o 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 RIVERSIDE 
 
 r
 
 A DISCOURSE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMON WEAL 
 
 OF THIS REALM OF 
 
 ENGLAND.
 
 ILontoon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE 
 
 AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 Cambridge: DEIGHTON, BELL AND CO. 
 
 Ee^ig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. 
 $eto Horfe: MACMILLAN AND CO.
 
 rttftW* t l^MWiZ, 
 
 A DISCOURSE OF THE 
 COMMON WEL OF THIS 
 REALM OF ENGLAND. 
 
 First printed in 1581 and commonly attributed 
 to W. S. 
 
 Edited from the MSS. 
 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 ELIZABETH LAMOND, 
 
 Girton College. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 1893 
 
 [All Rights reserved.]
 
 PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 NOTE. 
 
 WHEN Miss Lamond became aware that she could 
 not hope to complete this book before her death, I 
 undertook to see it through the press. She worked at it 
 till the last On Tuesday evening, August n, 1891, she 
 spent an hour or more in reading the proofs with Mr 
 Lambarde's MS. in Cambridge. Two days later she 
 travelled to her home in Edinburgh, where she died on 
 the following Sunday morning. 
 
 The lines of Miss Lamond's plan for the work were 
 clearly laid down, but I have felt a grave responsibility 
 in trying to execute the remainder of a task for which her 
 critical taste and unwearied patience rendered her specially 
 fitted. 
 
 When the work came into my hands I found that a 
 good deal remained to be done, and other engagements 
 have rendered this long delay in publication inevitable. 
 Miss Lamond had prepared the transcript of Mr Lambarde's 
 MS. from which the text has been printed, as well as the 
 transcript of the table of contents and side-notes from the 
 Bodleian MS. ; she had also compared the proofs of the
 
 vi NOTE. 
 
 first dialogue with the Lambarde MS. Her article in the 
 English Historical Review (April 1891), together with 
 suggestions for recasting it, supplied materials for the intro- 
 duction. Two or three pages of the notes were also 
 complete, but there was a considerable quantity of material 
 which required to be entirely re-arranged. The introduction 
 and notes do not in all cases represent her matured 
 opinion ; on more than one point she hoped to be able to 
 go through the evidence again, though her main conclusions 
 have already received general acceptance. (Cossa, Intro- 
 duzione, 3* ed. p. 198. Ashley, Economic History, i. ii. 260.) 
 For cordial assistance received, I venture to express 
 Miss Lamond's thanks as well as my own; to Mr Lambarde, 
 for consenting to the long continued use of the very 
 interesting manuscript which forms the basis of the text, 
 and to the authorities of the Bodleian for their kindness in 
 giving her special facilities for collating the MS. in their 
 possession; also for assistance on special points to Mr 
 J. D. Duff, Fellow of Trinity College; to Professor Foxwell, 
 Fellow of S. John's College; to Mr Hubert Hall, of 
 the Record Office; to Miss E. A. McArthur, of Girton 
 College; to Mr F. B. Smart, of King's College; to Professor 
 Sapsworth, of Zurich, and to Mr A. Rogers, of the Uni- 
 versity Library. 
 
 W. CUNNINGHAM. 
 
 TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 9 August 1893.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION : PAGE 
 
 I. Preliminary ix 
 
 II. Date of the Dialogue xi 
 
 III. Scene of the Dialogue xv 
 
 IV. Persons in the Dialogue . . . ... xvii 
 
 V. Authorship xxv 
 
 VI. Manuscripts and Editions ..... xxix 
 
 VII. The text and notes xxxvi 
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION : 
 
 I. John Hales and the Commission on Enclosures . xxxix 
 
 i. Causes of Dearth xlii 
 
 ii. Bill on Decay of Tillage .... xlv 
 
 iii. Defence of John Hales lii 
 
 II. William Smith and the Ardes. 1580 . . . Ixvii 
 i. Capt. W. Piers to Walsingham . '.''. Ixvii 
 ii. Mr W. Smith to Walsingham . . . Ixix 
 
 Plate to face i 
 
 A TABLE OF ALL THYNGES MOSTE NOTABLE CONTEYNEDE IN 
 
 THIS BOKE I 
 
 THE PREFACE 10 
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGS 13 
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE 37 
 
 THE THIRD DIALOUGUE ' 97 
 
 NOTES 145 
 
 INDEX . 201
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 p. 9, 1. 10 ; for proz^dyd read provydyd. 
 
 p. 56, 1. 4 margin ; for set read sel. 
 
 p. 92, 1. i margin; for spend read spendes.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 i. 
 
 THE Dialogue which is now published in its earlier form has 
 had a curious history. It was first printed in 1581, and the 
 authorship was then claimed by W. S. ; but it now appears that 
 whoever he may have been, he had little to do with the 
 composition of the tract. He erased a few passages and made 
 one important addition ; for the most part he was content to 
 modify tell-tale phrases, and took little pains to bring the work 
 up to date. Still, though much controversy has arisen as to the 
 name and identity of VV. S., no serious doubt appears to have 
 been entertained as to his claim to authorship. One enterprising 
 publisher in 1751 boldly assigned the Dialogue to W(illiam) 
 S(hakespeare) ; though the audacity of the suggestion prevented 
 it from meeting much acceptance, a fictitious interest has 
 attached to this tract as a supposed description of England in 
 the time of Shakespeare's youth. Indeed it has been very 
 generally adopted despite marked discrepancies from Harri- 
 son as a leading authority for the social condition of England 
 in the latter half of Elizabeth's reign. But the note written by 
 William Lambarde, the Kentish antiquary, in his copy of the 
 Dialogue, effectually disposes of the claim to authorship advanced 
 by W. S., and proves that the book was written long before the 
 date at which it appeared in print. " Note that this booke was 
 " published in printe, under the Title of a briefe conceipte of 
 "Inglishe policie, by one W. S. in the yeare 1581 ; whearas it 
 " was long synce penned by S r Thomas Smythe (as some say), 
 
 L. b
 
 x INTRODUCTION. 
 
 "or, Mr Jhon Hales (as others thinke) eyther in the reigne of 
 " H. 8 or E. the 6. And I my selfe have long had this copie of 
 "it which I caused to be written out in the yeare I565 1 ." This 
 information throws a fresh light on all the questions connected 
 with the Dialogue. This new edition aims at presenting the 
 treatise in its earliest known form, and exhibiting the modifica- 
 tions and alterations which were made by W. S. when he had it 
 printed in 1581. The question of authorship can no longer be 
 treated as a mere discussion of the identity of W. S., but must 
 be examined afresh with the help of the internal evidence fur- 
 nished by the treatise in its earlier form. The field for conjecture 
 is narrowed if we suppose that the Dialogue gives, as it purports 
 to do, the record of an actual conversation, and investigate the 
 definite indications it affords of the date and the locality at which 
 such a conversation could have occurred ; when these limits of 
 time and place are assigned, we shall be in a position to examine 
 the evidence as to the originals of the characters who take part in 
 the debate, and especially as to the identity of the knight, who 
 poses as the narrator of the whole affair. The question as to 
 the date when the report of the Dialogue was written, is therefore 
 to be regarded as distinct from the question as to the date when 
 the conversation occurred. The careful discussion of these 
 various points in turn will throw considerable light on the 
 character of the piece and the circumstances to which it refers, 
 even if the precise form in which it is cast is thought to be a 
 mere literary device. 
 
 1 This note is reproduced on the plate fig. 4. Nichols mentions it 
 in his catalogue of Lambarde's MS. (Bibliotheca Topographica Bri- 
 tannica (Kent), p. 512), but he read the note "Sir Thomas Smythe 
 or John Yates." A more careful examination of the writing shews that 
 this is a mistake ; the H is a peculiar one, and was not used very 
 commonly even by Lambarde himself; but he occasionally adopted 
 this form, as for example in the word Hallyng in the last line of a letter, 
 29 July 1585 (Brit. Mus. Cotton Julius C. V. f. 25), also in the same 
 word in the date of a letter, 2 December 1584 (Brit. Mus. Lansdowne 
 43 f - 44. N O. *i).
 
 INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 II. DATE OF THE DIALOGUE. 
 
 We have not to go far in the perusal of the Dialogue before we 
 find a clue to the date to which the conversation must be referred. 
 The first sentence (p. 13, 1. 3) contains an allusion to the King's 
 Highness' Commission touching enclosures. The great commis- 
 sion on this burning question, previous to 1565, had been in 
 1548. In the June of that year six commissioners were appointed 1 
 to hold inquests in several of the midland counties where the 
 practice of enclosing the commons to pasture sheep was carried 
 to the greatest extent. The commission had been issued in the 
 hope of allaying the popular discontent which had already taken 
 shape in the Cornish insurrection. It did not have the desired 
 effect, however, for in some counties the proceedings of the 
 Commissioners appear to have given an excuse for outbreaks 2 , 
 and in the following summer the people " brake out partly for 
 enclosures, and partly for religion, into an open and formidable 
 insurrection in most counties in England 3 ." There are several 
 allusions to social disturbances in the Dialogue, and they are 
 said by one speaker to be due to enclosing (p. 48, 1. 32), and by 
 another to disputes on matters of religion (p. 21, 1. 23). The 
 conversation, if it was an actual occurrence, must have taken 
 place after the issue of the Enclosure Commission of 1548. 
 
 Other allusions enable us to fix the date with greater preci- 
 sion. The Doctor complains of the mistaken policy by which all 
 cloths made within the realm had been charged "with twelve 
 pence in the pound in the last subsidie" (p. 91, 1. 15). This 
 unusual experiment had been tried in the third year of Edward 
 VI.'s reign. A " Bill for the Relief of Subsidy of Goods, Sheep 
 and Clothes for Three Years/' was passed in 1549*. But soon 
 
 1 Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. i. 147. 
 
 2 Ib. n. i. 149, 268. 
 
 3 Strype, Sir John Ckeke, 40. 
 
 4 2 & 3 Ed. VI. c. 36, 8, 9. Journals of House of Commons, 
 14 Feb. 15489.
 
 xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 after it was enacted, steps were taken to repeal it. On 16 
 November 1549 a Bill was 'exhibited by divers Clothiers of 
 Devon for remitting of the Act of Relief for Making of Clothes 1 .' 
 On the 1 8th of the same month there is this entry in the 
 Commons Journal : " That Mr Speaker, with the King's Privy 
 Council of the House, and twelve other of the House, shall be 
 Suitors to know the King's Majesty's Pleasure, by his Council, 
 if, upon their humble suit, they may treat of the last Relief for 
 Clothes and Sheep, at four of the Clocke Afternoon 2 ." The 
 petition was granted 3 , and on n December a new "Bill 
 for the Discharge of the Branch for Payment for Sheep and 
 Cloths in the last Act of Relief ; and another Relief of Goods, 
 granted for one other year," was read in the Commons for the 
 first time 4 . It rapidly passed its stages, and was read a third 
 time in the House of Lords on 17 January 1SS 5 - The summer 
 of 1549 was therefore the only one in which such a subsidy 
 existed, and there seems no reason to doubt that it is the one 
 mentioned by the Doctor. 
 
 Another event of the same summer is noted in the treatise. 
 In one of the first speeches put in the mouth of the merchant he 
 complains that, though many things which were occasions of 
 expense have been put down, prosperity has not increased. The 
 occasions of expense which he names are " Stage playes, inter- 
 ludes, May games, wakes, revels, wagers at shooting, wrestling, 
 etc." (p. 1 6, 1. 1 6). A proclamation was issued on August 6th 
 1549 for the "inhibicion of Plaiers." "The kynges maiestie... 
 " commaundeth al and euery his maiestie's subiectes...that from 
 " the ninth daie of this present moneth of August, vntill the feast 
 " of all Sainctes nexte commyng, thei ne any of them, openly or 
 "secretly, play in the Englishe tongue, any kynde of Interlude 
 
 1 Journals of tke House of Commons, I. p. n. 
 
 2 Ib. I. p. ii. 
 
 3 Ib. I. p. 12, 20 Nov. 1549. 
 * Ib. I. p. 13. 
 
 5 Journals of the House of Lords, Vol. I. p. 381. 
 
 6 Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. i. 270.
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xiii 
 
 " Plaie, Dialogue, or other matter set furthe in forme of Plaie, 
 "etc/' 1 As to wrestling, in Wriothesley !> s Chronicle, under the 
 year 1549, is the entry: "Memorandum, yt was ordeyned at a 
 Court of Aldermen that the wrestlinge should be put downe and 
 left for this yeare, because of the commotions of Norfolke and 
 other partes of this realm 2 ." In the following year the wrestling 
 was permitted 3 , and in 1551 "a wrestlinge and a shooting 4 ." 
 
 Besides this, the remarks in the treatise on the state of the 
 coinage harmoniseveryclosely with the condition of affairs in 1549. 
 In discussing this matter the Doctor states that as soon as the 
 price of the coin was enhanced the merchants collected the old 
 coin, and had it conveyed out of the realm (p. 32, 1. 28, p. 79, 1. 
 14, p. 106, 1. 20). On ii April 1549 a proclamation was issued 
 which stated how divers persons had conveyed gold coin, and 
 especially the old coin out of the realm, and forbad this under 
 severe penalties 5 . The same proclamation also declared that 
 " sundery persones in the parties beyonde the seas, haue now of 
 late attempted, to counterfeict the Testons, Shillynges, Grotes 
 and other the kinges maiesties coynes of siluer, and in greate 
 multitude do priuely, bryng them into this Realme," and charged 
 diligent search to be made for the same 6 . The base coin from 
 abroad is also mentioned in the treatise (p. 45, 1. 20, p. 78, 1. 27). 
 
 Again, the Doctor compares the current angel with the pure 
 angel. "Is not the angel that was before but xx grotes now at 
 xxx, and so all other old coin after the same rate, but I think 
 there is no more silver given in the xxx grotes now than 
 
 1 All suche Proclamations, f. 66. [Brit. Mus. C. 12. b. 17.] 
 
 2 Wriothesley 's Chronicle (Camden Society), II. p. 21. 
 
 3 Ib. p. 42. The prohibition of interludes was general; but the 
 entries about wrestling refer only to London, and they seem to shew 
 that the inhibition was merely a temporary expedient. Local informa- 
 tion would he necessary to confirm the conclusion. 
 
 4 Ib. p. 54- 
 
 5 Proclamations, f. 30 . 
 
 6 Ib. f. 32 b.
 
 xiv INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 was before in XX grotes, if it be so much" (p. 80, 1. n). At the 
 beginning of Edward's reign the angel was valued at 8/-, in the 
 proclamation above quoted (i i April 1549) it was raised to 9/8 1 ; 
 in 1551 was coined an angel often shillings. This last would at 
 first sight seem to be " the angell at xxx grotes," to which the 
 writer alludes, but it has to be remembered that before the angel 
 was issued at ten shillings there had been two falls in the 
 valuation of the groat, and the angel of 9/8 might easily pass in 
 ordinary transactions for at least thirty groats of debased 
 issues 2 . In July 1551 the groat was called down from fourpence 
 to threepence, in August of the same year from threepence to 
 twopence, and in the following October groats were called in, 
 and in the new coinage of that month, of which the angel of ten 
 shillings formed part, there was no groat, at least no fourpenny 
 or threepenny or twopenny pieces were issued, and the term 
 groat was now applied to the twelvepenny piece 3 . The angel at 
 "xxx grotes" is more likely to have been that of 1549. 
 
 These various allusions are so clear and precise that it may 
 be said with practical certainty that the writer was describing 
 the condition of England as he knew it in the autumn of 1549. 
 The documents printed in the Appendix serve to shew that the 
 Commission on Enclosures was pushing actively on with its work 
 in July and August of that year 4 . 
 
 1 Proclamations, f. 31. 
 
 a Compare Polices to reduce the realme, &c. "And if he wolde carry 
 over golde that angell which he mought have hade xxx 1 ? yeres by parte 
 for vi 8 viij d will now coste x 8 or very nigh it." p. 8. 
 
 3 Compare the entry in Edward's Journal for October igsr. "The 
 commission for the making of five shilinges, hauf-fi ve-shillinges, grotes 
 and sixpences 1 1 oz fine and pence with haupence and fardinges foure 
 ounces fine, was folowed and signed." Literary Remains, 346. 
 
 4 See below Appendix I. on John Hales and the Commission on 
 Enclosures.
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xv 
 
 III. SCENE OF THE DIALOGUE. 
 
 The reference to the Commission on Enclosures of 1548, with 
 which the Dialogue opens, furnishes an indication, not only as to 
 the date, but as to the scene of the conversation : it occurred in a 
 city within the area visited by the commissioners. The circuit of 
 these enclosure commissioners, whose proceedings are recorded, 
 embraced the counties of Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Warwickshire, 
 Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire and Northamptonshire, and 
 the only cities in these counties are Oxford, Coventry and 
 Peterborough. One of these three cities would seem to be the 
 scene of the Dialogue ; and of these three, two may be dismissed 
 at once as unworthy of consideration. Neither Oxford nor 
 Peterborough was an important centre of industry in the Tudor 
 period, as the city of the Dialogue seems to have been ; nor had 
 Peterborough suffered decay, as it is not mentioned in the 
 statutes of Henry VIII.'s reign for the re-edifying of decayed 
 towns 1 ; the complaints of the merchant and capper as to 
 the former wealth and present distress of the city would 
 hardly seem to apply to them (pp. 18, 19). With Coventry the 
 case was different ; several woollen industries had been estab- 
 lished there, and before the Reformation it was a prosperous 
 and flourishing city 2 . The destruction of its monastery, and 
 other religious houses, wrought a change which has been 
 graphically described by Dugdale. "To so low an ebbe did 
 "their trading soon after grow, for want of such concourse of 
 "people that numerously resorted thither before that fatal disso- 
 " lution, that many thousands of the inhabitants, to seek better 
 "livelyhoods, were constrained to forsake the city : insomuch as 
 "in 3 Ed. 6 it was represented unto the Duke of Somerset, then 
 " Protector, by John Hales, a person of great note in those daies, 
 " and whose memory is still famous here ; that there were not at 
 
 1 27 H. VIII. c. i, 32 H. VIII. c. 18, 33 H. VIII. c. 36, 35 H. 
 VIII. c. 4 . 
 
 2 Compare p. 19, 1. 32.
 
 xvi INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 "that time above 3000 inhabitants, whereas within memory 
 "there had been i5,oooV' 
 
 The other allusions will also suit with what we know of 
 Coventry. The hospital mentioned by the merchant (p. 18, 1. 
 31) may well be Ford's Hospital, in Coventry, which with its 
 beautifully carved timber gables still remains a testimony to the 
 bounty of a former mayor, William Fourd, merchant of the 
 staple, who founded it to provide for the relief of five men and 
 one woman, who had fivepence a week given them for their 
 maintenance 2 . It was built near the house of the Grey Friars, 
 and so was at the " townes end," according to the boundaries of 
 Coventry in those days. 
 
 There are references to the trade of Coventry which imply, 
 if not special local knowledge, at least special interest in the 
 well-being of this town ; its decay is said to be connected 
 with the loss of one special trade, that of making blue thread 
 (p. 128, 1. 4). Besides, the mere selection of a capper to state 
 the case on behalf of craftsmen is in complete accordance with 
 what we know of Coventry, while it would not be appropriate in 
 all parts of England ; the trade of cap-making seems to have 
 been widely diffused in Tudor times, but it would hardly have 
 been natural to fix on a man of this calling as a typical artisan, 
 in many parts of England ; none of Shakespeare's craftsmen 
 pursued this trade. In Coventry, however, a capper might well 
 stand for a well-to-do artisan, for in this city cap-making was a 
 great and important trade ; in 1525 and in 1533 a capper had 
 been elected Mayor, and in 1549 the office was filled by William 
 Saunders, a capper. In 1525, when Nicholas Haines, capper, 
 was Mayor, he had taken an active part in the opposition to 
 enclosures (Wanley's Collections, Brit. Mus. Harl. MSS. 6388). 
 The sympathy which the capper in the Dialogue expresses 
 
 1 Warwickshire, I. 146. This estimate of the population does not 
 seem exaggerated if there is any truth in the statement that in 1479 the 
 plague carried off 3000 persons in the city, or 4450 in the city and its 
 franchises. Wanley's Collections (Brit. Mus. Harl. MS. 6388). 
 
 2 Dugdale, Warwickshire, I. 184.
 
 JNTR OD UCTION. xvii 
 
 (p. 48) with the special grievances of the husbandmen had had 
 an instructive parallel in actual life. 
 
 IV. PERSONS IN THE DIALOGUE. 
 
 i. The Dialogue purports to be reported by the Knight who 
 had taken part in the conversation (p. 12, 11. 22, 31). This 
 reference is kept up throughout the treatise in the Bodleian 
 version of the text, where the phrase, quoth /, occurs regularly 
 in the Knight's speeches. The personality of the Knight is also 
 indicated in the opening sentence, for he speaks of himself as 
 personally engaged in the commission on enclosures, and as 
 giving the charge to the Inquest (p. 13, 1. 3). The Justices of 
 the Peace, according to the terms of commission 1 , were to be in 
 attendance, but the sentence seems to imply that the Knight 
 had taken a leading part in the whole affair, and it is at all 
 events consistent with the supposition that this character repre- 
 sents John Hales, who was the leading spirit on the commission 
 and habitually gave a charge at the opening of proceedings. He 
 was busy at Coventry in connection with this work in August 
 1548 and again in August 1549; in the intervening session he 
 had taken an active part in trying to push three bills, on matters 
 arising out of his inquiries, through Parliament ; the story of his 
 efforts and their failure has been related by Strype 2 , and his own 
 account of it is given in the Appendix 3 . 
 
 A second indication as to the personality of the Knight 
 occurs on p. 67, where he refers to his experience in Parliament, 
 when a protective measure was introduced against the importa- 
 tion of foreign caps. This subject had come before Parliament 
 in several reigns ; the importation of foreign-made caps had 
 been prohibited in 15 12 4 ; this prohibition had been withdrawn 
 
 1 Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. ii. 350. 
 
 2 Ib. n. i. 210. 
 
 3 See p. Hi. below. 
 
 4 3 H. vin. c. 15.
 
 xviii INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 and prices set for the sale of foreign-made caps in 1529* ; this 
 arrangement seems to have lasted through the reign of Edward 
 VI., and was re-affirmed under Mary 2 . But in the session of 
 1548 9 a Bill for hats and caps was introduced ; it came before 
 the Commons on January 5th and 24th, but does not seem to 
 have advanced farther. It was undoubtedly important to main- 
 tain the arrangements with France, which had been entered 
 into by Henry VIII. 3 , and recently confirmed by a new treaty 4 ; 
 and these would undoubtedly have been strained by the imposi- 
 tion of a hostile tariff ; it might have created a difficulty with 
 other countries as well. 
 
 Another point on which the Knight expresses interest had 
 come before Parliament in the same session (p. 125, 1. 5). In 
 the Act to release fee farms in cities and towns for three years 5 a 
 special provision was introduced that the amount of the fee farms 
 should still be collected and the money devoted to the repair 
 of walls and bridges and to setting the poor at work within the 
 decayed cities and towns 6 . This Bill seems to have been in 
 Hales' charge". 
 
 Hales' connection with Coventry 8 was intimate and impor- 
 
 1 21 H. vin. c. 9. 
 
 2 i M. st. ii. c. n. 
 
 3 Rymer, Foedera, xv. 95, 7 June 1546. See note to p. 67, 1. 7. 
 
 4 Ib. 4 March 1547. 
 
 5 2 & 3 Ed. VI. c. 5. 
 
 6 On this and other points compare the remarks in the Causes of 
 Dearth below, p. xlv. 
 
 7 Commons Journal, I. i March 1549. 
 
 8 It is described at length in the following account of the Free 
 Ex MtS School which he founded at Coventry. " This school was 
 
 Petri Cotta founded by John Hales of London, Esq., Clerk of the 
 /arT Hale" Hamper in the reign of K. H. VIII., a gentleman of 
 Gen - very considerable Abilities and Learning. Upon the 
 
 Dissolution of the Abbies and Monasteries he attended the King's 
 Commissioners to this City, where he was wonderfully taken with the 
 pleasant situation of the House lately belonging to the White Friars. 
 After his return to London he desired his intimate Acquaintance, Lord
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xix 
 
 tant. He had received a grant of S. John's Hospital, with a 
 
 Cromwell and Sir Anthony Dennis to move the King, that he might 
 have leave to purchase some of his Majesty's Lands lying in and about 
 Coventry. The King was easily prevailed upon to hearken to any 
 motions of this Kind, but understanding there was no Free School in 
 the said City, he told Sir Anthony that he should be well pleased to 
 meet with a Purchaser who would give something towards the Founda- 
 tion of a School, whereby others might be encouraged to promote so 
 good a Work. Sir Anthony answered, That his Majesty knew John 
 Hales to be a very good Scholar, and a Lover of Learning and Learned 
 Men ; and therefore could not meet with a Purchaser more fit for that 
 Purpose. Hereupon the King sent for Mr Hales, and asked him 
 whether in case of a Purchase he would be willing to do something 
 towards the erection of a Free School in Coventry. Mr Hales answered, 
 that he should be very well pleased to do so, and that since the Motion 
 was made by his Majesty, the School which he would found should be 
 called K. H. VIII. School. The King afterwards pressing him to 
 engage to settle four Marks a year for a Beginning : Mr Hales replied, 
 That that was too little, and in Case he was suffered to purchase, he 
 would settle above thrice four Marks a year; but withal desired that 
 the Purchase might be free without any Mention or Notice in the Patent 
 of any Thing to be given for the Endowment of a School. The King 
 consented to his Request, and sold him by Letters Patent (23 July, 
 37 H. VIII.) diverse Houses, Lands, and Quit Rents, Parcels of the 
 late dissolved Priory and other Religious Houses in and near this City; 
 at the same time granting his Royal Licence, dated at Portsmouth, to 
 found and establish a perpetual Free Grammar School in the said City, 
 with full Power to him or any other Person to give and devise Lands 
 for the Maintenance thereof. Not long after this Mr Hales came to 
 settle at the White Friars* (to which he gave the Name of Hales- 
 Place), and in the Choir of the Church thereunto belonging, maintained 
 a School at his own Expense, allowing to Mr Sherwyn, the Chief-Master, 
 ^30 a year; to the Usher 10 a year, and to Mr Johnson of Oxford, 
 Musick- Master, 20 Nobles a Year and his Board. But the School did 
 not long continue here : For Tallans and Kervyn (commonly called the 
 
 * The White-Friars House was purchased by Mr Hales of Sir R. Sadler, Knt., to 
 whom it had been conveyed by Patent, 27 Aug. 36 H. VIII., about a year before Mr 
 Hales obtained his own grant.
 
 xx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 considerable estate on the dissolution of the monasteries, from 
 
 Great Kervyn), two of the Magistrates of this City, finding a Defect* in 
 the Patent, and that Mr Hales had (not) actually purchased the Church, 
 cither through Envy of the Work, or some other sinister Motive, procured 
 a Grant of it from the Crown, and obliged Mr Hales to remove the 
 Seats, which he had provided for the scholars, to the Church of St 
 John's Hospital, which is the present School. 
 
 In the time of Edward VI. complaints were made to the Lord 
 Chancellor, during Mr Hales 's Absence in Germany, by the said Tallans 
 and Kervyn and others, setting forth that K. H. VIII. had granted and 
 given to the said Mr Hales certain Houses and Lands, which he un- 
 justly detained to his own Use, though the same were designed by the 
 K. for the Foundation of a School. 
 
 And when Q. Eliz. in the year 1565 came to this City, Mr Throg- 
 morton, then Recorder, in his speech to her Majesty, among other 
 things, represented "That her most Noble Father founded in this City 
 "for the Maintenance of Learning a Free- School, or rather a College, 
 "and for Continuance thereof passed or let go from him certain Lands 
 " of great Price, which the City enjoyed not, but were unjustly deprived 
 
 "of for the Redress whereof, the Mayor and Commonalty most 
 
 "humbly besought her Highness to give gracious Hearing." The 
 Queen, extremely incensed at this Charge, immediately gave Orders, 
 That Sir Wm. Cecil, one of her principal Secretaries of State, should 
 make enquiry into the Matter. But neither of these Attempts suc- 
 ceeded : for Sir William, as well as the Lord Chancellor, upon 
 examination of Mr Hales's Patent, found no mention of any Houses or 
 Lands thereby given or reserved for the Foundation and Maintenance 
 of a School. This unkind Treatment of Mr Hales, from a City which 
 he was endeavouring to oblige, made him lay aside a noble Design 
 which he had formed of erecting and establishing a College in this City, 
 like those at Westminster and Eaton, However, he continued, as long 
 as he lived, the Maintenance of the School by annual Stipends, as we 
 observed before. 
 
 An account of the . . . loans , . . and charities belonging to 
 Coventry (1733), p. 72 (Brit. Mus. G. 15,954). 
 
 * This Defect was in Sadler's Patent, which being discovered, the City petitioned 
 *Q. Mary and obtained License in the 4th and 5th of her Reign to make it a Parish 
 Church. It was afterwards purchased by Mr Ed. Boughton, who with the Materials 
 thereof built his House at Causton, in the County of Warwick.
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xxi 
 
 Henry VIII. 1 , and he had busied himself in representing the 
 decay of Coventry to the Protector 2 , in the hopes of securing 
 some additional privileges 3 . Altogether he seems to be a very 
 probable person to be the original of the Knight in the 
 Dialogue. 
 
 Three objections may be noted. John Hales does not appear 
 to have had any military experience, while the Knight speaks as 
 if he had (p. 22, 1. 25, p. 84, 1. 17). Hales was lame 4 , and was 
 distinguished as Hales with the club foot 5 . Besides this, Hales 
 was not a knight 6 ; he held a valuable office in connection with 
 the Exchequer, as he was Clerk of the Hanaper 7 , but he appears 
 never to have received any other rank than that of Esquire. 
 Still farther, the Knight speaks of his son (p. 19, 1. 26) ; but 
 Hales was unmarried, and his property descended to his 
 nephew. 
 
 ii. There are no specific allusions which can enable us to 
 identify the original of the Doctor in the Dialogue ; but there 
 are not a few general considerations which render it, at least, 
 not improbable that the character was drawn from Hugh 
 Latimer, once Bishop of Worcester. In his well-known sermons 
 Latimer touches on many of the topics with which the Doctor 
 deals, enclosures, the debased coinage, the neglect of the 
 prelates, and the decay of the Universities are subjects on 
 
 1 Dugdale, I. 180. Compare p. 39, 1. 9, below. 
 - Ib. I. 146. A Bill on the subject appears to have been introduced 
 into the Commons 12 Jan. 1549. yournals, i. p. 6. 
 
 3 These were at length granted in a new charter in 6 Ed. 6, 
 Dugdale, I. 146. 
 
 4 Dugdale, I. p. 186. 
 
 Leland, Itin. iv. f. 190^. 
 
 6 He is described in the inscription which records the founding of 
 the School under Henry VIII. as Armiger (Dugdale, I. 180), and else- 
 where as Esquire. It seems to be generally assumed that Sir John 
 Hales, Knight, who was one of the Ecclesiastical Visitors in 1547, was 
 a different man, and that it is probably intended for John Hales' cousin, 
 Sir James Hales. Strype, Cranmer, I. 209. 
 
 7 Spelman, Glossarium, under fiscus.
 
 xxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which he expressed views very similar to those which are put 
 into the mouth of the Doctor. Perhaps the probability becomes 
 stronger when we notice the silences as well as the utterances of 
 the Doctor. Latimer was a reformer, but he was comparatively 
 little interested in the questions of doctrine which were so 
 hotly disputed 1 , and on these topics the Doctor says little or 
 nothing. Again, there is no denunciation of the monasteries, or 
 enthusiasm over the secularisation of these institutions ; and it 
 may be remembered that Latimer alone among the Bishops of 
 the ' new learning ' had pressed for the preservation of two 
 monastic houses in each diocese, to be centres of study 2 . The 
 Doctor's anxiety about the discouragement of learning (p. 22, 
 1. i, p. 31) seems to harmonise with Latimer's attitude on this 
 subject. 
 
 While at Cambridge Latimer had been an enthusiast for the 
 translation and diffusion of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue 3 , 
 and with this the author probably agreed (p. 22, 1. 6, p. 139, 1. 22). 
 But the Doctor's strong view about the immature exercise of the 
 right of private judgment (p. 139, 1. 25) reminds us that Latimer 
 sat on the commission which condemned Joan of Kent 4 . The 
 other reforms for which Latimer pressed were chiefly in regard to 
 ecclesiastical abuses, including the exaction of fees. As a parish 
 priest, and subsequently as a bishop, he had insisted on the 
 importance of a resident clergy 5 , in fact he was bent on 
 reforming ecclesiastical administration, rather than doctrine. In 
 this view of the nature of the reform which was chiefly required, 
 he found comparatively few followers ; but it is a view which is 
 clearly insisted upon by the Doctor (p. 133 f.). 
 
 Latimer was also well-known, at all events, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Coventry. Part of Warwickshire had been included in 
 
 1 Compare the summary of his character and views by his biogra- 
 phers, Gilpin, p. 196, and Demaus, p. 456. 
 
 2 Nichols, Bib. Top. Brit. vn. (Leicestershire), *54O. 
 :i Foxe, in. 379. 
 
 4 Strype, Cranmer, I. 258. 
 
 5 Gilpin, 46, 59.
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xxiii 
 
 his see, and he had many friends there ; during the reign of 
 Edward VI. he lived a good deal at Baxterley l , and Becon looked 
 back with special interest to meeting him in that county in the 
 latter part of Henry VIII. 's reign 2 . More than this, we should 
 gather from the Dialogue that the Doctor was in orders (p. 131, 
 1. 28 f.), and possibly a bishop (p. 135, 1. 5, p. 136, 1. 30), but he 
 does not speak as a man who had actual preferment and 
 responsibility at the time. His remarks certainly accord with 
 the habit, which Latimer adopted, of speaking of himself as a 
 quondam*. 
 
 These coincidences are at least curious ; and we should not 
 expect to find a precise identity in the language of the Dialogue 
 with that of the sermons. Latimer's pulpit manner was very 
 vehement, and his table talk was doubtless different in style. 
 The anxiety expressed by the Doctor lest he should speak 
 too freely (pp. 45, in) coincides with Latimer's claim to have 
 been reticent where violent speech might have done harm 4 . 
 There are two points however where there is a very strange 
 coincidence between Latimer's sermon of Lent, 1550, and the 
 Dialogue. The story of Tenterden Steeple and Sandwich 
 Haven is told at length in the sermon, and an incorrect allusion 
 is made to it in the Dialogue (p. 100, 1. 13). In the same 
 sermon Sir William Sharrington is held up as an example of 
 restitution ; this very generous view of his conduct did not 
 commend itself either to Sir Thomas Smith 5 or to Parliament 6 . 
 In the Dialogue a Mint official, whose name is given as Knight, 
 is held up as an instance of the same excellence. The oddness 
 
 1 Dugdale, n. 1054. 
 
 2 Becon, Works, II. 426. 
 
 3 Latimer, Sermons, p. 154. 
 
 4 Compare Latimer's Sermons, 'I am bold with you, but I speak 
 Latin, not English, to the clergy, not to the laity,' p. 46 ; 'I had 
 been a very dolt to have preached so at the borders of your realm, as I 
 preach before your Grace,' p. 135. 
 
 5 Strype, Life, p. 36 n. 
 
 6 2 & 3 Ed. VI. c. 17. He was subsequently pardoned by a patent, 
 5 Nov. 1349 and 3 & 4 Ed. VI. c. 13.
 
 xxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of this coincidence of the allusions is increased by the fact that 
 the sermons were not preached till 1550, whereas the Dialogue 
 appears to be referable to the autumn of 1549. If they are not 
 mere coincidences, they might have arisen from an imperfect 
 recollection on the part of the writer of illustrations used by 
 Latimer in conversation, and which he subsequently employed 
 in sermons. 
 
 There is one point in which the opinions expressed by the 
 Doctor do not exactly coincide with those contained in Latimer's 
 sermons on the same topic. In the sermons he merely denounces 
 covetousness and greed ; in the Dialogue the Doctor takes the 
 line of recognising that self-seeking is a great force which may 
 be directed by the wise statesman. This practical principle in 
 regard to self-interest was explicitly acted on all through the 
 seventeenth and greater part of the eighteenth centuries, but it 
 was not a mere commonplace at the time the Dialogue was 
 written. It has no place in Hales' Charge or in Latimer's 
 Sermons, or in Starkey's Dialogue. The doctrine of a possible 
 harmony of self-interests is touched on by Starkey 1 ; he repre- 
 sents Pole as holding that it might be attained, by teaching men to 
 see that their individual interest in the long run was involved in 
 that of the state, and that by promoting the good of the state 
 they were really promoting their own eventual interest. But 
 the Doctor's suggestions for regulating and directing self-interest 
 are more practical. It is possible that Latimer held this view, 
 but did not feel called on to lay stress on it in his sermons. 
 
 iii. It is hardly to be expected that we should be able to 
 identify any one of the three minor characters in the Dialogue ; 
 the husbandman, the capper, and the merchant or mercer. In 
 only one case is there a hint which serves to indicate that any 
 particular individual was thought of. On page i8(l. 33) the mercer 
 refers to his father-in-law, who had recently redeemed the custom 
 of the city. A more exhaustive search among papers in 
 Coventry might lead to the identification of this benefactor, and 
 possibly give us the means of recovering the name of the man 
 
 1 England in the reign of Henry VIII. (E. E. T. Society), p. 33.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxv 
 
 who had married his daughter. An attempt has been made to 
 explain the redemption of the custom of the city ; and if this 
 should be confirmed, it would seem that William Wygston, who 
 was probably alive but must have been an elderly man in 1549, 
 was the mercer of the piece. In regard to the capper and the 
 husbandman, who was also a grazier (p. 57, 1. 2), there are 
 no personal references at all, and it seems impossible to 
 regard them as anything but types of the craftsman or hus- 
 bandman. At the same time it is a curious coincidence that 
 William Saunders, capper, was Mayor of Coventry in 1549, 
 and R. Nicklin, grazier or butcher, in 1550. These were 
 prominent citizens of the specified callings, who might easily 
 have spent the day in the company of Latimer and Hales. 
 
 V. AUTHORSHIP. 
 
 The only indications in regard to the position of the author 
 are to be found in the preface, where he mentions three facts in 
 regard to himself. He was not of the King's Council ; he was 
 a member of Parliament, and he had some vacation from other 
 business. More generally it may be said, that he must have 
 been a man who was in sympathy with the views of which 
 the Doctor is the recognised mouthpiece, in matters not only of 
 politics but of religion ; and that he was a scholar, whose wide 
 and various reading enabled him to present the argument in the 
 form in which we have it, with its various allusions to classical 
 and current literature. 
 
 The man who, from his interests and education, seems most 
 likely to have been the author of such a treatise at about this 
 date, was the John Hales, who has already been spoken of as the 
 probable original of the Knight in the Dialogue. The story of 
 his life seems to show that his case would satisfy all the condi- 
 tions specified in the preface. He was a member of Parliament ; 
 he sat in the first Parliament of Edward VI. for Preston 1 , in the 
 
 1 Returns of Members of Parliament (Sessional Papers, 1878), I. 
 375- 
 
 L. C
 
 xxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 county of Lancaster ; he was not a member of the Parliament 
 of 1553, or of any other Parliament till 1562, when he sat for 
 the borough of Lancaster 1 ; on the other hand he does not 
 appear to have been of the King's Council 2 . He was in England, 
 as his Defence proves 3 , during the summer of 1549, but the next 
 trace of him shows that he had left England for a time, possibly 
 on account of the storm raised by the Commission on Enclosures*. 
 His precise movements were not known to his brother, Christo- 
 pher Hales, who when writing to Gualter on 24 May 1550 asks to 
 be remembered to his brother John, if he visits Zurich 5 ; John 
 Hales was certainly at Strassburg in 1552 ; during the reign of 
 Queen Mary he was living abroad ; we hear of him among the 
 English exiles at Frankfort 7 . It may be said that while on the 
 Continent he would have that vacation from other business 
 which would enable him to write this treatise on the condition 
 of England, as he had known it personally in 1549 ; this would 
 also account for an allusion to an occurrence of a later date, 
 such as the apparent reference to the great increase of the custom 
 of cloth under Queen Mary. (p. 91, 1. 13). 
 
 1 Returns of Members of Parliament (Sessional Papers, 1878), I. 
 404. 
 
 2 But see p. 120, 1. 20. 
 
 3 See p. Ixvii. below. The Acts of the Privy Council have several 
 mentions of payments made to him, apparently in his capacity as 
 Clerk of the Hanaper in 1547 and 1548: the last is 25 Feb. 1549. 
 Hales' name does not appear in the subsequent volumes, but we 
 have a letter addressed to Pawle, Comptroller of the Hanaper (26 
 Dec. 1551), and to the office of the Hanaper (29th Dec. 1552). 
 
 4 See p. xli. below. 
 
 5 Original Letters (Parker Society), Nos. 99, 100, pp. 188, 189. 
 
 6 Cranmer, Works, p. 435, Letter 299. The Zurich Letters (Parker 
 Soc.) show his signature, and there seemed to be some hope that papers 
 of his, bearing on the subject of the Dialogue, might be found at Zurich. 
 Professor Saspworth most kindly made a careful search, which has 
 however proved fruitless. 
 
 7 Strype, Eccl. Mem. in. i. 404. Discourse of Troubles at Frank- 
 fort in Phoenix, II. p. 93.
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xxvii 
 
 There may have been an actual conversation which gave at 
 least a suggestion for the Dialogue, like that in which Sir 
 Thomas More engaged at Coventry 1 , and the dramatis personae 
 were probably suggested by known originals. All the indications 
 which go to shew that the Knight may have been drawn from 
 Hales, go to shew also that Hales had the special knowledge 
 which would fit him to be the author ; and there are one or two 
 phrases that recall his Charge ; but the attempt to put the whole 
 in literary form may have led to the occasional haziness which 
 is noticeable in the descriptions and allusions. The literary 
 taste of the day as shewn in other dialogues, with the fancy names 
 which the characters adopt 2 , might well render a writer inclined 
 not to accentuate the definite allusions unduly, and to throw a 
 slight veil over the personality. Thus he writes, I was once in 
 a Parliament (p. 67, 1. 2), when he is referring to the business of 
 the preceding session 3 . This vagueness may be accidental in 
 some cases ; it is especially noticeable of the literary allusions, 
 which are excellent as conversation, but which give the impression 
 of a man writing without his books. 
 
 So far as the general conditions are concerned, Hales may 
 certainly be said to have been a man whose sympathies 4 and 
 interests cover the whole range of matter treated of in the 
 Dialogue, whose range of learning would enable him to write it 5 , 
 and who had the opportunity of definite acquaintance with the 
 condition of Coventry and its neighbourhood at that time. It 
 may appear strange that, if he was the author, the fact should 
 not be known to a contemporary like William Lambarde ; but 
 Hales, in the latter part of his life, was much out of England, and 
 
 1 Nichols, Bib. Top. Brit. iv. (Warwickshire), No. xvn. p. 41. 
 
 a As in More, Utopia, Wilson's Usury or Becon's Jeivel. 
 
 3 Compare also p. 67, 1. 26, where of late is used for a measure 
 'devised' in the time of Richard II. and reenforced by Henry VII. 
 
 * In the Elizabethan period he was a very pronounced reformer, 
 Strype, Cranmer, but residence in Frankfort may have influenced 
 him. 
 
 5 Compare his epitaph. Stow, Survey, Vol. I. Bk. n. p. 113. 
 
 c 2
 
 xxviii INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 though he enjoyed a period of favour for a time under Elizabeth 1 , 
 he again fell under a cloud, owing to the opinions which he 
 published on the succession to the Crown 2 . He might be loth 
 either to acknowledge or to publish (p. 12, 1. 5) a dialogue which 
 reflected on the wisdom of the councillors of Henry VIII. and 
 Edward (p. 103, 1. 23), and his views on ecclesiastical matters 
 appear to have become much more advanced than those expressed 
 by the Doctor. Under the circumstances it does not seem 
 strange that his Dialogue should not be printed in his lifetime \ 
 and should have been so little known that W. S. could venture 
 to issue his amended version as a passport to royal favour. 
 
 While there is this weighty internal evidence in favour of the 
 authorship of John Hales 4 , there is no great probability in the 
 alternative suggestion made by William Lambarde, that the 
 Dialogue is the work of Sir Thomas Smith. At the date of 
 writing he was Secretary of State and Privy Councillor, but he 
 was not a member of parliament in the reign of Edward VI. 
 
 1 See his Oration (in Foxe, III. 819). He was restored to his office 
 of Clerk of the Hanaper by Elizabeth, and sat in the parliament of 
 1562. 
 
 2 Hereditary right of the Crown of England (1713), App. p. xx, 
 See also S. P. D. Eliz. XLVI. 30. 
 
 3 According to the article in the Dictionary of National Biography, 
 Hales published a Highway to Nobility and translated Plutarch's 
 Precepts for the Preservation of Health, in 1543. He also wrote Intro- 
 ductiones ad Grammaticam for the use of his Free School, but he does 
 not appear to have printed anything after his return to England. He 
 died on Dec. 28, 1571, and was buried in S. Peter-the-poor. His 
 house at Coventry, where he had entertained Queen Elizabeth in 1565, 
 passed into the hands of his nephew John. It was subsequently used 
 as one of the places where the Marprelate Tracts were printed, 
 and the owner had to pay .500 to the Crown, while his grandson paid 
 an additional fine of ^500 to King James. (Ames, Typ. Ant, ill, 
 1464). 
 
 4 Curiously enough Strype was in doubt as to whether other papers 
 were the work of Hales or of Sir T. Smith. He assigned them on the 
 whole to Smith. Annals, i. i. 74.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxix 
 
 He was employed as Secretary of State, and was sent on an 
 embassy to Brussels in 1548. He seems to have been much 
 engaged in ecclesiastical affairs ; but he does not appear to 
 have had anything to do with the Commission on Enclosures, 
 and was absent from England when it roused so much attention ; 
 besides this, he is not known to have been connected with the 
 city of Coventry, nor had he much vacation from business in 
 1549. He was much interested in questions relating to the 
 coinage, but his views appear to have been opposed to those 
 expressed in the treatise. Strype describes them thus : " When 
 "base monies, as testons (coined in great quantities under King 
 "Henry VIII.) and other pieces, were, near this time, under 
 "consultation to be redressed, Smith also was made use of in 
 "this, and wrote a letter to the Lord Protector, touching the 
 "benefit arising by the Mint, while such monies were coined, to 
 " give the better light unto this work that was now going in hand 
 " with 1 ." But the view thus summarised appears to be explicitly 
 condemned in the Dialogue (p. 35, 1. 20, and p. 86, 1. n). Strype 
 regrets that this along with many of Sir Thomas Smith's papers 
 was lost, at the time when he wrote. It seems just possible 
 that this lost treatise may be identified with the interesting 
 manuscript entitled Polices to Reduce this Realme of Englande 
 -vnto a prosperus Wealthe and Estate. Internal evidence 
 shews that this treatise was written in 1549, and it presents 
 many interesting points of comparison with the Dialogue. It is 
 in Professor Foxwell's possession and through his kind permis- 
 sion one or two brief extracts are given in the notes (p. 45, 1. 28, 
 and p. 105, 1. 25). 
 
 VI. MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITIONS. 
 
 i. The manuscript which was written for Mr William 
 Lambarde, and which still remains in the possession of his 
 descendants, possesses very special interest. It is a small 
 
 1 Strype, Life of Sir T. Smith, p. 36.
 
 xxx INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 quarto book, bound in vellum and written with remarkably 
 good ink : the date of the transcript has been preserved in the 
 note to which allusion has already been made ; it was written 
 in 1565, and therefore during the lifetime of Mr John Hales. 
 
 Nichols mentions it in Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica 
 (Kent, p. 512). The binding is original; for the edges are 
 rather rough and the hair strokes of a letter at the end of a line 
 occasionally run on to the page below, and these fit so accu- 
 rately that it seems impossible that the sheets could have been 
 restitched after they were written 1 . The manuscript is endorsed 
 in a seventeenth century hand, Manuscript. ...Cause of Dearthe 
 by W. Smithe... \tfit,. The importance to be attached to this 
 statement will be discussed below. 
 
 This transcript has no title and no table of contents, but 
 the text is complete, with the exception of a phrase or sentence 
 here and there, which has been omitted through the carelessness 
 of the copyist ; there are many other obvious blunders, and the 
 copyist did his work quite unintelligently 2 . In some few cases 
 corrections occur in Lambarde's hand 3 ; a few lines of the text 
 were transcribed by him ; and he made a few notes on the 
 margins and on the fly-leaf of the book ; but there could have 
 been no systematic attempt to overhaul the work of the clerk 
 who wrote it. As will be seen from the sentences which are 
 reproduced on the plate, several contractions have been used ; 
 though in one portion of the manuscript almost all the words 
 are written in full. The Thorn has degenerated into a merely, 
 and the forms for per and pro as well as signs for es, is and er, 
 are frequently used ; but it has not seemed worth while to 
 indicate the expansions. In only one word do they give rise to 
 serious difficulty (p. 126, 1. 32, n.). 
 
 ii. The other MS. presents a great contrast in every way. 
 There seems to be no means of tracing its early history; it 
 belonged to the Earl of Jersey, and is described in the appendix 
 
 1 See p. 22, 1. 33, and p. 29, 1. 19 notes. 
 
 2 As is shewn by the division of sentences, as e.g. 101, 1. 10 note. 
 
 3 He also wrote his name on the first page in Anglo-Saxon letters.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxxi 
 
 to the Eighth Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission 
 (part I. p. 92). It is now in the Bodleian (Add. C. 273) and the 
 binding seems to suggest that it was written even before 1565 ; 
 the handwriting is perfectly consonant with this early dating. 
 It contains a table of contents and side-notes throughout ; and 
 though it omits a few sentences at the end of the third dialogue ; 
 there is no substantial difference between the text as given in 
 this manuscript and in the Lambarde copy. On the other 
 hand, the Bodleian copy is singularly free from clerical errors 
 of any kind 1 ; there are one or two trifling slips at the beginning 
 of a new line, but the division of sentences and the punctuation 
 have been carefully attended to throughout. The book is 
 written in two distinct hands ; the side-notes in each case 
 appear to have been written by the clerk as he went along, 
 though the style of the side-notes and of the text is very different. 
 Some few corrections in the second hand occur in the earlier 
 portion of the MS 2 . There is very little use of contractions in 
 this MS., and wide margins have been left, which are ruled with 
 rubricated lines. The specimens on the plate (fig. 3 A and ) 
 are of the text and notes from the earlier part of the book. 
 
 Though there is no substantial difference in the text, there 
 are many minor differences. The names of the speakers occur 
 in the text as well as in the margin ; they are introduced by 
 such phrases as ' quoth I ' for the Knight, or ' Thanne said the 
 Doctor,' after a few words, or at the beginning of each speech. 
 There are only one or two cases where this ascription to the 
 speaker does not occur in the text 3 . Besides this, the literary 
 style of the Bodleian version is in several minor ways better 
 than that of the Lambarde MS.: the English runs much more 
 smoothly, and the definite article is introduced again and again 
 in a way that gives more precision to the discourse. 
 
 These various facts seem to point to the conclusion that the 
 
 1 There are however some exceptions; compare the notes to p. 48, 
 1. 6, p. 60, 1. 7, and p. 126, 1. 31. 
 
 2 See notes to p. 23, 1. 8, p. 16, 1. 29, and p. 43, 1. i. 
 
 3 p. 107, 1. i6n. ; p. 109, 1. 3.
 
 xxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Bodleian represents a revised and improved text l , as compared 
 with that of the Lambarde MS. The table of contents, and 
 the side-notes, may certainly be regarded as additions 2 as well 
 as the words specifying the various speakers ; these last are 
 sometimes introduced very awkwardly, and as they do not 
 occur in the printed edition we are justified in regarding them 
 as an insertion in the Bodleian copy. It seems probable that 
 the transcriber was not a mere clerk, but a careful and scholarly 
 man, who transcribed intelligently, but who had no scruple in 
 making minor improvements in the text as he went along, 
 iii. Editions. These are as follows : 
 
 1581. Printed by T. Marshe, 410. 
 
 1751. Reprinted by Charles Marsh. 8vo. 
 
 1808. Harleian Miscellany, 4to. Vol. IX. 
 
 1813. Pamphleteer, 8vo. Vol. V. 
 
 1876. New Shakspere Society, Series VI. No. 3. 
 So far as the text is concerned the second and subsequent edi- 
 tions are all reprinted from the edition of 1581, which was issued 
 by W. S. His Dedication implies a claim that he had written 
 the Dialogue ; but it may be wise to defer the discussion of his 
 personality till the character of the changes he made in the text 
 has been shewn. It is however a matter of some difficulty to 
 appraise the character of his work ; though the consensus of the 
 
 1 The following instances will shew the sort of insertion that has 
 been introduced ; in all these cases B stands alone, and both L and S 
 differ. Thus B reads p. 13, 1. 10 togethere in; 1. 12 good estymacion; 
 p. 14, 1. 8 our olde; p. 17, 1. 2 welle nyghe; 1. 18 nowrishythe cattell; 
 p. 19, 1. 18 old tyme; p. 21, 1. 23 wylde vprors; 1. 26 at all in this 
 Realme; p. 24, 1. 20 not only thynges of. Occasionally the alterations 
 are for the worse, p. 116, 1. 15, p. 119, 1. 10. 
 
 2 In one or two cases Lambarde introduced side-notes, (see note 
 to p. 12, 11. 16, 28); other remarks consist of references to authorities 
 cited ; these passages he copied out at the end of the book and they may 
 be regarded as his own identification of the references. If they had 
 existed throughout in the copy from which he caused the transcript to 
 be made, it is most unlikely that he would have allowed them to be 
 ignored.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxxiii 
 
 two MSS. renders it easy to detect his deliberate alterations. 
 The chief alteration is the substitution of a long passage on 
 the rise of prices, which continued in Elizabeth's reign, after 
 the recoinage was restored. This difficult question is treated 
 in a masterly fashion ; it ascribes the continued rise of prices to 
 the influx of the precious metals from the new world. Bodin is 
 usually spoken of as the earliest writer who attributed the change 
 to its true cause ; his tract on the subject was issued in I574 1 ; 
 and if W. S. were not independent, he was at least prompt 
 to follow the suggestion of Bodin, and to circulate it in English. 
 The other alterations are by no means of the same character ; 
 the work is brought down to date in a somewhat slovenly 
 manner, by altering definite allusions into vague phrases. The 
 opening sentence on the Commission affords a good example 2 ; 
 in another case a passage about debased coinage is retained, 
 but it is treated as a hypothetical, not an actual case 3 . W. S. 
 set himself to alter what was obviously unsuitable, and he 
 writes throughout of the Queen or Prince, where the author had 
 used the term King. The references to bygone times are 
 always vague to twenty or thirty years before ; and W. S. did 
 not attempt to introduce references to recent events ; he does 
 not hit off the special character of the time when he wrote with 
 any precision 4 ; and he allows himself to re-echo complaints on 
 matters in regard to which some improvement had been already 
 effected. This was certainly the case with the Universities, 
 
 1 Bodin was probably the author of the Discours sur les causes de 
 fextreme cherte (Cimber et Danjou, Arc/lives, I. vi. 423). Compare his 
 Discours sur le rehaussement des monnoyes (1578). 
 
 8 p. 13 and note. 
 
 3 p. 42, 1. 6, p. 43, 1. 25 notes. 
 
 4 This is specially noticeable in regard to the remarks on religious 
 reforms: W. S. omits some sentences; but otherwise he reiterates the 
 complaint which had been current in the time of Edward VI. ; when 
 the restraint of pluralities, the enforcement of residence, the better 
 examination of candidates for orders and the restoration of diocesan 
 synods were objects aimed at in various schemes for the reformation of 
 the Church.
 
 xxxiv INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 which had enjoyed a considerable revival since the time of 
 Edward VI. 1 , and was probably partially true in regard to 
 enclosures; they no longer seemed a serious evil in 1592. 
 Of W. S. it may be said that he was a writer of considerable 
 ability, who did not devote much pains' 2 to the task of recasting 
 the book which he had determined to appropriate. 
 
 If the occasional and deliberate alterations are left out of 
 account, the text of the edition of 1581 contains many features 
 of interest. It contains a table of contents and side-notes, like 
 the Bodleian MS., but it presents many differences. The names 
 of the speakers are not introduced into the text, and there are 
 at least three passages where phrases, which occur in the 
 Bodleian and are necessary to the sense, are omitted both in 
 Lambarde's MS. and in the printed edition (pp. 47, 1. 16, 137, 1. 20, 
 142, 1. n). W. S. tried to make sense out of the defective 
 sentences as Lambarde's clerk did not ; but these instances 
 seem to shew that Lambarde's transcript and W. S. really 
 followed the same copy, and that it was defective in certain 
 passages where the Bodleian MS. has preserved the right 
 reading. Various minor differences go to indicate that the 
 edition is based on a different text from the Bodleian, although 
 it may have been hastily collated with that MS. or the original 
 from which the Bodleian was transcribed, and the table of 
 contents and side-notes incorporated. But there are also 
 several sentences where the Bodleian and Lambarde agree, 
 but where W. S. has introduced a rather smoother reading 3 . 
 When all such improvements are taken account of, however, 
 there are a great many unimportant and unmeaning trans- 
 positions, in which B. and S. agree as against L. ; in these 
 
 1 Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, I. 214. 
 
 2 In several passages he drags in the words ' in comparison of former 
 times' rather awkwardly (p. 36, 1. 19, p. 37, 1. 13, p. 69, 1. 12, p. 98, 
 1. 2); in one or two instances he has neglected to make the necessary 
 emendation (p. 40, 1. 3, p. 56, 1. 12, p. 70 11. 4, 5). 
 
 3 These changes are often the substitution of a more modern or less 
 colloquial term. Compare notes to p. 55, 1. 9, p. 57, 1. 2, p. 59, 1. 27, 
 p. 60, 1. 16, p. 62, 1. 3, p. 65, 1. 14.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxxv 
 
 cases it seems possible that the transposition was due to 
 the carelessness of Lambarde's clerk and not to intentional 
 modification by subsequent scribes. Thus for example there 
 are the transpositions of 'silver and gold,' for 'gold and silver' ; 
 or differences in the precise position in which adverbs like ' now,' 
 'however,' etc. are introduced (see p. 10, 11. 7, 15, 24 notes). 
 
 The personality of W. S. is a very obscure question. The 
 eighteenth century printer's guess of William Shakespeare need 
 not be discussed ; the Dialogue is not the work of a youth 
 of seventeen as Shakespeare was in 1581. Anthony a Wood's 1 
 suggestion of William Stafford, though so generally accepted r 
 is hardly more satisfactory : Dr Furnivall has discussed it at 
 length in his Forewords to the edition of 1876, and has shewn 
 that it is worthless, as the only plot in which William Stafford 
 is known to have engaged was in 1 587 ; and to this a dedication 
 published in 1581 cannot refer. Two more suggestions remain 
 to be discussed. 
 
 It is of course just possible that John Hales himself revised 
 it before his death. He had, as we have seen, fallen into 
 disgrace, and the terms of the Dedication would not be un- 
 suitable 2 . At the same time it seems very improbable that 
 Hales, within such a short period after the restoration of the 
 coinage, should both note the effect of that measure, or the 
 unexpected want of effect, and explain it so clearly. On the 
 other hand it seems unlikely that an author would revise his 
 own book in such a careless fashion as was done by W. S. ; 
 nor is there any clear reason why Hales should adopt these 
 initials. 
 
 From the terms of the Dedication it would appear that 
 W. S. was a person of some political importance, and we should 
 expect to find his name in the State Papers of the time. The 
 only W. S. who is mentioned in the years immediately preceding 
 1581, in such a fashion as to suggest possible identification, 
 
 1 Fasti (Bliss), Pt. I. 378. Compare Farmer, Learning of Shake' 
 sfere, 81. 
 
 2 Compare the Dedication in the notes, p. 145.
 
 xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was William Smith, the nephew of Sir Thomas Smith. He 
 had fallen into disgrace in Ireland, where he had been in charge 
 of Sir Thomas Smith's settlement at the Ardes, and had diffi- 
 culty in establishing his claim to succeed. In the end of 1580 
 he was recalled from the north of Ireland and was endeavouring 
 without success to secure his title to his uncle's estates there 1 . 
 Little is known of him but what is recorded in his epitaph, 
 from which it appears that in 1589 he married Bridgett, the 
 daughter of Thomas Fleetwood, of the Vache in Buckingham- 
 shire and sometime Master of the Mint. (Strype, Life of Smith, 
 p. 232.) It is possible that he was the man, but there is no 
 sufficient evidence to identify this much respected county 
 gentleman with the perpetrator of a literary fraud. The 
 endorsement on the back of Lambarde's copy, though it names 
 W. Smith as the author, is not improbably the work of a 
 librarian, who merely summarised incorrectly the information 
 suggested by Lambarde's note on the fly-leaf. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The object of the present edition is to present the Dialogue 
 in its earliest known form. The sources for the text have been 
 already described : it may be convenient to group them hypo- 
 thetically, so as to exhibit the relations which seem to exist 
 between them. 
 
 Original Draft (x) 
 / \ 
 
 Copy (with three imper- Draft or Copy with added 
 
 feet sentences (y) V side-notes (z) 
 
 I \ I 
 
 Lambarde 1565 (L) \ Bodleian (B) 
 
 \ / 
 W. S. 1581 (S) 
 
 1 Though he received some encouragement, and subsequent em- 
 ployment from Elizabeth, these Irish estates were not granted to him 
 t>y the Queen. (Strype, Life of Sir T, Smith, 260.) Compare the 
 letters in Appendix II., William Smith and the Ardes.
 
 INTRODUCTION. xxxvii 
 
 As has been stated above, the fact that three imperfect 
 sentences are common to L and S, seems to establish the 
 connection of these two sources : on the other hand B and S 
 agree in having the marginal notes and table of contents. It 
 seems most unlikely that these occurred in the copy from 
 which Lambarde's transcript was made and were deliberately 
 ignored by him, as he was at the trouble to begin making side- 
 notes of his own. The most reasonable supposition seems to 
 be that W. S. had the MS. (y) which Lambarde caused to be 
 copied, or a very similar one, and had the opportunity of col- 
 lating it with B, or one of the B family (z). 
 
 Apart from its intrinsic interest, and from the accurate 
 knowledge we possess of the date of the copy, there can be no 
 doubt that L gives the best approximation to the original text. 
 It is the only version which has not been deliberately tampered 
 with, either with the view of improving the style, as in B, or of 
 claiming the authorship for a living person at a later date, as in 
 S. 
 
 The present edition, then, consists of the text of L ; but as 
 that is full of careless blunders, both of omission and com- 
 mission, it has been necessary to collate it carefully with the 
 other copies. It has been necessary to introduce punctuation ; 
 and in this neither B. nor S. has been closely followed. 
 Capital letters have been introduced at the beginning of 
 sentences where the text is differently divided in L ; but in all 
 other respects the text of L is reproduced letter for letter, and 
 variations from it are marked either by square brackets or by 
 italicised letters. In all cases of square brackets where the 
 reading of L is not given in the notes, it is a mere omission in L 
 which it has been necessary to supply. 
 
 The textual notes are intended to elucidate the text of L, and 
 to illustrate the conclusions here stated as to the relative im- 
 portance of the other sources. The notes do not profess to 
 give a complete list of the various readings ; mere transpositions 
 and differences of spelling, as well as minor grammatical 
 variations, between singulars and plurals, or different parts of 
 the same verb, have not been noted. After all, the divergences
 
 xxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 between the manuscripts are comparatively slight, and so far as 
 the historical interest of the matter contained in the treatise 
 goes, are absolutely unimportant. Many of them can be traced 
 to obvious confusions in the handwriting of the period. Thus 
 y' has been read that or yt by different transcribers, or con- 
 fused for yet or yf or the 1 . So too the difference of reading 
 between estate and estimate points to a form such as estiate 
 in the original 2 . 
 
 The notes, in so far as they supply illustrations of the matter 
 contained in the text, proceed on the assumption that these 
 well-marked characters 3 are taken from real life, and that Hales 
 was the author, that Latimer was the original of the Doctor, 
 and that Coventry was the place of writing. To those who are 
 inclined to think that the case, in favour of those opinions, has 
 been fairly made out, they will afford additional confirmation, 
 while on any view they serve to illustrate the social conditions 
 of the time at which the Dialogue was written. 
 
 1 Compare pp. 22, 1. 6, 79, 1. 25, p. 114, 1. 32, p. 118, 1. 17, p. 
 140, 1. 8. 
 
 2 See p. 70, 1. 29, and p. 112, 1. 7. 
 
 3 The vividness with which the characters were pourtrayed was one 
 reason which weighed with the eighteenth century printer in attributing 
 the Dialogue to Shakespeare. ' ' This Treatise of English Policy was 
 composed by the most extensive and fertile genius that ever any Age or 
 Nation produced, the inimitable Shakespeare. The work itself is of the 
 Dramatic Kind, and the characters are distinguished and sustained 
 throughout by the Sentiments peculiar to the Speakers, who as in a 
 Mirrour give the present Age a Retrospect of the past."
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. JOHN HALES AND THE COMMISSION ON ENCLOSURES. 
 
 IT may be convenient to give a brief statement of the facts 
 in regard to this commission ; the information is chiefly derived 
 from the Defence which Hales sent to Somerset in Sept. 1549, 
 along with the copies of letters and documents which he enclosed. 
 These were printed in part by Strype and are in the Lansdowne 
 MSS. in the British Museum, 238, No. 6. Some additional 
 information has been gleaned from papers in the Record Office ; 
 but the whole is grouped here in chronological order. 
 
 The subject of Enclosures appears to have been brought to 
 the notice of the Government by certain petitions which are 
 mentioned both by the Proclamation and by Hales in his 
 Defence. It seems probable that one of these, dealing especially 
 with Oxford, Northamptonshire, Bucks and Berks, has survived 
 in the so-called ' Sheep-tract ' or Certayne Causes printed in 
 1551, and reprinted by the E. E. T. S. in Four Supplications; its 
 silence about the action of the Commissioners is inexplicable 
 if it was composed immediately after their visit. But the first 
 dated document is the Proclamation issued i June 1548, and 
 printed in the notes to p. 13, 1. 2 ; it was simultaneous with the 
 appointment of Hales and the other Commissioners on the 
 Oxford circuit (Strype, EC. Mem. 1 1. ii. 348). 
 
 Hales got to work at once, and on 23 July 1548 he was 
 able to write to Somerset that he had passed through nearly 
 the whole of the Circuit, and that the people were, generally 
 speaking, most tractable, obedient and quiet. He complains 
 however that 'by reason that the like commissions be not 
 'herde of in other partes of the Realme we be thoughte
 
 xl APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 'men onely bent or set to do displeasure to some menn in 
 'these partes. If it might please your grace that the rest 
 'myght precede wee shoulde avoide all slaunder, and the 
 'thynge being don before parlament, all our worlde might be 
 ' enformed what hurte hath gotten, and what is like to follow to the 
 ' Realme if it be not in tyme resisted.' (S. P. D. Ed. VI., iv. 33, 
 printed in P. Eraser Ty tier's England under the reigns of Edward 
 VL and Mary, I. 113.) 
 
 Early in August 1548 disturbances were reported from 
 Buckinghamshire ; for these Hales was blamed by the Earl of 
 Warwick. On 12 August Hales wrote a long reply from 
 Fladbury ; in this letter he gives a summary of the charge he 
 had been in the habit of delivering ; in one or two minor points 
 it must have differed from the charge printed by Strype ; this 
 letter has been transcribed and preserved in the Lansdowne MS., 
 (f. 321 b) as well as a letter on the same subject which was written 
 by Somerset (21 Aug. 1548), with Hales' reply, 25 Aug. 1548 
 (f. 318 b\ 
 
 During the autumn of this year a short paper was written on 
 the Causes of Dearth j the original draft in the Record Office 
 (S. P. D. Ed. VI., v. 20) appears to be in Hales's hand. It 
 illustrates the dialogue in many ways, and is now reprinted from 
 the original. The copy (Ib. 21) printed by Eraser Tytler (Eng- 
 land I. 367) presents some minor though unimportant differences 
 and is misdated. In the following session Hales brought three 
 bills into Parliament dealing with enclosures and dearth ; he has 
 himself described their fate in his Defence. What appears to be 
 a draft of the first, on the decay of tillage, is preserved in the 
 Record Office (S. P. D. Ed. VI., v. 22). 
 
 In 1549 the work of the Commissioners continued, and there 
 was a great deal of popular disturbance, for which, as in the 
 previous year, the Commissioners were generally blamed. In 
 some parts of the country the people were taking the law into 
 their own hands, and breaking down hedges violently. Against 
 these tumultuous assemblies of lewd persons a proclamation was 
 issued on 22 May 1549 (S. P. D. Ed. VI., vil. 18). On 11 June 
 1549, Somerset wrote to the Marquis of Dorset directing the
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 publication of this proclamation in Huntingdonshire (S. P. D. 
 Ed. VI., vn. 31). Meanwhile the opposition of the Earl of 
 Warwick was expressed anew ; he wrote on June 18, complaining 
 bitterly of the ploughing up of his park (S. P. D. Ed. VI., vn. 
 35). The disorder continued to increase and to spread both in 
 the West of England and in the Eastern Counties, and on July 
 7th Paget wrote a long and strong expostulation to Somerset on 
 the whole of his policy, foreign and domestic, and animadverted 
 very severely on the proceedings about enclosures. He urged 
 that enclosures were not the cause of dearth, since things were 
 as dear or dearer in other realms (S. P. D. Ed. VI., VIII. 4). On 
 8th July instructions were issued as to the order to be taken for 
 repressing commotions and uproars, if any such should happen, 
 in Oxford, Berks and Bucks (S. P. D. Ed. VI., vin. 9). At the 
 same time a circular was drafted, of which thirteen copies 
 remain (S. P. D. Ed. VI., Vin. 1 1 23), stirring the Commis- 
 sioners up to proceed with their work, and inclosing Instructions 
 how they were to set about it (S. P. D. Ed. VI., vin. 10). On 
 July 10, Darcy and Gates, who were Commissioners, but on 
 what circuit does not appear, wrote to Cecil complaining of the 
 insufficiency of the powers they possessed (S. P. D. Ed. VI., vin. 
 24), and on July 13, Somerset wrote five letters giving farther 
 instructions to Commissioners how to proceed (S. P. D. Ed. 
 VI., vin. 2529). It does not appear however that any of the 
 Commissions set actively about their work either in 1 548, or 1 549, 
 except that of which Hales was a member. His Defence of his 
 conduct throughout the affair was dated Coventry, i Sept. 1549. 
 It includes the Commission, Proclamation, Charges and Instruc- 
 tions of 1 549 as printed by Strype. A few weeks later, the fall 
 of Somerset and triumph of Warwick brought about a complete 
 change of policy, and it was not unnatural that such a vigorous 
 opponent of enclosing as Hales had been should seek retire- 
 ment on the Continent.
 
 xlii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 \. Causes of Dearth. 
 (S. P. Dom. Edw. VI. 1548, Sep. Dec. Vol. v. No. 20.) 
 
 Ther be thre thynges that be the cause of the Vnyuersall 
 dearthe of vytelles in the Realme. The first is Lack of breadyng 
 & rearyng of catell & pultrie ware. For it is not possible to 
 haue that good cheape that is not. The seconde is Regratyng 
 when the most parte of vyteyls be gathered into a fewe mens 
 hands who maye differ to sell, but when they see ther most profet. 
 And the third is the kynges prouysions, when vyteyle is taken 
 from the poore people that be the breaders, agenst ther willes, 
 and haue neither redy moneye for ther wares nor yet so moche 
 as it is worthe, which discourageth the people to breade and 
 causeth the prices of all thynges (because there is not plentye of 
 them) to be encreased. 
 
 Lack of good Lawes & Statutes is not the cause of this 
 hurte that cometh by prouysions, for ther be lawes sufficient for 
 that purpose, but because they cannot be put in execution, the 
 let wherof is Lacke of moneye. 
 
 So that if we mynde to haue nomore prouysions made as 
 they haue ben, that is without moneye & for lesse price then 
 other men paie, we must of necessite prouyde that the kyng 
 maye haue moneye and his Reuenuez encreased. 
 
 The prouysion of moneye must nedes be had, albeit the 
 prouysions cease not, for we see the kynges charges daylye 
 encrease more & more & his Reuenuez dailie to decrease 
 more & more, for that he selleth thesame, so that the more he 
 selleth, the greater at lenght shalbe the burdon of the Comens, 
 for whose defense it is solde, and who must be compelled to 
 satisfie that lacketh. So that our pollicie ought to be first to 
 consider how moche the kynges charges surmount his Reuenuez 
 & to dyuyse & ymagyn howe his graces reuenuez maye be 
 encreased, with the least burdon of his subiectes. 
 
 We must also consider that as the kynges reuenuez be
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 greater then any of his predecessours, so be his charges farr 
 greater bothe in his householde and also in his warres, then euer 
 any kynges of Englande wer before. 
 
 If somme of his predecessours haue had more in respecte then 
 the kyng hathe, albeit they had neither monasterie College or 
 Chauntrie Landes. Then must it be considered howe thesame 
 was greater & where that reuenue is become, and whether the 
 thyng wherof it grewe as yet remayneth or is vtterly decaied. 
 
 It appereth by the Recordes of thexchequer that Edward 
 the third had more reuenue yerely by the custome of the staple, 
 then the kyng that dead is had by all customes of the staple & 
 clothes by lv m ccij li. viij s. iiij d. at the least. 
 
 To shewe what hurte cometh by prouysions to the poore 
 men it shall not neade, Experience dothe mak it to playne. But 
 for example, the purueyour alloweth for a lambe worthe two 
 shylynges, but xij d. ; for a capon worthe xij d., six pens and so 
 after that rate, so that after that rate ther is not the poorest 
 man that hathe any thyng to sell but he loseth half in the price, 
 besides tariyng for his moneye which somtyme he hathe after 
 long suyte to the officers, and great costes suyng for it, & 
 many tymes he neuer hathe it. so that he is dryuen to recouer 
 his losses, by sellyng deerer to the kynges subjectes. 
 
