." Colonel 
 Sitler, with the guards and Gordon's company, immediately, 
 proceeded in search, and found him a't the head of his company, 
 on the lines, which were all formed, and about to march off. 
 He was ordered to halt, but refused. The adjutant-general, 
 finding it necessary, directed the guards to stop him; and 
 again demanded his sword, which he again refused to deliver. 
 The guards were commanded to fire on him, if he did not imme 
 diately deliver it, and had already cocked their guns. At this 
 order, the lieutenant cocked his, and his men followed his ex 
 ample. General Jackson, informed of what was passing, had 
 hastened to the scene, and arriving at this moment, personally 
 demanded of Kearley his sword, which he still obstinately re 
 fused to deliver. Incensed at the outrage, and viewing the ex 
 ample as too dangerous to pass, he snatched a pistol from hia 
 
SUBMISSION OF LIEUTENANT KEARLEY. 348 
 
 holstei, and was already levelling it at the breast of Kearley, 
 when Colonel Sitler, interposing between them, .urged him to 
 surrender his sword. At this moment, Dr. Taylor, the friend 
 of the lieutenant, drew it from the scabbard, and handed it to 
 the adjutant-general, who refused to receive it. It was then 
 returned to Kearley, who now delivered it, and was placed under 
 guard. During this crisis, both parties remained with their 
 arms ready, and prepared for firing ; and a scene of bloodshed 
 was narrowly escaped. 
 
 Kearley being confined, and placed under guard, soon became 
 exceedingly penitent, and earnestly supplicated the general for 
 a pardon. He stated, that the .absence of the guards and sen 
 tinels from their posts, was owing to the recommendation and 
 advice of the brigade-major, Myers; that his not delivering his 
 sword, when it was first demanded, was owing to the influence 
 and arguments of others, who persuaded him that it was not 
 his duty ; that he had afterwards come to the determination to 
 surrender himself, but was dissuaded by Captains Metcalf and 
 Dooley, who assured him it would be a sacrifice of character, 
 and that they would protect him in the hour of danger ; why he 
 resisted, in the presen.ce of the general, was, that being then at 
 the head of his company, and having undertaken to carry them 
 home, he was restrained, at the moment, by a false idea of 
 honor. This application was aided by the certificate of several 
 of the most respectable officers of the camp, attesting his uni 
 formly good behaviour heretofore, and .expressing a belief that 
 his late mfsconduct was wholly attributed to the interference of 
 others. Influenced by these reasons, but particularly by the 
 seductions which he believed had been practise^ upon him, by 
 older and more experienced officers in his regiment, the general 
 thought proper to order his liberation from arrest, and his sword 
 to be restored *o him. Never was a man more sensitive of the 
 
344 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 favor he had received, or more devoted to his benefactor, than 
 he afterwards became. 
 
 As the term for which the East Tennessee troops had been 
 engaged would expire on the 14th, and as Colonel Lillard's 
 regiment had professed a desire to be led against the enemy 
 before they quitted the service, Jackson issued the following 
 address, hoping that they would willingly remain in the field, for 
 a few days longer. 
 
 " Major-Greneral Cocke having reported that your term of ser 
 vice will expire on the 14th, 1 assume no claim on you beyond 
 that period. But, although I cannot demand as a right, the 
 continuance of your services, I do not despair of being able to 
 obtain them through your patriotism. For what purpose was 
 it that you quitted your homes, and penetrated the heart of the 
 enemy's country ? Was it to avenge the blood of your fellow- 
 citizens, inhumanly slain by that enemy ; to give security in 
 future to our extended and unprotected frontier, and to signalize 
 the valor by which you were animated ? Will any of these 
 objects be attained if you abandon the campaign at the time you 
 contemplate ? Not one ! Yet an opportunity shall be afforded 
 you, if you desire it. If you have been really actuated by the 
 feelings, and governed by the motives, which, your commanding 
 general supposes, influenced you to take up arms, and enter the 
 field in defence of your rights, none of you will resist the appeal 
 he now makes, or hesitates to embrace the eagerness, the oppor 
 tunity he is to afford you. 
 
 The enemy, more than half conquered, but deriving encourage 
 ment and hope from the tardiness of our operations, and the dis 
 tractions, which have unhappily prevailed in our camp, are again 
 assembling below us. Another lesson of admonition must be 
 furnished them. They must agai be made to feel the weight of 
 that power, which they have, without cause, provoked to war; 
 and to know, that although we have been slow to take up arms, 
 
JACKSON'S ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS. 345 
 
 we will never again lay them from our hands, until we have 
 secured the objects that impel us to the resort. In less than eight 
 days I shall leave the encampment, to meet and fight them. Will 
 any of you accompany me ? Are there any amongst you, who, 
 at a moment like this, will not think it an outrage upon honor, 
 for his feelings to be tested by a computation of time ? What 
 if the period for which you tendered your services to your coun 
 try has expired, is that a consideration with the valiant, the 
 patriotic, and the brave, who have appeared to redress the injured 
 rights of that country, and to acquire for themselves a name of 
 glory? Is it a consideration with them, when those objects are 
 still unattained, and an opportunity of aoquiring them is so near 
 at hand ? Did such men enter the field like hirelings, to serve 
 for pay alone ? Does all regard for their country, their families, 
 and themselves, expire with the time, for which their services 
 were engaged ? Will it be a sufficient gratification to their 
 feelings, that they served out three months, without seeing the 
 enemy, and then abandoned the campaign, when the enemy was 
 in the neighborhood, and could be seen and conquered in ten 
 days ? Any retrospect they can make, of the sacrifices they 
 have encountered, and the privations they have endured, can 
 afford but little satisfaction under such circumstances; the 
 very mention of the Creek war, must cover them with the blushes 
 of shame, and self-abasement. Having engaged for only thr^ee 
 months, and that period having expired, you are not bound to 
 serve any longer : but are you bound by nothing else ? Surely, 
 as honorable and high-minded men, you must, at such a moment 
 as the present, feel other obligations than the law imposes. A 
 fear of the punishment of the law, did not bring you into camp; 
 that its demands are satisfied, will not take you from it. You 
 had higher objects in view, some greater good to attain. This, 
 pour general believes, nor can he believe otherwise, without 
 doing you great injustice. 
 
846 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 "Your services are not avsked for longer than twenty days; 
 and who will hesitate making such a sacrifice, when the good of 
 his country, and his own fame are at stake ? Who, under the 
 present aspect of affairs, will even reckon it a sacrifice ? When 
 we set out to meet the enemy, this post must be retained and 
 defended ; if any of you will remain, and render this service, it 
 will be no less important, than if you had marched to the battle; 
 nor will your general less thankfully acknowledge it. Tuesday 
 next, the line of march will be taken up ; and in a few days 
 thereafter, the objects of the excursion will be effected. As 
 patriotic men, then, I ask you for your services ; and thus long, 
 I have no doubt you will cheerfully render them. I am well 
 aware, that you are all anxions to return, to your families and 
 homes, and that you are entitled to do so ; yet stay a little longer, 
 go with me, and meet the enemy, and you can then return, 
 not only with the consciousness of having performed your duty, 
 but with the glorious exultation, of having done even more than 
 duty required/' 
 
 But this address failed to move them, and on the 10th, four 
 days before their term expired, they returned home. Jackson, 
 however, by this time received reinforcements, and on the 17th 
 of January, 1814, finding himself in a condition to commence 
 active offensive operations, marched from Fort Strother with 
 nine hundred volunteers, who were soon afterwards joined by 
 three hundred friendly Indians, against an assemblage of Creeks 
 at the Great Bend of the Tallapoosa. On the evening of the 
 21st, he fell upon a large trail, which indicated the neighbor 
 hood of a strong force. At eleven o'clock at night, he was 
 informed by his spies that there was a large encampment of In 
 dians, about three miles distant, who, from their actions, they 
 judged to be apprised of his approach, and would either com 
 mence a night attack upon him, or make their escape. On re 
 ceiving this intelligsnce, Jackson put himself in readiness for a 
 
BATTLE OF TALLAPOOSA. 347 
 
 night attack, or pursue them as soon as daylight would give him 
 an opportunity. 
 
 At six o'clock in the morning a vigorous attack was made 
 upon his left flank, which sustained it with bravery ; the action 
 continued to rage at that point, and on the left of the rear, for 
 half an hour. As soon as it became light enough to pursue, the 
 left wing was reinforced by Captain FerrilFs company of infantry, 
 and led on to the charge by General Coffee. The enemy were 
 completely routed at every point; and the friendly Indians 
 joined in the pursuit, they were chased about two miles with 
 great slaughter. The chase being over, General Coffee was 
 detached to burn their encampment, but finding it fortified, he 
 returned to the main body for artillery. Half an hour after his 
 return, a large force appeared and commenced an attack upon 
 the right flank. General Coffee was permitted, at his own request, 
 to take two hundred men and turn the enemy's left, but by 
 some mistake only fifty-four followed him ; with these he com 
 menced an attack on their left ; two hundred of the friendly In 
 dians were ordered to fall upon the enemy's right, and co-ope 
 rate with the general. The Creeks intended this attack upon 
 Jackson's right as a feint, and expecting to find his left weak 
 ened, directed their main force against that quarter ; but Ge 
 neral Jackson, perceiving the object of the enemy, had directed 
 that flank to remain firm in its position, and at the first moment 
 of attack they were supported by the reserve under Captain 
 Ferrill. The whole line met the approach of the enemy with 
 vigour, and after a few fires, made a bold and decisive charge. 
 The Creeks fled with precipitation, and were pursued a conside 
 rable distance with a destructive fire. In the meantime General 
 Coffee was contending on the right with a superior force ; the 
 friendly Indians who had been ordered to his support, sffcing 
 the enemy routed on the left, quit their post and joined in the 
 chase. That being over. Jim Fife, with the friendly IndianSj 
 
348 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 was again ordered to support General Coffee ; as soon as he 
 reached him, they made a decisive charge, routed the enemy, 
 and pursued him three miles. Forty -five of the enemy's slain 
 were found. General Coffee was wounded in the body, and his 
 aid, Colonel Donaldson, and three others slain. The next day, 
 General Jackson commenced his return march to Fort Strother. 
 His men and horses were exhausted, and he was not furnished 
 with either provisions or forage for a longer stay. The enemy, 
 supposing they had defeated the general, hung on his rear; and 
 in the morning of the 24th, as he was on the point of crossing 
 Enotachopeo creek, the front guard having crossed with part of 
 the flank columns and the wounded,- and the artillery just enter 
 ing the water, an attack commenced on the rear. The main 
 part of the rear guard precipitately gave way, leaving 'only 
 twenty-five men under Colonel Carrol, who held their ground 
 as long as possible. There then remained on the left of the 
 creek to meet the enemy, the remnant of the rear guard, the 
 artillery company, and Captain Russell's company of spies. 
 Lieutenant Armstrong, of the artillery, immediately ordered 
 them to form and advance to the top of the hill, while he and 
 a few of his men dragged up a six-pounder, amidst a most gall 
 ing fire from more than ten tiin.es their numbers. Arrived at 
 the top they formed, and poured in upon their assailants a fire 
 of grape, and at length made a charge and repelled them. Lieu 
 tenant Armstrong, Captains Hamilton, .Bradford, andM'Govock, 
 fell in this rencontre. By this time a considerable number had 
 re-crossed the creek and joined the chase; Captain Gordon, of 
 the spies, rushed from the front and partially succeeded in 
 turning the enemy's left flank. The Creeks now fled in the 
 greatest consternation, throwing off their packs, and every thing 
 that retarded their flight, and were pursued for more than two 
 miles. Twenty-six of their warriors were left dead on the field. 
 General Jackson's loss in the several engagements of the 22d 
 
INDIANS FORTIFYING THEIR POSITION. 340 
 
 and 24th ; was twenty-four killed, and seventy woun&ed. Judge 
 Cocke, one of General Jackson's volunteers, entered the service 
 at the age of sixty-five, was foremost in this engagement, con 
 tinued the pursuit with youthful ardor, and saved the life of 
 one of his fellow-soldiers by slaying his antagonist. In all the 
 rencontres, one hundred and eighty-nine o the Creek warriors 
 were found slain. A very seasonable diversion had been made 
 in favor of the operations of General Floyd on the eastern 
 boundary of the enemy. After the battle of the 24th, General 
 Jackson was enabled to return to Fort Strother without further 
 molestation. 
 
 The Creeks, encouraged by what they considered a victory 
 over 'General Jackson's forces in the battles of the 22d and 
 ind 24th of January, continued to concentrate their forces, and 
 fortify themselves at the Great Bend of the Tallapoosa. This 
 river forms the north-eastern branch of the Alabama. Several 
 miles above its junction with the Coosa, is a curve in the river 
 in the form of a horse-shoe, called by the whites the Great Bend, 
 and by the Indians Emucsau. The peninsula formed by the 
 bend, contains about one hundred acres, and the isthmus leading 
 to it, is about forty rods across; at the bottom of the peninsula 
 is the village of Tohopisca, containing about two hundred houses. 
 On this peninsula, the Indians from the adjoining districts had 
 concentrated their forces, to the amount of one thousand war 
 riors, with ample stores of provisions and ammunition, and had 
 fortified themselves with great skill ; having thrown up a breast 
 work, consisting of eight tiers of logs, with double port-holes 
 across the isthmus, so that an assailing enemy might be opposed 
 by a double and cross fire by the garrison, who could lie in 
 perfect safety behind their works. 
 
