' ' ; S MM i * 
 
 I 

 
 THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 LIEUT. -COLONEL ABD-EL-KADER.
 
 ISMAILIA 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION 
 
 TO CENTRAL AFRICA FOR 
 THE SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE 
 
 ORGANIZED BY 
 
 ' ISMAIL, 
 
 KHEDIVE OF EGYPT. 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR SAMUEL W. BAKER, PACHA, M.A., F.R.S., F.RG.S., 
 
 Major-General of the Ottoman Empire, Member of the Orders of the Osmanle 
 and the Medjidie, Late Governor-General of the Equatorial Nile Basin, Gold 
 Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society, Grande Medaille d'Or de la 
 Societ^ de Geograpltie de Paris, Honorary Member of tlie Geographical 
 Societies of Paris and of Berlin, Author of " The Albert N'yanza Great 
 Basin of tlie Nile," " The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia," " Eight Years' 
 Wanderings in Ceylon," " The Rifle and Hound in Ceylon," etc., etc. 
 
 WITH MAPS, PORTRAITS, AND UPWARDS OF FIFTY FULL-PAGE 
 ILLUSTRATIONS BY ZWECKER AND DURAND. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 1874.
 
 CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE ADVANCE SOUTH . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE ADVANCE TO LOBORJ5 31 
 
 t CHAPTER III. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT FATIKO 83 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE MARCH TO UNYORO 130 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MARCH TO MASINDI 176 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE LIBERATED SLAVES 207 
 
 VOL. II. b 
 
 187043 1
 
 vi CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1 STAI'.LISU COMMERCE 250 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 TUK..U IIKKY 285 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE MARCH TO RIONGA 327 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 BUILD A STOCKADE AT FOWEERA '..... 362 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 NO MEDICAL MEN 400 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 I SEND TO GONDOKORO TOR REINFORCEMENTS 429 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF M^SE^S ENVOYS 461 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 CONCLUSION , 499 
 
 APPENDIX .... 515 
 
 569
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 To fnre 
 page 
 LIEUT.-COLONEL ABD-EL-KADER Front, 
 
 MAP OF ALBERT N J YANZA 1 
 
 PECULIAR TABLE ROCK AT REGIAF 16 
 
 AMARN 44 
 
 ON THE MARCH THROUGH THE BARl COUNTRY ENTERING MOOG^ . 47 
 
 NIGHT ATTACK UPON ABDULLAH'S DETACHMENT ; THE BARIS 
 
 CAPTURE THE GUN 58 
 
 VIEW OF THE NAVIGABLE NILE ABOVE THE LAST CATARACTS AT 
 
 AFUDDO 74 
 
 MARCHING TOWARDS FATIKO 82 
 
 MUSICAL ENTHUSIASTS THE WOMEN FLOCK TO THE BAND ... 93 
 
 RECEPTION OF THE CHIEF OF FAIEERA ROT JARMA 127 
 
 BOTTLE-GOURD OF UNYORO 147 
 
 KABBA REG A AND HIS GREAT CHIEFS RETURNING A VISIT . . . 185 
 
 SUDDEN HOSTILE DEMONSTRATION THE TROOPS FORM A SQUARE 268 
 PLAN OF SMALL CIRCULAR FORT AT MASINDI, AND SECTION OF 
 
 STOCKADE .... . 280
 
 viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 To face 
 page 
 
 BATTLE OP MASINDI REPULSE AND DEFEAT OF KABBA REGA'S 
 
 FORCES 297 
 
 NATIVES SET FIRE TO THE SOLDIERS' CAMP AT NIGHT .... 318 
 
 ATTACK ON THE REAR GUARD BY AMBUSCADE DEATH OF A BRAVE 
 
 SOLDIER . 343 
 
 THE VICTORIA NILE AT RIONGA's ISLAND 371 
 
 RECEPTION OF R1ONGA 372 
 
 THE SLAVE-HUNTERS' ATTACK AT FATIKO THE ADVANCE OF " THE 
 
 FORTY THIEVES" 394 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF LIEUT. COLONEL TAY1B AGHA's DETACHMENT AT 
 
 MOOGI ' . . . 409 
 
 FORT FATIKO 434 
 
 FORT FATIKO GROUND PLAN 438 
 
 VIEW FROM THE ROCK FORT OF FATIKO . 438 
 
 NET HUNTING IN THE SHOOLI TRIBE 444 
 
 DRIVING THE PRAIRIE WITH FIRE 447 
 
 CHARGE OF A LIONESS 456 
 
 AFFECTIONATE RESULTS OF A SUDDEN FEMALE EMANCIPATION . 474 
 
 THE NEW STEAMER, "THE KHEDIVE" 476 
 
 GONDOKORO, OR 1SMAIL1A 478 
 
 SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF EDWIN HIGGINBOTHAM .... 479
 
 THE BASIS Of 
 
 21313 
 
 to illustrate
 
 ISMAILIA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ADVANCE SOUTH. 
 
 MILITARY critics will condemn my arrangements for 
 an advance south. 
 
 My original plans had been well laid. A line of 
 fortified posts was to have been established through- 
 out the country at intervals of three days' march. 
 This would have assured an open communication with 
 Gondokoro. 
 
 Unfortunately, my original force had been 350 men 
 short of the number stipulated ; and the 1,200 men 
 that had once been reviewed at Gondokoro had been 
 reduced to 500. 
 
 I could not leave a smaller force at head-quarters 
 than 340 men, including the 52 sailors ; thus I was 
 left with only 212 officers and men to commence a 
 
 VOL n. r L B
 
 2 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 long and uncertain journey directly away from my 
 base, without the power of communication in the 
 event of unforeseen difficulty. 
 
 I had already experienced the treachery of natives, 
 upon whom no reliance could be placed. 
 
 My intention was to leave the Englishmen, with 
 the steamer sections, at a station to be formed at 
 Ibrahimeyeh on the navigable Nile, N. lat. 3 32', 
 together with a small garrison. 
 
 I should then endeavour to form an irregular corps 
 of some of Abou Saood's men, who would be thrown 
 out of employment at the expiration of the contract. 
 This was near at hand. 
 
 An irregular corps of 600 men would, in addition 
 to my 200, enable me to complete the annexation of 
 the country, and to finish my work before the re- 
 inforcements should arrive from Khartoum. 
 
 On the other hand, the men of Abou Saood might 
 refuse to enlist in government service. Already they 
 had been rendered passively hostile by the influence 
 of Abou Saood. They had secretly encouraged the 
 Baris in their war against the government ; they 
 might repeat this conduct, and incite the tribes 
 against us in the interior. 
 
 Should this occur, I should be placed in a danger- 
 ous position with so small a force, as it would be
 
 CHAP, i.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE POSITION. 
 
 necessary to detach half the little body to march to 
 Gondokoro for supports. 
 
 I could not defer my departure in the hope of 
 receiving reinforcements from Khartoum, as their 
 arrival would be quite uncertain, owing to the state 
 of the river. 
 
 Should I delay at Gondokoro, the dry season would 
 pass by ; the ground, now baked hard by the sun, 
 would become soft, and would render transport by 
 carts impossible. 
 
 The torrents would become impassable during the 
 rains, especially the river Asua, which in the wet 
 season cuts off all communication with the south. 
 This dangerous river was very important, as it would 
 prevent a retreat should such a movement be neces- 
 sary during the rainy season. 
 
 I was well aware of the difficulties of the position, 
 but I had only the choice of two evils. If I remained 
 at Gondokoro, my term of service would expire fruit- 
 lessly. I should simply have reduced the Baris, and 
 have established the station. Abou Saood would 
 remain in the interior among his numerous slave 
 establishments, to ridicule my impotence, and to defy 
 my orders that he should quit the country. He would 
 thus continue in the heart of Africa until I should 
 have returned helplessly to England. He would then 
 
 "B 2
 
 4 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 have resumed his original work of spoliation. The 
 expedition would have been a failure. 
 
 On the other hand, should my small force meet 
 with defeat or destruction, both the military and the 
 civil world would exclaim, " Serve him right ! the ex- 
 pedition to the interior made under such circumstances 
 showed a great want of judgment ; a total ignorance 
 of the first rules in military tactics. What could he 
 expect, without an established communication, at a 
 distance of three or four hundred miles from 
 his base ? Simple madness ! not fit to com- 
 mand ! " &c. &c. &c. 
 
 I knew the risks and the responsibility ; but if I 
 remained passive, I should be beaten. I had often got 
 through difficulties, and if risks are to be measured 
 in Africa by ordinary calculations, there would be 
 little hope of progress. 
 
 I determined to carry as large a supply of ammuni- 
 tion as could be transported, together with sufficient 
 merchandize, carefully assorted, to establish a legi- 
 timate ivory trade in my old friend Kamrasi's country, 
 Unyoro. 
 
 The Englishmen would be occupied in the construc- 
 tion of the steamer at Ibrahimeyeh, while I should 
 accomplish my mission farther south. 
 
 I selected my officers and men, carefully avoiding
 
 CHAP, i.] MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. 5 
 
 Egyptians, with the exception of my true friends and 
 aides-de-camp, Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, Cap- 
 tain Mohammed Deii of the " Forty Thieves," and 
 the faithful Monsoor. 
 
 The officers that had served in Mexico under 
 Marshal Bazaine were Major Abdullah ; Captain 
 Morgian Sherriff; Captain Abdullah ; Lieutenants 
 Morgian and Ferritch ; and several sergeants, 
 corporals, &c. 
 
 I also included three sailors belonging to my diah- 
 beeah, as they would be useful in the event of boating 
 excursions. These men were Jali, Mohammed, and 
 Howarti ; all of whom were armed, and fell into the 
 line of rank and file as soldiers. 
 
 The No. 3 steamer had been packed with much 
 care. The carts had been loaded with the heavy por- 
 tions that could not be transported by carriers, and 
 we had proved our capability of travelling provided 
 the Baris of Bedden would remain faithful to their 
 promise. Every cart had therefore been dismounted, 
 and the material for the expedition was stowed on 
 board six vessels. 
 
 Our servants had much improved. The negro boys 
 who had been liberated had grown into most respect- 
 able lads, and had learnt to wait at table and to do 
 all the domestic work required. First of the boys in
 
 6 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 intelligence was the Abyssinian, Amarn. This deli- 
 cate little fellow was perfectly civilized, and always 
 looked forward to accompanying his mistress to 
 England. The next was Saat, who had received that 
 name in memory of my good boy who died during my 
 former voyage. Saat was a very fine, powerful lad, 
 who was exceedingly attached to me ; but he was not 
 quick at learning. Bellaal was a thick-set, sturdy 
 boy of fourteen, with rather a savage disposition, but 
 quick at learning. 
 
 My favourite was Kinyon (the crocodile), the 
 volunteer. 
 
 This was a very handsome negro boy of the Bari 
 tribe, who, being an orphan, came to my station 
 and volunteered to serve me at the commencement of 
 the Bari war. 
 
 Kinyon was tall and slight, with a pair of very 
 large, expressive eyes. The name Kinyon, or cro- 
 codile in the Bari language, had been given him 
 because he was long and thin. Both he and Amarn 
 were thoroughly good boys, and never received either 
 chastisement or even a scolding throughout a long 
 expedition. 
 
 Jarvah was also a good lad, who went by the name 
 of the " fat boy." I should like to have exhibited him 
 at Exeter Hall as a specimen of physical comfort.
 
 CHAP, i.] THE HOUSEHOLD. 7 
 
 Jarvah had a good berth he was cook's mate. 
 His superior was a great character, who, from the low 
 position of a slave presented by the King of the Shil- 
 looks, Quat Rare, had risen from cook's mate to 
 the most important position of the household. 
 Abdullah was now the cook ! He had studied the 
 culinary art under my first-rate Arab cook, who, 
 having received his discharge, left the management of 
 our stomachs to his pupil. Abdullah was an excellent 
 cook and a very good fellow ; but he was dull at 
 learning Arabic. He invariably distinguished cocks 
 and hens as " bulls " and " women." 
 
 The last and the smallest boy of the household was 
 little Cuckoo (or Kookoo). 
 
 Cuckoo was a sturdy child of about six years 
 old : this boy had, I believe, run away from his 
 parents in the Bari during the war, and had come 
 to Morgian our interpreter, when food was scarce 
 among the tribe. Following the dictates of his 
 appetite, he had been attracted by the savoury smell 
 of Abdullah's kitchen, and he had drawn nearer and 
 nearer to our establishment, until at length by playing 
 with the boys, and occasionally being invited to share 
 in their meals, Cuckoo had become incorporated with 
 the household. 
 
 Abdullah and the six boys formed the native
 
 8 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 domestic corps. My wife, who was their command- 
 ing officer, had them all dressed in uniform. They 
 had various suits of short, loose trousers reaching 
 half-way down the calf of the leg, with a shirt 
 or blouse secured at the waist with a leather belt 
 and buckle. These belts were made in England, 
 and were about six feet long ; thus they passed 
 twice round the waist, and were very useful when 
 travelling in case of a strap and buckle being 
 required suddenly. 
 
 Each boy wore the fez or tarboosh. The uniforms 
 were very becoming. There was dark blue trimmed 
 with red facings; pure white with red facings, for 
 high days and holidays ; scarlet flannel suits 
 complete ; and a strong cotton suit dyed brown 
 for travelling and rough wear. 
 
 The boys were trained to change their clothes 
 before they waited at the dinner table, and to 
 return to their working dresses after dinner when 
 washing up was necessary. In this habit they 
 were rigidly particular, and every boy then tied 
 his dinner suit in a parcel, and suspended it to 
 the roof of his hut to be ready for the next 
 meal. 
 
 There was a regular hour for every kind of work, 
 and this domestic discipline had so far civilized the
 
 CHAP, i.] HONESTY OF THE BOYS. j) 
 
 boys that they were of the greatest possible comfort 
 to ourselves. 
 
 The washing up after dinner was not a very long 
 operation, as half a dozen plates and the same number 
 of knives and forks, with a couple of dishes, were 
 divided among six servants. 
 
 Directly after this work, play was allowed. If the 
 night were moonlight, the girls were summoned, and 
 dancing commenced. During the day, their games 
 were either playing at soldiers, or throwing lances at 
 marks, &c. 
 
 Thieving was quite unknown among the boys, all 
 of whom were scrupulously honest. The sugar might 
 be left among them, or even milk ; but none of the 
 boys I have mentioned would have condescended to 
 steal. They had been so well instructed and cared 
 for by my wife, that in many ways they might have 
 been excellent examples for boys of their class in 
 England. 
 
 The girls and women did not appear to so much 
 advantage as the boys. These comprised old Karka, 
 young Dam Z&ieb, Sallaamto, Fad-el-Kereem, Marra- 
 silla, and Faddeela. They had learnt to wash, but 
 could never properly fold the linen. Ironing and 
 starching were quite out of the question, and would 
 have been as impossible to them as algebra. Some of
 
 10 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. i. 
 
 these girls were rather pretty, and they knew it. In 
 moral character Dam Ze'neb and Sallaamto were the 
 best. Fad-el- Kereem was the most intelligent, but 
 she was a young woman of strong passions, either for 
 love or war, and required peculiar management. 
 
 They were all dressed in similar uniforms to the 
 boys, with only a slight difference in the length of 
 their blouses. 
 
 We had sent little Mostoora to the care of Djiaffer 
 Pacha at Khartoum to be educated, before we left 
 Tewfikeeyah. That clever little creature had learnt 
 English and Arabic sufficiently to converse, and al- 
 though not far removed from infancy, she was more 
 intelligent than any of the adults. She was much 
 too young for a long voyage . . . Everything 
 was ready for the start. I left written instructions 
 with the colonel, Raouf Bey, also with Mr. Higgin- 
 botham, respecting the conduct of the works during 
 my absence. I also gave the necessary orders to 
 Mr. Marcopolo ; thus all heads of departments knew 
 their positions. 
 
 I sent off a detachment of 150 men to drive 
 a herd of several thousand cattle and sheep to a 
 well-known rocky ravine, about six miles south, 
 which was to be the rendezvous. 
 
 Before leaving, I made rather a pretty shot with
 
 CHAP, i.] LAST INSTRUCTIONS. 11 
 
 the " Dutchman " from the poop -deck of my diahbeeah 
 at a crocodile basking on a sand -bank. The first 
 shot through the shoulder completely paralysed it. 
 A second bullet from the left-hand barrel struck 
 only three inches from the first. Lieutenant Baker 
 determined to measure the distance ; thus he took 
 the boat with the end of a long line, and we found 
 it exactly 176 yards. 
 
 The " Dutchman " was the best rifle I ever shot with, 
 and was quite invaluable throughout the expedition. 
 
 I had served out a month's rations to the men, 
 and my last instructions to Kaouf Bey were to look 
 well after Livingstone, and provide for his comfort 
 should he appear during my absence. 
 
 On 22nd January, 1872, we started at 8 A.M., 
 when I took leave of my good friend and excellent 
 engineer-in-chief, Mr. Edwin Higginbotham. I little 
 thought that we should never meet again. 
 
 The wind was light and variable, and my diahbeeah 
 soon overtook the heavier vessels. In the evening 
 we all joined and concentrated our forces at the 
 rocky ravine, with the detachment that protected 
 the cattle. 
 
 On the following day, the 23rd January, we all 
 started in excellent spirits. The soldiers knew the 
 country, and every one appeared to share the en-
 
 12 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. i. 
 
 joyment of adventure. The people had learnt to 
 depend upon my guidance, and although the interior 
 of the country was unknown to them, they were quite 
 contented that I had had a personal experience of 
 the far south, and that they were safe in my hands. 
 
 The stream was very powerful, and the wind was 
 so variable that it was necessary to tow the vessels. 
 This would have been easy work if the river had 
 been deep in all parts, but unfortunately the water 
 was rather low, and many extensive sand-banks 
 necessitated long detours. 
 
 The men were then obliged to wade hip-deep, and 
 to tow the vessels round the banks. 
 
 I never saw the people in such high spirits. They 
 were not contented with a walking pace, but they 
 raced with each other, splashing through the water, 
 and hurrying round the points of the sand-banks, 
 until they once more reached dry ground. Then 
 even the women and boys jumped ashore, and laying 
 hold of the tow-rope, joined the men in singing ; 
 and running forward along the hard bank, they 
 made the diahbeeah surge through the water. 
 
 This fun had continued for some hours, and I re- 
 joiced that all hearts seemed to have at length united 
 in the work. I had no fanatics with me. The black 
 officers were excellent fellows now that they were
 
 CHAP, i.] TOWING THE VESSELS. 13 
 
 relieved from a certain influence at head-quarters. 
 Abd-el-Kader was as true as gold. Monsoor was 
 a Christian, and my " Forty Thieves " were stanch, 
 brave fellows who would go through fire. 
 
 Ali Nedjar was, as usual, revelling in strength and 
 activity, and was now foremost in the work of towing 
 the diahbeeah. 
 
 A sudden bend in the river had caused a small 
 sand-bank. It was necessary to descend from the 
 high shore to tow the vessel round the promontory. 
 
 Men, women, and children, jumped down and 
 waded along the edge of the bank. 
 
 As the diahbeeah turned the sharp point, I noticed 
 that the water was exceedingly deep close to the 
 sand-bank, and the stream was running like a mill 
 race. 
 
 Fearing some accident to the children, I ordered all 
 who could not swim to come on board the diahbeeah. 
 At that time the bow of the vessel was actually 
 touching the sand, but the stern, having swung out in 
 the stream, might have been about fifteen feet from 
 the edge of the bank in very deep water. 
 
 When the order was given to come on board, many 
 of the people, in the ebullition of spirits, leapt heed- 
 lessly into the water amidships, instead of boarding 
 the vessel by the fore part, which touched the sand.
 
 14 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 These were dragged on board with considerable 
 difficulty. 
 
 The boy Saat would have been drowned had not 
 Monsoor saved him. In the confusion, when several 
 were struggling in the water, I noticed Ali Nedjar, 
 who could not swim, battling frantically with his 
 hands in such a manner that I saw the poor fellow 
 had lost his head. He was not three feet from the 
 vessel's side. 
 
 My four life-buoys were hung on open hooks at the 
 four corners of the poop-deck ; thus, without one 
 moment's delay, I dropped a buoy almost into his 
 hands. This he immediately seized with both arms, 
 and I, of course, thought he was safe : the buoy 
 naturally canted up as he first clutched it, and, 
 instead of holding on, to my astonishment I saw 
 him relinquish his grasp ! 
 
 The next moment the strong current had hurried 
 the buoyant safeguard far away. A red tarboosh 
 followed the life-buoy, floating near it on the surface. 
 
 Ali Nedjar was gone ! ^drowned ! He 
 
 never rose again. . . . 
 
 I was dreadfully shocked at the loss of my 
 good soldier he had been much beloved by us 
 all. We could hardly believe that he was really 
 gone for ever. Who would now lead the song
 
 CHAP, i.] DEATH OF ALT NEDJAE. 15 
 
 in the moonlight nights ? or be the first in every 
 race ? 
 
 I had quickly thrown every life-buoy into the river, 
 as Howarti, Mohammed, and others of the best 
 swimmers had vainly plunged after him, and were 
 now searching fruitlessly for his body, carried 
 away by the powerful current. The boat was sent 
 after them immediately, and they were brought on 
 board. 
 
 The mirth of the diahbeeah had vanished ; the 
 general favourite had so suddenly disappeared from 
 among us, that no one spoke. The women sat 
 down and cried. 
 
 His knapsack and rifle were brought to me, and 
 a list having been taken of his clothes and ammu- 
 nition, I cut his name, "Au," upon the stock of 
 his snider, which I reserved for the best man I 
 should be able to select. There was no better 
 epitaph for so good a soldier than his simple name 
 engraved on his trusty rifle. 
 
 That evening every one was sad, and my people 
 all refused their food. . . . 
 
 On the following day, the wind and stream being 
 adverse, we had much trouble in avoiding the 
 sand-banks, and our progress was so slow that we 
 only reached the base of the rocky hill Regiaf.
 
 16 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. i. 
 
 Here I resolved to wait for the heavier vessels, which 
 were far behind. 
 
 The natives were now friendly, and on the 25th 
 January, Lieutenant Baker accompanied me to the 
 summit of Regiaf to take observations of compass 
 bearings of all the various mountains and prominent 
 points of the country. 
 
 At the western base of Regiaf there is a very 
 curious rock supported upon a pedestal, that forms 
 a gigantic table. 
 
 This great slab of syenite is one of many that 
 have detached and fallen as the original mountain 
 decomposed. 
 
 I obtained my measuring tape from the diahbeeah, 
 which gave the following results : 
 
 Feet. Inches. 
 
 Length of slab 45 4 
 
 Breadth of do 45 8 
 
 Thickness of do 4 9 
 
 Height from ground 10 5 
 
 Circumference of clay pedestal .... 69 
 
 This rock must have chanced to fall upon a mass 
 of extremely hard clay. The denudation of the 
 sloping surface, caused by the heavy rains of many 
 centuries, must be equal to the present height of 
 the clay pedestal, as all the exterior has been 
 washed away and the level reduced. The clay
 
 CHAP, i.] CURIOUS TABLE EOGK. 17 
 
 pedestal is the original earth, which, having been 
 protected from the weather by the stone roof, 
 remains intact. 
 
 The Baris seemed to have some reverence for this 
 stone, and we were told that it was dangerous to sleep 
 beneath it, as many people who had tried the ex- 
 periment had died. 
 
 I believe this superstition is simply the result of 
 some old legends concerning the death of a person 
 who may have been killed in his sleep, by a stone 
 that probably detached and fell from the under sur- 
 face of the slab. 
 
 I examined the rock carefully, and found many 
 pieces that gave warning of scaling off. Several large 
 flakes, each weighing some hundredweight, lay 
 beneath the table rock, upon the under surface 
 of which could be distinctly traced the mould of the 
 slab beneath. 
 
 On 27th January, we arrived with all the vessels 
 at the foot of the cataracts, in N. lat. 4 38'. This 
 is a very lovely spot, as the rocky islands are 
 covered with rich, green forest ; the verdure being 
 perpetual, as the roots of the trees are well nourished 
 by water. 
 
 Our old friend Bedden met us with a number of 
 his people, and came on board the diahbeeah. He 
 
 VOL. II. C
 
 18 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 professed to be quite ready to convey our baggage to 
 the south, and I proposed that his people should go as 
 far as Lobord, about sixty miles from this spot, where 
 I knew we could procure carriers, as during my former 
 journey the natives of Lobord were the only people 
 who could be depended upon. 
 
 Bedden seemed determined to help us, and I really 
 believed that our luck had arrived at last, and that 
 I should be able to convey the carts, together with 
 the steamer, to the navigable portion of the Nile in 
 N. lat. 3 32'. 
 
 I determined to be very civil to the great sheik, 
 Bedden ; I therefore arranged with him that the work 
 should be entirely in his hands, and that he should 
 represent the government as my vakeel. At the same 
 time, I gave him a grand cloak of purple and silver 
 tissue, together with a tin helmet, and turban of 
 cobalt-blue serge ; also a looking-glass, and a quantity 
 of beads of various colours. 
 
 The country was dried up, and there was only scant 
 herbage for my large herd of cattle, the half of which 
 I promised to give Bedden if he would carry our 
 baggage to Lobord. 
 
 The sheik, Bedden, returned to his village to make 
 arrangements with his people for the journey. 
 
 Somehow or other, as he took leave and marched
 
 CHAP. i.J NOT ONE WOMAN OE CHILD ! 1 9 
 
 off in his grand cloak of silver and purple, I had 
 certain misgivings of his sincerity. 
 
 Although great numbers of natives thronged the 
 country, and came down to the vessels, there was 
 not one woman or child. The absence of women 
 and children is a sure sign of evil intentions, 
 My wife, whose experience was equal to my 
 own, at once expressed her suspicions. Had the 
 natives been honest and sincere, their women 
 would assuredly have come to visit her from 
 simple curiosity. 
 
 Not only was there an absence of women and 
 children, but the cattle had been driven from the 
 country. There were several small cattle zareebas 
 within half a mile of the vessels, situated upon the high 
 ground. I went to visit them, as though simply 
 strolling for my amusement ; the dung of cattle was 
 fresh, showing that the zareebas had been occupied 
 during the past night, but the herd had evidently 
 been driven far away. 
 
 Bedden's people had never been attacked by the 
 slave-traders, as his tribe was considered too power- 
 ful ; he had therefore no cause for suspicion. 
 
 Unfortunately, my past experience of the Bari 
 natives had proved that kindness was thrown away 
 upon them, and that nothing could be done with 
 
 c 2
 
 20 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 them until their inferiority had been proved by force 
 of arms. 
 
 Bedden had never suffered. He had promised to 
 assist; but no promise of a native is worth more 
 than the breath of his mouth. If he failed me 
 now, the object of my enterprise would be lost. I 
 should not be able to move. 
 
 All my care and trouble would have been thrown 
 away. 
 
 I was very anxious ; but, without mentioning my 
 suspicions, I ordered all the heavy vessels to cross 
 over to the east side of the river, to prepare for 
 disembarking the carts and general effects. 
 
 On the following morning the sheik, Bedden, arrived 
 to visit me, with many of his people. I had erected 
 a tent on shore in which I could receive him. 
 
 I was struck with a peculiar change in his .manner, 
 and after a short conversation he asked me, " Why I 
 had sent the vessels to the east side ? " 
 
 I replied that they would begin to unload and 
 prepare for the journey. 
 
 " Who is going to carry all your baggage f " 
 continued Bedden, as though the idea had occurred 
 to him for the first time. 
 
 I was perfectly aghast at this cool and prostrating 
 . question. My suspicions had been well founded.
 
 CHAP, i.] DREADFUL DISAPPOINTMENT. 21 
 
 I explained to Bedden that I had arrived according 
 to his express invitation, given some time before, 
 when he had promised that his men should convey 
 my things as far as Lobore'. I pretended that his 
 question had now been asked simply to amuse me, 
 and I begged him in earnest to lose no time in 
 collecting his people, as I should require at least 2,000 
 carriers. 
 
 Bedden continued in a cold, stoical manner, and 
 declared that his people were determined not to work 
 for me ; they had never before carried for " The 
 Turks," and nothing would induce them to engage in 
 such a labour. 
 
 I begged him to remember the importance of his 
 promise, upon which I had depended when making all 
 my arrangements for the journey. If he failed me 
 now, I should be entirely ruined ; whereas if he 
 assisted me, as I had relied upon his honour, we 
 should always remain the firmest friends, and he 
 would be benefited by a grand herd of cattle, and 
 would receive most valuable presents. 
 
 He now declared "that his people had taken the 
 matter into consideration, and they were quite deter- 
 mined. They would not listen to him, or be per- 
 suaded to anything they disliked. They never had 
 carried, and they never would."
 
 22 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 I had the two natives with me who had resided 
 for some time in our station at Gondokoro. One of 
 these men, named Pittia, endeavoured to persuade 
 Bedden to beat his nogara (big drum) and to summon 
 the tribe ; he might then, in my presence, explain 
 the work proposed, and his people would see the 
 cows which they would receive as payment for their 
 labour. 
 
 Bedden looked very ill at his ease ; but after 
 some delay, he rose from his seat, and declared his 
 intention of immediately beating his nogara. He took 
 leave and departed with his people. 
 
 From my experience of Baris, I felt sure that I 
 should never see Bedden again. 
 
 He had hardly left the tent, when Pittia ex- 
 claimed, " I will follow him and listen to what 
 he says to his people. I believe he will tell them 
 NOT to carry the loads." Pittia immediately dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 Many natives had collected on the east side of the 
 river, where my vessels had now formed a line along 
 the bank ; I therefore crossed over in the dingy 
 to converse with them in the faint hope of securing 
 carriers. 
 
 The natives were squatting about in small groups, 
 and they listened coldly to all I had to say. The
 
 CHAP, i.] NA TIVES REFUSE TO ACT AS CARRIERS. 2 3 
 
 only answer I could obtain was, " that they belonged 
 to Bedden, and if he told them to carry our things, 
 they would obey ; but without his order they could 
 do nothing." 
 
 This is the regular African diplomacy when work 
 is required. The people say, " We must receive orders 
 from our sheik/' The sheik says, "I am willing, 
 but my people will not obey me." It is this passive 
 resistance that may ruin an expedition. 
 
 My first exploration in Africa must necessarily 
 have failed had I 'not been provided with transport 
 animals. The readers of "The Albert N'yanza" may 
 remember that I could not obtain a single native, 
 and that I started from Gondokoro by moonlight 
 without even an interpreter or guide. 
 
 The horrible state of the White Nile had prevented 
 all possibility of conveying camels from Khartoum. 
 My carts and camel harness were prepared, but the 
 invaluable animals could not be transported. I was 
 thus dependent upon such rotten reeds as native 
 promises. 
 
 No one who is inexperienced in African travel can 
 realise the hopeless position of being left with a mass 
 of material without any possibility of transporting it. 
 
 The traveller may sit upon his box until he stiffens 
 into a monument of patience and despair, but the
 
 24 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. i. 
 
 box will not move without a carrier. There is only 
 one method of travelling successfully, and this 
 necessitates the introduction of transport animals, 
 where the baggage is heavy and upon an extensive 
 scale. 
 
 I felt perfectly helpless. My colonel, Abd-el- 
 Kader, advised me to seize the sheik, Bedden, and 
 to tie him up until his people should have delivered 
 all the effects at Lobore. 
 
 This I might have done, but it might also have 
 occasioned war, which would prevent the possibility 
 of securing carriers. I should also incur the re- 
 sponsibility of having provoked the war by an act 
 that, although necessary, could hardly be justified 
 according to civilized ideas. 
 
 I had very little hope, but I had so frequently 
 seen a sudden ray of good fortune when all had 
 looked dark and cloudy, that I went to bed at night 
 with the hope that something might turn up in 
 our favour to-morrow. 
 
 On 29th January, 1872, Pittia returned with 
 bad news. Bedden had sent me a laconic message 
 that "he should not call again, and that his people 
 declined to carry the baggage." 
 
 Pittia explained that the natives had all left the 
 neighbourhood, together with their sheik, therefore
 
 CHAP, i.] STEOXG SUSPICIONS OF HOSTILITY. 25 
 
 it would be well not to allow the soldiers to stray 
 far from camp. 
 
 This was the gross ingratitude exhibited by Bed- 
 den and his people. Not only had I scrupulously 
 respected all their property, but I had even placed 
 sentries over their tobacco gardens to prevent the 
 possibility of theft. 
 
 The absence of the women and children had been 
 a certain sign of ill-will. 
 
 It was necessary to consider what should be done. 
 We were perfectly helpless. 
 
 I had about 2,500 head of cattle and 1,800 head 
 of sheep. These animals were driven every evening 
 to the margin of the river, and were only protected 
 at night by a line of soldiers who slept around them. 
 
 The conduct of the natives filled me with sus- 
 picions. The sight of so large a herd without pro- 
 tection might have excited their cupidity. They 
 had expected my arrival with this grand supply of 
 cattle, and instead of finding their villages occupied, 
 I had observed that their own herds had been driven 
 off for concealment ; not a woman or child was to 
 be seen in the country ; the natives had refused to 
 carry ; and, lastly, their sheik and his people had 
 absolutely absconded. 
 
 In the meantime my cattle were unprotected at
 
 26 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 night, thus, should the natives make a sudden 
 attack in the darkness, there would be a regular 
 stampede, as the large herd would be seized with 
 a panic at the red flashes of the muskets during 
 the attack, and they would scatter all over the 
 country, and never be seen again. 
 
 The natives had probably considered that, instead 
 of carrying our loads, and thereby earning a cow 
 per man, it might save them much trouble should 
 they possess themselves of our cattle without the 
 necessity of carrying the baggage. 
 
 From my knowledge of the brutal character of 
 all Baris, I arrived at the above conclusion. 
 
 I at once gave orders to secure the cattle. At 
 a distance of about half a mile, there were three 
 small villages on the high sloping ground, situated 
 about eighty yards apart, and forming a triangle. 
 I instructed my men to make an inclosure, by 
 connecting each village with a strong hedge of 
 thorns. 
 
 The country was generally bare of trees, but 
 fortunately there was a grove of heglik not far 
 distant ; and the troops at once began to fell these 
 trees, and to form fences by laying the prickly 
 branches in the position I had selected. 
 
 The " Forty Thieves " were all provided with
 
 CHAP, i.] PREPARE FOR THE NIGHT. 27 
 
 small and sharp Canada axes, which they carried 
 under the strap of their knapsacks ; thus forty-eight 
 axes were at work, in addition to the heavier in- 
 struments belonging to the expedition. 
 
 All the officers and men shared my suspicions, 
 and they worked with great alacrity. 
 
 It was just dark by the time that the three fences- 
 were completed, and the herd of cattle were driven 
 and secured within the inclosure. 
 
 I arranged a guard of sixty men : twenty upon 
 each side of the triangle. They were to remain 
 outside the fence, and to keep a vigilant look-out. 
 
 This work being over, I returned at night to 
 the diahbeeah together with Lieutenant Baker. We 
 found dinner ready on the poop-deck, where my 
 wife had been rather anxiously expecting us. I 
 sent for Colonel Abd-el-Kader, and gave him the 
 necessary orders for the night. 
 
 My diahbeeah was a charming vessel, that had 
 originally been sent from Cairo to Khartoum, when 
 the former Viceroy of Egypt, Said Pacha, visited the 
 Soudan. 
 
 The poop-deck was lofty and very spacious. This 
 comfortable boat had been my home for two years, 
 and she was kept in admirable order. 
 
 There were no mosquitoes during this season in
 
 28 ISMAILt'A. [CHAP. i. 
 
 Bed den's country, although they were very numerous 
 at all seasons at Gondokoro, therefore, being relieved 
 from these pests, the enjoyment of the evening was 
 delightful. 
 
 The night was calm, as usual in these latitudes. 
 Dinner was concluded. I was enjoying my evening 
 chibouque with the best Ghebbelli tobacco, that 
 soothes most anxieties. The troops were for the 
 most part asleep, and all was quiet. My wife 
 was sitting on the sofa or divan, and Lieutenant 
 Baker had been recalling some reminiscence of the 
 navy, when several musket shots in the direction 
 of the cattle kraal suddenly startled every soldier 
 from his sleep ! 
 
 The shots were almost immediately succeeded by 
 heavy firing from the whole force stationed at the 
 cattle zareeba. The bugles sounded the alarm, and 
 every man was quickly under arms. 
 
 Having arranged the men in position to defend the 
 vessels in case of a general attack, I took twenty men 
 of the "Forty Thieves," together with a supply of 
 rockets. I was accompanied by Lieutenant Baker 
 and most of the Englishmen, and we pushed rapidly 
 forward towards the cattle zareeba, where the flashes 
 of the muskets were distinctly visible. 
 
 As we approached the position, I ordered my bugler
 
 CHAP, i.] NIGHT ATTACK ON CATTLE KRAAL. 29 
 
 to sound " cease firing," as I expected to receive a few 
 bullets intended for the enemy. 
 
 We were quickly challenged upon arrival at the 
 zareeba. We found the cattle all safe ; only a few 
 sheep had been killed by the heavy attempt at 
 a stampede when the cows took fright at the 
 musketry. 
 
 I was informed that the natives in considerable 
 force had made a sudden rush upon the zareeba, and 
 had thrown showers of stones in order to create 
 a panic among the cattle, which they expected 
 would break through the fence and scatter over the 
 country. 
 
 It was fortunate that I had taken the precaution of 
 securing them. 
 
 I was determined to clear the neighbourhood. The 
 night was dark. I was provided with matches and 
 port-fires, and I quickly made an excursion and sent 
 several rockets into the nearest villages. The Hale's 
 rockets, as usual, rushed through the houses without 
 igniting them ; but a few of the powerful Egyptian 
 rockets that are used as fireworks, rapidly lighted 
 up the scene, as the descending fire-balls ignited the 
 thatched roofs. 
 
 These rockets were fired from an inclined rest of a 
 soldier's fixed bayonet.
 
 30 I8MAIUA. [CHAP. i. 
 
 Having cleared the neighbourhood, I returned to 
 the diahbeeah at midnight. 
 
 I find this entry in my journal : 
 
 "January 29, 1872. All thegoogoos or granaries 
 abound with corn. The natives are so rich, both in 
 Jhurra and cattle, that they will not work, but they 
 are only ready to sleep or steal. After all my kind- 
 ness, they have wantonly attacked my cattle without 
 the plea either of hunger or provocation. 
 
 " What can be accomplished with such people ? 
 I shall be obliged to return the steamer to Ismailia 
 (Gondokoro). It is heartbreaking work after all 
 my trouble in having brought her to this distant 
 point. 
 
 "Nothing can be done without camels, and these 
 animals cannot be brought from Khartoum in the 
 closed state of the river. 
 
 " My original plan included 200 camels, 200 
 cavalry, and fifteen large decked sloops. None of 
 these necessary items have been sent from Khartoum, 
 thus I am paralysed."
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE ADVANCE TO LOBORE. 
 
 I DETERMINED upon a new plan. I knew the direc- 
 tion of Lobore', as I had been there formerly ; the 
 distance could not exceed sixty miles. 
 
 If the soldiers could draw the carts, I might yet 
 manage to advance, as I should be able to procure 
 carriers on arrival at Lobore' ; provided always that 
 the natives were as friendly as when I left them some 
 years ago. 
 
 It would be impossible to convey the steamer, as 
 I could not expect to provide 2,000 carriers; but 
 I might be able to penetrate south, establish the 
 government, and open up a legitimate trade. 
 
 The first step necessary was to convey the large 
 herd of cattle across the river, which was about 400 
 yards in width, with a very rapid stream. 
 
 The sheep were taken across in vessels, but the
 
 32 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 cows were obliged to swim. This operation was 
 very tedious, as they were necessarily taken in 
 small batches, guided by men who swam by then- 
 side in the manner already described at Gondokoro. 
 Although the natives were avowedly hostile, they 
 dared not face us in the open. They made another 
 attempt by night to surprise the cattle kraal, but 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader immediately set fire to a few 
 villages as a response and warning. 
 
 We were occupied four days in passing the cattle 
 across the river. During the passage, we lost one 
 taken by a crocodile, and three cows were wantonly 
 seized and drowned by hippopotami. A herd of these 
 creatures happened to be in the way as the cows were 
 floating in large numbers down the stream, and several 
 were seen to attack the cattle and seize them in their 
 jaws. As the hippopotamus is not carnivorous, this 
 was an unexpected attack. 
 
 My Englishmen had been busily engaged in 
 erecting the carts, greasing the wheels, and attaching 
 the ropes necessary for hauling. They were all 
 loaded, and were arranged to be drawn by fifteen 
 
 men each. 
 
 On the evening of the 5th February, while we 
 
 were at dinner, I was astonished by the unexpected 
 mustering of my whole force, excepting the " Forty
 
 CHAP, ii.] MUTINOUS GATHERING OF THE TROOPS. 33 
 
 Thieves." The men were without arms or officers, 
 but they marched to the margin of the river and 
 formed a line two deep alongside the diahbeeah, 
 which lay close against the bank. 
 
 I knew at once what all this meant, but I pre- 
 tended to take no notice, and I continued eating my 
 dinner. 
 
 I was quickly interrupted by loud cries from the 
 men. "We can't draw the carts! that's not the 
 work for soldiers ; we'll fight, or do anything else 
 you may desire, but we are not camels to drag the 
 waggons." 
 
 The "Forty Thieves" immediately seized their 
 arms, and marching quickly to the spot, they formed 
 in line upon the bank, between the diahbeeah and 
 the men who thus mutinously had appeared without 
 their officers. 
 
 I at once ordered the bugle call for all officers, and 
 at the same time I sent for all the Englishmen to 
 come to the diahbeeah. 
 
 When all had arrived, and the shouts still con- 
 tinued, I rose from the table and addressed the troops 
 in Arabic, from the poop-deck of the diahbeeah. 
 
 I recalled to their recollection how I had always 
 led them successfully through every difficulty, and 
 I assured them that the distance to Lobore' was 
 
 VOL. II. D
 
 34 ItiMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 trifling, and that we should find good and willing 
 natives to convey the baggage, if we could only 
 once reach the desired tribe. 
 
 Cries of "there are no good negroes they are all 
 bad," interrupted my discourse. I nevertheless 
 continued ; but having a thorough knowledge of the 
 African character, and knowing that if a negro 
 gets an idea into his head, that idea can only be 
 eradicated by cutting the head off, I was not fool 
 enough to persist in swimming against a torrent. 
 The "Forty Thieves" now joined the tumult by 
 declaring that " they would draw the carts, or do 
 anything that I should command." 
 
 I took immediate advantage of the occasion, and 
 exclaimed, "You shall do all that I command. I 
 have changed my plans, and I order you to take 
 the carts to pieces at sunrise to-morrow morning. 
 All those who are afraid to follow me shall return 
 with the vessels and carts to Gondokoro. I never 
 turn back; and my lady and I will go on alone 
 with Mr. Baker. I only require orderly soldiers, 
 who know their duty ; if you have forgotten your 
 duty, you shall return at once to Gondokoro." 
 
 This declaration was followed by loud shouts 
 "We won't let you go alone; the natives are 
 treacherous ; we will follow wherever you lead.
 
 CHAP, ii.] MY ENGLISHMEN. 35 
 
 Are we not soldiers of the Sultan ? are you not the 
 Sultan's Pacha?" 
 
 I had them in hand ; therefore I at once terminated 
 the scene by commanding silence. I then o-ave an 
 
 / O O 
 
 order aloud to the officers : " Return carts and all 
 baggage on board vessels at sunrise to-morrow. All 
 troops to be ready for the advance." 
 
 " Bugler ! sound the retreat/' 
 
 That peculiar habit of discipline yielded instinc- 
 tively to the sound of the bugle. The officer gave 
 the order, " Right, turn," and the late tumultuous 
 crowd marched quietly to their quarters. This was 
 ended; at the same time it was not cheering. 
 
 My Englishmen, who had been witnesses of this 
 scene, were filled with indignation. They were men 
 who thoroughly represented English determination, 
 and they at once volunteered to carry their own 
 baggage if I would only permit them to accompany 
 me. 
 
 How often my heart has beaten with pride when 
 I have seen the unconquerable spirit of the country 
 burst forth like an unextinguishable flame in any 
 great emergency ! 
 
 I now had to quell the eagerness of my own good 
 fellows, as I knew that if "the spirit was willing, 
 the flesh was weak," and it would be impossible for 
 
 D 2
 
 36 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 Englishmen to carry loads through a journey in a 
 tropical country. 
 
 I saw the necessity of the occasion at a glance ; 
 and I gave the necessary orders. 
 
 The Englishmen, together with the steamer sections, 
 machinery, &c., must return to Gondokoro. They must 
 immediately commence the construction of the No. 2 
 steamer of 108 tons and 20 -horse power, as this 
 vessel, being provided with twin screws instead of 
 paddles, would be able to pass through the narrow 
 channels of the Bahr Giraffe, and communicate with 
 Khartoum. 
 
 I gave the order to prepare to-morrow for a return 
 to Gondokoro. 
 
 On 6th February, at sunrise, all hands were at 
 work dismounting the carts, and returning on board 
 the vessels all material connected with the steamer, &c. 
 I altered all the loads, and made arrangements for 
 a new plan of action. 
 
 I had determined to push on to Lobore with 
 one hundred men, in heavy marching order, if I 
 could only engage a few natives to carry the 
 necessaries for the road. At Lobore I might be 
 able to engage a few hundred porters that I 
 should send back to the vessels with an escort 
 of fifty soldiers, to bring up sufficient ammunition
 
 CHAP, ii.] ENGLISHMEN RETURN TO GONDOKORO. 37 
 
 and material for an advance south. I knew the 
 route. 
 
 It was therefore necessary to assort the baggage : 
 much had to be returned to Gondokoro with the 
 Englishmen. 
 
 I had a small invoice-book that had been care- 
 fully prepared by Mr. Marcopolo, which gave the 
 numbers and contents of every box ; therefore the 
 difficulty of assortment was not great. 
 
 All the boxes were of block tin, painted ; thus 
 they could be piled like bricks one upon the other 
 to form a wall. I arranged about 400 loads which 
 were set apart for the carriers, should I be fortu- 
 nate in procuring that number from Lobord. 
 
 On 7th February the carts were shipped. All 
 the loads were perfected and ready for a start 
 on the following day. Some of my men were 
 endeavouring to train a few oxen to carry their 
 baggage. 
 
 On 8th February the Englishmen, in very low 
 spirits, started for Ismailia (Gondokoro) in two vessels, 
 with ninety urdeps of dhurra consigned to Mr. 
 Marcopolo. 
 
 I had arranged that twenty -two boatmen should 
 accompany me to Lobor^, carrying such loads as 
 were absolutely necessary for our party. They would
 
 38 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 then return together with the fifty soldiers who 
 would escort the native carriers to the vessels. 
 
 I had given the Englishmen instructions to com- 
 mence the building of the steamer immediately, and 
 to confine their work to this vessel until she should 
 be completed. 
 
 Having counted all the loads that were left in 
 charge of Major Abdullah, I took a receipt for them, 
 and gave that officer both clear and positive orders 
 for his conduct. 
 
 I left with him 120 men, together with the field- 
 piece and eight artillerymen. In addition to these 
 men was the crew of the No. 10 steamer, all of 
 whom were trained as soldiers. Thus with the armed 
 crews of the different vessels he would have a force 
 of about 145 muskets. It was highly probable that 
 the natives would attack the vessels and the cattle 
 in my absence, as they would have remarked the 
 great reduction of force. Although the country was 
 perfectly open, the ground was high and rocky, and 
 rapidly rose to about 200 feet above the level of 
 the river within a distance of a mile ; thus the 
 natives scattered about the heights could always 
 observe our proceedings. 
 
 Before I quitted the vessels, I made every pre- 
 paration for their security. All the metal boxes
 
 CHAP, ii.] PREPARATIONS FOR AN ADVANCE. 3.0 
 
 were built into a quadrangular breastwork, that 
 would form a little fort for a dozen people. 
 
 I moored the vessels in line close to the mouth 
 of a deep flat-bottomed ravine, which, although now 
 dry and about thirty paces wide, had formed the 
 bed of a river during the wet season. The per- 
 pendicular banks of this fosse would make a 
 grand protection for the cattle ; I therefore ordered 
 a fence of thorns to be constructed across the ravine 
 about a hundred yards from the river, so as to form 
 a kraal, in which the cows would be confined below 
 the level of the country. 
 
 Sixty men were to guard the cattle at night ; 
 thirty upon either bank. As this ravine ran at 
 right angles with the river, the sixty men would 
 enfilade an enemy attacking the vessels, and the 
 guard of the vessels would at the same time enfi- 
 lade an enemy should he attack the cattle on the 
 north side. 
 
 I placed the gun in a convenient position about 
 twenty yards from the margin of the river, on a 
 piece of hard, flat ground, exactly opposite the centre 
 of the line of vessels. This would sweep the ap- 
 proach in front and upon the left flank. 
 
 I ordered the officer to load with canister con- 
 taining 250 small musket balls. Having served
 
 40 ISMAILl A [CHAP. ii. 
 
 out a dozen Woolwich tubes, instead of the uncer- 
 tain Egyptian articles, I gave positive orders that 
 the gun was to be laid for a point-blank range of 
 200 yards every evening at sunset, with the tube 
 in its place, the lanyard attached and coiled. A 
 piece of raw hide was to cover the breech of the 
 gun to protect it from the night dew. 
 
 Having given every instruction, and impressed 
 upon officers and men the necessity of vigilance, 
 I ordered Major Abdullah, in command, to remain 
 in charge of the vessels and cattle until I should 
 either send him carriers for an advance, or fall 
 back myself, should I be unable to obtain them. 
 
 A tall old man of about seventy, or perhaps eighty 
 years, had paid us a visit. From his appearance, 
 and the numerous spells hung about his person, I 
 judged him to be a rain-maker. His face was smeared 
 with wood ashes, and there was a good deal of the 
 ideal demon in his personal exterior. 
 
 I gave him a blue shirt, and a glass of Marsala 
 wine, thus appealing at once to his exterior and 
 interior. 
 
 It is always advisable to make friends with the 
 rain-makers, as they are regarded by the natives as 
 priests, and are considered with a certain respect. 
 I therefore gave him another glass of wine ; or, to be
 
 CHAP. 11.] THE OLD RAIN-MAKER. 4 1 
 
 correct, lie drank it from a tin that had contained 
 preserved provisions. 
 
 This caused him to blink his eyes and smack his 
 lips, and the old rain-maker grinned a ghastly smile 
 of admiration. His wood-ash-smeared features re- 
 laxed into an expression that denoted " more wine." 
 I thought he had enough, and there was none to 
 spare ; therefore, having opened his heart, I began to 
 ask him questions. 
 
 That unfailing key, liquor, had established a con- 
 fidential flow of conversation. The old fellow ex- 
 plained that he knew the entire country, and he had 
 no objection to accompany us to Lobore' for a small 
 consideration in the shape of a cow. He assured 
 me that if he were with us, the natives would be 
 civil throughout the journey. Bedden had behaved 
 very badly, but he had got the worst of it, and the 
 news had spread up the country. 
 
 I asked him whether- he would keep the rain away 
 during the journey, as it would be very unpleasant 
 should the soldiers' kits get wet. He immediately 
 blew his rain-whistle that was suspended to his neck, 
 and looked at me as though I could no longer doubt 
 his capability. I then sent for a German horn from 
 my cabin. This was a polished cow's horn, fitted 
 with brass, which I think had cost a shilling. I
 
 42 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. n. 
 
 begged the old rain-maker's acceptance of this 
 instrument, which might be perhaps superior to his 
 whistle. 
 
 The wine had now so far warmed his old blood, 
 that the ancient sorcerer was just in that state of 
 good-will with all mankind which made him doubly 
 grateful for so interesting a present. He blew the 
 horn! again, and again! He grinned till the tears 
 ran down his eyes, and at once suspended the glitter- 
 ing toy around his neck. He now said, " I am a 
 great sheik ; there is no rain-maker so great as I ; you 
 will travel with me, and this horn shall keep you 
 dry. Don't trouble yourself about the Baris, they 
 won't molest you ; but start as soon as you can." 
 
 We had thus gained a valuable ally and guide. 
 Although I knew the direction of Lobor^, I should 
 have been obliged to travel by compass, therefore I 
 was overjoyed that we had obtained so experienced 
 an old fellow as the rain-maker. His name was 
 Lokko. 
 
 At 3 P.M., on 8th February, we started, old Lokko 
 leading the way, and waving a couple of thin, peeled 
 sticks at a refractory black cloud that appeared deter- 
 mined to defy his rain-ruling powers. A few loud 
 blasts upon the new horn, and a good deal of panto- 
 mime and gesticulation on the part of old Lokko, at
 
 OHAP. ii.] THE START. 43 
 
 length had the desired effect ; the cloud went off 
 about its business, and Lokko, having given his 
 face an extra rub of fresh wood-ashes before starting, 
 looked ugly enough to frighten any rain-devil out of 
 his wits. 
 
 My people were heavily laden. At the commence- 
 ment of the journey, an ox that Monsoor had been 
 training, kicked off its load, and went off at full 
 gallop like a wild animal, and we never saw it again . 
 Poor Monsoor now shouldered the load that the ox 
 had left helpless, and marched thus heavily laden 
 up the hill. 
 
 My wife rode "Greedy Grey/' which carried as much 
 as could be hung upon the saddle. I rode the power- 
 ful chestnut "Jamoos." Lieutenant Baker mounted 
 a very handsome light chestnut " Gazelle," and Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader rode the Zafteer. The latter was a 
 fine old Arab that I had purchased of a zafteer 
 (mounted police) in Cairo. I had ten donkeys which 
 carried officers' effects, spare ammunition, flour, &c. 
 The twenty-two boatmen carried boxes. 
 
 My wife and I, with Lieutenant Baker and an 
 advanced guard of five of " The Forty," followed old 
 Lokko, who led the way ; and Colonel Abd-el-Kader 
 and Captain Mohammed Deii were with the rear- 
 guard, which drove 1,000 cows and 500 sheep. The
 
 44 ISMAIL1A. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 cattle were in the charge of the Bari interpreter, 
 Morgian. 
 
 Our boys and girls all carried loads. Amaru 
 looked like a small Eobinson Crusoe, with a tanned 
 sheepskin bag of clothes upon his back, upon which 
 was slung the coffee-pot, an umbrella, and various 
 smaller articles, while he assisted himself with a long 
 staff in his hand. Little Cuckoo, who, although 
 hardly seven years old, was as strong as a little pony, 
 strode along behind my horse, carrying upon his head 
 my small travelling-bag. 
 
 Everybody was in the best spirits, as the reaction 
 from despair to success was delightful. We were 
 really off at last, and were actually on the march to 
 the interior. 
 
 That evening we halted at a village on the heights, 
 only three miles from the vessels. The natives had 
 deserted their habitations on our approach, and would 
 not come near us. I ordered the troops to save their 
 flour, and to eat from that discovered in the village, 
 for which on the following morning I left two cows as 
 a present. They were tied up in the native zareeba. 
 The cows were worth at least fifty times the flour we 
 had consumed ; but I wished to adopt this plan 
 throughout the journey to Lobore', in order to establish 
 confidence, and to open up the road for the future.
 
 AMARN, 
 The liberated Abyssinian slave-boy. From a photograph by MAYALL 
 
 Vol. 11. p. 44.
 
 CHAP, ii.] DISCOVER A SHELL. 45 
 
 On 9th February we started at 5.35 A.M., and 
 marched two hours and a half through a very 
 beautiful undulating country, diversified with rocks, 
 streams, and handsome park-like timber. 
 
 We halted at a village called Koojok, beneath a 
 large fig- tree (Ficus Indica). Our old friend Lokko 
 appeared to be perfectly well known, and he at once 
 introduced us to the natives, who received us without 
 fear or suspicion. At this village I was able to hire 
 five natives for as many cows, to ease my people 
 (especially Monsoor) of their loads. 
 
 Thus relieved, we started at 2 P.M., and halted for 
 the night at a village named Gobbohr. The day's 
 march was twelve miles. North latitude, by 
 observation, 4 28'. 
 
 At this spot the natives brought us a great 
 curiosity, which they had purchased from the Baris 
 of Belinian. This was no less than a shell of Sjlbs. 
 that had been fired at the Baris by our cannon, but 
 the fuze had not ignited. It had been sold to the 
 natives of Gobbohr as a piece of iron. 
 
 I inquired the use of such a lump of metal to 
 them. "Oh!" they replied, "we are going to 
 hammer it into molotes (hoes)/' 
 
 I explained to them that it was a loaded shell, that 
 would explode and blow the blacksmith and his
 
 46 ISMAIL! A. [CHAP. n. 
 
 people to pieces, if he were to place it on the fire. 
 They went away with their shell, evidently doubting 
 my explanation. 
 
 On the 10th February, having as usual presented 
 the natives .with two cows, we started at 6 A.M., and 
 marched ten miles. The country was even more 
 lovely than before, comprising fine rocky scenery and 
 beautiful park-like views. The undulations termi- 
 nated in stony bottoms or water-courses ; the rocks 
 were all syenite, gneiss, and large masses of snow- 
 white quartz. 
 
 Although at this season the ground was parched, 
 the trees were all vividly green : the contrast of this 
 bright green with the yellow turf was very remarkable. 
 
 At 2.50 P.M. we again started, and marched three 
 miles, arriving at a village on high ground called 
 Marengo, in N. lat. 4 18'. Here I met an old 
 acquaintance, who, of course, asked me for a cow. 
 This was a very respectable man, named Nersho, who 
 had, when a boy, been brought up by the Austrian mis- 
 sionaries at Gondokoro. I had met him during my 
 former journey when in company with Koorshood's 
 vakeel, Ibrahim. We slept at Marengo. The soldiers 
 borrowed the natives' mats, cooking-pots, &c., but 
 scrupulously returned everything according to orders. 
 
 February 11. Nersho received his cow; and
 
 GHAP. ii.] ARRIVAL AT LOBOEE. 47 
 
 I left two ill addition for the headman of the 
 village. 
 
 We started at 5.35 A.M., and marched ten miles, 
 and halted at a small ravine of running water among 
 wooded hills. 
 
 Our old guide, Lokko, was at fault. After much 
 trouble we succeeded in obtaining two natives, who 
 told us, that in this spot the} 7 had killed a large 
 number of the slave-hunters' people. 
 
 Other natives soon joined us, and we were led by a 
 difficult rocky path through thick forest among the 
 hills for five miles, to the pretty open country of 
 Mooge. 
 
 Throughout the journey from the Nile, the country 
 had been thickly populated. At Mooge we camped 
 in a large village "on the hill. 
 
 February 12. We started at 5.25, and marched 
 straight to Lobore, a distance of fourteen miles. The 
 road was through forest, intersected at right-angles 
 with deep watercourses from the mountain, called 
 Forke", about a mile distant upon our left. This 
 fine, rocky, and almost perpendicular hill is 2,000 
 feet high. 
 
 On arrival at Lobor^ we halted beneath a large tree, 
 and waited for the cattle, which were some distance 
 in the rear, owing to the difficulty in crossing the
 
 48 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 numerous steep ravines. Some work would be 
 necessary on this road to render it possible for 
 carts. 
 
 We had thus marched fifty-seven miles from our 
 vessels without the necessity of firing a shot, although 
 we were accompanied by so tempting a prize as a 
 large herd of cattle and sheep. 
 
 The natives of Lobore" soon began to collect, and 
 the dragoman, Wani, shortly appeared, who proved 
 to be an old acquaintance in my former journey. 
 This man, who had been an interpreter when a 
 boy among the traders, spoke good Arabic, and we 
 soon felt quite at home. Abbio, the old sheik of 
 Lobore', appeared. This old fellow was half-blind ; 
 but he seemed very willing to assist, and, after I had 
 explained the object of my visit, he assured me that 
 his people would go to the vessels if accompanied by 
 my soldiers, and that I need not be uneasy about 
 my baggage. 
 
 The Lobore' are not Bari. I was delighted to 
 have passed the southern frontier at Mooge, and 
 to have quitted that incomprehensible tribe. The 
 language of the Lobore' is a dialect of the Madi. 
 
 In the evening, the cattle arrived with the rear- 
 guard. I had requested the old sheik to have a 
 zareeba prepared for them ; this was quickly accom-
 
 CHAP. IL] THE LOBOEE NATIVES. 49 
 
 plished, therefore an ox was slaughtered as a reward 
 for all those who had worked at the inclosure. 
 
 On 13th February "we held a regular market 
 for the purchase of flour in exchange for sheep and 
 goats. Many of these useful little animals were 
 sickly, owing to the marches in the hot sun, which 
 had created intense thirst. Upon arrival at streams 
 upon the route, they had drunk too greedily, and 
 some had died of inflammation. 
 
 "The natives purchased live goats at the rate of 
 about 3 Olbs. of flour. This was an equal ex- 
 change in live weight of the animal ; a pound of 
 flour for a pound of goat. 
 
 "February 14. The whole country turned out 
 to hunt, and the natives returned in the evening, 
 
 * O' 
 
 having only killed two buffaloes and a few small 
 antelopes. Even the small boys are armed in this 
 country with bows and barbed arrows, with which 
 they shoot remarkably well. 
 
 "February 15. The old sheik, Abbio, accom- 
 panied by Wani, appeared early, together with a 
 considerable number of natives. They selected 396 
 
 cows from my zareeba, and a similar number of 
 
 
 
 men promised to start to-morrow with fifty soldiers 
 to convey the material from the vessels. 
 
 "February 16. After some delay the natives 
 
 VOL. II. E
 
 50 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. u. 
 
 assembled, and with horns blowing and much 
 shouting and whistling, they at length started, 
 together with our return sailors, and an escort of 
 fifty soldiers. 
 
 " I shall thus, after much care and anxiety, be 
 able to push on with a quantity of goods sufficient 
 to open the path and to establish relations with the 
 equatorial countries. I shall have 212 troops and 
 a good supply of ammunition, goods, and cattle : 
 thus there should be no insurmountable difficulty. 
 
 "I wrote to Mr. Higginbotham, also to Mr. 
 Marcopolo, and sent the letters inclosed in a 
 bottle. 
 
 "February 17. A slight shower fell this morn- 
 ing. The sheik of Mooge arrived to see me last 
 evening, and presented a fat goat. 
 
 " I am trying to persuade him and old Abbio to 
 join in cutting the cart-road through the forest from 
 Mooge. I gave Abbio a mixture of sulphate of 
 zinc for hia eyes, and put a mustard plaster on 
 Wani the interpreter's stomach. At first he said it 
 was of no use, as it only felt like cold water, but 
 when it began to burn, he was greatly amazed, and 
 said the cold water had turned to fire. 
 
 "I then physicked Colonel Abd-el-Kader and 
 Monsoor, both of whom were overheated.
 
 CHAP. H.] A LITTLE SPORT. 51 
 
 " A judicious present of a few blue shirts to certain 
 headmen put every one in good humour. 
 
 "February 18. I took a stroll for some miles 
 in the forest accompanied by Lieutenant Baker. 
 Game was very scarce, but we at length came upon 
 a fine herd of te'tel (Antelope Biibalis). These 
 having been disturbed by the noise we had made 
 in walking over loose stony ground, dashed through 
 the open forest, about 120 paces in my front. I 
 shot one through the shoulder, and upon running 
 up I found it in the act of falling. 
 
 "I" then heard a shot from Lieutenant Baker on 
 my left, to whom my shot had turned the antelopes. 
 He had killed a very large bull by a good shot 
 in the neck. 
 
 "This good luck was a windfall for the Lobord 
 natives who had accompanied us ; and a man im- 
 mediately started off for assistance, as many men 
 were required to transport the flesh and hides of 
 such large animals. 
 
 "February 19. The natives begged that we 
 would again accompany them to hunt, and they 
 started with a considerable party. 
 
 " Having formed a long line like skirmishers, with 
 intervals of about ten yards between each, they 
 advanced with their bows prepared, and the arrows 
 
 E 2
 
 52 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 on the string, ready for a shot on the instant should 
 game start on foot. There were many boys of about 
 twelve years old, all of whom were armed with 
 bows and arrows, and they advanced in the same 
 line with the men. There were too many people, 
 and the game became scared; so that after a long 
 walk, we returned to camp without having fired a 
 shot. 
 
 "I found some very curious flowers, which issued 
 from the ground in pods, without leaves ; these 
 burst and threw out beautiful compact silk balls 
 in great numbers, not half of which could be returned 
 to the pod that had scattered them. 
 
 " On 22nd February we had purchased and stored, 
 in expectation of the arrival of the troops, 3,740lbs. 
 of flour. 
 
 " I was determined to carry a large supply to the 
 south, as the country had in some places been de- 
 populated by the slave-hunters. 
 
 "February 23. I went out with Lieutenant 
 Baker, accompanied by some natives, and travelled 
 over very likely ground, composed of forest, glades, 
 ravines full of bamboos, &c., until we reached the 
 base of Gebel Forke. 
 
 "We had passed over several miles and had only 
 seen a few small antelopes, when upon ascending
 
 CHAP, n.] SCENERY. 53 
 
 some rising ground in the very open forest, we 
 caught sight of a herd of tetel bounding along 
 through some high grass towards some low, rocky 
 hills, a few hundred yards distant. There were many 
 large trees growing out of the clefts of the rocks, 
 and I proposed that Lieutenant Baker should go 
 round the hill on my right, while I should creep 
 quietly over the summit of the rocks, as I expected 
 we should find the antelopes standing in some 
 sheltered glade. 
 
 "When I arrived at the base of the small hill, 
 which was not higher than seventy or eighty feet, 
 and was composed of large masses of granite, I 
 carefully ascended, without making the slightest 
 noise. 
 
 "On arrival at the denuded summit, I was well 
 concealed by a detached block of granite that lay 
 upon a flat weather-worn surface of the same rock. 
 
 " I raised my head, and looked in vain for the 
 antelopes. The ground was a beautiful park, char- 
 acterized by numerous masses of granite, like 
 ruined castles, among trees of all shades of green. 
 The ground was covered with young grass about 
 six inches high, which had sprung up after the 
 annual fire that had destroyed the last year's dry 
 herbage.
 
 54 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 " I could see no game. Presently I observed the 
 native, who was a few yards on my left, making 
 eager gestures, and pointing with his finger in order 
 to direct my attention. I at once perceived a family 
 of wild pigs which had emerged from some bush, 
 and were quietly feeding along the glade, so that 
 they would shortly pass in front of me within sixty 
 yards. 
 
 " The natives love pork beyond all other flesh, thus 
 I had a good opportunity for showing them a little 
 treat. With a quick right and left shot I knocked 
 over two pigs, and reloading the " Dutchman " in a 
 few instants, I rolled over a boar that had galloped off 
 to about 120 yards' distance. This animal recovered 
 itself and got away to some place of cover. 
 
 " Upon the 'arrival of Lieutenant 'Baker and the 
 natives, we tracked the blood for about 300 yards 
 to a small plot of high grass that had escaped the 
 fire. I knew that we must find the wounded boar 
 in this retreat. I therefore ordered the natives to 
 beat it out. The boar soon broke cover and galloped 
 off along the open, but quickly rolled over as a shot 
 from the " Dutchman " struck it behind the shoulder. 
 The natives were delighted with the success of the 
 rifle, as it had produced three fine pigs for their 
 service within a few minutes.
 
 CHAP, ii.] TREACHERY OF THE BARIS. 55 
 
 " February 24. The whole of the troops and bag- 
 gage from the vessels arrived safely to-day, together 
 with the cattle and sheep, thus all my arrangements 
 have, thank God, speeded, and I am now in possession 
 of my force and material." 
 
 Major Abdullah delivered his report. As I had 
 expected, he had been attacked in great force by the 
 natives after my departure. The Baris, as usual, had 
 employed treachery, which had very nearly succeeded. 
 A day or two after I had left the vessels, several 
 natives had desired to communicate with Major 
 Abdullah. These men declared that they had nothing 
 to do with Bedden, and that all the Baris of the east 
 side of the Nile desired peace. 
 
 It would have been natural to suppose that after 
 so recent an example of treachery on the part of 
 Bedden, Major Abdullah would have been keenly 
 suspicious ; he was nevertheless deceived by the 
 specious promises of the wily Baris. This officer 
 knew my wish for peace and good-will, and he trusted 
 to be able to assure me, that after my departure he 
 had been able to establish amicable relations with our 
 late enemies. 
 
 The messengers returned to their villages, and 
 natives visited the camp with fowls, tobacco, and 
 various articles for sale. The soldiers were ready
 
 56 1SMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 purchasers, as they were well supplied with beads, 
 zinc mirrors, and various trifles which they had 
 recently obtained from the government magazines. 
 The fault of my men lay in their extravagance, and 
 they quickly spoiled a market by offering too much. 
 The trade commenced vigorously, and the now peace- 
 able Baris thronged to the vessels, and mixed freely 
 with the officers and troops. 
 
