DA 
 
 396 
 
 B 
 
 

 ..." 
 
 OF THE 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 
A 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 CONCERNING 
 
 Unlimited Submiffion I 
 
 AND 
 
 Non-Refiftance I 
 
 TO THE 
 
 HIGHER POWERS: 
 
 With fome REFLECTIONS on the RESISTANCE made to 
 
 King CHARLES I. J 
 
 AND ON THE 
 
 Anniverfary of his Death : 
 
 In which the MYSTERIOUS Do&rine of that Prince's 
 Saintfhip and Martyrdom is UNRIDDLED : 
 
 The Subftance of which was delivered inaSERMON preached in 
 the Weft Meeting-Houfe in Bofton the LORD'S- DAY after the 
 3Oth of January, 1749 1 5- 
 
 Publijhed at the Requfft of the Hearers. 
 
 By JONATHAN [MAYHEW, A. M. 
 
 Paftor of Ihe Weft" Church in Bofion. 
 
 Fear GOD, honor the King. Saint PAUL. 
 
 He that ruleth ' over Men, muft be juft, ruling in the Fear of GOD. 
 
 Prophet SAMUEL. 
 
 1 have faid, ye are Gods hut ye Jhall die like Men, and fall like 
 one of the PRINCES. King DAVID. 
 
 Quid memorem infandas caedes ? quid fada TYRANNJ 
 Effera ? Dii CAPITI ipfius GENERIQUE refervent 
 Necnon Threicius longa cum vefle SACERDOS 
 Obloquitur R om . Vat. Priir. 
 
 BOSTON, Printed and Sold by D. FOWLE in Queen- ftreet ; 
 and by D. GOOKIN over-againft the South-Meeting- Houfe. i7S* 
 
P R E F A C 
 
 CT^H E enfuing difcourfe is the lafl of three upon the 
 
 JL fame fuljeft, with feme little alterations and addi 
 
 tions. It is hoped that but few will think the 
 
 fubjeft of it an improper one to be difcourfed on in the 
 
 pulpit, under a notion that this is preaching politics, inftead 
 
 of CHRIST. However, to remove all prejudices cf this 
 
 fort, I beg it may be remembred, that " all fcripture is 
 
 profitable for do5trine,for reproof, for CORRECTION Jor 
 
 inftrufiion in right eoufnefs" * Why, then,JJoould not thofe 
 
 parts of fcripture which relate to civil government, be ex 
 
 amined and explained from the dejk, as well as others ? Obe 
 
 dience to the civil magistrate is a chri&ian duty : and if 
 
 fo, whyjhould not the nature, grounds and extent of it be 
 
 conftdered in a Christian ajfembly ? Eefides, if it be faid, that 
 
 it is out of character for a chriflian mini ft er to meddle with 
 
 fuch a fubjeft, this cenfure will at laft fall upon the holy 
 
 apoftles. They write upon it in their epislles to chrlfiian 
 
 churches : And furely it cannot be deemed either criminal or 
 
 impertinent, to attempt an explanation of their doftrine. 
 
 If was the near approach of the Thirtieth of January, 
 that turned my thoughts to this fubjeft : on which folemnity 
 the flavifh doftrins of pajjive obedience and non-rejiftance^ 
 
 * Z Pet. iii. 1 6, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 is often warmly averted -, and the diff enters from the efta- 
 blijhed church, reprefented, not only as feifmatics, (with more 
 of triumph than of truth, and of choler than Christianity) 
 but alfo as perfons of /editions, traiterous and rebellious 
 principles GOD be thanked one may^ in any part of the 
 britifli dominions, fpeak freely (if a decent regard be paid 
 to thofe in authority) both of government and religion ; and 
 even give feme broad hints, that he is engaged on the fide 
 ef Liberty, the BIBLE and Common Senfe, in oppofition 
 to Tyranny, PRIEST-CRAFT and Non-fenfe, without being 
 in danger either of the baftile or the inquifuion : 'Though 
 there will always be fome interejied politicians, contracted 
 bigots, and hypocritical zealots for a parly, to take offence 
 at fuch freedoms. Their cenjure is praife : Their praife 
 is infamy A fpirit of domination is always to be guarded 
 again/I both in church and ft ate, even in times of the greatefl 
 fecurity ; fuch as the prefent is amongft US -, at leajl as 
 to the latter. Thofe nations who are now groaning under 
 the iron fcepter of tyranny, were once free. So they might ^ 
 probably, have remained, by a feafonable precaution againfl 
 defpotic meafures. Civil tyranny is ufually fmall in its be 
 ginning, like " the drop of a bucket," * /;'// at length y 
 like a mighty torrent, or the raging waves of the fea, it 
 tears down all before it, and deluges whole countries and 
 empires. Thus it is as to ecclejiajlical tyranny alfo, the 
 wosJ cruel, intolerable and impious, of any. From fmall 
 beginnings, " // exalts itfelf above all that is called GOD 
 *' and that is worjhipped" f People have no fecurity 
 
 * Ifai. xi. 15. f 2 Thef. ii. 4; 
 
 againft 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 againSt being unmercifully prieft-ridden, but by keeping all 
 imperious BISHOPS, and other CLERGTMEN who love 
 to " lord it over God's heritage" from getting their foot 
 into the ftirrup at all. Let them be once fairly mounted, 
 and their " bsajls, the laiety," 4. may prance and flounce 
 about to no purpofe : And they will, at length, be fo jaded 
 and hack'd by thefe reverend jockies, that they will not 
 even have fpirits enough to complain, that their backs are 
 galled ; or, like Balaam' s afs, to " rebuke the madnefs 
 ^ of the prophet." \\ 
 
 " THE mysJery of iniquity began to work" f even 
 in the days of fome of the apo files. But the kingdom of 
 Antichrift was then, in one refpeft, like the kingdom of 
 heaven, however different in all others. // was " as a 
 " grain of muftard-/eed. " * <Tbis grain was fown, in 
 Italy, that fruitful field : And though it were " the leaft 
 " of all feeds," it foon became a mighty tree. It has, 
 long fence, overfpread and darkned the greatejl part of 
 Chriftendom, fo that we may apply to it what is faid of 
 the tree which Nebuchadnezzar faw in his vifien " The 
 " height thereof reacheth unto heaven, and the fight thereof 
 * c to tie end of all the earth And THE BEASTS OF 
 * c THE FIELD have Jhadow under it." Tyranny brings 
 ignorance and brutality along with it. It degrades men 
 from their juft rank, into the clafs of brutes. It damps their 
 fpirits. It fuppreffes arts. It extinguijhes every fpark of 
 noble ardor and generofity in the breafts of thofe who are 
 en/laved by it. It makes naturally-ftrong and great minds, 
 
 4- Mr. LcJRe. \\ 2 Pet. ii. 16. f 2 Thef. ii 7. * Mat. xin. 31. 
 
 feebh 
 
P R E F A C E. 
 
 feeble and little ; and triumphs over the ruins of virtue 
 and humanity. This is true of tyranny in every Jhape- 
 There can be nothing great and good, where its influence 
 reaches. For which reafon it becomes every friend to truth 
 and human kind ; every lover of God and the chriftian 
 religion, to bear a part in oppojing this hateful monjler. It 
 was a defire to contribute a mite towards carrying on a war 
 againft this common enemy , that produced the following dif- 
 courfe. And if ii ferve in any meafure, to keep up a fpirit 
 of civil and religious liberty amongfl us, my end is anr 
 fwered. There are virtuous and candid men in all fetls ; 
 all fuch are to be efleemed : There are alfo vicious men 
 and bigots in all Jefts ; and all fuch ought to be defpifed. 
 
 W.Xft #'liSP^Pp|^pBp-^^ - - .-inyl 
 
 " To virtue only and her friends, a friend ; 
 
 " The world befide may murmur or commend. 
 
 " Know, all the diftant din that world can keep 
 
 " Rolls o'er my grotto, and but fooths my deep. 55 
 
 ii'i ^,5? v T , '. J':M uVvJ\?? 
 
 ^u 
 
 ,aa-'aui ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 Jonathan May hew. 
 
 v J 
 
Concerning Unlimited Submifllon 
 and Non-Reliftance to the 
 
 Higher Powers. 
 
 ROM. XIII. i. 8. 
 
 .. 
 
 1. Let every foul be fubjeft unto the higher powers. For there is 
 no power but of God : the powers that be, are ordained of God. 
 
 2. Whofoever therefore refiftetb the power, rejtftetb the ordinance of 
 God : and they that refift, Jhall receive to themf elves damnation. 
 
 3. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. 
 Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is 
 good, and thou Jhalt have praife of the fame : 
 
 4. For he is the minifer of God to thee for good. But if thou 
 do that which is evil, be afraid-, for he btaretb not the fword 
 in vain : for he is the minifter of God, a revenger to execute 
 wrath upon him that doth evil. 
 
 5. Wherefore ye mufl needs be fubjeft, not only for wrath 9 but 
 alfo for conference fake. 
 
 6. For, for this caufe pay you tribute al/o : for they are God's 
 tnlniflers, attending continually upon this very thing. 
 
 7. Render therefore to all their dues : tribute to whom tribute is 
 due ; cuflom, to whom cuftom \fear, to whom fear ; honour, to whom 
 honour. 
 
 IT is evident that the affair of civil government may 
 properly fall under a moral and religious confidera- 
 tion, at leaft fo far forth as it relates to the general 
 nature and end of magiftracy, and to the grounds 
 and extent of that fubmifiion which perfons of a private 
 charafter, ought to yield to thofe who are vefted with 
 
 B authority. 
 
2 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and 
 
 authority. This muft be allowed by all who acknow 
 ledge the divine original of chriftianity. For although 
 there be a fenfe, and a very plain and important fenfe, 
 in which Chrift's kingdom is not of this world ; f his in- 
 fpired apoftles have, neverthelefs, laid down fome general 
 principles concerning the office of civil rulers, and the 
 duty of fubjects, together with the reafon and obligation 
 of that duty. And from hence it follows, that it is pro 
 per for all who acknowledge the authority of Jefus Chrift, 
 and the infpiration of his apoftks, to endeavour to under. 
 Hand what is in fact the doctrine which they have deli 
 vered concerning this matter. It is the duty of chriftian 
 magiflrates to inform themfelves what it is which their 
 religion teaches concerning the nature and defign of their 
 office. And it is equally the duty of all chriftian peo 
 ple to inform themfelves what it is which their religion 
 teaches concerning that fubjection which they owe to 
 the higher powers. It is for thefe reafons that I have 
 attempted to examine into the fcripture- account of this 
 matter, in order to lay it before you with the fame 
 freedom which I conftantly ufe with relation to other 
 doctrines and precepts of chriftianity ; not doubting 
 but you will judge upon every thing offered to your 
 conn* deration, with the fame fpirit of freedom and liberty 
 with which it is fpoken. 
 -SttLQn bnfiWrcifc . 
 
 THE paffage read r is the moft full and exprefs of any 
 in the new-teftament, relating to rulers and fubjedls : 
 And therefore I thought it proper to ground upon it, 
 what I had to propofe to you with reference to the 
 
 f John xviii. 36. 
 
 authority.' 
 
Non-Re f^Jlance to the Higher Powers. 3 
 
 authority of the civil magiftrate, and the fubjecYion 
 which is due to him. But before I enter upon an ex 
 planation of the feveral parts of this pafiage, it will 
 
 be proper to obferve one thing which may ferve as a 
 
 i 4 *' L L i r-* 
 
 key to the whole of it. 
 
 * '.. ;- ;;- 7 .. 
 
 IT is to be obferved, then, that there were fome 
 perfons amongft the chriftians of the apoftolic age, and 
 particularly thofe at Rome, to whom St. Paul is here 
 writing., who feditioufly difclaimed all fubjeclion to civil 
 authority ; refuting to pay taxes, and the duties laid 
 upon their trafic and merchandize ; and who fcrupled 
 not to fpeak of their rulers, without any due regard 
 to their office and character. Some of thefe turbulent 
 cbriftians were converts from judaifm, and others from 
 paganifm. The jews in general had, long before this 
 time, taken up a ftrange conceit, that being the pecu 
 liar and eleft people of God, they were, therefore, ex 
 empted from the jurifdicYion of any heathen princes or 
 governors. Upon this ground it was, that fome of 
 them, during the public miniflry of our bleffed Saviour, 
 came to him with that queftion Is it lawful to give 
 tribute unto Cefar or not ? * And this notion many of 
 them retained after they were profelyted to the cbri- 
 JlianKith. As to the gentile converts, fome of them, 
 grofly miftook the nature of that liberty which the gof- 
 pel promifcd ; and thought that by virtue of their 
 fubjecYion to Chrift, the only King and Head of his 
 church, they were wholly freed from fubjeclion to any 
 other prince ; as tho' Chrift's kingdom bad been of this 
 
 * Matth. xxii. 17. 
 
 w&itt, 
 
4 Of unlimited Submijjion^ and 
 
 world) in fuch a fenfe as to interfere with the civil 
 powers of the earth, and to deliver their fubjects from 
 that allegiance and duty, which they before owed to 
 them. Of thefe vifionary chriftians in general, who dif- 
 owned fubjection to the civil powers in being where 
 they refpectively lived, there is mention made in feveral 
 places in the new-teftament : The apoftle Peter in par 
 ticular, characterizes them in this manner them that 
 *" defpi/e government prefumptuous are they, felf -willed, they 
 are not afraid to fpeak evil of dignities, f Now it is 
 with reference to thefe doting chriftians, that the 
 apoftle fpeaks in the paflage before us. And I fhall 
 now give you the fenfe of it in a paraphrafe upon each 
 verfe in its order, defiring you to keep in mind the 
 character of the perfons for whom it is defigned, that 
 fo, as I go along, you may fee how juft and natural 
 this addrefs is , and how well fuited to the circumftances 
 
 of thofe againft whom it is levelled. 
 