 On the 16th of March, General Jackson, having received 
 considerable reinforcements of volunteers from Tennessee, and 
 friendly Indians, left Fort Strother with his whole disposable 
 
 80 
 
350 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 force, amounting to about three thousand of every description, 
 on an expedition against this assemblage of Indians. He pro 
 ceeded down the Coosa sixty miles to the mouth of Cedar creek, 
 where he established a post called Fort Williams, and proceeded 
 on the 24th across the ridge of land dividing the waters of the 
 Coosa from the Tallapoosa ; and arrived at the Great Bend on 
 the morning of the 27th, having the three preceding days opened 
 a passage through the wilderness of fifty-two miles. On the 26tb 
 he passed the battle-ground of the 22d of January, and left it 
 three miles in his rear. General Coffee was detached with seven 
 hundred cavalry and mounted gunmen, and six hundred friendly 
 Indians, to cross the river below the bend, secure the opposite 
 banks, and prevent escape. Having crossed at the Little Island 
 ford, three miles below the bend, his Indians were ordered 
 silently to approach and line the bank of the river; while the. 
 mounted men occupied the adjoining heights, to guard against 
 reinforcements, which might be expected from the Oakfusky 
 towns, eight miles below. Lieutenant Bean at the same time 
 was ordered to occupy Little Island, at the fording-place, to 
 secure any that might attempt to escape in that direction. In 
 the meantime, General Jackson, with the artillery and infantry, 
 moved on in slow and regular order to the isthmus, and planted 
 his guns on an eminence one hundred and fifty yards in front 
 of the breastwork. On perceiving that General Coffee had com 
 pleted his arrangements below, he opened a fire upon the forti 
 fication, but found he could make no other impression with his 
 artillery than boring shot-holes through the logs. General 
 Coffee'* Indians on the bank, hearing, the roaring of the 
 cannon in front, and observing considerable confusion on the 
 peninsula, supposing the battle to be nearly won, crossed over 
 and set fire to the village, and attacked the Creeks in the rear. 
 At this moment General Jackson ordered an assault upon the 
 works in front. The regular troops, led by Colonel Williams, 
 
BATTLE OP 1HE GREAT BEND. 351 
 
 accompanied by a part of the militia of General Dougherty's 
 brigade, led on by Colonel Russell, presently got possession of 
 a part of the works amid a tremendous fire from behind them. 
 The advance guard was led by Colonel Sisler, and the left ex 
 tremity of the line by Captain Gordon of the spies, and Captain 
 M' Marry of General Johnson's brigade of West Tennessee militia. 
 The battle for a short time was obstinate, and fought musket to 
 musket through the port-holes ; when the assailants succeeded 
 in getting possession of the opposite side of the works, and the 
 contest ended. The Creeks were entirely routed, and the whole 
 margin of the river strewed with the slain. The troops under 
 General Jackson, and General Coffee's Indians, who had crossed 
 over into the peninsula, continued the work of destruction as 
 long as there was a Creek to be found. General Coffee, on seeing 
 his Indians crossing over, had ordered their places to be supplied 
 on the bank by his riflemen ; and every Indian that attempted 
 to escape by swimming the river, or crossing the Little Island 
 below, was met and slain by General Coffee's troops. The battle, 
 as long as any appearance of resistance remained, lasted five 
 hours ; the slaughter continued until dark, and was renewed the 
 next morning, when sixteen more of the unfortunate savages 
 were hunted out of their hiding-places and slain. Five hundred 
 and fifty-seven warriors wgre found dead on the peninsula; 
 among whom was their famous prophet, Manahell, and two 
 others, the principal instigators of the war ; two hundred and 
 fifty more were estimated to have been killed in crossing the 
 river, and at other places, which were not found. General 
 Jackson's loss was twenty-six white men, and twenty-three 
 Indians, killed ; and one hundred and seven white men, and 
 forty-seven Indians, wounded 
 
 This decisive victory put an end to the Creek war. In the 
 short period of five months from the 1st of November to the 1st 
 of April, two \housand of their warriors, among whom were 
 
352 INDIAN NARRATIVES 
 
 their principal prophets and kings, had been slain, most of their 
 towns and villages burned, and the strong places in their terri 
 tory occupied by the United States troops. After this battle, 
 the miserable remnant of the hostile tribes submitted. Weather- 
 ford, the principal surviving chief and prophet, who led the 
 [ndians at Fort Mimms, accompanied his surrender with this 
 ddress to General Jackson. 
 
 "I fought at Fort Mimms I fought the Georgia aimy 1 
 lid you all the injury I could. Had I been supported as I was 
 promised, I would have done you more. But my warriors are 
 ill killed. I can fight no longer. I look back with sorrow 
 '.hat I have brought destruction upon my nation, I am now in 
 four power. Do with me as you please. I am a soldier." 
 
 A war with savages is necessarily attended with many circum 
 stances distressing to the feelings of humanity. The Indian, 
 having no means of supporting or confining his prisoner, knows 
 no other mode of ridding himself of the burden, but by plung 
 ing the tomahawk into his head; and the Americans can no 
 otherwise effectually prevent the savages from repeating their 
 massacres, than by laying waste their villages, destroying their 
 provisions, and compelling their surviving warriors to flee with 
 their women and children into the wilderness beyond the reach 
 of the whites. 
 
 The brilliant success with which this war was conducted and 
 terminated, casra mantle^over its tragic scenes. The slaughter 
 of unresisting warriors, and the burning of defenceless villages, 
 marked much of its progress. To the enemy indeed no apology 
 is necessary ; the massacre at Fort Mimms, and the subsequent 
 ravages of the surrounding country, would justify a war of ex 
 termination ; and the unhappy victims can alone condemn the 
 British and Spanish authorities by whose intrigues they wen 
 induced to engage in this fatal contest. The plea of necessitj 
 goes far toward justifying the mode in which this war was con 
 
TREATY WITH THE CREEKS. 853 
 
 ducted in the view of all. The savage warrior, who is suffered 
 to escape, lives only to renew his ravages. The bold and de 
 cisive measures of General Jackson, in the conduct of this war, 
 have probably prevented its ever being renewed by the same 
 tribes, and struck a general dread among the surrounding na 
 tions. Though these considerations may justify the general 
 mode in which the war was conducted, yet it is impossible to 
 find a sufficient apology for hunting out and butchering sixteen 
 warriors, on the day after the battle. 
 
 Soon after this victory, the Georgia forces, under General 
 Floyd, formed a junction with those of Tennessee, and on the 
 20th of April, General Pinckney arrived at Fort Jackson, where 
 the Tallapoosa and Coosa rivers uniting, form the Alabama, and 
 assumed the command of all the forces in the Mississippi ter 
 ritory. New detachments of militia were ordered in to garrison 
 the fortresses established in the Creek nation, and General 
 Jackson and the Tennessee volunteers returned to Fayetteville 
 and were discharged. 
 
 General Jackson and Colonel Hawkins were soon afterwards 
 appointed commissioners to settle a peace with the Creeks ; and 
 on the 10th of August, concluded a treaty, dictated altogether 
 by the United States commissioners. The Creeks yielded up a 
 valuable portion of their territory to defray the expenses of the 
 war ; they conceded the privilege of opening roads through their 
 country, and navigating their rivers, and stipulated to hold no 
 further intercourse with the British or Spanish posts, and to 
 deliver up all the property or persons of the whites, or friendly 
 Indians, in their possession. On the part of the United States, 
 the companies agreed to guarantee their remaining territory, to 
 restore all their prisoners, and in consideration of their destitute 
 situation, to furnish them gratuitously with the necessaries of 
 life until they could provide for themselves. 
 
 30* 
 
THE SEMINOLE WAR. 
 
 THE Creek war happily terminating in the spring ot 1814, 
 and a treaty of peace having been mutually concluded between 
 the surviving chiefs of that nation, and the commissioners ap 
 pointed on the part of the United States, but little opposition was 
 apprehended from those Indians, who dissatisfied with the Ame 
 rican government, had fled towards Pensacola. But it was 
 found that they had united themselves with the different savage 
 tribes, living within and on the borders of the Floridas, called 
 Seminoles. In the fall of. 1812, a settlement, located on the 
 St. John's, was attacked, and eight persons were wounded ; a 
 party of twenty-one men, acting as an escort, were attacked, and 
 two of them killed, and six wounded. Outrages of a similar 
 character were continually occurring, and several of the Southern 
 States, were kept in a continued state of alarm. 
 
 Colonel Nicholls, who had been expelled by General Jackson, 
 went immediately to Florida, and organized a band, composed 
 principally of negroes and Indians. In company with Francis 
 Hillishago, a celebrated Seminole chief and prophet, he visited 
 England, and entered into a treaty of peace with that nation. 
 Arbuthnot and Ambrister succeeded him in the government. 
 
 Affairs continued in this unfortunate condition until 1817. 
 
 In that year, the depredations of a party of smugglers in the 
 
 Gulf of Mexfoo, was the first matter of importance that awakened 
 
 the attention of the government. The smugglers, under the 
 
 (354) 
 
INDIAN BARBARITIES. 355 
 
 command of one Aury, seized upon Amelia Island, which was 
 made their rendezvous. Their conduct becoming outrageous, 
 the executive resolved to employ force to suppress them. The 
 ship-of-war John Adams, with a battalion of artillery, was 
 ordered to expel the intruders from he island. On the 23d of 
 December, the forces came into quiet possession of it ; Aury and 
 his party left in February. 
 
 Sometime before this Colonel Clinch, with an army composed 
 of five hundred Indians, and some United States troops, was 
 sent to attack a fort, which had been erected by the savages on 
 the Appalachicola river. This fort was garrisoned by four hun 
 dred savages and negroes, who had twelve pieces of artillery. 
 Clinch's force sailed up the river in schooners and gun-boats, 
 each of which contained but one twelve-pounder, and twenty- 
 five men ; and although advised of the force of the enemy, the 
 colonel determined to attack them. Scarcely had he commenced 
 firing, when the principal magazine was struck by a hot shot, 
 and the fort and two hundred and seventy-three of the garrison 
 blown up. This event put an end to the war in that district. 
 
 Many horrid barbarities were practised by the Seminole In 
 dians, some of which it may not be improper to mention. In 
 the fall of 1817, the house of a Mr. Garrett, residing near the 
 boundary of Wayne county, in East Florida, was attacked, dur 
 ing his absence, by a party of Indians, who murdered Mrs. Gar 
 rett and two of her children. They then set fire to the house, 
 after they had plundered it of every article of value. Soon 
 after, a man named McKrimmon, while on a fishing excursion, 
 and having lost his way was espied and captured, by a party of 
 Indians, headed by Hillishago. McKrimmon was bound to a 
 stake, and the ruthless savages having stripped him and shaved 
 his head, commenced dancing around him, yelling most horribly. 
 Milly, the youngest daughter of Hillishago, when the burning 
 torches were about to be applied, and the tomahawk raised to 
 
356 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 do its murderous work, placed herself between it and death, 
 bidding the astonished executioner, if he thirsted for blood, to 
 shed hers. A pause was produced by this unexpected occurrence, 
 of which she took advantage by casting herself at her father's 
 feet, and implored for his mercy."" He yielded to her wishes, 
 and McKrimmon was saved. He was ransomed some time 
 afterwards, and married his deliverer. 
 
 In the frequent outrages committed upon the frontiers, it was 
 somewhat difficult to determine who were the first aggressors. 
 General Gaines, commander in Florida, demanded a surrender 
 of those Indians, who had committed depredations on the frontier 
 of Georgia. They refused, however, to comply with this de 
 mand, alleging that the first and greatest aggressions had been 
 made by the white men. In consequence of this refusal, Ge 
 neral Gaines received instructions from the secretary of war, to 
 negotiate with the Creek Indians, in order that they might be 
 transported to the country ceded by the United States govern 
 ment. General Gaines then summoned their chief Hornetlimed 
 to appear at the fort. He answered by a haughty defiance. On 
 the next day, Major David E. Twiggs, with about two hundred 
 and fifty men, was sent against the fort. On the road he was 
 attacked by a party of Indians, whom, after killing a numbei, 
 he dispersed. He found the town deserted. 
 
 After this affair, Major Muhlenburg was dispatched with three 
 vessels to Mobile, to obtain a supply of provisions. He had on 
 board a number of volunteers and their families, beside the crew. 
 He was obliged to halt on the Appalachicola, from sickness, 
 where he was joined by forty men, under Lieutenant Scott. He 
 detained half of his crew.for his own use, and placed the balance, 
 seven women and four children and the sick, on board the lieu 
 tenant's boat, and sent him back to Fort Scott. When near 
 Flint river, the party was attacked by the Indians, and all killed 
 with the exception of six men and one woman, who were car- 
 
CAPTURE OP ST. MARKS. 357 
 
 ried into captivity, to undergo all the tortures inflicted upon the 
 prisoners taken in battle. 
 
 The war now became serious. The Indians were assembled 
 in considerable numbers, and made an open attack upon Fort 
 Scott. General Gaines, with about six hundred regular soldiers, 
 was confined to the garrison. In this state of things, General 
 Jackson was ordered by the secretary of war to take the field. 
 He was placed in command of eight hundred men, and directed 
 that if he should consider that number insufficient, to call on 
 the governors of the different states, for such numbers of the 
 militia as he might think requisite. On receiving this commu 
 nication, he immediately issued a proclamation to the West 
 Tennesseeans, who had served under him in the last war, to 
 join him in the coming struggle. Numbers obeyed his call, and 
 were soon on their way to join him at Fort Scott. Jackson ar 
 rived ttere on the 9th of March, 1818; having mustered about 
 one thoasand men, principally Georgia militia, on his route. 
 He foui d the garrison badly off for provisions, and determined to 
 obtain Mipplies from the enemy; afldfor this purpose he pushed 
 toward* the Appalachicola on the 10th. General Gaines joined 
 him OE his march, and he built Fort Gadsden on the site of the 
 Indiaa fort blown up by Colonel Clinch. He continued his 
 march, and was joined by the Tennessee volunteers on the 1st 
 of April. On the same day he drove back a party of Indians, 
 and took possession of their town. 
 
 The grand army marched upon St. Marks, a Spanish gar 
 rison. Jackson learned that it was surrounded by a party of 
 five hundred Indians and negroes, who had commanded its sur 
 render. The place was one of great importance, being strongly 
 built, and had once served as the main depot of the Indians, 
 and was the scene of all their councils. As the garrison was 
 feeble, Jackson determined to be before the enemy ; and accord 
 ingly hastened on, and took possession of ii, without encounter- 
 
858 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 ing any opposition, sending the Spanish garrison to Pensacola. 
 Here he captured Alexander Arbuthnot, and the two Indian 
 chiefs Hornetlimed and Hillishago ; the latter he hung. 
 
 Having garrisoned St. Marks with American troops, the army 
 pursued its march eastward to Suwanee river, on which they 
 found a large Indian town, which they destroyed, dispersing the 
 Indians and negroes, after killing eleven of their number, and 
 securing some provisions. On their return to St. Marks, bring 
 ing with them Robert C. Arnbrister, who had been taken pri 
 soner two days after the burning of the Suwanee towns. While 
 JVi St. Marks, a court-martial was called, who found Arbuthnot 
 and Ambrister guilty of inciting the Indians to aggression. Ar 
 buthnot was sentenced to be hung, and Ambrister to be shot. 
 The sentence was carried into effect on the 29th of April, and 
 Jackson returned to Fort Gadsden on the same day. 
 