 On the night of February 17, 1872, the troops 
 were fast asleep. Confidence had been thoroughly 
 established, and there was no apprehension of coming 
 danger. My officers and men were careless of pre- 
 cautions; the sentries were nearly all asleep. The 
 cannon had been loaded with shell instead of canister. 
 The Woolwich tubes had been put away so safely 
 that they could not be found when wanted. The gun 
 had not been sighted for close distance, neither had 
 any of my most positive instructions been carried out. 
 The artillerymen were sound asleep upon their mats 
 around their neglected gun. 
 
 I have already described the tactics of Bari night 
 attacks. There can be no doubt that their scouts 
 must have crept close to the camp, and must have 
 returned to the main body without having been 
 observed by the sentries. The report that all were 
 asleep, or off their guard, had been delivered.
 
 CHAP, n.] ATTACK UPON MAJOR ABDULLAH. 57 
 
 It is supposed that some thousands of the enemy 
 moved cautiously forward, concealed by the dark- 
 ness, upon ground that otherwise could not have 
 admitted a stealthy approach. 
 
 Fortunately for the expedition, one or two of 
 the cattle sentries were awake, otherwise the entire 
 force must have been massacred. 
 
 The Baris crept forward without being observed, 
 until they arrived near the silent and sleepy camp. 
 Then with sudden shrieks and yells they rushed 
 forward in a mass upon the unsuspecting troops. 
 
 A slight impediment may check an assault 
 during the darkness of night. The only protection 
 to the position was a simple line of thorn branches 
 laid in a row about twenty paces in the front, 
 running parallel with the river. The naked legs 
 of the first line of the enemy must have become 
 entangled in this unseen obstruction for a few 
 seconds, which caused sufficient confusion to destroy 
 the momentum of the first rush forward. 
 
 The sentries by the ravine immediately fired, 
 and the sixty men who formed the cattle guard 
 quickly responded, and poured a fire into the enemy's 
 flank. 
 
 The delay caused by the thorns was only 
 momentary, but it had been sufficient to allow the
 
 58 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP. n. 
 
 troops to awaken and to clutch their muskets. Here 
 was a glorious opportunity for the gun, if loaded 
 with canister and ready at point-blank range ! 
 
 The enemy were already at the muzzle. The 
 Egyptian artillerymen forsook their piece and fled 
 ignominiously to the vessels for protection. Only 
 one fine fellow had stood by the gun, and he 
 pulled the lanyard when the crowd of natives were 
 almost upon him. Where were the unfailing English 
 tubes ? An Egyptian tube had been placed in the 
 vent in spite of all my orders. It missed Jtre ! 
 
 The gun that should have swept a clear road 
 through the enemy was silent, and the gallant 
 soldier who alone had stood faithful at his post 
 was immediately speared through the body, and 
 fell dead. The gun was in the hands of the Baris. 
 
 The troops, seized with a panic, fled on board 
 the vessels, where they were with difficulty rallied 
 by their officers so as to open fire from the pro- 
 tection of the banks of the river. 
 
 The Baris were prepared with fire to burn the 
 ships ; and they not only succeeded in throwing 
 fire within the vessels, but they killed an unfortunate 
 woman with a lance, who was on the fore part of a 
 noggur. 
 
 Troops had rushed into the cabins and upon the
 
 CHAP, ii.] THE REPULSE. ${) 
 
 poop-deck of my diahbeeah, from which they now 
 opened fire upon the enemy, who were at the same 
 time exposed to a flank fire from the sixty cattle 
 guards. This checked the advance, and the major, 
 Abdullah, succeeded in leading his men forward 
 and recapturing the gun. At length a tube was 
 found and fitted in the vent. Fortunately the 
 Baris were ignorant, and the lanyard was lying 
 by the gun. Another tube missed fire, but after some 
 delay, the gun at length spoke, but unfortunately 
 not with canister. 
 
 It was already too hot for the Baris, who were 
 between two fires, and two shots from the cannon 
 settled the affair and determined the retreat. 
 
 I could not have believed in such negligence and 
 folly had I not had a long experience of Egyptian 
 troops, whether brown or black. These people 
 can generally be surprised, unless their commanding 
 officer is vigilant and most severe. Little or no 
 dependence can be placed on the non-commissioned 
 officers ; these are ignorant, thoughtless people, who 
 having learnt from their Mohammedan teachers to 
 trust themselves to God, would seldom keep awake 
 unless kept to their duty by their superior officers. 
 
 On the morning following this attack, the big 
 drums of the natives were sounding in all directions
 
 60 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 upon both sides of the river. Thousands of Baris 
 had congregated upon the various heights, and it 
 appeared that a general attack would be renewed 
 upon the camp. 
 
 It was not considered safe to drive the cattle out 
 to pasturage. 
 
 There can be no doubt that with a force of 145 
 men, Major Abdullah should have anchored his 
 vessels a few yards from the shore, and have then 
 made a vigorous attack upon the Baris. He was 
 provided with Bale's rockets in addition to the 
 fieldpiece ; and he should have given the enemy a 
 severe example. 
 
 Instead of assuming the offensive, he remained 
 inactive, which so encouraged the enemy that 
 they gathered from every quarter, and naturally 
 concluded that the troops had received a panic 
 from the night attack. 
 
 At this critical time, the scarlet uniforms of my 
 fifty men appeared in the rear of the natives, 
 together with 400 of the Lobord Some of my 
 men belonged to the " Forty Thieves ;" and the 
 Baris upon seeing the arrival of so powerful a re- 
 inforcement, immediately dispersed, with much blow- 
 ing of horns and whistles in defiance of Major 
 Abdullah.
 
 CHAP, n.] PROVISION FOR THE JOURNEY. 61 
 
 It was declared that the Baris had suffered 
 severely during the night attack ; but I had ceased 
 to pay much attention to the official reports of the 
 enemy's losses. 
 
 Between the river and Lobore", the troops had 
 marched without opposition, and they had followed 
 my instructions by leaving cows for payment at 
 every night's halting-place. 
 
 I now divided the flour into loads of sixty 
 pounds each, packed in baskets covered with raw 
 hide. 
 
 I thus carried 3,600lbs. by sixty porters. My 
 troops were now relieved from much weight, as I 
 engaged 500 natives for the journey to the in- 
 terior ; at the same time I ordered every soldier 
 to carry six pounds of flour in addition to his 
 knapsack and accoutrements. Every one of my 
 men was provided with a small tanned goatskin 
 stripped from the animal (like a stocking from 
 the leg) and secured at one end like a bag. These 
 little chorabs, or travelling sacks, were most con- 
 venient, and were well adapted for carrying flour, 
 as they were easily strapped to the top of the 
 knapsack. 
 
 I lost no time in preparing for a move forward. 
 Wani the interpreter was invaluable, as he super-
 
 62 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. n. 
 
 intended all the arrangements necessary for collect- 
 ing the carriers. 
 
 The cattle were confined within the kraal wait- 
 ing for selection. About 1,000 natives assembled, 
 and they were allowed to enter the zareeba and 
 choose their cows, in parties of four at one time, 
 to prevent confusion. 
 
 This was a tedious operation, as the Lobore 
 carriers were almost as particular in their selection 
 of cattle as ladies are supposed to be in the choice 
 of their dresses. 
 
 February 27. The Lobore were exceedingly quiet 
 and orderly in their conduct, and 500 cows having 
 been received by as many natives, they returned to 
 their homes to make arrangements for the journey 
 to Fatiko. I find the following extract in my 
 journal of this date : 
 
 "The Lobord will be useful allies as they are 
 enemies of the Bari, and their country is well 
 situated, lying between Bari and Madi, on the route 
 to Fatiko ; thus they will be ready as carriers for 
 both ends of the line. 
 
 "If I can obtain eighty camels from Khartoum, 
 I can get the steamer along without any serious 
 difficulty, as the Lobore' natives can be engaged to 
 make the road ; but nothing can prosper until a
 
 OHAP . .] A DESERTER. 63 
 
 regular camel transport service shall be estab- 
 lished. 
 
 "I am sadly in want of troops and European 
 officers. There should be 200 men in four parties 
 stationed at intervals along the line to direct the 
 natives in opening the road. 
 
 "A soldier deserted and ran away with his 
 arms and ammunition to some distant village. 
 I immediately called Wani and the old sheik 
 Abbio, to whom I explained that I should hold 
 them responsible if the deserter were not cap- 
 tured. They sent out natives in all directions in 
 search. 
 
 " February 28. The natives returned, saying they 
 had found the deserter about half a march distant, 
 but they could not seize him alive, as he threatened 
 to shoot them ; at the same time they were afraid 
 to kill him, as he was my soldier. 
 
 " I immediately sent a sergeant and three men 
 of ' The Forty ' to take him prisoner. 
 
 "In the evening the soldiers returned, having 
 captured the deserter. I left him in irons to be 
 kept at hard labour by the sheik Abbio at Lobore, 
 until I should return to the country. This is a 
 good lesson to the troops. 
 
 "The natives had a grand dance to-day; the
 
 64 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 men and women as usual naked, leaping, and 
 yelling wild songs to an extraordinary accompani- 
 ment of music, produced by beating a long stick 
 of extremely hard wood with a short stick of the 
 same substance. Some of the girls were pretty, 
 but being smeared with red ochre and fat, they 
 were not attractive. The natives were very civil, 
 and although at least a thousand were present, 
 they immediately- made room for me upon my ar- 
 rival, that I might have a good place to witness 
 their performance." 
 
 I was much struck with a simple arrangement 
 made use of by the old people to support the 
 back in lieu of an arm-chair. Each person had a 
 cord knotted by the ends so as to form an endless 
 loop or hoop. The size depended upon the mea- 
 surement required, so that if the hoop were thrown 
 over the body when in a sitting posture upon the 
 ground, with the knees raised, the rope would form 
 a hoop around the forepart of the knees and the 
 small of the back, which would thus be supported. 
 
 The Lobore are great workers in iron, which is 
 used generally in the manufacture of ornaments. 
 Large rings of this metal are worn round the neck, 
 and upon the arms and ankles. Many of these 
 ankle-rings are of extreme thickness, and would
 
 CHAP, n.] KNOWLEDGE OF THE LEVER. 65 
 
 suffice for the punishment of prisoners. I was in- 
 terested with the mechanical contrivance of the 
 Lobore for detaching the heavy metal anklets, which, 
 when hammered firmly together, appeared to be 
 hopeless fixtures in the absence of a file. 
 
 I required several irons to construct manacles 
 for the deserter, thus I had purchased the massive 
 ornaments which had to be detached from the ankles 
 of the owner. 
 
 The man sat upon the ground. A stick of 
 hard, unyielding wood was thrust through the ring 
 beneath the ankle, so that each end of the stick 
 rested on the earth. A man secured one end by 
 standing upon it, while another placed a stone 
 upon the stick thus secured, which he used as a 
 fulcrum. The lever employed was a piece of Abd- 
 noos, which worked upon the stone, and pressed 
 down the base of the ring at the same time that 
 it opened the joint sufficiently to allow it to be 
 passed over the thin portion of the leg. 
 
 I never saw this ingenious application of the 
 lever among other tribes than the Lobore. The 
 usual method among the Madi is far more simple, 
 but requires a certain number of men, and places 
 the patient in an uncomfortable position. A rope 
 is fastened to each side of the ring, upon which a 
 
 VOL. II. F
 
 6G ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 number of men haul in opposite directions until 
 they have opened the joint sufficiently to detach it 
 from the leg. 
 
 On 29th February we were ready for the start. 
 The loads were all prepared and arranged in se- 
 parate divisions of twenty each, under the charge 
 of selected officers and men. 
 
 The big nogara had sounded, the natives col- 
 lected, and each man stood by his load ; thus 
 twenty-five gangs of twenty each should have stood 
 in line. 
 
 I now discovered that the vaunted honesty of the 
 Lobore was of the same order as that of other 
 negroes. Five hundred cows had been given to as 
 many natives, for all of which the sheik Abbio had 
 declared himself responsible. The big nogara sounded 
 in vain. After waiting for some hours, and sending 
 numerous messengers to as many villages, only 433 
 carriers could be mustered; thus sixty-seven had 
 eloped with as many cows ! 
 
 No one can imagine the trouble of such a journey 
 with so long a retinue of carriers, most of whom are 
 dishonest, and only seek an opportunity to abscond 
 upon the road. 
 
 The Lobore' are immensely powerful men, and they 
 carried the boxes of Hale's rockets as single loads,
 
 CHAP, ii.] DISHONESTY OF THE NATIVES. C7 
 
 although weighing upwards of seventy-two pounds. 
 At the same time they quarrelled among themselves 
 as to the choice of parcels, and I could with difficulty 
 prevail upon them to carry the zinc boat, although it 
 did not exceed 130lbs. Four men actually refused to 
 touch it, as it sat uneasily upon their heads. 
 
 This handy little vessel was made of zinc upon an 
 iron framework, and would contain four people upon a 
 pinch, but would easily convey three across a river. 
 I had arranged it upon two stout bamboos so adjusted 
 that four men should have carried it with ease. The 
 natives demanded eight, but I at length compromised 
 for six. 
 
 The delay caused by the non-appearance of the 
 sixty-seven carriers was extremely dangerous, as it 
 increased the chance of desertions. Already many 
 had volunteered to search for their missing friends, 
 which would have resulted in a search for them also, 
 until my body of carriers would have melted away. 
 
 Fortunately I had made a considerable allowance 
 for desertions on the road, and I could manage to 
 start with the assistance of the soldiers and their 
 wives, among whom I divided many baskets of flour. 
 
 At 3.25 P.M. we started. 
 
 There was no danger now that we had passed the 
 Bari tribe, therefore we could push on with an ad- 
 
 F 2
 
 68 ISMAIL! A. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 . vance guard of five picked men of " The Forty." who 
 always accompanied us, and leave the charge of the 
 march and baggage to Colonel Abd-el-Kader and the 
 various officers. 
 
 We accordingly marched, at four miles an hour, 
 through a rocky and hilly country, generally wooded, 
 which would have been an awkward position if held 
 by an enemy. 
 
 At 6 P.M. we halted at a rocky ravine where water 
 had been expected by our guide. To our dismay we 
 found it nearly dry, and it was necessary to dig 
 temporary wells in the sand to procure a supply for 
 ourselves, while the horses were forced to content 
 themselves with the impure pool. 
 
 It quickly became dark, and the troops and bag- 
 gage were far behind. We therefore gathered wood 
 and made a blazing fire to show our position ; at 
 the same time a bugler and drummer who had accom- 
 panied us, made as much noise as possible from the 
 summit of a small hill. 
 
 At 7.30 P.M. the cattle arrived by torchlight, 
 together with the troops and baggage. Some of the 
 Lobore' carriers had already deserted on the road, 
 which had caused much delav. 
 
 %/ 
 
 We had marched nine miles, but it was absolutely 
 necessary to send four men back to Lobor6, to insist
 
 CHAP, ii.] A LOBORE BASTED WITH BRANDY. 6.9 
 
 upon fresh carriers being immediately sent to replace 
 the runaways. 
 
 On March 1 we started at half-past six A.M., 
 after a terrific scramble for loads by 400 Lobore 
 carriers, who rushed in and tugged and wrestled 
 for their packages like wolves over a carcase. Boxes 
 were turned upside down, and carried in that manner 
 with an utter disregard for the contents. 
 
 The inverted canteen was discovered upon the 
 head of a brutal Lobore, whose body was being 
 basted with Cognac and gin that showered from 
 the loosened stoppers of the decanters. 
 
 I never saw such a wild pack of savages ; they 
 were only fit to carry the elephants' tusks of the 
 traders ; but any civilized baggage ran a risk of 
 instant destruction. 
 
 The old sheik, Abbio, had given me his son to 
 keep order among the people. This young man 
 was about twenty-seven years of age, but, although 
 respectable in appearance, he did not appear to 
 have the slightest control over his people, and he 
 regarded their desertions with seeming indifference. 
 
 I had a strong suspicion that he might quietly 
 abscond at night, in which case every man would 
 instantly follow his example. I therefore ordered 
 a light thong of leather to be attached to the iron
 
 70 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 --cellar worn as an ornament upon his neck, and I 
 trusted him to the surveillance of a couple of 
 soldiers told off as his guard of honour. 
 
 We marched south for sixteen miles through a 
 fine country of hills and low forest, where the 
 villages of the Madi had been mostly destroyed 
 by the slave- hunting parties of Abou Saood. 
 
 We passed large tracts of land that had formerly 
 been in a high state of cultivation, and the charred 
 remains of numerous villages bespoke the desolation 
 caused by these brigands of the White Nile. The 
 road was well watered by many small streams in 
 deep gorges, until w T e descended to the Asua River. 
 This was just twenty-five miles from our camp 
 at Lobore, in latitude N., by observation, 3 43'. 
 
 We happened to arrive at the spot where the 
 river Atabbi joined the Asua. At this junction 
 the Atabbi was perfectly clear, while the Asua was 
 muddy, which proved that heavy rain had fallen 
 in the Madi and Shooli countries, while the weather 
 was dry in the mountains of Obbo. 
 
 The Asua flowed through a fine forest, but 
 although the water was muddy from recent rains, 
 the volume at this season was confined to a portion 
 of the bed, in the deepest parts of which it did 
 not exceed two feet six inches. The bed from
 
 CHAP, ii.] THE ASUA RIVER. 71 
 
 bank to bank was about 120 yards in width, and 
 the maximum rise of the river was about twelve 
 feet. During the wet season this is a frightful 
 
 o o 
 
 torrent that acts as a barrier to any advance or 
 retreat of troops encumbered with baggage. 
 
 Having waded through the river, we halted under 
 the shady trees on the south side ; here there was 
 excellent herbage for the cattle, as the young grass 
 after the annual fires was now about eight inches 
 high, upon the rich soil near the river's bank. 
 
 Whenever we halted during daylight, I took a 
 stroll with the rifle, accompanied by Lieutenant 
 Baker. 
 
 We walked for some time along the banks of 
 the river up stream without seeing any game, and 
 I was struck with the absence of tracks of the 
 larger animals, which coincided with my remarks on 
 the Asua river many years previous, when I crossed 
 it about thirty miles higher up, on my route from 
 Latooka to Shooa. 
 
 I expected to return without seeing game, when 
 we suddenly spied a few waterbuck in the sandy 
 bed of the river, about 300 paces distant. 
 
 We made a good stalk, but I only wounded the 
 animal at which I fired at about 150 yards, and 
 they galloped off through the open forest. I heard
 
 72 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 the bullet from the left hand barrel strike a tree 
 stem, which saved the antelope, but having quickly 
 reloaded, I had a clear and steady shot at a long 
 range as the large buck suddenly stopped and looked 
 back. I put up the last sight for 250 yards and 
 took a full bead. To my great satisfaction the 
 waterbuck with a fine set of horns dropped dead. 
 I could not measure the distance accurately as we 
 had to descend a rocky bank, and then, crossing 
 the bed of the Asua, to ascend the steep north 
 bank before we arrived at tolerably level ground. 
 
 Upon reaching the animal, I found the bullet in 
 the neck, where it had divided the spine. T guessed 
 the distance at about 240 yards. Some of our 
 Lobord natives, who had kept at a distance behind 
 us, now came up, and in a short time the noble 
 waterbuck was cut up and the flesh carried into 
 camp. This species of antelope, when in good con- 
 dition, weighs about thirty stone (cleaned). 
 
 On March 2 we started at 6 A.M., and marched 
 at a rapid rate through a hard and excellent path, 
 which inclined upwards from the river for about 
 eight miles. 
 
 The bush was very open, and in many portions 
 the country was a succession of deep dells, which in 
 the wet season were covered with high grass, but at
 
 CHAP, ii.] THE TOP OF THE PASS. 73 
 
 this time the young grass was hardly three inches 
 high, having sprouted after the recent fires. 
 
 From an altitude of about 1,000 feet above the 
 Asua river, we had a splendid view of the entire 
 landscape. 
 
 On the east, at about fifty miles distant, was the 
 fine range of lofty mountains that stretched in a long 
 line towards Latooka. On the west, on the left 
 bank of the White Nile, which now flowed almost 
 beneath our feet, was the precipitous mountain Neri, 
 known by the Arab traders as Gebel Kuku. This 
 fine mass of rock descends in a series of rugged 
 terraces from a height of between three and four 
 thousand feet to the Nile, at a point where the river 
 boils through a narrow gorge between the mountains. 
 It is in this passage that the principal falls take 
 place which I witnessed in my former journey. At 
 that time our path led along the rocky bank of the 
 river, and was both difficult and dangerous. 
 
 Eight miles from the Asua river now brought us 
 to the top of the pass, and having stopped for a few 
 moments to take compass bearings, we began the 
 somewhat steep descent. 
 
 Walking was preferable to riding, and after a 
 distance of a couple of miles had been accomplished, 
 we rounded the rocky hill by crossing a ravine upon
 
 74 I8MAIL1A. [CHAP, n, 
 
 our right, and the view of the promised land burst 
 upon us. 
 
 The grand White Nile lay like a broad streak of 
 silver on our right as it flowed in a calm, deep 
 stream direct from the Albert N'yanza ; at this spot 
 above all cataracts. No water had as yet been broken 
 by a fall ; the troubles of river-life lay in the future ; 
 the journey to the sea might be said to have only 
 
 just commenced. Here the entire volume flowed 
 
 
 from the Albert N'yanza, distant hardly one degree ; 
 
 and here had I always hoped to bring my steamers, 
 as the starting-point for the opening of the heart 
 of Africa to navigation. 
 
 I was deeply mortified when I gazed upon this 
 lovely view, and reflected upon the impossibilities 
 that had prevented my success. Had the White 
 Nile been open as formerly, I should have transported 
 the necessary camels from Khartoum, and there would 
 have been no serious difficulty in the delivery of 
 the steamers to this point. Two or three strong- 
 pioneer parties, with native assistance, would quickly 
 have bridged over the narrow watercourses and have 
 cleared a rough road through the forests as the carts 
 advanced. 
 
 It was useless to repine. I still hoped to accom- 
 plish the work.
 
 CTIAP. ii.] FUTURE STEAM TRANSPORT. 75 
 
 We now descended into the beautiful plain, to 
 which I had given the name Ibrahimeyah, in honour 
 of the father of his Highness the Khedive (Ibrahim 
 Pacha). 
 
 This point is destined to become the capital of 
 Central Africa. 
 
 The general depot for the steamers will be near 
 the mouth of the Un-y-Ame river ; which beautiful 
 stream, after rising in the prairies between Fatiko 
 and Unyoro, w r inds through a lovely country for 
 about eighty miles, and falls into the White Nile 
 opposite to Gebel Kuku. The trade of Central Africa, 
 when developed by the steamers on the Albert 
 N'yanza, will concentrate at this spot, whence it 
 must be conveyed by camels for 120 miles to 
 Gondokoro, until at some future time a railway may 
 perhaps continue the line of steam communication. 
 
 It is a curious fact that a short line of 120 miles 
 of railway would open up the very heart of Africa 
 to steam transport between the Mediterranean and 
 the equator, when the line from Cairo to Khartoum 
 shall be completed ! 
 
 The No. 10 steamer that I had brought up to Gondo- 
 koro from Khartoum was originally built in England 
 for the mail service (per Nile) between Alexandria 
 and Cairo, at the time when the overland route
 
 76 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 was made by vans across the desert to Suez. Tliis 
 steamer had sailed from London, and had arrived 
 complete at Alexandria. 
 
 It appears almost impossible that she is now 
 floating at an altitude of nearly 2,000 feet above 
 the sea level ; to which great elevation she has 
 actually steamed from the Mediterranean. Thus, 
 starting from a base line, and producing a line per- 
 pendicular to the sea level of 2,000 feet, she has 
 climbed up the Nile to her present high position. 
 
 Accepting the approximate length of the Nile 
 in all its windings from the Mediterranean to N. lat. 
 4 38', at 3,000 miles in round numbers ; this will 
 give an average rise or fall in the river of nine 
 inches per mile ; which easily explains the position 
 of the steamer at her most remote point below the 
 last cataracts. 
 
 I revelled in this lovely country. The fine park- 
 like trees were clumped in dark-green masses here 
 and there. The tall dolape-palms (Borassus 
 Ethiopicus) were scattered about the plain, some- 
 times singly, at others growing in considerable 
 numbers. High and bold rocks; near and distant 
 mountains ; the richest plain imaginable in the 
 foreground, with the clear Un-y-Ame' flowing now 
 in a shallow stream between its lofty banks, and
 
 CHAP, ii.] BEAUTIFUL COUNTRY. 77 
 
 the grand old Nile upon our right, all combined 
 to form a landscape that produced a paradise. 
 
 The air was delightful. There was an elasticity 
 of spirit, the result of a pure atmosphere, that 
 made one feel happy in spite of many anxieties. 
 My legs felt like steel as we strode along before the 
 horses, with rifle on shoulder, into the magnificent 
 valley, in which the mountain we had descended 
 seemed to have taken root. 
 
 The country was full of game. Antelopes in 
 great numbers, and in some variety, started from 
 their repose in this beautiful wilderness, and having 
 for a few moments regarded the strange sights of 
 horses, and soldiers in scarlet uniform, they first 
 trotted, and then cantered far away. The graceful 
 leucotis stood in herds upon the river's bank, 
 and was the last to retreat. 
 
 I selected a shady spot within a grove of heglik- 
 trees for a bivouac, and leaving my wife with a 
 guard, and the horses, I at once started off with 
 Lieutenant Baker to procure some venison. 
 
 We returned after a couple of hours, having 
 shot five antelopes. The native name for this 
 part of the country is Afuddo. Our present halting- 
 place was thirty-seven miles from Lobor^. Formerly 
 there were villages in this neighbourhood, but
 
 78 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. n. 
 
 they had been destroyed by the slave-hunters. 
 Fortunately I had prepared a stock of flour sufficient 
 for the entire journey to Fatiko, as this country 
 was quite desolate. 
 
 In my last visit to this country T had thoroughly 
 studied its features ; thus I felt quite at home, and 
 I knew my route in every direction. The mountain 
 of Shooa was distinctly visible, where I had camped 
 for four or five months, thus it would be impossible 
 for the Lobore people to deceive me. 
 
 Abou Saood had four stations throughout this 
 lovely country, i.e., Fatiko, Fabbo, Faloro, and 
 Farragenia. I was now steering for Fatiko, as it 
 was a spot well known to me, and exactly on my 
 proposed road to Unyoro. 
 
 On 3rd February, we marched at 6 A.M., and 
 continued along the plain towards the rising country 
 that led to Shooa. At six miles from the halting- 
 place we took bearings : 
 
 Shooa hill, about 35 miles distant, bearing 
 Akiko 1(J 
 
 GebelKuku,, 9 ,, 299J 
 
 Our course lay towards the S.S.E., beneath a 
 wall-like range of precipitous rocky hills upon our 
 left, in no place higher than 200 feet. The guides
 
 <;HAP. ii.] THE LOBOEES KILL A BUFtALO. 79 
 
 were at fault, and no water could be found upon 
 the road. 
 
 A herd of tetel (Antelope Biibalis) upon our 
 right tempted me, and, jumping off my horse, I 
 made a fair stalk and killed a fine beast with the 
 * Dutchman" at 210 yards. 
 
 Every one was thirsty, as the sun was hot, and 
 the wall-like rocks upon our left reflected the heat. 
 At length we discovered natives squatting upon 
 the very summits of the perpendicular cliffs, and 
 after some trouble we succeeded in coaxing them 
 down. Two of these people volunteered to lead 
 us to water, and they took us to a steep rocky 
 ravine, in the bottom of which was a pool of dirty 
 liquid that had been bathed in by wild buffaloes. 
 My men quickly began to dig sand-wells with their 
 hands, until the main body of the troops and cattle 
 arrived. 
 
 In about an hour, I heard a great hubbub, with 
 a noise of quarrelling and shouting ; every one was 
 running towards the spot. It appeared that a wild 
 buffalo, which was ignorant of our arrival, had sud- 
 denly visited his drinking-place, and had thought- 
 lessly descended the deep and narrow gorge to drink 
 his evening draught. The Lobores had espied him, 
 and they immediately rushed down and overwhelmed
 
 80 ISMAILJ'A. [CHAP. n. 
 
 him with lances from the cliffs above. There was 
 now an extraordinary scene over the carcase ; four 
 hundred men scrambling over a mass of blood and 
 entrails, fighting and tearing with each other, and 
 cutting off pieces of flesh with their lance-heads, 
 with which they escaped as dogs may retreat with 
 a stolen bone. 
 
 On -4ife!February we started at 6.25 A.M. The 
 advent of the buffalo was a sad misfortune, as it had 
 supplied the natives with sufficient flesh to feed them 
 on the road home ; thus thirty Lobores had ab- 
 sconded during the night. 
 
 Fortunately we had already consumed many loads 
 of flour. I was now obliged to divide two days' 
 rations among the troops as extra weight. The light 
 loads were then doubled. Brandy boxes of twelve 
 bottles were now lashed together, so as to form a 
 load of twenty-four. Several boxes of gin had been 
 entirely destroyed by the savage carriers, who had 
 allowed them to fall upon the rocks.'- 
 
 Having crossed the bends of the Un-y-Ame river 
 twice, we halted for the night in fine open forest on 
 the south bank, beneath a large tamarind-tree, that 
 yielded an abundant supply of fruit for all hands. 
 
 We had only marched ten miles, owing to the delay 
 occasioned by the desertion of the carriers.
 
 CHAP, ii.] ARRIVAL AT SHOOA. 81 
 
 On 5th February I led the way, as the Lobore guide 
 professed ignorance of the route to Fatiko. The fact 
 was, that the Lobores had wished on the previous 
 day to take me to Farragenia, which is two days 
 nearer than Fatiko. Had I been ignorant of the 
 country, we should have been deceived. 
 
 I now tied the guide by the neck, together with 
 the sheik's son, to whom I explained that they would 
 be shot should another man abandon bis load. This 
 had the desired effect. 
 
 I steered through low open forest, the leaves of 
 which had been scorched off by the fire that had 
 cleared the country. Neither a village nor the print 
 of a human foot could be seen. This beautiful dis- 
 trict, that had formerly abounded in villages, had 
 been depopulated by the slave-hunters. 
 
 Having taken the Shooa mountain for a steering 
 point, we reached the spot where in former years I 
 had passed five months in the camp of Ibrahim. 
 This also had been destroyed, in addition to all 
 the numerous villages of the mountain. We had 
 marched fourteen miles. 
 
 I gave orders that on the morrow all the troops 
 were to appear in their best uniforms, as we were 
 only six miles from Fatiko, the principal station, 
 where I fully expected to meet Abou Saood himself. 
 
 VOL. IT. G
 
 82 ISMAILI A [CHAP. n. 
 
 On 6th February we started at 6.10 A.M. We 
 were now in the country where I had been well 
 known on my former exploration in the Paradise 
 of Africa, at an elevation of 4,000 feet above the 
 sea.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT FATIKO. 
 
 ON 6th March, 1872, we started from the bivouac 
 at the base of the Shooa mountain at 6.10 A.M. 
 
 The troops were in excellent spirits, the air 
 was fresh and cool in this elevated country, the 
 horses had been well groomed, and the arms and 
 accoutrements had been burnished on the previous 
 afternoon, in order to make a good appearance 
 before my old friends the natives of Fatiko and 
 Shooa. 
 
 The bright scarlet uniforms and snow-white 
 linen trousers of 212 men looked extremely gay 
 upon the fresh green grass, which had lately sprung 
 up throughout this beautiful park. 
 
 There was no enemy in this country. From a 
 former residence of five months at Shooa, both 
 my wife and myself were well known to the 
 
 o 2
 
 84 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 inhabitants, and I felt sure that our arrival would 
 be hailed with gladness. In my former visit I 
 had been a successful hunter, and had always given 
 the flesh to the natives ; thus, as the road to a 
 negro's heart is through his stomach, I knew 
 that my absence must have been felt, and that the 
 recollections of past times would be savory and 
 agreeable. 
 
 I had with me a herd of 1,078 cows and 194 
 sheep. No guard was necessary, and I intrusted 
 the stock to the care of the three boatmen, and 
 my Bari interpreter, Morgian. 
 
 The line of march was thus arranged: Myself, 
 with my wife and Lieutenant Baker, on horseback 
 in advance, preceded by the guard of five of the 
 " Forty Thieves/' Then came Colonel Abd-el-Kader 
 and the remaining forty-three, composing the gallant 
 " Forty." After which came the regiment, all 
 necessarily in single file. Then came the baggage 
 with 400 carriers, followed by the herd of cattle. 
 
 All our boys were dressed in their scarlet uniforms, 
 and the girls and women generally had dressed 
 in their best clothes. Little Cuckoo as usual carried 
 my small travelling-bag upon his head, and kept 
 his line with the other boys, all of whom assumed 
 an air that was intended to be thoroughly regimental.
 
 CHAP, in.] THE PARADISE OF AFRICA. 85 
 
 In this order the march commenced. The distance 
 was only six miles. This was as lovely a route 
 as could be conceived. 
 
 Magnificent trees (acacias), whose thick, dark 
 foliage drooped near the ground, were grouped in 
 clumps, springing from the crevices between huge 
 blocks of granite. Brooks of the purest water 
 rippled over the time-worn channels cut through 
 granite plateaux, and as we halted to drink at 
 the tempting stream, the water tasted as cold as 
 though from a European spring. 
 
 The entire country on our left was a succession 
 of the most beautiful rocky undulations and deep 
 verdant glades, at the bottom of which flowed 
 perennial streams. The banks of these rivulets 
 were richly clothed with ornamental timber, the 
 rich foliage contrasting strongly with the dark 
 grey blocks of granite resembling the ruins of 
 ancient towers. 
 
 We travelled along a kind of hog's back, which 
 formed the watershed to the west. As we ascended, 
 until we reached a large plateau of clean granite of 
 about two acres, we broke upon a magnificent 
 panorama, which commanded an extensive view of 
 the whole country. 
 
 On the west, we looked down upon the mag-
 
 86 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 nificent country through which we had arrived, 
 and the view stretched far away beyond the Nile, 
 until it met the horizon bounded by the grey out- 
 line of the distant mountains. 
 
 No one could feel unhappy in such a scene. I 
 trod upon my old ground, every step of which I 
 knew, and I felt an exhilaration of spirits at the 
 fact that I was once more here in the new capa- 
 city of a deliverer, who would be welcomed with 
 open arms by the down-trodden natives of the 
 country. 
 
 Having descended from the clean plateau of rock, 
 we carefully rode across a slippery channel that 
 had been worn by the . sandy torrents of the 
 rainy season, and once more arrived at level ground. 
 We were now on the great table-land of Fatiko. 
 
 Upon our left, a mass of bold ruins, the 
 skeleton granite remains of a perished mountain, 
 which formed a shelter from the morning sun, 
 tempted us to halt. 
 
 We had thus suddenly appeared upon the green- 
 sward of the plateau without the slightest warn- 
 ing to the inhabitants of Fatiko. About a mile 
 before us stood the large station of Abou Saood, 
 which occupied at least thirty acres. On our right 
 we were hemmed in by a pure wall of granite,
 
 CHAP, in.] ARRIVAL AT FATIKO. 87 
 
 sloped like a huge whale, about three-quarters of a 
 mile long and 100 feet high. The southern extremity 
 of this vast block of clean granite was the rocky 
 and fantastic hill of Fatiko crested with fine timber. 
 To our left, and straight before us, was a perfectly 
 flat plain like a race-course, the south end being 
 a curious and beautiful assemblage of immense granite 
 blocks, and splendid groups of weeping acacia. 
 
 A large village occupied the base of Fatiko 
 hill. . . . The bugles and drums sounded "the 
 advance." The echoes rang from the hard granite 
 rock as the unusual sound gave the first warning 
 of our presence. 
 
 I had dismounted from my horse, and was watch- 
 ing the slaver's camp with a powerful telescope, as 
 the bugles sounded and the men fell into order. 
 
 A number of people ran out of the camp, and 
 stared at the blaze of scarlet uniforms, which must 
 have appeared as a larger force than the reality, 
 owing to the bright contrast of red with the green 
 turf. 
 
 In an instant there was confusion in the camp. 
 I soon distinguished immense numbers of slaves 
 being driven quickly out, and hurried away to the 
 south. The slaver's drum beat, and a number of 
 crimson flags were seen advancing from the camp,
 
 88 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 until they halted and formed a line close to the 
 entrance of the village. I now saw natives rushing 
 wildly from the villages, and appearing in all 
 directions armed with spears and shields. 
 
 Some time elapsed before the cattle and baggage 
 arrived. In the meantime I waited, perched on 
 a block of granite, with my telescope, watch- 
 ing every movement. There was no doubt that 
 our sudden arrival had caused intense excitement 
 I saw men running from the trader's station 
 to the large village opposite, at the foot of the 
 hill 
 
 At length, I observed two men approaching from 
 the trader's station. 
 
 We were not yet ready for a general advance, 
 therefore, as the servants and carriers, cattle, &c., 
 fell into order, the band struck up some Turkish 
 airs, which sounded extremely wild and appropriate 
 to the savagely-beautiful scenery around us. 
 
 In the meantime the two messengers approached. 
 They were both filthy dirty, and appearedj to be 
 clad in dark-brown leather. One man seemed 
 to hesitate, and stood about sixty yards distant, 
 and demanded who we were. Upon hearing from 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader that it was "the Pacha/' and 
 that " he need not be afraid," he told us that Abou
 
 CHAP, in.] MOHAMMED, THE OLD SERVANT. 8D 
 
 Saood was at the station, and that he would run 
 back with the news. 
 
 The other messenger came timidly forward, until 
 he stood close beneath me. My wife was on horse- 
 back by my side. 
 
 Can it be possible ? Mohammed, my old Cairo 
 servant of former years ? 
 
 The grand dragoman of the lower Nile reduced 
 to this ! My wife exclaimed, " Ah, Mohammed, I 
 am very glad to see you ; but how wretched you 
 appear ! " 
 
 This was too much for the prodigal son ; he seized 
 my wife's hand to kiss, and burst into tears. 
 
 Poor Mohammed ! he had gone through many 
 
 ;is since we last met. When I left him in Khar- 
 n ill with guinea-worm in the leg, he was on 
 his w<*,y to Cairo ; but after my departure he had 
 been terhpted by the slave-traders to re-engage in 
 the infamous but engrossing career, and he too had 
 become a slave-hunter. He had never received any 
 pay, as the custom of the slavers was to pay their 
 men in slaves. Mohammed had never been fortunate 
 in his domestic affairs ; lie was not a favourite of the 
 ladies ; thus his female slaves had all run away ; 
 his fortune had walked off, and he was left a beggar, 
 with an overdrawn account in slaves.
 
 90 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 Mohammed had never been a good English scholar, 
 but want of practice during many years had almost 
 obscured the light of his former learning, which was 
 now reduced to the faintest glimmer. 
 
 The bugles now sounded the "advance," and we 
 marched forward in admirable order, with the band 
 playing. 
 
 In the meantime, several natives had approached, 
 and having recognized Lady Baker and myself, they 
 immediately raced back to the village with the news. 
 
 My men looked remarkably well, and the advance 
 into Fatiko was a sight that was entirely new to 
 Central Africa. We were in magnificent order for 
 work, with a hardy disciplined force of 212 men, 
 and a stock of cattle and merchandize that would 
 carry us to any direction I might desire. 
 
 This arrival, in such perfect organization, was a 
 fatal blow to the hopes and intrigues of Abou Saood. 
 I was actually among them, in the very nest and 
 hotbed of the slavers, in spite of every difficulty. 
 
 Abou Saood came to meet me, with his usunl 
 humble appearance, as we neared his station ; and 
 he cringingly invited us to rest in some huts that 
 had just been prepared for our reception. 
 
 I declined the invitation, and prepared to camp 
 beneath some grand acacias, among the granite
 
 CHAP, in.] REVIEW THE TROOPS, 91 
 
 rocks, about a quarter of a mile beyond, where I 
 had rested some years ago. I accordingly led the 
 way, until we arrived at a very beautiful spot, among 
 some immense granite blocks, shaded by the desired 
 foliage. Here the word was given " Halt ! " and the 
 tent was quickly pitched in a favourable locality. 
 
 We were now distant from the junction of the 
 Un-y-Ame river 48 miles, from Lobore 85 miles, 
 and from Gondokoro 165 miles. 
 
 Abou Saood ordered his people to bring a number 
 of straw-roofs from his station, to form a protection 
 for the officers. The men quickly housed themselves 
 in temporary huts, and the cattle were placed for 
 the night in a regular amphitheatre of rock, which 
 formed an excellent position. 
 
 On 8th March, I reviewed the troops, arid having 
 given the natives warning of my intention, I had 
 a sham-fight and attack of the Shooa mountain. 
 Having fired several rockets at a supposed enemy, 
 the troops advanced in two companies to the north 
 and south extremities of the mountain, which they 
 scaled with great activity, and joined their forces 
 on the clean plateau of granite on the summit of 
 the ridge. The effect was very good, and appeared 
 to delight the natives, who had assembled in con- 
 
 o ' 
 
 siderable numbers. After firing several volleys, the
 
 92 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 troops descended the hill, and marched back, with 
 the band playing. 
 
 The music of our band being produced simply 
 by a considerable number of bugles, drums, and 
 cymbals, aided by a large military bass-drum, 
 might not have been thought first rate in Europe, 
 but in Africa it was irresistible. 
 
 The natives are passionately fond of music ; and I 
 Relieve the safest way to travel in those wild countries 
 would be to play the cornet, if possible, without 
 ceasing, which would insure a safe passage. A 
 London organ-grinder would march through Central 
 Africa followed by an admiring and enthusiastic 
 crowd, who, if his tunes were lively, would form a 
 dancing escort of the most untiring material. 
 
 As my troops returned to their quarters, with 
 the band playing rather lively airs, we observed 
 the women racing down from their villages, and 
 gathering from all directions towards the common 
 centre. As they approached nearer, the charms 
 of music were overpowering, and, halting for an 
 instant, they assumed what they considered the 
 most graceful attitudes, and then danced ' up to 
 the band. 
 
 In a short time my buglers could hardly blow 
 their instruments for laughing, at the extraordinary
 
 CHAP, m.] ENTHUSIASM OF THE WOMEN. 93 
 
 effect of their performance. A fantastic crowd 
 surrounded them as they halted in our position 
 among the rocks ; and every minute added to their 
 number. 
 
 The women throughout the Shooli are entirely 
 naked, thus the effect of a female crowd, bounding 
 madly about as musical enthusiasts, was very 
 extraordinary. Even the babies were brought out 
 to dance, and these infants, strapped to their mothers' 
 backs, and covered with pumpkin shells, like young 
 tortoises, were jolted about without the slightest 
 consideration for the weakness of their necks, by 
 their infatuated mothers. 
 
 As usual, among all tribes in Central Africa, 
 the old women were even more determined dancers 
 than the young girls. Several old Venuses were 
 making themselves extremely ridiculous, as they 
 sometimes do in civilized countries when attempting 
 the allurements of younger days. 
 
 The men did not share in the dance, but squatted 
 upon the rocks in great numbers to admire the 
 music, and to witness the efforts of their wives and 
 daughters. 
 
 The men of Shooli and Fatiko are the best 
 proportioned that I have seen ; without the extreme 
 height of the Shillooks or Dinkas, they are mus-
 
 94 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 cular and well knit, and generally their faces are 
 handsome. 
 
 The women were inclined to a short stature, 
 but were very strong and compact. It was sin- 
 gular, that throughout the great Shooli country, 
 of which Fatiko is simply a district, while the 
 women are perfectly naked, the men are partially 
 clothed with the skin of an antelope, slung across 
 the shoulders, and covering the lower part of the 
 body like a scarf. In other countries that I had 
 passed, the men were quite naked, while the women 
 were decently covered. 
 
 After the dance, I was visited by several natives 
 who had known me in former years, among whom 
 was my old guide, Gimoro, who had first led me to 
 Unyoro. Another excellent man named Shooli now 
 gave me all the intelligence of the country. Both 
 these men spoke Arabic. 
 
 It was a repetition of the old story. The country 
 was half-ruined by the acts of Abou Saood's people. 
 The natives were afraid to resist them in this 
 neighbourhood, as every adjacent country had been 
 plundered, and the women and children carried off 
 Abou Saood had not expected that I could leave 
 Gondokoro ; but he had told the Shooli natives to 
 attack me if I should arrive ; thus on the day of
 
 CHAP, in.] WE ARE WELCOMED BY THE NATIVES. 95 
 
 my appearance, the natives, being ignorant of my 
 presence, had considered the dreaded Pacha must 
 be an enemy, until they had recognized my wife 
 and myself as their old friends. 
 
 Upon that day, when I had observed the natives 
 running to and fro with spears and shields, Abou 
 Saood had told them to attack me at once, and 
 he had promised that his people should assist the 
 Fatikos ; but when the natives saw our powerful 
 force, they had known that an attack would be 
 useless ; they had accordingly sent men to discover 
 our intentions, and these messengers had reported 
 my return to their country in the capacity of 
 Pacha commanding the expedition. 
 
 My old friends now assured me, in reply to my 
 explanation of the Khedive's intentions, that the 
 whole country would rally around a good govern- 
 ment, and that all that the poor people desired was 
 protection and justice. The fact of my return 
 would give confidence throughout the country; and 
 the news had already been carried to the great 
 sheik, Rot Jarma, who had never visited Abou 
 Saood or his people, but who would quickly tender 
 his allegiance to me as the representative of the 
 Khedive. 
 
 I told Gimoro and Shooli to inform the headmen,
 
 96 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. in. 
 
 aud the people generally throughout the country, 
 of my pacific intentions, and to have no fear now 
 that the government was represented, as it would 
 be impossible that the atrocities committed by the 
 slave-hunters of Abou Saood should recur. At 
 the same time I explained, that in about twenty 
 days the contract entered into between Agad & Co. 
 with the Soudan government would expire, and 
 Abou Saood would be compelled to withdraw all 
 his people from the country, which would then 
 remain solely in the hands of the Khedive. 
 
 Throughout the subsequent expedition, I could 
 always rely upon the fidelity of these two men, 
 Gimoro and Shooli. 
 
 After their departure to spread the good news 
 far and wide, I had a long conversation with my 
 old servant, Mohammed, who I knew would give me 
 every information respecting the acts of Abou Saood 
 and his people, as he had been among them in these 
 parts for many years. 
 
 He told me that my arrival at Fatiko was supposed 
 to be impossible, as the Gondokoro natives were 
 known to be hostile to the government ; therefore 
 it would be impossible to transport the baggage. 
 Although- the Baris were at war with the government, 
 Abou Saood had about seventy of these natives at
 
 CHAP, in.] STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 97 
 
 Fatiko, armed with muskets, in his employ ; thus 
 he was openly in league with the enemies of the 
 Khedive's government. 
 
 The report among the slave companies asserted 
 that Abou Saood had been in league with Raouf Bey 
 to frustrate the expedition ; thus the conspiracy of 
 the officers headed by Eaouf Bey, which I had 
 checkmated, was the grand move to effect a collapse 
 of the expedition, and to leave a clear field for the 
 slave-traders. 
 
 " Up to the present time, my arrangements have 
 been able to overpower all opposition. 
 
 " The success of the corn collection at the moment 
 of the conspiracy was fatal to the machinations of 
 Raouf Bey, and secured me the confidence of the 
 troops. 
 
 " The success of every attack that I have personally 
 commanded has clinched this confidence. 
 
 "The trader's people are discontented with their 
 leaders ; they are without clothes or wages. 
 
 " Their parties have been massacred in several direc- 
 tions by the natives. Nearly 500 loads of ivory have 
 been burned, together with one of their stations, by a 
 night attack of the Madi, in which the slave-hunters 
 lost thirty-five killed, and the rest of the party only 
 escaped in the darkness, and fled to the forests. 
 
 VOL. u. H
 
 98 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 "Thus I come upon them at a moment when 
 they are divided in their feelings. A dread of the 
 government is mingled with confidence in the arrival 
 of a strong military force, which would be auxiliary 
 in the event of a general uprising of the country." 
 
 I found several of my old men engaged as slave- 
 hunters. These people, who had behaved well on 
 my former voyage, confided all the news, and 
 were willing to serve the government. Kamrasi, 
 the former king of Unyoro was dead, and had 
 been succeeded by his son, Kabba Rega. 
 
 Some few of the people of Abou Saood had been 
 on a visit to the king M'tese at Uganda. This 
 powerful ruler had been much improved by his 
 personal communication with the traders of Zanzibar. 
 He had become a Mohammedan, and had built a 
 mosque. Even his vizier said his daily prayers like 
 a good Mussulman, and M'tese' no longer murdered 
 his wives. If he cut the throat of either man or 
 beast, it was now done in the name of God, and 
 the king had become quite civilized, according to 
 the report of the Arab envoys. He kept clerks who 
 could correspond, by letters, in Arabic, and he had 
 a regiment armed with a thousand guns, in addition 
 to the numerous forces at his command. 
 
 The Arab envoys of Abou Saood had been treated
 
 CHAP, in.] TRADE WITH ZANZIBAR. 99 
 
 like dogs by the great M'tese, and they had slunk 
 back abashed, and were only glad to be allowed to 
 depart. They declared that such a country would 
 not suit their business : the people were too strong for 
 them ; and the traders from Zanzibar purchased their 
 ivory from M'te'se with cotton stuffs, silks, guns, 
 and powder, brass-coil bracelets, beads, &c. The 
 beads were exchanged by equal weight for ivory. 
 
 " Even at Fatiko the brass-coil bracelets from 
 Zanzibar are now common. Some of Abou Saood's 
 people are actually dressed in Manchester manufac- 
 tures that have arrived vid Zanzibar at Unyoro. This 
 is a terrible disgrace to the Soudan authorities ; thus 
 the Zanzibar traders are purchasing by legitimate 
 dealing ivory that should, geographically speaking, 
 belong to Cairo. 
 
 " While fair dealing is the rule south of the equa- 
 tor, piracy and ruin are the rule of the north. 
 
 "Abou Saood and his people are now in a 
 dilemma. For many years they have pillaged the 
 country, and after having taught the natives to 
 regard cows as the only medium of exchange for 
 ivory, they have at length exhausted the cattle. 
 Thus the transport of their large stock of ivoiy 
 has for a time become impossible, as sufficient 
 cows cannot be collected for the purpose. 
 
 H 2
 
 100 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 " Every load from Fatiko to Ismailia (Gondokoro) 
 requires two cows ; one to Lobore, and another thence 
 to the journey's end. 
 
 "By the Nile traders' arrangements, the companies 
 of Abou Saood receive as their perquisite one-third 
 of all the cattle that may be stolen in successful 
 razzias. 
 
 " The consumption of cattle by these brigands is 
 enormous. All flour is purchased in exchange for 
 flesh, while flesh is also necessary for food ; thus the 
 cow is being eaten at both ends. 
 
 "The frightful drain upon the country may be 
 imagined by the following calculation, which is cer- 
 tainly below the truth : 
 
 "If 1,000 loads of ivory must be carried to 
 
 Ismaili'a, 
 2,000 cows are required as payment of carriers ; 
 
 To capture in a razzia 3,000 cows, 
 1,000 belong to the brigands as their perquisite ; 
 300 are necessary to feed the native carriers and 
 
 soldiers during the journey ; 
 
 3,300 cows are required to deliver 1,000 loads of 
 ivory a distance of 165 miles, from Fatiko 
 to Ismailia (Gondokoro). 
 A station of 350 men consumes 
 
 daily . . . 700lbs.
 
 CHAP, in.] SACRIFICE AND WASTE OF CATTLE. 101 
 
 In addition, they require to 
 
 exchange for flour . . 350lbs. 
 Daily consumption of flesh l,050lbs. 
 
 u The oxen of the country do not average 
 
 more than 1 70lbs. cleaned. 
 2,255 beasts are thus required annually. 
 5,555 oxen are necessary to feed and pay for 
 
 the transport from a station only 350 
 
 strong ; according to the customs of White 
 
 Nile brigandage. 
 
 <{ It must be remembered that at least a thousand, 
 and sometimes double that number of slaves, are 
 prisoners in each station. All these must be fed. 
 The same principle is adopted in the exchange of 
 flesh for flour ; thus the expenditure of cattle is 
 frightful. Not only oxen, but all the breeding cows 
 and young calves are killed without the slightest 
 reflection. No country can support such wilful waste; 
 thus after many years of ravage, this beautiful country 
 has become almost barren of cattle. The central dis- 
 tricts occupied by the slave-traders having been 
 denuded of cattle, it has become necessary to make 
 journeys to distant countries." 
 
 The slave-hunters of Abou Saood had recently 
 suffered a terrible defeat, at the hands of the war-
 
 102 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. in. 
 
 like tribe of Umiro, which was a just reward for the 
 horrible treachery of their party. 
 
 A man named Ali Hussein was a well-known 
 employe of Abou Saood. This ruffian was an 
 Arab. He was a tall, wiry fellow, with a deter- 
 mined but brutal cast of countenance, who was 
 celebrated as a scoundrel among scoundrels. Even 
 his fellows dreaded his brutality. There was no 
 crime that he had not committed ; and as his only 
 virtue was extreme daring, his reputation was terrible 
 among the native population. 
 
 This fellow had waited upon my orders daily 
 since my arrival at Fatiko. 
 
 At the death of the former vakeel of Fatiko, Ali 
 Hussein had succeeded to the command of the 
 station. 
 
 He had arranged to make a descent upon the Umiro 
 tribe, about six days' march to the south-east. 
 
 He accordingly sent natives as spies, with specious 
 messages to the Umiro, arnouncing his intention of 
 visiting them to purchase ivory. 
 
 With a party increased by volunteers from other 
 stations to a force of about 300 men, he arrived 
 at Umiro. 
 
 The simple natives received him gladly, and showed 
 extreme hospitality. The country was thickly popu-
 
 CHAP, in.] TREACHERY OF ALT HUSSEIN. 103 
 
 lated, and abounded with vast herds of the finest 
 cattle. 
 
 After a week's sojourn among the Umiro, during 
 which he had received large presents of elephants' 
 tusks, and seventy head of oxen from the confiding 
 natives, the treacherous ruffian gave an order to his 
 brigands at sunset. They were to be under arms 
 an hour before daybreak on the following morning, 
 to set fire to the adjacent villages of their generous 
 hosts, and to capture their large herds of cattle, 
 together with their women and children. 
 
 At the time appointed, while every Umiro slept un- 
 conscious of approaching danger, several villages were 
 surrounded, and volleys of musketry were poured 
 upon the sleeping inmates. The straw huts were 
 ignited, and the flames rapidly spread, while a 
 massacre commenced similar to the butcheries to 
 which the slave-hunters were so well accustomed. 
 
 The Umiro, thus taken by surprise, and appalled 
 by so dastardly a treachery, were easily defeated. 
 Their children and wives were captured, together 
 with large herds of cattle, which are celebrated for 
 their size. All these were driven in triumph to 
 Fatiko. 
 
 The success of this infernal scheme, raised the 
 reputation of AH Hussein to the highest pitch.
 
 104 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 The reports of the vast pastoral wealth of the Umiro 
 excited the cupidity of the various companies in 
 the stations of Abou Saood. 
 
 It was determined to make a grand attack upon 
 a people, who, in spite of their warlike character, 
 had exhibited a total want of power to resist. 
 
 Ali Hussein sent an expedition of about 350 
 men, in addition to a large number of Fatiko allies. 
 They arrived on the borders of Umiro, within 
 about an hour's march of the villages doomed to 
 pillage. The party were under the command of a 
 notorious ruffian named Lazim, whom I had known 
 during my former exploration. 
 
 Upon arrival in the Umiro country, during the 
 night after a forced march, he sent a party of 
 103 men, together with about 150 natives, to 
 attack the villages by a surprise at dawn, and 
 to capture the slaves and cattle in the usual 
 manner. 
 
 The party started at the early hour of first cock- 
 crow, while the main body under Lazim waited for 
 the result. 
 
 Hours passed, but the company did not return. 
 A few shots had been heard in the distance. 
 
 The country was clear and open, but nothing could 
 be seen. There was no lowing of cattle, neither did
 
 CHAP, in.] MASSACRE OF THE SLAVE-HUNTERS. 105 
 
 the heavy clouds of smoke, usual on such occa- 
 sions, point out the direction of burning villages. 
 
 Presently, drums were heard in every direction, 
 the horns and whistles of the Umiro sounded the 
 alarm, and large bodies of natives rushed across the 
 plain to the attack of Lazim's party. 
 
 They had just time to form, and to post the men 
 around the strong cattle kraal, which they had 
 occupied, when the stream of enemies came down 
 upon them. 
 
 Upon the open plain, the Umiro had no chance 
 in attacking so well-defended a position, and the 
 muskets, loaded with heavy mould shot, told 
 with great effect upon the naked bodies of the 
 assailants. 
 
 The Umiro were beaten back with some loss, and 
 the slave-hunters held the position, although in a 
 state of terror, as they felt that some terrible calamity 
 must have befallen the party which had started to 
 surprise the villages. 
 
 After dark, a Bari native cried out to the sentries 
 to let him pass. This was a wounded man of their 
 own party, the only survivor of all those who had 
 left the main body on that morning. 
 
 The Bari described, that the Umiro, having gained 
 information of the intended attack, had lain in
 
 106 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. HZ. 
 
 ambush within high withered grass, in which they 
 had awaited the arrival of their assailants. 
 
 The slave-hunters were advancing as usual, in 
 single file, along the narrow track through the high 
 grass, unsuspicious of an enemy, when the Umiro 
 rushed from both sides of the ambuscade upon 
 them. 
 
 Taken by surprise, a panic seized the slave-hunters, 
 very few of whom had time to fire their muskets 
 before they were speared by the pitiless Umiro, who 
 wreaked wholesale vengeance by the massacre of the 
 entire party of 103 of Abou Saood's men and about 
 150 of their allies. 
 
 The main body under Lazim were completely 
 cowed, as they feared an overwhelming attack that 
 might exhaust their ammunition. The Umiro had 
 now become possessed of 103 guns and several large 
 eases of cartridges, in addition to those in the pouches 
 of the soldiers. 
 
 Night favoured the retreat, and the remnant of the 
 expedition under Lazim returned by forced marches 
 to Fatiko. 
 
 The defeat had spread consternation among the 
 various stations, as it followed closely upon the 
 destruction of a station belonging to Abou Saood in 
 the Madi country.
 
 CHAP, in.] DESTRUCTION OF JUSEF'S STATION. 107 
 
 This zareeba had been under the command 
 of a vakeel named Jusef, who had exasperated the 
 natives by continual acts of treachery and slave- 
 hunting. They had accordingly combined to attack 
 the station at night, and had set fire to the straw 
 huts, by shooting red-hot arrows into the inflammable 
 thatched roofs. 
 
 These calamities had happened since the arrival 
 of Abou Saood in the Shooli country, and it was he 
 who had given the order to attack the Umiro. His 
 own people, being naturally superstitious, thought he 
 had brought bad luck with him. 
 
 It appeared that when Abou Saood had first arrived 
 at Fatiko from Gondokoro, the vakeels of his 
 different stations were all prepared for the journey 
 to deliver the ivory. They had given the cattle ob- 
 tained in the first attack upon Umiro to the native 
 carriers of Madi and Shooli, and the ivory had been 
 arranged in about 2,000 loads for transport. 
 
 The sudden arrival of Abou Saood changed all 
 their plans, as he immediately gave orders to re- 
 kirn the ivory to the store huts ; he did not 
 intend to deliver it at Gondokoro that year. He 
 also sent a letter to his Latooka station, nine days' 
 march to the north-east, together with a party of 
 eighty men, with instructions to his vakeel to
 
 108 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 deliver the ivory at the Bohr station below Gon- 
 dokoro. 
 
 He thus hoped to defraud the government out 
 of the two-fifths due to them by contract with 
 Agad. At the same time, he had intended to re- 
 main concealed in the interior of the country until 
 I should have returned to England ; after which he 
 had no doubt that affairs would continue in their 
 original position. 
 
 It may be imagined that my sudden arrival at 
 Fatiko had disconcerted all his plans. 
 
 In spite of his extreme cunning, he had over- 
 estimated his own power of intrigue, and he had 
 mismanaged his affairs. 
 
 According to the agreement with Agad & Co., 
 the representative of that firm, Abou Saood, had 
 contracted to supply the government troops with 
 all provisions at a given price, including even sheep 
 and butter. He was also to assist the government 
 expedition in every manner, and to supply not only 
 carriers, but even troops, should they be necessary. 
 
 I read this contract to some of his principal 
 men, who fairly laughed outright at the audacity 
 of Abou Saood in subscribing to such utter false- 
 hoods. 
 
 Not only had he secretly fraternised with the
 
 CHAP, in.] ABOU SAOOD'S CHARACTER. 109 
 
 enemy, instead of assisting the government, but he 
 had cautioned the Baris not to carry our loads, 
 and he had incited the Fatiko natives to attack 
 us. The supply of food was too ridiculous. Instead 
 of giving to the troops, he had been obliged to 
 borrow corn from the government magazines at 
 Gondokoro for his own people, and I had given 
 him 200 cattle to save the men from famine. 
 
 The deceit and treachery of this man were beyond 
 belief. He now came to me daily at Fatiko, and 
 swore, by the eyes of the Prophet, eternal fidelity. 
 He wished to kiss my hand, and to assure me how 
 little his real character had been understood, and 
 that he felt sure I had been influenced against him 
 by others, but that in reality I had no servant so 
 devoted as himself. He declared that he had only 
 attacked the Shir and stolen their cows in order 
 to supply the government troops with cattle accord- 
 ing to contract. 
 
 In spite of these protestations, he could not explain 
 his reason for having returned the ivory to store, 
 instead of transporting it to Gondokoro. He there- 
 fore met the difficulty by a flat denial, as usual, 
 calling upon the Prophet as a witness. 
 
 Only a few days of his contract remained, at the 
 expiration of which he should have withdrawn his
 
 110 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 establishments from the country, according to my 
 written orders that had been given many months 
 ago. 
 
 He had entirely ignored these orders, as he had 
 never expected my arrival ; therefore he had con- 
 cealed all such instructions from his people, in the 
 hope that my term of service would expire fruit- 
 lessly at Gondokoro, and that, after my departure, 
 he would have little difficulty in arranging for the 
 future with his Mend Raouf Bey, who would most 
 probably succeed to the command. 
 
 I at once issued written orders to the vakeels 
 of his different stations, that, at the end of the 
 month Mohurram, the contract with Agad would 
 cease, and that all future action would be illegal. 
 
 I gave all employes of Abou Saood due notice, that 
 they must either quit the country, or become re- 
 spectable subjects. 
 
 I gave them permission to settle at Gondokoro, and 
 to commence farms on the fertile islands of the Nile 
 free of all taxation. 
 
 Or, should they wish to enter the government 
 service as irregular troops, I offered the same pay as 
 the regulars, with the advantage of an annual en- 
 gagement. 
 
 I met several headmen whom I had known in my
 
 CHAP, in.] IMPOSSIBILITY OF TRANSPORTING IVORY. Ill 
 
 former journey. These men found fault with Abou 
 Saood for having left them in the dark respecting 
 the contract with the government ; and they at once 
 declared that they should be happy to serve as 
 irregulars at the expiration of the agreement. 
 
 There was a great difficulty respecting the ivory 
 which comprised in all the stations 3,200 tusks. 
 
 The cattle that had been given to the native 
 carriers for the transport of the ivory to Gondokoro 
 had only partially been returned by the disappointed 
 Madi. Many of these people had killed and eaten 
 the beasts, and had declared that they had died, 
 when they found the necessity of restoring them. 
 
 It was now necessary to move the ivory, together 
 with all the establishments, to Gondokoro. This would 
 require at least 6,000 cows. It was a complete fix. 
 There were no cows in any of Abou Saood's stations ; 
 they had all been consumed ; and he now came 
 to me with a request that I would lend him 
 eighty cows, as his people had nothing to eat. 
 
 It was clearly impossible to move the ivory. Thus, 
 in spite of my^ orders given to Abou Saood about ten 
 months previous, the opportunity of moving had been 
 lost, and the time of departure was reduced to sine 
 die. This was a hopeless condition of affairs. There 
 were no cattle in Abou Saood's possession, and with-
 
 112 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP. m. 
 
 out cattle, the ivory could not be moved. At the 
 same time, it would be impossible for me to permit 
 him to make razzias upon distant countries, as I 
 had arrived to establish government, and to afford 
 protection to all tribes that would declare their alle- 
 giance. 
 
 I now discovered that the principal vakeel of Abou 
 Saood, named Mohammed Wat-el-Mek, had only 
 recently started with a large force, by Abou Saood's 
 orders, to invade the Koshi country on the west side 
 of the White Nile, close to its exit from the Albert 
 N'yanza. 
 
 This was a tribe that could not possibly have 
 interfered with Abou Saood ; but as the cattle had 
 been exhausted on the east bank of the river, he had 
 commenced a series of razzias upon the west. The 
 Koshi were people with whom friendship should have 
 been established, as they were on the navigable Nile 
 that would eventually be traversed by the steamer, 
 when constructed at Ibrahime'yah. It was thus 
 that all tribes were rendered hostile by the slave- 
 hunters. 
 
 Mohammed Wat-el-Mek (son of the king) was 
 the man who had first discovered and opened up the 
 countries south of Gondokoro. This person was a 
 curious but useful character that I had always
 
 CHAP, in.] CONCEALMENT OF WAT-EL-MEK. 113 
 
 wished to employ, as lie had great power with the 
 natives, and he knew every nook and corner of the 
 country. 
 
 I had known him during my former journey, and 
 it appears that he had always wished to serve me in 
 the present expedition. The slave-traders of Khar- 
 toum had been determined to prevent "Wat-el-Mek 
 from communicating with me ; thus, when I had 
 arrived in Khartoum, this important personage had 
 actually been there ; but he had been quickly sent 
 by Abou Saood under some frivolous pretext, up the 
 Blue Nile, to keep him out of the way. 
 
 On arrival at Gondokoro, he had studiously been 
 retained on the west bank of the river, and his 
 name had been kept so secret, that I had never 
 heard it mentioned. Thus, although both at Khar- 
 toum and at Gondokoro Wat-el-Mek had been within 
 a few hundred paces of me, I had always supposed 
 that he was in Central Africa. 
 
 Abou Saood now declared that Wat-el-Mek had 
 started many days ago from Fatiko to Koshi ; but 
 I subsequently discovered that he had only left 
 Fatiko on the morning of my arrival, and that he 
 was kept waiting at Fabbo station, only twenty-two 
 miles west of Fatiko, for several days, while I had 
 been told by Abou Saood that he had gone to Koshi. 
 
 VOL. II. I
 
 114 ISM Al LI A. [CHAP. in. 
 
 Mohammed Wat-el-Mek was the son of a petty 
 king far away up the Blue Nile, beyond Fazokle. 
 
 He had in early life been a sergeant or choush in 
 the Egyptian army; but having an adventurous 
 disposition, he had taken to the White Nile, as the 
 vakeel of Andrea Debono, a Maltese ivory merchant. 
 
 Mr. Debono, being a British subject, retired from 
 the trade when the slave-hunting arrived at such a 
 pitch that it became impossible for Europeans to 
 continue business on the White Nile. 1 
 
 Debono had amassed a considerable fortune en- 
 tirely through the energy of Wat-el-Mek, who had 
 pushed into the interior, and had established his 
 stations with considerable forethought and skill 
 throughout the formerly unvisited Madi country. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek was an exceedingly black man, about 
 the middle height, and much pitted with the small- 
 pox. While in the service of Debono, he had com- 
 manded the station of Faloro, where he had most 
 hospitably received Speke and Grant on their arrival 
 from Zanzibar. These great travellers were enter- 
 tained at Faloro during many weeks, and were 
 afterwards conducted by their host to Gondokoro, 
 where I had the good fortune to meet them. 
 
 1 The slave trade arrived at such a maximum that all European 
 traders in ivory were driven from the White Nile, including Mr. 
 Petherick, the British Consul.
 
 CHAP, in.] CHARACTER OF WAT-EL-MEK. 115 
 
 Wat-el-Mek was a very courageous fellow ; and 
 although he would not perhaps have been considered 
 a good character at a London police-court, he was a 
 man who would be most useful to an expedition in 
 Central Africa, where his vicious propensities could 
 be restrained by the discipline of government. 
 
 When Speke parted from him at Gondokoro, he 
 presented him with a beautiful double-barrelled gun 
 by Blissett, in addition to other articles. 
 
 The worst vice of this man was drinking. When 
 drunk, he could be induced to yield to any absurdity. 
 
 However, with all his faults, I should have been 
 glad of Wat-el-Mek to command the irregular force. 
 
 In the days when Debono was the proprietor of 
 the Madi station, Wat-el-Mek had been the sole 
 vakeel ; and although he was a tyrant, he was not 
 disliked by the natives. Since Debono had sold his 
 stations to the firm of Agad & Co., every sepa- 
 rate camp was governed by an independent vakeel ; 
 thus there were many tyrants instead of one. 
 