 ;tf \<ner*i3 : v .-:;} 
 
 THE apoftle begins thus Let every foul * be fubjett 
 unto the higher powers ; || for there is no power but of 
 
 , 'a^$ *YttAt2l 
 
 f 2 Pet. 11. 10. 
 
 * E<v ery JouL This is an bebraifm, which fignifies every man ; fo 
 that the apoftle does not exempt the clergy : fuch as were endow 
 ed with the gift of prophefy, or any other miraculous powers 
 which fubfifted in the church at that day. And by his ufing the 
 Hebrew idiom, it feems that he had thejewt/% converts principally 
 in his eye. 
 
 || The higher powers : more literally, the over-ruling powers : which 
 term extends to all civil rulers in common. 
 
 By power, the apoftle intends not lawlefs/rarg-/ and brutal force, 
 without regulation or proper direction ; but juft authority ; for fo 
 the word here ufed properly fignifies. There may be power 
 where there is no authority. No man has any authority to do 
 what is wrong and injurious, though he may have/<?w*r to do it. 
 
 God: 
 
Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 5 
 
 God : the powers that le * are ordained of God -f- ver. i . 
 q. d. " Whereas fome profefTed chriftians vainly ima- 
 " gine, that they are wholly excufed from all manner 
 " of duty and fubje&ion to civil authority, refufing to 
 " honour their rulers, and to pay taxes ; which opini- 
 " on is not only unreafonablc in itfelf, but alfo tends to 
 " fix a lafting reproach upon the chriftian name and 
 " profefiion, I now, as an apoftle and ambaffador of 
 " Chrift, exhort every one of you, be he who he will, 
 " to pay all dutiful fubmifiion to thofe who are vef- 
 " ted with any civil office. For there is, properly 
 " fpeaking, no authority but what is derived from 
 " God, as it is only by his permifiion and providence 
 " that any poffefs it. Yea, I may add, that all civil 
 ** magiftrates, as fuch, altho* they may ^ heathens ^ are 
 ** appointed and ordained of God. For it is certainly 
 " God's will, that fo ufeful an inftitution as that of 
 " magiftracy, fhould take place in the world, for the 
 " good of civil fociety." The apoftle proceeds Who- 
 foever, therefore, rejifteth the power , rejifteth the ordinance 
 
 * The powers that le : thofe perfons who are in faft vefted with 
 authority ; thofe who are in pofleflion. And who thofe are, the 
 apoftle leaves chriflians to determine for themfelves ; but who 
 ever they are, they are to be obeyed. 
 
 f Ordained of God : as it is not without God's providence and per- 
 miffion, that any are clothed with authority ; and as it is agree 
 able to the pofitive will and purpofe of God, that there mould 
 be fame perfons vefted with authority for the good of fociety : not 
 that any rulers have their commiffion immediately from God 
 the fupreme Lord of the univerfe. Jf any affert that kings, or 
 any other rulers, are ordained of God in the latter fenfe, it is in 
 cumbent upon them to mow the commiffion which they fpeak 
 of, under the broad feal of heaven. And when tkey do this, 
 they will, no doubt, he believed. 
 
 of 
 
6 Of unlimited Sulmiffion^ and 
 
 of God ; and they that refift /hall receive to themfehes 
 damnation, ver. 2. q. d. " Think not, therefore, that 
 " ye are guiltlefs of any crime or fin againft God, 
 " when ye faftioufly difobey and refift the civil au- 
 " thority. For magtftracy and government being, as 
 " have faid, the ordinance and appointment of God, 
 " it follows, that to refift magiftrates in the execution of 
 <c of their offices, is really to refift the will and ordi- 
 " nance of God himfclf : And they who thus refift> 
 " will accordingly be punifhed by God for this fin in 
 " common with others. 5 * The apoftle goes on For 
 rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, -j- 
 Wilt thou then^ not be afraid of the power ? Do that 
 which is good y and thou /halt have praife of the 
 fame. For he is the minifter of God to thee for good y 
 ver. 3d, and part of the 4th. q. d. " That you may 
 " fee the truth and juftnefs of what I aflert, (viz. that 
 " magiftracy is the ordinance of God, and that you 
 " fin againft him in oppofing itj confider that even 
 " pagan rulers, are not, by the nature and defign of 
 " their office, enemies and a terror to the good and 
 " virtuous actions of men, but only to the injurious 
 " and mifchievous to fociety. Will ye not, then, re- 
 " verence and honor magiftracy, when ye fee the good 
 
 -J- For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. It can 
 not be fuppofed that the apoftle defigns here, or in any of the 
 fucceeding verfes, to give the true chara&er of Nero, or any 
 other civil powers then in being, as if they were in fad fuch 
 perfons as he defcribes, a terror to evil works only, and not 
 to the good, For fuch a character did not belong to them ; 
 and the apoftle was nc^ifycophant, or parafite of power, what 
 ever fome of his pretended fucceflbrs have been. He only tells 
 what rulers would be, proyiied they ailed up to their character 
 and office. 
 
 " end 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 7 
 
 " end and intention of it ? How can ye be founreafona- 
 " ble ? Only mind to do your duty as members of 
 " fociety ; and this will gain yon the applaufe and 
 " favour of all good rulers. For while you do thus, 
 they are, by their office, as minifters of God, obli 
 ged to encourage arid protect you ; it is for this 
 very purpofe that they are clothed with power." 
 The apoftle fubjoins But if thou do tbat which is evil, 
 be afraid, for he beareth not the fword in vain. For 
 he is the minifter of God^ a revenger ', to execute Watb 
 upon him that doth evil* ver. 4. latter part. q. d. " But 
 " upon the other hand, if ye refufe to do your duty 
 " as members of fociety ; if ye refufe to bear your 
 " part in the fupport of government ; if ye are dif- 
 " orderly, and do things which merit civil chaftifement., 
 .*' then, indeed, ye have reafon to be afraid. For it is 
 
 , * It is manifeft that when the apoftle fpeaks of it, as the' office of 
 civil rulers, to encourage what is good, and to punifh what is evil, 
 he fpeaks only of civil good and evil. They are to confalt the 
 good of fociety as fucb ; not to dictate in religious concerns ; not 
 to make laws for the government of men's confciences ; and to 
 inflict civil penalties for religious crimes, it is Efficient to over 
 throw the doctrine of the authority of the civil magiftrate, in af 
 fairs of a fpiritual nature, (fo far as it is built upon any thing 
 which is here faid by St. Paul, or upon any thing elfe in the 
 new-teftament ) only to obferve, that all the magiftrates then in 
 the world were heathen, implacable enemies to chriftianity : fo 
 that to give them authority in religious matters, would have 
 been, in effect, to give them authority to extirpate the chriftian 
 religion, and to eftablifh the idolatries and fuperllitions of pagan- 
 ifm. And can any one reafonably fuppofe, that the apoille 
 had any intention to extend the authority of rulers, beyond con 
 cerns merely civil and political, to the overthrowing of that reli 
 gion which he himfelf was fo zealous in propagating ! But it 
 is natural for thofe whofe religion cannot be Supported upon 
 the footing of reafon and argument, to have recourfe to power 
 and fores', which will ferve a bad caufe as well as a good one; 
 and indeed much better. 
 
 " not 
 
8 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and 
 
 " not in vain that rulers are vefted with the power of 
 " inflicting punifhment. They are, by their office* 
 " not only the minifters of God for good to thofe that 
 " do well ; but alfo his minifters to revenge, to dif- 
 " countenance and punifh thofe that are unruly, and in- 
 " jurious to their neighbours." The apoftle proceeds 
 Wherefore ye muft needs be fubjeft not only for wrath* 
 but alfo for conscience fake, ver. 5. q. d. " Since there - 
 " fore, magiftracy is the ordinance of God ; and fince 
 " rulers are, by their office, benefactors to fociety, by 
 " difcouraging what is bad, and encouraging what is 
 " good, and fo preferving peace and order amongft 
 " men ; it is evident that ye ought to pay a willing 
 " fubje&ion to them ; not to obey merely for fear of 
 u expofing yourfelves to their wrath and difpleafure, 
 " but alfo in point of reafon, duty and confcience : 
 " Ye are under an indifpenfable obligation, as chriflians, 
 " to honour their office, and to fubmit to them in 
 " the execution of it.'* The apoftle goes on For, 
 for this caufe pay you, tribute alfo : for they are God's 
 minifters, attending continually upon this very thing, ver. 6. 
 q. d. " And here is a plain reafon alfo why ye fhould 
 " pay tribute to them ; for they are God's minifters, 
 " exalted above the common level of mankind, not 
 u that they may indulge themfelves in foftnefs and 
 " luxury, and be entitled to the fervile homage of their 
 <c fellow- men ; but that they may execute an office no 
 *' lefs laborious than honourable ; and attend continually 
 ^ upon the public welfare. This being their bufmefs 
 
 and 
 
, Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 9 
 
 " and duty, it is but reafonable, that they fliould be re- 
 " quited for their care and diligence in performing it ; 
 " and enabled, by taxes levied upon the fubjecl, effe&u- 
 " ally to profecute the great end of their inftitution, 
 " the good of fociety." The apoftle fums all up in 
 the following words Render therefore to all their 
 dues : tribute, * to whom tribute is due ; cuftom, * to 
 whom cuftom ; fear, to whom fear -, honour, to whom 
 honour, ver. 7. q. d. " Let it not, therefore, be faid 
 " of any of you hereafter, that you contemn govern- 
 " ment, to the reproach of yourfelves, and of the 
 " chriflian religion. Neither your being jews by na- 
 <c tion, nor your becoming the fubje&s of Chrift's king- 
 " dom, gives you any difpenfation for making diftur- 
 " bances in the government under which you live. 
 " Approve yourfelves, therefore, as peaceable and du- 
 " tiful fubje&s. Be ready to pay to your rulers all 
 <c that they may, in refpect of their office, juftly de- 
 " mand of you. Render tribute and cuftom to thofe 
 " of your governors to whom tribute and cuftom be- 
 " long : And chearfully honor and reverence all who 
 " are vefted with civil authority, according to their 
 deferts." 
 
 THE apoftle's doctrine, in the paflage thQs explained, 
 concerning the office of civil rulers, and the duty of 
 
 ** Grotius obferves that the greek words here ufed, anfwer to the 
 tributum and <veiigal of the Romans ; the former was the money 
 paid for the foil and poll ; the latter, the duties laid upon fome 
 forts of merchandize. And what the apoftle here fays, deferves 
 to be ferioufly confidered by all chriftians concerned in that com 
 mon practice of carrying on an illicit trade, and running of -goods. 
 
 C fubjeds, 
 
io Of unlimited Submlffion^ and 
 
 fubjefts, may be fummed up in the following obfer- 
 vations ; * viz. 
 
 THAT the end of magiftracy is the good of civil 
 fociety, as fucb : 
 
 THAT civil rulers, as fucb> are the ordinance and mi- 
 nifters of God ; it being by his permiflion and provi 
 dence that any bear rule ; and agreeable to his will, 
 that there fhould be fome perfons vefted with authority 
 in fociety, for the well-being of it : 
 
 THAT which is here faid concerning civil rulers, ex 
 tends to all of them in common : it relates indifferently 
 to monarchical, republican and ariftocratical government , 
 and to all other forms which truly anfwer the fole end of 
 government, the happinefs of fociety ; and to all the 
 different degrees of authority in any particular (late , 
 to inferior officers no lefs than to the fupreme : 
 
 THAT difobedience to civil rulers in the due exer- 
 cife of their authority, is not merely a political fin^ but 
 an heinous offence again/I , God and religion : 
 
 ' THAT the true ground and reafon "f of our obliga 
 tion to be fubjeft to the higher powers, is the ufefulnefs 
 
 of 
 
 *'The feveral obfervations here only mentioned, were handled at 
 large in two proceeding difcourfes upon this fubjeft. 
 
 -Jv Some fuppofe the apoftle in this paffage inforces the duty of 
 lubmiflion, with two arguments quite diftinft from each other ; 
 one taken from this confideration, that rulers are the ordinance, 
 and the minifters of God, (ver. i. 2. and 4.) and the other, 
 from the benefits that accrue to fociety, from civil government, 
 (ver. 3, 4, and 6.) And indeed thefe may be diftincl motives 
 and arguments for fubmiflion, as they may be feparately viewed 
 
 and 
 
Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 1 
 
 ofmagiftracy (when properly exercifed) to human fociety, 
 and its fubferviency to the general welfare : 
 
 THAT obedience to civil rulers is here equally requi 
 red under all forms of government, which anfwer the 
 fole end of all government, the good of fociety , and 
 to every degree of authority in any ftate, whether 
 fupreme or fubordinate : 
 
 (From whence it follows, 
 
 THAT if unlimited obedience and non-refiftance, be 
 here required as a duty under any one form of govern 
 ment, it is alfo required as a duty under all other forms ; 
 and as a duty to fubordinate rulers as well as to the 
 fupreme.) 
 