 Jackson received intelligence shortly after that the Seminoles 
 were collecting near Pensacola, and that they were countenanced 
 by the Spaniards at that place. Although Spain was then at 
 peace with the United States, Jackson resolved to capture the 
 garrison at Pensacola. On the 22d of May, he arrived near 
 Pensacola, at the head of twelve hundred men. He was ordered 
 hy the Spanish governor to quit the country. He paid no atten 
 tion to this, and entered the city on the 24th. He immediately 
 commenced preparations for assaulting Fort Barrancas, to which 
 place the governor with his small force had retired. After 
 bombarding the place for three days, it surrendered, and the 
 Spanish authorities were sent to Havana. The whole country 
 was soon in the military possession of the United^ States, and 
 General Jackson retired to the Hermitage, in Tennessee, leaving 
 General Gaines in command, who acting under orders, captured 
 St, Augustine. A treaty was concluded with Spain, in 1819, 
 by which Florida was ceded to the United States 
 
THE BLACK HAWK WAR. 
 
 IN the year 1832, difficulties with the savages again broke 
 out. These grew out of a treaty made with the Indians at 
 Prairie-du-Chien, in 1823. An article in this treaty provided 
 that any of the five nations concerned in it visiting the United 
 States, should be protected from all insults by the garrison. 
 Notwithstanding this, in the summer of 1827, a party of twenty- 
 four Chippeways, on a visit to Fort Snelling, were fallen upon 
 by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded eight of them. 
 The commandant of the fort captured four of the Sioux, and 
 delivered them into the hands of the Chippeways, who imme 
 diately shot them. Red Bird, the Sioux chief, repaired to 
 Prairie-du-Chien, with three companions, desperate as himself, 
 about the 1st of July, and there killed two persons, wounded a 
 third, and without taking plunder, retired to Bad-axe river. 
 Here, soon after, he waylaid two keel-boats, that had been con 
 veying some missionaries to Fort Snelling, in one of which, two 
 persons were killed, the others escaped with little injury. Not 
 long after, General Atkinson marched into the Winnebago 
 country, and captured some hostile Winnebagoes and Red Bird, 
 who died soon afterwards in prison. The Indians who were 
 imprisoned for the murder at Prairie-du-Chien, were discharged, 
 and Black Hawk and two others, who had been imprisoned for 
 the attack on the boat, were also liberated. 
 
 It had been determined by the American government to sell 
 
 (359) 
 
360 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 the land occupied by the Sacs and Foxes, and they were advised 
 to remove. A majority of the nation, with their chief, Keokuk, 
 determined to accept this advice ; but Black Hawk, and a party 
 who favored his cause, resolved at all hazards to remain. Out 
 rages upon the Indians now became quite frequent. They were 
 at last obliged to take up arms in self-defence, and a war would 
 certainly have ensued, had not General Gaines, commander of 
 the western division of the army, hastened to the scene of ac 
 tion. A council of chiefs was called, in which it was agreed 
 that the Indians should instantly remove. They did so, crossing 
 the river, and settling upon its western bank. 
 
 Black Hawk, however, determined to return to Illinois with 
 his band, giving out that he had been invited by the Pottawa- 
 tomies, residing on Hock river, " to spend the summer with 
 them and plant corn on their lands." They recrossed the river, 
 and marched towards the above named Indians, but without 
 attempting to harm any one upon the road. The traveller 
 passed by them, without receiving any injury, and the inmates 
 of the lowly hut experienced no outrage. There is little doubt 
 but this amicable disposition would have continued had not the 
 whites been the first to shed blood. Five jpr six Indians, in 
 advance of the main party, were captured, and excepting one 
 who escaped, put. to death by a battalion of mounted militia. 
 That one brought the news to Black Hawk, who immediately 
 determined on revenge. He accordingly planned an ambuscade, 
 into which the militia were enticed, fired upon, and fourteen of 
 their number killed. The remainder fled in disorder. 
 
 As war had now begun, the Indians seemed resolved to all 
 the mischief in their power. Accordingly they divided into 
 parties, proceeded in different directions, and fell upon the set 
 tlements which were at that time thinly scattered over the greater 
 part of Illinois. By this means they committed such outrages 
 that the whole state was in the greatest excitement. Governor 
 
PURSUIT OF BLACK HAWK. 361 
 
 Reynolds ordered out two thousand additional militia, who, on 
 the 10th of June, assembled at Hennepin, on the Illinois river, 
 and were soon engaged in- pursuit of the Indians. 
 
 A party of savages attacked a small settlement on the 20th 
 of May, 1832, and killed fifteen persons, and took considerable 
 plunder. Five persons were also killed near Galena, shortly 
 afterwards. General Dodge who happened to be in the neigh 
 borhood, with some mounted men, immediately started in pur 
 suit. He came upon a party of twelve Indians, whom he sup 
 posed to be among those who had committed these murders 
 He drove them into a swamp, into which his mounted men 
 pushed, and cut them off to a man; the whites then scalped 
 the slain, that they might not be outdone in these or any other 
 barbarities, by their savage foes. 
 
 In the meantime, the main body of Indians, under Black 
 Hawk, were pursued by General Atkinson. They were encamped 
 near the Four Lakes. Instead of making his escape by crossing 
 the Mississippi, as was expected, Black Hawk descended the 
 Wisconsin, -by which means General Dodge came upon his track, 
 and commenced a vigorous pursuit. He was overtaken by the 
 general, about forty miles from Fort Winnebago, on the 21st 
 of July. The Indians were in the act of crossing the Wisconsin. 
 A short engagement followed, in which the Indians were beaten. 
 It being dark, Dodge'could not pursue them with any advantage. 
 It is supposed that Black Hawk lost about forty men. 
 
 The Indians were now in a truly deplorable condition ; several 
 of them were greatly emaciated for want of food, and some even 
 starved to death. In the pursuit previous to the battle, the 
 soldiers found several lying dead on the road. Yet so far from 
 being subdued they resolved to continue hostilities as long as 
 they were able. 
 
 Meanwhile an army under General Scott, destined for the 
 subjugation of Black Hawk, and the removal of all the north' 
 
 31 
 
862 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 western Indians to lands beyond the Mississippi, had been 
 attacked by an enemy far more fatal than the Indians. With 
 about one thousand regular troops, Scott sailed from Buffalo in 
 a fleet of steamboats, across Lake Erie for Chicago. This was 
 early in July. On the 8th of that month, the Asiatic cholera 
 appeared on board the vessel in which were General Scott, his 
 staff, and two hundred and twenty soldiers. In six days fifty- 
 two men died, and soon after eighty were put on shore sick at 
 Chicago. 
 
 In the summer, Scott left Chicago with but four hundred 
 effective men, and hurrying on to the Mississippi, joined General 
 Atkinson at Prairie-du-Chien, immediately after the battle, near 
 the Badare river, which resulted in the defeat of Black Hawk. 
 
 Previous to this affair, a captured squaw had informed the 
 whites that Black Hawk intended to proceed to the west side 
 of the Mississippi, above Prairie-du-Chien the horsemen strik 
 ing across the country, whilst the others proceeded by the Wis 
 consin. A number of the latter were made prisoners on the 
 road. 
 
 The steamboat Warrior was soon after sent up the Mississippi, 
 with a small force on board, in hopes they might somewhere 
 discover the savages. Upon the arrival of the boat at Prairie- 
 du-Chien, the last of July, she was dispatched to Wapashaw 
 village, one hundred and twenty miles higher up the river, to 
 inform the inhabitants of the approach of the Sacs, and to order 
 all the friendly Indians down to Prairie-du-Chien. On the return 
 of the steamboat, they met one of the Sioux bands, who told 
 them their enemies were encamped on Bad-axe river to the 
 number of four hundred. The Warrior here stopped to take in 
 some wood and prepare for action. They discovered the enemy 
 about four o'clock on the afternoon of the 1st -of August, who, 
 as they approached, raised a white flag, which being looked upon 
 as a decoy, no attention was paid to it. They declined sending 
 
DEFEAT OF BLACK HAWK. 363 
 
 a boat on board when ordered. After giving them a few minutes 
 to remove their women and children, (a piece of courtesy some 
 what rare in our border wars,) the boat fired a six-pounder, 
 loaded with cannister, and followed by a severe fire of musketry. 
 The battle continued for about an hour, when she weighed 
 anchor and proceeded to Prairie-du-Chien. Twenty -three of the 
 Indians were killed and many wounded. The Americans lost 
 none. 
 
 Before the steamboat could return to the battle-field, next 
 morning, General Atkinson and his army had engaged the 
 Indians. The Warrior joined the contest; the army this day 
 lost eight or nine killed, and seventeen wounded, whom the 
 Warrior took to Prairie-du-Chien at night, and also captives to 
 the number of thirty-six, women and children. The spot where 
 this battle took place was about forty miles above Prairie-du- 
 Chien, on the north side of the Mississippi, opposite the mouth 
 of the Iowa. It was very fortunate for the whites, that they, 
 were able to co-operate on land and water at the same time. 
 
 After a toilsome and weary march, General Gaines overtook 
 Black Hawk. The Indians were discovered in a deep ravine at 
 the foot of a precipice, over which the army had to pass. Not 
 withstanding the misery of their condition, nothing but the 
 bayonet's point routed them. Old logs, high grass, and large 
 * trees covered them until the charge was made, and as they were 
 driven from one covert, they readily found another, and thus 
 protracted the contest. At length, General Atkinson disposed 
 his forces so as to come upon them from above, below, and in 
 the centre. No chance now remained for the Indians but to 
 swim the Mississippi, or elude the vigilance of their enemy by 
 land, who had nearly encompassed them. Many, therefore, 
 ventured to cross the river ; but as the slaughter was greatest 
 there, few escaped. However, a considerable number succeeded 
 in escaping by land. One hundred and fifty were supposed to 
 
364 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 have been killed in this battle. Black Hawk was among those 
 who escaped. His men deserted him continually, and came 
 over to the whites. He was hunted like the wild deer of the 
 forest, from place to place, until after many wanderings and 
 much suffering, he was at last captured,' and delivered up to 
 General Street at Prairie-du-Chien. Here the war terminated. 
 In his speeah to General Street, he regretted his being obliged 
 to close the war so soon, without having given the whites much 
 more trouble. He asserted that he had done nothing of which 
 he was ashamed, but that an Indian who was as bad as the 
 white men would not be allowed to live in his community. He 
 concluded as follows : " Farewell, my nation ! Black Hawk 
 tried to save you, and revenge your wrongs. He drank the 
 blood of some of the whites. He has been taken prisoner, ,and 
 his plans are stopped. He can do no more. He is near his end. 
 His sun is setting, and he will rise no more. Farewell to Black 
 Hawk." 
 
 Negotiations were commenced in September, by General Scott, 
 with the Sacs and Foxes, by which five millions of acres of land 
 were ceded to the United States on terms satisfactory to both 
 parties. 
 
 On the return of peace, Black Hawk and his son were taken 
 to Washington to visit the President. At different places on his 
 route, he received many valuable presents, and was looked upon 
 with great curiosity and interest. They returned by way of 
 Detroit, and arrived at Fort Armstrong, in August, 1838. 
 Black Hawk died at his village, on the DCS Moines river, on the 
 3d of October, 1838. 
 
THE FLORIDA WAR. 
 
 As a Spanish province, Florida seemed to be a refuge for 
 those savages, who still cherished a bitter feeling against the 
 United States. In a treaty concluded between the Seminole 
 Indians and the American government, they agreed to relin 
 quish all claim to the land for a stipulated sum, and to retire 
 beyond the Mississippi. It was further agreed that a number 
 of them should visit the country in question, and give their 
 opinion of it. Their report was very favorable, and every thing 
 seemed to prosper precisely in accordance with the wishes of 
 the American government. At this t important moment, John 
 Hert, who was one of the chief men of the tribe, died. The 
 opportunity was too good to be lost, and it was seized by Osceola, 
 or Powell, a celebrated chief, who quickly rose to the same 
 importance as Hert himself; but it was wielded with far diffe 
 rent purposes. Hert had always been in favor of the emigra 
 tion of the Indians, but Osceola was opposed to it, and he used 
 every means in his power to inflame the minds of his people 
 against the whites, and against the execution of this measure. 
 So violent did his conduct become, that he was arrested by the 
 Indian agent, and put in irons ; but subsequently professing to 
 renounce his opposition he was released. 
 
 On the 19th of July, a party of Seminole Indians crossed their 
 bounds, near the Hogstown settlement, for the purpose of hu%t- 
 ing. They separated, and agreed to meet on a certain day. On 
 
 31* (365) 
 
366 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 that day five of them were met together, when a party of white 
 men came by and commenced flogging them with their whips. 
 Two other Indians came up, and fired upon the whites, who 
 returned their fire. Three whites were wounded, and one Indian 
 killed and one wounded. On the 6th of August, Dalbon, the 
 mail-carrier, from Camp King to Tampa Bay, was murdered, 
 and although General Thompson, the Indian agent, demanded 
 the offenders, and the chiefs promised to deliver them up, they 
 were never brought to justice. In September, a party of Micka- 
 sukies, led by Osceola, waylaid and shot Charley Amatha, a 
 powerful friendly chief. 
 
 Other outrages of a similar character, increased so fast, that 
 the interior settlements had to be abandoned, and many fami 
 lies fled to other states, and General Clinch, who commanded in 
 that region, was obliged to call on the government for larger 
 forces to resist the Indians. His force amounted to but two 
 hundred and fifty men ; and not receiving any assistance from 
 President Jackson, he obtained six hundred and fifty militia 
 from the governor of Florida. With this number, he commenced 
 active operations, and marched against the station on the Ouith- 
 
 lacoochee river. 
 