 These numerous vakeels acted in opposition to each 
 other in the purchase of ivory. If a native of Fatiko 
 should take a tusk to sell at the station of Fabbo, 
 he would run the chance of being shot upon his 
 return ; and this system of attempted monopoly was 
 carried out throughout the country. This naturally 
 
 i 2
 
 116 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 resulted in anarchy. Although all the vakeels and 
 companies belonged to one firm, they acted as rival 
 companies. Thus, if slaves ran away from one station 
 and took shelter with the natives of a village belong- 
 ing to the people of another vakeel, an attack would 
 be made upon the village that harboured the run- 
 aways, and their women and children would be 
 immediately captured. 
 
 This onslaught on the village under the pro- 
 tection of a certain station would be quickly returned 
 by a counter attack upon a village belonging to the 
 encroaching vakeel. This system was purposely 
 adopted, as it served to divide the country into 
 opposing sections, which prevented the natives from 
 forming a general coalition. 
 
 It may readily be imagined that my arrival was 
 hailed with general satisfaction by the natives 
 throughout the country. Should a stranger have 
 filled my position, there might have been some 
 suspicion in the minds of the natives, but I had 
 been so well known during my former journey, 
 that the people accepted the new government with 
 thorough confidence. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek, who was always the discoverer of 
 unknown lands, had lately visited a new country 
 in the east.
 
 CHAP, in.] EASTERN DISCOVERIES. 117 
 
 It may be remembered by the readers of (< The 
 Albert N'yanza" that shortly before my return 
 from Shooa (only six miles from Fatiko) a new 
 country named Lira had been discovered by the 
 vakeel of Koorshad Agha "Ibrahim." Poor Ibrahim 
 was dead, otherwise I should have had a good and 
 dependable man. 
 
 The Lira country was rich in ivory, and the 
 greatest prize discovered was the presence of donkeys, 
 which are quite unknown in the White Nile districts. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek had now penetrated beyond Lira, 
 and had reached the country of Langgo, which 
 was exceedingly interesting. 
 
 From the description of the people, it appeared 
 that the portion of the Langgo visited by them 
 was entirely different from the country between 
 Gondokoro and Unyoro, 
 
 The expedition had crossed the Sobat river, and 
 had arrived in the Langgo about 130 miles due 
 east of Fatiko. They described the country as similar 
 to portions of the Soudan. Generally, flat plains 
 of the rich grass known as negheel, which never 
 grows high, and is the finest pasturage. The trees 
 were for the most part Soont (Acacia Arabica), 
 which is not met with in the White Nile countries, 
 south of the Sobat junction.
 
 118 ISMA1LIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 The Langgos were an immense tribe, but were, 
 like the Baris, divided under many chiefs. These 
 people were exceedingly large and powerful, and 
 were esteemed as great warriors. They seldom ate 
 flour, but lived upon the milk and flesh of their 
 innumerable herds. 
 
 The cattle were as large as those of England, 
 and were celebrated for the extreme size of their 
 horns. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek had made a razzia with a very power- 
 ful force, collected from all the stations of Abou 
 Saood, and he had succeeded in capturing an 
 enormous number of these fine animals, together 
 
 ' O 
 
 with a large herd of donkeys. 
 
 These strange cattle would not live at Fatiko, as the 
 herbage was quite different to that to which they 
 had been accustomed. They died in such numbers, 
 that in three months only three or four remained 
 out of as many thousand. Thus all these beautiful 
 beasts were wasted. 
 
 The river Sobat was described as flowing from 
 the south, and was known as the Choi. The Asua 
 river is only one day's march, or about twenty 
 miles east of Fatiko. The Sobat is never dry, and 
 is reported to be a noble river ; this suggests that 
 Speke's Victoria N'yanza, or the Bahr Ingo's eastern
 
 CHAP, in.] THE COUNTRY OF LOBBOHR. 119 
 
 corner, must have an effluent in addition to the 
 Victoria Nile, that flows from M'tese's capital of 
 Uganda. 
 
 Beyond Langgo there is a country called Lobbohr, 
 which is said to possess camels. In the Lobbohr 
 there is a river called Jooba. This is, I believe, 
 the Juba that flows into the Indian Ocean, as the 
 report continues that : " Arabs arrive at Lobbohr 
 mounted upon camels, and armed with swords and 
 pistols, but without guns." Horses and donkeys are 
 also reported to exist in Lobbohr. 
 
 There can be no doubt that most important coun- 
 tries lie to the east of Fatiko, and should the 
 story of camels prove correct, there will be no 
 difficulty in opening up a commercial route. 
 
 It appears that at Langgo the value of beads is 
 very great, as the natives work them into patterns 
 upon their matted hair. Ivory has little or no 
 value, and exists in large quantities. 
 
 The natives refuse to carry loads, and they trans- 
 port an elephant's tusk by boring a hole in the 
 hollow end, through which they attach a rope ; the 
 tusk is then dragged along the ground by a donkey. 
 The ivory is thus seriously damaged 
 
 Such was the position of affairs at Fatiko in 
 March, 1872. New and important countries had been
 
 120 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. in. 
 
 investigated, not by explorers or traders, but by 
 the brigands of Abou Saood, whose first introduc- 
 tion was the unprovoked attack and carrying off of 
 slaves and cattle. 
 
 Such conduct could only terminate in an exten- 
 sion of the ruin which a similar course had deter- 
 mined in every country that had been occupied 
 by the traders of the "White Nile. 
 
 I trusted that my arrival would create a great 
 reform, and restore confidence throughout the coun- 
 try. The news had spread far and wide. The 
 scarlet soldiers were regarded as a distinct species, 
 and the report quickly circulated, that the "Pacha's 
 troops were entirely different from any that had 
 hitherto been seen, as their clothes were red, and 
 their muskets were loaded from the wrong end." 
 
 I now determined to establish a station at Fatiko, 
 to represent the government during my absence in 
 the south. 
 
 Abou Saood had sworn fidelity. Of course I did 
 not believe him, but as the natives had welcomed 
 the government, I could not leave them without 
 protection. 
 
 It was therefore arranged with Abou Saood that 
 after the expiration of the contract, all operations 
 should cease. He would simply remain on sufferance
 
 CHAP, m.] AN AWKWARD POSITION. 121 
 
 in the country, until he should be able to transport 
 his ivory to Gondokoro. This could only be effected 
 by the arrrival of carriers from his stations, about 
 180 miles west of the Nile, in the Makkarika 
 country. His first step would therefore be to com- 
 municate with the vakeel Atroosh, who commanded 
 about 600 men in the west station. 
 
 I ordered Abou Saood to disarm the seventy Baris 
 who were in his service at Fatiko, as I would not 
 allow muskets to be placed in the hands of natives 
 who were hostile to the government. 
 
 This he promised to do, but of course he evaded 
 the order, by returning the arms to the Baris the 
 instant I had departed. 
 
 It may appear to the public that having " absolute 
 and supreme power/' I was absurdly lenient towards 
 Abou Saood, whom I knew to be so great a villain. 
 I confess to one fault. I should have arrested and 
 transported him to Khartoum when he first arrived 
 at Gondokoro with the cattle stolen from the Shir ; 
 which caused the subsequent massacre of the five 
 soldiers of the government. 
 
 At the same time that I admit this error, it must be 
 remembered that I was placed in an awkward position. 
 
 "Absolute and supreme power" is a high sound- 
 ing title, but how was I to exert it ?
 
 122 ISMAIL I A. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 I was an individual possessing a nominal power, 
 the application of which required extreme delicacy. 
 I was determined to win, and with God's help I 
 did win, but every step necessitated the coolest 
 judgment. Had I adopted severe or extreme 
 measures against Abou Saood, I might have 
 ruined the expedition at the commencement. 
 
 It was impossible to know who was faithful. 
 There was a general leaning towards his favour 
 among all the officers, with whom he had been in 
 close connection when in Khartoum. He was a 
 man in a high social position in the Soudan, 
 the partner of the great firm of Agad & Co., who 
 commanded 2,500 armed men. He had worked for 
 many years in company with the government, ac- 
 cording to his connection by agreement with the 
 governor-general. 
 
 I knew that I had him in my power, provided 
 I should be supported by the authorities in Eygpt ; 
 therefore I gave him line, and occasionally held 
 him tight, as though he had been a salmon on a 
 single gut ; but I was determined to land him safe 
 at last, in such a manner that his greatest sup- 
 porter should be obliged to acknowledge that he 
 had received the fairest play. Abou Saood's Fatiko 
 station was crowded with slaves. His people were
 
 CHAP, in.] MASSES OF SLAVES. 123 
 
 all paid in slaves. The stations of Fabbo, Faloro, 
 and Farragenia were a mass of slaves. 
 
 I did not enter a station to interfere with 
 these slaves, as I knew that such an act would 
 create irretrievable confusion. 
 
 I had only 212 men, and I wished to advance 
 to the equator. Fatiko was in north latitude 3 01', 
 and 165 miles from head-quarters. Had I attempted 
 to release some thousand slaves from the different 
 stations, I should have required a large military 
 force to have occupied those stations, and to have 
 driven out the whole of the slave-hunters bodily. 
 
 If the slaves had been released, it would have 
 been impossible to have returned them to their 
 homes, as they had been collected from every 
 quarter of the compass and from great distances. 
 If I had kept them, I could not have procured 
 food for so large a number : as the stations con- 
 tained several thousand. 
 
 Under the circumstances, I took the wiser course 
 of non-interference with the stock in hand, but I 
 issued the most severe orders respecting the future 
 conduct of Abou Saood's companies. 
 
 I arranged to leave a detachment of 100 men, 
 under the command of Major Abdullah, to form a 
 station adjoining that of Abou Saood in Fatiko,
 
 124 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. m. 
 
 together with the heavier baggage and the greater 
 portion of the ammunition. 
 
 The government would be thus represented by a 
 most respectable and civilized officer, who would 
 give confidence and protection to the country ; as 
 I concluded that the prestige of the Khedive would 
 be sufficient to establish order among his subjects, 
 by the representation of one of his officers and a 
 detachment of 100 troops. 
 
 I gave orders to Gimoro and Shooli to prepare 
 carriers for the journey to Unyoro. 
 
 An untoward occurrence had taken place shortly 
 after our arrival at Fatiko. 
 
 As has already been described, the Lobore* natives 
 had not only cheated us out of many cows that 
 had been received, for which the carriers had not 
 been forthcoming, but numbers had deserted on 
 the road, which had caused the troops great trouble 
 and fatigue, as they had been obliged to divide 
 among them the abandoned loads. Upon our 
 arrival at Fatiko, the son of sheik Abbio, of Lobore, 
 would have absconded with all his people, had he 
 not been retained by the troops. This man was 
 responsible for the natives who had engaged them- 
 selves for the journey. 
 
 It would have been the height of imprudence to
 
 CHAP, m.] UNTOWARD INCIDENT. 125 
 
 have permitted the immediate departure of our 
 carriers before I had arranged for the future, thus 
 about eighty were secured by the soldiers, including 
 the sheik's son, from a general stampede that took 
 place. 
 
 I ordered them to be disarmed, as I considered 
 that if unarmed, they dared not venture alone 
 through the Madi country. 
 
 In the evening they were secured by a light line 
 tied round each man's neck, and connected in gangs 
 of five. A guard was placed over them in addition 
 to the usual sentries. 
 
 At about 4 A.M. a signal was given. Every 
 man had gnawed through his cord with his teeth 
 during the darkness, and at the concerted cry in a 
 language that no one understood, the entire party, 
 of upwards of eighty men, knocked down the 
 astonished guards, also the sentries, and rushed 
 headlong over the rocks in the direction of Lobore. 
 
 It was a natural impulse and a soldier's duty 
 to fire in the direction of the assailants, as the over- 
 turned sentries quickly recovered and joined the 
 guard in a volley. 
 
 I was up in an instant, and upon arrival at 
 the spot I was informed of the occurrence. It was 
 pitch dark, therefore a lantern was brought, and after
 
 126 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 a search, three bodies were discovered of the rash 
 and unfortunate Lobore. I was exceedingly sorry 
 that such an event had happened, at the same time 
 I could hardly blame the sentries. I was much 
 afraid that if three were shot dead, others must 
 have escaped wounded, and altogether the affair 
 would have a bad effect at Lobore'. 
 
 The sheik of Fatiko was named Wat-el- Ajoos. 
 This name had been given him by the slave-hunters, 
 meaning " Son of the old man." His village was 
 not quite half a mile from our camp, and he 
 frequently came to see me with his interpreter, 
 accompanied by his wives. 
 
 Upon his first visit I gave him a long blue shirt, 
 together with some yards of Turkey red cambric, 
 to form a waist sash ; also a red fez and two razors, 
 with a quantity of beads for his wives. 
 
 Fatiko is merely a district of the great country 
 of Shooli, which is governed by the sheik, Rot 
 Jarma. This person had sent word that he intended 
 to visit me, to tender his allegiance to the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 On 16th March, a wild sound of many horns was 
 the first introduction, and shortly after, a number 
 of his people advanced chanting a peculiar low 
 song, and dancing a solemn slow step. The great
 
 CHAP, in.] THE GREAT SHEIK, ROT JARMA. 127 
 
 sheik came behind them. He was quickly ushered 
 into my presence beneath a shady acacia, close to 
 my tent door. He was perfectly red from head 
 to toes, having been freshly smeared with red ochre 
 and grease for the interview. A well-dressed skin 
 of an antelope was slung across his shoulder, and 
 descending across his loins it constituted his scanty 
 clothing. 
 
 His conversation was merely a repetition of the 
 old story, being a series of complaints against the 
 slave-hunters. He declared that he had never visited 
 Abou Saood or any of his people, but that when 
 he had heard of my arrival, he had determined at 
 once to offer his allegiance, and he and all adjacent 
 countries would serve the government faithfully, in 
 return for protection and justice. 
 
 I assured him that he had nothing to fear from 
 the slave-hunters in future, as I should leave Major 
 Abdullah and a detachment of troops to represent 
 the government during my absence. He was to 
 supply them with corn, and to yield the same 
 obedience to Major Abdullah as he would to me. 
 I gave him nine yards of red cotton cloth, six pounds 
 of beads, two razors, one comb, two horn snakes 
 in boxes, one knife, one burning glass, one zinc 
 mirror, two nickel spoons, three rods of thick brass
 
 128 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. in. 
 
 wire, two finger-rings, two pair of ear-rings, two 
 red and yellow cotton handkerchiefs. 
 
 The total value of this extensive present was 
 about twenty-one shillings. 
 
 Before he had arrived, he had requested that 
 a goat might be sent to be slaughtered at a stream 
 before he should cross over; otherwise bad luck 
 would attend his visit. Of course this was acceded to, 
 and the goat was sacrificed and eaten by his people. 
 
 I gave him, according to my usual custom with 
 all sheiks and headmen, seeds of the best Egyptian 
 cotton, tomatoes, pumpkins, cucumbers, water-melons, 
 sweet-melons, barmian, maize, &c., &c. 
 
 Before parting, I amused and shocked him with the 
 magnetic battery, and he went away surprised and 
 delighted. 
 
 I subsequently discovered that a large quantity of 
 flour, together with some fowls which he had for- 
 warded to me, had been stopped and appropriated by 
 the renowned Ali Hussein. The intriguing spirit of 
 these slave-hunters was extraordinary. It is their 
 custom never to receive a sheik unless he brings a 
 present. He therefore considered that if Rot Jarma 
 should appear for the first time before me empty- 
 handed, I should either not admit him, or perhaps 
 be prejudiced against him ; thus he had stolen the
 
 CHAP, in.] PREPARING TO ADVANCE SOUTH. 129 
 
 customary gift of introduction in order to create 
 ill-will on my part towards Kot Jarma, who had 
 never yet condescended to visit the station of Abou 
 Saood 
 
 Wat-el- Ajoos, with the assistance of Shooli and 
 Gimoro, had collected 200 carriers, all of whom had 
 received each a cow. 
 
 I had assorted the luggage, and although I had not 
 the slightest suspicion of any fighting, nevertheless 
 my ammunition formed a considerable portion of the 
 heavier baggage. 
 
 Major Abdullah had received his instructions, and 
 a site had been chosen for his station within a hundred 
 yards of the south extremity of that of Abou Saood. 
 This position was backed by a high rock, upon which 
 I had already commenced to build a powder magazine 
 of solid masonry. 
 
 Abou Saood having as usual sworn upon the eyes 
 and head of the Prophet to do all that was right and 
 virtuous, and the natives throughout the country be- 
 ing confident of protection, I prepared for the jour- 
 ney to Unyoro a distance across the uninhabited 
 prairies of seventy-eight miles from Fatiko, due south. 
 
 Our excellent and trusty friend Shooli was to be 
 our guide. Gimoro was prevented from accompanying 
 us owing to a wounded foot. 
 
 VOL. II. K
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE MARCH TO UNYORO. 
 
 ON 18th March, 1872, we were all in order for the 
 inarch to the south, under the direction of our guide, 
 Shooli. 
 
 Having taken leave of Major Abdullah, I left him 
 a good supply of sheep and cattle for his detachment, 
 and at 2 P.M. we started for the prairie march to 
 Unyoro. 
 
 The descent from the table-land of Fatiko was 
 rapid for the first seven miles, at which point we 
 reached a stream of clear running water, which is 
 one of the channels of the Un-y-Ame' river. 
 
 The limit of the inhabited country is about three 
 miles from the camp at Fatiko, after which all is 
 wilderness to Unyoro. 
 
 This fertile country has been left uninhabited, on 
 account of the disturbance occasioned by the diversity
 
 CHAP, iv.] FIRST BIVOUAC. 131 
 
 of tribes. On the east it is bounded by Umiro, 
 on the south by Unyoro, and on the west by Madi. 
 This large tract of land, about eighty miles from 
 north to south, is accordingly the resort of wild 
 animals, and it forms the favourite hunting-ground 
 of the various tribes, who generally come into 
 conflict with each other during their excursions in 
 pursuit of game. 
 
 We halted for the night at the clear stream of the 
 Un-y-Ame, as the native carriers expected their wives 
 to bring them provisions for the journey. It was 
 only five o'clock, therefore I strolled along the banks 
 of the stream accompanied by Shooli, and shortly 
 came upon game. 
 
 At this season the country was very lovely, as 
 the young grass was hardly a foot high. Stalking 
 was extremely difficult, as the land was clear of trees, 
 |ind the long sweeping undulations exposed every 
 object to view when upon the face. I managed at 
 length to get a tolerable shot at one of the beautiful 
 teel (Leucotis), by creeping up the broken bed of a 
 water-course until I arrived at a white-ant hill. On 
 my way home I shot a gazelle, thus the natives all 
 had flesh from the two animals on the first night 
 of the march. 
 
 The wives appeared to be excellent women, as they 
 
 K 2
 
 132 ISMAILIA. [CHAT. iv. 
 
 arrived in great numbers with a quantity of hard 
 porridge made of dhurra flour, which was to form 
 the commissariat for a journey of nearly 160 miles 
 to Unyoro and back. 
 
 If a native travels through wilderness, he will al- 
 ways make forced marches, thus the Fatikos would 
 only sleep one night upon the road of seventy-eight 
 miles when on the return journey. 
 
 On the following morning, we were rather late 
 in starting, as more women arrived with food, and 
 certain farewells took place. The Fatiko natives 
 appeared to be very superior to the Lobore, as not 
 one man absconded. In fact, one native who had 
 a swollen leg, which prevented him from walking, 
 actually sent back his cow with an explanation of the 
 cause of absence. 
 
 On 19th March we started at 6.50 A.M., all 
 our carriers being well provided with food. The 
 country was as usual a well watered, undulating 
 prairie, abounding in game. At this season the march 
 was very delightful, but when the grass is about 
 nine feet high it is simply detestable travelling. 
 
 On the march, we, as usual, led the way. Lieu- 
 tenant Baker dismounted for a shot at a splendid buck 
 (Leucotis), which he wounded somewhere behind, 
 and the animal made off in evident discomfort.
 
 CHAP, iv.] A HUNT ON THE MARCH. 133 
 
 This was a signal for the natives, who immediately 
 put clown their loads and started off in pursuit, like a 
 pack of hounds. 
 
 Although the animal was badly hit, the pace was 
 very great, and it went along the face of the opposite 
 undulation followed by the extraordinary runners, 
 who, with then' long springing strides, kept up a 
 speed for about three-quarters of a mile that at 
 length brought the leading native sufficiently near 
 for throwing the lance. The next moment a crowd 
 of hungry fellows fell upon the welcome game like 
 .starving wolves. 
 
 After a march of twelve miles we arrived at a 
 rocky stream of clear water, which is another chan- 
 nel of the Un-y-Ame river, that carries off the 
 entire drainage of this country. We halted to re- 
 fresh the people and to have our breakfast on the 
 clean rock that bordered the stream, and started 
 for the afternoon march at 2 P.M. 
 
 During the march I endeavoured to stalk a large 
 bull tetel (Antelope bubalis) but there was very little 
 chance in so open a country. The animal galloped 
 off exactly in a straight line from me at about 
 260 yards. I put up the last leaf of the sight, 
 and I distinctly heard the bullet strike The next 
 moment I saw the animal was wounded. It was
 
 134 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 just disappearing over the next undulation, and 
 upon arriving at the spot, I saw the wounded bull 
 standing about 200 yards before me. 
 
 I approached from behind until within 100 paces, 
 without being observed by the tetel, who was 
 evidently very bad. Moving slightly to my right, 
 I was quickly seen, and the animal turned its flank 
 preparatory to making off. A shot from the " Dutch- 
 man" exactly through the shoulder killed it on the 
 spot. 
 
 I now found that my first bullet had struck 
 the spine exactly above the root of the tail. This 
 large animal was a good supply for the people, 
 who quickly divided it and continued the march, 
 until, having crossed another stream, we left the 
 open prairie and entered a low forest. Halted for 
 the night. The march during this day had been 
 nineteen miles. 
 
 On 20th March we marched, from 6 A.M. 
 till 9.45, through undulating forest, and halted 
 upon high ground, which commanded a fine view 
 of the mountain that borders the west shore of 
 the Albert N'yanza, opposite Magungo, about fifty- 
 five miles S.S.W. From our elevated point we looked 
 down over a fine extent of country, and the Fatiko 
 natives pointed out the course of the White Nile
 
 CHAP, iv..] SIGHT OF THE MAGUNGO MOUNTAIN. 135 
 
 from the great lake, along which was a line of 
 smoke, caused, according to their accounts, by the 
 fishermen who were at this season burning the high 
 reeds on the river's bank. 
 
 The natives were thoroughly conversant with the 
 country, as they had on several occasions accom- 
 panied the slave-hunters in razzias along the river 
 to Foquatch and Magungo. Just as we halted, a 
 party of Umiro hunters came across our path, but 
 immediately took to flight, as they supposed we 
 were enemies. The day's march had been thirteen 
 miles, and we were requested by our guide, Shooli, 
 to halt for the night, as there was no water for a 
 considerable distance to the south. 
 
 I immediately employed the soldiers in the con- 
 struction of a cattle kraal, lest the prowling Umiro 
 should endeavour to scare the animals during the 
 night. 
 
 On 21st March we started at 6 A.M., and marched 
 thirteen miles through forest. We at length reached 
 water, but it was so thick with mud that the 
 horses refused to drink it. 
 
 On 22nd March we were compelled to march 
 twenty-three miles, as the water was quite un- 
 drinkable, the few muddy pools having been stirred 
 into paste by the buffaloes and elephants.
 
 136 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 We now reached the grand Victoria Nile, flowing 
 beneath cliffs of seventy or eighty feet in depth, 
 through magnificent forest. It was refreshing for 
 all parties to obtain pure water after the miserable 
 fluid we had been lately compelled to drink. 
 
 In the evening a sheik and several people, who 
 had known me formerly, crossed the river from the 
 Unyoro side, and desired an interview. They re- 
 ported that the Khartoum traders had almost de- 
 stroyed the country, and they begged me simply 
 to judge with my own eyes. 
 
 I must now extract from my journal the entry 
 of the date, as, although briefly written, it will con- 
 vey the impression of the moment : 
 
 II March 23, 1872. We marched three miles east, 
 along the banks of the beautiful Victoria Nile, 
 through fine open forest, until we halted on a high 
 cliff exactly opposite the last station of Abou Saood, 
 commanded by a vakeel named Suleiman. 
 
 "It is impossible to describe the change that has 
 taken place since I last visited this country. It was 
 then a perfect garden, thickly populated, and pro- 
 ducing all that man could desire. The villages were 
 numerous ; groves of plantains fringed the steep 
 cliffs on the river's bank ; and the natives were 
 neatly dressed in the bark-cloth of the country.
 
 CHAP. iv. j DEPLORABLE CHANGE. 137 
 
 " The scene has changed ! 
 
 " All is wilderness ! The population has fled. Not 
 a village is to be seen ! 
 
 : 'This is the certain result of the settlement of 
 Khartoum traders. They kidnap the women and 
 children for slaves, and plunder and destroy where- 
 ever they set their foot. 
 
 " Suleiman and Eddrees, two vakeels, who were well 
 known to me as forming a portion of Ibrahim's 
 party on my former journey, now came across the 
 river to visit me. 
 
 " The cunning Abou Saood has never told them 
 of the expiration of the government contract with 
 Agad & Co., neither had they any warning of my 
 expected arrival. 
 
 " I explained the exact state of affairs. 
 
 " The principal sheik of the district, with many 
 people, came to see me. The chief, Quonga, was one 
 of my old acquaintances, and was formerly the 
 favourite adviser of Kamrasi. . 
 
 "Kamrasi died about two years ago. His sons 
 fought for the succession, and each aspirant sought 
 the aid of the traders. This civil strife exactly 
 suited the interests of the treacherous Khartoumers. 
 The several companies of slave-hunters scattered 
 over the Madi, Shooli, and Unyoro countries
 
 138 ISMAILi'A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 represented only one interest, that of their em- 
 ployers, Agad & Co. 
 
 "Each company, commanded by its independent 
 vakeel, arrived in Unyoro, and supported the cause 
 of each antagonistic pretender to the throne, and 
 treacherously worked for the ruin of all, excepting 
 him who would be able to supply the largest 
 amount of ivory and slaves. 
 
 " The favourite sons of Kamrasi were Kabba Rega 
 and Kabka Miro, while the old enemy of the family, 
 Rionga, the cousin of Kamrasi, again appeared upon 
 the scene. 
 
 " The companies of Abou Saood supported all three, 
 receiving ivory and slaves from each as the hire of 
 mercenary troops ; and at length they played out 
 their game by shooting Kabka Miro, and securing 
 the throne to Kabba Rega. 
 
 "They arranged with Rionga that he should be 
 ostensibly banished to a convenient distance, to be 
 ready as a trump card, should occasion require, 
 against the new king, Kabba Rega. 
 
 " I explained the new reform to Quonga, and I 
 gave him the following presents for Kabba Rega, 
 who resides about six days' march south-west of 
 this spot : 
 
 "One piece entire of Turkey red cloth, one piece
 
 CHAP, iv.] PRESENTS FOE KAEBA REG A. 139 
 
 grey calico, twelve pounds of beads of the finest 
 varieties, three zinc mirrors, two razors, one long 
 butcher's knife, two pair scissors, one brass bugle, 
 one German horn, two pieces of red and yellow 
 handkerchiefs, one piece of yellow ditto, one pea- 
 cock Indian scarf, one blue blanket, six German 
 silver spoons, sixteen pairs of various ear-rings, 
 twelve finger rings, two dozen mule harness bells, 
 six elastic heavy brass spring wires, one pound 
 long white horsehair, three combs, one papier-mache 
 tray, one boxwood fife, one kaleidoscope. 
 
 "I proclaimed upon all sides that the reign of terror 
 was ended. As I formerly, when alone, had defended 
 Kamrasi, and driven out the invaders under Wat-el- 
 Mek, by hoisting the English ensign, so now I would 
 take the country under my protection with a power- 
 ful force. 
 
 " I gave Quonga and all his sheiks presents of 
 beads, and shocked them powerfully with the mag- 
 netic battery, leaving a strong impression. 
 
 "March 21. I wrote officially to Suleiman, the 
 vakeel of Agad & Co., to give him warning ' that 
 sixteen days hence the contract would expire, 
 and that he and all his people must be ready 
 to evacuate the country and return to Khartoum 
 on that day. That any person who should remain
 
 140 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 after this notice would be imprisoned. That, 
 should he or any of his people wish to enlist in 
 the service of the government as irregular troops, 
 their names must be handed in before the expira- 
 tion of two days.' 
 
 "Suleiman declared his willingness to enlist to- 
 gether with Eddrees and several others. 
 
 " He told me that nothing could be procured in 
 the country. Thank God I left a good reputation 
 here seven years ago ; thus I shall be able to pur- 
 chase food. 
 
 " This morning my old acquaintance, Keedja, for- 
 merly chief of Atada, came to see me with many 
 of his people, and with perfect confidence they 
 commenced a market, bringing provisions in ex- 
 change for beads. They promised to arrive to- 
 morrow, and to establish a daily market at our 
 camp. 
 
 " Keedja explains that he and his people have been 
 obliged to fly from the depredations of the companies 
 of Abou Saood, thus they have settled in the forest 
 on the north side of the river, and have cultivated 
 farms. They have very few clothes, as their bark- 
 cloth trees are on the south side of the river in their 
 old plantations. 
 
 " All the people declare they will now return to their
 
 CHAP, iv.] PECULIAR ELEPHANT SPEARS. 141 
 
 old habitations and re-cultivate the land as in former 
 days. 
 
 " I found that the natives who ran from us on the 
 march, and dropped their elephant spears, were 
 Keedja's people, thus I returned to them the three 
 spears and an axe, to their great astonishment. 1 
 
 "The elephant-spears were of a kind used from trees. 
 The blade is about twenty inches long, the handle 
 about twenty-four inches. The end of the handle 
 is heavily weighted with a lump of several pounds, 
 composed of clay, cow-dung, and chopped straw, and 
 the weapon, beautifully sharpened, is dropped upon 
 the elephant's back by a hunter from the branches of 
 a tree. The constant movement of the heavy handle 
 as it strikes the boughs when the elephant rushes 
 through the forest, cuts the animal so terribly that 
 it bleeds to death. The hunters follow on the blood 
 track until they find the dying animal. 
 
 "March 25. Suleiman, the vakeel, summoned his 
 men to volunteer for the government service as 
 irregular troops. 
 
 "I issued a written proclamation, that should volun- 
 teers enlist, the term of service would be annual, 
 subject to three months' notice, should any officer or 
 
 1 A party of native hunters had been scared during our march 
 by our sudden appearance.
 
 142 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 private wish to retire at the expiration of twelve 
 months. 
 
 " The rank of the vakeel would be equivalent to 
 that of major in the regular army. 
 
 " The pay would be equal to that of regular troops. 
 
 " If I can form a regiment of 600 irregulars I shall 
 be independent of troops from Khartoum. 
 
 " March 26 Quonga and many other sheiks ar- 
 rived, and were quite delighted with the wheel of life. 
 
 " The natives are selling sweet potatoes and tobacco 
 for beads, but flour is brought in very small quantities. 
 
 "March 27. Provisions are coming in so slowly 
 that we shall be short of food. Upon the arrival of 
 Quonga and his sheiks, I made a hot complaint ; he 
 coolly told me that it would be better if the soldiers 
 were to forage for themselves. 
 
 " I explained to him the rigid discipline that I 
 enforced, and that, should I once permit thieving, 
 the troops' character would be entirely ruined, and 
 they would pillage throughout the route. 
 
 " He replied that this neighbourhood was in a state 
 of anarchy; that many of the inhabitants were 
 hostile to Kabba Kega, and they would not obey 
 his orders. 
 
 " I told him that my troops were lambs if well 
 fed, but they were like lions if hungry, and to
 
 CHAP, iv.] THEATRICAL DISPLAY. 143 
 
 prove their number I would summon them before 
 him. 
 
 " The bugle sounded the ' taboor,' and upwards 
 of 100 men immediately fell in with bayonets fixed, 
 to the no small dismay of Quonga and his sheiks, 
 who began to look very uneasy at the scarlet 
 uniforms. By a coup de theatre, I marched the 
 men, with bugles and drums playing, round the 
 numerous huts, so that they reappeared twice before 
 the tent, and thus doubled their real number. 
 
 "At the halt and dismissal, they shouted their 
 usual wild cry in Turkish, in honour of their com- 
 mander. 
 
 " ' Do you understand what they say ? ' I asked 
 Quonga. To his negative reply, I answered, 'They 
 say they will eat from the country if provisions are 
 not supplied to-morrow ! ; 
 
 "Quonga and his sheiks started off immediately 
 to give the necessary orders. 
 
 " Upon his return I told him ' to advise Kabba 
 Rega to behave in a different manner to the conduct 
 of his father, the late Kamrasi. I had returned 
 to this country to bestow prosperity upon the 
 land; that if Kabba Rega meant fair dealing and 
 legitimate trade, he must act honourably and sin- 
 cerely ; if I should find any signs of unfairness, I
 
 144 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 should pass on direct to Uganda, the country of 
 M'te'se', and he would receive the goods I had 
 intended for Unyoro.' 
 
 " Negroes are great deceivers, especially the natives 
 of Unyoro. I have beads, cattle, merchandize, and 
 ivory, articles necessary to purchase flour and 
 potatoes : nevertheless, our wants are not supplied. 
 The cattle are dying, as the change of herbage 
 does not agree with them ; this is a sad loss. 
 
 "March 28. : The great sheik, Lokara, who is 
 the commander-in- chief of Kabba Rdga's forces, 
 arrived. This man has left a large army on the 
 banks of the Nile, a few hours' march up stream, 
 ready to attack Rionga, who is settled, with his 
 people, on an island in the river. Of course he is 
 come to request military aid. This is the old story. 
 Upon my last visit I was bored almost to death 
 by Kamrasi, with requests that I would assist him 
 to attack Rionga. I have only been here for a 
 few days when I am troubled with the old tune. 
 
 "March 29. Provisions are very scarce; the 
 people have been fighting for so many years that 
 cultivation has been much neglected, and the natives 
 live principally upon plantains. 
 
 " I gave Suleiman, the vakeel, five cows yesterday. 
 He declares that Abou Saood told him that my term of
 
 CHAP, iv.] ENLIST IRREGULARS. 145 
 
 service with the Egyptian government had expired, 
 therefore the entire country was now in his hands. 
 This liar, Abou Saood, will some day reap the fruits 
 of his treachery. 
 
 " I ordered the government flag to be hoisted in 
 Suleiman's camp, and the vakeel, Suleiman, called 
 upon all those who were willing to enlist in the 
 service of the Khedive to assemble beneath the 
 ensign. Sixty-one men registered their names. 
 
 " The only difficulty is the rate of wages. I offer 
 the privates sixty piastres per month, i.e., thirty 
 piastres (or twopence-halfpenny per day) as equal pay 
 to that of the regulars, and thirty piastres in lieu of 
 clothes. Formerly these brigands nominally received 
 fifty and fifty-five piastres, in addition to one third 
 of all cattle that might be captured in razzias. 
 
 " Should I be able to establish a small irregular 
 corps as a commencement, the expense would be 
 considerable in proportion to the actual proceeds in 
 ivory. The position is difficult. 
 
 " A radical change throughout the country is abso- 
 lutely necessary. The companies have hitherto 
 purchased ivory with slaves and cattle ; thus all 
 countries in which this custom has been established, 
 must be abandoned until the natives will sell ivory 
 in exchange for goods. 
 
 VOL. II. L
 
 146 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. TV. 
 
 " The expenses will continue, or perhaps augment, 
 while the ivory produce must decrease for the first 
 twelve months, or until the people will understand 
 and accept the reform. 
 
 "Without an irregular force it will be impossible 
 to hold the country, and at the same time carry on 
 the work of government. The force that I originally 
 proposed, of 1,650, is absolutely required to occupy a 
 chain of stations from. Gondokoro. 
 
 " March 30. The cows are dying in great numbers, 
 and the natives are bringing large quantities of pota- 
 toes in exchange for the flesh, but there is no corn in 
 the country. 
 
 " The days and nights are now cloudy and showery. 
 
 " Lokara and Quonga came this morning, but no 
 messenger has yet arrived from Kabba Rega. 
 
 " I gave Lokara a blue shirt, a long red sash, and a 
 crimson fez, to his great delight. The chiefs were 
 much struck with the present intended for Kabba 
 Rega ; this consisted of three rows of Roman pearls 
 as large as marbles, with a gilt shield, and onyx- 
 pendant tied up with green satin ribbon. 
 
 " March 31. I sent all the cattle across the river in 
 charge of Quonga ; two were carried off by crocodiles 
 while in the act of swimming. 
 
 " The great sheiks paid me a visit, together with
 
 BOTTLE-GOURD OF UNYORO. 
 
 (FROM THE ORIGINAL.) 
 
 Vol. ii. p. 147.
 
 CHAP, iv.] GEOGRAPHICAL DISCUSSIONS. 147 
 
 many of inferior rank. Lokara, Quonga, Matonse, 
 and Pittia, were among the principal chiefs of the 
 country. As they were sitting before me, Lokara 
 lighted a huge pipe and immediately commenced 
 smoking. This is a great breach of etiquette, as 
 smoking is strictly forbidden in the presence of 
 Kabba Rega. 
 
 " My old Cairo dragoman, Mohammed, who was now 
 thoroughly installed as one of the expedition, was well 
 up in the customs of the country, and he quietly 
 resented the insult of the pipe. 
 
 " He gently approached with a bottle of water, which 
 he poured politely into the bowl, as though he was 
 conferring a favour ; at the same time, he explained 
 that in my presence every one smoked water instead of 
 tobacco. The hint was immediately taken, and the 
 huge pipe, thus summarily extinguished, was handed 
 to a slave in attendance. 
 
 "We now entered upon geographical discussions. All 
 the chiefs declared that the M'wootan N'zige extends 
 beyond Karagwe, and that it exceeds the Victoria 
 N'yanza in size. The native name, in Unyoro, for the 
 Victoria N'yanza is simply N'yanza, and for the 
 White Nile, Masaba. 
 
 " There is a country called Barega on the Albert 
 N'yanza, south-west of Uganda, governed by a power- 
 
 L 2
 
 148 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 ful king whose people are armed with bows, and arrows 
 that are feathered. I have never yet seen feathered 
 arrows among the White Nile tribes. 
 
 " The great mountain Bartooma is again mentioned, 
 as on my former journey. I imagine it must be 
 identical with the M'fumbiro mentioned by Speke. 
 
 " I shall send an expedition from Magungo to Ibra- 
 hime'yah by river to prove the capabilities of the route. 
 I shall form a station at Magungo to trade with 
 Malegga on the opposite shore. I shall then thoroughly 
 explore the Albert N'yanza in boats, and afterwards 
 proceed to King M'te'se' of Uganda .... 
 
 " It rained last evening and during the night. Seven 
 cows died. I have erected a comfortable stable for 
 the horses. 
 
 " April 1. Ths people belonging to Suleiman hesi- 
 tate to accept the government pay, although a day 
 or two ago they enlisted. I fear that these people can 
 never be trusted. I shall give them a little time to 
 consider, after which, if they refuse to serve, I shall 
 turn them out of the country. Every camp or zareeba 
 is of course full of slaves. 
 
 " There is a curious custom throughout Unyoro : a 
 peculiar caste are cattle-keepers. These people only 
 attend to the herds, and the profession is inherited 
 from past generations. They are called Bohooma,
 
 CHAP, iv.] THE BOHOOMA. 149 
 
 and they are the direct descendants of the Gallas who 
 originally conquered the country, and, like the reign- 
 ing family, they are of an extremely light colour. 
 If the herds are carried off in battle, the Bohoama, 
 who never carry arms, accompany them to their 
 new masters, and continue their employment. Nothing 
 but death will separate them from their cattle. 
 
 " April 2. The natives built a zareeba yesterday 
 for the cattle ; but they are dying as rapidly as upon 
 the north side of the river. 
 
 " I tried to do a little geography with the sheik, 
 Pittia. He was the man who, some years ago, first 
 gave me the information respecting the distance of 
 the Albert N'yanza from M'rooli. He would say 
 nothing without orders from the king, beyond telling 
 me that you might travel for months upon the lake. 
 " It is very annoying in this country that no in- 
 formation can be obtained, neither can any work be 
 commenced, without the direct order of the king. 
 My patience is sorely tried. No reply has as yet 
 been delivered to my message sent to Kabba Ke'ga, 
 although ten days have elapsed. 
 
 ''My desire is to benefit the country by opening 
 the road for legitimate commerce ; but the difficulties 
 are great, as the king will endeavour to monopolize 
 the market, and thus prevent free trade.
 
 150 ISM. A ILIA . [CHAP, i v. 
 
 " April 3. I sent for all the great sheiks to com- 
 plain of Kabba Riga's conduct. This young fellow 
 was evidently aping the manners of his father, 
 Kamrasi, and attempting to show his own importance 
 by keeping me waiting. The sheiks explained, that 
 before my arrival, Suleiman had agreed to furnish 
 soldiers to assist the forces of Kabba Re'ga in a united 
 attack upon Rionga ; and the army was now only a 
 short distance from this spot, expecting the promised 
 aid. My arrival had upset all their plans, as I had 
 forbidden all action until I should have had a personal 
 interview with Kabba Re'ga. 
 
 " The military operations were in abeyance until a 
 reply should be received from the king. The return 
 messengers were expected this evening. 
 
 " The sheiks declare that the ruling class in this 
 country are all exceedingly light in complexion, 
 ' because they do no work, but sit in the shade and 
 drink abundance of milk.' 
 
 " The natives of Unyoro are very inferior in phy- 
 sique to the Fatiko. This is the result of vegetable 
 food without either cereals or flesh. None of the 
 general public possess cattle ; thus the food of the 
 people from infancy, after their mothers' milk has 
 ceased, is restricted to plantains and the watery sweet 
 potatoes. The want of milk is very detrimental to
 
 CHAP, iv.] ARRIVAL OF PRINCIPAL CHIEFS 151 
 
 the children. The men generally exhibit a want of 
 muscle, and many are troubled with cutaneous 
 diseases. 
 
 " April 4. TJ}e messengers are reported to have 
 arrived from Kabba Rega. Last evening, at 8 P.M., 
 we had a very heavy storm of rain with thunder. 
 Fifteen cows died to-day, and I fear we shall lose the 
 greater portion of the herd. All cattle that may be 
 brought from the countries of Bari, Madi, and Langgo, 
 are said to die on arrival in Unyoro. 
 
 " April 5. The great sheiks, Kahonka and Kitta- 
 ksirii, arrived together with Lokara and Quonga, and 
 the smaller fry, Pittia and Mallegge. The latter was 
 my guide to the Albert N'yanza many years ago. 
 
 " The ' Forty Thieves ' and the band received them 
 on arrival. The band was, of course, encored, all 
 being delighted with the big drum and the cymbals. 
 The latter were examined as great curiosities. 
 
 " Rahonka is Kamrasi's maternal uncle, and is 
 great-uncle to Kabba Rega ; and he can give more 
 information than any man concerning the neighbouring 
 countries. 
 
 " In reply to my inquiries about Livingstone, he 
 says that two persons are living in a large house in 
 Karagwe, which they have constructed in a different 
 form to those of the natives. These people have no
 
 152 ISM A ILIA . [CHAP. iv. 
 
 military escort, but they possess a large quantity of 
 goods. This does not sound like Livingstone, unless 
 he may have joined some Arab merchant. 
 
 " There are natives of Karagwe now visiting Kabba 
 Rdga at Masindi ; thus I shall have a good oppor- 
 tunity of making inquiries. There are likewise en- 
 voys from M'te'se in this country ; therefore I shall be 
 able to send him a valuable present, and beg him to 
 search for Livingstone in all directions. 
 
 " April 6. Kabba Rega's messengers presented 
 themselves with an offering of two cows, a parcel of 
 salt, and some plantains. 
 
 " One of these cows is a splendid animal from 
 Umiro. She is the size of a fair Durham bright red 
 colour with immensely long and massive horns. 
 
 " Had I not had former experience in this country, 
 and provided myself with a herd of cattle, we should 
 have been half-starved, as there is nothing to be 
 procured but beans, sweet potatoes, and plantains. 
 
 " April 7. We all crossed the river in canoes. A 
 
 t 
 
 heavy shower fell this morning. My improvident 
 men have torn all their waterproof cloaks and 
 blankets just as we have arrived in a country where 
 they will be most required. 
 
 " April 8. It now rains daily, more or less. The 
 order was given by Kabba Rega that we were to be
 
 CHAP, iv.] ISSUE CERTIFICATES. 153 
 
 supplied with carriers for the journey to Masindi, 
 which is to be under the charge of Kahonka. Sulei- 
 man and Eddrees have arranged with their men, 
 all of whom now present in the camp have agreed 
 to accept the government rate of pay, and to enlist 
 for twelve months. I accordingly issued serkis, or 
 certificates, for each man, with his name, date of 
 engagement, and rate of wages. 
 
 " This is very satisfactory, as I shall now have a 
 station in my rear on the river, with the command of 
 boats, while I march up the country to Masindi. 
 The irregulars in this station, which is in the district 
 of Foweera, number sixty-five men. If they remain 
 faithful, they will form a nucleus for the irregulars 
 who will most probably follow their example. I 
 understand that a small party of seventeen men are 
 now staying with Kabba Rega. These people will 
 join their comrades under Suleiman, and raise the 
 strength of the Foweera station to eighty-two men. 
 I shall thus be able to keep up a communication with 
 my detachment at Fatiko. 
 
 "April 9. At the expiration of Agad's contract 
 there were 188 elephants' tusks in the zareeba of 
 Suleiman. These will remain in his care. 
 
 " The natives collected were insufficient to convey 
 all the loads. I therefore sent off a division, escorted
 
 154 ISM Al LI A. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 by Morgian Agha with ten men, to await my arrival 
 at the village of Deang. The sheik, Kahonka, killed 
 a man who attempted to evade the order to carry 
 
 "April 10. Eain fell throughout the night, which 
 makes everybody miserable. During the middle 
 watch, having been awakened by the heavy shower, 
 I heard the sentry outside my tent muttering a kind 
 of low chant : ' This is the country for rain and 
 potatoes ; this is the place for potatoes and rain. 
 Potatoes and rain, potatoes and rain ; rain and 
 potatoes, rain and potatoes.' 
 
 "Neither the rain nor the potatoes were esteemed 
 by the troops. The roots were almost as watery as 
 the rain, and their sweetness was excessive. A very 
 uncomfortable result from this vapid food was extreme 
 flatulence. The waist-belts of the boys were obliged 
 to be let out by several holes at the buckles. As 
 my men justly declared, ' They were uncomfortably 
 full after a meal ; but half-an-hour's march made them 
 feel as though they had fasted for a day.' 
 
 " During the afternoon I was sitting beneath a 
 shady tree, with my wife and Lieutenant Baker, when 
 a naked native rushed wildly past the sentries, and, 
 before he could be restrained, he threw himself on 
 the ground and embraced my feet, at the same time
 
 CHAP, iv.] NATIVE SEEKS A REFUGE. 155 
 
 begging for mercy by the Arabic ejaculation, ' Aman ! 
 aman ! ' 
 
 " He was immediately seized. On examination 
 through an interpreter, it appeared that he was a 
 native of Koitch, near Fatiko, and that he had 
 attached himself to Suleiman's party at some former 
 time, but now he had just escaped from the Foweera 
 station, as Suleiman wished to kill him. 
 
 " In a few minutes Suleiman himself appeared : he 
 was pale with rage. 
 
 " Suleiman was a thorough brigand in appearance. 
 His father was a Kurd : thus his complexion would 
 have been white had he not been for many 
 years exposed to the African climate. He was 
 a powerful dare-devil-looking fellow, but even 
 among his own people he was reputed cruel and 
 vindictive. 
 
 " He was so overpowered with passion that he 
 approached and kissed my hand, at the same time 
 imploring me ' as a favour, to allow him to cut off 
 the native's head with his sabre.' 
 
 " Upon a trial of the case, I found that the native 
 was a thief, and that upon a former occasion he had 
 stolen a gun and two pistols from the camp, which, 
 after some trouble, had been recovered. He was 
 now accused of aiding and abetting at the escape
 
 156 ISM A ILIA . [CHAP. iv. 
 
 of five female slaves from the zareeba during the 
 past night, therefore he was to be beheaded without 
 delay. 
 
 "As this was not my form of punishment, espe- 
 cially for the crime of releasing slaves that had 
 been captured by force, I ordered the native to be 
 secured in the zareeba until further orders, but upon 
 no account should he be injured. 
 
 " Although I had heard from my old Cairo drago- 
 man, Mohammed, that the prisoner was a bad charac- 
 ter, I did not wish to punish him severely, as the 
 effect would be bad among the natives of the 
 country. He had run to me ' for protection, there- 
 fore, should he suffer, a precedent would be estab- 
 lished that would deter others from appealing to 
 me for mercy. 
 
 " The man was led away under a guard and was 
 secured in the zareeba. Suleiman acknowledged that 
 he was in an excusable rage, but that I had been 
 just in my decision, and he would keep the prisoner 
 in safe custody until further orders. Suleiman was 
 to accompany me on the journey to Masindi on the 
 following morning, as Rahonka had collected the 
 native carriers. 
 
 " That evening, after a heavy shower, we witnessed 
 one of those remarkable appearances of the winged
 
 CHAP, iv.] EXODUS OF WHITE ANTS. 157 
 
 white ants that issued from a mound within a few 
 yards of our tent. Millions of these large fat insects 
 struggled into their ephemeral flight, and were 
 quickly caught by our people with lighted wisps 
 of straw. The ant disengages its wings a few 
 minutes after its appearance from the parent 
 mound. 
 
 " The exodus from the ant-hill takes place annually 
 at the commencement of the rainy season, and the 
 collection of the insects is considered to be an 
 important harvest throughout all Central Africa. 
 The white ant, in this stage of its existence, is 
 esteemed as a great delicacy when fried in a little 
 butter. 
 
 "We tasted a considerable number, and found 
 them tolerably good, but with a slight flavour of 
 burnt feathers. 
 
 " On April 1 1 we were ready to start, but at the 
 last moment the vakeel, Suleiman, who was to accom- 
 pany us, excused himself until the next day, as he 
 had some important business to transact with his 
 people. I accordingly gave him permission to remain, 
 but I ordered him to follow me quickly, as it would 
 be necessary to present him to Kabba Rdga in his 
 new position as vakeel of the government." .... 
 
 It will now be necessary to explain the true posi-
 
 158 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 tion of affairs, which at that time I did not 
 suspect. 
 
 Upon my first arrival at the river, when I had 
 explained my views to Suleiman, he had immediately 
 despatched a letter to Abou Saood at Fatiko. His 
 party had travelled fast, and they returned with a 
 reply. 
 
 I could never discover the actual contents of the 
 letter, but I heard that it cautioned Suleiman not to 
 part with the slaves, and to join Abou Saood with 
 his ivory and all his people at the station of Fabbo, 
 a day's march west of Fatiko. 
 
 Suleiman was in an awkward position. He had 
 always held a high place in the eyes of Kabba 
 Rega and his chiefs, and his alliance had been courted 
 and obtained for a combined attack upon the old 
 enemy, Rionga. The army of Kabba Rega had been 
 waiting at the rendezvous in expectation of Sulei- 
 man's assistance. A fleet of large canoes had been 
 concentrated at a given point for the invasion of the 
 island ; and Kabba Re*ga and his sheiks considered 
 that at length their old enemy was in the snare. 
 
 My unexpected arrival had ruined the project, as 
 I strictly forbade Suleiman to attack Rionga. 
 
 This disappointed Kabba Rega and his people, 
 who could not understand how I could be the friend
 
 CHAP, iv.] SULEIMANS INTRIGUES AND VENGEANCE/ 159 
 
 of his late father Kamrasi, and at the same time 
 protect his enemy Bionga. 
 
 The attack on the island was a dangerous adven- 
 ture, as it was surrounded by dense masses of papyrus 
 rush that would prevent canoes from landing, except 
 at certain places where narrow passages had been 
 cleared. A few men concealed among the papyrus 
 could massacre an attacking party at discretion, as 
 they struggled through the narrow entrance in canoes. 
 It had been proposed that Suleiman's people were to 
 attack in boats and clear out the enemy by a sharp 
 fire into the papyrus to cover the general advance. 
 
 Suleiman was in a dilemma, as he had already 
 promised alliance, and had received a quantity of 
 ivory in payment for his services. He had accord- 
 ingly made the following secret arrangement with 
 Eahonka and Lokara : "Let the Pacha and his soldiers 
 start for Masindi, and he will suppose that Suleiman 
 will follow on the morrow. Instead of which, he will 
 at once join Kabba Bega's forces, and attack Bionga, 
 when the Pacha shall be several days' journey distant 
 from the river." 
 
 On his return to Foweera from a successful invasion 
 of Eionga's island, the commanders of the forces, 
 Lokara and Eahonka, were at once to furnish carriers 
 to transport Suleiman with all his people and ivory to
 
 160 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 the Fabbo station, according to the instructions 
 received from Abou Saood. 
 
 I should thus be deceived, and be left at 
 Masindi, 160 miles distant from my detachment at 
 Fatiko, without the power of communication. 
 
 About a month previous, Abou Saood had himself 
 visited Kabba Rega at Masindi, and had laid a snare 
 that will be explained hereafter. 
 
 At 8.30 A.M. we were in the saddle, and started 
 from Foweera, Suleiman came to kiss my hand at 
 my departure. We rode at once into the low forest, 
 and as the last man of our large party disappeared 
 from view, Suleiman returned to his zareeba. He then 
 prepared for vengeance, which through my presence 
 had been long delayed. 
 
 He and his ferocious people dragged the prisoner 
 (whose life I had protected) from the camp, until they 
 arrived at a thick grove of plantains about 200 
 paces from the station. Rahonka, Lokara, Quonga, 
 Matonse', and other principal chiefs, were summoned 
 to witness the impotence of the Pacha's power to save ; 
 and to see with their own eyes the defiance that 
 Suleiman would exhibit to the orders of a Christian. 
 
 " Now let the natives clasp the knees of the Pacha 
 and expect security from Suleiman ! " 
 
 The ruffian drew his sabre, and with his own hand
 
 CHAP, iv.] BEAUTIFUL ORCHIDS. 161 
 
 in the presence of a crowd of witnesses, he hacked 
 off the head of the unfortunate prisoner, and thus 
 publicly ridiculed my authority. 
 
 In the meantime, while this murder was being 
 committed, we were travelling onward without a 
 suspicion of treachery. 
 
 Accompanied by Lady - Baker, I rode at the head 
 of the party with my usual advanced guard of five 
 picked men of " The Forty." Lieutenant Baker 
 walked on foot, as he wished to save his horse's 
 back that was slightly galled. 
 
 We rode far in advance, as there was no danger to 
 be apprehended in this country, and my five guards 
 with knapsacks, small axes, and general accoutrements, 
 kept the pace of four miles an hour for about twenty - 
 one miles to Kisoona. The march had been through 
 forest and grass about four feet in height, which was 
 now growing vigorously after the recent showers. The 
 large trees were covered with orchids, among which 
 I noticed a peculiar species which hung from the 
 boughs like an apron. This was exceedingly pretty, 
 as the leaf was about eighteen inches in breadth, the 
 edges were scalloped and of a copper-brown colour, 
 while the upper portion was dark green. 
 
 The whole country had been desolated by civil 
 war, in which the companies of Abou Saood had 
 
 VOL. II. M
 
 162 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 taken a prominent part, and had carried off a great 
 number of the women. 
 
 Kisoona was a poor straggling place in the 
 centre of the forest ; but although the beehive-shaped 
 nuts were far apart, there was the usual amount of 
 filth and ashes that disgrace the villages of Unyoro. A 
 very large plantation of bananas afforded food for the 
 inhabitants, all of whom seemed to have disappeared. 
 
 Throughout Unyoro the soil is exceedingly rich ; 
 thus the tobacco gardens exhibited an extreme luxu- 
 riance, and the size of the leaves formed a great 
 contrast to the plants in the hot soil of the Bari 
 country. 
 
 I placed a sentry over the tobacco, and cautioned 
 the troops against stealing or in any way damaging 
 the crops. 
 
 A native of Umiro travelled as our interpreter. 
 This man was a confidential slave belonging to Kabba 
 
 o o 
 
 Re'ga, and formed one of his regiment. Umbogo (or 
 the " Buffalo ") was a highly intelligent fellow, and 
 spoke good Arabic, as he had been constantly asso- 
 ciated with the Arab slave-traders. I had supplied 
 him with clothes, and he looked quite respectable in 
 a blue shirt belted round the waist, with a cartouche- 
 pouch of leopard's skin, that had been given him- by 
 the people of the zareeba. Umbogo carried a musket,
 
 
 CHAP, iv.] THE OLD SPONGING HATH. 163 
 
 and was altogether a very important personage, 
 although a slave. 
 
 The long march of twenty-one miles, through 
 forest, along a rough and narrow path, had delayed 
 the carriers and the cattle. Although my men had 
 stepped along so briskly, the rear-guard did not arrive 
 until the evening. A tremendous downpour of rain 
 deluged the ground. This was a godsend to us, who 
 were well housed and tented, as we caught a good 
 supply of water with the mackintosh camp-sheets 
 that was very superior to that of a small pool, which 
 usually sufficed for the village people. 
 
 I always travelled with a large sponging bath, 
 which was one of the household gods of the expedi- 
 tion. This was now full of pure rain-water. The 
 value of this old friend was incalculable. In former 
 years I had crossed the Atbara river in this same 
 bath, lashed upon an angareb (stretcher), supported 
 by inflated skins. Without extra assistance it would 
 support my weight, and it was always used when 
 crossing a small stream, assisted by two men wading, 
 one of whom held it on either side to prevent it 
 from overturning. Thus we could travel without 
 the necessity of plunging into deep mud and water. 
 
 Such a utensil was invaluable for watering the 
 horses ; also for washing clothes, or for receiving a 
 
 M 2
 
 164 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. -iv. 
 
 supply of rain-water, during a shower, from the camp- 
 sheets suspended above the bath. 
 
 The neighbourhood of Kisoona was very populous, 
 but the villages were all concealed in the forest, 
 amidst vast groves of bananas. 
 
 There was a large tract of potato cultivation ; a 
 supply of these welcome roots was with difficulty 
 obtained from the natives. 
 
 It appeared to be a repetition of my former ex- 
 perience in this country, which unpleasantly reminded 
 me of the scarcity of food during my first exploration 
 of Unyoro. 
 
 On the following morning (12th April), when the 
 horses were saddled and we were ready to start, not a 
 single native was forthcoming. Every man of about 
 200 carriers had absconded ! 
 
 "Although Eahonka had assured me, previous to 
 starting from the river, that food would be ready for 
 the troops at every halting-place, nothing has been 
 prepared. We are thus left as much neglected as 
 during my former voyage m this detestable country. 
 There is not one sheik with us, although three prin- 
 cipal chiefs were told off to accompany us to 
 Masindi. I therefore told our friend Pittia that L 
 should not proceed farther, as I would have nothing 
 to do with so miserable a king as Kabba Kega.
 
 CHAP, iv.] DEPARTURE OF COLONEL ABD-EL-KADER. 165 
 
 " I immediately sent Colonel Abd-el-Kader back to 
 Foweera with thirty men, and a letter to Suleiman, 
 ordering him to collect 300 men at once to return my 
 effects to his zareeba. I tied Pittia, the guide, by a 
 small cord attached to the neck, as I feared he 
 also might escape. What can be done with these 
 treacherous people ? 
 
 " There is a report, now confirmed by the drago- 
 man, Umbogo, that a plan had been arranged between 
 Suleiman and Rahonka that I should be led out of 
 their way, and they would then join their forces and 
 attack Rionga, 
 
 "I do not believe that Suleiman would place his 
 head in such a halter. 
 
 " Very heavy rain at 1 P.M. ' 
 
 "April 13. The soil is wonderfully fertile this 
 is a chocolate-coloured vegetable loam. Among the 
 crops is a species of esculent solanum, with large 
 orange- coloured berries ; both the fruit and leaves are 
 eaten by the natives. 
 
 "I repaired my boots to-day with the milk from 
 the indiarubber-tree. Julian (Lieutenant Baker) had 
 fever. Colonel Abd-el-Kader and party returned at 
 2.40 P.M., having marched rapidly, and accomplished 
 their mission and a journey of forty-two miles in 
 twenty-seven hours and forty minutes.
 
 1GG ISMAIL1A. [cn.vr. iv. 
 
 "This excellent officer brought with him, secured 
 by a small leather thong, by the neck, the great sheiks 
 KittakM, Matonse, and several smaller fry. 
 
 "The royal sheik, Rahonka, escaped by breaking- 
 through the side of his hut. 
 
 " The report was as follows : 
 
 "Colonel Abd-el-Kader and his party of thirty 
 men had arrived at Suleiman's zareeba at about 8 P.M. 
 He found the vakeels, Suleiman and Ecldrees, sur- 
 rounded by many of their men, apparently in 
 consultation. 
 
 " Upon Abd-el-Kader 's appearance, the men moved 
 off, one by one, and quietly packed up their effects, 
 preparatory to a general flight. 
 
 " Abd-el Kader informed Suleiman of the flight of 
 our carriers. He at once proceeded to the native 
 zareeba, about 200 yards from the camp. He there 
 found the principal sheiks in the hut of Rahonka. 
 
 "Abd-el-Kader immediately informed them of the 
 purport of his arrival, and requested the sheiks to 
 accompany him to the zareeba of Suleiman. Rahonka 
 begged to be left alone for a short time to enable 
 him to dress. 
 
 " Abd-el-Kader waited outside the door of the 
 hut, and, becoming tired of so long a delay, he 
 re-entered, and, to his astonishment, he found the
 
 CHAP, iv.] ESCAPE OF SLAVERS WITH SLAVE*. 167 
 
 dwelling empty. Rahonka had escaped by a hole in 
 the straw wall. 
 
 "Suspicion being raised by the incomprehensible 
 flight of Kahonka, the colonel placed the remaining 
 sheiks under a guard, and led them to Suleiman's 
 zareeba. He then applied to Suleiman for a guard of 
 eight men to watch the sheiks during the night, as his 
 own party required rest. 
 
 "Suleiman now informed him that he could not 
 supply the men, as all his people had absconded from 
 fear (of Abd-el-Kader). 
 
 " On the following morning the colonel perceived, 
 from the smoke above our old camp on the opposite 
 side of the river (which in this part is 500 yards 
 broad), that Suleiman's people had escaped during 
 the night, and had crossed the river with all their 
 slaves and effects. 
 
 " This was the first act of my new irregular levy 
 they had positively run away from the colonel like a 
 parcel of hostile natives ! 
 
 " Suleiman and Eddrees declared that they could 1 
 not control their men, who were afraid that I had 
 ordered my officer to release the slaves that were in 
 their possession. 1 
 
 1 There is no doubt that in truth they considered that I had 
 heard of the murder of the prisoner committed to the care of
 
 168 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 " Abd-el-Kader ordered Suleiman to accompany 
 him to my halting-place at Kisoona. Suleiman 
 declined upon the excuse that he had some business, 
 but that he would present himself to-morrow. 
 
 " I can stand these scoundrels' conduct no longer. 
 I have tried lenient measures, and I had hoped that 
 by forming Suleiman's party into an irregular corps 
 I might be able, by degrees, to change their habits, 
 and to reduce them by good discipline into useful 
 troops, but 'Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or 
 the leopard his spots 1 ' 
 
 " I immediately released and examined the captive 
 sheiks, who one and all declared that the fault lay 
 with Suleiman, who had previously arranged the 
 plan with Eahonka : that when I should be led away 
 a distance of two days' journey, he would assemble 
 his men and attack Eionga in conjunction with 
 Rahonka's army. 
 
 ".The report of Uinbogo, the dragoman, is thus 
 corroborated by overwhelming evidence. This man, 
 Umbogo, declares that Abou Saood wrote to Suleiman, 
 instructing him to wait until I should have passed 
 on, and then to bring all his slaves to Fabbo. 
 " I immediately sent Captain Mohammed Deii with 
 
 Suleiman, and that I had sent the colonel and his party to make 
 inquiries.
 
 CHAP, iv.] ORDERS TO LIBERATE SLAVES. 169 
 
 fifty men, including twenty-five of the ' Forty 
 Thieves/ with orders to liberate all slaves that 
 might be discovered within the zareeba. He was 
 to summon all the people of Suleiman, and to 
 disarm those who had run away from the colonel, 
 Abd-el-Kader. 
 
 " In the event of resistance, he was to use the 
 force at his disposal, and at all hazards to prevent 
 the escape of the slavers across the river. 
 
 " Suleiman and Eddrees were to be brought before 
 me. 
 
 " A heavy shower fell just after the troops started. 
 
 " April 14. Julian's horse, Gazelle, died last 
 night ; the poor animal had been ill for some 
 days. 
 
 " Quonga, who is the sheik of this district, came 
 this morning and excused his absence in rather a lame 
 fashion, by saying that he had been collecting food 
 for the troops, together with carriers, who are now 
 ready to transport the baggage to Masindi. He 
 declared that Kabba Eega was impatient, and had 
 sent three of Suleiman's people to deliver the message 
 to me, but these rascals had passed on this morn- 
 ing direct to the zareeba of Suleiman, without com- 
 municating with us on the way. 
 
 " Quonga not only corroborated the testimony of
 
 170 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. jv. 
 
 the sheiks and the dragoman, Uinbogo, against 
 Suleiman, as having conspired to attack Rionga 
 after my departure, but he gave additional evidence, 
 that ' Suleiman had told Rahonka and the great 
 sheiks that I, the Pacha, knew nothing about 
 war, that none of the government troops could 
 shoot, and that I should only travel and subsist 
 upon the country, but that he (Suleiman) would 
 join them and kill Rionga after I should have 
 departed.' 
 
 " This I believe to be true, as a few days ago, 
 when speaking of the troops, I had told Suleiman 
 that the Soudanis were very hardy soldiers for 
 marching and resisting climate, but that generally 
 they were bad shots. Thus, in a treacherous manner, 
 he has informed the natives that the soldiers of the 
 government cannot shoot. In the afternoon, fresh 
 reports reached me that Suleiman had, with his 
 own hands, murdered the native to whom I had 
 given protection. He had committed this horrible 
 act the instant that my back was turned, and he 
 had exhibited the crime before the great sheiks in 
 derision of my authority ! 
 
 "At 4. 30. P.M. Captain Mohammed Deii returned 
 with his party of fifty men, together with the vakeels, 
 Suleiman and Eddrees, with six of their men who
 
 CHAP, iv.] EVIDENCE OF THE MURDER. I7t 
 
 had been met upon their road from Masindi, and 
 eight slaves. 
 
 " As I had expected to hear, the greater number of 
 Suleiman's people had escaped with their slaves to 
 Fabbo, when the colonel, Abd-el-Kader, had suddenly 
 appeared among them, as his arrival had disconcerted 
 all Suleiman's arrangements ; and my detention at 
 Kisoona had completely upset all his plans respecting 
 an alliance with Eahonka's army. That cunning- 
 general had gone off straight to Kabba Rega after his 
 escape through the wall of his hut. 
 
 " I summoned the great sheiks, Kittakara, Quonga, 
 together with Pittia, and several others. These men 
 gave their evidence most clearly as witnesses to 
 the plan arranged by Suleiman for the attack upon 
 Rionga ; and as eye-witnesses to the murder of the 
 prisoner, whom they saw dragged by Suleiman and 
 his men to the grove of bananas, where he was 
 beheaded. 
 
 " I ordered Suleiman and his people to be disarmed, 
 and secured both him and Eddrees in shebas. 
 
 " The sun had set, and, the sky being over-cast, 
 it had become extremely dark. 
 
 " I proceeded at once to the trial of Suleiman and 
 Eddrees, as the witnesses were all present. 
 
 "The bugler sounded the 'taboor' (assembly), and
 
 1 72 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 the officers and troops quickly appeared, and formed 
 in line two deep, facing the table at which we sat. 
 I ordered half-a-dozen large port-fires to be brought ; 
 these were lighted and held by six men who stepped 
 forward from the ranks. The blaze of red light il- 
 lumined the whole neighbourhood, and cast a peculiar 
 glow upon the dark foliage of the bananas, and the 
 forms of the dusky chiefs who sat in a line opposite 
 the troops. 
 
 " Suleiman and Eddrees were led by the guard, and 
 appeared before the tribunal. Suleiman, although 
 pinioned, retained the same haughty swagger that 
 had always distinguished him. The charges against 
 him were as follows : 
 
 " 1. For having conspired to attack Eionga in 
 direct opposition to my positive orders. 
 
 " 2. For treasonably speaking against the govern- 
 ment of the Khedive to the native chiefs. 
 
 " 3. For arranging and abetting the escape of 
 the irregular new levy, who had enlisted in the 
 government service, together with that of the slaves. 1 
 
 " 4. For having murdered, with his own hands, 
 a native whom I had confided to his care. 
 