 And therfore farr better it wer for men to geue somme 
 certeyntie yerely not to be combred with this yoke of prouysions, 
 then dailye thus to be tormented and neuer to be in certeyntie 
 of ther owne. 
 
 This certeyntie myght be thus gathered that the kyng myght 
 haue of euery sheepe kept in the comen feldes one peny, of euery 
 Ewe & Lambe kept in seuerall pasture two pens, and of euery 
 other sheere sheepe kept in pasture, thre halfpens. 
 
 Suppose ther be in the Realme at this present the nomber of 
 thirty hundred thousand sheepe wherof xv hundred thousand 
 to be kept on the comens, and rated at one peny the pece, it 
 will amounte to vi m cclli., & vij hundred & fyftie thousand 
 Ewes with lambes rated at ij d. the Ewe & Lambe it cometh 
 to vj m cclli. & vij hundred & fiftie thousand other pasture 
 sheepe rated at i d. ob. the pece it cometh to iiij m vjlxxxvij li. x s.
 
 xliv APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Summa totalis xvii m clxxxvij li. x s., which is thought will do som- 
 what albeit not sufficient toward the prouysions of the kynges 
 householde. 
 
 Nowe sithe the woolles grow dailye, and be conuerted into 
 Clothe made within the Realme. that wer wonte to be caried 
 vnwrought ouer the sees, wherby kynges of Englande in tyme 
 past haue had so great reuenuez, and the comynaltie haue ben 
 the lesse charged with subsidies. The kynges charges dailye 
 encreasyng more and more, to thentent the kynges highnes 
 shuld haue the lesse cause to trouble his subiects with requyryng 
 any subsidies, and that noble men & gentlemen which be 
 otherwise charged to serue his highnes be not double charged, 
 and the poore men that be not able to paie therwith charged, 
 reason it wer that an imposition wer put on Clothes, to be paied 
 yerely by the makers therof & by the Marchauntes that carrie 
 it ouer the see, after this rate, that is of the Clothier for a 
 brode clothe v s., and a carseye xx d., and of the marchaunt 
 double custome. 
 
 He that holdeth of the kyng in Capite can be no loser for 
 payment for his sheepe that he spendeth in his house, for that 
 he shall be allowed asmoche for the respite of homage. As for 
 example if he paie yerely xxs. for the respite of his homage 
 after the rate of a peny the sheepe, he maye kill ccxl sheep and 
 shall paie nomore than he did before. 
 
 The clothier can haue no losse therby, ffor he will recouer it 
 in his sale, which is after the rate of two pens in the yarde of 
 Clothe. And so sellyng it either to the kynges subjects, or to 
 straungers they must beare the burdon, which beyng so light 
 they shall easilye do. 
 
 The marchaunts if they maye haue the clothe iustly & 
 truly made, shalbe great gaigners. And so shall all other that 
 weare clothe, when one garnement beyng made of good & 
 true clothe shall least twise aslong as garnements do at this 
 tyme. 
 
 These thynges graunted that it will pleace the kynges Maiestie, 
 that his officers after Christmas next comyng shall take nothyng 
 ayenst the owners will but paie redy moneye, and asmoche as
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 the commen price is in the market. And that almaner of 
 cariages, aswell by see as by Lande, shalbe rated at such prices 
 as other his graces subiects paie. And that shalbe rated by two 
 justices of peace & by the verdite of xij men of the hundred, 
 such as haue cariages of ther owne. 
 
 Also that it maye please his Maiestie that the Sherifes for the 
 tyine beyng maye be discharged uppon ther accomptes of such 
 farmess & rentes as be not leuyable. 
 
 Also that all Cities boroughs & Townes maye be discharged 
 of ther fee farmes, & rentes for ther liberties paied to the 
 kynges Maiestie. And that the profittes that growe of such fee 
 farmes & rentes, which maye be iustly & truly gathered 
 shalbe emploied yerely toward a stocke to be occupied by the 
 Inhabitaunts of thesame cities boroughs & Townes in settyng 
 the poore people of thesame on worke & in noon other places 
 accordyng to such ordenaunces & deuyses as shalbe set forth 
 by the kynges Maiestie Commyssioners. 
 
 Also that it will please the kynges Maiestie, that no sommes 
 of moneye, shalbe paied in thexchequer or elsewhere for respite 
 of homage. Nor that any processe herafter shalbe sent out of 
 thexchequer ayenst any persone to do his homage. 
 
 This graunt and articles to be of force to the ende of the next 
 parliament that shalbe holden after the kynges Maiestie shall 
 come to his full age. 
 
 ii. \Bill on Decay of Tillage^ 
 (S. P. Dom. Edw. VI. 1548, Sep. Dec. Vol. v. No. 22.) 
 
 To the kinges most roiall Maiestie 
 
 We your most louyng and obedient subiectes most humblie 
 beseche your godly maiestie most excellent and vertuous 
 prynce, our most gracious souereigne lorde, to pardon vs that 
 be so importune with our ofte long & tedious suytes vnto 
 your grace ; your graces honour and sauetie, and the defence 
 of this our natyue countreie, and your inheritaunce, force vs
 
 xlvi APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 therunto, whiche by reason of disordre, self loue and pryvat 
 profytt being vnyuersally growen in all the membres of the bodie 
 of the Realme is marvelously decaied, your people in whom your 
 graces honour and sauetie consisteth, greately dymynysshed 
 and those that be left greuously with myserie and scarcyte 
 oppressed, not able with ther bodies neither with ther substaunce 
 to serue your maiestie, although ther hartes be most willing 
 and redie, as they haue don your graces most noble progenytours. 
 And where sithe the begynnyng of this present parlyament it 
 hathe pleaced your maiestie most mercyfullie and benyngly to 
 receive and here our lamentable compleyntes of the ignoraunce 
 of goddes worde & the destruction of the cities & townes 
 corporal within this your realme, it maie please your highnes 
 with like favour to heare our like compleynt of the destruction 
 and desolacion of the Townshippes and villages in the countreie, 
 the scarcetie and dearthe of vitailles vnyuersally, and the 
 decaie of your people generally which haue proceded chiefely, 
 for that dyuers your graces subiectes, called to the degree of 
 nobilitie not considering that it hathe pleased almightie god 
 to ordeyn them so farre to excell the comen sorte of people 
 in the comen wealthe as shepardes to the shepe, and to be 
 particuler serveiours and ouerseers vndre your maiestie of vs 
 your graces subiectes, to see that we shuld lyue here in this 
 wordle a godlie and a quyet life, according to goddes worde 
 and your graces Lawes, and to geue them sufficient possessions 
 & revenues for that purpose, by the rentes wherof they might 
 quyetly & without bodely labour lyue and attend therunto, 
 but thinking themselfes onelye born to themselfes, and litle 
 remembryng that these honours estates & degrees cannot be 
 maynteyned and preserued without your poore subiectes, haue 
 somoche neglected ther vocations that they be become grasiers 
 shepemasters and Toilours of the earthe having pulled downe 
 a greate many Townshippes villages & houses of husbandrie 
 and converting the ground which was wont to be occupied in 
 husbandrie and tillage into pasture, and the same reteyn in 
 ther owne occupacions and manuraunce, for the feading of 
 shepe and grasing of other beastes, wherby, not onely the
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 multitude of your graces subiectes in all places of your Realme 
 is marvelously abated, your graces honour greately dymynysshed' 
 and the sauetie & defence of your roiall person and this your 
 realme moche weakened but also the prices of all kynde of 
 vitailles and other necessaries be so enhaunced, that neither 
 the poore labourers can lyve with ther wages that is lymyted 
 by your graces Lawes nor thartificers can make moche lesse 
 sell ther wares at any reasonable prices, but are constrayned to 
 forsake ther occupacions and the leave the cities and townes 
 desolat which by them shulde be maynteyned and inhabited. 
 For reformacion wherof it maie please your highnes that it 
 maye be ordeyned and enacted by your highnes, with the 
 consent of the lordes spirituall and temporall and the commens 
 in this present parlyament assembled, and by thauctorite of 
 the same that no person nor persones of what state dignyte 
 degree or condicion soeuer he or she or they be that hathe 
 Landes tenementes or heredytamentes in fee simple fee taill or 
 for terme of his owne life of the yerelie value of one hundred 
 markes at any tyme after the feast of Seynt Mighell tharch- 
 aungell which shalbe in the yere of our lorde god mv c xlviij, 
 by him her or themselfes or any other to his her or ther vse, 
 by any maner of meanes colour, fraude, crafte or deceipte shal- 
 haue vse & occupie in farme any manours Landes tenementtes 
 or heredytamentes of the dymyse lease or graunt of the king 
 our souereigne lorde or of any other person or persones, 
 hertofore made to themselfes or to any other person or persones 
 to ther vse, or wherin nowe by any meanes they or any of them 
 haue proprietie or interest, uppon payn to forfaite for euerye 
 moneth so occupyeng any such farme at any tyme after the 
 said feast, contrarye to this present acte ten poundes, prouyded 
 alwaies that this present acte shall not extende to any person 
 or persones for having vsing or occupyeng on farm any 
 manours, Landes tenementes or hereditamentes for thonely 
 mayntenaunce of ther housholdes and hospitalitees or for the 
 keping or feading of horses mares cokes mules & asses or 
 any of them onely any thing in this acte conteyned to the 
 contrarie notwithstanding. And it is also enacted by thauctorite
 
 xlviii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 aforesaid, that no persone or persones not having any manours 
 Landes tenementes or hereditamentes of the yerely value of 
 c markes as is aforesaid by him or herselfe or any other 
 persone or persones to ther vse by any maner of meanes fraude, 
 colour or male engigne shall from and after thesaid feast of 
 Seynt Mighell tharchaungell haue vse and occupie any the 
 Landes tenementes and hereditamentes, of any more farmes 
 then one, uppon payne to forfaite for euery moneth that he 
 hathe, vseth and occupieth the Landes tenementes and here- 
 ditamentes of any more farmes then one ten poundes. And it 
 is further enacted by thauctorite aforsaid that nomaner of 
 persone or persones of what estate degree or condicion he she 
 or they be, shall from and after the said feast of Seynt Mighell 
 tharchaungell reteyn or kepe in his or her propre occupacion, 
 any more of his or ther propre landes to thentent to till grase or 
 pasture the same with any kynde of beasts or sheape then shalbe 
 of the clere yerelie value of one hundred poundes according to 
 the accustumable rentes. Or if the same haue not in tyme past 
 ben vsed to be rented & valued, that then it shalbe rented, 
 estemed and valued according to thuse of the countrey ther 
 comenly vsed uppon payn to lose & forfaite monethly for euery 
 acre that he or she shall occupie ouer and aboue the rate before 
 lymyted, xijd. Provided that the soile of woodes shall not be 
 accompted nor taken at any tyme as parte or parcell of thesaid 
 landes of the yerelie value of oon hundred poundes any thing 
 in this acte to the contrarie in any wise notwithstanding. 
 And it is further enacted by the auctorite aforesaid that all 
 and euery persone and persones keping in the seuerall pastures 
 of his propre landes or such landes as he hathe in farme one 
 thousand shepe, shall yerelie before the sixte daie of Maye put 
 forth in the comen feeldes two hundred of the same thousand 
 and so for every thousand two hundred. And the same shall 
 suffre to remayn in such comen feeldes till the feast of Seynt 
 Mighell tharchaungell folowing onlesse it shalbe thought by 
 two honest men of the parisshe where such shepe shalbe folded 
 that the same shepe for feare or daunger of losse and destruc- 
 tion maie not so long be kepte in such comen feeldes vppon
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 payn to forfaite for euerye weke that he shall lacke of thesaid 
 nombre of two hundred Shepe after the rate aforesaid during 
 the said tyme fortie shelinges. And where in a statute made in 
 the parlyament holden at Westminster vppon prorogation in the 
 xxvij* yere of the reigne of the most excellent king your graces 
 father king henry theight concernyng the dissolucion & sup- 
 pression of Monasteries, priouryes and religious houses of 
 monkes, Chanons and fryers, of the yerelye value of cc li. and 
 vnder, it was emong other thinges enacted and ordeyned and 
 establisshed by thauctorite of the same parliament, that all & 
 singler persones bodies politique and corporal to whom your 
 said father his heires or successours after that tyme shulde 
 geue graunt let or demyse any Site or precyncte with the 
 houses theruppon buylded together with the demeasnes of any 
 monasteries priouries or other religious houses that shulde be 
 dissolued and geven to your said father by that Acte, and the 
 heires successours executours and assignes of euerye such 
 persone body polytyque or corporal shulde be bounden by 
 lhauctorite of lhal acle vnder ihe penalties in the same acte' 
 expressed to kepe or cause lo be keple an honesl conlynuall 
 house & housholde in ihe same sile or precyncle and occupie 
 yerelie asmoche of the same demeasnes in plowing and tillage 
 of husbandrie lhal is lo saie, asmoche of ihe same demeasnes 
 which halhe ben comenly vsed and keple in lillage by ihe 
 governours abboltes or priours of ihe same houses monasleries 
 or priouries or by iher farmours, or farmours occupyeng ihe 
 same wilhin ihe lyme of Iwenlie yeres nexl before ihe making 
 of lhal acle. And if any persone or persones bodies polilique 
 or corporal lhal shulde be bounden by lhat acte, did nol kepe 
 an honesl house housholde husbandrie and lillage in maner 
 and fourme as in ihe same acle is declared, That ihen he or 
 ihey so offending shulde forfayle & lose lo ihe kinges highnes 
 for euerye monelh so offending, vj li. xiij s. iiij d., lo be recouered 
 lo his vse in any of his courles of recorde as in ihe same 
 acle emonge olher ihinges more playnly apperelh. Forasmoch 
 as silhe the seid xxvij tb yere iher came vnto your maiesties 
 fatheres handes and possession dyuers other Monasleries
 
 1 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 priouries and houses of religion and also dyuers colleges 
 Collegia! churches, hospitalles and chauntries, aswell by the 
 Surrendre of the Abbottes, priours, Deanes provoastes Masters 
 and gouernours of the same, and ther Coventes & chapiters 
 and by the Chauntrie priestes as otherwise by atteyndre vppon 
 the demeasnes wherof in tyme past hospitalyte husbandrie and 
 tillage was moche maynteyned wherby the price of all kynde 
 of victualles was farre better cheap then it is nowe. It maie 
 please your highnes that it maye be ordeyned and enacted 
 by thauctoritie aforesaid that all & singler persones bodies 
 politique and corporat to whom your said father sithe the said 
 xxvij' h yere or your Maiestie hathe geuen graunted letted or 
 demysed the demeasnes of any Monasterie priourye or other 
 religious house or of colledge collegia! churche hospitall or 
 chauntrie or any other Manours landes tenementtes or heredy- 
 tamentes or to whom your Maiestie your heires or Successours 
 shall herafter geue graunt let or demyse the demeasnes of any 
 Monasterie priorye or other religious house colledge collegiat 
 church hospitall or chauntrie or any other Manours landes 
 tenementtes or hereditamentes and the heires Successours 
 executours & assignes of euery such persone bodie politique 
 & corporat shall contynually by thauctoritie of this acte 
 occupie or cause to be occupied yerely asmoch of the same 
 demeasnes & of other the Manours Landes tenementtes or here- 
 dytamentes before declared to them geuen graunted or leased 
 or herafter to be geuen graunted or dymysed or leased either 
 in plowing and tillage of husbandrie as was vsed to be kepte 
 in tillage & husbandrie at any tyme within the space of xxx ty 
 yeres before the making of this acte or els in setting and 
 plantyng of Oke, Elme, Asshe, beache, Chestnut or walnott or 
 other kynd of woode meate for buylding. And it is further 
 enacted by thauctoritie aforesaid that if any persone or persones 
 bodie polytique or corporat to whom any the seid demeasnes 
 Manours Landes tenementtes or hereditamentes hathe ben 
 or shalbe geuen graunted letten or demysed do not kepe 
 husbandrie & tillage nor setting or planting of the trees 
 aforerehersed, in maner and fourme as is before declared That
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. li 
 
 then he or they so offendyng shall forfaite & lose for euery 
 moneth so offendyng six pounds, thirtene shelynges and four 
 pens. It maye further please your highnes that it maye be 
 enacted by thauctorite aforeseid that aswell thone moyte of 
 the seid forfaiture declared in the seid statute made in the 
 seid xxvij tk yere as the moyte of all & syngler the penalties 
 & forfaitures declared in this acte, shalbe to thuse of your 
 highnes your heires & successours, and thother moytee, 
 beyng dyuyded into two partes, thone parte shalbe to thuse of 
 the poore to be put into the comen cheste in the parisshe 
 where such offense is commytted; and thother parte to hym or 
 them that shall present & sue for the same. And it is further 
 enacted by thauctorite aforeseid that all & syngler Justices 
 of Assise, & Justices of the peace in ther Sessions & 
 Mayres Shuyres Baylyffes & other gouernours of Cities & 
 "Jownes in ther Sessions or other Courts, within the lymytes of 
 ther Comyssions & auctoritees, shal haue full power and 
 auctorite to enquyre & in euery of the same Courts vppon payne 
 of forfaiture of xx li. to your graces vse, for euery tyme omyttyng 
 of the same shall enquyre of thoffendours of this acte and of 
 the seid acte made the seid xxvij th yere by othes of xij men or 
 otherwise by ther discrecions. And if any persone be pre- 
 vented by verdyte of xii men afore them of any offense 
 commytted within the lymytes of ther auctoritee contrarie to this 
 acte or the seid acte made the seid xxvij yere that then they 
 shal haue power & auctorite vppon euery such presentment to 
 make processe ayenst thoffendours of the seid actes & either 
 of them, like as is comenly used uppon Indytements of 
 trespasse. And if any persone or persones be presented & 
 afterward conuycted by confession or otherwise that he or they 
 hathe offended contrarie to this acte or the seid acte made in 
 the seid xxvij" 1 yere that then he or they so offendyng shalbe 
 put to no lesse forfaiture then is conteyned in this & theseid 
 acte. And for thaccordyng of all Ambiguyties questions & 
 controuersies that maye arise vppon the defynytion interpretation 
 & exposition what & how moch shalbe taken adiudged 
 a farme accordyng to this acte It maye please your highnes
 
 Hi APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that it maye be enacted by thauctorite aforeseid that euery lease 
 of the demeasnes of any manour beyng of the yerely rent of 
 vli. or aboue, and euery lease of a parsonage, or of any tithe or 
 tithes of the yerely value of xx merkes, and euery lease of free 
 Lande & not copiholde wheruppon ther is or ought by the 
 Lawes & statutes of this your Realme to be one mansion 
 house, & wherunto two plough Lande & sufficient feedyng 
 for one bull & xij kien either in seuerall or in comen, do or 
 shall belong shalbe adiudged & taken a farme. And that 
 all and euery other lease, of any other Landes beyng free Lande 
 vnder the yerely rent of x li. wheruppon neither ther is nor 
 ought to be by the Lawes of this your Realme any mansion 
 house or cotage nor that ought not to be conuerted into tillage 
 & husbandrye shall not be adiudged or taken by this acte for 
 a farme. 
 
 iii. The defence of John Hales ayenst certeyn sclaundres 
 and false reaportes made of hyin. 
 
 (MINUTES OF PRIVY COUNCIL AND MISCELLANY. LANSDOWNE 
 MSS. 238, fol. 292.) 
 
 Ye haue donne the office of a very frende to aduertise your 
 frende of the reportes that ye heare of hym, but by cause I 
 knowe that they be vtterly false and vntrue, they nothynge at all 
 moue me. Ther was never any man yet that went aboute any 
 good thynge eyther for thaduauncement of goddes glory, or for 
 the commen welthe of his countrye, but his rewarde was slaunder 
 of a great manye. This is the onlye waye and meanes for 
 suche as passe more on the wordle, then god, more on ther 
 pryuat profett, then on the commen wealthe, to be reuenged and 
 to staye as they thynke the procedynges. Suche is the corrupte 
 nature of man, he passythe not what he saythe, nor what he 
 dothe, so that he maye satisfie his vngodlie desyres and fylthie 
 pleasures. Examples ther be bothe in holy scripture and in pro- 
 phane histores innumerable, and our tyme lackyth not practyse
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. liii 
 
 and experyence therof. Howe ofte was Chryste hymself that onlye 
 innocent and immaculat lambe slaundered and spoken euell of r 
 who ment no hurte to any man, but cam to do all men good. 
 What partes played demetrius the syluer smythe when Paul 
 went aboute to brynge the Ephesyans to Christes religion? 
 Dyd not he forthwith assemble the companye of his occupation, 
 and inculked into ther heddes that Paul preached sedition ? 
 His mynde was not on the honour of diana whiche be so ofte 
 repeted, but on his gaygne that by makynge broches he 
 opteygned. How many goode men haue byn accused in our 
 dayes of sedition, when they spake ageynst the clergies am- 
 bition ? Howe many haue ther byn called heretiques and 
 preachers of false doctryne, when they preached puerly goddes 
 most holy worde? Howe euell was the kynges majestic that 
 deade is spoken of for abolisshynge thauctorytie of the Busshop 
 of Rome, and takynge vnto hym his right and aucthorytie of 
 supremacie ? How were they rayled vppon, howe wer they 
 sclaundered, howe were they hated that counsailed his grace to 
 pull downe the monasteries and to destroye false Relygion ? 
 What tumultes, what seditions, what insurrections euen of the 
 great ones then followed ? They wolde in no wise haue alterations, 
 ther myght be no innouations. Ther olde popery must nedes 
 stande. Men will haue no innouations, and yet therby they 
 haue comme to all ther possessions. They will haue no altera- 
 tions, and they themselfes make great innouations. They 
 destroye Townes, they pull downe houses, they enclose poore 
 mens commens and take awaye all ther lyuynges, and yet the 
 Kynges Majestic and his Councell to refourme the state of the 
 Realme, to restore it to his parfection, maye vse no alteration. 
 It is a godlie hearynge, when the hedd muste do as the fote 
 willeth hym. When shall the patient be cured of his dissease, if 
 he will haue nothynge mynystred vnto hym, but that hym 
 pleaceth ? It was not for nought that demosthenes vsed to 
 saye, that if it wer put in his election, eyther to go to hell or to 
 medle with matters of the commen wealthe, he wolde rather 
 chose to go to hell, he sawe so moche hatred, enuye, and malice 
 of people, he sawe howe those that ought for ther good willes to
 
 liv APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 be estemed, wer of the people most commenlye reuyled. Whose 
 sayenge albeit it be a very good excuse for Epicures, and suche 
 as thynke themselfes borne for themselfes : yet it is cleane 
 contrarye to the profession of a Christen man, and the duetie 
 of euery honest man. For euerye Christen man is bounde 
 to loue god aboue all thynges, with all his harte, with all hys 
 mynde, with all his power, that is, he ought not to esteme his 
 lyfe, the wordle nor nothynge in the wordle, so that he myght 
 aduaunce the glory of god, the whiche the holye Martyres haue 
 declared vnto vs by ther deathes. And surely euery honest 
 man ought to refuse no paynes, no trauayle, no studie, he ought 
 to care for no reportes, no sclaunders, no displeasure, no enuye, 
 no malice, so that he myght profett the commen welthe of his 
 countrye, for whom nexte after god he is ordeyned. But that ye 
 maye the better do for your frend, the rest that belongethe to 
 the duetie of a frend that is defend hym in his innocence, I 
 entende to answer in order all that they laye to my charge 
 conteigned in your letter. And fyrst to that that I shulde sue 
 out the commyssion for redresse of inclosures. To that I 
 answer that if I had donne it, I wolde neuer haue byn asshamed 
 therof. For it is suche a thynge, that if no man wolde kycke nor 
 wynche at it, but suffer it haue his due course, wolde brynge 
 forthe fruyte moche to goddes glorye, the Kynges honour and 
 the welthe and suertie of this Realme. But I assure you I 
 neuer was the motioner nor procurer therof, but it onely (as 
 farre as I can lerne) proceded at the sute partlie of poore men 
 as the proclamation declareth, and partlie of some of those 
 that be nowe most ayenst it, wherunto I am preuye, and chieflye 
 for that the kynges Majestic my lorde protectours grace, and 
 many of the Councell sawe what hurte had growen and what 
 was lyke to ensue to this Realme, if the gredynes of Grasyers 
 and Shepemasters wer not in tyme resysted. And to the second 
 poynte, that somme thought it no mete tyme to send forthe 
 suche a comission, whiche touchith me nothynge at all. It 
 becomyth not the seruauant to reason with his master, nor the 
 subiecte with his prynce, but to do as he is commaunded. But 
 for asmoche as this ther talke touchethe moche the Councelles
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Iv 
 
 honours and wisdomes, my thynketh it standeth a great deale 
 more with my honestie to defende ther doynges, then for them 
 to fynde faulte at any ther procedynges. I pray you when ye 
 shall next comme into the companye of these talkers, ye will 
 requyer of them, when ther consciences will a poynte a tyme 
 therfore. If I shulde referre it to ther wordlie wisdomes, I 
 thynke they loue themselfes so moche, that in ther tyme they 
 wolde haue no tyme. If they will for manners sake, saye till we 
 haue a quyet tyme, then I beseche you will them to consulte 
 with ther astronomers, howe longe we shall tarry for this quyet 
 tyme. Ther be a great many that hope for a daye and tyme, 
 and truste that all popery shall retourne shortlie, but I truste 
 they shall never see that tyme. Thre thynges ought vs [sic] moue 
 vs not to loke in our tyme for a quyeter tyme. The first is, that 
 we haue renounced the Busshop of Rome and his auctorytie, 
 who we maye be assured will neuer cease to do this Realme 
 myschef, to procure outwarde warres, to sturre vp Rebellyons, 
 to moue emongest vs seditions, till he hathe recouered emonge 
 vs his premacie. And what Christen man I beseche you will 
 consent ayen to be vnder his tyrannye ? What good Engleshe 
 man will not rather in that quarrell dye? The second is 
 Boleyne whiche the kynges majesties Father with the expences 
 of innumerable treasure, and bloude of a great many of our 
 countrey menne wanne of the frenchmen, whiche in tyme will 
 be as great a iuell and comforte to this Realme as Caleis. And 
 this we maye see the frenchemen do well spie, and will neuer 
 cesse warres till they haue recouered it, if they do, we shall then 
 perceaue what we hadde. Our nature is to neglecte that we 
 haue, and to lament the lacke of that we had. The thirde is 
 Scottlande, parcell of the kyngdome of Englond, whiche I 
 beleue we shall neuer opteigne but by force, aslonge as the 
 wordle dothe stande. All these thinges laide to gether, I praye 
 you aske of them when we shalhaue this fayre and quyet 
 wether. In the mean season great losse is of our menne, as it is 
 not possayble but to be as longe as warres do contynue. And 
 therfore my thynketh that as the wise husbandman makethe 
 and maynteyneth his nursery of yonge trees to plante in the
 
 Ivi APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 steede of the olde, when he seethe them begynne to fayle, 
 because he wilbe sure at all tymes of fruyte : so shulde politique 
 gouernours (as the kynges majestie and his Councell mynde) 
 prouyde for thencrease and mayntenaunce of people, so that at 
 no tyme they maye lacke to serue his highnes and the commen 
 welthe. Whiche thinge asyet in this Realme cannot otherwise 
 be donne but by execution of this Commyssyon. And that ye 
 maye fully answer them, in that they wrongfully reporte I 
 shulde styrre and encourage with my wordes the Comynaltie 
 ayenst the nobilitie. Somme in dede (whom I knowe right well) 
 wolde haue had that nothinge shulde haue byn saide to the 
 people, but onlie the Comyssion and the Instruccions barely 
 redde, to thyntent they themselfes myght haue byn the exposi- 
 tours therof, and make the people beleue that ther doynges wer 
 within the compasse of no lawe as a great many dyd. But I am 
 of this opynyon, that as the makers of lawes imagynynge that in 
 euery comen welthe ther be bothe good and euell people, do 
 deuyde ther lawes into two partes, thone commendynge the 
 lawe, and that the people shulde resceyue it for the commoditie 
 that therby myght followe, thother proponynge punyshement, to 
 deterre malefactours from doynge euell, euen so ought the 
 executours of the lawe do, forasmoche as bothe good and euell 
 comme before them, to persuade the good to obserue and obeye 
 the lawe for the loue of vertue, and the euell to exchue the vice 
 for feare of payne. But by cause ye shall see that they vntruly 
 reporte me and that no honest man coulde gather any thynge 
 of my sayenges but onely that was honest (spyders I cannot 
 denye, gather venom where bees gather honye) I sende to you 
 herwith not onlye the copies of certen letters, wherby ye shall 
 perceyue that the last yeare when no maner of thynge was 
 donne, the lyke tales wer spredde ageynst me, but also what myn 
 answer was therunto. I sende you also with the same the 
 proclamacion, the commyssion withe the Instruccions, and 
 what I said to the people, wherunto I dyd not onelye make 
 somme of those preuye, that wer ioyned in Commyssion with 
 me, but also I am suer they will testefie, that I nothynge 
 swarued at any tyme from the same. Conferre I beseche you
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ivii 
 
 one with a nother, and laye all to gather, waye the wordes, 
 remember thende and intente of the Commyssion, consyder 
 what burdon and charge is layde vppon the Commyssyoners, 
 and then iudge howe any honest man can iustlie ascrybe vnto 
 me the cause of this sorowfull sedition. Howe any honest 
 man with a safe conscience coulde do lesse then I dyd, and how 
 these men that be thus full of ther talke coulde if they weyed 
 well ther honestie, speake yea rather rayle thus of me. I am a 
 man subiecte to affections aswell as others. I maye erre and 
 do amysse, but my conscience dothe beare me witnesse, and I 
 am suer a great many honest men will depose with me, that I 
 haue donne in this matter nothynge that was not my duetie. 
 But it is an olde saied sawe, rubbe the galled horse on the 
 backe, and he will kycke. And I cannot but moche merueyle, 
 whie any man shulde suspecte me to be author of all these 
 seditions, when as I haue herde, it is for thre sondrye causes 
 that they make these Insurrections. Somme be papystes, and 
 wold haue ayen ther olde poperye. Somme be Anabaptistes 
 and lybertynes, and wolde haue all thinges commen. And the 
 thyrde be certen poore men that seeke to haue ageyne ther 
 reuenues that haue byn by power taken from them, and to be 
 relyued of the great dearthe and pryces of vittell. Papyste I 
 thynke you will testifie that 1 am noon. And I dare well saye 
 the wardens of poperye, be not able to shewe my name in no 
 rolles nor bookes of ther fraternytie. If I wolde but haue 
 dissembled and fayned my self to be a papyste, as I tell you 
 playne I cannot carry two faces in one hode, I coulde haue 
 saued that I haue loste, and gotten that I had not. Ana- 
 baptistes and libertynes I haue and do most abhorre, as sectes 
 cleane contrary to goddes worde, nature and civyle pollicie. 
 So that to ascrybe the cause of these seditions to me, they 
 do me great iniurye. And I double not but when they haue 
 better remembred themselfes, they will for very shame of ther 
 owne frewill recant and crye me mercye. The thirde that is of 
 the poore men that thynke themselfes iniuryed. I proteste 
 vnto you that ther is no man that hathe better desire to helpe 
 them ordynarylie then I haue, for I knowe they be necessary 
 
 L. e
 
 Iviii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 members of the common welthe, suche as euery Chrysten man 
 is bounden to his power to ayde, helpe, and relieue. Suche as 
 in the multytude of whom beynge honest and obedient to ther 
 kynge and his lawes, a kynges honour consystethe. But to 
 saye that I haue procured them to be redressours of ther owne 
 iniuryes or to take vppon them to be executours of the lawes, 
 or to repyne or grudge at the nobylitie, as somme to alyenat 
 the good willes of a great manye my good lordes and frendes 
 from me haue falselye reported, if all the deuylles of hell wolde 
 conspyre ayenst me, they shall neuer be able to proue it. I 
 knowe the nobilitie is the ordynaunce of god and a state 
 ordeyned vnder the kynges Majestic to ayde and assyste his 
 highnes in his great charge of gouernement of this his Realme, 
 that is to see Justice mynystred, to helpe, socour, preserue, and 
 defende the good from oppressyons and iniuryes of the euell, 
 lyke as the Shepherde is ordeyned vnder the master to kepe 
 the Sheepe from rauenynge wolfes. Ther charge before god is 
 not small, make men therof what they lyste, and doynge ther 
 dueties they be worthie double honour. How, I beseche you 
 coulde my wordes make this generall Insurrection for com- 
 mens? Is it possible that wordes shulde worke before they be 
 vttred, or is it possible that wordes shulde worke when they 
 be not herde, and wher they be spoken haue no operation ? 
 Whas ther not, longe before this commyssyon was sent forthe, 
 an insurrection in hertfordshire for the comens at Northall and 
 Chesthunt ? Can it be denyed but that the fyrst rysynge this 
 yeare was in Somersetshire, ffrom Somersetshire it entred 
 into Gloucettershire, wylshire, hampshire, Sussex, Surrey, 
 Worcestershire, Essex, hertfordshire, and dyuers other places, 
 before the parties, wher I was withe the Commyssyon, wer 
 therwith infected. And yet thankes be to god in dyuers places 
 wher we wer, and wher the people had iust cause of gryef, 
 and haue complayned a great many yeares, without remedye, 
 ther haue they byn very quyet, shewed themselfes most humble 
 and obedyent subiectes taryenge the kynges Majesties reforma- 
 tion. But if the cause of this sedition for comens be sought 
 and the roote founde out, it shalbe well seen, that it spryngeth
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. lix 
 
 of the gredynes of those men that thus do slaunder me. They 
 must pardon me though I earnestlie defende my self, and 
 shewe playnlye wher the faulte is, for it touchithe me verye nye. 
 After that the kynges Majestic had sent forthe the proclama- 
 tion and Commyssion, what dyd they not to hynder it ? Somme 
 founde the meanes to haue ther seruantes sworne in the 
 Juryes, to thyntent to haue them hasarde ther soules to saue 
 ther gredynes. And as I haue lernyd syns, it is not possible in 
 any of the Shires wher we wer, to make a Jurye without them, 
 suche is the multytude of Reteynours and hangers on. Whiche 
 thynge if it be not remedied the kynge shalbe suer neuer to 
 haue his lawes trulye executed. And the better to proue this, I 
 pray you marke this that followyth. After one of my frendes 
 had talked with one of my pryncipall ennemyes who was very 
 hotte for a while, and spake his pleasure, and at length beynge 
 so answered that he coulde not denye, but he dyd me wronge 
 so to sclaunder me, he then beganne to vtter hymself thus. 
 Naye by goddes bloude (saied he) he put of one of my seruaunttes 
 from the Jurye. So that ye maye easely perceaue wherof parte 
 of my sclaunder risithe. Somme poore men wer thretened 
 to be put from ther holdes if they presented, somme also as 
 I further lerned haue no certewtie of ther holdes whiche wer 
 wonte to be letten by Copie for lyfes and otherwise for yeares, 
 because they at no tyme nor in nothynge shulde offende ther land- 
 lordes, but do and saye what soeuer they will commaund them. 
 As it pleasithe my landlord so shall it be. A godlie hearynge 
 in the commen welthe. Somme also wer Indicted because 
 they presented the truthe, and somme wer persuaded that 
 thende of the Commyssion shulde but a monye matter, as it 
 had byn in tyme paste. I coulde declare vnto you a great 
 many slyghtes wherwith somme of them thought to haue 
 blynded vs and the presentours, but for very shame I will lett 
 them passe. When poore men be put in suche desperation of 
 Relief, when no hope of redresse of ther myserye appereth, 
 when they thus be made to beleue that they shall haue no 
 ordynarye remedie, what shall a man saye of them? But ye 
 will saye they ought to be obedyent to the kynge and his lawes, 
 
 e 2
 
 Ix APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 they ought in no wise to rebelle, -they maye make no insurrec- 
 tions. I confesse no lesse this is ther duetie, this be they 
 commaunded by goddes worde, and for no cause ritche nor 
 poore maye at any tyme resyste or rebelle ageynst ther kynge. 
 Examples we haue of danyell and the thre Children, Ananyas, 
 Azarias, Misael. On thother sydewe reade howe god punyshed 
 Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, for rebellynge ageynst ther gouern- 
 our Moyses. The lyke we maye see of those that haue rebelled 
 ageynst ther kynge at all tymes within this Realme. What 
 became of will wall, Jack Cade, and Jack Strawe with ther 
 companyons? Wer they not vtterly destroyed? What was 
 thende of Flammock the blackesmyth, the lorde Audeley and 
 ther retynue ? was shamfull deathe ? What honour I pray 
 you gat the lord darcye, Constable, and Aske, in these our 
 dayes? Was it not myserable deathe? euen as I double not 
 but it shalbe also of the Rebelles at this present, and of all 
 others, that shalbe ther disciples and followers, albeit god for a 
 tyme suffrethe suche myserye, for the punyshement of our 
 iniquytie. And doubtles they Judge very euell of me that 
 reporte that I wolde haue lybertie, libertie and so a licentious 
 lybertie. As I am vtterly voyde of suche opynyon, so on 
 thother syde, I tell you playne, I am not of that mynde that I 
 do allowe to moche seruytude and slauerye. Bothe lybertie and 
 seruytude, if they be out of mesure, be bothe hurtfull and the 
 dystruccion of euery commen welthe. The one was the vn- 
 doynge of the great kyngdom of Persia, thother of the noble 
 Cittie of Athenes. If they be moderat, they be the preseruours of 
 the commen welthe. The commens and poore people be 
 membres of that bodie, that the nobles and rytchmen be. And 
 suerly suche as desyre the kynges honour and sauetie, and 
 the welthe and suertie of the Realme, will directe all ther 
 studie to encrease and maynteyne all the kynges Majesties 
 subiectes generallye, euery one in his degre, and not to go 
 aboute to dymynysshe and weaken them. It is no parfet bodie 
 that lackythe any member. It is a monstre that hathe armes, 
 and lackethe feete. Mary we see that as nature hathe not 
 ordeyned that the foote shulde haue so moche bloude as the
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ixi 
 
 arme, so all men maye not be lyke, nor of lyke substaunce in a 
 commen welthe. God hathe ordeyned both rytchemen and 
 poore men, and saythe, that we shall haue alwayes poore men 
 emonge vs, but he that so scythe, commaundithe the ritche not 
 to starue the poore, but to feede thym : not to take awaye the 
 lytle that he hathe, but to gyue thym more if the lacke. But by 
 the waye albeit it be no poynte of good nurture to breathe 
 any persone with the benyfytes donne vnto hym, for in deade 
 we ought to forget the pleasure that we do to others, and 
 remember the kyndnes that others do to vs : yet because it 
 somwhat makithe for the purpose I wilbe so bolde for ones 
 to borowe so moche of dame Curtesie and shewe you howe 
 I haue deserued to be spoken well of by them, and not thus to 
 be sclaundered. When we had entred into thexecution of the 
 Commyssyon, and seynge that many thynges wer presented 
 ayenst them magre ther tethes, and yet suspectynge lest somme 
 thynges myght be done for malice, we determyned not to 
 procede to take the presentmentes and verdites till we had 
 made (whiche we neded not) the parties preuye ther unto, and 
 had herde whether they coulde iustlie purge themselfes of that 
 was presented ayenst them, whiche was the onlye cause that 
 we preceded no further in the Commyssion the last yeare. 
 And yet if we had done the vttermost that it requyred, we 
 coulde haue done litle good, for it extended onlye to enquyer, 
 and not to here and determyn, and was chieflye sent forthe to 
 thyntent my lorde protectours grace and the Councell myght 
 knowe by parte, the hole state of the Realme, and so procede 
 to redresse of all. Afterwarde retournynge to his grace and 
 consyderynge that a great many men wer within the daunger 
 of the lawes, for asmoche as I perceaued that the kynges 
 Majestic and his grace desyred onlye reformation of thynges 
 amysse, I sued to his grace for ther generall pardon, whiche I 
 opteigned hauynge conceaued a good hoope that they wolde 
 haue done, as we fynde the poore men vppon thexecution of 
 this Commyssyon redie to do. When we declare vnto them that 
 the kynges Majestic myndethe to knowe who hathe two Copi- 
 holdes or farmes in one Towne, and that his Majestic entendithe
 
 Ixii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to see reformation therin, for that it is very hurtfull to his 
 Realme, Masters (sayethe the poore man) if it be the kynges 
 pleasure, or if it be thought good for the benefytt of the 
 commen welthe, that I shall haue but one farme, I shall be 
 gladd with all my harte to forgo thother. God forbed that I 
 shulde hurte the commen welthe, or let any thynge that the 
 kynge wolde haue done, wherby ther good and obedyent 
 nature maye easelye be seen. Somme of the Ritchemen assone 
 as they had the pardon, they retourned to ther olde vomyte, 
 they beganne immedyatlie to enclose, to take awaye the poore 
 mens Commens, and wer more gredie, then euer they wer 
 before. They thought and some saied, that the Commission 
 was but a storme for a tyme and soon wolde passe ouer as 
 a great many hoope, it will also do nowe. Consyderynge 
 further with my self what hurte myght come if the poore men 
 shulde be dysceyued of ther good expectation, and what 
 daunger myght ensue, if thynges shulde be suffred to runne 
 to an extremytie, my thought that as euery wise man when 
 he fealithe hymself sycke precurithe hymself to be lett bloude 
 or takithe a purgacion in tyme : so wer it meete to helpe in 
 tyme to temper thinges of the commen welthe, and not to suffer 
 them to runne to an extremytie, for extremyties be neuer with- 
 out great parrell. I then deuysed thre bylles to be put into 
 the parlament, wherunto I made a great many wise men preuye. 
 Thone for reedifienge houses decayed, and for the maynten- 
 aunce of tillage and husbondrye. Thother for regratynge of 
 vittell and other thynges, wherin I remembre one pryncipall 
 poynte, that Grasyers nor noo man shulde buye any cattell and 
 sell the same ageyne within a certeyn tyme. For as I had 
 lerned, and also nowe knowe of certentie, dyuers grasyers and 
 Shepemasters brynge bothe cattell and monye to the markett. 
 If they cannot sell ther owne as deare as them lysteth, they 
 carry them home ageyne and buye vp all the rest. Whiche 
 two billes wer fyrst put to the lordes. The fyrst beynge redde 
 was not lyked, the causes I will not shewe you, but a nother 
 tyme i doubte not but that, or the lyke byll will take place. 
 The second they allowed and augmented, and sent downe to
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ixiii 
 
 the lower house, whiche if ye had there herde debated, and 
 had seen howe it was tossed, and to whose handes at length it 
 was commytted, and howe it was deferred, if ye shulde haue seen 
 mens affections wonderfullye, perchaunce ye wolde haue saied 
 that the lambe had byn commytted to the wolfe to custodie. 
 The thyrde bill was set forthe fyrst in the lower howse, and 
 tended to this ende that euerye man that kept in seuerall 
 pasture sheape or beastes shulde keape for euery hundred 
 sheape that he had aboue syx score two kyen, and for euery of 
 these two kien shulde reare one Calf, and for euery two kyen 
 that he kepithe besydes, more then tenne, he shulde reare one 
 calf. By this meanes I thought and yet do beleue, that we 
 shulde not onlye haue plentie of beastes, wherof ther is a 
 wonderfull great decaye, but also therby the markettes shulde 
 be replenysshed withe mylke butter and chese, whiche is the 
 commen and pryncipall sustenaunce of the pouertie. And on 
 this durst I laye my lyfe that if it had preceded, ther wolde 
 haue byn within fyue yeares after thexecution therof suche 
 plentie of vitteyll and so good cheape as neuer was in England, 
 and besydes a great many good thynges ensue whiche be very 
 necessarye and profitable for the commen welthe of our 
 Countreie, whiche neyther by thexecution of this Commyssyon 
 nor yet by any posytyue lawe that we haue as yet can be 
 holpen. It is not thexecution of the lawes alredie made, albeit 
 it shall do moc'he good, that shall restore the Realme to his 
 parfection, and replenysshe it with suche abundaunce of Townes, 
 parysshes, and houses, as haue bene in the tyme of kynge 
 Edward the fyrst, whiche the surueye of the Realme made 
 then will playnlye declare. For the chief destruccion of 
 Townes and decaye of houses was before the begynnynge of 
 the reigne of kynge henry the seuenth. Ther must be a 
 teynte that must enter further into the score, if we mynde to 
 haue it parfectlye cured, that it shall not fester vnder neathe. 
 It must be a nother maner of confeccion that must preserue 
 the Realme from the lyke plage. It maye not be liefull for 
 euery man to vse his owne as hym lysteth,but euerye man must 
 vse that he hathe to the most benefyte of his Countreie. Ther
 
 Ixiv APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 must be some thynge deuysed to quenche this insatiable thurst 
 of gredynes of men, Couetuousnes must be weded out by the 
 rootes, for it is the distruccion of all good thinges. Couetous- 
 nes expelled the holsom lawes of lycurgus, whiche so many 
 hundred yeares maynteyned and preserued Sparta in his 
 flourysshynge and happye state, and brought it shortelie to 
 confusyon. Couetousnes was the destruction of thempire of 
 Rome. Couetousnes assone as it had gotten an entre into the 
 Churche, sodenlye subuerted Chrystes Religion, and brought in 
 hipocrisie and superstition. And doubtlesse I feare couetous- 
 nes will in shorte tyme worke the lyke effecte in this Realme of 
 England, if the kynges Majestic and his Councell do not 
 the soner putto ther helpynge hand. Who will maynteyne 
 husbondrye whiche is the nurse of euery Countreie, aslonge as 
 sheepe brynge so great gaigne? Who passythe on bredynge 
 of beastes, wherof no gaigne can be felte within thre or foure 
 yeares, when of his sheepe he shalbe suer of his profet ones 
 euery yeare ? Who will be at the coste to kepe a dozyn in his 
 house to mylke kyen make chease carrye it to the market, 
 when one poore soule maye by kepynge sheepe get hym a 
 greatter profett ? Who will not be contented for to pull downe 
 houses of husbondrye, so that he maye stuff his bagges full 
 of monye? Who passythe on offendynge and breakynge the 
 lawes when he hathe plentie of moneye to stoppe the execu- 
 tion of them? But demetrius and his fellowes soon spyed 
 wherunto this thynge tended. Ther was then, holde with me, 
 and I will holde withe the. Somme that had no Oxe in the 
 pasture, as they saied, had by lyke Oxen in ther tongues as the 
 prouerbe is. Somme alledged the opynyone of olde fathers 
 that wer in tyme past, whiche sythe, I haue Jerned wer great 
 shepemasters who when the lyke byll had byn proponed, wolde 
 neuer consent vnto it, but saied that when any scarcitie of 
 cattell was, a proclamacion was made that no calfes shulde be 
 kylled for a tyme, lyke as ther was a statute made in the 
 xxj te yeare of the reigne of the kynge that dead is. And marke 
 I beseche you wherunto this generall proclamacion and lawe 
 tended. It is the onlie waye, if it be well consydered, to make
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ixv 
 
 scarcite and dearthe and to vndo, yea, rather starue the 
 pouertie. For these that haue the great pastures, kepe very 
 fewe or no kyen, nor will not so longe as ther is so great and so 
 present a gaygne in sheepe and fattinge of beastes. And here 
 shulde all the burden be laied on the pouertie, who if they 
 shulde not kyll ther Calfes, shuld lacke butter, mylke, and 
 chease, to nourysshe ther chyldren and famylie. Somme 
 alledged that men now a dayes eate more flesshe then they dyd 
 in tyme past, and that in lent and other fastynge dayes here 
 tofore the people eate nether butter, mylke nor chese, and 
 wolde haue the people so doo ageyne for pollicies, I will not 
 saye poperies, sake. But sythe it hathe pleasyd god to send vs 
 suche a Countreie as all straungers commende aboue others, 
 and suche as wolde bothe kepe thryse as many people as it 
 dothe, and also brynge forthe and kepe plentie of all thinges 
 for ther nutryment, whie shulde we not vse the gyfte of god 
 and encrease people to honour god and defende our Countreie ? 
 Whie shulde we for lucre of a fewe, whiche by ther doynges 
 a man maye iudge wolde that theye wer fewer people then ther 
 be, so that they myght haue more grounde for ther sheepe, 
 make these fewe that be, lesse with penury and famyn ? 
 And the matter of this bill dyd not so moche greue them, as 
 for that ther was a waye founde therbye to haue it alwayes 
 trulye executed. For I had thus deuysed that the parson or 
 Curat of euery parisshe to whom belongithe the tythes, and two 
 honest men shulde yearelye surueye euerye mans pastures and 
 shulde not onlie present who dyd transgresse this lawe, but 
 who also did obserue it. This was it that byt the mare by 
 the thombe. Men passe not moche howe manye lawes be 
 made, for they see very fewe put in execution. The rytchemen 
 of Rome wer neuer so moche offended with the makynge of the 
 lawe called lex agraria as theye wer with thother lawe that 
 followed, wherby certeyn officers called Triumuiri wer made 
 to se the same executed. Ther wer besides certeyn complayntes 
 made by weuers of kent, that they hauyng wifes and chyldren 
 coulde get no lyuynge, for that the Clothiers wer nowe become 
 also weuers. The weuers beynge iourneymen of worcetter
 
 Ixvi APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 complayned, that wher ther was an olde order emonge them, 
 that in euery loome ther shulde be one iourneyman and one 
 apprentice workynge, nowe because ther was not so great 
 charge in kepynge of apprentices, for they haue no wages, as 
 ther was of iourneymen, who of necessytie must haue wages to 
 relyeue them ther wifes and chyldren, they kepte all apprentices 
 and wold not sett iourneymen on worke. Others complayned 
 that poore labourers in steede of moneye wer payed ther wages 
 by clothyers with soope, candells, rotten clothe, stynkynge 
 Fysshe and suche lyke baggage. The clothiers of hadleye 
 openyng the falsehed of Clothyers, howe they drewe a clothe 
 from xviij yerdes to xxvij or xxviij yerdes desyred that redresse 
 myght be had therin. Others complayned that a fewe men had 
 in ther handes a great manye mens lyuynges. Others that one 
 man occupied dyuers occupations. Others, that artificers and 
 clothiers wer nowe also ploughmen and grasyers. All those 
 thynges wer herde in the lower house, but in fyne nothynge 
 refourmed. If the syckman complayne to the physycyan, and 
 brynge hys frendes with hym to shewe hym his greif, and to 
 tell hym also what will do hym good, and gyue hym moneye 
 for his labour, and the physycian will not put his hande to 
 helpe hym, is it any marueyle though he fall into a franesie? 
 what other thynge is a sedition, but a cyuyle frenesie ? Who 
 then I beseche you is the cause of this frenesie and sedition, 
 eyther the syckeman and those that laboureth for the syckman 
 to the physycyan or the physycian hymself ? I wolde to god 
 men wolde no lenger flatter themselfes but earnestlie consyder 
 wherof these troubles in euery commen welthe sprynge, and 
 asmoche as in hym lyethe to preuente that no suche thynges 
 happon. Warre, sedition, scarcytie, famyn, syknes, be plages 
 of god, whiche he sendithe for two causes chyeflye. Thone 
 where the people do contempne his worde and thother where 
 they resceyve it and will not follovve it. Howe manye be ther in 
 this Realme that cannot abyde to here goddes worde scarce 
 named? Howe many be ther also that be therof great talkers, 
 and in dede be no doers? Pouertie was neuer so abundant, 
 and charytie neuer so scant. Euery man is geuen to hymself,
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 
 
 and fewe consyder ther Chrysten brothern. And therfore no 
 merueyle though god thus do plage vs. For the calamytie and 
 myserye of the neadie and for the mournynge of the pouertie, I 
 will ryse, seythe god, that is he will punysshe the people. What 
 was the cause that god destroyed the great Cittie of Sodom? 
 Whie was hierusalem cast downe ? If the lyke iniquytie, if the 
 same synnes reigne as plentifullye in England as they dyd in 
 Sodom and hierusalem, we maye be suer that thelorde whiche is 
 iust and faythfull in his promyses will punysshe vs, if we 
 repent not euen as he punysshed them. God graunt vs his 
 grace and molifie our hartes that we maye receaue and followe 
 his worde. Then no double he will withdrawe from vs these 
 plages and power downe on vs his benedictions and send vs in 
 steede of warres and sedition, peace and tranquyllytie, in stede 
 of famyn, and scarcitie, abundaunce and plentie, and in stede of 
 syknes and sodeyne deathe, helthe and longe lyfe. Thus I 
 truste I haue fullye answered your letter, if they will laye to my 
 charge any other matter, let me knowe it and I will shortlie 
 make an answer. God be with vs. From Couentre, the first of 
 September, 1549. 
 
 II. WILLIAM SMITH AND THE ARDES. 1580. 
 
 i. Capt. W. Piers to Walsingham. 
 (S. P. Ireland, Elizabeth 1580, August, Vol. LXXV. No. 65.) 
 
 In moste humble maner my dewty remembred to your 
 honnor. I haue in my former letters, aduertysed your honnor 
 of my proceadinges with Turloe lennoghe, as allso of other 
 matters gyven to me in chardge, from her maiesty and Counsell, 
 which, althoughe the same were not donne with suche celeryty, 
 as your honnor might expecte at my handes being by soddaine
 
 Ixviii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sycknesse somewhat letted, as allso turloe breaking thre tymes 
 his day with me, wherein I spente a monethe wayting for him, 
 yet I hope, I did the same, as effectually, as time and place 
 would permyt me to doe. And whereas yt is not vnknowne to 
 your honnor, of the comyng ouer of Willyam Smythe into the 
 Ardes with me, partly for sollemnysing a marriage betwene 
 him and a daughter of myne, as allso vppon an enterprise there 
 to be atcheyved, concluded betwene him and certaine other 
 gentlemen, I my selfe being one, Maye yt please your honnor 
 to be advertised that after our arryvall there, he did not only 
 deney to marry with my daughter, being by the byshoppe of 
 Downe contracted togyther, and there present to wytnesse the 
 same, but allso by his indirect proceadinges, wente aboute to set 
 the Cuntry in an vprore, the which when I did mislyke of, and 
 willed him to surcease from so fonde dealinges, telling him the 
 state was to muche all readdy disquieted, putting him in mynde 
 of my lo. Treasorers wordes, that was to be by me directed, he 
 not onely made account of this my advice as nothing, but in 
 my absence going to Turloe he so vsed the matter, as the 
 Cuntry and he wente togyther by the eares, he being put to the 
 worste and one of his men slaine ; neyther will he yet leave of 
 theise his foolishe doinges, besydes howe he hathe vsed the 
 adventurers agent, him selfe ys to make relation of his iniuries, 
 who hath spent all suche provisyon as they sente ouer, not in 
 the pretended enterprise nor yet in that place, but in an yland 
 belonging to lecale where he hath byne ever since he receyved 
 the former foyle, practising the revenge of the same, yf he 
 coulde, which neyther he can, neyther hath he any force to 
 doe the same. As concerning the scottes and there attemptes 
 mencioned in my former letters, having don this outrage in 
 the greate Ardes, Odonell and Orourk sent for them to come 
 to them and as my man telleth me, whoe was there and sawe 
 there messingers, they pretended to goe thether. And although 
 I ame as yet without pencion or paye, yet I will endevoure my 
 selfe, to do her highnes suche servyce, as I hope shalbe well 
 accepted of, and for that I haue addicted my selfe wholly to 
 your honnor, I requeste you most humbly as in your honnors
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. Ixix 
 
 letters to commende me to my L. deputy. And even so most 
 humbly I take my leave. Dublin this xxj" of August 1580. 
 
 Your honnors during lyfe 
 
 W. Piers. 
 [Endorsed] 21 August: 1580. 
 
 From Capt : William 
 
 Piers the Elder. 
 
 Smithes fonde proceadinges. 
 
 The outrages committed dayly by ye 
 
 Scottes. 
 
 To the Right honnorable S r . 
 ffrauncis Wallsmgeham knighte 
 principale Secretory to the Quenes 
 most excellent maiestie and one of 
 her majesties most honnora&te 
 Counsell theise 
 
 ii. Mr W. Smith to Walsingham. 
 (S. P. Ireland, Elizabeth 1580, Nov., Vol. LXXVIII. No. 66.) 
 
 Right honorable my humble dewtie premised. After I had 
 landed in the Ardes which was abowte the xvjth of June last 
 and had settled my self thear & my companie aboute 40 in 
 nomber whear of there was twelve horsmen, my L. Chauncelour 
 sent his commandment to withdrawe my selfe from that place, 
 which imported that my settlinge there showlde be an occasion 
 to stirre warres northwardes which was not thought to be 
 necessarie. Accordinge to which his L. commandement I 
 dischargded my companie & repayred to Dublin there to attend 
 his L. further direction, where I have these two monethes 
 remained vppon my L. Chauncelours promise to have the 
 leadinge of some of the companies that came over, now his 
 answer is that the Captains were nominated in Englande so 
 that as yet I wayted in vaine, I hoped in respect of my great
 
 Ixx APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 charges & troubles sustained this viii yeares in her maiesties 
 service (for the which hitherto nether my frends nor my self 
 have had anie consideracion or recompence) to have founde 
 some favor. I pray your honour think that the envy & malice 
 of my countrie men hath kept me more occupyed for my 
 own saftie then eyther the Irishe or anie action in my lyfe did 
 & have not leysure to tende anie thinge elles. And now vppon 
 my late revokinge me from that place to the which I had the 
 good lykinge of your honor and the reste of her maiestes 
 honorable councell, I did hope such regarde showlde have bene 
 had towardes me that at the least I shoulde have had some 
 charge of men committed to my ledinge to serve her maiestie 
 though not in the north parte wheare most my desyre is to 
 serve in respect of the knoweledge & bringinge vppe I have 
 had in those partes, yet in some other place where the necessitie 
 of the tyme doth require such service to be done. Thus much 
 favor hath bene graunted me in speches by the counsell here, 
 but not performed in dedes which maketh me the more bolder 
 to disclose the inwarde griefe of my mynde vnto your honor, 
 besechinge your honor humbly to wryte your favorable 
 Letters in my behalfe to the L. deputie & the L. Chauncelour to 
 stande my good Lordes in such reasonable cawses as I shall 
 request at theyer handes, which Letters I knowe assuredly 
 to be sufficient to procure me some chardge for now I lye 
 here at great chardges & expences, which I had rather for a 
 season to beare then otherwyse to abase my selff to be vnder 
 the conduction of such others as I shall know my sellff not to 
 be inferiour vnto in anie respect, which favor if your honor shall 
 vouchsafe to graunt me I shall thinke my selff moste bounden 
 to your honor and requighte with such humble services as I 
 shall thinke moste acceptable to your honor, judging this to be 
 one to aduertise & acquainte your honour with such newes as 
 latelie are passed here wheareof briefly I will make rehersall 
 vnto your honor.
 
 APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION, Ixxi 
 
 These are the newes are passed here, promisinge to informe 
 your honour of all such as I can learne shall happen hereafter, 
 in the meane season, right honorable if it happen that by 
 Mr Piers his procurement theare shall fall out anie dealinges 
 in the north I beseech your honour that I may not be cleane 
 excluded from beinge employd that way, nor my graunt in 
 Ardes anie way impeached by the meanes of anie that shall 
 now in this longe expected fit good tyme make sute to enioye 
 the fruites of my travell in the troublesom tyme past. Although 
 by meanes of my L. Chauncelours revocation of me from thence 
 I am not in possession of my Landes there, yet have I this 
 yeare receaved all the spirituall proffites of my livinges in the 
 littel Ardes quietly. And the tennantes there acknowledge me 
 by vertue of her maiesties graunt made to my vncle S r Thomas 
 Smith to have the only right theare vnto, whearin I hope to 
 have your honors furtherance to confirme it yf occason do 
 require the same. Thus restinge altogether your obedient, 
 with remembrance of my most humble dewtie I pray god 
 prosper your honor all your doinges. From Dublin this 28 of 
 Nouember, 1580. 
 
 Your honors most bounden 
 
 Mr Sec' 3 '. Walsingham. 
 
 & obedient 
 
 W. Smith. 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. S r if I mought live to stand your honour in 
 any stede I should thincke my selfe most happy yow are the 
 man whome only I wishe most honour vnto. I rest in the 
 same mynde towardes your honour as I was in before my 
 departure if your honour shall haue any lickinge to the Ardes 
 I will with all my harte surrender my graunt and yelde my selfe 
 to sarve your honour duringe my life vppon no other condition 
 but that it would please your honour to employ me ther in 
 your honours sends I am willinge, and as hable to stand 
 your honour in sted then [?] as any other I protest before god 
 you shall finde me as reddy to follow your desinges as ever I
 
 Ixxii APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was S r Tho. Smythes if your honour shall not be willinge to 
 deale therin I requier your favorable countenance in folowinge 
 the same and hereafter if at any time you shall haue any 
 lickinge it, I rest at your commandement. 
 
 [Endorsed] 28 Nouember 1580. 
 
 From Mr W. Smythe. 
 
 A somewhat similar letter to Cecil will be found in S. P. 
 Ireland, Elizabeth, Vol. LXXVIII. No. 67.
 
 ^ 
 
 ^il-jb 
 
 ^ *
 
 * "i * T\i 
 
 jkl^i A 
 
 L i 
 
 (TO 
 
 <; 
 
 CO 
 
 <6o
 
 & table of all tijpnges moste notable 
 eontegnefce in ti)ts bofce* 
 
 Prohemium. 
 
 THAT no man is a stranger to the Comon welthe that he is 
 
 in. fo i. [p. io.] 
 That of manye heades is gathered a parfyte counsaile. 
 
 ibid. [p. ii.] 
 That euerye man is to be credyted in his own arte. 2. 
 
 [p. ii.] 
 Whye the boke is made by waye of a dyaloge. ibid. 
 
 [p. 12.] 
 The Some of the hole boke. ibid. [p. 12.] 
 
 i. Dialloge. 
 
 That men are not borne to theymselfes onelye. 4. [p. 14.] 
 The complaynte of inclosures by husbandmen. 5. [p. 15.] 
 The complaynte of derthe of victelles by artyficers. ibid. 
 
 [P- 16.] 
 The complaynte of decaye of towns by marchauntmen and 
 
 of all othere common easementes. 6. [p. 16.] 
 That manye superfluus chargis are layd down and yet 
 
 neuer the more plentye. ib. [p. 16.] 
 Of derthe of owtwarde merchaundice. ib. [p. 16.] 
 Of derthe of all kynd of vyctualles. ib. [p. 17.] 
 That inclosures shold not be the cause of this derthe. 
 
 7. [p. 17.]
 
 2 A TABLE. 
 
 That gentlemen feele moste greef by this derthe. ib. 
 
 [P- I7-] 
 The complaynte of craftes men agaynste gentlemen for 
 
 takynge of Farmes. ib. [p. 17.] 
 The craftes mans complaynt that he can not sette men 
 
 aworke for the derthe of vyctualles. 8. [p. 18.] 
 The gentlemans complaynte how he cannot keepe lyke 
 
 countenaunce as he was wont to doe. ib. [p. 19.] 
 Why gentlemen gyue ouer theyre howsholdes. 9. [p. 19.] 
 Why gentlemen doo take Farmes vnto theire handes. ib. 
 
 [p. 20.] 
 
 A complaynte agaynste Sheepe. ib. [p. 20.] 
 The Doctors complaynte for men of his sorte. 10. 
 
 [p. 21.] 
 
 A complaynte agaynste lerned men. ib. [p. 21.] 
 [p. iv] Why lernynge sholde be lyke to decaye hereaftere. IT. 
 
 [p. 22.] 
 
 Whether a Comon welthe may be gouernede withowt 
 
 lerninge. 12. [p. 22.] 
 That the lernede haue alwayes had the souereyntye ouer 
 
 the unlernede. ib. [p. 23.] 
 Whether a man maye be wyse withowte lernynge. 13. 
 
 [P- 23-] 
 That lernynge supplyythe the lake of expereyence and 
 
 that experience ys the fathere of wysdome. ib. [p. 24.] 
 The wonderfull gyftes that wee haue by lernynge. 14. 
 
 [P- 25.] 
 That there ys no facultye but ys made more consummate 
 
 by learnynge. 15. [p. 26.] 
 How Ceasar excellede all other captens by reason of hys 
 
 great lernynge ioynede with his prowes. ib. [p. 27.] 
 That knowlege in morall phylosophye is moste necessarye 
 
 for a Counceylor. 16. [p. 28.]
 
 A TABLE. 3 
 
 What makythe lernyde men to be so fewe. 17. [p. 29.] 
 That younge Studentes be alwayes ouer hastye in vtterynge 
 
 theire Jugementes. 18. [p. 29.] 
 That pythagoras commandyde Scylence to his dyscyples for 
 
 a tyme. ib. [p. 29.] 
 That plato commaundyde that no man yngnoraunt in 
 
 Geomatrye sholde enter his scole. ib. [p. 29.] 
 What harme maye comme yf they be sufferede to iudge 
 
 in thynges to whome yt dothe not appertayne. ib. 
 
 [P- 3-] 
 That yt is not lernynge suffycyente to knowe lounges and 
 
 to wryte. 19. [p. 30.] 
 Why lernynge shold decaye. ib. [p. 31.] 
 That euerye state fyndythe hym greevyde. 20. [p. 32.] 
 That marchauntes can beste save theymselfes in euerye 
 
 alteracion. 21. [p. 32.] 
 Of owr olde coyne exhaustede. ib. [p. 32.] 
 Whether yt made a matter of what metall the coyne be 
 
 made. ib. [p. 33.] 
 What men are most pynchede by the same derthe. 22. [p. v] 
 
 [P- 33-] 
 That the kynge hathe moste losse by this vnyuersall derthe. 
 
 ib. [p. 34-] 
 What dangere sholde hit be to the Realme yf the kynge 
 
 sholde want treasure in tyme of neede. 23. [p. 35.] 
 How the kynge cannot haue treasure when his subiectes 
 
 haue none. 24. [p. 35.] 
 
 To what proffyt the newe myntes ys lyke. ib. [p. 35.] 
 A recapytulacion of the common greues. 25. [p. 36.] 
 
 2. Dialloge. 
 
 That yt ys a meruelous derthe that comythe in tyme of 
 plentye. 26. [p. 37.] 
 
 I 2
 
 4 A TABLE. 
 
 The occacion of this derthe ys layde on the gentlemen 
 
 ib. [p. 38-] 
 How from the gentlemen it ys layd upon the husbandmen. 
 
 ib. [p. 38-] 
 
 The gentlemens excuse and resonable offer. 27. [p. 38.] 
 The husbandman refusythe and puttythe ouer the fault to 
 
 Irenmongers and clothiers. 28. [p. 39.] 
 Yf Lands were abatede in theyre rent whethere this derthe 
 
 wold be remedyede. ib. [p. 40.] 
 That hit were not expedyendte that strangers sholde sell 
 
 theyre wares dere and wee owrs good chepe. 29. 
 
 [p. 40.] 
 An other offere of the gentleman made to the husbandman. 
 
 ib. [p. 40.] 
 Whether yf the husbandman were inforcede to abate his 
 
 prises of his stuffe this derthe sholde be then amendyde. 
 
 30. [p. 42.] 
 The Straungers will take but monye curraunt euery where 
 
 for theyre wares that they haue ouer theyre exchaunge. 
 
 32. [p. 44.] 
 That strangers and all merchauntes brynges thynges that 
 
 be best chepe with theym and derest with vs. 33. 
 
 [p. 44.] 
 
 What thynges are theye. 34. [p. 45.] 
 He that sellythe good cheape and buythe dere cannot 
 
 lyghtlye thryve. 35. [p. 46.] 
 [p. vi] It is not possible to keepe owre treasure from goyng forthe 
 
 of the Realme yf it be in more estymacion elswhere. 
 
 36. [p. 46.] 
 That the derthe neyther rose by means of the gentleman 
 
 nor the husbandman, ib. [p. 47.] 
 Permutacion of thynges before coyne. ib. [p. 47.] 
 A complaynte agaynste Sheepemasters. 37. [p. 48.]
 
 A TABLE. 5 
 
 That inclosures is occacion of desolacion and wekenynge of 
 
 the power of the Realme. 38. [p. 49.] 
 Reasons to defende Inclosures. ib. [p. 49.] 
 What kynd of inclosures are hurtfull. ib. [p. 49.] 
 Whethere profytablenes to one may be profitable to all 
 
 othere yf they vse the same feate. 39. [p. 50.] 
 Euerye comodytye muste be so aduauncede as it be not 
 
 preiudicyall to othere greatere commodytyes. 41. [p. 51.] 
 No man may abvse his own thynges to the preiudyce of the 
 
 common weale. 42. [p. 52.] 
 How inclosures may be remedyed withowt cohercion of 
 
 lawes. 43. [p. 53.] 
 That a lyke restraynte of woole shold be made as is 
 
 of corne or none to be sent over vnwrowght. 45. 
 
 [P- 54-] 
 Reasons why the husbandman shold be at lybertye as 
 
 others to sell his wares. 46. [p. 56.] 
 That by breedynge the husbandman hathe moste clerre 
 
 gaynes. 47. [p. 56.] 
 
 That proffyt aduauncythe all facultyes. 48. [p. 57.] 
 That some are to be allurede by rewardes and some 
 
 othere with streyte payns forced in a common weale. ib. 
 
 [P- 57-] 
 The lesse honour or proffyte ys geven to anye arte the lesse 
 
 it shalbe frequentyd. 49. [p. 58.] 
 Proffyt will make husbandmen more occupyede and thereby [p. vii] 
 
 more plentye and consequentlye bettere chepenes of corn. 
 
 50. [p. 60.] 
 Whethere the kynges custome shold be abrygede by 
 
 restraynte of woole vnwrowght. 53. [p. 62.] 
 How strangers fetchithe from vs our great commodytyes 
 
 for verye tryfles. ib. [p. 62.] 
 Our dylycasye in requyrynge strangers wares. 54. [p. 64.]
 
 6 A TABLE. 
 
 Thincres of haberdashers and myloners ouer the nombere 
 
 that they were wont to be. ib. [p. 64.] 
 How the strangers fynd an easyere waye to gette treasure 
 
 by thynges of no valewe then by any moyns of golde or 
 
 siluer. 55. [p. 64.] 
 How strangers fynde there peple with owr commodytyes and 
 
 on owr costes. ib. [p. 64.] 
 Why strangers may aforde wares made by theym better then 
 
 wee may, and the same wares beyng made here, and yet 
 
 that it were better for vs to buye owr own thowhe theyse 
 
 were derere. 56. [p. 65.] 
 The moste durable and moste vnyuersall proffyt is more to 
 
 be estemyd then shorte and particuler. 57. [p. 66.] 
 Whethere suche restrayntes dothe toche the leagues made 
 
 with owtwarde prynces. ib. [p. 67.] 
 No league is to be cheryshed that is not for the common 
 
 weale. 58. [p. 67.] 
 A worthy example to be followede in vsyng of strangers. 
 
 59- [P- 68.] 
 What harme comythe and may come by alteracion of the 
 
 coyne. 60. [p. 69.] 
 That the substaunce and quantytye is estemede in coyne 
 
 and not the name. 62. [p. 71.] 
 That the necessitye of mutuall trafyke and comodytye of 
 
 exchaunge made coyne to be devysede. ib. [p. 71.] 
 [p. viii] why golde and siluere is the stuffe moste meetyst for coyne 
 
 to be stryken in. 63. [p. 72.] 
 Why golde and siluere are estemyd aboue all other metals. 
 
 65- [P- 74-] 
 
 Why golde and siluere were coynede. 67. 
 Sumtyme brasse, siluere and golde were wayde before coyne 
 
 made. 67. [p. 76.] 
 What losse comythe throwghe losse of credence. 68. [p. 77.]
 
 A TABLE. 7 
 
 What doo Straungers brynge vs in chief commodytyes for 
 
 owr Treasure. 69. [p. 78.] 
 How our olde coyne may be transportede and the kynge 
 
 and his officers not ware. 70. [p. 79.] 
 Wee devyse the redyest waye to dryve awaye owr treasure. 
 
 ib. [p. 79.] 
 
 Why thynges within the Realme shold be so dere. 71. [p. 80.] 
 Sum haue gaynes by thalteracion of the coyne. 72. [p. 81.] 
 Who losythe by thalteracion of the coyne. 73. [p. 81.] 
 Of excesse in apparrell. 74. [p. 82.] 
 In peace loke for warre. 75. [p. 84.] 
 Of excesse in buldynges. 76. 
 How the alteracion of the coyne ys most losse to the kynge. 
 
 78. [p. 86.] 
 
 Monye is cauled nervi bellorum. 78. [p. 86.] 
 To recouere owr treasure home agayne. 79. [p. 87.] 
 Whethere all owr woolle were expedyent to be solde ouere 
 
 vnwrowght. 80. [p. 88.] 
 Mysteryes are rathere to be increasyd then dymynyshed in 
 
 euerye kynde. 82. [p. 89.] 
 Of three sortes of mysteryes. 83. [p. 91.] 
 One bryngythe owt our treasure, ib. [p. 91.] 
 An other spendythe that he gettes in the same Contreye [p. ix] 
 
 agayne. ib. [p. 92.] 
 The thirde sorte bryngithe in treasure and therefore most to 
 
 be cheryshed. 84. [p. 92.] 
 Mysteryes doo enriche Contreys that els are barreyn. 85. 
 
 [P- 93-] 
 Alyauntes with straungers are to be purchasede and kepte. 
 
 ib. [p. 94.] 
 Whether gentzdarmes were necessarye here as in Fraunce. 
 
 86. [p. 94.] 
 A lesse greef wold not be holpen with a greatere sore. 87. 
 
 [P- 95-1
 
 8 A TABLE. 
 
 3. Dialloge. 
 
 Off the Commen greves. 88. [p. 98.] 
 
 Thorygynall cause in euerye thynge is to be serchede. ib. 
 
 [p. 98.] 
 
 Dyvers sortes of causes there bee. 89. [p. 99.] 
 Howe one thynge is cause of the othere and that of the 
 
 thyrde. 91. [p. 100.] 
 
 The Straungers aunswere tochynge the derthe. 91. [p. 101.] 
 That the alteracion of the coyne shold be the verye chieffe 
 
 cause thereof and consequentlye of the othere greves. 
 