 AND laftly, that thofe civil rulers to whom the 
 apoftle injoins fubjedtion, are the perfons in po/effion; 
 
 and contemplated. But when we confider that rulers are not 
 the ordinance and the miniiters of God, but only fo far forth as 
 they perform God's will, by acting up to their office and cha- 
 rafter, and fo by being benefactors to fociety, this makes thefe 
 arguments coincide, and run up into one at lad : At leaft fo 
 far, that the former of them cannot hold good for fub- 
 miffion, where the latter fails. Put the fuppofition, that any man 
 bearing the title of a magistrate, fliould exercife his power in 
 fuch a manner as to have no claim to obedience by virtue of 
 that argument which is founded upon the ufefulnefs of magi- / 
 ftracy ; and you equally take off the force of the other argu 
 ment alfo, which is founded upon his being the ordinance and 
 the minifter of God. For he is no longer God's ordinance and 
 minifter, than he acts up to his office and character, by exer- 
 cifing his power for the good of fociety This is, in brief, 
 the reafon why it is faid above, in the Jtngular number, that 
 the true ground and reafon, &c. The ufe and propriety of this 
 remark may poffibly be more apparent in the progrefs of the 
 argument concerning refinance. 
 
j 2 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and 
 
 the powers that be > thofe who are actually vefted with 
 authority. *f 
 
 THERE is one very important and interefling point 
 which remains to be inquired into , namely, the extent of 
 that fubjection to the higher powers, which is here enjpined 
 as a duty upon all chriftians. Some have thpught it 
 warrantable and glorious, to difobey the civil powers in 
 certain circumftances ; and, in cafes of very great and 
 general oppreflion, when humble remonftrances fail of 
 having any effedl ; and when. the publick welfare can. 
 not be otherwife provided for and fecyred, to rife una- 
 nimoufly even againft thq fovereign himfelf, ia order to 
 redrefs their grievances 5 to vindicate their natural and 
 legal rights : to break the yoke of tyranny, and free 
 themfelves and pofterity from inglorious fervitude and 
 ruin. It is upon this principle that many royal oppref- 
 fprs hav been driven from their thrones into baniflv 
 ment ; and many (lain by the hands of their fubjecls. 
 
 f This muft be underftood with this pro<vifo t that they do not 
 grofly abuje their power- and truft, but exercfe it for the good 
 of thofe that are governed. Who thefe perfons were, whe 
 ther Nero, &c. or not, the apoftle does not fay ; but leaves it 
 to : be determined by thofe to whom he writes. God does not 
 interpofe, in a miraculous way, to point out the perfons who 
 {hall bear rule, and to whom fubjeftion is due. And as to the 
 unalienable, indefeafible right of primogeniture, the fcriptures 
 are intirely ftlent : or rather plainly contradid it : &w/ being the 
 firft king among the Ijraelites ; and appointed to the royal dig 
 nity, during his own father's life- time : and he was fucceeded, 
 or rather fuperfeded, by David, the laft lorn among many bre 
 thren Now .if God has cot invariably determined this matter, 
 it muft, of courfe, be determined by men. And if it be deter 
 mined by men, it muft be determined either in the way of 
 force, or of compatf. And which of thefe is the moft equitable? 
 can be no queftipn, 
 
 it 
 
Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 3 
 
 It was upon this principle that ^arquin was expelled from 
 Rome \ and Julius Cefar, the conqueror of the world, 
 and the tyrant of his country, cut off in the fenate houfe. 
 It was upon this principle, that king Charles' I, was be 
 headed before his own banqueting houfe. It was upon 
 this principle, that king James II. was made to fly that 
 country which he aim'd at enflaving : And upon this 
 principle was that revolution brought about, which has 
 been fo fruitful of happy confequences to Great-Britain. 
 But, in oppofition to this principle, it has often been af- 
 ferted, that the fcripture in general (and the pafiage un 
 der confideration in particular) makes all refiftance to 
 princes a crime, in any cafe whatever If they turn ty 
 rants, and become the common oppreflbrs of thofe, 
 whofe welfare they ought to regard with a paternal af 
 fection, we muft not pretend to right ourfelves, unlefs it 
 be by prayers and tears and humble intreaties : And if 
 thefe methods fail of procuring redrcfs, we muft not 
 have recourfe to any other, but all fuffer ourfelves to be 
 robbed and butchered at the pleafure of the Lord's 
 anointed , left we mould incur the fin of rebellion, and 
 the punimment of damnation. For he has God's au 
 thority and commimon to bear him out in the worft 
 of crimes, fo far that he may not be withftood or 
 controuled. Now whether we are obliged to yield fuch 
 an abfolute fubmimon to our prince ; or whether difo- 
 bedience and refiftance may not be juftifiable in fome 
 cafes, notwithftanding any thing in the paflage before 
 us, is an inquiry hv which we are all concerned ; and this 
 is the inquiry which is the main defign of the prefenfc 
 
 difepurfc. 
 
 Now 
 
14 Of unlimited Submijffion> and 
 
 Now there does not feem to be any necefiity of fup- 
 pofing, that an abfolute, unlimited obedience, whether 
 adtive or paffive, is here injoined, merely for this reafon, 
 that the precept is delivered in abfolute terms, without 
 any exception or limitation expreQy mentioned. We are 
 enjoined, (ver. i.) to be fubjeft to the higher powers: 
 and (ver. 5.) to be fubjeft for conscience fake. And 
 becaufe thefe expreffions are abfolute and unlimited, (or 
 more properly, general) fome have inferred, that the 
 fubjedtion required in them, muft be abfolute and unli 
 mited alfb : At lead fo far forth as to make paffive 
 obedience and non -refiftance, a duty in all cafes what 
 ever, if not adlive obedience likewife. Though, by the 
 way, there is here no diftinftion made betwixt adive 
 and paflive obedience ; and if either of them be requi 
 red in an unlimited fenfe, the other muft be required in 
 the fame fenfe alfo, by virtue of the prefent argument ; 
 becaufe the exprefiions are equally abfolute with refpecl: 
 to both. But that unlimited obedience of any fort, 
 cannot be argued merely from the indefinite expreflions 
 in which obedience is enjoined, appears from hence, that 
 expreffions of the fame nature, frequently occur in fcrip- 
 ture, upon which it is confefled on all hands, that no 
 fuch abfolute and unlimited fenfe ought to be put. For 
 example, Love not the world ; neither the things that are 
 in the world ; f Lay not up for yourfelves treafures upon 
 earth -, * I'ake therefore no thought for the morrow , || are 
 precepts expreffed in at lead equally abfolute and unli 
 mited terms : but it is generally allowed that they are 
 to be underftood with certain reftrictions and limicati- 
 
 f i John ii. 15. * Matt. vi. 19. |j Matt. vi. 34. 
 
 ons ; 
 
Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 5 
 
 ons , fome degree of love to the world, and the things 
 of it, being allowable. Nor, indeed, do the Right Re- 
 verend Fathers in God, and other dignified clergymen of 
 the eftablifhed church, feem to be altogether averfe to 
 admitting of reftricYions in the latter cafe, how warm 
 foever any of them may be againft reftricYions, and 
 limitations, in the cafe of fubmiffion to authority, whe 
 ther civil or ecclefiaftical. It is worth remarking alfo, 
 that patience and fubmiffion under private injuries, are 
 injoined in much more peremptory and abfolute terms, 
 than any that are ufed with regard to fubmiffion to the 
 injuftice and oppreffion of civil rulers. Thus, 1 fay unto 
 you, that ye refift not evil; but whofoever jhall fmite thee 
 en the right cheek, turn to him the other alfo. And if any 
 man will fue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let 
 him have thy cloke alfo. And whofoever Jhall compel thee 
 io go a mile with him, go with him twain, f Any man 
 may be defied to produce fuch ilrong expreffions in 
 favor of a paffive and tame fubmiffion to unjuft, tyran 
 nical rulers, as are here ufed to inforcc fubmiffion to 
 private injuries. But how few are there that underftand 
 thofe expreffions literally ? And the reafon why they 
 do not, is becaufe ( with fubmiffion to the quakers ) 
 common fenfe mows that they were not intended to 
 be fo underftood. 
 
 BUT to inftance in fome fcripture- precepts, which are 
 more directly to the point in hand. Children are 
 commanded to obey their parents, and fervants, their 
 matters, in as abfolute and unlimited terms asfubjects 
 
 t Mat. v. 39,40,41. 
 
 ar e 
 
1 6 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and 
 
 are here commanded to obey their civil rulers. Thus 
 this fame apoftle Children obey your parents in the Lord*, 
 for this is right. Honour thy father and mother, which 
 is thefirft commandment withpromife. Servants, be obe 
 dient to them that are your nuaflers according to the flefh, 
 with fear and trembling, with Jinglenefs of your heart as 
 unto Chrlft. * Thus alfo wives are commanded to be 
 obedient to their hnfbands Wives, fubmit your f elves 
 unto your own hujbands, as unto the Lord. For the hufband 
 is head of the wife, even as CHRIST IS THE 
 HEAD OF THE CHURCH Therefore, as the 
 church is fubjefl unto Chrift, fo let the wives be to 
 their own hujbands IN EVERY THING, f In all 
 thefe cafes, fubmiffion is required in terms ( at lead ) 
 as abfolute and univerfal, as are ever ufed with refpeft 
 to rulers and fubjecls. But who fuppofes that the apo- 
 ftle ever intended to teach, that children, fcrvants and 
 wives, mould, in all cafes whatever, obey their pa 
 rents, matters and hufbands refpeftively, never making 
 any oppofition to their will, even although they mould 
 require them to break the commandments of God, 
 or mould caufelefly make an attempt upon their lives ? 
 No one puts ftich a fenfe upon thefe exprefllons, how 
 ever abfolute and unlimited. Why then fhould it be 
 fuppofed, that the apoflle defigned to teach univerfai 
 obedience, whether active or palTive, to the higher pow 
 ers, merely becaufe his precepts are delivered in abfolute 
 and unlimited terms ? And if this be a good argument 
 in one cafe, why is it not in others alfo ? If it be faid 
 
 * Eph. vi. i, &c, f Eph. v. 22, 23, 24. 
 
 that 
 
Non-Refeftance to the Higher Powers. 1 7 
 
 that refiftance and difobedience to the higher powers^ is 
 here faid pofitively to be a fin, fo alfo is the difobedience 
 of children to parents , fervants, to mafters ; and wives, 
 to hufbands, in other places of fcripture. But the quef- 
 tion flill remains, whether in all thefe cafes there be 
 not fome exceptions ? In the three latter, it is allowed 
 there are. And from hence it follows, that barely the 
 ufe of abfolute exprefiions, is no proof, that obedience 
 to civil rulers, is, in all cafes, a duty ; or refiftance, in 
 all cafes a fin. I fhould not have thought it worth 
 while to take any notice at all of this argument, 
 had it not been much infifted upon by fome of the 
 advocates for pafiive obedience and non- refiftance: For 
 it is, in itfelf, perfectly trifling -, and render'd confidera- 
 ble, only by the ftrefs that has been laid upon it for 
 want of better. 
 
 THERE is, indeed, one paffage in the new-teftament, 
 where it may feem, at firft view, that an unlimited 
 fubmiffion to civil rulers, is injoined. Submit your 
 fehes to every ordinance of man for the Lord's fake.^ 
 To every ordinance of man. However, this expreffion is 
 no ftronger than that before taken notice of, with relation 
 to the duty of wives So let the wives be fubjeft to 
 their own hujbands IN EVERY THING. But the 
 true folution of this difficulty ( if it be one) is this : by 
 every ordinance of man, * is not meant every command 
 of the civil magiftrate without exception ; but every 
 
 t i Pet. 2. 13. 
 
 * Literally, every human injlitution, or appointment. By which 
 manner of expreffion the apoflle plainly intimates, that rulers de 
 rive their authority immediately, not from God t but from men. 
 