 "After a careful trial the prisoner was found 
 guilty upon every charge ; and the second vakeel, 
 Eddrees, was proved to have been an accomplice.
 
 CHAP, iv.] PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDERER. 173 
 
 " I immediately sentenced Suleiman to receive 200 
 lashes upon the spot, as a first instalment of future 
 punishment. Blue lights had been substituted for 
 the port-fires that had burned out, and the effect of 
 this change of colour heightened the theatrical appear- 
 ance of the scene, as the haughty brigand, Suleiman, 
 was laid upon the ground by the ready troops to 
 receive his punishment. 
 
 " My ever-present attendant, Monsoor, volunteered 
 to be one of the whippers, and the pride and haugh- 
 tiness of the prisoner were soon exchanged for effemi- 
 nate cries for pardon. It was this same man, Suleiman, 
 who had flogged a poor boy nearly to death during 
 rny former journey, and the life of the child had, 
 with difficulty been saved by the kind attention of 
 my wife. When he now cried for mercy, I recalled 
 to his recollection the unfortunate boy whose posterior 
 lie had literally cut off with a whip of hippo- 
 potamus' hide .... 
 
 "Eddrees was sentenced to receive 100 lashes, but 
 when thirty strokes had been administered, the native 
 chiefs interceded in his behalf, saying that the great 
 blame rested upon Suleiman, and that Eddrees was 
 not a bad man, but that he was obliged to obey the 
 orders of his superior. 
 
 "They now continued, that Suleiman had ruined
 
 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 the country, that he had kidnapped all the women 
 and children, and that the natives had fled from 
 their homes as the result. 
 
 " I was much struck with the straightforward, at the 
 same time moderate, behaviour of the native chiefs. 
 I accordingly spared Eddrees, who at once turned 
 evidence against Suleiman, together with two of his 
 own soldiers. 
 
 " They signed a declaration as witnesses of the 
 murder of the native by Suleiman. This paper was 
 formally witnessed and signed by Lieutenant Baker, 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader, and Captain Mohammed Deii. 
 
 " The punishment having been awarded and the 
 prisoners withdrawn, but secured in shebas by the 
 guard, I addressed the native chiefs, assuring them of 
 my protection ; and that in future the country should 
 be governed with perfect justice ; that property and 
 the rights of women and children would be respected, 
 and that any transgressor of the law would be punished. 
 I explained that the object of the expedition was to 
 bring prosperity ; but, on the other hand, I should 
 expect fidelity from Kabba Rega and his people. 
 I told them that I should lead the prisoners in 
 shebas to Kabba Re'ga, lie must then summon a 
 general assembly of his chiefs to hear and witness 
 the truth.
 
 CHAP, iv.] NATIVE CHIEFS SATISFIED. 
 
 " I now ordered the bugler to sound the ' destoor ' 
 (retreat), and the troops marched back to their 
 quarters. 
 
 " The trial was over ; the blue lights had burnt out, 
 and we were now in comparative darkness beneath 
 the banana foliage, with a feeble lamp glimmering 
 on the table. 
 
 " The native chiefs declared their perfect confidence 
 in the government, and that we should start on the 
 following morning direct for Masindi."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MARCH TO MASINDI. 
 
 "April 15. The latitude of Kisoona was 2 2' 36" N. 
 We started at 11 A.M. till 1 P.M., reaching Kasiga 
 eight miles through interminable forest full of fine 
 ripe yellow plums and unripe custard apples. 
 
 "April 16 Started at 8.20 A.M. till 12 arriving at 
 Koki thick forest throughout the march. We passed 
 several small villages, and made twelve miles, N. lat. 
 1 59'. I gave various seeds of European vegetables 
 to the headman ; and I myself sowed the seeds of 
 water-melons and sweet melons in his garden, and 
 explained their cultivation. 
 
 " April 1 7 All the carriers have absconded. There 
 is extensive cultivation in this district, and the 
 tobacco is well attended, as the tops of the plants 
 are carefully nipped off to prevent them from 
 running too much into stalk. 
 
 "The chief, Kittakra, who is a kind of prime minister
 
 CHAP, v.] CHIVALROUS CEREMONY IN UNTORO. 177 
 
 to Kabba Re'ga, gave me this afternoon the history 
 of the country. 
 
 " Kabba Rdga is the sixteenth king since the original 
 conquest of Unyoro by the Gallas. These invaders 
 arrived from the East, beyond the country of the 
 Langgos. 
 
 " To this day a peculiar custom is observed. Before 
 a new king can ascend the throne, he is compelled 
 to sleep during two nights on the east of the Victoria 
 Nile. He then marches along the path by which 
 his victorious ancestor invaded Unyoro, and upon 
 reaching the river, he takes boat and crosses to the 
 exact landing-place where the original conqueror first 
 set his foot upon the frontier. 
 
 "April 18. I purchased a quantity of excellent 
 tobacco and divided it among the soldiers as a reward 
 for their having respected the native gardens during 
 the march. 
 
 " KittakSrS, is the only gentleman that I have seen 
 in the country, and he never asks for presents, thus 
 forming an extraordinary exception to the rule of 
 Unyoro society. 
 
 " I gave him a blue blanket, a zinc mirror, a spoon, 
 comb, and four red and yellow handkerchiefs. To 
 Quonga I gave a tarboosh (fez), and four yards of 
 Turkey red cloth. 
 
 VOL. n. N
 
 1 78 ISMAILl A. [CHAP. v. 
 
 " April 19. Fresh carriers arrived, and we started 
 at 10.45 A.M., and halted at 4 P.M. twelve miles. 
 Forest and high grass as usual throughout the route, 
 which would render this country highly dangerous 
 in case of hostilities. 
 
 " The lofty mountains on the west shore of the 
 Albert N'yanza are now about fifty miles distant. We 
 halted at a populous district, and occupied a village 
 at Chorobe'ze. 
 
 " There is an impression of general ruin in passing 
 through this wonderfully fertile country. The slave - 
 hunters and their allies have produced this frightful 
 result by ransacking the district for slaves. 
 
 "The civil dissensions after Kamrasi's death were 
 favourable for the traders' schemes. The two sons, 
 Kabba Edga and Kabka Miro, contended for the 
 throne. The latter was royally born by sire and 
 mother, but Kabba Rega was a son by a shepherdess 
 of the Bahoomas. The throne belonged by inherit- 
 ance to Kabka Miro, who, not wishing to cause a 
 civil war, and thus destroy the country, challenged his 
 brother to single combat in the presence of all the 
 people. The victor was to be king. 
 
 " Kabba Kdga was a coward, and refused the chal- 
 lenge. The chivalrous Kabka Miro again offered 
 terms : Kabba Edga, as the son of the shepherdess,
 
 CHAP, v.] KABBA REGA AND KABKA MIRO. \ 79 
 
 should take all the flocks and herds ; and Kabka M iro 
 would occupy the throne. 
 
 " Kabba Rega, like most cowards, was exceedingly 
 cunning and treacherous, and, with the alliance of 
 Suleiman's people, he shot his gallant brother, and 
 secured both the throne and his father's flocks. 
 
 " April 20. All the native carriers have, as usual, 
 absconded. We are now about twenty-seven miles 
 from Masindi, the head-quarters of Kabba Rega, and 
 yet there are no signs of control. 
 
 " I ascended a small hill near the village, and 
 sighted the waters of the Albert N'yauza, due west, 
 about twenty miles distant. 
 
 "April 21. About fifty natives collected. I sent 
 off Colonel Abd-el-Kader with the prisoners to Kabba 
 Rega to complain of the want of carriers and pro- 
 visions. I ordered him to disarm all the traders' 
 people, and the Baris in their employ, who might be 
 at Masindi ; as the news has arrived that the men 
 belonging to Suleiman have returned to Foweera 
 and are actually taking slaves in the neighbourhood. 
 
 "April 22. More natives collected. I sent off 
 140 loads in charge of Morgian Agha, with an escort 
 of twenty soldiers, and the herd of cattle. The 
 latitude of Chorobeze was 1 57' N. 
 
 " April 23. The natives having collected, we 
 
 N 2
 
 180 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 started at 10.5 A.M. I was obliged to walk, as my 
 good horse, ' Greedy Grey/ is sick. 
 
 " The route was through forest and high grass as 
 usual. We marched seventeen miles, and halted at 
 immense groves of bananas at a place called Jon Joke. 
 
 <; The baggage and cattle arrived after sunset, Mor- 
 gian Agha having been deserted yesterday by all the 
 carriers. As usual, throughout the route the water 
 is bad. 
 
 " Alas ! my poor horse, ' Greedy Grey/ died to-day. 
 He was the most perfect of all the horses I had 
 brought from Cairo. 
 
 . "April 24, As usual, the native carriers have all 
 bolted ! Last night a sergeant arrived with a letter 
 addressed to me from Abd-el-Kader, who has carried 
 out my orders by disarming the traders' party. 
 
 " April 25. It rained throughout the night. The 
 carriers sent by Kabba Rega arrived early. We 
 started at 8.15 A.M., and marched ten miles, arriving 
 at last at the capital of Unyoro Masindi. 
 
 " This large town is situated on high undulating 
 land with an extensive view, bounded on the west fyy 
 the range of mountains bordering the Albert N'yanza, 
 about fifty miles distant. The country is open, but 
 covered with high grass. A succession of knolls, 
 all more or less ornamented with park-like trees,
 
 CHAP, v.] ARRIVAL AT MASINDI. 181 
 
 characterize the landscape, which slopes gradually 
 down towards the west, and drains into the Albert 
 N'yanza, which is about twenty miles distant. 
 
 " The town of Masindi is, as usual throughout 
 Unyoro, exceedingly neglected, and is composed of 
 some thousand large beehive-shaped straw huts, 
 without any arrangement or plan. 
 
 "I selected a position beneath a large banian-tree, 
 which I had cleared from the herbage, and having 
 pitched the tent, the natives tore up about an acre 
 of the high grass, and we encamped upon the clean 
 ground. 
 
 " Kabba Rega sent a present of twenty-nine loads 
 of tullaboon (a small seed, Eleusine Coracan), a 
 quantity of plantains and potatoes, and six goats. 
 
 "This spot is in N. lat. 1 45', and is seventy-nine 
 miles, by our route from the river at Foweera. We are 
 thus 322 miles by route from Ismailia (Gondokoro). 
 
 " April 26. I visited Kabba Rega officially, with 
 the officers and troops in full uniform, and the band 
 playing. 
 
 " I found him sitting in his divan ; this was a large 
 neatly-constructed hut, ornamented with some very 
 common printed cotton cloths, which had arrived 
 vid Zanzibar. Kabba Re'ga was very well clad, 
 in beautifully made bark-cloth striped with black ;
 
 182 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 he was excessively neat, and appeared to be about 
 twenty years of age. He gave me the same account 
 of the atrocious proceedings of Abou Saood's com- 
 panies that I had already received from his chiefs, 
 and he expressed his delight at my arrival, and 
 that I had captured Suleiman and some of his 
 people. 
 
 " I explained the intentions of the Khedive of 
 Egypt, at the same time I lamented the terrible change 
 that had occurred throughout his country since my 
 former visit. I assured him that the future would 
 be prosperous, and that, under the protection of 
 Egypt, he would never have further cause for alarm. 
 I then summoned the prisoners that had been 
 captured and disarmed by Colonel Abd-el-Kader ; 
 and having explained the charges against them, they 
 were publicly flogged in the presence of a multitude 
 of Kabba Rega's people, while Suleiman and Eddrees 
 were led away in she'bas, to the astonishment and 
 delight of all beholders. 
 
 " The slaves that had been discovered in the posses- 
 sion of Suleiman's people were now brought forward, 
 and having been identified by Kabba Rega and his 
 people as belonging to Unyoro, they were at once 
 released, and I returned both young girls and 
 boys to their country. One woman did not wish
 
 CHAP, v.] DETERMINATION TO RESCUE THE SLA VES. 183 
 
 to leave the traders, as she had been married to 
 one of the company for some years, and had several 
 children. 
 
 " I explained that they were actually free to 
 remain with their captors, or to return to their 
 homes, as they thought proper. 
 
 " This was a good opportunity for assuring both 
 Kabba Rega and his people that I should restore all 
 the slaves that had been carried out of their country 
 to the various stations of Abou Saood at Fatiko, 
 Fabbo, Faloro, &c. 
 
 " I described to the young king and his chiefs that 
 I was determined to suppress the slave trade, and that 
 I had hitherto forborne to interfere in the release of 
 the slaves at the various stations, as it would have 
 been impossible to have returned them to their distant 
 homes, neither could I have supplied them with food. 
 I was now at Masindi, beyond the farthest station 
 of Abou Saood, and I should certainly insist upon 
 the return of every slave that had been kidnapped 
 from this country. This would at once prove to the 
 inhabitants of Unyoro the benefit of the Khedive's 
 protection. 
 
 " April 27. Kabba Rega had arranged to return 
 my visit. 
 
 " I had ordered a broad roadway to be cleared
 
 184 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. v. 
 
 from Kabba Riga's divan to my tent, which was 
 pitched beneath an enormous fig-tree or banian 
 (Ficus Indica). The troops were lined on either 
 side of this approach in their best uniforms. 
 
 " The band was stationed near the tent, which 
 was spread with skins and small carpets, all the 
 sides being open. 
 
 " An hour and a half passed away after the first 
 messenger had arrived from Kabba Rega to announce 
 his arrival. One after another, messengers had 
 hurried to assure me that the king was just now 
 approaching ; but still the troops remained in ex- 
 pectation, and no king made an appearance. 
 
 " At length, after this long delay, he sent Rahonka 
 to say that ' if it was all the same to me, he would 
 rather see me at his own house/ 
 
 " This unmannerly young cub was actually sus- 
 picious of foul play, and was afraid to enter my 
 tent! 
 
 " I immediately told Rahonka that his king was 
 evidently not old enough to have learnt good 
 manners, therefore I should at once dismiss the 
 troops, who had already been waiting for nearly 
 two hours to do him honour. 
 
 " I ordered the bugler to sound the ' destoor/ and 
 the troops at once obeyed the signal.
 
 CHAP, v.] KABBA REGA'S VISIT. 185 
 
 " Terrified at tlie sound of the bugle, which was 
 known to be some mysterious order, Eahonka 
 implored me not to be angry, and he would at 
 once bring Kabba Rdga to the tent. The troops 
 resumed their position. 
 
 " In a few minutes a great din of horns, drums, and 
 whistles announced his approach, and we observed 
 him walking down the road with an extraordinary 
 gait. He was taking enormous strides, as though 
 caricaturing the walk of a giraffe. This was sup- 
 posed to be an imitation of M'te'se, the king of 
 Uganda, whose ridiculous attempt to walk like a 
 lion has been described by Speke. 
 
 " Kabba Rega thus stalked along, followed by his 
 great chiefs, KittakSrS, Matonse', Eahonka, Quonga, 
 and a number of others. Upon arrival opposite 
 the band, the bugles and drums suddenly commenced 
 with such a clash of cymbals that he seemed rather 
 startled, and he entered the tent in the most 
 undignified manner, with an air of extreme shyness 
 half concealed by audacity. 
 
 "He was trembling with nervous anxiety, and 
 with some hesitation he took his seat upon the divan 
 that had been prepared for him. His principal 
 chiefs sat upon skins and carpets arranged upon the 
 ground.
 
 186 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. v. 
 
 " A crowd of about 2,000 people had accompanied 
 Mm, making a terrific noise with whistles, horns, and 
 drums. These were now silenced, and the troops 
 formed a guard around the tent to keep the mob 
 at a respectful distance. Every now and then 
 several men of Kabba Rega's body-guard rushed 
 into the crowd and laid about them with bludgeons 
 five feet long, hitting to the right and left. This 
 always chased the crowd away for a few minutes, 
 until, by degrees, they resumed their position. 
 Everybody was dressed up for a grand occasion, 
 mostly in new clothes of bark-cloth, and many 
 were in skins of wild animals, with their heads 
 fantastically ornamented with the horns of goats 
 or antelopes. The sorcerers were an important 
 element. These rascals, who are the curse of the 
 country, were, as usual, in a curious masquerade 
 with fictitious beards manufactured with a number 
 of bushy cows' tails. 
 
 "Kabba Rega was about five feet ten inches in 
 height, and of extremely light complexion. His 
 eyes were very large, but projected in a disagreeable 
 manner. A broad but low forehead and high cheek 
 bones, added to a large mouth, with rather prominent 
 but exceedingly white teeth, complete the descrip- 
 tion of his face. His hands were beautifully shaped,
 
 CHAP. v. KABBA REG A. 187 
 
 and his finger-nails were carefully pared and scru- 
 pulously clean. The nails of his feet were equally 
 well attended to. He wore sandals of raw buffalo - 
 hide, but neatly formed, and turned up round the 
 edges. 
 
 " His robe of bark-cloth, which completely covered 
 his body, was exquisitely made, and had been manu- 
 factured in Uganda, which country is celebrated for 
 this curious production. 
 
 " This was Kabba Ke'ga, the son of Kamrasi, the 
 sixteenth king of Unyoro, of the Galla conquerors, a 
 gauche, awkward, undignified lout of twenty years of 
 age, who thought himself a great monarch. He was 
 cowardly, cruel, cunning, and treacherous to the last 
 degree. Not only had he ordered the destruction of 
 his brother, Kabka Miro, but, after his death, he had 
 invited all his principal relations to visit him ; these 
 he had received with the greatest kindness, and at 
 parting, he had presented them with gifts, together 
 with an escort of his body-guard, called bonasoora, to 
 see them safe home. These men, by the young king's 
 instructions, murdered them all in the high grass 
 during their return journey. By these means he had 
 got rid of troublesome relations, and he now sat 
 securely upon the throne with only one great enemy ; 
 this was Eionga, the stanch and determined foe
 
 188 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 of his father, who had escaped from every treachery, 
 and still lived to defy him in the north-eastern 
 provinces of Unyoro. 
 
 " It was easy to understand that he would welcome 
 my arrival with a force sufficiently large to assist him 
 against Rionga, and at the same time to rid him of 
 Suleiman's party. He made use of the latter force 
 as mercenary troops, to which he was obliged to allow 
 boundless licence ; otherwise he might be invaded by 
 the whole power of the combined companies of Fabbo, 
 Faloro, Fatiko, and Farragenia. These companies 
 might at any time change sides and ally themselves 
 with Riouga, thus, could I clear the country of such 
 doubtful allies, he would be relieved from all cause 
 of alarm." 
 
 Notwithstanding these advantages, the young king 
 sat uneasily upon his divan, and appeared timid 
 and suspicious. According to Turkish etiquette, a 
 handsome chibouque, trimmed with blue silk and 
 gold, was handed to him. He examined the amber 
 mouth-piece but declined to smoke, as " tobacco 
 would blacken his teeth ; " this was a curious excuse 
 from a Central African dandy. 
 
 I begged him to accept the long pipe as a re- 
 miniscence of my arrival. Coffee and sherbet were 
 then handed to him, but he declined both, and
 
 CHAP, v.l KABBA REGA'S SUSPICIONS. 189 
 
 insisted upon two of his chiefs drinking the whole ; 
 during which operation he watched them attentively, 
 as though in expectation of some poisonous effect. 
 
 This was conduct that boded no good for future 
 relations. My* wife tried to converse with him through 
 the interpreter, Umbogo. Kabba Re'ga then explained 
 that he recollected us both, as he was one of a crowd 
 when a boy on the day we started from M'rooli for 
 the Albert N'yanza. 
 
 The conversation quickly turned upon Rionga, 
 whom he declared must be either captured or killed, 
 before any improvement could take place in the 
 country. The young king assumed that it was 
 already arranged that I should assist him in this 
 laudable object. I now changed the conversation by 
 ordering a large metal box to be brought in. This 
 had already been filled with an assortment of presents, 
 including a watch. I explained to him that the 
 latter had been intended for his father, Kamrasi, 
 in the recollection of his constant demands for my 
 watch during my former visit. The new toy was 
 ticking loudly, and it was of course handed round 
 and held to the ear of each chief before it was 
 replaced in the box. 
 
 Kabba Rega replied that "he knew I had been a 
 great friend of his father, Kamrasi, and that I had
 
 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 now brought many valuable presents for him ; but I 
 must not forget, that, although the father was dead, 
 the son (himself) was still alive, therefore I might 
 at once hand over to him all that I had intended for 
 his father." 
 
 This was a true son of his father in the art of 
 begging. I replied, that " hens did not lay all their 
 eggs in one day, but continued one by one ; and that 
 I hoped, when I should know him better, he would 
 discover the advantage of commerce, as the various 
 goods that had now been introduced were intended to 
 exhibit the manufactures of my own country. These 
 would continue to arrive in Unyoro to be exchanged 
 for ivory." 
 
 I then exhibited the large musical box with drums 
 . and bells. This was one of the best instruments of 
 its kind, and it played a remarkably good selection of 
 airs, which quite charmed the audience. Among the 
 presents I had given to Kabba Rega was a small 
 musical snuff-box. This was now wound up and 
 exhibited, but the greedy young fellow at once asked 
 " Why I did not give him the large box ? " 
 
 I gave him a regular lecture upon the advantages 
 of commerce that would introduce an important 
 change in this extraordinary country ; at the same 
 time I recalled to his recollection, that I had promised
 
 CHAP, v.] I AM REQUESTED TO KILL RWNUA. 11)1 
 
 his father to open up a commercial route by which 
 the productions and manufactures of the north 
 should arrive in Unyoro, and render that country 
 even more prosperous than Uganda, I had now 
 arrived, as the lieutenant of the Khedive, according 
 to my promise, and the whole of the equatorial Nile 
 basin would be taken under his protection. No 
 unnecessary wars would be permitted, but he (Kabba 
 Rega) would remain as the representative of the 
 government, and the affairs of the country would be 
 conducted through him alone. 
 
 I assured him that no country could prosper with- 
 out industry and a good government ; that agriculture 
 was the foundation of a country's wealth ; and that 
 war or civil disturbance, which interfered with agri- 
 cultural employment, would ruin the kingdom. He 
 replied that " Rionga was the sole cause of war ; 
 therefore it would be necessary to destroy him before 
 any improvements could be made. If Rionga were 
 killed and the slave-hunters expelled from the 
 country, there might be some hope of progress ; but 
 that it was wasting breath to talk of commerce and 
 agriculture until Rionga should be destroyed." 
 
 This was Kamrasi's old tune once more dinned into 
 my ears. In my former journey I had been deserted 
 by my carriers and starved for three months at Shooa
 
 192 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 Mom, simply to induce me to yield to this repeated 
 demand : " Kill Rionga ; or give me your men to 
 assist me against Rionga." 
 
 From what I had heard I considered that Rionga 
 must be a very fine fellow, and much superior to 
 either Kamrasi or his son. 
 
 In my former journey I had accomplished a long 
 and difficult exploration without firing a shot at a 
 human being ; and I had studiously avoided med- 
 dling in native politics, which is certain to involve 
 a traveller in difficulty. It had always been a source 
 of great satisfaction when I looked back to my past 
 adventures, and reflected that I had never pulled a 
 trigger at a native ; thus the arrival of a white 
 man in these countries would be regarded without 
 suspicion. 
 
 In my present expedition I had always endea- 
 voured to preserve peace, but, as this work will show, 
 I was in every instance forced to war in absolute 
 self-defence. I was therefore determined not to 
 attack Rionga, unless he should presume to defy 
 the government. 
 
 In reply to Kabba Rega and his chiefs, who all had 
 joined in the argument, I declared that I would find 
 means to establish peace, and that Rionga would 
 assuredly come to terms. Nothing would induce me to
 
 CHAP, v.] " NOW YOU AKE MY FATHER," 193 
 
 use force against Eionga or any other person, unless 
 absolutely necessary. I suggested to Kabba Edga 
 that he should for a moment change positions with 
 Eionga. What would his feelings be should I 
 wantonly attack him, simply because I had been 
 requested to do so by his enemy ? 
 
 No argument was of any avail. Kabba Edga 
 replied, " You were my father's friend and brother : 
 your wife was the same. You drove back the slave- 
 hunters under Wat-el-Mek by hoisting your flag. 
 Since you left us, the slave-hunters have returned 
 and ruined the country. My father is dead ; but 
 Eionga is still alive. Now YOU are my father, and 
 your wife is my mother : will you allow your son's 
 enemy to live ? " 
 
 It was quite useless to attempt reason with this 
 hardened young fellow, who had not an idea of 
 mercy in his disposition. As he had murdered his 
 own relatives by the foulest treachery, so he would 
 of course destroy any person who stood in his 
 way. I therefore changed the conversation to Abou 
 Saood. 
 
 Kabba Eega and his sheiks all agreed that he had 
 arrived here some time ago in a very miserable 
 plight, exceedingly dirty, and riding upon a donkey. 
 He was without baggage of any kind, and he intro- 
 
 VOL. II.
 
 194 I3M.LILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 duced himself by giving a present to Kabba Rega 
 of an old, batterel. metal basin and jug, in which he 
 washed, together with a very old and worn-out small 
 carpet, upon which he was accustomed to sit. With 
 these magnificent presents he declared that he was 
 ' the son of a sultan, who had come to visit the 
 king of Unyoro." 
 
 Kabba Rega had replied that " he did not believe 
 it, as he had heard that he was simply a trader." 
 
 Reports had reached Unyoro that I had arrived 
 at Gondokoro, and that I was on my way to visit 
 Kamrasi, and to explore the Albert N'yauza ; there- 
 fore Kabba Rega had questioned Abou Saood con- 
 cerning me. 
 
 " Oh," Abou Saood replied, " that man that we call 
 ' the traveller ? ' Oh yes, he was a very good fellow 
 indeed ; but he is dead. He died long ago. The 
 Pacha is a very different person ; and I hope he will 
 never be able to roach this country. If he does, it 
 will be a bad time for you!' 
 
 "Indeed!" replied Kabba Rega. "I heard that 
 the Pacha and the traveller, the friend of my father, 
 were the same person." 
 
 ' You have been deceived," said Abou Saood. 
 " The Pacha is not like the traveller, or any other 
 man. He is a monster with three separate heads,
 
 CHAP, v.] ABOU SAOOD' S REPORT. 195 
 
 In eacli of which are six eyes three upon each side. 
 Thus with eighteen eyes he can see everything and 
 every country at once. He has three enormous 
 mouths, which are furnished with teeth like those of 
 a crocodile, and he devours human flesh. He has 
 already killed and eaten the Bari people and destroyed 
 their country. Should he arrive here, he will pull 
 you from the throne and seize your kingdom. You 
 must fight him, and by no means allow him to cross 
 the river at Foweera. My soldiers will fight him on 
 the road from Gondokoro, as will all the natives of 
 the country : but I don't think he will be able to 
 leave Gondokoro, as he has a large amount of bag- 
 gage, and I have told the Baris not to transport 
 it: thus he will have no carriers." 
 
 This was the actual report that Abou Saood had 
 given to Kabba Rega, as the dragoman Umbogo had 
 been the interpreter, in the presence of Mohammed, 
 my old Cairo dragoman. 
 
 I laughed outright at this absurdity : at the same 
 time it corroborated all that I had already heard of 
 Abou Saood's treachery. I immediately asked Kabba 
 Re^ra if he was satisfied now that he had seen me ? 
 
 o 
 
 He replied, " Abou Saood is a liar, and you are 
 Kamrasi's friend, and my father : therefore you will, 
 I am sure, assist me, and relieve me from my great 
 
 O 2
 
 196 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 enemy, Bionga. I shall then know that you are 
 indeed my true friend." 
 
 Once more it was necessary to change the con- 
 versation. A number of buffoons that were kept 
 about the court for the amusement of the young 
 king now came forward. The crowd was driven 
 back, and an open space having been thus cleared, 
 they performed a curious theatrical scene, followed 
 by a general fight with clubs, until one man, having 
 knocked down all the party, remained the victor. 
 The scene terminated with an act of disgusting in- 
 decency, which created roars of laughter from the 
 immense crowd, who evidently considered this was 
 the great joke of the piece. 
 
 "Kabba Ke'ga now took leave, and retired as he 
 had before arrived, with drums, whistles, horns, 
 flageolets, making a horrid din . . . ." 
 
 The spot that I had selected for a station was at 
 the southern edge of the town, from which site the 
 land sloped into a valley about a hundred feet below. 
 I had at once commenced clearing away the high 
 grass, and, as usual when first settling, I had broken 
 up a few small plots, and had already sown seeds of 
 English cucumbers, sweet melons, &c. 
 
 The soil was wonderfully rich, at the same time 
 it was very easily worked. When the tall rank grass
 
 CHAP. v. CHARACTER OF SOIL. 197 
 
 was torn out by the roots, a fine surface was exposed 
 that resembled dark chocolate. This was a vegetable 
 loam, with a minimum of two feet thickness, resting 
 upon a bright red quartz gravel. 
 
 The quartz was not rounded, and appeared to be 
 only the residue of decayed rock that had never been 
 subjected to the action of running water. When 
 washed, a handful remained of sharp and clear white 
 fragments. 
 
 With such a subsoil the country must be healthy, 
 as the heaviest shower drained rapidly through the 
 gravel. 
 
 I employed the prisoners in clearing the grass, 
 while the soldiers commenced cultivation, and dug 
 up the ground with a number of hoes that I borrowed 
 from Kabba Rega. 
 
 These implements are nearly the same in shape 
 as those in Gondokoro and throughout the Madi 
 country, but smaller, and the iron is very brittle and 
 inferior. They are not used like the Dutch hoe, 
 with a long handle, but are fixed upon a piece of 
 wood with a bend of natural growth, so that the 
 hoe can be used with a downward stroke like a 
 pick- axe. 
 
 On 29th April I commenced building a govern- 
 ment house and public divan.
 
 108 ISM A I LI A . [CHAP. v. 
 
 The king of Uganda (M'tese) has envoys through- 
 out the countries "which surround his dominions. 
 One of these chiefs, who represented M'tesd at 
 Masindi, paid me a visit, and gave me a good deal 
 of information. 
 
 He described the M'wootan N'zige (Albert N'yanza) 
 as forming the western frontier of Karagwe, from 
 which point it turned westward for a distance un- 
 known. This was a similar description to that given 
 by Kamrasi some years ago. 
 
 f gave the envoy a red and yellow handkerchief 
 to tie around his head. The man was neatly dressed 
 in Indian clothes that had arrived from Bombay vid 
 Zanzibar. 
 
 On 30th April, Kabba Rega sent a present of 
 twelve elephants' tusks, forty-one loads of tullaboon, 
 twelve pots of sour plantain cider, and thirty-four 
 cows. At the same time, he complained that some 
 of Abou Saood's people were taking slaves in the 
 neighbourhood of Foweera and Kisoona, 
 
 The principal chiefs, together with Kabba Rega, 
 assured me that Abou Snood's people had been in 
 the habit of torturing people to extract from them 
 the secret of the spot in which their corn was con- 
 cealed. Throughout Unyoro there are no granaries 
 exposed at the present time, as the country has been
 
 CHAP, v.] FRIGHTFUL ATROCITIES OF SLAVERS. 199 
 
 ravaged by civil war ; thus all corn is buried in deep 
 holes specially arranged for that purpose. When the 
 slave-hunters sought for corn, they were in the 
 habit of catching the villagers and roasting their 
 posteriors by holding them down on the mouth of a 
 large earthen water-jar filled with glowing embers. 
 If this torture of roasting alive did not extract the 
 secret, they generally cut the sufferer's throat to 
 terrify his companions, who would then divulge the 
 position of the hidden stores to avoid a similar fate. 
 This accusation was corroborated by Mohammed, the 
 Cairo dragoman. 
 
 Tt is difficult to conceive the brutality of these 
 brigands, who, thus relieved from the fear of a 
 government, exhibit their unbridled passions by 
 every horrible crime. 
 
 Umbogo, the interpreter, was now regularly 
 installed in a hut within call of my tent. This 
 man appeared to be exceedingly fond of us, and he 
 was the main source of information. 
 
 He had a very lovely wife, a Bahooma, who was 
 a light brown colour, with beautiful Abyssinian eyes ; 
 she had been given to him by Kabba Re'ga, with 
 whom he was a great favourite. 
 
 Umbogo was very intelligent, and he took a great 
 interest in all my plans for establishing free trade
 
 200 ISMAILIA. [CHAP, v 
 
 throughout the country : but he told me privately 
 that he thought the idea would be opposed secretly 
 by Kabba Ke'ga, who would wish to monopolize 
 all the ivory trade, in order to keep up the price, 
 and to obtain the whole of the merchandize. 
 
 , The great variety of goods much astonished him, 
 and he advised me strongly to send for a large 
 supply of soap, for which there would be a great 
 demand, as a light complexion was greatly admired 
 in Unyoro. He said that Mohammed, the Cairo 
 dragoman, was several shades lighter since I had 
 supplied him with soap ; this was true, as he had 
 .been very filthy before my arrival ; but Umbogo 
 was persuaded that the difference between white 
 and black people was caused by the fact of our 
 ancestors having always used soap, while the blacks 
 used only plain water. This ethnological fact having 
 been established, I gave him a cake of soap, to his 
 great delight, as he expressed his intention to become 
 a white man. 
 
 I was always chatting with Umbogo and the 
 various chiefs, especially with my favourite, Kitta- 
 k&r, who was Kabba Edga's most confidential 
 counsellor. They gave me a graphic account of 
 the royal funeral that had taken place a few months 
 ago, when Kamrasi was interred.
 
 CHAP, v.] EXTRAORDINARY CUSTOM. 201 
 
 , When a king of Unyoro dies, the body is exposed 
 upon a framework of green wood, like a gigantic 
 gridiron, over a slow fire. It is thus gradually 
 dried, until it resembles an over-roasted hare. 
 
 Thus mummified, it is wrapped in new bark-cloths, 
 and the body lies in state within a large house built 
 specially for its reception. 
 
 The sons fight for the throne. The civil war 
 may last for years, but during this period of anarchy, 
 the late king's body lies still unburied. 
 
 At length, when victory has decided in favour 
 of one of his sons, the conqueror visits the hut 
 in which his father's body lies in state. He 
 approaches the corpse, and standing by its side, 
 he sticks the butt-end of his spear in the ground, 
 and leaves it thus fixed near the right hand of 
 the dead king. This is symbolical of victory. 
 
 The son now ascends the throne, and the funeral 
 of his father must be his first duty. 
 
 An immense pit or trench is dug, capable of con- 
 taining several hundred people. 
 
 This pit is neatly lined with new bark-cloths. 
 
 Several wives of the late king are seated together 
 at the bottom, to bear upon their knees the body 
 of their, departed lord. 
 
 The night previous to the funeral, the king's
 
 202 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. v. 
 
 own regiment or body-guard surround many dwell- 
 ings and villages, and seize the people indis- 
 criminately as they issue from their doors in the 
 early morning. These captives are brought to the 
 pit's mouth. 
 
 Their legs and arms are now broken with clubs, 
 and they are pushed into the pit on the top of the 
 king's body and his wives. 
 
 An immense din of drums, horns, flageolets, 
 whistles, mingled with the yells of a frantic crowd, 
 drown the shrieks of the sufferers, upon whom the 
 earth is shovelled and stamped down by thousands 
 of cruel fanatics, who dance and jump upon the 
 loose mould so as to force it into a compact mass ; 
 through which the victims of this horrid sacrifice 
 cannot grope their way, the precaution having been 
 taken to break the bones of their arms and legs. 
 At length the mangled mass is buried and trodden 
 down beneath a tumulus of earth, and all is .still. 
 The funeral is over. 
 
 Upon my return to Egypt I was one day relating 
 this barbarous custom to a friend, when Mr. Kay, of 
 Alexandria, reminded me of the curious coincidence 
 in the description of the travels of Ibn Batuta, 
 written A.D. 1346. 
 
 I am indebted to Mr. Kay for the following extract
 
 HAP. v.] TRAVELS OF IBN BATUTA. 20:'J 
 
 from the work of Ibn Batata, which will go far to 
 prove the extreme conservatism of Africans in all 
 that regards their rites and customs. 
 
 On his arrival at Khan Balik (Pekin), Ibn Batuta 
 found that the khan, or ompcror, was absent. Hi* 
 cousin had risen against him, and had been joined by 
 most of the ameers, who accused the khan of having 
 broken the laws of the Yassak, and had called upon 
 him to abdicate. 
 
 The emperor marched against the rebels at the 
 head of an army (which, Ibn Batuta says, consisted of 
 a million cavalry and half a million infantry). A 
 battle was fought, in which the khan was defeated 
 and killed. 
 
 " This news reached the capital a few days after 
 our arrival. The city was decorated, drums and 
 trumpets were sounded, and games and rejoicing* 
 instituted, which continued for the space of a month, 
 
 " The dead body of the khan was then brought, 
 together with the bodies of about a hundred men, his 
 relations and followers. 
 
 " A large vault was constructed underground. It 
 was spread with magnificent carpets, and the body of 
 the khan was laid in it, along with his weapons and 
 with the gold and silver vessels that were used in 
 his household.
 
 204 ISMATLI'A. [CHAP. v. 
 
 " Four female slaves and six memluks were led into 
 the vault, each provided with a drinking vessel filled 
 with liquid. 
 
 " The entrance of the vault was walled up, and 
 earth was heaped on the top until it resembled a 
 large hillock. 
 
 " Four horses were then brought and made to 
 gallop in the neighbourhood of the tomb until they 
 stood still with fatigue. A large beam of wood 
 was erected over the tomb, and to this the horses 
 were attached, being impaled with wooden pales, 
 passed longitudinally through their bodies and 
 projecting through their mouths. 
 
 " The bodies of the khan's relatives, whom I have 
 previously mentioned, were likewise deposited in 
 vaults, each with his weapons and with the vessels 
 used in his house. 
 
 " Those of highest rank were ten in number. Over 
 each of their tombs three horses were impaled, and 
 one horse over each of the others. 
 
 "The day was one of public solemnity, and no 
 one abstained from its observance, neither man nor 
 woman, Moslem nor infidel. All arrayed themselves in 
 funeral garments the infidels wearing white tailasans, 
 and the Moslem white gowns. 
 
 " The empresses, wives of the khan, and his chief
 
 CHAP, v.] ANCIENT CUSTOMS IN THE SOUDAN. 205 
 
 followers remained in the neighbourhood of the tomb 
 for fort} 7 days, living in tents. Some prolonged their 
 stay up to a year, and a market was established at 
 which provisions and every other necessary were sold. 
 
 " These are practices of the existence of which 
 among any other people in these present times I have 
 no personal knowledge. 
 
 " The Indian infidels and the people of China burn 
 their dead. Others bury them, but without burying 
 living men or women along with the corpse. 
 
 " But I was informed in the Soudan, by persons 
 upon whose word full reliance may be placed, that 
 among certain infidels in these countries, on the 
 death of the king, a vault is constructed in which 
 the corpse is laid, and along with it a certain 
 number of his courtiers and servants ; as also thirty 
 persons, sons and daughters of the most distinguished 
 men of the country. The fore-arms of these persons 
 are first broken, as also their legs, below the knees, 
 and drinking vessels are deposited with them in the 
 tomb. 
 
 " I was informed by a person, one of the chief men 
 of the Masuffahs, who dwelt in the country of Koo- 
 bar,. in the Soudan, and who was a favourite with the 
 sultan, that on the death of the latter the people wished 
 to bury my informant's son in the tomb along with
 
 203 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. v. 
 
 those of their own children who had been chosen for 
 the same purpose. He added : ' I remonstrated, say- 
 ing, " How can ye do this ? The lad is not of your 
 faith, neither is he one of your children." * Finally, I 
 ransomed him/ he continued, ' with a heavy pay- 
 ment'" 
 
 This is an interesting fact, that so long ago as the 
 year 1346 such a practice was known to exist in 
 Central Africa. 
 
 When the funeral rites of Kamrasi were over, 
 Kabba Rega ascended the throne, and succeeded to 
 iill his father's wives, with the exception of his own 
 mother. This is the invariable custom in Unyoro. 
 
 The throne is composed partly of copper and of 
 wood. It is an exceedingly small and ancient piece 
 of furniture, that has been handed down for many 
 generations and is considered to be a cojoor, or talis- 
 man. There is also an ancient drum, which is con- 
 sidered with reverence as something uncanny, and 
 the two articles are always jealously guarded by 
 special soldiers, and are seldom used. 
 
 Should the throne be lost or stolen, the authority of 
 the king would disappear, together with the talisman, 
 and disorder would reign throughout the country until 
 the precious object should be restored.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE LIBERATED SLAVES. 
 
 THE work had now fairly commenced, and Kabba 
 Rega and his chiefs were assured of a grand reform. 
 Already the slave-hunters had been punished : the 
 vakeel, Suleiman, was secured in the stocks, and the 
 slaves that Lad been kidnapped had been restored to 
 their homes in Unyoro. I now determined to insist 
 upon the restoration of all the Unyoro slaves that 
 had been carried away from this country, and were 
 captives in the zareebas of Fatiko, Fabbo, Faloro, 
 and Farragenia. From the descriptions of Kabba 
 Re'ga and his chiefs, I considered that these prisoners 
 amounted to about a thousand persons women and 
 children. 
 
 Umbogo, the interpreter, declared that Abou 
 "Saood's companies would attack the government 
 troops, should I insist upon the liberation of the
 
 208 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 slaves. He had lived with these slave-hunters, and 
 he had frequently heard them declare, that, " should 
 the Pacha ever arrive in this country, and insist upon 
 the suppression of slavery, they would shoot him 
 rather than lose their slaves." I treated this idea as 
 an absurditv. 
 
 / 
 
 At the same time that Kabba Rega and his people 
 
 were eager for the restoration of the numerous women 
 
 
 
 and children that had been stolen from- Unyoro, they 
 were themselves great slave-dealers. 
 
 M'tese, the powerful King of Uganda, on the 
 southern frontier of Unyoro, was in the habit of 
 purchasing ivory in that country for the merchants 
 of Zanzibar. 
 
 These purchases were made by an exchange of 
 slaves, brass-coil bracelets, and long cotton shirts ; 
 which were either of British or Indian manufacture, 
 that had arrived vid Zanzibar. 
 
 M'te'se', with his usual sagacity, did not permit the 
 merchants of that country to enter Uganda in force, 
 but he received from them both slaves and mer- 
 chandize, which he sent into the surrounding countries 
 for the purchase of ivory. He thus monopolized 
 the trade, and kept the price at a minimum. 
 
 In Unyoro there was an established value for a 
 healthy young girl. Such a person was equal to a
 
 CHAP, vi.] SLAVES PURCHASED FOR NEEDLES. 209 
 
 single elephant's tusk of the first class, or to a new 
 shirt. Thus a girl could be purchased for a shirt, 
 and she might be subsequently exchanged for a large 
 elephant's tusk. 
 
 In the country of Uganda, where the natives are 
 exceedingly clever as tailors and furriers, needles are 
 in great demand. A handsome girl may be pur- 
 chased for thirteen English needles ! Thus for slave- 
 traders there existed an excellent opening for a 
 profitable business. A girl might be bought for 
 thirteen needles in Uganda, to be exchanged in 
 Unyoro for an elephant's tusk that would be worth 
 twenty or thirty pounds in England. 
 
 Abou Saood's brigands had been far too lawless 
 even for this innocent traffic, and in default of the 
 merchandize necessary for such profitable exchanges, 
 they had" found it more convenient to kidnap the 
 young girls, which saved much trouble in bargaining 
 for needles and shirts. 
 
 In every African tribe that I have visited, I found 
 slavery a natural institution of the country. I had 
 at length discovered that it was bad policy to com- 
 mence a dissertation against the slave trade generally; 
 this attacked local interests, therefore it was more 
 diplomatic to speak against the capture of women 
 and children that belonged to my hearers, but to 
 
 VOL. II. P
 
 210 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 avoid a discussion upon the moral aspect of the 
 slave trade. 
 
 The negro idea of the eighth commandment is 
 this : " Thou shalt not steal from ME ;" but he takes 
 a liberal view of the subject when the property 
 belongs to another. 
 
 I had been rather startled in the year of my 
 arrival at Gondokoro, when, during the voyage, I 
 landed and conversed with some sheiks of the Shir 
 tribe. One of these headmen was loud in his com- 
 plaints against the slave-hunters and against the slave 
 trade in particular, from which his tribe had suffered. 
 Many of the women and children had been carried off 
 by a neighbouring tribe, called the Berri, on the east 
 of the Nile. The sheik therefore proposed that I 
 should join him with my troops and capture all the 
 women and children that belonged to his enemies. 
 This was natural enough, and was a simple example 
 of the revenge that is common to uneducated human 
 nature. The sheik and I got on famously, and I 
 found a good listener, to whom I preached a touching 
 sermon upon the horrors of the slave trade, which I 
 was resolved to suppress. 
 
 The good man was evidently touched at the 
 allusion to the forcible separation of children from 
 their parents.
 
 CHAP, vr.] CHIEF PROPOSES TO SELL HIS SON. '2 1 i 
 
 " Have you a son ? " he asked. 
 
 "My sons are, unfortunately, dead/' I replied. 
 
 " Indeed ! " he exclaimed. "I have a son an only 
 son. He is a nice boy a very good boy ; about so 
 high (showing his length upon the handle of his 
 spear). I should like you to see my boy he is very 
 thin now ; but if he should remain with you he 
 would soon get fat. He's a really nice boy, and 
 always hungry. You'll be so fond of him ; he'll eat 
 from morning till night ; and still he'll be hungry. 
 You'll like him amazingly ; he'll give you no trouble 
 if you only give him plenty to eat. He'll lie down 
 and go to sleep, and he'll wake up hungry again. 
 He's a good boy, indeed ; and he's my only son. Til 
 sell him to you for a molote ! (native iron spade)." 
 
 The result of my sermon on the slave trade, 
 addressed to this affectionate father, was quite ap- 
 palling. I was offered his only son in exchange 
 for a spade ! and this young nigger knave of spades 
 was warranted to remain always hungry. 
 
 I simply give this anecdote as it occurred, without 
 asserting that such conduct is the rule. At the same 
 time, there can be no doubt that among the White 
 Nile tribes any number of male children might be 
 purchased from their parents especially in seasons 
 of scarcity. 
 
 P 2
 
 212 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 Girls are always purchased, if required, as wives. 
 It would be quite impossible to obtain a wife for love 
 from any tribe that I have visited. " Blessed is he 
 that hath his quiver full of them" (daughters). A 
 large family of girls is a source of wealth to the 
 father, as he sells each daughter for twelve or fifteen 
 cows to her suitor. Every girl is certain to marry ; 
 thus a dozen daughters will bring a fortune of at least 
 150 cows to their parents in all pastoral countries. 
 
 In Unyoro, cattle are scarce, and they belong to 
 the king ; therefore the girls are purchased for various 
 commodities such as brass-coil bracelets, bark-cloths, 
 cotton shirts, ivory, &c. 
 
 I was anxious to establish a new and legitimate 
 system of trade in this country, which would be the 
 first step towards a higher civilization. I accordingly 
 devoted every energy to the completion of the 
 station, in which we were assisted by the natives, 
 under the direction of their various headmen. 
 
 The order and organization of Unyoro were a 
 great contrast to the want of cohesion of the nor- 
 thern tribes. Every district throughout the country 
 was governed by a chief, who was responsible to the 
 king for the state of his province. This system was 
 extended to sub-governors and a series of lower 
 officials in every district, who were bound to obey
 
 CHAP. vi.J PERFECT ORGANIZATION IN UN YORA. 213 
 
 the orders of the lord-lieutenant. Thus every pro- 
 vince had a responsible head, that could be at once 
 cut off should disloyalty or other signs of bad 
 government appear in a certain district. 
 
 In the event of war, every governor could appear, 
 together with his contingent of armed men, at a 
 short notice. 
 
 These were the rules of government that had been 
 established for many generations throughout Unyoro. 
 
 The civil war had ceased, and Kabba Rega having 
 ascended the throne, the country had again fallen 
 into the order that a previous good organization 
 rendered easy. 
 
 The various headmen of the district now appeared 
 da;ly, with their men laden with thatch-grass and 
 canes for the construction of the station. 
 
 I commenced a government house, and a private 
 dwelling adjoining for myself. 
 
 On my first arrival at Masindi I had begged 
 Kabba Re"ga to instruct his people to clear away 
 about fifty acres of grass around our station, and to 
 break up the ground for cultivation, as I wished my 
 troops to sow and reap their own corn, instead of 
 living at the expense of the natives. 
 
 The system, both in Uganda and Unyoro, is bad 
 and unjust.
 
 214 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 Should visitors arrive, they are not allowed to 
 purchase food from the people, but they must be 
 fed by the king's order at the cost of the inhabitants. 
 This generally results in their not being fed at all, 
 as the natives quit the neighbourhood. 
 
 I had suffered much from hunger in Unyoro, during 
 my former visit, in the reign of Kamrasi ; therefore 
 I wished to protect myself against famine by a 
 timely cultivation of the surrounding fertile land, 
 that was now covered with rank grass about nine 
 feet high. 
 
 In a military point of view it was impolitic to 
 sit down within a station incircled by a dense grass 
 covert, and although I had not the most remote 
 suspicion of hostility in this country, I preferred 
 a situation whence we could enjoy an extensive 
 landscape. 
 
 The Albert N'yanza lay distant about twenty miles 
 on the west, in the deep basin which characterizes 
 this extraordinary sheet of water. Immense volumes 
 of cloud rose in the early morning from the valley 
 which marked the course of the lake, as the evapo- 
 ration from the great surface of water condensed 
 into mist, when it rose to the cooler atmosphere of 
 the plateau of 1,500 feet above the level. 
 
 The proposal of farming did not appear to please
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE HIGH GRASS CLEARED AWAY. 215 
 
 Kabba Rega. It was explained that the men were 
 not accustomed to labour in the fields, as all agri- 
 cultural work was performed by the women, all of 
 whom were now absent and engaged in preparing 
 their own land. 
 
 Although Masindi was a large town, I was struck 
 by the absence of females. The only women that I 
 saw were two, one of whom was the pretty wife of 
 Umbogo the dragoman. It has already been ex- 
 plained, that the absence of women generally denotes 
 hostility, but as the rainy season necessitated hard 
 work, I accepted the explanation. 
 
 The corn for the supply of Masindi was brought 
 from a distance of two days' journey, and numbers of 
 people were daily employed in going to and fro for 
 the general provisions of the station. 
 
 The slave-hunters belonging to Suleiman, who 
 were now prisoners under a guard, numbered twenty- 
 five men : I employed these people daily to clear 
 away the high grass, which was piled and burnt, 
 the ashes were then spread, and the ground was 
 hoed up and thoroughly prepared by the troops. 
 
 It was in vain that I urged upon Kabba Rega 
 and his chiefs the necessity of cultivation for the 
 supply of corn requisite for the troops. Every day 
 they promised to clear away the grass, provided the
 
 216 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 soldiers would then dig and prepare the ground. 
 This I agreed to do. but the natives showed no 
 
 O ' 
 
 intention of working. 
 
 I. began to suspect that Kabba Rdga had an ob- 
 jection to a large open clearing. The tactics of all 
 natives are concealment ; if a man is frightened, he 
 hides in the grass ; in case of hostilities, the high 
 grass is a fortress to the negro. It became evident 
 that we were to remain surrounded by this dense 
 herbage, which not only obstructed the view, but 
 rendered the station damp and dreary. 
 
 I explained to the chiefs the folly of Kabba Eega 
 in thus neglecting such magnificent soil, which, with 
 a little labour, would produce all that we could re- 
 quire, and would save both him and his people the 
 trouble of feeding us. At the same time I set all 
 hands of my own people to clear a large space and to 
 make gardens. 
 
 Unyoro had always been a country of cowardice 
 and suspicion, and I could plainly see that we were 
 narrowly watched. Kabt>a Rega usually sat in his 
 public divan from about 2 P.M. till 4 daily, to transact 
 public business. This large circular building was 
 extremely neat, and the ground was carefully strewed 
 with the long fringes of the papyrus rush, after the 
 fashion of our ancestors in England, who, before
 
 CHAP, vi.] PLAN FOR SPYING OUR MOVEMENTS. 217 
 
 the introduction of carpets, strewed the floor with 
 rushes. 
 
 The young king informed me that, as he wished 
 to be in constant communication with me personally, 
 he should build a new divan within a few yards of 
 my residence, so that we could converse upon all 
 occasions without being watched by his people. 
 
 This was merely an excuse for erecting a building 
 within fifty yards of my house, from which his 
 guards could watch all that happened, and report 
 everything to their master. 
 
 The new building was constructed with wonderful 
 quickness, and prettily walled with canes inside to 
 resemble basket-work. 
 
 Kabba Eega came to his new divan, attended by 
 a number of his guards, or bonosoora, armed with 
 guns. To give him confidence, I went to see him 
 unattended, except by Lieutenant Baker and my 
 ever-faithful attendant, Monsoor, who did not at all 
 approve of my going unarmed. 
 
 The conversation quickly turned upon arms. 
 Kabba Re'ga was delighted with the mechanism of 
 Monsoor's snider rifle, which he at once understood 
 and explained to his body-guard. He appeared to 
 have quite lost his shyness, and he begged me to con- 
 sider him simply in the light of my own son, and to
 
 218 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 give him all the merchandize at once that I had 
 brought with me to establish a new trade. 
 
 I told him that fathers did not give their sons all 
 their property at once ; but that if I saw that he per- 
 formed his duty to the Khedive, he need not fear. I 
 had both the power and the good-will to reward 
 him. 
 
 He continued the conversation precisely according 
 to his late father Kamrasi's style : " I have no one but 
 yourself to regard. Does not a father consider, his 
 son ? You were my father's friend ; and I have 
 always looked for your return. I knew that Abou 
 Saood was a liar when he spoke against you ; I 
 knew that he was an impostor when he announced 
 himself as the eon of a sultan. Would the son of a 
 sultan only give me a present of an old carpet and a 
 dirty washing-basin 1 I always said, ' Wait till the 
 Pacha comes MalleggeY my father's friend. He is 
 truly a great man, who does not travel empty-handed ; 
 and he will bring me presents worth my acceptance- 
 things that the impostor, Abou Saood, does not 
 understand the use of.' By the by, there was a 
 magic instrument by which you could find your 
 way without a guide in strange countries, that you 
 
 1 Mallegg^, or the Man with the Beard, was my nickname in 
 Unyoro during my former journey.
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE ROYAL BEGGAR. 219 
 
 promised to send to my father ; you have, of course, 
 brought it for me ? " 
 
 This demand amused me much, as I well re- 
 membered how Kamrasi had bothered me for my 
 compass. I pretended that he meant a watch, which 
 I had already given him. 
 
 At length I was obliged to promise him that 
 if he would clear away the grass and cultivate the 
 neighbouring ground, I would give him a compass. 
 
 I now explained to him the advantages of free 
 trade, and I begged him to order his men to com- 
 plete the government house without delay, as I 
 could not unpack my numerous boxes until I had 
 some place where I could exhibit the contents. I 
 described the difficulties of the route from Khar- 
 toum, and the expense of transport from Gondo- 
 koro, owing to the unwillingness of the Baris to 
 carry loads, and I explained my intention of erecting 
 steamers on the Nile which would bring all kinds 
 of merchandize to Unyoro vid the Albert N'yanza 
 in exchange for ivory, thus the Zanzibar trade 
 would turn towards the north, and the elephants' 
 tusks that were now purchased by M'tese, would 
 remain in Unyoro, until delivered to the Khedive's 
 government in barter for manufactured goods. 
 
 The name of M'tese' seemed to make him un-
 
 220 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 comfortable. He replied : " You are my father, and 
 you will stand by your son against his enemies. 
 This M'te'se troubles me. In my father Kamrasi's 
 lifetime he frequently attacked us, and carried off 
 our herds, together with our women and children. 
 He is too strong to resist single-handed, but now 
 that you are here I shall have no fear. Don't let 
 us talk about merchandize, that will come in due 
 time ; never mind trade ; let us talk about guns 
 and gunpowder. You must give me muskets and 
 ammunition in large quantities ; I will then arm all 
 my bonosoora (soldiers) and with your assistance 
 I will fight M'tesd I will then fill your large new 
 house with ivory for the Khedive." 
 
 " There is no time to lose ; you promised to 
 fight Bionga ; my troops are all ready, your men 
 have nothing to do. Keep a few here, and send 
 the main force with my army to attack him at 
 once, before he has time to escape to the Langgos." 
 
 I could almost have imagined that I had been 
 speaking with Kamrasi, so thoroughly did his son 
 resemble him in his diplomacy. 
 
 I answered him with caution, declaring that 
 I could not allow any reckless acts that would 
 plunge the country in confusion. He (Kabba Ke'ga) 
 had nothing to fear ; but time was required to ripen
 
 CHAP, vi.] ALL UNYORO SLAVES TO BE RESTORED. 221 
 
 my plans. I had promised that I would dismiss 
 Suleiman and his people from Unyoro : at the same 
 time I should liberate all the slaves that had been 
 stolen by Abou Saood's companies, and restore them 
 to their homes. This was my first duty, that 
 would assure the natives of my sincerity, and 
 establish general confidence in the government. 
 
 Fatiko was 160 miles distant. I should there- 
 fore send Suleiman and his people under an 
 escort direct to Major Abdullah, the command- 
 ant, with orders to recover from Abou Saood 
 all the slaves that had been captured from Unyoro. 
 
 Major Abdullah would then break up his camp 
 at Fatiko, and march in charge of the slaves, 
 with his detachment of 100 men, together with all 
 effects, and join me at Unyoro. He would, upon 
 arrival at the Victoria Nile, occupy the now deserted 
 station of Suleiman at Foweera ; thus he would be 
 within a march of Rionga. 
 
 The old enemy of the family (Rionga) would 
 then have an opportunity, either of declaring his 
 allegiance and remaining at peace, or, should he 
 become turbulent, a government force would be at 
 hand to control him. 
 
 I therefore arranged that Kabba Rega should 
 supply me with 300 carriers, who would accompany
 
 222 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 my escort to Fatiko and transport all stores, ammu- 
 nition, &c., &c., so as to concentrate my force in 
 Unyoro. 
 
 This plan seemed to delight Kabba Rega ; he 
 declared that the first step necessary was the banish- 
 ment of Suleiman and his people from the country. 
 The next move would be the attack upon Rioiiga. 
 I explained to him that it would be quite useless 
 for any enemy to retreat for security to the river 
 islands, as the rockets would search them out in the 
 middle of the dense canes, and they would be only 
 too glad to escape ; but at the same time, I should 
 hope that Rionga would come to terms and avoid the 
 necessity of a resort to force. 
 
 That evening, after we had dined, and I was 
 smoking my customary chibouque, Kabba Rdga as- 
 tonished me by an impromptu visit ; he was as usual 
 attended by some of his followers armed with 
 muskets. He sat down at the table, and having felt 
 the table-cloth, he wished to know " why the table 
 was covered ; " he then examined the tumblers, and 
 everything that was present, all of which he seemed 
 to admire. I offered him some gin and water. This 
 he smelt but would not taste, as he suspected poison ; 
 accordingly he poured it into wine glasses, and divided 
 it among three of his people, who were obliged to
 
 CHAP, vi.] KABBA HE-JA TRIES EXPERIMENTS. 223 
 
 drink it, while their master watched them attentively, 
 in expectation of some ill effects. His people rather 
 approved of the poison, and asked for more. Kabba 
 Ke'ga seemed to think that a larger dose was neces- 
 sary ; but as we could not afford to waste Geneva by 
 experiments upon numerous attendants, all of whom 
 were to be poisoned with our good liquor for the 
 amusement of the king, I sent the bottle away and 
 turned the subject. 
 
 Kabba Eega now minutely examined the lamps 
 and glass shades. The principle was explained to 
 him, and the candle was withdrawn from the tube 
 and spring, and again replaced. He expressed a wish 
 to have one, saying that he intended to have every- 
 thing precisely as I had. 
 
 I assured him that this was my object ; I wished 
 to create new wants among his people and himself, 
 which would tend to develop commerce. He might 
 have everything in European style, and live in a 
 civilized manner, now that the route was open from 
 the north. Ivory was abundant in this country, and 
 this would provide him with the means of purchasing 
 all that he could desire. 
 
 1 had ordered Monsoor to arrange a stake in the 
 ground, with a large nail driven in the top at 
 right angles to form a rocket-stand. I now asked
 
 224 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 Kabba Rdga if he would like to see a rocket 
 fired. 
 
 The idea delighted him, and a few rockets having 
 been brought, together with port-fires and blue lights, 
 we exhibited the fireworks. There was no wind, 
 thus the rockets did no damage, as they were inclined 
 towards the north, in which direction there were no 
 buildings. 
 
 Kabba Rega himself ignited a rocket with a port- 
 fire, and although rather nervous at the great rush of 
 fire, he seemed greatly interested at the fact that a 
 town composed of straw huts could be destroyed 
 from a great distance .... 
 
 On the following morning, Uinbogo, the dragoman, 
 told me that the natives had been very much 
 frightened at the rockets, as they said, " the Pacha 
 was going to set the sky on fire." 
 
 The station was progressing rapidly. The soil was 
 of such extraordinary richness that the seeds sprang 
 up like magic. On the third day after sowing, the 
 cucumbers, melons, pumpkins, and cotton seeds, 
 showed themselves above ground. 
 
 I had made a broad walk of red gravel from Kabba 
 Riga's new divan, to the government house. The 
 roads and approaches were finished, and all neatly 
 laid with fresh gravel stamped firmly down. The
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE GOVERNMENT HOUSE. 225 
 
 borders of all paths aud roads were sown with the 
 best quality of Egyptian cotton, known in Egypt as 
 galleend My large tent was pitched beneath an 
 immense banian-tree, close to which was the new 
 government house. This grand-sounding name was 
 given to a very solid construction of a most simple 
 character. The divan was a building containing 
 only one room twenty-eight feet long by fourteen 
 wide, and about twenty feet high. It was carefully 
 thatched with overhanging eaves, which formed a 
 narrow veranda, and it was entered by a commodious 
 porch ; this was arched in the native fashion, and 
 was so large that it formed a lobby, in which we 
 sometimes dined. The inside walls of the divan 
 were neatly made with canes closely lashed together. 
 
 There was a back door to this public room which 
 communicated with a separate house by a covered 
 way. 
 
 This was our private residence, which also con- 
 sisted of only one room ; but I had arranged it with 
 extreme neatness, in order to excite the admiration 
 of Kabba Rdga and his chiefs, who would, I hoped, 
 imitate the manners and customs of civilized life, and 
 thus improve trade. 
 
 The room was twenty-four feet long by thirteen 
 wide. The walls were as usual made of canes, but 
 
 VOL. II. Q
 
 226 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 these were carefully hung with scarlet blankets, sewn 
 together and stretched to the ground, so as to form 
 an even surface. The floor was covered with mats. 
 Upon the walls opposite to each other, so as to throw 
 endless reflections, were two large oval mirrors 
 (girandoles) in gilt metal frames. A photograph of 
 her Majesty the Queen stood on the toilet 
 table. 
 
 At the extreme end of the room was a very good 
 coloured print, nearly life size, of her Eoyal High- 
 ness the Princess of Wales. The scarlet walls were 
 hung with large coloured prints, life-size, of very 
 beautiful women, with very gorgeous dresses, all 
 the jewelry being imitated by pieces of coloured 
 tinsel. A number of sporting prints, very large, 
 and also coloured, were arranged in convenient places 
 on the walls. There were fox-hunting scenes, and 
 German stag-hunts, together with a few quiet land- 
 scapes, that always recalled the dear old country 
 now so far away. 
 
 The furniture was simple enough : two angarebs, 
 or Arab stretchers, which, during the day, were 
 covered with Persian carpets and served as sofas, 
 while at night they were arranged as beds. The 
 tables were made of square metal boxes piled one 
 upon the other and covered with bright blue cloths.
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE PRIVATE RESIDENCE. 227 
 
 These were arranged with all kinds of odd trinkets 
 of gaudy appearance, but of little value, which were 
 intended to be asked for, and given away. Two 
 native stools curiously cut out of a solid block 
 formed our chairs. The guns and rifles stood in a 
 row against a rack covered with red Turkey cloth ; 
 and a large Geneva musical box lay upon a table 
 beneath the Princess of Wales. 
 
 Altogether the room was exceedingly pretty. It 
 would have been vulgar if in England ; but it was 
 beautifully clean, and it shortly became the wonder 
 of Central Africa. 
 
 I had brought the large gilt mirrors from England 
 specially for M'tese', the king of Uganda, and for 
 Kamrasi. I knew that if they were arranged in 
 my own house, the news would be carried to M'tese' 
 immediately ; and the fact of so great a curiosity and 
 treasure being on the road to him- would at once 
 open a communication. 
 
 On 8th May, the prisoners of Suleiman's company, 
 numbering twenty-five persons, came to the divan, 
 headed by Ali Genninar, and supplicated forgiveness. 
 They all declared their desire to be registered on the 
 government books as irregular troops. 
 
 I had already witnessed an example of their 
 duplicity, therefore I had no confidence in their 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 professions, but at the same time I did not know what 
 to do with them. The fact of their being in custody 
 required twenty soldiers to relieve the necessary 
 guards. I therefore determined to be magnanimous, 
 as I was only too happy to be rid of such bad bargains 
 should they run away. The only man that I trusted 
 was Ali Geiminar ; he was a clever and plucky fellow 
 that I had known in my former African journey, at 
 which time he belonged to the company of Ibrahim. 
 
 After a good lecture I forgave them, and they all 
 received their serkis (certificates) as members of 
 the irregular corps. Ali Genninar was to have the 
 rank of lieutenant. 
 
 I told them that it was my intention to hoist the 
 Ottoman flag, and to officially annex the country in 
 the presence of Kabba Rega and his people, therefore 
 I did not wish any subjects of the Khedive to be 
 in disgrace upon such an occasion, excepting only 
 Suleiman, who would be sent to Cairo on the first 
 opportunity, to answer for the murder of the prisoner 
 at Foweera. 1 therefore divided a few pounds of 
 beads among them for the purchase of new bark- 
 cloths, as I could not allow them to appear in their 
 dirty clothes on the day of the ceremony. 
 
 They all went away rejoicing, and swearing 
 fidelity, at the same time confessing their sins, and
 
 CHAP, vi.] PREPARATION OF BARK-CLOTH. 229 
 
 vowing that I had treated them better than they 
 had deserved. 
 
 As usual, our proceedings were narrowly watched 
 by the guards stationed at Kabba Rega's new divan, 
 within fifty yards of my house. These spies im- 
 mediately ran off to their master with the report 
 that I had forgiven the slave-hunters who were 
 lately prisoners, and that I had actually made them 
 presents of beads. 
 
 This report was quickly confirmed, as the new 
 and dirty members of the irregular corps, who 
 were now at liberty, presented themselves in the 
 town with their hands full of beads to purchase the 
 necessary bark-cloths. These cloths are prepared from 
 the bark of a species of fig-tree in a very simple 
 manner, which I have personally witnessed. 
 
 A piece cf bark about six feet long, and as wide 
 as possible, is detached from the trunk of the tree. 
 The outside rind is pared off by a lance-head 
 used with two hands, like a cooper's drawing-knife. 
 The bark is then laid upon a beam of wood on 
 the ground, on which it is hammered with a mallet 
 grooved in fine cuts, so that the repeated blow r s 
 stamp the bark with lines somewhat resembling cor- 
 duroy. This hammering expands the bark, which 
 is repeatedly turned and hammered again, until at
 
 230 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 length it is beaten into a cloth of rather fine texture. 
 The action of the air colours the bark, which, al- 
 though white when first stripped from the tree, 
 quickly assumes a delicate shade of brown, as a 
 slice of an apple oxydizes upon exposure in our 
 own climate. 
 
 The finest cloths are ornamented with patterns 
 in black. These are simply produced by drawing 
 the design with water from iron springs, which 
 combining with the tannin of the bark immediately 
 stains it black. 
 
 The sheets of bark-cloth are frequently dyed this 
 colour by immersing them for a short time in springs 
 of the same water. 
 
 The finest cloths are produced in Uganda, and 
 all that are used for royal wear are brought from 
 that country in exchange for ivory. 
 
 My new men, the late slave-hunters, who I 
 hoped were " wicked men that had turned away 
 from their wickedness," had succeeded in purchas- 
 ing a quantity of new cloths ready for the day of 
 annexation. 
 
 That night, at about nine o'clock, just before we 
 were going to bed, we had remarked an extraordinary 
 stillness in the town of Masindi. There was not a 
 whisper to be heard throughout the capital, where
 
 CHAP, vi.j EXTRAORDINARY UPROAR. 231 
 
 generally the night was passed in the uproar of 
 drunken singing and blowing of horns. 
 
 Suddenly this extraordinary silence was broken by 
 the deep notes of a nogara or drum. This sounded 
 for a second or two, and ceased. Again all was still 
 as death. 
 
 A sudden burst of hellish noise, such a I have 
 never heard before or since, now startled every soldier 
 to his feet, and without orders, every man armed 
 and fell into position. 
 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with his sword belted on 
 and a rifle in his hand, came to me for orders on 
 the instant. The ever-ready Monsoor was armed 
 and by my side. 
 