 94. [p. 104.] 
 Eythere by example or by arte any thynge muste be amen- 
 
 dyd. ib. [p. 104.] 
 The remedye to be, onelye by restorynge the coyne to the 
 
 old rate and names. 95. [p. 105.] 
 All the coyne beynge together curraunt must be of equall 
 
 valewe in preportyon one to annother. 96. [p. 106.] 
 Confusion of metals gyvythe occacion of Dysceyte. ib. 
 
 [p. 107.] 
 [p. x] Not onelye the Substaunce and quantytye but also the 
 
 names of the peces of coyne muste be after the accus- 
 
 tomede manere. 97. [p. 107.] 
 
 That the coyne is the Comen measure, ib. [p. 108.] 
 It ys not enowghe for a man to be payde in lyke numbre 
 
 but also in like quantytye. ib. [p. 108.] 
 It made no matter thowghe Sum Coyne were of brasse So it 
 
 kept a dewe proporcion of his Estimate toword Siluere and 
 
 golde. 98. [p. 109.] 
 What proporcion was betwene siluere and gold ij M 1 yers 
 
 agoo the same is yet at this day amongste men. ib. 
 
 [p. 109.] 
 How the treasure myght be had to reforme the Coyne. 100. 
 
 [p. 112.]
 
 A TABLE. 9 
 
 A prynce owght to haue great treasure orels his subiectes 
 
 agaynste all eventes. 101. [p. 113.] 
 That which ys vnyuersallye estemede muste not be reiec- 
 
 tede of any commen weale that muste haue trafeque with 
 
 othere. 102. [p. 115.] 
 That coyne was ones made of lethere but in tyme of great 
 
 nede and for a smale tyme. 103. [p. 115.] 
 How the mynters doo multeplye. 104. [p. 117.] 
 A mynters rare example. 105. [p. 117.] 
 A cace to be proz/ydyd yf the coyne were amendyd. ib. 
 
 [p. 118.] 
 
 Tochynge rentes late enhaunced. ib. [p. 118.] 
 How enclosures myght be remeadyede. 108. [p. 121.] 
 Of townes decayede. in. [p. 125.] 
 
 The occacion of the decaye of owre towns, ib. [p. 125.] [p. xi] 
 That arte ys to be moste cheryshed in a towne that ys 
 
 moste profytable to the towne. 113. [p. 127.] 
 Towns are enrychede with some one trade, ib. [p. 128.] 
 Thoccacion of the Scysme in matters of Relygyon. 116. 
 
 [p. 132.] 
 
 The faultes on the behalf of the laytye. 122. [p. 139.] 
 How this Scysme myght be remeadyede. 124. [p. 141.]
 
 ffifje 
 
 JONSIDERINGE the manifold complayntes of 
 men, towchinge the decaie of this Common 
 wealthe and Realme of England, that we be now 
 in, moved more at this present then of longe time 
 hathe bene had, some imputinge it to one thinge, and some 5 
 to an other. Albeit I ame not of the Kinges counsaile, to 
 whom the reformation and consideration therof dothe 
 cheifly belonge, yet knowinge my selfe to be a membere of 
 the same common weale, and called to be one of the house, 
 wheare suche thinges ought to be treated, I can not recken 10 
 my selfe a mere straunger to this mattier ; no more then a 
 man that weare in a shippe, which weare in daunger of 
 wracke, might saye, that bycause he is not (percase) the 
 maister or pilote of the same, the daunger therof did 
 
 nothinge perteyne vnto him. Therfore, havinge 15 
 
 No man is a , r ,> i 
 
 straungere to now so me vacation from other busines, me 
 the comenwei thought I could apply my studie to no better 
 
 that he is in. 
 
 thinge then to make some discourse with my 
 selfe. First, what thinge men are greived with, then what 
 should be the occasion of the same. And that knowen, 20 
 howe suche greifes may be taken awaye ; and the estate of 
 [f. 1 1>] the common weale reformed agayne. And albeit ye might 
 well saye, that [there] be men of greater witte then I ; yet 
 fooles (as the proverbe is) speake some times to the purpose,
 
 THE PREFACE. u 
 
 and as many headdes, so many wittes. And therfore per- 
 chaunce thoughe they be never so wise theim selves, yea the 
 wiser that they be the more counsellours they will haue, for 
 that that one can not perceave, an other shall. The guyftes 
 
 5 of wittes be so dyvers. Some excell in memorie ; some in 
 Judgement ; some at the first sight redie ; and some after 
 longe consideration. And thoughe eche of theise by them 
 selues doe not make perfitte the thinge, yet when every man 
 bringethe in his guifte, a meane witted man maye of the whole 
 
 10 (the best of everie mans devise beinge gathered together) 
 make as it weare a pleasaunt garland and perfitte, to 
 adorne his heade withall. Therfore I would not only 
 haue lerned men (whose iudgementes I would 
 
 . , , \ -a j\ i i i Ofmanyhedds 
 
 wishe to be cheifly estemed) heann, but also ; s gathered a 
 15 merchaunt men, husbandmen, and artificers P e ."; fecte coun - 
 
 ceil. 
 
 (which in theire callinge are taken most wise) 
 frely suffered yea and provoked to tell theire advises in this [f. 2] 
 mattier; for some poyntes in theire feates they may dis- 
 close that the wisest in a Realme could not agayne [save]. 
 20 And it is a maxime, or an infallible veritie, 
 
 . That euery 
 
 amongst all men that everie man is to be ma n is to be 
 credited in that arte he is most exercised in. credlted m hls 
 
 owne arte. 
 
 Did not Appelles, that excellent painter, con- 
 sider that, whan he layde furthe his faire Image of Venus 
 
 25 to be sene of everie man that passed by, to the intent that 
 he (hearinge every mans iudgement in his owne arte) might 
 alwayes amend that was amisse in his worke ; whose censures 
 he allowed, so longe as they kepte theim within theire 
 owne faculties, and toke not upon theim to meddle with an 
 
 30 other mans. So perchaunce I maye be answered as he was, 
 yet I refuse not that, if I passe my compasse. But for as 
 muche as most of this mattier conteynethe pollicie or goode 
 governement of a common weale, beinge a membere of
 
 12 THE PREFACE. 
 
 Philosophic morall whearin I haue some what studied, I 
 shalbe so bold with youe (who I double not will construe 
 euerie thinge to the best) as to vtter my poore counsell 
 [f. 2 b\ hearin. And sithe this is betwene vs two to be considered 
 and weighed, and not to be published abroade ; thoughe I 5 
 shoulde perchaunce herin move some thinges that weare 
 openly not to be spoken, as in suche cases of disputation is 
 requisite; yet havinge respecte to what ende they be spoken, 
 I trust they can offend no man. For harde weare it to 
 heale the sore that a man would not haue opened to his 10 
 phisition, nor yet of a surfette that a man would not declare 
 the occasion therof. Therfore nowe that kinde of reson- 
 wh thebooke m ^ e seme the to me best, for boltinge oute of 
 is made by way the truthe, which is used by waie of dialoge, or 
 
 colloquie, wheare reasons be made to and fro, 15 
 as well for the mattier intended, as against it. I thought it 
 best to taike that waye in the discourse of this mattier, 
 which is in rehersinge the common and vniuersall greifes 
 that men complaine on now a dayes. Secondly in boltinge 
 oute the veraye causes and occasions of the same. Thirdly 20 
 , , and finally in devisinge of remedies for all the 
 
 The some of ' 
 
 the whole same. Therfore I will declare vnto youe what 
 communicacion a knight tould me theare was 
 [f. 3] betwene him and certeyne other persons of late aboute this 
 mattier, which, bycause it hapned betwene suche persons as 25 
 weare members of everie state that find theim selues greved 
 now a dayes and touched those mattiers (as me thought) 
 well, I thought it not mete to be forgotten. The persons 
 weare theise. A knight as I first sayde, a merchaunte 
 man, a doctor, a husbandman and a craftes man. The 30 
 knight rehersed the comunicacion thus.
 
 first Uialoge* [f. 3 *i 
 
 KNIGHT. After I, and my felowes the Justices of peace 
 
 of this countrie, had the other daye declared the kinges 
 
 highnes commission towchinge inclosures, and [geven] the 
 
 chardge to the enquest, I beinge bothe werie with the heate 
 
 5 of the people and noyse of the same, thought to steale to a 
 
 frendes house of myne in the towne, which sellethe wine, 
 
 to the intent to eate a morsell of meate, (for I was as then 
 
 fastinge,) takinge with me an honest husbandman, whom for 
 
 his honestie and good descretion I loved verie well. Whether 
 
 10 as we weare come, and had scante sitte downe in a close 
 
 parlor, theare comes in a merchaunte man of the citie, a 
 
 man of estimacion and substaunce, and requires the saide 
 
 husbandman to goe and dyne with him ; Nay (quoth 1)1 
 
 trust he will not nowe forsake my companie, thoughe he 
 
 15 should fare better with youe. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. Then quoth the merchaunte, I will home 
 for a pastie of venyson that I haue theare, and for a frend 
 of myne and a neighbour that I had bed to dinner. And 
 we shall be so bold as to make merie with all heare in youre 
 20 Companie. And as for my gest he is no straunger vnto youe [f. 4] 
 neither ; and therfore both we of youres and youe of his 
 companie I trust wilbe the gladder. 
 KNIGHT. Who is it ? 
 MERCHAUNTE. It is Doctour Pandotheus.
 
 i 4 THE FIRST DIALOGS. 
 
 KNIGHT. Is it so? on my faithe he shalbe hartely 
 welcome. For of him we shall haue some good communi- 
 cacion and wise ; for he is noted a learned and wise man. 
 Anone the merchaunte sendes for him, and he comes vnto 
 vs, and withall an honest man, a capper of the same towne, 5 
 which came to speake with the sayde merchante. Then 
 after salutacions had (as youe knowe the maner is) betwene 
 me and maister doctor, and renewinge of old acquaintance 
 which had bene longe afore betwene vs, we satte all downe. 
 And when we had eaten somwhat to satisfie the sharpenes 10 
 of our stomackes, the doctor sayde to me 
 
 DOCTOR. On my faithe youe trouble youre selues and 
 make to other muche adoe, youe that be Justices of everie 
 countrie, youe in sittinge vpon commyssions almost wekely, 
 and they in appearinge before youe and leavinge theire 15 
 husbandrie vnlooked to at home. 
 
 4 b] KNIGHT. Surely it is so, yet the kinge must be serued 
 and the common weale. For God and the kinge hathe not 
 sent vs the poore lyvinge we haue, but to doe services 
 therfore emonge our neighbours abroade. 20 
 
 DOCTOR. It is well if youe take it so ; for nature hathe 
 
 grafted that perswacion in youe and all other that folowe the 
 
 clear light of nature ; as learned men haue 
 
 remembred, sayinge, We be not borne to our 
 
 selues but partly to the vse of cure countrie, of oure 25 
 
 parentes, of oure kinsfolkes, and partly of oure 
 
 freindes and neighbours ; and therfore all goode 
 
 vertues are grafted in vs naturally, whose affectes be to doe 
 
 That men are goode to others, whan it shcwethe furthe the 
 
 "he mseKs '" ^ ma g e ^ 8^ * n man > whose propertie is ever 30 
 
 oneiy. to doe good to others, to distribute his goodnes 
 
 to others abroade, like no nygarde nor envious thinge. 
 
 Other creatures, as they resemble nothinge of that godly
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 15 
 
 Image, so they studie no common vtilitie of other, but only 
 the conseruacion of theim selues and propagation of theire 
 owne kynd. Wherfore yf we looke to be reckened most 
 vnlike theim most vile, and likest to god most excellent, 
 5 let vs doe goode to others, not prefarringe the ease of this [f. 5] 
 carkasse, which is like the brute beastes, but rather the 
 vertue of the mynde whearin we be like to god him selfe. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. For all youre paynes (meaninge by me) 
 and all yours also I would haue had never worse commissions 
 10 in hand then this is. So we had lost more dayes workes at 
 oure husbandrie then this. 
 
 KNIGHT. Why so ? 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Marie for theise inclosures doe undoe 
 vs all, for they make vs paye dearer for our land that we 
 15 occupie, and causes that we can haue no land in 
 
 Complaynt of 
 
 maner for oure monye to put to tillage; all is inclosures by 
 
 ,~~Z f *. -.1 f i ,. husbandmen. 
 
 taken vp for pastures, * either for shepe or for 
 
 grasinge of Cattell. So that I haue knowen of late a docen 
 
 plowes with in lesse compasse then 6 myles aboute me laide 
 
 20 downe with in theise [vij] yeares; and wheare xl persons had 
 theire lyvinges, nowe one man and his shepard hathe all. 
 Which thinge is not the least cause of theise vprors, for by 
 theise inclosures men doe lacke livinges and be idle; and 
 therfore for verie necessitie they are desirous of a chaunge, 
 
 25 beinge in hope to come therby to somwhat ; and well 
 assured, howe soeuer it befall with theim, it can not be no 
 harder with theim then it was before. Moreover all thinges 
 are so deare that by theire daily labour they are not able to 
 jive. _ 
 
 30 CAPPER. I haue well experience therof, for I ame faine IT- 5 fl 
 to give my lorney men ij d . a daye more then I was wonte to 
 doe, and yet they saye they can not sufficiently liue theron. 
 And I knowe for a truthe that the best husband * of theim
 
 16 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 all can saue but little at the yeares ende ; and by reason of 
 suche dearthe as ye speake of, we that are arti- 
 
 Complaint of ,. , r ,., 
 
 the derthe of ncers can kcpe few or no prentises like as we 
 victuaiies by weare WO nte to doe. Therfore the citie. which 
 
 artificers. ^ , _ 
 
 was heartofore well inhabited and wealthie, (as 5 
 ye knowe everie one of youe,) is fallen for lacke of occupiers 
 to greate desolation and povertie. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. So the most parte of all the townes of 
 England, London excepted ; and not only the goode townes 
 
 are decaied sore in theire houses, stretes and 10 
 SSy^of ' f other buyldinges, but also the countrie in theire 
 townes by the highe wayes, and bridges ; for suche pouertie 
 
 marchauntmen 
 
 and of all other reigncthe euery wheare that few men haue so 
 e ene ease " muche to spare as they may give anie thinge to 
 
 the reparacion of suche wayes, bridges and 15 
 other common easmentes. And albeit theare be manie 
 thinges layde downe nowe that to fore times weare occasions 
 of muche expenses, as stage playes, enterludes, maye games, 
 wakes, ravelles, wagers at shootinge, wrestlinge, 
 [f. 6] ^ any s " per " runnineje, and throwinge the stone or barre, and 20 
 
 fluous things 
 
 leid downe and besides that pardons, pylgrimages, offeringes, and 
 
 yet neuer the , , , , . T . . 
 
 more pientye. manye suche other thinges, yet I perceiue we be 
 
 never the wealthier but rather the poorer; wherof 
 
 it is longe I can not well tell, for theare is suche a generall 
 
 dearthe of all thinges as I neuer knewe the like, not only of 25 
 
 thinges growinge within this Realme, but also of all other 
 
 merchandise that we bye beyonde the seas, as 
 
 Derthe of out- ; J 
 
 wardmerchan- silkes, wynes, oyles, woode, madder, Iron, steyll, 
 wax, flax, lynnen clothe, fustians, worstedes, 
 coverlettes, Carpettes and all arrasies and tapsterie, spices of 30 
 all sortes and all haberdashe wares as paper, bothe whyte and 
 browne, glasses as well drinkinge [and] lookynge, as for 
 glasinge of windowes, pinnes, nedles, kniues, daggers, hattes, 

 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 17 
 
 cappes, broches, buttons, and lases ; I wote well all theise doe 
 cost me more nowe by the third parte well, then they did but 
 seaven yeares agoe. Then all kynde of victuall are [as] dear 
 or dearer agayne, and no cause of godes parte therof, as farre 
 5 as I can perceyue : for I neuer sawe more plentie _. 
 
 * ' Derthe of all 
 
 of corne, grasse and cattell of all sorte, then we kynde of victu- 
 haue at this present, and haue had theise iij 
 yeares past continually, thanked be oure lord. Yf theise 
 inclosures weare the cause therof, or anie other thinge els, it 
 
 10 weare pittie but it weare removed. 
 
 KNIGHT. Since ye haue plentie of all thinges of corne [f. 6 6] 
 and cattail as ye saye, then it should not seme this 
 dearthe should be longe of theise inclosures ; for it is not by 
 scarsnes of corne that we haue this dearthe, for thankes be 
 
 15 to god corne is good cheape, and so hathe bene theise iij 
 yeares past continually. It can not be the occasion of the 
 dearthe of cattail ; for inclosures is the thinge 
 
 ... ,. . , -.. r That enclosure 
 
 that nonshethe most of anie other; yet I confesse S h id not be 
 theare is a wounderfull dearthe of all thinges : *f . caus * of 
 
 ' this dearthe. 
 
 20 and that doe I, and all men of my sorte, fele 
 
 most greife in, which haue no wares to sell, or [occupacion] 
 to live by, but only our landes. For youe all thre, I rneane * 
 youe my neighbours the husbandman, and youe maister 
 merchaunt, and youe goodman capper, and all sorte of 
 
 25 artificers maye saue theim selues metely well ; for as muche 
 as all thinges are dearer then they weare, so muche doe youe 
 arise in the price of youre wares and occupacions 
 
 i , . , . That gentil- 
 
 that youe sell agayne ; but we haue nothinge to men feele 
 sell, whearby we might advaunce the price therof, moste greef by 
 
 J this dearthe. 
 
 30 to countervalew those thinges that we must bie 
 agayne. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Yes, youe rase the price of , 
 
 7 ' 1 he complaint 
 
 youre landes, and youe take fermes also and of craftsmen 
 L. 2
 
 1 8 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 against genui- pastures into youre handes, which was wounte to 
 ^geotferme^ be poore mens livinges, suche as I am, and gentle- 
 [f. 7] men [owght to] live only vppon theire landes. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE AND CAPPER. On my soule ye saie truthe, 
 quoth the merchaunte man, and the capper also saide no 5 
 lesse, addinge therto that it was neuer merie with poore 
 craftes men since gentlemen became grasiers ; for they can 
 not now a dayes fynde theire prentises and servantes meate 
 and drincke, but it cost theim almost duble as muche as it 
 did afore time ; wherfore wheare manie of my occupacion, 10 
 and other like heartofore [haue] died riche men, and bene able 
 to leave honestly behinde theim for theire wiues and children, 
 and besides that leave some notable bequest for some goode 
 dede, as to make a bridge, to repaire highe wayes (which 
 thinges goe all to wracke everie wheare) or to by some 15 
 landes to healpe the poore beginners of the occupation ; yea 
 somtime they hadd suche superfluitie as they could over 
 suche bequestes leaue an other porcion to fynde a preist or 
 to founde a chauntrie in some parishe churche. And now 
 we are scante able to Hue withoute debt, or to kepe anie 20 
 
 seruauntes at all, except it be a prentise or two ; 
 CMB. and therfore the lorney men, what of oure 
 plaint that he occupacion, and what of clothiers or other occu- 
 
 cannot set men . . 
 
 on worke for pacions, bcmge forced to be withoute worke, 
 ^ctuau nhe f are tne most P arte f theise rude people that 25 
 
 make theise vprores abroade, to the greate 
 disquiet not only of the kynges highenes, and also of his 
 people. And nede as youe knowe hathe no boote. 
 [f. 7 b\ MERCHAUNTE. It is true youe knowe what notable actes 
 
 men of my occupacion likewise haue done in this Citie 30 
 before this ; ye knowe the hospitall at this townes ende ; it 
 was founded not verie longe agoe by one of oure occupacion. 
 And the custome of this citie, howe it was redemed by my
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 19 
 
 father in lawe of late, supposinge therby that the citie should 
 be muche releved, which then was in some decaye. And 
 yet it decayethe still more and more; wherof it should 
 belonge I can not well tell. 
 
 5 KNIGHT. Sir, I knowe it is true ye complayrie not with 
 oute a cause. So it is as true that I and my sorte, I meane 
 all gentlemen, haue as greate, yea a far greater, cause to 
 complayne then anie of youe haue ; for as I sayed nowe that 
 the price of thinges weare risen of all handes, , 
 
 ' The gentil- 
 
 10 youe may better live after youre degree then we, mans com- 
 
 r i i , i /- plaint howe he 
 
 for youe may and doe raise the price of youre Smai keepe 
 wares, as the price of victualles and other neces- ^ c unten - 
 
 aunce as he 
 
 saries [doo rise]. And so can not we so muche ; was wont to 
 for thoughe it be true that of suche landes as ' 
 
 15 come to oure handes, either by purchace or by determination 
 and endinge of suche termes of yeares or other estates that 
 I or my auncestor had graunted thearin in times past, I doe 
 either receive a better fyne then of old was vsed, or enhaunce 
 the rent therof, beinge forced therto for the chardge of my [f. 8] 
 
 20 howshold that is increased over that it was, yet in all my 
 life time I looke not that the thirde parte of my lande shall 
 come to my dispocition, that I maye enhaunce the rent of 
 the same ; but it shalbe in mens holdinges, either by lease 
 or by copie, graunted before my time, and still contynuinge, 
 
 25 and yet like to continewe in the same estate, for the most 
 parte duringe my life, and perchaunce my sonnes ; so as 
 we can not rayse all our wares, as youe maye yours, and me 
 thinkes yt weare reason we did. And by reason we can not, 
 so many of vs as haue departed (as ye knowe) oute of the 
 
 30 Countrie of late, haue bene driven to give over 
 
 Why gentil- 
 
 oure houshold, and to kepe either a chambere men geue over 
 in london, or to waight on the courte vncalled, ' h ^' r hous " 
 
 ' holdes. 
 
 with a man and a lacky after him, wheare he
 
 20 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 was wonte to kepe halfe a score cleane men in his house, 
 and xx tie or xxx tie other persons besides, everie day in the 
 weke. And suche of vs as doe abyde in the Countrie still, 
 can not with ij c li. a yeare kepe that house, that we might 
 haue done with ij c markes but xvj th yeares agoe. And 5 
 therfore we are forced either to minyshe the third parte of 
 our houshold, or to raise the thirde parte of oure Revenues. 
 And for that we can not so doe of oure landes, that is 
 alreadie in the handes of other men, many of vs 
 
 Why gentil- . , . . . ... 
 
 men take are forced either to kepe parte of theire owne 10 
 [f. 86] f ermesto their landes when they fall into theire owne posses- 
 
 handes. 
 
 sions, or to purchace some ferme of other mens 
 landes, and to store it with shepe or some other cattail, to 
 helpe to [make] vp the decaye of theire revenues and to 
 maintaine theire old estate with all. And yet all is litle 15 
 enoughe. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Yea, those shepe is the cause of all theise 
 mischeives, for they haue driven husbandrie oute of the 
 countrie, by the which was encreased before all kynde of 
 victuall, and now altogether shepe, shepe. It was far better 20 
 Complaint a- whan theare was not only shepe enoughe, but 
 gainst sheep. a ] so oxeri) kyen, swyne, pigges, geese and capons, 
 egges, butter and chese, yea, and bred corne and mault 
 corne enoughe besides, and altogether rered vpon the same 
 land. 25 
 
 DOCTOR. Then the doctor, that leaned on his elbowe 
 all this while musinge, sat vp and sayed, I perceiue by 
 youe theare is none of vs all but haue iust cause to com- 
 playne. 
 
 CAPPER. By my faithe, except it be youe men of the 30 
 churche, which travell nothinge for youre livinge and yet 
 haue enoughe to live on, and haue no chardge in your 
 handes as we haue.
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 21 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye saye truthe indede, we haue least cause to 
 complaine ; yet youe knowe well we be not so plenteous as 
 we haue bene. The first fructes and tenthes ar deducted of 
 cure livynges ; yet of the rest we might well haue [ f - 9] 
 
 , c -11 i c j The doctors 
 
 5 enoughe, yf we might haue quietnes of mynde comp i aynte for 
 and conscyance withall. And albeit we labour men of his 
 
 sorte. 
 
 not muche with oure bodies as youe saye, yet 
 
 youe knowe we labour with oure myndes, more to the 
 
 weaknynge of the same then by anie other bodyly exercise 
 
 10 we can doe ; as ye maye perceive by the complexions, how 
 wan oure couler is, howe faynte and sickly be oure bodies, 
 and all for [lacke of] bodily exercise. 
 
 CAPPER. Marie, I would (if I weare one of the kynges 
 counsell) provide for youe in that pointe well a medecyne, so 
 
 15 as youe should nede take no disease for lacke of exercise. I 
 would set youe to the plowghe and carte, for the devell a 
 whit the good doe ye with youre studies, but set men 
 together by the eares. Some with this opinion . 
 
 Compiaynte a- 
 
 and some with that, some holdinge this waye gainste leamid 
 
 20 and some that waye, and some an other, and 
 
 that so stifly as thoughe the truthe must be as they saye 
 that haue the vpper hande in contention. And this conten- 
 tion is not the least cause of theise vprors of the people ; 
 some holdinge of the one learninge and some holdinge of 
 
 25 the other. In my mynde it made no mattier yf theare 
 weare no learned men at all. 
 
 KNIGHT. God forbid, neighebour, that it should be so ; [f. 9 6] 
 how should we haue counsellours then ? how should we 
 haue Christian religion tawght vs ? howe should we knowe the 
 
 30 state of other realmes, and haue conference with theim of 
 all other countries, except it weare throughe learninge, and 
 by the benifit of letters ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Care not for that, (good man capper,) youe
 
 22 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 shall haue fewe [enowghe of] learned men within a while if 
 this world hold on. 
 
 CAPPER. I meane not but I would haue men to write 
 and reade, yea and to learne the languages vsed in countries 
 aboute vs, that we might write oure myndes to theim and 5 
 they to vs, yea and yf we might reade the holie scriptures in 
 oure mother tonge ; and as for youre preachinge, except ye 
 agre better, it made no mattier howe litle we had of it ; for 
 of diversitie therof, comes divers opinions. 
 
 DOCTOR. Then ye care for no other science at all but 10 
 
 the knowledge of tonges, and to write and reade. And so 
 
 it appeares well that ye be not alone of that mynde; for 
 
 nowe a dayes, when men send theire sonnes to the vniuersi- 
 
 [f. 10] ties, they suffer theim no longer to tarie theare then they 
 
 may haue a litle of the latine tonge ; and then they take 15 
 
 theim awaye, and bestowe theim to be clarkes with some 
 
 men of lawe, or some Auditor and Receivour, or to be a 
 
 secretorie to some gentleman or other, and so to get a 
 
 livinge ; wherby the vniuersities be in a maner 
 
 Why learninge . , , . , ... 
 
 shoide be lyke emptied. And as I thmke wilbe occasion that 20 
 todecayehere- ft^ R ea i me vvithin a shorte space wilbe made 
 
 after. 
 
 as emptie of wise and [pollytyque] men, and 
 consequently barbarous, and at the last thrall and subiect 
 to other nations wherof we weare lordes before. 
 
 KNIGHT. God forbid that ; we that be gentlemen will 25 
 with oure pollicie in warre provide that we come not in 
 subjection of anie other nation ; and this stowtness of 
 englishe hartes will never suffer that, thoughe theare weare 
 no learned men in the Realme at all. 
 
 DOCTOR. Well, an empire or a kyngdome is not so 30 
 muche wonne or kept by the manhoode or force of men as 
 it is by wisdome and pollicie, which is gotten 
 commen weaie chefly by learninge. For we se in all kynde of
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 23 
 
 gouernaunce, for the most parte the wiser sorte may be well 
 
 , . , . gouernid with- 
 
 haue the souerayngtie ouer the rude and vn- omLeamynge. 
 learned ; as in every howse the most experte, in everie citie 
 the wisest and most sage, and in everie common weale the 
 5 most learned, are most commonly placed to governe the rest, [f- io] 
 Yea, amonge all nations in the worlde, they that That the learn . 
 be pollitique and civill doe maister the rest, id haue always 
 
 rr -it i ' i had ^ souer- 
 
 thoughe theire [forces] be inferior to the other, aigntye ouer 
 The empires of the Grekes and Romaines doe the vnlearnid - 
 
 10 that declare ; emongst whome, like as learninge and wisdome 
 is most estemed, so throughe it theire empires was spred 
 abroade widest, and longest did continewe of all other. 
 And whie should youe thincke it more straunge nowe to be 
 vanqueshed then other weare before time, that reckened 
 
 15 theim selues as stoute men as youe be, the nowe dwellers of 
 this Realme ; as the saxons weare [lastej by the Normaynes, 
 and the Brytons by the saxons afore that, and the [Brytayns] 
 by the Romaynes first of all. 
 
 KNIGHT. Theare maye be wise men enoughe, thoughe 
 
 20 they be not learned. I haue knowne men verie wise and 
 
 pollitique, that knowe never a lettere in the boke ; and con- 
 
 trarywise, as many other learned men, that haue bene verie 
 
 Idiottes in maner for anie worldly pollicie that they had. 
 
 DOCTOR. I denie not that. I saye that if suche men as 
 
 25 youe speake of had had learninge to theire witte, they had 
 
 bene more excellent ; and the other, that youe call so simple, [f. n] 
 had bene foolisher if they had had no learninge at all. Exercise 
 in war res make the not everie man mete to be a 
 
 Whether a man 
 
 captayne, thoughe he travaill in it never so may be wise 
 30 longe ; nor theare is none other so [apte] for the th e out learn ' 
 warre, but with experience and vse he is made 
 more perfecte. For what makethe old men commonly more 
 wise then the yonger sorte, but theire greate experience ?
 
 24 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yea, experience helpethe muche to the witte 
 of man, I confesse ; but what dothe learninge therto ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Yf youe graunte that experience dothe helpe 
 muche, then I doubte not youe will graunte me anon that 
 learninge also dothe helpe muche the encrease of wisdome. 5 
 Let that then be set for a sure grounde, that experience 
 dothe further wisdome, and take it as it weare the father of 
 wisdome, and memorie to be the mother. For like as ex- 
 perience dothe begett wisdome as a father, so 
 
 That learn- " 
 
 ynge supply- memorie norisethe it as a mother ; for in vayne 10 
 
 eth the lake of , , , . , , , . ,. , 
 
 experience, should experience be had, if the same weare not 
 and that ex- j cept j n Remembraunce. Then if I can showe 
 
 penence is the 
 
 father of wis- youe that bothe experience and also memorie 
 are holpen and furthered by learninge, then 
 [f. ii(5] youe must nedes graunte me that learninge furtherethe witte 15 
 and encreasethe it ; yet youe confesse the experience of an 
 old man makethe him wiser then the yonge, because he saw 
 more thinges then the other. But an old man seithe but 
 only thinges of his owne time ; and the learned man seithe 
 not only his owne times experience, but also that that befell 20 
 in a greate manie of his auncestors; yea, since the world 
 began. Therfore he must nedes haue more experience then 
 the vnlearned man of what great age soever he be. Then 
 [so mannye cases] as he seethe in all that time to haue hapned, 
 could not be so well remembred of anie man, as it is kepte 25 
 in writinge. And then if the vnlearned man once forgette 
 the thinge he sawe, he neuer lightly remembrethe it agayne ; 
 wheare as the learned hathe his boke to call him to remem- 
 braunce of that he should els forget. Therfore as he that 
 livethe an hundrethe yeares must nedes haue more experience 30 
 then he that livethe but L. yeares ; so he that seethe the 
 chaunces of the world (as it weare in a table paynted before 
 [f. 12] him of a thousande yeares) must nedes haue greater experi-
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 25 
 
 ence then he that lives but one hundred yeares. Also he 
 that travaylethe manie farre countries hathe more experience 
 then other of like age that neuer goethe oute of his native 
 countrie. So he that is learned, seinge by cosmographie, 
 5 histories and other learninge, the right maner and vsage of 
 everie Countrie in the world, yea of manie moe then is 
 possible for one man to travell throughe, [and] of theise that 
 he travaylethe muche better then he could learne theare by 
 small taryinge, must nedes haue more experience then the 
 10 other traveler that is vnlearned, and consequently more 
 witte, beinge in capacitie and memorie bothe els equivalent. 
 And now I am forced to consider the merveilous gyftes we 
 haue by learninge; that is, how learninge suppliethe vnto 
 man the greatest lacke that some writers haue 
 
 . , 111- The wounder- 
 
 15 complayned theim to be in mankynde, that is f u i g if ts that 
 the brevitie of age. and the grossnes and hevynes ^ ee haue by 
 
 J learnynge. 
 
 of bodie ; wheare in the first divers beastes, as 
 
 hartes, and manie other, and in the last, all birdes [seame] 
 
 to excell man. For wheare it is denyed man to live above 
 
 20 one C. yeares, or theare aboute, by the benifitte of learninge 
 he hathe the commoditie of lyfe of a m. yeares, yea ij or iij [f. 
 m. yeares, by reason he seethe the eventes and occurrentes 
 of all that time by bookes. And if he should haue lived 
 him selfe, by all that space, he could haue had nothinge els 
 
 25 to his Commoditie but that experience of thinges ; the rest 
 hathe bene but travayle ; the which experience he hathe now 
 by letteres, and without anie travayle in maner at all, and 
 withoute the daungers he might him selfe haue bene in, if he 
 had lived by all that space. As to the other poynte, we be 
 
 30 not so agill and light as fowlles and birdes of the ayere be, 
 that we might [discurre] from one place to an other, we 
 haue the commoditie throughe learninge that we should 
 purchase by suche peregrinacions, as well as if we might
 
 26 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 flie from one countrie to an other like byrdes, and yet 
 withe lesse travayle and daunger. Maye we not by cosmo- 
 graphie see the scituation, temperature, and qualities of 
 everie countrie in the world? yea, better and with lesse 
 travayle then if we might flie ouer theim oure selues ? for 5 
 that, that many other haue learned throughe theire greate 
 [f. 13] Travaylles and daungers, they haue lefte to vs to be learned 
 with ease and pleasure. Can we not also, throughe the 
 scyence of Astronomic, knowe the course of the pianettes 
 aboue, and theire conjunctions and aspectes, as certeynly as 10 
 yf we weare emongst theim ? and to the knowledge wherof 
 by sight only we could neuer obteyne, thoughe we weare as 
 agill as anie byrde. What is theare els profitable or 
 necessarie for the coniuncte of mans lyfe heare in earthe, 
 but in learninge it is taught more perfectly and more 15 
 complete then anie man can learne only by experience all 
 dayes of his life ? no, not so muche as youre feate in warre, 
 Sir knight; no, not youre feate, good husband, but that either 
 That there is f theim are so exactly taught and set forthe in 
 no facuitie but learninge that neither of youe bothe, thoughe 20 
 
 it is made more . 
 
 consummate youe be neuer so perfecte in the sayde feates, 
 byieamynge. k ut m jg nt i earne many pointes moe then euer 
 
 youe saw by experience in either of theim as youe, Sir 
 Vegetius. knight, in Vigetius, and youe, good husbandman, 
 coiumeiia. in Collumella. 25 
 
 KNIGHT. I saye agayne, might we not haue that in 
 oure englishe tonge, and reade theim ouer, thoughe we neuer 
 went to schole ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Yea, well enoughe ; and yet should ye be far 
 
 from the perfecte vnderstandinge of theim, excepte ye had 30 
 
 [f. 1 3 b} the healpe of other sciences ; that is to saye of Arithmetik in 
 
 disposinge and orderinge of youre men ; and Geomatrie in 
 
 devisinge of Ingynes, to wynne townes and fortresses, and of
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 27 
 
 brydges to passe ouer; in which Caesar excelled other, by 
 reason of the learninge he had in those thinges, HOW Caesar 
 and dyd wonderfull feates, which anie vn- other capit^yns 
 learned man could neuer haue done. And yf byresonofhis 
 
 great lernyng 
 
 5 ye had warre on the sea, how could youe knowe ioined with his 
 towarde what coste ye be sea driven, withoute pr01 
 knowledge of the latitude of the place by the poolle, and 
 the lengthe by the starres ? And now to youe, husbandman, 
 for the perfection of the knowledge of husbandrie, ye had 
 
 10 nede of the knowledge in Astronomic ; as vnder what 
 aspecte of the pianettes, and in the entrie of what signe by 
 the sonne and mone, it is time the earthe to dounge, to 
 sowe, to reape, to set, to grafte, to cut youre woodde, youre 
 timbere ; yea, to haue some Judgementes of the weather that 
 
 15 is like to come, and for mowinge of youre corne and grasse 
 and howsinge of the same, and howsinge youre cattaill ; yea 
 of some parte of physike called veter/Vzaria, wherby youe 
 might knowe the deaseases of youre beastes, and heale theim. 
 Then for true measuringe of Lands, had you not nede of 
 
 20 some knowleidge in Geometric to be a perfect husband ? 
 Then in buyldinge, what carpenter or mason is [so] conninge [f. 14] 
 or experte but he might learne more by readinge of Vitruuius 
 and other that write of Architectura, that is to say the science 
 of buyldinge ? And to passe ouer the sciences of logique 
 
 25 and Retorique, wherof the first travelles aboute the descrip- 
 tion of the true reason from the false, the other aboute the 
 perswation of that that is to be set furthe to the people, as a 
 thinge to them profitable and expedient, wherof a goode 
 and a perfecte counsellour might wante none of bothe well. 
 
 30 Tell me what counsell can be perfecte, what common weale 
 can be ordered and vpright, wheare none of the rulers or 
 counsailers haue studied anie philosophic, and specially that 
 parte that teachethe of maners? The other parte of
 
 28 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 philosophic I passe ouer now, which teachethe of natures, 
 That know- an( j j s ca n e d phisique. What parte of the 
 
 lege in moral 
 
 phiiosophye is common weale is neglected by morall philo- 
 y e e f^ sophie? dothe it not teache firste howe euerie 
 counselor. m an should governe him selfe honestly and 5 
 profitab/y? Secondlie, howe he should guyde his familie 
 wisely ; and thirdly, it shewithe how a Citie or Realme 
 or anie other common weale should be well ordered and 
 governed, bothe in time of peace and also in warre. What 
 common weale can be withoute either a governour, or 10 
 counsaylour, that should be experte in this kynde of learn- 
 [f. 1 4 i>] inge ? This concernethe the pointe that we now talke of; if 
 men expert of this science weare counsailed and folowed, 
 the common weale should be ordered as few should haue 
 
 cause to complaine. Therfore Plato, that devine 1 5 
 philosopher, saide that happie is that common 
 weale wheare either the kynge is a philosopher, or wheare 
 a philosopher is the kynge. 
 
 KNIGHT. I wened before that theare had bene no other 
 learninge in the worlde, but that theise men had that be 20 
 doctours of divynitie, or of the lawe, or of phisique ; wherof 
 the first had all his connynge in preachinge, the second in 
 mattiers of spirituall lawe, and the third in phisique, and 
 look inge of folkes waters that weare sicke ; marie, youe tell 
 me now of manie other sciences, verie necessarie for everie 25 
 common weale, which I neuer hard of before ; but either 
 theare be few of theise doctors that can skill of theim, or els 
 they disclose but little of theire connynge. 
 
 DOCTOR. Of truethe theare be to few of theim that 
 can skill of theise sciences nowe a dayes ; and of those that 30 
 be, fewe are estemed anie thinge the more for theire 
 knowledge therin, or called for to anie counsell. And 
 therfore others, seinge theise sciences nothinge estemed or
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 29 
 
 set by, they fall to other sciences that they see in some [f. 15] 
 price, as to divinitie, or to the lawe, and to ,, 
 
 What makithe 
 
 phisique; thoughe they can not be perfecte in leamide menne 
 
 .. , . . , , , ... to be so fewe. 
 
 none of theise withoute knowledge of the 
 5 sciences above towched. And therfore it is ordeyned by 
 the vniuersities that first men should be bachelers, and 
 maisters of arte, ere they should medle with divinitie. And 
 theise artes be the Seaven Liberall Sciences ; as Gramer, 
 Logicque, Retorique, Arithmaticque, Geomatrie, musicke, 
 
 10 and Astronomy. And now they steppe ouer, and fall to 
 divinitie by and by, before they haue gotten or purchased 
 theim anie Judgement throughe the foresaide sciences ; 
 which makes theim to fall to theise dyuersities of opinions 
 that we speake of nowe. For all beginners in everie science 
 
 15 be verie quicke, and over hastie in givinge theire Judge- 
 mentes of thinges, (as experience teachethe everie man) ; and 
 then, whan they haue once vttered and published 
 
 i i i -11 Younge stu- 
 
 theire Judgementes and opinions, they will se dents be ai- 
 nothinge that will [sounde] contrarie [to] the same, ais ^^ 
 20 but either they will conster it to theire owne theire judege- 
 fantasie, or vtterly denie it to be of anie auctoritie. 
 Pythagoras, to his schollers that came to learne his prophane 
 sciences, commaunded silence for 5 yeares, that p yt h a goras 
 by all that space they should be hearers only, and commaundid rf. I5 M 
 
 . . silence to his 
 
 25 not reasoners ; and in this science, euene boy disciples for a 
 that hathe not redde scripture past halfe a tyme ' 
 yeare shalbe suffered not only to reason and inquire thinges, 
 (for that weare tollerable,) but * to affirme new and straunge 
 interpretations vppon the same neuer heard of before. 
 
 30 What ende of opinions can theare be while this is suffered ? 
 Also Plato forbad anie man to come to his 
 scole that was ignorante of Geomatrie. And to plato com - 
 
 maundid that 
 
 this highe scole of divinitie, he that knowethe no man ignor-
 
 30 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 rant in geome- not his gramer, muche lesse anie other science, 
 Imre S into his shalbe admitted at the first, and I say not to learne, 
 
 scooie. (f or th a t- m ight be suffered,) but to iudge ; and 
 
 theare cometh in the thinge that the same Plato sayeth to 
 be [an] only cause sufficient to ouerthrowe a common weale 5 
 wheare it is vsed ; that is when they take vppon theim the 
 ludgementes of thinges to whom it dothe not 
 
 What harme c , 
 
 maycommeyf apperteyne ; as youthe of thinges perteynmge 
 they be suffer- to Q^ men children ouer theire fathers, ser- 
 
 ed to iudge a 
 
 thynge to uauntes ouer theire maisters, and private men 10 
 doth? noT'ap- ouer the* 1 " 6 magestrates. What Shippe can longe 
 pertaygne. be safe from wracke, wheare euerie man will 
 take vpon him to be a pilate? what house well gouerned, 
 [f. 16] wheare euerie seruaunt will take vpon him to be a maister or 
 teacher? [I spake so myche of the Comendacion of learn- 15 
 ynge, not onelye bycause I harde my frendde here, the 
 Cappere, sette lyttle by learnynge], but also that I see 
 [manye] now a dayes of this opinion ; which care nothinge 
 for anie other knowledge, but only that they may write, 
 and reade, and learne the tonges ; whom I can resemble 20 
 well to men that esteme the barcke more then the tree, 
 and the shell more then the kernell. Wherfore they seme 
 to take the bright sonne from the earthe, that would take 
 awaye learninge from vs ; for the sonne is no more neces- 
 
 That it is not sar ^ e ^ or tne encrease of a ^ thinges on the 25 
 leamyng suffi- earthe, then learninge for the encrease of Civilitie, 
 
 cient to knowe . ' ... . 
 
 thetoungsand wisdome, and pollicie emonge men. And as 
 towryte. muche as a reasonable man dothe excell all 
 other creatures by the gyftes of Reason, so muche excellethe 
 a learned man anie other, throughe the polishinge and 30 
 orderinge of reason by theise sciences. 
 
 KNIGHT. Youe sayde ere while, to my neighbour 
 Capper, that we should haue learned men few enoughe
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 31 
 
 with in a while, if the world did continew. What meane 
 youe therby, and what should be the cause therof? 
 
 DOCTOR. I shewed youe alreadie one greate cause of 
 the same ; that was, wheare I shewed youe that most men 
 5 weare of that opinion, that they thought it m leam _ t f - ^b] 
 learninge enoughe to write and reade. An yinge shoide 
 
 i r it decaye. 
 
 other cause is they se no preferment ordeyned 
 
 for learned men, nor yet anie honour or estimation given 
 
 theim, like as hathe bene in times past, but rather the 
 
 10 contrarie ; the more learned the more troubles, losses, and 
 vexacions they come to. 
 
 KNIGHT. How so ? God forbid. 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, haue youe not sene how manie learned 
 men haue bene put to trouble of late, within these xij or 
 
 15 xvj yeares, and all for declaringe theire opinions in thinges 
 that haue risen in controversie ? haue youe not sene whan 
 one opinion hathe bene set furthe, and who so ever saide 
 against it weare put to trouble ; and shortly after that, whan 
 the contrarie opinion was furthered and set furthe, weare not 
 
 20 the other, that prospered before, put to trouble for sayinge 
 theire myndes against the latter opinions ? And so neither 
 parte escaped busines ; either first or laste he came to it, of 
 whether side so euer he was ; excepte it weare some wise 
 fellowes, that could chaunge theire opinions as the more and 
 
 25 stronger parte did chaunge theires. And what weare they 
 that came to theise troubles ? the singulerst fellowes of 
 bothe partes; for theare came none other to the concertation [f- 17] 
 of theise thinges but suche ; who, sekynge honour and 
 preferment, weare with dishonour and hinderance recom- 
 
 30 pensed for a rewarde of learninge. A man will rather put 
 his child to that science, that maye bringe him to better 
 fruicte then this, or what scholler shall haue anie courage to 
 studie to come to this ende ? And the rarietie of schollers
 
 32 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 and solitude of the vniuersities dothe declare this to be truer 
 then anie man with speache can declare. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. Then I perceive, euerie man findethe 
 him selfe greved at this time, and no man goeth clear, as 
 far as I can perceive ; _the gentleman, that he can not live 5 
 on his landes onely, as his father did before. 
 
 That euery i-r>i ,/- i i 
 
 state fyndith 1 " e Artificer can not set so manie on worke, by 
 hymseif reason all maner of victualles is so deare. The 
 
 greevede. ' <, 
 
 husbandman, by reason of his londe, is dearer 
 rated then before hathe bene. Then we that be merchauntes 10 
 paye dearer for euerie thinge that comethe ouer the sea, ___ 
 even by the thirde parte well ; and because they of beyonde 
 the sea will not receive cure monie for theire wares, as they^ 
 weare glad in times past to doe, we are fayne to bie Englishe 
 wares for theim ; and that dothe cost vs dearer by the thirde 1 5 
 parte, [yea,] almost the one halfe dearer then [they] did before 
 [f. 176] time; for we paye viij s . for a yearde of clothe, that with in 
 theise ten yeares we might haue bought for iiij s . viij d .; when 
 we haue thus deare bought outlandishe ware, then we haue 
 not so goode [vente] of theim agayne, as we haue had 20 
 before time, by reason theare be not so manie byers for 
 lacke of power ; thoughe in deade in suche thinges [as] we 
 sell, we consider the price we bought theim at. 
 
 DOCTOR. I doubte not if anie men haue licked theim 
 selues whole youe be the same, for what oddes soeuer 25 
 That March- theare happen to be in [exchaunge] of thinges, 
 aunts can beste youe that be merchauntes can espie it anone; 
 
 save theym 
 
 selves in euery ye lurched some of the coyne as sone as euer 
 aiteracion. ye p erce i vec i the price of that to be enhaunced ; 
 ye, by and by perceivinge what was to be wonne theare in 30 
 beyonde the sea, raked all the old coyne for the 
 
 Of our owlde J '_ ' 
 
 coyne exhaust- moste parte in this realme, and founde the means 
 to haue it caried ouer ; so as litle was lefte behind
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGS. 33 
 
 within this Realme of suche old coyne at this daye ; which, 
 in my opinion, is a greate cause of this dearthe that we haue 
 now of all thinges. 
 
 KNIGHT. How can that be ? what makethe whether it 
 
 5 it the mattier what sorte of coyne we haue make any mat- 
 emongst oure selues, so it be currante from one mett ai the 
 hand to an other, yea, if it weare made of lether? <=ynebemade. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye see, men commonly saie so; but the [f. 18] 
 truethe is contrarie ; as not only I could prove by common 
 
 10 reason, but also that profe and experience hathe alreadie 
 declared the same. But nowe we doe not reason of the 
 causes of theise greiffes, but what state of men be greived in 
 dede by this dearthe of thinges ; and albeit I finde euerie 
 man greved by it in one thinge or other, yet consideringe that, 
 
 15 as manie of theim as haue wares to sell, doe enhaunce as 
 muche in the price of all thinges that they sell as was 
 enhaunced before in the price of thinges that they must bie ; 
 as the merchante, if he bie dear, he will sell deare agayne. 
 So the artificers, as Cappers, clothiers, show- 
 
 20 makers and farriers, haue respecte large enoughe, ^f ^.^d 
 in sellinge theire wares, to the price of victuall, b y this com - 
 
 ... , , . _ , men dearthe. 
 
 woll and yron, which they bie. I haue sene a 
 
 cappe for xiiij d ., as good as I can get now for ij s . vj d . ; of 
 
 clothe ye haue heard how the price is risen. Then a payer 
 
 25 of shooes costethe me xij d . now, that I haue in my dayes 
 bought a better for vj d . Then I can get neuer a horse 
 shodde vnder x d . or xij d . [nowe], wheare I haue sene the 
 common price was vj d . for showinge of a horse rownd, yea 
 and viij d . [at the moste till] now of late. I can not, therfore, 
 
 30 vnderstand that theise men haue greatest greife by this 
 common and vniuersall dearthe, but rather suche as haue 
 theire Lyvinges and stipendes rated at a certeyntie : as 
 common laborers at vj d . the daye, iorney men of all occu- [f. i8 
 pacions, servinge men [at] xl s . the yeare; and gentlemen 
 
 L- 3
 
 34 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 whose landes ar let oute by theim or their auncestors either 
 for lives or for terme of yeares, so as they can not enhaunce 
 the rent therof thoughe they would, and yet haue the price 
 
 enhaunced to theim of euerie thinge that they 
 kyngs high- bie. Yea the kinges higheness, wherof we spake 5 
 most a b y e this nothinge all this while, as he hathe most of 
 vniuersaii yearly revenues and that certeyne, so hathe he 
 
 most lost by this dearthe, and by the alteracion 
 especially of the coyne. For like as a man, that hathe a 
 greate nombere of seruauntes vnder him, yf he would graunte 10 
 that they should pay him [pynnes] wekely wheare [before] 
 they payde him [pence], I thincke he should be most 
 looser him selfe. So we be all but gatherers for the kynges 
 maiestie, that be his subiectes ; we haue but everie man 
 a poore lyvinge ; the cleare gaynes comethe for the most 15 
 [parte] to the kynges grace. Now if his grace doe take of 
 vs the overplus of oure gettinge in this new coyne, wheare 
 he was wonte to be paide in other good coyne, I reporte 
 me to youe whether that will goe as farre as the other, in 
 [f. 19] proportion of his necessaries and of the Realme. I thinke 20 
 playnly no ; for thoughe his highenes might, with in his 
 owne realme, haue thinges at his^pwne price, as his grace 
 can not in deade with oute greate grudge of his magistrates 
 and subiectes ; yea, since his maiestie must haue, from 
 beyonde the seaze, manie thinges necessarie, not only for 25 
 his graces housholde and ornamentes, as well for his graces 
 person and familie, as of his horsses, which (percase) might 
 be by his grace somwhat moderated : but also for the 
 furniture of his warres, which by no meanes can be spared ; 
 as armour, and all kindes of artillarie, anckers, cables, pitche, 30 
 tarre, yron, steile, handgonns, gonpowder, and manie other 
 thinges moe then I can recken, which his grace must nedes 
 buye from beyonde the seas, at the price the straunger will 
 set him theim at. I passe ouer the enhauncement of the 
 chardges of his graces houshold, which is common to his 35
 
 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 35 
 
 grace with all other noble men. [Therefore,] I sale, his 
 maiestie hathe most losse, by this common dearthe, of all 
 other; and not only losse, but daunger to the 
 Realme and all his subiectes, if his grace should shol j l it a f 'to 
 5 wante treasure to purchace the sayde habyli- the Realme yf 
 
 f } , the king shold 
 
 mentes and necessaries for warre, or to fynde want treasure 
 soldiers in time of nede, which passethe all ), n eede tin 
 other privat losses that we spake of. 
 
 CAPPER. We heare saye, that the kynges maiestie [f. \gb} 
 
 10 maketh vp his losses that waie by the gaynes which he 
 hathe by the minte an other waye. I/ that be to short, 
 he suppliethe that lacke by subsidies and impositions 
 of his subiectes, so as his grace can not lacke, so longe 
 as his subiectes haue it. 
 
 15 DOCTOR. Youe say well theare. So longe as the 
 subiectes haue it, so it is mete the kynge should haue it ; 
 but what and they haue it not? for they can ., 
 
 * Howe the 
 
 not haue it, when theare is no treasure lefte k yng can not 
 
 .... , 1-1 haue treasure, 
 
 within the realme. And as touchinge the mynte, when his sub- 
 20 I accompte the profite muche like, as if a man iects haue 
 
 none. 
 
 would take his woodde vp by the rootes, to TO what prof- 
 make [the more proffytte therof at one tyme, J^JJl^SJ 
 and ever after to lose] the profite that might 
 growe therof yearly, or to pull the wooll of his shepe by the 
 
 25 roote. And as for the subsidies ; how can they be large 
 when the subiectes haue litle to departe with ? and yet that 
 waye of gatheringe treasure is not alwayes most salfe for the 
 princes suertie ; for we se manie times the profiles of suche 
 subsidies spent in appeasinge of the people that are moved 
 
 30 to sedition partly by occasion of the same. 
 
 KNIGHT. Now that it was oure chaunce to mete with 
 so wise a man as youe be, (maister doctor,) I would that we 
 did.goe throughe with the hole discourse of this mattier; 
 and like as hetherto we haue ensearched the verie scares [f. 20]
 
 36 THE FIRST DIALOGE. 
 
 and greifes that euerie man felethe, so to trie oute the 
 causes of theim ; and the causes once knowne, the remedy of 
 theim might be sone apparante. And thoughe we be not 
 the men that can reforme theim, yet (percase) some of vs 
 may come in place, wheare we may aduertise other of the 5 
 same, and might further and helpe forwarde the redresse of 
 theise thinges. 
 
 DOCTOR. In godes name, I am contente to bestowe 
 this daye to satisfie youre pleasure ; and thoughe this 
 communication (percase) should doe no greate good, yet it 10 
 can doe no greate harme, (I trust,) nor offend no man, sithe 
 it is taulke emonge vs and in good maner. 
 
 KNIGHT. [No,] what man should be angrie with him that 
 weare in a house, and espiethe some faulte in the beames or 
 rafters of the same, and would of the defaulte certefie the 15 
 goodman of the house therof, or some other dwellinge 
 therin, as well for his safegarde as for others ? But for as 
 muche as we haue thus farre proceaded, as to the findinge 
 oute of the greifes, which as farre as I perceave standethe 
 
 in theise pointes ; oure dearthe of all thinges, 20 
 thoughe theare be scarsnes of nothinge, desola- 
 commenne tion of countries for Inclosures, desolation of 
 
 greues. 
 
 townes for lacke of occupacions and craftes, 
 and devision of opinions in mattiers of religion, which 
 . halethe men to and fro, and makethe theim to contend one 25 
 [f. 20 b\ agaynst an other. Now let vs goe to the gardeyn vnder 
 the vyne, wheare is a goode, freshe and colde sitting in the 
 shadowe for vs, wheareas we may precede further in this 
 mattier at leisure ; and I will bespeake oure supper withe 
 myne hoste heare, that we may all suppe together. On 30 
 goddes name, quoth everie one of the companye, for we are 
 verie wearye of sittinge so longe heare. And so we all 
 departed to the Gardeyn. 
 
 THEND OF THE FIRST DIALOGUE.
 
 serontre Dtaloge, 
 
 KNIGHTE. When we had walked vp and downe in the 
 said gardein a preatie while, I thought longe till I herde 
 more of the said doctoures communication ; for he semed to 
 me a verye wise man, not after the common sorte of theise 
 5 clerckes wich can taulke nothinge but of the facultie which 
 they professe ; as if they be deuines, of devynitie ; lawers, of 
 lawe ; and phisicions of phisique only. This man speaketh 
 very naturally of euery thinge, as a man vniuersally sene, 
 that had ioyned good Learninge with good witt. And 
 10 therfore I desired hime and the rest of oure companyons to 
 Resort agayne to the matters that we left off. And first, to 
 search and discourse what should be the cause of the said 
 common and vniuersall dearth of all thinges, 
 
 That it is a 
 
 sayinge to the doctor thus: I mervayll much, merueiious 
 15 maister doctor, what should be the cause of ^omTthe th fn 
 this dearth ; seinge all thinges are (thanckes be l y me of p' en - 
 to gode) so plentiful!. There was neuer more 
 plentie of cattell then there is nowe, and yet [it] is 
 scarcitie of thinges which commonly maketh * dearth. This 
 20 is a mervelous dearthe, that in such plentie cometh, con- 
 trary to his kynd. 
 
 DOCTOR. Sir, yt is a thinge (no dowbt) to be mused [f. 
 vpon, and worthie of Inquisition ; lett me heare euery mans 
 opinion of yours, and then youe shall heare myne.
 
 3 8 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. I thincke it is longe of youe gentlemen 
 that this dearth is, by reason youe enhaunce 
 
 Thoccacion of , .. 
 
 this dearth is youer landes to such an height, as men that 
 laid to the jj ue theron must nedes sell deare againe, or els 
 
 gentilmen. 
 
 they were not able to make the rent againe. 5 
 KNIGHT. And I saye it is longe of youe husbandmen, 
 that we are forced to raise cure rentes, by reason 
 man it is laide w ^ must bye all thinges so deare that we haue 
 he husband- o f y Oue ^ as corne) cattaill, goose, pigge, capon, 
 
 
 chicken, butter, and egges. What thinge is there 10 
 of all theise thinges, but ye sell yt dearer nowe by the one 
 halfe then ye did within theise viij yeres ? Can not youre 
 neihbours in this towne Remember that within theise viij 
 yeares youe could bie the best pigge, or goose, that I could 
 laie my handes one for iiij d . which nowe cost me viij d . ; and 15 
 a good Capon for iij d . or iiij d ., a chicken for a peny, a hen 
 for ij d , which now will cost me double the mony; and yt is 
 likwise of greate ware, as of mutton and beife. 
 [f. 22] HUSBANDMAN. I graunt that ; but I saie youe and youre 
 sort, men of Landes, are the first cause therof, by reason 20 
 youe rayse youre Landes. 
 
 KNIGHT. Well, if youe and all youre sort will agree 
 
 therto, that shalbe holpen ; vndertake youe, that youe and 
 
 youre sort will sell all thinges at the price ye did 
 
 The gentle- ' 
 
 mens offer be- xx l ? yeres agoe, and I dowt not to bnnge all 25 
 ynge resonabie gent i emen to i et vnto youe theyre landes at the 
 
 and excuse. * J 
 
 rent they went at xx tie yeres agoe. And that the 
 fault is more in youe that be husbandmen then in vs that 
 be gentlemen, it appeareth by this. All the land in the 
 Realme, nor yet the one half, is [not] enhanced ; for sume 30 
 haue takinges therin, as lesses or copies not yet expired, wich 
 cannot be enhaunced, thoughe the owners wold. And 
 noble men and gentlemen therbe, that whan there landes
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOG E. 39 
 
 be at theire disposition, yet they will enhaunce nothinge 
 aboue the old rent ; so as the most part of the landes of this 
 Realme stand yet at the old Rent. And yet neuertheles 
 there is none at all on youre sort, but thei sell all they haue 
 5 derer then they weare wont to doe by thone half. And yet 
 these gentlemen that doe enhaunce theire Rentes, doe not [f- b\ 
 enhaunce yt to the dowble ; thoughe I confesse that sume 
 of vs, that had landes given vs by the kinges highnes, that 
 belonged heretofore to Abbayes and priories, and were neuer 
 
 10 surueyhed to the vttermost before, or otherwise descended vnto 
 
 vs, haue enhanced [manye] of them aboue the old rentes ; 
 
 yet all that amounteth not to half the landes of the Realme. 
 
 DOCTOR. Howe saie youe ? he sayeth well to youe nowe ; 
 
 will youe sell youre wares as youe were wounte to doe, and 
 
 15 he will lett youe haue his landes at the Rent youe were 
 accustomed to haue? Whan the husbandman had paused 
 a while he said, 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Yf I had the price of all thinges that I must 
 pay for besides brought downe, I wold be contented, or els not. 
 
 20 DOCTOR. What thinges be those ? 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Marie, Iron for the ploughes, harrowes, 
 and Cartes : tarre for my shepe : showes, cappes, 
 
 I L r f- u The husband - 
 
 Imnen and wollen cloth for my memey ; which, man refusith 
 If I should bye neuertheles as deare as I doe e d fa ^^ 
 
 25 nowe, and yet sell my wares as good cheape, mongers and 
 (thoughe my Rent weare therafter abated,) ex- 
 cept the other thinges aforesaid myght abate [in] price 
 together, I could neuer liue. 
 
 DOCTOR. Then I perceiue youe must, haue the price of [f. 23] 
 
 30 other thinges qualified, as well as the rent of youre Landes, 
 or youe cane aforde youer wares good cheape. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Yea, but I thincke yf the land were brought 
 downe, that the prices of all other thinges wold fall with all.
 
 40 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 DOCTOR. Graunte that all the landlordes in this Real me 
 
 wold with one consent agree that their landes should be in 
 
 theire tenauntes handes at the lyke rent they were xx tie yeres 
 
 agoe ; ye said before ye could not sell youre wares as good 
 
 cheape as ye might xx tie yeres agoe. because of 5 
 
 If all landes f J * 
 
 were abated in the price that is raysed on other thinges that ye 
 whether ntS this must bie. And if youe would saye, that those men 
 dearth wold be [sholde] be driven againe to sell those wares that 
 ye bie first better cheape and then youe will sell 
 youres therafter, I praie youe howe might they be compelled 10 
 to doe so. They be strangers, and not within obedience of 
 oure soueraigne lord, that doe sell such wares ; as yron, tar, 
 flax and other. Then consider me, if youe cannot compell 
 them, wether yt were expedient for vs to leue strangers to 
 That it were S6 ^ theire commodities deare, and we cures 15 
 not expedient good cheape ; yf it weare so, then weare it a great 
 
 that strangers ... /- r i /-< T 
 
 shoide sell cnrichmge of [other CountryesJ and impouer- 
 theire wares ishinge of oure owne : for they should haue 
 
 dere and wee J 
 
 ours good much treasure for theires, and haue oure com- 
 [f. 23 ] c modities [from vs for a very lyttyl; excepte yee 20 
 
 coulde devyce to make one price of owr comodytyes] emonst 
 oure selfes, and an other outwarde, which I cannot se howe 
 yt may be. 
 
 KNIGHT. Nay, I will make my neighboures an other 
 reasonable offer, if they refuse this ; let my tenauntes pay 25 
 An other offer me t ^ ie same coine they were wount to pay xx tie 
 of the gentii- yeres agoe, as the first agrement was at the first 
 
 man made to 
 
 the husband- settinge furth of my landes ; and yet I ame 
 content to paye hime for all thinges at the price 
 they goe nowe in the coine curraunt ; and I dowbt not to 30 
 bringe all other gentlemen to the same agrement. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Howe cane I doe so ? for I must make 
 my rent of such thinges as I doe rere vppon my takinge,
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 41 
 
 and of no other thinge cane I make it ; therfore such mony 
 as I receue for my wares, youe must take for my rent. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yea, but then let my rent be encreaced as 
 youre paiment is increased after the rate, and yet I ame 
 5 contented. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. What meane youe by that ? 
 
 KNIGHT. I meane this ; ye sell that ye were wont to sell 
 afore time for xx tie grotes, nowe for xxx tle grotes ; let my rent 
 be encreaced after the proportione and rate ; that is, for 
 10 euery xx tie grotes old rent, ten [shillynges] of this payment, 
 so as the price of youre wares riseth ; and yet I doe kepe 
 my land at the old stint. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. My bargaine was but to pay for my 
 takinge vi 1 . xiii s . iiij d . yerely of rent, and I pay that truly ; 
 15 youe cane require no more. 
 
 KNIGHT. I cannot much saie against that ; but yet I [f. 24] 
 perceaue I shalbe a losser still by this bargaine, thowghe I 
 cannot tell the reason why ; but I perceaue youe sell deare 
 that youe Hue one, and I good cheape that is my liuinge ; 
 20 helpe me, maister doctor, I praie youe, for the husbandmane 
 driueth me to my shiftes. 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, but me thinckes, touchinge the first 
 matter ye did reason of, youe driue hime to his shiftes ; that 
 is, to confesse that the dearth Riseth not at youre handes. 
 25 And though he defend hime selfe for his paiment to youe by 
 coulor of a lawe, yet he semeth to confesse thus much v jhaL 
 the lawe compellethe youe to take litle for youre lande, and 
 that there is no lawe to constraine hime, but he may sell 
 his wares as deare as he list. It is Inoughe, for youre 
 3 o purpose, that youe take in hand to proue that this dearth 
 rose not first at youre hand ; but wheare the price of all 
 thinges encreaseth as they doe, it is reasone youe did raise 
 youre wares, which is youre landes, or to be paid after the
 
 42 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 old rate, as when youe did let youre landes, yf youe be 
 
 compelled to paye for youre prouisione after the new rate ; 
 
 wee will taulke of that hereafter, or lett that be considered 
 
 of other men. But lett vs se if the husbandman 
 
 Whether yf the 
 
 husbandman weare forced to sell his thinges good cheape, 5 
 Zt'eSces whether all thinges should be well then. Put the 
 of his stuf this case this . that the husbandman should be com- 
 
 dearthe shold 
 
 be then amend- maunded to sell his wheat at viij. the bushell, 
 [f. 24^] ld ' Rie at vj d ., Barley at iiij d ., his pigge and goose at 
 
 iiij d ., his Capon at iiij d ., his hen at a peny, his chiken at ob., 10 
 his woll at a marke the tod, Beiffes and muttons after the 
 old price, as In times past hath bene ; he hathe then Inoughe 
 to pay his landlord, as he had in times past ; his landlord 
 againe hath as much rent as he was wount to haue ; and the 
 same, whan the price is set, will goe as farre for the said 15 
 wares, [whereof] the prices be thus sett, as so much of old 
 coine, paid after the old rate, wold haue donne. All this is 
 yet well ; there is nether tenaunte nor Landlord yet greued. 
 Well let vs goe further. The husbandman must bie yron, 
 salt, tarre, pitche ; and suppose he should be also forced to 20 
 rere vp flax of his owne, and that the price of cloth, both 
 linnen and wollen, and lether were sett after that rate. The 
 gentleman must bie wines and spices, armor, glasse to glase 
 his howese with all, yron also for tooles, weapons, and other 
 instrumentes necessarie, salt, oyles, and such other diuers 25 
 thinges more then I cane recken ; without sume wherof they 
 may in no case Hue, as yron and salte, for that is within the 
 Realme, (yet of both is not halfe sufficient for the same,) 
 oiles, tarre, pitche, rosing, wherof we haue none at all ; and 
 withowt sume therof of the said commodities wold live but 30 
 grosslie and barbarously, as withowt wines, spices and silkes ; 
 these must be browght frome beyonde the seas. Shall we 
 bie them as good cheape after the rate. A man wold thincke
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 43 
 
 yes ; for when strangers should se that, with lesse mony then [f. 25] 
 they weare wont to taike for these wares, they maie bie as 
 much of the commodities of this Realme as they weare 
 wont before with more mony, they will be content to take 
 5 the lesse mony, whan it goeth as farre as the more monie 
 went before ; [and] so sell theire wares as good cheape ; as, 
 for an example, where they sell nowe a yearde [of Velvet] for 
 xx s . or xxij 5 ., and paie all that for one tod of woll, weare it 
 not as good for them to sell there velvet for a marke a yerd, 
 
 10 so they had a tod of woll for a marke ? 
 
 KNIGHT. I wold thincke so ; for therbie he should be at 
 no more losse then he is nowe. And so the licke reasone may 
 serue for yron, salt, spices, oyles, pitch, tar, flax, wax, and 
 all other owtwarde Commodities. 
 
 15 DOCTOR. Yf I should aske youe this Question, whether 
 they should be Compelled by a lawe to sell there wares so 
 or no, what could youe saie ? 
 
 KNIGHT. It maketh no mater whether it weare so or 
 no ; and I thincke they cannot, because they be out of the 
 
 20 kinges dominions, and at libertie whether they will bringe 
 any to vs or no ; but seinge they may haue all thinges [here] 
 as good cheape at the price they sell for lesse mony, then 
 they had before for the greate price, they will willinglie 
 bringe theire wares and sell them so. 
 
 25 DOCTOR. Therof I dowbt, but yet not much; for I 
 thincke they would sell still at the highest, as they doe 
 nowe, or bringe nothinge to vs at all. For youe must vnder- 
 stande they come not always for commodities, but sumtimes 
 to sell theires here ; knowinge it is here to be best vendable, 
 
 30 and to bie in other countryes other commodities where the 
 same is best cheape ; and somtime to sell in * one part of 
 the Realme theire wares that be most there desired, and to 
 goe to sume other part of the Realme for the commodities
 
 44 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 that be there most aboundaunt and best cheape ; or partly 
 
 for oure countrie and partly for an other; and for that 
 
 purpose coine vniversally currant is most [commodyous], 
 
 especially yf they entend to bestowe it in anie 
 
 The strangiers J J J 
 
 will take but other place then where they vnlode theire 5 
 
 monney cur- t_ j A j i j 
 
 raunt euerye marchandize. And oure come is not so alowed 
 where for their m ot h er places as it is here : whearfore the 
 
 wares that they 
 
 haueouer their strangers should bare a greate losse yf they 
 should take oure coine for theire wares ; they 
 had then rather bringe theire wares to other places, where 10 
 they might haue coine curraunte in all places for it, [that] 
 they might bestowe wheare and when they lyst. Yf They 
 would loke but for oure wares for theires, thincke ye that 
 they would not studie to bringe to vs such wares, or 
 stuffe, as should be [beste] cheape with them and most 15 
 deare with vs. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yea, no dowbt, that is the pollicye of all 
 merchauntes. 
 
 DOCTOR. What stuffe is that, trowe youe ? 
 
 [f. 26] KNIGHT. Mary, glasses of all sortes, painted clothes 20 
 and papers, cringes, pippins, cheries, perfumed gloues and 
 such trifles. 
 
 DOCTOR. Youe saie well ; they percase attempt vs with 
 such ; and such are good cheape with them that costeth them 
 
 but theire labours ; and theire people should els 25 
 giers andTTi be idle ; yet these thinges be sumwhat, after their 
 marchaunts prices, in other places vendable as well as here ; 
 
 brynge things ~ 
 
 that be best but when we fele the lacke of yron, steyle, salt, 
 theym Tnd hempe, flax, and such other, [suche] like wares 
 deren wythe as y Oue S p ea ke of will not be desired, but re- 30 
 
 iected, and these other looked for. 
 
 KNIGHT. What other thinges els will they bringe, trowe 
 youe ? Percase silkes, wines, spices, youe meane.
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE, 45 
 
 DOCTOR. No, not that, for they be in good price els 
 wheare. 
 
 KNIGHT. What then should they haue to vtter vnto vs, 
 that is best cheape with them and dearest with vs ? 
 5 DOCTOR. I will not tell youe it, except it be in youre 
 eares only, nor it weare expedient it weare spoken abrode. 
 
 KNIGHT. I praie youe tell me. 
 
 DOCTOR. I knowe youe are a man of trust, and of goode 
 zeale towardes the kinges maiestie and his Realme. It is, I 
 10 may tell youe, brasse ; for it goeth with them for good brasse 
 indede, and therfore good cheape ; and heare it what thinge is 
 goeth a great parte for siluer, and therfore dearer of that sorte - 
 with vs; and it is that they will bringe vnto vs. 
 
 KNIGHT. Howe? in brasse pottes, pannes and other 
 15 vessels of brasse? 
 
 DOCTOR. No. So no man will take such stuffe but for 
 brasse indede. 
 
 KNIGHT. How then? Then the Doctor whispered in [f. 266] 
 my eare, and tould me that it was coine made beyond the 
 20 seas, like in all thinges to oure coine, which they brought 
 ouer in heapes ; and whan they see that estemede as siluer, 
 thei bringe that for oure commodities ; as for oure wolles, 
 oure fealtes, chese, butter, cloth, tinne, and leade, which 
 thinges euery mane will be glad to sell for the most they 
 25 canne gett ; and beinge offered of strangers more of oure 
 coine then they may gett within the countrie, they will sell 
 then rather to the strangers then to vs, with whom the price 
 is sett. Then strangers may aforde that coine good cheape, 
 for they make it them selues. And the stuffe is good 
 30 cheape that they make yt off, and so they will geue therfore 
 for oure said commodities as much as youe will aske. Then 
 thoughe they made [not] such coine them selves, yet seinge 
 they must pay more for oure wares, or els no man will bringe
 
 46 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 it to them, whan he maie haue as much at home of his 
 neighboure, the stranger must nedes haue a consideration 
 of that, in the price of the said owtwarde marchandize, so that 
 they sell, and hould them dearer. And thus by [thone 
 waye] they maie enhaunce our c^eif commodities, and giue 5 
 vs brasse for them, whearwith we cannot bie such other like 
 commodities as we should want, if they were not plentie 
 . with in oure Realme. Much like the exchange 
 
 Glauci et Dio- 
 
 medis permu- that [Glaucus] made with diomedes, whan he gaue 
 
 to [this] man his golden harnes for his brasen. 10 
 
 [f. 27] But the other waie, thei must nedes be brought to sell theire 
 
 wares deare to vs ; and then if these husbandmen, and 
 
 gentlemen, and so all other within this Realme, should be 
 
 compelled to sell theire thinges good cheape, 
 
 Hethatsellithe 
 
 good chepe and yet bie all thinges deare that come frome 15 
 deere rfud not beyonde the seas, I cannot see how they should 
 
 lyghtiy i on ^ prosper. I neuer knowe hime that bought 
 
 deare and sold good cheape, and did vse to doe 
 anie Longe space, that did t/^riue. 
 