 D order 
 
v '"*' "* ** 
 
 1 8 Of unlimited Submi/wn, and 
 
 order of magistrates appointed by man j whether fuperior 
 or inferior : For fo the apoftle explains himfelf in the 
 Tery next words Whether it le to the king as fupreme, 
 or to governors, as unto them that are fent, &c. But 
 although the apoftle had not fubjoined any fuch expla 
 nation, the reafon of the thing itfelf would have obli 
 ged us to limit the expreflion [every ordinance of man ] 
 to fuch human ordinances and commands, as are not in- 
 confiflent with the ordinances and commands of God 3 
 the fupreme lawgiver - y or with any other higher, and 
 antecedent, obligations, 
 
 IT is to be obferved, in the next place, that as the 
 duty of univerfal obedience and non-refiftance to the 
 higher powers, cannot be argued from the abfolute unli 
 mited exprefllons which the apoftle here ufes ; fo neither 
 can it be argued from the fcope and drift of his rea- 
 fonjng, confidered with relation to the perfons he wa& 
 here oppofing. As was obferved above, there were 
 fome profeffed chriftians in the apoftolic age, who dif- 
 claimed ail magiftracy and civil authority in general, 
 defpijing government, and f peaking evil of dignities-, fome 
 under a notion tl^at jews ought not to be under the 
 jurifdicYion of gentile rulers \ and others, that they were 
 let free from the temporal powers, by. Ch rift. Now it 
 is with perfons of this licentious opinion and character, 
 that the apoftle is concerned. And all that was directly 
 -jto his point, was to fhow, that they were bound to fub- 
 rrjit to magiftracy in. general. This is -a circumftance 
 very material to be taken notice of, in order to afcertain 
 
 the 
 
Non-ReJiftance to the Higher Powers. 1 9 
 
 the fenfe of the apoftle. For this being confidered, it 
 is fufHcient to account for all that he fays concerning the 
 duty of fubjecYion, and the fin of refinance, to the 
 bigber powers, without having recourfe to the doctrine 
 of unlimited fubmiflion and pafiive obedience, in all 
 cafes whatever. Were it known that thofe in oppofi- 
 tion to whom, the apoftle wrote, allowed of civil au 
 thority in general, and only aflerted that there were 
 fome cafes in which obedience and non-refiftance, were 
 not a duty ; there would, then, indeed, be reafon for 
 interpreting this paflage as containing the dodlrine of 
 unlimited obedience, and non-refiflance, as it muft, in 
 this cafe, be fuppofed to have been levelled againft fuch 
 as denied that do&rine. But fince it is certain that there 
 were perfons who vainly imagined, that civil government 
 in general, was not to be regarded by them, it is mod 
 reafonable to fuppofe, that the apoftle defigned his dif- 
 courfe only againft them. And agreeably to this fuppo- 
 fition, we find that he argues the ufefulnefs of civil ma- 
 giftracy in general ; its agreeablenefs to the will and 
 purpofe of God, who is over all ; and fo deduces from 
 hence, the obligation of fubmiflion to it. But it will 
 not follow, that becaufe civil government, is, in general, 
 a good inftitution, and neceflary to the peace and happi- 
 nefs of human fociety, therefore there are no fuppofeable 
 cafes in which refiftance to it can be innocent. So that 
 the duty of unlimited obedience, whether active or paf- 
 five, can be argued, neither from the manner of expref- 
 fion here ufed, nor from the general fcope and defign 
 of the paflage. 
 
 AND 
 
2O Of unlimited Submijjlon^ and 
 
 AND if we attend to the nature of the argument 
 with which the apoftle here inforces the duty of fubmif- 
 fion to the higher powers, we fhall find it to be fuch an 
 one as concludes not in favor of fubmifllon to all who 
 bear the title of rulers, m common ; but only, to thofe 
 who aftually perform the duty of rulers, by exercifing a 
 reafonable and juft authority, for the good of human 
 fociety. This is a point which it will be proper to en 
 large upon , becaufe the queftion before us turns very 
 much upon the truth or falfhood of this pofition. It 
 is obvious, then, in general, that the civil rulers whom 
 the apoftle here fpeaks of, and obedience to whom he 
 prefles upon chriftians as a duty, are good rulers^ f fnch 
 as are, in the exercife of their office and power, bene 
 factors to fociety. Such they are defctibed to be, thro'- 
 out this pafTage. Thus it is faid, that they are not a 
 terror to good works , but to the evil ; that they are God's 
 minifters for good ; revengers to execute wrath upon him 
 that doth evil ; and that they attend continually upon this 
 very thing. St. Peter gives the fame account of rulers : 
 They are for a praife to them that do well, and the pu- 
 nijhment of evil doers. * It is manifeft that this cha 
 racter and defcription of rulers, agrees only to fuch as are 
 rulers in fact, as well as in name : to fuch as govern 
 well, and act agreeably to their office. And the apo- 
 ftle's argument for fubmiffion to rulers, is wholly built 
 
 f By good rulers, are not intended fuch as are good in a moral or 
 religious, but only in a political, fenfe ; thofe who perform their 
 duty fo far as their office extends ; and io far as civil fociety, as 
 fuch, is concerned in their actions. 
 
 * See the marginal note, page 6. See alfo the marginal note, p. 7. 
 
 and 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 2 1 
 
 and grounded upon a preemption that they do in fa& 
 anfwer this character ; and is of no force at aH upon 
 fuppofition of the contrary. If rulers are a terror to 
 good works, and not to the evil , if they are not minifters 
 for good to fociety, but for evil and diftrefs, by violence 
 and oppreffion ; if they execute wrath upon fober, peace 
 able perfons, who do their duty as members of fociety ; 
 and fuffer rich and honourable knaves to efcape with 
 impunity ; if, inftead of attending continually upon the 
 good work of advancing the publick welfare, they attend 
 only upon the gratification of their own luffi and pride 
 and ambition, to the deftmdlion of the public welfare ; 
 if this be the cafe, it is plain that the apoftle's argument 
 for fubmiffion does not reach them ; they are not the 
 fame, but different perfons from thofe whom he cha 
 racterizes ; and who mud be obeyed according to his 
 reafoning. Let me illuilrate the apoftle*s argument, by 
 the following fimilitude : (it is no matter how far it is 
 from any thing which has, in fact, happened in the 
 world.) Suppofe, then, it was allowed, in general, that 
 the clergy were an ufeful order of men , that they ought 
 to be etteemed very highly in love for their works fake ; -f* 
 and to be decently fupported by thofe whom they 
 ferve, the labourer being worthy of his reward. * Sup 
 pofe farther, that a number of Reverend and Right Re 
 verend Drones, who worked not ; who preached, perhaps, 
 but once a year, and then, not the gojpel of Jefus Chrift ; 
 but the divine right of tythes ; the dignity of their 
 office as ambaffadors of Chrift, the equity of fine-cures, and 
 
 \ i Thcf. v, 1.3. * i Tim. v. 18. 
 
 a 
 
2 2 Of unlimited Submijfion^ and 
 
 a 'plurality of benefices -, the excellency of the devotions 
 in that prayer book, which fome of them -hired chap 
 lains to ufe for them ; or fome favourite point of church- 
 tyranny, and antichriftian ufurpation ; fuppofe fuch men 
 as thefe, fpending their lives in effeminacy, luxury and 
 idlenefs ; (or when they were not idle, doing that which 
 is worfe than idlenefs ; fuppofe fuch men,) mould, merely 
 by the merit of ordination and confecration, and a pecu 
 liar, odd habit, claim great refpedt and reverence from 
 thofe whom they civilly called the beafts of the laiety ; || 
 and demand thoufands per annum, for that good fervice 
 which they never performed ; and for which, if they 
 had performed it, this would be much more than a quan 
 tum meruit : fuppofe this mould be the cafe, ("it is only 
 by way of Jimile, and furely it will give no offence,) 
 would not every body be aftonimed at fuch infolence, 
 injuftice and impiety ? And ought not fuch men to 
 be told plainly, that they could not reafonably expect 
 the efteem and reward, due to the minifters of the gofpel, 
 unlefs they did the duties of their office ? Should they 
 not be told, that their title and habit claimed no regard, 
 reverence or pay, feparate from the care and work and 
 various duties of their function ? And that while they 
 neglected the latter, the former ferved only to render 
 them the more ridiculous and contemptible ? The appli 
 cation of this Jimilitude to the cafe in hand, is very eafy. 
 If thofe who bear the title of civil rulers, do not 
 perform the duty of civil rulers, but act directly counter 
 to the fole end and defign of their office ; if they 
 
 || Mr. Lf/Iie. 
 
 injure 
 
Non-Refiftance to tie Higher Powers. 2 3 
 
 injure and opprefs their fubjects, inftead of defending 
 their rights and doing them good ; they have not the 
 leaft pretence to be honored, obeyed and rewarded, ac 
 cording to the apoftle's argument. For his reafoning, in 
 order to Ihow the duty of fubjection to the higher 
 powers, is, as was before obferved, built -wholly upon 
 the fuppofition, that they do, in faff, perform the 
 duty of rulers; 
 
 IF it be faid, that the apoftlq here ufes another ^ar 
 gument for fubmiffion to the higher powers, befides that 
 which is taken from the ufefulnefs of their office to civil 
 fociety, when properly difcharged and executed ; namely* 
 that their power is from God 5 that they are ordained of 
 God ; and that they are God's minifters : And if it be 
 faid, that this argument for fubmiffion to them will hold 
 good, although they do not exercife their power for the 
 benefit, but for the ruin, and deftruction of human 
 foeiety ; this objection was obviated, in part, before, f 
 Rulers have no authority from God to do mi.fchief. 
 They are not God's ordinance, or God's minifters, in 
 any other fenfe than as it is by his permiffion and pro 
 vidence, that they are exalted to bear rule ; and as 
 magiftracy duly exercifed, and authority rightly applied, 
 in the enacting and executing good laws, laws attem 
 pered a^nd accommodated to the common welfare of the 
 fubjects, muft be fuppofed to be agreeable to the will of 
 the beneficent author and fupreme Lord of the uni- 
 verfe ; whofe kingdom rulelh over all \ * and whofe 
 
 t See the margin, page 10, note f. * PfuL ciii. 19. 
 
 tender 
 
24 Of unlimited Sulmlffion^ and 
 
 Under mercies are over all his works, f It is blafphemy 
 to call tyrants and opprefibrs, God's minifters. They 
 are more properly the meffengers of fatan to buffet us. * 
 No rulers are properly God's minifters, but fuch as are 
 jusJ, ruling in the fear of God. \\ When once magiftrates 
 act contrary to their office, and the end of their infti- 
 tution ; when they rob and ruin the public, inftead of 
 being guardians of its peace and welfare ; they imme 
 diately ceafe to be the ordinance and minifters of God ; 
 and no more deferve that glorious character than common 
 pirates and highwaymen. So that whenever that argu 
 ment for fubmifiion, fails, which is grounded upon the 
 ufefulnefs of magiftracy to civil fociety, (as it always 
 does when magiftrates do hurt to fociety inftead of 
 good) the other argument, which is taken from their 
 being the ordinance of God, muft neceiTarily fail alfb ; 
 no perfon of a civil character being God's minisler, in 
 the fenfe of the apoftle, any farther than he performs 
 God's will, by exercifmg a juft and reafonable authority 5 
 and ruling for the good of the fubject. 
 
 THIS in general. Let us now trace the apoftle's 
 reafoning in favor of fubmifiion to the higher powers , a 
 little more particularly and exactly. For by this it will 
 appear, on one hand, how good and conclufive it is, 
 for fubmifiion to thofe rulers who exercife their power 
 in a proper manner : And, on the other, how weak and 
 trifling and inconnected it is, if it be fuppofed to be 
 meant by the apoftle to mow the obligation and duty of 
 
 f Pfal. cxlv. 19, * 2 Cor. xii. 7. |j 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. 
 
 obedience 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 25 
 
 obedience to tyrannical, opprefllve rulers in common 
 with others of a different character. 
 
 THE apoftle enters upon his fubjeft thus Let every 
 foul be fubjeft unto the higher powers ; for there is no 
 power but of God : the powers that be, are ordained 
 of God. * Here he urges the duty of obedience from 
 this topic of argument, that civil rulers, as they are 
 fuppofed to fulfil the pleafure of God, are the ordi 
 nance of God. But how is this an argument for obe 
 dience to fuch rulers as do not perform the pleafure 
 of God, by doing good , but the pleafure of the 
 devil, by doing evil ; and fuch as are not, therefore, 
 God's r.iinifters, but the devil's ! Whofoever, therefore, 
 refifleth the power, refifteth the ordinance of God ; and 
 they that reftfl, fhall receive to themf elves damnation, -f 
 Here the apoftle argues, that thofe who refift a rea- 
 fonable and juft authority, which is agreeable to the 
 will of God, do really refift the will of God himfelf- 
 and will, therefore, be punifhed by him. But how does 
 this prove, that thofe who refift a lawlefs, unreafonable 
 power, which is contrary to the will of God, do 
 therein refift the will and ordinance of God ? Is re. 
 fifting thofe who refift God's will, the fame thing with 
 refilling God ? - Or (hall thofe who do fo, receive to 
 themselves damnation ! For rulers are not a terror to good 
 works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of 
 the power ? Do that which is good -, and thou /halt have 
 praife of the fame. For he is the minifter of God to 
 
 thee for good. 4. Here the apoftle argues more explicitly 
 * Ver. i. f Ver. 2. 4- Ver. 3d. and part of the 4th. 
 