 In the meantime the din of very many thousands 
 continued, yelling and shrieking as though maniacs ; 
 I should imagine that at least a thousand drums 
 were beating, innumerable horns were blowing, with 
 whistles, fifes, and every instrument that would 
 add to the horrible uproar. 
 
 At the same time not a human bein,g was 
 visible. 
 
 Mohammed, the dragoman, appeared, together 
 with Umbogo. In reply to my question as to the 
 cause of such a sudden irruption of noise, Umbogo 
 laughed, and said it was " to make me afraid, and to
 
 232 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 exhibit the great numbers of people that were collected 
 at Masindi." 
 
 This was all. I therefore at once ordered the band 
 to play, as I determined to accept the carefully 
 planned surprise as a compliment that I would 
 return. 
 
 The band struck up, the cymbals clashed, the big 
 drum thundered, and the buglers blew their loudest, 
 while the regimental drums rattled away as hard as 
 the sticks could roll upon the skins. 
 
 In a short time the noise of the town ceased, and 
 the only sound was occasioned by our own band. 
 
 I ordered them to cease playing. Once more there 
 was perfect stillness. 
 
 I ordered the sentries to keep a sharp look-out, and 
 we all went to bed. 
 
 This was a practical joke that did not please me, 
 as it smacked of distrust and defiance. It took 
 place on the same day upon which I had liberated 
 the slave-hunter's people, and engaged them as irre- 
 gular troops. 
 
 On the following morning I sent several mes- 
 sengers to Kabba Rdga to beg him to pay me a visit. 
 They all returned, some saying that he was asleep- 
 others, that he was drunk. It was the usual habit of 
 this young man to get very drunk every night, and
 
 CHAP, vi.] BAD NEWS FROM FATIKO. 233 
 
 to sleep until about 2 P.M., when he dressed and 
 attended at his public divan. 
 
 I now heard that native messengers had arrived 
 from the country of Faieera, which formed one of the 
 districts within nine miles of Fatiko, under the charge 
 of the great sheik, Kot Jarma, who had sworn 
 allegiance to the government, and was under the 
 protection of Major Abdullah. 
 
 These messengers had brought some guns and 
 ammunition to sell to Kabba Kega. They wished 
 particularly to see me, as they had important news. 
 
 When they appeared in the divan, I at once 
 recognized them as people that I had seen at 
 Fatiko. 
 
 They informed me that since my departure, Abou 
 Saood and his people had ridiculed the authority of 
 my commandant, Major Abdullah ; and to prove to 
 the natives how powerless he was to protect them, 
 Abou Saood had sent his men to attack Eot Jarma, 
 and they had carried off his cattle and slaves. 
 
 The messengers declared that both Eot Jarma and 
 all the natives were delighted with Major Abdullah 
 and his troops, as they were very different from the 
 slave-hunters, but the latter were too numerous and 
 strong for Abdullah to contend against. 
 
 I told them that Abdullah was only waiting for
 
 234 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 orders ; but if such was the state of things " why had 
 be not written a letter by this opportunity ? " 
 
 The natives asserted that the slave-hunters of Abou 
 Saood had lost five of their party, killed in the attack 
 upon Rot Jarma ; therefore they (the messengers) 
 were afraid to go near the station of Major Abdullah. 
 They had accordingly travelled fast to bring me the 
 news (160 miles), at the same time they brought the 
 guns for sale to Kabba Rega. 
 
 It was the old story of deception and rebellion. 
 Before my face Abou Saood would cringe to the earth, 
 but he became an open rebel in my absence. It was 
 absolutely necessary to place this man under arrest. 
 AVhen the Baris were at open war with the govern- 
 ment, he had not only associated with their chief, but 
 he had armed parties of these natives with muskets, 
 which he employed in his zareebas. 
 
 He now attacked, in defiance of government 
 protection, those friendly natives of Faieera who 
 had become peaceable subjects of the Khedive. 
 This was the same spirit of defiance that had been 
 exhibited by Suleiman when he slaughtered the 
 prisoner to whom I had granted an asylum. 
 
 Unless I should arrest Abou Saood, it would be 
 ridiculous to attempt the establishment of a govern- 
 ment. This scoundrel knew the weakness of my
 
 CHAP, vi.] REBELLIO US COND UGT OF ABOU SAOOD. 235 
 
 military force. He had himself requested Kabba 
 Rega to attack me upon my arrival in his country. 
 He was now plundering and kidnapping the districts 
 that were under government protection ; this would 
 immediately be known to Kabba Rega and his people, 
 who would naturally conclude that my assurances 
 of protection were valueless, and that Abou Saood 
 was stronger than the government of the Khedive. 
 
 I determined to send orders to Major Abdullah 
 to arrest Abou Saood if the reports were true con- 
 cerning Faieera, at the same time he was to insist 
 upon the liberation of all the Unyoro slaves, which 
 he was to escort with his detachment to Foweera 
 on the Victoria Nile. 
 
 There was no doubt that this fellow, Abou Saood, 
 was confident of support from some Egyptian autho- 
 rity behind the scenes ; he had therefore deter- 
 mined to be humble before my face, to avoid being 
 pounced upon at once, but to have his own way 
 when my back was turned, as he trusted that after 
 the advice he had given to Kabba Rega I should 
 never return from Unyoro. It would then be said 
 that I had been killed by the natives, the affair 
 would be ended, and the official supporters of Abou 
 Saood would reinstate him in his original business 
 or a sufficient consideration.
 
 236 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 I made arrangements for the departure of my 
 new irregulars. After many invitations I at 
 length succeeded in allaying Kabba Rega's ap- 
 prehensions, and he promised to pay me a visit 
 on the llth May. Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader 
 went to meet him, and escorted him to the new 
 house. 
 
 On arrival in the divan he was much astonish ei.l 
 and delighted. The room, twenty-eight feet by 
 fourteen, was arranged with double rows of metal 
 boxes on all sides, so closely packed that they 
 formed either low tables or seats, as might be 
 required. These were all covered with blue blankets, 
 which gave a neat appearance, upon which, at the 
 east end of the room, were exhibited samples of 
 the various goods that I had brought for the estab- 
 lishment of a regular trade in Unyoro. There 
 were tin plates as bright as mirrors, crockery of 
 various kinds, glasses, knives of many varieties, 
 beautiful Manchester manufactures, such as Indian 
 scarfs, handkerchiefs, piece-goods, light blue serge, 
 chintzes, scarlet and blue blankets, blue and crimson 
 cotton cloth, small mirrors, scissors, razors, watches, 
 clocks, tin whistles, triangles, tambourines, toys, in- 
 cluding small tin stonmers, boats, carriages, Japanese 
 spinning tops, horn snakes, pop-guns, spherical
 
 CHAP, vi.] "ARE THESE ALL FOR ME?" 237 
 
 quicksilvered globes, together with assortments of 
 beads of many varieties. 
 
 "Are these all for me?" asked Kabba Rega. 
 
 " Certainly/' I replied, " if you wish to exchange 
 ivory. All these things belong to the Khedive of 
 Egypt, and any amount remains in the magazines 
 of Gondokoro. These are simply a few curiosities 
 that I have brought as an experiment to prove the 
 possibility of establishing a trade." 
 
 Among other things, the wheel of life attracted 
 his attention. This had frequently been exhibited, 
 but neither Kabba Rega nor his chiefs ever tired of 
 the performance. 
 
 The magnetic battery was now called for, and 
 Kabba Rdga insisted upon each of his chiefs sub- 
 mitting to a shock, although he was afraid to experi- 
 ment upon himself. He begged Lieutenant Baker, 
 who managed the instrument, to give as powerful 
 a shock as he could, and he went into roars of 
 laughter when he saw a favourite minister rolling 
 on his back in contortions, without the possibility of 
 letting the cylinders fall from his grasp. 
 
 Every individual of his headmen had to suffer, 
 and when all had been operated upon, the ministers 
 sought outside the divan among the crowd for any par- 
 ticular friends that might wish to try " the magic."
 
 238 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 At length one of the wires of the instrument gave 
 way, as a patient kicked and rolled frantically upon 
 the ground ; this was a good excuse for closing the 
 entertainment. 
 
 Kabba Rega now requested permission to see our 
 private residence. I told him that only himself 
 together with four of his chiefs and the interpreter, 
 Umbogo, could be permitted to enter. These were 
 Rahonka (his maternal uncle), Neka (his uncle, 
 Kamrasi's brother), KitakftrS, and Quonga. On that 
 occasion the tall chief, Matonse endeavoured to 
 push his way through, but was immediately turned 
 back by the sentry and Monsoor. 1 
 
 The first exclamation upon entering the room 
 was one of surprise " Wah ! Wah !" and Kabba 
 Rep;a and his chiefs covered their mouths with one 
 
 o 
 
 hand, according to their custom when expressing 
 astonishment. 
 
 The large looking-glasses were miracles. Kabba 
 Rdga discovered a great number of Kabba Regas 
 in the endless reflections of the two opposite mirrors. 
 This was a great wonder that attracted particular 
 attention. 
 
 It was then discovered that every person was 
 
 1 This little incident must be remembered, as the man took a 
 dislike to Monsoor from that moment.
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE QUEEN AND PRINCESS OF WALES. 239 
 
 multiplied in a similar manner ! This was of course 
 "cojoor" (magic). It was difficult to draw them 
 away from the looking-glasses, but at length the 
 pictures were examined. The Queen was exhibited 
 and explained, and I described her subjects to be as 
 numerous as the white ants in Unyoro. The Princess 
 of Wales was a three-quarter face ; and they imme- 
 diately asked " why she had only one ear ? " The 
 same question of unity was asked respecting the 
 leg of a man in a red coat on a white horse. 
 
 Every lady's portrait was minutely examined, but 
 to our great satisfaction, that of the Princess was 
 declared by general consent to be the most lovely. 
 
 I was much struck with this exhibition of good 
 taste, as the other portraits were pretty faces, but 
 the hair and dresses were gaudily ornamented, 
 whereas that of the Princess of Wales was exceed- 
 ingly simple ; the dress being an evening gown of 
 white satin. 
 
 I should have expected that natives would have 
 preferred the gaudy attire, without bestowing suffi- 
 cient admiration on the features. 
 
 Kabba Rega now asked " why the women in the 
 various portraits all looked at him ? " wherever he 
 moved, their eyes followed him. 
 
 His chiefs now discovered that the faces in the
 
 240 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 pictures were also looking at them ; and the eyes 
 followed them whether they moved to the right or 
 left ! This was cojoor, or magic, which at first made 
 them feel uncomfortable. 
 
 One of my wife's female servants, Wat-el-Kerreem, 
 would not remain by herself in this room, for fear 
 of "the eyes that stared at her." 
 
 Everything that we possessed was now minutely 
 scrutinized. The guns and rifles of various breech- 
 loading mechanism were all displayed and admired. 
 Kabba Rega thoughtfully asked "which of them I 
 had intended for him ? " His uncle, Rahonka, 
 exclaimed " You have done wisely in bringing all 
 those guns as presents for Kabba Re'ga." My visitors 
 were quite charming. The musical box played various 
 delightful airs, and it was remarked that it would be 
 more convenient than an instrument which required 
 the study of learning, as " you might set this going 
 at night to play you to sleep, when you were too 
 drunk to play an instrument yourself ; even if you 
 knew how to do it." 
 
 This was my young friend Kabba Riga's idea of 
 happiness to go to sleep drunk, assisted by the 
 strains of self-playing melody. 
 
 Of course, the large musical box was asked for ; 
 and, of course, I promised to give it as a present from
 
 CHAP, vi.] EVERYTHING BELONGS TO THE "SIT/" 241 
 
 the Khedive of Egypt, if .1 found that Ka"bba ilega 
 conducted himself properly. 
 
 My wife's trinkets, &c., were now begged for ; but 
 it was explained that such things were private pro- 
 perty belonging to the Sit (lady). "The Sit! the 
 Sit ! the Sit ! " the young cub peevishly exclaimed ; 
 " everything that is worth having seems to belong to 
 the Sit ! " 
 
 A small and beautifully-made revolver, with seven 
 chambers, now attracted his attention. " Does this 
 also belong to the Sit ? ; ' inquired Kabba Eega. " Yes, 
 that is the Sit's own little revolver/' was the reply ; 
 at which the young king burst out laughing, saying, 
 "Do women also carry arms in your country 1 I 
 see everything belongs to the Sit ! " 
 
 My wife now gave him some of the finest Venetian 
 beads, of which we only had a few dozen. These 
 were much prized. He was then presented with a 
 handsome gilt bracelet, set with four large French 
 emeralds. This was a treasure such as he had never 
 seen. He also received a few strings of fine 
 imitation pearls. 
 
 After .much delay and vexatious demands for 
 everything that he saw, we at length got rid of our 
 visitor. 
 
 I had explained to him the intended ceremony of 
 
 VOL. II. R
 
 242 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP, vi 
 
 hoisting the flag in the name of the Khedive, 
 and that the country would be in future under 
 the protection of Egypt, but that he should re- 
 main as the representative of the government. He 
 seemed highly pleased at the idea of protection and 
 presents, and expressed himself as very anxious to 
 
 witness the ceremony On the 14th 
 
 May, 1872, I took formal possession of Unyoro in the 
 name of the Khedive of Egypt. 
 
 I recalled to the recollection of Kabba Rega and 
 his chiefs the day when, many years ago, I had hoisted 
 the British flag, and thus I had turned back the in- 
 vading force of Wat-el-Mek, and saved Unyoro. I 
 now declared that the country and its inhabitants 
 would be protected by the Ottoman flag in the same 
 manner that it had been shielded by the Union Jack 
 of England. 
 
 There was a tall flag-staff fixed at the east end of 
 the government house. 
 
 The bugle sounded the " taboor," the troops fell in, 
 the irregulars (late slave-hunters) formed in line with 
 that charming irregularity which is generally met with 
 in such rude levies. 
 
 Kabba Rega had received due notice, and he quickly 
 appeared, attended by about a thousand people. 
 
 The band played ; Kabba Rega's drums and horns
 
 CHAP. vi.J OFFICIAL ANNEXATION OF UNYORO. 243 
 
 sounded, and the troops formed a hollow square to 
 listen to a short address. 
 
 Kabba Rega was invited within the square ; and the 
 men faced about with fixed bayonets, as though pre- 
 pared to receive cavalry. It was now explained to 
 the young king that this formation defended all sides 
 from attack at the same time. He seemed more 
 interested in getting out again, than in the explana- 
 tion of military tactics. He evidently had suspicions 
 that he was fairly entrapped when he found himself 
 in the middle of the square. 
 
 The flag was now hoisted with due formality ; the 
 usual military salutes took place ; volleys were fired ; 
 and the crowd at length dispersed, leaving the 
 Ottoman flag waving in a strong breeze at the head 
 of the flag-staff. 
 
 As a proof of his satisfaction, Kabba Rega 
 immediately sent me a present of twelve goats. 
 
 One of the soldiers had been caught in the act of 
 stealing potatoes from a native. This having been 
 proved conclusively against him, I sent word to 
 Kabba Rega to summon his people to witness the 
 punishment of the offender. 
 
 A great crowd of natives assembled, and the thief 
 having received punishment in their presence, was 
 confined in the stocks, and was condemned to be sent 
 
 R 2
 
 244 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 back to Gondokoro. This strict discipline had a 
 strong moral effect upon my men ; as thefts which 
 had formerly been the rule, had now become the 
 exception. The natives were always assured of 
 justice and protection. 
 
 On 19th May, my people were ready to start, with 
 the post and the prisoner Suleiman, to Fatiko. 
 Kabba Kega declared that the 300 carriers were in 
 readiness with fifty loads of flour for the journey ; and 
 he said that he had already sent orders to Foweera 
 to prepare the deserted zareeba of Suleiman for the 
 reception of Major Abdullah and his detachment on 
 their arrival. 
 
 The party was to consist of a serjeant and ten men 
 (regulars), together with twenty-five irregulars under 
 the charge of my old Cairo dragoman, Mohammed. 
 
 Ali Grenninar had the military command in the 
 place of the second vakeel, Eddrees, who was suffering 
 from chronic dysentery. I had arranged that the 
 party should start on the following day. 
 
 In the afternoon I had an interview with Kabba 
 Ke'ga in his private divan, within our garden. I was 
 suddenly interrupted by Ali Grenninar and a few 
 of his men, who presented themselves in the face of 
 Kabba Ke'ga, to inform me that they could not start 
 without their guns !
 
 CHAP, vi.] KABBA REG A STEALS THE GUNS. 245 
 
 It appeared that on the day that Abd-el-Kader 
 had ordered Kabba Rega to disarm the people of 
 Suleiman upon his first arrival at Masindi, the young 
 king had certainly ordered their disarmament, but he 
 had himself retained their arms and ammunition, in 
 addition to a goatskin bag with about 300 rounds of 
 ball-cartridge. This had never been reported to me. 
 
 The mendacious young king had the audacity to 
 deny this, in face of several witnesses ; and he would 
 at once have retired from the divan (and probably I 
 should never have seen him again) had I not in- 
 sisted upon his remaining until the affair had been 
 thoroughly explained. 
 
 It was then discovered that he had returned all the 
 muskets to Abd-el-Kader, except five ; which were 
 not forthcoming. 
 
 I requested him in future to adhere more strictly 
 to the truth ; as it was a disgrace for a man in his 
 position to tell a falsehood, which would render it 
 impossible for me to place implicit confidence in him; 
 at the same time I insisted upon the immediate return 
 of the guns, together with the cartouche-belts and 
 ammunition. 
 
 The young rascal retired in great confusion and 
 stifled anger with a promise that everything should 
 be restored !
 
 246 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 In the afternoon he sent five wretched old mus- 
 kets that had been injured in the stocks, and repaired 
 with the raw hide of crocodiles. These had never 
 belonged to the irregulars ; but he had kept their 
 good guns, and hoped to exchange these wretched 
 weapons, which had been given some years ago to 
 Kamrasi by the vakeel, Ibrahim. 
 
 I spoke very strongly to Kittak&rS, his favourite 
 minister ; and explained to him the folly and discredit 
 of such conduct. 
 
 KittakSra" replied : " Is not Kabba Rega your son ? 
 Do you begrudge him a few good guns and am- 
 munition taken from your late enemies, the slave- 
 hunters 1 " 
 
 It was in vain that I endeavoured to explain that 
 these people were subjects of the Khedive, and had 
 now received forgiveness : therefore, as they were 
 engaged as irregulars they must receive their arms. 
 KittakSrS simply replied : "Do you believe in these 
 people ? Do you think that, because they have 
 now enlisted through fear, they will ever change 
 their natures ? " 
 
 I asked him " if soap would wash the black spots 
 from a leopard's skin ? " but I explained that I could 
 strip the skin at once off the leopard, and that I 
 should quickly change their natures.
 
 CHAP, vr.] THE STOLEN GUNS RESTORED. 247 
 
 Day after day passed, and the ammunition was 
 only returned in driblets, after constant and most 
 urgent demands. 
 
 On 21st May I sent word to Kabba Rega 
 (who had declined to appear in public or private) 
 that if he persisted in this deception I should 
 myself be compelled to return to Fatiko, as it 
 would be impossible for me to hold communi- 
 cations with any person in whom I could place 
 no confidence. 
 
 In the event of my departure from Unyoro he 
 knew the consequences. He would be ridiculed 
 by Rionga, who would join the slave-hunters and 
 attack him should I withdraw my protection. On 
 the south he would be invaded by M'tese, who 
 would imagine that Kabba Rega had prevented 
 me from visiting him ; thus his country would be 
 utterly ruined. 
 
 The chiefs, Neka, KittakSra', and Matonse, to 
 whom I spoke, appeared thoroughly to comprehend 
 the position. 
 
 During the day the five missing guns were re- 
 turned, together with the goatskin bag (chorab), 
 containing much of the missing ammunition some of 
 which had been abstracted. 
 
 On 23rd May I sent off the party to Fatiko,
 
 248 ISMAILI A . [CHAP, vi- 
 
 together with the post including letters to Egypt, 
 Khartoum, and England, to be forwarded by first 
 opportunity. 1 
 
 I wrote to Wat-el-Mek to offer him the com- 
 mand of an irregular corps of 400 men, which 
 he was to raise immediately from those com- 
 panies that were now thrown out of employ- 
 ment by the termination of the contract with 
 Agad & Co. 
 
 I sent written instructions to Major Abdullah to 
 arrest Abou Saood, and to liberate all the Unyoro 
 slaves in the possession of his people. He was then 
 to forward Abou Saood, together with Suleiman, as 
 prisoners, to the care of Raouf Bey at Gondokoro ; 
 and to march himself with his detachment, and 
 all effects, together with the liberated slaves, to 
 Foweera. . 
 
 Three hundred natives accompanied my party 
 from Unyoro to transport the baggage of Major 
 Abdullah. 
 
 I had not seen Kabba Re'ga since the day when he 
 had lied concerning the possession of the muskets and 
 ammunition. Whether from shame or anger I could 
 not tell, but he declined to appear. 
 
 The party started with the post, thus reducing my 
 
 1 These never arrived in England.
 
 CHAP, vi.] MY POST STARTS FOR FATIKO. 249 
 
 force by the departure of thirty-six men, including 
 eleven regulars and twenty-five of the new irregular 
 levy. 
 
 I was now left with one hundred regulars, four 
 sailors, and four armed Baris.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ESTABLISH COMMERCE. 
 
 FOR some time past the natives had commenced a 
 brisk trade with ivory in exchange for all kinds 
 of trifles, which left a minimum profit for the 
 government of 1500 per cent. A few beads, 
 together with three or four gaudy-coloured cotton 
 handkerchiefs, a zinc mirror, and a fourpenny butcher's 
 knife, would purchase a tusk worth twenty or thirty 
 pounds. I calculated all the expenses of transport 
 from England, together with interest on capital. In 
 some cases we purchased ivory at 2,000 per cent, 
 profit, and both sellers and buyers felt perfectly 
 contented. 
 
 I am not sure whether this is considered a decent 
 return for an investment of capital among the 
 descendants of Israel ; but I am convinced that 
 at the conclusion of a purchase in Unyoro each
 
 CHAP, vii.] LUCRATIVE TR A DK 251 
 
 party to the bargain thought that he had the best of 
 it. This was the perfection of business. 
 
 Here was free trade thoroughly established : the 
 future was tinged with a golden hue. Ivory would 
 be almost inexhaustible, as it would flow from both 
 east and west to the market where such luxuries 
 as twopenny mirrors, fourpenny knives, fourpenny 
 handkerchiefs, ear-rings at a penny a pair, finger 
 signet-rings at a shilling a dozen, could be 
 obtained for such comparatively useless lumber as 
 elephants' tusks. 
 
 Manchester goods would quickly supersede the 
 bark-cloths, which were worn out in a month, and, 
 in a few years, every native of Unyoro would be 
 able to appear in durable European clothes. Every 
 man would be able to provide himself with a com- 
 fortable blanket for the chilly nights, and an 
 important trade would be opened that would 
 tend to the development of the country, and 
 be the first step towards a future civilization. 
 Unfortunately for this golden vision, the young 
 king, Kabba Rega, considered that he had a 
 right to benefit himself exclusively, by mono- 
 polizing the trade with the government. He 
 therefore gave orders to his people that all ivory 
 should be brought to him ; and he strictly pro
 
 252 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. VH. 
 
 hibited, on pain of death, the free trade that I had 
 endeavoured to establish. 
 
 The tusks ceased to arrive ; or, if any individual 
 was sufficiently audacious to run the risk of detec- 
 tion, he sent word beforehand, by Monsoor (who 
 was known to be confidential), that he would bring 
 a tusk for sale during the darkness of night. 
 
 This was a troublesome affair. Annexation is 
 always a difficult question of absolute right, but, 
 as I trust my readers will acknowledge, I had 
 done all that lay in my power for the real 
 benefit of the country. I had to make allow- 
 ances for the young king, who now had become a 
 vassal, and I determined to observe the extreme of 
 moderation. 
 
 It was generally acknowledged that the conduct 
 of the troops was most exemplary. No thefts had 
 been allowed, nor even those trifling annexations 
 of property which are distinguished from stealing 
 by the innocent name of " cribbing." Not a garden 
 had been disturbed ; the tempting tobacco plantations 
 had been rigidly respected, and the natives could 
 only regard my troops as the perfection of police. 
 They were almost as good as London police 
 there were no areas to the houses, neither insinuat- 
 ing -cooks or housemaids, nor even nursemaids with
 
 CHAP, vii.] ARRANGE TO ESTABLISH A SCHOOL. 253 
 
 babies in perambulators, to distract their attention 
 from their municipal duties. 
 
 Among my men there was an excellent young 
 man, named Ramadan, who was the clerk of the 
 detachment. This intelligent young fellow was a 
 general favourite among our own men, and also 
 among the natives. He had a great aptitude for 
 languages, and he quickly mastered sufficient of 
 the Unyoro to make himself understood by the 
 natives. 
 
 I arranged that Ramadan should become the school- 
 master, as it would be useless to establish commerce 
 as a civilizing medium without in some way com- 
 mencing a system of education. 
 
 Ramadan was proud at the idea of being selected 
 for this appointment. 
 
 There was a son of KittakSrS/s, of about nine 
 years old, named Cherri-Merri. This nice little boy 
 had paid us many visits, and had become a great 
 favourite of my wife's. He usually arrived after 
 breakfast, and was generally to be found sitting on 
 a mat at her feet, playing with some European toys 
 that were his great delight, and gaining instruction 
 by conversation through the interpreter. 
 
 Although Cherri-Merri was a good boy, he pos- 
 sessed the purely commercial instinct of Unyoro.
 
 254 ISMAILl A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 He seldom arrived without a slave attendant, who 
 carried on his head a package of something that 
 was to be sold. 
 
 He was told that it was bad taste to bring articles 
 for sale to people who had shown him kindness, at 
 the same time no presents would be received. The 
 little trader quickly relieved himself of this diffi- 
 culty by marching off with his slave and package 
 to the soldiers' camp, where he exchanged his flour 
 or tobacco for metal buttons, which they cut off 
 their uniforms ; or for beads, or other trifles which 
 they possessed. 
 
 Cherri-Merri was a general favourite, and he was 
 to form the nucleus for the commencement of a 
 school. 
 
 The station was now in perfect order. Altogether, 
 including the soldiers' gardens, about three acres 
 had been cleared and planted. Everything was well 
 above ground, and was growing with that rapidity 
 which can only be understood by those who have 
 witnessed the vegetation of the tropics on the 
 richest soil. English cucumbers, varieties of melons, 
 pumpkins, tomatoes, Egyptian radishes, onions, Egyp- 
 tian cotton, &c., were all flourishing. Also a small 
 quantity of wheat. 
 
 Every cottage was surrounded by a garden ; the
 
 CHAP, vii.] AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENTS. 255 
 
 boys had formed partnerships, and, having been 
 provided with seeds, they had beds of pumpkins 
 already nearly a foot above the ground. 
 
 The girls and women -servants were as usual 
 extremely industrious ; they also had formed little 
 companies, and the merits of the rival gardens were 
 often warmly discussed. 
 
 Three acres of land, thus carefully cultivated, made 
 a very civilized appearance. The cucumber plants 
 had grown wonderfully, and had already formed 
 fruit. Not a leaf was withered or attacked by 
 insects, and both the soil and climate of Masindi 
 were perfection for agricultural experiments. The 
 thermometer generally stood at 62 at six A.M., and 
 at 78 at noon. The air was always fresh and 
 invigorating, as the altitude above the sea-level 
 was nearly 4,000 feet. 
 
 An industrious population would have made a 
 paradise of this country, but the Unyoro people are 
 the laziest that I have ever seen. The days were 
 passed either in sleep, or by the assembly of large 
 crowds of idlers, who stood at the entrance of the 
 broad, gravelled approach, and simply watched our 
 proceedings. 
 
 The only excitement was produced by the sudden 
 rush of Kabba Rega's guards (bonosoora) with big
 
 256 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 sticks among the crowd, whom they belaboured and 
 chased, generally possessing themselves of the best 
 garments of those who were captured, with which 
 they returned to their quarters, as lawful prizes. 
 
 This daring system of thieving was considered as 
 great fun by all those members of the crowd who 
 had escaped ; and the unfortunates who had been 
 reduced to nudity by the loss of their garments were 
 jeered and ridiculed by the mob with true Unyoro 
 want of charity. 
 
 These bonosoora were an extraordinary collection 
 of scoundrels. 
 
 The readers of "The Albert N'yanza" may remember 
 the " Satanic Escort/' with which I was furnished 
 by Kamrasi for my journey from M'rooli to the lake ; 
 these were bonosoora. I could never learn the 
 exact number that formed Kabba Eega's celebrated 
 regiment of blackguards, but I should imagine there 
 were above 1,000 men who constantly surrounded 
 him, and gained their living by pillaging others. 
 
 Any slave who ran away from his master might 
 find an asylum if he volunteered to enlist in the 
 bonosoora. Every man who had committed some 
 crime, or who could not pay his debts, could find a 
 refuge by devoting himself to the personal care of 
 the young king, and enrolling within the ranks of
 
 CHAP, vii.] NIGHTLY MUEDEES AT MASINDI. 257 
 
 the royal guards. The general character of these 
 ruffians may be. easily imagined. They lounged away 
 their time, and simply relieved the monotony of their 
 existence by robbing passers-by of anything that 
 attracted their cupidity. 
 
 Umbogo belonged to this celebrated corps, and he 
 informed me that hardly a night passed without 
 some person being murdered by these people, who 
 would always kill a man after dark, unless he yielded 
 up his property without resistance. The great 
 number of vultures that continually hovered over 
 Masindi were proofs of Umbogo's story, as these 
 birds generally denote the presence of carrion. My 
 men had, on several occasions, found bodies lying in 
 the high grass, neatly picked to the bone, which had 
 only recently died. 
 
 There was much to be done before the brutal 
 customs of Unyoro could be reformed : and I was 
 by no means satisfied with the conduct exhibited by 
 Kabba Kdga. He had promised faithfully that he 
 would send a large force to clear away the high grass 
 by which our station was surrounded ; this was never 
 fulfilled, neither could I engage the natives to work 
 for hire. 
 
 I had observed for some time past that his people 
 were rapidly extending the town of Masindi, by 
 
 VOL. n. s
 
 258 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 erecting new buildings upon both our flanks, which, 
 although only a few yards from our clearing, were 
 half obscured by the high grass; thus it appeared 
 that we were being gradually surrounded. 
 
 Since the departure of the post with my escort 
 and the irregular levy, nothing was done by the 
 natives, except the usual lounging by day, and 
 drinking and howling, with drums and horns as an 
 accompaniment, throughout the night. 
 
 Kabba Ke'ga had always declared that the natives 
 would work for me and obey every order when the 
 slave-hunters should have been expelled from the 
 country. Although the people who were lately a 
 portion of the slave-hunter's company had now been 
 enlisted in the service of government, not one man 
 remained in Masindi, as I had sent them all away 
 to Fatiko, at the particular request of Kabba Rega. 
 
 The real fact was, that so long as the slave-trader's 
 people were in the country, both the king and his 
 people knew that we were independent of native 
 guides, as Suleiman's men knew all the paths, from 
 their long experience of the country when engaged 
 in the civil wars. It was considered that in the 
 absence of the new levy of irregulars we should 
 be perfectly helpless to move, as we were dependent 
 upon Kabba Rega for guides.
 
 CHAP. vii.J SUSPICION OF FOUL PLAY. 259 
 
 From the general conduct of the people since the 
 departure of my party with the post to Fatiko, I 
 ' had a strong suspicion that some foul play was 
 intended, and that, when the 300 native carriers 
 should have taken the people across the Victoria 
 Nile, they would desert them in the night, and return 
 with the boats. I therefore wrote a letter addressed 
 to the second vakeel, Eddrees, ordering him to return 
 at once to Masindi with the entire party if he had 
 any suspicion of treachery. 
 
 I concealed this note in a packet of blue cloth, 
 together with a few little presents for Shooli and 
 Gimoro, at Fatiko ; but I had written on the brown 
 paper cover of the parcel, instructions that Eddrees 
 or Mohammed, the dragoman, should search the 
 contents, as a letter was hidden within. I gave 
 this packet to Umbogo, telling him that it was a 
 present for Shooli, and begging him to despatch a 
 messenger without delay to overtake the party before 
 they should have crossed the Victoria Nile. The 
 native messenger, to whom I gave a small gratuity, 
 immediately started : thus I should be able to fore- 
 warn my people in the event of trouble. 
 
 In the afternoon Kabba Eega sent for me to repair 
 the small musical box that I had given him, which 
 was slightly deranged. I replied that, until he ful- 
 
 s 2
 
 260 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 filled his promise of clearing the high grass from the 
 neighbourhood, I could not think of attending to any 
 request, as he had broken all his promises. 
 
 In half an hour after this answer he sent forty men, 
 under KittakarS,, to commence the clearing, as he was 
 in despair about his musical box. 
 
 Two native merchants from the distant country of 
 Karagwe, who had been sent by their king, Eumanika, 
 to purchase ivory from Unyoro, had arrived at Ma- 
 sindi. These people were brought to me on 26th 
 May, accompanied by Kittak&rS, together with Um- 
 bogo, the interpreter. I observed that KittakSrS was 
 acting the part of spy, to overhear and to report the 
 substance of the conversation. Some excitement had 
 been caused by the report that two travellers were 
 residing with Rumanika, and that these people had 
 arrived from the MVootan N'zige'. I was in hopes 
 that one of these travellers might be Livingstone. 
 
 The Karagwe merchants were well-dressed, and 
 very civilized -looking people. They stared upon 
 arrival in the divan, and were shortly seated upon a 
 mat before me. 
 
 After some conversation, I questioned them con- 
 cerning the travellers, and I immediately wrote both 
 questions and replies in my journal, which I now give 
 verbatim.
 
 CHAP, vii.] CBOSS-QUESTIONS ABOUT LIVINGSTONE. 261 
 
 " Have you personally seen the travellers ? " 
 Answer : " Yes ; one is tall, with a long beard and 
 
 white hair. The other is a very black man (an 
 
 African), and short." 
 
 Question : " How do they eat ? " 
 
 Answer : " With a knife and fork and p]ate." 
 
 Question : " Have they a compass " (Compass 
 
 exhibited) ? 
 
 Answer : " No ; but they have a small mirror like 
 
 those in your possession." 
 
 Question : " Do they purchase ivory ? " 
 
 Answer : " Yes. We are now sent by Rumanika 
 
 to buy ivory for them." 
 
 Question : " Have they a large quantity ? " 
 Answer : " An immense quantity. They have a 
 
 large house, which is quite full." 
 
 Question : " How will they transport it ? " 
 Answer: "They are building a vessel of iron on 
 
 the M'wootan N'zige", upon the borders of which they 
 
 are now staying." 
 
 Question : " Do they know that I am commanding 
 
 this expedition \ " 
 
 Answer : " Yes ; they have frequently asked 'whether 
 
 you had arrived ; ' and they wish to go to Khartoum." 
 " There is no trace of poor Livingstone in their 
 
 description. I imagine that some enterprising Por-
 
 262 ISMAILl A. [CHAP, vii 
 
 tuguese trader is building a ship to trade upon the 
 M'wootan N'zige*. God help him if he tries to 
 transport his ivory by this route. 
 
 " I shall write to Livingstone by the first oppor- 
 tunity. Like all other of my informants, these native 
 merchants told me that the M'wootan N'zige extended 
 to Karagwe', after a long turn to the west. It varied 
 much in width, and at Karagwe it was narrow." 
 
 For some days I had conversations with these in- 
 telligent people. They brought me two elephants' 
 tusks to sell, as they wished to show Rumanika the 
 quality of goods that were now introduced from the 
 north. I made them a few presents, after the 
 bargain, to create a favourable impression, and I 
 once more cross-examined them upon geographical 
 questions. 
 
 Their description of the east shore of the M'wootan 
 N'zige was as follows : 
 
 " South of Unyoro is 
 
 a country Kabboyu ; 
 
 ,, Kabb5yii 
 
 >3 33 
 
 Tambooki ; 
 
 ,, Tambooki 
 
 33 55 
 
 M'Pororo ; 
 
 M'Pororo 
 
 53 55 
 
 Ruanda ; 
 
 . Ruanda 
 
 33 33 
 
 BSroondi ; 
 
 ,, Bftroondi 
 
 53 3> 
 
 Chibbogora ; 
 
 Chibbo'gora 
 
 33 53 
 
 Watuta ; 
 
 ,, Watuta 
 
 33 53 
 
 Machoonda."
 
 CHAP, vii.] GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION. 263 
 
 " Beyond the Machoonda they knew nothing, 
 except that the lake extends for an enormous and 
 unknown distance. 
 
 "On the west shore, opposite Kabboyu and 
 Tambooki, is situated the cannibal country of 
 Booamba. 
 
 " The route to Karagwe from Masindi, via the 
 M'wootan N'zige (Albert N'yanza), is take boat 
 from Chibero (a day's long march from Masindi) to 
 M'Pororo at which spot you leave the boat, and 
 proceed overland in one day to the Karagwe frontier. 
 
 "The Kittangule river passes through M'Pororo, 
 N'Kole', and Kishakka, and, after a very winding 
 course, it cuts through Karagwe', and falls into the 
 Victoria N'yanza. 
 
 " ' Baroondi ' must be Speke's ' Urundi ; ' as I find 
 that many names that he has prefixed with ' U ' are 
 here pronounced as ' B.' 
 
 " By Speke's map Urundi is in about 3 south lati- 
 tude. The M'wootan N'zige" is therefore known to 
 pass through Ruanda, Baroondi, and the Watuta or 
 beyond the north end of the Tanganyika Lake. 
 
 "This looks as though the Tanganyika and the 
 M'wootan N'zige were only one vast lake bearing 
 different names according to the localities through 
 which it passes."
 
 264 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 I have extracted this from my journal, as it was 
 written at the moment that the information was 
 given. I have no theory, as I do not indulge in the 
 luxury of geographical theories ; but I shall give my 
 information in the same words in which I received it 
 from the natives. Speculative geographers may then 
 form their own opinions. 
 
 From the day when Kabba Kega had denied the 
 possession of the guns and ammunition belonging to 
 the irregular levy, he had never appeared at his new 
 divan, neither had I seen him. 
 
 Upon many occasions I had sent to request his 
 attendance, but he was always in the sanctuary of 
 his own private house, or rather establishment of 
 houses : these were a series of enormous beehive- 
 shaped straw and cane dwellings in a courtyard of 
 about an acre, surrounded by a fence, and guarded 
 by many sentries, each of whom had a small hut 
 built in the middle of the fence. 
 
 Since the departure of the irregular levy, I had 
 noticed a decided change in the demeanour of the 
 chiefs. KitbakSra, who had been our greatest friend, 
 could never look me in the face, but always cast 
 his eyes upon the ground when speaking or listen- 
 ing. 
 
 The food for the troops was obtained with the
 
 CHAP, vn.] DIFFICULTY IN OBTAINING FOOD. 265 
 
 greatest difficulty, after constant worry and endless 
 applications. It was in vain that I insisted upon 
 the right of paying for a supply of corn ; the chiefs 
 replied : " Is not Kabba Kega your son ? can a son 
 sell corn to his own father V 
 
 At the same time we never had two days' pro- 
 visions in store, and we were simply living from 
 hand to mouth. This looked suspicious, as though 
 the troops were to be rendered helpless by the 
 absence of supplies in the event of hostilities. 
 
 My few Baris consisted of my good interpreter 
 Morgian, together with three other natives, who had 
 been for some years in the employ of Suleiman. I 
 had kept these people with me, as they knew 
 something about the country and the Unyoros. 
 They were all armed and were tolerably good shots. 
 One of these fellows (Molodi), a native of the Madi 
 country, was extremely useful and intelligent. He 
 now told me that I could never depend upon Kabba 
 Kega, and that he had simply begged me to send 
 the irregulars out of the country in order that I 
 should not hear the truth of his former conduct 
 from them ; also, in their absence, I should be 
 quite ignorant of the paths that were now com- 
 pletely overgrown with immensely high grass through- 
 out the country.
 
 266 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 An incident occurred on the 31st May which 
 caused me serious anxiety. 
 
 The station was in complete order : the cultiva- 
 tion was thriving, and the general appearance of 
 the government settlement was a strong contrast 
 to the surrounding wilderness of high grass, and 
 the large and dirty town of Masindi. 
 
 My troops were now without occupation, therefore 
 I instructed Colonel Abd-el-Kader to drill them 
 every morning. 
 
 It had been the daily practice of the band to 
 march up and down the broad approach, and to 
 perform nearly opposite Kabba Riga's public 
 divan. 
 
 There was no clear place in which the troops 
 could be drilled, except in the public square at the 
 back of Kabba Rega's divan ; this was about the 
 centre of the town. 
 
 The square was an open space of about two 
 acres, and was the spot at which all public 
 festivities were held, and where, upon many occa- 
 sions, Kabba Rega delighted to sit, in a large 
 open shed, to witness the absurd performance of 
 his buffoons. 
 
 This open space was well adapted for the exercise 
 of a company of troops. I therefore ordered the
 
 CHAP, vii.] THE WAR-DRUM? 267 
 
 men on parade, and! I accompanied them myself 
 together with Lieutenant Baker. 
 
 The band played, as usual, at the head of the 
 company, and we marched through the town to 
 the open square. 
 
 Here the troops were put through their musketry 
 drill, and commenced various evolutions. 
 
 To my astonishment, I saw the natives hurry- 
 ing off in all directions. I was perfectly unarmed, 
 as were also the officers (excepting their side arms) 
 and Lieutenant Baker. 
 
 Almost immediately the huge war-drum sounded 
 in the house of Kabba R6ga, and the dull hollow 
 notes continued to beat the alarm ! 
 
 In less than ten minutes, horns were blowing 
 and drums were beating in all directions, and with 
 extraordinary rapidity, some five or six thousand 
 men came pouring down from every quarter, fully 
 armed with spears and shields, in a state of frantic 
 excitement, and at once surrounded the troops. 
 Fresh bands of natives, all of whom were in their 
 costume of war, continued to concentrate from every 
 side. The crowd of warriors leapt and gesticulated 
 around my little company of men as though about 
 to attack. 
 
 I immediately gave the order to form a square
 
 268 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 with fixed bayonets. This manoeuvre puzzled the 
 natives extremely. 
 
 They danced around the square, within a few feet 
 of the glistening row of bayonet-points, which were 
 lowered so as to form an impenetrable fence. 
 
 The officers were of course inside the square. I 
 gave the men strict orders not to fire under any 
 provocation, unless I gave the word of command, and 
 attended by Lieutenant Baker and Monsoor, the 
 latter with his sword drawn, I left the square, and 
 walked into the middle of the crowd, towards the 
 three chiefs, Rahonka, KittakSrS, and Matonse', 
 who were all standing with lances in their hands, 
 and apparently prepared for action. 
 
 Although the situation was full of meaning, I 
 thought the best policy was to appear amused. At 
 this moment Monsoor struck up with his sword, a 
 lance, which one of the frantic warriors, in the midst 
 of his wild gesticulations, had advanced within a 
 few inches of my back. 
 
 The interpreters (many of whom I knew well) 
 were all armed with muskets, and the bonosoora 
 were dressed in their usual fantastic manner when 
 prepared for war ; a considerable number were pro- 
 vided with guns. 
 
 The slightest accident would have caused a general
 
 CHAP, vii.] THREATENING SITUATION. 269 
 
 outbreak of hostilities. I had eighty men on the 
 ground ; the remainder of the force were at the 
 station, about three hundred yards distant, where 
 Lady Baker, and all stores and ammunition would 
 have been in extreme danger, had an attack become 
 general. 
 
 I at once walked up to Kahonka and KittakHr, 
 and calling an interpreter, named Kadji-Barri, who 
 was standing near them, dressed in Arab clothes, 
 with his musket in his hand, and his cartouche- 
 belt on his waist, I burst out laughing, and ex- 
 claimed : " Well done, Kadji-Barri ! this is famously 
 managed ; let us have a general dance. Ask Kitta- 
 ka'ra' if my band shall play, or will you dance to your 
 own music ? " 
 
 This was immediately translated to the chiefs, 
 and my demeanour seemed to cause some hesitation. 
 I at once ordered our band to strike up. 
 
 The instant that a well-known lively air com- 
 menced, I begged them to exhibit some native dance 
 to amuse us. Seeing their hesitation, I inquired 
 whether they would wish to see my men perform ? 
 After a few words between Kittakara" and Rahonka, 
 the former agreed that it would be better for my men 
 to commence the dance first. 
 
 I lost no time in explaining to Kittak8,r that he
 
 270 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 must at once address the crowd and assure them 
 that the performance about to commence was in- 
 tended for their amusement, and there was no cause 
 for fear. At the same time, I begged him to order 
 the crowd to stand back, and to afford space for 
 my troops, who were about to advance with the 
 bayonet. 
 
 In a loud voice KittakS/rS, gave the necessary ex- 
 planation. 
 
 I ordered the bugler to sound the advance, and the 
 whole band sounded the charge with the bayonet 
 (sinjare doran). 
 
 At the inspiriting call, each side of the square 
 advanced at the double with bayonets at the charge. 
 The crowd lately so demonstrative, fell quickly back, 
 and, having thus cleared the square, I told KittakSrft 
 to order every individual of the crowd to sit down 
 upon the ground. 
 
 The great mass of people obeyed the order with the 
 discipline of soldiers, and my troops fell back and re- 
 formed their square as before. The little square, with 
 a single line of front of twenty men, now occupied 
 the centre of the clear space. 
 
 I lost no time in inquiring for Kabba Rega, whom 
 I insisted upon seeing. After a short delay he ap- 
 peared, in company of some of his bonosoora. He
 
 CHAP, vii.] DIFFICULT POSITION. 271 
 
 was in a beastly state of intoxication, and, after 
 reeling about with a spear in his hand, he commenced 
 a most imbecile attempt at warlike gestures. 
 
 Had my eighty men been armed with breech- 
 loaders, I could have mown down hundreds by a fire 
 from the square, had hostilities been forced upon us ; 
 but, as the greater portion were armed with old 
 muskets, we might have been overwhelmed by a 
 general rush, when reloading after the first volley. 
 
 Kabba Rega was so drunk that he did not appear 
 to recognize me, but he continued to reel about for a 
 short time, and thus to expose his idiotic condition, 
 until his chiefs at length recommended him to retire. 
 
 KittakSra" now explained that, if I wished to have 
 a general dance, they would prepare a grand enter- 
 tainment at some future time ; but he now begged 
 me to withdraw the troops, as the sun was very hot, 
 and the natives were fatigued. 
 
 I assured KittakSrS, and the chiefs that the people 
 had no cause for fear, and that now that my station 
 was completed I should frequently bring the troops to 
 the public square for musketry drill, as there was no 
 other open space, unless Kabba Rega would order his 
 people to clear away the high grass, which he had so 
 often promised to do. 
 
 The band now struck up, and the troops, in single
 
 272 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 file, marched through the narrow lanes of the crowded 
 town. I walked at their head, and I was much 
 pleased by seeing my little friend, Cherri-Merri, who 
 ran out of the crowd, and, taking my hand, he 
 marched with us as a volunteer, and accompanied us 
 to the station. 
 
 Upon arrival at the government quarters, I found 
 all hands armed and well stationed for the defence of 
 the divan and powder-magazine, by my wife, who was 
 commandant in my absence. She had placed rockets 
 in readiness to fire the town on the instant of a 
 volley of musketry being heard. My good little 
 officer had also laid out a large supply of spare ammu- 
 nition, together with every gun, rifle, and pistol, all of 
 which were laid on a table in the divan, ready to 
 repel an attack. 
 
 I now sent for Rahonka, who was supposed to be 
 the general of Kabba Riga's forces. 
 
 The conduct of little Cherri-Merri was very grati- 
 fying, as he had adhered to his true friends in a 
 moment of great uncertainty. 
 
 Rahonka shortly appeared. My interpreter, Um- 
 bogo, was absent on leave for two days to visit 
 his farm ; thus Rahonka was accompanied by Kadji- 
 Barri, who was well accustomed to us, and had often 
 received presents.
 
 CHAP, viz.] BAHONKA ARRIVES. 273 
 
 I now insisted upon an explanation concerning the 
 sudden beating of the war-drum and the extraordi- 
 nary assembly of the people armed for war. Eahonka 
 looked foolish and nervous, as though he doubted the 
 chance of a safe retreat. He could not give any 
 satisfactory reason for the hostile display we had 
 so recently witnessed, but he attributed it to the 
 drunken state of Kabba Rega, who had sounded the 
 alarm without any reason. 
 
 I assured Rahonka that such conduct would not be 
 permitted ; and that if such a scene should occur 
 again, I should not allow the troops to be surrounded 
 by thousands of armed men, in hostile attitudes, 
 without immediately taking the initiative. 
 
 Rahonka retired, and in a few minutes we re- 
 ceived twenty loads of corn for the troops, as a 
 peace-offering. 
 
 Thus ended the month of May, which had nearly 
 closed in bloodshed. 
 
 There could be no doubt that an attack upon the 
 troops had been intended ; and I could not help 
 admiring the organization of the people, that enabled 
 so large a force to be concentrated upon a given 
 point in so few minutes after the alarm had sounded. 
 My wife, upon whose cool judgment I could always 
 depend, described vividly her apprehensions of 
 
 VOL. u. T
 
 274 ISMAIL! A. [CHAI-. vn. 
 
 treachery. She had witnessed the extraordinary 
 energy which the natives had exhibited in rushing 
 from the neighbouring villages, almost immediately 
 when the war-drum had sounded. They had poured 
 in streams past the station, and had brandished their 
 lances and shields at her as they thronged at full 
 speed within fifty yards of the government clearing. 
 
 Fortunately, when the big nogara had sounded, 
 both she and the troops understood the signal, and 
 with praiseworthy speed she hcid placed every man 
 in position to defend the station. Even the servants 
 and our black boys were armed, and occupied the 
 posts assigned to them. Without these precautions it 
 is highly probable that the station would have been 
 attacked, in which case it might have been at once 
 overwhelmed by so immense a superiority of force. 
 
 I felt that on the whole we had narrowly escaped 
 from ruin. My intention, when in the open square, 
 had been to seize a rifle from a soldier, and at once 
 to shoot Kabba Rdga had hostilities commenced 
 after his appearance ; but, even had we been able 
 to hold our own, with a party of eighty men, we 
 should have lost the entire station, together with 
 all our ammunition, and every soul would have been 
 massacred. 
 
 I had serious misgivings for the future. This
 
 CHAP, vii.] SULLEN BEHAVIOUR OF KABBA UEGA. 275 
 
 demonstration looked extremely bad after the depar- 
 ture of my thirty-six men with the post to Fatiko. 
 If Kabba_^ Rega and his people were treacherous, 
 they could easily murder the party whom they were 
 pretending to escort as friends. 
 
 On the other hand, I could not conceive why 
 Kabba Rega or his people should be ill-disposed, 
 unless he harboured resentment on account of the 
 discovery of his theft of the muskets and ammunition 
 from the irregulars, which I had forced him to 
 restore. 
 
 My Baris and Molodi all declared that he was 
 suspicious because I had pardoned the slave-hunters 
 and received them into government service. This 
 merciless young villain, who had so treacherously 
 murdered his own kith and kin, had no conception 
 of forgiveness; thus he could not understand why 
 I had not killed the slave -hunters when they were 
 once in my power. 
 
 There was no doubt that discontent rankled deeply 
 in his heart for some cause or other ; as he had never 
 appeared, or received visits for many days, but had 
 sulkily shut himself up within his own court. 
 
 He only went out daily, at a certain time, to collect 
 subscriptions for the pay of his beloved rascals, 
 the bonosoora ; but this led him through the town 
 
 T 2
 
 276 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 in the opposite direction to our camp, therefore we 
 never saw him. 
 
 The collection of alms was a most undignified 
 proceeding. At the hour of his exit from his house, 
 a band of fifes or flageolets struck up a peculiar air 
 which was well known as the signal for preparing to 
 pay for the king's visit. The few notes they played 
 was a monotonous repetition of: 
 
 As his pipes played before him, Kabba Rega called 
 at any houses that he thought proper to select, and 
 received from the inmates of each, a few cowrie 
 shells, which are used as the smallest coin in Unyoro. 
 These shells were afterwards divided among his 
 bonosoora as their daily pay. 
 
 My station had not been arranged for defence, as 
 I had not considered that hostilities in this country 
 could be even a remote possibility. Although black 
 human nature is the darkest shade of character, I 
 never could have believed that even Kabba Rdga 
 could have harboured treacherous designs against us, 
 after the benefits that both he and his people had 
 received from me. The country had been relieved 
 from the slave-hunters, and my people were actually
 
 CHAP, vii.] KABBA REG AS DRUNKEN STATE. 277 
 
 on the road to Fatiko to liberate and restore to their 
 families about 1,000 women and children of Unyoro. 
 I was about to establish a school. No thefts had 
 taken place on the part of the troops. The rights of 
 every native had been respected. The chiefs had 
 received valuable presents, and the people had already 
 felt the advantage of legitimate trade. 
 
 At the same time that hostility appeared impos- 
 sible, I could not blind myself to the fact of the 
 late demonstration ; it would therefore be absolutely 
 necessary to construct a small fort, for the security of 
 the ammunition and effects, which could no longer be 
 exposed in simple straw huts, without protection. 
 
 I explained this necessity to my officers and men, 
 all of whom were keenly alive to the evil spirit 
 of Kabba Rega, from whom they expected future 
 mischief. 
 
 This miserable young fellow was nearly always 
 drunk ; his time was passed in sucking plantain 
 cider through a reed, until he became thoroughly 
 intoxicated. We were, therefore, subject to any 
 sudden order that he might give in a fit of 
 drunkenness. 
 
 His people obeyed him implicitly, with that 
 fanatical belief that is held in Unyoro respecting 
 the person who occupies the magic throne (Bamba),
 
 278 ISM AIM A . [CHAP, v 1 1 . 
 
 There could be no doubt that he was offended 
 and insulted : therefore, according to the principle 
 in vino veritas, he might pluck up courage to surprise 
 us when least expected. 
 
 I determined to build a fort immediately. 
 
 I drew a plan of a circular stockade, surrounded 
 by a ditch and earthen parapet. The ditch ten 
 feet wide by seven deep. The diameter from scarp 
 to scarp, sixty feet ; diameter of inner circular court, 
 thirty-six feet. 
 
 With the assistance of Lieutenant Baker I drew 
 the plan on the ground, and my troops set to work 
 with that vigour which always distinguished them. 
 
 There were numerous large trees of the fig tribe 
 in the immediate neighbourhood. This wood was 
 exactly adapted for the purpose, as it was easy to 
 cut, and at the same time it was undying when 
 once planted in the ground. Any log of the bark- 
 cloth tree will take root if watered. 
 
 The axes with which the men were provided now 
 came into play, and the clicking of so many tools 
 at work at once -surprised the natives. Rahonka, 
 Kittakara, and other chiefs came to inquire concern- 
 ing our intention. 
 
 I explained the necessity of storing the gunpowder 
 in a fire- proof building. Only a few days ago
 
 CHAP, vn.] COMMENCE A FOET. 279 
 
 several native huts had been burnt ; such an acci- 
 dent might endanger our station, therefore I should 
 construct an earthen roof over a building of strong 
 palisades. I explained that should the whole of the 
 ammunition explode, it might ignite and destroy 
 Masiridi. 
 
 My men thoroughly understood their work. Im- 
 mense logs, nine feet in length, and many upwards 
 of two feet. in diameter, were planted, close together, 
 in holes two feet deep. Any interstices were filled 
 up with smaller posts sunk firmly in the ground. 
 The entrance to the little fort was a projecting 
 passage, about twelve feet long, and only three feet 
 wide, formed of two rows of enormous palisades, sunk 
 two feet six inches in the earth, which was pounded 
 closely down with heavy rammers. This passage 
 was an important feature in the power of defence, 
 as it added to the flanking fire. A reference to the 
 plan will show that the arrangement of this small 
 fort gave us four fireproof rooms for the protection 
 of stores and ammunition, and for the accommoda- 
 tion of the necessary guard. Each of these rooms 
 was formed of the strongest palisades, upon which 
 I arranged a flat roof of thick posts, laid parallel, 
 which were covered with tempered earth and chopped 
 straw for the thickness of a foot.
 
 280 ISMAIL! A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 The earth from the ditch would lie against the 
 outside face of the stockade, at an angle of about 
 40 from the edge of the ditch to within eighteen 
 inches of the projecting roof: thus the defenders 
 could fire from the strong rooms through the inter- 
 stices of the upright timbers. 
 
 We commenced this fort on the morning of 
 2nd June, and every palisade was in its place and 
 firmly rammed down by the evening of the 5th ; 
 thus, in four days' hard work we had an impregnable 
 protection in a position nearly half-way between 
 the entrance of the main approach and the govern- 
 ment divan. 
 
 The digging of the ditch was commenced, but 
 this was a longer operation, as we were provided 
 with the light Unyoro hoes, which were not suffi- 
 ciently powerful to cut through the hard gravel 
 subsoil. 
 
 The interpreter, Umbogo, returned on 3rd June. 
 He could not in the least explain the hostile 
 demonstration of 31st May. This added to my 
 suspicion, as Umbogo must have known more than 
 he chose to tell. 
 
 On the 4th June envoys arrived direct from M'te'se', 
 the king of Uganda, with a letter of welcome, 
 written in Arabic, addressed to myself.
 
 SCALE 36 FT=I INCH 
 
 GATE 
 
 Plan of small circular fort at Masindi with fire-proof rooms ; Ditch left unfinished. 
 
 Vol. rh-pi^Sp. 
 
 : 1 
 
 ! i ! : i i 
 
 v v v 
 
 Section of Stockade where no heavy timber is procurable. Vol. ii. p. 363.
 
 CHAP, vii.] WTESE SENDS ENVOYS. 281 
 
 The principal messenger was one of M'tese's head- 
 men, named Waysooa. The commander-in-chief, 
 Congow, had also sent a representative, named 
 BonneggesSh ; these people were accompanied by 
 an interpreter named Bokamba. 
 
 These envoys were remarkably well-dressed, in 
 Indian clothes, and they appeared quite civilized, 
 as though native merchants of Bombay. 
 
 They now delivered their credentials from King 
 M'tese' : these were objects that had been given to 
 him many years ago by Speke and Grant. A printed 
 book (Kaffre laws), several water-colour drawings, 
 including a picture of a guinea-fowl and a yellow- 
 breasted pigeon ; also a little folding-book with 
 sketches of British soldiers of various regiments. 
 These I carefully examined and returned to the 
 envoys, who wrapped them neatly in a piece of 
 calico as great treasures. 
 
 The general, Congow, had sent a tusk to sell ! I 
 declined the offer, but I sent him a scarlet blanket 
 as a present. I also packed up an assortment of 
 handsome articles for M'tese, including many yards 
 of orange-coloured gold brocade, sufficient for a large 
 flowing robe. 
 
 I gave presents to the envoys, and they appeared 
 delighted, bowing frequently to the ground while
 
 282 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 upon their knees, with their hands clasped together, 
 and repeating the word, " N'yanzig," " N'yanzig," 
 " N'yanzig." 
 
 In reply to my inquiries, nothing had been heard 
 of Livingstone. I sent M'tese a letter in Arabic, 
 begging him to use every exertion in a search for 
 the great traveller, and to forward him to me, should 
 he be so fortunate as to discover him. At the same 
 time I wrote two letters, which I addressed to Living- 
 stone ; in these I gave him the necessary information. 
 I consigned them to the care of M'te'se, to be for- 
 
 o 
 
 warded to any travellers who might be heard of, far 
 or near. 
 
 In my letter to M'te'se, I complimented him upon 
 the general improvement of his country, and upon 
 his conversion from heathenism to a belief in the 
 Deity. I explained, that owing to his kindness to 
 Speke and Grant, his name had become known through- 
 out the world, and I begged him to show the same 
 attention to Livingstone. 
 
 I described the object of the expedition, in opening 
 up a trade from the north that would bring mer- 
 chandize of every description to his kingdom ; but I 
 advised him to send his own carriers, as I felt sure 
 that Kabba Rega was already jealous, and would 
 endeavour to prevent the opening of the commercial
 
 CHAP, vn.] I WRITE TO M'TESK 283 
 
 road to M'te'se, as lie would himself wish to mono- 
 polize the trade. 
 
 This was a little stroke of diplomacy that I felt 
 sure would open a direct communication without 
 delay, as M'te'se' looked down with contempt upon 
 Kabba Rega, and would at once feel insulted at 
 opposition from such a quarter. 1 
 
 Should I have any open rupture with Kabba Rega, 
 M'tese would at once attribute the cause to the 
 obstructive and selfish character of the ruler in 
 Unyoro. 
 
 I explained to the envoys all that I had written to 
 M'te'se, and having exhibited the varieties of mer- 
 chandize that belonged to the expedition, I took them 
 into the wonderful private house, where they were 
 introduced to the Queen, and the Princess of Wales, 
 and the gaudy ladies, together with the fox-hunter-s 
 and hounds, the large mirrors, the wheel of life, &c.; 
 all of which were duly explained to them. A good 
 shock with the magnetic battery, wound up the enter- 
 tainment, and provided them with much material for 
 a report to their royal master upon their return 
 to Uganda. 
 
 The geographical information afforded by these 
 
 1 The good effect of this policy will be seen towards the close of 
 the expedition.
 
 284 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 people I shall extract verbatim from my journal, in 
 which it was written at that particular time ; thus, 
 geographers will hear all that I heard, and they may 
 form various opinions, which will perhaps add still 
 further to the interest pertaining to the mysteries of 
 Central Africa. 
 
 " The native name for the Victoria N'yanza is 
 NgrraS, Bali. There are two lakes adjoining each 
 other, one is NSrraS, Bali, the other Sessi ; both of 
 which are very large, and they are separated by a 
 neck of land about a day's march across. 
 
 " On the Sessi Lake the natives live on floating 
 islands, and subsist by fishing ; exchanging their fish 
 for flour, &c., upon the main laud. 
 
 " There is a narrow water-communication through 
 the neck of land or isthmus, which can be passed 
 through by a canoe in one day." 
 
 On the 5th June the envoys returned towards 
 Uganda, having been highly gratified with their 
 visit. They had appeared much concerned at hearing 
 of poor Speke's death ; and continued to exclaim for 
 some minutes, "Wah! Wah ! Speekee! Speekee! 
 Wah ! Speekee ! "
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 TREACHERY. 
 
 FOR some days past, Kabba Rega had frequently 
 sent his interpreters with messages, that he wished to 
 sell the ivory that he had collected for the govern- 
 ment. We had noticed on several occasions many 
 people laden with large elephants' tusks, who in- 
 variably marched towards the same direction. The 
 dragoman, Kadji-Barri, daily brought ivory for sale 
 for the account of his master ; and exchanged tusks 
 for all kinds of trifles, such as porcelain cups and 
 saucers, small musical boxes, &c., &c. 
 
 On 6th June, twenty-one tusks were purchased 
 from the messengers of Kabba Re'ga, and I thought 
 that the young king was getting tired of his sulky 
 fit, and that we should be once more friends. 
 
 The supply of food was always a trouble. Every 
 day was passed in repeated applications to the
 
 :_>86 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 authorities for supplies, which were at length grudg- 
 ingly bestowed. 
 
 On 7th June, there was nothing for the troops to 
 cat. Although on 31st May we had received twenty 
 loads of corn, these were simply the long narrow 
 packages which are so neatly made of the plantain 
 bark throughout Unyoro, but which contain very little. 
 
 Several times during the day Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader, together with Monsoor, had been sent 
 to the divan of Kabba Re'ga, to impress upon his 
 chiefs the necessity of a supply of food. They ex- 
 plained my great annoyance, as this was precisely 
 the result that I had foretold when Kabba Rega had 
 neglected to clear the ground for cultivation. 
 
 At about 3 P.M., the tall chief Matonsd appeared, 
 together with Umbogo, and several natives, who 
 carried five large jars of plantain cider. These were 
 sent to me from Kabba Rega, with a polite but 
 lying message, that " he much regretted the scarcity 
 of corn ; there was positively none in Masindi, but a 
 large quantity would arrive to-morrow from AgguseV' 
 In the meantime he begged I would accept for the 
 troops a present of the five jars of cider. 
 
 I declined to accept the present, as I did not re- 
 quire drink, but solid food for the troops. The jars 
 were therefore returned.
 
 CHAP, viii.] THE POISONED DRINK. 287 
 
 About sunset Matousd again appeared, accom- 
 panied by Umbogo and natives with seven jars of 
 cider, and two large packages of flour, which he 
 assured me had been borrowed from Rahonka. He 
 was exceedingly polite, and smiled and bowed, be- 
 seeching me to accept the cider, as plenty of corn 
 would be sent on the following day, when better 
 arrangements would be made for future supplies. 
 
 I could no longer refuse the cider, therefore I sent 
 for Abd-el-Kader, and gave him five jars for the 
 officers and troops. 
 
 It was at this time about seven o'clock, and we sat 
 down to dinner in the divan, as it was too chilly to 
 dine outside. 
 
 We had just finished dinner, when Abd-el-Kader 
 suddenly entered the divan in a state of troubled 
 excitement, to inform me that " many of the troops 
 appeared to be dying, and they had evidently been 
 poisoned by the plantain cider ! " 
 
 I inquired " how many men had drunk from the 
 jars ? " He could not tell, but he feared that at 
 least half the company had taken some portion, more 
 or less. He had himself drunk a tumblerful, and he 
 already felt uncomfortable, with a tightness of the 
 throat, and a burning pain in his inside. 
 
 I at once flew fo my medicinal arms. Independ-
 
 288 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vni. 
 
 ently of the large medicine-chest, I had a small box, 
 about nine inches by five, which contained all that 
 could be desired for any emergency. This little chest 
 had been my companion for twenty-five years. 
 
 I begged my wife to get as much mustard and 
 strong salt and water ready as she could mix in a 
 hurry, and I started off with Abd-el-Kader and 
 Lieutenant Baker. I immediately sent Monsoor to 
 find Umbogo. 
 
 On arrival at the camp, which was about 120 yards 
 distant, my first order was to double all the sentries. 
 I found the men in a terrible state. Several lay 
 insensible, while about thirty were suffering from 
 violent constriction of the throat, which almost pre- 
 vented them from breathing. This was accompanied 
 by spasms and burning pain in the stomach, with 
 delirium, a partial palsy of the lower extremities, and 
 in the worst cases, total loss of consciousness. 
 
 I opened the jaws of the insensible, and poured 
 down a dessert-spoonful of water, containing three 
 grains of emetic tartar, and, in about ten minutes, I 
 dosed everybody who had partaken of the poisoned 
 cider with the same emetic, while I insisted upon a 
 flood of mustard and salt and water being swallowed. 
 Fortunately we had everything at hand. The soldiers 
 who were sound were all nursing the sick, and they
 
 CHAP, viii.] UMBOGO PROVED NOT GUILTY. 289 
 
 poured down gallons of brine, until the patients 
 began to feel the symptoms of a rough passage across 
 the British Channel. 
 
 My servants always kept the lanterns trimmed 
 this was a positive order. The lights were now 
 moving to and fro, and, having seen all the poisoned 
 under the full effect of a large dose of tartarised 
 antimony, with an accompaniment of strong brine and 
 mustard, I returned to the divan, where I found 
 Umbogo had just arrived with Monsoor, who had met 
 with him at his own hut. 
 
 I sat quietly at the table as though nothing had 
 occurred. 
 
 "Are you fond of merissa, Umbogo ? " 
 
 "Yes," he replied. 
 
 " Would you like to drink some that you brought 
 from Kabba Rega, this evening ? " 
 
 " Yes, if you have any to spare," replied Umbogo. 
 
 I ordered Monsoor to fill a gourd-shell that would 
 contain about a quart. This was handed to him, 
 together with a reed. 
 
 Umbogo began to suck it vigorously through the 
 tube. My wife thought he was shamming. 
 " Drink it off, Umbogo ! " I exclaimed, 
 He drank with enjoyment there was no mistake. 
 
 II Stop him ! that's enough, Umbogo ! Don't 
 
 VOL. II. U
 
 290 ISMAILIA. [CHAP, vin 
 
 drink it all." The man was evidently not guilty, 
 although he had been employed to bring the 
 poisoned stuff. 
 
 Umbogo had only time to leave the divan and turn 
 the corner, before he fell to the ground, with the same 
 symptoms that had been exhibited among the men. 
 He had drunk more than the others. His eyes were 
 blood-stained, and nearly started from his head, as he 
 strove wildly upon the ground and wrestled with those 
 who endeavoured to assist him, in a state of total 
 unconsciousness. 
 
 I was by his side immediately, and administered 
 the same remedies. 
 