 * 
 
 The companies of Captains Gardiner and Frazer marched 
 from Tampa Bay to Fort King, on the 23d of December, 1835, 
 under the command of Major Dade. A six-pounder had to be 
 left behind, in consequence of the team that had been engaged 
 to transport failing. Major Dade wrote to Major Belton urging 
 him to forward it at once. Three horses and the necessary har 
 ness were purchased, .and it joineg the column that night. 
 Nothing was heard from the detachment until the 29th of De 
 cember, when one of the soldiers, named Thomas, returned, and 
 another named Ransom Clarke, on the 31st. The latter gave 
 the following account of the fate of his comrades : 
 
 " It was eight o'clock. Suddenly I heard a rifle-shot in the 
 
CLARKE'S NARRATIVE 367 
 
 direction of the advanced guard, and this was immediately fol 
 lowed by a musket shot from that quarter. Captain Frazer had 
 ridden by me a moment before, in that direction. I never saw 
 him afterwards. I had not time to think of the meaning of 
 these shots before a volley, as if from a thousand rifles, war 
 poured in upon us from the front, and all along our left flank. 
 I looked around me, and it seemed as if I was the only one left 
 standing in the right wing. Neither could I, until several other 
 volleys had been fired at us, see an enemy and when I did I 
 could only see their heads and arms peering out from the long 
 grass, far and near, and from behind the pine trees. The ground 
 seemed to me an open pine barren, entirely destitute of any 
 hammock. On our right and a little to our rear was a large 
 pond of water some distance 'off. All around us were heavy 
 pine trees, very open, particularly towards the left, and abound 
 ing with long high grass." The first fire of the Indians was the 
 most destructive, seemingly killing or disabling one half our 
 men. 
 
 "We promptly threw ourselves behind trees, and opened a 
 sharp fire of musketry. I, for one, never fired without seeing 
 my man, that is, his head and shoulders. The Indians chiefly 
 fired lying or squatting in the grass. Lieutenant Bassinger fired 
 five or six pounds of cannister from the cannon. This appeared 
 to frighten the Indians, and they retreated over a little hill to 
 our left, one-half or three-quarters of a mile off, after having 
 fired not more than twelve or fifteen rounds. We immediately 
 then began to fell ^trees, and erect a little triangular breastwork. 
 Some of us went forward to gather the cartridge boxes from the 
 dead, and to assist the wounded. I had seen Major Dade fall 
 to the ground by the first volley, and his horse dashed into the 
 midst of the enemy. Whilst gathering the cartridges, I saw Lieu 
 tenant 'Mudge sitting with back his reclining against a tree, his 
 bead fallen, and evidently dying. I spoke to him, but he di4 
 
8,68 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 not answer. The interpreter, Louis, it is said, fell by the first 
 fire.* 
 
 " We had barely raised our breastwork knee high, when we 
 again saw the Indians advancing in great numbers over the hill 
 to our left. They came on boldly till within a long musket- 
 shot, when they spread themselves from tree to tree to surround 
 us. We immediately extended as light infantry, covering our 
 selves by the trees, and opening a brisk fire from cannon and 
 musketry. The former I don't think could have done much 
 mischief, the Indians were so scattered. 
 
 " Captain Gardiner, Lieutenant Bassinger, and Dr. Gatlen,- 
 were the only officers left' unhurt by the volley which killed 
 Major Dade. Lieutenant Henderson had his left arm broken, 
 but he continued to load his musket and to fire it, resting it on 
 the stump, until he was finally shot down ; towards the close 
 )f the second attack, and during the day, he kept up his spirits 
 and cheered the men. Lieutenant Keyes had both his arms 
 oroken^in the first attack ; they were bound up and slung in a 
 handkerchief, and he sat for the remainder of the day, until he 
 was killed, reclining against the breastwork, his head often 
 reposing upon it, regardless of every thing that was passing 
 around him. 
 
 " Our men were by degrees all cut down. We had maintained 
 a steady fight from eight o'clock until two P.M., or thereabouts, 
 and allowing three quarters of an hour interval between the first 
 and second attack, had been pretty busily engaged for more than 
 five hours. Lieutenant Bassinger was the only officer left alive, 
 and he severely wounded. He told me as the Indians approached 
 to lie down and feign myself dead. I looked through the logs, 
 and saw the savages approaching in great numbers. A heavy- 
 
 * It has since been learned that this person only feigned death, and 
 that he w is spared, and read all the dispatches and letters that 
 found upon the dead to the victors. Cohen. 
 
CLARKE'S NARRATIVE. 369 
 
 made Indian of middle stature painted down to the waist, and 
 whom I suppose to have been Micanope ; seemed to be the chief. 
 He made them a speech, frequently pointing to the breastwork. 
 At length, they charged into the work; there was none to offer 
 resistance, and they did not seem to suspect the wounded being 
 alive offering no indignity, but stepping about carefully, 
 quietly stripping off our accoutrements, and carrying away our 
 arms. They then retired in a body in the direction whence 
 they came. 
 
 " Immediately upon their retreat, forty or fifty negroes on 
 horseback, galloped up and alighted, tied their beasts, and com 
 menced with horrid' shouts and j^ells the butchering of the 
 wounded, together with an indiscriminate plunder, stripping the 
 bodies of the dead of clothing, watches, and money, and splitting 
 open the heads of all who showed the least signs of life with 
 their axes and knives ; and accompanying their bloody work 
 with obscene and taunting derision, and with frequent cries of 
 ' what have you got to sell ?' 
 
 " Lieutenant Bassinger heard all the negroes butchering the 
 wounded* at length sprang up, and asked them to spare his life. 
 They met him with the blows of their axes, and their fiendish 
 laughter. Having been wounded in five different places myself, 
 I was pretty well covered with blood, and two scratches that I 
 had received on my head, gave me the appearance of having 
 been shot through the brain, for the negroes, after catching me 
 up by the heels, threw me down, saying, l damn him, he's dead 
 enough !' They then stripped me of my clothes, shoes, and hat, 
 and left me. After stripping all the dead in this manner, they 
 trundled off the cannon in the direction the Indians had gone, 
 and went away. I saw them first shoot down the oxen in their 
 gear, and burn the wagon. 
 
 " One of the soldiers who escaped, says they threw the cannon 
 in the pond, and burned its carriage also. Shortly after the 
 
370 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 negroes went away, one Wilson, of Captain Gardiner's company, 
 crept from under some of the dead bodies, and hardly seemed 
 to be hurt at all. He asked me to go back with him to the fort, 
 and I was going to follow him, when, as he jumped over the 
 breastwork, an Indian sprang from behind a tree and shot him 
 down. I then lay quiet until nine o'clock that night when D. 
 Long, the only living soul beside myself, and I started upon our 
 journey. We knew it was nearest to go to Fort King, but we 
 did not know the way, and we had seen the enemies retreat in 
 that direction. As I came out, I saw Dr. Gatlen stripped amon^ 
 the dead. The last I saw of him whilst living, was kneeling 
 behind the breastwork, with two double-barrelled guns by him, 
 and he said, ( Well, I have got four barrels for them !' Captain 
 Gardiner, after being severely wounded, cried out, ' I can give 
 you no more orders, my lads, do your best !' I last saw a negro 
 spurn his body, saying, with an oath, l that's one of their 
 officers/ 
 
 " My comrades and myself got along quite well, until the next 
 day, when we met an Indian on horseback, and with a rifle, 
 coming up the road. Our only chance was to separate we did 
 so. I took the right, and he the left of the road. The Indian 
 pursued him. Shortly afterwards I heard a rifle shot, and & 
 little after another. I concealed myself among some scrub and 
 saw-palmetto, and after awhile saw the Indian pass, looking for 
 me. Suddenly, however, he put spurs to his horse, and went 
 off in a gallop towards the road. 
 
 " I made something of a circuit before I struck the beaten 
 track again. That night I was a good deal annoyed by the 
 wolves, who had scented my blood, and came very close to me; 
 the next day, the 30th, I reached the fort." . 
 
 Thus perished one hundred and six mSn, under circumstances 
 of hopelessness and misery, rarely equalled in modern warfare. 
 Intelligence of this tragic event spread a degree of horroi 
 
OSCEOLA SUES FOR PEACE. 871 
 
 throughout the country, lasting and powerful ; and even at the 
 present day, the name of the gallant, ill-fated Dade, is a spell- 
 word to conjure up the feelings of sorrow. Three of the whole 
 command escaped. 
 
 On the 31st of December, General Clinch, had a severe en 
 gagement with the Indians, near the Ouithlacoochee river. He 
 started from Fort King on the 28th, with a large force, and on 
 the 31st, after many difficulties, attacked Osceola in a camp, 
 and after a sharp battle of an hour's duration, succeeded in 
 driving the enemy from their position. 
 
 But independent of these conflicts, the ravages of the Indiana 
 over the whole country are stated to have been fearful. Women 
 and children were murdered, and the hearth made desolate in 
 every portion of the country. In the more settled parts, near 
 San Augustin, the sugar-cane plantations, with the expensive 
 works attached to them were destroyed. The slaves were in 
 many cases either carried off or they voluntarily joined the 
 Indians. 
 
 In this state of affairs, General Gaines, was actively employed 
 in endeavoring to raise a body of troops sufficient to suppress all 
 opposition. He moved from Fort King, down the Ouithlacoo 
 chee, on the 22d of February, and on the 27th he had a slight 
 skirmish with the enemy, at Clinch's crossing-place, where he 
 lost eight killed and one wounded. On the 28th, when again 
 fording the river, the Indians made another attack, in which 
 Lieutenant Izard was killed, and two other officers wounded. 
 This system of warfare was carried on until the 5th of March, 
 when a number of Indians with Osceola at their head, appeared 
 before General Games' s camp, and expressed a willingness to 
 terminate hostilities. General Gaines replied that he was not 
 authorized to make a treaty with them; that on condition of 
 their retiring to the other side of the river, and attending a 
 Council when called on by the American government, they should 
 
872 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 not be molested. To this they assented ; but, unfortunately ^ 
 General Clinch, who had been summoned by express from Fort 
 Drane, encountered their main body ; and supposing themselves 
 surrounded by stratagem, they fled. Thus negotiations were 
 "ended for a time. 
 
 General Gaines was superseded by General Scott, and trans 
 ferred his command to General Clinch, who retired to Fort 
 Drane. Scott was succeeded by General Jessup. The summer 
 and fall of 1837 passed away, without any thing worthy of note 
 occurring, and the prospect of a reconciliation with the Indians 
 was as remote as ever. In December, however, Colonel Z. Taylor, 
 with a regiment of troops, came upon a trail of Indians, and 
 commenced a vigorous pursuit. On the 25th, at the head of 
 three hundred men, he came upon a body of seven hundred 
 Indians, on Okee-cho-bee lake, under the celebrated chiefs, Alli 
 gator, Sam Jones, and Coacoochee. The Indians occupied a 
 thick swamp, in front of which was a stream, rendered almost 
 impassable, from the quicksands. The Americans waded through 
 it, and the Indians were forced from their position, and driven 
 some distance beyond the lake. We give Colonel Taylor's 
 description of the battle-field, and his subsequent operations. 
 
 " Here I trust I may be permitted to say, that I experienced 
 one of the most trying.scenes of my life, and he who could have 
 looked on it with indifference, his nerves must have been diffe 
 rently organized from my own. Besides the killed, (twenty-six 
 in number,) there lay one hundred and twelve wounded officers 
 and soldiers, who had accompanied me one hundred and forty- 
 five miles, most of the way through an unexplored wilderness, 
 without guides, who had so gallantly beaten the enemy under 
 my orders, in his strongest position, and who had to be conveyed 
 back through swamps and hammocks, from whence we set out 
 without any apparent means of doing so. This service, however, 
 was encountered and overcome, and they have been conveyed 
 
BATTLE OF OKEE-CHO-BEE. 373 
 
 far, (Fort Gardiner,) and proceeded on to Tampa Bay, on 
 rude litters, constructed with the axe and knife alone, with 
 poles and dry hides the latter being found in great abundance 
 at the encampment of the hostiles. The litters were carried on 
 the backs of our weak and tottering horses, aided by the residue 
 of the command, with more ease and comfort to the sufferer than 
 I could have supposed possible, and with as much as they could 
 have been in ambulances of the most improved and modern 
 construction. * 
 
 " We left our encampment on the morning of the 27th, for 
 the Kissamee, where I had left my heavy baggage, which place 
 we reached about noon on the 28th. After leaving two compa 
 nies and a few Indians to garrison the stockade, which I found 
 nearly completed on my return, by that active and vigilant 
 officer, Colonel Monroe, 4th artillery. I left the next morning 
 for this place, where I arrived on the 31st, and sent forward 
 the wounded next day to Tampa Bay, with the 4th and 6th 
 infantry, the former to halt at Fort Frazer, remaining here my 
 self with the 1st, in order to make preparations to take the field 
 again as soon as my horses can be recruited, most of which have 
 been sent to Tampa, and my supplies in a sufficient state of 
 forwardness to justify the measure." 
 
 Colonel Taylor was enabled by this battle to advance farther 
 into the Indian country than any commander had previously 
 done. Shortly after this affair, Taylor was made a brigadier- 
 general, and in 1838 was appointed to the command of the 
 forces in Florida. Although he had several minor skirmishes 
 with the Indians, he could never bring them to a general battle. 
 Bloodhounds were employed to drive the enemy from their 
 hiding-places, but they were found to be of no avail. 
 
 Many heart-rending barbarities were committed by the In 
 dians about this time. The details of some are horrible. Whole 
 families, helpless old men and women, innocent children, and 
 
 32 
 
874 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 
 
 tender infants, were alike the subject of the tomahawk and 
 scalping-knife. One instance will serve to give an idea of the 
 attrocities practised at, this period. 
 
 " It becomes again our mournful duty to record the successful 
 effusion of blood in this all-fated territory, and the triumphant 
 accomplishment on the part of the Indians of an adventure bor 
 dering on romance. Indian Key, a small spot of not over seven 
 acres in extent, about thirty miles from our main land, on ou v 
 southern Atlantic coast, was invested with seventeen boats, con 
 taining Indians, seven of its inhabitants murdered, the island 
 plundered, and its buildings burned. 
 
 " About two o'clock on the morning of the 7th instant, a Mr. 
 Glass, in the employ of Mr. Houseman, happening to be up, 
 saw boats approaching, and informed a person in the same em 
 ploy, when they passed into Mr. Houseman's garden, and were 
 satisfied that the boats contained Indians. The Indians now 
 commenced firing upon the house of Mr. Houseman, and Dr. 
 Perrine j the former of whom with his family, and Mr. Charles 
 Howe and his family succeeded in escaping to boats and crossed 
 over to Tea-table Key. The family of Dr. Perrine passed 
 through a trap-door into their bathing-room, from whence they 
 got into a turtle-crawl, and by great efforts removed the logs, 
 and escaped to the front of Houseman's store. They then went 
 to a boat at the wharf, which six Indians had partly filled, and 
 were in the store after a further supply. They"then pushed off, 
 and pulled with an oar, a paddle, and poles, towards the schooner 
 Medium. When they had rowed a mile, they were met by a 
 boat and taken to the schooner. 
 