 Us*7 , E than 
 
26 Of unlimited Submi/ton) and 
 
 than he had before done, for revereing, and fubmitting 
 to, magiftracy, from this confideration, that fuch as 
 really performed the duty of magiftrates, would be 
 enemies only to the evil actions of men, and would 
 befriend and encourage the good , and fo be a common 
 bleffing to fociety. But how is this an argument, 
 that we muft honor, and fubmit to, fuch magiftrates 
 as are not enemies to the evil aclions of men , but to 
 the good ; and fuch as are not a common bleffing, but 
 a common curfe, to fociety ! But if tbou do that 
 which is evil, be afraid : For he is the minifter of God Y 
 a revenger ', to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, t 
 Here the apoftle argues from the nature and end of 
 magiftracy, that fuch as did evil, (and fuch only) had 
 reafon to be afraid of the higher powers , it being part 
 of their office to punifh evil doers, no lefs than to de 
 fend and encourage fuch as do well. But if magiftrates 
 are unrighteous -, if they are refpeflers of perfons ; if 
 they are partial in their adminiftration of juftice ; then 
 thofe who do well have as much reafon to be afraid, as 
 thofe that do evil : there carvbe no fafety for the good, 
 hdr any peculiar ground of terror to the unruly and in- 
 jufious. So that, in this cafe, the main end of civil 
 government will be fruftrated. And what reafon is 
 there for fubmitting to that government, which does 
 by no means anfwer the defign of government ? Where 
 fore ye muft needs be fitly eft not only for wrath, but alfo 
 for conscience fake. * Here the apoftle argues the duty . 
 of a chearful and confcientious fubmiffion to civil go-, 
 
 f Ver. 4th, latter part. * Ver. 5. 
 
 vernment, 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 27 
 
 vernment, from the nature and end of magiftracy as he 
 had before laid it down, i. e. as the defign of it was 
 to punifh evil doers, and to fupportand encourage fuch 
 as do well ; and as it muft, if fo exercifed, be agreeable 
 to the will of God. But how does what he here fays> 
 prove the duty of a chearful and confcientious fubje&ion 
 to thofe who forfeit the chara&er of rulers ? to thofe 
 who encourage the bad, and difcourage the good ? The 
 argument here ufed no more proves it to be a fin to 
 refift fuch rulers, than it does, to refift the devil, that he 
 mzy flee from us* For one is as truly tht'minifttr of God 
 as the other. For, for this caufe pay you tribute alfo -, 
 for they are God's minijlers, attending continually upon 
 this very thing, f Here the apoftle argues the duty of 
 paying taxes, from this confideration, that thofe who 
 perform the duty of rulers, are continually attending 
 upon the public welfare. But how does this argument 
 conclude for paying taxes to fuch princes as are conti 
 nually endeavouring to ruin the public ? And efpecially 
 when fuch payment would facilitate and promote t 
 wicked defign ! Render therefore to all their dues ; tri 
 bute, to whom tribute is due ; cuftom, to whom cuftom ; 
 fear to whom fear -, honor, to whom honor. \\ Here the 
 apoftle fums up what he had been faying concerning 
 the duty of fubjeas to rulers. And his argument ftanc 
 thus " Since magi ft rates who execute their office well, 
 are common benefadors to fociety ; and may, in 
 that refpea, be properly ftiled the miniflers and ordi- 
 nance of God -, and fince they arc conftantly employed 
 
 * James iv. 7- 't Ver. 6. || Ver. 7 
 
 in 
 
2 8 , Of unlimited Submijffion, and 
 
 " in the fervice of the public ; it becomes you to pay 
 " them tribute and cuftom ; and to reverence, honor, 
 " and fubmit to, them in the execution of their re- 
 " fpective offices." This is apparently good reafoning. 
 But does this argument conclude for the duty of paying 
 tribute, cuftom, reverence, honor and obedience, to fuch 
 perfons as (although the^ bear the title of rulers) ufe 
 all their power to hurt and injure the public? fuch 
 as are not God's minifters, but fattn's ? fuch as do not 
 take care of, and attend upon, the public intereft, but 
 their own, to the ruin of the public ? that is, in 
 fhort, to fuch as have no natural and juft claim at all to 
 tribute, cuftom, reverence, honor and obedience ? It 
 is to be hoped that thofe who have any regard to the 
 apoftle's character as an infpired writer, or even as a 
 man of common underftanding, will not reprefent him as 
 reafoning in fuch a loofe incoherent manner ; and draw 
 ing conclufions which have not the Jeaft relation to his 
 premifes. For what can be more abfurd than an argu 
 ment thus framed ? " Rulers are, by their office, bound 
 " to confult the public welfare and the good of fo- 
 " ciety : therefore you are bound to pay them tribute, 
 * e to honor, and to fubmit to them, even when they 
 " deftroy the public welfare, and are a common peft to 
 * fociety, by acting in direct contradiction to the nature 
 " and end of their office. 51 
 
 THUS, upon a careful review of the apoftle 9 s reafoning 
 
 ; ifi this pafiage, it appears that his arguments to enforce 
 
 fubmiffion, are of fuch a nature, as to conclude only in 
 
 favour of fubmiffion to fuch rulers as be bimfelf defer ibes , 
 
Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 29 
 
 i. e. fuch as' rule for the good of fociety, which is the 
 only end of their inftitution. Common tyrants, and 
 public oppreflbrs, are not intitled to obedience from 
 their fubjefts, by virtue of any thing here laid down 
 by theinfpired apoftle^ 
 
 h o/ gmL-io'rjfi 3J5ifo bnn ; fjfbi pi bris <rnii< 
 I NOW add, farther, that the apoftle's argument is 
 
 fo far from proving it to be the duty of people to 
 obey, and fubmit to, fuch rulers as aft in contradiction 
 to the public good, f and fo to the defign of their 
 office, that it proves tie 'direft . contrary. For, "pleafe 
 to obferve, that if the end of all civil government, be 
 the good of fociety , if this be the thing that is aimed 
 at in conftituting civil rulers ; and if the motive and 
 argument for fubmiflion to government, be taken from 
 the apparent ufefulnefs of civil authority \ it follows, 
 that when no fuch good end can be anfwered by fub- 
 miflion, there rernains no argument or motive to enforce 
 it , if inftead of this good end's being brought about 
 by fubmifilon, a contrary end is brought about, and 
 the ruin and mifery of fociety effected by it, here is a 
 plain and pofitive reafon againft fubmiffion in all fuch 
 cafes, fliould they ever happen. And therefore, in fuch 
 cafes, a regard to the public welfare, ought to make 
 us with-hold from our rulers, that obedience and fub- 
 jedion which ic would, otherwife, be our duty to render 
 to them. If it be our duty, for example, to obey our 
 king, merely for this, reafon, that he rules fpr the pub* 
 
 f This does nofc intend,- their-a&ng fo in-.^ fenv particular inftances, 
 which the bed of rulers may do through miftake, &c. but their 
 afting fo habitually ; and in a manner which plainly {hows, that 
 Sbey aim at making themfelves great, by the ruin of their fubje&s. 
 
 lie 
 
30 Of unlimited SulmlJJlon^ and 
 
 lie welfare, ( which is the only argument the apoftle 
 makes ufe of) it follows, by a parity of reafon, that 
 when he turns tyrant, and makes his fubjecls his prey 
 to devour and to deftroy, inftead of his charge to defend 
 and cherifh, we are bound to throw off our allegiance 
 to him, and to refift -, and that according to the tenor 
 of the apoftle's argument in this paflage. Not to dif- 
 continue our allegiance, in this cafe, would be to 
 join with the fovereign in promoting the flavery and mi- 
 fery of that fociety, the welfare of which, we ourfelves, 
 as well as our fovereign, are indifpenfably obliged to fe- 
 cure and promote, as far as in us lies. It is true the 
 apoftle puts no cafe of fuch a tyrannical prince ; but by 
 his grounding his argument for fubmifiion wholly upon 
 the good of civil fociety ; it is plain he implicitly autho- 
 rifes, and even requires us to make refiftance, whenever 
 this mall be neceffary to the public fafety and happinefs. 
 Let me make ufe of this eafy and familiar fimilitude to 
 illuftrate the point in hand Suppofe God requires a 
 family of children, to obey their father and not to refift 
 him ; and inforces his command with this argument ; 
 that the fuperintendence and care and authority ofajuft 
 and kind parent, will contribute to the happinefs of the 
 whole family -, fo that they ought to obey him for their 
 own fakes more than for his : Suppofe this parent at 
 length runs diftra&ed, and attempts, in his mad fit, to 
 cut all his children's throats : Now, in this cafe, is not 
 the reafon before afllgned, why thefe children mould 
 obey their parent while he continued of a found mind, 
 
 namely, their common good, a reafon equally conclufive 
 
 for 
 
Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 31 
 
 for difobeying and refitting him, fince he is become 
 delirious, and attempts their ruin ? It makes no alteration 
 in the argument, whether this parent, properly fpeaking, 
 lofes his reafon ; or does, while he retains his underftand- 
 ing, that which is as fatal in its confequences, as any 
 thing he could do, were he really deprived of it. This 
 fimilitude needs no formal application 
 
 . 
 BUT it ought to be remembred, that if the duty of 
 
 univerfal obedience and non-refiftance to our king or 
 prince, can be argued from this pafTage, the fame unli 
 mited fubmiflion under a republican, or any other form 
 of government \ and even to all the fubordinate powers 
 in any particular ftate, can be proved by it as well : 
 which is more than thofe who alledge it for the menti 
 oned purpofe, would be willing mould be inferred from 
 it. So that this paflage docs not anfwer their purpofe ; 
 but really overthrows and confutes it. This matter 
 deferves to be more particularly confidered. The ad 
 vocates for unlimited fubmiflion and paflive obedience, 
 do, if I miftake not, always fpeak with reference to 
 kingly or monarchical government, as diftinguimed from 
 all other forms ; and, with reference to fubmitting to the 
 will of the king, in diftindlion from all fubordinate 
 officers, acting beyond their commiflion, and the autho 
 rity which they have received from the crown. It is 
 not pretended that any perfon befides kings, have a di 
 vine right to do what they pleafe, fo that no one may 
 refift them, without incurring the guilt of factioufnefs 
 and rebellion. If any other fupreme powers opprefs the 
 
 people. 
 
3 2 Of unlimited Submiffion^ and 
 
 people, it is generally allowed, that the people may 
 get redrefs, by refinance, if other methods prove inef- 
 feftual. And if any officers in a kingly government, 
 go beyond the limits of that power which they have de 
 rived from the crown, (the fuppofed original fource of 
 all power and authority in the ftate) and attempt, ille 
 gally, to take away the properties and lives of their fel 
 low- fubjefts, they may be forcibly refitted, at lead till 
 application can be made to the crown. But as to the 
 fovereign himfelf, he may not be refitted in any cafe ; 
 nor any of his officer?, while they confine themfelves 
 within the bounds/ which he has prefcribed to them. 
 This is, I think, a true fketch of the principles of thofe 
 
 who defend the do6lrine of paffive obedience and non- 
 
 * 
 
 refinance. Now there is nothing in fcripture which 
 fupports this fcheme of political principles. As to the 
 pafTage under confideration, the apoflle here fpeaks of 
 civil rulers in general , of all perfons in common, vefted 
 with authority for the good of fociety, without any par 
 ticular refeYehce to one form of government, more than 
 to another; or to the fupreme power in any particular 
 flate, more than to fubordinate powers. The apoftle 
 does not concern himfelf with the different forms of go 
 vernment, f This he fuppofes left intirely to human 
 
 prudence 
 'j|j.-: - l i^&vStil 
 
 f- The effence of government (.1 mean good government; and 
 this is the only government which the apoitle treats of in this paf- 
 fage ) confilis in the making and executing of good laws laws 
 attempered to the common felicity of \kt governed. And if this be, 
 infaiJ, <lon-e, ins evidently,, in it felf, a t'hing of no confequence 
 at all, what the particular form of government is .; whether the 
 JegifUtiye and executive power be lodged in one and the fame per- 
 
 * 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 3 3 
 
 prudence and difcretion. Now the confequence of this 
 is, that unlimited and paffive obedience, is no more 
 enjoined in this pafTage, under monarchical government ; 
 or to the fupreme power in any ftate, than under all 
 other fpecies of government, which anfwer the end of 
 government ; or, to all the fubordinate degrees of civil 
 authority, from the highed to the lowed. Thofe, 
 therefore, who would from this paflage infer the guilt 
 of refiding kings, in all cafes whatever, though acYmg 
 ever fo contrary to the defign of their office, mud, if they 
 will be confident, go much farther, and infer from it the 
 guilt of refidance under all other forms of government ; 
 and of refilling any petty officer in the date, tho* afling 
 beyond his commifilon, in the mod arbitrary, illegal 
 manner poflible. The argument holds equally drong in 
 both cafes. All civil rulers, as fuch, are the ordinance and 
 minifters of God ; and they are all, by the nature of their 
 office, and in their refpective fpheres and dations, bound 
 to confult the public welfare. With the fame reafon 
 therefore, that any deny unlimited and paffive obedi- 
 
 fon, or in different perfons ; whether in one perfon, whom we 
 call an abfolute monarch ; whether in a/fw, fo as to conftitute 
 an arijlocrafy ; whether in many, fo as to conftitute a republic ; 
 or whether in three co-ordinate branches, in fuch manner as to 
 make the government partake fomething of each of thefe forms ; 
 and to be, at the fame time, effentially different from them all. If 
 the end be attained, it is enough. But no form of government 
 feems to be fo unlikely to accomplifh this end, as abfolute mo 
 narchy Nor is there any one that has fo little pretence to a 
 
 divine original, unlefs it be in this fenfe, that God/Vy? introduced 
 it into, and thereby overturned, the common wealth of Ifrael, as 
 zcurfe upon that people for their folly and <wickednefs, particularly 
 in drfiring fuch a government. (See I Sam. viii. chap.) Jult 
 fo God, before, fent Quails amongft them, as a plague, and a 
 cur/e t and not as a ble/mg. Numb. chap. xi. 
 