 I now ordered all the sick men to be either carried 
 or led within the fort, from which they could not 
 escape. Those who were slightly better, now en- 
 deavoured to wander about in delirium, and they 
 would have been lost in the high grass unless I 
 had thus secured them. 
 
 All that was possible had been done ; the sick were 
 secured, and the night guards for relief were all at 
 their posts ; with double sentries awake and on duty ; 
 thus no man would sleep within the station. 
 
 I sent Monsoor to call the chief, Matonse, whose 
 
 house was within 200 yards of the government divan. 
 
 Monsoor shortly returned without Matonsd He
 
 CHAP, via.] THE FAITHFUL MONSOOR. 291 
 
 had brought an interpreter from this chief, in lieu rf 
 Umbogo, who was incapacitated ; and Matonse had 
 sent a message " that 'he could not come to me in the 
 dark, but he would call on the following day. 3 '' 
 
 In the meantime an ominous stillness reigned 
 throughout the usually boisterous population of Ma- 
 sindi. Not a sound was to be heard, although the 
 nightly custom of the people was singing, howling, 
 and blowing horns. 
 
 My arms and ammunition were always in readi- 
 ness, but I filled up my pouches to the maximum of 
 fifty cartridges, and at midnight I went to bed. 
 
 I woke frequently to listen, as I was anxious, and 
 therefore I slept lightly. The faithful Monsoor was 
 under arms, and was pacing throughout the whole 
 night before my door ; he never slept. 
 
 At about 2 A.M., there was a sound throughout 
 the town of fowls crying, as though they were being 
 disturbed and caught while at roost. 
 
 At about 3 A.M. the lowing of cattle was heard, 
 as though Kabba Rega's cows were being driven 
 off. 
 
 A little after 5 A.M. I got up, and went out at 
 daybreak to visit the sick within the fort. I found 
 Monsoor waiting by my door. 
 
 The emetics had counteracted the poison, and 
 
 u 2
 
 292 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vui. 
 
 my patients, although weakly, were quite out of 
 danger. 
 
 Having examined them, I ordered the men to 
 their quarters, and they all left the fort, with the 
 exception of the night guard. 
 
 The two interpreters, Umbogo and Aboo Kooka, 
 were secured by a thin cord fastened round their 
 necks. 
 
 Having given all the necessary instructions, I 
 ordered Monsoor to go to the chief Matonse*, with 
 a message that I wished to see him, as the men had 
 been ill after drinking the cider, and although now 
 recovered, it would be satisfactory if he would 
 examine the remaining jars. 
 
 Monsoor took his rifle, and, accompanied by a 
 corporal, Ferritch Baggara, one of the best soldiers 
 of the " Forty Thieves," started on his mission. 
 Matonsd's house, as already described, was within 
 200 yards of the government divan. 
 
 It was now about 5.45 A.M. I noticed that 
 Kabba Edga's divan, within fifty yards of the 
 government house, seemed full of people, some of 
 whom were washing their faces, as though they had 
 just risen from sleep. 
 
 My wife had now joined me, and, according to 
 my usual habit, I strolled up and down the broad
 
 CHAP, vni.] SEND MESSENGERS TO MATONSE. 293 
 
 gravelled approach and smoked a short pipe. We 
 were conversing together about the present state 
 of affairs, and were anxiously expecting the return 
 of Monsoor with Matonse, who would perhaps 
 throw some light on the matter. 
 
 I was followed closely by a bugler and a choush 
 (sergeant). The main entrance of the approach from 
 the town was bordered upon either side by a dense 
 plantation of castor-oil trees, which continued in a 
 thick fringe along the edge of the garden, so as to 
 screen the huts from our view, although they were 
 within twenty paces of the entrance of the drive. 
 
 The castor-oil bushes were within five yards of 
 the entrance, and gradually increased the distance, 
 as they turned obliquely towards the private divan 
 of Kabba Kega. 
 
 We little suspected that sharpshooters were already 
 concealed within this dense covert. 
 
 My wife and I had reached the entrance of the 
 approach. Nothing seemed to denote hostility on 
 the part of the natives, no person being visible, 
 except those guards who occupied the king's divan. 
 
 Suddenly we were startled by the savage yells 
 of some thousand voices, which burst unexpectedly 
 upon us! 
 
 This horrible sound came from the direction of
 
 294 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 Matonse's house, and was within 120 yards from 
 the spot on which we stood ; but the town was not 
 visible, owing to the thick covert of oil bushes. 
 
 The savage yells were almost immediately followed 
 by two rifle shots in the same direction. 
 
 " Sound the taboor ! " Fortunately I gave this 
 order to the bugler by my side without one moment's 
 delay. 
 
 I had just time to tell my wife to run into the 
 divan and get my rifle and belt, when the sharp- 
 shooters opened fire at me from the bushes, within a 
 few yards. 
 
 I had white cotton clothes, thus I was a very clear 
 object. As I walked towards the divan to meet my 
 rifle, the sergeant who followed close behind me fell 
 shot through the heart. 
 
 The troops had fallen into position with extra- 
 ordinary rapidity, and several ascended the roof of 
 the fort, so as to see clearly over the high grass. 
 A soldier immediately fell, to die in a few minutes, 
 shot through the shoulder-blade. Another man of 
 the " Forty Thieves " was shot through the leg above 
 the knee. The bullets were flying through the 
 government divan, and along the approach. 
 
 A tumultuous roar of savage voices had burst from 
 all sides, and the whole place was alive a few instants
 
 CHAP, viii.] THE ATTACK UPON THE STATION. 295 
 
 after the first two shots had been heard. Thousands 
 of armed natives now rushed from all directions upon 
 the station/ 
 
 A thrill went through me when I thought of my 
 good and devoted Monsoor ! 
 
 My wife had quickly given me my belt and 
 breechloadiug double rifle, the " Dutchman." ] For- 
 tunately I had filled up the pouches on the 
 previous evening with fifty rounds of cartridge. 
 
 The troops were now in open order, completely 
 around the station, and were pouring a heavy fire 
 into the masses of the enemy within the high 
 grass, which had been left purposely uncleared by 
 Kabba Rega, in order to favour this treacherous 
 attack. 
 
 The natives kept up a steady fire upon the front 
 from behind the castor-oil bushes and the densely 
 thronged houses. 
 
 With sixteen men of the " Forty Thieves," together 
 with Colonel Abd-el-Kader and Lieutenant Baker, 
 R.N., I directed a heavy fire into the covert, and 
 soon made it too hot for the sharpshooters. I had 
 ordered the blue lights at the commencement of 
 the attack. My black boys, Saat and Bellaal, 
 
 1 This beautiful weapon, I have already mentioned, was made by 
 Mr. Holland, of Bond Street, London,
 
 296 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 together with some soldiers, now arrived with a 
 good supply. 
 
 Covering their advance with a heavy fire from 
 the sniders, the boys and men rushed forward, and 
 immediately ignited Kabba Rega's large divan. 
 
 These active and plucky lads now ran nimbly 
 from hut to hut, and one slight touch of the strong 
 fire of the blue lights was sufficient to insure the 
 ignition of the straw dwellings. 
 
 .1 now sent a party of fifteen sniders, under Lieu- 
 tenant Ferritch Agha, one of my most courageous 
 officers, with a supply of blue lights, to set fire to 
 the town on our left flank, and to push on to the 
 spot where the missing Monsoor and Ferritch had 
 fired their rifles. 
 
 Every arrangement having been rapidly carried 
 out, the boys and a few men continued to fire the 
 houses on our right flank; and giving the order to 
 advance, our party of sixteen rushed forward into 
 the town. 
 
 The right and left flunks were now blazing, and 
 the flames were roaring before the wind. I heard 
 the rattling fire of the sniders under Ferritch Agha 
 on our left, and knowing that both flanks were now 
 thoroughly secured by the conflagration, we dashed 
 straight for Kabba Riga's principal residences and
 
 CHAP, viii.] THE BATTLE OF MASINDI. 297 
 
 court, driving the enemy before us. Colonel Abd-el- 
 Kader was an excellent officer in action. We quickly 
 surrounded Kabba Bega's premises, and set fire to 
 the enormous straw buildings on all sides. 
 
 If he had been at home he would have had a 
 warm reception, but the young coward had fled 
 with all his women before the action had commenced, 
 together with the magic bamba or throne, and the 
 sacred drum. 
 
 In a few minutes the conflagration was terrific, 
 as the great court of Kabba Eega blazed in flames 
 seventy or eighty feet high, which the wind drove 
 in vivid forks into the thatch of the adjacent houses. 
 
 We now followed the enemy throughout the town, 
 and the sniders told with sensible effect wherever 
 they made a stand. The blue lights continued the 
 work of vengeance ; the roar of flames and the 
 dense volumes of smoke, mingled with the continued 
 rattle of musketry, and the savage yells of the 
 natives, swept forward with the breeze, and the 
 capital of Unyoro was a fair sample of the infernal 
 regions. 
 
 The natives were driven out of the town, but the 
 high grass was swarming with many thousands, who, 
 in the neighbourhood of the station, still advanced 
 to attack the soldiers.
 
 298 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vni. 
 
 I now ordered " The Forty " to clear the grass, 
 and a steady fire of snider rifles soon purged the 
 covert upon which the enemy had relied. 
 
 In about an hour and a quarter the battle of 
 Masindi was won. Not a house remained of the 
 lately extensive :town. A vast open space of smoke 
 and black ashes, with flames flickering in some 
 places where the buildings had been consumed, and 
 at others forked sheets of fire where the fuel was 
 still undestroyed, were the only remains of the 
 capital of Unyoro. 
 
 The enemy had fled. Their drums and horns, lately 
 so noisy, were now silent. 
 
 I ordered the bugle to sound " cease firing." We 
 marched through the scorching streets to our station, 
 where I found my wife in deep distress. 
 
 The bugle sounded the assembly, and the men 
 mustered, and fell in for the roll-call. Four men 
 were missing. 
 
 Lying on the turf, close to the fort wall, were 
 four bodies arranged in a row and covered with 
 cloths. 
 
 The soldiers gathered round them as I approached. 
 The cloths were raised. 
 
 My eyes rested on the pale features of my ever 
 faithful and devoted officer, Monsoor ! There was a
 
 CHAP, vin.] THE DEATH OF MONSOOK 299 
 
 sad expression of pain on his face. I could not help 
 feeling his pulse ; but there was no hope ; this was 
 still. I laid his arm gently by his side, and pressed 
 his hand for the last time, for I loved Monsoor as 
 a true friend. 
 
 His body was pierced with thirty-two lance 
 wounds ; thus he had fought gallantly to the last, 
 and he had died like a good soldier; but he was 
 treacherously murdered instead of dying on a fair 
 battle-field. 
 
 Poor Ferritch Baggara was lying next to him, 
 with two lance wounds through the chest. 
 
 The other bodies were those of the choush that 
 had fallen by my side, and the soldier who had been 
 shot on the parapet. 
 
 We were all deeply distressed at the death of poor 
 Monsoor. There never was a more thoroughly 
 unselfish and excellent man. He was always kind 
 to the boys, and w T ould share even a scanty meal 
 in hard times with either friend or stranger. He 
 was the lamb in peace, and the lion in moments of 
 danger. I owed him a debt of gratitude, for 
 although I was the general, and he had been only 
 a corporal when he first joined the expedition, he 
 had watched over my safety like a brother. I should 
 " never see his like again."
 
 300 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 Monsoor was the only Christian, excepting the 
 European party. 
 
 The graves were made. I gave out new cloth 
 from the stores in which to wrap the bodies of 
 four of my best men, and they were buried near 
 the fort. 
 
 My heart was very heavy. God knows I had 
 worked with the best intentions for the benefit of 
 the country, and this was the lamentable result. 
 My best men were treacherously murdered. \Ve 
 had narrowly escaped a general massacre. We had 
 won the battle, and Masindi was swept from the 
 earth. What next ? 
 
 I find these words, which I extract from my jour- 
 nal, as they were written at that moment : 
 
 "Thus ended the battle of Masindi, caused by 
 the horrible treachery of the natives. Had I not 
 been quick in sounding the bugle and immediately 
 assuming a vigorous offensive, we should have been 
 overwhelmed by numbers. 
 
 " Since we have been in this country, my men 
 have been models of virtue ; nothing has been stolen, 
 except a few potatoes on one occasion, when the thief 
 was publicly punished, and the potatoes restored to 
 the owner, neither have the natives been interfered 
 with in any manner. I have driven the slave-hunters
 
 CHAP, viii.] BEHAVIOUR OF THE TROOPS. 301 
 
 from their country, and my troops from Fatiko are 
 ordered to restore to Unyoro all the slaves that 
 have been stolen by the traders. The disgusting in- 
 gratitude and treachery of the negro surpasses 
 imagination. 
 
 " What is to become of these countries ? all my 
 good-will brings forth evil deeds." 
 
 In the battle of Masindi nothing could have 
 exceeded the cool, soldier-like bearing of both 
 officers and men. Every man had done his duty. 
 In the first onset, when about seven or eight thou- 
 sand natives had suddenly attacked the station, 
 the men had not only fallen into position for the 
 defence of the camp with extraordinary alacrity, but 
 they had behaved with extreme steadiness and cool- 
 ness, and not a man had moved from his post without 
 orders. 
 
 The attacking parties, formed exclusively of the 
 " Forty Thieves," had exhibited an activity and elan 
 for which this gallant little corps was eminently dis- 
 tinguished ; and had they been European troops, 
 their conduct upon this occasion, against such over- 
 whelming odds, would have covered them with 
 glory. 
 
 We had no newspaper correspondents, therefore I 
 must give the due praise to my officers and men.
 
 302 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 During the day I established patrols through- 
 out the now cleared space lately occupied by the 
 town. 
 
 In the afternoon Umbogo was able to call some 
 natives who were within earshot. These men ex- 
 plained that the chief, Matonse', was the cause of 
 the outbreak, and that it was his people who, by his 
 orders, had killed Monsoor and Ferritch. 
 
 Umbogo had been set at liberty during the fight, 
 but I now secured him by the neck to a leathern 
 thong in the hand of a sentry ; for, although a good 
 man, I could not afford to lose him, and the devil 
 might have tempted him to run away. 
 
 In the afternoon some natives cried out that 
 KittakS-rS, was coming, and Lieutenant- Colonel Abd- 
 el-Kader, with a few men, immediately went out to 
 meet him. 
 
 KittakarS would not approach within less than 
 about a hundred yards, but he assured Abd-el-Kader 
 that the outbreak was not the fault of Kabba Kega, 
 but that the responsibility lay with Matonse', who 
 had escaped, and that he should be captured and 
 delivered up to me. 
 
 He continued to assure Abd-el-Kader that Kabba 
 Ke'ga had already ordered provisions and a large 
 number of elephants' tusks to be collected for us,
 
 CHAP, viii.] ABD ULLA H 'S DE TA CHMENT. 303 
 
 and that, although for the present he was hiding 
 through fear in the high grass, he would quickly 
 rebuild his divan close to my own, so as to live in 
 friendship. 
 
 It was impossible to credit one syllable in Unyoro. 
 On the other hand, should I be unable to bring the 
 enemy to terms, I should be utterly ruined, as it 
 would be impossible to transport my baggage. 
 
 It was a terrible position. The treachery had been 
 frightful, and I could only attribute it to Kabba 
 Rega's orders, in spite of the protestations of 
 KittakSra". If I should be right in my suspicions, 
 what would become of Major Abdullah and his 
 detachment \ 
 
 Nothing would be easier for the 300 natives 
 who had accompanied my people with the post, 
 than to behave well on the route to Fatiko, in order 
 to establish confidence. They could then carry all 
 the effects and ammunition, in company with 
 Abdullah and his troops, from Fatiko to Unyoro, 
 and in the prairie wilderness, they might murder 
 every man at night when asleep, and possess them- 
 selves of the arms, ammunition, and effects, with 
 which they would rejoin Kabba Rega. 
 
 This was a frightful idea ; and there could be no 
 doubt that such treachery had been planned, if
 
 304 ISMA1LIA [CHAP. vni. 
 
 Kabba Rega were guilty of the attempt to poison the 
 troops and attack us by surprise. It was hard to 
 disbelieve his guilt. 
 
 There were no means possible of communication 
 with Abdullah. In case of necessity, there was only 
 one move ; this was to march to the Victoria Nile, 
 and form an alliance with Rionga, the old enemy of 
 Kamrasi's family, whom I had always refused to 
 attack. I was sure that he must have heard of my 
 refusal to ally myself with Kabba Rega against him : 
 thus he would be favourable to the government. . 
 
 I resolved that, if hostilities should continue, I 
 would proclaim Rionga as the representative of the 
 government, as vassal-chief of Unyoro, in the room of 
 Kabba Rega, deposed. 
 
 Rionga would send a letter to warn Major Abdullah 
 at Fatiko ; but how was I to convey my baggage and 
 ammunition from Masindi to Foweera, without a 
 single carrier, or even a guide ? 
 
 It was the height of the rainy season, and the grass 
 was about nine or ten feet high, throughout a country 
 of dense and tangled forest. 
 
 I had no interpreter of my own ; Umbogo was 
 Kabba Rega's slave, and although I fancied that he 
 was fond of us, I had no faith in any one of these 
 detestable people. This want of confidence was
 
 CHAP, viii.] COMMUNICATION WITH EIONGA. 305 
 
 keenly felt at a time when I required an in- 
 terpreter in whom I could absolutely trust. I was 
 obliged to confide my plan to Umbogo, as I wished 
 him to find some man among the natives who would 
 take a message to Eionga. 
 
 I knew that many people hated Kabba Rega, 
 Umbogo had frequently assured me that Mashudi, 
 which was only two days distant from Masindi, to 
 the south-east, had always been Rionga's stronghold ; 
 and that the natives of that district would rise in 
 favour of their chief, should any reverse befall Kabba 
 Rega. 
 
 The news of the defeat of his army, and the com- 
 plete destruction of his capital, would run through 
 the country like wild-fire. It was well known that 
 Rionga had spies, who were disguised as friends, even 
 at the court of Kabba Rdga ; these agents sent him 
 information of all that occurred. 
 
 If Umbogo could communicate with one of these 
 people, I might send off to Rionga, to beg him to 
 send 300 men to Fatiko, with a letter from myself to 
 Major Abdullah. . Rionga's people would transport 
 the effects instead of Kabba Rega's carriers, who 
 would be seized and held as hostages. This would 
 save Abdullah from the intended treachery, if it were 
 done at once ; but there was not a moment to lose. 
 
 VOL. II. X
 
 306 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. via. 
 
 Already fifteen days had elapsed since my party 
 with the post had started, and by this time they 
 should be near Fatiko, 1 unless they had been delayed 
 upon the road, as was usual in Unyoro. 
 
 If I could depend upon Bionga, he would at 
 once save Abdullah's party, and he would send a 
 large force to communicate with me at Masindi. 
 
 Had I provisions, I could have held my now 
 fortified position against a whole world of niggers ; 
 but with only a hundred men, I should be unable to 
 forage in this country of high grass, and at the same 
 time defend the station. 
 
 All depended upon the possibility of my com- 
 munication with Kionga. 
 
 Umbogo declared that if I would only march to 
 Mashudi, the natives would rise in Rionga's favour 
 and join me. 
 
 I told him that if this were true, he could surely 
 find some person who would run to Mashudi, and 
 raise the malcontents, who would at once carry my 
 message to Rionga. 
 
 Umbogo promised to do his best : at the same time 
 he expressed an opinion that Rionga would not wait 
 long in inaction, but that he would invade Kabba 
 Rega directly that he should hear of the war. 
 
 1 At that time they had already been treacherously attacked.
 
 CHAP, viii.] UMBOGO'S REPORT. 307 
 
 From my experience of natives, I did not share his 
 opinion. 
 
 As KittakarS, had apologized for the attack to 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader, and a truce had been arranged, 
 a great number of natives spread themselves over the 
 ruins of the town, to search for the iron molotes, 
 which are generally concealed in the earth, beneath 
 the floor of the huts. The natives were all prodding 
 the smoking ground with the iron-tipped butt-ends 
 of their lances to discover the treasures. 
 
 Umbogo now went among them with his guard, 
 and conversed upon the cause of the late attack. 
 
 In the evening, Umbogo declared that he was not 
 quite certain of the truth ; he evidently suspected 
 the sincerity of Kabba Rega. It was quite im- 
 possible to procure any messenger at present that 
 could be trusted with a message to Rionga. 
 
 The memorable 8th of June happened to be my birth- 
 day. It had been the day of death to my lamented 
 follower, Monsoor ; but we had well avenged him. 
 
 Umbogo reported that the natives had given him 
 the names of nine ma" ton gales (chiefs) killed in the 
 action, together with a large number of common 
 people. A great many were still missing : these were 
 probably lying in the high grass which had been 
 raked by the hot fire of the sniders. Vultures were 
 
 x 2
 
 308 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 collected in immense numbers over many spots in 
 this dense covert, which denoted the places where 
 the "missing" had fallen. 
 
 I ordered the troops to abandon their undefended 
 camp, and to sleep within the fort that night. 
 
 The morning of the 9th of June arrived the night 
 had passed in perfect quiet. 
 
 My troops were set to work with their sharp sword- 
 bayonets, swords, knives, &c., to cut down all the 
 high grass in the neighbourhood, so as to throw open 
 the view, and prevent the enemy from attacking us 
 by another surprise. They worked for many hours, 
 and soon found a number of the missing, who were 
 lying dead. Five bodies were discovered close 
 together, as though they had been killed by a shell. 
 This was in a spot where the " Forty Thieves " had 
 been at work. 
 
 One unfortunate creature was found in the high 
 grass with a smashed leg. He had been lying, thirsty 
 and in pain, for about thirty hours in the same spot. 
 My men gave him water and food, and his friends 
 came and took him away. The wounded man seemed 
 very grateful, and he told my soldiers that they were 
 " better men than the Unyoros, who would certainly 
 murder a wounded enemy instead of giving him food 
 and water."
 
 CHAP, vni.] CHERRI-MERRI ALL RIGHT. 309 
 
 I had told Umbogo to make inquiries as to the 
 safety of little Cherri-Merri. The boy was unharmed, 
 as he had been taken away before the fight. 
 
 I now proved that the cows had also been removed 
 during the night previous to the attack, as I had 
 suspected. 
 
 During the day, vast numbers of people were col- 
 lected at a large village, situated on a knoll, about 
 700 yards from our station in a direct line. This 
 place, we were informed, was now occupied by Kabba 
 Rega. The knoll was about eighty feet lower than our 
 high position ; therefore, as we had now roughly cut 
 down the grass, we looked directly upon the village. 
 
 We lost no time in erecting the large astronomical 
 telescope upon its stand. This was placed upon the 
 flat gravel approach in front of the government divan, 
 and through the powerful glass we could distinguish 
 each feature, and the expression of every individual 
 countenance of the crowd within the village. 
 
 During the day, messengers arrived from Kabba 
 Rega with an official explanation of the misunder- 
 standing. They declared that it was entirely the 
 fault of Matonse, who would be soon captured ; that 
 Kabba Rdga desired them to express his deep regret ; 
 " Was he not my son ? Did he not depend upon the 
 protection of his father ? " He only begged for peace.
 
 310 ISMAILJ'A [CHAP. vm. 
 
 The natives had been killed in great numbers ; there- 
 fore " if we had lost a few soldiers, the Unyoro had 
 lost many so the affair was settled." 
 
 I told them that nothing could ever compensate 
 for the loss of Monsoor, who had been so treacher- 
 ously killed ; at the same time, if Kabba Rega 
 could prove that the guilt really lay with Matonse, 
 the simple plan would be to deliver him up to me. 
 
 I recalled to their recollection how I had passed 
 ten months in Unyoro in the reign of Kamrasi, at 
 which time I had only an escort of thirteen men, and 
 no misunderstanding had ever occurred. I explained 
 that the fault was not on my side. An attempt had 
 been made to poison us collectively ; we had then 
 been surprised by a thoroughly organized attack, at 
 a time when the troops were supposed to have been 
 disabled by the poison. 
 
 Kabba Rega must clear his character. If he were 
 innocent, I should be only too happy. 
 
 The ma'tongale or sheik, who was the principal 
 messenger, assured me that Kabba Rega was quite in 
 despair, and that he had given orders for provisions 
 and a large quantity of ivory to be immediately col- 
 lected, which would be sent to us on the day follow- 
 ing, in charge of Rahonka and KittakSriL 
 
 The want of provisions was sorely felt ; fortunately,
 
 CHAP, viu.] PRESENT FOR KABBA REG A. 311 
 
 as our cows had been dying daily, the troops had 
 some sweet potatoes that had been purchased in 
 exchange for flesh. These would last for a few days. 
 
 A short time before the attack, I had promised to 
 send Kabba Rega a porcelain cache-pot. I therefore 
 took the opportunity of reminding the sheik of my 
 promise, and I begged him to deliver the piece of 
 china to Kabba Rega as a proof of my peaceful 
 intentions, should he really be innocent of the 
 treachery. 
 
 The handsome present was wrapped up in red 
 Turkey cloth, and the messengers departed. 
 
 I watched them through the telescope, and, upon 
 their arrival at the village below us, I distinctly wit- 
 nessed, not only their reception by the expectant 
 crowd, but the caclw-pot was unpacked and held at 
 arm's length above the head, to be exhibited to the 
 admiring people. 
 
 This looked well. My officers began to believe in 
 peace ; and, although I still had strong suspicions, I 
 hoped that the signal defeat that Kabba Rega's army 
 had sustained had so far cowed them as to induce a 
 termination of hostilities, which would enable me to 
 communicate with Major Abdullah. 
 
 The luggage from the government divan had all 
 been carried to the fort. This was now returned 'to
 
 312 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 our original quarters ; my wife and her black maids 
 working hard at rearranging the rooms. 
 - The night passed quietly. 
 
 On 10th of June a mStongSle' and several natives 
 arrived from Kabba Rega, with a most polite message 
 and friendly assurances, accompanied by a present of 
 two beautiful white cows. 
 
 The messengers corroborated the statement of the 
 preceding day, that large quantities of provisions were 
 being prepared for us, together with twenty fine ele- 
 phants' tusks, which were to be delivered as a peace- 
 offering by Kahcnka and Kittak&rS in person. 
 
 Affairs looked brighter. It was my best policy 
 to secure peace if possible. 
 
 I determined to send Kabba Rdga, in return for his 
 present of cows, the large Geneva musical box, with 
 drums and bells, which he had always desired. 
 
 No one knew how to wind it up ; and it was 
 necessary that some person should accompany it 
 with the native messengers. 
 
 The clerk of the detachment, Ramadan, who has 
 already been mentioned as a favourite with the 
 natives, and a good linguist, at once volunteered to 
 be the bearer of the present. Since the battle of 
 Masindi, Ramadan had been in frequent personal 
 communication with the natives, and he assured
 
 CHAP, viii.] MUSICAL BOX DESPATCHED. 313 
 
 me that there was a general desire for peaceful 
 relations. He was supposed to be a favourite of 
 Kabba Rega's, and it was therefore arranged that he 
 should accompany the musical box, which was a 
 good load for a fast-travelling native. 
 
 Hafiz, the farrier, whose occupation was nearly 
 gone by the death of all the horses but two, volun- 
 teered to accompany Ramadan. I ordered them to 
 go unarmed, as their peaceful mission would be at 
 once understood ; this fact would establish confidence 
 among the natives. 
 
 It was about 3 P.M. when they started, and we 
 watched their arrival in the village with the telescope, 
 where they appeared to be well received. 
 
 In the evening - they both returned with the 
 musical box, accompanied by the sheik who was to 
 be their guide, as Kabba Rega had retired to a town 
 at which he had a residence, about half a day's march 
 distant. It was arranged that they should start on 
 the following morning. 
 
 On the llth June, Ramadan and Hafiz, together 
 with the musical box, started, and we watched their re- 
 ception at the village with the telescope. I had released 
 Umbogo, whom I had sent to Kabba Rega to explain 
 all that he had seen of the outbreak, as he was one 
 of those who had been poisoned by the plantain
 
 314 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 cider. Umbogo promised to return as soon as possible. 
 The dragoman, Abou Kooka, remained with us in the 
 place of Umbogo. This was a sullen-looking brute 
 who had been a slave stolen from the Madi tribe. 
 
 I must now take an extract verbatim from my 
 journal, as that was written on the day of the inci- 
 dent. Any warm expressions in this extract must 
 be excused as a natural consequence, for which I trust 
 due allowance will be granted : 
 
 " I walked round the burnt town of Masindi, 
 accompanied by Julian (Lieutenant Baker), Abd-el- 
 Kader, and two guards of ' The Forty.' Neither 
 Abd-el-Kader nor I carried guns, as I wished to 
 establish confidence among the natives, who were 
 searching among the ashes for molotes. 
 
 " I sent for the dragoman, Abou Kooka, and con- 
 versed with the natives, assuring them of peace, and 
 that I had no ill-will against Kabba Rega, if Matonse' 
 was the cause of the outbreak. At the same time, 
 I told them to bring provisions for sale. 
 
 "They seemed very shy, and replied that 'all 
 would be right when the messengers should arrive 
 from Kabba Rega/ One by one they went away, 
 until only two were left. Julian gave his gun to one 
 of the guards. 
 
 "The two nativeo were standing on the edge of
 
 CHAP, vni.] A TTEMPT A T ASSASSINA TION. 315 
 
 the high grass, close to the ashes of the town, and 
 they appeared more confident, as they conversed with 
 us at about twelve yards' distance. 
 
 " Presently they said they would come close to us, 
 were it not for their fear of the two sentries with 
 their rifles, who were about forty yards in our rear. 
 
 " I turned round to order the sentries to retire a 
 little. The instant that my back was turned, one 
 of the treacherous brutes hurled his spear at me, 
 which stuck quivering in the earth at my feet ! At 
 the same moment they bolted into the high grass, 
 accompanied by our dragoman, Abou Kooka, and 
 disappeared at once like fish in water. 
 
 " The treachery of the negro is beyond belief ; 
 he has not a moral human instinct, and is below the 
 brute. How is it possible to improve such abject 
 animals ? They are not worth the trouble, and they 
 are only fit for slaves, to which position their race 
 appears to have been condemned. 
 
 "I believe I have wasted my time and energy, 
 and have uselessly encountered difficulties, and made 
 enemies by my attempt to suppress the slave trade, 
 and thus improve the condition of the natives. 
 
 " It is now 4.40 P.M., and I am anxious about 
 Ramadan and Hafiz, who have not returned. 
 
 " My men have been on half rations since the 8th
 
 316 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. viu. 
 
 inst, and we have supplies only for to-morrow, after 
 which we shall be obliged to forage, unless Kabba 
 Re'ga sends the promised provisions. 
 
 "It is impossible to believe one word in this 
 accursed country. At the same time that Kabba 
 Rega declares peace and good-will, he may be 
 planning a surprise. I do not think, however, that 
 his people will be in a hurry to fight after the lesson 
 they received on the 8th inst. 
 
 " Nevertheless, fighting is dangerous work in this 
 country of high grass, where troops cannot see to 
 manoeuvre, and where the ground is everywhere 
 favourable for native ambuscades." 
 
 When I returned to the divan with the spear that 
 had so narrowly missed me, through the cowardice of 
 the assailant (who should have made sure of me, had 
 he not been nervous), my wife was not cheered by the 
 little incident. She had had the same experience 
 as myself in African natures, and she immediately 
 declared against the pretended sincerity of Kabba 
 Rega. 
 
 I had serious misgivings. Nothing can happen in 
 Unyoro without the order of the king. The super- 
 stitious veneration for the possessor of the magic 
 throne produces a profound obedience. 
 
 On the other hand, this attempt at murder might
 
 CHAP, vni.] NIGHT INCENDIARISM. 317 
 
 have been only the revenge of an individual who had 
 perhaps lost his house and property in the confla- 
 gration of Masindi. 
 
 The evening arrived without tidings of either 
 Ramadan or Umbogo. I was now without an in- 
 terpreter. 
 
 The troops, and their wives and effects, occupied 
 the fort, and the officers' quarters and camp had been 
 abandoned. 
 
 It was about 8 P.M., and dinner being over, I 
 was smoking my pipe in the divan, conversing with 
 my wife and Lieutenant Baker upon the situation 
 of affairs, when a sudden bright glare attracted my 
 attention. 
 
 An officer immediately reported that the abandoned 
 quarters were in a blaze of fire ! 
 
 I was of course ready in an instant, and armed, 
 and accompanied by my wife and Mr. Baker, I really 
 enjoyed the beauty of the scene in that moment of 
 anxiety. 
 
 Without the slightest noise, or even an audible 
 whisper, the troops were all in position, kneeling on 
 the ground in open order around the fort and the 
 divan, keeping the most vigilant watch for the 
 appearance of an enemy. The flames from the camp 
 rose about seventy feet high. There was not a breath
 
 318 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 of air ; thus the fire danced and leapt up to its ex- 
 treme height, and illumined the neighbourhood for a 
 great distance. 
 
 Not an enemy was to be seen. The soldiers were 
 like statues, and there was no sound except the 
 roaring of flames. 
 
 Suddenly loud yells broke out from a distance of 
 about 200 yards from the farthest side of the fort, 
 as though from a considerable body of men. Not 
 a soldier stirred or spoke. 
 
 I had cleared the grass around the fort and 
 station, therefore it was impossible to approach us 
 unobserved. 
 
 The natives must have crept up stealthily, and 
 fired the abandoned camp in the expectation that 
 the troops would have rushed down to extinguish 
 the flames, and thus the fort and the divan would 
 have been at the mercy of an attack from the 
 dark side. 
 
 I immediately sent a strong patrol around the 
 station, but not a soul was visible. The attempt had 
 failed. 
 
 Once more the luggage, with beds, boxes, &c., 
 was transported from the divan to the fort ; and 
 with the assistance of Lieutenant Baker, I built a 
 quadrangular wall of boxes like huge bricks, to form a
 
 CHAP, viii.] ABD-EL-KADEE'S DWELLING FIRED. 319 
 
 protection for my wife, in the event of a night attack 
 with fire-arms. 
 
 The night passed quietly. On 12th June, I 
 watched the natives with the telescope, and I ob- 
 served that many of the crowd were gesticulating in 
 an excited manner. 
 
 I was almost convinced that we were again sub- 
 jected to the foulest treachery, and I was extremely 
 anxious about Eamadan and Hafiz. I could hardly 
 believe it possible that these poor men, unarmed, 
 and carrying a valuable present, would be cruelly 
 murdered. 
 
 The day passed in hope and expectation of their 
 return. Late in the evening, the act of incendiarism 
 of the preceding night was renewed, and the deserted 
 house of Colonel Abd-el-Kader was in a bright blaze 
 without a native being visible. 
 
 No yells were heard, nor any other sound. The 
 troops turned out with their usual quiet discipline, 
 but not a shot was fired. 
 
 The 13th June arrived. Still there were no tidings 
 of either Umbogo, Ramadan or Hafiz. I now felt 
 convinced that the young villain, Kabba Be'ga, had 
 played me false, and that he was only gaining time 
 to collect and organize the whole force of Unyoro to
 
 320 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 attack us, and to line the path to Rionga with 
 ambuscades. 
 
 It is impossible to this day to say whether Umbogo 
 was true or false. I never saw him again ; and the 
 unfortunate Ramadan and Hafiz were wantonly mur- 
 dered. 
 
 At about 10 A.M., 13th June, we were let into 
 the secret of Kabba Riga's villainy. A sudden rush 
 of natives was made upon the cattle, which were 
 grazing within sixty yards of the fort ! Poisoned 
 arrows were shot, and we at once observed that a 
 general attack was made upon the station. Guns 
 fired ; the bullets whistled over our heads, and I 
 thought I recognized the crack of our lost sniders, 
 (those of Monsoor and Ferritch) that were employed 
 against us. 
 
 The curtain had now risen. When the actual 
 fighting arrived, there was some little relaxation 
 from the intense anxiety of mind that I had suffered 
 for some days. 
 
 I at once ordered the men into line, and the 
 bugles and drums sounded the charge with the 
 bayonet that I had always taught my men to 
 depend upon. 
 
 The gallant "Forty Thieves" led the way, with 
 drums beating and a hearty cheer, and dashed through
 
 CHAP, viii.] THE NEIGHBOURHOOD DESTROYED. 321 
 
 the ruins of the town and straight into the high 
 grass on the other side, from which the cowardly 
 enemy fled like hares. 
 
 On our return to the station, T took a snider, 
 and practically explained to the rascals in the village 
 on the knoll what long range meant, sending several 
 bullets into the midst of a crowd that scattered 
 them like chaff. I at once ordered Colonel Abd- 
 el-Kader to take eighty men and some blue lights, 
 and to destroy every village in the neighbourhood. 
 The attack was made on the instant. The large 
 village, about 700 yards distant, which I had raked 
 with the fire of a few sniders, while Abcl-el-Kader 
 descended the slope to the attack, was soon a 
 mass of rolling flames. In an hour's time volumes 
 of smoke were rising in various directions. 
 
 My active and gallant colonel returned, having 
 driven the enemy from every position, and utterly 
 destroyed the neighbourhood. 
 
 I had made up my mind. There could b 
 longer any doubt of the diabolical treachery oi 
 Kabba Kega. He had only endeavoured to gain 
 time by specious assurances of good-will, combined 
 with presents, in order to organize the whole country 
 against us. The natives who shot arrows must have 
 come from Magungo, as none of the other districts 
 VOL. TI. Y
 
 322 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 were armed with bows. The arrows that had been 
 shot at us, which my men had collected, were 
 thickly poisoned with a hard gummy matter. 
 
 It was now rendered certain that a snare had 
 been laid for the massacre of Major Abdullah's 
 party. 
 
 Kabba Kdga had no doubt ordered the various 
 routes towards Kionga's province to be ambus- 
 caded. 
 
 I determined at once to push straight for the 
 camp at Foweera on the Victoria Nile, as Bionga's 
 island was about fifteen miles from that point. 
 Among the men of the "Forty Thieves," there 
 was a soldier named Abdullah, who had an extra- 
 ordinary instinct for finding his way. This man 
 never forgot a path if he had ever travelled upon 
 the same route. 
 
 I also depended upon my Baris and Molodi, 
 although they had not had any long experience of 
 the path by which we had arrived from Foweera with 
 the herd of cattle. 
 
 Unfortunately, the country had changed terribly 
 by the immense growth of the grass and tangled 
 creepers. 
 
 I felt sure that the route would be occupied by the 
 enemy throughout the whole distance, and that we
 
 CHAP, viii.] THE HIDDEN STORE. 323 
 
 should have to fight every mile of the path at a grave 
 disadvantage. 
 
 The question of a supply of food was vital. The 
 men had mostly exhausted their provisions. 
 
 At this critical moment, when every man of the 
 expedition felt the fatal truth, my wife confided her 
 secret, that she had hitherto concealed, lest the 
 knowledge of a hidden store should have made the 
 men extravagant. She now informed the officers and 
 men that in past days of plenty, when flour had been 
 abundant, she had, from time to time, secreted a 
 quantity, and she had now six large iron boxes full 
 (about twelve bushels). This private store she had 
 laid by in the event of some sudden emergency. 
 
 " God shall give her a long life ! " exclaimed both 
 officers and men. We had now enough flour for the 
 march of seven days to Foweera, at which place there 
 were regular forests of plantains. 
 
 My herd of cattle had been reduced to seventy, 
 and I much doubted the possibility of driving them 
 in a high grass country, as they would scatter and 
 make a stampede should we be attacked ; they would 
 be scared by the guns. 
 
 I mustered my force and spoke to my men, to 
 whom I explained their exact position, and my plan 
 
 of action. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 ISMAILlA. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 I should immediately divide among them, as 
 presents, all the cotton stuffs that belonged to the 
 expedition. 
 
 Each man would carry three pounds of beads in 
 his knapsack, one-third of which should subsequently 
 belong to him. 
 
 The line of march would be thus arranged a Bari, 
 who professed to know the path, would lead the 
 advance-guard of fifteen sniders, commanded by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, supported by myself 
 with ten sniders in charge of the ammunition, accom- 
 panied by Lieutenant Baker, my wife, and two ser- 
 vants, carrying double breechloading elephant rifles. 
 The rear-guard would consist of fifteen sniders. 
 The few remaining sniders would be distributed along 
 the line. 
 
 Neither the advance nor rear-guard would carry 
 any loads beyond their knapsacks and a small bag 
 of flour. Five of the sniders with me would 
 also be exempted from carrying loads ; but every 
 other soldier, and every woman and boy, would 
 carry either one of the metal boxes or some other 
 package. 
 
 I explained to the men that they would be attacked 
 throughout the route at a great disadvantage, but that 
 success would depend upon the strict observance of
 
 CHAP, viii.] ORDERS FOR THE MARCH. 325 
 
 orders for the march, combined with the utmost 
 coolness. 
 
 Each man was to keep just near enough to be able 
 to touch with his outstretched hand the knapsack of 
 the man before him, and upon no account to widen 
 this distance, but to keep the line intact. Should it 
 be broken by the sudden rush of the enemy, we should 
 at once be lost. 
 
 Should the attack be made simultaneously on both 
 sides, alternate files would face to right and left, place 
 their loads upon the ground, and fire low down in the 
 grass, as the natives always crouched after throwing a 
 spear from covert. 
 
 A bugler would accompany the colonel commanding 
 the advance-guard* in addition to buglers with my- 
 self and the rear-guard ; thus we should be able to 
 communicate along the line, which would be concealed 
 from view by the high grass. 
 
 On arrival at water, and in crossing either swamps 
 or streams, no man or woman was to stop to drink 
 unless the bugle of the advance-guard sounded halt. 
 
 No woman would be allowed to speak during the 
 march, as profound silence must be observed. 
 
 The officers and men received their instructions, 
 merely declaring that wherever I should lead them, 
 they would follow me and obey.
 
 326 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 I at once divided the effects that could be carried, 
 into the requisite number of loads, which were care- 
 fully packed in metal boxes by my wife and her black 
 maids. It was hard and anxious work. The strongest 
 men were selected to carry the boxes of snider 
 cartridges, which weighed 64lbs. each. 
 
 All the rest of the baggage I arranged in piles, 
 and distributed in the government divan and the 
 various houses. I spread my large tent over the 
 luggage in the divan, and poured over it a quantity 
 of nitrous ether, spirits of wine, lamp-oil, spirits of 
 turpentine, and all the contents of the large medicine- 
 chest. 
 
 I filled up my small chest, and took a good roll of 
 adhesive plaster, a number of bandages, and a roll 
 of lint. 
 
 Upon the tent-cloth, rendered highly inflammable 
 by the saturation of spirits and oil, I laid about sixty 
 rockets. 
 
 My two horses and three donkeys would be loaded 
 with baggage. 
 
 I gave orders for the march early on the following 
 morning. The rear-guard was to set fire to the sta- 
 tion, which was the result of our industry and labour 
 in this land of detestable savages.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE MARCH TO RIONGA. 
 
 ON the morning of the 14th of June, 1872, at 9.30, 
 the advance-guard filed along the gravel path, and 
 halted at the extremity of the station at Masindi. 
 The line was complete, according to the orders for 
 the march. Not a word was spoken. 
 
 A light, drizzling rain fell, and the sky was a 
 dull grey. 
 
 I looked back, and waited for the destruction of 
 my favourite station. In our little house we had left 
 pictures of my own children, and everything that was 
 not absolutely necessary to our existence. Even the 
 Queen and the Princess of Wales were to perish in 
 the conflagration, together with much that was parted 
 with in this moment of exigency. 
 
 The smoke now curled in thick, white folds from 
 the government divan and our own private house.
 
 328 ISMAILIA [CHAP. LX. 
 
 Lieutenant Baker's new house was ignited. One 
 by one every hut was fired. The rear-guard, having 
 done their duty, closed up in the line of march. 
 
 I did not give the word " Forward ! " until the flames 
 had shot up high in the air, and the station was in 
 the possession of the fire. At this moment a loud 
 report announced that all the rockets had exploded. 
 The advance-guard moved forward, and the march 
 commenced. 
 
 We soon entered the high grass, which was reeking 
 with the light rain, and we were wet through in an 
 instant. 
 
 My wife was walking close behind me with a 
 quantity of spare ammunition for the " Dutchman " 
 in her breast. She had a Colt's revolver in her belt. 
 Lieutenant Baker was heavily loaded, as he carried a 
 Purdy rifle slung across his back, together with a 
 large bag of ammunition, while he held a double 
 breechloader smooth-bore in his hand, with a bag of 
 heavy buckshot cartridges upon his shoulder. 
 
 Suleiman and Mohammed Haroon (our servants) 
 were close by with my two breechloading No. 8 ele- 
 phant rifles. These carried picrate of potash shells 
 that were immensely powerful. Very little would 
 have been left of the body of a man had one of 
 such Shells struck him in the chest.
 
 CHAP, ix.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE RETREAT. 329 
 
 The cattle began to cause much trouble as soon as 
 the march commenced, and we slowly descended the 
 knoll upon which the station stood, and in single file 
 entered the extremely narrow path which led down to 
 a small swamp. 
 
 Crossing the swamp, through deep mud, we arrived 
 on firm ground, and continued to march slowly on 
 account of the cattle. I felt sure they would have to 
 be abandoned. The cows strayed to the right and 
 left, and Morgian the Bari, and Abdullah Djoor the 
 cook, who were the drovers, were rushing about the 
 grass in pursuit of refractory animals, that would 
 shortly end in being speared by the enemy. 
 
 We thus marched slowly forward for about a mile 
 before a hostile sound was heard. We then dis- 
 tinguished the tumultuous voices of the natives in the 
 rear, who had been attracted to the station by the 
 general conflagration. 
 
 The slow march continued, through grass about 
 eight feet high, and occasional forest. The rain now 
 descended steadily, and I feared that the old muzzle- 
 loading muskets would miss fire. 
 
 The sound of drums and horns was now heard 
 throughout the country, as the alarm spread rapidly 
 from village to village. We could hear the shouts of 
 natives, and drums that were now sounding in the
 
 330 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 forest upon a hill on our right. These people were 
 evidently in possession of a path unknown to us, 
 which ran parallel to our route. 
 
 For seven hours the march continued with such 
 frequent halts, owing to the straying of the cattle, 
 that we had only progressed the short distance of ten 
 miles, when, at 4.40 P.M., we entered the valley of 
 Jon Joke. We saw before us the hill covered with 
 plantain groves where we had slept when upon the 
 march to Masindi. 
 
 The grass was very high, and the path hardly a foot 
 wide, and only resembling a sheep run. Suddenly 
 the advance-guard opened a hot fire, and the bugle 
 sounded "halt!" 
 
 A few paces in front of me, my favourite sailor and 
 fisherman, Howard, was in the line, carrying a metal 
 box upon his head. In addition to his musket, which 
 was slung across his shoulders, I had given him one of 
 my double breechloading pistols, which he carried in 
 his belt. 
 
 The word was suddenly passed that " Howarti 
 was speared ! " 
 
 Lances now flew across the path, and the line 
 opened fire into the grass upon our right, accord- 
 ing to orders. 
 
 I immediately went up to Howarti. I found him
 
 CHAP, ix.] HOW ART I IS SPEARED. 331 
 
 sitting upon the ground by the side of his box, 
 in the act of reloading his pistol with a Boxer 
 cartridge. A lance had struck him in the fleshy 
 part of the right arm, just below the point of junction 
 with the shoulder, and, passing through his body, 
 it had protruded from his stomach. Upon feeling the 
 wound, Howarti had dropped his load, and drawing 
 his pistol, he shot the native dead, as he leapt from 
 his ambush to recover the lance which was sticking 
 in the poor fellow's body. 
 
 Here was another of my best men sacrificed. 
 Howarti had always been a true, good man, and 
 he had just exhibited his cool courage. He had 
 himself pulled the spear from his body. 
 
 My wife had followed me immediately upon hearing 
 that Howarti was injured. He had reloaded his 
 pistol, but in reply to my question whether he could 
 sit upon a donkey, he fainted. I roughly bandaged 
 him for the present moment, and we laid him upon 
 an angareb (stretcher-bedstead), but the men were so 
 heavily laden that it was difficult to find supporters. 
 Lieutenant Baker kindly took one end upon his 
 shoulder, and with the assistance of the advance 
 guard, we carried him forward. The bugle sounded 
 the "advance." 
 
 Again the lances flew across the path, but a few
 
 332 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 shots with the sniders cleared the way, and leaving 
 the narrow route, we broke our way through the 
 tangled grass, and ascended the slope to the plantain 
 forest. Here, thank goodness, there was no grass. 
 The bugle sounded " halt " in the middle of the 
 plantains. 
 
 Sentries having been posted, every man was now 
 employed in felling the tall plantain-trees, and in 
 arranging them to form a wall around the camp. 
 
 One blow of a sharp, heavy sabre will cut through 
 the stem, thus in a short time, as we all worked, a 
 clearing of about an acre was made, and by sunset 
 we had piled them so as to form a tolerable protection 
 from lances. 
 
 Throughout the day it had never ceased raining, 
 thus every one was soaking and miserable. Of course 
 we had no tent, but some invaluable mackintosh 
 camp sheets. I had examined Howarti's wounds, 
 which I knew were mortal. The air as he breathed 
 was rattling through the gash in his stomach. I 
 washed and bandaged him carefully, and gave him a 
 dose of brandy and laudanum. 
 
 No one had a drop of water to drink, neither did 
 any one know the direction of the well ; but, as all 
 were cold and wet through, no person suffered from 
 thirst. Fortunately, we had matches in a small
 
 CHAP, ix.] THE NIGHT BIVOUAC. 333 
 
 silver .case that had resisted the damp ; and after 
 some difficulty and delay, fires were blazing through 
 the little bivouac, and the soldiers and women were 
 crouching round them. 
 
 We were comfortable that night, as we had beds 
 to lie upon ; but I felt sure it would be for the last 
 time, as it would be necessary to destroy much lug- 
 gage, the men being too heavily laden. 
 
 All was at length still ; the soldiers, who were 
 all tired, went to sleep, with the exception of the 
 sentries, who were well on the alert. 
 
 As I lay on my bed, I thought of the morrow. 
 I knew we should have a trying time, as the 
 whole country would now be thoroughly organized 
 against us. Our start from Masindi had taken 
 them by surprise thus we had not met with much 
 resistance ; but to-morrow would be a fighting day, 
 and I made up my mind to leave the cattle to 
 themselves, as it would be simply impossible to 
 drive them. 
 
 The night passed without an attack. 
 
 On the following morning, 15th June, poor Howarti 
 was evidently about to die, but the plucky fellow 
 faintly said that he could ride a donkey if assisted. 
 It was impossible to carry him, as the path was too 
 narrow for four people to walk beneath a stretcher.
 
 334 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 He was placed upon a donkey, and supported with 
 difficulty by a man at his side. 
 
 I was obliged to pile upon the fire a number of 
 things that we could not carry; including the large 
 oaken stand of the astronomical telescope. 
 
 It was 7.30 A.M. before we started. 
 
 The troublesome cattle at once began to stray, and 
 I immediately ordered them to be abandoned. I felt 
 certain that in the event of a general attack they 
 would have created great confusion, by probably 
 rushing down the line and overturning the men. 
 
 It was the greatest relief to be rid of the animals : 
 thus we marched on merrily at about two and a half 
 miles an hour, through the usual narrow path amidst 
 gigantic grass (now about nine feet high) and thick 
 forest. 
 
 In about an hour and a half we arrived at a descent, 
 towards a bottom in which there was a broad, open 
 swamp, with a stream running through the centre. 
 
 The advance-guard was not more than a hundred 
 yards from the bottom, and the line was descending 
 the hill in close order, when a sudden uproar broke 
 out, as though all the demons of hell had broken 
 loose. Yells, screams, drums, horns, whistles from 
 many thousand concealed enemies, for an instant 
 startled the troops ! A tremendous rush in the grass
 
 CHAP, ix.] A GENERAL ATTACK. 335 
 
 gave notice of a general attack from an immensely 
 powerful ambuscade. The officers did their duty.. 
 
 Every load was upon the ground, and in a moment 
 alternate files were facing to the right and left, kneel- 
 ing just as the lances began to fly across the path. 
 The bugles rang out "fire," and the fight commenced 
 on our side. 
 
 I saw several lances pass within an inch or two 
 of my wife's head ; luckily we were kneeling on 
 one knee. The file-firing was extremely good, and 
 the sniders rattled without intermission. The grass 
 was so dense, that simple buck-shot would be reduced 
 to a very limited range, although excellent at close 
 quarters. The servants quickly handed the ele- 
 phant breechloaders, and a double shot to the right 
 and left was followed by the loud explosion of the 
 picrate of potash shells against some unseen objects, 
 either men or trees. 
 
 A quick repetition of the picrate shells seemed 
 to affect the spirit of the attack. I imagine that 
 the extremely loud explosion of the shells in the 
 midst, and perhaps also in the rear of the enemy, 
 led them to suppose that they were attacked from 
 behind. 
 
 It is difficult to say how long the attack con- 
 tinued, but a vast amount of ammunition was
 
 336 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 expended before the lances ceased to fly through 
 the line, and the drums and horns were at length 
 heard at a greater distance in the rear. The bugle 
 at once sounded the " advance," and I marched 
 the men forward, crossing the stream at the bottom, 
 and gained the open, where we found ourselves in 
 a kind of swampy field of about ten acres. " Ha ! " 
 exclaimed many of the soldiers, " if we could only 
 get them on a clear space like this." 
 
 The men were mustered. Poor Howarti was 
 dead, and they had left him in the grass by 
 the roadside, as it was impossible to transport 
 him. 
 
 The rear-guard had been hotly pressed, and the 
 natives had rushed upon the path, close to the 
 sniders, which had punished them severely. Had 
 we depended upon muzzle-loading muskets, the party 
 must have been quickly destroyed ; the sharp fire 
 of the sniders at close quarters must have caused 
 immense loss at the first onset. 
 
 I now determined to lighten the loads considerably. 
 It was difficult to carry the angarebs, as the legs 
 caught in the high grass. I spoke a few words to 
 my men, who declared that they were not afraid 
 of the natives if they were not so heavily laden. 
 
 We collected wood and made a fire, upon which
 
 CHAP, ix.j TEE SERGEANT ON FIRE. 337 
 
 I ordered everything to be burnt that was really 
 cumbersome. The bedsteads were broken up ; a 
 case of good French cognac was committed to the 
 flames ; Lieutenant Baker's naval uniform, with 
 box, &c. ; the cocked hat frizzled up on the top 
 of the bonfire. The men were provided with raw 
 hides, upon which they slept at night ; these were 
 now wet through and cumbersome : I therefore 
 ordered them to be thrown into the high grass 
 and abandoned. 
 
 The brandy bottles burst upon the fire. A sergeant 
 of the " Forty Thieves," named Fadlullah, had been 
 attending to the heap of burning materials, and I 
 saw him stoop over the flames, as though intending 
 to save one of the liquor bottles for himself. At 
 this moment several burst and saturated his loose 
 cotton trousers with blazing spirits. The man 
 vainly endeavoured to extinguish the fire, and he 
 danced wildly about, until I seized and threw him 
 down in the swamp, and quickly drew the wet 
 green grass over him and subdued the flames. He 
 was severely burnt about -the legs, from which 
 the skin slipped off in large flakes. 
 
 I now had to doctor him, when every man's legs 
 ought to have been in the best order. Fortunately 
 I had a little oil (for the lamp), and the wounds were 
 
 VOL. II. Z
 
 338 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 quickly dressed and bandaged with cotton wool and 
 lint. 
 
 The force was now much relieved, as the loads 
 had been lightened. During the operation of burn- 
 ing the supplies, the best shots of the " Forty 
 Thieves " had been stationed to pick off any natives 
 who attempted to spy our movements by ascending 
 the lofty trees. 
 
 I now gave the order for the advance, and the 
 march recommenced. In a few minutes we were 
 once more buried in the gigantic grass jungle. 
 
 We had hardly entered the covert when the shouts 
 and blowing of horns and beating of drums once 
 more commenced. This was the signal to ambus- 
 cades in front that we were moving forward. 
 
 In the course of an hour's march, the rear bugle 
 had sounded " halt " at least half a dozen times, as 
 two of the donkeys were weakly, and could not 
 be driven on without difficulty. 
 
 Again the rear bugle sounded " halt ! " I imme- 
 diately sent the sergeant of the bodyguard, Moham- 
 med-el-Feel, to shoot the donkeys, and to throw 
 their loads into the high grass. Two shots announced 
 the end of the donkeys. 
 
 The bugle sounded "advance," and we at length 
 travelled comfortably. The weather was fine : we
 
 CHAP, ix.] AMBUSCADE ATTACKS. 339 
 
 rejoiced in the sun, as it dried our reeking 
 clothes. 
 
 Suddenly the advance-guard opened fire ! then the 
 rear-guard was closed upon by a sudden rush of the 
 enemy, and the whole line commenced file-firing into 
 the thick covert. 
 
 I ordered the bugler to sound "forward," and 
 " cease firing," as the men were getting a little 
 wild. 
 
 One of "The Forty," Ali Goboor, had been 
 wounded by a lance through the leg, but he managed 
 to limp along. 
 
 We now began to understand the places at which 
 we were sure to meet an ambuscade. Whenever 
 we descended a slope towards a marshy bottom, 
 there was certain to be a large force concealed behind 
 the lofty reeds that grew in the swamp. I ordered 
 the advance-guard to fire a few shots low down in 
 the reeds whenever they should approach these places. ' 
 By this plan we generally induced the enemy to throw 
 their spears before we were in the midst ; in which 
 case we opened a heavy fire into the grass, and 
 marched straight forward. 
 
 The ambuscades had been carefully planned. A 
 row of grass of perhaps two or three yards in thick- 
 ness was left standing in its natural position along 
 
 z 2
 
 340 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 the path ; behind this vegetable wall, the grass had 
 been either cut down or torn up, so as to afford a 
 clear space for the natives to take a good run when 
 throwing their lances. They accordingly waited until 
 we should enter the snare, and they calculated their 
 opportunity for making a combined attack when they 
 considered that our line of march was exactly op- 
 posite. Of course they could not see us through the 
 thick screen of grass any more than we could dis- 
 tinguish them. 
 
 We were at an additional disadvantage, as we were 
 always exposed to attacks from fresh enemies ; the 
 route was occupied throughout, thus they were not 
 cowed by the defeats of every ambuscade in the 
 rear. 
 
 Considering the great numbers of spears that had 
 flown like flashes of light through the line, it was 
 astonishing that we had not had more numerous 
 casualties. Several men had been struck on their 
 knapsacks, which had served as shields. 
 
 We at length came to an exceedingly awkward 
 place, that T felt sure would be well occupied. Upon 
 our right lay a row of rocky hills, to which we were 
 marching parallel. We had to descend through 
 forest to lower ground. To reach this it was ne- 
 cessary to pass between numerous blocks of granite
 
 CHAP, ix.] COLONEL ABD-EL-KADER WOUNDED. 341 
 
 that completely commanded the path. Each block 
 was about twenty or twenty-five feet high, and 
 several much exceeded this height. The base was 
 the usual high grass and forest. 
 
 I ordered the men not to fire unless they should 
 see the enemy, and to take a good aim. 
 
 Presently, as we descended through the pass, 
 the attack commenced. Two spears struck Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader, one in the fore-arm ; the second 
 ripped his tough leather gaiter, and glanced off. 
 
 The sniders were ready, as the enemy were obliged 
 to show their heads above the rocks, and one fellow, 
 who was exactly above us, either lost his nerve, or 
 received a bullet, which allowed his lance to come 
 rattling down the rocks as a complete failure. 
 I ordered the bugler to continue to sound " forward " 
 (Illah Reh), as it was advisable to push through this 
 awkward place as quickly as possible. 
 
 Directly that we were out of the pass, I tied up Abd- 
 el-Kader's arm, and we continued the march until 
 we halted at 2.5 P.M., in a piece of open cultivated 
 ground, where I determined to bivouac for the night. 
 
 I had resolved always to finish the day's journey 
 by one march, as it would afford time for erecting a 
 protection of thorns and branches of trees to prevent 
 a sudden night attack.
 
 342 ISM A I LI A. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 Fortunately the weather was fine. Abd-el-Kader 
 was now faint and weak from loss of blood. I 
 attended to his wound, which was an ugly gash, 
 and gave him a good dose of brandy, and advised 
 him to go to sleep. 
 
 Lieutenant Baker and the other officers assisted in 
 erecting the defence of thorns. All the wet clothes 
 were spread out to dry in the sun, and everything 
 was got ready for the night. I did not care for 
 myself, but I was sorry for the hardship that my wife 
 must endure, without a bed or tent. My men cut 
 two forked poles, upon which they lashed a horizontal 
 bar, which supported a camp-sheet to protect her 
 from rain or dew. A pile of long green grass was 
 laid on the ground beneath, upon which was stretched 
 a mackintosh camp-sheet, and a good thick blanket. 
 
 We had been most fortunate in having only a 
 loss of one killed and two wounded since we left 
 Masindi. 
 
 My men had fired away an enormous amount of 
 ammunition during the march, as they appeared to 
 become more and more nervous as they advanced. 
 Every thick clump of reeds that rose a few feet higher 
 than the surrounding grass was supposed to conceal 
 an enemy, and it was immediately raked by a hot fire 
 from the advance guard.
 
 CHAP. ix.J THE SOLDIER DIES GALLANTLY. 343 
 
 On 1 6th June, the night having passed quietly, we 
 started at 6.30 A.M., and marched silently. 
 
 There was a curious feeling upon first waking in 
 the morning, when we rose and buckled on the am- 
 munition-belts. Every one was aware that his 
 nerves must be upon the stretch, and that his finger 
 must be ready for the trigger, from the commence- 
 ment till the end of the march, to act against unseen 
 enemies. 
 
 Upon arrival at a stream in a muddy bottom, we 
 were immediately attacked by a strong force in am- 
 buscade. Some of the enemy exposed themselves 
 boldly, and rushed upon the soldiers just in front of 
 the rear-guard. Several were shot by the sniders, 
 but one fellow, with unusual pluck, speared a soldier 
 whose musket had missed fire, through the chest. 
 This poor fellow, thus mortally wounded, grappled 
 with his assailant, and tugging the spear from 
 his own wound, he drove it through the native's 
 heart. 
 
 The rear bugle sounded " halt/' while the knap- 
 sack and cartouche-belt were detached from the 
 gallant soldier, whose body was left by the side of 
 his enemy. 
 
 We marched until 10.15 A. M., having fought nearly 
 the whole way, and expended a frightful amount of
 
 344 ISM A ILIA. [CIIAP. xi. 
 
 ammunition. We had now arrived at our old halting- 
 place, Chorobe^ze', twenty -seven miles from Masindi. 
 
 My men had become so extravagant of their 
 cartridges that I was forced to interfere. If this 
 nervousness should continue, we should be soon 
 left without ammunition, and every soul would be 
 massacred. 
 
 I therefore mustered the troops, and examined all 
 their pouches. Some of the advance-guard had fired 
 away eighty rounds each, only during the morning's 
 march ! 
 
 Many had fired fifty rounds ! The muskets had 
 not used so many, owing to the greater difficulty 
 of loading, but they also had been frightfully ex- 
 travagant. 
 
 The men had come to the conclusion that the only 
 plan of marching in safety through the high grass, 
 which was full of unseen enemies, was to constitute 
 themselves into a sort of infernal machine, that would 
 be perpetually emitting fire and bullets on all 
 sides. 
 
 This was all very well with an unlimited supply of 
 ammunition, but we had no idea of what might still 
 be in store for us. We were now slightly more than 
 fifty miles from Foweera, Fortunately, in our 
 journey from the river to Masindi, I had timed
 
 CHAP, ix.] GREAT EXPENDITURE OF AMMUNITION. 345 
 
 every march within five minutes, and I had all 
 particulars in my note-book ; therefore I could 
 guess the position pretty closely during the morn- 
 ing's advance. 
 
 Having mustered all the men, I turned out all 
 the ammunition from their pouches. The cartridges 
 were all counted. 
 
 I now examined all the reserve ammunition. 
 
 The total, including that from the men's cartouche- 
 boxes, was 
 
 Cartridges for snider rifles . . . 4,540 
 muskets . . . 4,330 
 
 8,870 
 
 I now addressed the men, and abused them most 
 forcibly, calling them " old women/' and several other 
 uncomplimentary epithets for soldiers. I divided 
 among them forty rounds each, and I swore solemnly 
 by their prophet, " that I would not give them another 
 cartridge from this spot (Chorobeze') until we should 
 reach Major Abdullah's detachment at Fatiko." 
 
 I explained that if any man should fire away his 
 ammunition, he should continue the march with an 
 empty pouch Wah Illahi ! 
 
 I gave the most positive command, that in future
 
 34(5 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 not a shot should be fired without orders, unless 
 spears actually were thrown, on which occasions the 
 troops would fire a few shots exactly into the spot 
 from which the weapons had arrived ; but on no 
 account was a bullet to be fired at random. 
 
 I dismissed the men with this warning, and set 
 them to work to construct a night defence as usual. 
 
 It was a most fortunate peculiarity of the Unyoros 
 that they did not attack at night-time. This was a 
 grievous fault upon their side. If they had sur- 
 rounded us every night, they would have kept us 
 awake, and not only would have tired the men out, 
 but they would have caused a useless expenditure of 
 ammunition. 
 
 On 17th of June, we started at 6.15 A.M., with the 
 intention of reaching Koki. I recognised several vil- 
 lages, but we passed them without halting. We at 
 length arrived at a fine, broad route, that was suffi- 
 ciently wide for a dog-cart. This had evidently been 
 recently prepared, and there could be no doubt that it 
 was arranged as a snare that would lead us into some 
 powerful ambuscade. At the same time, the compass 
 showed that the broad path led in the right direction. 
 
 I halted the force, and went to the front to examine 
 the road. There was no other path. It was therefore 
 incumbent upon us to keep to the broad route, although
 
 CHAP, ix.] CAUGHT IN A TRAP. 347 
 
 we knew that it must lead us to a trap prepared for 
 our destruction. 
 
 It was like walking upon ice that was known to be 
 unsafe. We advanced. 
 
 For about half an hour we marched without oppo- 
 sition. This was a longer interval than usual to be 
 free from an attack. At length we arrived where the 
 broad road suddenly terminated. The advance-guard 
 halted. 
 
 We searched for a path, and at length dis- 
 covered the original narrow route a few paces to 
 our left. 
 
 This had been purposely concealed by grass and 
 boughs. 
 
 We had hardly entered this path when we were 
 suddenly attacked. A horsekeeper was wounded by a 
 spear, which passed through his leg, behind the knee, 
 and cut the sinew, thus rendering him helpless. He 
 was immediately placed upon a donkey. The unfor- 
 tunate lad who led the horse a few paces before me 
 now uttered a wild shriek, as a spear passed com- 
 pletely through his body. The poor boy crept to me 
 on his hands and knees, and asked, " Shall I creep into 
 the grass, Pacha ? where shall I go ? " He had not 
 another minute to live. 
 
 A spear struck another horsekeeper on the hip, and
 
 348 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 the soft iron point turned up against the bone in a 
 curve like a fish-hook. 
 
 A sharp fire dispersed the enemy, who retired to a 
 distance, yelling and blowing their whistles. The 
 wounded horsekeeper could manage to walk forward. 
 
 There is a peculiar bird in the forests of Unyoro 
 which utters a shrill cry, with these notes : 
 
 The natives imitate this cry with their whistles of 
 antelope's horn. I had noticed that previous to an 
 attack from an ambuscade, we had always heard the 
 call of this bird. 
 
 My Baris declared that the bird warned us of the 
 danger, and cried, " Co-co-me ! Co-co-me ! " which in 
 their language means, " Look out ! look out ! " 
 
 My soldiers said that the bird exclaimed, "Shat-mo- 
 koor! Shat-mo-koor ! " which is the order, "Make 
 ready ! " They accordingly always brought their rifles 
 on full cock when they heard the signal. 
 
 There was something puzzling this day respecting 
 the distance. According to my calculation, we should 
 have reached Koki. Still we marched on through 
 high forest and the interminable grass. My wife 
 was dreadfully fatigued. The constant marching
 
 CHAP, ix.] CO-CO-ME ! CO-CO-M E ! 349 
 
 in wet boots, which became filled with sand when 
 crossing the small streams and wading through muddy 
 hollows, had made her terribly foot-sore. She \Valked 
 on with pain and difficulty. I was sure that we had 
 passed the village of Koki, which was surrounded by 
 much open ground and cultivation ; and I now felt 
 certain that the broad road, that had been constructed 
 to mislead us, had taken us by the rear of Koki, 
 which we had thus over-shot. 
 
 We were marching forward in perfect silence, when 
 I heard a bird cry " Co-co-me ! Co-co-me " ! 
 
 Co-co - me ! Co-co - me ! 
 
 That instant the spears came among us, and the 
 rifles replied as quick as lightning. The English 
 practice of rabbit-shooting in covert is very useful in 
 this kind of warfare, as you must fire a snap shot into 
 the spot exactly as the spear flies by you. Thus a 
 good shot can hit the thrower just as a rabbit is 
 knocked over in jumping across a drive. 
 