 " Mr. Motte and wife, and Mrs. Johnson, a lady of seventy 
 years of age, fled into an outhouse, from whence Mrs. Motte 
 was dragged by an Indian, and while in the act of calling on her 
 husband, < John, save me !' she was killed. Mr. Motte shared 
 the same fate, and was scalped ; but the old lady, as she was 
 
INDIAN BARBARITIES. 375 
 
 dragged forth, suddenly jerking from the Indians broke his 
 hold and escaped under a house. Her grandchild, a daughter 
 of Mrs. Motte, aged four years, was then killed with a club, 
 and the infant strangled and thrown into the water. This wai 
 seen by Mrs. Johnson from her hiding-place ; but the Indians 
 fired the building, she was again forced to flee, and after secret- 
 ing herself under Malony's wharf, was finally rescued. James 
 Sturdy, a boy about eleven years of age, hid himself in the cis 
 tern, under Mr. Hoftseman's house, and was scalded to death 
 by the burning building heating the water. The remains of an 
 adult skeleton were found among the ruins of Dr. Perrine's 
 house, supposed to be the doctor, as well as that of a child, 
 thought to have been a slave of Mr. Jlouseman. 
 
 " The Indians were what is known as Spanish Indians, and 
 were headed by Chekekia, the same chief who led the party that 
 massacred the men at Calooshatchee. They obtained a great 
 amount of plunder from the houses and stores; and whilst 
 engaged in obtaining these article, Mrs. Perrine, with her two 
 daughters and a little son, reached a boat partially loaded, and 
 put off to the schooner Medium, lying at some distance. Thoy 
 were promptly rescued by a.boat coming to their assistance, and 
 were taken to the schooner. 
 
 On Mr. Houseman reaching Tea-table Kay, Midshipman Mur 
 ray, of the United States Navy, started with his only available 
 force of fifteen men and two swivels. Ten of the men were in 
 the hospital, so sick as to be certainly unfit for duty ; but on 
 urging their claims were permitted to accompany the others, 
 hoping to cut off the boats, and thus prevent the escape of the 
 Indians. On the second fire of his guns, they recoiled overboard, 
 aud the Indians then commenced a fire upon his boat, from a 
 six-pounder belonging to Mr. Houseman, charged with musket- 
 balls, and drove back this active officer. 
 
 " Communication was immediately dispatched to Lieutenant 
 
876 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 McLaughlin, who was at Key Biscayne, with the United States 
 schooners, Flirt and Ostego, and they proceeded down. The 
 Indians, however, escaped, after maintaining possession of the 
 island twelve hours, carrying off large quantities of powder and 
 other articles, and laying the little settlement in ashes. All 
 escaped save the unfortunates named above. 
 
 '' Among all the bold and lawless feats which have charac 
 terized the enemy during the war, there is nothing that will 
 bear comparison with this. We have seen the murdered remains 
 of the citizen and soldier almost within sight of the garrison, 
 when the white flag of overture was waving to these inhuman 
 rascals in the act of kindness. We have seen the armed rider 
 stricken by the bullet from the covert of the hammock, and the 
 carnage of the traveller made to receive the last life-blood of its 
 occupant. We have seen the faithlessness of the tribe, even 
 when the humanity of the white man was devising every means 
 for its comfort,4>lanning their accursed schemes of murder, and 
 Caloosahatchee, the ground of confidence and good will, red with 
 the blood of our troops and citizens. But an island we had 
 thought safe. As little would we have looked for an avalanche 
 amid the sands of Arabia, or the glowing warmth of the equator 
 amid Greenland's icy mountains, as an attack from Indians on 
 an island. A force" too, of seventeen canoes, averaging five 
 men each, make a voyage of at least thirty miles from the main 
 land, ransack, pillage, and destroy, and return in safety I" 
 
 General Taylor retired from Florida, in 1840, and in April, 
 General Armistead was appointed to succeed him. Hig opera 
 tions were of the same tedious and unsatisfactory character, and 
 he was in turn succeeded by Colonel Worth, in May, 1841. The 
 campaign, under this officer, was commenced under circum 
 stances the most unfortunate, he having not less than twelve 
 hundred men sick. 
 
 Wild Cat, the famous chief, surrendered his whole tribe, in- 
 
END OF THE FLORIDA WAR. 37V 
 
 eluding Ceacoochee and his family, at Tampa Bay in August. 
 Many other chiefs and tribes followed his example. On the 
 19th of April, 1842, the enemy were found in great force, near 
 Okoahumphee swamp. Colonel Worth commenced an imme 
 diate attack, and totally defeated the Indians, who were pur 
 sued some twenty or thirty miles. The big hammock of Palak- 
 laklaha was the scene of this battle. On the 4th of May, Hal- 
 lush-Tustenugge, with eighty of his band surrendered, and on 
 the 12th of August, Colonel Worth announced, in general order, 
 that the Florida war was ended. This, however, proved to be 
 premature, for hostilities again commenced, and Worth received 
 the submission of a large body of Creeks at Tampa. 
 
 Thus ended the war in Florida, the most unsatisfactory, and 
 least glorious one in which our country has ever been engaged. 
 All the Florida Indians^are now transported to the Indian ter 
 ritory, and the possibility of another " Florida War/' obviated. 
 
INCIDENTS IN THE BORDER WARS OF THE 
 MEXICAN INDIANS. 
 
 THE Indians on the border, between Mexico and the United 
 States, have been for years in a state of almost perpetual hos 
 tility, not only with the Mexicans, but with our own people. 
 Their object generally is the plundering of villages and the 
 stealing of horses and cattle; but in accomplishing this object 
 they frequently commit murders and carry off prisoners. In 
 this system of warfare, the Apaches, Eutaws, and especially the 
 Camanches, are very active. A detailed history of their atru- 
 sities would fill volumes. 
 
 A gentleman, writing from Santa Fee, under date December 
 25, 1853, gives a narrative, which we copy, as exhibiting in one 
 thrilling view the whole horrors of these border wars. We 
 think this detail of the sufferings of an individual may be 
 regarded as comprising a perfect specimen of the war ; and is, 
 therefore, preferable to a dry chronicle of many of their savage 
 inroads into the country of the white people. The writer in his 
 letter says, I send you a copy of the " Narrative of Mrs. Wilson," 
 irhose wonderful escape from the Camanche Indians, and ter 
 rible sufferings while with them, cannot but excite the sympa 
 thies of the whole reading community of our common country. 
 Mrs. Wilson is now with the family of Mr. Spencer, and is 
 suffering much from the pains of premature labor, induced by 
 (378^ 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON. 379 
 
 the savage barbarities which have been inflicted upon her. How 
 long will our government submit to such a state of things ? 
 After reading this narrative can. any one be found to say, " Oh, 
 the poor Indian !" 
 
 I saw, and two months since conversed with this young girl, 
 who had made her escape from the same Indians, and was sent 
 by Governor Merriwether to her parents in Chihuahua. Her 
 family is respectable; I know her father well. She was made 
 a captive near Chihuahua, last summer, and now returns to her 
 family. She told me that there were more captives among the 
 Camanche Indians than Indians themselves. This may readily 
 be believed when we know the fact, that in their forays into 
 Mexico and Western Texas, they murder the men and take the 
 women and children captives. Imagination can hardly conceive 
 what these poor women endure ; and the children are reared up 
 to become more savage and barbarous than their captors. This 
 administration could well immortalize itself by "wiping out" 
 this tribe ; but I am sick of the theme, and will write no more. 
 
 A NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE SUFFERINGS OF MRS. JANE ADELINE WILSON, DURING HER CAP 
 TIVITY AMONG THE CAMANCHE INDIANS. 
 
 I was born in Alton, Illinois, on the 12th day of June, 1837, 
 and am, therefore, in the seventeenth year of my age. My 
 father's name was William Smith ; my mother's maiden name 
 was Jane Cox. I had five brothers and four sisters. I think 
 it was in 1846 that we moved to Missouri, and settled at a boat- 
 landing or ferry, called Jamestown, on the North Grand river. 
 My father kept the ferry. 
 
 About eight years ago we moved from this place to Texas, 
 and settled near Paris, in Lamar county. Here my father and 
 mother died within one day of each other, leaving six orphan 
 
380 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 children behind them. Three of my brothers had died before 
 the death of my parents. My eldest brother, who was in a 
 ranging company, flow came to settle my father's affairs and 
 make provision for our support. He secured homes for us with 
 different neighbors, but took the youngest sister, our pet, with 
 him to place her with one of our aunts. 
 
 One day's journey from the place where he left, he was 
 attacked by the winter fever, and died in one week. I have 
 three sisters older than myself. Their names are Elizabeth, 
 Cynthia, and Caroline. My brother James and sister Ellen are 
 younger than myself. Ellen was four years old when my pa 
 rents died. Caroline is a dwarf, and the neighbors thought that 
 the medicine the doctors gave her stopped her growth. She 
 was a dear child, and we all loved her because of her mis 
 fortune. [Here Jane was unable to restrain her feelings, and 
 burst into tears.] I lived with several neighbors until the 1st 
 of last February, when I was married to Mr. James Wilson, a 
 young farmer, just beginning life, with a little property, con 
 sisting of horses and cattle. He was but nineteen years of age 
 when we were married. We knew but little of life, for I was 
 not sixteen. I fear we were crazy in getting married while we 
 were so young. [Poor girl ! when her thoughts weut back to 
 this period of her life, she wept as if her heart would break] 
 
 We had heard that people became rich very fast in California, 
 so we concluded to move and commence life in that distant 
 country. We gathsred together the little property we possessed 
 and joined a party of emigrants, consisting of fifty-two men, 
 twelve women, and several children. The father and brothers 
 of my husband were among the number. There were in all 
 twenty-two wagons, and the whole company was placed under 
 the command of Mr. Henry Hickman. We started from Huat 
 county, on the 6th of April last, and took the route for El Paso 
 We arrived at the Guadalupe Mountains about the 1st of June 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON. 381 
 
 Here the Mescalero Apaches stole from us nineteen head of 
 cattle ; six men started in pursuit, but were driven back by the 
 Indians. We then went to El Paso. My husband not being 
 able to travel well with Mr. Hickman's train, he determined to 
 remain at El Paso till the arrival of another party of California 
 emigrants. Five of Mr. Hickman's men staid with us. While 
 here, the Mexicans stole nearly all the property we had, and 
 left us unable to proceed on our journey. We could do nothing 
 now except make our way back to Texas. 
 
 About the last of July, we started on our return, with the 
 fragments of our property, which the thieves had spared. On 
 the 1st day of August, my husband and his father left us, and 
 fell into the hands of the Indians. I saw them no more after 
 this. I was told that they had been murdered. You may, 
 perhaps, be able to imagine my feelings when I fouud myself 
 thus bereaved and destitute, in a land of strangers. My mis 
 fortunes seemed greater than I could bear, but I knew not that 
 heavier trials were in store for me. 
 
 Unable to continue my journey, I returned to El Paso, where 
 I remained till the 8th of September, when I started once more 
 for Texas, with my three brothers-in-law, in company with a 
 small ptirty, consisting of five Americans and one Mexican. Mr. 
 Hart, who owned and commanded this train, having some busi 
 ness in Texas, which required his immediate attention, travelled 
 very rapidly, and I hoped in a few days more to be in the midst 
 of my friends. 
 
 As we had seen only one Indian on the route, we flattered 
 ourselves that we should not be molested by any of the tribes 
 which infest this route. When near the borders of Texas, some 
 of our party stole three animals from Mr. Hart, and ran off. 
 Mr. Hart, anxious to overtake the thieves, started in pursuit, 
 taking with him my eldest brother-in-law, a lad some fourteen 
 years of age, leaving myself, a Mexican, and the two boys to 
 
382 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 follow as rapidly as we could. We were at this time within 
 three days' journey of a military post at Phantom Hill, and 
 were considered out of danger. A discharged soldier being 
 unable to keep up with us was some distance behind, but I saw 
 nothing of him after this. The day after Mr. Hart Jeft us, as 
 we were travelling, about noon, we saw two Camanche Indians 
 charging upon us in front, and at the same time two others were 
 seen driving up behind. We were all very much frightened, 
 and the Mexican jumped out of the wagon and went towards the 
 Indians, in order, if possible, to gain their friendship. 
 
 The mules of our wagon, four in number, becoming fright 
 ened by the war-whoop of the savages, turned out of the road, 
 and commenced running as fast as they could. One of them 
 fell down before we had gone far, and the others were then 
 obliged to stop. The Indians now came upon us, and ordered 
 the Mexican to take the mules out of the harness. While this 
 was going on, I got out of the wagon, and looked on in breath 
 less suspense. After the mules were unharnessed, the Mexican 
 was stripped of his clothing, his hands tied behind his back, and 
 ordered to sit down upon the ground. One of them went be 
 hind him and shot him with a gun, while another stabbed him 
 several times with a large butcher-knife. His scalp was cut off 
 before he was dead, and put into his own hat; the hat was then 
 worn by one of his murderers. I was stupified with horror as 
 I gazed on this spectacle, and supposed that my turn would 
 come next. But the Indians having secured the plunder of the 
 wagon, mounted us on the mules and ordered us to go with 
 them. 
 
 As I left, I looked back and saw the poor Mexican weltering 
 in his blood, and still breathing. 
 
 We took the north-east direction, and travelled slowly till 
 sunset, when we encamped. Here the plunder, consisting of 
 blankets, bedding, clothing, bridles, and some money which I 
 
NARRATIVE OF 1IRS. WILSON. 383 
 
 had in my pocket, was divided among the Indians. Some arti 
 cles considered useless were thrown into the fire. My clothing 
 was taken away, except barely enough to cover my person. In 
 the distribution of the captives, the eldest boy, about twelve 
 years of age, was claimed by the chief; I became the property 
 of one of the others. I should have mentioned that one of our 
 captors was a Mexican, who had been stolen from Chihuahua 
 when an infant. He was now as savage as the Indians, and 
 claimed the youngest boy as his prize. The scalp of the Mexi- 
 can was stretched on a stick and dried by the fire. 
 
 After giving us some meat for our supper, the Indians began 
 to secure us for the night. The boys, with their arms tied 
 tightly behind them, were taken under guard by two of the 
 savages. My feet were tied together, and I w'as obliged to lie 
 between the other two. I did not sleep any during the night, 
 for I was afraid of being killed. 
 