 F ence 
 
34 Of unlimited Sulmiffion^ and 
 
 cnce to be here injoined under a republic or ariftocrafy, 
 or any other eftablifhed form of civil government ; or 
 to fubordinate powers, acting in an illegal and oppreflive 
 manner , (with the fame reafon) others may deny, that 
 fuch obedience is enjoined to a king or monarch, or any 
 civil power whatever. For the apoflle fays nothing that is 
 peculiar to kings \ what he fays,extends equally to all other 
 perfons whatever, vetted with any civil office. They are 
 all, in exactly the fame fenfe, the ordinance of God ; and 
 the minifters of God ; and obedience is equally enjoined 
 to be paid to them all. For, as the apoflle exprefies it, 
 there is NO POWER but of God: And we are requi 
 red to render to ALL their DUES ; and not MORE 
 than their DUES. And what thefe dues are, and to 
 vpbom they are to be rendered, the apofrkfayetb not\ but 
 leaves to the reafon and confciences of men to determine. 
 
 ! ' 
 
 THUS it appears, that the common argument, 
 grounded upon this paffage, in favor of univerfal, and 
 paffive obedience, really overthrows itfelf, by proving 
 too much, if it proves any thing at all , namely, that 
 no civil officer is, in any cafe whatever, to be refilled, 
 though acting in exprefs contradiction to the defign, of 
 his office , which no man, in his fenfes, ever did, or can 
 
 * * ' briij 
 
 aflfert. 
 
 
 .". . ! 
 
 IF we calmly confider the nature of the thing itfelf, 
 nothing can well be imagined more directly contrary to 
 common fenfe, than to fuppofe that millions of people 
 
 fhould be fubjected to the arbitrary, precarious pleafure 
 
 of 
 
Non-Re fiftance to the Higher Powers. 3 5 
 
 of one fingle man ; (who has naturally no fuperiority 
 over them in point of authority,) fo that their eftates, 
 and every thing that is valuable in Jife, and even their 
 lives alfo, fhall be abfolutely at his difpofal, if he happens 
 to be wanton and capricious enough to demand them. 
 What unprejudiced man can think, that God made ALL 
 to be thus fubfervient to the lawlefs pleafure and phrenzy 
 of ONE, fo that it fhall always be a fin to refift him ! 
 Nothing but the mod plain and exprefs revelation from 
 heaven could make a fobef impartial man believe fuch 
 a monftrous, unaccountable doctrine, and, indeed, the 
 thing itfelf, appears fo ihocking fo out of all propor 
 tion^ that it may be queftioned, whether all the miracles 
 that ever were wrought, could make it credible, that 
 this do&rine really came from God. At prefent, there 
 is not the lead fyllable in fcripture which gives any coun 
 tenance to it. The hereditary, indefeafihle, divine right 
 of kings, and the doctrine of non-refiftance, which is built 
 upon the fuppofition of fuch a right, are altogether as 
 Fabulous and chimerical, as tranfubftantiation \ or any of 
 the moft abfurd reveries of ancient or modern vifionaries.' 
 Thefe notions are fetched neither from divine revelation, 
 nor human realon ; and if they are derived from neither 
 of thofe fources, it is not much matter from whence they 
 erne, or whither they go. Only it is a pity that fuch 
 doctrines fhould be propagated in fociety, to raife fac 
 tions and rebellions, as we fee they have, in fact, been 
 both in the l-aft^ and in the prefent^ REIGN. 
 
 BUT then, if unlimited fubmiffion and paffive obedi 
 ence to the higher powers, in all poflible cafes, be not a 
 
 duty, 
 
3 6 Of unlimited Submijfion, a?id 
 
 duty, it will be afked, " How far are we obliged to 
 " fubmit ? If we may innocently difobey and refift in 
 " fome cafes, why not in all ? Where fhall we flop ? 
 " What is the meafure of our duty ? This doftrine 
 c tends to the total difiblution of civil government ; 
 cc and to introduce fuch fcenes of wild anarchy and con- 
 ^ fufion, as are more fatal to 'fociety than the worfl of 
 " tyranny." 
 
 rr 
 
 AFTER this manner, fome men object ; and, indeed, 
 this is the mqft plaufible thing that can be faid in favor 
 of fuch an abfolute fubmiffion as they plead for. But 
 the worfl (or rather the beft) of it, is, that there is very- 
 little flrength or folidity in it. For fimilar difficulties 
 may be raifed with refpect to almofl every duty of natural 
 and revealed religion. Toinftance only in two, both of 
 which are near akin, and indeed exactly parallel, to the cafe 
 before us. It is unqueftionably the duty of children to 
 fubmit to their parents ; and of fervants, to their mailers, 
 But no one afTerts, that it is their duty to obey, and 
 fubmit to them, in all luppofeable cafes ; or univerfally 
 a fm to refift them. Now does this tend to fubvert the 
 juft authority of parents and matters ? Or to introduce 
 confufion and anarchy into private families ? No. How 
 then does the fame principle tend to unhinge the govern^ 
 ment of that larger family, the body politic ? We know > 
 in general, that children and fervants are obliged to 
 obey their parents and matters refpectively. We know 
 alfo, with equal certainty, that they are not obliged to 
 fubmit to them' in all things, without exception ; but 
 
 may, in fame cafes, reafonably, and therefore innocently, 
 
 refift 
 
Non-Refiftance to the Higher Powers. 37 
 
 refift them. Thefe principles are acknowledged upon all 
 hands, whatever difficulty there may be in fixing the 
 exact limits of fubmifTion. Now there is at lead as 
 much difficulty in dating the meafure of duty in thefc 
 two cafes, as in the cafe of rulers and fubjects. So that 
 this is really no objection, at lead no reafonable one, 
 againfl refiftance to the bigber -powers : Or, if it is one^ 
 it will hold equally againft refiftance in the other cafes 
 mentioned. It is indeed true, that turbulent, vicious- 
 minded men, may take occafion from this principle, that 
 their rulers may, in Ibme cafes, be lawfully refilled, to 
 raife factions and difturbances in the (late , and to make 
 refiftance where refiftance is needlefs, and therefore, fin- 
 ful. But is it not equally true, that children and fer- 
 vants of turbulent, vicious minds, may take occafion from 
 this principle, that parents and matters may, in fome 
 cafes be lawfully refitted, to refift when refiftance is un- 
 neceflfary, and therefore, criminal ? Is the principle in 
 either cafe falfe in itfelf, merely becaufe it may be abu- 
 fed -, and applied to legitimate difobedience and refift 
 ance in thofe inftances, to which it ought not to be 
 applied ? According to this way of arguing, there will be 
 no true principles in the world ; for there are none but 
 what may be wrefted and perverted to ferve bad pur- 
 pofes, either through the weaknefs or wickednefsof men.f 
 iv*- A 
 
 f WE may very fafeiy afTert thefe two things in general, without 
 undermining government : One is, That no civil rulers are to be 
 obeyed when they enjoin things that are inconfiftent with the 
 commands of God : All fuch diiobedience is lawful and glorious ; 
 particularly, if perfons refufeto comply with any legal eJiablijT^ment 
 of 'religion , becaufe it is a grofs p.erverfion and corruption ( as to 
 
 do&rine, 
 
 
3 8 Of unlimited Submijjlon^ and 
 
 A PEOPLE, really oppreiTed to a great degree by 
 their fovereign, cannot well be infenfible when they are 
 fo opprefifed. And fuch a people (if I may allude to art 
 
 ancient fable) have, like the befperian fruit, a DRAGON 
 
 for 
 
 doctrine, worfhip and difcipllne ) of a pure and divine religion, 
 brought from heaven to earth by the Son of God, ( the only King 
 and Head of the chrijlian church ) and propagated through the 
 world by his infpired apoftles. All commands running counter 
 to the declared will of the fupreme legislator of heaven and earth, 
 are null and void : And therefore difobedience to them is a duty, 
 not a crime. (See the marginal note, page 7.) Another thing 
 that may be afferted with equal truth and fafety, is, That no go 
 vernment is to be fubmitted to, at the expence of that which is 
 the fole end of all government, the common good and fafety of 
 fociety. Becaufe, to fubmit in this cafe, if it fhould ever happen, 
 would evidently be to fet up the means as more valuable, and a- 
 bove, the end-, than which there cannot be a greater folecifm and 
 contradiction. The only reafon of the inftitution of civil govern 
 ment ; and the only rational ground of fubmiflion to it, is the 
 common fafety and utility. If therefore, in any cafe, the com 
 mon fafety and utility would not be promoted by fubmifiion to 
 government, but the contrary, there is no ground or motive for 
 obedience and fubmiflion, but, for the contrary. 
 WHOEVER confiders the nature of civil government muft, indeed, 
 be fenfible that a great degree of implicit confidence, muft un 
 avoidably be placed in thofe that bear rule : this is implied in the 
 very notion of authority's being originally a trufl, committed by 
 the people, to thofe who are vefted with it, as all juft and righ 
 teous authority is ; all befides, is mere lawlefs force and ufurpa- 
 tion ; neither God nor nature, having given any man a right of 
 dominion over any fociety, independently of that fociety 's ap 
 probation, and confent to be governed by him Now as all men 
 are fallible, it cannot be fuppofed that the public affairs of any 
 ftate, ftiould be always adminiftred in the beft manner poffible, 
 even by perfons of the greateft wifdom and integrity. Nor is it 
 fufficient to legitimate difobedience to the higher powers that they 
 are not fo adminiftred ; or that they are, in fome inftances, very 
 ill-managed ; for upon this principle, it is fcarcely fuppofeable 
 that any government at all could be fupported, or fubfift. Such a 
 principle manifeftly tends to the diffoiution of government ; 
 and to throw all things imo confulion and anarchy. But it is 
 equally evident, upon the other hand, that thofe in authority 
 may abufe their trujl and power to fuch a degree, that neither 
 the law of reafon, nor of religion, requires, that any obedience 
 
 or 
 
Non-RefiJtance to tie Higher Powers. 39 
 
 fbr their proteffor and guardian : Nor would they have 
 any reafon to mourn, if fome HERCULES fhould ap- 
 
 or fubmiffion fhould be paid to them ; but, on the contrary, that 
 they fhould be totally diCcarded ; and the authority which they 
 were before vefted with, transferred to other?, who may exercife 
 it more to thofe good purpofes for which it is given. Nor is 
 this principle, that refinance to the higher powers, is, in fome ex 
 traordinary cafes, juftifiable, fo liable to abufc, as many perfons 
 feem to apprehend it. For although there will be always fome 
 petulant, querulous men, in every ttate men of ^factious, tur 
 bulent and carping difpofitions, glad to lay hold of any trifle to 
 juftify and legitimate their caballing againft their rulers, and 
 other feditious practices ; yet there are, comparatively fpeaking, 
 but few men of this contemptible charafier. It does not appear 
 but that mankind, in general, have a difpofition to be as fubmif- 
 five and paflive and tame under government as they ought to be. 
 ----Witnefs a great, if not the greateft, part of the known world, 
 who are now groaning, but not murmuring, under the? heavy 
 yoke of tyranny ! While thofe who govern, do it with any toler 
 able degree of moderation and juftice, and, in any good meafurfi 
 act up to their office and character, by being public benefactors ; 
 the people will generally be eafy and peaceable ; and be rather 
 inclined to flatter and adore, than to infuh and refift, them. Nor 
 was there ever any general complaint againft any adminiftration, 
 nvbick lafted long t but what there was good reafon for. Till 
 people find themfelves greatly abufed and opprefTcd by their gover 
 nors, they are not apt to complain; and whenever they do, in fact, 
 find themfelves thus abufed and opprefled,they muftbeftupid not to 
 complain. To fay that fubjectsin general are not proper judges 
 when their governors opprefs them, and play the tyrant ; and 
 when they defend their rights, adminifter juftice impartially, and 
 promote the public welfare, is as great treafon as ever man utter 
 ed ; 'tis treafon, not againrt one Jtngle man, but the ftate 
 againft the whole body politic ; 'tis treafon againft man 
 kind - t 'tis treafon againft common fenfe , 'tis treafon againft 
 God. And this impious principle lays the foundation for juftify- 
 ing all the tyranny and oppreffion that ever any prince was guilty 
 of. The people know for what end they fet up, and maintain, 
 their governors ; and they are the proper judges when they ex 
 ecute their tntf as they ought to do it ; when their prince ex- 
 ercifes an equitable and paternal authority over them ; when 
 from a prince and common father, he exalts himfelf into a ty 
 rant when from fubjects and children, he degrades them into 
 the clafsof flaves ; plunders them, makes them his prey, and 
 unnaturally fports himfelf with their lives and fortunes 
 
 pear 
 
4 o of King CHARLES'S 
 
 pear to difpatch him For a nation thus abufed to arife 
 unanimoufly, and to refift their prince, even to the de 
 throning him, is not criminal ; but a reafonable way of 
 vindicating their liberties and juft rights ; it is making 
 ufe of the means, and the only means, which God has 
 put into their power, for mutual and felf-defence. And 
 it would be highly criminal in them, not to make ufe 
 of this means. It would be ftupid tamenefs, and unac 
 countable folly, for whole nations to fuffer one unreafona- 
 ble, ambitious and cruel man, to wanton and riot in their 
 mifery. And in fuch a cafe it would, of the two, be 
 more rational to fuppofe, that they that did NOT refift^ 
 than that they who did, would receive to tbemfetoes 
 damnation. 
 
 And 
 
 naturally brings us to make fome reflections 
 upon the refiflance which was made about a century 
 fince, to that unhappy prince, KING CHARLES I ; 
 and upon the ANNIVERSARY of his death. This is 
 a point which I fliould not have concerned myfelf about, 
 were it not that fome men continue to fpeak of it, even 
 to this day, with a great deal of warmth and zeal ; and 
 in fuch a manner as to undermine all the principles of 
 LIBERTY, whether civil or religious, and to introduce 
 the moft abject flavery both in church and ftate : fo 
 that it is become a matter of univerfal concern. What 
 I have to offer upon this fubject, will be comprifed in 
 
 a fhort anfwer to the following queries \ viz. 
 