 KNIGHT. There maie be searchers made for such coine 20 
 as youe speake of comminge in, and punishmentes devised 
 theirfore ; and for goinge furth of victualles also, that none 
 should passe this Realme. 
 
 DOCTOR. There maie be * no devise Imagined so that 
 ye be not deceiued in both pointes, as well in such 25 
 coine browght in as in victualles browght furth ; for manie 
 hedes will devise manie wayes to get anie thinge by ; and 
 althoughe we be environed with a goode poole, that is to 
 saie the sea, yet there is to manie posterns to gett in and 
 out of yet vnwares of the maister. Whosoeuer hath a preatie 30 
 howse with anie family of his owne, and one gate to goe 
 it is not pos- f urtn at and come in at, [and] the maister of the 
 sibie to kepe howse never so attentiue yet sumwhat shalbe
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 47 
 
 purloyned furth : much more out of such a large owr treasour 
 
 from goyng 
 
 Realme, hauinge so manie waies and posterns fbrthe of the 
 to gett furth and come in. And yet if strangers %%%!. 
 should be content to taike but oure wares for cion eiswhere. 
 5 theires, what should lett them to avaunce the price of other 
 thinges, thoughe cures weare good cheape vnto them ? And 
 then shall we be still losers, and they at the winninge hand [f. 27 b] 
 with vs, while they sell deare and yet bie oures good cheape, 
 and consequently enrich themselves and impouerishe vs. 
 
 10 Yet had I rather avaunce oure wares in price, as they 
 avaunce theires, as we now doe ; thowghe some be losers 
 therby, and yet not so manie as should be the other waie. 
 And yet, what busines should therbe in makinge of prices for 
 everie trifle ; for so it would be, yf the prices of anie thinge 
 
 15 weare abated by commaundement. And theirfore 
 
 I can not perceaue that, no more [thanne the d ea *the e rose 
 dearthe hathe rysen at eythere of yowr handes, so neither at the 
 
 . gentleman nor 
 
 no more] can yt be remedied by anie of youe the husband- 
 both, I mean you gentleman and youe husband- 
 
 20 man ; for yf it rose at either of youre handes, [so] it might be 
 remedied likwise at the same, by releasinge of the thinge 
 againe at either of youre handes, that was the cause of this 
 Dearth. But if either * youe should release youre rent, or 
 youe the price of youre victalles to the old rate, yet that 
 
 25 wold not compell strangers to bringe downe the price of 
 theires, as I haue saied ; and so longe as theire commodities 
 be Deare, it weare nether expedient, nor yet [could ye] thoughe 
 youe wold, make youre commodities good cheape ; except 
 youe can devise a waie howe to Hue withowt them, and they 
 
 30 with out youe : which I thincke impossible : or D 
 
 * Permutacion of 
 
 els to vse exchange, ware for ware, without coine, things before 
 
 as it was before coine was found, as I rede, in 
 
 the time of homer. Also the Civill Lawe doth the same
 
 48 THE SECONDE DIALOGS. 
 
 affirme. Which thinge weare verie cumbersome, and would 
 [f. 28] Require muche cariadge of wares vp and downe, wheare now 
 by the benifite of coine a man maie by those tokens fetch 
 the ware he lacketh a far of, with owt anie great trowble of 
 Cariadge ; and hard weare it readely to find [all wares], that 5 
 the one [hath], might paie the other of equall valew. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. Yf neither the gentleman nor I maie 
 Remedie this matter, at whose handes lieth it . to be holpen 
 at then ? 
 
 DOCTOR. I will tell youe my mynde therin herafter. 10 
 But first let vs beate out the cause of this Dearth. Ther- 
 fore let me learne what other thinge should be the cause 
 therof. 
 
 CAPPER. Marie, these Inclosurs and great pasturs are a 
 great cause of the same, whearby men doe turne theire 15 
 arable land, beinge a livinge for divers poore men before 
 tyme, nowe to one mans hande. And wheare bothe corne of 
 al sortes, and also cattaile of all kinde, weare reared afore 
 tyme, nowe is there nothinge but only shepe. 
 
 Complainte a- 
 
 ganst sheep And in stead of some C. or CC. parsons, that 20 
 
 had their livinges theron, now be theare but. thre 
 or foure sheppards, and the maister only, that hathe^ a 
 livinge therof. 
 
 DOCTOR. Youe touch a matter that is much to be con- 
 sidered, albeit I take not that only [to be] the cause of this 25 
 dearth at this time ; but this I thincke in my mind, that yf 
 that kinde of inclosures doe asmuch increase in xx tie yeres 
 to come as it hath done xx tie yeres past, it maie come to 
 the great dissolucion and weakninge of the kinges straingthe 
 of this Realme, which is more to be feared then dearth. 30 
 And I thincke it to be the most occasion, of anie thinge ye 
 [f. 28 b\ spake of yet, of these wyld and vnhappie vprors emongst 
 vs ; for by Reasone of these enclosures manie of the kinges
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 49 
 
 subiectes haue no grounde to Liue vppon, as they haue 
 had before time, and occupations be not alwaies set on 
 worke all alyke ; and therfore the people still encreasinge, 
 and theire Liuinges deminished, yt must nedes cume to 
 c passe that a greate parte of the people shalbe 
 
 That enclo- 
 
 Idle and lacke liuinges ; and hunger is a bitter sures is occa- 
 thinge to beare. Wherfore, when they lacke, they clonandtltT- 
 must murmur against them that haue plentie, y n s e the p ur 
 
 ' oftheRealme. 
 
 and so stirr vp these tumultes. 
 
 10 KNIGHT. Experience should seme plainlie to proue 
 that Inclosures should be profitable, and not hurtfull to the 
 common weale ; for we se that countries, wheare most Inclo- 
 jmres be, are most wealthie, as essex, kent, devenshire, and 
 such. And I hard a civilian once saie, that it was g uod in com . 
 
 ie [taken for a] maxime in his lawe, [this] sainge, muni P 055 '^- 
 
 J tur ab omnibus 
 
 that which is posessed of manie in common, is negiigitur. 
 neclected of all; and experience sheweth that fend^Enclo- 
 tennauntes in common be not so good husbandes, sures - 
 as when euery man hath his part in seuerall. Also I haue 
 20 hard saie, that in the most countries beyond the seas, they 
 know not what a common grounde means. 
 
 DOCTOR. I meane not all Inclosures, nor yet all 
 commons, but only of such Inclosures as turneth commonly 
 arrable feildes into pastures : and violent Inclo- 
 
 What kynde 
 
 25 sures, without Recompence of them that haue of enclosures 
 right to comew therin ; for if land weare seuerallie I: 
 inclosed, to the intent to continue husbandrie theron, and [f. 29] 
 euerie man, that had Right to commen, had for his portion a 
 pece of the same to him selfe Inclosed, I thincke no harme 
 
 30 but rather good should come therof, yf euerie man did 
 agre theirto. But it would not sodenly be done ; for there 
 be manie a M. Cottagers in england, which, hauinge no landes 
 to Hue of theire oune but their handie labours, and some 
 
 L. 4
 
 50 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 refreshinge vppon the said commons, yf they weare sodenly 
 thrust out from that commoditie might make a great 
 tumult and discorde in the common wealth. And percase 
 also, yf men weare suffered to inclose theire groundes, vnder 
 pretence to kepe it still in tillage, within a while after they 5 
 would turne all to pasture, as we se they doe now to fast, the 
 more is the pittie. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yf they find more proffite therby then other 
 wise, why should they not ? 
 
 DOCTOR. I can tell youe [well] inowgh why they should 10 
 Whether that not > C or ^ey maie not purchace them seines 
 that is promt- p r offitt by that that may be hurtfull to others. 
 
 able to one may 
 
 be profitable But how to bringe them that [they] would not 
 hevMftMMJ* doe so, is all the matter; for so longe as they 
 feate. fi n( j m ore proffitt by pasture then by tillage, 15 
 
 they will still inclose, and turne arrable landes to pasture. 
 
 KNIGHT. That well maie be restrained by lawes, yf it 
 be thowght most proffittable for the common weale ; but all 
 men doe not agre to that poynct. 
 
 DOCTOR. I wote well thei doe not, and therfore it 20 
 weare hard to make a lawe therin, (so manie as haue proffitt 
 by that matter resistinge it). And yf such a law weare made, 
 yet men studiinge still there most proffit, would defraud the 
 lawe by one meane or other. 
 
 [f. 29 ] KNIGHT. I haue hard oftentimes much Reasoninge in 25 
 this matter; and some, in mainteyninge these Inclosures, 
 would make this Reason. Euerie man is a member of the 
 common weale, and that that is proffitable to one maie be 
 proffitable to another, yf he would exercise the same feat. 
 Therfore that is proffitable to one, and so to a nother, 30 
 maie be proffitable to all, and so to the common wealth. 
 As a great masse of treasure consisteth in manie pence, 
 and one penny added to a nother, and so to the thrid and
 
 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 51 
 
 fourth, yt maketh vp the great some ; so eche man, added to 
 a nother, maketh vp the whole bodie of the common weale. 
 
 DOCTOR. That Reason is goode, (addinge so much and 
 
 more to yt). Trew it is that that thinge which is proffitable to 
 
 5 eche man by him selue, (so it be not preiudiciall to anie other,) 
 
 is proffitable to the whole common weale, and not other wise ; 
 
 or els robbinge and stelinge, which percase is proffitable to 
 
 some men, weare proffitable to the whole common weale, 
 
 which no man will admitt. But this feate of Inclosing is so 
 
 10 that, wheare it is proffitable to one man, it is preiudiciall to 
 
 manie. Therfore I thinke that Reason sufficiently answered. 
 
 KNIGHT. Also they will lay for them an other Reason ; 
 sayinge that that is oure owne Commodities should [bee] 
 alwais advaunsed as much as myght be, and these sheape^ 
 15 proffitt is one of the greatest commodities we haue. Ther- 
 fore yt ought to be advaunsed as high as it might be. 
 
 DOCTOR. I could answere that argument with like [f- 30] 
 reason as I did the other. Trew it is, we ought to advaunce 
 oure owne commodities as much as we can, (so 
 20 it be not to the [hyndraunce], as much or more, ^tfe^mu"^ 
 of [owr] other commodities) ; for wheare as the so aduaunced 
 
 so as it be not 
 
 breed of conyes, dere and such like, is a com- preiudiciall to 
 moditie to this Realme, yet yf we should all other ,. g . reter 
 
 ' * * commodities. 
 
 turne oure arable gronde to nowrishe that com- 
 25 moditie, and giue vp the plowe, and all other commodities, 
 it weare a greate follie. 
 
 KNIGHT. They will say againe that all grounde is not 
 mete for shepe. 
 
 DOCTOR. It is a verie evill grounde but either it servith 
 
 30 to breed or to feade them vpon, and yf all that is mete for the 
 
 one [or for thother were] turned to the maintynaunce of 
 
 shepe and no other thinge, wheare shall we haue oure other 
 
 commodities growe ? 
 
 42
 
 52 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 
 
 KNIGHT. All can not doe so, thoughe some doe. 
 
 DOCTOR. What should let them to doe all that some 
 doe ? yea, what should better enchourage them to doe then 
 to se them become notable Rich men by the doinge therof, 
 in short time? And then, yf euerie man should doe so, 5 
 (followinge the example of anie other,) what should ensue 
 therof but a mere sollitude and vtter dissolation to the 
 whole Realme, furnished only with shepe and shepherdes in 
 stead of good men ; whearby it might be a pray to cure 
 enymies that first would sett vppon it; for then the shepe 10 
 masters and theire shepheardes could make no resistaunce 
 to the contrarie. 
 
 KNIGHT. Who can let them to make the most advaun- 
 tage of that which is theire owne. 
 
 DOCTOR. Yes, marie ; men may not abuse theire owne 15 
 [f- 3^] thinges to the dammage of the common weale ; yet for all 
 this that I se, it is a thinge most necessarie to be 
 
 No man may . 
 
 abuse his owne prouided for ; yet I can not perceaue it should 
 things to the be the only cause of this dearth. Fortfus Inclos- 
 
 preiudice of f 
 
 the commen inge and great graisinge, yf it weare occasion of 20 
 
 weale. ~r- : ^ . , . . 
 
 dearth of anie thinge, it muste be of corne 
 cheiflie; and now, these ij or iij yeres paste, we haue had 
 corne good cheape inowghe ; and the dearth that was then 
 was most of cattaill, as beafes and muttons ; and the breed.p~~~ 
 of these rather encrease then deminishe by pastures and 25 
 closinges. 
 
 KNIGHT. Why should men be then offendid so much 
 with these Inclosures ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Yes, and not withowt a great cause ; for 
 thoughe these thre or foure yeres past, throughe the great 30 
 bountie of god, we haue had much plentie of corne, whearby 
 it hath bene good cheape, one acre beringe as much as two 
 weare wounte commonlie to doe ; yet yf these yeres had
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOG E. 53 
 
 chaunced but meanlie fructfull of corne, (no dowbt,) we 
 should haue had as great dearthe of corne as we had of 
 other thinges ; and then it had bene in manor [an] vndoinge of 
 the poore commons. And yf after theire should chaunce anie 
 
 5 barren yeres of corne to fall, we should be assured to find as 
 great extremytie in the price of corne, from that yt was 
 wount to be, as we find now in the price of other victualles. 
 And especially, yf we haue not ynowghe to serue within the 
 Realme, which may happen hearafter more likly then in 
 
 10 times past, by reason theire is much land turned to pasture. 
 For euerie man will seke wheare most advauntage is, and 
 they see theire is most advantage in grasinge and breedinge [f. 31] 
 then in husbandrie and tillage, by a great deale. And so 
 longe [as] it is so, the pasture shall [evere] encroche vpon the 
 
 15 tillage, for all the lawes that euer can be made to the 
 contrarie. 
 
 KNIGHT. And how thincke youe this maie be remidied 
 then? 
 
 DOCTOR. To make the proffitt of the plow to be as 
 
 20 good, rate for rate, as the proffit of the graisiers and shep- 
 masters. 
 
 KNIGHT. How cane that be done ? 
 DOCTOR. Marie, I coniecture two maner of waies ; but 
 I feare me they shall seme at the first blusse so Howe inclo . 
 
 25 displeasaunt vnto youe, ere youe consider it sures mi s ht be 
 
 . ' remedied with- 
 
 throwghly, that youe will reiect them ere youe O wte cohesion 
 examin ; for we taulke now to haue thinges good of Lawes- 
 cheape. And then, yf I should moue a meane that should 
 make some thinge dearer for the time, I should be [an- 
 30 one] reiected, as a man that spake against euerie mans 
 purpose. 
 
 KNIGHT. Saie on youre mind, and spare not; and 
 thowghe youre [reason] at the first seme vnreasonable, yet
 
 54 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 we will heare whether youe can bringe it to anie reason- 
 able ende. 
 
 DOCTOR. Remember what youe haue in hand to treat 
 of now; not how the prices of all thinges maie onlie be 
 browght downe, but how these Inclosures maie be [broken 5 
 vp] and husbandrie more vsed ; of the price of thinges we 
 shall speake of heareafter. 
 
 KNIGHT. We will remembere well that. 
 
 DOCTOR. What maketh men to multiplie pastures and 
 Inclosures gladly ? 10 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, the proffitt that groweth therby. 
 
 DOCTOR. It is verie true, and no other thinge. Then find 
 [f. 3i] the means to doe one of these two thinges that I shall tell 
 youe, and youe shall make them as glad to exercise tillage 
 as they doe now pastures. 15 
 
 KNIGHT. What be those two thinges ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, ether [make] as litle gaynes to growe 
 ^pastures as there groweth by tillage ; or els make that 
 theare maie growe as much proffit by tillage as did before 
 by pastures. And then, I dowbt not, but tillage shalbe well 20 
 cherished of euerie man, as well as pasture is. 
 
 KNIGHT. And how may that be done ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, the first way jstomake that woll bejof 
 as base a price [to] the breder therof as the corne is ; and 
 that shalbe^ yf~youe make alike restraynt of wolles, for 25 
 passinge ouer the sea vnwrowght, as ye make of corne. Ye 
 haue a lawe made tKatno corne shall passe ouer and it be 
 aboue a noble the quarter ; yf it be vnder ye giue fre libertie 
 for it to passe over; let woll be restrained likewise, for 
 passinge over, so longe as it is above xiij s . iiij d . the tod ; 30 
 and whan it is vnder, let yt haue fre passage; that is one 
 That a like re- w ^ e - An other is, to encrease the custome of _ 
 straint of wooie wo n that passeth over vnwroght ; and by that
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOG E. 55 
 
 the price of it shalbe based to the breders, and shoidebemade 
 
 ... . . as is of corne, 
 
 yet the price over the sea shalbe never the lesse. or none to be 
 But that is encreased in the price therof [on] ^"ought^ V " 
 straungers shall come vnto the kinges highnes ; 
 5 which is as profitable to [the] Realme as thowgh it came to 
 the breders, and myght releue them of theire subsidwes. 
 Thus far as towchinge the bringinge downe the price of 
 wolles; now to the enhauncinge of the same price in corne, 
 to be as equivolent to the husbandman as woll should be. 
 
 10 And that might be browght to passe yf ye will let it haue as [f. 32] 
 fre passage ouer sea, at all times, as ye haue now for woll. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. By the first two wayes, men would send 
 lesse woll over sea then they doe now ; and by that waie, the 
 kinges customes and proffittes of his staple should be 
 
 15 minished ; by youre latter way, the price of corne should 
 be much enhaunced, wheare with men should be muche 
 greved. 
 
 DOCTOR. I wote well it would be deare at the first ; 
 but yf I can perswade youe that it weare reasonable it weare 
 
 20 so, and that the same could be no hinderaunce to the 
 
 Realme vniversally, but great proffitt to the same, then I 
 
 thincke we would be content it should be so ; and as 
 
 towchinge the kinges custome, I will speake afterward. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. I will graunt, yf youe can show me 
 
 25 that. 
 
 DOCTOR. I will assaie it, albeit the matter be sumwhat 
 in/ricate, and as I showed youe before, at the first face will 
 displease many ; for they will saie, would youe make corne 
 dearer then it is? haue youe dearth inowghe els withowt 
 
 30 that ? nay I praie youe find meanes to haue it better 
 cheape, yf it maie be, it is deare inowghe alreadie ; and such 
 other like reasons would be said. But now let the husband- 
 man answer suche men againe. Haue not ye graisers raised
 
 56 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 the price of youre wolles and peltes ? and youe 
 
 Reasons whye . 
 
 the husband- merchaunt men, clothiers and cappers, raised the 
 aTTik^Hbertie P" ce * y oure nierchaundizc and wares over it 
 as others to set W as wount to be, in maner dowble ? Is it not as 
 
 good reason then I should raise the price of 5 
 my corne ? What reason is it that youe should be at large, 
 [f. 32 b] and I to be restreined ? Ether let vs all be restrained together, 
 or els let vs all be at like libertie. Ye maie sell [yowr woole] 
 over the sea, youre felles, youre tallow, youre chese, youre 
 butter, youre lether, which riseth all by graisinge, at youre 10 
 pleasure, and that for the dearest penny ye can get for them. 
 And I shall not send owt my corne, except it be at x d . the 
 bushell or vnder. That is as moch to saie, as we that be 
 husbandmen should not sell oure wares, except it be for 
 nothinge, or for so litle we shall not be able to live theron. 15 
 Thincke youe that yf the husbandman here did speake these 
 wordes, that he did not speake them reasonable ? 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. I thancke youe with all my hart; for 
 youe haue spoken in the mattier more then I could doe my 
 self, and yet nothinge but that is true. We felt the harme, 20 
 but we wist not what was the cause therof ; manie of vs saw, 
 xij yere ago, that oure proffittes was but small by the plowes ; 
 and therfore divers of my neighboures that had, in times past, 
 some two, some thre, some fowre plowes of theire owne, have 
 laid downe, some of them [parte, and som of theym] all theire 25 
 teames, and turned ether part or all theire arable grounde 
 into pasture, and therby haue wexed verie Rich men. And 
 everie day some of vs encloseth a [plote] of his ground to 
 pasture; and weare it not that oure grounde lieth in the 
 common feildes, intermingled one with a nother, I thincke 30 
 also oure feildes had bene enclosed, of a common agrea- 
 ment of all the townshippe, longe ere this time. And to saie 
 the truthe, I, that haue enclosed litle or nothinge of my
 
 THE SECONDS DIALOGS. 57 
 
 grownd, could [never be able] to make vp my lordes rent [f. 33] 
 weare it not for a litle brede of neate, shepe, swine, gese, 
 and hens that I doe rere vpon my ground; xhatbybreed- 
 whearof, because the price is sumwhat round, I in s e the hus - 
 
 bandmanhathe 
 
 5 make more cleare proffitt then I doe of all my mos t e cieere 
 
 corne; and yet I haue but a bare liuinge, by s aines - 
 
 reason that manye thinges doe belonge to husbandrie which 
 
 now be exceadinge chargeable, over they weare in times past. 
 
 CAPPER. Thoughe this reason of maister doctors here 
 
 10 doth please youe well that be husbandmen, yet it pleaseth 
 vs that be artificers nothinge at all, which must bie both 
 bread corne and mault for cure penny. And whear as 
 youe, maister Doctor, saie it weare as good Reason that the 
 husbandman should raise the price of his corne, and haue as 
 
 15 fre vent of the same over sea as we [doo and have of owr 
 wares], I can not greatly denie that ; but yet I saie, that 
 euerie man hath nead of corne, and so they haue not of 
 other wares so much. 
 
 DOCTOR. Therfore the more necessarie that corne is, 
 
 20 the more be the men to be cherished that rered it ; for yf 
 they se there be not so much proffitt in vsinge the plowghe 
 as they se in other feates, thincke youe not that they will 
 leve that trade, and fall to the other that they 
 
 ' That proffit ad- 
 
 see more proffitable ? as ye maie perceave by uauncyth ail 
 
 25 the doinges of this honest mans neighbours, 
 
 which haue turned theire arable land to pasture, because 
 thei se more proffitt by pasture then by tillage. Is it not 
 an old sayinge in [latten], honos alit artes, 
 that is to saie, proffitt or advauncement norish- art es s aht 
 
 30 ethe euerie facultie ; which sayinge is so true, 
 
 that it is alowed by the common Judgement of all men. [.33 b] 
 We must vnderstand also that all thinges that , 
 
 That some 
 
 should be done in a common wealth be not to things are to
 
 58 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 
 
 be aiured by b e forced, or to be constrained by the streyght 
 
 rewards and 
 
 some other penalties of the law ; but some so, and some 
 pains foS? to other b y allurement, and rewardes rather. For 
 acomenweaie. w hat law can compell men to be industrious in 
 travell, and laboure of theire bodies, or studious to learne 5 
 anie science or knowledge of the mynd ? to these thinges 
 they maie be well provoked, encouraged, and allured, yf 
 they that be industrious and painfull be well Rewarded for 
 theire paines, and * be suffered to taike gaines and wealth 
 as reward of theire labours. And so likewise [they] that be 10 
 learned, yf they be advaunced and honored accordinge to 
 theire forwardnes in learninge, euerie man will then studie 
 ether to be industrious in bodely labour, or studious in 
 thinges that pertaine to knowledge. Taike this reward 
 from them, and goe * abowt to compell them by lawes 15 
 therto, what man will plowghe or digge the grounde, or 
 exercise anie manuell occupation whearin is anie payne? 
 Or who will adventure over sease for anie marchandize ? 
 or vse anie facultie whearin anie perill or dainger should be, 
 seinge his Rewarde shall be no more then his that sittethe 20 
 still? But ye will percase answere me, that all theire Re- 
 wardes shall not be taiken awaie, but part of it. Yet then 
 youe must graunt me, that as yf all these rewardes weare 
 taken from them, all these faculties must nedes decay ; so 
 
 r yf part of that rewarde be minished, the vse of 25 
 
 The lesse prof- ' J 
 
 [f. 34] fit or honor is those faculties shall minishe withall, after the 
 arte^the k"s"se rate > ancl so tnev sna lbe the lesse occupied, the 
 it shaibe fre- lesse they be rewarded and estemed. But now 
 to oure purpose ; I thincke it more necessarie 
 to devise a meane how husbandrie might be more occupied, 30 
 rather then lesse, which I can not perceave how it maie be 
 browght to passe, but as men doe se the more gaines therin, 
 the gladder they will occupie the feate. And this to be true,
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 59 
 
 [that] some thinges in a common wealth must be forced with 
 paines and some by rewardes allurede, [may appere] by 
 that, that the wise and pollitique senator Tully writeth, 
 sayinge, that it was the wordes of solon, which 
 
 f .1 r /~ j c Cicero in Ep. 
 
 5 was one of the seaven men of Greace, and of ad Aicum. 
 those seaven the only man that made lawes, 
 that a common wealth was holden vp by ij thinges Cheifly, 
 that is, by reward and paine ; of which wordes I gather that 
 men should be prouoked to good deades by rewardes and 
 
 10 price, and [to] abstaine from evill doinges by paines. Trow 
 youe, yf husbandmen be not better cherished and prouoked 
 then they be to exercise the plowghe, but in processe of 
 time so manie plowghes wilbe layed Downe, (as I feare me 
 there be alreadie,) that yf a vnfructfull yere should happen 
 
 15 emongst vs, as commonlie doth once in seaven yere, we 
 should then not only haue dearth, but also suche scarsnes 
 of corne, that we should be driuen to seake it from out- 
 wardes partes, and paie deare for it. 
 
 KNIGHT. How could youe haue them better cherished 
 
 20 to vse the plowghe ? 
 
 DOCTOR. To let them haue more proffitt by it then [f. 
 they haue, and libertie to sell it at all times, and to all 
 places, as frely as men maie doe theire otheir thinges. 
 But then no dowbt the price of corne would rise, specially 
 
 25 at the first more then at the leng/he ; yet that price would 
 provoke everie man to set plowghe in the ground, to 
 husband waste groundes, yea to turne the landes which be 
 Inclosed from pasture to arable lande ; for every man will 
 the gladder folow that whearin they se the more proffit and 
 
 30 gaines. And therby must nedes insue both greate plentie 
 of corne, and also much treasure should be browght into 
 this Realme by occasion therof; and besides that, plentie 
 of all other victualles increased emonst vs.
 
 60 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 
 
 KNIGHT. That would I faine here youe declare how ? 
 DOCTOR. Youe haue hearde that by the fre vent and 
 saile of corne, the husbandmans proffit is advaunced. Then 
 it is showed how everie man naturally will 
 
 Proffit will . 
 
 make husban- folow that whcann he seeth most proffit. Ther- 5 
 drye more oc- f ore men w >^ tne gi ac jd er occupie husbandrie. 
 
 cupiede and 
 
 thereby more And the more doe occupie husbandrie, the 
 consequently more plentie of corne must nedes be ; and the 
 better chepe of more pi ent j e o f CO rne there is, therof better 
 
 corne. r 
 
 cheape ; and also the more wilbe spared over 10 
 that that shall suffice the Realme ; and then, that maie be 
 spared in a good yere shall bringe vs againe other corne, or 
 els the commodities of other countries necessarie for vs. 
 Then the more husbandrie is occupied, the more vniversall 
 brede should be of all victualles, as of neate, shepe, swyne, 15 
 gese, eges, butter, and chese, for all these are rered much of 
 corne. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yf men should sell, when a good reasonable 
 [f. 35] yere is, all that is overplus whan the Realme is served, 
 what should we doe yf a barren yere should happen, when 20 
 no store of corne is left of the good yere before ? 
 
 DOCTOR. First, youe must consider that men be sure 
 they will keape inowghe to serve them selves with in the 
 Realme, or they sell anie forthe of the same ; and hauinge 
 libertie to sell at theire plesure, Dowt ye not, but they had 25 
 lever sell theire corne ij d . or iiij d . better cheape with in the 
 Realme, then to be at chardges with carryinge, and perill of 
 adventure, in sendinge it over the sea, and sell it derer, 
 (except it be for much more gaines). And thus men, beinge 
 prouoked with lucre, will kepe the more corne, Lokinge 30 
 for a deare yere in the countrie, whearby must nedes be the 
 greater store. And thoughe they did not soe, but should 
 sell over the sea all that they might spare over that serveth
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 61 
 
 the Realme when the yere is plentifull, yet by reasone that, 
 throwghe the meanes aforesaide, more plowes are sett aworke 
 then would suffice the Realme in a plentifull yeare, yf a 
 scarce yeare should fall after, the corne of so manie plowes, 
 
 5 as in a goode yeare woulde be more then inowghe, in [an vn- 
 frutefull] yeare at the Least would be sufficient to serve the 
 Realme. And so should the Realme be served with inoughe 
 of corne in a scarce yeare, and in a plenteus yeare no more 
 then inoughe, which might be sold over the sea for greate 
 
 10 treasure or other commodities ; wheare now, in a plentifull [f- 35 b\ 
 yere, we seake to haue as much as maie suffice the Realme. 
 Then yf a scarce yere should happen, we must nedes lacke 
 of oure owne to serue, and be driven to bie from beyonde 
 the sea. And then, yf they weare as envious as we are, 
 
 15 mighte they not saie, when we required anie corne of them, 
 that seinge they could get none frome vs, when we had 
 plentie, why should they let vs haue anie corne when we 
 haue scarsitie ? Surelie common reason would that one 
 region should healpe a nother whan it lacketh. And ther- 
 
 20 fore god hath ordeined that no countrie shoulde haue all 
 commodities ; but that, that one lacketh, an other bringeth 
 furth, and that, that one countrie lacketh this yeare, a nother 
 hath plentie therof the same yeare, to the entent that one 
 maie know they haue nede of a nothers healpe, and therby 
 
 25 Loue and societie to grow emonst all the more. But here 
 we will doe as thoughe we had nede of no other countrie in 
 the earthe, but to liue all of oure selues ; and [as] thoughe we 
 might make the market of all thinges as we list oure selues ; 
 for thoughe god is bountifull vnto vs and sendeth vs manie 
 
 30 great commodities, yet we could not liue with owt the com- 
 modities of others. And, for an ensample, of yron [and] salt, 
 thoughe we haue competentlie therof, yet we haue not the iij 
 part to suffice the Realme ; and that [canne] in no wise be [f. 36]
 
 62 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 spared yf we will occupie husbandrie. Then tar, rosin, pitch, 
 oile, steile, we haue none at all ; as for wynes, spices, linnen 
 cloth, silkes, and collers, thoughe we might Hue so without 
 them, yet farre frome anie Civilitie shoulde it be. As I denie 
 not [but mannye thynges wee myght have here sufficyentlye 5 
 that wee bye nowe from beyonde the Seas, and] manie 
 thinges we might spare wholy ; whearof, yf time shall serve, 
 I will talke more hereafter. But now to returne to the 
 first poinct that I spake of before, to be one of the meanes 
 to bringe husbandrie vp, that is by abasinge the estimacion 10 
 of woll and felles ; thoughe I take not that waie to be as 
 goode as the other, for I doe not allow that meane that may 
 base anie of oure commodities except it be for the enhaunc- 
 inge of a better Commoditie ; but yf bothe Commodities maie 
 be enhaunced together, as by the last devise I thincke they 15 
 might be, I allowe that waie better ; neuerthelesse wheare 
 as youe, brother merchante, showed before that ether by 
 restraininge of wolles or other commodities, till they weare 
 equivolent with in the Realme after the Rate of the corne, 
 or by enhaunsinge the custome of woll and other the saide 20 
 commodities, till the price, beside the custome of the saide 
 commodities, weare browght like to the corne in proporcion, 
 The kinges highnes custome should be minished ; 
 kin^custome ^ thincke not so ; for the one waie, as much as 
 shoide be he should haue for the more woll vented ouer, 25 
 
 rf .- ,-. minished bye 
 
 l- 30*1 restraint of so much should he haue for the lesse woll at a 
 
 greater custome vented over. And thother waie 
 is, asmuch as his grace should lose by his 
 custome of woll, so much or more should his grace winne 
 by the custome of clothes made within the Realme. But 30 
 one thinge I doe note by this Latter Devise, that yf they 
 should take place, we must doe ; that is, yf we kepe with in 
 vs much of oure commodities, we must spare manie other
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGS. 63 
 
 thinges that we haue now frome beyonde the seas ; for we 
 must alwaies take hede that we bie no more of strangers 
 then we sell them ; [for so wee sholde empouerishe owr selves 
 and enriche theme]. For he weare no goode husband that 
 5 hath no other yearly revennewes but of husbandrie to Liue 
 on, that will bie more in the markett then he selleth againe. 
 And that is a poinct we might saue much by of oure 
 treasure, in this Realme, yf we would. And I mervell no 
 man taketh heade vnto it, what nombre first of , 
 
 H owe stran- 
 
 10 trifles commeth hether from beyonde the seas, gers do fetche 
 that we might ether clene spare, or els make { t v * co . 
 them with in oure owne Realme, for the which dit v es for ver y 
 
 , , . , tryfles. 
 
 we paie enestimable treasure euene yeare, or els 
 
 exchange substaunciall wares and necessarie for them, for 
 
 15 the which we might receiue great treasure. Of the which 
 sort I meane glasses, as well lookinge as drinckinge, as to 
 glasse windowes, Dialles, tables, cardes, balles, puppetes, 
 penhornes, Inckehornes, toothepikes, gloues, kniues, dag- 
 gers, pouches, broches, agletes, buttons of silke and siluer, 
 
 20 erthen potes, pinnes, poyntes, haukes belles, paper both whit 
 and browne, and a thowsand like thinges, that might ether [f. 37] 
 be clene spared, or els made within the Realme sufficient 
 for vs. And as for sume thinges, they make it of oure owne 
 commodities and send it vs againe ; whearby they sett theire 
 
 25 people on worke, and doe exshause much * treasure out 
 of this Realme. As of oure woll they make clothe, cappes, 
 and carsies ; of oure felles they make spanishe skinnes, 
 gloues, girdles ; of oure tinne, saltes, sponnes and dishes, of 
 oure broken linnen cloth and ragges, paper both whit and 
 
 30 browne. What treasure, thincke youe, goeth out of this 
 Realme for euerie of these thinges? And then for all 
 together it excedeth my estimation. There is no man that 
 can be contented with anie other gloues then is made
 
 64 THE SECOND E DIALOGE. 
 
 in fraunce or in spaine; or carse, but it must 
 
 Owredelicacye , - ,, , ,. 
 
 in requirynge DC OI flaunderS QIC J nor Cloth, DUt it HlUSt 
 
 strangers fo e o f f renc h die or fresadow : nor broche nor 
 
 wares. 
 
 aglet, but of venys makinge or millian; nor 
 dagger, sworde, nor gridle, or knife, but of spanishe makinge ; 5 
 no not so much as a spurre, but it must be fett at the 
 milliners hand. I haue sene within these xx tie yeres, when 
 Thencrease of tnere weare not of these haberdashers that sell 
 haberdasshers french or millan cappes, glasses, Daggers, 
 
 and millioners , . .. , 11- 
 
 ouer they were swerdes, gridles and such thinges, not a dossen 10 
 wontetobe. m ^ L orK j O n. And now from the towere to 
 Westminster alonge, euerie streat is full of them ; and theire 
 shoppes glisters and shine of glasses, aswell lookinge as 
 drinckinge, yea all manor vessel les of the same stuffe ; 
 [f. 37^] painted cruses, gaye daggers, knives, swordes, and gridles 15 
 that is able to make anie temperate man to gase on them, 
 and to bie sumwhat, thoughe it serue to no purpose neces- 
 sarie. What nede they beyonde the sea to travell to Peru 
 or such farre countries, or to trie out the sandes of the river 
 Tagus in spaine, [Pactolus] in asia and Ganges In Inda, to 20 
 gett emongst them small sparkes of goulde, or 
 
 Howe the 
 
 strangers finde to dig the bowelles of the earthe, for the mynde 
 an easier way f s [\ uer an( j p-Quld, when they can of vncleane 
 
 to get treasure ' 
 
 by things of no claye, not farre sowght for, and of [peoble] stones 
 by C any mynes an d fcarne rootes make [good] gould and silver 25 
 of goide or sii- m ore then a great manie of gould myndes woulde 
 
 make. I thincke not so litle as a hunderd thow- 
 sand pounde a yeare is fett of cure treasure for thinges of no 
 
 valew of them selues, but onlie for the labors 
 
 Howe stran- 
 
 giers finde their of the workers of the same, which are sett on 30 
 ow P comodTties wor ke all of oure chardges. What grossnes be 
 and on our W e of, that sc it and suffer such a continuall spoile 
 to be made of oure goodes and treasure, by
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGS. 65 
 
 such meanes. And speciallie, that will suffer oure owne 
 commodities to goe, and set straungers on worke, and then 
 to bye them againe at there handes ; as of oure woll they 
 make and die carsies, fresadowes, brodeclothes, and cappes, 
 5 beyond the seaze, and bringe them hether to be sold againe ; 
 whearin note, I praie youe, what they doe make vs paye at 
 the end for owre stuffe againe ; for the stranger custome, for [f. 38] 
 the workmanshippe, and coullers, and lastly for the second 
 custome in the returne of the wares into the realme againe ; 
 
 10 wheareas, with workinge the same with in oure Realme, oure 
 owne men should be set on worke at the chardges of straun- 
 gers ; the custome should be borne all by straungers to the 
 kinge, and the cleare gaines to remaine with in the Realme. 
 KNIGHT. Yf we weighe such thinges, and other which 
 
 15 goeth over the sea yearly from vs for the same, youe speake 
 to litle by asmuch againe ; for one thinge I haue marked, that 
 albeit it is true, that thowghe straungers bie theire woll 
 deare, and paie twise custome, that is, both at goinge out of 
 the woll and whan it returneth in cappes, yet the same 
 
 20 shalbe better cheape then that is made within the Realme ; 
 wherof that should be longe, I would faine know. 
 
 DOCTOR. Whether it be longe of oure slothe, or of 
 oure chargable fare, or of oure Idlenes, which . 
 
 Whie stran- 
 
 we Englishe men doe vse, percase more then giers may a- 
 
 T , . , - forde wares 
 
 25 anie nation, I know not ; yet it weare better for made by theim 
 vs to paie more to oure owne people for those better chepe 
 
 then wee may 
 
 wares then lesse to straungers; for how litle the same made 
 gaines so ever goeth over, it is lost to vs cleare. t ^' jj." J e 
 But how much so ever the gaines be, that goe better for vs to 
 
 _ _ bye our owne 
 
 30 from one of vs to a nother, it is all saved with thoughe thei 
 
 , _. , , , ., were deerer. 
 
 in the Realme; and a like reason as youe 
 
 made now, I hearde a bookebinder make me, when I 
 
 asked him why we had no white and browne paper made [f. 38 b]
 
 66 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 within the Realme, [as well as they had made beyonde the 
 Sea. Thanne he aunsweryd me that there was paper made 
 a whyle within the Realme]. At the last, said he, the man 
 perceaued that made it that he could not fourd his paper as 
 good cheape as that came from beyonde the seaze, and so he 5 
 was forced to lay downe makinge of paper. And no blame 
 to the man ; for men would giue neuer the more for his paper 
 because it was made heare ; but I would haue ether the 
 paper staied from cumminge in, or els so burdined with 
 custome that, by that time it came hether, oure men might 10 
 afford theire paper better cheape then straungers might 
 doe theires, the custome considered. 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, theare youe speake a thinge that the 
 kinges attornie would not agre vnto ; for if such ware weare 
 made with in the Realme, then the kinges custome should 15 
 be lesse, by reason that litle or no such wares should come 
 from beyond the seaze. 
 
 DOCTOR. Yf the kinges attorney did regard as well the 
 proffitt that should come after, as that is present 
 
 The most dur- r 
 
 able and most before the eys, he would agre to this wel inough ; 20 
 
 vniuersall prof- /- i . i_ i i iij 
 
 fit is more to f r by this meanes inestimable treasure should 
 be estemid be saue d with in the Realme. And then it 
 
 then the shorte 
 
 and particuier would not grow to the proffitt of the subiectes 
 only, but it must nedes grow also to the 
 proffitt of the kinge, for the wealth of the subiectes is 25 
 the wealth of the kinge. And in my opinion, they doe not 
 39] best provide for his graces proffitt that procureth onlie a 
 present commoditie, but rather that commoditie that maie 
 longe endure with out the griefe of his subiectes. 
 
 KNIGHT. Youe would haue a lawe made, that no such 30 
 ware should be brought from beyond the sea to be sold 
 heare, of such thinges as could be made heare as well as 
 theare.
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 67 
 
 DOCTOR. Yea forsouth, so I would wishe. 
 
 KNIGHT. I was once in the parlament, when such a 
 thinge was moued, but only for Cappes, That none made 
 beyond the seaze should be soulde within the 
 
 Whether suche 
 
 5 Realme. And then it was answered by a greate restraints doo 
 wise man, that it was to be feared least it {"agues' C with 
 towched the league made betewne the kinges owtwarde 
 highenes and some forrein prince. What thincke 
 youe then would haue bene saide, yf we would haue moved 
 
 10 a law to be made that nothinge made of oure woll, or tinne, 
 or lead, or hides beyond the sea should haue bene sould 
 heare ? 
 
 DOCTOR. I can not tell whether that should touch the 
 league or no, nor whether anie such league be ; but I saie to 
 
 15 youe, I thincke it a merveilus league that should let vs make 
 lawes that might be proffittable vnto vs. And yf theare 
 weare anie such league, I had rather it weare NO legue is to 
 broken then kept ; which beinge broken should ^ .f^ t sh j 
 doe vs goode, and beinge kept should doe vs the commen 
 
 . T . wealth. 
 
 20 harme. And I suppose, that when we entre anie 
 
 league, the same is ment to be for oure wealth, and not 
 for oure hinderaunce. Therfore the league would not be 
 estemed that might hinder oure common wealth. 
 
 KNIGHT. What and they would make a lawe beyond [f. 
 
 25 the sea, that wares made within this Realme should not be 
 sould there ? as they made of late, when we devised a law 
 that no wines should be brought hither in straunge bot- 
 tomes. 
 
 DOCTOR. Yet would they be forced rather to dissolue 
 
 30 theire law then we oures ; for oure stuffe is necessarie for 
 theim that is made heare ; as cloth, lether, tallow, beare, 
 butter, cheise, pewter vessell, and such. Theirs be to vs 
 more to serve pleasure then necessitie; as tables, cardes, 
 
 52
 
 68 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 
 
 perfumed gloues, glasses, gallie pottes, Dialles, cringes, 
 pippins, and cheres ; yea, theire cheife Commodities might be 
 better spared of vs then retained of theim ; without as wines, 
 silkes, spices, Iron, and salt. I would to god we would 
 folow the example of a poore haven towne, that I know did 5 
 of late, in the merches of wales, called Carnarvin ; when 
 A worthie ex- tne i re came a certaine vessell out of england, all 
 ample to be loaden with apples, which afore time was wount 
 
 folowed in 
 
 vsing of stran- to bringe theim good corne, the towne com- 
 
 maunded that none should bie the said apples, 10 
 vppon a great paine ; and so the bote stode so longe at the 
 heaven, without saile or vent, till the apples weare putrified 
 and lost ; and when the owner demaunded of the balife of 
 the towne why he had staied his saile and vent, The baylife 
 answered againe, that the said vessell came thyther to fett 15 
 the best wares they had in the countrie, as freses, brode 
 clothes, and woll ; and instead of that he should leave in the 
 [f. 40] countrie, that which should be spent and wasted in lesse 
 then a weke. And said, bringe to vs corne and mault, as 
 youe weare wount to doe, wherof the countrie hath nede, 20 
 and ye shall be welcome at all times, and ye shall haue fre 
 vent and sak in cure port. Thincke ye the great citie of 
 london, sowthampton, bristow, Chester, and other, might 
 not learne a good lesson of this poore walshe towne in this 
 doinge ? Might they not say, when shippes full of cringes, 25 
 pippins or cheres, come in, that yf they would take plomes, 
 Damsons and strawbereis for them, they should haue free 
 exchange? and when they bringe glasses, puppetes, Ratles 
 and such thinges, they should haue like trifles for them, yf 
 anie such weare to be had within the Realme, as there be 30 
 not. But yf they come for cure wolles, for cure clothes, 
 carseys, corne, tinne, lead, yea cure gould, silver, and such 
 substaunciall and necessarie thinges, let them bringe in
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 69 
 
 againe, flax, tar, oyle, fish and such other ; and not to vse 
 theim as litle children, geue them an aple for the best Juell 
 they haue abowt theim. And thus we are impouerished of 
 oure treasure and chefe commoditie, and can not perceaue 
 5 it ; such is the fines of straungers wites, and the grossnes of 
 cures ; yet it weare more tollerable yf we did but cherishe 
 theire devises that be straungers; but we doe now a dayes 
 Devise oure selues manie other wayes to impouerishe oure 
 selues and to exhause oure treasure. And now I must 
 10 come to that thinge, that youe brother mar- of the coyne) 
 chaunt towched before ; which I take to be the what harme [ f - 
 
 i /- r 11 i -i i i comes and may 
 
 cheife cause of all this dearth of thinges, and come of the 
 of the manifest imporishment of this Realme, alteradon of " 
 and might in breife time be the distruction of the same, yf it 
 
 15 be not the [ra there remedyede], that is the basinge or rather 
 corruptinge of oure coine and treasure; whearbie we haue 
 devised a waie for the straungers not onlie to bie oure gould 
 and silver for brasse, and not onlie to exhause this Realme 
 of treasure, but also to bie oure cheife commodities in 
 
 20 manor for nothinge. It was thought it should haue bene a 
 meane, not onlie to bringe oure treasure home, but to 
 bringe much of others ; but the [experience hathe] so 
 plainlie declared the contrarie, so as it weare a verie 
 dullardes part to be in dowbt therof. 
 
 25 KNIGHT. Forsowth, such a dullard ame I indede, that 
 can not perceave what hinderaunce it should be to the 
 Realme to haue this mettall, more then that, for oure coine ; 
 seinge the coine is but a token to goe from man to man. 
 And sithe it is stricken with the kinges seall to be currant, 
 
 30 [what makithe it the mattiere] what mettall it be of, yea 
 thoughe it be but lether or paper? 
 
 DOCTOR. Youe saie but as most part of men doe saie, 
 and yet they be far wide from the trewthe, as men that doe
 
 70 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 not consider the thinge throughly; for by that reason god 
 cou/d never send dearth emongst vs, but the kinge might 
 quicly Remedie it; as yf corne weare at a crowne the bushell, 
 The kinge might prouide crownes inoughe for him selfe and 
 [f. 41] also his subiectes, made of brasse, to paie for the same. And 5 
 so to make it as easie for him and his subiectes to paie a 
 crowne of such mettall for a bushell, as it should be now for 
 theim to paie j d . for the same. And as the price of corne 
 did rise, the kinge might raise the estimation of his coyne 
 after the rate ; and so kepe the corne alwaies at one stint in 10 
 deed, thoughe in name it did seme to rise. As for example, 
 Suppose wheat this yeare to be at a grote the bushell, the 
 next yeare ij grotes, the kinge might cause the grote to be 
 called viij d . ; and yf the bushell rose to xij d . he might raise 
 the estate of the grote to xij d . ; and so whether it weare by 15 
 making of coine of other mettalles then be of price 
 receauede emongst all men, or by the enhauncinge the price 
 of the onlie coine made in mettall of estimation, the 
 kinge might, yf youre reason weare true, kepe alwais, not 
 only corne but also all other victalles and necessaries for 20 
 mans life, alwaies at one price indede, thoughe in [terme] 
 they should varie. But youe maie se dailie by experience the 
 contrarie hervnto; for whan god sendeth dearth of corne, 
 or of other thinges, Theare is nether Emperour nor kinge 
 can healpe it ; which they would gladly doe, yf they might, 25 
 aswell for theire owne ease as for theire subiectes. And 
 might soune doe it yf youre reason towched afore might take 
 place; that is, yf ether they maie make coine of what 
 [Estimat] they would of vile mettalles, or els enhaunce the 
 value of coines made in mettalles of price to what some 30 
 they would. Yet a man at the first blushe would thincke 
 that a kinge in this Realme might doe this easyly, and make 
 what coine he would to be curraunt, and of what estima-
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 71 
 
 tion it pleased him. But he that so thincketh marketh [f. 4 1 
 but the tearmes, and not the thinges that are That the sub- 
 
 , 11111 r i /- i staunce and 
 
 vnderstanded by theim. [AsJ yf a man made quant itie is 
 no difference betewne 6 grotes that made [an] estemid 
 
 L J coyne and not 
 
 5 oz. of silver, and xij grotes that made an ownce the name. 
 of silver ; by the grote of the first sort, the vj th part of an 
 ownce, or by a grote of the other sort, [ys] the xij th part of an 
 ownce of silver vnderstanded. And so theire must be as 
 much difference betewne the one grote and the other as is 
 
 10 betewne tow and one, the hole thinge and halfe ; thoughe 
 either of theim be called but vnder one name, that is a 
 grote. We must consider, thoughe Gould and silver be the 
 mettalles commonly whearin the coine is stricken to be 
 tokens in exchange of thinges betewne man and man, yet is 
 
 15 it the wares that be necessarie for mans vse that are 
 exchanged in dede for the owtward name of the coyne, 
 and yt is the rarietie and plentie therof that maketh the 
 price therof base or higher. And because it weare verie 
 combersome and chargeable to carie so much of the wares 
 
 20 as [wee haue aboundaunce of to exchaunge for the wares 
 that] we waunt alwaies ; both for the weightes of cure wares, 
 and also for that they could not be caried so far without 
 perishinge of the same ; nor proportioned so even as theare 
 should be alwayes neither more nor lesse brought of oure 
 
 25 wares then weare equivolent with other wares that we can 
 receue. Thearfore weare the mettalles of gould and siluer 
 devised, as wares in so small weight most in Aristo. u. 5 
 value, and least combersome to carie, and least Eth - 
 subiect to detriment or hurt in the cariage ther- That necessi- 
 
 30 of, and maie be cut and devided in most peices tie f mutual 
 
 traffique and 
 
 and porcions with out anie losse, to be as the commodme of 
 meane to exchange all other wares by. And yf nTade^oyne to t f - 4 
 the thinge weare to be a new Devised, necessitie ^ demsed -
 
 72 THE SECONDS DIALOGE. 
 
 would cause vs to divise the same waie againe. For, put 
 the case theare weare no vse of mony emongst vs, but only 
 exchange of wares for wares, as [sumtymes] I doe reade 
 Homerus de haue bene. We must at a time haue such plentie 
 
 contu 
 
 o f thinges in cure Realme, as for example, of 5 
 
 emptione, et 
 
 venditione. Li. corne, woll, and peltes, chese and butter ; and 
 over so much as we should vent out for other 
 commodities as weare sufficient for vs, theare should remaine 
 with vs so great store that spend it we could not, nor kepe 
 it longe from perishinge ; would not we be glad to exchange 10 
 [that] aboundaunce of thinges, that could not abide the 
 kepinge, [for such wares as wolde abyde the keepynge,] 
 which we might exchange againe for such wares as I 
 rehersed, or anie other as necessarie, when scarce/ie of 
 the same should happen emongst vs? ye verelie; and that 15 
 we should studie to haue in that exchange such wares 
 as would lie in lesse Romes. and contineweth 
 
 Whye golde 
 
 and siluer were longest with out perishinge, and be caried to 
 rneetTfor" 05 e an( ^ ^" w i tn lesse charge, and be most currant 
 coyne to bee at a n times and at all places. Ys not gould 20 
 
 stricken in. 
 
 and silver the thinges that be most of that sort ? 
 I meane most of valew, most light to be caried, longest 
 able to abide the kepinge, [apteste] to Receave forme or 
 marke, and most currant in all places, and most easily 
 devided into manie peces without losse of the stuffe. In 25 
 some of the poinctes, I confesse precious stones doe excell 
 silver and gould, as in valew, or lightnes of cariage ; but 
 [thenne] they maie not be devided with out perishinge of the 
 substaunce, nor put againe to gether after they be once 
 [f. 42 b} devided, nor manie of theim abide so manie daungers with 30 
 out perishinge of the matter, nor yet receaue any stampe or 
 marke easilie, nor be so vniversally estemed. Therfore they 
 be not so mete for Instrumentes of exchange as silver and
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 73 
 
 gould be, or els they for theire prise or lightnes of cariage 
 might be. And because gould and silver haue all these 
 commodities in theim, they are chosen by a common 
 consent of all the world, that is knowen to be of anie civilitie, 
 5 to be instrumentes of exchange to mesure all _ 
 
 Publica men- 
 
 thinges by, most apt to be ether caried far, or kept sura. Ansto. 5 
 in store, or to receaue [for] thinges wherof we 
 haue aboundance, and to purchase then by theim other thinges 
 which we lacke, when and wheare we haue most [neede]. As 
 
 10 for example, yf theare weare no coyne currant, but exchange 
 of thinges, as I saie somtime theare was, set this case ; that 
 a man had asmuch corne in one yeare as he could not well 
 spend in fower yeares after, and perceaue*/ he might not 
 kepe it so longe as till a deare yeare or a scarce yeare 
 
 15 should come, and yf he did, much of it should perishe, or 
 all; weare it not wisdome then for him to exchange the 
 overplus of that corne for some other ware that might be 
 longer kept, with out dainger of wast or minishinge, for the 
 which he might at all times haue [eyther] corne againe at his 
 
 20 nede or some other necessarie thinge ? Yes, no doubt, yf 
 theare weare no silver nor gould, he would haue tin, brasse, 
 or lead, or such other like thinge that would abide the 
 kepinge with lesse detriment ; and would desire to haue that 
 thinge most that weare in lesse weight most in valewe, and [f. 43] 
 
 25 in lesse dainger of wearinge or perishinge, and most vni- 
 uersally receaved, wheare in gould and siluer excell all 
 other mettalles. 
 
 KNIGHT. What makethe these mettalles to be of more 
 valew then other ? 
 
 30 DOCTOR. No dowbt theire excellencie aboue other 
 mettalles, both in pleasure and vse, and partly the rarietie 
 of theim. 
 
 KNIGHT. What be these qualities? Yf youe praise gould
 
 74 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 for his weight and pliablenes, lead doth excell it in these 
 poinctes; yf youe commend his coullor, Siluer by many 
 mens Judgementes, whose coullor resembleth the day light 
 for clearnes, passeth him, and hero/des preferreth it in his 
 armes ; because it is fardest of sene in the feild, and never 5 
 semeth other coullor but his owne, be it never so far of, 
 wheare all other seme blacke a far of, and so lose the 
 strenghe of theire owne. 
 
 DOCTOR. Asmoch as the lead approcheth to gould in 
 whie gold and that poinct, I spealce of weight and pliablenes, 10 
 siluer are es- j t j s cast behind it in other qualities, far more 
 
 teimid before 
 
 all other met- commendable ; and so in coullor, it either passeth 
 silver by some other mens Judgementes, because 
 it resemblith the coullors of the celestiall bodies, as the 
 sonne and starres, beinge the most excellent thinges that 15 
 cometh vnder the vew of the bodely sences of man, or it is 
 equivolent vnto it. In armes I know not how much it is 
 estemed ; well I wote princes blase theire armes most with 
 that coullor, whether it be for excellencie of the same 
 or for that they loue the mettall so well it is made of, I can 20 
 not tell. But now to esteme theire other qualities ; gould 
 is never wasted nor consumed by fier ; yea the more it is 
 burned the purer it is, which youe can saie of no other 
 [f. 43 ] mettall. Then it wearith least by occupyinge, and foulleth 
 
 not the thinge it toucheth, as siluer doth, with whom youe 25 
 maie draw lines, which is a declaration the stuffe faulleth 
 awaie ; albeit that writers doe mervaile that it should 
 draw so blacke a line, beinge of that brightnes and coullor of 
 it selfe. Then theare is [no] rust nor skurf that mynishe that 
 goodnes, or wasteth the substance of gould. It abbydeth 30 
 the fretinge of liccours, of salt, [and] viniger, with out damage, 
 [which] weareth anie other thinge. It nedeth no fier or it be 
 madegould, as other requier it, it is gold as sonne as it is found.
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 75 
 
 It is drawen with out woll, as it weare woll. It is easyly 
 spred in leaues, of a mervelous thinnes ; ye maie adorne or 
 gild anie other mettalles with it, yea stones and timber. 
 It is also nothinge inferior in commoditie of makinge 
 5 vessell or other Instrumentes to siluer, but rather pewrer, 
 clener, and more swete to kepe liccour in. Next him ap- 
 procheth silver in commendacions, as in cleanes, bewtie, 
 swetnes and brightnes. And it [serveth] not only to make 
 vesselles or other Instrumentes, but it is also spoonne, but 
 
 10 not with out wol as gold maie be ; thoughe they could not 
 doe it afore time but with gold only; as I haue hearde 
 vestures weare made only of gold then, and now of late of 
 this silver, beinge spoonne with silke and gilded, they 
 counterfet the ould excesse of cloth of gold and tissue. 
 
 15 Now to speake of other mettalles, youe se what vses they 
 served for, which, yf they weare awaie, they should be more 
 estemed. Then I tould youe Rarietie commendeth the 
 said mettalles of gold and silver yet more then this ; for as [f. 44] 
 they doe excell in qualities, so againe nature semeth to 
 
 20 haue layd them vpp in a farder warde then her other 
 guyftes, to shew vs that all fare thinges be rare, and that the 
 farest thinges, 'as they be hardest to be attained, so they be 
 most to be estemed. Yf glasse, as Erasmus saith, weare as 
 rare as silver, it should be as deare as silver, and not with 
 
 25 out cause ; who could glase a window with silver, so as he 
 might [keepe] out the Iniurie of the whether, and nevertheles 
 receaue the commoditie of the light throughe the same into 
 his howse, as with glasse he myght ? And so I might com- 
 mend other thinges for theire vse, before gold and silver ; as 
 
 30 Iron and stele, with whom we make manie better tooles for 
 manie necessarie vses then with gold or silver ; but for [the 
 vses that wee talke of, Silvere and Golde doo cleerlye excell 
 all other metails]. I passe over this matter. Thus I haue
 
 76 THE SECONDE DIALOG E. 
 
 shewed some reasons why those mettalles of gold and silver 
 are growne in estimation aboue others. 
 
 KNIGHT. Why doe kinges and princes strike these 
 mettalles and other with a coine, but because they would 
 haue that coine, of what valew so ever it be, to beare the 5 
 Estimation that the coine pretendith ; which they did in 
 vaine, yf they could make the mettalles that beareth that no 
 better nor worse in estimation. Then I had lever haue 
 small [gadds or] plates of silver and gold, with out anie coine 
 at all, to goe abrode from man to man. 10 
 
 [f. 44 ] DOCTOR. Surely the time was even so emongst the 
 piini H. 33. ca. Romanes, * when nether brasse, silver, nor gold 
 3- was coined, but weare estemed only by the 
 
 weight. And therof to this daie remaineth these vocables 
 Sum e of coine, as libra, pondo, dipondium, and as 15 
 brasse, siluer solidus, dinarius, vocables of weight ; that after- 
 
 and golde were 
 
 waied before ward weare gyven to comes pretendinge the 
 coyne made. same we ight ; also the common officers, that 
 wheihed these rude mettalles, weare called libripendes, 
 inst. de test, wherof we haue mencion in Cyvell; but, because 20 
 ord - of great trafique and assemblie of biers and 
 
 sellers, it was tedious to tary for the weighinge of these 
 mettalles and triinge of them, it was thought good that 
 princes should stricke these mettalles with severall markes, 
 for the varietie of the weightes they weare of, to assure the 25 
 receaver, * the same to be no lesse then [the] weight it 
 pretended. As for planer example, they strocke the pound 
 weight with the marke of the pound, and the ounce with 
 the marke of the ounce; and so after the varietie of the 
 weightes of other peces variably marked, whearby began the 30 
 names of coines ; so that the people nided not to be troubled 
 with weighinge and triinge of everie pece, beinge advertised 
 by the marke of the print that everie pece conteined the
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 77 
 
 weight that was assigneued by the marke set on euerie one. 
 The princis credit was such then emonge theire subiectes as 
 they doubted nothinge. As sone as they attempted to doe 
 otherwise, that is to marke the halfe pound with the marke 
 
 5 of the pound, and the halfe ounce with the marke of the 
 ounce, [a] while theire credit made those coines currant, as 
 I reade emonst the Romans practized more then once; 
 but as sone as it was espied, the ij peces of D. li. went no [f- 45] 
 furder [thanne the one] pece of a hole pound went what losse 
 
 10 before; and at lengthe, as much as they wonne ^ ommes of ^ 
 of the first they lost at the last in paiment of dence. 
 theire rentes, customes, and senses ; and so the nerer to east, 
 the further from west; and they consequently lost theire 
 credit, much like as I haue knowen certain townes in 
 
 15 england to haue donne ; which weare wount to make theire 
 clothes of a certaine breadth and length, and so sett theire 
 sealles to the same; while they kept theire Rate truly, 
 strangers did but looke vppon theire seall, and receaved 
 theire wares, whearby those townes had greate vent of 
 
 20 theire cloth, and consequently prospered very well. After- 
 ward some in the townes, not content with reasonable 
 gaynes, continually desiringe more and more, devised clothes 
 of lesse lengthe, breadthe, and goodnes then they weare 
 wounte to be, and yet, by [the commendacion] of the seall, to 
 
 25 haue as muche monie for the same as they had before for 
 good clothes ; and for a time they gat much, and so abased 
 the credit of theire prodescessors to theire singuler luker, 
 which was recompensed with the losse of theire posteritie ; 
 for after these clothes weare founde faultie, for all theire 
 
 30 sealles they weare not only never the better trusted, but 
 much lesse for theire seall, yea, thoughe theire clothes weare 
 well made; for whan theire falsehod and vntrweth was 
 espied, then no man would bie theire clothes till they
 
 78 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 weare searched and vnfolded, Regardinge nothinge the 
 seall. And yet, because they found theim vntrew in sume 
 part, they mistrusted theim in other ; and so would give lesse 
 for theire clothes then they would for anie other like, havinge 
 f. 45 /;] no sealles to the same ; whearby the credit of the same 5 
 townes was lost, and the townes vtterly decayd. Doe ye not 
 see that cure coine is discredited alredy emongst strangers, 
 which evermore desired to serve vs before all other nations, 
 at all oure nedes, for the goodnes of cure coine ? And now 
 they let vs haue nothinge frome theim, [but onelye] for oure 10 
 commodities, as woll, felles, talow, butter, chese, tinne, and 
 lead ; and wheare before time they weare wount to bringe vs 
 for the same ether good gold or silver, or els as necessarie 
 What doo commodities againe, now they send vs other 
 straungerssend trifles, as I spacke of before ; as glasses, gaily 15 
 sure and chief pottes, tennis balles, papers, gyrdelles, browches, 
 comodities. O wches, buttons, dialles, or such like wares that 
 standes them in no charge or vse ; or els, yf it be trew that I 
 haue hearde saie, as I tould youe in youre eare before, they 
 send vs brasse for oure treasure of gold and silver, and for 20 
 oure saide commodities. I warrant youe, youe see nether 
 gold nor silver browght over vnto vs, as it was here before 
 vsed, and no mervaile. To what purpose should they 
 bringe silver or gold hither, whearas the same is not estemed ? 
 Therfore I haue hearde say of a trewth, and I beleve it the 25 
 rather to be trew, because it is likely, that sence oure coine 
 hath bene based and altered, strangers haue conterfeted 
 oure coine, and founde the meanes to haue greate masses 
 transported hither and heare vttered it, as well for oure gold 
 and silver, as for oure chefe commoditie; which thinge I 30 
 reporte me to youe, what Inconvenience it maie bringe the 
 kinges highnes and this Realme vnto yf it be suffered, and 
 that In brefe time.
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 79 
 
 KNIGHT. Theare be searchers that male let that mattier [f. 4 6] 
 well enowghe, yf they be trew, both for staiinge such false 
 coine to come in and of oure ould coine to goe forthe. 
 
 DOCTOR. I saide so to the man that tould me the tale, 
 5 that I tould youe of even now ; and he 
 answered me, theare weare manie waies to ^ e U c yne 
 deceaue the searchers, yf they weare never so "**? be trans ~ 
 
 ported, and the 
 
 trew ; as by puttinge the saide coine in theire u y n g or his 
 ships balast, or in some vesselles of [wyne], or ^f" 
 10 other liquor transported either to vs or from vs. 
 
 Then everie Creicke in the Realme haue not searchers ; and 
 yf they had, they be not such saintes as would not be 
 corrupted for monie. And besides this, haue ye 
 
 j , .1 . i j Wee devise the 
 
 not made proclamacions, that oure ould come, rec iiest way to 
 15 specially of gold, that it should not be currant dra s away our 
 
 treasure. 
 
 heare aboue such a price? is not that the Rediest 
 waie to drive awaie oure gold from vs, as everie thinge will 
 goe wheare it is most estemed? and therfore oure treasure 
 goeth over in shippes. 
 
 20 KNIGHT. I beleue well that these be rneanes to exhause 
 oure olde treasure frome vs, which ye haue rehersed; but 
 howe it should make everie thinge so deare amonge oure 
 selves, as ye say it dothe, I can not yet perceave the Reason. 
 
 DOCTOR. Why, doe ye not perceaue that, by reason 
 25 herof, [yee] paie dearer for everie thinge that we haue from 
 beyonde the seas then we weare wount to doe ? 
 
 KNIGHT. That can not be denied. 
 
 DOCTOR. By how much, trow youe ? 
 
 KNIGHT. By the third part well, in all manor of thinges. 
 30 DOCTOR. Must not they that bye deare, sell deare 
 againe their wares? 
 
 KNIGHT. That is trew, yf they intend to thrive ; for he 
 that selles good cheape, and bies deare, shall never thrive.
 
 8o THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye haue youre selfe declared the reason, why 
 
 [f. 46 b] thinges with [in] the Realme be so deare ; for we must bie 
 
 deare all thinges brought from beyonde the seas, 
 
 Why things , , .. . 
 
 within the and therfore we must sell agame as deare oure 
 Realme shoid th{ n g e s, or e \ s we should make ill bargaines for 5 
 
 be so dere. 
 
 oure selves. And thoughe that reason makes it 
 plaine, yet experience makethe it plainer; for wheare youe 
 saie that everie thinge brought beyond the sea is commonly 
 dearer by the third part then it was, Doe ye not see the 
 same proportion raised in oure wares, yf it be not more, yea 10 
 in the old coine it selfe ? Is not the angell that was before 
 but xx tie grotes, now at xxx tie , and so all other old coine after 
 the same rate? But I thincke theare is no more silver 
 given in the xxx tie grotes now then was before in xx tie , yf it 
 be so much. And so I thincke, settinge oure coine apart, 15 
 that we shall haue as much silke, wines, or oyles from 
 beyonde the seas, for oure todde of woll now as we might 
 haue had before the alteration of this coine. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. I would vndertake to serve youe so. 
 
 KNIGHT. What losse haue we by this, when we sell 20 
 oure commodities as deare as we bie [theres] ? 
 
 DOCTOR. I graunte, to one sort of men I count it 
 no losse ; yea to some other, gaines more then losse ; but 
 yet to some other a greater losse, then it is proffitt to 
 thother ; yea, generally to the impoverishinge of the Realme, 25 
 and the weakeninge of the kinges maiesties power ex- 
 cedinglie. 
 
 KNIGHT. I praie youe, what be these sortes that yow 
 meane; and first, of those that ye thincke haue no losse 
 therby ? 30 
 
 DOCTOR. I meane all those that live by byinge and 
 sellinge; for as they bie deare, so they sell theareafter. 
 
 KNIGHT. What is the next sort that ye saie winnes by it ?
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 81 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, all such as haue takinges, or farmes [f. 47] 
 in theire owne maintenaunce, at the olde rent; 
 
 . Sum haue 
 
 for wheare they paie after the old rate, they sell ga yns by 
 after the new : that is, they paie for theire land thalteracion f 
 
 J r the coyne. 
 
 5 good cheape, and sell all thinges growinge therof 
 deare. 
 
 KNIGHT. What sorte is that which youe said had 
 greater losse theareby then those men had proffitte? 
 
 DOCTOR. It is all noble men, and gentlemen, and all 
 10 other that live by a stinted rent, or stipend, or doe not 
 maner the grounde, or doe occupie no byinge or sellinge. 
 
 KNIGHT. I praie youe, pervse those sortes as youe did 
 [the other], one by one, and by cours. 
 
 DOCTOR. I will gladly. First, the noblemen and gentle- 
 15 men live for the most on the yearly revennewes of the 
 landes and fees given them of the kinge. Then ye knowe, 
 he that maie spend 3oo u . a yeare by such 
 
 j f i i . Who hathe 
 
 revennewes and fees, may kepe no better porte Iosse by 
 then his father, or anie other before him, that thalteracion of 
 
 the coyne. 
 
 20 could spend but 200''. And so ye maie per- 
 
 ceaue, it is a great abatment of a mans [countenaunce] to 
 take awaie the third part of his livinge. And therfore gentle- 
 men doe so much studie the Increase of theire landes, 
 enhauncinge of theire rentes, and so take farmes and 
 
 25 pastures into theire owne handes, as ye se they doe ; and 
 also to seke to maintaine theire [countenaunce], as theire 
 predecessors did, and yet they come short thearin. Other, 
 seinge the charges of howsehold so muche as by no pro- 
 vision they can make can be holpen, they give over theire 
 
 30 howseholdes, and get theim chambers in London, or abowte 
 the courte ; and theare spend theire time, some of theim 
 with a servaunte or ij, wheare he was wounte to kepe xxx tie 
 or xl tie persons daily in his howse, and to doe good in the [f. 47 f>] 
 
 L. 6
 
 82 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 countrie, in kepinge good order and rule amonge his 
 neighboures. The other sorte be, everie servinge man and 
 men of warre, that havinge but theire old stinted wages, can 
 not finde theim selves therwith as they might afore time, 
 without Ravine or spoile. Ye know vj d . a daie will not now 5 
 goe so far as iiij d . would afore time ; and thearfore ye haue 
 men so vnwillinge to serve the kinge now a daies, [from] that 
 they weare wounte to be ; also wheare xl s . a yeare was good 
 honest wages for a yeoman afore this time, and xx d . a wekes 
 borde wages was sufficient, nowe double as much will scant 10 
 beare theire charges. 
 
 KNIGHT. That is longe of the excesse as well In 
 apparell as in faire ; for now a daies servinge men are more 
 costly in apparell, and looke to fare more daintely, then 
 theire masters weare wounte to doe in times past. 15 
 
 DOCTOR. No double that is one greate [cause of the 
 greater] charge of howsehold ; for I knowe when a servinge 
 
 Of excesse in man was content to g oe m a kendall cote in somer, 
 apparel and or in a fresc cote in winter, and with a plaine white 
 
 hose made mete for his bodie, and with a pece of 20 
 beof or sume other dishe all the weke longe. Now he will 
 loke to haue, at the least, for somer a cote of the finest cloth 
 maie be had for mony, and his hosen of the finest carsey, and 
 that of sume strange coullor or die, as flanders die, or french 
 puke, that a prince or great lord can weare no finer, yf he weare 25 
 cloth ; then theire cotes shalbe garded, cut, and stiched ; and 
 the briches of theire hosen so drawne with silkes that the 
 [f. 48] workemanshipe shall farre passe the price of the stufe ; and 
 this thinge is not restrained, as it should be, but rather 
 cherished of theire masters, one strivinge with an other 30 
 who maie be most proude, and whose retinewe may most 
 lavishe, or goe gaie for a time of shew ; wheare as, throughe 
 suche excesse, they are faine all the rest of the yeare to
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 83 
 
 kepe the fewer servauntes. And so in excesse of meates they 
 fare at some time, that In the hole yeare after they kepe no 
 howses at all, or yf they doe, it shalbe verie small. Like 
 excesses, as well in apparell as in fare, weare vsed in Rome, 
 
 5 a litle before the declination of the empire, so as wise men 
 haue thought it was occasion of the decaie therof. And 
 therefore Cato, and divers others wise Senators at that time, 
 would haue had lawes made for the restrainte of such 
 excesse ; and for that, thorouge the insolencie of some that 
 
 10 maintained the contrarie, the same weare not daily executed, 
 such pride ensued theare, and of pride devision, and throughe 
 devision, vtter desolacion of the common wealthe. I praie 
 god, this Realme may beware by that example, and especi- 
 ally London, the head of this empire, wheare suche excesses, 
 
 15 by reason the wealthe that is of all this Realme is heaped 
 vp, as the corne of the field into a barne, be most vsed ; for 
 in other partes commonly of this Realme, the lawe of 
 necessitie kepes men in good case, for excedinge ether in 
 apparell or fare. I thincke we weare as much dreaded, or [f. 48 ] 
 
 20 more, of oure enemies when oure gentlemen went simply 
 and oure servingemen plainly, with out cut or garde, bearinge 
 the hevie sworde and bucler, on theire thighes, in steade 
 of cuttes and gardes, and light daunsinge swordes, and 
 Rapiers. And when they rode, caryinge goode speares in 
 
 25 theire handes, in stead of white roddes which they carie 
 now, more like ladies, or gentleowmen, then men ; all which 
 Delicas/es makes oure men cleane effemenate, and without 
 streingthe. 
 