 The next day we resumed our journey, and travelled in the 
 same direction. The boys were mounted on good animals, and 
 had bows and arrows. Their faces were painted Indian" fashion, 
 and they looked like young savages. They appeared to enjoy 
 this new mode of life, and were never treated with excessive 
 cruelty. I was mounted on a good horse, but being obliged to 
 sit astride the animal, the journey was Exceedingly painful. 
 
 I had a fine head of hair, which I valued very much, but the 
 chief ordered it to, be cut off; I was not a little mortified in see 
 ing it decorating the heads of the heartless savages. My head 
 was thus left entirely unprotected from the intensely hot rays 
 of the sun. 
 
 Nothing of interest occurred except repeated acts of inhu 
 manity towards me, until the twelfth day of my capture. At 
 this t'me we were joined by two Indian men and a squaw. These 
 ^ere all the Indians I saw till after my escape. Up to this 
 time my suffering had been so severe as to take from me all desir* 
 
384 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 to live, but now they were greatly increased. The squaw, from 
 whom I might have expected some compassion, was evidently 
 the cause of the new cruelties which I now began to experience. 
 My horse was taken from me, and I was mounted on an un 
 broken mule without a bridle. I had a saddle, but it was worn 
 out and good for nothing except to torture me. This animal 
 would frequently top me over its head of its own accord ; but 
 not being wild enough to gratify the malice of the Indians, the 
 chief would sometimes shake the Mexican's scalp before its eyes. 
 The beast would then rear and plunge in the utmost fright, and 
 I would be thrown upon the ground with great violence. I have 
 }>een tossed from the mule's back as many as half -a dozen times 
 a day, and once I was so stunned that I lay a considerable time 
 before my senses returned. My repeated falls greatly amused 
 the Indians, whose horrid peals of laughter might have been 
 heard at a great distance. 
 
 I never saw them exhibit the first signs of pity towards me. 
 It made no difference how badly I was hurt, if I did not rise 
 immediately and mount the animal which had just thrown me, 
 they would apply their riding-whips, or gun-sticks, or the end 
 of a lariat, to nfy unprotected body with the greatest violence. 
 The squaw would also help me to rise by wounding me with 
 the point of a spear which she carried. You may understand 
 one object the Indians had in view in putting me upon this 
 wild animal and causing me to be thrown so often, when I tell 
 you I expected to become a mother in a few weeks. They under 
 stood my situation, but instead of softening^ their hearts it only 
 made them more inhuman, and subjected me to far greater 
 sufferings. ..* -, 
 
 I was obliged to work like a slave while in camp ; while ther 
 was any service to perform I was not allowed a moment's rest. 
 I was compelled to carry large loads of wood on my back, which 
 being destitute of sufficient clothing, was mangled till the blood 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON. 385 
 
 ran down to my feet. I had tc chase the animals through 
 briars and bushes, till what little clothing I had was torn into 
 ribbons. I brought the animals to camp in the morning, and 
 had to watch them till they were ready to start, and if one more 
 wild than the rest ran off, I must chase and bring him back, 
 and be knocked down by the savage chief for my want of skill. 
 When we were ready to start, I had to catch and saddle my own 
 mule without assistance. If the party did not start immediately, 
 I was compelled to pull at the lariat which the Indians would 
 fasten to a bush. They seemed to study every method of putting 
 me to death by piecemeal. 
 
 Exhausted by incessant toil and suffering, and extreme anguish 
 from my wounds, I could not work as fast as the Indians desired, 
 and often when scarcely able to stand, and hardly knowing what 
 I was doing, I have been required to do the work of the strongest 
 man. And because of my inability to accomplish my task 
 satisfactorily, I have been whipped till my flesh was raw. Large 
 stones were thrown at me. I was knocked down and stamped 
 upon by the ferocious chief, who seemed anxious to crush me 
 like a worm beneath his feet. My head sometimes fell uncler the 
 horses' feet, and then the Indians would try to make the beasts 
 kick me. After all was ready for the day's journey, I was 
 obliged to travel as fast as the others, riding sometimes over 
 rocks and through bushes, aching and sore from head to foot, 
 and exposed alike to cold and heat, sunshine and storm. 
 
 I have gone two days at a time without tasting food. The 
 Indians depended on hunting for their subsistence, and some 
 times had nothing to eat themselves unless there was an 
 abundance of food, I received little or nothing when any game 
 was killed, the Indians would tear out the heart, liver, and 
 entrails, and eat them raw. I suffered exceedingly from thirst ; 
 I was not allowed to drink, except while in camp. We fre 
 quently crossed beautiful streams through the day, and I would 
 
 33 
 
386 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 beg the privilege of dismounting to quench my thirst. But the 
 Indians would always deny my request with contempt. It was 
 in vain I pointed to my parched tongue and head blistered by 
 the rays of the sun. Nothing could soften them into pity, and 
 I ardently desired death that my torments might come to an end. 
 
 Every indignity was offered to my person which the imagi 
 nation can conceive. And I am at a loss to know how I have 
 lived through the barbarous treatment which was inflicted upon 
 me. Frequently my feelings were so outraged that I was 
 tempted to kill my inhuman masters. My indignation burned 
 particularly against the chief, and I thought if I could only cut 
 him to pieces I could die content. 
 
 We travelled every day we usually started about ten o'clock 
 in the morning, and halted about four in the afternoon. The 
 Indians were accustomed to go to the tops of the highest hills, 
 and stand there gazing in every direction. We always spent 
 the night on a hill, and were thus exposed to the cold autumn 
 winds; we slept on the ground, generally without covering. 
 When it rained the Indians made a tent of the blankets and 
 wagorf sheets they had stolen from us, but I was not allowed to 
 take shelter in it I preferred sleeping outside in the storm. 
 
 After my mule had become so gentle that I could ride it with 
 out being thrown, it was taken from me and I was obliged to 
 travel on foot. The road over which we passed was often very 
 rough and stony, and full of thorns. My feet were wounded 
 and bruised till they were covered with blood and greatly 
 swollen. But still I was obliged to keep up with the rest of 
 the party, and if I fell behind I was beaten till I was nearly 
 senseless. The Indians often urged me en by attempting to 
 ride their horses over me ; many a mile of that road is marked 
 with my blood, and many a hill there has echoed to my useless 
 cries. 
 
 I travelled thus on foot some five or six days. After the 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON. 387 
 
 party were ready to start in the morning, the direction of the 
 route was pointed out to ine, and I was' required to go before 
 the others, in order not to hinder them. They usually overtook 
 me before I travelled far. I had always intended to make my 
 escape as soon as I found an opportunity. I never expected 
 to reach any friendly settlement, but I did not wish to give the 
 Indians the pleasure of seeing me die. On the morning offthe 
 twenty-fifth day after my capture, I was sent on in advance as 
 usual. I had eaten no breakfast, and was very weak, but the 
 hope of escape now supported me. I hastened on as fast as I 
 could, and finding a suitable hiding-place, I turned aside and 
 concealed myself in the bushes. After this I saw nothing more 
 of my captors. I found afterwards by the tracks of the animals, 
 that they had searched for me ; they probably thought I would 
 die, and therefore took less trouble to find me. I have no doubt 
 the next time they pass that way they will look for my bones. 
 
 My situation was now distressing beyond all description ; I 
 was alone in an Indian country, some hundreds of miles from 
 the nearest friendly settlements. I was without food, without 
 shelter, and almost without clothing. My body was full of 
 wounds and bruises, and my feet were so swollen that I could 
 hardly stand. Wild beasts were around me, and savages more 
 wild than beasts, roamed on every hand. Winter was coming 
 on, and death in its most terrible forms stared me in the face 
 I sat down and thought of any lonely and exposed situation. 
 But I could not weep ; my heart was too full of woe. I re 
 membered? the events of the few preceding weeks. The husband 
 of my choice had been murdered, and I was not allowed the 
 melancholy privilege of closing his eyes, and seeing* his remains 
 decently interred. My little property had been stolen, and 
 when within a few days' march of sympathizing friends, I was 
 captured by savages, and after three weeks of indescribable suf 
 ferings, found myself wandering solitary and destitute in the 
 
388 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 midst of the wild prairies my cup was filled to overflowing, 
 but I resolved to live in hope, if I died in despair. 
 
 After remaining three days in the place where I first concealed 
 myself from the Indians, I went to a grove about half a mile 
 distant and built a little house of bushes and grass. Here I lived 
 nine days. My only food was the blackberries which grew on 
 the bushes around. I quenched my thirst at a spring near by. 
 My wounds pained me exceedingly, and I was wasted to a mere 
 skeleton for want of proper nourishment. It rained upon me 
 seven nights in succession, and my little house was unable to 
 protect me from the cold storms. More than once I spent a 
 sleepless night, perfectly drenched in rain ; while the wolves, 
 sometimes coming within, five steps of me, would make the 
 woods ring with their frightful howlings. They would also fol 
 low close behind me when I went to the spring during the day ; 
 I expected some time to be devoured by them ; but they are 
 great cowards, and I could easily frighten them away. 
 
 When I slept I would dream of seeing tables spread with an 
 abundance of every kind of food, but when I stretched forth my 
 hand tt) satisfy my hunger, the effort would awaken me, and I 
 would find myself weeping bitterly. 
 
 When absent from my house, on the twelfth day after my 
 escape, some New Mexican traders passed by on their way to 
 the Camanche settlements. While standing on a small hill, 
 looking after them in order to be aure they were not Indians, I 
 was discovered by some three or four of the party, who hap 
 pened to be some distance behind. They immediately came 
 towards me, and soon understood my situation. They kindly 
 offered to take me with them, and I gladly bade farewell to my 
 house in the woods. The Mexican put me upon a burro, and 
 gave me a blanket and some men's clothing, in which I dressed 
 myself very comfortably. 
 
 Two or three days after this we came in sight of a band of 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON. < 389 
 
 Camanches, and as it was not safe for me to be seen by them, 
 I was left behind in a ravine, with the promise that the Mexi 
 cans would return for me at night. As they did not fulfil their 
 promise, I started towards their camp ; about midnight, while 
 wandering among the bushes, a Camanche Indian passed within 
 twenty steps. I thought I was a captive once more, but fortu 
 nately the savage did not see me. I threw myself on the ground 
 and waited for day. In the morning I started again for the 
 camp of the Mexicans, but before I reached it, I was discovered 
 by one of the trading party who was herding the animals. This 
 man is a Puebla Indian, of San Idlefonso, and is named Juan 
 Jose. To him more than to any other man in the party, I owe 
 my present freedom. 
 
 He told me the camp was full of Camanches, and if they saw 
 me it would be impossible for the party to save me. He made 
 me lie down on the ground while he coveretTme with dried grass. 
 I lay here all day, and at night crept forth to quench my burn 
 ing thirst. Juan came and brought me some bread, and told 
 me not by any means to leave my hiding-place the next day. 
 That day lagged slowly along, and I could hear the dreaded 
 Cainanches passing and repassing and shouting to each other. 
 At night Juan returned, bringing another blanket and several 
 loaves of bread, and told me that I must remain here for several 
 days longer, as the party were obliged to go further on, and 
 could not take me unless I was willing to become a captive once 
 more. I saw the party disappear the next day, and it seemed 
 as if my hopes of rescue disappeared with them. But I resolved 
 to wait till the appointed time was up. 
 
 In a ravine near by I found a large log which had been left 
 burning ; this fire I kept alive day and -night, till the Mexicans 
 returned, and without it I should probably have been frozen 
 to death, as the weather had become very cold. I covered a 
 hoHow cotton-wood stump with bark and leaves to keep out tho 
 
#90 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 cold wind. This stump was my house during my stay here. 
 When I could endure the cold no longer, I would leave my 
 house and run to the fire, but was afraid to stay there long lest 
 the Indians should see me. The wolves soon found out my 
 place of retreat, and frequently, while I was in the stump, they 
 would come and scratch around and on its top. The blackberries 
 were very scarce here, and had it not been for the bread Juan 
 lose gave me, I do not see how I could have been kept from 
 starving to death. 
 
 The eight days passed slowly by, and I knew not whether 10 
 jive way to hope or despair. But on the eighth I heard several 
 persons calling to each other. I feared they were Indians, but 
 they belonged to the trading party, and were on their return to 
 New Mexico. They had lost the place where I was concealed, 
 and were shouting to each other to attract my attention. I 
 was so overjoyed thift I rushed towards them unmindful of 
 briars and sore feet. 
 
 Juan gave me a fine horse to ride, and the whole party treated 
 me with the utmost civility and kindness. On the thirty -fourth 
 day of our return towards New Mexico, we reached the town 
 Pecos. Here I met Major Carleton and Mrs. Adams of the 
 United States army, who took the deepest interest in my com 
 fort. Here I laid aside men's apparel, and was furnished with 
 a supply from Mrs. Adams's wardrobe. After remaining at 
 of Pecos a few days, I was conducted to Santa Fe, by the son of 
 Governor Merri wether. 
 
 To G-overnor Merriwether, and also to the American ladies 
 of this place, I cannot be too thankful for their friendly sym 
 pathies and uniform kindness. 
 
 The past seems like a horrid dream. I have related nothing 
 but the facts, and no language that I can use can fully express 
 the sufferings of mind and body which I have endured. My 
 two brothers-in-law are still captives, and unless reclaimed they 
 
NARRATIVE OF MRS. WILSON 391 
 
 will become as savage as the Indians. The Mexicans saw 
 them with the Camanches, but were unable to procure their 
 freedom. One is twelve years old, the other ten, and unless the 
 strong arm of government is lifted up for their redemption there 
 is no hope for them. 
 
RECENT INCIDENTS IN THE TEXAS AND 
 MEXICAN BORDER WARS. 
 
 SINCE the Florida, or Second Seminole War, the Indians 
 generally have been under subjection, and no outbreak of a 
 very serious character has taken place, until the last few years, 
 during which, the savages, perhaps, apprehensive of further 
 incursions upon their territories, have carried on what* might 
 be called a skirmishing warfare, and to such an extent has this 
 reached, that another Indian war, with all its horrors and bar 
 barities, threatens our extreme western possessions. The na 
 tive Indians upon our western boundaries, when the tide of 
 emigration set that way, frequently attacked the wagon-trains 
 of the settlers and miners, who crossed the plains, and many ? 
 scene of bloodshed, attended with all the peculiarities incidents 
 to savage warfare took place. Lately the murders, and the 
 incursions of these denizens of the forest became so frequent, 
 that it was deemed necessary, in order to check their advances, 
 to send a body of troops against them. This was accordingly 
 done, and a respectable force has recently been ordered into the 
 disturbed district. 
 