 FOR 
 
f 
 
 SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 41 
 
 FOR what reafon the refiftance to king Charles the 
 Firft was made ? 
 
 BY whom it was made ? 
 
 WHETHER, this refiftance was REBELLION, t or 
 not ? 
 
 How the Anniversary of king Charles's death came at 
 frft to be folemnized as a day of falling and humiliation ? 
 And laftly, 
 
 WHY thofe of the epifcopal clergy who are very high 
 in the principles of ecclejiaftical authority, continue to 
 fpeak of this unhappy man, as a great SAINT and a 
 MARTYR ? 
 
 FOR what reafon, then, was the refiftance to king 
 Charles^ made ? The general anfwer to this inquiry is, 
 that it was on account of the tyranny and oppre/ion of his 
 reign. Not a great while after his accefiion to the 
 throne, he married a french catholic -, and with her feemed 
 to have wedded the politics, if not the religion of France^ 
 alfo. For afterwards, during a reign, or rather a tyranny 
 of many years, he governed in a perfectly wild and arbi 
 trary manner, paying no regard to the conftitution and 
 the laws of the kingdom, by which the power of the 
 crown was limited ; or to the folemn oath which he had 
 taken at his coronation. It would be endlefs, as well 
 asneedlefs, to give a particular account of all the Illegal 
 and defpotic meafures which he took in his adminiftra- 
 tion ; partly from his own natural luft of power, and 
 partly from the influence of wicked councellors and 
 
 f N. B. I fpeak of rebellion, treafon, faintfhip, martyrdom, &c. 
 throughout this difcourfe, only in the Jcriptural and theological 
 fenfe. I know not how the taw defines them ; the ftudy of that 
 not being my employment . 
 
 G minifters. 
 
42 of King CHARLES'S 
 
 miniders. He committed many illudrious members of 
 both houfes of parliament to the tower ^ oppofing his ar 
 bitrary fchemes. > He levied many taxes upon the people 
 without confent of parliament \ and then imprifoned 
 great numbers of the principal merchants and gentry for 
 not paying them. He ere&ed, or at lead revived, feveral 
 new and arbitrary courts, in which the mod unheard-of 
 barbarities were committed with his knowledge and 
 approbation He fupported that more than fiend, 
 arch-bifliop Laud and the clergy of his damp, in all their 
 church-tyranny and hellifh cruelties He authorifed a 
 book in favor of fports upon the Lord's -day , and feveral 
 clergymen were perfecuted by him and the mentioned 
 pious bifhop, for not reading it to the people after divine 
 fervice When the parliament complained to him of the 
 arbitrary proceedings of his corrupt miniders, he told 
 that auguft body, in a rough, domineering, unprincely 
 manner, that he wondred any one fliould be fo foolifli 
 and infolent as to think that he would part with the 
 meaneft of his fervants upon their account- He refufed 
 to call any parliament at all for the fpace of twelve 
 years together, during all which time, he governed in an 
 abfolute lawlefs and defpotic manner He took all op 
 portunities to encourage ihepapifts, and to promote them 
 to the highed offices of honor and trud He ( proba 
 bly ) abetted the horrid mafTacre in Ireland, m which 
 two hundred thoufand protedants were butchered by the 
 roman catholics. He fent a large fum of money, which 
 he had raifed by his arbitrary taxes, into Germany, to raife 
 
 foreign troops, in order to force more arbitrary taxes 
 
 upon 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 43 
 
 upon his fubjefts. He not only by a long feries of akli- 
 OHSy but alfo in plain terms, afiferted an abfolnte uncon- 
 troulable power , faying even in one of his fpeeches to 
 parliament, that as it was blafphemy to difpute what 
 God might do , fo it was fedition in fubjects to difpute 
 what the king might do. Towards the end of his 
 tyranny, he came to the houfe of commons with an armed 
 force, f and demanded five of its principal members to 
 be delivered up to him And this was a prelude to that 
 unnatural war which he foon after levied againft his own 
 dutiful fubjedls -, whom he was bound by all the laws of 
 honor, humanity, piety, and I might add, of intereft alfo, to 
 defend and cherifh with a paternal affedlion I have only 
 time to hint at thefe fads in a general way, all which, 
 and many more of the fame tenor, may be proved by 
 good authorities : So that the figurative language which 
 St. John ufes concerning thejufl and beneficent deeds 
 of our blefTed Saviour, may be applied to the unrighteous 
 and execrable deeds of this prince, viz. And there are 
 alfo many other things which king Charles did, the which, 
 if they jhould be written every one, 1 fuppofe that even the 
 world itfelf, could not contain the books that Jhould be 
 written. * Now it was on account of king Charles $ 
 thus afluming a power above the laws, in direct contra 
 diction to his coronation-oath, and governing the greateft 
 part of his time, in the mod arbitrary oppreffive manner ; 
 it was upon this account, that that refi fiance was made 
 f ' fiit- 
 
 }- Hiftorians are not agreed, what number of foldiers attended him 
 in this monftrous invafion of the priviledges of parliament Some 
 fay 300, foine 400 : And the author of i'be bijiory of the kings of 
 Scotland, fays 500. * John xxi. 25. 
 
 to 
 
Of King C H A R L E S's 
 
 to him, which, at length, iflfued in the lofs of his crown, 
 and of that bead which was unworthy to wear it. 
 
 BUT by whom was this refiftance made ? Not by a 
 private junto -, not by a fmall feditious party \ not by 
 a few defparadoes, who, to mend their fortunes, would 
 embroil the ftate ; but by the LORDS and COMMONS 
 of England. It was they that almoft unanimoufly oppofed 
 the king's meafures for overturning the conftitution, and 
 changing that free and happy government into a wretched, 
 abfolute monarchy. It was they that when the king was 
 about levying forces againft his fubjecls, in order to make 
 himfelf abfolute, commiflioned officers, and raifed an 
 army to defend themfelves and the public : And it was 
 they, that maintained the war againft him all along, till 
 he was made a prifoner. This is indifputable. Though 
 it was not properly fpeaking the parliament, but the 
 army, which put him to death afterwards. And it ought 
 to be freely acknowledged, that moft of their proceed 
 ing, in order to get this matter effected ; and particu 
 larly the court by which the king was at lad tried and 
 condemned, was little better than a mere mockery of 
 juftice. 
 
 THE next queftion which naturally arifes, is, whether 
 this refiftance which was made to the king by the par 
 liament^ was properly rebellion, or not ? The anfwer to 
 which is plain, that it was not ; but a moft righteous 
 and glorious ftand, made in defence of the natural and 
 legal rights of the people,againft the unnatural and illegal 
 
 encroachments of arbitrary power. Nor was this a rafh 
 
 and 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 4.5 
 
 and too fudden oppofition. The nation had been patient 
 under the oppreffions of the crown, even to hng-fuf- 
 fering ; fora coUrfe of many years ; and there was no 
 rational hope of redrefs in any other way Refiftance was 
 abfoluteJy neceflary in order to preferve the nation from 
 flavery, mifery and ruin. And who fo proper to make 
 this refiftance as the lords and commons ; the whole 
 reprefentative body of the people ; guardians of the 
 public welfare ; and each of which was, in point of le- 
 giflation, vetted with an equal, co-ordinate power, with 
 
 that of the crown ? -f- Here were two branches of the 
 
 legiflature 
 
 f The evglijh conftitution is originally and efTentially/r^. The charac 
 ter which J. Cfefar and Tacitus both give of the ancient Britain* 
 fo long ago, is, That they were extremely jealous of their liberties, 
 as well as a people of a martial fpirit. Nor have there been 
 wanting frequent inftances and proofs of the fame glorious fpirit 
 ( in both refpedts ) remaining in their pofterity ever fince, in 
 the ftruggles they have made for liberty, both againft foreign 
 
 and domeftic tyrants. Their kings hold their title to the 
 
 throne, iblely by grant of parliament j i. e. in other words, by 
 the voluntary confent of the people. And, agreably hereto, the 
 prerogative and rights of the crown are dated, defined and limited 
 by law ; and that as truly and ftriclly as the rights of any in 
 ferior officer in the ftate ; or indeed, of any private fubjecl. And 
 it is only in this refpeft that it can be faid, that " the king can 
 " do no wrong." Being reftrained by the law, he cannot, while 
 he confines himfelf within thofe juft limits which the law 
 prefcribes to Jiim as the meafure of his authority, injure 
 and opprefs the fubjecl. The king, in his coronation oath, 
 fwears to exerc.ife only fuch a power as the conftitution gives 
 him: And. the fubjecl, in the oath of allegiance, fwears only to 
 obey him in the exercife of fuch a power. The king 1 is as much 
 bound by his oath, not to infringe the legal rights of the people, 
 as the people are bound to yield fubjec~Uon to him. From whence 
 it follows, that as foon as the prince fets himfelf up above law, 
 he lofes the king in the tyrant : he does to all intents and pur- 
 pofes, unking himfelf, by acting out of, and beyond, that fphere 
 which the conftitution allows him to move in. And in fuch 
 cafes, he has no more right to be obeyed, than any inferior of- 
 who acls beyond his commifiion. The fubje&s obligation 
 
 to 
 
4 6 of King CHARLES'S 
 
 legiflature againft one 5 two, which had law and equity 
 and the conftitution on their fide, againft one which was 
 impioufly attempting to overturn law and equity and the 
 conftitution ; and to exercife a wanton licentious fovereign- 
 ty over the properties, confciences and lives of all the 
 people: Suchafovereignty as fome inconfiderately afcribe 
 to the fupreme Governor of the world, I fay, inconfi 
 derately ; becaufe God himfelf does not govern in an 
 abfolutely arbitrary and defpotic manner. The power of 
 this Almighty King (I fpeak it not without caution and 
 reverence ; the power of this Almighty King) is limited 
 bylaw; nor, indeed, by afts of parliament, but by the 
 eternal laws of truth, wifdom and equity ; and the ever- 
 lafting tables of right reafon ; tables that cannot be 
 repealed, or thrown down and Iroken like thofe of Mofes. 
 But king Charles fat himfelf up above all thefe, as 
 much as he did above the written laws of the realm ; 
 and made mere humor and caprice, which are no rule at 
 all, the only rule and meafure of his adminiftration. And 
 now, is it not perfectly ridiculous to call refiftance to 
 fuch a tyrant, by the name of rebellion ? the grand 
 rebellion ? Even that parliament, which brought king 
 
 to allegiance then ceafes of courfe : and to refift him, is no more 
 rebellion, than to refill any foreign invader. There is an effential 
 difference betwixt government and tyranny ; at leafl under fuch 
 a conftitution as the (nglijh. The former confifts in ruling ac 
 cording^ to law and equity ; the latter, in ruling contrary to law 
 and equity. So alfo, there is an effential difference betwixt re- 
 fifting a tyrant, and rebellion ; The former is a juft and reafona- 
 ble felf- defence ; the latter confifts in refitting a prince whofe ad- 
 miniftration is juft and legal ; and this is what denominates it a 
 crime. Now it is evident, that king Charleses government was 
 illegal, and very oppreffive, through the greateft part of his reign : 
 And, therefore, to refill him, was no more rebellion, than to op- 
 pofe any foreign invader, or any other domeilic opprefibr 
 
 Charles 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 47 
 
 Charles II. to the throne, and which run loyally wad, 
 feverely reproved one of their own members for condem 
 ning the proceedings of that parliament which firft took 
 up arms againft the former king. And upon the fame 
 principles that the proceedings of this parliament may be 
 cenfured as wicked and rebellious,the proceedings of thofe 
 who, fince, oppofed king James II, and brought the 
 prince of Orange to the throne, may be cenfured as 
 wicked and rebellious alfo. The cafes are parallel. But 
 whatever feme men may think, it is to be hoped that, for 
 their own fakes, they will not dare to fpeak againft the 
 REVOLUTION, upon the juftice and legality of which 
 depends (in part) his prefent MAJESTY'S right to the 
 throne. 
 
 IF it be faid, that although the parliament which firft 
 oppofed king Charles's meafures, and at length took up 
 arms againft him, were not guilty of rebellion , yet cer 
 tainly thofe perfons were, who condemned, and put 
 him to death ; even this perhaps is not true. For he 
 had, in faft, unkinged himfelf long before, and had 
 forfeited his title to the allegiance of the people. So 
 that thofe who put him to death, were, at mod only guilty 
 of murder ; which, indeed, is bad enough, if they were 
 really guiky of that -, ( which is at leaft difputable. ) 
 Cromwell^nd thofe who were principally concerned in the 
 ( nominat) king's death, might poflibly have been very 
 wicked and defigning men. Nor fhall I fay any thing 
 in vindication of the reigning, bypocrify of thofe times j 
 or of Cramwelfs male-adminlftrajioa- during, the inter* 
 regnum\ ( for it is /n^ and not a party} that J ar# fpeak- 
 
 ing 
 
48 Of King CHARLES'S 
 
 ing for. ) But ftill it may be faid, that Cromwell and his 
 adherents were not, properly fpeaking, guilty of rebellion ; 
 becaufe he, whom they beheaded was not, properly fpeak 
 ing, their king , but a lawlefs tyrant. much lefs, are the 
 whole body of the nation at that time to be charged with 
 rebellion on that account ; for it was no national aft ; 
 it was not done by a free parliament. And much 
 lefs ftill, is the nation at prefent, to be charged with the 
 great fin of rebellion, for what their ancestors did, (or 
 rather did NOT) a century ago. 
 