 KNIGHT. We maie thancke oure longe peace and quiet- 
 
 30 nes with in the realme, that men be not forced to ride so 
 stronge ; it was a troublous worlde, as well with in the Realme 
 as with oute, when men went and rode as youe speake of. 
 DOCTOR. What can youe tell when suche a worlde may 
 
 62
 
 84 THE SECONDS DIALOGS. 
 
 come ? Wise men saie that in peace men must locke and 
 in peace loke P rov ide for warre, and in warre againe for peace ; 
 for warre. yf m en weare suer alwais of peace, theare neded 
 no man to kepe men at all ; but sithe it is otherwise, and 
 that the iniquitie of men is suche as they cannot be longe 5 
 with oute warre, and that we recken here in Englonde oure 
 cheif streingthe to be in servingemen and y0men, it weare 
 wisdome to exercise them, in time of peace, with such 
 apparell, fare, and hardnes, as they must nedes sustaine in 
 time of warre. Then the same shalbe no noveltie to theim 10 
 when they come to it ; and theire bodies shalbe stronger to 
 beare that, that they weare accustomed with all before. Let 
 this I saie be of no credit, yf delicasie and tendernes was 
 [f. 49] not the Just occasion of the subduinge the greatest empires 
 that weare. 15 
 
 KNIGHT. Suerly ye saie verie well, and that which 
 soundeth to good reason ; for I must nedes alow that I haue 
 found trew my selfe; for my men are so tenderly vsed in 
 time of peace that they can not awaie with anie hevie 
 armor in time of warre, but ether shirtes of male or cotes 20 
 of linnen ragges, which at a shott maie happen to deceiue 
 vs. Then, what saie youe to oure buildinges, that we haue 
 heare in Inglond of late daies, farre more excessiue then at 
 anie time heretofore ; doth not that empoverishe the Realme, 
 and cause men to kepe lesse howses ? 25 
 
 DOCTOR. I saie all these thinges be tokens [and] orna- 
 mentes of peace, and that no dowbte is cause of lesse hows- 
 holdes, sith the buyldinge and trimminge of these howses 
 spent awaie that that should be otherwise spent in howshold. 
 But it doth not impoverishe the Realme at all ; for all the 30 
 expenses of buyldinges, for the most parte, is spent emonge 
 oure selves, and emonge oure neighboures and countriemen ; 
 as emonge carpenters, masons and laborers ; except men will
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 85 
 
 fall to gildinge or paintinge of these howses, for in that 
 much treasure may be spent to no vse. Allso the arrisses, 
 verderers, and tapstrie worke, wheare with they be hanged, 
 commonly conveieth over into flanders, and other strange 
 
 5 countries wheare they be had fro, muche of our treasure. 
 
 KNIGHT. Sir, yet I must remember youe of one thinge 
 more, which men doe suppose to be a greate occasion of 
 this spendinge of treasure abroade ; and that is this, wheare [f. 49^] 
 theare is cominge into the kinges handes, of late, much landes, 
 
 10 by reason of monesteries, Colleges and chauntres dissolved ; 
 which men suppose hath bene the cause, ij maner of waies, 
 that theare is lesse treasure in the Realme. One is, because 
 the Revennues of the said places dissolved, hearetofore 
 weare spent in the countrie, and went from hand to hand 
 
 15 [there], for vittalles, cloth and other thinges, and now hath 
 gotten to one place owte of the countrie ; an other is, that 
 divers men, which had anie Riches or wealth, vttered the 
 same to bie parcell of the dissolved landes lyinge com- 
 modious for theim ; whearby, the one waie and the other, 
 
 20 the [riches of the] whole countrie is cleane sweped awaie. 
 
 DOCTOR. Trewth it is also ; that makes the countrie 
 abroade bare for the time, and had kept it so still, yf the 
 kinges maiestie had not disperced the same landes abroade 
 amonge theim in the countrie againe; but now that his 
 
 25 highnes hath departed with a greate deale of those posses- 
 sions, parte by guift, and parte by sale, treasure shall shortly 
 increase againe abroade, as much as ever it was, yf it be 
 not letted by other meanes. So that [I] take it to be no 
 great * cause of this dearth that we haue, for the soile is not 
 
 30 * taken awaie, but the possession therof is only transferred 
 from one kind of person to a nother. 
 
 KNIGHT. Then to returne to the matter of the coine [f. 50] 
 wheare we left; I haue heard [yowr] conceit, how the
 
 86 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 alteration thearof doth sume men no harme, as biers and 
 sellers ; some other it doth good, as vnto fermers that had 
 land at the old rent ; and some other, as gentlemen, [menne] 
 of warre, servingmen, and all other livinge by anie rated and 
 stinted rent or stipend, are greate loosers by it. I hard youe 5 
 saie, it was so much with all to the losse of the kinges maiestie, 
 that it might be to the great perill, not only of this Roiall 
 estate, but also to the whole Realme in processe of time ; I 
 merveill how it should be so, for I heard wise men saie, that 
 the kinges father did winne * inestimable greate somes by the 10 
 alteration of the coine. 
 
 DOCTOR. So it was for the time; but I [lyken] that 
 gaines to such as men haue, when men sell awaye theire 
 landes, to haue the greater some at one time, and ever after 
 to lose the continuall encrease that should grow thearof. 15 
 Howe the alter- For ye knowe all the treasure of this Realme 
 acion of the mus t once in few yeares come to the kinges 
 
 coyne is moste 
 
 losse to the highnes handes, by one meane or other; and 
 from him it should goe abrode againe to his 
 subiectes ; as all springes runne to the ocean sea, and oute 20 
 of it they sprede abroade agayne. Then, as they came in of 
 late in good mettall, they came fourth in such as ye se now. 
 And albeit it semes at the first face to impoverishe but the 
 subiectes only, at length it is to be feared lest it doe 
 impoverishe the kinges highnes ; and then yf his grace 25 
 [f. 50 ] should want, in time of warre, speceally sufficient treasure to 
 paie for armore, weapons, tacklinges of shippes, goounes, 
 and other artillarie, necessarie for the warre, that could by 
 no meanes have of his subiectes wheare with to bie the 
 same, what [case] should his grace be in, and his Realme ? 30 
 Suerly very ill. And thearfore these coines 
 
 Mony is 
 
 cauiyde Nerui and treasures be not with out cause called of 
 wise men [nervi] bellorum, that is to saie, The
 
 THE SECONDS DIALOGS. 87 
 
 senowes of warre. And that is the greatest danger that, I 
 consider, should grow for want of treasure, to the kinge and 
 his Realme ; for thoughe the kinges highenes maie haue 
 what coine he will currant with in the Realme, yet the 
 5 strangers can not be compelled to take theim. And I graunt 
 yf men might live with in theim selves altogether, with 
 oute borowinge of anie thinge outwarde, we might devise 
 what coine we would ; but sence we must haue nede of 
 other, and other of vs, we must frame oure thinges, not 
 
 10 after oure fantasies, but to folowe the common market of 
 all the world ; and we maie not set the price of thinges at 
 oure pleasure, but folowe the price of the vniversall market 
 of all the world. I graunte brasse hath bene coined ere 
 this, yea, and lether in some places ; but ever I rede that was 
 
 15 an extreme nede, which thinge is not to be folowed as an 
 example, but to be eschued as longe as possible may be. 
 Also I heare saie, that in fraunce [and] flanders theare goeth 
 abroade such coine at these daies ; but that doth not exile [f. 51] 
 all other good coine ; but they be currant with all, and 
 
 20 plentie theareof, howsoever they vse it ; and because I haue no 
 experience of theire vsage theare, how both coynes are vsed, 
 Thearefore I will thincke it wisdome we did learne of theim 
 how we might vse thone and thother, [kepynge] either of like 
 rate, as they doe ; so that they should never desire anie of 
 
 25 oure coine for anie greater valew then they be estemed at 
 with theim, [nor wee theyres for annye greater estimate with vs 
 than with theym]. And then should we be sure to kepe oure 
 treasure at a staie. And as for recoveringe of old treasure 
 that is alreadie gonne, theare might be order that , 
 
 For recouermg 
 
 30 some commoditie of ours weare so restrained of our thresure 
 
 r i i >tii i 111 r home again. 
 
 from theim that it should not be sold but for 
 
 silver or gold, or for the third part or halfe in such coines 
 
 as is vniversally currant ; and thus cheifly oure treasure
 
 88 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 might be recovered by these ij meanes ; first, yf we forbid 
 bringinge in of so many trifles, as I before rehersed to be 
 brought vs from beyonde the seas ; and that nothinge 
 made beyonde the sea, of oure commodities, should be sould 
 heare. And secondly, yf we forbid that none of oure 5 
 commodities should passe over vnwrought ; which, beinge 
 wrought heare and then sould over, should bringe infinite 
 treasure in short time. 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, and theare youe be contrary to the 
 opinions of many greate wise men ; which thincke it better 10 
 that all oure woll weare sold over the sea vnwrought, then 
 anie clothiars should be set a worke within the Realme. 
 [f. si] DOCTOR. That weare a strange thinge in my opinion, 
 that anie man should thincke so ; and what should move 
 them to be of that opinion, I pray youe? 15 
 
 KNIGHT. I will tell youe; they take it that all these 
 Insurrections doe stirre by occasion of all these clothiers ; 
 for when oure clothiers lacke vent over sea, theare is greate 
 multitude of these clothiers idle; and when they be idle, 
 then they assemble in companies, and murmur for lacke of 20 
 livinge, and so pike one quarrell or other to 
 
 Whether al our 
 
 wooie were stirre the power commons, that be as Idle as 
 be^oide' ouer ^ey, to a commotion ; and somtime, by occasion 
 and vn- o f warres, theare must nedes be some staie som- 
 
 wroughte. . 
 
 time of clothes, so that they can not alwayes 25 
 haue saile or vent; at everie which time, yf the said 
 clothiars should take occasion of commocion, they thincke 
 it weare better theare weare none of theim in the Realme at 
 all, and consequently that the woll weare vttered vnwrought 
 over sea, then to haue it wrought heare. 3 
 
 DOCTOR. So it may seme them that consider on 
 Inconvenience and not an other. Surely whosoever hath 
 anie persons vnder his governaunce, shall haue much adoe
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGS. 89 
 
 to governe theim in quiet ; and he that hath a greate familie 
 shall haue some time trowble in the rewlinge of theime. 
 [Yet were it but a meane pollicie eyther for a prince to 
 minishe his nomber, or for a master of a house to putte 
 5 awaye his seruauntes, because he wolde not haue anye 
 treble with the gouernaunce of them.] Now he that [f. 52] 
 would so doe, might be well resembled to a man that 
 would sell his land, because he would not be troubled 
 with the accompte of it. I thincke it meter that we 
 10 did not onlie increase the feate of clothinge, but also 
 Intende divers other feates and occupations whearby the 
 people might be set a worke, rather then to take That mkteries 
 a waie any occupation from theim : speciallie are rather to 
 
 . be increased 
 
 such as clothinge is, that settes so manie thow- then diminish- 
 
 15 sandes a worke, and inricheth both towne and ed ' 
 
 countrie. Yea wheare it is occupied In venis as I heard, 
 and in many other places beyonde the sea, they weare 
 rewarded and cherished, everie man that bringes in anie 
 new arte or mistorie whearby the people might be set 
 
 20 aworke, with such thinges as should both finde theire 
 workemen aworke, and also bringe some treasure or com- 
 moditie into the countrie. And shall we, contrariwise, 
 labour to destroie cure best and most proffittable trade, 
 which is by clothinge ? I woulde know what would bringe 
 
 25 vs treasure from beyonde the seas and from strange partes, 
 or wheare with so manie people should be set a worke, as 
 haue now theire livinges by clothinge, yf that occupation 
 weare laide downe? 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, we might haue treasure enoughe from 
 
 30 outward partes for cure wolles, thoughe none weare wrought 
 with in the Realme. And as for occupation to sett clothiers 
 a worke, they might be set to the plowghe and to husbandrie ; [f. 5 
 and that should make husbandrie to be more occupied, and
 
 90 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 grasinge lesse vsed, when all these people that nowe doe 
 occupie cloth should fall to husbandrie. 
 
 DOCTOR. As to the first that ye saide, that woll is 
 sufficient to bringe in treasure. Yf it weare, as it is not 
 [in dede], yet that feate weare not for the common wealthe 5 
 nor continuance of the Realme ; for then everie man would 
 fall to brede shepe and to encrease woll ; and so at lengthe 
 all the occupacions should be set aside, and bredinge of 
 shepe onlie occupied. Then youe knowe a few shepe 
 masters would serve for a whole shire ; so in proces of time 10 
 the multitude of the kinges subiectes should be worne 
 away, and none left but a few shepmasters and sheppardes, 
 which weare no number sufficient to serve the kinge in his 
 nede, or defende his realme from enemies. As to the other 
 parte of [your] tale, wheareby ye would that these clothiars 15 
 should fall from that occupacion to husbandrie ; how could 
 so many, added to them that occupie husbandrie alredie, get 
 theire livinges by the same, when they that be husband- 
 men now haue but a scant lyvinge therby? And yf 
 youe would saie to me that they should have free vent or 20 
 sale of theire corne over the sea, then comes the same 
 53] Inconvenience in, that ye thought to avoide before, by 
 puttinge theim from clothinge ; for in some yeares that 
 should happen, either throughe warres or by reason of 
 plentie in all partes beyonde the seas, that they should haue 25 
 no vent of theire corne, and theareby be driven to be idle ; 
 and consequently for lacke of livinges to assemble together 
 and make like vprores as ye spake of before. They haue 
 in fraunce more handicraftes occupied, and greater multi- 
 tude of artificers, then we haue heare, by a greate deale ; 30 
 and for all that they haue made manie greate sturres and 
 commotions before this, yet they will not destroie artificers, 
 for they know that the highest princes of theim all, with
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 91 
 
 oute such artificers, weare not able to maintaine theire 
 estate. Doth not all these tolles, customes, taxes, tallages, 
 subsidues, cheifly grow by such artificers? What Kinge 
 can maintaine his estate by his yearly revennwes only 
 5 growinge of his Landes ? for as manie servauntes in a 
 howse well set on worke gaines every daie sumwhat to 
 theire master, so doth every artificer in a Realme gaine 
 ech sumwhat, and altogether a greate masse to the Kinge 
 every yeare. 
 
 10 KNIGHT. Well, youe haue hearde what minde many 
 wiser men then I ame are of. 
 
 DOCTOR. I perceaue that theare be manie greate men [f- 53 ] 
 of that opinion in this Realme ; or els they had not dowblted 
 the custome of cloth, nor charged all cloth made with in 
 
 15 the realme with xij. on every pound in the last subsidie ; 
 which was the very highe waie to make clothiers give vp 
 theire occupyinge, as I feare me it hath donne ; and bread 
 much of the Inconvenience that ye sawe heare the last 
 somer, and is like to be occasion of more, yf they hold on 
 
 20 in that opinion. And now, because we are T h re e sones of 
 entred into communication of artificers, I will mister y es 
 make this devision of theim. Some of theim doe but bringe 
 monie oute of the countrie ; some other, that which they doe 
 get, they spend againe in the countrie ; and the third sorte of 
 
 25 artificers be they that doe bringe treasour into O ne bringes 
 the countrie. Off the first, I recken all mercers, oute treasure - 
 grocers, vinteners, haberdashers, mileyners, and such as doe 
 sell wares growinge beyond the seas, and doe fetche oute 
 cure treasure of the same. Which kinde of artificers, as I 
 
 30 recken theim tollorable, and yet are not so necessarie in a 
 common wealth but they might be best spared of all other ; 
 yet yf we had not other artificers, to bringe in as much 
 treasoure as they bringe furth, we should be greate losers
 
 92 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 
 
 An other spend by theim. Of the second sort be these : Sho- 
 
 that they gene ma k ers tailors, carpenters, masons, tilers, bow- 
 in the same 
 
 [f- 54] contreye a- chers, brewers, bakers, vitailers of all sortes, which 
 like as they get theire livinge in the countrie, 
 so they spende it ; but they bringe in no treasour vnto vs. 5 
 Thearfore we must [cherishe] well the third sorte: 
 
 The thirde 
 
 sorte bringes and these be clothiars, tannars, cappers, and 
 Ind 'thTrfore worstecl makers, only that I knowe, [which,] by 
 moste to be theire misteries and faculties, doe bringe in anie 
 
 cherished. . 
 
 treasour. As for oure won, felles, tmne, lead, 10 
 butter and chese, these be the commodities that the ground 
 beares, requiringe the Industrie of a few persons ; and yf we 
 should only trust to such, and devise nothinge ells to 
 occupie oure selves, a few persons wold serve vs for the 
 reringe of such thinges, and few also [it wolde] find; and so 15 
 should the Realme be like a [graunge], better furnished with 
 beastes then with men ; whearby it might be subiect to the 
 spoile of other nations aboute; which is the more to be 
 feared and eschued, because the countrie of his owne kind 
 is apt to bringe furth such thinges, as is said before, for 20 
 the brede of cattaill, then for such thinges as [be] for the 
 Pomponius nowrishement of men ; Yf Pomponius mela be 
 to be beleved, which, describinge the Hand, saith 
 thus: plana, ingens, fecunda, verum ijs que pecora quam 
 homines benignius alunt. That is to saie, it is plaine, large, 25 
 and plentifull, but of those thinges that norisheth beastes 
 [f. 54 b\ more kindly then men. So many forestes, Chases, Parkes, 
 marshes and wast groundes, that be more heare then most 
 commonly ells wheare, declare the same not to be all in 
 vaine that he affirmes ; that hath not so much arable 30 
 grounde, vines, olives, fructes, and such as be most neces- 
 sarie for the foode of men. And as they require manie 
 handes in the culture, so they find most personnes foode ; as
 
 THE SECONDS DIALOG E. 93 
 
 fraunce, Spaine and divers other countries haue. Thearefore 
 as much grounde, as heare is apte for those thinges, would 
 be [turned] (as much as maie be) to such vses as maie 
 find most persons. And over that, townes and Cities would 
 
 5 be replenished with all kind of artificers ; not only clothiars, 
 which as yet weare oure naturall occupation, but with 
 cappers, glovers, paper makers, glasiers, pointers, gold- 
 smithes, blacke smithes of all sortes, coverlet makers, nedle 
 makers, pinners and such other ; so as we should not only 
 
 10 haue enowghe of such thinges to serve oure realme, and 
 saue an infinite treasour that goeth now over for so manie 
 of the same, but also might spare of such thinges redie 
 wrought to be sold over, whearby we should fetch againe 
 other necessarie commodities and treasours. And thus 
 
 15 should be both replenished the Realme of people able to 
 defende it, and also winne much treasour to the 
 
 , . , , . Misteries do 
 
 same. Such occupations alone doe enrich enriche coun- 
 divers countries, that be els barren of theim- '"* that ^ne 
 
 els Darren. 
 
 selves ; and what riches they bringe to the [f. 55] 
 
 20 countrie wheare they be well vsed, the countrie of flaunders 
 and Germany doe well declare; wheare, throughe such 
 occupations, it hath so manie and wealthie Cities, that it 
 weare vncredible in so litle grounde to be. Wheare fore in 
 my mynde they are farre wide of right consideration, that 
 25 would haue none or lesse clothinge with in the Realme, 
 because it is somtimes occasion of busines or tumultes, for 
 lacke of vent. Theare is nothinge everie waie so com- 
 modious or necessarie for mens vse, but it is sometime by 
 ill handlinge occasion of displeasure ; no, not fiere and water, 
 30 that be so necessarie as nothinge can be more. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yea, master doctor, we stand not in like case 
 as fraunce or flaunders, that youe speake of; yf they haue 
 not vent one waie, they may haue it an other waie alwaies,
 
 94 THE SECONDS DJALOGE. 
 
 for firme lande is rounde abowte theim in maner ; yf they be 
 at warre with one neighbour, they wilbe frendes with an other, 
 to whose countries they maie send theire commodities to 
 sell. 
 
 DOCTOR. So maie we be, yf we be wise [we may] kepe 5 
 one freind or other alwaies in hand. Who wilbe 
 
 Aliaunces with , . . 
 
 straungers are so mad, beinge a private man, but he wilbe sure 
 to be cherish- to QQ SQ ? [L ette w i s e] men consider what 
 
 freindes this Realme hathe had in times past ; 
 and yf they be lost, or interrupted an other waie sence, let 10 
 vs purchase other for theim, or els give as little occasion of 
 breach with oure neighbors as may be. The wise man, as I 
 remember, saith in eclesiastes : Non bonum est homini esse 
 solum. 
 
 ff. 55*] KNIGHT. Also in fraunce they haue divers bandes of 15 
 whether men men f armes, in divers places of the realme, to 
 at armes were represse such tumultes quickely, yf anie should 
 
 as necessarye 
 
 here as in arise ; yf we had the like heare, we might be bold 
 to haue as manie artificers as they haue. 
 
 HUSBANDMAN. God forbid that we haue anie such 20 
 tirantes come amongst vs ; for as they saie, such will in the 
 countrie of fraunce take pore mens hens, chikens, pigges, 
 and other provision, and paie nothinge for it ; except it be an 
 evell turne, as to ravishe his wife or daughter for it. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. Marie, I thinke that waye wold be rather 25 
 occasion of commotions to be stirred, then to be quenched, 
 for, as he saide, the stomakes of * Englishmen would neuer 
 beare that, to suffer suche iniurie and Reproches, as I 
 knowe suche vse to doe to the subiectes of france, in 
 reproche of whome we call theim paisantes. 30 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, but the Kinge owr maister mighte 
 restraine theim well inoughe, for doinge outrages, vpon great 
 paines.
 
 THE SECONDE DIALOGE. 95 
 
 DOCTOR. What and it weare skant in his power to doe 
 it ? The Romaines had sometyme suche men of armes in 
 divers places, for the defence of the empire, it was thoughte, 
 but at the lengthe it overthrew the same. Julius Caesar 
 
 5 dothe declare the same ; and manie tymes after, when the 
 Emperours died, the men of warre erected what emperour 
 they lusted ; somtyme a slave, contrarie to the election of the 
 Senate of Rome, beinge cheife counseillours of thempire, 
 till the whole empire was destroyed. It is not for commo- 
 
 10 tions of subiectes that france keapethe suche, but the estate 
 and necessitie of the countrie, which is environned about 
 withe enemies, and neyther sea nor wall betwene ; against 
 whose injuries and invasions they mainteine these men of [f. 56] 
 warre of necessitie. They would faine ley theim downe, yf 
 
 15 they durst for feare of theire neighbors. And some wise 
 men haue said and written, that the same men of armes 
 maie be the destruction of theire kingedome at length. And 
 besides that, the largenes of the dominion and situacion of 
 the same towardes the other countries doth [not require] 
 
 20 such men. And moreover the Revennwes of this Realme is 
 not able to make vp the like number with fraunce ; and 
 yf we should make uppe a lesse number, we should de- 
 clare oure selves inferior in power to Fraunce, to whom 
 we haue bene counted hitherto superiors in successe, 
 
 25 throwghe stoutnes of oure subiectes only. And The lesse 
 therfore I would not haue a small sore cured s riefe wolde 
 
 not be holpen 
 
 with a greater griefe ; nor for avoidinge of with a greater 
 sedition emonge people, which happenethe very sore ' 
 seldome and soune quenched, to bringe in a continuall 
 30 yocke and charge, both to the kinge and his subiectes. 
 
 KNIGHT. Ye saie well, and so as I cane saie no more 
 against youre sentence ; but yet I would wishe youre sainge 
 could suffice other, as well as it doth me.
 
 96 THE SECONDS DIALOGS. 
 
 DOCTOR. Well, now it is time to make an ende ; I haue 
 troubled youe here with a tedious and longe talke. 
 [f. 5 6 ] KNIGHT. I would be contented to be troubled longer 
 after that sorte. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE AND CAPPER. And so coulde we, thoughe 5 
 it weare all this daie, but for troublinge of youre selfe, good 
 master doctor. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yet the most necessarie point, which we 
 speacke of, is yet behinde. That is, howe these maie be 
 remedied ; and therfore we will not goe from youe till we 10 
 haue youre advise herein. 
 
 DOCTOR. A godes name, I will showe youe my fantasie 
 in that parte, but let vs first goe to supper, wheare oure host 
 hath prepared honestly for vs. 
 
 THE ENDE OF THE SECOND DIALOGUE.
 
 tf)trtr ffltalougue. 
 
 AFTER we had well refreshed cure selves at supper, I 
 thought longe till I had knowen the iudgement of maister 
 Doctor, aboute the remidies of these thinges aboue remem- 
 bred, howe he thought they might be best redressed, and 
 
 5 with lest daunger or alteration of thinges ; and therfore I 
 saide to him thus : Sins yowe haue declared vnto vs (goode 
 maister Doctor) oure deseases, and also the occasions therof, 
 we praie youe leave vs not destitute of convenient remidies 
 for the same ; ye haue perswaded vs fully, and we perceaue 
 
 10 that oure selves, that we are not now in so good state as we 
 haue bene in times past ; and ye haue shewed vs proveable 
 occasions that hath brought vs to that case; therfore now 
 we praie youe, shew vs what might remedie these oure 
 greifes. 
 
 15 DOCTOR. When a mane dothe perceaue his greife, and 
 the occasion also of the same, he is in a goode waie of 
 amendment ; for knowinge the occasion of the greife, a man 
 may soune avoyde the same occasion ; and that beinge 
 avoided, the greife is also taken awaye ; for as the 
 
 20 Philosopher saithe : Sublata causa tollitur effectus. But 
 let vs breifly recounte them, and then the occasions thearof, 
 
 L. 7
 
 98 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 and thirdly, goe to the inquisition of the remides for the 
 The common same. First, this generall and vniversall dearth 
 gnefes. j s tne c heifest greife that all men complaine 
 
 [f. 5 7 4] most on. Secondly, the exhausinge of the treasure of this 
 Realme. Thirdly, inclosures and turninge arrable grounde 5 
 to pasture. Fourthely, decayinge of townes, towneshippes 
 and villages ; and last, devision and diversitie of opinions in 
 religion. The occasions of these, althoughe I haue diversly 
 declared after the diversitie of mens myndes and opinions, 
 yet here I will take to be the same, but only such as I 10 
 thincke veryly to be the very iust occasions in dede. For, 
 as I shewed youe before, divers men diversly iudgethe this 
 or that to be the cause or occasion of this or that greife ; 
 because there maie be divers causes of one 
 
 The originall ,,. j , \ n . i_ , 
 
 cause in euery thinge, and yet but one principall cause, that 15 
 thing is to be bringeth fourth these thinges to passe. Let vs 
 seke oute that cause, omittinge all the meane 
 causes, which are driven forward by the first originall cause ; 
 as in a presse, goinge in at a streight, the formost is driven 
 by him that is next him, and the next by him that folowes 20 
 him, and the thirde by some violent and stronge thinge that 
 drives him forward ; which is the first and principall cause of 
 puttinge forward the rest before ; yf he weare kept backe and 
 [f. 58] staied, all they that goe forewarde would staie with all. To 
 make this more plaine vnto youe ; as in a clocke theare be 25 
 many wheles, yet the first whele beinge stirred it drives the 
 next, and that the third, till the last that moves the Instru- 
 mentes that strikes the clocke. So in makinge of a howse, 
 theare is the maister that would haue the howse made, 
 theare is the carpenter, theare is the stuffe to make the 30 
 howse with all. The stuffe never stirres till the workeman 
 set it foreward. The workeman never travailes, but as the 
 maister provokes him with goode wages ; and so he is the
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 99 
 
 principall cause of this howse makinge. And this cause is 
 of clerkes called efficient, as that that bringes the thinge 
 principally to effecte ; perswade this man to let his buyld- 
 inge alone, and the howse shall never come to passe ; 
 5 yet the howse can not be made with oute stuffe and worke- 
 men ; and therfore they be called of some, Causa sine quibus 
 non, and of other some, Materiales, and for- T 
 
 Diuers sortes 
 
 males ; but all comethe to one purpose ; that is of causes there 
 the efficient cause and principall cause, with 
 
 10 oute removeinge of which cause the thinge can not be 
 remedied. And because it was grafted in everie mans 
 Judgement, that the cause of anie thinge beinge taken 
 awaie the effecte is taken awaie with all, therfore men toke 
 the causes of these thinges that be talked of withoute 
 
 15 iudgement, not by descerninge the principall cause from the 
 meane causes, but by takinge awaie of these causes that be 
 but secondarie as it weare, and so they weare never the 
 nearer to remedie the thinge they went aboute. Much like [f. 58 ] 
 the wife of Aiax, that lost hir housband in the shippe called 
 
 20 Argos, wished that those firre beames had never bene felled 
 in Peleius woode, wheare the saide shippe was made ; when 
 that was not the efficient cause of the losinge of hir 
 howsbande, but the wildefier cast in the said shippe did set 
 it one fiere. Suche causes as they be, be called Remotae, 
 
 25 as it weare to farre of; so they be also idle, and of no 
 operation of them selves, with oute some other to set them 
 on worke. And percase I, while I degresse so farre from my 
 matter, shalbe thought to goe as farre from my purpose, yet 
 to come to oure matter and to applie this that I haue saide 
 
 30 to the same. Some thincke this dearthe beginnes by the 
 tenaunte, in sellinge his ware so deare ; some other, by the 
 Lord in raisinge his land so highe ; and some, by those 
 Inclosures ; and some other, by raisinge of oure coyne and 
 
 72
 
 zoo THE THIRD DIALOG E. 
 
 alteration of the same. Therfore some, by takinge some 
 one of these thinges awaye, (as theire opinion served them 
 to be the principall cause of this dearthe,) thought to remedie 
 this ; but as the triall of thinges shewed, they towched not 
 the cause efficient or principall, and therfore theire devise 5 
 toke no place. And yf they had, the thinge had bene remedied 
 fourthe with : for that is proper to the principall 
 
 Sublata causa r r r 
 
 toiiitur effect- cause, that as soune as it is taken awaie, the effect 
 [f. 59] us is removed also. Yet I confesse that all these 
 
 thinges risethe together with this dearthe, that everie of theim 10 
 shoulde seme to be the cause of it. Neverthelesse, it is no 
 goode proofe that they shoulde be the causes of it ; no more 
 then was the steple made at Dover the cause of the decaye 
 of the haven at Dover, because the haven beganne to decay 
 the same time that the steple beganne to be buylded. Nor 15 
 yet, thoughe some of these be cause of the other, yet in dede 
 they be not all the efficient causes of this dearthe. But as 
 I haue saide before, of men thrustinge one an nother in a 
 [thronge], one drivinge an other, and but one first of all, that 
 was the cheife cause of that force ; so in this mattier that 20 
 we talke of, theire is some one thinge that is the originall 
 cause of these causes, that be as it weare secondary, and 
 Howe one makes theim to be the causes of other. As I 
 thing is cause take, the raisinge of the prices of all vittailes at 
 
 of an other, and 111 ' 
 
 that of the the husbandmans hand is the cause of the 25 
 thirde. raysinge of the rent of his Landes ; and that 
 
 gentlemen fall so muche to take farmes into theire owne 
 handes, Lest they be driven to by theire provision so deare ; 
 and that is a greate cause againe that inclosures is more 
 vsed. For gentlemen, havinge muche landes in theire 30 
 handes, and not beinge able to welde all, and to se it 
 manured in husbandrie, (which requirethe the industrie, 
 Labor and governaunce of a greate many of persons,) dothe
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 101 
 
 convert most of that Lande to pastures; whearin is required [f- 59^1 
 bothe lesse charges of persons, and of the which neverthe- 
 lesse comethe more cleare gaynes. Thus one thinge hanges 
 vppon an other, and settes forwarde one a nother ; but one, 
 5 first of all, [is] the cheife cause of all this circuler motion and 
 impulsion. I shewed a while eare, that the cheife cause was 
 not in howsbandeman, nor yet in the gentleman. Let vs se 
 whether it be in the marchaunt. It appeares, by reason 
 that all wares bought of him are dearer now farre then they 
 
 10 weare wount to be once, the husbandman is driven to sell 
 his commodities dearer. Nowe that the mattier is brought 
 to youe, maister marchaunt, howe can youe avoyde the 
 cause from beinge in yow? 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. Sir, easilie enowghe ; for as we nowe sell 
 
 15 dearer all thinges then we weare wounte to doe, So we bie 
 dearer all thinges of straungers. And therfore let them put 
 the mattier from theim theare, for we disburden cure selves 
 of this faulte. 
 
 DOCTOR. And they be not heare to make answere ; yf 
 
 20 they weare, I would aske theim why they sell theire wares 
 dearer nowe then thei were wount to doe ? 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. Marye, and to that I hard manie of theim 
 answere ere this, when they weare asked that 
 
 . c f^. ., The strangers 
 
 question, ij maner of wayes. One was, they ans were touch- 
 as sold no dearer then they weare wount to doe ; *"& ' his [f. 60] 
 sayinge, for proufe therof, that they woulde take 
 for theire commodities as much and no more of cure 
 commodities then they weare wounte to doe ; as for oure 
 todde of woll, they will geue as muche wine, spice or silke as 
 30 [they] weare wonte to geue for so muche ; yea, ffor an ounce 
 of oure silver or golde as much stuffe as ever was gyuen for 
 the same. And theire other answer was, that yf we did 
 recken that they did sell theire wares dearer, because they
 
 102 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 demaunded more * peces of oure coyne then they weare 
 wonte to doe, that was no other faulte, they saide, but oures, 
 that made oure peces lesse, or lesse worthe, then they weare 
 in times past ; therfore they demaunded the more * peces of 
 theim for [their] wares, sayinge they cared not what names 5 
 we would giue oure coynes, they woulde consider the 
 quantitie and right valew of it that they weare estemed 
 at everie wheare throughe out the worlde. 
 
 KNIGHT. Then I would haue answered him after this 
 sorte. Yf they came hither but for oure commodities, what 10 
 made it mattier to theim what valew or quantitie our coyne 
 weare of, so they might haue as muche of oure commodities 
 for the same as they weare wonte to haue ? If they came 
 agayne for oure siluer and golde, it was nether lawfull nor 
 expedient they should haue anye from vs. Whearfore I 15 
 would thinke that was no cause whie they shoulde sell 
 theire wares dearer then they weare wonte to doe. 
 
 DOCTOR. Then he might haue answered againe, that 
 it chaunced not alwayes together, that when they had wares 
 which we wanted, we had agayne all those wares that they 20 
 [f. 60 ] looked for. And they, havinge (percase) more wares neces- 
 sarie for vs then we had of suche wares as they looked for, 
 woulde be glade to receiue of vs suche stuffe, currant in 
 most places, as might bie that they looked for els wheare at 
 theire pleasure ; and they will saye was not oure coyne 25 
 suche. And as for oure lawes of not transportinge over sea 
 anie gold or siluer, they passed not therof, so they might 
 haue the same once conveyed theim ; as they haue many 
 wayes to haue it so, which I haue before remembred. 
 Finally, he might saye that we had not in dede oure coyne in 30 
 that estate oure selves, that by the name they pretended, but 
 estemed bothe in valew and quantitie of the stuffe it was 
 made of; for yf they had brought to vs halfe an oz of silver,
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 103 
 
 we would not take it for an oz ; nor yf thei brought vs brasse 
 mingled with siluer, we would not take it for pure silver ; and 
 yf we would not take it so at theire handes, whie should 
 they take it otherwise at oures ? Then they sawe no man heare 
 5 [but] would rather haue a cuppe of [siluer] then a cuppe of 
 brasse ; no, not the maisters of oure mintes, thoughe they 
 would otherwise perswade the one to be as goode as the other. 
 Wherfore, seinge vs e.$teme the one in dede better then the 
 other, as all the worlde dothe beside, whie should not they 
 
 10 esteme oure coyne after the quantitie and valew of the 
 substance therof, bothe after the rate it was estemed [f. 61] 
 amonge vs and also everie other wheare ? And so, as in moe 
 peces theare is but the valew that was in fewe peces before, 
 therfore they demaunde greater nomber of peces, but yet 
 
 15 the like valew in substaunce, that they weare wonte to 
 
 demaunde for theire wares. Now let vs se whether goeth 
 
 the cause of this mattier frome the stranger. For me thinckes 
 
 he hath reasonably excused him selfe, and put it from him. 
 
 KNIGHT. By youre tale it must be in the coyne, and 
 
 20 consequently in the kinges highenes, by whose commaund- 
 ment the same was altered. 
 
 DOCTOR. Yet percase it goes further yet; yea, vnto 
 suche as weare the [firste] counsellers of that dede, pretend- 
 inge it shoulde be to his highnes greate and notable 
 
 -25 commoditie ; which, yf his grace maie now perceaue to be 
 but a small proffitte and continuall losse, bothe to his 
 highnes and also to his whole realm e, may be sooner re- 
 voked agayne by his grace. And as a man [that] intendithe 
 to heale a nother by a medicine that he thinckes goode, 
 
 30 thoughe it proue otherwise, is not muche to be blamed ; no 
 more is the Kinges maiestie in no wise, in whose time this 
 was not doonne, nor his highnes father, which is not to be 
 supposed to haue intended therby no losse, but rather
 
 104 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 commoditie to him selfe and his subiectes, to be here in 
 reprehended, albeit the thinge succeded beside purpose. 
 [f. 6il>] KNIGHT. Then ye thincke plainly that this alteration 
 of the coyne is the cheifest and principall cause of this 
 vniversall dearthe? 5 
 
 DOCTOR. Yea, no doubte, and of many of the said 
 ereifes that we haue talked of. by meanes it 
 
 That the alte- & J 
 
 ration of the beinge the originall of all. And that, beside the 
 
 coyne shoulde c ^ ^ /i_ i T u r 
 
 be the uery reason of the thmge, (beinge plame Inowhge of 
 cause of this j t se if e \ a i so experience and proufe dothe make 10 
 
 derth, and con- 
 sequently of more plaihe ; for even with the alteration of the 
 
 coyne beganne this dearthe ; and as the coine 
 appered, so rose the price of thinges with all. And this to 
 be true, the few peces of old coyne yet remaininge testefiethe ; 
 for ye shall haue, for anie of the sayde coine, as muche of 15 
 anie ware either inwarde or outwarde as muche as ever was 
 wounte to be had for the same; and so as the measure is made 
 lesse, theare goethe [the more] some to make vp the tale. 
 And because this risethe not together at all mens handes, ther- 
 fore some hathe greate losse, and some other greate gaynes 20 
 therby, and that makes suche a generall gruge for the 
 thinge. And thus, to conclude, I thinke this alteration of 
 the coyne to be the first originall cause that straungers first 
 selles theire wares dearer to vs ; and that makes all fermors 
 and tennauntes, that rerethe any commoditie, agayne to sell 25 
 the same dearer ; the dearthe therof makes the gentlemen 
 to rayse theire rentes, and to take farmes into theire handes 
 [f. 62] for the better provision, and consequently to inclose more 
 groundes. 
 
 KNIGHT. Now what remedie for all these thinges ? 30 
 DOCTOR. Ye se nowe the meane youre selfe, yf this be 
 Either by ex- the efficient cause, as I doe thinke it is ; and I 
 
 ample or by , , . , . , . 
 
 ane any thinge knowe no meane to amende anie thinge that is
 
 THE THIRD DIALOG E. 105 
 
 amisse, but eyther by an other president that is mustbeamend- 
 well, or by arte. And yf we take the first waie, 
 we may take either oure common welthe, when it was well, 
 for a president, or an other common welthe that we se well 
 5 ordered, to whose example we might conforme oure thinges. 
 Yf the other way doe like vs better, to doe it by arte, we 
 must then seke oute the right causes of these effectes, and 
 by takinge the cheife and efficient causes, these effectes be 
 taken away that proceade, as I haue oft said. 
 
 10 KNIGHT. I praye youe, tell playnly youre devise ; what 
 causes are these that ye would haue taken away, and howe 
 these thinges may be remedied. 
 
 DOCTOR. I will, [vnder protestation,] that if ye like it not, 
 ye doe tell youre fantasies to it, and doe reiect it ; if ye like it, 
 
 15 or anie parte thearof, vse it at youre pleasure. I meane (quod 
 he) that all the coyne nowe curraunte [shoulde 
 
 ' L The remedie 
 
 be after a certayne daye not currant,] but as men to be by re- 
 list to take theim, after the estimation of the f y "" se to |Je 
 stuffe ; and the olde coyne or newe, after like We rate and 
 
 i . . i i /- names. 
 
 20 value and quantitie and names, to be only from 
 
 thence curraunt; and so the coyne throughly restored to 
 the old rate and goodnes. 
 
 KNIGHT. All the treasure in this Realme is not able to [f. 62 b} 
 doe that by and by at once, except it might be amended 
 25 by a litle and a litle, some this yeare and some the next 
 yeare. 
 
 DOCTOR. Howe meane youe that? 
 KNIGHT. I meane thus, to amend the grote by one 
 halpeny this yeare, and so the next yeare an other. 
 30 DOCTOR. God forebid that youe should advise the 
 Kinge to doe so, for that shoulde be a meane as it hathe 
 bene alredie to put the King to charge and the mattier 
 never a whitt the better amended.
 
 106 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 KNIGHT. Howe so ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, I will shewe youe yf youe meane one 
 waye, (thus). If this coyne that we haue, beinge curraunt, 
 the Kinge would [mend] his newe coine that he makes from 
 henceforthe a porcion, as a q u or a ob., in a pece, youe will 5 
 graunte when that coine comethe abroade, the same shalbe 
 in iust valew better by a penny or ob. then the other that 
 we haue nowe. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yea, no doubte. 
 
 DOCTOR. Then shall not the other coine be as curraunt 10 
 as it abroade ? 
 
 KNIGHT. Yes. 
 
 DOCTOR. Well then, when goldsmithes, marchauntes, 
 and other skilled persons in mettall doe perceaue that the 
 one grote is better then the other, and yet that he shall haue 15 
 as muche for the worse grote as for the better, will not he 
 lay vp the better grote alwayes, and turne it to some other 
 vse, and put forthe the worse, beinge like curraunte abroade? 
 Yea, no doubt, even as they haue donne of Late 
 
 All the coyne * 
 
 Ff 6*1 used together with ^e new golde ; [for they,] apperceavinge the 20 
 
 " ' " currant must , , , , , , , 
 
 be of equaii new coyne of gold to be better then the new come 
 
 value m pro- o f s ii uer t na { was made to countervalew it. piked 
 
 porcion one 
 
 towardes a- out all the gold, as fast as it came forthe of the 
 minte, and layde that aside for other vses; so 
 that nowe ye haue but a litle more then the old curraunt. 25 
 And so bothe the Kinges highnes is deceaved of his treasure, 
 and the thinge intended never the more brought to passe ; 
 and all is because theare is no dew proportion kept betewne 
 the coines, while the one is better then the other in his 
 degre. And as I ment to shew youe an other waie ; that is, 30 
 yf the Kinges highnes should call in sodenly all his n<?w 
 curraunt monie, and set forthe a new coyne somewhat 
 better, but yet not all so pure as the olde ; I take the like
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 107 
 
 deceipte shall growe vnto the Kinge by his minters ; for while 
 the mettalles be confounded together, and can not be iustly 
 proporcioned, with oute resolvinge agayne everie 
 one to his owne kinde, the minters may doe what metaiies geues 
 5 deceipt they lust, and vse that incertantie for theire oc ^ asion o{ de - 
 
 * ceipte. 
 
 owne lucre. And If in a ounce or tow they should 
 be found [faultie], then might they saie, We melted together 
 a greate quantitie, and that lackes of oure standerd in this 
 [porcion] is supplied in an other. And so they can never 
 
 10 be burdened to doe theire dewties, left to theire owne con- 
 science ; which I feare me will be Large inoughe. And yet 
 this waye weare but a patchinge of the thinge ; and as muche 
 as it mended one thinge one waye, it should paie an other waie. 
 
 KNIGHT. What, and the kinge would make the grote [f. 63 ] 
 
 15 lesse, and all other his coines beside? 
 
 DOCTOR. All should then come to one mattier ; for I 
 had as leve haue X H of brasse as one oz of silver. And it 
 is not in the power of any prince to make the oz of silver 
 worthe two of it, of gold nor of anie other mettall. And I 
 
 20 had as leve haue a halpenny called a halpenny, as a 
 halpennie that should be called a penny. Well, a man may 
 chaunge the name of thinges, but the valew in anie wise ye 
 can not, to indure for anie space ; except we weare in suche a 
 countrie as Eutopia was imagined to be, that had no traffique 
 
 25 with anie other outwarde countrie. And therfore I would 
 haue the iust and dwe proportion kepte in this poincte, 
 not only in quallitie but also in quantitie ; for yf yow 
 should admitt alteration, either in one or in the Not onel ^ 
 other, ye must bringe in with all manie substaunce 
 
 ,,..,.. . ., a nd quantitie, 
 
 30 absurdities ; for albeit the prince might strike but also the 
 coines [of other quantities and of other names] names , of the 
 
 J peces of coyne 
 
 then they weare of before time, thoughe they mu st be after 
 
 the accustomed 
 
 weare never so pure, yet, because thaccomptes man er.
 
 io8 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 of mens Lyvinges, rentes, stipendes, debtes and dewties 
 vsethe the names of coines hearetofore accustomed, as 
 poundes, markes, nobles, Rialles, and shillinges, and all 
 writinges made by these names, ye can not alter anie of 
 the same, but ye must bringe much alteration with all 5 
 in everie manes revennwes, debtes, and duties ; as it 
 appeareth well, by the alteration of the goodnes of the 
 [f. 64] coine, it hathe bene donne ; which the Kinges highenes 
 cheifely, and next his grace the noble men and gentlemen 
 of this Realme, maye well finde [at] theire accomptes, yf 10 
 they consider the mattier well. 
 
 KNIGHT. That I fele to be true in my selfe, thoughe I 
 knowe not the reason whie ; for albeit I may spend now 
 more then I could xvj yeares agoe, yet I ame not able to 
 kepe the like howse I did then. 15 
 
 DOCTOR. No mervaile it should be. Ye remember, I 
 That the coyne frowe, that I sayd to day morninge vnto youe, 
 is the common that the coine in Aristotle is called a common 
 
 measure. 
 
 Aristoteiesii.s, mesure of all thinges. Then, put case ye had 
 
 ap ' 5l ' ' no rent in monie, but paid youe in suche 20 
 necessaries as youe must nedes occupie, as in so many 
 
 bushelles of corne and so many yeardes of 
 oughe for a clothe ; the yarde and the bushell also being at 
 ^Hk^numbi 11 the measure they be nowe at when ye did set 
 but also in like forthe youre Landes. Yf the bushell and the 25 
 
 yearde shoulde be made lesse by one halfe, and 
 then, [if ye] weare paid but of so many [busshels of corne 
 and so many] yardes of clothe as ye haue before in numbere, 
 and yet after that measure that was after made lesse, might [ye] 
 thenfede so manie persons and clothe theim as [ye] did before? 30 
 
 KNIGHT. Not by one halfe ; for so muche is taken 
 awaie of the stuffe that I should doe it with all, by youre 
 reckeninge. But is the coine a common measure, accompted
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 109 
 
 as youe [saye], that may take suche diminution or abridge- 
 ment as other measures may ? 
 
 DOCTOR. It is not my sayinge only, but Aristotles, the 
 sharpest philosopher of witt that ever was, as I saide be- 
 5 fore. 
 
 KNIGHT. Marie, yf that be true, the Kinge him selfe is [ 
 most loser, and then his nobles and gentlemen, which is his 
 cheife strengthe in time of nede, and all other that be paid 
 by this measure, beinge of old appoynted to a certeyne 
 10 numbre of poundes, marckes, or shillinges. And I perceaue 
 that they that paye by this newe measure, and yet but after 
 the old number, must nedes be greate gayners. 
 
 DOCTOR. I perceaue youe feele the matter youre selfe ? 
 KNIGHT. Yea, no doubt it must be thus. But one 
 15 thinge more I must aske, how they doe in fraunce and 
 flaunders, where they haue [both] brasse coyne, mixte coyne, 
 pure siluer, pure gold, curraunt together ? 
 
 DOCTOR. I warrant youe by kepinge of dew proportion 
 everie mettall towardes other, as of brasse j t ma d e no 
 20 towardes siluer a hundred to one, of siluer matter thoughe 
 
 some coyne 
 
 towardes gold xij to one. For the proportion of were of brasse, 
 siluer towardes gold, I thinke, can not be d w " V< ^ *. 
 altered by the auctoritie of anie prince ; for yf it cion of his esti - 
 
 11 i -1111 i i mate toward 
 
 mought haue bene, it should haue bene ere this, siluer and 
 25 by some one nedie prince or other with in two golde ' 
 
 thousand yeares ; for so longe it is since Plato that other 
 
 philosopher was ; which for his excellent wisdome was called 
 
 Diuinus plato. He, in his dialouge called Hip- Plato ; n dial. 
 
 parchus, shewethe that the said proportion was Hl PP arc - 
 30 in his time betwene siluer and gold ; and the same is now 
 
 still, for xij oz of siluer is worthe but one oz of vnait propor . 
 
 pure gold at this daye. And so when vj cion *** be - 
 
 twene siluer 
 
 aungels made an oz of gold, xx'y grotes of pure and goide y
 
 no THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 thousand yere s ii uer makinge ij oz s of siluer, countervalued 
 
 ago, the same J 
 
 is yet at this one aungell. And so xld. in silver answered 
 daye - the xl s . in gold. 
 
 6 5] KNIGHT. Still youe would haue vs retorne to oure old 
 pathe whence we straied ; but all the masterie is in devisinge 5 
 of the meane howe. 
 
 DOCTOR. Surely it requirethe some sharpe and provi- 
 dent devise; but it is nothinge so harde, nor the [incon- 
 ueniences] growinge therof, as some percase must nedes be, 
 so busie to provide for as these be, and are like more and 10 
 more to growe, by the sufferinge of the coine to be in that 
 case it is in nowe ; and thinges naturally [doj revert and 
 with lesse difficultie to the old trade then to anie rare or 
 insolent vsage. And people must nedes be pleased with 
 that they weare accustomed vnto before, and then wilbe 15 
 contented to beare some paine to bringe it therto. 
 
 KNIGHT. Well, set the case as youe would haue it, and 
 let me and my frendes heare what inconvenience maie 
 growe therby. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye put me to a greate mattier, and excedinge 20 
 my simple witte ; that would be devised by the greate wise 
 heades of the counsell, or of the perleament, or of some piked 
 numbere of learned and wise men, chosen of theim and 
 put together to consulte of this mattier a greate space. I 
 haue percase waded further then my parte was, to speake so 25 
 farre to tell that the thinge must once be donne. 
 
 KNIGHT. What harme is it, thoughe we imagined heare 
 a hole common wealthe amonge oure selues, so it be not 
 set forthe as thoughe we would nedes haue it after oure 
 devise ? This good percase it may doe, that heare of youe, 30 
 maister doctor, I maie heare some sensible reason, that, 
 when I come to the parleament (whearof I ame vnworthie), 
 I maie declare theare, which might enter into some mens
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. in 
 
 eares, that might doe good heare in ; and therfore tell youre [f. 65 b\ 
 devise. It shall no further for vs. 
 
 DOCTOR. It is daungerous to medle in the kinges 
 mattiers, and specially yf it maie haue anie likelyhoode to 
 5 minishe his proffitte. 
 
 KNIGHT. Trewe it is, if a man did speake in place 
 wheare it should doe harme in deade and to that intent. 
 
 DOCTOR. I doe not so, but all to the best purpose, 
 I take god to recorde, and to the Kinges highnes most 
 
 10 proffitte, honoure and safetie at lengthe ; yet some percase 
 will saie, that pertaynes not to me to studie for. Yes I ame 
 a subiecte, and I owe him not only obeysaunce but also the 
 obseque I can, either in deade or in devise ; and therfore I 
 will put the case thus. Graunt the Kinge should make 
 
 15 proclamation that, after michelmas next comminge, theare 
 should be no coyne curraunte with in this Realme, but only 
 after the rate ; and that everie man should bringe in his 
 newe coyne to the kinges minte, and theare to haue billes, 
 that for everie x s of new coyne brought in the Kinge to 
 
 20 geve theim betwene michelmas and Christmas next after, 
 or suche a time, an angell noble, either in good gold or in 
 good siluer, of the old value, * viz, x grotes to the oz of 
 siluer and vj angelles to the ounze of gold ; I aske what 
 harme should come therof? 
 
 25 KNIGHT. Marie, no harme at all, yf it might be so 
 brought to passe. But wheare should the kinge haue 
 treasure to do it with all ? His grace hathe nether so muche 
 in his owne treasure, nor yet percase all his subiectes with 
 all, as would make coyne sufficient for the trafique of the 
 
 30 whole realme. 
 
 DOCTOR. I denie not but it wilbe a yeare, two, or [f. 66] 
 thre, ere this Realme be full furnished as it was before, 
 and that the kinges highenes shall haue some wante of
 
 ii2 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 treasure for a time to doe this with all ; but the difficultie is not 
 so greate as it semes, and that should be at the 
 
 Howe the trea- ... __ i i i j 
 
 sure might be beginmnge. ror first, the kmges maiestie should 
 had to reforme naue some treasure tried oute of his newe coine 
 
 the coyne. 
 
 that should be brought in to the minte. Some 5 
 old coine theare is, yet left in the Realme, which would come 
 in to the kinge for rent, yf it weare in his just estmate ; some 
 plate is also left, that men would be glad to bringe in to 
 coyne, yf they might haue it agayne in pure siluer, as they 
 weare wonte to haue. And provision might be made in the 10 
 meane time that no woll, clothe, or tinne, or suche like 
 commodities, should be vttered forthe of the realme, but it 
 should be paid for in good gold or siluer after the old rate. 
 And yf his grace did provide that men might haue bullion 
 coined better cheape then ever they had before, or yet as 15 
 good cheape, men would bringe in siluer apace to the 
 minte. 
 
 KNIGHT. This would require a longe time, ere so muche 
 siluer and gold weare brought in or coined as would serue 
 for all the realme. How should the people in the meane 20 
 time vse the traffique, hauinge not coyne enoughe therfore ? 
 
 DOCTOR. By change of thinges partly, and partly by 
 suche porcion of the corrected [coyne] as went abroad till 
 more weare made. 
 
 KNIGHT. How should the kinge and gentlemen be 25 
 paide of theire rentes the while? 
 
 DOCTOR. The kinges highnes might be paied of his rent 
 f. 66 b] in his owne curraunte money; and the gentlemen in com- 
 modities growinge on theire tenauntes Landes, beinge 
 estemed at certaine prises, in payment of his rent for the 30 
 first halfe yeare ; and by the next halfe yeare theare should 
 come over for oure wolles, felles, tinne, and lead and other 
 commodities, as muche as would paie the kinge and all
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 113 
 
 other Lordes theire rent in good siluer and gold; for I 
 thinke this, that everie tenaunt rerethe yearly, of some 
 commoditie or other, as muche as may paie his lordes rent. 
 And the Lordes againe maie spare as muche of the com- 
 5 moditie which they receaue of theire tenauntes, as will 
 suffice to paie the kinges [maiestie] his rent at the least. 
 And yf theare weare nothinge els to make this mattier with 
 all, yet this only thinge would in one whole yeare bringe in 
 as muche good coine as would serue the necessarie traffique 
 
 10 of the realme ; for theare is no tenaunt can well spend more 
 then he getes, nor Landlorde more then his yearly revenwes. 
 And yf one amonge manie doe exceade, an other will spare 
 as muche as that comes to. And yf one yeare doe not 
 furnishe the realme of sufficient coine, an other will ; and 
 
 15 the third will make vs as riche as ever we weare. For it is 
 not enoughe for a prince or a realme to haue . 
 
 A prince ought 
 
 sufficient for one yeare, and so to live as they to have greate 
 saie from hand to mouthe, as we doe nowe, hu^subiectes! 
 but to haue some store for sodeyne eventes, a s a y nst a11 
 
 20 ether of warres or of dearthe. For yf we should 
 
 haue warres or dearthe, as we haue had, and should 
 nede ether artilerie, [municions,] or other aide of straun- 
 gers, it is not the coine we haue nowe could provide 
 vs that. And so likewise, yf we should haue greate scarcitie [f. 67] 
 
 25 of corne with in the realme, for the which we should be 
 driven to fetche it from outewarde partes, it is not oure 
 money would purchase it. Then oure commodities weare 
 not able in a notable scarcitie to contervalewe it, sithe nowe 
 in plenteous yeares it dothe bringe in but skant enoughe of 
 
 30 thinges necessarie. Then, yf bothe warre and dearthe 
 should come together, as it hathe ere this, howe should we 
 doe? Surely we should be in a verie harde case, and 
 muche in daunger of straungers. On the other side, yf 
 
 L. 8
 
 ii4 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 theare weare some store of treasures with in the Realme, 
 thoughe theare should happen bothe warres and dearthe, 
 yet we should be able to abyde them for a yeare, or ij, or iij ; 
 for I had as leve a thousand men had in a deare yeare 
 i ooooo 1 ' anionge theim in good coine, as [a thousand] barnes 5 
 full of corne worthe a [c.] pounde a pece ; for the money 
 would fetche as muche corne as all the barnes would 
 come to. And money is, as it weare, a storehouse of anie 
 commoditie ye would haue, as I haue said to youe before in 
 oure communication afore nowe, which may longest be 10 
 kept withoute corruption, and easalest be caried two and 
 fro for all exchaunge, [and] is most vniuersally curraunte yf it 
 be gold or siluer. Never the lesse, but for the cumbraunce 
 in cariadge, I had as leve haue as muche brasse, tinne, or 
 leade in valewe, as the said money should come vnto ; for 1 5 
 they be as mete to abide the longe kepinge, and are 
 vniversally receaved in theire valewe, but they are verie 
 combersome to carie. As yf a man lacked a commoditie 
 that weare at London, he him selfe dwellinge at barwicke, 
 weare it not a greate ease for him, yf he had ware to 20 
 [f. 67^] exchaunge for the same, whiche he might carie in his sieves 
 to the valwe of a hundred pounde, vpon a little nagge, to 
 London with small costes, rather then yf he had ware to the 
 value, which would requier a carte to carie it thether ? 
 
 KNIGHT. Yes, no double, but yet he shoulde be surest 25 
 this way, which youe spake last of, from robbinge. 
 
 DOCTOR. That is true, yea and surest of all, yf he had 
 nether of bothe. 
 
 KNIGHT. I haue hard divers men of youre sorte ere 
 this exclame against the first inventors of gold and siluer, 30 
 because they weare occasion of muche murders, [felonyes] 
 and mischeifes ; for [it is lucre] drives men to all kinde of 
 mischeife.
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 115 
 
 DOCTOR. I wote well they doe; as [well] against the 
 
 founders of siluer and gold, as also of Iron and stele, 
 
 because also it is the instrumentes of muche 
 
 murder, and slaugheter amonge men. And so I vniuersaiiy d- 
 
 5 wold wishe nether of bothe to be, so it weare temed must 
 
 not be reiected 
 
 vniversally amonge all. But and yf we should of any common 
 caste awaie cure tooles and weapons, and not ^us[ e haue ^ 
 other nations that be aboute, we should make fi q ue with 
 oure selves naked of all defence, and be sub- 
 
 10 iecte to theire spoyle ; so yf we alone should caste awaye 
 oure gold and siluer, because of the harme that comes, not 
 of theim but of the evell vsinge, and other countries should 
 retayne theim still, we should weaken oure selues and 
 strenghthen theim muche. Thoughe it be commendable in 
 
 15 some private man, for contemplacions sake, to set a side as 
 muche as he maye well vse of oure money, it is not 
 necessarie for the common wealthe that all men should doe 
 so, no more then [for all men to be uirgines], thoughe 
 privately in some it is commendable. 
 
 20 KNIGHT. I haue harde that princes ere this haue [f- 68] 
 coined lether, and made it curraunte in time of nede. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye maye saye well that if was at a greate 
 nede then, and for a small time ; and yet I never reade that 
 more then one did so, which was called fredre- 
 
 ., Coyne ones 
 
 25 nke, surnamed Aenobarfow, one of the emperours made of lether, 
 of Almaine, which lived aboute the yeare of oure b " tthat in time 
 
 of greate nede 
 
 lorde [1193]. He once in warres, at a time of and for a small 
 greate nede, when his money was donne and 
 his soldiers was redie to departe from him, stroke a coine of 
 30 lether, and fixed a naile of siluer in everie pece with his 
 marke, desiringe his souldiours to take theim for the time in 
 steade of goode coine, promisinge after the warres finished 
 he would restore theim good curraunt money for the same,
 
 n6 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 as he did in deade. By which meanes he retained his 
 souldiours againe, and atchived his enterprice ; and toke 
 in the lether coine, and paide theim good for it. And 
 so princes, kepinge theire credit and promisse, maye doe 
 wounderous thinges amonge theire subiectes in time of 5 
 nede ; which, yf they doe not, should bringe theim to seke 
 healpe at straungers handes to theire greate losses, as 
 experience hathe declared not longe agoe. 
 
 KNIGHT. But heare to retorne wheare we left ; yf the 
 kinge should paie forthe goode aungelles, (as ye speake,) for 10 
 everie x s . of this new coine brought in to the minte, his 
 graces revennues for one hole yeare would scant serue 
 therto. 
 
 DOCTOR. It weare a yeares revennues well bestowed 
 to save tenne; and it weare a honest purchase, with one 15 
 yeares rent or ij, to purchase the grounde for ever. Yf the 
 kinges maiestie should paie his subiectes a good new 
 ff. 6Si>] angell for the noble nowe curraunte, his grace should doe 
 as frederike did. And yet his grace had longer the vse of 
 his subiectes coine (as reason, and necessitie so requiringe, 20 
 would) ; yet more then so, by this ordinaunce also, his grace 
 should winne the thirde parte, when for [every] x s . his grace 
 should paie but a noble. 
 
 KNIGHT. Then, yf men should haue theire coine forged, 
 or coined for litle or nothinge, but for the workemens 25 
 laboures, the kinges highenes, which hathe nowe greate 
 advauntage by the coinage, should be by youre wayes a 
 greate loser. 
 
 DOCTOR. So I double not the coyners will beare the 
 kinge and his counsailers in hand. But I would beleue 30 
 theim as well herin, as I would in that they promised before 
 as well and fayled, that is howe, they could make of brasse 
 silver, and of siluer gold ; which thinge, howe well they haue
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 117 
 
 brought to passe, I reporte mevnto youe, muche like a dreame, 
 that chaunces contrarie ; for they haue torned Howe the 
 the while oure siluer to brasse, and oure gold to mynters do 
 
 T multiplie. 
 
 I wote not what. And yet one waye 1 must 
 
 5 confesse they haue turned oure brasse to siluer, and siluer to 
 gold ; that is, to theim selues warde ; but in the meane time 
 they haue exhaused the princes cofers, and his treasure 
 house, which is the Realme ; as the Alcmistes weare wounte 
 to doe with private men, promisinge theim to multiplie, when 
 
 10 of truethe they did minishe ; yet they will beare in hand 
 they doe still multiplie. And so they doe in number, but 
 minishe in valwe twise as muche againe. For in steade of one 
 pece they give forthe ij, [but] so as that one was worthe iij of [f- 69] 
 this sorte they put forthe. And thoughe they perswade the 
 
 15 prince that the gaines of all that comes to his grace, yet the 
 most gaynes cleavethe by theire owne fingers. And whie ? 
 Because the proportion in these confused mettalles is so 
 vncerteyne to be knowen by the assaie, as the kinges 
 officers can not evenly charge theim to kepe a certaine 
 
 20 standerd ; and yf they did, it weare not so muche to the 
 kinges proffitte as it bearethe the face ; but most of the 
 cleare gaines commes to theim, as it [was] wonte to come to 
 Akmistes and multipliers. And that appearethe well by 
 suche as haue the feate in hand, or haue had ; howe they 
 
 25 wax sodenly riche, as thoughe they had founde Giges ringe, 
 as the sayinge is. And this appearethe by one honest man, 
 called knight, which I knowe had an office a Knight his 
 while aboute the minte, and continued theare, as name was- 
 I hearde saie, but ij yeares or theare abowtes, and then fell 
 
 30 sike and died. But on his deathe bedde, (as he was a verie 
 honest man of good conscience,) perceavinge that he had 
 gotten in that office muche more then his fee, A mynters rare 
 bequethed to the kinge, as I hearde crediblye, exam P le -
 
 n8 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 
 
 abowte M. markes, in satisfaction of his vnlawfull gaynes 
 had from the kinge ; muche like as men weare wont to give 
 to theire parishe churches for tithes forgotten. Then yf 
 suche an honest man could get this money in suche a short 
 time, what maie an other doe, that hathe no conscience in 5 
 [f. 69 b] gettinge of his goodes? But to answer youre objection; 
 the kinge gettes not so muche by his coininge as he 
 loosethe [in] his yearely revenues, customes, subsidies, fines, 
 and suche other like profittes, when the same coine reveries 
 to his grace agayne. 10 
 
 KNIGHT. Well, yf we had youre devise that all men, 
 after michelmas next, should be bounde to paie all duties 
 after the old coine in pure gold or siluer, then I put this 
 case : that, since the raisinge of the coine, a man had taken 
 
 landes at x 1 . a yeare, which before the enhauns- 15 
 prouyded' for! m g e f tne coine was worthe but xx nobles a 
 if coyne were yeare, no more then that it should be nowe yf the 
 
 amended, . * 
 
 touching mens coine weare reformed to the old rate ; how should 
 
 """ 
 
 he and suche other doe > wnich be a greate mul- 
 titude in this Realme ? They weare like to be 20 
 vndone, yf they weare forced to paie theire X H a yeare after 
 the rate of the old coyne. 
 
 DOCTOR. That is well remembred of youe. Manie 
 should incurre greate inconvenience, yf that case weare not 
 provided for. Albeit it weare not so vniuersall a hurte to 25 
 let a few paie so, that be in that case, as it was to all 
 Landlordes generally throughe the Realme, to be paide 
 theire rentes after the rate of the coine that now is. 
 Neverthelesse this would be provided for, seinge it maye 
 easaly be done, as thus : all men that haue anie landes or 30 
 possessions to ferme, [sins] the inhauncinge of the coine, to 
 paie for everie x s . that he would paie, from michelmas 
 [f. 70] forward, an aungell of the corrected coine of the valew of
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 119 
 
 the old aungell. And so nether tenaunte nor lord [should 
 be] greved nor bargaines altered. 
 
 KNIGHT. Then I put this case. If a man weare 
 bounde nowe to paie a C H to a nothef man after michelmas 
 
 5 nexte comminge, he must paie it then in the coine that 
 should be then curraunte, which would be more in valew by 
 a hundred nobles then the C H that was then at the 
 makinge of the said obligacion; and then he should be a 
 greate looser, which weare no reason, seinge he mente to 
 
 10 paie after the coine nowe curraunte. Howe should suche 
 doe againe? 
 
 DOCTOR. Even a like provision would be made as in 
 the other case before. That suche debtors should paie for 
 everie x s . he did owe, by anie bande entred since the 
 
 15 inhaunsinge of the coine, an aungell noble. And so the 
 C H that he should paie, by force of the said obligacion, to be 
 discharged by payment of a C markes in this converted 
 coine ; and so nether partie greved. 
 
 KNIGHT. How should men, that toke landes to farme, 
 
 20 or entred in bandes of debte before the inhauncinge of the 
 coine [do] ? 
 
 DOCTOR. As for suche landes that weare set owte before 
 the inhaunsinge or alteringe of the coine, and so of debtes 
 knowledged, no man ought to be greved to paie after the old 
 
 25 rate ; for it was no otherwise mente at this time of bargaines 
 made ; yet this provision was not taken when the coine was 
 altered first, which made all noble men and gentlemen to 
 smarte. And so percase, divers other cases like these maie [f. 70 ] 
 occurre vppon this alteration, rather then * restitution of 
 
 30 thinges ; for in makinge of anie newe ordinaunce, it weare 
 harde to make it so perfitte as it should hinder no particuler 
 person, for that weare impossible. It is enoughe, if it be so 
 as that pollitike Senator Tullie saithe, that [it] maye be pro-
 
 120 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 fitable to the most nombere, and doe hurte [but] to the fewest. 
 But suche cases would be provided for as they doe appeare. 
 Thus I told youe my simple opinion, howe I thinke this vni- 
 uersall dearthe maie be easiest remedied, which is caused by 
 oure selfe, and not by the sendinge of god. For when god 5 
 is disposed to send vs dearthe of anie thinge, as of corne, 
 cattail, or other vittaill, theare is nothinge can healpe that 
 devised by man, but only praier and amendment of life, for 
 whose punishement he sendes the same. 
 
 KNIGHT. Nowe youe haue so well towched the occasion 10 
 of this dearthe, and amendment of the same so fully, I ame 
 well satisfied with all. I praie youe showe me the remedies 
 of these greate inclosures, wherof all the Realme complaines 
 of so muche, and hathe complained longe vpon. For ye haue 
 well perswaded, howe it is a meane of greate desolation of 15 
 the Realme; and that is longe of the greate profitte that 
 men haue by pastures, over that they haue by tillage, that 
 they torne so muche to pasture. Nowe I would faine heare 
 howe it might be remedied againe ; for I haue harde this 
 [f. 71] mattier of longe time and ofte reasoned vpon, as well in 20 
 parliament as in counsaile; and yet small remedie founde 
 therfore that toke effecte. 
 
 DOCTOR. If I then, after so manie wise heades as weare 
 in those parliamentes and counselles, would take vpon me 
 to correcte (as they saie) magnificat, and to find a remedie 25 
 for this thinge, which they could never doe, I might be 
 rekoned verie arrogant. 
 
 KNIGHT. Yet tell youre fansie hearein ; for thoughe ye 
 misse of the right meane to reforme that, it shall be no 
 more shame for youe to doe so then was it for so manie 30 
 wise men as I spake of to misse. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye saie truethe. And since I spake nothinge 
 in this parte that I would haue taken as it weare a lawe, or
 
 THE THIRD DIALOG E. 121 
 
 determined thinge, but as a certaine motion for otherwise 
 men to consider, and to admitte or reiecte, as [to] theire better 
 reason should seme goode. Therfore, as I haue boldened 
 me alredie with youre patience to saie thus farre, I will not 
 5 spare to declare my minde in this. But still I must keape 
 my grounde that I spake of, that is to trie oute the 
 effectuall cause of these inclosures, and then by takinge 
 awaye of the cause to redresse the thinge. 
 
 KNIGHT. I praie youe doe so ; for to me it semes verie 
 
 10 resonable that youe saie, and agreable to that I hearde a phi- 
 sition tell me once, when I was sike of an ague ; when I asked 
 him whie he gaue me a purgation that made me yet weaker 
 then I was, beinge weake enoughe alredie, sainge, Ye haue 
 more nede to geve thinges that should make me stronger. 
 
 15 Then he answered me, that choller was the cause !? 7 1 b \ 
 
 Sublata causa 
 
 of my sickenes, and that he gaue me those pur- toiiitur effec- 
 gations to avoide these humors, by which, the 
 cause of my desease once taken awaie, the sickenes should be 
 rid from me with all. And thearefore I praie youe, vse youre 
 
 20 accustomed order in this mattier, and tell the causes of these 
 inclosures. 
 
 DOCTOR. I showed to youe before, in oure communica- 
 tion in the garden, the thinges that I thought to be the 
 cause therof, and partly * the remedie of the same. 
 
 25 KNIGHT. So did other men amonge vs tell theire fantasies 
 as then ; but nowe I praie youe, tell which of all those causes 
 
 ' youe take for the necessarie and efficient cause of this mattier. 
 
 DOCTOR. To tell youe plainly, it is Averice that I take 
 
 for the principall cause therof; but can we devise that all 
 
 30 covetousnes maie be taken from men ? No, no more then 
 we can make men to be withoute Ire, withoute 
 
 Howe inclo- 
 
 gladnes, withoute feare, and withoute all affec- sures may be 
 tions. What then? we must take awaie from remedied -
 
 122 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 men the occasion of theire covetousnes in this parte. What 
 
 is that ? The exceadinge lucre that they se growe by these 
 
 inclosures, more then by husbandrie. And that maie be 
 
 donne by anie of these ij meanes that I will tell youe: 
 
 either by * minishinge the lucre that men haue by gras- 5 
 
 inge ; or els by advaunsinge of the proffitte of husbandrie, 
 
 till it be as good and as proffitable to the occupiers as 
 
 grasinge is. For everie man, as Plato saithe, is 
 
 [f. 72] ^"upy" 1 " 1 "" naturally covetouse of lucre, and that wheare in 
 
 they se most lucre they will most gladlie exer- 10 
 cise. I shewed before, that theare is more lucre by grasinge 
 of x acres, to the occupier alone, then is in tillage of xx li ; 
 and the causes therof be manie. One is, that grasinge 
 requires small charge and small labor, which in tillage 
 consumes muche of the maisters gaines ; thoughe it be true 15 
 that the tillage of x acres bringes more gaines generallie 
 amonge the maisters and all theire meanie, then the gras- 
 inge of xx li acres. An other greate cause theare is, that 
 what so ever thinge is rered vppon grasinge hathe fre vent, 
 bothe on this side and also beyonde the sea, to be sold at 20 
 the highest penny. It is contrarie by all thinges rered by 
 tillage, for it requires bothe greate charge of servauntes, and 
 of labor ; and yf anie yeare be goode cheape of corne, it 
 paiethe scant for the charge of tillage; and then, yf the 
 markett doe rise, either with in the realme or with oute, the 25 
 poore husbandman shalbe so restrained from sellinge his 
 corne, that never after he shall haue anie ioye to set his 
 ploughe in the grounde ; which makes everie man forsake 
 tillage, and fall to grasinge, which bringes in all these 
 Inclosures. 30 
 
 KNIGHT. Nowe what remedie for that ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Marie, as for the first pointe, that is towch- 
 inge the vnequall charge of tillage and grasinge, that can
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 123 
 
 not be holpen in all pointes, by reason th^ nature of bothe 
 requires the contrarie ; therfore the lattine tonnge calles the 
 one that is pasture, Pratum ; that is as muche to t f - 7 2 ^ 
 
 saie, Paratum, redie ; but the other thinge might J^ quasi 
 5 be remedied, that the husbandman might haue 
 as muche libertie at all times to sell corne, either within the 
 realme or withoute, as the grasier hathe to sell his ; which 
 should make the husbandmen more willinge to occupie 
 theire ploughe. And the one seinge the other thrive would 
 
 10 turne theire pasture to tillage. And thoughe it inhaunsethe 
 the market for a time, yet would it cause muche more 
 tillage to be vsed, and consequently more corne ; which, in 
 time of plentie with in the Realme, might bringe in muche 
 treasure ; and in time of scarsitie would suffice for the 
 
 15 Realme, as I shewed youe before. And thus with lucre 
 they should be intised to occupie the ploughe, yea and with 
 other privileges. I haue red that in this Realme theare was 
 suche a * lawe, as yf a man haue trespassed the lawe, of 
 misadventure, he might haue taken the ploughe taile for his 
 
 20 sanctuarie. Also the occupation was had so honorable 
 amonge the Romans, that one was taken from the ploughe 
 to be consull in Rome ; who, after his yeare ended, thought 
 no scorne to resorte to the same feate againe. What 
 occupation is more necessarie or so profitable for mans life 
 
 25 as this is? or what misterie is so voide of all crafte as the 
 same is ? and howe litle is it regarded ? yea, howe muche 
 is it vilipended, that this last nobilitie reputes them but as 
 villaines, pesauntes, or slaues, by whom the proudest of 
 theim haue theire livinges. So that I mervaile muche 
 
 30 theare is anie (seinge a vilitie and contempte of the thinge) [f- 73] 
 will occupie the feate of husbandrie at all ; for as honor 
 norishethe all sciences, so must dishoner nedes decaie them. 
 And therfore yf ye will haue husbandrie incresed, ye must
 
 i2 4 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 honor and cherishe it; that is, to let theim haue honest 
 gaines therby. And since that gaine should come into the 
 countrie, whie should ye be offended theare with ? An other 
 waie is to abate the commoditie of grasinge ; as when any 
 taxe is requisite to be graunted to the kinges highenes, if 5 
 landes be chargeable therto, charge one acre of pasture as 
 muche as ij acres of arable lande ; or els to burden wolles 
 and felles, and suche thinges as are rered by grasinge, [that] 
 passe to the parties beyonde the seas vnwrought, with tillage 
 over anie corne transported. And so, by inhaunsinge of the 10 
 profitte of tillage, and basinge of the proffitte of grasinge, I 
 double not but husbandrie would be muche more occupied, 
 and grasinge [moche] lesse ; and therby those inclosures to 
 be broken vp. Also theare is one thinge of old time ordeined 
 within this Realme, which beinge kepte vnaltered would 15 
 healpe heare vnto also ; that is, wheare [men] are inter- 
 cominers in comon feildes, and also haue theare portions so 
 intermingled with an other that, thoughe they would, they 
 could not inclose anie parte of the saide feldes so longe as 
 it is so. But of late divers men, findinge greater profitte by 2 o 
 grasinge then by husbandrie, haue founde the meanes, either 
 [f. 73 ] to by theire neighbors partes rounde aboute theim, or els to 
 excaunge with them so manie acres in this place for so manie 
 in an nother ; whearby they might bringe all theire landes to- 
 gether and so inclose it. For the avoydinge whearof, I thincke 25 
 verelie, that \t was so of old time ordeyned, that everye 
 tenaunte had his landes, not all in one gobbet in everye 
 feilde, but interlaced with his neighebours landes ; so as 
 heare should be iij acres, and then his neighboure as manye ; 
 and over that, he other iij or iiij ; and so after the like rate 50 
 be the most parte of the copie holdes that I doe knowe in 
 this countrie ; which I thincke goode weare so continued, for 
 avoydinge of the said inclosurs ; and thus as to that mattier.
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 125 
 
 KNIGHT. Nowe youe haue well declared youre opinion 
 in these mattiers of the comon dearthe and inclosures ; I 
 praie youe, tell vs youre mynde what should be the occasion 
 of this decaye of the good townes of this 
 5 Realme, and of all bridges, highe waies, and a f y ^ wnes de ' 
 hospitalles ; and how the same may be remedied 
 and releved againe ? For these husbandmen and dwellers 
 of the countrie finde not so greate lacke in feildes abroade, 
 but Citizens and burgeses find as muche with in theire walles. 
 