 In the autumn of 1852, accounts were received that several 
 
 powerful bands of Camanches and Mescaleros had removed to 
 
 the country between the Rio Grande and Bolson de Mapimi, and 
 
 that they occasionally sent out war parties. If some of the 
 
 (392) 
 
* SKIRMISHES WITH THE INDIANS. d9o 
 
 statements are to be believed, these Indians could then muster 
 upwards of two thousand warriors. They have destroyed several 
 flourishing settlements, and in some instances ventured directly 
 into the streets of large towns, and carried away property of 
 immense value. 
 
 On the 3d of October, 1853, a party of soldiers under the 
 command of Lieutenant Able George, who had been dispatched 
 by General Lane, from Jacksonville, for the purpose of protect 
 ing the emigrants, had a skirmish with some Indians, and suc 
 ceeded in dispersing them. Several actions of minor importance 
 occurred between the whites and the Indians, although it was 
 not until 1854, that th^ Indians began to be troublesome, and 
 to render the presence of any large body of troops necessary for 
 the preservation of the lives and property of the settlers among 
 the western wilds. 
 
 In April, a fight took place between the Indians and the 
 United States dragoons, under General Garland, whose official 
 account we give. 
 
 After the fight between Lieutenant Bell and Lobo's party, 
 the Indians crossed the mountains and showed themselves on 
 the road between Taos and Santa Fe. On the evening of the 
 20th ult. Major Blake, commanding at Cantonment Burgwinc, 
 ordered Lieutenant John W. Davidson, with sixty men of com 
 panies " F" and " I," first regiment of United States dragoons, 
 to make a scout in search of the enemy. He left the canton 
 ment the same evening, accompanied by Assistant- Surgeon D. 
 L. Magruder. The next morning, Lieutenant Davidson, with 
 his. command, came upon a party of Apaches, supposed to num 
 ber two hundred warriors, at the foot of the north slope of the 
 mountains, and not far from the small Mexican village of Ciene- 
 guilla. When the troops appeared in sight, the Indians imme 
 diately raised their war-whoop, and manifested a disposition to 
 make an attack. 
 
394 iNDlAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 The camp of the Apaches was situated upon a mountain ridge, 
 and in a position naturally strong and difficult of access. Lieu 
 tenant Davidson saw that an action could njt be avoided, and 
 therefore made the necessary preparations for battle. He dis 
 mounted his men, and with a small guard to protect and hold 
 them, placed his horses a little ways in the rear. With the 
 balance of his command, not more than fifty strong, he made an 
 attack upon the camp of the Indians. The soldiers charged 
 bravely up the ridge and carried the position of the Apaches 
 who were forced to retreat. They rallied, however, almost im 
 mediately, and attacked the troops at close quarters with great 
 desperation; they were several times repulsed, and upon each 
 occasion seven in number rallied again to the charge, in every 
 instance exhibiting the utmost determination and bravery. The 
 troops maintained this unequal contest for nearly three hours, 
 when they were forced to give way and retreat, which they 
 succeeded in doing, and reached Taos the same afternoon with 
 their wounded. 
 
 The loss on the part of the troops was very severe. The 
 official report shows twenty-two killed upon the field, twenty- 
 three wounded, several of them badly ; and upwards of forty- 
 five horses killed and lost in the action. Of the Indians it is 
 not known how many were killed ; but Lieutenant Davidson 
 judges they must have lost at least fifty or sixty. On the ar 
 rival of the troops at Taos, Major Blake immediately started for 
 the scene of action, to bring in the dead bodies, and took with 
 him twenty soldiers, all he could mount, a few Mexicans and 
 Americans, and a small party of Puebla Indians. They suc 
 ceeded in recovering the bodies of those killed, which they took 
 to Taos, and had them interred. 
 
 This is one of the severest battles that ever took place be 
 tween the American troops and the Apaches, and our loss much 
 greener in proportion to the numbers engaged. The Apaches 
 
PURSUIT OF THE APACHES. 395 
 
 fought w.ith a bravery almost unprecedented, and we are well 
 convinced that nothing but the stubborn valor of Lieutenant 
 Davidson and his men saved the command from entire destruc 
 tion. The troops had greatly the disadvantage. The Indians 
 selected their own position, on a rugged mountain ridge, and 
 the dragoons had to charge up a steep slope to reach them. The 
 latter were encumbered with their horses, which it required 
 nearly a fourth part of the command to take care of, and the 
 valley in which the troops were at the time of the attack was so 
 filled with large boulders as to render the movement of the 
 horses almost impossible. Lieutenant Davidson and Dr. Ma- 
 gruder were both slightly wounded. 
 
 Since the fight at Cieneguilla, the Indians have retreated to 
 the west side of the Rio del Norte, and are now hotly pursued 
 by Colonel Cooke, with nearly two hundred dragoons and a spy 
 company of citizens and Puebla Indians, under the command of 
 Mr. James Quinn, of Taos. The troops are on their trail, which 
 leads among the mountains to the north j and as the Indians 
 are encumbered with their women and children, and are reported 
 in low spirits, we think there is some chance of their being 
 overtaken. 
 
 General Garland has taken prompt and vigorous means to 
 bring the war to a speedy and successful termination. A large 
 number of troops, under the command of gallant and experienced 
 officers, have been ordered to the north, and are now in rapid 
 pursuit of the enemy. We cannot conclude this article without 
 signifying our approbation of the gallant conduct of Lieutenant 
 Davidson and Dr. Magruder, and to whose bravery and good 
 conduct is justly attributed the safe retreat of the survivors of 
 the command. If brevets were ever earned, they were upon 
 this occasion. 
 
 On the 8th of May, Colonel Cooke, with about two hundred 
 men, came upon a party of Apaches, at a place called Agua Ca 
 
396 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 liente Creek. The Indians took post in a strong and almost 
 inaccessible mountain position; but the troops bravely charged 
 them, drove them from it, and pursued them a mile and a half, 
 fording a difficult stream, passing over a broken country, and 
 keeping up a running fight. A good deal of plunder fell into 
 the hands of the Americans. The Indians left six of their 
 number upon the field, while the loss of the whites was one man 
 killed and one wounded. Colonel Cooke pursued the Indians 
 for some distance, and so hard were they pressed, that they were 
 often obliged to separate into small parties in orde.r to save 
 themselves. 
 
 Many were the stories of the murders and other depredations 
 of the Indians, circulated about this time, and although doubt 
 less somewhat exaggerated, they were of a character to rendei 
 the inhabitants of the thinly populated district of New Mexico/ 
 careful and watchful, not knowing whether they would not be 
 the next subjects for the tomahawk and scalping-knife. The 
 mail-coaches were stopped, the bags rifled of their contents, the 
 horses stolen, and the drivers in many instances murdered. An 
 amusing incident is related in a letter from Santa Fe, to this 
 effect : the May mail, going east, was attacked by the Indians, 
 and all their animals stolen. They afterwards promised to re 
 turn thejn upon condition that the mail men would cook them 
 a good dinner, which was complied with and the animals were 
 returned. Fancy the Red Men sitting around, and the Ame 
 ricans cooking dinner for them. The Indians, no doubt, enjoyed 
 it finely. 
 
 We extract from a paper of that period, an account of the 
 last fight and death of Lieutenant Maxwell, a very promising 
 and gallant young officer. 
 
 For the last few months a severe and deadly war has been 
 waged between the troops in this territory and a warlike though 
 diminished tribe of Indians, called the Tarcarella Apaches. ID 
 
 
PURSUIT OF THE APACflES. 397 
 
 one battle we lost two killed and four wounded ; in another 
 twenty-two killed and twenty-three wounded. But, however 
 severe those battles were, (St. Belles and Danson's) no officer 
 had fallen. And now to speak of the last fight, which occurred 
 on the 30th June, 1854, and in which our little army has lost a 
 young and promising officer namely, J. E. Maxwell, son of 
 Mrs. Maxwell, of Athens, Georgia. 
 
 Lieutenant Maxwell graduated from the Military Academy 
 in 1850, and has served honorably and faithfully as a brevet 
 and second lieutenant in the third regiment of infantry, ever 
 since in this country. In the fight which Lieutenant Bell had 
 with the Apaches, Lieutenant Maxwell, although it was the first 
 time he had been under fire, conducted himself most gallantly, 
 as a man and a Georgian. In another skirmish with the same 
 Indians, being adjutant of the commanding officer, he ran the 
 gauntlet wiftl the coolness of a vpteran ; yet he was to the last 
 degree unassuming. 
 
 On the morning of the 29th of June, Brevet Captain Sykes 
 and Lieutenant Maxwell, with about, sixty dragoons, (there 
 being no dragoon officers on duty at the post,) started in pur 
 suit of the party of Apaches, whose trail had been seen the day 
 before, a short distance from the post. After a hard and vigorous 
 trail ; the command came in sight of the savages, early on the 
 morning of the 30th. Captain Sykes sent Lieutenant Maxwell, 
 with twenty dragoons, up a precipitate "mesa/' or small moun 
 tain, to cut off the retreat of a band of about twenty Indians, 
 who were attempting to gain difficult and almost impregnable 
 passes of the mountains. Lieutenant Maxwell being well 
 mounted, charged at the head of his men, to cut off the enemy 
 ere they could pass a certain point above him. Unfortunately, 
 possibly from being better mounted, himself, one sergeant, and 
 two men arrived at the summit of the mesa, some few momcwts 
 ere the rest of his troops had closed up. As soon as Lieutenant 
 
 34 
 
398 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 Maxwell, who was ahead, with the three men, arrived at the 
 above place, the Indians showed themselves above, and com 
 menced a deadly discharge of arrows. 
 
 Lieutenant Maxwell, with revolver in hand, emptied it with 
 deadly effect ; but ere he had done so, he had received an arrow 
 completely through his body. He drew his sabre, and in doing 
 so his bridle arm received another arrow, which passed through 
 and glanced against his left breast. He still used his sabre, 
 and when he received his last shot, he was in the act of sabring 
 an Indian ; but in that act, while his head was bowed to his 
 horse's mane, he fell and fell like a knight of old, in his har 
 ness his sword grasped in his hand, and a smile upon his face. 
 The Indians fled. Then came the troops thundering up the 
 hill but too late, alas ! for poor young Maxwell had fallen ! 
 And as Captain Sykes saw him, with upturned face, lying stark 
 dead, whom but a moment since he viewed in t$Pe prime and 
 bloom of manhood, he bowed his head and wept, as none but a 
 warrior can. 
 
 Lieutenant Maxwell was buried at his post, with military 
 honors ; and around his lonely grave were heard sobs and were 
 seen tears adown weather-beaten visages, where tears were stran 
 gers. He died without an enemy. He died as a soldigr should, 
 and lies wrapped in his martial shroud, as a soldier's due. 
 
 During the remainder of the year, 1854, nothing of any great 
 importance transpired ; and hopes were entertained that the 
 war had closed, and that there would be a disposition on the 
 part of the savages to listen to terms. These hopes, however, 
 were not realized. Some idea may be formed of the position 
 of affairs at the beginning of the year 1855, from the following 
 account taken from the leading paper published in New Mexico. 
 
 With the opening of the new year, a strong current of sue* 
 cess set in in our favor, and in all our encounters with the In 
 dians the troops have been successful. In the first instance, 
 
 
DEFEAT OF THE APACHES. 399 
 
 the gallant affair of Lieutenant Sturgis, in pursuit of the party 
 who committed depredations at Galisteo, had a very beneficial 
 effect upon these Indians, and taught them a severe lesson. 
 They lost several men, and had taken from them all the animals 
 which they had stolen at Galisteo. In the -same month, 
 General Garland sent an expedition under Captain Ewell, into 
 the Mescalero country, which penetrated into the very heart of 
 the tribe, and surprised them in their stronghold. The Indiana 
 turned out in force, and fought the troops, but they were prac 
 tically whipped,*"with the loss of some twenty warriors, two of 
 whom were chiefs. The result of the expedition was highly 
 successful, and every thing was accomplished that could have 
 been expected. The third check and severe lesson they received 
 was upon the grazing camp of Captain Ewell. Fifteen Indians, 
 in the middle of the night, fell upon three dragoons, asleep in 
 their tents, and the latter, after a severe fight, succeeding in 
 defeating and driving them off, with the loss of four or five 
 wounded, three of whom, we learn have since died. 
 
 Immediately after this affair, the Indians came in and begged 
 lor peace. In these and all other encounters with the savage?, 
 the officers and men of our army have behaved themselves in 
 the handsomest manner. The commanding general has con 
 ducted his military operations with great energy, and deserves 
 credit for the efforts he has made to afford protection to all our 
 frontiers. If the Superintendant of Indian Affairs had the re 
 quisite instructions, he would immediately proceed to hold a 
 treaty with the Mescaleros, and thus have them secured from 
 further trouble ; but at present his hands are tied, and he can 
 do nothing. 
 
 The condition of the other- Indians has not changed. The 
 Navajoes are at peace, and are quietly awaiting the proposed 
 treaty with them. The Utahs and Jicarillas are still hostile, 
 and seem not disposed to make terms until they are well chas- 
 
400 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tised. An expedition of nearly six hundred men is now in their 
 country, and we may shortly expect to hear of active hostilities 
 between them and our troops. We have not heard of the Gila 
 Apaches committing any depredations, since they were guilty 
 of the ungenerous act of stealing the horse of their own agent. 
 At present such is our relation with the Indians of the territory. 
 
 On the 19th of March, 1855, Colonel Fauntlerqy, with two 
 companies, met a number of Apaches and Utahs, well anued 
 and mounted in the Chow-atch pass ; and in vhe running engage 
 ment which followed, killed five Utahs. The^r came up with 
 the Apaches on the next day, who retreated, leaving seven of 
 their number dead. The Americans did not lose a single man, 
 either in killed or wounded. 
 