 The bugle of the advance-guard sounded "halt." 
 I never liked to hear that order, as something must 
 have gone wrong. 
 
 I immediately walked forward, and found that 
 Lieutenant Mohammed Mustapha had been wounded.
 
 350 ISM AI LI A. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 The spear had struck him just behind the shoulder- 
 joint of the left arm, and had passed over the blade- 
 bone and spine previous to making its exit by the 
 right arm. This was a very nasty wound, and he 
 was bleeding profusely. I made a couple of pads, 
 and, placing one upon each hole, we bandaged him 
 tightly. 
 
 1 now went up to my poor old horse, " Zafteer." 
 The unfortunate animal was carrying a heavy load, 
 and a large hunting-spear had struck him just behind 
 the saddle. The weapon was so sharp and heavy, and 
 had been thrown with such force, that it had pene- 
 trated a double blanket, and had not only passed clean 
 through the horse's body, but had also cut through a 
 blanket-fold upon the other side. 
 
 A large portion of the bowels protruded, and were 
 hanging a foot below the horse's belly. The intestines 
 were divided, thus death was certain. 
 
 As the old horse could still walk, and did not 
 know its own danger, I ordered the advance. I 
 intended to halt at the first convenient point. 
 
 In about a quarter of an hour we saw increased 
 light in the distance, and we presently emerged upon 
 a large open vale surrounded by forest. This cheerful 
 space extended over about ten acres, in the centre of 
 which was a well of good water, about fourteen feet
 
 CHAP, ix.] MY GOOD OLD HORSE IS KILLED. 351 
 
 deep, and so wide that a man could descend by steps 
 hewn out of the gravel. This was a grand place for 
 the halt. 
 
 My first duty was to remove the load, together 
 with the saddle, from my good old horse. I returned 
 the bowels, and having placed a strong pad over the 
 wounds, I passed the roller round his body, and 
 buckled it tight over the pads. 
 
 This operation was hardly completed, when a severe 
 shivering fit seized the poor animal, and he fell to the 
 ground to die. 
 
 With great sorrow I placed my pistol to the fore- 
 head of the faithful old Zafteer, and he died, having 
 carried and laid down his load, together with his life, 
 at the end of the march by the well. 
 
 I was much distressed at this loss. It seemed that 
 I was to lose all my best and most faithful followers 
 the good Monsoor, whom to this hour I regret as a 
 brother ; the ever-ready and true Howarti ; Ferritch 
 Baggara ; the unfortunate Ramadan, besides others 
 who were very valuable ; and now my old horse 
 was gone. 
 
 We slept that night by his body, and warmed our- 
 selves by a fire that consumed his load for there was 
 no one to carry it. My despatch-box helped to cook 
 our scanty dinner. We had marched sixteen mile-s.
 
 352 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 My troops had behaved remarkably well. The 
 scolding that I had given them had produced a good 
 effect. Very little ammunition had been expended, 
 and the firing had been exceedingly steady. 
 
 Although we had not been attacked at night, I 
 never omitted the precaution of a defence of strong 
 thorns and branches of trees. 
 
 Had this march through a frightful route of forest 
 and high grass been made in the Bari tribe, we should 
 not have had a night's rest. 
 
 We marched at 6 A.M., with sunrise, on 18th June. 
 The weather had been fine since the first day of 
 soaking rain on the start from Masindi : we were 
 thankful for this blessing, as there was no shelter for 
 any one. 
 
 It would be fatiguing to narrate the incidents of 
 the continual ambuscades. Every day we were 
 attacked, and the enemy was repulsed many times. 
 " Co-co-me ! Co-co-me ! " was now well understood 
 by the troops ; and although we had men wounded, 
 the enemy invariably got the worst of the encounter. 
 Up to the present we had been most fortunate in 
 bringing on all our people, but I was anxious lest 
 some should receive wounds that would actually 
 incapacitate them from marching. Should a man 
 be killed outright, how much soever he might be
 
 CHAP, ix.j HALT IN THE PLANTAIN GROVE. 353 
 
 regretted, still there was an end of him ; but there 
 was no end to the difficulty of transporting wounded 
 men in our helpless condition, without carriers. 
 
 We had rather hot work during this day's march, 
 and four soldiers had been wounded by spears. 
 
 My wife was dreadfully tired, and sometimes the 
 pace was too severe for her. At length she was 
 so fatigued that she declared she must halt for rest. 
 It was impossible to halt in the thick jungle and grass ; 
 therefore, as I had observed a large grove of plan- 
 tains on the crest of the hill before us, I gave her 
 my hand to assist her in the ascent, and we shortly 
 entered the dark forest of bananas, which was, as 
 usual, clear and free from grass. 
 
 All the women were glad to rest, as the poor 
 things were carrying heavy loads. We halted in 
 the midst of the plantains, and every one sat down, 
 except the numerous sentries whom I placed in 
 concealment in various positions. I fully expected 
 that natives might be following us, in the hopes of 
 picking up the load of some wounded man that had 
 been left behind. 
 
 Not a word was spoken, or even whispered. 
 
 My men were very bloodthirsty. They had been 
 atrociously treated by the natives, and had suffered 
 much. They longed to get their enemies fairly before 
 
 VOL. II. A A
 
 354 ISMAIL! A. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 them, and the " Forty Thieves " were now keenly 
 looking out for the approach of the wily Unyoros. 
 
 We heard distant voices ; they were coming nearer. 
 A sharp clicking of locks might be heard, as the men 
 got ready. 
 
 Ali Sadik was one of my best shots in " The Forty." 
 I now saw him taking a steady aim. Saat Choush, 
 who was the champion shot of " The Forty/' had also 
 raised his rifle, and almost immediately several 
 shots were fired, and the troops rushed forward ! Two 
 natives had been knocked over, and some of the men 
 returned, dragging in a body by the heels. 
 
 I now scoured the immediate neighbourhood, 
 and discovered a quantity of dhurra that was just 
 ripened. This was immediately gathered as a great 
 prize. 
 
 During this interval, my men had been engaged in 
 a most barbarous ceremony, that perfectly disgusted 
 me. 
 
 These superstitious people had an idea, that every 
 bullet they might fire would kill an Unyoro, if they 
 could only devour a portion of their enemy's liver. 
 
 They had accordingly cut out the liver of the 
 dead man, and having divided it among them, 
 they positively had eaten it raw ! They had 
 then cut the body into pieces with their sword-
 
 CHAP, ix.] HORRIBLE SUPERSTITION. 355 
 
 bayonets, and had disposed them upon the limbs of 
 various bushes that overhung the path, as a warn- 
 ing to any Unyoros who should attempt to follow 
 us. 
 
 I would not have believed that my " Forty Thieves/' 
 whom I had considered to be nearly civilized, 
 could have committed such a barbarity. The truth 
 was, that in the high grass they could not see the 
 effect of their shots ; therefore they imagined that 
 the horrid rite of eating an enemy's liver would 
 give a fatal direction to a random bulkt. 
 
 We marched, and having had several encounters 
 with the enemy in jungle, if possible, worse than 
 before, we halted at Kaseega. 
 
 One of my best men, Serroor, had a narrow escape ; 
 a lance went through his neck, almost grazing the 
 jugular vein. 
 
 On 19th June, we marched at 6.5 A.M. This was 
 one of the worst journeys, as the ravines were 
 numerous, and the forest dark and tangled. It 
 was difficult for our solitary horse (Jamoos) to carry 
 his load, as it became continually hooked in the 
 hanging loops of the wild vines. We were quickly 
 attacked by various ambuscades, in one of which 
 my wife suffered the loss of a great favourite. This 
 was poor little Jarvah, who went by the name of 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 the "fat boy." Two spears struck the unhappy 
 lad at the same moment one of which pinned 
 both his legs as though upon a spit ; the other went 
 through his body. This loss completely upset my 
 wife, as the unfortunate Jarvah had upon several 
 occasions endeavoured to protect her from danger. 
 He was killed only a few paces behind her. 
 
 In one of the ambuscades, just as the enemy 
 had been repulsed, Faddul, the strongest man in 
 the " Forty Thieves," who was close to me, carrying 
 his knapsack on his back, his rifle slung across his 
 shoulders, and a box of 500 snider cartridges (64 Ibs.) 
 upon his head, walked up to me during the halt and 
 reported himself as badly wounded. 
 
 A spear had struck him obliquely in the posterior, 
 and had taken a direction towards the groin. The 
 man was literally bathed in blood, which ran from 
 him in such a stream that a large pool was formed at 
 his feet as he stood before me. 
 
 The instant that the box of snider ammunition was 
 taken from his head, he fell apparently lifeless to 
 the ground. 
 
 I thought that he had bled to death. 
 
 His rifle and knapsack were removed, and I ex- 
 amined his pulse and heart. I could not feel any 
 movement. All I could do was to pour some brandy
 
 CHAP, ix.] SUPPOSED DEATH OF FADDUL. 357 
 
 very slowly down his throat, and to leave him on 
 the side of the path as another good man lost to 
 the expedition. 
 
 We marched forward, and in about ten minutes 
 we arrived at an open field of sweet potatoes. The 
 change from dark jungle and dense grasses of giant 
 height, to .the fresh and clear space cannot be under- 
 stood, unless by those who experienced the difficulties 
 of the march. 
 
 I halted the advance-guard in the centre of the 
 open field, and waited for the rear to close up. 
 
 As it arrived, I saw a man staggering forward, 
 supported by two soldiers. Upon nearer approach, 
 I recognized my strong friend, Faddul, thus risen 
 from the dead ! The brandy had revived him suffi- 
 ciently to show some signs of life, and the rear-guard 
 had thus brought him along with them. We laid 
 him down to rest beneath a tree that grew in the 
 middle of the cultivation. 
 
 We were now in a sad difficulty. There were 
 numerous roads, or rather very narrow paths, which 
 converged from all quarters upon this potato ground. 
 No one knew the direction. The Baris were com- 
 pletely at fault. The farther the people explored 
 the immediate neighbourhood, the more helpless they 
 became.
 
 358 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 This was a serious matter. Up to the present time 
 we had been most fortunate in keeping to the right 
 path. 
 
 I now called my renowned pathfinder, Abdullah, of 
 "The Forty." 
 
 Abdullah made a survey of the surrounding tracks , 
 and then returned to me with the news that he 
 had discovered the route. This he immediately 
 pointed out. 
 
 A general exclamation of derision from the officers 
 and many of the men was the only reward Abdullah 
 received for his important discovery, as his path 
 was in quite an opposite direction to the route they 
 had anticipated. 
 
 The compass corroborated Abdullah's road, but 
 before I adopted it, I asked him why he declared 
 so positively that he knew the way ? He replied, 
 that when on the march from Foweera, he had 
 observed a peculiarly-shaped tree, upon which was 
 fastened a native cojoor, or spell. That tree was on 
 rising ground above a ravine, and he could now show 
 me both the ravine and the magic tree. 
 
 I accompanied him to the spot, and certainly the 
 tree was there, with some pieces of ragged bark-cloth 
 and some grass tied to the stem. I had often seen 
 talismans that were fastened to the trees, and I sug-
 
 CHAP, ix.] THE LOST PATH. 359 
 
 gested to Abdullah that there were many of them 
 along the road. He was so confident in accepting 
 every responsibility as guide, that I followed him 
 without hesitation, and the march continued. The 
 wounded Faddul was supported as before. 
 
 In a short time I myself recognized the path as 
 being very near to Kisoona, which place we suddenly 
 entered after a march of thirty-five minutes from the 
 potato field. The advance-guard fired a volley at 
 some natives, who rushed into the grass upon our 
 unexpected arrival. 
 
 We were now in open ground, with good native 
 huts for shelter, and a large extent of cultivation, 
 where an unlimited supply of potatoes could be 
 obtained. 
 
 As the rear-guard closed up, I mustered all officers 
 and men. Having spoken a few words of encourage- 
 ment, and complimented them upon their extreme 
 steadiness since I had lectured them at Chorobeze, 
 I congratulated them upon having advanced so far, 
 under God's protection, through such numberless 
 enemies, with comparatively so little loss. We were 
 now only twenty-one miles from Foweera, and we 
 knew the road. The news of our arrival would 
 almost immediately reach Kionga, and I should 
 fortify this spot and remain here for some days
 
 360 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 to allow my wounded to recover their strength. 
 During this time all hands would be employed in 
 preparing potatoes for store, by cutting them in slices 
 and drying them in the sun. 
 
 I now ordered the band to strike up with the 
 greatest vigour, to show the natives who might be 
 within hearing, that we were in the best of spirits. 
 
 My officers and men were all delighted, and over- 
 whelmed me with compliments. I only replied by 
 begging them always to trust in God, and to do their 
 duty. 
 
 I immediately started off a party to dig potatoes, 
 while Lieutenant Baker and myself, with a number 
 of men, slashed down with sabres the extensive 
 grove of plantain trees, so as to have a perfectly 
 clear space around the camp. 
 
 We made a strong defence at Kisoona, and the 
 rest of several days was invigorating to the wounded 
 men, and enabled my wife's feet to recover sufficiently 
 to continue the march on the 23rd June. 
 
 I had arranged that the drums and bugles should 
 sound the morning call at 5 A.M. daily, as though 
 in a permanent camp. This was to assist me in a 
 plan for avoiding ambuscades on the day of march- 
 ing from Kisoona, 
 
 On the 22nd I gave orders that every man should
 
 CHAP. ix.J ARRIVE AT FOWEERA. 361 
 
 be ready to march punctually at 5 A.M., the instant 
 that the morning call should have sounded. 
 
 The natives, hearing the call to which they had 
 been daily accustomed, would have no suspicion of 
 our intended departure ; therefore they would not 
 have sufficient time to organize and man their 
 ambuscades. 
 
 On the morning of 23rd June we evacuated the 
 camp in the semi-darkness, the instant that the 
 drums and bugles had ceased, and we thus obtained 
 an excellent start that saved us much trouble. The 
 attacks later in the day were feebler than usual, and 
 after a march of fourteen miles we arrived at a well 
 of water at 2.5 P.M., at which spot we halted for 
 the night. During this march we had only one 
 man wounded. 
 
 We were now within Kionga's country, but I 
 nevertheless made a defence of thorns and branches 
 of trees for the night. 
 
 On 24th June we started at 6.5 A. M., and after a 
 march of seven miles, during which we were undis- 
 turbed, we arrived at the old camp of Suleiman's 
 company at Foweera on the Victoria Nile, where we 
 had expected to find shelter and good houses. 
 
 Everything had been destroyed by fire ! Nothing 
 remained but blackened ashes.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 BUILD A STOCKADE AT FOWEERA. 
 
 MY losses from the 8th June to the 24th had been 
 ten killed and eleven wounded. Every officer and 
 soldier had thoroughly done his duty, having dis- 
 played admirable coolness and courage upon many 
 trying occasions. None but black troops could have 
 endured the march of about eighty miles with heavy 
 weights upon their heads, in addition to their usual 
 accoutrements. 
 
 I at once set to work to build a new station, and 
 with the old wood that had formed the fence of 
 Suleiman's zareeba, I commenced a defensive arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 There was very little heavy timber that was 
 adapted for a stockade. I therefore formed a protection 
 by sinking deep in the ground, at intervals of three 
 feet, two strong posts about seven feet above the
 
 CHAP, x.] MAJOR ABDULLAH'S DETACHMENT. 363 
 
 surface. These upright timbers, standing opposite to 
 each other at a distance of about ten inches, were 
 filled with long poles laid one over the other hori- 
 zontally. At two corners of the square fort were 
 flanking works of the same construction, which would 
 sweep each face of the defence. 
 
 In a very few days my men had completed a strong 
 and neat stockade around a number of small temporary 
 huts which formed our new station. 
 
 Having thus housed my troops, it was necessary to 
 prepare for the future. I fully expected that Major 
 Abdullah had fallen into the snare prepared for him 
 by Kabba Re"ga : thus I should have no other force 
 to rely upon, except the few men that now formed 
 my small but tough little party. If so terrible a 
 calamity should have occurred as the destruction 
 of Abdullah's detachment, I should not only have 
 lost my men, but I should become short of ammu- 
 nition ; as my stores and arms would have fallen 
 into the hands of the enemy. This doubt caused me 
 much grave anxiety. 
 
 It was strange that we had not received some 
 communication from Kionga, whose island was only 
 fifteen or sixteen miles above stream from Foweera. 
 Our side of the river appeared to be quite uninhabited, 
 and simply consisted of the interminable groves of
 
 364 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. x. 
 
 bananas, that had belonged to the inhabitants at 
 a time when the district had been thickly popu- 
 lated. 
 
 The Victoria Nile, opposite the Foweera station, 
 was about 500 yards wide. At this season the river 
 was full. The huts that we had erected on the north 
 side, upon our arrival from Fatiko, had been de- 
 stroyed by the natives. This did not look as though 
 much friendship existed. 
 
 Upon hearing our drums and bugles on the day 
 of our arrival at Foweera, a few natives had come to 
 the high rock opposite, and had commenced a bawling 
 conversation, that was only slightly understood by 
 one of our women and Molodi the Madi. 
 
 Molodi knew Bionga, as he had visited him at a 
 
 former time, together with a party of Abou Saood's 
 
 " people. His very slight knowledge of the language 
 
 was sufficient to explain to the natives across the 
 
 river that I wished to communicate with Biouga. 
 
 The people on the north happened to belong to 
 Kabba Rega, and they were enemies of Rionga ; thus 
 we were addressing the wrong parties. 
 
 It was highly necessary to make some arrangements 
 for crossing the river. There were no canoes on this 
 side, and it would be dangerous to trust to rafts, as 
 there were waterfalls about three or four hundred
 
 CHAP, x.] COMMENCE THE CANOES. 365 
 
 yards below stream upon our left. I determined to 
 construct boats. 
 
 We felled three large dolape palms (Borassus Ethi- 
 opicus), which were the only trees of that species in 
 this neighbourhood. These palms are well adapted 
 for canoes, as the bark, or rather the outside wood, 
 is intensely hard for about an inch and a half, beneath 
 which the tree is simply a pithy, stringy substance, 
 that can be rapidly scooped out. 
 
 Two of the logs, when shaped, were each twenty-six 
 feet in length ; the third was smaller. 
 
 Throughout the march from Masindi we had man- 
 aged to carry an adze, a hammer, and a cold chisel. 
 The adze now came into play, together with the 
 handy little axes of the " Forty Thieves." 
 
 Among my troops was a Baggara Arab, who was 
 a "canoe-builder." This was one of the best men 
 of "The Forty," and it was now for the first time 
 that I heard of his abilities as a boat-builder. 
 
 The men took an immense interest in the work ; but 
 as too many volunteers might interfere with the prin- 
 cipal shipwright, I sent them all into the forest to 
 collect plantains. I gave orders that every man 
 should prepare 14lbs. of plantain flour for the journey, 
 in case it should be necessary to march to Fatiko. 
 
 The canoes progressed, and a slice of about a foot
 
 36(5 ISMAIL! A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 wide having been taken off horizontally from stem to 
 stern, the soft inside was scooped out with an adze, 
 and with lance-heads bent to form a half circle. 
 
 In a few days the logs were neatly hollowed, and 
 were then carried down and launched upon the river. 
 The long, narrow canoes would have been very dan- 
 gerous without outriggers, therefore I determined to 
 adopt the plan that I had seen in Ceylon ; and as 
 Lieutenant Baker well represented the omniscience of 
 naval men in everything that concerns boats, nautical 
 stratagems, incomprehensible forms of knots, rigging, 
 &c., &c., I left all the details of the canoes to his charge. 
 In a short time we possessed three admirable vessels 
 that it was quite impossible to upset. I now required 
 a few rafts for the transport of baggage, as it would 
 be awkward to cross the river by small sections should 
 an enemy oppose our landing on the precipitous bank 
 on the opposite shore. I therefore arranged that we 
 should cross in two journeys. The party now con- 
 sisted of 97 soldiers including officers, 5 natives, 3 
 sailors, 51 women, boys, and servants, and 3 Euro- 
 peans ; total, 158 persons. 
 
 There was no ambatch wood, but I thought we 
 might form rafts by cutting and then drying in the 
 sun the long tough stems of the papyrus rush. 
 These, if lashed together in small bundles, could
 
 CHAP, x.] VERY HUNGRY. 367 
 
 be shaped into rafts similar to those used by the 
 Shillook tribe. 
 
 Lieutenant Baker took the three sailors and a 
 few intelligent soldiers, and set to work. 
 
 The 29th June had arrived without any news of 
 Eionga. The country appeared to be quite devoid 
 of inhabitants on the south banks, neither did the 
 natives show themselves on the north. We were 
 masters of the situation, but there was an uncom- 
 fortable feeling of loneliness in our position of out- 
 casts. We were very hungry, as we had not tasted 
 animal food since the 14th inst. ; there was no game, 
 neither were there any doves or birds of any kind, 
 except occasional vultures, which, after sitting upon a 
 dead tree and regarding us for some time, went off 
 with a low opinion of our respectability. 
 
 We lived upon boiled plantains and red peppers, 
 together with various wild plants that are whole- 
 some, but not nice, when boiled as spinach. Un- 
 fortunately, our small supply of salt was exhausted, 
 therefore we were obliged to burn grass and make 
 potash from the ashes as a substitute. 
 
 We had a small quantity of brandy, but we reserved 
 this in case of illness or other necessity. 
 
 My men generally made two journeys daily, to- 
 gether with the women, to collect green plantains,
 
 368 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 and they immediately commenced peeling and drying 
 them in the sun upon their return to camp. 
 
 On the evening of the 29th they came home in 
 great spirits, having captured a prisoner. They had 
 tied his arms cruelly behind his back, and had led 
 him to camp by a cord secured to his neck. 
 
 This man had been discovered in company with 
 two others who had escaped to the other side of 
 the river in a canoe. 
 
 I ordered his arms to be released, and cross- 
 examined him, Molodi acting as interpreter. 
 
 The prisoner seemed quite confident upon seeing 
 my wife and myself. " Don't you remember me ? " 
 he exclaimed ; " was it not I who many years ago 
 carried the travelling-bag for the lady on your journey 
 to Fatiko ? Was it not you that shot the ante- 
 lopes on the march, and gave me meat to eat when 
 I was hungry ? " 
 
 Here was an extraordinary piece of good luck ! 
 My men had actually captured an old friend in the 
 thickets, who had formerly marched with us in the 
 reign of Kamrasi. 
 
 This fellow now gave us the news. Bionga wished 
 to see me, but he had been so cheated and deceived 
 by the slave-hunting companies of Abou Saood, that 
 he was afraid to trust himself among us ; he was
 
 CHAP, x.] A MESSENGER FROM RIONGA. 369 
 
 friendly disposed, but he did not know my intentions 
 concerning himself. 
 
 The prisoner declared that the treachery of Kabba 
 Re'ga had been planned from the beginning. The 
 300 natives who had accompanied my party from 
 Masindi, with the post to Fatiko, had attacked and 
 killed some of my men, but he knew no particulars ; 
 only that they had not gone on to Fatiko with 
 my people. This was a great relief to my anxiety, 
 as in that case Abdullah must be safe with his de- 
 tachment. I ordered the prisoner to be detained, 
 but to be well treated. 
 
 We had rain nearly every day. 
 
 At daybreak on 1st July, after a heavy night's 
 rain, a voice from the high wet grass, about a hundred 
 yards distant, cried out to the sentries in Arabic, 
 " Don't fire ! I am a messenger from Rionga to 
 Malegge' ! " (my former nick-name). 
 
 The man, cold and shivering, was brought before 
 me. He had travelled by canoe during the night, 
 but had been afraid to approach the sentries until 
 daylight. 
 
 Being assured of my good-will, he informed mo 
 that a nephew of Rionga's was in the grass waiting 
 for my reply. He immediately ran out, and soon 
 returned to the camp with his companion. 
 
 VOL. II. B B
 
 370 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 As these people spoke Arabic, I now explained the 
 whole affair, and assured them of my repeated refusal 
 to attack Bionga, when I had been pressed to do so 
 both by Kamrasi, and by his son, Kabba Rega. 
 There could be little doubt that, had I allied with 
 him against Rionga, the battle of Masindi would 
 never have taken place ; and the lives of some of my 
 best men would have been spared. Thus Rionga had 
 been the chief cause of trouble. 
 
 I would now depose Kabba Re*ga, and appoint 
 Rionga as the vakeel or representative of the 
 Egyptian government, provided he would swear 
 allegiance. 
 
 I sent a present to Rionga of an entire piece each 
 of Turkey red cloth, blue twill, and four handker- 
 chiefs; at the same time I explained that we were 
 very hungry, and required cattle and corn. 
 
 Before the messengers returned, I inspected the 
 troops, who marched round the camp in their best 
 scarlet uniforms, to the sound of the drums and 
 bugles. This exhibition appeared to create a great 
 impression on Rionga's people, who would report 
 us fit for service on their return to their chief. 
 
 Thirty of the men were suffering from ulcerated 
 legs, caused by the sharp, poisonous edges of the 
 high grass.
 
 HBrfo
 
 CHAP, x.] START TO VISIT EIONGA. 371 
 
 In a couple of days, two large canoes arrived from 
 Rionga with presents of some corn, sweet potatoes, and 
 a cow and sheep. We killed the beef immediately, 
 as we were ravenously hungry. 
 
 On 16th July, we started, in nine canoes that 
 had been supplied by Ronga, to visit him . at his 
 station. The troops marched by land on the south 
 bank. 
 
 After paddling for about fifteen miles along the 
 grand Victoria Nile, which in the narrowest part was 
 at least 300 yards wide, we arrived at 5 P.M. at a 
 desolate spot, exactly opposite to the tail of the large 
 island upon which Rionga resided. 
 
 Nothing had been prepared for our reception, there- 
 fore we landed in the forest, and my men set to 
 work to collect firewood for the night. The troops 
 who had marched overland had not arrived. For- 
 tunately we had some flour and a bottle of curry- 
 powder ; therefore we dined off dhurra-porridge 
 and curry, and lay down on our camp-sheets to 
 sleep. 
 
 This was a thorough negro welcome ; nothing to 
 eat ! 
 
 The next morning, at about" 7A.M., the troops with 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader arrived ; they had suffered 
 much from high grass and thorns, as they had been 
 
 B B 2
 
 372 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. x. 
 
 obliged to break their way through the jungle, in the 
 total absence of a path. 
 
 A number of Blonga's natives now arrived to assist 
 in making our camp. All hands set vigorously to 
 work building huts, in an excellent position that I 
 had selected on the river's bank. 
 
 On 18th July, messengers came early to inform me 
 that Bionga would arrive that morning to give me a 
 warm welcome. 
 
 I had already sent him, from Foweera, a beautiful 
 cloak of gold brocade, together with a new tarboosh 
 and sky-blue turban. 
 
 At about 8 A.M., drums were beating on the island, 
 and horns were blowing in all directions ; these were 
 signals that the renowned Bionga was on the move. 
 We shortly perceived numerous large canoes pushing 
 off from the island, and making for our landing-place, 
 which I had already cleared. 
 
 A cow, sheep, and a load of corn were first 
 delivered as a present. These were followed by 
 Rionga, and a large staff of his principal headmen. 
 
 He was a handsome man of about fifty, with ex- 
 ceedingly good manners. He had none of the stiff- 
 ness of Kamrasi, nor the gauche bearing of Kabba 
 Rega, but he was perfectly at his ease. He at once 
 thanked me for the handsome suit in which he was
 
 CHAP, x.] ARRIVAL OF RIONGA. 373 
 
 dressed, without which, he assured me that it would 
 have been difficult for him to have appeared before 
 me in a becoming manner. The troops were drawn 
 out to receive him, and the conversation at once 
 turned upon Kabba Rega and Abou Saood. 
 
 He had an intimate knowledge of all that had 
 taken place, which had been reported to him by his 
 spies ; and he declared that Abou Saood had long 
 ago arranged a plan with Kabba Rdga for our 
 destruction should we arrive from Gondokoro. 
 
 Rionga was well aware how often 1 had refused to 
 attack him, and he confessed that I had been his 
 saviour by the arrest of Suleiman, who would have 
 joined the forces of Kabba R6ga to have crushed 
 him. 
 
 I took a great fancy to Rionga, as he was so per- 
 fectly free and easy in his manner. He told me 
 several anecdotes of the escapes he had had from 
 snares laid for him by Karnrasi ; and he seemed quite 
 rejoiced that I, who had always declined to molest 
 him before I had known him personally, should now 
 have taken him by the hand. 
 
 He declared that he would always remain the faithful 
 representative of the Khedive's government, but at 
 the same time we must immediately exchange blood ; 
 without which ceremony, the people would not rise
 
 374 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 in his favour. He said, " If the natives of this 
 country, and also the Langgos and the Umiros, shall 
 hear that 1 have exchanged blood with the Pacha, 
 the} 7 will have thorough confidence, as they will 
 know that he will always be true to me, and I to 
 him ; but without this irrevocable contract, they will 
 always suspect some intrigue, either upon your side 
 
 or mine." 
 
 Kionga proposed that we should drink blood on the 
 following morning, as no time should be lost : he 
 revelled with childish delight in the despair that 
 would seize Kabba R6ga and his chiefs when they 
 should hear the news that the Pacha and his friend 
 Rionga had exchanged blood. 
 
 The preparation for the ceremony was to commence 
 that evening. We were to drink a large quantity of 
 plantain cider. " Not such stuff as Kabba Rdga gave 
 you," exclaimed Rionga ; " but a drink such as a 
 friend will partake with you." I was not to eat any- 
 thing on the morrow, until the sun should be in a 
 certain position in the heavens, at which time he 
 would call upon me. I was to exchange blood 
 with Rionga ; Colonel Abd-el-Kader and Lieutenant 
 Baker were to go through the same interesting 
 ceremony with his minister and his son at the 
 same time.
 
 CHAP, x.] EXCHANGE BLOOD WITH RIONGA. 375 
 
 I recommended him at once to summon the 
 chiefs of the Langgos and the Umiros, as I should 
 wish to secure their alliance and allegiance without 
 loss of time. 
 
 Many large jars of the best quality of plantain 
 cider were now brought from the island. 
 
 The night passed in nothing but singing and 
 dancing, as Rionga gave an entertainment in honour 
 of our arrival, and as a preliminary to the ceremony 
 of exchanging blood on the following morning. 
 
 At about 9 A.M. the unpleasant task was to be 
 performed. Rionga arrived and begged me to accom- 
 pany him within a tent, together with Lieutenant 
 Baker, Colonel Abd-el-Kader, and Kamissua and 
 Majobi. 
 
 Several of his first-class people were admitted as 
 witnesses ; these were Inqui, Kimata, Ulendu, Sin- 
 goma, Kibera, and some others. 
 
 Fortunately I had a small lancet in the handle of 
 my knife ; therefore I made a slight incision on 
 my left fore-arm, from which a few drops of blood 
 flowed. Rionga immediately seized my arm and 
 greedily sucked the scratch. I had to perform upon 
 his arm, and I took care to make so slight a puncture 
 that only a drop of blood appeared ; this was quite 
 enough for my share of the ceremony. We were now
 
 376 ISMAILI A. [CHAP, x 
 
 friends for ever, and no suspicion of foul play could 
 possibly be entertained. Lieutenant Baker and Abd- 
 el-Kader went through the same operation with their 
 respective partners, and cemented an indissoluble 
 friendship. 
 
 It was rather a disgusting performance, but at 
 the same time it was absolutely necessary for the 
 success of the expedition. I had now really secured 
 a trustworthy man, who would act as my vakeel. 
 
 When we emerged from the hut, a minstrel 
 appeared, who played upon a species of harp, and 
 sang praises of myself and Eionga ; and, of course, 
 abused Kabba Rega with true poetical licence. 
 
 I gave the minstrel a considerable present of beads, 
 and he went away rejoicing, singing and twanging 
 his instrument to the discomfiture of all our enemies. 
 
 It was fortunate that I had been able to carry 
 so much as SOOlbs. of beads. The soldiers could 
 now purchase fish and potatoes. 
 
 On the 23rd July, two great sheiks were intro- 
 duced by Rionga : " Gronah," the chief of a Langg o 
 district, and " Okooloo," a renowned warrior of the 
 Umiros. 
 
 The naked body of Okooloo was covered with small 
 tattoo marks, each of which I was assured represented 
 a victim to his lance.
 
 CHAP, x.] OKOOLOO, THE UMIRO WARRIOR. 377 
 
 If he had really killed half that enormous number of 
 men, he must have considerably reduced the popu- 
 lation, and he could have been .doing little else 
 during his life. Samson's feat of killing 1,000 men 
 was hardly to be compared to the slaughter that had 
 been accomplished by Okooloo. 
 
 The prospect of a general attack upon Kabba 
 Eega with fire and lance was delightful to the taste of 
 this warlike old chief, who would, at the end of the 
 campaign, have no more room on his own skin, and 
 would have to keep the list of his game either upon 
 the back of a son or a favourite wife. 
 
 I soon made friends with these tribes. A few 
 red and yellow handkerchiefs, and two or three 
 pounds of red and white beads, were sufficient to 
 gain their alliance. I proclaimed Eionga as the 
 vakeel of the government, who would rule Unyoro 
 in the place of Kabba Eega, deposed. Eionga was 
 accepted by acclamation ; and if the young traitor, 
 Kabba Eega, could have witnessed this little 
 projet de traite, he would have shivered in his 
 shoes. 
 
 Eionga was a general favourite, and the natives 
 were sincerely glad to see him at length supported 
 by the government. Throughout his life he had 
 striven bravely against every species of treachery
 
 378 ISMAIL! A . [CHAP. x. 
 
 and persecution ; the day of his revenge had 
 arrived. 
 
 I did not wish to overrun Unyoro until the grass 
 should be fit to burn ; this would not be until the 
 end of November. 
 
 I therefore arranged that I would leave Abd-el- 
 Kader with sixty-five men in a powerful stockade 
 that I had constructed on the edge of the river in 
 this spot, N. lat. 2 6' 17", to support Rionga, and 
 to organize the native forces, while I would take 
 forty men (sniders) and march to Fatiko, to inquire 
 into all that had happened during my absence. It 
 would be necessary to form a corps of irregulars 
 under the command of Wat-el-Mek, which I should 
 immediately send to occupy Unyoro. 
 
 Rionga told me that he should immediately attack 
 M'rooli in company with the Langgos and Umiros, who 
 would quickly overrun the country now that Kabba 
 Rdga was unsupported by the slave -hunters. 
 
 He at once collected fifty natives to carry our loads 
 to Fatiko. 
 
 On 27th July, having left all beads, &c., with Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader for the purchase of provisions, we 
 took a cordial leave of Rionga, and started, in six 
 canoes, at 12.30 P.M. ; paddling down the stream* 
 we arrived at our deserted zareeba at 3.12 P.M. We
 
 CHAP, x.] CROSS THE VICTORIA SILE. 379 
 
 found the camp quite undisturbed ; no one appeared 
 to have entered it since we had left it some days ago. 
 The palm outrigger canoes were lying in the same 
 spot, secured to the rushes ; and all that had belonged 
 to us was rigidly respected. 
 
 Bionga had given us a sheep to eat during our 
 march of seventy-nine miles from Foweera to Fatiko. 
 This did not seem very generous, but his cattle had 
 been mostly carried off by the slave-hunters under 
 Suleiman. 
 
 Fortunately, just as we entered our old station, 
 I shot a guinea-fowl, which made a good curry, and 
 saved our store of dried fish for the uninhabited wil- 
 derness before us. 
 
 The best fish (as I before mentioned in " The Albert 
 N'yanza") is the Lepidosiren annectens, and this 
 fat and delicate meat is excellent when smoked and 
 dried. 
 
 "We slept in our old camp, and early on the follow- 
 ing morning we prepared to cross the river. 
 
 Bionga's people did not quite trust the inhabitants 
 on the other side ; I accordingly sent a strong party 
 of rifles across first to occupy the high rocky landing- 
 place. 
 
 On the return of the canoes, we were just pre- 
 paring to cross with the remainder of the party
 
 380 ISM All I A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 when I observed eight natives walking very fast 
 along the forest- covered cliff on the other side. 
 We immediately gave the alarm to our men who 
 occupied the rocks. The telescope now discovered 
 that the arrangement of the hair of these natives 
 was the fashion of Shooli and Fatiko. 
 
 The eight strangers, who had not before observed 
 us, now halted in astonishment, and presently they 
 shouted, in good Arabic 
 
 " Are you the Pacha's soldiers ? We are sent by 
 Abdullah to look for the Pacha ! " 
 
 This was great good fortune ; then Abdullah was 
 alive, and I hoped my detachment was all right ! 
 
 We crossed the broad river, and upon close arrival, 
 we discovered that two of the messengers were well 
 known to us, one of whom was Jarro, the inter- 
 preter of the great sheik, Rot Jarma. 
 
 The first gleam of pleasure with which I had 
 welcomed these messengers quickly changed to con- 
 siderable anxiety. 
 
 I was now informed that the attempt to destroy 
 us by poison, and subsequently by a treacherous 
 attack at Masindi, was mainly due to the intrigues 
 of Abou Saood, who had originally advised Kabba 
 Rega to resist me should I arrive in his country. 
 This traitor Abou Saood had considered that we
 
 OHAP. x.] BAD NEWS. 381 
 
 should be certainly massacred when once in the 
 heart of Unyoro. He had therefore assumed a 
 despotic command of Fatiko and all the neigh- 
 bouring countries shortly after my departure ; and 
 he had given orders to the natives and to the sheik, 
 Hot Jarma, that " no supplies of corn should be 
 provided for Major Abdullah's troops." 
 
 Kot Jarma had been faithful to the government, 
 and his people had carried corn to Major Abdullah. 
 Abou Saood had therefore ordered his men to attack 
 Kot Jarma. They had accordingly surprised him 
 while believing in the protection of the govern- 
 ment, and had captured his cattle, together with 
 a number of slaves. In that attack the brigands 
 had lost five men, whose guns had been subsequently 
 taken to Kabba Rega for sale by the natives we had 
 seen at Masindi. 
 
 Abou Saood then, enraged at the loss of five men, 
 together with their guns, had sent for Wat-el-Mek 
 from Faloro, and gave him the command above the 
 well-known Ali Hussein, with orders to carry fire 
 and sword through the country. 
 
 Major Abdullah had vainly expostulated. Abou 
 Saood had personally threatened him ; and Ali Hussein 
 and an officer named Lazim, with some others, had 
 gone armed into the government camp, and had
 
 28:2 1SM.AIL1A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 actually seized natives who had taken refuge with 
 Abdullah, from whose house they were thus dragged 
 by force in defiance of authority. 
 
 When the news arrived from Foweera that I had 
 punished Suleiman for the murder of the prisoner, both 
 Abou Saood and his people had declared, that they 
 " would secure Major Abdullah in a forked pole, or 
 sheba, and treat him in a similar manner." They 
 had also threatened to attack the government camp. 
 
 Major Abdullah had written to me at Masuidi 
 requesting instructions ; he had intrusted the letter 
 to a native of Faieera. This man had most unfortu- 
 nately arrived at Masindi late in the evening upon 
 which the troops had been poisoned. On the follow- 
 ing morning he was a witness to the murder of 
 poor Monsoor and Ferritch Baggara ; and when 
 the general action commenced, he climbed up a 
 tree at no great distance from the station, and 
 cried out that " he was the bearer of a letter from 
 Abdullah." 
 
 The bullets whizzed so thickly about him that he 
 descended from his post, and then, being alarmed 
 lest he might be killed by the natives should his 
 mission be discovered, he had run away as fast as 
 possible, and had returned 160 miles to Fatiko. Thus 
 I never received Major Abdullah's letter.
 
 CHAP, x.] OUR TOTAL DESTRUCTION REPORTED. 383 
 
 The letter-carrier, having seen our handful of men 
 surrounded by many thousands of the enemy in 
 Masindi, and knowing that the perfect organization 
 of Unyoro would bring countless enemies upon us, 
 who would occupy the routes by ambuscades, had 
 considered our position hopeless. 
 
 The report was spread "that we were all destroyed:" 
 thus Abou Saood was delighted. 
 
 Some days later, my party arrived that had left 
 Masindi on the 23rd May with the post for Fatiko, 
 together with the prisoner Suleiman. 
 
 These people had suffered terribly, and had lost 
 eleven men killed, exclusive of one who had died on 
 the way from fatigue. 
 
 The treacherous plan arranged by Kabba Rega 
 had failed, and the natives had attacked them 
 before the time appointed. This will be described 
 hereafter. 
 
 Suleiman was no longer a prisoner, but he com- 
 manded the Fabbo station for Abou Saood. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek had received my letter, and he wished 
 to serve the government ; but Abou Saood had pre- 
 vented him ; and now that I was supposed to be 
 dead, it would be impossible. 
 
 This man, Wat-el-Mek, had nevertheless behaved 
 well, as he had immediately demanded 100 men from
 
 384 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 Abou Saood, and fifty men from Abdullah, in order 
 to march to Unyoro, join Bionga, and with a native 
 army he would have searched for us throughout the 
 country. 
 
 Abou Saood had refused to give the 100 men, 
 therefore we had been left to our fate. 
 
 The result of the story was that I must hurry 
 on to Fatiko ; Eot Jarma had sent his messengers to 
 discover me whether dead or alive, and should I 
 not march quickly, Abdullah might be attacked and 
 overpowered, and the slave-hunters would possess 
 themselves of all the ammunition and stores. 
 
 . . . This was not very refreshing news, after 
 all the troubles we had gone through. 
 
 Had I received this important intelligence during 
 my stay with Kionga, I should not have left Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader with sixty men behind me. It would 
 not do to waste time by halting ; and should I send 
 to recall Abd-el-Kader immediately after my departure, 
 the effect upon Rionga would create suspicion. The 
 withdrawal of the troops would destroy all confidence 
 on the part of his native allies. 
 
 I gave the order to march forward at once. 
 
 My horse, Jamoos, now the only survivor of all 
 those that I had brought from Cairo, was in good
 
 CHAP, x.j OUR SOLITARY SHEEP IS STOLEN. 385 
 
 condition, but he suffered from a woeful sore back, 
 occasioned by the heavy load that he had carried from 
 Masindi. My wife was therefore obliged to walk, as 
 the mud was too deep for the solitary donkey, who 
 was weak and ill. 
 
 For more than a mile and a half we had to 
 wade through flooded marshes nearly hip deep ; the 
 heavy rains had made the country boggy and un- 
 pleasant. 
 
 We had one sheep for the journey of seventy-nine 
 miles, but this was missing upon the second day's 
 march, and we subsequently discovered that it had 
 been stolen and eaten by our guide and the carriers 
 supplied by Kionga. We were thus reduced to dried 
 fish in the place of our lost mutton, for which we 
 felt inclined to go into mourning. 
 
 Although we had been badly fed of late, and for 
 twenty-three days had been without solid animal 
 food (from the march from Masindi), we were never- 
 theless in excellent health ; and always hungry. 
 
 We marched well through the uninhabited wilder- 
 ness of forest, high grass, and swamps, and arrived 
 at the village of Sharga, ten miles from Fatiko, on 
 August 1st, 1872. 
 
 The people had collected in considerable numbers to 
 receive us, and we were presented with a fat ox for 
 
 VOL. ii. c c
 
 386 ISM A I LI A. [CHAP. x. 
 
 the troops, thirteen large jars of merissa, and a very 
 plump sheep for ourselves. 
 
 The soldiers were delighted, poor fellows ; and we 
 likewise looked forward with no small pleasure to a 
 good stew. 
 
 Numerous sheiks had collected to receive us, and 
 a formal complaint and protest was made against 
 Abou Saood and his people. 
 
 An attack had been already planned, and Abdullah 
 and his small detachment of 100 men would be 
 overpowered. They were already disheartened, as 
 they believed that we were dead, and they had been 
 daily taunted with this fact by the brigands, who 
 asked them, " what they were going to do now that 
 the Pacha was killed." 
 
 Abou Saood, having given his orders to Wat-el- 
 Mek, and to the ruffian AH Hussein, had withdrawn 
 to the station of Fabbo, twenty-two miles west of 
 Fatiko, to which place he had carried all the ivory. 
 He was not fond of fighting, personally. 
 
 The natives corroborated the information I had 
 received from Rot Jarma's messengers. They de- 
 clared that not only had women and children 
 been carried off, but that the slave-hunters under 
 Ali Hussein had cut the throats of many of their 
 women before their eyes, and had dashed the brains
 
 CHAP, x.] ATROCITIES OF THE SLAVERS. 387 
 
 of the young children upon the rocks in derision 
 of my power; saying, "Now see if the Nuzzerani 
 (Christian) can protect you ! " 
 
 They declared that Wat-el-Mek really wished to 
 join the government, but that when he got drunk, 
 both Abou Saood and others could induce him to 
 behave badly. 
 
 There were several hundred people present at this 
 meeting ; and the sheiks wound up in a cool and 
 temperate manner, by advising me " not to judge 
 from what they had told me, but simply to march 
 early on the following morning to Fatiko, and to 
 receive the report direct from my own commandant, 
 Major Abdullah. 
 
 " If he contradicts us, you may say that we are 
 liars ; then never believe us again." 
 
 This was the conclusion of the palaver. 
 
 The morning of 2nd August arrived, and we started 
 at 6.20 A.M., and marched fast over a beautiful 
 country of dells, woods, and open park-like lands, 
 until we ascended the hill that rose towards the 
 high plateau of Fatiko. 
 
 As we passed the numerous villages we were 
 joined by curious bands of natives, who by degrees 
 swelled our party to nearly a thousand persons. 
 There was no doubt that these people expected to 
 
 C (J 2
 
 ISMAILI A. [CHAP: x. 
 
 witness a row, as they knew that Abdullah had 
 been threatened. It was therefore highly probable 
 that we might be attacked, as the slave-hunters 
 would imagine that my small force of forty men 
 was the last remnant of my detachment. 
 
 No one at Fatiko had an idea of my existence : 
 thus we should arrive as though risen from the 
 dead. 
 
 I halted the men on a large flat rock about a 
 mile and a half south of Fatiko. Here they changed 
 their clothes, and dressed in their best scarlet 
 uniforms and white linen trousers. 
 
 We again marched forward, until, upon gaining 
 the racecourse-like plateau, we perceived the station 
 in the distance. 
 
 The bugles now sounded the "assembly," to ap- 
 prise Major Abdullah of our approach. We then 
 marched to the bugles and drums, while the 
 natives, who delight in music, struck up an ac- 
 companiment on their whistles. My wife was 
 riding the horse, as his back was nearly re- 
 covered. 
 
 With the telescope, I now perceived a great stir 
 in Major Abdullah's camp. The men were running 
 to and fro ; presently red dots appeared ; these rap- 
 idly increased, until a thin line of scarlet showed
 
 CHAP, x.] ARRIVAL AT FATIKO. 389 
 
 me that his troops were drawn up outside the 
 camp to receive us. 
 
 We arrived at 9.30 A.M. The first formalities 
 having been gone through, the troops embraced their 
 friends ; and I shook Major Abdullah warmly by 
 the hand, and asked him for immediate news. He 
 merely replied : " Thank God, sir, you are safe and 
 arrived here ; all will go well now that you are 
 alive again. I have kept a journal, and when you 
 have rested, I will hand you my report in writing." 
 
 My old dragoman, Mohammed, had burst out 
 crying with joy at our arrival ; and he assured me 
 that it was most fortunate that I had arrived, as 
 affairs had become worse than ever. 
 
 The natives that had accompanied us had as- 
 cended the large flat rock which 'commanded the 
 station (and which now forms the citadel), upon 
 which they had squatted down like a flock of 
 cormorants, to observe all that passed. 
 
 No one had come to salute me from Abou Saood's 
 station, which was almost a portion of that belonging 
 to the government, as it was only separated by a 
 level turf ninety yards across. 
 
 The absence of the vakeel and his people was a 
 studied insult, as it was his duty to have at once 
 appeared, with his men in line to receive us.
 
 390 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. x. 
 
 A hut having been swept out, I entered to change 
 my dress, as I wished to inspect the troops. I 
 never wore a uniform in this country, except upon 
 state occasions ; but a simple Norfolk shirt of thick 
 white cotton, and trousers of the same material. 
 This, with an Egyptian silk coffeeah arranged over 
 my old helmet hat, was sufficient for Central 
 Africa. 
 
 I ordered Major Abdullah to form the troops in 
 line, as I wished to inspect them. 
 
 At the sound of the bugle, they formed two deep 
 on the beautiful turf outside the slight fence 
 which surrounded the camp. My horse, having 
 been rubbed down and quickly saddled, was led 
 through the narrow wicket ; having mounted, I 
 rode down the line and made a short inspection 
 of the troops, who appeared to be in excellent 
 health. 
 
 I was just returning to the camp, and was about 
 to dismount, as I could not ride through the ex- 
 tremely narrow wicket, when I was begged by Major 
 Abdullah to wait a little longer, as the people of 
 Wat-el-MqJs: were now approaching with their nu- 
 merous flags, to salute me according to the usual 
 custom. 
 
 Seven large silk crimson flags upon tall staffs
 
 CHAP, x.] THE SLA VERS' CHALLENGE. 391 
 
 headed with lance points, and ornamented with balls 
 of black ostrich feathers, marked the intervals of 
 the advancing line of ruffians. 
 
 They were about 270 strong, and they now formed 
 a line in very open order, exactly facing the govern- 
 ment troops, at about forty yards' distance. Two 
 principal officers, Wat-el-Mek and the celebrated Ali 
 Hussein, were exceedingly busy in running up and 
 down the line, and forming their men, so as to 
 make the greatest display of force. Wat-el-Mek 
 was dressed in bright yellow with loose flowing 
 trousers. Ali Hussein was in a snow-white long 
 robe with black trousers. The officers were distin- 
 guished by clean clothes, but the men were clad 
 in various costumes, generally formed of tanned 
 leather. 
 
 By way of complimenting me, they had brought 
 out two large cases of ammunition each a load 
 for a native ! 
 
 These boxes were placed with a guard beneath 
 a tree. My wife, who had as usual come to watch 
 the proceedings, now begged me to dismount, as 
 she had noticed the cases of cartridges, and she 
 feared I might be treacherously shot. 
 
 Of course I remained on horseback until the 
 company had completed their arrangements. They
 
 392 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. x. 
 
 now stood in position with their officers in their 
 respective places, but no one moved forward. 
 
 I could not believe that they would have the 
 audacity to attack the government troops ; but 
 having waited for some time face to face, without 
 the slightest "salaam " having been made by the 
 officers of Abou Saood, I ordered Major Abdullah to 
 retire to the camp with his troops, and to disperse. 
 
 I then requested him to send for Wat-el-Mek, as 
 I wished to spaak with him immediately. 
 
 With much patience, I waited within the station 
 for about half an hour ; during which time, five dif- 
 ferent officers had gone to call Wat-el-Mek, and each 
 had returned with a message that " he would come 
 presently." 
 
 At length, two of his people, who had in my absence 
 insulted and threatened to attack Major Abdullah, 
 arrived in the camp with a message, "that both the 
 vakeels were sick." I ordered these men to be detained. 
 
 I could no longer stand this insolence, as I at 
 once understood that they refused to appear. Ac- 
 cordingly, I instructed Major Abdullah to go himself 
 with a few soldiers, and should Wat-el-Mek refuse 
 to obey my order to accompany him, he should 
 put him under arrest. 
 
 The bugle summoned the men who had dispersed,
 
 CHAP, x.] THE SLAVE-HUNTERS' TREACHERY. 393 
 
 and they immediately formed two deep in the small 
 open space within the camp, to receive instructions. 
 At this time, Lieutenant Baker voluntered to go 
 and speak to Wat-el- Mek, who would (he thought) 
 be more likely to listen to him than to Major 
 Abdullah, who had so frequently been insulted by 
 the slave-hunters during my absence. 
 
 I agreed that it would be advisable ; at the same 
 
 O * 
 
 time he must be accompanied by some troops. I 
 therefore began to address the men who were standing 
 before me, and I instructed them to obey Lieutenant 
 Baker implicitly, and upon no account to 
 
 My instructions were interrupted by a volley 
 of musketry concentrated upon the mass of scarlet 
 uniforms ! 
 
 Without the slightest provocation we were thus 
 treacherously attacked, and heavy file-firing con- 
 tinued upon the station. The bullets were whistling 
 through the straw huts, and seven of my men, in- 
 cluding Molodi, were struck within a few seconds. 
 
 My wife, who was always ready in any emergency, 
 rushed out of her hut with my rifle and belt. 
 
 The soldiers had already commenced firing by the 
 time that I was armed and had reached the front, 
 by the edge of the light fence of wattles, that were 
 inferior to the weakest hurdles.
 
 394 ISMAILJA. [U-HAI-. x. 
 
 I now observed the enemy about ninety yards dis- 
 taut ; many of them were kneeling on the ground 
 and firing, but immediately after taking a shot, they 
 retired behind the huts to reload. In this manner 
 they were keeping up a hot fire. 
 
 I perceived a man in white upper garments, but 
 with black trousers : this fellow knelt and fired. 
 I immediately took a shot at him with the " Dutch- 
 man ; " and without delay I kept loading and firing 
 my favourite little breechloader at every man of 
 the enemy that was decently dressed. 
 
 We should have lost many men if this hiding 
 behind huts and popping from cover had been 
 allowed to continue. I therefore called my " Forty 
 Thieves" together, and ordered the bugler to sound 
 the charge with the bayonet. 
 
 Pushing through the narrow wicket gateway, I 
 formed some thirty or forty men in line and led 
 them at full speed with fixed bayonets against the 
 enemy. 
 
 Although the slave-hunters had primed themselves 
 well with araki and merissa before they had screwed 
 up courage to attack the troops, they were not quite 
 up to standing before a bayonet charge. The " Forty 
 Thieves" were awkward customers, and in a quarter 
 of a minute they were amongst them,
 
 CHAP, x.] WAT-EL-MEK CAPTURED. 395 
 
 The enemy were regularly crumpled up ! and 
 had they not taken to flight, they would have been 
 bayoneted to a man. 
 
 I now saw Wat-el-Mek in his unmistakable yellow 
 suit ; he was marching alone across a road about 
 180 yards distant. 
 
 He was crossing to my right ; and I imagined, as 
 he was alone, that he intended to screen himself 
 behind the houses, and then to surrender. 
 
 To my surprise, I observed that when he recog- 
 nized me, he at once raised his gun and took a 
 steady aim. 
 
 I was at that moment reloading ; but I was ready 
 the instant that he had fired and missed me. 
 
 He now walked quickly towards a hut across to 
 my right. I allowed about half a foot before him 
 for his pace, and the " Dutchman " had a word 
 to say. 
 
 The bullet struck his right hand, taking the middle 
 finger off at the root, and then striking the gun in 
 the middle of the lock plate, it cut it completely in 
 halves as though it had been divided by a blow with 
 an axe. He was almost immediately taken prisoner. 
 One of " The Forty " (Seroor) was so enraged that 
 he was with difficulty prevented from finishing Wat- 
 el-Mek with a bayonet thrust.
 
 396 ISUAILIA. [CHAP, x 
 
 I now ordered a general advance at the double ; 
 and the troops spread out through the exten- 
 sive town of huts, which occupied about thirty 
 acres. 
 
 As we ran through the town, I observed about 
 150 of the enemy had rallied around their flags, 
 and were retreating quickly, but steadily, in the 
 direction of the Shooa hill. They continued to turn 
 and fire .from the rear of their party. 
 
 Having reduced the distance to about 150 yards, 
 the crimson silk banners afforded excellent marks 
 for rifle practice. They fell to the right and left ; 
 the shots were directed a little low so as to hit 
 the bearers. In a few minutes not a flag was to be 
 seen ! The fatal sniders poured bullets into the 
 dense body of men, who, after waving to and fro 
 as the shots thinned their number, at length ran 
 off without any further effort to maintain a for- 
 mation. 
 
 For upwards of four miles Lieutenant Baker and 
 I chased these ruffians with the " Forty Thieves." 
 Many were killed in the pursuit ; and upon our 
 return to the camp at Fatiko at 2 P.M., we had cap- 
 tured a herd of 306 cattle, 130 slaves, 15 donkeys, 
 43 prisoners, 7 flags, together with the entire 
 station.
 
 CHAP, x.] DEFEAT AND PURSUIT OF THE REBELS. 397 
 
 The enemy had suffered the loss of more than 
 half their party killed. 
 
 The actual fighting had been done by the " Forty 
 Thieves ; " and the men of Abdullah's detachment 
 had behaved disgracefully. Instead of following 
 the enemy in the retreat, they had fraternised 
 with a crowd of natives in pillaging the extensive 
 station. 
 
 I now had to clear all these fellows out. The 
 officers appeared to have quite lost their heads ; and 
 the natives had carried off all the guns and ammu- 
 nition from the dead men, and had sacked and 
 plundered the powder magazine. 
 
 My wife had placed sentries on the high rocks 
 which commanded a view of the entire country ; she 
 had also had the cattle driven within the fence ; 
 and she had secured the prisoners, including Wat- 
 el-Mek, in two large huts, over which she had placed 
 a guard. The officers had been so completely be- 
 wildered by the suddenness of the affair, that their 
 wits had been exercised in an extraordinary direction. 
 They had commenced firing Hale's rockets while we 
 were in advance pursuing the enemy, and a couple 
 of these screeching projectiles had actually passed 
 over my head. 
 
 We had neither eaten nor drunk since the pre-
 
 398 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. x. 
 
 ceding evening, with the exception of some water 
 that we had procured from a stream at the extreme 
 limit of the pursuit ; where we had lost the enemy, 
 who had scattered in the forest. 
 
 With her usual forethought, my wife had ordered 
 the cook to have breakfast ready ; and having 
 washed hands and faces, we sat down to a good 
 curry of mutton, and excellent cafe-au-lait, the 
 milk having been obtained from the captured 
 cows. 
 
 We had worked fairly that morning, having 
 marched ten miles from Sharga, then fought the 
 rebels and run four "miles in pursuit ; and four 
 miles on our return, through an exceedingly rough 
 country. 
 
 My old friends, Gimoro and Shooli, were delighted 
 to see us again. The native sheiks thronged round 
 the entrance of our hut to congratulate us on the 
 defeat of the rebels ; and messengers had been 
 already sent off to Rot Jarma and all the prin- 
 cipal headmen of the country. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek was safe. I knew that most of the 
 principal officers were either killed or wounded ; 
 but I was anxious to be assured of the fate of the 
 arch-ruffian, Ali Hussein. 
 
 " Where is Ali Hussein ? " I asked the natives.
 
 CHAP, x.] DEATH OF ALI HUSSEIN. 399 
 
 "Dead!" cried a number of voices. 
 
 " Are you certain ? " I asked. 
 
 " We will bring you his head, for he is not far off," 
 they replied ; and several men started immediately. 
 
 We were very hungry ; and as curry is quickly 
 eaten, we were not long at breakfast ; this was hardly 
 concluded when some natives rushed to the open 
 door, and throwing something heavy on the floor 
 of the hut, I saw at my feet the bloody head of 
 AH Hussein ! 
 
 There was no mistake in the person. The vil- 
 lainous expression was as strongly marked upon the 
 features in death as it had been in life. 
 
 The natives had appropriated his clothes, which 
 they described as "a long white robe and black 
 trousers." AH Hussein had been struck by two 
 bullets ; one had broken his arm, and the other had 
 passed through his thigh. He was alive when the 
 natives discovered him ; but as he had been the 
 scourge of the country, he, of course, received no 
 mercy from them.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 NO MEDICAL MEN. 
 
 THE death of the unfortunate Dr. Gedge, my chief 
 medical officer at Tewfikeeyah, added to the retire- 
 ment of one of the Egyptian surgeons from Gon- 
 dokoro, had left me with so weak a medical staff 
 that I had been unable to take a doctor from head- 
 quarters. I therefore was compelled to perform all 
 necessary operations myself, and to attend personally 
 upon the wounded men. 
 
 In the late encounter, although I had not actually 
 lost a soldier, seven were badly wounded. One had 
 a broken thigh, and the bullet had remained in 
 the leg. Two had smashed ankle-joints, in one of 
 which the ball remained fixed among the bones. 
 Some of the prisoners were also wounded, and one 
 shortly died. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek's hand was much lacerated, in addi- 
 tion to the loss of the middle finger.
 
 CHAP, xi.] EVIDENCE AGAINST ABOU SAOOD. 401 
 
 I dressed all the wounds with a weak solution 
 of carbolic acid. After some trouble, I extracted 
 the bullet from the broken thigh, 1 and set the 
 bone. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek had two excellent English double- 
 barrelled guns. That destroyed by the " Dutchman " 
 was a gun by Blissett of London, which had been 
 given to him by Captain Speke when he parted at 
 Gondokoro : the other was my own old gun, that 
 I had given to Ibrahim when I travelled with him 
 during my first journey in Africa, 
 
 On the 3rd August I took evidence against Abou 
 Saood. Mohammed Wat-el-Mek, and a prisoner 
 named Besheer, who was an officer in the same 
 company, both swore upon the Koran, that in firing 
 at me " they had only obeyed the orders of Abou 
 Saood, who had instructed them to attack me and 
 the government troops should I attempt to interfere 
 with their proceedings." 
 
 Wat-el-Mek declared upon oath that he had always 
 wished to serve me, but he had been prevented by 
 Abou Saood and others ; and he had now been rightly 
 punished. This, he said, was " God's hand." He had 
 been in countless fights with natives during many 
 
 1 This man was one of " The Forty ;" and about two months 
 after the wound he was again on duty, and only slightly lame. 
 
 VOL. II. D D
 
 402 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 years, and he was possessed of powerful charms 
 and spells, including numerous verses from the 
 Koran suspended from his arms : these had always 
 protected him until the day when he had raised his 
 hand against the government. His charms had at 
 once failed him, and he had lost both his finger and 
 the gun with which he had fired at me. 
 
 My officers and soldiers really believed that I had 
 purposely cut his finger off, and smashed his gun 
 by a rifle shot, to prove to him what I could 
 accomplish witli a rifle ; and thus to warn a man 
 who would be useful to me, instead of killing 
 him. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek now offered to swear upon the Koran 
 fidelity and allegiance if I would pardon him ; and 
 he would at once prove his sincerity by raising an 
 irregular corps. 
 
 This man was a curious character ; his supersti- 
 tious nature had been seized with the conviction 
 that his present position was a special visitation 
 of divine wrath. He was a courageous fellow, 
 and he knew the country and the natives better 
 than any man living. I had always wished to 
 engage his services, and I considered this an ex- 
 cellent opportunity. 
 
 The officers now begged me to forgive him. He
 
 CHAP. xi.J WAT-EL-MEK SWEARS FIDELITY. 403 
 
 was led away to a stream of clear water, where he 
 went through the process of washing with a cake of 
 soap, which was sorely needed. He was then dressed 
 in clean clothes that were lent to him for that 
 purpose, and the Koran was brought and laid open 
 at a particular passage. 
 
 Placing his wounded hand upon the page, he re- 
 peated with great devotion the formal oath. 1 
 
 I now gave him a few words of good advice, 
 encouraging his preconceived idea that God had 
 chastised him specially, and that the future would 
 depend upon his own conduct. 
 
 Having thus secured this valuable man, whom I 
 had always wished to engage at the commencement 
 of the expedition, there was much to be done, and 
 it will be necessary to make a few extracts from 
 my journal that will better explain the position : 
 
 "August 5, 1872. I ought to hang Abou Saood, 
 but much diplomacy is necessary. The rebels in 
 their three stations, Fabbo, Faloro, and Farragenia, 
 number about 600, exclusive of armed Baris. 
 
 " I have with me 146 men, including officers. 
 
 Should I raise the whole country, the difficulty would 
 
 be to prevent the natives from exterminating Abou 
 
 Saood and the whole of his forces. Should such an 
 
 1 Wat-el-Mek always behaved well from that time. 
 
 D D 2
 
 404 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 event occur, how should I be able to occupy this 
 extensive country with so small a force ? I have 
 lately had a painful lesson in the treachery of Kabba 
 Ke'ga, who, when I had relieved him of his enemies, 
 the slave-traders, immediately turned against me. 
 These natives might probably do the same. Negroes 
 respect nothing but force ; and the force that now 
 exists, if removed, will leave them free to act against 
 the government. Already they have benefited by 
 the fight with the slave-hunters, by running off with 
 the arms and ammunition, together with a number 
 of cattle, while our troops were engaged with the 
 enemy." 
 
 I came to the conclusion that it would be unwise 
 to get rid of the slave-hunters by physical force. 
 Although I felt that they were entirely in my power, 
 as I could bombard their stations with Hale's rockets 
 if they should refuse to turn out, the natives would, 
 in the event of a flight, most assuredly possess them- 
 selves of the guns and ammunition. 
 
 With 146 men, I could not take more than 
 eighty men to act against 600, as the small force 
 of sixty- six would be the minimum that I could 
 leave to protect the Fatiko station. If with eighty 
 men, together with a wild army of natives, I 
 should attack Fabbo (in which I had heard that
 
 CHAP. XL] DIPLOMACY NECESSARY. 405 
 
 Abou Saood was concentrating his people from the 
 other stations), every one of the slave-traders would 
 be massacred. It would be impossible for eighty men 
 to fight, and to secure at the same time the 600 
 stand of arms that would be in the hands of the 
 rebels. These, together with the muskets belonging 
 to the Baris, would all fall into the possession of my 
 native allies, who would immediately scatter and 
 disappear with their prize. 
 
 Should I attack Fabbo> the result would simply 
 arm the natives with 800 or 900 stand of muskets, 
 together with a large amount of ammunition, which 
 they might probably use against me at some future 
 time. 
 
 I resolved to work diplomatically, and to keep 
 the slave-hunters' party as a rod above the backs 
 of the natives, until I should discover their real 
 character. 
 
 It had been necessary to establish a corn tax 1 for 
 the support of the troops. Possibly the natives, if 
 
 1 The corn tax was thus established. Each house was taxed to 
 pay a small basket of corn every full moon. All old and infirm 
 people and also strangers were exempted from taxation. The 
 headman of each village was responsible for the tax, and he 
 delivered a bundle of small pieces of reed, the size of drawing 
 pencils, which represented the number of houses belonging to 
 able-bodied men. This tax was always paid cheerfully, in grati- 
 tude for the protection afforded by the government.
 
 406 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 entirely relieved from their oppressors, might refuse 
 to acknowledge government taxation ! At all events 
 I determined to proceed cautiously. 
 
 The first step was to summon Abou Saood and 
 to hear his defence from his own mouth. 
 
 T had given the prisoners their choice, of either 
 enlisting in the government service, or returning 
 to Khartoum. 
 
 Of course they ought to have been shot in a batch ; 
 but I could not afford to shoot them. I had to 
 catch and tame my wild beasts instead of destroy- 
 ing them. 
 
 A considerable number agreed to serve under 
 Wat-el-Mek. 
 
 I wrote, on 5th August, a letter addressed to Abou 
 Saood, summoning him to appear instantly at Fatiko : 
 at the same time I promised him a free exit ; without 
 which written assurance I might as well have sum- 
 moned the "man in the moon." 
 
 It was difficult to procure natives who would 
 accompany the new irregulars with the letter, as 
 news had arrived that Abou Saood's people were 
 plundering and laying waste the neighbourhood of 
 Fabbo. 
 
 At length I arranged that eight of the new levy, 
 together with the native blacksmith and several
 
 CHAP, xi.] MY MESSENGERS FIRED AT. 407 
 
 others from Fatiko, who were well known in the 
 Madi country, should go to Fabbo (22 miles) with 
 my letter to Abou Saood. The blacksmith would 
 protect the irregulars by explaining their new posi- 
 tion to any natives who might desire to molest 
 tlrem. 
 
 I also sent a proclamation to be read publicly 
 in the zareeba, summoning all subjects of the 
 Khedive to declare their allegiance to the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 On the following day (6th August) the blacksmith 
 and his people returned from Fabbo thoroughly 
 disgusted. Upon their arrival near the zareeba of 
 Abou Saood they had cried out to the slave-hunters 
 that they had brought " a letter from the Pacha to 
 Abou Saood ! " The slave-hunters had replied with 
 a well-known form of abuse in that country, and 
 had immediately fired a volley into the blacksmith 
 and the eight men of their own people ! 
 
 The blacksmith and his natives had lost no time 
 in running back to Fatiko ; and the eight irregulars 
 having thrown themselves on the ground, had (the 
 blacksmith supposed) at length explained who they 
 were. 
 
 I mention these circumstances, as the European 
 and American public will be the judges whether
 
 408 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 I erred on the side of leniency or severity throughout 
 this expedition. In Egypt and the Soudan I have 
 no doubt that my name is hated, as a Christian 
 that shed the blood of Mohammedans ; but I trust 
 the civilized world will acquit me of any blood- 
 shedding except in the act of lawful self-defence. 
 If the Mohammedans could have killed me, there 
 would have been no crime. 
 