 10 DOCTOR. Sins I haue begon to take vppon me to tell 
 my fantasies in all these thinges, I will goe throughe. I, in 
 my opinion, thinke the goode occupations heareto fore vsed 
 in the saide townes, (which was occasion of theire wealthe) 
 in times past, and the layinge downe of these occupacions [f. 74] 
 
 15 agayne is the cause of the decaye [of the] said townes. \Vher- 
 fore yf suche occupations maye be revived agayne in the 
 same, they would recover theire former wealth againe. 
 
 MERCHAUNTE. I beleve well that the decaye of occupa- 
 tions was the decaye of those townes. But what, I praye 
 
 20 youe, was the occasion of the decaye of suche occupations ? 
 DOCTOR. I will tell youe ; while men weare contented 
 with suche thinges as weare made within the 
 
 1 he occasion 
 
 market townes next vnto theim, then weare they of the decaye 
 
 ,- , /-I-,' 11 i T of our townes. 
 
 of oure townes and Cities well set aworke ; as I 
 25 knewe the time when men weare contented with cappes, 
 hattes, girdelles, and poyntes and all maner of [garmentes] 
 made in the townes next adioyninge ; wherby the townes 
 then weare well occupied and set aworke, and yet the 
 money paide for the same stuffe remayned in the countrie. 
 30 Nowe the porest yonge man in a countrey can not be con- 
 tented either with a [lether girdle, or lether pointes, gloues, 
 knyues, or daggers made nighe home. And specially no 
 gentleman can be content to have eyther] cappe, coate,
 
 126 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 
 
 dublet, hose, or shirt made in his countrey, but they must 
 haue theire geare from London ; and yet manye thinges 
 thearof are not theare made, but beyonde the sea ; whearby 
 the artificers of oure townes are Idle, and the occupations in 
 London, and specially the townes beyonde the sea, are well 5 
 set aworke even vpon oure costes. Therfore I would wishe 
 that some staye weare devised, for cominge of so manye 
 [f. 74 *] trifles from beyonde the seas ; and specially of suche thinges 
 as might be made here amonge oure selues ; or els might be 
 ether all spared, or lesse vsed amonge vs ; as these drinkinge 10 
 and lokinge glasses, paynted clothes, perfumed gloves, 
 daggers, kmues, pinnes, pointes, agletes, buttons, and a 
 thowsand other thinges of like sort ; as for silkes, wines and 
 spices, if there came lesse over, it made no matter. But 
 specially I would that nothing made of our commodities, as 15 
 wolles, felles, tinne, [shoulde] be brought frome beyond the 
 sea to be vsed here, but that all these should be wrought 
 within this Realme. Were it not better for vs that our 
 owne people should be sett aworke with suche thinges then 
 straungers? I am sure 20000 persons might be set aworke 20 
 with in this Realme, and ar set aworke beyonde the sea, 
 [with those thinges that nowe be made beyond the sea] and 
 ar worne here ; and yet might be made here. Might not 
 the kinges highnes be glade of anie aide, whereby he might 
 fynde 1000 persons throughe the whole yere, and so burden 25 
 his treasure with never a pennie therof? I thinke these 
 thinges might be wrought here, not onelie sufficient to set so 
 manye a worke and serue the Realme, but also to serue 
 other partes ; as all kinde of clothe, Carseyes, worsted and 
 coveHetes and carpetes of tapstne, [knitte] sleues, hosen 30 
 and peticotes, hattes, cappes ; then paper, bothe white and 
 browne ; parm^tes, vellam, and all kind of lether ware ; as 
 gloves, pointes, girdells, skinnes for Jerkins ; and so of our
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 127 
 
 tinne, all maner of vessell ; and also all kinde of glasses, [f. 75] 
 earthen potes, tennis balles, tables, cardes, [chestes, sins 
 we will nedes haue] suche kinde of thinges ; [and] daggers, 
 kniues, hammers, Sawes, chesells, axes, and suche thinges 
 5 made of Iron. Might not we be ashamed to take all these 
 thinges at straungers handes, and set suche a multitude 
 of worke of other people, as I spake of ere now; whose 
 fynding and wages we do beare nowe ; wher all this might 
 be saued with in the Realme ? where it should not goo frome 
 
 10 vs, but retorne to vs againe frome whence it came. And in 
 setting vp of those occupacions, I wolde haue them most 
 preferred and cherishede that bring in most commoditie 
 and treasure into the Countrie. As ye must consider iij 
 sortes of occupacions : one that fringes owt the treasure ; the 
 
 1 5 second sort, that as it fringes none forth out of the countrey, 
 so it bringes none in, but that it gites it spendes in the 
 countrey ; the iij bringes in treasure into the countrey. Of 
 the first sort ar [vintoners], milners, haberdashers, these gaily 
 men, mercers, fustian sellers, grocers, poticaries, that selles 
 
 20 vs anie ware made beyond the sea ; for they do but exhause 
 the treasour out of the Realme. Of the seconde sort ar 
 vitaylers, inholders, bochers, bakers, brewers, taylors, [corde- 
 wayners,] sadlers, carpenders, ioyners, masons, blacksmithes, 
 turners, cowpers ; which, like as they convey no money owt [f. 75 i>] 
 
 25 of the countrey, so they bringe none in, but where they get 
 it [they spend it]. Of the third sort be these : clothers, 
 cappers, worsted makers, [pewterers,] tanners, 
 
 V That arte is to 
 
 which be all that we haue of anie arte, which be most che- 
 I can nowe reken, that bringes into the Realme w ^ e> l " tha * 
 30 anie Treasour. Therfore these artes ar to be brin 8 es most 
 cherishede wheras they be vsed ; and wheare they 
 be not, they would be set vp ; and also other sciences mo, 
 as makinge of glasses, makinge of swordes, daggers, kwives
 
 i 2 8 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 and all tooles of Iron and stele ; also makinge of pinnes, 
 pointes, lases, thread, and all maner of paper and par- 
 mentes. I haue heard saye, that the cheifest trade of 
 Coventrie was hearetofore in makinge blewe threede, and 
 then the towne was riche, even vppon that trade only ; and 5 
 
 nowe oure threede comes all from beyonde the 
 enriched ^y seas '> whearfore that trade of Coventrie is 
 some one d eca yde, and therby the Towne likewise. So 
 
 trade. . ' 
 
 Bristowe had a greate trade by makinge of 
 poyntes, and was the cheifest misterie that was exercised in 10 
 the towne. And althoughe these be but ij of the lightest 
 faculties that are, yet weare these ij greate townes cheifly 
 mayntayned by [those] faculties rehearsed. I haue hearde 
 saie in venis, that most florishinge citie at these dayes 
 [f. 76] of all Europe, if they maye heare of anye conninge craftes 15 
 man in anie facultie, they will find the meanes to alure 
 him to dwell in theire Citie ; for it is a wounder to se what 
 a deale of money one goode occupier dothe bringe into a 
 towne, thoughe he him selfe doe not gayne to his owne com- 
 moditie but a poore livinge. As for an example, what money 20 
 one worsteadmaker bringes into the towne [where] he dwelles, 
 and howe manye haue theire livinges vnder him, and what 
 wealthe he bringes to the towne wheare he dwelles, Norwiche 
 maye sufficiently declare, which by a fewe worstede makers 
 it hathe growen to greate wealthe and riches. So of clothinge 25 
 and cappinge ; but wheare other cities doe alure vnto theim 
 goode workemen, oure men will expell theim oute ; as I 
 haue knowne goode workemen, a swell smythes as weavers, 
 haue come from straunge parties to some cities within the 
 Realme, intendinge to set vp theire craftes, and because they 30 
 weare not free theare, but specially bycause theye weare better 
 workmen then was anie in the towne, they coulde not be 
 suffered to worke theare. Suche incorporation had those
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 129 
 
 misteries in those townes, that none might worke theare in 
 theire facultie, except they did compound with them first. 
 
 CAPPER. And doe youe thinke it z's reasonable that a 
 straunger should be as free in a citie or towne as they that 
 
 5 weare prentises theare? Then no man would be prentice 
 to anie occupacion yf it weare so. 
 
 DOCTOR. I saye not that they should commonly haue [f. 
 like libertie, or franchise. But as one crafte makes [but] one 
 particuler companie of a towne or citie, so I would [haue] the 
 
 10 wealthe of this citie [regarded], rather then the commoditie or 
 franchise of one crafte or misterie ; for thoughe commonly, 
 none should be admitted theare to worke but suche as is free, 
 yet when a singuler goode workman in anie misterie comes, 
 which by his knowledge might bothe instructe theim of the 
 
 15 towne, beinge of the same facultie, and also bringe into the 
 towne muche commoditie beside ; I woulde, in that case, 
 haue private liberties and privileges give place to a 
 publique wealthe, and suche a man gladly admitted for his 
 excellencie to the fredome of the same towne, withoute 
 
 20 burdeninge of him with anie charge for his first entre or 
 settinge vp. Yea, wheare as a towne is decayed and lackes 
 artificers to furnishe the townes with suche craftes, as other 
 weare somtime well exercised theare, or might be by reason 
 of the satuation and commoditie of the same towne, I would 
 
 .25 haue better craftes allured oute of other places, wheare they 
 be plentie, to come to those townes decayed to dwell, 
 offringe theim theire fredome, yea theire house rent free, or 
 some stocke lent theim of the common stocke of suche 
 townes. And when the towne is well furnished of such 
 
 30 artificers, then to staie the comminge of forreners ; but [f- 77] 
 wheare the towne lakes inhabitantes of artificers, it weare 
 no pollicie for the restoration of the towne to kepe of anie 
 strange artificers; for the most parte of all townes are 
 
 L. o
 
 130 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 
 
 mayntained by craftes men of all sortes, but specially by 
 those that makes anie wares to sell oute of the countrie and 
 bringes thearefore treasure into the same; as clothiers, 
 cappers, worstede makers, hatte makers, poynters, pinners, 
 pewterers, founders, smithes of all sortes, cutlers, glovers, 5 
 tanners, parchment makers, girdlers, purse makers, makers 
 of paper, threde makers and manie suche, turners, basket 
 makers, and manye suche. As for mercers and haberdashers, 
 vinteners and grocers, I can not se what they doe in a 
 towne, but finde a livinge to v or vj howsholdes, and in 10 
 steade therof impoverishethe twise as manie ; but sithe men 
 will nedes haue silkes, wine and spice, it is as goode that 
 men doe spend theire money vppon suche in theire owne 
 townes, as to be driven to seke the same furthe. As for the 
 rest of artificers, like as I haue saide before, even as they 15 
 take no money oute of the countrie so they bringe none in : 
 as Taylors, shoomakers, carpenters, ioners, tilers, masons, 
 botchers, vittaylers and suche like. Also an other thinge I 
 recken woulde healpe muche to releve oure townes decayed, 
 yf they could take order that all the wares made theire 20 
 [f. 77^] should haue a speciall marke, and that marke to be set to 
 none but to suche as be truly wrought. And also that every 
 artificer dwellinge qwte of all townes, suche as [can] not 
 for the commoditie of theire occupacions * be brought to 
 some towne to inhabite, as fullers, tanners, clothiers, suche 25 
 should be limited to be vnder the correction of one good 
 towne or other ; and they to sell no wares, but suche as are 
 first approved and sealed by the towne that they are limited 
 vnto. And by these zij meanes, that is to saie, first by 
 stayinge of wares wrought beyonde the sea, which might be 30 
 wrought with in, and from comminge in to be sold; 
 Secondarilie, by restrayninge of oure woolles, tinne and 
 felles and other commodities passinge over vnwrought ;
 
 THE THIRD DIALOG 'E. 131 
 
 And thirdly by bringinge [in], vndernethe correction of 
 good townes, artificers dwellinge in the countries makinge 
 wares to be sold outwarde, and these wares to be vewed and 
 sealed by the towne seale before they should be sold ; I 
 
 5 thinke oure townes might be brought soune to theire auncient 
 wealthe againe, or better. 
 
 KNIGHT. Now we praie youe, goe to the last mattier ye 
 spake of, how those diversities of opinions maie be taken 
 awaye whiche troubles the people verie muche, and makes 
 
 10 greate sedition and division amonge theim, and in maner 
 makes debate betwene neighbour and neighbour, father and 
 the soonne, man and his wife ; which is more to be feared [f. 78] 
 then all other the aforesaide losses of wor/dly goodes ; yf we 
 weare never so poore and did neverthelesse agre amonge 
 
 15 oure selues, we should licke oure selves whole againe in 
 shorte space. 
 
 DOCTOR. Ye saye truth; with concord, weake thinges 
 doe increase and wax bigge ; and contrarie, with 
 discord, stronge thinges wax weake ; and it must Concordia res 
 
 , . paruae cres- 
 
 20 nedes be true, that truthe it selfe dothe saye, CU nt, discordia 
 Everye kingdome devided in it selfe shalbe T* dila " 
 desolate. Whearfore I can not forbeare to 
 shewe youe my poore opinion, howe so greate a mischeife, 
 as this is, maye be avoided oute of this oure common wealthe. 
 
 25 And still I will vse one trade, as in sekinge oute the 
 originall causes, and by takinge awaye of that to shewe the 
 remedie. I take the cheife cause hereof, as well the sinnes 
 of vs that be ministers of Christes holie worde and misteries, 
 as of youe that be the flocke. And first of vs, that haue 
 
 30 swarved altogether from oure dewe course, order, and 
 profession, to all kinde of carnalitie ; not only to the basenes 
 of ley men, but farre inferior vnto theim, in pride, covetouse- 
 nes and fleshlie lustes. Wherfore ye ley men, seinge in vs 
 
 92
 
 i 3 2 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 
 
 no excellencie in oure maners, in dede * thinke vs vnworthie 
 to be the leaders and pastures, or to whose doctrine ye 
 should geve credence, whom ye se in livinge far descrepant 
 from the same. And therfore ye take vppon 
 
 The occasion , , , . . ., , . 
 
 of the scisme y oue tne ludgement of spintuall thinges, to 5 
 in matters of whome it dothe not appertayne : as one inco- 
 
 religion. . . 
 
 vemence drawethe ever an other after him. 
 For so longe as we ministers of the churche weare of those 
 maners and conversation agreable with oure doctrine, so 
 longe all men, yea the greatest princes of the world and the 10 
 wisest men, are content to beleve oure doctrine, and to 
 obey vs in thinges concerninge the soule. And since we 
 fell from the [perfection] of life, we grewe oute of credence, 
 and the holie doctrine of Christe suffered sclander by oure 
 sinfull livinge. So we haue given the first occasion of this 15 
 evell, and ye haue taken it as an instrument to worke this 
 scisme with all. And thoughe bothe doe ill thearein, yet the 
 remedie ought to beginne at the roote of this mischeife, 
 which I take to be in vs, the ministers and spirituall 
 pastures. And to be plaine with youe, and no more to 20 
 desemble oure owne faultes then I haue donne youres, 
 except we reforme oure selues first, I can haue no greate 
 trust to see this generall scisme and division in Religion 
 vtterly taken awaye; it maye percase, with aucthoritie be 
 for a time appeased, but never so as it springe not vppe 25 
 againe, except we reforme oure selues first. 
 [f. 79] KNIGHT. Marie, I thincke ye haue bene well disciplined 
 and corrected alredie, so as ye had goode causes to be 
 reformed, as by takinge muche of youre possessions from 
 youe, and in burdeninge of your benifices with subsidies, as 30 
 well annuall as perpetuall and other wise ; what reformation 
 would ye haue more ? 
 
 DOCTOR. Yea, no doubte, we haue beatinge enoughe, yf
 
 THE THIRD DIALOG E. 133 
 
 that would haue served; but some maisters with litle beat- 
 inge will teache theire scollers better then other with manye 
 stripes can doe. And againe, some scollers wilbe reformed 
 with lesse beatinge then other. So youe and we doe nowe ; 
 5 youe in beatinge muche, but litle teachinge ; and we againe, 
 litle regardinge the stripes, doe learne as litle. For notwith- 
 standinge those punishementes that we haue hadde, the 
 reproches and revilinges and openinge of cure faultes, se 
 howe manie of vs haue reformed oure selues ; yea, so muche 
 
 10 as in oure outwarde dewties, wheare vnto we are bounde 
 bothe by godes lawe and by oure [canons], lawes and de- 
 crees. Howe manye mo of vs haue resorted to oure benifices 
 to be resident theare on? which not only by the sayed 
 lawes, but also vppon greate penalties, we are bounde vnto 
 
 15 by the lawes of this realme. Howe manie lesse nowe then 
 before haue studied to heape benifice vppon benifice, when 
 we be scant able to discharge one of theim? what better 
 triall or examination is theire nowe in the admittinge of the [f- 79*] 
 preistes and other ministers of the churche? what more 
 
 20 exacte scearche is made by oure Bishoppes for worthie 
 men to be admitted to the cure of soules? for better 
 execution of oure cannons in theire visitations nowe then 
 they did before ? Yea, what better hospitalitie, residens, or 
 ministrations, either of the worde or of other dewties, doe 
 
 25 oure prelates and Bishoppes now then they did before? 
 Doe they not lurke in theire mansions and maner places, 
 far from theire Cathedrall churches, as they weare wonte? 
 and skante once in a yeare will se theire principall churche, 
 wheare they ought continuallye to be resident ? Be they 
 
 30 not as vnmete to preache the worde of god as ever they 
 weare, for all these plages that god sendes to theim ? But 
 they are so blinde, they can not se whearfore they be thus 
 punished, and iecture it to be for other causes ; as in the
 
 134 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 covetousnes of ley men, in desiringe theire possessions ; or 
 by hatred conceived against theim for not obteyninge theire 
 purpose at men of the churches hande ; or for hatred of the 
 bishoppe of Rome; or for that they can not abide the 
 [f. 80] correction of the churche ; or suche other causes which they 5 
 imagine with theim selues, and thinke that the indignation 
 agaynst theim shortly will ease of it selfe. But I praye god 
 it dothe not rather increase, as I feare me it will, except we 
 amend vs the rather. Howe can men be content to paie 
 the x th parte of theire good, which they get with sore labor 10 
 and sweate of theire browes, when they can not haue for it 
 agayne neither ghostly comforte nor bodely ? What ley 
 men will be anie thinge scrupulous to kepe those tithes in 
 his owne handes, when he sees vs doe nothinge more then 
 he for it? What credence will anie man give to oure 15 
 doctrine, whom they se so light in livinge ? What reverence 
 will they give oure persons, in whose maners they se no 
 gravitie ? Hetherto I haue spoken but of the abuse of oure 
 livinges that was dew to vs by lawes ; nowe let vs touche 
 somwhat the lucre we devised to oure selues, besides all 20 
 lawes ; which, while we invented to much vndew to vs, we 
 lost muche of that which was dew to vs. Was theare anie 
 sacrament so holie, or so frely instituted of god, but we 
 devised awaie to get some lucre for the same ? Yet Christe 
 bad vs geve frely that we received frely. As of the most 25 
 tf. 80 3] blessed sacrament of the bodie and bloude of Christe, haue 
 we not made saile of the ministration therof, and sold 
 masses, some in taile, and some in grosse, as [trentalles] ? 
 which thinge hathe brought this hol/e misterie in a wonder- 
 full contempt, throughe oure abusinge of the same. Is 30 
 theare anie matrimonie knitte, [but] some fees comes to vs 
 therfore ? no, not christeninge, but ther is somewhat devised 
 to growe to vs thearby. Confession was also, by a meane, a
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 135 
 
 greate instrument to bringe in proffitte to vs, when in 
 penaunce we enioined men to give somewhat [ever] to oure 
 churches, either for this thinge or for that. Also I thincke 
 theare is no decre of orders geven, but some fees come 
 5 therfore to oure chauncelors and theire clarckes. Then 
 howe dirges and praiers weare sould ; it is not so desembled, 
 but that he that gaue most money thearfore had most of it. 
 Yet yf praiers had ensewed the almes, as voluntarie and 
 vnprescribed, I thinke the same had not doune amisse; 
 
 10 but limited, as daye hier, I thinke they could not be so 
 available ; for that they proceaded, not of devotion, but for 
 the lucre, and weare not estemed after the worthines of the 
 doinge therof, so muche as by the numbere and quantitie of 
 the same. But that I referre to be estemed of the devynes. [f. 81] 
 
 15 I discommend nothinge but the sale of these holie thinges, 
 which I can in no wise alowe ; no, not so muche as anie 
 semblaunce therof, that might bringe the people in anie 
 suspecte therof. And therfore the gatheringe, that is at 
 godes borde at Easter, albeit it be for the fowre offeringe 
 
 20 daies, for breade and wine, I would wishe the collection to 
 be forborne at that time ; althoughe the parsons, vicars or 
 proctors should lose some profit therby. Better it is a 
 small losse of money, then of one soule, that might be 
 offended theare with; which would perhappes thinke he 
 
 25 should not receaue the communion, except he had paied for 
 it. We heare what the poore folke dothe saye, when they 
 begge for money to bringe theim home from godes table. 
 This, amonge other thinges of greate waite, weare complained 
 of ere this for reformation, and yet nothinge amended; 
 
 30 by reason whearof insued greate inconveniences ; and we 
 passe over all these small mattiers with deafe eares, as 
 thoughe they towched vs nothinge. And yf we doe not 
 reforme these thinges, that are so notorius to all men and
 
 136 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 manifest, contrarie to the lawes and cannons, as for resi- 
 dence, singularitie of benifices, the right and free administra- 
 tion of sacramentes ; how can theare be anie hope that 
 [f. 8i] we will reforme these thinges that are secret betwene god 
 and vs ? As of oure conversation and maners, theare be 5 
 most godly ordinaunces made by oure lawes, by aucthoritie 
 of oure counsaylles generall, that all archedecons should 
 viset yearly in person theire precinctes ; the Bishoppe every 
 iij yeare the whole Dioces, to se what is to be reformed, 
 either privatly or generally, that private faultes might be 10 
 reformed forthwith, and the generall at the next Sinode. 
 And therfore they haue theire procuracions ; visite they doe 
 not in person as they ought to doe, but by deputies ; more 
 for theire procuracion then for anie reformation. The 
 money is surely gathered, but the cause, wherfore it was 15 
 gathered, nothinge kepte. The stipend is exacted, and the 
 worke, wherfore it was dewe, undone. [Than is there an 
 other good ordinaunce and a godly observed 
 
 Vide canonem. -, . . , ... 
 
 after] the like sorte, wheare evene Bishoppe 
 should yearly kepe a Sinode in his dioces of all ecclesiasti- 20 
 call persons, and everie Archbishoppe a Synode for his hole 
 province euery iij yeare ; that yf anie thinge hapned in the 
 dioces worthie reformation it might be [referred to] the 
 prouinciall congregation ; yf it weare either doubtfull to the 
 Bishoppes, or could not be reformed, with oute greater 25 
 aucthoritie, of the Bishoppes alone. Wheare be theise 
 Synodes nowe kepte? yet they receiue euery yeare theire 
 [f. 82] Synodalles of the poore preistes. Of suche good ordin- 
 aunces and godly, theare is nothinge kepte but that which 
 is oure owne privat commoditie, which be the procuracions 30 
 and Synodalles. The other parte wherfore that charge was 
 layde is omitted, the burden remainethe, and the dewtie is 
 taken awaie. [Yet better it were that bothe the one and the
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 137 
 
 other were taken awaye], then to haue the good parte taken 
 and the worste to remaine. Yf they saye, theare nedethe 
 nowe a dayes no suche visitations or Synodes, then theare 
 nede*/ never [none] of theim ; for moe thinges to be re- 
 5 formed amonge vs neuer weare then nowe be, nor reformation 
 never more necessarie. But oure prelattes will saye, they 
 dare make no lawes in suche Synodes for feare T 
 
 Looke Doctor 
 
 of Premunire. What nede anie moe lawes be Coiiettes Ser- 
 made then they haue alredie? what should let 
 
 10 theim to put those in execution that be alredie made ? 
 specially since they haue the ayde of the temporall lawes 
 therto. Is theare not statutes made in Parliamentes for 
 residence, and for restrayninge of pluralitie of benifices? 
 which had never nede to haue bene made yf we would haue 
 
 15 put oure lawes in execution. Are not we worthie to haue 
 other men correcte vs and reforme vs, when we can not 
 reforme oure selues ? It is never mervaile that we be oute 
 of credence, when oure life and conversation is contrarie to 
 oure lawes and profession, and that the Religion of Christe [f. 82 b] 
 
 20 sufferethe sclander [through our naughtie behauior ? Lett 
 vs be assured therefore, that the blood of them that suffereth 
 sclaunder] or offence in the religion, throughe oure defaultes, 
 shalbe once required at oure handes. Therfore, if we will 
 haue taken awaye this scisme from Christes churche, let vs 
 
 25 first reforme oure selues, and put oure lawes in execution ; 
 as in resortinge to oure benifices, and in contentinge oure 
 selues with one benifice a pece, and with the livinge that is 
 appointed to vs for oure ministration, with oute devisinge 
 other extraordinarie and vnlawfull gaynes. For what is 
 
 70 more agreable to reason then a man to spend 
 
 , . . , , Propter offi- 
 
 his time wheare he hatne his livinge ? and to cium datur 
 doe his office for that he hathe [the benefite] of? bene{idum - 
 And seinge everie benifice is a mans livinge, and yf it be
 
 138 THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 not, it might be amended till it be accompted a livinge, 
 and everie one requires one whole mans charge, what 
 reason is it that one man should haue ij mens livinges and 
 ij mens charge, wheare he is able to discharge but one? 
 Then to haue mo, and to discharge the cure of never a one, 5 
 it is to far agaynst reason. But some, percase, will saye, 
 theare be some of vs worthie greater preferment then other, 
 and one benifice weare to litle for suche a one. Is theare 
 not as manie degrees in the varietie of benifices as theare is 
 [f. 83] in mens qualities ? Yes, for sothe. Theare is yet in this 10 
 Realme, (thankes be to god,) benifices from iiij or v thousand 
 markes to xx" markes a yeare, of sundrie valewes, to indue 
 everie man with, after his qualitie and degre. And if a 
 meane benifice happen to fall, let everie man be content 
 theare with, till a better chaunce. And yf he be thought 15 
 worthie of a better, let him leave the worste and take the 
 better ; for the meanest benifice is a sufficient livinge for 
 some men, which should be destitute of livinge, yf that 
 benifice vppon benifice should be heaped to gether in 
 greate mens handes. Yea, I knowe men, that haue suche 20 
 meane benifices, be more commonly resident and kepe 
 better hospitalitie [on] the same then they that haue greate 
 benifices. It is a common proverbe, it is mery in hall 
 when beardes wagges all. Nowe loke [throughe] a whole 
 Dioces, ye shall not find ij persons resident that may 25 
 dispend x u a pece, nor of all the benifices in a Dioces the 
 fourthe person resident on the same. What temporall 
 office is so far abused, as theise [that] be spirituall and of 
 greater charge? I praie god send oure prelates eies to se 
 those enormities ; for it should seme that they are so 30 
 blinded that they can not se theim. [And then I doubte 
 not but, all delayes sett apart, they will reforme them], and yf 
 they doe not, I praye god send oure magistrates temporall
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 139 
 
 the mynde to reforme theise thinges with theire seculer [f. 83 ] 
 powre, and to studie for the reformation of theim, rather 
 then for theire possessions. Christian princes beare not 
 the sworde for nothinge ; nor it is so straunge a thinge to se 
 5 Christian princes reforme the prelates that swarue from 
 theire dewties. Thus far be it spoken touchinge the refor- 
 mation of vs that be ministers of the churche. Nowe to 
 speake of that which is to be reformed of youre parte, that is 
 of the laytie, ye must vnderstand that all, that geves theim 
 
 10 selues to the knowledge of anie facultie, are commonly 
 subiect to either of theise ij vices, as the greate 
 clarke Tullie dothe reporte. The one is, to g e [ Jjf 
 take those thinges that we knowe not for 
 thinges knowne, or as thoughe we knewe theim ; for avoyd- 
 
 15 inge of which faulte, men ought to take goode space and 
 greate diligence in consideration of theise The faultes on 
 thinges, ere they come to give iudgement of theiayefee. 
 the same. The other vice is, to bestowe a 
 greate studie and laboure aboute obscure and harde thinges 
 
 20 nothinge necessarie. Let vs nowe consider and those 
 faultes be not amonge vs at theise dayes. Ye be all studi- 
 ouse to vnderstand the knoweledge of scriptures and well ; 
 further, theare can be no better desired, nor honester, nor 
 more necessarie for anie Christian man. But yet doe youe [f- 84] 
 
 25 not se so manie yonge men, before either they haue taken 
 anie longe time, or anie good diligence in the consideration 
 or studie of scriptures, take vppon theim to iudge in highe 
 matters, beinge in controuersie, givinge to quicke assent, 
 either to theire owne invencion or to other mens, before 
 
 30 they haue considered what might be saide to the contrarie ? 
 And this [faulte] is not only scene in men studiouse of the 
 knowledge of scripture, but also in yonge studientes of all 
 other sciences. Shall ye not finde a studient in the lawe of
 
 i 4 o THE THIRD DIALOGE. 
 
 the Realme, after he hathe bene at the studie of the lawe 
 not past iij yeares, more redie to assoyle youe a doubtfull 
 case of the lawe then either he him selfe or anie other after 
 he hathe studied the lawe xij or xiiij yeares? Yea, no 
 double. So it is in a yonge gramarian, logician, Retrician, 5 
 and so of all other sciences. Therfore Pithagoras forbad 
 his scholers to speake the firste five yeares that they came 
 to him, which lesson I would to god we would be content to 
 obserue, before thei gaue anie iudgement in mattier of holie 
 scripture ; and then I double not but, after vij yeares 10 
 readinge, thei would, with collation of one place of scriptures 
 with an other, find a greater difficullie iherin then they doe 
 [f. 84 ] nowe, and be more scrupulouse lo give an answere in highe 
 thinges then thei be nowe. And this harme comes of 
 ray she iudgement in thai parte, thai whan a man hathe 15 
 once vttered his opinion in anie thinge, he will ihinke il a 
 greate shame for him to be brought from thai he once halhe 
 affirmed lo be Irue. Therfore whalsoever he reades after, 
 he conslers it for the mainlenaunce of his opinion ; yea, and 
 will force lhal side, nol only wilh his wordes and perswa- 20 
 lions, bul also wilh lhal powre and aucthorilie lhal he 
 halhe ; and will labour lo bringe lo ihe same opinion as 
 manye as he can ; as ihoughe his opinion should be ihe 
 more Irue, ihe mo faulors lhal he can gel of ihe same by 
 suche meanes. If we seke bul for Ihe Irulhe, lhal is nol lo 25 
 be iudged [lo be] alwayes on lhal side lhal gelles ihe over 
 hand by powre and auclhorilie, or suffrages exlorled ; it is 
 nol like [in] ihe desceplalion and inquisilion of ihe Irulhe, 
 as il is in a fighl or wresllinge ; for he lhal halhe ihe over 
 hand in ihose Ihinges halhe ihe viclorie ; and in ihe olher, 30 
 he lhal is somelimes pul lo silence, or olherwise wanquished 
 in ihe sighl of Ihe world, halhe ihe viclorie and conquesl of ihe 
 truthe on his side. Since we conlend bul for ihe knowledge
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 141 
 
 of the truthe, what shoulde we devide cure selues into [f. 85] 
 faction and partes ? but let the mattier be quietly discussed, 
 tried, and examined, by men to whom the iudgment of 
 suche thinges appertaynethe ; and provide, in 
 5 the meane time, that neither partie doe vse anie ti * e t h e Greate 
 violence against the other, to bringe theim by did in Arius 
 
 tyme. 
 
 force to this or that side, vntill the whole or 
 
 most parte of theim, to whom the discussions of suche 
 
 thinges apperteine vnto, frely consent and determine the 
 
 10 mattier. That is only the waye to [decide] suche contro- 
 versies. And sence this contentacion must [ones] haue an 
 ende, it weare better to take an ende betimes, then to late, 
 [when,] percase, more harme shall haue ensued of this 
 daungerous scisme, as hathe alredie donne in other partes, 
 
 15 even before oure eies. And even like thinges hathe before 
 this time bene sene, of suche sorte as it is to lamentable to 
 be remembred ; what losse of Christian men, devision of the 
 Christian faithe, what continuall warres hathe the faction of 
 Arians bene occasion of? Did it not devide and sever at 
 
 20 lengthe all Asia and Africa from the Christian faithe ? Is 
 not the Religion, or rather wicked superstition of the Turke, 
 grafted on this Arians secte ? Did it not take his founda- 
 tion thearof ? As theare is no division more daungerous 
 then that which growethe of mattiers of Religion, so it [f. 85 3] 
 
 25 weare most expedient and necessarie to be quickly remedied, 
 which can not be donne by anie other waye but by a 
 Synode, generall convocation or counsaile ; that hathe bene 
 alwaies, [from] the time of the appostles, who first toke the 
 remedie, even to these dayes, the only waye to Howe this 
 
 30 quiet and appease all controversies in Religion, scisme might 
 
 .1 v i- v i * . be remedied. 
 
 And no doubte the hohe ghoste, as his promisse 
 
 is, wilbe present in everie suche assembly, that is gathered 
 
 together by no force or labour of anie affection. But nowe
 
 1 42 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 
 
 we will saye, thoughe we would for oure partes set a side [all 
 affection] and be indifferent, and vse no coertion to get 
 numbers and voyces that should fauor oure partes, who can 
 promisse that the Bishoppe of Rome and other prelates 
 would doe the same ? Suerly if ye sayde so, ye saye a 5 
 greate mattier, for they be men and as muche subiecte to 
 affections as ye be. But I shalbe bolde, after my maner, to 
 tell my mynde hearin, as well as in other thinges. I take 
 all theise mattiers, that be nowe a dayes in controversie, to 
 be one or other of theise iij sortes. That is, either towchinge 10 
 [religion onely, or els] the profites and emolumentes of the 
 [f. 86] prelates and ministers of the churche only, or towchinge 
 partly the one or partly the other. As towchinge those 
 articles that concerne Religion only, I would wishe they 
 had only the descretion therof, which ought and haue vsed 15 
 alwayes to haue the iudgement of the same. And as 
 towchinge the articles that concerne the profite only of 
 ecclesiasticall persons, I would haue those left to the discus- 
 sion of the seculer powres ; bycause it concerns seculer 
 thinges only, wheare no man nedes mistruste but that the 20 
 magistrates will provide an honorable livinge for that kinde 
 of men, that servethe so honorabk [a room] as the ministra- 
 tion of godes holie worde and his sacramentes. As to the 
 third sorte of thinges, as they be mixte of seculer and 
 spirituall thinges, so I would wishe men of bothe degrees to 25 
 consulte together for the derision of theim. And to be 
 playne, I would wishe in thinges towchinge the Bishoppes 
 of Romes faculties, he weare set aparte, and some other 
 indifferent person chosen, by Christian princes, to derecte or 
 to be present in the counsaile, while his mattier is in 30 
 handlinge; for no man is mete to be a iudge in his 
 owne cause. Heare I haue breifly towched the somes 
 of thinges, after my simple fantasie, referringe the alow-
 
 THE THIRD DIALOGS. 143 
 
 inge or reiectinge of all or some of them to youre better 
 iudgement. 
 
 KNIGHT. I am sorie it is so late that we must nedes [f. 86 b\ 
 departe nowe. 
 
 5 MERCHAUNTE, CAPPER, HUSBANDMAN. And so be we, 
 in goode faithe; but we trust ere we departe the towne, to 
 haue some communication with youe againe. 
 
 DOCTOR. I will gladly if I tarrie in the towne. 
 
 KNIGHT. And thus we departed for that time; but on 
 
 10 the morowe, when I knewe maister Doctor was gone oute of 
 
 the towne, I thought not mete this occasion should be lost, 
 
 but remembred at the least in my owne private boke, to the 
 
 intent as opportunitie should serue, I might bringe forthe 
 
 some of theise reasons in place, wheare they might either 
 
 15 take place or be answered otherwise then I could, and 
 
 therfore I haue noted the sayde communication breifly of 
 
 this sorte, as youe see. 
 
 THE ENDE OF THIS WORKE.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 The following Title (on the title page) and Epistle Dedicatory appear 
 in the edition of 1581. 'A Compendious or briefe examination of certayne 
 ordinary complaints, of diuerse of our countrymen in these our days : 
 which although they are in some part vniust and friuolous, yet are they 
 all by way of dialogues throughly debated and discussed by W. S. 
 Gentleman.' 
 
 'To the most vertuous and learned Lady, my most deare and Soueraigne 
 Princesse Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queene of England, 
 Fraunce, and Ireland : Defendresse of the Fayth. &c. 
 
 Whereas there was neuer anye thinge hearde of in any age past 
 hetherunto, so perfectly wrought and framed, eyther by Arte or Nature, 
 but that it hath at some time, for some forged and surmysed matter, 
 sustayned the reprehension of some enuious persons or other : I doe not 
 much meruayle, most mighty Pryncesse, that in this your so noble and 
 famous a gouernment, (the Glory whereof is now longe sithence 
 scattered and spread ouer the whole face of the Earth,) there are, 
 notwithstanding, certayne euill disposed people, so blinded with malice, 
 and subdued to their owne parciall Conceiptes : that as yet they can 
 neyther spare indifferente iudgements to conceyue, or reuerent tongues 
 to reporte a known truth, touching the perfection of the same. But for 
 these men, as they are (no doubt) sufficiently refuted by the testimonies 
 of their owne consciences : so are they most certainely condempned by 
 the common consent of all such, as are wyse or indifferent. And 
 although this be of itselfe so cleare and manyfest that it cannot bee 
 denied, yet could not I forbeare (most renowmed soueraigne) being as it 
 were inforced, by your Maiesties late and singular clemency, in pardon- 
 inge certayne my vndutifull misdemeanour, but seeke to acknowledge 
 your gracious goodnesse and bounty towardes me by exhibiting vnto 
 you this small and simple present : wherein as I haue indeuoured in 
 fewe wordes to aunswere certayne quarells and objections, dayly and 
 L. 10
 
 i 4 6 NOTES. 
 
 ordinarily occurrent in the talke of sundry men, so doe I most humbly 
 craue your Graces fauourable acceptation thereof : protestinge also with 
 all humility, that my meaninge is not in the discourse of these matters 
 heere disputed, to define ought, which may in any wise sound e 
 preiudiciall to any publicke authority, but only to alleadge such 
 probability as I coulde, to stop the mouthes of certayne euill affected 
 persons, which of their curiosity require farther satisfaction in these 
 matters, then can well stand with good modesty. Wherefore as vpon 
 this zeale and good meaning towards your estate, I was earnestly 
 moued to vndertake this enterprise, and in the handlinge thereof rather 
 content to shewe myselfe vnskilfull to others, then vnthankfull to you : 
 so presuminge of your auncient accustomed clemency, I was so bould to 
 commit the same to your gracious protection, fully perswading and 
 assuring myself, that it would generally obtayne the better credit & 
 entertainment among others, if your Maiesties name were prefixed, 
 a[n]d it were a most rich lewell and rare Ornament to beautifie and 
 commend the same. God preserue your Maiesty with infinit increase 
 of all his blessings bestowed vpon you, and graunt that your dayes of 
 life here vpon the earth may be extended (if it be his good will) euen 
 far beyonde the ordinary course of Nature : that as you haue already 
 sufficiently rayghned for your owne honour and glory to last withall 
 posterities : so you may continew and remaine with vs many more 
 yeares, euen to the full contentation (if it may so be) of vs your louing 
 subiects, and to the perfect establishing of this florishing peace and 
 tranquillity in your common weale for euer. Yovr Maiesties most 
 faythfull, and louing Subiect W. S.' 
 
 Page 1. The table of contents is printed from B. With the 
 exception of 'fo 1' on 1. 2, which is in the first hand and ink, the 
 figures are inserted in .the hand of the writer of the latter part of the MS. 
 
 Page 7, lines 15, 16. S. omits these two headings, 'Monye' &c. 
 and ' To recouere ' &c. 
 
 31. ' Gentz darmes ' B. ' great Armyes ' S. 
 
 Page 8, line 12. S. omits from 'Eythere by example ' to page 9, 
 1. 12, and continues with ' How Inclosures ' &c. 
 
 Page 9, line 23. S. adds ' The byshop of Rome is no indifferent 
 man.' 
 
 Page 10. TITLES. 'A discourse of the comen weale of thys 
 Realme of Englande.' B. 'A Briefe conceipte touching the common 
 weale of this realme of England.' S.
 
 NOTES. 147 
 
 Lines i to 10. ' Considering the diuerse and sundry complaints of 
 our countreimen in these our dayes, touchinge the greate alteration of this 
 common wealth, within the compasse of these few yeres lately past, I 
 thoughte good at this tyme to sette downe such probable discourse for the 
 occasion hereof, as I haue hearde oftentimes vttered by men of sound 
 learning and deepe Judgment. And albeit I am not one to whom the 
 consideration and reformation of the same doth especially belong ; yet, 
 knowing my selfe to be a Member of the same Commonweale, and to 
 further it by all the wayes that possibly I may, I cannot recken' &c. S. 
 
 4, 5. B. reads ' longe tyme past haue bene harde.' 
 
 7. ' reformation and consideration therof ' L. One of the numerous 
 transpositions ; in this case the reading of B. and S. is distinctly pre- 
 ferable ; ' consideration and reformation of the same.' 
 
 15. 'nothinge perteyne.' B. and S. transpose. 
 
 1 6. 'some vacation' L. B. 'suffycient leasure' S. 
 
 16 19. S. reads, 'mee thoughte I coulde not apply my study to a 
 better end then to publishe and make relation of such matters as I 
 haue hearde throughly disputed heerein.' 
 
 23. 'there' B. S. ' other ' L. 
 
 After ' then I ' read ' that haue that mattere in charge ' B. S. 
 
 24. 'speake some times.' B. and S. transpose. 
 
 Page 11, lines i, 2. 'perchaunce ' L. 'prynces' B. S. 
 i. S. reads 'themselues, (as our most excellent Prynce is).' 
 
 3. S. reads 'will haue, (as our noble and gratious Queene doth 
 dayly make choise of more).' 
 
 4. ' shall ' L. B. ' doth discouer ' S. 
 
 5. After 'memorie' insert 'some in invencion' B. S. 
 
 8. 'do not seuerally make' S. 
 12. 'adorne and decke his' S. 
 
 19. 'saye' B. ; L. omits; S. reads 'cannot vnfould againe. 
 
 20. ' maxime, or a thynge receyuyde as an' B. S. 
 
 24. ' faire ' L. ' fyne ' B. S. The story is told of Apelles by Pliny 
 Nat. Hist. xxxv. 85. It is also given by Valerius Maximus vni. 12, 3. 
 The same story is told of Pheidias by Lucian Pro imag. 14. 
 
 Page 12, lines 2 6. S. reads 'so bould with my countreymen 
 who I doubt not will construe everything to the best, as to vtter my 
 poore and simple conceipte herein, which I haue gathered out of the 
 talke of diuers and sundry notable men that I haue heard reason on 
 this matter ; and though I should ' &c. 
 
 4, 5. B. reads, ' wayede onelye and considerede. 
 
 10 2
 
 148 NOTES. 
 
 7. 'spoken' L. 'tochede ' B. S. 
 
 'disputation' L. 'disceptacion' B. S. 
 
 12. 'Therfore nowe to goo to the mattiere vppon boldnes of your 
 good acceptacion, that kynde' &c. B. S. 
 
 1 6. Side-notes occur in L. in this passage (ff. ib and 3), in Lam- 
 barde's own hand ; in the margin at this point are the words ' Diuision 
 of the Worke,' with the figures i, 2, 3 opposite lines 18, 19, 20. 
 
 18. B. and S. read 'firste in recountynge.' 
 
 23. 'a knight tould me theare was ' L. B. 'a knight had' S. 
 
 27. S. reads, 'nowe a days, I thought it not meete to bee 
 forgotten, to lett you vnderstande that the persons were these : a Knight 
 as I sayd first, a Marchauntman, a Doctor, a Husbandman, and a 
 Craftesman. And first, the Knight rehearsed the communication in this 
 manner ensuing.' 
 
 28. Side-note in Lambarde's hand, 'The Interloquutors.' 
 
 Page 13, line 2. 'countrie' L. 'Countye' B. 'Comminalty' S. 
 S. reads, 'Queenes highnesse commission touching diuers matters, 
 and.' 
 
 The precise subject of discussion is elucidated by the following, 
 which is printed from Hales' Defence, Brit. Mus. Lansdown, 238, f. 305. 
 
 "A proclamacion set fourthe by the kynges Maiestie with thassent 
 and consent of his most deare vncle Edward Duke of Somerset 
 gouernour of his most royall parson and of his domynyons and subiectes 
 protect our, and others of his highnes preuye Councell, ageynst 
 enclosures, lettynge of houses to decaye, and vnlaufull conuertinge of 
 erable grounde to pastures the first daye of June in the second yeare of 
 his Maiesties most gracious reigne. 
 
 Forasmoche as the kynges Maiestie the lorde protectours grace, and 
 the rest of his preuye Councell, hathe byn aduertised and put in 
 remembraunce aswell by dyuers supplicacions, and pytefull complayntes 
 of his Maiesties poore subiectes, as also by other wise and discrete men, 
 hauynge care to the good ordre of the Realme, that of late by 
 thynclosynge of landes and erable groundes, in dyuers and sundrye 
 places of this Realme, manye haue byn dreuyn to extreme pouertie, and 
 compelled to leaue the places wher they wer borne, and to seeke them 
 leuynges in other Countryes, with great myserye and pouertie. In so- 
 moche that wheare as in tyme past, tenne, twentie, yea in some place 
 C or CC Chrysten people hathe byn inhabytynge and kept householde, 
 to the bryngynge forthe and nourysshynge of youthe, and to the 
 replenysshynge and fulfillynge of his Maiesties Realme with faythfull
 
 NOTES. 149 
 
 subiectes, who myght serue bothe Almyghtie god, and the kynges 
 Maiestie to the defence of this Realme, nowe ther is nothynge kept but 
 sheepe or bullockes. All that land whiche heretofore was tilled and 
 occupied with so manye men, and dyd brynge fourthe not onlie dyuers 
 famylies in worke and labour, but also Capons, hens, Chekyns, pygges, 
 and other suche furnyture of the markettes, is nowe gotten by insaciable 
 gredynes of mynde into one or two mens handes, and scarcelye dwelled 
 vppon with one poore Shepherd. So that the Realme therby is brought 
 to a merueylous desolacion, houses decayed, parysshes dymynyshed, 
 the force of the Realme weakened, and Chrysten people by the gredie 
 couetousnes of some men eaten vp and deuoured of brute beastes, and 
 dryuen from ther houses by sheepe and bullockes. And that although 
 of the same thynge manye sondrye complayntes and lamentacions hathe 
 ben heretofore made, and by the most wise and discrete Prynces, his 
 Maiesties father and graundfather, the kynges of most famous memorye 
 kynge henry the vij th and kynge henry the viij, with the consent and 
 assent of the lordes spyrytuall and temporall in dyuers parlyamentes 
 assembled dyuers and sondrye lawes and actes of parlamentes, and 
 most godlie ordynaunces in ther seuerall tymes hathe byn made for the 
 remedie therof, yet the insaciable couetousnes of men dothe not cease 
 daylly to encroche heruppon, and more and more to waste the Realme 
 after this sorte, bryngynge erable groundes into pastures, and lettynge 
 houses, whole famylies and copiholdes to fall downe, decaye and be 
 waste. Wherfore his highnes is greatlie moued bothe with a pytefull 
 and tender zeale to his most louynge subiectes and speciallye to the 
 poore whiche is mynded to labour and trauayle for ther lyuynges, and 
 to lyue an Idle and loyterynge lyfe : and of a most necessarye regarde to 
 the suertie and defens of his Realme, whiche must be defended ageynst 
 the enemye with force of men, and the multytude of true subiectes, not 
 with flockes of sheepe and droues of beastes. And further is aduertised 
 that by the vngodlie and vncharytable meanes aforesaid, the said sheepe 
 and Oxen beynge brought into a fewe mens handes a great multitude of 
 them beynge to gether, and so made great droues and flockes, aswell by 
 naturall reason, as also as it maye be iustlie thought, by the due 
 ponysshement of god for suche vncharytablenes : great rottes and 
 murryns, bothe of sheepe and bullockes, hathe latelye byn sent of god 
 and seen in this Realme, the whiche shulde not by all reason so sone 
 fall, if the same wer disparsed into dyuers mens handes, and the said 
 Cattell also by all lykelyhode of truthe shulde be more cheape, beynge 
 in many mens handes as they be nowe in fewe, who maye holde them
 
 i5o NOTES. 
 
 deare and tarye ther avauntage of the markett. And therfore by 
 thaduyse of his most entierlie beloued vncle, the duke of Somerset 
 gouernour of his parson, and protectour of all his Realmes, domynyons 
 and subiectes, and the rest of his Maiesties preuye councell hathe wayed 
 most depelye all the said thynges. And vppon the forsaid consyder- 
 acions and of pryncely desire and zeale, to see that godlie lawes made 
 with great travell, and approued by experyence, and by the wise 
 heddes in the tyme of the said most prudent prynces shulde not be 
 made in vayne but put in vse and execution, hathe appoynted 
 accordynge to the said actes and proclamacions a viewe and enquyrye 
 to be made, of all suche as contrarye to the said actes and godlie 
 ordynaunces, hathe made enclosures and pastures of that whiche was 
 erable grounde, or let any house tenement or mease decaye and fall 
 downe, or otherwise commytted or done any thynge to the contrarye 
 of the good and holsem articles conteyned in the said actes and 
 therfore willithe and commaundithe all his louynge subiectes who 
 knowith any suche defaultes and offences contrarye to the wealthe and 
 profytt of this Realme of Englonde, and the said godlie lawes and actes 
 of parlament done and commytted by any person who so euer he or 
 they be, to insynuate and gyue informacion of the offence to the kynges 
 Maiesties Commyssyoners, who be appoynted to here the same, so 
 trulie and faythfullye that neyther for fauour nor feare they omytt to 
 tell the truthe of any, nor for dyspleasure name any man who is not 
 giltye therof. That a conuenyent and spedie reformacione myght be 
 made herin to the honour of god and the kynges Maiestie, and the 
 wealthe and benefytt of the whole Realme. 
 
 God saue the Kynge." 
 
 3. 'geven' B. S. 'gevinge' L. 
 
 4. 'with' L. 'of B. S. 
 
 10. 'had but scant' B. S. 
 
 11. 'comes me in' B. S. 
 16. 'wyll send home' B. S. 
 
 Page 14, line 7. There are close verbal resemblances between this 
 dialogue and the first book of More's Utopia, e.g. p. 21. But the two 
 works differ greatly in character : the Utopia presents an ideal, and 
 satirises the evils of actual life, while this suggests practical remedies. 
 
 13. 'Justices of the Peace' S. B. 
 
 15. So L. and B. ; but S. reads, 'and in causing poore men to 
 appeare before you.' In the commission on enclosures the Justices of the 
 Peace were to be in attendance (Strype, Eccl. Mem. n. ii. 350), but
 
 NOTES. 151 
 
 it was the Sheriffs duty to cause witnesses to appear. The reading of 
 L. and B. is more accurate. 
 
 23. Plato, Epistles 358 A. Cicero, De finibus n. xiv. 45. 
 
 30. Compare Hales' Charge, Strype, Eccl. Mem. n. ii. 352. "Is it 
 not a pitiful hearing, good people, that man, which was ordeined of 
 God to be a comfort for man, and as it were a god, as the proverb is, 
 that is to say, ordained to do good, is now clean changed &c." See 
 also Hales' Defence, p. liv. 
 
 Page 15, line 5. Read 'let us studye to doe' B. S. 
 
 8. B. and S. read 'Then (sayd the husbandman) for.' The 
 insertion of the speaker occurs throughout in B. (see p. 107, 1. 16 n. 
 below), but this is almost the only case where it is given in S. 
 
 9. 'haue'L. 'yee' B. S. 
 
 17. L. repeats 'for pastures for pastures.' 
 
 20. L. has 4 ij'; but B. and S. read 'seven'; compare p. 17, 1. 3; 
 S. reads 'where three score persons or vpwarde.' 
 
 21. 'and his shepard' L. B. 'with his Cattell' S. John Coke says, 
 "Furthermore in Englande sum one man kepeth in his handes ij or iij 
 fermes, and where hath ben vi or viij persons in euery ferme he keepeth 
 oonly a shepparde or wretched Heardman and his wyfe. Lykewyse 
 many gentilmen, for their priuate commodities enclose a myle or ij 
 aboute theyr houses, distroyeing thereby not onely the fermes and 
 cottages within the same circuites, but also the good townes and 
 villages nere adioyning." Debate of the Heraldes (1550). " In the sayde 
 Oxford-shyre, Buckyngham-shyre and Northampton-shyre, there be 
 many men of worshyp dwellyng within the sayde thre shyres, and hath 
 great landes lo lyue vpon, the whiche we praye to God to geue them 
 ioye of, and well to occupye it. Many of these worshipful men, sette 
 no store, nor pryse, vpon the mayntenaunce of tyllage of theyr landes, as 
 before tyme hath been vsed, neyther breadyng nor feadynge of catle, but 
 many of them doeth kepe the most substaunce of theyr landes in theyr 
 owne handes. And where tillage was wont to be, nowe is it stored 
 wyth greate vmberment of shepe ; and they that haue great vmberment 
 of shepe, muste nedes haue greate store of woll, and we cannot thynke 
 who shulde make the pryse of woll, but those that haue great plentye of 
 shepe. And we do partly knowe that there be some dwellynge within 
 these thre shyres, rather then they wyll sell theyr woll at a lowe pryse, 
 they will kepe it a yere or twayne, and all to make it deare, and to kepe 
 it a deare pryse." Certayne Causes gathered together in Four Supplications 
 (E. E. T. S.), p. 96. See also p. 48, 1. 20.
 
 152 NOTES. 
 
 22. So in L. B. but S. reads ' former vprores '; see Introduction, p. xi. 
 
 23. 'men' L. 'manye' B. S. 
 
 28. 'daily labour' L. 'day wages' B. S. 
 
 31. On the rise of nominal wages see Rogers, Agriculture and 
 Prices, iv. 521, 524. Between 1542 and 1549 average wages rose as 
 follows : carpenters 6^d. to 8$d. ; thatchers d\d. to %d, ; unskilled 
 labour \d. to $d. The decimal average from 1551 to 1560 rules about 
 3^. higher than that from 1531 to 1540. 
 
 33. 'husbande' B. S. 'husbandman' L. 
 
 Page 16, line 4. 'the citie' L. 'this Cytye' B. ' Cities' S. 
 
 10. 'howses, walles, streats' B. S. Compare 2 and 3 Ed. VI. c. 5, 
 by which the payment of Fee Farms by cities and towns was remitted 
 for three years, on the understanding that the tax should be levied as 
 usual and the proceeds go to the repairing of walls and bridges, and 
 setting poor people on work. Hales appears to have been in charge of 
 this bill. Commons Journals, i March, 1549. See also Causes of 
 Dearth, App. p. xlv., and p. 18, 1. 33 below. 
 
 1 8. S. omits 'stage playes, enterludes.' See Introduction, p. xii. 
 The seditious character of some plays was the ground alleged in the 
 proclamation for the prohibition. On the plays of the time compare 
 S. R. Maitland, Reformation, 238. The mistery pageants at Coventry 
 appear to have been acted in 1547 (Sharp, Dissertation, p. n) and in 
 1553 (ib. p. 70), from entries in the accounts. Interludes and plays were 
 of course frequent in the time of Queen Elizabeth ; the Coventry men 
 performed before her at Kenilworth in 1574 (ib. 125). The York 
 plays were revised in 1568 (L. T. Smith, York Mystery Plays, xvi.). 
 
 21. 'pardons, pylgrimages. ' On these occasions of expense com- 
 pare Latimer, Sermons, 53, 54. 
 
 25. So L. B. ; but S. reads 'as before xx or xxx yeares hath not 
 bene the like.' 
 
 32. 'and' B. S. 'as' L. 
 
 Page 17, line 3. 'seaven' L. B. 'fewe' S. On the rise of prices 
 at this time compare Rogers, Agrictilture and Prices, iv. The average 
 rise between the decades 1531 48 and 1551 60 was for tiles ^s. i\\d. 
 to 9-f. 5f</. ; for glass ^d. to l\d. ; for linen 8s. id. to i8.r. yd. ; for canvas 
 4^. id. to 7-r. gd. 
 
 'as' B. S., omitted in L. 
 7. Read 'haue had as yee knowe' B. S. 
 
 'iij' L. B. 'twenty' S. According to Rogers' averages, 1546 7, 
 J 547 8, and 1548 9 were remarkably cheap years (Agriculture and
 
 NOTES. 153 
 
 Prices, IV. 261), though prices began to rise considerably in 1549, but 
 this does not appear to have been due to a deficient crop. See below, 
 p. 52, 1. 22. 
 
 10. 'it' L. 'they' B. S. 
 
 19. 'dearthe' in its proper sense of dearness, rather than scarcity. 
 See p. 37, 1. 20 and compare Dr Furnivall's note, N. S. Soc. edition, 
 p. v. 
 
 21. 'occupacion' B. S. 'occupie' L. 
 
 22. L. repeats 'youe all thre I meane youe all thre I meane.' 
 24. 'merchaunt' L. 'mercere' B. S. 
 
 Page 18, line 3. 'owght to' B., omitted in L. 'and haue geuen 
 ouer to Hue' S. 
 
 n. 'haue' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 14. William Pisford, a grocer and mayor of Coventry, whose will 
 is dated 1517, bequeathed $ to the mending of the ways about the 
 City ; as well as sums to the drapers, tailors, tanners or any other craft 
 that either find priest or pageant to the service of God (Dugdale, I. 
 185). Mr Henry Over, who was mayor in 1 543, gave .400 for tradesmen 
 and .100 to lie in the Council house, to be lent to any of the house 
 upon pledge (Wanley's Collections, Brit. Mus. Harl. 6388). Sir William 
 Whyte, another mayor of Coventry, left ,140 to be lent similarly to 
 poor tradesmen. The administration of this benefaction gave rise to 
 much dispute at later times between the towns of Coventry, Leicester 
 and Warwick. In some similar cases the trust was badly managed 
 (Harwood, Lichfidd, p. 316). These cases may serve as illustrations, 
 though they were not the work of eminent cappers. 
 
 26. 'vprores.' The capper like the knight (p. 88, 1. 17 below) 
 takes the view that the uproars were largely due to the artisan popula- 
 tion. The complete differentiation of town and country employments 
 did not take place in England till the latter part of the xvm. century 
 (Cunningham, Growth, II. 480), and the continual outbreaks in Coventry 
 seem to show that the craftsmen of that city had personal reasons for 
 opposing enclosures. The earliest of these uproars at Coventry, which 
 had reference to enclosures, was in 1374, when the Commons 'rose 
 and cast loaves of bread at the mayor's head and cast open that which 
 the mayor had inclosed.' In 1480 they rose and brake Briscow's close ; 
 in 1495, when Ford was mayor, there was ' much riseing in Coventre.' In 
 1525, when Nicholas Haines was mayor, there was 'the 111 Lammas Day, 
 on which the Commons of Coventre rose and pulled down the gates and 
 hedges of the grounds inclosed ; and they that were in the Cittie shutt
 
 154 NOTES. 
 
 the Newgate against the Chamberlains and their Company. The 
 Mayor was almost smothered in the Throng; he held with the Commons 
 for which he was carried as prisoner to London : he was put out of his- 
 office and Mr John Humphery served out his year' (Wanley's Collections^ 
 Brit. Mus. Harl. 6388). 
 
 31. Read 'tounes end wherein the free men decayede are relyeuede' 
 B. S. William Ford, Mercer, founded an almshouse at Coventry in 
 1529; it still remains and is a most beautiful example of a sixteenth 
 century wooden house. Though the town has now extended much 
 beyond it, it was formerly at the end of the town, as it was built near 
 the site of the Grey Friars. (Dugdale, Wanuickshire, I. 184 and map 
 fronting 134.) Bablake Hospital, which was even more obviously at 
 the town end (being close to the gate on the west side), can hardly 
 be meant, since it was founded by Thomas Bond, a draper. The 
 lands were granted to the city on 12 December, 1548, and it was 
 continued as a charitable institution (Dugdale, Warwickshire, I. 193). 
 
 33. On local customs see Hall, Customs, n. 161. The king 
 granted a commission in 1367 to levy money at Coventry for building 
 the wall; the 'custom' of the city was is. per tun of wine, ^d. per 
 quarter of malt, A,d. per ox and \d. per calf or hog, as murage. The 
 cost of building was a heavy charge, and the murage was altered in 
 1370 (Poole, Coventry, 68), when 'the commons rose against the 
 customes to bear the charge of walling.' This was the first rising of 
 the commons in Coventry. (Wanley's Collections, Brit. Mus. Harl. 6388.) 
 But there must have been frequent expenses for repairs two hundred 
 years after the wall was begun ; it seems just possible that the 
 redemption of the custom referred to was effected by William Pisford. 
 There was ' a common box in S. Mary Hall ' which he had caused to 
 ' be set there himself, to be applied to the common weal, and for the 
 Common wealth when they shall have need, and to be no otherwise 
 used.' He left ^3. 6s. 8d. by his will (Dugdale, Wanuickshire, I. 185) 
 to be given to this box. The difficulty about finding funds for the 
 repair of the churches was strongly felt at this time (see below, p. 19, 
 1. 3), and the maintenance of the walls must have been a heavy charge. 
 
 Page 19, line i. ' my father in lawe. ' If the foregoing explanation 
 of the custom of the city and its redemption is correct, then William 
 Pisford, grocer, was the benefactor referred to. It appears from a 
 deed which is summarised both by Dugdale (Wanvickshire, I. 185) 
 and Poole (Coventry, 297), and which has been kindly transcribed 
 by Mr Browett of Coventry, that William Wygston, mercer, who
 
 NOTES. 155 
 
 modified the arrangements and allowances at Ford's hospital, was 
 the second husband of Agnes Pisford, the daughter of William Pisford 
 the elder. William Wygston was a merchant of the Staple of Calais 
 and was a Leicester man. He was alive in 1547, as he was steward of 
 the chantry founded by William Pisford at the time of the dissolution. 
 Article on Ancient Guilds and Modern Friendly Societies in Mander's 
 Collections for the History and Antiquities of the City of Coventry, in. 
 p. 288 (Free Library, Coventry). 
 
 3. 'it decayethe ' &c. "Semblably they of Coventre declaring 
 that where that cite was of myche fame and antiquitie, sume tymes 
 very welthy though nowe of late yeares brought into decaye and poverte, 
 and had not to the furniture of the holl multitude of the Commons there, 
 being to the number of xj or xij thowsand howseling people, but two 
 churches wherin Goddes service is doone, whereof thone, that is to saye, 
 the Church of Corpus Christi, was specially mainteyned of the revenues 
 of siche Guild landes...if therefore now by thact the same landes shuld 
 passe from them it shuld be a manifest cause of thuttre desolacion of the 
 cite, as long as the people when the churches were no lengar supported, 
 nor Goddes service doone therin, and thother uses and employmentes of 
 those landes omitted, shuld be of force constreyned tabandon the cite 
 and seke new dwelling places." Acts of the Privy Council (6 May, 
 1548), p. 193. 
 
 13. ' doo rise ' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31. This side note in B. is in the same hand as the latter part of the 
 MS. 
 
 Page 20, line 2. 'xxx tie ' L. 'xxiiij ' B. S. 
 4 and 5. 'ij c ' L. 'too hundred' B. S. 
 
 5. 'agoe'L. ' paste ' B. S. 
 
 14. ' make ' B. S. ' kepe ' L. 
 
 28. S-s' L. 'youe' B. S. 
 
 31 33. S. omits 'and yet haue...we haue.' 
 
 Page 21, line 4. 'well haue ' L. ' lyve well ' B. S. 
 
 12. 'lacke of B. S. , omitted in L. 
 14. 'medecyne' L. 'fine' B. S. 
 23. ' of former vprores ' S. 
 
 29. for 'Christian,' L. has Xpian. 
 
 Page 22, line i. 'enowghe of B. S. 'englishe in ' L. 
 
 6. 'yf'L. 'that'B. S. 
 
 13. Compare Latimer, Sermons, 178, "It would pity a mans heart 
 to hear that that I hear of the state of Cambridge ; what it is in Oxford,.
 
 156 NOTES. 
 
 I cannot tell. There be few do study divinity, but so many as of 
 necessity must furnish the colleges ; for their livings be so small, and 
 victuals so dear, that they tarry not there, but go other where to seek 
 livings, and so they go about. Now there be a few gentlemen, and they 
 study a little divinity. Alas ! what is that ? It will come to pass that 
 we shall have nothing but a little English divinity, that will bring the 
 realm into a very barbarousness and utter decay of learning." Edge- 
 worth, an opponent of Latimer's made a very similar complaint. (Seyer, 
 Bristol, n. 220.) Compare p. 31, 1. 33 below. Strype's Cranmer, 
 I. 234. 
 
 17. 'Auditor and Receivour.' These were officials in connection 
 with the Court of Surveyors which was constituted in 1542 (33 H. VIII. 
 c- 39> 2 > I0 J 6). The clerk of the Petty Bag had direct responsi- 
 bility in connection with this court ( 17), and doubtless the clerk of the 
 Hanaper was familiar with it too. 
 
 18. ' gentleman ' L. 'greate manne' B. S. 
 22. 'pollytyque' B. S. 'publique'L. 
 
 33. ' chiefly.' The hair strokes of this word and of 'gouernaunce ' 
 and 'every' (p. 23, 11. i, 3) are carried over the edge on to f. 12; see 
 note to p. 29, 1. 19. 
 
 Page 23, line 8. 'forces' B. S. ' sorte' L. 
 
 'other,' this is corrected from 'some' in B. by the second hand. 
 
 15. 'thenowe'L. ' yea ' B. S. 
 
 16. 'laste' B. S. 'lost' L. 'Normaynes' is corrected in Lam- 
 barde's hand from ' Romaynes.' 
 
 17. ' Bry tons' L, corrected in Lambarde's hand from 'Romayns.' 
 'Romans ' B. S. 
 
 ' Brytayns' B. S. ' brutes ' L. 
 
 30. 'apte' B. S. 'vnapte' L. 
 
 Page 24, line 24. 'so mannye cases' B. S. 'all those causes' L. 
 Page 25, line 7. ' and ' B. S., omitted in L. 
 ii. 'equivalent' L. ' equipolente ' B. S. 
 
 1 8. 'seame' B., omitted in L. 
 
 31. 'discurre' B. 'sturre' S. 'discource' L. 
 
 Page 26, line n. After 'theim?' S. inserts, l yes, surely that wee 
 may: for tell mee, how came all the learned men heretofore to the 
 exacte and perfit knowledge thereof? came they not to it by conference, 
 and marking of circumstances ? (yes indeede), so that out of their 
 writings we learned it.' 
 
 14. ' coniuncte ' L. S. 'conducte' B.
 
 NOTES. 157 
 
 24. Flavius Renatus Vegetius (fl. 380 A.D.) was the author of a 
 treatise Rei Militaris Instituta in five books. 
 
 25. Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella, a native of Cadiz, wrote a 
 treatise on Agriculture in twelve books in the first century A.D. 
 
 29. Doctor, in margin, inserted by second hand in B. ; also on 
 
 P- 3 1 - ! 13- 
 Page 27, line 2. 'thinges' L. 'Scyencyes' B. S. 
 12. ' the earthe ' L. 'to eare ' B. S. 
 
 15. 'mowinge'L. ' Innynge ' B. S. 
 
 17. ' veterinaria ' B. S. ' veteremaria ' L. 
 
 21. ' so ' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 22. M. Vitruvius Pollio composed a treatise in ten books, De 
 Architectura, before 10 B.C. 
 
 25,26. 'description ' L. ' discussion ' B. S. 
 
 Page 28, line 6. ' proffytablye ' B. S. 'profitabby ' L. 
 
 12. 'concernethe ' L. B. ' confirmeth' S. 
 
 1 6. Plato, Republic, 473 D. 
 
 30. " Neither poor nor rich abode long at their studies in the 
 University, to attain to any considerable degrees of learning. The poor 
 could not because the encouragements there were scarce capable to 
 maintain them ; and the richer sort would not, choosing rather to 
 follow some other course, because of the obscure and neglected 
 condition learning then lay under." Strype's Cranmer, I. 234 ; com- 
 pare also Ascham's letter on p. 242. See p. 22, 1. 19, p. 31, 1. 33 below. 
 
 Page 29, line 19. ' sound' S., omitted in L. 'soundithe' B. The 
 e of contrarie on f. 15 runs over the rough edge to f. 16; the MS. 
 cannot have been restitched since it was written. 
 ' to ' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 20. 'conster'L. 'construe' B. S. 
 
 22. '5' L. 'seven' B. and S. ; but five appears to be correct, 
 lamblichus, De Vita Pythagorae, xvii. 72. See p. 140, 1. 7 below. 
 
 28. L. inserts 'so' after 'but.' 
 
 32. OvSels d-yewyu^T/MjTos flfflru, is ordinarily attributed to Pytha- 
 goras. Compare Plato, Rep. 527 C. 
 
 Page 30, line 5. 'an'S. 'all' L. B. 
 Plato, Republic, 433 B. 
 
 15 17. 'I spake... learnynge' B. S., but L. reads 'I speake not 
 muche of the common trade of learnynge. ' 
 
 18. 'manye' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 32. The knight's speech begins, 'On my faythe (quoth I) I am
 
 158 NOTES. 
 
 gladde it was my chaunce to haue yow in my companye at this tyme, for 
 of a wyse manne, a manne maye alwayes learne ; but me thowght yee 
 said,' &c. B., so also S. 
 
 Page 31, line 9. Strype writes, " Ecclesiastical preferments which 
 formerly were the peculiar rewards of academics, were now ordinarily 
 enjoyed by mere unlearned laymen. So the Earl of Hartford held a 
 deanery, a treasurership of a cathedral church, and four of the best 
 prebends ; and his son three hundred pounds a year out of a bishoprick. 
 And learned men were seldom taken notice of, or had honours con- 
 ferred on them ; and if they obtained any rewards they were but small." 
 Cranmer, I. 234. See p. 138, 1. 19. 
 
 14, 15. ' xij or xvj ' L. B. 'xx or xxx ' S. 
 
 28. 'who, now seynge in stedde of honour and preferment, dys- 
 honour and hyndraunce, compenced for a rewarde of learnynge, will 
 other putte &c.' B. The reading in S. is similar. 
 
 33. The small number of scholars at the Universities was a frequent 
 complaint in Latimer's Sermons, "In times past when any rich man 
 died in London, they were wont to help the poor scholars of the 
 Universities with exhibition. When any man died, they would bequeath 
 great sums of money toward the relief of the poor. When I was a 
 scholar in Cambridge myself, I heard very good report of London, and 
 knew many that had relief of the rich men of London ; but now I can 
 hear no such good report, and yet I inquire of it, and hearken for it," 
 p. 64. Again on p. 102 he suggests that the decay of the Universities 
 was connected with the difficulty of the yeomanry in educating their 
 families, through the pressure brought on them by the enclosures. See 
 Supplication of the Poore Commons in Four Supplications, p. 86 and 
 also p. 22, 11. 15, 19, and p. 28, 1. 30. 
 