 Captain Ewell, and Lieutenants Moore and H. B. Davidson, 
 left Los Lunas in command of eighty dragoons, the latter end 
 of December, for a scout into the south-eastern section of the 
 territory, where these Indians have their range. The troops 
 were accompanied by Dr. Kennon, a citizen, as surgeon, and 
 were joined at Antonchico by Mr. Gleason, as guide. They 
 struck the Pecos, down which stream they marched nearly three 
 hundred miles, and on the 17th of January, they encamped on 
 the Penasco, a fine stream running east from the Sacramento 
 mount. Here they were joined by eighty dragoons and infantry 
 under command of Captain Stan ton, and Lieutenants Daniel 
 and Walker, from Fort Fillmore. Thus far no Indians had 
 been seen, but in the night they set fire to the grass around the 
 camp, and opened a brisk fire of balls and arrows, apparently 
 aiming at the only two tents there were in the command. 
 
 The next morning, the Indians appeared in considerable 
 numbers on the surrounding hills, and commenced an attack. 
 The column moved on, fighting as they went, and hastened tu 
 reach the Indian camp in time to find their families " at home." 
 The ground was rolling and much cut up by the deep ravines. 
 
 
DEATH OF CAPTAIN STANTON. 401 
 
 which enabled the Indians to approach within a few yards of 
 the column and fire upon them, and the trail was narrow and 
 difficult to follow. The front and flank were kept clear by 
 skirmishers ; and officers and men used every exertion to get at 
 the enemy, it being required to check the men, and keep them 
 from unnecessary exposure. Mr. G-leason was always conspic 
 uous and among the foremost in the fight. These skirmishers 
 were at different times under Lieutenants Daniel and Moore ; 
 the latter charging at the head of some mounted men, but the 
 horses were too much worn out to accomplish a great deal. Some 
 times the Indians came within arrow-range of the column ', and 
 it one time a large fellow stopped alone on the trail, until 'the 
 troops approached within range, when he deliberately- fired, but 
 was instantly picked off by a skirmisher, a sergeant. About the 
 time this man fell, the Indians, on a hill near by, raised a ter 
 rible wailing, and it is supposed he was a chief. A Mexican, 
 from Mr. Beck's ranche, named Jose Martinez, claims to have 
 killed Santa Anna, the Big Chief, and recent reports from the 
 Mescaleros confirms his death. The fight was continued until 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, when the Indians retreated, hav 
 ing suffered considerable loss. 
 
 This afternoon, the column found the Indian camp, of three 
 hundred lodges, on the banks of the Penasco, where they had 
 collected in large numbers to have a grand feast on stolen cattle. 
 A few oxen and some ponies were found ; the rest had been 
 eaten. During the fight, Captain Stanton, of the 1st dragoons, 
 and two men were killed. He charged a body of Indians, and, 
 led away by the ardor of pursuit, became separated from his 
 men, and, on his return,' was attacked by large numbers from 
 behind trees and rocks, and unfortunately killed. He fought 
 with desperation, as two ponies were left dead, and one ran into 
 camp without a rider. The Indians were pursued one day be 
 yond the sources of the Sacramento mountains, when they scat- 
 
 34* 
 
402 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tered and fled in different directions, and the guides could no 
 longer trail them. The troops started back the 20th of January, 
 and Captain Ewell reached Los Lunas in eighteen days, the 
 horses being so completely broken down that the men had to 
 march on foot. The loss of- .the Indians was from fifteen to 
 twenty. The country in which the fight took place was entirely 
 new, never having been visited before, and is represented as a 
 pleasant and well-watered region. 
 
 In September, 1855, G-eneral Harney gained a complete vic 
 tory, over the Sioux Indians. It struck terror into the whole 
 of the savage tribes occupying that extended section of the 
 country. 
 
 In the early part of August, General Harney's command left 
 Fort Leavens worth, and arrived at Ash Hollow on the 2d of 
 September, at which point the general ascertained that a band 
 of forty or fifty Brule lodges were encamped on the Blue Water 
 tJreek, a fine tributary of the North Platte, about six miles from 
 Ash Hollow. 
 
 The general at once determined to attack the camp early on 
 the morning of the 3d, and in order to be more sure of his 
 game, he dispatched the principal portion of his mounted force 
 at three o'clock in the afternoon, to gain a position in the rear 
 of the Indians a movement which had to be made in the dark 
 of course, and over an exceedingly rugged country. It was, 
 however, eminently successful, being effected without rousing 
 the suspicion of the Indians. 
 
 General Harney left his camp about four or five o'clock in 
 the morning, with the infantry portion of his command, merely 
 leaving a sufficient force to guard the train, which remained at 
 Ash Hollow during the operations. He moved directly upon 
 the first Indian village, (for it afterwards turned out that there 
 were two,) but before he could reach it, the lodges were al] 
 struck and their occupants in rapid retreat up the valley of *ho 
 
HARNEY DEFEATS THE BRULE SIOUX. 403 
 
 Blue Water. This, however, was just what was expected and 
 desired, for if the cavalry gained the position designed it, the 
 Indians would be brought to a stand andjbe compelled to fight. 
 
 They finally halted and took up a position on the bluffs, which 
 skirted the banks of the stream, within a few hundred yards of 
 our cavalry, which had concealed themselves so adroitly, that 
 the general himself doubted very much whether they had suc 
 ceeded in gaining the point assigned them. It was for this rea 
 son that in a parley which here ensued between General Harney 
 and the Brule chief, "Little Thunder," the general's principal 
 object was to amuse the Indians until he became satisfied of the 
 presence of the cavalry. 
 
 At last it became pretty obvious, from the commotion among 
 the Indians, that something had been observed by them that 
 made them very uneasy ; so the general at once cut short the 
 parley, and opened the ball to the music of the Minie rifle from 
 the skirmishers of the sixth infantry. The bluffs were scaled 
 by these in an incredibly short space of time and cleared of the 
 Indians, who had scarcely left their stronghold before they 
 found themselves intercepted by the cavalry and placed between 
 two fires. 
 
 The affair had by this time become exceedingly lively. The 
 Indians plunged down the bluffs with their light, sure-footed 
 ponies, and darted off through the only avenue not closed against 
 them, being pursued in most gallant style by the mounted troops, 
 who followed four or five miles, sabring and shooting a large 
 number of them on the way. 
 
 It is quite impossible, owing to the extent and nature of the 
 country covered by the two parties, to ascertain precisely the 
 loss of the Indians in killed and wounded ; but from observa 
 tions subsequently made on the ground of principal combat, the 
 number killed cannot fall very short of sixty or seventy. About 
 fifty women and children were captured, and some sixty ponies 
 
404 INDIAN NARRAlfVES. 
 
 and mules taken. As for lodges, buffalo meat, robes, camp fur- 
 niture of various descriptions, the end has not been seen yet, 
 although a number of wagons have been employed in bringing 
 this booty into the camp. 
 
 The entire loss sustained by the command was four men killed, 
 three dangerously wounded, one slightly, and one missing, sup 
 posed to have been killed or captured. 
 
 On the 1st of September, news was received that Major 
 Neighbors, the supervising Indian agent for Texas, had con 
 cluded a treaty with the Anadahka, Waco, Toncahua, Camanche, 
 Tahwaccaro, and Caddo Indians, which was intended as supple 
 mental to the treaty of May 15th, 1846. The Indians agreed 
 to abandon their roving or hunting life, and to settle on the 
 reservations set apart by the Texas legislature ; to adopt laws 
 and police regulations ; not to leave the reservation without the 
 consent of the agent, under penalty of forfeiting all rights as 
 settlers under the treaty ; to break off all communication with 
 bands of Indians outside the reservation, who refuse to settle 
 down, unless by consent of the agent. The United States go 
 vernment to protect them, feed them, furnish them with farmers, 
 and to take all the steps necessary to aid them in adopting a 
 civilized life. 
 
 The Lipans, a band of roving Indians, were not included in 
 this treaty. They are west of the Rio Grande, and regularly 
 enrolled as Indians of Mexico. Three companies of mounted 
 riiemen, have been ordered to this part of the frontiers, under 
 the command of General Smith. 
 
 In the meantime, Captain Calahan, had been authorized by 
 Governor Pease, to cross the Rio Grande, and hunt these Lipans, 
 in Mexico, and put a stop to their devastations if possible. The 
 captain, with one hundred and eleven men, encountered the 
 enemy at Eagle Pass, on the 2d of October, 1855, and we givo 
 bis own account of the ba^:le. 
 
 
CAPTAIN CALAHAN'S EXPEDITION. 405 
 
 At n#on we encamped on a small stream ten miles west of 
 Jie Rio Grande, where we refreshed ourselves and horses. Up 
 to this time the Mexican authorities and citizens had shown us 
 much kindness, and evinced their good wishes as to the success 
 of the expedition, and many even volunteered to enlist under 
 me, but none were received. 
 
 After resting an hour or two, we marched off towards San 
 Fernando, beyond which were the Indian camps. Having pro 
 ceeded some ten miles along the highway to the city, over a 
 widely extended prairie, about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
 while marching leisurely along, we descried three horsemen 
 approaching us from a mot of timber, about a mile to the north 
 ward. At first these men were not noticed ; we supposed them 
 to be Mexican herdmen but on their approaching within 
 two hundred yards of us, we discovered them to be Indian chiefs, 
 ready dressed and painted for battle ; and they were trying to 
 decoy us from our position. 
 
 Forming my men in a line along the road, I waited for the 
 enemy to begin the battle ; for by this time large numbers had 
 emerged from the timber, seemingly with the intention of at 
 tacking us j they soon spread out in front of us, and to our 
 right ancUleft, to the amount of several hundred horsemen, and 
 commenced to fire on us. About this time one of our men 
 fired on a chief, about two hundred yards distant, ana broke a 
 leg of his horse. Perceiving that the enemy, composed of both 
 Indians and Mexicans, were trying to outflank us, I ordered my 
 men to charge, which was executed in fine style, and thirty of 
 the enemy were slain. 
 
 While making our cffirge the left flank of the enemy, which 
 extended for nearly half a mile, came in our rear and opened on 
 us a very severe fire, during which four of our gallant men were 
 killed. The front and right flank, on which we charged, after 
 a gallant fire, fled before us, leaving us in possession of the posi 
 
406 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 tion which it was our object and determination to gain. * Then 
 we discovered that our enemy numbered some six or seven hun- 
 dred, as all their footmen were concealed in the timber, and had 
 not advanced in view on the prairie. 
 
 My men formed in a strong position beneath the bank of a 
 small creek, on which the enemy had been encamped, and their 
 whole force coming up against us, we continued the battle for 
 about three hours, when they fled in the direction of San Fer 
 nando, leaving sonie eighty-five killed, and with the loss of 
 one hundred wounded. This we learned from some Mexicans, 
 who were engaged in the battle, and from other sources, since 
 my report to his excellency, the Hon. E. M. Pease. 
 
 The same Mexicans have also informed me that the actual 
 number of our enemy was seven hundred and fifty men. After 
 the retreat of the enemy, which was about dark, we, supposing 
 that they would come on us again before day with large rein 
 forcements, fell back to the Rio Grande, where we would be 
 safe from any number .of men and any quantity of artillery they 
 might bring against us. 
 
 Approaching the town of Piedras Negras about sunrise, we 
 took possession of it, and now occupy a position opposite Eagle 
 Pass, on the west bank of the Rio Grande. * 
 
 Captain Calahan, in this engagement, lost five men killed and 
 two wounded. 
 
 The Indian War in Oregon, in the meantime is assuming a 
 threatening aspect. All the Indian tribes in that region, with 
 but few exceptions, are in arms against the United States, anfl 
 murders are very frequent. But a small force has as -yet been 
 sent against them, yet active preparations are in progress by 
 which we hope to see the savages submissive to the rule of the 
 whites, and engaging quietly in the pursuits common to civilized 
 life. In October, 1855, information was received that an In 
 dian war was in progress, in Rogue River Valley, caused by the 
 
INDIAN WAR IN OREGON. 407 
 
 murder of several packers, teamsters, &c., on the different routes 
 near the Oregon boundary line. The military, at Fort Lane, 
 seemed powerless to restrain or punish the marauders, and the 
 population forced to rise for their own protection. A company 
 of volunteers, consisting of one hundred and twenty-five men, 
 was formed, and started on the 7th, for the scene of hostilities, 
 under the command of Major Lupton, and Captain Williams. 
 They encountered the Indians near the Rancherias, and an 
 engagement ensued, which ended in the total defeat of the In 
 dians, who left forty of their number dead upon the ground. 
 Of the volunteers, twelve were wounded, one of whom, Major 
 Lupton, died the same night. The Indians committed many 
 depredations, in their flight. They burnt the house of a Mr. 
 Jones, killing him, and mortally wounding his wife. 
 
 An account received about the same time, stated that Major 
 Haller, with a body of troops under his command, had been 
 completely surrounded by the Indians, at a point about twenty- 
 five miles from, the Dalles. He occupied a position upon a hill, 
 with ravines and brush around him, from which the Indians 
 were constantly firing upon his devoted band. They were in a 
 complete state of siege, and had been for forty-eight hours without 
 water. Major Haller, managed to send a messenger to Dalles 
 in the night, who arrived safely, and reported the condition of 
 affairs, and that at least one thousand men would be necessary to 
 dislodge the enemy. Lieutenant Day with one hundred and 
 fifty men immediately marched to his relief, and measures were 
 taken to raise the required number of soldiers. 
 
 There still remains much doubt about the extent of the hos 
 tile feeling among the Indians. In a letter from General Palmer, 
 it is stated that the chief of the Wacos reports that proposals 
 have been made to all the tribes east of the Cascades to unite 
 in a general war for exterminating the whites, but that many 
 refuse to enter an alliance to fight the Americans. And yet 
 
408 INDIAN NARRATIVES. 
 
 among nearly all the tribes are found some restless spirits ready 
 to join in a general war. The Yakinias seem well united in a 
 feeling of hostility. The Clikitats are divided. All sorts of 
 Indian tales of wrongs are reported to inaace a war spirit, and 
 threats of hostility made against such tribes as will not join the 
 Yakinias. Those best acquainted with the Indian character are 
 disposed to think that disaffection has been so widely diffused 
 that one flush of victory on the part of the Indians in a contest 
 with the United States troops would induce nearly all the tribes 
 to unite in a general war. Hence much anxiety is now felt in 
 the result of Haller's expedition against them. We are satis 
 fied that unless the Indians have greatly the advantage in posi 
 tion, his troops will be enabled to route the Yakimas. We re 
 gret, however, that his command had not been increased 'to about 
 two hundred and fifty men, half of whom should have been 
 mounted. He then would have been able to make a demon 
 stration so formidable as to have appalled the Indians in the 
 first attack, and followed them so closely and effectually that 
 they would gladly have yielded all hopes of success against the 
 whites.