 BUT how came the anniverfary of kingC^r/^j's death, 1 
 to be folemnized as a day of fading and humiliation ? 
 The true anfwer in brief, to which inquiry, is, that this 
 faft was inftituted by way of court and complement to king 
 Cbarles II, upon the reftoration. All were defirous of 
 making their court to him , of ingratiating themfelves ; 
 and of making him forget what had been done in oppo- 
 fition to his father, fo as not to revenge it. To effect 
 this, they ran into the moft extravagant profefilons of 
 affeflion and loyalty to him, infomuch that he himfelf 
 faid, that it' was a mad and hair brained loyalty which 
 they profefTed. And amongft other ftrange things, which 
 his firft parliament did, they ordered the 'Thirtieth of 
 January ( the day on which his father was beheaded ) to 
 be kept as a day of foJemn humiliation, to deprecate the 
 judgments of heaven for the rebellion which the nation 
 had been guilty of, in that which was no national thing ; 
 and which was not rebellion in them that did it Thus 
 
 they foothed and flattered their new king, at the expence 
 
 of 
 
 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 49 
 
 of their liberties : And were ready to yield up freely 
 to Charles II, all that enormous power, which they had 
 juftly refilled Charles I, for ufurping to himfelf. 
 
 THE laft query mentioned, was, Why thofe of the 
 
 epifcopal clergy who are very high in the principles of 
 
 ecclefiafiical authority, continue to fpeak of this unhappy 
 
 prince as a great Saint and a Martyr ? This, we know, is 
 
 what they conftantly do, efpecially upon the 3Oth of 
 
 January ; a day facred to the extolling of him, and to 
 
 the reproaching of thofe who are not of the eflabli/hed 
 
 church. Out of the fame mouth on this day, proceedeth 
 
 lleffing and curfing ; *f there with blefs they their God, 
 
 even Charles, and therewith curfe they the diflenters : And 
 
 their tongue can no man tame , // is an unruly evil, full 
 
 vf deadly poifon. King Charles is, upon this folemnity, 
 
 frequently compared to our Lord Jefus Chrift, both in 
 
 refpect of the -bolinefs of his life, and the greatnefs and 
 
 injuftice of his fufferings , and it is a wonder they do not 
 
 add fomething concerning the merits of his death, alfq 
 
 But blejfed faint and royal martyr, are as humble titles as 
 
 any that are thought worthy of him. 
 
 Now this may, at firft view, well appear to be a very] 
 ft range phenomenon. For king Charles was really a mai 
 black with guilt and laden with iniquity, |] as appears byj 
 his crimes before- mentioned. He liv'd a tyrant ; an< 
 it was the opprefTion and violence of his reign, thai 
 brought him to his untimely and violent end at laftj 
 Now what of faintfhip or martyrdom is there in all this 
 
 , v tJan,Hi.\9,.. II * '- 4- ' 
 
50 Of King C H A R L E S's 
 
 What of faintfhip is there in encouraging people to 'pro 
 fane the Lord's Day ? What of faintfhip in falfhood 
 and perjury ? What of faintfhip in repeated robberies, 
 and depredations ? What of faintfhip in throwing real 
 faints, and glorious patriots, into goals ? What of faint- 
 Ihip in overturning an excellent civil conftitution ; . 
 and proudly grafping at an illegal and monflrous power ? 
 .What of faintfhip in the murder of thoufands of inno 
 cent people ; and involving a nation in all the calamities 
 of a civil war ? And what of martyrdom is there, in a 
 man's bringing an immature and violent death upon 
 himfelf, by being wicked overmuch ? f Is there any fuch 
 thing as grace, without goodnefs ! As being a follower 
 of Chrift, without following him ? As being his difciple, 
 without learning of him to be juft and beneficent ? Or, 
 as faintfhip without fandity ? * If not, I fear it will 
 be hard to prove this man a faint. And verily one 
 would be apt to fufpect that that church muft be but 
 
 i Ecclef. vii. 17. 
 
 * Is it any wonder that even perfons who do not ivalk after their 
 own lufts, fhould/ri^ at fucb faints as this, both in theory? and in 
 the lajl days, even from everlafting to everlafting ? 2 Pet. iii. 3,4. 
 But perhaps it will be faid, that thefe things are MYSTERIES, 
 which ( although very true in themfelves ) I ay -under {landings can 
 not comprehend : Or, indeed, any other perfons amongft us, be- 
 fides thofe who being INWARDLY MOVED BY THE 
 HOLY GHOST, have taken a trip acrofs the Atlantic to 
 obtain epifcopal ordination and the indelible character. However, 
 if thefe confecrated gentlemen do not quite defpair of us, it is hoped 
 that, in the abundance of their charity, they will endeavour to 
 illucidate thefe dark points ; and, at the fame time, explain the 
 creed of another of their eminent faint 3 1 which we are told, that 
 unlefs we believe faithfully, ( i. e. belien)ingly} nve cannot be fa<ved'. 
 which creed, ( or rather riddle } notwithftanding all the labours 
 
 of the pious and metapbyjtcal Dr. Waterland, remains fome- 
 
 \vhat ^enigmatical ftill 
 
 foorfy 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM; 51 
 
 foorly flocked with faints and martyrs, which is forced to 
 adopt fuch enormous finners into her kalendar y in order 
 to fwell the number. 
 
 BUT to unravel this myftery of ( nonfenfe as well as of) 
 iniquity, which has already worked for a long time amongft 
 us ; * or, at leaft, to give the mod probable folution of 
 it ; it is to be remembred, that king Charles, this 
 lurlefque upon faintfhip and martyrdom, though fo great 
 an oppreffor, was a true friend to the Church ; fo true 
 a friend to her, that he was very well affected towards 
 the rowan catholics \ and would, probably, have been 
 very willing to unite Lambeth and Rome. This appears 
 by his marrying a true daughter of that true mother of 
 harlots , f which he did with a difpenfation from the 
 Pope, that fupreme BISHOP , to whom when he wrote, 
 he gave the title of MOST HOLY FATHER. His 
 queen was extremely bigotted to all the follies and 
 fuperftitions, and to the hierarchy, of Rome ; and had a 
 prodigious afcendency over him all his life. It was, in 
 part, owing to this, that he (probably) abetted the maf- 
 facre of the proteftants in Ireland ; that he affifted in 
 ^extirpating the french proteftants at Rochelle ; that he 
 all along encouraged papi/ls, and popifhly effected cler 
 gymen, in preference to all other perfons, and that he 
 upheld that monfter of wickednefs, ARCH -BISHOP 
 LAUD, and the bifhops of his {lamp, in all their church- 
 tyranny and diabolical cruelties. In return to his kindnefs 
 ' and indulgence in which refpeds, they caufed many of 
 
 * 2 Their, ii. 7. f Rev. xvii, 5. 
 
 the 
 
52 of King CHARLES'S 
 
 the pulpits throughout the nation, to ring with the divine 
 abfolute, indefeafible right of kings; with the praifesof 
 Charles and his reign ; and with the damnable fin of 
 refitting the Lord's anointed, let him do what he would, 
 So that not Chrift, but Charles, was commonly preached 
 to the people. In plain engli/h, there feems to have 
 been an impious bargain (truck up betwixt the fcepter 
 and the furplice, for enflaving both the bodies and fouls 
 of men. The king appeared to be willing that the 
 clergy fhould do what they would, fct up a monftrous 
 hierarchy like that of Rome, a monftrous inquifition like 
 that of Spain or Portugal, or any thing elfe which their 
 own pride, and the devil's malice, could prompt them 
 to : Provided always, that the clergy would be tools to 
 the crown ; that they would make the people believe, 
 that kings had God's authority for breaking God's law , 
 that they had a commiffion from heaven to feize the 
 eftates and lives of their fubjecls at pleafure -, and that 
 it was a damnable fin to refift them, even when they 
 did fuch things as delerved more than damnation. 
 This appears to be the true key for explaining the myfte- 
 rlcus doctrine of king Charles's fain.tfhip and martyrdom, 
 Ha was a faint, not becaufe he was in his life, a good ma#\ 
 but a good churchman -, not becaufe he was a lover o 
 . holinefs, but the hierarchy ; not becaufe he was a friend 
 to Chrifi, but the Craft. And he was a martyr in his 
 death, not becaufe he bravely fnffered death in the caufe 
 of truth and righteoufnefs, but becaufe he died an enemy 
 to liberty and the rights of confcience ; i. e. not becaufe 
 
 he died an enemy to Jin, but diffinters. For thefe rea- 
 
 fons 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 53 
 
 fons it is that all bigotted clergymen, and friends to 
 church-power, paint this man as a faint in his life, though 
 he was fuch a mighty, fuch a royal finner \ and as a 
 martyr in his death, though he fell a facrifice only to 
 his own ambition, avarice, and unbounded luft of power. 
 And from proftituting their praife upon king Charles, 
 and offering him that incenfe which is not his due, it is 
 natural for them to make a tranfition to the diiTenters, 
 (as they commonly do) and to load them with that re 
 proach which they do not deferve -, they being generally 
 profeffed enemies both to civil and ecclefiaftical tyranny. 
 WE are commonly charged (upon the Thirtieth of Ja 
 nuary) with the guilt of putting the king to death, under 
 a notion that it was our anceftors that did it , and fo 
 we are reprefented in the blacked colours, not only as 
 fcifmaticks, but alfo as traitors and rebels and all that is 
 bad. And thefe lofty gentlemen ufually rail upon this 
 head, in fuch a manner as plainly (hows, that they are 
 either grofly ignorant of the hiftory of thofe times which 
 they fpeak of ; or, which is worfe, that they are guilty 
 of the mod fhameful prevarication, flanderand falfhood. 
 But every petty prieft, with a roll and a gown, thinks 
 he mufl do fomething in imitation of his betters^ in 
 "and (how himfelfa true fon of the church : And thus, 
 through a foolifh ambition to appear conflderable^ they 
 only render themfelves contemptible. 
 
 BUT fuppofe our fore-fathers did kill their mock faint 
 and martyr a century ago, what is that to us now ? If I 
 mi (lake nor, thefe gentlemen generally preach down the 
 doctrine of the imputation of Adam's Jin to bis 
 
 as 
 
54- Of King CHARLES'* 
 
 as abfurd and unreafonable, notwithftanding they have 
 folemnly fubfcribed what is equivalent to it in their own 
 articles of religion. And therefore one would hardly ex 
 pect that they would lay the guilt of the king's death 
 upon us, altho' our fore-fathers had been the only authors 
 of it. But this conduct is much more furprifing, when it 
 does not appear that our anceftors had any more hand in 
 it than their own. However, bigotry is fufficient to ac 
 count for this, and many other phenomena, which cannot 
 be accounted for in any other way. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the obfervation of this anniverjary feems to 
 have been ( at lead ) fuperftitions in its original , and al 
 though it is often abufed to very bad purpofes by the efta- 
 blimed clergy, as they ferve themfelves of it, to perpetuate 
 ftrife, a party fpirit, and divifions in the chriftian church ; 
 yet it is to be hoped that one good end will be anfwered 
 by if, quite contrary to their intention : It is to be hoped, 
 that it will prove a (landing memento, that Britons will not 
 bejlaves ; and a warning to all corrupt councellors and 
 minifters, not to go too far in aclvifing to arbitrary, def- 
 potic meafures - 
 
 To conclude : Let us all learn to be free, and to be 
 loyal. Let us not profefs ourfelves vaflals to the lawlefs 
 pleafure of any man on earth. But let us remember, at 
 the fame time, government is facred, and not to be trifled 
 with, It is our happinefs to live under the government of 
 a PRINCE who is fatisfied with ruling according to law -, 
 as every other good prince will We enjoy under his ad- 
 
 minidration all the liberty that is proper and expedient 
 
 for 
 
SAINTSHIP and MARTYRDOM. 55 
 
 for us. It becomes us, therefore, to be contented, and 
 dutiful fubjedb. Let us prize our freedom ; but not 
 ufe our liberty for a cloke of malicioufnefs. f There are 
 men who flrike at liberty under the term licentioufnefs. 
 There are others who aim at popularity under the dif- 
 guife of patriotifm. Be aware of both. Extremes are 
 dangerous. There is at prefent amongft us, perhaps, 
 more danger of the latter, than of the former. For 
 which reafon I would exhort you to pay all due Regard 
 to the government over us ; to the KING and all in 
 authority -, and to lead a quiet and peaceable life. 4- 
 And while I am fpeaking of loyalty to our earthly Prince, 
 fuffer me juft to put you in mind to be loyal alfo to 
 the fupreme RULER of the univerfe, by whom kings 
 reign, and princes decree juftice. * To which king eter 
 nal immortal, invifible, even to the ONLY WISE 
 GOD, be all honor and praife, DOMINION and 
 thankfgiving, through JESUS CHRIST our LORD. 
 AMEN. 
 
 f i Pet. ii. 1 6. 4^1 Tim. ii. 2. * Prov. viii. 15. 
 || i Tim. i. 17. 
 
 FINIS. 
 

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