 Page 32, line 10. 'rated' L. 'rented' B. S. 
 
 12 23. 'even by...theim at.' This is omitted in S. and the 
 following sentence substituted, ' which great dearth (I speake in com- 
 parison of former times) hath bene alwayes, in a maner, at a stay, euer 
 after that basenesse of our English Coine which happened in the later 
 yeares of Kyng Henry the eyght.' 
 
 16. 'yea' B., omitted in L. 
 'they' B., omitted in L. 
 
 17. The price of cloth, which was exceptionally low, was at 52^. 
 or 53.?. the piece from 1530 to 1533 ; in 1548 it was H2J., and in 1549, 
 153,?. Rogers, op. cit. IV. 587. 
 
 20. ' vente ' B. ' event ' L.
 
 NOTES. 159 
 
 22. 'as' B., omitted in L. 
 
 26. 'exchaunge' B. S. 'excesse' L. 
 
 28. 'ye lurched some,' B. and S. read, 'as for example, because yee 
 tochede sumwhat.' Halliwell explains this as an old word for ' to 
 absorb' and refers to Bacon's Essay XLV. ' Cities... which lurcheth all 
 provisions and maketh every thing dear.' It was probably the gold 
 which was lurched in this fashion, as well as the old silver. W. Thomas, 
 writing to the King in 1548, says, "As for gold if there be any quantity 
 remaining, (as some men think but smal,) it cannot come to light; 
 because that like as the value of our mony doth daily decay, so doth the 
 gold encrease to such a value, that lying stil it amounteth above the 
 revenues of any land. And he that shall live twelve months shall se, 
 that an old angel shal in value and estimation want little of twelve 
 shillings of our current money ; if provision for redress of your Majesties 
 coin be not had rather." Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. ii. 391. Compare the 
 Proclamation of n April, 1849 ' n All suche Proclamations as haue been 
 sette furthe by the Kynges Maiestie from 31 Jan. 1547 to 31 Jan. 1550 
 (1550) [Brit. Mus. C. 12, b. 17]. See also introduction (p. xiii) and 
 p. 45, 1. 20, p. 78, 1. 27, and p. 79, 1. 14. 
 
 Page 33, line i. ' at this daye ' L. B. 'in a very shorte space ' S. 
 
 2, 3. 'we haue now ' B. L. ' hath bene since ' S. 
 
 8. B. and S. read 'Yea, so menne commonlye save.' 
 
 20. 'farriers' L. 'fermers' B. S. ; here as in p. 32, 1. 28, L. 
 preserves a better reading than B. and S. 
 
 27. 'nowe' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 28. 29. ' for showinge...late ' omitted in S. 
 
 29. ' at the moste till ' B., omitted in L. 
 
 33. 'vj' L. B. 'eight' S. The average price of unskilled labour 
 given by Rogers for 1549 is 5^., and for 1581, 8d. Agriculture and 
 Prices, IV. 523. 
 
 34. 'at'B. 'of L. 'to'S. 
 
 Page 34, line n. 'pynnes' B. S. 'pence' L. 
 
 'before' B. S., omitted in L. 
 12. 'pence' B. S. 'ij d ' L. 
 
 1 6. 'parte' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 1 7. ' new ' L. B. ' base ' S. 
 
 17, 18. So L. B., but S. omits ' wheare...coyne.' 
 20. ' proportion ' L. 'provicion' B. S. 
 
 23. ' magistrates and ' L. ' Maiesties ' S. omitted in B. 
 
 32. 'must nedes' L. B. 'sometimes doth' S. The manufacture
 
 160 NOTES. 
 
 of gunpowder is said to have been introduced to England under Eliza- 
 beth (Camden, Elizabeth, 1561), and hence the modification of phrase by 
 W. S. See however Latimer (Sermons, 261), who enumerates powder- 
 makers among the workmen whose wages were in arrear ; guns appear 
 to have been commonly made in this country before that time. 
 
 Page 35, line i. 'Therefore' B. S. 'Whereof L. 
 
 5. ' habyliments ' L. B. ' prouision ' S. 
 
 it. If,"is'L. 'andyf'B. S. 
 
 15. Compare Latimer, "'He shall not multiply unto himself too 
 much gold and silver.' Is there too much, think you, for a king ? God 
 doth allow much unto a king, and it is expedient that he should have 
 much ; for he hath great expenses, and many occasions to spend much 
 for the defence and surety of his realm and subjects. And necessary it 
 is that a king have a treasure always in a readiness for that, and such 
 other affairs as be daily in his hands : the which treasure, if it be not 
 sufficient, he may lawfully and with a safe conscience take taxes of his 
 subjects. For it were not meet the treasure should be in the subjects' 
 purses, when the money should be occupied, nor it were not best for 
 themselves ; for the lack thereof might cause both it, and all the rest 
 that they have, should not long be theirs." (Sermons, p. 97, also 
 p. 299.) 
 
 22. 'the more proffytte &c.' B. S., omitted in L. Sir Thomas 
 Smith seems not to have recognised this. While the subject of base 
 money was under consideration, he 'wrote a letter to the Lord Pro- 
 tector, touching the benefit arising by the Mint while such moneys were 
 coined.' (Strype, Life, 36.) See Introduction, p. xxix; p. 86, 1. 12 and 
 p. 103, 1. 32 n. 
 
 Page 36, line 12. 'taulke emonge vs' L. 'hadde betweene vs 
 here aparte ' B. S. 
 
 13. 'No'B. S. 'O'L. 
 
 20. So in L. B. , but after ' thinges ' S. inserts ' in comparison of the 
 former age.' 
 
 Page 37. TITLE. 'The seconde dialogue wherein the Causes or 
 occacions of the said grevesare ensearchede. ' B.' are encreased. ' S. 
 
 13. So in L. B., but after 'thinges' S. inserts 'in comparison of the 
 former age.' 
 
 18. 'it' B. S. 'there' L. 
 
 19. So B. S., but L. reads 'this dearth.' See above p. 17, 1. 19 n. 
 The sentence 'This is,' &c. is the first part of the Doctor's 
 
 speech in B.
 
 NOTES. 161 
 
 Page 38, lines 12 and 13. ' viij ' L. B. ' xxx ' S. 
 13. S. omits ' in this towne. ' . 
 
 15. 'viij' L. B. 'twelve' S. 
 
 17. So L. B. ; but S. adds 'and triple.' 
 
 25 and 27. 'xx tie> L. B. 'xxx' S. 
 
 30. 'not' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 39, line 2. 'the most' L. B. 'a great' S. The rise of 
 rents became much more noticeable during the reign of Elizabeth, for 
 the obstacles to which the knight calls attention were only gradually 
 overcome. Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, IV. 725. 
 
 it. 'manye' B. 'anie' L. S. 
 
 21, 22. ' Husbandman shepe ' is in Lambarde's hand. 
 
 23. 'meiney.' Dr Furnivall explains as 'the household' and refers 
 to Chaucer, Knights Tale, 1. 400. 
 
 27. in'B. S. 'my'L. 
 
 Page 40, line 3. 'xx tie> L. B. 'xxx' S. ; but W. S. neglected to 
 make the same correction two lines below where the edition has ' xx ' 
 like the MSS. 
 
 8. 'sholde' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 17. 'other Countryes' B. S. 'theire commodities' L. 
 
 20. 'from ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. So L. B. ; but S. omits from 'pay' to 'let my' on p. 41, 1. 3, 
 and reads 'let my Tenauntes rent bee increased.' 
 
 Page 41, line 10. 'shillynges' B. S., omitted in L. 
 'this payment' L.B., omitted in S. 
 
 21. 'my shiftes' L. 'the wall' B. S. 
 Page 42, line i. 'let' L. 'sette' B. S. 
 
 6. So L. B., but after 'then' S. inserts 'Our Englishe Coyne being 
 supposed to bee base, and of no such estimation in other countryes as 
 within our owne Realme, as for the most parte it hath beene before 
 that it was restored by our noble Prince, which now raygneth. ' 
 
 10. 'capon at iiijd.' L. S. 'iij d.' B. 'hen at a peny' L. *j d ob.' 
 B. S. As the passage is hypothetical in S. there is no attempt to adapt 
 the figures to the rates of 1581, when wheat was averaging is. id. and 
 barley is. $d. the bushel. Rogers, op. tit. iv. 292. 
 
 16. 'whereof ' B. S. 'whereas' L. 
 
 17. 'rate'L. 'wont'S. ' rente ' B. 
 
 21. 'of his owne.' Compare the statute 24 H. VIII. c. 4 and con- 
 tinuing acts ; for every sixty acres in tillage, quarter of an acre was to 
 be devoted to growing flax or hemp. 
 
 L. II
 
 1 62 NOTES. 
 
 27. ' case Hue ' L. ' wyse lyve ' B. ' wyse want ' S. 
 Page 43, line i. 'when' inserted by second hand in B. 
 6. 'and' B. S. 'as' L. 
 8. 'of velvet' S. B. 'now' L. 
 21. 'here' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. So L. B., but after 'much' S. inserts 'vpon the former suppo- 
 sition of our base Coyne.' 
 
 31. So B. S., but L. reads 'sell it in.' 
 
 Page 44, line 3. 'commodyous' B. S. 'commoditie' L. 
 6. S. is still hypothetical and reads, 'Now if our Coyne were not so 
 allowed,' &c. 
 
 n. 'that' B. S., omitted in L. 
 15. 'beste' B. S., omitted in L. 
 29. 'suche' B. S., omitted in L. 
 'like' L. 'lyght'B. S. 
 
 32. 'What other' &c. is the last part of the doctor's speech in B. S. 
 The knight begins with 'Percase.' 
 
 Page 45, line 5. So in L. B., but S. omits from 'I will' to 'tell 
 youe' in 1. 10. 
 
 17, 18. So in L. B., but S. omits 'whispered in my eare, and.' 
 
 19, 20. 'coine made beyond the seas.' See Introduction, p. xiii and 
 p. 78, 1. 27. 
 
 23. 'fealtes' L. 'fells' B. S. 
 
 27, 28. 'with whom the price is sett.' By 25 Hen. VIII. c. 2 the 
 Lords of the Council were empowered, when complaints of the dearness 
 of victuals were brought before them, to fix the prices of " chese, butter, 
 capons, hennes, chekyns and other victualles." A similar power was 
 exercised by Justices of the Peace, and by Mayors and other officers in 
 many cities. " Also ye shall enquyre of Vytaylers, yf they sell theyr 
 vitayles at resonable pryces, and for reasonable gaynes, according to 
 suche lymitacyon as the Justicers of the peace have assessid vpon the 
 same. And though the Justicers of the peace do make no limitacyon, 
 yet ought they to sel their vitayle at a reasonable price, vpon paine to 
 forfayt the double of that, that they shal enquire. 23 E. III. c. 6. And 
 by the estatute made 2 & 3 H. VIII. c. 4, the Justicers of peace shall 
 assess the pryce of beer and ale out of Cityes and Boroughes, and within 
 Cyties and Boroughes, the Mayres and theyr offycers. -13 R. II. c. 8." 
 Fitzherbert, Justyces of the Peace, f. I32b. The whole practice was 
 criticised by Sir John Masone in a letter to Cecil, 4 Dec. 1550 (Fraser 
 Tytler, England, I. 341), and also by the author of Polices to Reduce
 
 NOTES. 163 
 
 this Realme of England vnto a prosperus Wealthe and Estate, p. 42. 
 "But ther is yet one other thinge which wolde helpe somewhat 
 for the chepnes of victuall, and that is, yf neyther the lorde Mayor 
 of London nor no other officer might haue none auctorrite to sette 
 eney price of victuall, For vndre the Cullor of a commone wealthe 
 they abvse ther auctorrite vnto ther owne proper lucar. For yf 
 eney mane do bringe eney Corne bi shippe vnto london, the lorde 
 mayor hauinge eney plenty of Corne in granettes, then will his lorde- 
 shippe sette hime souche a lowe price of his Corne that he shall 
 haue litell liste to bringe eney more vnto the Cittye. So that whan by 
 souche means he hathe dryven awaye all the Corne vitallers, thene he 
 will sell his owne at what price hime selfe listeth. Lykewise whane 
 the lorde mayor dothe comme into the markett and cawseth here and 
 there a pigge to be pullid oute of a poore womans hande and to be 
 solde by the Seriauntes perchaunse vnto the Seriauntes owne wife for 
 halfe the price that it is worthe in the market, or cause the Seriaunte to 
 sell ij or iij baskettes full of egges for twise as maney a penney as is 
 commonly solde in the markete. Do this eney thinge helpe the generall 
 price of victuall ? No surely, but it dothe mouche hindre it, for she that 
 hathe by this means loste so mouche money vppon one daye : muste 
 nedes sell a greate deall the derer at other tymes : or elles she sholde 
 not recouer her losses, and be able to paye her rente. Lykewise the 
 wardens of the bouchers in london : to thentent that they wolde haue 
 but fewe bouchers to come oute of the countrye vnto the marketes in 
 london : when they perceve eney yonge man of the Country that hathe 
 newly sete vppe bouchers occupacon Resortinge vnto the markettw in 
 london with fleche, they by the Cullor of ther office and vndre pretense, 
 that the said fleshe is olde killid, or otherwise fawted will sell all his 
 fleshe at halfe the price it is worthe. And thuse they will sarve hime 
 twise or thrise vntill they haue vtterly ondon hime and dryven hime 
 frome the markett, or elles caused hime to sell at souche highe and 
 vnreasonable prise as the compayney of Bouchers in london wolde 
 haue hime to sell at. And thuse vndre the coulor of a Common weale 
 they vse souche extreime tyrraney and Cruelnes that it wolde pitty a 
 mans harte to be holde it. I maruell therefor that this foresaid 
 auctorrite is not taken awaye frome the foresaid officers, seinge that the 
 longe experience haue so well declarid that the foresaid settinge of 
 prices of victuall, do nothing at all bringe downe the highe price therof. 
 But I marvell mouche more at those men which have not only all 
 Reddy seine the successe of price settinge, but also the sucesse of the
 
 1 64 NOTES. 
 
 moste parte of proclamacions and penaull Stattutes, and yet will holde 
 oppinion, this present derthe of victuall maye he redressid bi setting of 
 prices vppon victuall : but surly it is not the settinge of lowe prises, 
 that will aney thinge amende the matter. But it muste be the takinge 
 awaye of thoccation of the high prices...." 
 
 32. 'not' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 46, lines 4, 5. 'thone waye' B. S. 'them' L. 
 
 5. 'enhaunce' L. 'exhauste' B. S. 
 'Cheif'B. S.; L. has ' cleif.' 
 
 7. S. reads ' necessary commodities agayne.' 
 
 9. B. and S. read ' that Homer sayethe.' 
 
 'Glaucus' B. S. 'Claudius' L. Compare Iliad vi. 234 f. The 
 lines are quoted in the passage from the Digest referred to below, 
 
 P- 47. L 33- 
 
 10. 'this'B. S. 'his' L. 
 
 17. 'long' B. S. ; L. has 'lond.' 
 
 19. 'thriue' B. S.; L. has 'triue.' 
 
 24. So B. S., but L. reads 'be but no.' 
 
 32. 'and' B. S. , omitted in L. 
 
 Page 47, line 10. 'rather' L. 'lever' B. S. 
 
 1 6. 'thanne' &c. B. The omission in L. is an obvious clerical 
 blunder arising from a confusion of the repeated words 'no more/ 
 Curiously enough, a similar omission occurs in S., though the sentence 
 there has been recast so as to make grammar : the sentence then runs, 
 ' I cannot perceaue that it maye bee remedied.' 
 
 20. 'so'B. S. 'for'L. 
 
 23. So B. S., but L. reads 'But if either of youe.' 
 27. 'could ye' S. 'wold be' L. 'coulde not' B. 
 
 33. //. vi. 234, vn. 472, Od. i. 430. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxm. c. i, 
 6. ' Homer makes no reference to coined money. A 'talent's weight' 
 of uncoined gold is sometimes mentioned,' e.g. //. xxm. 751. Jebb, 
 Homer, p. 69. Ridgeway, Origin, 2. 
 
 'Civill Lawe.' Lambarde has written out the quotations from the 
 Digest xvin. tit. i. i on the flyleaf at the end of his copy of the Dialogue 
 Libra prime de Contra. Emptione et Venditione. Origo emendi vendendi- 
 que a permutacionibus ccepit, olim enim non ita erat numus nee aliud 
 merx aliud preti[um] vocabatur. Sed vnusquisque secundum necessi- 
 tatem temporum ac rerum vtilibus inutilia permutabant [sic], quanclo 
 plerumque euenit, vt quod alter! superest, alteri desit. Sed quia non 
 semper nee facile concurrebat, vt cum tu habeas quod ego desyderabam,
 
 NOTES. 165 
 
 aut ego haberem quod tu cuperes, electa est materia cuius publica ac 
 perpetua estimatio difficultatibus permutacionum aequalitate quantitatis 
 subueniret. Ea materia forma publicse aestimationis percussa, vsum 
 dominiumque non tarn ex substantia prebet, quam ex quantitate, nee 
 vera merx vtrumque est, sed alterum pretium vocabatur. 
 
 Page 48, line 5. 'all wares' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 6. 'hath' S. 'halfe' L. The sentence is unfinished in B., as the 
 last ten words are omitted. 
 
 1 6. ' divers ; ' the rest of the Capper's speech is in Lambarde's hand. 
 
 20. On the evils of enclosure compare Hales' Charge, "Where 
 there were in few years ten or twelve thousand people, there be now 
 scarce four thousand ; where there were a thousand, now scarce three 
 hundred, and in many places, where there were very many able to 
 defend our country from landing of our enemies, now almost none. 
 Sheep and cattle that were ordained to be eaten of men, hath eaten up 
 the men. * * The places where poor men dwelt, clearly destroyed; 
 lands emproved to so great rents, or so excessive fines taken, that the 
 poor husbandmen cannot live." Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. ii. 359. 
 Also Latimer, " Furthermore, if the king's honour, as some men say, 
 standeth in the great multitude of people ; then these graziers, inclosers 
 and rent-rearers are hinderers of the king's honour. For where as have 
 been a great many householders and inhabitants, there is now but a 
 shepherd and his dog ; so they hinder the king's honour most of all." 
 Latimer, Sermons, p. 100; compare also pp. 66, 101 and 248. See 
 also above, p. 15, 1. 21, and p. 50, 1. 16 and p. 52, 1. 9 below. For other 
 testimonies see J. Ross of Warwick, Hist. Regum Angliae, p. 120; 
 More, Utopia, p. 32; Starkey, Dialogue between Pole and Litpsett, p. 72. 
 
 25. 'to be' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 27 and 28. 'xx tie> L. B. 'xxx' S. 
 
 29. 'dissolucion' L. 'desolation' B. S. 
 
 32. So L. and B., but S. reads 'vprors that hath bene.' 
 
 Compare Latimer, " Covetousness was the cause of rebellion this 
 last summer, and both parties had covetousness, as well the gentlemen 
 as the commons. * * The commons thought they had a right to the 
 things that they inordinately sought to have. * * Now on the other side, 
 the gentlemen had a desire to keep that they had, and so they rebelled 
 too against the king's commandment, and against such good order as 
 he and his council would have set in the realm. * I remember my own 
 self a certain giant, a great man who sat in commission about such 
 matters; and when the townsmen would bring in what had been in-
 
 166 NOTES. 
 
 closed, he frowned and chafed and so near looked, and threatened the 
 poor men, that they durst not ask their right. * * * I for my part cannot 
 tell which is sufficient. But we thought it was well that the tenants 
 and poor commons should have sufficient. For if they had sufficient, 
 thought I, they had cause to be quiet." Sermons, 247. Also Polices to 
 Reduce, &c. pp. 12, 24. 
 
 Page 49, line 13. 'Devonshire' L. B. ' Northamptonshyre ' S. 
 Devonshire is the better reading, for it appears that this was enclosed 
 and wealthy in 1607, when Northamptonshire was regarded as a typical 
 unenclosed county. There must however have been some attempts at 
 enclosure in Northamptonshire under Edward VI., as it is the subject of 
 complaint, along with Oxfordshire and Bucks in Certayne Causes (p. 15, 
 1. 21 n. above). Cunningham, Growth of English Industry, II. 702. 
 
 15. ' taken for a ' B. S . ' a token of a ' L. 
 'this' S. B., omitted in L. 
 
 22. The doctor here distinguishes; he condemns the enclosure of 
 common fields, but not the enclosure of common waste unless it was 
 unfairly done. So Hales in his Charge explains that the evil kind of 
 enclosure is, when any man hath enclosed or taken away any other 
 men's commons, or hath pulled down houses of husbandry and con- 
 verted the lands from tillage to pasture. The economic advantage of 
 enclosure, where fairly carried out, is fully recognised by Hales in his 
 Charge. Strype, Ecc. Mem. u. ii. 362, "It is very beneficial to the 
 common wealth ; it is a cause of great encrease of wood." 
 
 26. 'commen' B. S. 'come' L. 
 
 29. On the advantages of severally over open field cultivation, 
 compare Fitzherbert, Surveyinge, c. 40, and Tusser, Five Hundred 
 Points, c. 53. 
 
 32. 'aM'L. B. 'poore'S. 
 
 'cottagers' B. 'cottages' L. S. 
 
 Page 50, lines 6, 7. B. and S. omit 'the more is the pittie.' 
 
 10. 'well' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 ri. Compare Hales, "Let us have this godly opinion with 
 us, that nothing can be profitable that is not godly and honest ; 
 nor nothing godly and honest whereby our neighbours and Christian 
 brethren, or the commonwealth of our country is hurted and harmed." 
 Strype, II. ii. 354. 
 
 13. 'they' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 17. The attempt to restrain this tendency by laws had not been 
 very successful. The chief acts were referred to by Hales in his Charge;
 
 NOTES. 167 
 
 they are 4 H. VII. c. 16, 7 H. VIII. c. r, 25 H. VIII. c. 13 and 
 27 H. VIII. c. 22. 
 
 The most detailed account of the progress of the movement before 
 1517 will be found in the very interesting inquisition printed by 
 Mr Leadam in the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, N. S. 
 vi. 167. 
 
 27. This may have been suggested by Ficinus' Argument to the 
 Hipparchus, a dialogue which seems to have been much quoted 
 at the time. (Compare W. Thomas' letter on the coin, Strype, 
 Ecc. Mem. n. ii. 390.) At any rate a similar statement of current talk 
 about self interest will be found in Starkey's Dialogue, E. E. T. S. p. 33. 
 Pole is represented as solving the conflict between private and public 
 interest by saying that the public interest is ultimately and truly the 
 private interest. 'Yf men knew that when they loke to the commyn 
 profyt, that they therwyth also regard theyr own singular and private' 
 &c., ib. p. 66. Hales (Strype, Ecc. Mem. II. ii. 352) and Latimer 
 (Sermons, 66, 238) seem merely to inveigh against 'avarice'; but the 
 Doctor in this dialogue takes the characteristic view of xvn. and 
 xvui. century economists and shows how the statesman may play on 
 self interest, so as to make it work for public good. See p. 121, 1. 28 
 below. 
 
 Page 51, line 14. 'bee' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 14. 'sheeps' B. S. 'sheape' L. 
 
 20. 'hyndraunce' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 21. 'owr' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31. 'or for thother were ' B. ' to be ' L. ' were ' S. 
 
 Page 52, line 9. The political dangers of a sparse population were 
 strongly felt ; an early instance is in regard to the Isle of Wight. 
 4 H. VII. c. 16. Compare also Hales' Charge (op. cit. 353) on the 
 castles and bulwarks by the sea-side. See p. 48, 1. 20. 
 
 15. 'abuse' L. B. 'vse'S. 
 
 22. 'ij' or 'iij ' L. B. 'many' S. Seep. 17,1.3. Hales alludes 
 to the cheapness of corn as compared with that of cattle in similar 
 terms, but ascribes it to a different reason from that given by the doctor, 
 1. 31 below. "Al things at this present, saving corn (which by reason 
 that is in poor mens hands who cannot keep it, is good cheap), be so 
 dear as never they were; victual and al other things that be necessary 
 for mans use. And yet, as it is said, there was never more catle, 
 specially sheep, than there is at this present. But the cause of the 
 dearth is, that those have it that may chuse whether they wil sel or
 
 1 68 NOTES. 
 
 no; and wil not sel it but at their own prizes. All corn would be 
 likewise, if it were in their hands and might be wel kept." Strype, 
 EccL Mem. II. ii. 359. (On this explanation of high prices compare 
 More, Utopia, p. 34 and Certayne Causes quoted on p. 15, 1. 21 n.) The 
 rise in the price of cattle was certainly extraordinary; the decennial 
 averages for oxen for 1531 40 was 28^. i\d. ; but in 1548 they were 
 selling at $is. d\d. and in 1549 at 70*. 4^. Rogers, op. cit. iv. 352, 355. 
 
 30. 'thre or foure' L. B. 'manye' S. 
 
 31. Compare Latimer, who held that enclosures were diminishing 
 the supply of corn, though it had not been noticed owing to the 
 favorable seasons. ' ' For that here before went for twenty or forty 
 pound by year, (which is an honest portion to be had gratis in one 
 lordship of another man's sweat and labour, ) now is let for fifty or an 
 hundred pound by year. Of this ' too much ' cometh this monstrous and 
 portentous dearth made by man, notwithstanding God doth send us 
 plentifully the fruits of the earth, mercifully, contrary unto our deserts : 
 notwithstanding, too much, which these rich men have, causeth such 
 dearth, that poor men, which live of their labour, cannot with the sweat 
 of their face have a living, all kinds of victuals is so dear ; pigs, geese, 
 capons, chickens, eggs, &c. These things with other are so unreason- 
 ably enhanced ; and I think verily that if it thus continue, we shall at 
 length be constrained to pay for a pig a pound." Sermons, p. 99. 
 
 Page 53, line 3. 'an' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 14. 'as' B. S. omitted in L. 
 'evere' B. 'neuer' L. S. 
 
 19. See p. 122, 1. 25. This sentence is important as laying down 
 a principle which was long acted on in this country, especially in the 
 system of corn bounties introduced in 1689. Faber, Agrarschutz, p. 2. 
 Compare also More, Utopia, p. 71. This was characteristically, but 
 not exclusively, an English policy, for similar measures are attributed 
 to the Emperor Frederick II. Milman, Lat. Christ. VI. 157. 
 
 29, 30. 'anone' B. S. 'a man' L. 
 
 33. 'reason' B. S. ' occasion ' L. 
 
 Page 54, lines 5, 6. 'broken vp' B. S. 'browght downe' L. 
 
 17. 'make' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 24. 'to' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 26 32. 'Ye haue...one waie 1 L. B., but omitted in S. The 
 measure of 15 H. VI. c. 2, which was rendered perpetual by 23 H. VI. 
 c - 3> 5> permitted export of corn without a license when the price was 
 below a noble the quarter. This was intended at the time to encourage
 
 NOTES. 169 
 
 agriculture, but owing to the change in the range of prices it had ceased 
 to operate effectively in the time of Edward VI. The decennial average 
 for 1511 20 was just above the noble, and after that time the average 
 wa.s much above it. Rogers, op. cit. iv. 292. The rule was altered by 
 13 El. c. 13, before W. S. prepared the dialogue for press. 
 
 Page 55, line 3. 'on' B. S. 'when' L. 
 
 5. ' the ' B. S. ; L. omits. 
 
 9. 'equivolent' B. L. 'good' S. 
 
 14. 'and proffittes of his staple' B. L. The loss of Calais in 
 Queen Mary's reign rendered a reference to the staple out of date, and 
 S. omits these words. 
 
 27. 'intricate' B. S. ; L. has 'inscicate.' 
 29. 'youe' L. 'wee not' B. S. 
 
 Page 56, line i. 'peltes' L. 'fels' B. S. 
 8. 'yowr woole' B. S. 'well' L. 
 
 12, 13. 'x d . the bushell,' i.e. a noble the quarter; see p. 54, J. 28. 
 This is one of the minor points which W. S. did not alter. 
 22. 'xii' L. 'well'B. S. 
 25. 'parte' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 28. 'plote' B. 'plucke' L. 'some part' S. 
 
 Page 57, line i. 'never be able' B. S. 'be able never' L. 
 
 2. 'brede' L. B. 'herd' S. The husbandman was not merely a 
 husbandman, and might perhaps be described as a grazier. Several 
 graziers were mayors of Coventry in the xvi. century in particular; 
 thus R. Nicklin, Grazier or Butcher, was mayor in 1550- Wanley, 
 Collections, Brit. Mus. Ilarl. 6388. Poole, Coventry, 371. 
 
 15. 'doo and' &c. B. S. 'haue of cures' L. 
 
 1 7. The capper's principle was accepted by the legislature in all 
 the attempts to regulate the prices of the necessaries of life ; as e.g. the 
 assize of bread, 5 1 H. III., or the assessment act of 25 H. VIII. c. 2. It 
 underlay the attempt to regulate wages in accordance with the plenty or 
 scarcity of the time, which was instituted under Richard II. (13 R. II. 
 st. i. c. 8), and formed part of the duty of the Justices (Fitzherbert, f. 
 xxxix b) long before it was reinforced by 5 El. c. 4. From these principles 
 it naturally followed that the 'reasonable' price of wares of all sorts 
 was greatly enhanced by a rise in the price of victuals, and that if the 
 price of victuals were kept down, all native wares would be good cheap. 
 Hence Hales holds out the expectation of a fall in the price of goods, if 
 enclosures, with their supposed effect on the price of victuals, were 
 done away. Strype, Ecc. Mem. II. ii. 363.
 
 i yo NOTES. 
 
 28. 'latten' B. S. 'talkinge' L. Cicero, Tusc. I. 4. 
 Page 58, line 9. L. inserts 'to.' 
 10. 'they' S., omitted in L. 
 
 15. So in B. S., but L. reads 'goe not abowt.' 
 Page 59, line i. 'that' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 2. 'may appere' B. S. 'as it appeareth' L. 
 
 3. Cicero, Ep. ad Brutiim,\. 15. 3. The reference in the side-note 
 is mistaken. 
 
 10. 'price' L. 'presentes' B. 'preferments' S. 
 'to' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. 'length's. 'lenghe'L. B. 
 
 27. ' husband ' L. B. 'till' S. 
 
 31. The importance of acquiring treasure for political purposes, 
 and for coinage, was strongly felt all through the sixteenth and seven- 
 tetenh centuries, but there are no signs of attaching an exaggerated 
 importance to it in this tract ; indeed such exaggeration was much less 
 common than is generally supposed. See p. 35, 1. 15, p. 113, 1. 16, 
 and p. 127, 1. 13. 
 
 Page 60, line 7. 'And...husbandrie,' omitted in B. 
 
 16. 'eges, butter and chese' L. B. 'Hennes, Capons and Chic- 
 kens ' S. 
 
 Page 61, line 4. 'scarce' B. S. 'scare' L. 
 
 5, 6. 'an vnfrutefulT B. S. 'a best frutefull' L. 
 
 20. Mr F. D. Matthew quotes the instructions to Willoughby in 
 Hakluyt (ill. 231) as illustrating this passage. That voyage aimed at 
 commercial intercourse and not at plantation. The advantages of 
 intercourse between different countries are fairly obvious, so far as 
 natural products are concerned. It has been in connection with manu- 
 factures that there has been most occasion for strictly economic (as 
 distinguished from political) jealousies between nations ; with regard to 
 natural products, like wool, the jealousy has only arisen indirectly, as 
 they are the material for manufacture. Compare the Doctor's view on 
 p. 67, 1. 20. 
 
 27. 'as' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31. 'and' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 33. 'canne' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 62, line 2. There is a note in the margin of L. in Lambarde's 
 hand. " Wyne is nedful for the Caskes sake to be occupied for Vitayling 
 in tyme of warre." 
 
 3. 'so' L. 'so so' B. 'indifferently' S.
 
 NOTES. 171 
 
 5. 6. 'but mannye' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 17. 'merchante' L. 'mercer' B. S. 
 
 Page 63, line 2. There is a note in the margin of L. in Lambarde's 
 hand. See plate i. "If we send out more comodities in valeu then 
 we bringe home, the ouerpluis cometh in in coyne ; but if we bringe in 
 more, then the ouerpluis must nedes be paid for in moneye, and this is 
 the measure of increasinge or diminishing the coyne, except of that litle 
 which is found within the realme." The clear statements of the doc- 
 trine of the commercial balance of trade, in its bearing on the circulating 
 medium of the country, both in the dialogue and by Lambarde. are of 
 interest. A similarly clear statement occurs in the Polices to Reduce &.C., 
 p. 14. "The onlie means to cause mouche Bullione to be broughte oute 
 of other realmes vnto the kinges mintes, is to provide that a greate 
 quantite of our wares maye be carriede yerly into beyonde the Sees, and 
 lese quantitie of ther wares be brought hither againe." More than half 
 a century later a recognised authority like Gerard Malynes expressed 
 himself as entirely sceptical about the influence exercised by commercial 
 indebtedness in determining the flow of gold. Centre, p. 57. 
 
 3, 4. 'for so ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 4. Lambarde has noted in the margin, 'oportet patrem familias 
 vendacem esse non emacem : Marc. Cato. ' [Cato, De Agricultura i.~\ 
 
 19. 'pouches' L. 'owches' B. S. 
 25. L. reads ' much, much. ' 
 
 28. ' saltes ' L. B. ' saltsellers ' S. 
 
 Page 64, line 3. 'fresadow.' The glossary of the N. S. S. 
 edition explains this hesitatingly as Frisian fine cloth. 
 
 6. 'fett'L. 'fetchede' B. S. 
 
 7. 'milliner' i.e. the dealer in goods from Milan, 
 'sene' L. B. 'heard' S. 
 
 'xx tie> L. B. 'xl ' S. Here again there is an alteration of date; 
 but even though the whole is dramatic, it may be argued, as Dr Furnivall 
 does, that this gives some indication of the age of the professed writer, 
 and that W. S. was not a man who could pretend to much personal 
 information about what occurred forty years before. 
 
 20. 'Pactolus' B. 'Pictegus' L. 'Pactogus'S. 
 
 24. 'peoble' B. 'prible' L. 'pryple' S. Dr Furnivall compares 
 Harrison, Description, p. 147. Englishmen who could not afford 
 Venetian glass were forced to "content themselves with such as are 
 made at home of feme and burned stone." The argument is that by 
 making glass ourselves we could make good the loss caused by the
 
 172 NOTES. 
 
 payment of gold to procure glass from abroad. This was the usual 
 mercantilist argument in regard to the planting of new industries. 
 Practical efforts were being made at this very time to introduce the 
 glass manufacture into England. See State Papers Venetian, 1550, 
 No. 648, and Commons Journals, 11 Nov. 1549 anc ^ 3 Nov. 1549. 
 
 2 5- 'good' B. S.; L. omits. 
 
 Page 65, line 14. 'weighe' L. B. 'ponder' S. 
 
 19. 'in clothes or cappes ' B. S. 
 
 21,22. ' be long 'L. B. ' come ' S. 
 
 33. 'paper.' On early attempts at paper-making see Timbs, 
 Historic Ninepins, 135; Ames, Typographical Antiquities, I. 201. 
 
 Page 66, lines 1,3. 'as well as' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 67, line 2. Commons Journals, 5 and 24 Jan. 1549; see 
 above, Introduction, p. xviii. 
 
 7. The league with France, recently renewed (4 March, 1547, 
 Rymer, Foedera, xv. 139), had been made in 1546. It contained the 
 following clause, which would have been 'touched' by the proposed 
 measure, as caps of some sorts were apparently imported from France. 
 (Compare Latimer, Sermons, 253.) Item quod omnia Munera sive Onera 
 ab aliquo dictorum Principum in eorum Patriarum sive Dominiorum 
 Partibus, juxta priorum Foederum Conditiones antehac usitata, citra aut 
 infra 50 Annos ante datam Praesentium imposita, Mercatoribus aut 
 Subditis alterius Principis ejusve Haeredum et Successorum nociva vel 
 onerosa, durante hac Pace, penitus sint extincta, et quod talia et con- 
 similia (hac Amicitia durante) amodo non imponantur ; salvis tamen 
 semper quoad alia omnibus Regionum, Urbium, et Locorum Statutis et 
 Consuetudinibus, quibus nihil quoad eorum Jura per Praemissa dero- 
 gatum censeatur. (Rymer xv. 95. ) Foreign caps had been prohibited 
 in 1512 (3 H. VIII. c. [5), but were admitted and the prices fixed 
 by 21 H. VIII. c. 9. 
 
 16. After 'lawes' insert 'to bynde owr owne Subiectes ' B. S. 
 
 25. The Acts of 5 R. II. st. i. c. 3 and 4 H. VII. c. 10 prohibited 
 the importation of Gascony Wine and Tholouse Woad, except in 
 English ships. In 1552 permission was given to import wine in the 
 ships of any friendly country from Feb. ist to Oct. ist in each year 
 (5 and 6 Ed. VI. c. 18), and in 1559 the whole was repealed. The 
 alleged reasons for so doing were, 'Synce the makyng of which e sayd 
 Statutes, other forreyne Prynces, fynding themselves agreaved with the 
 sayd severall Actes, as thincking that the same were made to the Hurte 
 and Prejudice of their Countrye and Navye, have made lyke penall
 
 NOTES. 173 
 
 Lawes agaynst suche as shoulde shippe out of their Countreys in any 
 other Vesselles then of their severall Countreys and Domynions' (i El. 
 c. 13). Differential rates were imposed instead of enforcing a pro- 
 hibition; but in 1563 the old prohibitory policy was revived (5 El. 
 c- 5i 8). The regulations were similar when the dialogue was written 
 and in the time of W. S., though there had been a different system 
 temporarily in vogue in the interval. There is a certain laxity in the 
 reference in the dialogue : ' when we devised a law ' is a loose way 
 of indicating a measure passed as long before as the time of Henry VII. 
 
 33. The opinion that English commodities were indispensable to 
 neighbouring nations was held all through the Middle Ages ; instead of 
 pushing a sale for them abroad, our statesmen were inclined to refuse to 
 sell unless they got a really remunerative price. (Cunningham, Growth 
 of Industry, \. 124, 292, 373.) This view lasted for a long time in 
 regard to English wool, which was supposed to be essential for the 
 manufacture of some kinds of cloth. (Smith, Chronicon Rusticuin 
 Precioswn, II. 319.) Along with this, there was also a feeling that 
 the English wares were, in modern language, things that would be 
 'productively consumed,' and that it was unthrifty to exchange them for 
 goods that were mere articles of unproductive consumption. Compare 
 Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, iv. i, p. 177. 
 
 Page 68, line 3. S. omits 'without.' 
 
 5. 'know'L. B. 'heard' S. 
 
 6. 'Carnarvin' L. 'Caermarthynne' B. S. Carnarvon was in 
 Wales, as organised by Ed. I. in counties, while Caermarthynne was 
 in the marches, that is in the region under the jurisdiction of the Lords 
 of the Marches before 1536. Carmarthen received a new charter, 
 17 May, 1545, and the bailiffs were regularly elected there. External 
 evidence seems to render the reading of B. and S. preferable. 
 
 1 8. 'that' L. 'but aples' B. S. 
 
 22. ' sale ' B. S. 'sail,' L. 
 
 31. 'not'B. L. 'many'S. 
 
 Page 69, line 2. After 'as' insert 'menne doo ' B. S. 
 
 7. 'doe now a dayes' B. L. 'haue in times past' S. 
 
 12. So in L. B., but after 'thinges' S. inserts 'in comparison of 
 former times.' 
 
 15. 'rathere remedyede' B. S. 'rarer remedial!' L. 
 
 22. 'experience hathe' B. S. 'expenses haue' L. 
 
 30. ' what makithe it the mattiere' B. S. 'which maketh that 
 matter ' L.
 
 174 NOTES. 
 
 Page 70, line i. 'throughly.' L. has 'thoughly': in B. and S., 
 'groundlye.' 
 
 2. 'coulde' B.; L. has 'cloud'; in S. 'would.' 
 
 4, 5. 'himself and 'his' are retained by W. S. 
 
 10. 'stint' L. 'estate' B. S. 
 
 18. 'onlie'L. 'hole' B. 'olde' S. 
 
 21. 'terme' B. S. 'time'L. 
 
 29. 'Estimat'B. 'estate' L. 'estimation's. 
 
 Page 71, line 3. 'as' B. S. 'also' L. 
 
 4. 'an' B. S. 'i'L. 
 
 7. 'ys' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 16. 'for'L. 'vnder'B. S. 
 
 20, 21. 'wee haue ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. B. and S. omit 'can.' 
 
 27. Aristotle, Ethics, v. 5. See p. 108, 1. 18. 
 32. Read 'meane wares' B. 'meane in wares' S. 
 Page 72, line 3. 'sumtymes' B. S. 'semeth' L. 
 
 5. The side-note refers to the passage in the Digest (xvm. 
 tit. i. De contrahenda emptione) where there is a reference to the 
 lines of the Iliad (see p. 47, 1. 33). The side-note in S. makes this 
 clearer, as it runs 'Horn. F. de emptione.' F. is a common abbreviation 
 for the Digest. 
 
 6. 'peltes' L. 'fels' B. S. 
 
 7. 'over so much as we should vent out for,' omitted in S. 
 9. Read 'spende it in owr needs' B. S. 
 
 u. 'that' B. S. 'with' L. 
 n, 12. Read 'the longe kepynge' B. S. 
 12. 'for such' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 14. 'scarcetye' B. S. 'scarcelie' L. 
 23. 'apteste' B. S. 'and best' L. 
 
 28. 'thenne' B. S. 'that'L. 
 
 Page 73, line 7. 'for' B. S. 'of L. Compare p. 108, 1. 18 
 below. Lambarde has written out the quotation at the end of his copy. 
 Aristot. 5 Ethicorum cap. 5. Itaque res omnes oportet, quarum est 
 contractus, quadam inter se similitudine respondere, quem ad vsum 
 numus comparatus est, qui quoniam omnia metitur, idcirco medium ac 
 mensura quodamodo efficitur*. Sed introductus [numus] est ex instituto, 
 quasi inopiae ac indigentiae praesidio futurus, ob eamque causam nomen 
 duxit, non a natura sed a i>6fj.<f, Lege, atque in nobis est vt mutetur, aut 
 reddatur inutilis *. At vere vt dicam res inter se tarn dissimiles non
 
 NOTES. 175 
 
 possunt vllo modo [apte] inter se componi, sed quantum satis est ad 
 vsum, necessitatemque possunt. Vnum igitur aliquid necesse est 
 adhiberj, idque [institute, itaque] numus vocatur, quod omnia apte 
 componat siquidem numo omnia ponderantur. Lambarde seems to 
 have used the translation by Perionius (Paris, 1552), from which the 
 words in square brackets are added. 
 
 9. 'neede' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 13. Read 'spende in his howse' B. S. 
 'perceyuyd' B. S. 'perceaue' L. 
 
 19. 'eyther' B. S. 'after' L. 
 
 21. Read 'weare no vse of B. S. 
 
 Page 74, line 4. 'herolds' B. S. 'herodes' L. 
 
 27. 'it' B. S. 'is'L. 
 
 29. 'no' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31. 'and' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 32. ' which' S.B. 'it'L. 
 
 Page 75, line 8. 'semes' S. B. 'semeth' L. 
 12. S. reads 'church vestures.' 
 
 19. 'againe' L. 'Dame' B. S. 
 21. 'fare.' 'far' L. 'fayre'B. S. 
 
 23. The allusion may be to the following passage. Novi ego 
 quendam mei nominis, qui novae nuptae gemmas aliquot adulterinas 
 dono dedit, persuadens, ut erat facundus nugator, eas non modo veras 
 ac nativas esse, verum etiam singular! atque inestimabili precio. Quaeso, 
 quid intererat puellae, cum vitro non minus iucunde pasceret et oculos 
 et animum, nugas perinde ut eximium aliquem thesaurum conditas apud 
 sese servaret? Encomium Moriae (1668), p. 121. Compare also More, 
 Utopia, 97, 98. 
 
 26. 'keepe' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31, 33. 'the vses' &c. B. S. 'theire vses no gold nor silver doth 
 clearly excell all other well' L. 
 
 Page 76, line 9. 'gadds or' B. S. 'goodes of L. 
 
 n, 12. So B. S., but L. inserts ' whom ' after 'Romanes. 1 
 
 12. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxm. c. 3, 42. 
 
 20. Inst. II. tit. X. r De testamentis ordinandis. 
 
 26. So B. S., but L. inserts 'of before 'the same.' 
 'the' B. S. 'by' L. 
 
 33. 'print' L. 'pece' B. 'Prynce'S. 
 Page 77, line 2. See p. 116, 1. 8. 
 
 6. 'a'B. S. 'and'L.
 
 176 NOTES. 
 
 8. 'Dli' L. 'half poundes' B. S. 
 
 9. 'thanne the one' B. S. 'the other' L. 
 
 12. 'senses.' L. has ' fenses.' 'censes' B. 'duties' S. 
 
 15. Compare Latimer. "I hear say there is a certain cunning 
 come up in mixing of wares. How say you? Were it no wonder to 
 hear that cloth makers should become poticaries? Yea, and as I hear 
 say in such a place, where they have professed the Gospel and the word 
 of God most earnestly for a long time? See how busy the devil is to 
 slander the word of God. Thus the poor gospel goeth to wrack. If 
 his cloth be seventeen yards long, he will set him on a rack, and stretch 
 him out with ropes, and wrack him till the sinews stretch again, while 
 he hath brought him to eighteen yards. When they have brought him 
 to that perfection, they have a pretty feat to stretch him again. He 
 makes me a powder for it, and plays the poticary; they call it flock 
 powder ; they do so incorporate it to the cloth that it is wonderful to 
 consider; truly a godly invention." (Sermons, p. 138.) 
 
 Complaints of frauds in connection with the manufacture of cloth 
 were exceedingly common ; an Act which was intended to rectify the 
 evil was passed in 1552 (5 and 6 Ed. VI. c. 6). In this Act Coventry' 
 takes a very subordinate position, and it is evident that Worcester was 
 the more important centre of the two : certain cloths made in both 
 towns appear to be known as ' Worcesters,' and Coventry Frieze was 
 no longer specially spoken of. In 1485 and 1495, however, the relative 
 proportions of the trade at the two centres must have been quite 
 different: the aulnage of Worcester and Hereford was then worth ^13, 
 of Coventry and district .23. (Rot. Parl. vi. 3000, 4980.) 
 
 24. 'the commendacion ' B. S. 'common desceit' L. 
 
 Page 78, line 6. S. reads ' Dyd yee not see that our Coyne was 
 discredited immediately vpon the alteration of it in the late yeares of 
 King Henry the eyghte.' 
 
 10. 'but onelye' B. S., omitted in L. 
 14. 'now' L. B. 'then' S. 
 
 26, 27. S. reads 'after that our Coyne was based.' 
 
 27. 'conterfeted,' see Introduction, p. xiii, also p. 45, 1. 19. 
 Page 79, line 9. 'wyne' B. S. 'orime' L. 
 
 13. 'haue ye' L. B. 'was there' S. 
 
 14. Compare the Proclamation, n April, 1549, 3rd year. "And 
 further the kynges maiestie by the aduise aforesaied, straightly chargeth 
 and commaundeth, that no maner persone do buye or sell, any of the 
 saied coynes afore rehersed, for other price, then accordyng as thei be
 
 NOTES. 177 
 
 valued, and appoyncted by this the kynges Maiesties Proclamation. 
 That is to saie, the Angell of Golde at ix. s. viij. d., the halfe Angell, at 
 iiij. s. x. d. Tholde riall xiiij. s. vi. d., the new Soueraigne at xx. s., 
 the halfe Soueraigne at x. s., and the croune at v. s. and so al other the 
 kynges Maiesties coyne, accordyngly as thei be in this or others his 
 Maiesties Proclamacions, cessed and valued, vpon pain that if any man, 
 shall either buye or sell the saied coynes, or any of theim, ouer and 
 aboue the price aforesaied &c. [both buyer and seller shall forfeit ten 
 times the value of the coin and suffer imprisonment]. And for asmuche 
 as diuerse persones, within this Realme, as well Goldsmithes as Mar- 
 chantes and men of other occupacions, hath vsed now of late, contrary 
 to the lawes and statutes of this realme, to buye and sell the kynges 
 maiesties coyne, of, and for higher price then it is, by his Maiesties 
 Proclamacion, rated and valued, and so cull and trie out the finest and 
 heauiest, and melte theim doune, or otherwise make gaine vpon theim 
 leuyng the lightest and lest fine, onely to bee curraunt emonges the 
 kynges Maiesties people, to the great empairyng of his highnes coyne, 
 defraudyng of his subiectes, and disfurnishyng and slaunderyng of the 
 Mintes." Proclamations, ft. 31, 32. See above, p. 32, 1. 28. See 
 p. 1 06, 1. 20. 
 
 19. 'shippes' L. 'heapes' B. S. 
 
 21. 'rehersed'L. 'reiectede' B. S. 
 
 23. So L. B., but after 'selves,' S. inserts 'since the time.' 
 
 25. 'yee' B. 'they' L. 'wee payde dearer presently' S. 
 
 Page 80, line 2. 'in' B. S. 'out' L. 
 
 'be' L. B. 'proued after that time' S. 
 
 10, n. 'yea in,' to 'youe so.' 1. 19, omitted in S. On the changes 
 of the coinage see above, Introduction, p. xiii. 
 
 2t. 'theres'B. 'others' S. 'ours' L. 
 
 25. 'yea' S. 'ye' L. B. 
 
 Page 81, line 2. 'maintenaunce' L. 'manuraunce' B. S. 
 
 13. 'the other' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 21, 26. 'countenaunce' B. S. 'continuance' L. 
 
 Page 82, line i. The disturbances of 1549 appear to have 
 been the occasion of the first appointment of Lord Lieutenants to 
 keep good order and rule among their neighbours. Strype, Ecc. Mem. 
 II. i. 278. 
 
 5, 6. 'vjd,'...'iiijd' L. B. 'xijd...viijd' S. 
 
 7. 'from' S. B. 'for' L. 
 
 16, 17. 'cause' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 L. 12
 
 1 7 NOTES. 
 
 21. Read 'dyshe of sodde meate' B. S. 
 Page 83, line ro. 'daily' L. 'dewlye' B. S. 
 
 26. 'gentlewomen' B. S. 'gentlemen' L. 
 
 27. 'delicasyes,' S. 'delicastes' L. 'delicases' B. 
 
 Page 84, line 7. 'yomen' B. S. 'yemen' L. Compare Hales' 
 Charge. Strype, Ecc. Mem. n. ii. 353. 
 
 14. 'just' L. 'most' B. S. 
 
 21. 'shott' L. S. 'shocke' B. See Introduction, p. xxi. 
 
 22. 'buildinges.' Compare Harrison, Description of England, c. 
 xii., Latimer, Sermons, 261. 
 
 26. 'and'B. S. 'of L. 
 
 Page 85, line 9. So L. B., but S. reads 'there is comen to the 
 crown of late yeares.' 
 
 15. 'there' B. S. 'ether' L. 
 
 20. 'riches of the' B. S. ; L. omits. 
 
 21, 22. S. reads, 'that it wringed the countrey abroad for the time.' 
 24. 'now' L. B. 'after' S. 
 
 26. 'shall shortly' L. B. 'hath and will' S. 
 
 28. 'I' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 29. L. has 'greater.' 
 
 30. L. inserts 'only' before 'taken.' 
 33- 'yowr' B. S. 'theire' L. 
 
 Page 86, line 3. 'menne' B. S., omitted in L. 
 10. L. has 'an inestimable.' 
 
 12. 'lyken' B. S. 'like not' L. Compare Introduction, p. xxix, 
 also p. 35, 1. 20 and p. 103 1. 32 n. 
 
 20. 'runne' corrected by Lambarde from 'rivers,' which has not 
 been deleted. 
 
 21. 22. 'came in of late' L. B. 'came into the king's coffers 
 at the first' S. 
 
 22. 'se now' L. B. 'haue heretofore scene' S. 
 30. 'case'B. 'cause' L. S. 
 
 33. 'nervi' B. S. 'normi' L. Cicero, Phil. V. 2. 
 
 Page 87, lines 17 33. S. omits 'Also I... cheifly our,' and substi- 
 tutes, 'And if our treasure be farre spent and exhaust, (as it hapened 
 in the later yeares of Kinge Henry the eight,) I could wish that any 
 other order were taken for the recouery of it, then the deprauing of our 
 coines, which serueth the Prince but a little while, for some present 
 shifte, and hindred him a longe time afterwardes. I am perswaded 
 that within our Realme treasure ' &c.
 
 NOTES. 179 
 
 17. 'and' B., omitted in L. 
 21. See 109, 1. 16. 
 
 23. 'kepynge' B. 'beinge' L. 
 
 26, 27. 'nor wee ' &c. B., omitted L. 
 
 Page 88, line 17. S. reads 'insurrections and vproares for the most 
 parte.' See p. 18, 1. 26. 
 
 25. 'not alwayes.' Massie, writing in 1758, inveighs strongly 
 against the mischiefs caused by "removing multitudes of people from 
 our natural and fixed basis, land, to the artificial and fluctuating basis, 
 trade." Plan, p. 69. 
 
 31. The remainder of the tract from the Doctor's speech to the end 
 is in a different hand, and written with much blacker ink than the 
 earlier part of the Bodleian MS. 
 
 Page 89, lines 36. 'Yet were it' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 17, 18. read 'they reward and cherishe' B. S. 
 
 25. B. and S. omit 'from beyonde the sea and.' 
 
 Page 90, line 5. 'in dede' B. S. 'iudged' L. 
 
 15. 'your' B. S. 'oure' L. 
 
 24. See above, p. 88, 1. 25 n. 
 
 Page 91, line 10. 'Well '...'opinion,' 1. 20, omitted in S. ; conse- 
 quently the next speech is assigned to the Knight, which is obviously a 
 mistake: compare p. 93, 1. 31. 
 
 14. There does not appear to have been a heavy impost on cloth 
 exported before the time of Queen Mary (Hall, Customs, II. 140); but it 
 is noticeable that Hales had advocated a tax of the kind. (See above, 
 p. xliv.) 
 
 15. 'subsidie.' See Introduction, p. xi. 
 
 20. The division of artificers is very instructive ; it is mercantilist 
 in character, as it groups occupations according to their influence on the 
 treasure of the country; it is interesting to compare the arrangements in 
 5 El. c. 4, where a preference is shown for agriculture and employments 
 subsidiary to agriculture. 
 
 Page 92, line 6. 'Therfore' B. S. L. has 'theafore.' 
 'cherishe' B. S- 'search' L. 
 
 8. 'which' S. 'that' B., omitted in L. 
 
 10. After 'lead' Lambarde inserted 'corne and grayne. ' 
 
 15. 'it wolde' B. S. 'I could' L. 
 
 16. 'graunge' B. S. 'drudge' L. 
 
 20. 'as is said before,' omitted in S. ; but see p. 51, 1. 30 
 above. 
 
 12 2
 
 i8o NOTES. 
 
 11. 'be' S. 'bene' B. 
 
 22. Pomponius Mela, De situ orbis, in. vi. 45. 
 
 28. 'marshes' corrected by Lambarde from 'marches.' 
 
 Page 93, line i. 'Spaine,' omitted in B. S. 
 
 2. 'as' B. S. 'is' L. 
 
 3. 'turned' B. S. 'tried owte' L. 
 
 7. ' pointers ',L. 'paynters' B. S., but the strings with tags, which 
 pointers made, would be more likely to be imports, or possible exports, 
 than the work of painters. See below, p. 130, 1. 3. 
 
 Page 94, line 5. 'we may' B., omitted in L. 
 
 8. 'lette wise' B. S. 'Likewise' L. 
 
 13. Gen. ii. 18 (Vers. Ant.), but confused with Ecclesiastes 
 viii. 15. 
 
 25. 'Marie, I think that way' omitted in B. S., which substitute as 
 continuation of preceding paragraph, 'And euen like wise sayde the 
 merchaunte man, adding thereto that he thought that wolde rather be.' 
 
 The Merchant's, Knight's and Doctor's speeches to the foot of the 
 page (p. 95, 1. 13) are in Lambarde's hand. 
 
 27. L. has 'of of.' 
 
 30. The contempt of 'paisantes' was common enough. "Item to 
 the great nombre of people youe haue in fraunce. What maner of 
 people be they ? I say syr herald they be caytiues and wretches, lyuyng 
 in lyke thraldome as they dyd to the romaynes, and geuynge tribute for 
 theyr meate, drinke, brede, and salte, which for theyr wayke personayges 
 and tymerous hartes, I may compare to the pignies who waged battayle 
 agaynst the Cranes, so that I dare let slip a c. good yomen of england 
 or wales, to v. c. of such ribaldry." Coke, Debate of Heraldes. On 
 French men at arms compare More, Utopia, 30, 31. 
 
 Page 95, line 13. 'iniuries' L. 'inrodes' B. S. 
 
 19. 'not require' S. B. 'raise' L. 
 
 25. 'subiectes onely' L. B. 'Englishe hearts' S. 
 
 Page 96, line 13. After 'supper' B. and S. insert, 'And so we 
 -went togither to our souper ' &c. 
 
 Page 97. TITLE. 'The thirde dialogue, wherein are deuised the 
 remedies for the sayd griefes.' B. ' same griefes.' S. 
 
 line i. 'Knight' in margin B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 98, line 2. So L. B., but after 'dearth' S. inserts 'in com- 
 parison of that former age.' 
 
 4. 5. So L. B., but S. omits 'the exhausinge of the treasure of this 
 Realme. Thirdly'; and on line 6 substitutes 'Thyrdly' for 'Fourthely.'
 
 NOTES. 181 
 
 The whole section on the base coinage and drain of bullion was 
 omitted; hence the dialogue was made to consist of three divisions 
 instead of four. Compare also the omissions in the Table of Contents, 
 p. 8, 1. 12. 
 
 Page 99, line 14. 'be' L. 'we' B. S. 
 
 19. 'wife of Aiax.' S. refers in margin to 'Cicero Top. lib. 5' 
 [c. 16, 61]. This reference is not given in B. 
 
 Page 100, line 13. Latimer also tells the story. "Here by the 
 way I will tell you a merry toy. Master More was once sent in com- 
 mission into Kent, to help to try out, if it might be, what was the cause 
 of Goodwin sands, and the shelf that stopped up Sandwich haven. 
 Thither cometh Master More, and calleth the country afore him, such 
 as were thought to be men of experience, and men that could of likeli- 
 hood best certify him of that matter concerning the stopping of Sandwich 
 haven. Among others came in before him an old man, with a white 
 head, and one that was thought to be little less than an hundred years 
 old. When Master More saw this aged man, he thought it expedient 
 to hear him say his mind in this matter ; for, being so old a man, it was 
 likely that he knew most of any man in that presence and company. 
 So Master More called this old aged man unto him, and said : 
 'Father,' said he, 'tell me, if ye can, what is the cause of this great 
 arising of the sands and shelves here about this haven, the which stop it 
 up that no ships can arrive here? Ye are the eldest man that I can 
 espy in all this company, so that if any man tell any cause of it, ye of 
 likelihood can say most in it ; or at leastwise more than any other man 
 here assembled.' 'Yea, forsooth, good master,' quoth this old man, 
 'for I am well nigh an hundred years old, and no man here in this 
 company any thing near unto mine age.' 'Well then,' quoth Master 
 More, 'how say you in this matter? What think ye to be the cause of 
 these shelves and flats that stop up Sandwich haven?' 'Forsooth, 
 sir,' quoth he, 'I am an old man; I think that Tenterton steeple is 
 the cause of Goodwin sands. For I am an old man, sir,' quoth he, 
 'and I may remember the building of Tenterton steeple; and I may 
 remember when there was no steeple at all there. And before that 
 Tenterton steeple was in building, there was no manner of speaking of 
 any flats or sands that stopped the haven; and therefore I think that 
 Tenterton steeple is the cause of the destroying and decay of Sandwich 
 haven.' And even so, to my purpose, is preaching of God's word the 
 cause of rebellion, as Tenterton steeple was cause Sandwich haven is 
 decayed." Sermons, 251. The story is also told of Sandwich in Sir
 
 1 82 NOTES. 
 
 T. More's Dialogue concernynge heresies, Bk. iv. c. 2, Works, p. 277 H. 
 
 19. 'thronge' B. S. 'thinge' L. 
 
 32. 'manured' B. S. 'manered' L. 
 
 Page 101, line 5. 'is' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 10. The sentence is badly divided in L., 'weare wount to be. 
 Once the husbandman is driven ' &c. 
 
 30. ' they ' B. S. ; omitted in L. 
 
 Page 102, lines r and 4. 'peces' B. S. L. has 'speces,' but in 
 1. 3, L. has 'peces.' 
 
 2. 'no other' L. 'not their' B. S. 
 
 5. 'their' B. S. 'cure' L. 
 
 32. 'in'L. 'the'B. S. 
 
 Page 103, line 5. 'but ' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 'siluer' B. S., omitted in L. 
 8. 'esteme' B. S. L. has 'exteme.' 
 13. After first 'peces' insert 'nowe' B. S. 
 23. 'firste' B. S. 'best' L. 
 
 25. So in L. B. , but S. reads 'hys grace mought haue perceiued to 
 haue ben.' 
 
 26. 'but a small promtte and' L. 'but a momentain profit and' 
 S. 'but a momentaunce at a' B. 
 
 27. 'may be sooner ' &c. L. B., but S. reads 'Hee with his people 
 might haue ben easly reuoked againe from the practice of that simple 
 deuise.' 
 
 28. 'that' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 31. 'is' L. B. 'was' S. 
 
 32. So L. B., but S. reads 'in whose time this was don, which is 
 not to be supposed' &c. The serious debasement took place under 
 Henry VIII., and W. S. alters the passage so as to make it all apply to 
 him, and not as in the MSS. to Edward VI. The following paragraphs 
 are part of an argument addressed to Henry VIII. in favour of debase- 
 ment. "And wher as I haue expressyd vn to your grace be fygure the 
 grett aduantage and gayne vpon this alaye and coynnage. How meche 
 more thane shalle your grace wynne. Be your exchaunge of the sayde 
 meynte and coynnage by vertu of your moste hygh and dradde com- 
 maundment made and proclaymyde thorowout your contrays Ilys and 
 senoryes in likemaner and forme as alle othir kyngys prynces dukys and 
 bysshoppys dothe thorowout alle crystendom Nat only for thar owne 
 syngular aduauntage and lycur but also for the mayntenaunce of thar 
 contrayes lordshippys and senoryes by vertu of which proclaymacon
 
 NOTES. 183 
 
 dothe charge and commaunde vpon payne sessyd at the fyrste tyme and 
 afterwarde vpon payne of dethe that no man of what estate or degree he 
 be off be so hardy to Resayue nor take for no maner of merchaundyse. 
 No strange coyne myntyd out of thar sayd contrayes onlesse thay take 
 yt for bolyon. Without that the sayde Strange moyntes be prouyd and 
 valuyd be hys moynte mastres : yet notwithstandyng thar valuation. The 
 sayde strange coynes shalbe sessyd of a lesse valew and some. Than 
 thay be worthe So that all wayes thar contrays shalle haue the vantage 
 and gayne of all other contrays. And specially of thys your Reame of 
 England. Seyng that your gracius heyghnes and your noble progenitors 
 tyme without mynd hathe made no maner of coyne but only gold and 
 syluer. Whyche alle the worlde couetyth to carry out of thys your 
 Reame as well strangers as your owne sugettis. 
 
 Syr thar may be axyd a question. What aduantage shulde strangers 
 haue to carry out golde and syluer out of your Reame. seynge the golde 
 and syluer ys Ratyd at so heygh a valure. 
 
 The question ys sone awnsweryd for thar comyth nor Resortyth no 
 strangers in to your Reame bryngyng onny maner of merchandyse but he 
 Ratith hys wares after the hygh of the monay so that he shalbe neuer 
 no losar by reason of carryng out hys monay But commonly thes 
 strangers ar well assuryd yf thay bey anny of your commodites 
 growyng within this your reame to be a losar. The reason why by 
 cause alle your commedites be of lesse valew within thar contrays than 
 within your Reame of England. The Reason why by cause euery 
 stranger settyth most be thar owne commodyteys. Whiche ys a clene 
 contrary to your sugettys. For dyuars your marchantys ar the desstroyars 
 of your commediteys for lacke of good ordur and knowlegge and yett 
 no staye made for the speciall ayde and mayntennaunce of your 
 common welthe. For whan yt ys thowght by your gracius heyghnes and 
 your noble counsellours. That nessassary yt ys to make Restraynte of 
 sertayne wares cornes and odyr vytallis for a comon welthe. Than 
 well ys he that can make his frendys vnto your grace ffor lysense of the 
 same and consedryth no thyng neythar thaboundaunce in odyr contrays 
 nor yet the scassete of thys your Reame ; for yt apperyth by Reason that 
 whanne the scassete ys within your reame yt ys to be thowght aboun- 
 daunce in odyr pertyes. So as me semyth for lacke of dyscressyon and 
 knowlegge your commodeteys be loste. 
 
 Yet consyder farthar thaccasyon how and vnder what maner your 
 comodytes be thus menysshyd and the pryncipall originall to be 
 axpressyd vnto your hyghnes. Dyuars causys I haue declaryd to fore.
 
 1 84 NOTES. 
 
 But as me semyth the pryncipall cause ys sufferaunce. to suffyr the good 
 actys to be broken whiche hathe be made by your gracious heyghnes 
 and that famouus prynce of memory your fadyr whos sowle god pardon. 
 For the welthe of your commonns. So that dew execucion hadde ben 
 made accordyngly. 
 
 Sufferaunce of strange coynes to be curraunt within your Reame and 
 Senoryes. 
 
 Sufferaunce of your monay and coyne to be couayed out of thys your 
 Reame of England. 
 
 Sufferaunce the kyng of skottys copper coyne to be curraunt in your 
 towne of barwicke and the contray invyround. 
 
 Sufferaunce of false drapery to be drapyd withyn your Reame 
 vnpounyshid. 
 
 Sufferaunce wollen clothe to be solde drapyd in strange prouences. 
 
 Sufferaunce of wollys shepe and other cattellys to passe ouer the zee. 
 
 Sufferaunce of artifycers to occapy in citye towne or borrow borne 
 in strange prouences. 
 
 Sufferaunce of strangers kepe sollars sellars and shoppys whitin your 
 citie of london. 
 
 Sufferaunce to lett tokyns to be curraunt within your citie of 
 london in deression of your coyne. 
 
 Sufferaunce of straungers to kepe dayly markett in towne citie and 
 contrayes. 
 
 Sufferaunce to lette new taxsys to be leuyd within your townes 
 contrary to your lawys and grauntis. 
 
 Sufferaunce of strayngers to haue Restitucion of your sugettys for 
 causis commensyd beyonde the zee and no Redresse to the contrary. 
 
 Thus sufferaunce causyth thys grett mysere. And sufferaunce 
 dysstroyeth your commodite. 
 
 [A]nd for the Remedy of many othyr dyuars Euyllys which ys 
 commyttyd dayly be theys secrette theuys that be koynars and cleppers 
 bothe of golde and syluer. whiche beryth dyshonur to alle prynces 
 and also to the masters of thar myntes consederyng howe often tymes 
 your common people be Robbyd in thar Reseyuyng of thar salariis and 
 paymentes. And also for the profytt vtilite and amyte of euery of them 
 to Entyrtayne other. And to thende that merchaundise the more 
 Joyusly may be occapyed And alle paymentys the more amyably to be 
 made And also for kepyng them from theys troumpars and dyssayuars 
 in ther Resayuyng of golde or seluer and to open all good vnder- 
 stondyng and knowlege to euery one of your sayde subiectys how thay
 
 NOTES. 185 
 
 shalle take all maner of coynes bothe golde and syluer. Hauyng course 
 And wyche ought nat to haue course. Accordyng to your moste hyghe 
 and dradde commaundement vppon payne of confiscacion of body and 
 goody s at the wylle and pleasure of your gracious hyghnes. And 
 farther I haue deuysyd other dyuars coynes signifieng in the same your 
 verray armys and baages that linially comythe vnto your grace be 
 dessent with other noble and hyghe honnours manifestly knowyn 
 thorrowout all crystendome as defensor fidei and kepyng so manny 
 townes lies and senoryes without your Reame of Englande ayenste the 
 wyll and pleasure of all othyr your olde auncient ennemyes " &c. 
 
 From an address presented to King Henry VIII. by a minter named 
 Nicholas Tyery who desired to undertake coinage for Ireland. (Camb. 
 Univ. Library, Ff. ii. 22.) 
 
 Page 1O4, line 4. The effect of the debasement of the coin on 
 prices was not generally recognised. The author of Polices to Reduce 
 the Realme of Englande explicitly denied that this was the primary cause 
 of the dearth and traced it to the state of the exchanges. "So that it is 
 easie to be perceiued that al thinges is not now risen according to the 
 Basenes of our coyne, But the moste thinges be risen of price 
 according vnto thefawlinge of thexchange," p. 7. On this point Latimer 
 was perfectly clear. "They say that the evilness of money hath made 
 all things dearer." Sermons, 68. 
 
 "'Thy silver is dross; it is not fine, it is counterfeit; thy silver is 
 turned; thou hadst good silver.' What pertained that to Esay? 
 Marry, he espied a piece of divinity in that policy ; he threatened them 
 God's vengeance for it. He went to the root of the matter, which was 
 covetousness. He espied two points in it, that either it came of 
 covetousness, which became him to reprove ; or else that it tended to 
 the hurt of the poor people : for the naughtiness of the silver was the 
 occasion of dearth of all things in the realm. He imputeth it to them 
 as a great crime. He may be called a master of sedition indeed." 
 Sermons, p. 137, also 95. 
 
 14. 'yet remaininge* &c. So L. B., but S. reads, 'which after- 
 wards remained did testifie ; for yee should haue ' &c., and past for 
 present throughout remainder of speech. 1. 19, for 'risethe,' 'raysed'; 
 1. 21, for 'makes,' 'made'; 1. 23, for 'be,' 'haue ben'; 1. 24, for 'makes,' 
 'made'; 1. 25, for 'rerethe,' 'reared'; 1. 26, for 'makes,' 'made.' 
 
 1 8. So in L. ; ' the more somme ' B. ' more number ' S. 
 
 22. After 'thinge' S. inserts ' at the firste time.' 
 
 30. 'Now' to page 120, 1. 9, 'the same.' S. omits and substitutes
 
 1 86 NOTES. 
 
 Knight. ' If this were the chiefest cause of the dearth, as of very 
 good probability (by you, maister Doctor) heeretofore alleaged, it should 
 seeme to be : how commeth it to passe (where as you say, if the cause 
 be remoued, the effect is also taken away) that the pryces of all thinges 
 fall not backe to theyr olde rate, whereas now long sithence our english 
 coyne (to the great honour of our noble Princesse which now raighneth) 
 hath bene again throughly restored to his former purity and perfection? ' 
 
 Doctor. ' In deede, sir, I must needes confesse vnto you (although it 
 may seeme at the first sighte to discredite my former sayinges in some 
 parte) that notwithstanding that our Coyne at this present day, yea, 
 and many yeares past, hath recouered his aunciente goodnesse, yet the 
 dearth of all thynges, which I before affirmed to haue proceded of the 
 decay therof, to remayne and continue still amongst vs. Wherefore as 
 your double herein moued very aptly, and to the purpose, is well 
 worthy the consideration : so doe I accompte it of such difficulty, that 
 perhaps it would not be thought to stande wyth modesty, to vndertake 
 without farther study presently to dissolue the same.' 
 
 Knight. 'Syr, I pray you for this time omit the pleadinge of 
 modesty. I vnderstand wel ynough by your former talke, that you are 
 not vnprouided of sufficient store (without farther deliberation) to satisfie 
 vs withall, in greater matters (if neede were) then these.' 
 
 Doctor. 'Well, I am content (because you wyll haue it so) to yeelde 
 to your importunity. I will vtter franckely vnto you myne Opinion 
 herein, but vnder protestation, that if you like it not, yee reiect it, 
 imparting likewise with mee your owne Phantasies and ludgementes in 
 the same. I fynde therefore two speciall causes, in myne Opinion, by 
 meanes of the which, notwithstanding that restitution made in our coin, 
 the aforesayd dearth of things (in respect of the former age) remayneth 
 yet among vs. The first is, that whereas immediately after the basenesse 
 of our Coyne in the time of kyng Henry the eight, the prices of all 
 things generally among al sorts of people rose : it must needes happen 
 here withal (as yee know) that our gentlemen which liued onely vpon 
 the reuenues of their lands, were as neare or nearer touched (as is before 
 proued) with the smarte hereof, then any other, of what order or estate 
 so euer. Thys therefore being taken as most true, the Gentlemen 
 -desirous to mayntaine theyr former credite in bearing out the Porte of 
 theyr Predecessors, were driuen of necessity as often as whensoeuer any 
 Leases deuised for terme of yeares, by themselues or their Auncestors 
 were throughly expyred, & fel into theyr handes, not to let them out 
 agayne for the most part, but as the rents of them were farre racked
 
 NOTES. 187 
 
 beyond the old : Yea, this rackynge and hoyssing vp of Rentes hath 
 continued euer since that tyme, vntill this present day : Hereupon the 
 husbandman was necessarily inforced, whereas his rent was now greater 
 then before (and so continueth vnto this day) to sel his Victayles dearer, 
 & to continue the dearth of them : and likewise other artificers withall 
 to maintaine the like proportion in theyr wares, wherefore as this 
 dearth at the fyrst time (as I said before) sprange of the alteration of the 
 coyne, as of his firste and chiefest efficient cause: so doe I attribute the 
 continuance of it hitherunto and so forwarde, partely to the racked and 
 stretched rentes which haue lasted, yea, and increased euer since that 
 time hetherunto, & so are like to continue I know not how long. Now 
 if we would in these our dayes, haue the olde pennyworthes generally 
 restored among vs agayne. The restoring of our good Coine, which 
 allready is past, & before the improued rentes would only of it selfe 
 haue ben sufficient to haue brought this matter to passe will not serue 
 in these our dayes, except withall the racked rentes bee pulled downe, 
 which possibly cannot be without the common consent of our landed 
 men throughout the whole realme. Another reason I conceiue in this 
 matter, to be the great store & plenty of treasure, which is walking in 
 these partes of the world, far more in these our dayes, then euer our 
 forefathers haue sene in times past. Who doth not vnderstand of the 
 infinite sums of gold & siluer, whych are gathered from the Indies 
 & other countries, and so yearely transported vnto these costes? As 
 this is otherwise most certain, so doth it euidently appeare by the 
 common report of all auncient men liuing in these daies. It is their 
 constant report, that in times past, & within the memory of man, he 
 hath beene accoumpted a rich & wealthy man, & well able to keepe house 
 among his neighbors, which (all things discharged) was clearely worth 
 xxx. or xl. li. ; but in these our dayes the man of that estimation, is so 
 far (in the common opinion) from a good houskeeper, or man of 
 wealth, that he is reputed the next neighbor to a begger. Wherefore 
 these ii. reasons seemed vnto me to contain in them sufficient proba- 
 bility for causes of the continuaunce of this generall dearth.' 
 
 Knight. 'Yea, but (sir) if the increase of treasure be partly the 
 occasion of this continued dearth : then by likelyhood in other our 
 neighbors nations, vnto whom yearely is conuayghed great store of gold 
 and siluer, the pryces of victayles, and other wares in like sort, is raysed 
 according to the increase of their treasure?' 
 
 Doctor. ' It is euen so, and therefore to vtter freely myne Opinion, 
 (as I accoumpt it a matter very hard for the difficulties aboue rehersed) to
 
 1 88 NOTES. 
 
 reuoke or call backe agayne al our Englishe wares vnto their old pryces : 
 so doe I not take it to be either profitable or conuenient for the 
 Realme, excepte wee would wishe that our commodities should bee 
 vttered good cheape to straungers and theirs on the other side deare 
 vnto vs : which could not be without great impouerishinge of the 
 Common weale, in a very short time.' 
 
 Page 105, line 12. 'remedied' L. 'amendid'B. 
 
 13. ' vnder protestation ' B. ' vnderstand ' L. 
 
 1 6, 17. 'shoulde' &c. B., omitted in L. 
 
 25. The pernicious effects of this proposal were not obvious 
 to the author of the Polices to Reduce this Realme of Englande, 49. 
 "Than maye the kinges maiestie of euery thowsande poundes of Syluer 
 bullion, cawse one hundrethe poundes worth to be coyned in grottes, of 
 souche bignes weight and fynes, as were coyned in the tyme of kinge 
 Henry the Seventh. Wherin his maiestie shall gayne nothinge by the 
 Coynage. And then his maiestie maye coyne all the nyne hundrethe 
 poundes at souche basenes as his maiestie now makethe. Wherby his 
 maiestie shall gayne clerly aboue towo thowsande and fyve hundred 
 pounde. Some foke perchaunce will thinke that it cannot well stonde 
 with it selfe that we shoulde haue bothe fyne money and base money 
 also. But it shall agree with hit selfe euen as well as did the fyrste coyne 
 of Testornis and the laste which wente all wayes bothe at one value 
 withoute eney difference, the fyrste neuerthelese hauing more then twise 
 so mouche siluer in hime then the laste hade: but becawse that the 
 kinges maiestie in his mynttes gaue no gaynes for the beste therfor they 
 wente bothe at one value. So shall the fyne Coyne and the base coyne, 
 the kinges maiestie gyuinge no gaynes goo as the fyne coyne dothe. 
 And if they which will haue base money for ther bullion may haue ther 
 money payed presentely. And they which will haue fyne Coyne to 
 tarry for it a quarter of a yere, vppon a pretense that ther is but two or 
 thre Coynes of the same money, then will the moste men sonner take 
 the base money to be payed presently then to tarry enney whyle for the 
 fyne money bothe beinge curraunt at one rate. But if I shoulde goo 
 aboute herein to answere euery obiection that maye be made agaynste 
 my device, 1 shoulde then make a very longe boke." 
 
 Page 106, line 4. 'mend' B. 'make' L. 
 
 5. 'q u> L. 'j d> B.; this latter is the preferable reading, see 1. 7, 
 below. 
 
 20. See above, p. 32, 1. 28, p. 79, 1. 14, also Introduction, p. xiii* 
 'for they' B. , omitted in L.
 
 NOTES, 189 
 
 31. 'nowe' B. 'new' L. 
 
 The method proposed by the doctor was the one actually adopted in 
 the recoinage in 1560. Ruding, Annals, \. 333. 
 Page 107, line 7. 'faultie' B., omitted in L. 
 'we' L. 'they' B. 
 
 9. 'porcion' B. 'proportion' L. 
 
 10. B. reads ' well burdened' and ' but lefte.' 
 
 15. After 'lesse' B. inserts 'and make it pure.' 
 
 16. In this speech and in the first speech on p. 109 B. does not 
 make the usual insertion ' (quoth the Doctor). ' 
 
 22. 'ye' L. 'he' B. 
 24. More, Utopia, 95. 
 
 26. 'poincte' L. 'coyne' B. 
 
 31. 'of other ' &c. B. 'for other nations' L. 
 
 Page 108, line 10. 'at' B., omitted in L. See p. 73, above. 
 
 1 8. Besides the reference in the margin compare Aristotle, Po/.i.g. 8. 
 
 27. 28. 'if ye' and 'busshels' &c. B. ; omitted in L. 
 29 and 30. 'ye' B. 'he'L. 
 
 Page 1O9, line i. 'saye' B., omitted in L. 
 
 3. See note to 107, 1. 16. 
 
 16. 'flaunders,' see p. 87, 1. 21. 
 'bothe'B. 'but' L. 
 
 22. On the proportion of gold to silver at different times compare 
 Ridgeway, Origin of Metallic Currency, 338. It has not been so 
 constant as the Doctor supposed ; it is interesting however to see that 
 the Doctor recognised that the value of gold and silver do not merely 
 depend on convention or authority, even though he does not refer to the 
 importance of the cost of producing the precious metals as affecting 
 their value. W. S. comes nearer to this. 
 
 28. Lambarde notes ' paulo ante finem ' in the margin, and quotes 
 the passage at the end of his copy ; it appears to be summarised from 
 the version by Ficinus, Plato in Hipparcho, vel lucri cupiditate. Si 
 quis dimidiam auri libram erogans, argenti duas reportaret, damnum 
 esset, [i.e. duplum reportet argenti, lucrum, an damnum sit? HIP. 
 Damnum profecto, o Socrates] nam pro duodecem duo [i.e. duodecuplo 
 duplum] tantumodo recepit [i.e. solummodo capit] xxx. Neque enim 
 eiusdem sunt pretii ac dignitatis argentum et aurum [i.e. non eiusdem 
 dignitatis ac pretii est argentum, cuius est aurum]. Plato's Works 
 (Greek and Latin), Lyons, 1590, p. 4, from which the words in square 
 brackets are supplied.
 
 1 9 o NOTES. 
 
 Page HO, line 2. 'xW.'; both B. and L. read 'xls'; but the 
 argument is that gold is still worth twelve times as much as silver ; and 
 so one sixth of an ounce of gold (an angel) was worth two ounces of 
 silver (twenty groats). And so forty pence (i.e. ten groats or one 
 ounce) of silver were of the same weight as forty shillings in gold 
 (i.e. as six angels or one ounce). Equal weights of silver and gold 
 are worth forty pence and forty shillings respectively. See below, 
 p. in, 1. 22. 
 
 8, 9. 'inconueniences' B. 'convenience' L. 
 
 12. 'do' B. 'to'.L. 
 
 18. After 'heare' B. inserts 'se.' 
 
 Page 111, line 2. After 'shall' B. inserts 'go.' 
 
 17. B. reads 'olde rate.' 
 
 22. 'value, that is to say,' B. L. has 'valued oz.' 
 Page 112, line 2. B. reads 'be all at.' 
 
 7. 'estimate' B. ' estate' L. 
 
 15. 'coyned' B. L. has 'coine.' On the effects of a seigniorage 
 compare Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, iv. 6, p. 225. 
 
 23. 'coyne' B., omitted in L. 
 
 30. 'payment' L. 'lew'B. 
 
 Page 113, line 6. 'maiestie' B., omitted in L. 
 
 16. See above, p. 35, 1. 15, p. 59, 1. 31 and below, p. 127, 1. 13. 
 
 21. B. omits 'or dearthe.' 
 
 22. 'municions' B. 'mmsions' L., probably meant for 'muisions.* 
 Page 114, line 5. ' looooo"' L. 'a M'C pound' B. 
 
 'a thousand' B. ' 100000' L. 
 6. 'c'B. 'thousand' L. 
 10. 'nowe' L. 'noone' B. 
 12. 'and' B. 'as' L. 
 
 24. B. reads 'a carte or two.' 
 
 31. 'felonyes' B. ' felons ' L. 
 
 32. 'it is lucre' B. 'that is liquor' L. 
 Page 115, line i. 'well' B. 'we' L. 
 
 18. 'for all ' &c. B., omitted in L. 
 22. 'it' ; L. has 'is.' 
 
 25. 'Aenobarbus' B. 'Aenobardis' L. This appears to be a 
 mistake; it was not Barbarossa but Frederick II. who had recourse to 
 this ingenious expedient, at the siege of Faenza in 1240. The incident 
 is fully described by Villani (Istorie Florentine, 1. 5, c. 21) and might 
 have been known to Hales from this source. A previous experiment
 
 NOTES. 191 
 
 of the same kind was made by the Doge Domenico Michele in 1123 at 
 Jaffa (Sanuto, Vite de Duchi di Venezia in Muratori, XXII. 487). 
 
 25. 'emperours' B. 'emperous' L. 
 
 27. ' 1193 ' B. L. has ' 192.' Frederick II. was born in December 
 
 1194- 
 Page 116, line 2. 'againe' L. 'together' B. 
 8. See above, p. 77, 1. 2. On the dealings of the Crown with the 
 
 Fuggers of Antwerp at this time compare Froude IV. 251 and v. n. 
 
 15. 'tenne' L. 'x 8 ' B. 
 22. 'euery' B. 'even' L. 
 
 Page 117, 1. 12. 'in valwe' L. 'the value' B. 
 13. 'but' B., omitted in L. 
 
 22. 'was' B. ; L. omits. 
 
 23. 'Alcumistes' B. L. has 'Almistes.' 
 
 27. 'called knight.' The name is not in the text, but in a side- 
 note in B. ; it seems in both cases to be a later insertion, and it presents 
 some difficulty, as no man of the name of Knight can be identified in 
 the mint, whose period of service would fit the story. Latimer refers to 
 a similar, or possibly the same, case. " Some examples hath been of open 
 restitution, and glad may he be that God was so friendly unto him, to 
 bring him unto it in this world. I am not afraid to name him; it was 
 Master Sherington, an honest gentleman and one that God loveth. He 
 openly confessed that he had deceived the king, and he made open 
 restitution." Sermons, p. 263. This was a very favourable view of 
 the case ; see Introduction, p. xxiii. 
 
 Page 118, line i. 'M' L. 'two M" B. 
 
 3. An illustration of this practice is afforded by the will of William 
 Pisford to which allusion has been made above (p. 18, 1. 14 n.). 
 
 8. 'in'B. 'by'L. 
 
 1 6. 'xx nobles' or 6. iy. $d. 
 
 17. 'that'; L. has 'yf; B. omits. 
 31. 'sins' B. 'seinge'L. 
 
 Page 119, lines 1,2. 'shoulde be' B., omitted in L. 
 
 7. The assumption is that the restored coin is worth a third more 
 than the current coin ; this rate, which was a little more than the legal 
 rate, is assumed throughout. The ^100 of debased coin would be worth 
 about 66. iy. ^d.; and therefore the debtor would have to pay 
 .33. 6s. 8d. (100 nobles) more than he bargained to do. If he paid 
 100 marks (i$s. +d.) it would really be fair; see 1. 17, below. 
 
 10. 'nowe curraunte' L. ' newe corrected ' B.
 
 192 NOTES. 
 
 13. 'debtors' B. 'debtes' L. 
 
 17. 'converted' L. 'corrected' B. 
 21. 'do' B., omitted in L. 
 
 29. So in B., but L. reads 'vpon restitution.' 
 
 33. 'it' B., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 120, 1. i. 'but' B. ; L. reads 'doe noe hurte to the fewest-' 
 
 ii. 'amendment' L. B. 'what is to be hoped or wished' S. 
 
 25. The Stanford Dictionary gives instances of this proverbial 
 saying in 1540, 1542, and 1626. It might be occasioned by the 
 correction of 'poor degree' or ' low degree ' in Tyndale's and Coverdale's 
 versions, and in the primer of 1535, for the word 'meekness' by which 
 Wyclif and the fifteenth century primers had rendered 'humilitatem.' 
 
 Page 121, line 2. The third 'to' S.; L. and B. omit. 
 24. So B. S., but L. reads 'partly to be.' 
 28. See above, p. 50, 1. 27 note. 
 31. 'Ire' L. B. 'wealth's. 
 Page 122, line 5. L. has ' by, by.' 
 
 8. Plato, Hipparchus, 232 C. 
 
 23. See above, p. 53, 1. 19 and p. 54, 1. 27. 
 Page 123, line i. 'the' B. S. 'that' L. 
 
 9. 'thriue'B. S. 'trive' L. 
 n. See p. 54, 1. 27 note. 
 
 18. 'a'B. S. 'as'L. 
 'of'S. L. 'by' B. 
 
 20. ' sanctuarie.' Compare Laws of Alfred, 13 and Laws of Ethel- 
 red, vn. 16. 
 
 27. 'this last nobilitie reputes' L. and similarly in B. 'many in 
 these dayes reputes' S. 
 
 Page 124, line 8. 'that' B. S. 'to' L. 
 
 9. Read 'double talage' B. S. 'tillage' L. 
 
 13. 'moche' B. S. 'more' L. 
 
 1 6. 'men' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 26. 'it' B. S. 'is' L. 
 
 27. 'gobbet.' On the open field system compare Seebohm, Village 
 Community in England, chapters i. and ii. 
 
 Page 125, line i. This speech is assigned to the Merchant both in 
 B. and S. 
 
 13. B. omits 'saide townes, which was occasion of theire 
 wealthe in.' 
 
 15. 'of the' B. S., omitted in L.
 
 NOTES. 193 
 
 26. 'garmentes' B. S. 'parmtes,' L. ; see 126, 1. 32. 
 
 28. 'the'B. S. 'that'L. 
 
 31 33. 'lether ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 126, line 12. 'kniues' B. S. 'kiues' L. 
 
 From p. 126, 1. 12, 'pinnes' to p. 127, 1. 31, the Lambarde MS. is 
 written by the same hand as the rest, but the letters are very carelessly 
 formed. 
 
 16. 'shoulde' B. 'such as' L. S. 
 
 22. 'with those" &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 30. 'couerlettes' B. S. 'coveletes' L. 
 'tapestry' B. S. 'tapstie' L. 
 'knitte' B. S. 'kind' L. 
 
 31 33. B. omits from 'cappes' to 'girdells ' inclusive. 
 
 32. 'parmentes.' L. has 'parmtes' three times (p. 125, 1. 26 and 
 p. 128, 1. 2). S. reads 'parchment' here. I cannot find the form 
 ' parment, ' but I venture to think that the name Parmenter is evidence 
 of its use formerly. 
 
 Page 127, lines 2, 3. 'chestes' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 3. 'and'B. S. 'as' L. 
 
 13. See above, p. 35, 1. 15, p. 59, 1. 31, notes. 
 
 14, 15. 'bringes.' L. has 'kringes.' 
 
 18. ' vintoners' B. S. 'vittaylers' L. See 1. 22. 
 
 22, 23. ' cordewayners ' B. 'cardwinders' L. S. 
 26. 'they' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 77. 'pewterers' S. 'pointers' L., omitted in B. See p. 128, 1. 2, 
 and p. 130, 1. 5. 
 
 33. 'kniues' B. S. 'kives' L. 
 
 Page 128, lines 2, 3. 'parmentes.' 'parmtes' L. 'parchement' 
 B. S. See p. 126, 1. 32. On p. 130, 1. 5, ' parchment' is written clearly. 
 
 7. 'Coventrie,' see Introduction, pp. xv, xviii, xxvii. On the blue 
 thread compare Poole, Coventry, p. 358. 
 
 12. 'those' B. 'the other' L. 'these two' S. 
 
 21. 'where' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 23. 'Norwiche' L. B. 'truly I can not' S. Norwich was a very 
 nourishing place in 1549, but it suffered greatly in consequence of Kelt's 
 rebellion ; and the weaving industry was much decayed in 1565. After 
 the Walloon settlement the trade revived, but it probably was not a 
 typical example of a prosperous town in 1581. 
 
 L. 13
 
 i 9 4 NOTES. 
 
 24. S. reads 'for by a few worsted makers that some townes haue 
 they are growen ' &c. 
 
 27. Jealousy of alien workmen is very noticeable in England in the 
 time of Edward IV. and subsequently (Hibbert, Gilds, pp. 64, 82. 
 Ashley, Economic History, I. ii. 77). It was shown by many things 
 during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; especially by the local 
 opposition to the immigration of foreign protestants, and by the forma- 
 tion of companies (Cunningham, Growth of Industry, n. 37, 47). 
 
 29. 'straunge parties." Strypej (Ecc. Mem. n. i. 378; Cranmer, 
 i. 346) gives an account of the Strasburg weavers who were settled at 
 Glastonbury by the Duke of Somerset. They subsequently migrated to 
 Frankfort where they formed a considerable section of the more 
 advanced reformers in the English congregation (Brief Discourse of 
 Troubles begun at Frankfort, A.D. 1554, in Phoenix, n. 46). It appears 
 that Somerset's settlement of weavers was established about 1550, so 
 that was after the date of most of the events alluded to in the Dialogue. 
 
 Page 129, line 3. 'is,' L. has 'as'; omitted in B. S. 
 
 8. 'but' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 9. 'haue' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 10. 'regarded' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. 'better craftes' L. 'suche craftesmen' B. S. 
 
 28,29. 'common stocke of suche townes.' Funds for common pur- 
 chases, especially of corn, were a regular institution in many towns (Ashley, 
 Economic History, \. ii. p. 34). Compare the Chamberlain's oath at 
 Leicester. " We shall improve the liveliehood belonging to the com- 
 munity of this town of Leicester to the most behove of the same Town ; 
 and the tenements thereof we shall sufficiently repair during our office. 
 We shall endeavour also for to emprove the Chapman Gild to the 
 utmost of our power" (Throsby's Leicester, p. 80). Money might be 
 but a pledge from this common stock (see above, p. 18, 1. 14). The 
 money held in trust for orphans was also available for such purposes. 
 At Coventry there was a court of orphans which was to be conducted 
 exactly like that in London. Burton's Translation of Charter, MS. in 
 Town Hall, Coventry, f. 148. 
 
 Page 130, line 5. 'pewterers' L. B. 'painters' S. See above, 
 p. 127, 1. 27. 
 
 n. 'twise' L. 'x tymes' B. S. 
 
 23. 'can' B. S. 'came' L. 
 
 24. After ' occupacions ' L. inserts 'should.'
 
 NOTES. 195 
 
 25. 'inhabite.' In the Debate of the Heraldes (1550), John Coke 
 represents the French Herald as saying, "I wol approue by another 
 reason that you cannot haue somoch people nor so good townes as we 
 haue in Fraunce ; and that is this, you haue more plenty of wolles in 
 Englande to make cloth, then we, yet our clothiers dwel in good townes, 
 who maynteyne thynhabitantes and pore people there, so that they get 
 theyr lyuynges by spynnyng and cardyng, likewyse, fullers, shermen, 
 diers, and other occupasions for dressing of clothes, and also taylours, 
 hosiers, cordwaners, barbours, bakers, brewers with other sortes of 
 people lyue by them, and cannot be forborne where suche clothiers 
 inhabite. It is not so in England for your clothiers dwell in greate 
 fermes abrode in the countrey, hauyng howses with commoditis lyke 
 vnto gentylmen where aswel they make cloth and kepe husbandry, as 
 also grasse, and fede shepe and catell takyng therby awaye the lyuynges 
 of the pore husbandmen and grasiers. ** Also the cloth made in fraunce 
 excedeth in true makyng, fines and goodnes the cloth made in Englande, 
 which is by reason they haue no officers where theyr clothiers dwell to 
 visite the true makinge therof, as we haue in good townes in Fraunce, 
 or els it is for that they lacke knowledge or wyt." The English Herald 
 replies, " Also yf our clothiers were commaunded to enhabyte in townes 
 as they do in Fraunce, Flanders, Brabant, Hollande and other places, 
 we shuld haue as many good townes in England, as you haue in Fraunce, 
 and cloth more fyner and truelyer made." Bills on the subject were before 
 the House of Commons 7 Dec. 1547, also n and 18 Jan. 1549. Acts in 
 regard to Worcester (25 H. VIII. c. 18), Bridport (21 H. VIII. c. 12), 
 York (34 and 35 H. VIII. c. 10), Bridgwater (2 and 3 P. and M. c. n). 
 Compare also Armstrong in Pauli, Drei Denkschriften, p. 64. 
 
 29. 'iij.' L. has'ij.' 'three' B. 'two' S., and three are enum- 
 erated. 
 
 Page 131, line i. 'in' B. S. 'theim'L. 
 
 13. 'worldly' B. S. 'wordly' L. This curious form occurs in 
 Hales' Defence, p. Hi. 
 
 28. 'vs' L. B. 'them' S. There is here an indication that the 
 Doctor is thought of as in orders ; these indications are not entirely 
 removed by W. S. throughout (1. 29), but they disappear from several 
 phrases in his edition, p. 132, 1. 8, 'the' for 'we,' p. 132, 1. 19, omit 
 'us.' See also p. 139, 11. 8, 9. 
 
 29. 'vs' L. B. 'ours' S. 
 
 31. 'carnalitie' L. B. ' Licentiousnes ' S. 
 33. 'fleshlie lustes' L. B. 'such' S. 
 
 132
 
 196 NOTES. 
 
 Page 132, line i. L. reads ' I thinke.' 
 
 2. 'pastors' B. S. 'pastures' L. 
 
 13. 'perfection' B. S. 'protection' L. 
 
 20. 'pastors' B. S. 'pastures' L. 
 
 28. 'had'B. S. 'have'L. 
 
 Page 133, line 8. 'see' B. S. 'so' L. 
 
 n. 'canons' B. S. 'common' L. 
 
 17. L. has 'discarge.' 
 
 18, 19. S. omits 'the preistes and other.' 
 
 20. "I would not that ye should do with chantry priests, as ye did 
 with the abbots, when abbeys were put down. For when their enormi- 
 ties were first read in the parliament-house, they were so great and 
 abominable, that there was nothing but 'down with them.' But within 
 a while after, the same abbots were made bishops, as there be some of 
 them yet alive, to save and redeem their pensions. O Lord ! think ye 
 that God is a fool, and seeth it not ? and if he see it, will he not punish 
 it ? And so now for safety of money, I would not that ye should put in 
 chantry priests. I speak not now against such chantry priests as are 
 able to preach ; but those that are not able. I will not have them put 
 in ; for if ye do this, ye shall answer for it." Latimer, Sermons, 123. 
 
 2 1 . Read. ' What better execution of our canons and decrees doth 
 our bisshops, deanes, and archedeacons in their uisitations ' &c., B. S. 
 Compare Latimer, Sermons. "Methink it should be grateful and 
 pleasant to you to mark the earnest mind of your forefathers, and to 
 look upon their desire where they say in their constitution, ' We com- 
 mand you,' and not, 'We counsel you.' How have we been so long 
 a-cold, so long slack in setting forth so wholesome a precept of the 
 church of England, where we be so hot in all things that have any gains 
 in them, albeit they be neither commanded us, nor yet given us by 
 counsel ; as though we had lever the abuse of things should tarry still 
 than, it taken away, lose our profit?" p. 55. "Wherefore lift up your 
 heads, brethren, and look about with your eyes, spy what things are to 
 be reformed in the church of England. Is it so hard, is it so great a 
 matter for you to see many abuses in the clergy, many in the laity ? 
 What is done in the Arches? Nothing to be amended? What do 
 they there ? Do they evermore rid the people's business and matters, 
 or cumber and ruffle them? Do they evermore correct vice, or else 
 defend it, sometime being well corrected in other places ? How many 
 sentences be given there in time, as they ought to be? If men say 
 truth, how many without bribes ? Or if all things be well done there,
 
 NOTES. 197 
 
 what do men in bishops' Consistories? Shall you often see the punish- 
 ments assigned by the laws executed, or else money-redemptions used 
 in their stead?" p. 53. 
 
 26. "They are so troubled with lordly living, they be so placed in 
 palaces, couched in courts, ruffling in their rents, dancing in their 
 dominions, burdened with ambassages, pampering of their paunches, 
 like a monk that maketh his jubilee ; munching in their mangers, and 
 moiling in their gay manors and mansions, and so troubled with loiter- 
 ing in their lordships, that they cannot attend it. They are otherwise 
 occupied, some in the king's matters, some are ambassadors, some of 
 the privy council, some to furnish the court, some are lords of the 
 parliament, some are presidents, and comptrollers of mints. 
 
 Well, well, is this their duty? Is this their office? Is this their 
 calling? Should we have ministers of the church to be comptrollers of 
 the mints? Is this a meet office for a priest that hath cure of souls? Is 
 this his charge? I would here ask one question: I would fain know 
 who controlleth the devil at home in his parish, while he controlleth 
 the mint? If the apostles might not leave the office of preaching 
 to the deacons, shall one leave it for minting?" Latimer, Sermons, 67. 
 
 30. "I heard of a bishop of England that went on visitation, and 
 as it was the custom, when the bishop should come, and be rung into 
 the town, the great bell's clapper was fallen down, the tyall was broken, 
 so that the bishop could not be rung into the town. There was a great 
 matter made of this, and the chief of the parish were much blamed for 
 it in the visitation. The bishop was somewhat quick with them, and 
 signified that he was much offended. They made their answers, and 
 excused themselves as well as they could : ' It was a chance, ' said they, 
 ' that the clapper brake, and we could not get it mended by and by ; we 
 must tarry till we can have it done : it shall be amended as shortly as 
 may be.' Among the other, there was one wiser than the rest, and he 
 comes me to the bishop: ' Why, my lord,' saith he, 'doth your lordship 
 make so great a matter of the bell that lacketh his clapper ? Here is a 
 bell,' said he, and pointed to the pulpit, 'that hath lacked a clapper 
 this twenty years. We have a parson that fetcheth out of this benefice 
 fifty pound every year, but we never see him.' I warrant you, the 
 bishop was an unpreaching prelate. He could find fault with the bell 
 that wanted a clapper to ring him into the town, but he could not find 
 any fault with the parson that preached not at his benefice. Ever this 
 office of preaching hath been least regarded, it hath scant had the name 
 of God's service." Latimer, Sermons, 207.
 
 198 NOTES. 
 
 30. After 'not' insert 'in a manner' S. 
 33. 'iecture' L. 'construe' B. S. 
 
 Page 134, lines 3, 4. S. omits 'or for hatred of the bishoppe of 
 Rome.' 
 
 7. 'ease' L. 'slacke' B. S. 
 
 18. 'Hetherto' 'and maners' p. 136, 1. 5. S. omits this passage 
 and substitutes, 'But to passe from these matters to others.' 
 
 28. 'trentalles' B. 'rentalles' L. "Your forefathers saw some- 
 what, which made this constitution against the venality and sale of 
 masses, that, under pain of suspending, no priest should sell his saying of 
 tricennals or annals." Latimer, Sermons, 56. Trentals were three 
 masses said within the octave of a festival. Compare Wilkins, Concilia, 
 IV. 32, and the visitation articles of 1550 in Burnet, v. 309. 
 
 29. 'holy' B. 'hole' L. 
 
 31. 'but' B., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 135, line 2. 'euer' B. 'either' L. 
 
 5. ' oure chauncelors. ' This sentence is more suitable in the mouth 
 of a ' quondam ' bishop than to one of the inferior clergy. See also 
 p. 136, 1. 30, and Introduction, p. xxiii. 
 
 27. 'begge.' "It is no rare thinge to se the poore impotent 
 creatures begge at Easter, to pay for the Sacrament when they receaue 
 it." Supplication of the Poor Commons, in Four Supplications, p. 86. 
 
 31. 'small' L. B. omits. Compare Latimer, "Though they should 
 abuse it [images in church] these blanchers will be ready to whisper the 
 king in the ear, and to tell him that this abuse is but a small matter ; 
 and that the same, with all like abuses in the church, may be reformed 
 easily." Swmons, 76. 
 
 Page 136, line 1 6. 'gathered' L. 'geuen' B. S. 
 
 17 19. 'Than is ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 18. Lanfranc's Canon 13, at Winchester in 1071. 
 
 20, 21. 'ecclesiasticall' L. B. ' euangeliall ' S. 
 
 23. 'referred to' B. S. ' reformed by ' L. 
 
 30. 'oure owne privat,' see p. 135, 1. 5 note. 
 33. 'Yet better ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 Page 137, line 4. 'neded' B. 'nedethe' L. S. 
 
 4. 'none' B. S. 'more' L. 
 
 5. 'nor' B. S. 'no' L. 
 
 8. 'Premunire' L. B. 'penurye' S. This was a real danger in 
 the way of bishops who attempted to enforce reforms. See the case of 
 Bishop Farrar of S. David's. Strype, Cranmer, I. 263.
 
 NOTES. 199 
 
 10. Colet, Convocation Sermon in Phoenix, II. 8. 
 
 20 23. 'through ' &c. B. ; L. omits. S. appears to omit the same 
 words but to attempt a correction and reads, ' the religion of Christ 
 suffereth slaunder offence and reproch through our defaultes which ' &c. 
 
 26. after 'benifices' insert 'to kepe residence' B. S. 
 
 32. 'the benefite' B. S. 'his benefice' L. 
 
 Page 138, line n. S. omits 'iiij or v.' 
 
 1 6. 'worste' L. 'first' B. S. 
 
 19. 'vppon benefice' L. 'and other like' B. S. See 1. 28 note. 
 
 22. 'on'S. B. 'over'L. 
 
 24. 'throughe' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 25. 'ij' L. B. 'xx' S. 
 
 26. 'x li} L. 'xl tie poundes'B. 'xl"S. 
 
 28. See p. 31, 1. 9. " What enormity is this in a Christian realm, 
 to serve in a civility, having the profit of a provostship, and a deanery 
 and a parsonage." Latimer, Sermons, 122. Sir T. Smith was Dean of 
 Carlisle, Provost of Eton, and Vicar of Leverington. 
 
 31, 32. 'And then ' &c. B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 Page 139, line 7. 'vs' L. B. 'them' S. 
 
 8. 'youre' L. B. 'our' S. These two alterations at least disguise 
 the fact that the Doctor was one of the clergy, as the MSS. represent. 
 See p. 131, 1. 28 n. 
 
 12. Cicero De officiis, l, 18. 
 
 23. See Introduction, p. xxii. 
 31. 'faulte'B. S. 'facultie' L. 
 
 Page 14O, line 6. 'Pithagoras,' see above, p. 29, 1. 22. 
 
 8. 'we' L. 'yee' B. S. ; ' y ei ' or ' they ' is possibly the right reading. 
 
 26. 'to be' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 28. 'in' B. S., omitted in L. 
 
 29. 'fight,' L. has 'sight.' 
 
 Page 141, line 10. 'decide' B. S. 'destroye' L. 
 
 11. ' contentacion ' L. 'contention' B. S. The longer form occurs 
 in the Proclamation, 29 May, about King Henry VIII. 's debts. Procla- 
 mations, f. 2. b. 
 
 'ones' B. S. 'only' L. 
 
 13. 'when' B. S. 'wheare'L. 
 
 17. 'devision'L. 'destruction' B. 'diminishyng' S. 
 28. ' from ' B. S. ' for ' L. 
 
 Page 142, lines i, 2. 'all affection' B. 'partiality ' S., omitted in L. 
 10, ii. S. reads 'these sorts, that is either touching the profiles
 
 200 NOTES. 
 
 and emoluments of the prelates and mynisters of the church, or touching 
 points of religion.' 
 
 11. 'religion' &c. B., omitted in L. 
 
 12, 13. 'touching partly' &c. L.; B. reads 'concerning both youe 
 and us.' 
 
 22. So B. S., but L. reads 'honorably at Rome." 
 
 23 26. 'As to' 'of theim ' S. omits. 
 
 26. 'decision' B. 'de vision' L. 
 
 31. After 'handlinge' S. adds, 'if it please Christian Princes to 
 houlde a Counsayle with that whore of Babylon.' 
 
 Page 143, line 7. 'againe. ' B. omits the remaining sentences. 
 
 8. After 'towne' S. adds, 'But as yet truly 1 know not whether 
 I shall remayne here beyonde too morrow morning, which if I do 
 (in any thing that my simple Judgement will reache vnto you) you 
 shal heare my farther opynion : in the meane time I pray you soo to 
 thinke of mee as of one, that if I haue spoken any thinge whych may bee 
 preiudiciall to the common weale any way, I am ready to reuoke it, and 
 to yeelde to the iudgement of any other man, that can shew how all 
 these griefes or the more parte of them may bee remedied by any other 
 better meanes, for I knowe of many a thowsande in this Lande, I may 
 worst speake in such a wayghty matter. And so heere for this presente 
 I take my leaue of you all.'
 
 INDEX. 
 
 (The first number indicates the page, the second the line.) 
 
 Abbeys 39 9, 133 20 n. , see Monas- 
 teries 
 
 Aenobarbus, see Frederick 
 
 Ague 121 ii 
 
 Ajax 99 19 n. 
 
 Alchemists 117 8 
 
 Almaine 115 26 
 
 Angel xiii, 32 28 n., 79 14 n., 80 
 11, 110 i n., Ill 21, 116 10, 118 
 
 33 
 
 Apelles 11 24 n. 
 Apples 68 8 
 
 Apprentice 16 3, 18 8, 129 5 
 Archdeacons 136 7 
 Architecture 27 23 
 Ardes xxxvi, Ixvii 
 Argos 99 20 
 Arians 141 19 
 
 Aristotle 73 7n., 108 18, 109 3 
 Arithmetic 26 31, 29 9 
 Armour 34 30, 86 27 
 Artificers xvi, xlvii, 16 2, 17 25, 
 
 32 7, 33 19, 57 1 1, 90 32, 91 20 n., 
 
 93 5, 129 30, and towns 130 25 n. 
 Artillery 34 32, 86 28, 113 22 
 Ascham 28 30 n. 
 Astronomy 26 9, 27 10, 29 10 
 Attorney 66 14 
 Auditor 22 i7n. 
 Authorship x, xxv 
 Avarice 50 27 n., 121 28, see 
 
 Lucre 
 
 Bablake Hospital 18 3 in. 
 
 Bailiff 68 14 
 
 Bakers 92 3, 127 22 
 
 Balance of Trade 63 3 n. 
 
 Bargains 119 2 
 
 Barley 42 9, 10 n. 
 
 Barns 114 5 
 
 Barter 47 33 n., 72 3 
 
 Baxterley xxiii 
 
 Beasts 25 17, 27 1 8 
 
 Becon, Mr T. xxiii 
 
 Beef 38 18, 42 n, 52 24 
 
 Benefice 132 30, 133 12, 30 n., 
 
 137 33, 138 28 n. 
 Berkshire xv, xxxix, xli 
 Berwick 114 19 
 Bills 111 1 8, 
 Bills, in Parliament xvii, xviii, 
 
 xlv, Ixii, 67 2. 
 Birds 25 18 
 Bishops 136, see Rome 
 Blacksmiths 93 8, 127 23 
 Blue 128 7 n. 
 Bodin, J. xxxiii 
 
 Bodleian MS. xxxi, xxxiv, xxxvi 
 Bond, T. 18 3 in. 
 Bookbinder 65 32 
 Boulogne Iv 
 Brass 45 10, 69 18, 73 21, 76 12, 
 
 87 13, 103 i, 107 17, 109 19, 114 
 
 14. H6 32 
 Brewers 92 3, 127 22
 
 2O2 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bridges xviii, 16 10 n., 12, 18 14, 
 
 125 5 
 
 Bridgwater 130 25 n. 
 Bridport 130 25n. 
 Bristol 68 23, 128 9 
 Britons 23 17 
 Broadcloth 65 4, 68 16 
 Brooches 17 i, 63 19 
 Broth 24 28 
 Browett, Mr. 19 i n. 
 Brussels xxix 
 Buckinghamshire xv, xxxvi, xxxix, 
 
 xli, 15 21 n. 
 
 Building 16 11, 27 21, 84 22, 99 3 
 Bushel 108 22 
 Butcher xxv, 45 27 n., 57 2 n., 
 
 92 2, 127 22, 130 1 8 
 Butter 20 23, 38 10, 45 23, 56 10, 
 
 60 16, 67 32, 78 ii, 92 ii 
 Buttons 126 12 
 
 Caesar 27 i, 95 4 
 
 Calais Iv, 19 i n., 55 14 n. 
 
 Cambridge 22 13 n., 31 33 n. 
 
 Canons 133 ii, 136 18 
 
 Capon xliii, 13 2 n., 38 9, 42 10 
 
 Capper xvi, xxv, 14 5, 30 17, 33 
 
 19, 56 2, 57 17 n., 92 7, 93 7, 
 
 127 27, 130 4 
 Capping 128 26 
 Caps xvii, xviii, 17 i, 33 23, 63 
 
 26, 65 19, 67 7 n., 125 25, 126 
 
 Carmarthen 68 6 n. 
 
 Carnarvon 68 6 n. 
 
 Carpenter 15 31 n., 27 21, 84 33, 
 
 92 2, 98 30, 127 23, 130 17 
 Carriage 48 i, 60 27, 71 19, 114 
 
 Cathedral 133 27 
 Cato 63 4 n., 83 7 
 Cattle 15 1 8, 17 12, 37 18, 38 9, 
 
 48 i 8, 120 6 
 Causes 98 15 
 
 Causes of Dearth xl, xiii, 16 10 n, 
 Causes, Certayne xxxviii, 15 21 n., 
 
 52 22 n. 
 
 Chancellor 135 5 
 Chantries 1, 18 19, 19 i n., 85 10 
 Chapman Gild 129 28 n. 
 
 Cheese 20 23, 45 23, 56 9, 60 16, 
 
 67 32, 78 ii, 92 ii 
 Chester 68 23 
 
 Chickens 38 10, 42 10, 94 22 
 Choler 121 15 
 Churchmen 20 30 
 Cicero 14 26, 57 28 n., 59 3, 119 
 
 33, 139 12 
 Cities, see Towns 
 City 13 ii, 16 4, 18 30, 19 i 
 Civil Law 47 33 n., 49 14, 72 5n., 
 
 76 20 
 
 Clay 64 24 
 Clock 98 27 
 
 Cloth xi, 33 24, 67 33 n., 68 31, 
 
 77 15 n., 108 23, 112 n, 126 29, 
 130 25 n. ; customs on xxvi, xliv, 
 91 14; price of 32 I7n. 
 
 Clothiers xii, xliv, Ixv, 18 23, 
 33 19, 56 2, 88 12, 90 15, 91 
 16, 92 7, 93 5, 127 26, 130 
 25 n. 
 
 Coin xiii, xxi, 32 28 n., 44 3, 76 
 5, 78 9, 79 14 n., 85 32, 87 i8n., 
 102 I, 103 19, 104 30 n., 105 16, 
 25 n., 108 1 8, 109 1 6, 111 16, 
 115 29, 116 ii, 118 14; altera- 
 tion of 34 9, 69 16, 80 18, 81 10, 
 86 16, 99 33, 103 32 n., 104 
 4 n., 119 7 n. ; counterfeit xiii, 
 45 19, 46 20, 78 27, 79 14 n. 
 
 Coke, John 15 21 n., 130 25 n. 
 
 Colet, Dean 137 8 
 
 Columella 26 25 n. 
 
 Commission 14 14 ; on Enclo- 
 sures xi, xiv, xv, xxvi, xxix, 
 xxxiii, xxxix f. , 13 2 n. , 14 1 5 n., 
 169 
 
 Common Fields xlviii, 49 22 n., 
 29 n., 56 30, 124 19, 27 n. 
 
 Common Stock 129 28 n. 
 
 Companies 129 9 
 
 Constantine 141 5 
 
 Consul 123 22 
 
 Copyholds Ixi, 124 31 
 
 Corn 17 6, 38 9, 48 17, 52 22 n., 
 31 n., 57 17, 59 24, 60 7, 68 9, 
 70 3, 73 17,90 21, 10822, 1146, 
 120 6, 122 23; price of 17 7 n., 
 42 10 n., 52 22 n., 54 26 n.,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 203 
 
 55 8 ; policy regarding 53 19 n., 
 54 26 n. 
 
 Cornwall xi 
 
 Cosmography 25 4, 26 2 
 
 Cottages 49 31 
 
 Council xxv, xxvi, 10 6, 28 32, 
 120 21 
 
 Counsel 110 22 
 
 Counsellors 103 24 
 
 Coventry xiii, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, 
 xxii, xxiv, xxvii, xli, 57 2 n., 
 77 15 n., 128 7 n. ; decay of 19 
 3n.; plays at 16 18 n., 18 14 n.; 
 riots 18 26 n., see City 
 
 Coverlet 93 8 
 
 Covetousness, see Lucre 
 
 Craftsmen, see Artificers, Occupa- 
 tions 
 
 Credit 77 2, 116 4 
 
 Cup 103 5 
 
 Custom xxvi, xliv, 54 32, 55 14, 
 62 20, 65 7, 66 10, 77 12, 91 
 14 n., 118 8 ; of city xxiv, 18 
 33 n- 
 
 Damsons 68 27 
 
 Darcy xli 
 
 Dearth xlii, 15 28, 16 2, 17 3, 17 
 19 n., 33 2, 31, 35 2, 37 16, 47 
 23, 48 n, 52 22 n., 70 2, 85 29, 
 98 2, 99 30, 104 12, 30 n., 113 20, 
 120 6 
 
 Debtors 119 13 
 
 Decay, of towns, xv, xlvi, 16 ion., 
 19 3 n., 78 6, 125 4, 130 25 n. 
 
 Dedication xxxii, xxxv, 145 
 
 Devonshire 49 130. 
 
 Diomedes 46 9 
 
 Divinity 22 1 3 n. , 28 2 1 , 29 2, 37 6 
 
 Doctor xxi, 13 24, 14 8, 20 26, 28 
 21, 37 3, 131 28 n., 135 5 n. 
 
 Dorset, Marquis of xl 
 
 Dover 100 i3n. 
 
 Easter 135 19 
 
 Eggs 20 23, 38 10, 45 27 n., 60 16 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen xxviii, xxxvi, 16 
 
 i8n., 145 
 
 Emperor 95 6, 115 25 
 Enclosures xxi, liv, 13 2n., 15 
 
 13, 21 n., 18 26 n., 36 22, 48 
 20 n., 49 13 n., 22 n., 6231 n., 
 56 28, 98 5, 99 33, 120 13, 121 
 7, 122 3, 124 13, see Commission 
 
 England 68 7, 77 15, 84 6, 94 30 n. 
 
 English 65 24, 94 27 ; language 
 xxii, 22 7, 26 27 
 
 Erasmus 75 23 n. 
 
 Essex Iviii, 49 13 
 
 Eton xx, 138 28 n. 
 
 Eutopia, see Utopia 
 
 Experience 23 31, 24 if., 33 10 
 49 10, 69 22, 80 7, 104 10 
 
 Faenza 115 25 n. 
 
 Farms 20 12, 81 ;, 119 19 
 
 Farriers 33 20 
 
 Fee Farms xviii, xlv, 16 10 n. 
 
 Fells 45 23, 56 i, 62 n, 72 6 t 
 
 92 10, 112 32, 124 8, 126 16, 
 
 13033 
 
 Ficinus 50 27 n., 109 28 n. 
 Fine 19 18 
 Fitzherbert, Sir A. 45 27 n., 49 
 
 29 n., 57 17 n. 
 Fladbury xl 
 Flanders 64 2, 85 4, 87 17, 93 20, 
 
 32, 109 16, 130 25 n. 
 Flax 42 21 n., 44 29, 69 i 
 Fleetwood, T. xxxvi 
 Ford, W. xvi, 18 33 n. 
 Foxwell, Prof, xxix 
 France xviii, 64 i, 67 7n., 87 17, 
 
 93 i, 32, 94 30 n., 95 10, 109 15, 
 130 25 n. 
 
 Frankfort xxvii, 128 29 n. 
 Frederick Aenobarbus 115 25 n., 
 
 116 19 
 
 Free 128 31, 129 4 
 Free School xix 
 Freizes 68 16, 77 150., 82 19 
 Fresadow 64 3 n., 65 4 
 Furnivall, Dr xxxv, 17 19 n., 39 
 
 23 n., 63 24 n., 64 7 n. 
 
 Ganges 64 20 
 Garments 125 26 
 Gates xli 
 
 Geese 20 22, 38 14, 42 9, 57 2, 60 
 16
 
 2O4 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Gentlemen 17 28, 22 13 n., 32 5, 
 33 34, 38 I, 34, 81 14, 100 30, 
 101 7, 104 26, 108 9, 109 7, 125 
 
 33 
 
 Geometry 26 32, 27 20, 29 9, 32 n. 
 
 Germany 93 21 
 
 Glass 16 32, 17 3 n., 42 23, 44 20, 
 63 16, 64 13, 24 n., 68 i, 75 
 23 n., 78 15, 126 n 
 
 Glass-making 64 24 n., 127 33 
 
 Glastonbury 128 29 n. 
 
 Glaucus 46 9 n. 
 
 Glaziers 93 7 
 
 Gloucestershire Iviii 
 
 Gloves 44 21, 63 28, 68 i, 125 31 
 
 Glovers 93 7 
 
 God 14 18, 17 4 , 52 31, 61 20, 70 
 I, 120 5, 134 23, 136 4, 138 33 
 
 God's Board 135 19 
 
 Gold xiii, 3228 n., 64 21, 68 32, 
 72 20, 74 9, 79 14 n., 87 32, 101 
 31, 102 14, 103 32 n., 104 30 n., 
 106 20, 109 22 n., 110 2 n., Ill 
 21, 112 13, 114 13, 115 2, 116 
 
 33. H8 13 
 
 Goldsmiths 93 7, 106 13 
 Grammar 29 8 
 Grange 92 1 6 
 
 Graziers xxv, liv, Ixii, 18 7, 57 2 n. 
 Grazing 52 20, 53 12, 56 10, 122 
 
 5, 124 3, see Sheep 
 Greece 59 5 
 Greeks 23 9 
 Grey Friars xvi, 18 31 n. 
 Groat xiii, 41 8, 71 4, 80 12, 106 
 
 15, 110 i n., Ill 22 
 Grocers 91 27, 127 19, 130 g 
 Gualter xxvi 
 Gunpowder 34 32 n. 
 
 Haberdashers 64 8, 91 27, 127 
 1 8, 130 8 
 
 Hadleigh Ixvi 
 
 Haines, N. xvi, 18 26 n. 
 
 Hales, Christopher xxvi 
 
 Hales, John x, xv, xvii, xviii, xxv, 
 xxxv, xxxviii,xxxix f. ; his Charge 
 xxiv, xl, Ivi, 14 30 n., 48 20 n., 
 49 22 n., 50 i in., 17 n., 52 gn., 
 22 n., 57 17 n.; his Defence 
 
 xxvi, xxxix, lii, 13 2 n. ; his 
 
 school xix ; lameness xix 
 Hales Place xix 
 Hales, Sir James xxi 
 Hallyng x 
 Hampshire Iviii 
 Hanaper xxi, xxvi, xxviii 
 Harrison ix, 64 24 n. 
 Hens 13 2 n., 57 3, 94 22 
 Heralds 74 4 ; Debate of, see Coke 
 Hereford 77 isn. 
 Hertford, Earl of 31 9 n. 
 Hertfordshire Iviii 
 Highways 16 12, 18 14, 125 5 
 Hipparchus 50 27 n., 109 28 n. 
 History 25 5 
 Homer 47 33 n., 72 5 n. 
 Hospital xvi, 18 31 n., 125 6 
 Hospitality 138 22 
 Household 19 31, 34 35, 81 28, 
 
 84 27 
 
 Huntingdonshire xli 
 Husbandman xxv, 13 8, 27 8, 57 
 
 2 n., 101 7, 122 26, 123 5 
 Husbandry 27 9, 49 22 n., 60 6, 89 
 
 32, 100 32, 123 33, see Plough, 
 
 Tillage 
 
 Idleness 65 23 
 
 Impositions 35 12 
 
 Inholders 127 22 
 
 Instructions xli, Ivi 
 
 Insurrection x, see Uproars 
 
 Interludes xii, 16 i8n. 
 
 Iron 16 28, 3322, 34 31, 39 21, 
 
 40 12, 42 19, 44 28, 61 31, 68 
 
 4, 75 30, 127 5, 128 i 
 Isle of Wight 52 9 n 
 
 Jersey, Earl of xxxi 
 Joan of Kent xxii 
 Journeymen 15 31, 18 22, 33 33 
 Justices of the Peace xlv, li, 13 i, 
 14 15 n., 45 27 n., 57 17 n. 
 
 Kendal Cloth 82 18 
 Kenil worth 16 i8n. 
 Kent xxii, 49 13, 100 13 n. 
 Kersey xliv, 68 32, 82 23, 126 29 
 Kett 128 23 n.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 205 
 
 Knight (of the Mint) 117 ijn. 
 Knight xvii, xxv, xxvii, 12 23, 19 
 
 26, 22 25, 45 8, 67 i, 110 31, 
 
 120 19 
 Knives 16 33, 64 5, 125 32, 126 
 
 12 
 
 Labourers 15 31 n., 33 33 
 
 Lambarde, W. ix, x, xxvii, xxviii, 
 xxx, 12 16 n., 23 16 n., 17 n., 
 39 21 n., 47 33 n., 48 i6n., 62 
 2 n., 63 2 n., 4 n., 73 7 n., 86 
 2on., 92 ion., 28 n., 109 28 n.; 
 his MS. xxx, xxxiv, xxxvi 
 
 Lancaster xxvi 
 
 Landlord 118 27, see Rent 
 
 Languages 22 3, 30 20 
 
 Latimer xxi, xxii, xxxviii, 100 
 1 3 n. ; and Sharrington 117 2 7 n. ; 
 and Tenterden 100 I3n.; and 
 coinage 104 4 n. ; and wages 34 
 32 n.; and treasure 35 15 n.; 
 on clothiers 77 15 n. ; on cove- 
 tousness 48 32 n., 50 27 n. ; on 
 dearth 52 31 ; on ecclesiastical 
 abuses 133 20 n., i\ n., 26 n., 
 
 30 n., 134 28 n., 135 31 n., 138 
 28 n. ; on enclosures 48 20 n. ; 
 on riot 4832n.; on Universi- 
 ties 22 1 3 n., 31 33 n. 
 
 Latin 22 15, 57 28, 123 2 
 
 Law 28 23, 37 7, 50 i7n., 58 2, 
 
 140 i, see Civil Law 
 Laymen 131 32, 134 12, 139 9 
 Lead 45 23, 67 11, 68 32, 73 22, 
 
 78 12, 92 10, 112 32, 114 15 
 Leadam, Mr 50 17 n. 
 League 67 7 n. 
 
 Learning 21 24, 30 24, 37 9, 58 12 
 Lease Hi, 19 23, 38 31 
 Leather 33 8, 67 27, 87 14, 115 
 
 25 n. 
 
 Leather money 69 31, 115 30 
 Leicester 19 in., 129 28 n. 
 Leicestershire xv 
 Libripendes 76 19 
 Logic 27 24, 29 9 
 Logician 140 5 
 London xiii, xviii, 16 9, 19 32, 
 
 31 33 n., 68 23, 81 30, 83 14, 
 
 114 19, 126 2, 129 28n.; Lord 
 Mayor of 45 28 n. 
 
 Lords Lieutenant 82 i n. 
 
 Lucre xxiv, Ixv, 13 2 n., 50 27 n., 
 
 60 30, 77 27, 114 32, 121 30, 
 
 122 9, 134 20, see Profit 
 
 Magnificat 120 25 n. 
 
 Malt 20 23, 57 12, 68 19 
 
 Malynes 63 3 n. 
 
 Manuscripts xxix f. 
 
 Market 87 10, 122 25, 123 1 1 
 
 Marprelate xxviii 
 
 Marshes 92 28 
 
 Mary, Queen xxvi, 91 i4n. 
 
 Masons 84 33, 92 2, 127 23, 130 
 
 i? 
 
 Massie 88 25 n. 
 
 Measure 73 5, 108 19 
 
 Meiney 39 23 n. 
 
 Mela 92 23 
 
 Men of arms 94 16, 95 16 
 
 Mercers xiii, xxiv, 32 27, 56 2, 
 
 91 26, 101 8, 106 13 127 19, 
 
 1308 
 Merchant xxiv, 13 u, 18 30, 19 
 
 i n. 
 
 Milan 64 4 
 
 Milliners 64 7, 91 27, 127 18 
 Ministers 131 28, 142 12 
 Mint xxix, xxxvi, 35 19, 22 n., 
 
 103 32 n., Ill 1 8, 116 11, 117 
 
 28 
 
 M inters 103 32 n., 107 i, 116 3 
 Misteries 89 14 
 Monasteries xviii n., xxii, xliii, 
 
 xlix, 85 10, see Abbeys 
 Money 32 13, 73, 103 32 n., 114 8, 
 
 115 1 6, 127 24, see Coin, Paper, 
 Leather 
 
 Moral Philosophy 12 i, 28 3 
 More, Sir T. xxvii, 14 7 n., 100 
 
 13 n., see Utopia 
 Music 29 9 
 Mutton 38 1 8, 42 n, 52 24 
 
 Neat 57 2, 60 15 
 
 Nichols x, xxx 
 
 Nicklin, R. xxv, 57 2 n. 
 
 Noble 118 16, 119 7 n., see Angel
 
 2O6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Normans 23 1 6 
 Northamptonshire xv, 15 2 in., 
 
 49 130. 
 Norwich 128 23 n. 
 
 Occupations 36 23, 49 2, 89 u, 
 93 17, 125 12, 127 n, 130 24 
 
 Oil 16 28, 62 2, 69 I, 80 16 
 
 Olives 92 31 
 
 Opinions 21 18, 22 9, 29 13, 31 15, 
 98 7 
 
 Oranges 44 21, 68 i 
 
 Orphans 129 28 n. 
 
 Over, H. 18 14 n. 
 
 Oxford xv, 22 13 n. 
 
 Oxfordshire xv, xxxix, xli, 15 21 n. 
 
 Pactolus 64 20 
 
 Paget, Sir W. xli 
 
 Paper 16 31, 63 20, 65 33 n., 78 
 
 16, 126 31 
 
 Paper makers 93 7, 130 7 
 Paper money 69 31 
 Parks 92 27 
 Parliament xvii, xxv, xxvii, xxviii, 
 
 xl, 67 2, 110 22, 120 21, 137 12 
 Parments 126 32 n., 128 2 n. 
 Pasture xlvi, 50 16, 54 9, 57 26, 
 
 81 25, see Enclosures 
 Pawle xxvi 
 
 Peasants 94 30 n., 123 28 
 Pebbles 64 24 
 Peru 64 18 
 Peterborough xv 
 Pewter 67 32 
 Pewterers 127 27, 130 5 
 Pheidias 11 24 n. 
 Physic 28 23, 37 7 
 Physician Ixvi, 37 7, 121 10 
 Pigs 20 22, 38 9, 42 10, 57 2, 60 
 
 16, 94 22 
 
 Pilgrimages 162in. 
 Pilot 10 14, 30 13 
 Pinners 93 9 
 Pins 16 33, 34 u, 63 20, 126 12, 
 
 128 i 
 
 Pippins 44 21, 68 26 
 Pisford, Agnes 19 i n. 
 Pisford, W. 18 14 n., 33 n., 19 
 
 i n., 118 3 n. 
 
 Planets 26 9, 27 i r 
 
 Plato 14 22, 28 15, 29 31, 30 4, 
 109 28 n., 122 8 
 
 Players xii 
 
 Plays 16 i8n. 
 
 Plough 15 19, 39 21, 51 25, 53 19, 
 56 22, 57 21, 59 13, 89 32, 123 
 19, see Husbandry, Tillage 
 
 Pluralities 133, 137 14 
 
 Pointers 93 7 n., 130 3 
 
 Points 63 20, 93 7 n., 128 10 
 
 Polices to Reduce &c. xxix, 45 
 28 n., 63 2 n., 104 4 n., 105 
 25 n. 
 
 Policy 11 32, 22 26 
 
 Poticary 77 i^n., 127 19 
 
 Prayer 120 8, 135 6 
 
 Preach 22 7, 28 22, 133 30 n. 
 
 Precious Stones 72 26 
 
 Premunire 137 8 n. 
 
 Preston xxv 
 
 Prices xxxiii, 17 7 n., 27, 19 9, 33 16, 
 39 2 n., 18, 41 31, 42 ion., 47 
 10, 52 12 n., 53 6, 54 4, 67 33 n., 
 104 13 ; and Coinage 104 4n., 
 30 n., 105 25 n. ; reasonable 57 
 i7n. ; set 42 1 6, 45 27 n. 
 
 Prince xxxiii, 67 8, 74 18, 77 2, 
 109 23, 113 16, 116 4, 139 3 
 
 Proclamation xii, xiii, 32 28 n., 
 79 i4n., Ill 15; against tumult 
 xl ; on Enclosures 13 2 n. 
 
 Procurations 136 u 
 
 Profit 66 19, 80 24, 81 8, 103 26, 
 111 10, 118 9; of grazing 124 
 n; of tillage 53 19, 56 22, 57 
 21, 59 21, 60 3, 122 6; private 
 50 8, 60 5, see Lucre 
 
 Proportion 107 26, 109 18, 117 17 
 
 Protector, see Somerset, Duke of 
 
 Pythagoras 29 22 n. , 32 n., 140 6 
 
 Rarity 73 31, 75 17 
 
 Receiver 22 i7n. 
 
 Rent xlvi, 19 19, 38 5, 41 2, 47 
 23, 52 31 n., 81 2, 86 3, 100 26, 
 104 30 n., 108 20, 112 7, 113 3, 
 118 28 ; rise of 39 2 n. 
 
 Residence 133 23, 137 13 
 
 Rewards 58 3, 59 2
 
 INDEX. 
 
 207 
 
 Rhetoric 27 25, 29 9 
 
 Romans 23 9, 18, 76 12, 95 2, 
 
 123 21 
 Rome 83 4, 123 22; Bishop of 
 
 liii, Iv, 134 4, 142 4, 31 n. 
 
 S., W. ix, xxxiif., 17 711., 32 nn., 
 34 32 n., 36 20 n., 39 un., 42 
 6 n., 10 n., 43 25 n., 44 6 n., 54 
 
 26 n., 56 12 n., 64 70., 67 250., 
 70411. ,786n., 80 ion.,87i7n., 
 98 411., 103 27 n., 104 30 n., 109 
 22 n., 123 27 n., 128 23 n., 131 
 28 n., 137 20 n., 139 9 n., 143 
 8n., 145 
 
 Sacraments 134 23 
 
 Salt 42 20, 44 28, 61 31, 68 4 
 
 Sanctuary 123 20 n. 
 
 Sandwich xxiii, 100 13 n. 
 
 Sapsworth, Prof, xxvi 
 
 Saunders, W. xvi, xxv 
 
 Saxons 23 1 6 
 
 Scarcity 123 14 
 
 Schism 141 14 
 
 Sciences 22 10, 28 25, 29 5, 123 
 32, 127 32 
 
 Scripture xxii, 22 6, 29 26, 139 22 
 
 Seal 77 17, 131 4 
 
 Searchers 46 20, 79 i 
 
 Self-interest xxiv, see Lucre, Ava- 
 rice, Profit 
 
 Senate 95 8 
 
 Shakespeare ix, xvi, xxxv, xxxviii 
 
 Sharrington, Sir W. xxiii, 117 
 
 27 n. 
 
 Sheep xi, xliii, xlviii, Iviii, Ixiii, 
 13 2 n., 15 17, 20 13, 35 24, 
 39 22, 48 20 n., 51 14, 52 8, 
 22 n., 57 2, 60 15, 90 7 
 
 Shepherd 13 2 n., 15 21 n., 48 
 20 n., 52 8, 90 12 
 
 Shillings xiii, 32 28 n., 109 10, 
 110 2 n. 
 
 Shoemakers 33 19, 92 i, 130 17 
 
 Silk 16 28, 42 31, 44 33, 62 3, 68 
 4, 80 16, 101 29, 126 13 
 
 Silver xiii, 32 28 n., 45 12, 64 25, 
 68 32, 71 5, 72 21, 74, 75, 87 
 32, 101 31, 102 14, 103 2, 32 n., 
 104 4 n., 30 n., 105 25 n., 107 
 
 17, 109 22 n., 110 2 n., 112 9, 
 114 13, 115 2, 116 33, 118 
 
 13 
 
 Smith, Sir T. ix, x, xxiii, xxviii, 
 
 xxxvi, Ixxi, Ixxii, 35 22 n., 138 
 
 28 n. 
 
 Smith, W. xxxvi, Ixvii 
 Solon 59 3n. 
 Somerset, Duke of xv, xxix, xxxix, 
 
 xl 
 
 Somersetshire Iviii 
 Southampton 68 23 
 Spain 64 i, 20, 93 i 
 Spice 16 30, 42 23, 44 33, 62 2, 
 
 68 4, 101 29, 126 13 
 Stafford, W. xxxv 
 Stamp 72 31 
 Staple 19 i n., 55 14 n. 
 Starkey, Thomas xxiv, 6027 n. 
 Steeple 100 i3n. 
 Stint 70 10 
 Strangers 44 8, 45 25, 47 3, 55 4, 
 
 63 2, 65 2, 69 5, 78 7, 87 5, 101 
 
 16, 103 17, 113 33, 116 7, 127 6, 
 
 128 27n. 
 
 Strasburg xxvi, 128 29 n. 
 Strawberries 68 27 
 Strype xxviii, xxix, 31 9 n. 
 Subsidy xi, 35 12, 91 15, 118 8, 
 
 132 30 
 Surrey Iviii 
 Sussex Iviii 
 Swords 127 33 
 Synod 136 11, 141 27 
 
 Tagus 64 20 
 
 Tailors 92 2, 127 22, 130 17 
 
 Tallage 91 2, 124 9 
 
 Tanners 92 7, 127 27 
 
 Tapestry 85 3, 126 30 
 
 Tar 39 22, 40 12, 62 i 
 
 Tax 124 : 
 
 Tenant 119 i 
 
 Tenterden xxiii, 100 1311. 
 
 Testons xiii, xxix 
 
 Text xxxvi 
 
 Thomas, W. 32 28 n. 
 
 Thread 128 7 n., 130 7 
 
 Tilers 92 2 
 
 Tillage 15 16, 50 5, 53 13, 54 14,
 
 208 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 57 27, 120 17, 122 12, see Hus- 
 bandry, Plough 
 
 Tin 45 23, 67 10, 68 32, 73 21, 
 78 ii, 92 10, 112 n, 114 14, 
 
 126 1 6, 130 32 
 Tithes 118 3 n., 134 13 
 Token 69 28 
 
 Towns xviii, xlv, liii, 16 8, 68, 77 
 14, 93 4, 98 6, 125 4, see Decay 
 
 Travels 25 2 
 
 Treasure 35 5, 15 n., 59 31 n., 63 
 14, 64 28, 66 21, 69 4, 79 18, 
 85 5, 87 28, 89 21, 91 25,93 II, 
 98 4, 105 23, 113 17, 123 14, 
 
 127 14, 130 3 
 Treaty xviii, 67 7 n. 
 Trentalles 134 28 n. 
 Trifles 63 10, 68 29 
 
 Tumults 49 g, 50 3, 93 26, 94 17, 
 
 see Uproars 
 Tyery, N. 103 32 n. 
 Tyndale, W. 120 25 n. 
 
 Universities xxi, xxxiii, 22 13 n., 
 
 28 30 n. , 29 6, 31 33 n., 32 i 
 Uproars xi, xl, xli, Iviii, 15 22, 
 
 18 26 n., 21 23, 48 32 n., 90 28, 
 
 see Tumults 
 Utopia 147 n., 52 22 n., 53 19 n., 
 
 75 23 n., 94 30 n., 107 42 
 
 Vacation xxvi, 10 1 6 
 
 Vegetius 26 24 n. 
 
 Velvet 43 7 
 
 Venice 64 4, 89 16, 115 25 n., 128 
 
 H 
 
 Vent 88 18, 90 20, 93 27, 122 19 
 Venus 11 24 
 Veterinaria 27 17 
 Victual xlii, 17 3, 19 12, 20 20, 32 
 
 8, 33 21, 46 22, 59 33, 60 15, 85 
 
 15, 120 7 
 
 Victuallers 92 3, 127 22, 130 18 
 Vines 92 31 
 Vintners 91 27, 127 18, 130 9 
 
 Visitations 133 11 n., 136 8 
 Vitruvius 27 22 n. 
 
 Wages 15 31 n., 125 8; assessment 
 of 57 i7n., 823, 9833 
 
 Wales 68 6 
 
 Walloons 128 23n. 
 
 Walls 16 ion., 18 33 n., 125 9 
 
 War 22 26, 23 28, 26 17, 27 5, 
 35 6, 84 2, 90 24, 94 2, 113 20, 
 115 27 
 
 Warwick, Earl of xl, xli 
 
 Warwickshire xv, xxii 
 
 Weavers 128 28 
 
 Weights 76 16 
 
 Westminster xx, 64 12 
 
 Wheat 42 8, see Corn 
 
 Whyte, Sir W. 18 14 n. 
 
 Willoughby 61 20 n. 
 
 Wiltshire Iviii 
 
 Wine 16 28, 42 23, 44 33, 62 2, 
 67 25 n., 68 3, 80 16, 101 29, 
 126 13 
 
 Wisdom 24 5 
 
 Wood, Anthony a i, xxxv 
 
 Wool 33 22,35 24,42 n, 43 8, 
 45 22, 56 i, 62 n, 65 19, 67 10, 
 33 n., 68 17, 78 u, 80 17, 88, 
 ii, 90 7, 92 10, 101 29, 112 11, 
 124 7, 126 16, 130 32; restraint 
 of 54 25 
 
 Worcester xxi, 77 15 n., 130 25 n. 
 
 Worsted makers 92 8, 127 27, 128 
 21, 130 3 
 
 Wrestling xiii, 16 19 
 
 Wyclif 120 25n. 
 
 Wygston, W. xxv, 19 i n. 
 
 Yates, John x 
 
 Yeoman 31 33 n., 82 9, 84 7, 94 
 
 30 n. 
 
 Youth 29 17, 308, 139 32 
 York 16 i8n., 130 25 n. 
 
 Zurich xxvi 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY c. j. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 BY THE SAME EDITOR. 
 
 WALTER OF HENLEY'S HUSBANDRY, together 
 with AN ANONYMOUS HUSBANDRY, SENESCHAUCIE, 
 and ROBERT GROSSETESTE'S RULES ; the Transcripts, 
 Translations and Glossary by ELIZABETH LAMOND, 
 F.R.HistSoc., with an Introduction by W. CUNNING- 
 HAM, D.D., F.R.HistSoc. Crown 4to. pp. xliv, 171, 
 price 15^. 
 
 Miss Lamond has laid students of English social history under a 
 heavy obligation by her scholarly edition of Walter of Henley's treatise 
 on 'Husbandry. '...The Anglo-French of the originals presents no little 
 difficulty even to those who have a working acquaintance with old 
 French, and Miss Lamond's admirably clear translation will save a 
 world of trouble. It has a pleasant simplicity and yet antiquarian 
 correctness, without being affectedly archaic. ...In Miss Lamond Dr 
 Cunningham has found a coadjutor not only zealous, but also of striking 
 originality and independent power. In this volume Miss Lamond has 
 kept herself too completely in the background ; but to see what she is 
 capable of in the way of original investigation, it is only necessary to 
 turn to the remarkable paper in the April number of this REVIEW. 
 Prof. W. J. ASHLEY in the English Historical Review, January, 1892. 
 
 A most important contribution to these studies in England is the 
 issue by the Royal Historical Society of the four treatises which, from 
 about the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries, formed the chief written 
 guidance on husbandry available to our forefathers. ...A translation, on 
 which Miss Lamond has expended much loving care, renders all these 
 tracts accessible to the many students for whom the old Anglo-French 
 of the originals is a stumbling block. Miss L. TOULMIN SMITH, 
 Academy, 6 May, 1891. 
 
 Treatises of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries dealing with agricul- 
 ture and estate management are exceedingly rare. This volume contains 
 four, which form a distinct group by themselves, and it is not too much 
 
 to say that in future no historical library will be complete without it 
 
 The glossarial index at the end of the book has been compiled with 
 great care, ...and the translations into modern English, line for line with 
 the old French, are good and literal ; finally the general arrangement of 
 the work will be found highly convenient and trouble saving, both to 
 the student and to the writer of history, while the many quaint features 
 in its matter will afford considerable entertainment to the literary 
 loafer. Saturday Review, 7 March, 1891. 
 
 All students of English history will feel truly grateful for the 
 admirable work which Miss Lamond has done in putting within their 
 reach the famous Treatise on Husbandry written by Walter of Henley in 
 the thirteenth century, and probably destined for the use of the great 
 abbey on the Thames. ...The task of examining these MSS., and 
 
 L. 14
 
 recovering as far as possible the original form, was one of much 
 difficulty ; and with praiseworthy self-restraint the MS. finally selected 
 has been literally transcribed, without emendations. Miss Lamond has 
 added a translation of the old French in which Walter wrote, which 
 shows genuine literary feeling as well as knowledge, and has further 
 given us a glossary very carefully drawn up. We are made to feel 
 throughout that she has not shrunk from undertaking a most useful task 
 because it presented real difficulties and made considerable demands on 
 the finer qualities of the genuine scholar. The serious and excellent 
 character of her work is not the less marked because it is so unobtrusive. 
 It is a work full of fine scholarly instinct and efficient knowledge, and 
 bears very evident traces of a laborious zeal, and of a certain patient 
 enthusiasm, which are too rare among students in England. What 
 valuable additions might be made to our historical knowledge if but a 
 few of our educated women had the courage to give themselves to work 
 as sincere as this before us 1...A11 students who take up the book will 
 feel that Miss Lamond has done an excellent piece of work, and has 
 done it excellently well, with a painstaking zeal which every worker 
 will recognise and honour. Speaker, 8 Aug. 1891. 
 
 The treatises contained in this volume are of value for several 
 reasons. We are still very ignorant as to the rural economy of the 
 Middle Ages, although of late years continental scholars have devoted 
 much thought and labour to the subject. As far as is at present known 
 our old farming literature is scanty. Students will therefore be glad to 
 have these interesting treatises before them in a printed form, although 
 they are told that no attempt has been made to settle the text ; the 
 editors have, however, examined more than twenty manuscript copies 
 of Henley's treatise, but they determined to print what seemed to them 
 the best text, just as it stands.... This seems to have been done with 
 great care. It is stated that the text appears " without correction, even 
 in those cases where there were obvious slips on the part of the 
 transcribers." When the reader calls to mind the wild work that 
 editors have made by trying to correct what they have imagined to be 
 blunders, he cannot but be thankful that he has these old treatises just 
 as they came from the hands of the copyists, who were themselves, in 
 all probability, not overlearned. Athentzum, 15 August, 1891. 
 
 From a literary standpoint they are interesting, being written in an 
 Anglicised Norman French dialect, rarely to be found beyond the 
 limits of the Statute Book, and the peculiarities of which may engage 
 the attention of students of Early French. The full text is given on 
 one page, and on the opposite page is the translator's admirable 
 rendering. Spectator, 9 July, 1892. 
 
 Original documents in this branch of historical learning are com- 
 paratively rare, and therefore especially valuable. There are four such 
 documents, edited with all that care and good scholarship can do to 
 make them available for practical use, in the volume.... It is in every 
 way a book of the highest possible value to all interested in tracing the 
 history of English industry back to its original sources. Scotsman, 
 26 January, 1891. 
 
 Published for the Royal Historical Society by 
 LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
 
 RECENT WORKS ON ECONOMIC HISTORY. 
 
 THE GROWTH OF ENGLISH INDUSTRY AND 
 COMMERCE DURING THE EARLY AND MIDDLE 
 AGES. By W. CUNNINGHAM, D.D., Tooke Professor in 
 King's College, London ; Fellow and Lecturer of Trinity 
 College, and Vicar of Great S. Mary's, Cambridge. Demy 
 8vo. i6s. 
 
 THE GROWTH OF ENGLISH INDUSTRY AND 
 COMMERCE IN MODERN TIMES. By the same 
 Author. Demy 8vo. i8s. 
 
 THE ORIGIN OF METALLIC CURRENCY AND 
 WEIGHT STANDARDS. By W. RIDGEWAY, M.A., 
 Disney Professor of Archaeology in the University of 
 Cambridge, and late Fellow of Gonville and Caius College. 
 Demy 8vo. 1 5^. net. 
 
 A HISTORY OF EPIDEMICS IN BRITAIN. From 
 A.D. 664 to the extinction of Plague in 1666. By CHARLES 
 CREIGHTON, M.D., M.A., formerly Demonstrator of Ana- 
 tomy in the University of Cambridge. Demy 8vo. i8s. 
 
 MORE'S UTOPIA. With Notes by the Rev. J. RAWSON 
 LUMEY, D.D., Lady Margaret Professor in the University 
 of Cambridge. $s. 6d. 
 
 THE INFLUENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF 
 ENGLISH GILDS. (Thirlwall Prize Essay, 1891.) By 
 F. AIDAN HIBBERT, B.A., St John's College. Crown 8vo. 
 
 [Out of print. 
 
 THE SOMERSET RELIGIOUS HOUSES. By W. A. 
 J. ARCHBOLD, B.A^, LL.B., Peterhouse, Cambridge. (Prince 
 Consort Dissertation, 1890.) Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Honfcon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
 
 AVE MARIA LANE.
 
 DC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 A 001 401 520 o