 It has been seen that not only were we treach- 
 erously attacked at Fatiko, but my messengers to 
 Abou Saood were fired upon while he was in the 
 camp. 
 
 The patience and forbearance that I was obliged to 
 assume were far more trying to my feelings than the 
 march from Masindi. 
 
 It has always been an intense satisfaction to me 
 that I had reliable witnesses to every incident of 
 the expedition ; otherwise, I might perhaps have 
 been suspected of some prejudice against Abou 
 Saood and certain Egyptian authorities that, un- 
 known to myself, might have discoloured the true 
 aspect of affairs. I can only refer to Lieutenant 
 Baker, R.N., and that gallant officer, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Abd-el-Kader, and many others, including all 
 soldiers and servants who belonged to the detachment 
 at Fatiko.
 
 CHAP, xi.] ABOU SAOOD APPEARS BEFORE ME. - 409 
 
 These persons subsequently gave their evidence, 
 which they will be ready at all times to repeat. 
 
 On 7th August, at about 5 P.M., Abou Saood 
 appeared with about forty of his men. He was 
 afraid to enter nay camp without a second assurance 
 in writing that he should not be made prisoner. 
 
 Of course he swore that he had not given orders 
 to fire at me ; and he declared that his people of 
 Fatiko had only fired because they were afraid that 
 the natives who had accompanied me were about to 
 attack them. 
 
 I asked him, " If that were the case, why had they 
 not communicated with me, as I was only ninety 
 yards distant ? " He said his people had not fired 
 at the government troops, but only at the natives 
 who were upon the rock. 
 
 He could not quite explain in that case " how it 
 was that 1,000 natives perched upon the rock close 
 together, had escaped without a man being wounded, 
 while not only were seven of the government troops 
 knocked down by bullets, but the huts and furniture 
 of our camp, including boxes in the magazine, &c., 
 had been completely riddled with balls;" He then 
 began to lay the blame on Wat-el-Mek, and even had 
 the audacity to declare that "he had nothing to do 
 with slaves, but that he could not restrain his people
 
 410 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 from kidnapping." I never heard any human being 
 pour out such a cataract of lies as this scoundrel. 
 His plausibility and assurance were such that I stood 
 
 JT / 
 
 aghast ; and after he had delivered a long speech, in 
 which he declared that " he was the innocent victim 
 of adverse circumstances, and that every one was 
 against him," I could merely reply by dismissing him 
 with the assurance that there was " only one really 
 good and honest man in the world, who invariably 
 spoke the truth ; this man was Abou Saood. All 
 other men were liars." 
 
 On the following morning Abou Saood came to take 
 leave. He pretended to devote himself to my service, 
 and declared that he should now at once return to 
 Fabbo and organize the best of his people into an 
 irregular corps for the government, and he should 
 act with energy as my vakeel, and assist me in 
 every manner possible. He begged me not to believe 
 a word that any one might say except himself, and he 
 swore by the eyes and head of the Prophet (this was 
 his favourite oath whenever he told the biggest lie) 
 that there was no one so true to me as he, which he 
 would prove by his acts. He then went back to 
 Fabbo. 
 
 This is the last time that I ever saw Abou Saood. 
 He took 200 men upon his arrival at Fabbo, and after
 
 OHAP. xi.] FLIGHT OF ABOU SAOOD. 411 
 
 having told his men to cut the throat of the sheik 
 Werdella, who was a prisoner in the Fabbo camp 
 under my special orders for protection, he went 
 straight to Gondokoro to his friend Ra.ouf Bey. 
 
 This officer, who commanded at head-quarters 
 during my absence, although he heard from Abou 
 Saood's people of the attack made upon me at Fatiko, 
 and Abou Saood had arrived without either a pass- 
 port or letters from myself, positively allowed him to 
 depart to Khartoum. 
 
 At Khartoum Abou Saood spread every conceivable 
 false report. Thence he travelled to Cairo, expressly 
 to complain to the Khedive's government of the 
 manner in which he had been treated by me. 
 
 Thus the greatest slave-trader of the White Nile, 
 who was so closely connected with the Soudan 
 government that he was a tenant who had 
 rented a country WHICH DID NOT BELONG TO EGYPT, 
 now applied to that government for protection against 
 my interference with his murders, kidnapping, and 
 pillaging, which were the accompaniments of his 
 slave-hunting in Central Africa. 
 
 The fact of this renowned slave-hunter having the 
 audacity to appeal to the Egyptian authorities for 
 assistance, at once exhibits the confidence that the 
 slave-traders felt in the moral support of certain
 
 412 ISMAILIA. [CHAF. xi. 
 
 official personages who represented public opinion in 
 their hatred to the principal object of the expedition. 
 
 The various links in the chain which united the 
 interests of Abou Saood with certain officers who were 
 opposed to the spirit of the enterprize will be at once 
 perceived. 
 
 From the very commencement, this man had been 
 the chief intriguer who had endeavoured to ruin the 
 expedition. He had fraternised with the Baris when 
 they were at open war with the government. He 
 had incited the tribes to attack me, and at length his 
 own companies had fired at me by his orders. He 
 now sought the protection of the Egyptian govew- 
 ment at Cairo. 
 
 Although we shall not see Abou Saood again, it 
 will be interesting to watch the close of his career, 
 as the public will most probably form their opinion of 
 the sincerity of the Egyptian government respecting 
 the question of " slavery " by the ultimate fate of this 
 renowned slave-hunter. 
 
 We shall now leave Abou Saood in Cairo, where he 
 spread the false report of the massacre of Lady Baker 
 and myself, which reached England and appeared in 
 the newspapers in April 1873. 
 
 After Abou Saood's departure from Fabbo, the 
 influence of Wat-el- Mek began to be felt, and many
 
 CHAP. XT.] DISSENSION AMONG SLAVE-HUNTERS. 413 
 
 men flocked to the government standard. Never- 
 theless, that station was a scene of anarchy. The 
 slave-hunters were divided among themselves. The 
 party that followed Wat-el-Mek were nearly all 
 Soudanis, like himself, but the Arabs were split up 
 into companies, each of which had elected a separate 
 leader. This dissension was exactly what I desired, 
 and I played the game accordingly. As I have before 
 stated, I wished to avoid physical force. 
 
 Ali Genninar, whom I had engaged at Masindi, was 
 an excellent fellow, and before Abou Saood deserted 
 the country, he had been the first man to arrive at 
 Fatiko and unite with the government. He now 
 collected sixty -five men, whom I at once enrolled, and 
 having given them their government flags, I started 
 them off without delay to support Rionga in Unyoro, 
 and recalled Abd-el-Kader and his troops to Fatiko. 
 At the same time I sent Rionga many valuable 
 presents. 
 
 There were several terrible scoundrels at Fabbo, 
 among whom was Salim-Wat-Howah, who, together 
 with Lazim, had threatened to shoot Major Abdullah 
 in his own camp during my absence in Unyoro. 
 
 I had Lazim in irons at Fatiko, but Salim-Wat- 
 Howah, having been dressed in very dirty brown 
 clothes, had escaped on the day of attack. This man
 
 414 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 Salim was the head of the greatest villains at Fabbo, 
 and he and his band of about one hundred men 
 daily sallied out of the zareeba and plundered and 
 burnt the neighbourhood in open defiance of Wat- 
 el-Mek. 
 
 When these ruffians captured women, they now 
 cut their throats and threw them into the Un- 
 y-Ame' river, explaining to the natives that they 
 defied me to " liberate " them when their throats 
 were cut. 
 
 Every day the natives flocked to me from Fabbo 
 with the most dreadful tales of atrocities. 
 
 The time had now arrived when I could make the 
 move that I felt sure would reduce the country into 
 order. 
 
 The slave -hunters were in this position. I had sent 
 Ali Genninar with sixty-five men to Unyoro, 200 had 
 gone off with Abou Saood, 100 reprobates clung 
 to Salim- Wat-Howah, and the remainder were true 
 to Wat-el-Mek. 
 
 I therefore sent a message to Fabbo, which Wat- 
 el-Mek would make public in the zareeba : " that, 
 having received daily complaints from the natives 
 of outrages committed by Salim- Wat-Howah and 
 his company, it was my intention in forty-eight 
 hours to visit Fabbo with the troops, together
 
 CHAP, xi.] EXPLOIT OF SALIM-WAT-HOWAH. 415 
 
 with the native witnesses to the outrages com- 
 plained of." 
 
 I ordered " all those men who had enlisted in the 
 government service, together with all others who were 
 true to the Khedive, to . retire from the Fabbo station 
 to Faloro : thus Fabbo alone would represent the 
 malcontents/' 
 
 I felt sure that the dissension which had existed 
 among the various parties would now break out anew, 
 and that Salim-Wat-Howah, fearing a personal visit 
 from me, which might reduce him to the headless 
 condition of Ali Hussein, would follow the example 
 of his master, Abou Saood, and fly from the country. 
 
 The hint that I had given respecting the retire- 
 ment of the loyal people to Faloro, so that Fabbo 
 would represent the disloyal, would be sufficient 
 warning that physical force was intended, should 
 other means fail. 
 
 The day upon which Wat-el-Mek published the 
 proclamation was one of general consternation in 
 Fabbo. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek left the station with his Soudanis. 
 
 Salim-Wat-Howah and his men suddenly sprang 
 upon the vakeel, Suleiman, and having secured him, 
 while others broke open the powder-magazine, they 
 possessed themselves of three cases (1,500 rounds) of
 
 416 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 ball-cartridge, together with the flags of the station. 
 With this prize they marched out of the zareeba with 
 their slaves, who carried their luggage, and took 
 the road towards Latooka, about nine days' march 
 distant. 
 
 Without firing a shot, I had thus won the game. 
 All the bad people had found the country too hot for 
 them. The remaining men received certificates, and 
 raised the corps of irregulars to 312 officers and men ; 
 all of whom were nominally under Wat-el-Mek, 
 although AH Genninar held a separate command 
 in Unyoro. I now strengthened his party by a re- 
 inforcement. 
 
 From this date, the victory was gained, and I could 
 only thank God for the great success that had at- 
 tended all my efforts. The slave-hunting was now at 
 an end throughout an immense district, as the slave- 
 hunters had ceased to exist south of Gondokoro. 
 Excepting Unyoro, the days of bloodshed were past. 
 The " Forty Thieves," who had so gallantly stood 
 by me through every difficulty, never again had 
 an enemy before them. I was devoutly thankful 
 for days of peace. 
 
 My task was now full of pleasure and gratification. 
 I had established perfect confidence among the natives 
 throughout the large country of Shooli. The Lira
 
 CHAP. XL] THANKFUL FOR DAYS OF PEACE. 417 
 
 tribe had declared their allegiance, and we had friends 
 upon , all sides. 
 
 I had as usual planted gardens at Fatiko, which 
 were flourishing. The natives no longer concealed 
 their stores of corn ; but dancing and rejoicing had 
 taken the place of watchfulness and insecurity. 
 
 The children and women flocked to our camp ; and 
 marketing upon a large scale was conducted without 
 a squabble. The two good men, Shooli and Gimoro, 
 who were daily visitors, assured me that there was 
 only one feeling throughout the country, of gratitude 
 and good- will. This was a great reward to me for the 
 many difficulties we had undergone ; but now that the 
 calm days of peace had arrived, I looked back with 
 keen regret upon the good men that I had lost, 
 especially to the memory of poor Monsoor. There 
 was no person who would have enjoyed my success so 
 much as that worthy man. 
 
 * 
 
 It is now time to speak of Suleiman and the 
 party who had left Masindi on 23rd May with the 
 post for Fatiko, together with the 300 Unyoro 
 carriers who were to have transported Abdullah's 
 detachment to Foweera. 
 
 The letter (concealed in a package) that I had sent 
 to Eddrees, with orders that " the party should 
 
 VOL. TI. E E
 
 418 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xr. 
 
 return at once to Fatiko should they suspect foul 
 play," had reached them before they had crossed the 
 Victoria Nile. 
 
 Mohammed, the Cairo dragoman, had strongly 
 suspected treachery, owing to the unaccountable tar- 
 diness of the natives in pushing straight for Fatiko. 
 Every day messengers had arrived from Masindi, and 
 others had been returned in reply by the sheik 
 Pittia, who had charge of the 300 Unyoro carriers. 
 
 When my letter had been received, Mohammed 
 advised Eddrees to return at once to Masindi : but 
 the latter, finding himself about fifty miles on 
 the journey, concluded that it would be better to 
 continue the march. 
 
 They had delayed so many days on the road, that 
 the stock of flour intended for the whole journey 
 would have failed, had they not spared their supply, 
 and fed upon potatoes .whenever they halted near 
 cultivated ground. 
 
 On one occasion, a number of their men had as 
 usual gone off to forage, and were employed in 
 digging sweet potatoes, when they were suddenly 
 attacked by the natives concealed in the high grass, 
 and eleven men were speared ; five of my troops and 
 six of the irregulars. Fortunately some of these men 
 had fired theii muskets before they died, and the
 
 CHAP, xi.] STORY OF THE POST FOE FATIKO. 419 
 
 reports alarmed the remainder of the party, who were 
 in a small village. There was not a native to be seen, 
 but the drums and horns were sounding, and as the 
 Victoria Nile was close at hand, they considered it 
 would be advisable to cross the river before the 
 natives should attack them in force. 
 
 It was necessary to release Suleiman, who was 
 secured in a sheba. This man had been committed 
 to the charge of Mohammed. Before Mohammed 
 cut the raw hide strap which secured the forked 
 pole, he made Suleiman swear by the prophet not 
 to escape, but that he would deliver himself up 
 to Major Abdullah at Fatiko. 
 
 The party, now reduced to twenty-five men, imme- 
 diately started. Upon arrival at the banks of the 
 river, they happened to come suddenly upon a native, 
 whom they seized. 
 
 They soon observed a canoe on the other side of 
 the river, in which were two men. They now made 
 an arrangement for the capture of the canoe, which 
 was to them a case of life or death. 
 
 The prisoner was dressed in the usual flowing 
 robe of bark-cloth. His hands were tied behind him, 
 and one of the party who could speak the language 
 now concealed himself behind the bark-cloth robe, 
 and holding the native tightly by the arms, he 
 
 E E 2
 
 420 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 threatened him with instant death unless he called 
 the two natives in the canoe. 
 
 At first he hesitated, but fearing the knife at his 
 back, the point of which just pricked him to let 
 him know that it was ready, he shouted to the men 
 
 in the boat. 
 
 " Say you have a number of plantains, and you 
 want to take them across the river," whispered his 
 invisible prompter from behind. 
 
 The natives in the canoe hesitated. " Say you 
 will give them each a bunch of plantains if they 
 will ferry you over," again whispered the cunning 
 Arab. 
 
 The canoe now pushed off from the bank, and 
 paddled towards the apparently solitary native. 
 
 The irregulars were concealed in the high grass 
 close to the bank, and as the canoe touched the shore, 
 they shot the two natives dead, and immediately 
 secured it. 
 
 They now unlashed the arms of the prisoner, and 
 insisted upon his paddling the canoe across the river. 
 Two journeys were necessary. The first was successful, 
 and the regular troops, together with the post and 
 Suleiman and others, were safely landed. During 
 the second journey, as the canoe was passing a rock 
 above some dangerous rapids, the native suddenly
 
 CHAP. xi. SUFFERINGS OF THE MAIL PARTY. 421 
 
 upset the boat by throwing his weight quickly to 
 one side, and plunged the whole party in the river. 
 Some of them were carried over the cataracts and 
 drowned. The others, including Ali Genninar, were 
 good swimmers, and they reached the shore. 
 
 Although the irregulars thoroughly knew the 
 country, they now found themselves in the immense 
 wilderness that separates Unyoro from the Shooli 
 and Madi tribes. 
 
 In this sea of high grass they wandered for some 
 days, lost ; until they at length discovered the regular 
 path, and, after great suffering, reached Fatiko. 
 
 Eddrees, who had been appointed vakeel, became 
 a traitor, and upon meeting Abou Saood and his 
 people, who had come out to receive the party upon 
 their arrival, he holloed out, " Look sharp for your 
 neck, Abou Saood : the Pacha has sent an order to 
 arrest you." 
 
 A short time after this, Eddrees died of dysentery. 
 Suleiman behaved in an honourable manner. Instead 
 of going into Abou Saood's camp, he immediately 
 presented himself before Major Abdullah, and con- 
 fessed his sins, acknowledging that he had been 
 justly punished. He surrendered himself into the 
 hands of the commandant, according to the oath he 
 had taken on the road.
 
 422 ISM A ILIA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 Although Major Abdullah had now received the 
 post, together with my orders, he thought it advisable, 
 considering the danger of a collision with Abou 
 Saood's people, to allow Suleiman his liberty on parole, 
 and he had* returned to his position of vakeel at 
 Fabbo. Ali Genninar had at once offered to continue 
 his duties as a government soldier. 
 
 A few days after the arrival of the post, the news 
 was brought of the battle of Masindi, and that our 
 escape from Unyoro was impossible. 
 
 The almost open hostility of Abou Saood and his 
 numerous forces had paralysed Major Abdullah, who, 
 fearing the responsibility of an outbreak, kept quiet, 
 and trusted in Providence, until I had fortunately 
 appeared. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the plan laid by 
 Kabba Rega for securing the arms and effects of 
 Major Abdullah and his detachment broke down 
 through a premature attack on the part of the 
 natives, who had neither the courage nor the patience 
 to go to Fatiko on the chance of success in such a 
 distant enterprise 
 
 Suleiman had written me a letter imploring forgive- 
 ness. "Wat-el-Mek arrived at Fatiko after the seizure 
 of the ammunition by Salim-Wat-Howah, and he
 
 CHAP, xi.] CLEMENCY. 423 
 
 begged pardon for Suleiman, assuring me that he 
 was truly penitent ; that the devil had misled him, 
 and Abou Saood was that devil. If I would only 
 grant him a free pardon, no man would be more 
 faithful ; and the irregular force now established 
 would be delighted at such an act of clemency. 
 
 Although Suleiman was a great ruffian, he was like 
 everybody else in that respect. If I had refused the 
 enlistment of all immoral characters in the middle 
 of Africa, I should have had what is now known in 
 England as a "skeleton regiment." I had already 
 punished him severely. In every case of defiance 
 of the government, the people had now seen that 
 so small an organized force as 200 regulars, amongst 
 innumerable enemies, and without any communication 
 with head-quarters, had been able to beat down and 
 crush every enemy, whether native or rebel. In 
 times of real weakness, it is frequently necessary 
 to be severe, that a grave example may establish 
 authority ; but after victory and success, I felt that 
 an act of clemency might, even among half savages, 
 be more binding than iron fetters. 
 
 I therefore told Wat-el-Mek that I could not 
 give any promise until Suleiman should present 
 himself before me at Fatiko. It was his duty to 
 deliver himself up as a prisoner upon parole.
 
 424 ISM A I Li' A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 On 3rd October Wat-el- Mek arrived at Fatiko ac- 
 companied by Suleiman, who came to surrender. 
 
 The prisoner was dressed in a filthy brown woollen 
 cloak, and his head was covered with a greasy and 
 almost black tarboosh : he had the appearance of 
 having slept on a dust-heap. This beggarly outside 
 was a token of repentance and humiliation. 
 
 Suleiman was brought before me, and he imme- 
 diately rushed forward and knelt to kiss my feet, 
 exhibiting at the same time considerable emotion ; 
 which surprised me, as he was notorious as a stern, 
 hard-hearted Kurd. 
 
 I said a few words to him, explaining that he must 
 not think me impenetrable if I doubted his sincerity, 
 as I had been already deceived, after having shown 
 him much kindness : at the same time I did not wish 
 to exert severity, if I could win him to obedience 
 by good advice. 1 I offered him a free pardon if he 
 would swear upon the Koran fidelity to the Khedive. 
 Soould he deceive me, and become a rebel after this, 
 he knew the consequences. 
 
 Suleiman now declared, and swore upon the Koran, 
 that he had acted only upon orders he had received 
 from Abou Saood. It was he who, in spite of my 
 
 1 Suleiman always remained faithful from that moment, and 
 became a dependable officer.
 
 CHAP, xi.] EVIDENCE AGAINST ABOU SAOOD. 425 
 
 written command that the sheik Werdella should be 
 spared, had ordered two of his slaves to take him 
 from the Fabbo zareeba, and to cut his throat. 
 
 Both Wat-el-Mek and Suleiman, as late vakeels of 
 Abou Saood, swore to their written evidence, to 
 which they attached their seals in the presence of 
 witnesses, that Abou Saood had given orders to his 
 vakeels to harry the country and to capture slaves 
 and cattle ; that none of the people employed by him 
 received wages in money, but that they were in- 
 variably paid in slaves, valued at a certain sum. 
 
 " All the opposition that I had met with had been 
 caused by Abou Saood." 
 
 Suleiman, having received a written pardon, made 
 his salaam and retired. An hour later he was washed 
 beautifully clean, and was gorgeously dressed in a 
 Turkish costume of light-blue woollen cloth, trimmed 
 with gold and black braid, with a new tarboosh, a 
 handsome silk shawl in thick folds around his 
 waist, and his sabre dangling by his side. This 
 sudden metamorphosis from dirt and ashes to dazzling 
 attire was symbolical of disgrace and humiliation, 
 succeeded by pardon and restoration to office. 
 
 Suleiman was to continue as vakeel of the Fabbo 
 station, under the command of Wat-el-Mek. In the 
 magazines of Fabbo were 3,200 elephants' tusks.
 
 426 ISMAIL'iA. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 These, I had no doubt, would be confiscated by the 
 Khedive. 
 
 A short time before the arrival of Suleiman, an 
 extraordinary incident had occurred at the Fatiko 
 camp. 
 
 One morning, when the bugles blew the usual 
 call, it was discovered that the prisoner Lazim had 
 escaped, although he had been secured in irons. 
 
 Fortunately, it had rained slightly during the 
 night ; thus it would not be difficult to track his 
 footsteps. I immediately sent for Shooli and Gimoro, 
 whose village was only 700 yards distant, to whom 
 I promised a reward of a cow, should they succeed 
 in capturing the escaped felon. They quickly got 
 upon the track of the fugitive, and followed like 
 bloodhounds. 
 
 I have already described this fellow Lazim as 
 having been one of the ringleaders in the rebellion 
 of the slave-hunters ; and he was almost as notorious 
 .a character as Ali Hussein. He was originally 
 himself a slave, and had escaped from his master 
 at Khartoum many years ago, after which he became 
 one of the most determined slave-hunters. 
 
 I felt sure that it would have been impossible for 
 him to have escaped without the connivance of the
 
 CHAP, xi.j ESCAPE OF THE PEISONER LAZIM. 427 
 
 sentry. I therefore ordered all the soldiers that had 
 formed the various night-guards over the prisoner 
 to be brought before me. As they stood in line, 
 I simply told them that " the prisoner had escaped, 
 and that one of the men now present was guilty 
 of aiding and abetting. I could discover the rascal 
 who had thus disgraced himself as a soldier by 
 simply looking at his face." 
 
 Having carefully examined the countenance of each 
 man, I felt confident that I had fixed upon the 
 guilty person, as one individual quailed beneath my 
 eye, and at length looked down upon the ground. 
 This happened to be one of the worst characters in 
 the force. I therefore at once ordered him to be 
 
 During the infliction of punishment, this fellow not 
 only confessed that he had assisted in the escape of 
 Lazim, but he made a clean breast of several other 
 delinquencies. He was accordingly put in irons, 
 and condemned to break stones for the new roads. 
 
 In the evening Shooli returned, but without the 
 prisoner. Before he gave his report, he begged me 
 " not to be angry." He then described that he had 
 tracked Lazim's footsteps for a long way along the 
 Fabbo road until he had at length met several natives, 
 who were coming towards him. These men declared
 
 428 ISM AIL f A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 that they had met Lazim, who had managed to get 
 rid of his irons ; but as he was unarmed, they knew 
 that he must have run away. They accordingly 
 asked him for his pass from me, as it was well known 
 that I never allowed a man to go alone without a 
 written order. 
 
 Lazim of course was unable to produce a paper. 
 The natives, therefore, insisted upon his returning 
 with them to Fatiko, and, upon his remonstrating 
 they seized him. A struggle ensued, and they at 
 length knocked him upon the head with an iron mace 
 and killed him. Thus ended one of the greatest 
 scoundrels, and the government was relieved by his 
 escape from custody, which had so quickly terminated 
 his career.
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1 SEND TO GONDOKORO FOR REINFORCEMENTS. 
 
 ON 25th November, 1872, I started Wat-el-Mek to 
 Gondokoro with a force of irregulars, in addition to 
 a captain and twenty regular troops in charge of 
 the post. His party consisted of 100 men. 
 
 The fleet from Gondokoro had left on the 3rd of 
 November, 1871 : thus it was natural to suppose that 
 reinforcements had arrived from Khartoum, accord- 
 ing to my written instructions on that date. I now 
 wrote to Raouf Bey at head-quarters, to send up 200 
 men under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Tayib 
 Agha, of the Soudani regiment. I also wrote for 
 a supply of cattle, as my stock had dwindled to a 
 small herd of milch cows, and the* people at Fabbo 
 had no meat except the flesh of any game that might 
 be killed. 
 
 A short time after the departure of Wat-el-Mek 
 and his party for Gondokoro, Suleiman the vakeel
 
 430 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xr. 
 
 arrived from Fabbo with the intelligence that a 
 large body of Abou Saood's slave-hunters, including 
 3,000 Makkarika cannibals, had arrived on the Nile 
 from the far west, with the intention of taking the 
 ivory from Fabbo ! 
 
 It appeared that Abou Saood had gone from Gon- 
 dokoro to his station at the Bohr; from thence he 
 had sent a party with a letter to Atroosh, the vakeel 
 of the Makkarika station, about 250 miles distant, 
 with orders that he should send a powerful force, 
 with sufficient carriers, to take the ivory by violence 
 from Fabbo. 
 
 Abou Saood had not expected that the people 
 whom he had left at that station would have enlisted 
 under the government standard. Thus he imagined 
 they would at once fraternize with the invading 
 force. 
 
 The natives of the country were thoroughly 
 alarmed, as the cannibals were eating the children of 
 the Koshi country on the west bank of the Nile, in 
 about 3 latitude ; and should they cross the river, 
 the Madis and Shoolis expected the same fate. 
 
 I ordered Suleiman (who had received a letter 
 from Atroosh) to take a letter from me to AH Em- 
 meen, the vakeel of the invading force, instructing 
 him to present himself before me at Fatiko instantly
 
 CHAP. XL] THE MAKKARIK A CANNIBALS. 431 
 
 with an escort of his own people, limited to twenty- 
 five men. At the same time I gave instructions to 
 the natives upon no account to furnish boats for a 
 larger party. 
 
 After some days' absence Suleiman returned, but 
 without AH Emmeen, who was afraid to appear. 
 This vakeel had received my verbal assurance from 
 Suleiman that, should any persons attempt the passage 
 of the river without my permission, they would be- 
 instantly shot ; at the same time, if he wished to 
 convey the ivory to Gondokoro by the usual route, 
 he could do so with an escort of regulars. 
 
 This was an awkward position for Ali Emmeen r 
 who had expected to find allies at Fabbo, but who 
 now found a faithful corps of irregulars with Sulei- 
 man at their head acting under my orders. 
 
 He accordingly took 100 men and returned about 
 180 miles to the camp of Atroosh for fresh instruc- 
 tions. The 3,000 Makkarika cannibals were left 
 with the remainder of his company on the west bank 
 of the Nile to feed upon the natives of Koshi until 
 his return. 
 
 Every day people arrived at Fatiko with horrible 
 reports of the cannibals, who were devouring the 
 children in the Koshi district. Spies went across the 
 river and brought me every intelligence. It appeared
 
 432 ISMAIL1A. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 that the 3,000 Makkarikas had been engaged by 
 Ali Emmeen under the pretence that they were " to 
 go to Fatiko and fight a chief called ' the Pacha/ 
 who had enormous flocks and herds, together with 
 thousands of beautiful women and other alluring 
 spoil ; " but they had not heard that they were to 
 carry 3,000 elephants' tusks to the station of Atroosh. 
 
 * 
 
 My spies now told them the truth. " Fight the 
 Pacha ! " they exclaimed : "do you not know who 
 he is ? and that he could kill you all like fowls, as 
 he did the people of Ali Hussein ? He has no cows 
 for you to carry off, but he has guns that are magic, 
 and which load from behind instead of at the 
 muzzle ! " 
 
 This was a terrible disappointment to the deluded 
 Makkarikas, which at once spread dissension among 
 them, when they found that they had been cajoled 
 in order to transport the heavy loads of ivory. 
 
 A providential visitation suddenly fell upon them. 
 The small-pox broke out and killed upwards of 800 
 bloodthirsty cannibals who had been devouring the 
 country. 
 
 The Nile was reported to be about six miles in 
 width opposite their station, in about 3 latitude, 
 which is only a few miles from the Albert N'yanza. 
 This visitation of small-pox created a panic which
 
 CHAP, xii.] DEFEAT OF KABBA REGA. 433 
 
 entirely broke up and dispersed the invading force, 
 and defeated their plans. 
 
 We were now in frequent communication with 
 Rionga, who was always represented in my Fatiko 
 camp by the presence of one of his sheiks and several 
 men. 
 
 Ali Genninar had made a combined attack upon 
 Kabba Rega, together with Rionga and the Langgo 
 tribe, and had utterly defeated him. His people 
 were now deserting him in great numbers, and were 
 flocking to the winning side. Kabba Rega had 
 taken to flight, and was supposed to be hiding in 
 the neighbourhood of Chibero, on the borders of 
 the Albert N'yanza. 
 
 M'tese', the king of Uganda, had invaded Unyoro 
 from the south, and having heard of Kabba Rega's 
 treachery towards myself, he had sent an army of 
 6,000 men under his general, Congo w, to be placed 
 at my disposal. 
 
 This friendship was the result of my diplomacy 
 in having sent him valuable presents from Masindi, 
 together with a letter warning him against Kabba 
 Rega, who wished to prevent the goods of the north 
 from reaching Uganda, in order that he might 
 monopolize the trade in Unyoro. 
 
 The subsequent conduct of Kabba Rega had 
 
 VOL. II. F F
 
 434 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 proved this accusation, and M'tesd had heard with 
 rage and dismay that I had been forced to burn 
 all the numerous goods, which otherwise would have 
 passed to him in Uganda. 
 
 On the 25th December the fort of Fatiko was 
 completed. This was commenced on the 28th August; 
 thus my men had been four months engaged in 
 the work, owing to the extreme hardness of the 
 subsoil, which was a compact gravel resembling 
 concrete. 
 
 The three faces of the fort measured 455 yards 
 of fosse and earthen rampart. The fosse was eight 
 feet wide, eight feet deep, and the face of the 
 rampart was protected by chevaux-de-frise of 
 sharpened stakes. The west base of the fort was 
 the rock citadel, which commanded the surrounding 
 country. Upon this solid foundation I had built 
 an excellent powder-magazine and store, of solid 
 masonry. This fire-proof building was roofed with 
 a thick cement of clay from the white-ant hills, 
 that had been tempered for some weeks and mixed 
 with chopped straw. 
 
 All my work was completed, and I eould do 
 nothing until the reinforcements should arrive from 
 Gondokoro. The natives paid their trifling corn- 
 tax with great good humour, and they generally
 
 CHAP, xii.] COMMENCEMENT OF HUNTING SEASON. 435 
 
 arrived in crowds of several hundreds, singing and 
 dancing, with large baskets of tullaboon upon their 
 heads, with which they filled our rows of granaries. 
 
 The grass was now fit to burn, and the hunting 
 season had fairly commenced. All the natives 
 devoted themselves to this important pursuit. The 
 chase supplies the great tribe of Shooli with clothing. 
 Although the women are perfectly naked, every man 
 wears the skin of an antelope slung across his 
 shoulders, so arranged as to be tolerably decent. 
 The number of animals that are annually destroyed 
 may be imagined from the amount of the skin-clad 
 population. 
 
 Although the wilderness between Unyoro and 
 Fatiko is uninhabited, in like manner with extensive 
 tracts between Fabbo and Fatiko, every portion of 
 that apparently abandoned country is nominally pos- 
 sessed by individual proprietors, who claim a right of 
 game by inheritance. 
 
 This strictly conservative principle has existed from 
 time immemorial, and may perhaps suggest to those 
 ultra- radicals who would introduce communistic prin- 
 ciples into England, that the supposed original equality 
 of human beings is a false datum for their problem. 
 There is no such thing as equality among human 
 beings in their primitive state, any more than there is 
 
 F F 2
 
 436 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xir. 
 
 equality among the waves of the sea, although they 
 may start from the same level of the calm. 
 
 In a state of savagedom, the same rules of supe- 
 riority which advance certain individuals above the 
 general level in civilized societies will be found to 
 exert a natural influence. Those who become eminent 
 will be acknowledged by their inferiors. The man 
 who is clever and wise in council will be listened to ; 
 the warrior who leads with courage and judgment 
 will be followed in the battle ; the hunter who excels 
 in tracking up the game will be sent to the front 
 when the party are on the blood-track. In this way 
 superiority will be generally admitted. Superiority 
 of intellect will naturally tend to material advance- 
 ment. The man of sense will gather more than the 
 fool. That which he gathers becomes property, which 
 must be acknowledged by society as an individual 
 right that must be protected by laws. 
 
 In tribes where government is weak, there is a 
 difficulty in enforcing laws, as the penalty exacted 
 may be resisted ; but even amidst those wild tribes 
 there is a force that exerts a certain moral influence 
 among the savage as among the civilized : that force 
 is public opinion. 
 
 Thus, a breach of the game-laws would be regarded 
 by the public as a disgrace to the guilty individual,
 
 CHAP, xii.] NA TIVE GAME-LA WS. 437 
 
 precisely as an act of poaching would damage the 
 character of a civilized person. 
 
 The rights of game are among the first rudiments 
 of property. Man in a primitive state is a hunter, 
 depending for his clothing upon the skins of wild 
 animals, and upon their flesh for his subsistence ; 
 therefore the beast that he kills upon the desert must 
 be his property ; and in a public hunt, should he be 
 the first to wound a wild animal, he will have gained 
 an increased interest or share in the flesh by having 
 reduced the chance of its escape. Thus public opinion, 
 which we must regard as the foundation of equity, 
 rewards him with a distinct and special right, which 
 becomes law. 
 
 It is impossible to trace the origin of game-laws m 
 Central Africa, but it is nevertheless interesting to 
 find that such rights are generally acknowledged, and 
 that large tracts of uninhabited country are possessed 
 by individuals which are simply manorial. These 
 rights are inherited, descending from father to the 
 eldest son. 
 
 When the grass is sufficiently dry to burn, the 
 whole thoughts of the community are centred upon 
 sport; but should a person set fire to the grass 
 belonging to another proprietor, he would be at 
 once condemned by public opinion, and he would
 
 438 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 (if such establishments existed) be certainly expelled 
 from his club. 
 
 There was no more work undone in my charming 
 Fatiko station. The roads from the three gates were 
 so far completed as to form respectable approaches. 
 The gardens had produced abundantly, and the troops 
 were all in excellent health and good discipline. On 
 Mondays and Fridays they were exercised at light- 
 infantry drill for several hours. Every man had his 
 post, which he occupied like lightning when the bugle 
 suddenly sounded the alarm. The " Forty Thieves " 
 held the rock citadel, as they could fire over the 
 heads of those in the camp without fear of accident. 
 The night alarm sounded unexpectedly, and as I went 
 the rounds, every man was at his quarters without a 
 whisper. The cleanliness and general order of the 
 camp were perfect. 
 
 I now associated with the natives as a hunter. It 
 was in this capacity that I had first won their hearts 
 many years ago. We were so short of meat that I 
 began to feel the necessity that first turned the hand 
 of savage man against the beasts of the forest. 
 
 The chase throughout the Shooli country was 
 carried on as a profession, and was conducted by 
 general rules under an admirable organization. 
 The favourite method of hunting was by means of
 
 25 
 
 looYd*
 
 CHAP, xii.] GENERAL HUNTING ARRANGEMENTS. 439 
 
 nets. Every man in the country was provided with 
 a net of strong cord. This was twelve yards long, 
 and about eleven feet deep, if stretched to its maxi- 
 mum. The meshes were about six inches square. 
 There was no promiscuous net-hunting, but the chief 
 of the district organized the chase in the following 
 manner : 
 
 The big nogara was sounded, and the news rapidly 
 spread that an assembly was desired at the village of 
 their headman. At Fatiko the chief was Wat-el- 
 Ajoos Omare. A few hours after the drum had 
 summoned the headmen, natives might be seen 
 approaching from all sides to the appointed spot at 
 which the council was to be held. 
 
 After much talking, it was at length decided that 
 the hunt should take place upon the manors of certain 
 individuals whose property was contiguous. The day 
 of the hunt was arranged, and the headmen of the 
 villages retired to make the necessary arrangements. 
 
 Should a chief be hospitably disposed, he would 
 frequently give a grand entertainment prior to the 
 hunt. On such occasions upwards of a thousand 
 natives would arrive from different villages, in their 
 full-dress costume, consisting of plumes of ostrich 
 feathers, leopard-skin mantles, and their faces painted 
 a frightful colour with fresh cow-dung. On these
 
 440 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xii. 
 
 occasions a large quantity of merissa was consumed, 
 and one or two oxen were slaughtered, according to 
 the wealth of the person who gave the festivity. 
 
 The sorcerer was an important personage at such 
 entertainments, as it was necessary to assure good 
 luck by a variety of magic ceremonies, that would 
 not only protect the hunters from accidents, but 
 would also bring the wild animals direct into their 
 nets. 
 
 At length the day of the hunt had arrived, when 
 several thousand people would collect at a certain 
 rendezvous, about nine miles distant from Fatiko, on 
 the Fabbo road, which is the best neighbourhood 
 for game. 
 
 At a little before 5 A.M. I started on my solitary 
 but powerful horse, " Jamoos," accompanied by Lieu- 
 tenant Baker and Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with a few 
 soldiers of " The Forty." Gimoro and Shooli, who 
 were renowned hunters, were always with me when 
 shooting. These excellent men had an extraordinary 
 affection for each other, and they were well known as 
 inseparables the one was rarely seen without the 
 other. 
 
 Descending the rocky terrace from the station at 
 Fatiko, we were at once in the lovely, park-like 
 glades, diversified by bold granite rocks, among which
 
 CHAP, xii.] THE START FOR A GREAT HUNT. 441 
 
 were scattered the graceful drooping acacias in clumps 
 of dense foliage. 
 
 Crossing the clear, rippling stream, we clambered 
 up the steep bank on the opposite side, and, after a 
 ride of about a mile and a half, we gained the 
 water-shed, and commenced a gradual descent towards 
 the west. 
 
 We were now joined by numerous people, both 
 men, women, and children, all of whom were bent 
 upon the hunt. 
 
 The men carried their nets and spears ; the boys 
 were also armed with lighter weapons, and the very 
 little fellows carried tiny lances, all of which had been 
 carefully sharpened for the expected game. 
 
 The women were in great numbers, and upon that 
 day the villages were quite deserted. Babies accom- 
 panied their mothers, strapped upon their backs with 
 leathern bands, and protected from the weather by 
 the usual tortoise-like coverings of gourd-shells. Thus 
 it may be imagined that the Shooli tribe were born 
 hunters, as they had accompanied the public hunts 
 from their earliest infancy. 
 
 My two boys, Saat and Bellaal, carried spare guns. 
 These fine strong lads always attended me, and they 
 had become useful gun -bearers. They were both 
 plucky fellows. Little Arnarn had been suffering for
 
 442 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP, xiu 
 
 more than twelve months from an ulcerated leg ; 
 therefore he was spared from unnecessary fatigue, and 
 was the pet boy at home. 
 
 As we proceeded, the number of natives increased, 
 but there was no noise or loud talking. Every one 
 appeared thoroughly to understand his duties. 
 
 Having crossed the beautiful Un-y-Ame river, we 
 entered the game country. Extensive prairies, devoid 
 of forest, now stretched before us in graceful undu- 
 lations to the base of distant mountains. The country 
 was watered by numerous clear streams, all of which 
 drained into the main channel of the Un-y-Ame 
 river, that became a roaring torrent during the wet 
 season. 
 
 We now left the Fabbo path and struck off to our 
 left for several miles, over ground that had been 
 cleared by burning, which showed in many directions 
 the crimson fruit of the wild ginger, growing half- 
 exposed from the earth. This is a leathery, hard pod, 
 about the size of a goose-egg, filled with a semi- 
 transparent pulp of a subacid flavour, with a delicious 
 perfume between pine-apple and lemon-peel. It is 
 very juicy and refreshing, and is decidedly the best 
 wild fruit of Central Africa. 
 
 The natives immediately collected a quantity, and 
 we quickly pushed forward to the rendezvous, where,
 
 CHAP, xii.] THE NETS ARE FIXED. 443 
 
 upon arrival, we found a great number of people 
 were collected. 
 
 A line of about a mile and a half was quickly pro- 
 tected by netting, and the natives were already in 
 position. 
 
 Each man had lashed his net to that of his neigh- 
 bour and supported it with bamboos, which were 
 secured with ropes fastened to twisted grass. Thus. 
 the entire net resembled a fence, that would be in- 
 visible to the game in the high grass, until, when 
 driven, they should burst suddenly upon it. 
 
 The grass was as dry as straw, and several thou- 
 sand acres would be fired up to windward, which 
 would compel the animals to run before the flames, 
 until they reached the netting placed a few pace& 
 in front ; where the high grass had been purposely 
 cleared to resist the advance of the fire. 
 
 Before each section of net, a man was concealed 
 both within and without, behind a screen, simply 
 formed of the long grass bound together at the top. 
 
 The rule of sport decided that the proprietor of 
 each section of netting of twelve yards length would 
 be entitled to all game that should be killed within 
 these limits ; but that the owners of the manors 
 which formed the hunt upon that day should receive 
 a hind-leg from every animal captured.
 
 444 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 This was fair play ; but in such hunts a breach 
 of the peace was of common occurrence, as a large 
 animal might charge the net and receive a spear 
 from the owner of the section, after which he might 
 break back, and eventually be killed in the net of 
 another hunter ; which would cause a hot dispute. 
 
 The nets had been arranged with perfect stillness, 
 and the men having concealed themselves, we were 
 placed in positions on the extreme flanks with the 
 rifles. 
 
 Kifle- shooting was dangerous work, as the country 
 was alive with people, who were hidden in every 
 direction. 
 
 I took my position behind a white-ant hill in front 
 of a stream which rippled in a hollow about forty 
 yards beneath me. 
 
 Molodi had quite recovered from the wound he 
 had received on 2nd August, and he carried the 
 basket that contained our luncheon. This consisted 
 of three bottles of milk and a few hard-boiled eggs, 
 with a supply of salt and pepper. 
 
 There is nothing so good as milk for support during 
 a long day's work, provided it is used with water, 
 in a proportion of one-third milk. A bottle of rich 
 milk will therefore produce three bottles of whole- 
 some drink. This is far preferable to the use of
 
 CHAP, xii.] THE PEAIRIE IS FIRED. 445 
 
 spirits, which are merely a temporary stimulant, 
 and frequently are great enemies to good rifle- 
 shooting. 
 
 Molodi's basket was arranged with a white napkin 
 over the contents. As such a colour would attract 
 attention, I ordered him to conceal himself and his 
 basket behind a neighbouring ant-hill. 
 
 Mr. Baker was far away on my right ; and Abd- 
 el-Kader was upon the extreme right flank. 
 
 Everything was ready, and men had already been 
 stationed at regular intervals about two miles to 
 windward, where they waited with their fire-sticks 
 ready for the appointed signal. 
 
 A shrill whistle disturbed the silence. This signal 
 was repeated at intervals to windward. 
 
 In a few minutes after the signal, a long line of 
 separate thin pillars of smoke ascended into the blue 
 sky, forming a band extending over about two miles 
 of the horizon. 
 
 The thin pillars rapidly thickened, and became 
 dense volumes, until at length they united, and 
 formed a long black cloud of smoke that drifted 
 before the wind over the bright yellow surface of 
 the high grass. 
 
 The natives were so thoroughly concealed, that 
 no one would have supposed that a human being
 
 446 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 beside ourselves was in the neighbourhood. I had 
 stuck a few twigs into the top of the ant-hill to 
 hide my cap ; and having cut out a step in the 
 side for my feet at the required height, I waited 
 in patience. 
 
 The wind was brisk, and the fire travelled at about 
 four miles an hour. We could soon hear the distant 
 roar, as the great volume of flame shot high through 
 the centre of the smoke. 
 
 The natives had also lighted the grass a few 
 hundred yards in our rear. 
 
 Presently I saw a slate -coloured mass trotting 
 along the face of the opposite slope, about 250 yards 
 distant. 1 quickly made out a rhinoceros, and I 
 was in hopes that he was coming towards me. Sud- 
 denly he turned to my right, and continued along the 
 face of the inclination. 
 
 Some of the beautiful leucotis antelope now 
 appeared and cantered towards me, but halted when 
 they approached the stream, and listened. The game 
 understood the hunting as well as the natives. In 
 the same manner that the young children went out 
 to hunt with their parents, so had the wild animals 
 been hunted together with their parents ever since 
 their birth. 
 
 The leucotis now charged across the stream ; at

 
 CHAT, xii.] MOLODI EUNS FROM THE LION. 447 
 
 the same time a herd of hartebeest dashed past. 
 I knocked over one, and with the left-hand barrel 
 I wounded a leucotis. At this moment a lion and 
 lioness, that had been disturbed by the fire in our 
 rear, came bounding along close to where Molodi 
 had been concealed with the luncheon. Away went 
 Molodi at a tremendous pace ! and he came rushing 
 past me as though the lions were chasing him; but 
 they were endeavouring to escape themselves, and 
 had no idea of attacking. 
 
 I was just going to take the inviting shot, when, 
 as my finger was on the trigger, I saw the head of 
 a native rise out of the grass exactly in the line of 
 fire ; then another head popped up from a native 
 who had been concealed, and rather than risk an 
 accident I allowed the lion to pass. In one magni- 
 ficent bound it cleared the stream, and disappeared in 
 the high grass. 
 
 The fire was advancing rapidly, and the game was 
 coming up fast. A small herd of leucotis crossed 
 the brook, and I killed another, but the smoke had 
 become so thick that I was nearly blinded. It was 
 at length impossible to see ; the roar of the fire and 
 the heat were terrific, as the blast swept before the 
 advancing flames, and filled the air and eyes with 
 fine black ashes. I literally had to turn and run
 
 448 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 hard into fresher atmosphere to get a gasp of cool 
 air, and to wipe my streaming eyes. Just as I 
 emerged from the smoke, a leucotis came past, and 
 received both the right and left bullets in a good 
 place, before it fell. 
 
 The fire reached the stream and at once expired. 
 The wind swept the smoke on before, and left in 
 view the velvety black surface, that had been com- 
 pletely denuded by the flames. 
 
 The natives had killed many antelopes, but the 
 rhinoceros had gone through their nets like a 
 cobweb. Several buffaloes had been seen, but they 
 had broken out in a different direction. Lieut. 
 Baker had killed three leucotis, Abd-el-Kader had 
 killed one, and had hit a native in the leg with a 
 bullet, while aiming at a galloping antelope. I had 
 killed five. 
 
 I doctored the native, and gave him some milk to 
 drink, and his friends carried him home. This was 
 a very unfortunate accident, and from that day the 
 natives gave Abd-el-Kader a wide berth. 
 
 Most of the women were heavily laden with meat : 
 the nets were quickly gathered up, and, with whistles 
 blowing as a rejoicing, the natives returned home- 
 wards. 
 
 The women were very industrious, and never went
 
 CHAP. xii. J PUBLIC NIGHT NURSERIES. 449 
 
 home empty-handed ; but if some were unfortunate 
 in their supply of meat, they gathered immense 
 bundles of firewood, which they carried many miles 
 upon their heads to their respective villages. . . . 
 
 The time passed very happily at Fatiko, and the 
 fact of my joining with the natives in their sports 
 added to the confidence already established. 
 
 I frequently went into their villages to smoke a 
 pipe, and to chat with the people : this always pleased 
 them, and the children generally crowded round me, 
 as I never went empty-handed, but a few beads or 
 other trifles were always forthcoming as presents. 
 
 Gimoro had been very unfortunate, in losing his 
 children when young, and I understood that the 
 mortality was very great among all infants from two 
 years old to five. 
 
 I attribute this to the absurd custom of public night 
 nurseries. According to the population of the village, 
 there are certain houses built upon pedestals or stone 
 supports about three feet from the ground. In the 
 clay wall of the circular building is a round hole about 
 a foot in diameter ; this is the only aperture. 
 
 At sunset, when the children have been fed, they 
 are put to bed in the simplest manner, by being 
 thrust headforemost through the hole in the wall, 
 assisted, if refractory, by a smack behind, until the 
 
 VOL. II. G G
 
 450 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xii. 
 
 night nursery shall have received the limited number. 
 The aperture is then stopped up with a bundle of 
 grass if the nights are cool. 
 
 The children lie together on the clay floor like a 
 litter of young puppies, and breathe the foulest air 
 until morning, at which time .they are released from 
 the suffocating oven, to be suddenly exposed to the 
 chilly daybreak. Their naked little bodies shiver 
 round a fire until the sun warms them, but the 
 seeds of diarrhoea and dysentery have already been 
 sown. 
 
 It may be readily imagined that accidents fre- 
 quently occur in the great hunts already described, 
 as it is quite impossible to speculate upon the species 
 of animal that may be driven into the net. A fine 
 little lad of about eleven years old was killed by a 
 leopard within a mile of my Fatiko station. The 
 grass had been fired, and the animals instinctively 
 knew that they were pursued. 
 
 The boy went to drink at a stream close to some 
 high reeds, when a leopard pounced upon him without 
 the slightest warning. A native who was close to 
 the spot rushed up to the rescue, and threw his spear 
 with such dexterity that he struck the leopard 
 through the neck while it had the boy in its mouth, 
 killing it upon the spot. The boy was immediately
 
 CHAP, xii.] HUNTING ACCIDENTS. 451 
 
 brought to me, but the lungs were lacerated, and he 
 died during the night. 
 
 On another occasion five men were wounded (two 
 fatally) by a lioness, which fought so gallantly that 
 she at length escaped from her assailants with two 
 spears in her body. 
 
 I was not present on that occasion, but I have 
 frequently admired the pluck of the Shooli natives, 
 who attack every animal with the simple hunting- 
 spear, which of course necessitates a close approach. 
 
 On 30th December I went out with a few natives on 
 the Fabbo road, simply to shoot in order to procure 
 meat for the camp. We were about ten miles from 
 the station, and the game was so wild on the open 
 prairies that we had found it impossible to approach 
 within shot. We had seen great numbers of the 
 beautiful leucotis antelope (rather larger than a fine 
 fallow buck), also hartebeest (Antelope bubalis), all of 
 which had quitted the clean ground which had 
 recently been burnt, and had retired to the high grass 
 upon a long sloping undulation. 
 
 Among our natives were two men who were the 
 owners of the grass ; they therefore proposed that we 
 should place the guns in position, while they should 
 march up to windward, and fire the grass in the 
 usual manner. 
 
 G G 2
 
 452 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 Lieutenant Baker was placed about 300 yards to my 
 left, and Colonel Ab A- el- Kader about 150 paces to my 
 right. As we faced che high grass we had the ground 
 clear at our backs, as the young herbage was just 
 sprouting after the recent burning. 
 
 As usual, I was concealed by a large ant-hill, 
 behind which, my two boys Saat and Bellaal 
 squatted with my spare guns. About 100 yards 
 before me, in a slight hollow, the grass was quite 
 green, as the depression had until lately held water. 
 This rank herbage would of course stop the fire upon 
 its arrival from the sloping hill-face. About forty 
 yards from me the grass was high and dry. 
 
 About half an hour after the guns were posted we 
 heard the whistles, and shortly after, the smoke rose 
 in various places, until at last a crescent of fire spread 
 over the hill. The wind was very light, therefore the 
 fire travelled slowly, and the game advanced at an 
 easy pace. I now heard shots upon my left at the 
 extreme flank, where I had posted a few of the best 
 shots of the " Forty Thieves," including Ferritch Ajoke. 
 
 I saw the game breaking covert in herds of several 
 hundreds in that direction. Presently Abd-el-Kader 
 had a shot upon my right, and I observed several 
 antelopes bounding along upon the clear space in our 
 rear.
 
 CHAP. xii.J THE LION. 453 
 
 I was not in luck, but I now saw a splendid buck 
 leucotis walking quietly through the grass, and 
 slowly descending the slope to the green hollow, 
 which would bring him straight towards me should 
 he keep this direction. 
 
 Just at that moment I saw a long yellow tail rise 
 suddenly from the green hollow, and an instant later 
 I saw a fine lion, with tail erect, that had evidently 
 been disturbed by the advancing fire. 
 
 The lion was down wind of the buck leucotis, which 
 was now close to the unseen enemy, and was just 
 descending the bank which dipped into the green 
 hollow : this would bring the antelope almost upon 
 the lion's back. The two animals suddenly appeared 
 to touch each other as the leucotis jumped down the 
 bank, and the lion sprang to one side, apparently 
 as much startled as the antelope, which bounded 
 off in another direction. The lion now disappeared 
 in the high grass, with the head towards my 
 position. 
 
 I whispered to my boys not to be afraid should the 
 lion appear close to us, and at the same time I took 
 the spare gun from Bellaal, and laid it against the 
 ant-hill to be in readiness. This was a breechloader, 
 with buckshot cartridges for small antelopes. 
 
 In a few minutes I heard a distinct rustling in the
 
 454 ISM A ILIA [CHAP. xii. 
 
 high grass before me. The two boys were squatting 
 on the ground to my right. 
 
 Presently a louder rustling in the grass, within forty 
 yards in my front, was followed by the head and 
 shoulders of a large lioness, who apparently saw the 
 two boys, and with her hazel eyes fixed she advanced 
 slowly towards them. 
 
 Not wishing to allow a closer acquaintance, I aimed 
 at her chest, and fired the " Dutchman." 
 
 The lioness rolled completely over, backwards, and 
 three times she turned convulsive sommersaults, 
 at the same time roaring tremendously ; but to my 
 astonishment she appeared to recover, and I imme- 
 diately fired my left-hand barrel. At this she 
 charged in high bounds straight towards my two 
 boys. 
 
 I had just time to snatch up my spare gun and 
 show myself from behind the ant-hill, when the 
 lioness, startled by my sudden appearance, turned, 
 and I fired a charge of buck-shot into her hind- 
 quarters as she disappeared in the high grass upon 
 my right. 
 
 I now heard her groaning in a succession of 
 deep guttural sounds, within fifty yards of me. 
 
 In a few minutes I heard a shot from Abd-el- 
 Kader, and he shortly came to tell me that the
 
 CHAP, xii.] THE WOUNDED LIONESS. 455 
 
 wounded lioness, with her chest and shoulder covered 
 with blood, had come close to his hiding-place ; he 
 had fired, and had broken her ankle-joint, but she 
 was still concealed in the grass. 
 
 Shooli and Gimoro now came up with some of 
 the natives, as they had heard the lion roar, and 
 feared some accident might have happened. 
 
 These were very plucky fellows, and they at 
 once proposed to go close up and spear her in the 
 grass, if I would back them up with the rifles. 
 
 We arrived at the supposed spot, and after a 
 search we distinguished a yellowish mass within 
 some withered reeds. 
 
 Shooli now proposed that he should throw his 
 spear, upon which the lioness would certainly charge 
 from her covert and afford us a good shot, if the 
 guns were properly arranged. 
 
 I would not allow this, but I determined to fire 
 a shot at the yellow mass to bring her out, if every 
 one would be ready to receive her. 
 
 Lieutenant Baker was on my right, with a double- 
 barrelled express rifle that carried a No. 70 bullet. 
 This minute projectile was of little use against the 
 charge of a lion. 
 
 I fired into the mass at about twenty yards' 
 distance.
 
 456 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 The immediate reply was a determined charge, 
 and the enraged animal came bounding towards 
 us with tremendous roars. The natives threw their 
 spears but missed her. Mr. Baker fired, but neither 
 he nor a left-hand barrel from the " Dutchman " could 
 check her. Everybody had to run, and I luckily 
 snatched a breechloading No. 12 smooth-bore loaded 
 with ball from a panic-stricken lad, and rolled her 
 over with a shot in the chest when she was nearly 
 in the midst of us. 
 
 She retreated with two or three bounds to her 
 original covert. 
 
 I had now reloaded the " Dutchman," and having 
 given orders that every one should keep out of 
 the way, and be ready, I went close up to the grass 
 with Shooli, and quickly discovered her. She was 
 sitting up like a dog, but was looking in the opposite 
 direction, as though expecting an enemy in that 
 quarter. 
 
 I was within twelve yards of her, and I immedi- 
 ately put a bullet in the back of her neck, which 
 dropped her dead. 
 
 In her inside we discovered a freshly-eaten leucotis 
 calf, which_ had been simply divided by her teeth 
 in lumps of about two pounds each. This was 
 quite fresh, and my soldiers and the natives
 
 CHAP. xii.J THE DAY'S SPORT. 457 
 
 divided it among them as a bonne-bonche. Nasty 
 fellows ! 
 
 The day's sport had been: One lioness killed by 
 myself ; one leucotis buck by Mr. Baker ; one leu- 
 cotis buck by Abd-el-Kader ; two does of the same 
 species by Ferritch Ajoke ; and the natives had 
 speared three calves. Total, one lioness and seven 
 antelopes, all of which were to be eaten. 
 
 We reached home at 5.40 P.M., not having had 
 time to eat anything since the preceding evening. 
 The lioness measured nine feet six inches from 
 nose to tail extremity. 
 
 As this work is simply an account of the principal 
 events connected with the Khedive's expedition, I 
 cannot afford space for many sporting incidents. 
 Game was very abundant, and we generally kept 
 the station well supplied ; at the same time I gave 
 large quantities of flesh to the natives. 
 
 I sometimes sent a party of my "Forty" to 
 hunt, in which sport they took a great interest, and 
 the practice with the rifle improved their shooting. 
 
 The natives throughout the country were perfectly 
 happy and contented, but the women had been some- 
 what disturbed by the accounts they had received 
 of our encounter with the lioness. They held a 
 meeting in Gimoro's village.
 
 458 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 On the following day both Gimoro and Sliooli 
 arrived at my public divan looking rather dejected. 
 
 They informed me that the women, having held 
 a meeting, had arrived at the conclusion, "that the 
 Pacha must not be allowed to go out hunting, as 
 he might possibly be killed by a lion or a buffalo." 
 " What would happen to us ? " continued the women, 
 " if any accident should befall our father \ Would 
 not the slave-hunters immediately return to the 
 country and destroy us, simply because he had 
 protected us ? Do we not now sleep in peace 1 and 
 were we not always awake at night before he came 
 among us ?" 
 
 The women decided that I was to be kept in the 
 camp as a cojoor or talisman, and that the natives 
 were not to lead me into danger of wild animals. 
 
 This declaration of the ladies of Fatiko could 
 hardly be called petticoat government, as their total 
 independence of attire precluded any reference to 
 such a garment ; but it was a distinct assertion of 
 women's right to protect the person who had pro- 
 tected them. , They were excellent people, and were 
 always well cared for and kindly treated by the men. 
 
 My fort at Fatiko was within call of two large 
 villages those of Gimoro and the sheik of the 
 country : during my sojourn of seven months, I
 
 CHAP, xn.] HAPPY GOVERNMENT. 459 
 
 never heard a woman scream, neither was there 
 any domestic or civil disturbance. 
 
 There were no police required in that country ; 
 there were no pickpockets, as there were no pockets 
 to pick which was one advantage in favour of 
 nudity. A London police magistrate would have 
 died of ennui; the constables could not even have 
 sworn to a case of intoxication, merely as a matter 
 of form to afford him employment. There were 
 no immoral females to disgrace the public streets ; 
 neither were there any beggars, vagrants, organ- 
 grinders, or perambulators to worry, deafen, or upset 
 you. My country was a picture of true harmony. 
 We had no complex machinery of law ; there was 
 no such difficulty as an estate in Chancery ; no 
 Divorce Court, or cases of crim. con. that necessitated 
 an appeal. Adultery would be settled by flogging 
 respondent and co-respondent, with a judicial separa- 
 tion after the punishment. 
 
 I had no ecclesiastical difficulties ; no High Church, 
 Ritualists, Low Church, Broad Churchmen, philo- 
 sophers, Wesley ans, Baptists, Presbyterians, Roman 
 Catholics, Episcopalians, Independents, nor even a 
 Jesuit or a descendant of Israel to bring discord 
 into my harmonious tabernacle. 
 
 My troops were Mohammedans, without an oppos-
 
 460 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. XH. 
 
 ing sect ; therefore, for lack of opposition, they were 
 lukewarm believers. 
 
 The natives believed in nothing. 
 
 The curious fact remained, that without the 
 slightest principle of worship, or even a natural 
 religious instinct, these people should be free from 
 many vices that disgrace a civilized community. 
 I endeavoured to persuade the most intelligent of 
 the existence of a Deity who could reward or 
 punish ; but beyond this I dared not venture, as 
 they would have asked practical questions, which I 
 could not have explained to their material under- 
 standing. 
 
 I extract verbatim from my journal the short 
 entry of 31st December, 1872 : 
 
 " The close of the year finds us, thank God, 
 at peace in this country, with every prospect of 
 prosperity."
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF M^TESE's ENVOYS. 
 
 ON 15th January, 1873, the sentry on the rock 
 citadel reported a party arriving from the Unyoro 
 road. Shortly after, the reports of guns were heard, 
 and it was made known that envoys had arrived 
 from M'tese', the king of Uganda, together with 
 an escort of natives, and two of my soldiers from 
 Rionga. M'te^'s people were armed with guns. 
 
 The envoys were quickly ushered into the new 
 divan, which was a circular, lofty building, twenty 
 feet in diameter, neatly plastered, and painted light 
 grey with a mixture of wood-ashes. 
 
 Ali Jusef, the principal envoy, was a native of 
 Sishuaali, on the coasts of the Red Sea entrance, 
 and the Indian Ocean. I had several officers who 
 were natives of the same country, including the 
 gallant Ferritch Agha and Said Agha : thus I had 
 excellent interpreters.
 
 462 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 The envoys were beautifully clean, in white Bom- 
 bay cotton clothes, and they were quite civilized, 
 and as intelligent as Europeans. They appeared to 
 have a thorough knowledge of the route to India, 
 and the various tribes along the eastern coast of 
 equatorial Africa. 
 
 These people gave me much useful information; 
 and I shall, as usual in this work, simply extract from 
 my journal the exact entry made at the moment 
 whenever I received geographical reports from the 
 natives : thus I shall give to the public the unpolished 
 statements precisely as I heard them ; upon which 
 data theoretical geographers may form their own 
 opinions. 
 
 "The envoys report, that from Ujiji (pro- 
 nounced by them Uyeye') you can travel by lake 
 direct to Magungo, the lake being the M'wootan 
 N'zigd. 
 
 " The Victoria N'yanza is called by two names, 
 ' Sessy ' or ' KureweV Although large, it is small in 
 comparison with the M'wootan N'zige." 
 
 There was no news of Livingstone ; but, accord- 
 ing to my request from Masindi, M'te'se' had sent 
 everywhere in search of him, and he had forwarded 
 my two letters addressed to him in different di- 
 rections.
 
 CHAP, xin.] M'TESE' S INVITATION. 463 
 
 The king, M'te'se, had written me a letter ex- 
 pressing great friendship, and declaring that when the 
 news of Kabba Kega's treachery had reached him, he 
 had sent an army under General Congow, to be placed 
 at nay disposal. 
 
 This army was now quartered at Mashudi, 1 waiting 
 for my orders. M'te'se' begged me to visit him 
 as soon as possible, as he only had one desire, i.e. 
 " to see my face," and that he " did not wish for 
 presents." 
 
 This was a model African potentate ; at the same 
 time I could not possibly visit him, as my term of 
 service would expire upon the 1st of April. 
 
 I was much disappointed at this impossibility, 
 as M'te'se' can do more for Central Africa than 
 any other potentate. He behaved well to Speke 
 and Grant, and he had been very true to me. 
 
 On llth February, fresh envoys arrived from 
 M'te'se, including my old friend Waysooah, who 
 was as usual dressed very carefully in Indian cos- 
 tume, with a handsomely-worked cotton robe. 
 
 M'tese' had written me another letter in 
 Arabic, begging me to send him one of my 
 soldiers as my representative, if I could not come 
 personally. 
 
 1 Two days' march from Eionga's island.
 
 464 ISMAILIA. [cii.u>. xi ii. 
 
 The road was now declared to be practically open 
 between Fatiko and Zanzibar by means of M'tese's 
 friendship. 
 
 This excellent man, who was now a Mohammedan, 
 and kept an Arab secretary, had already sent to Ujiji 
 in search of Livingstone, according to my request, 
 and his messengers had returned with the news, 
 " that he had been at Ujiji, and had crossed the lake 
 to the west ; since which, nothing had been heard 
 of him." 
 
 M'te'se"s people were still in search of Livingstone. 
 Ujiji was declared to be on the " M' woo tan N'zige," 
 i.e. the Albert N'yanza, 
 
 I give this information exactly as I received it. 
 
 I now wrote a letter to Dr. Livingstone, of which 
 the following is a copy : 
 
 "FORT FATIKO, 
 
 ("N. lat. 3 1' ; E. long. 32 36',) 
 "February 13tk, 1873. 
 
 " MY DEAR LIVINGSTONE, 
 
 " M'te'se', the king of Uganda, has been search- 
 ing for you, according to my instructions sent to him 
 in June 1872. 
 
 " He also forwarded my letters to be given to you 
 when met with. 
 
 " His envoys have now visited me at Fatiko, with
 
 CHAP, xni.] LETTER TO LIVINGSTONE. 465 
 
 the report that M'te'sd's messengers heard of you 
 as having formerly been at Ujiji ; but that you had 
 left that station and crossed the Tanganyika to the 
 west. 
 
 " Nothing more is known of you. 
 
 " I have sent a soldier with the envoys who convey 
 this letter ; he will remain with M'te'se. This soldier 
 (Selim) was one of Speke's men, who travelled from 
 Zanzibar to Cairo. 
 
 " M'te'se will take the greatest care of you. He 
 has behaved very well to the government. 
 
 " Since I wrote to you in June, Kabba Re'ga treach - 
 erously attacked me with many thousand men. 
 
 " I thrashed him thoroughly, and I have set up 
 Rionga, the old enemy of his family, who is now 
 sheik of the government. 
 
 "M'te'se' sent Congo w with several thousand men 
 
 o 
 
 to assist the troops. 
 
 " I trust, my dear Livingstone, that this letter may 
 reach you. Do not come down the lake. It is 
 now well known that the Tanganyika is the Albert 
 N'yanza ; both known as the great lake M'wootan 
 N'zige. 
 
 " A steamer will, I trust, be on the lake this year. 
 " Ever yours most sincerely, 
 
 " SAM. W. BAKER." 
 
 VOL. II. H H
 
 466 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 On 13tli February, after a few days' pleasant so- 
 journ at Fatiko, M'te'sd's envoys returned to Ugan- 
 da, accompanied by my representative, Selim, who 
 although a private, was a very intelligent Suachli ; 
 he had formerly accompanied Speke from Zanzibar. 
 I gave Selim instructions to impress upon M'tese' 
 the necessity of assisting Livingstone without a 
 moment's delay. 
 
 It is interesting to remember, now that the great 
 traveller is dead, that the arrangements I had made 
 for his assistance would have secured his safety, and 
 would have enabled him to pursue his geographical 
 investigations northward, without the slightest risk 
 or difficulty, beyond the bodily fatigue which is in- 
 separable from African travel. 
 
 My letter was not only delivered by M'tese's 
 orders into the hands of Lieutenant Cameron, E.N. at 
 Unyamyembi, but M'tese actually sent me his reply 
 through the iveary distance to Gondokoro! This 
 reply was received by my successor, Colonel Gordon, 
 and was forwarded to the Khedive, as a proof of the 
 effect of the expedition under my command, in open- 
 ing through postal communication in the heart of 
 Africa. People who are unacquainted with the diffi- 
 culties of Africa cannot sufficiently appreciate this 
 grand result. The intelligent king, M'tese', should
 
 CHAP, xiii.] ENERGY OF KING M'TESE. 467 
 
 receive a present from our government, as a reward 
 for having exerted himself to assist an English consul 
 in distress. The small sum of 200, judiciously ex- 
 pended would procure trifles that would be treasures 
 to M'tese, and would do more to open up Central 
 Africa to travellers than any other means. 
 
 I fear this will be forgotten, and that M'tese 
 will be neglected after this truly philanthropic 
 effort to relieve an English traveller and CONSUL 
 when in difficulty. 
 
 I wrote a letter thanking M'tese for all that he 
 had done, and assuring him that our country would 
 be grateful to him for any assistance that he might 
 render Livingstone. At the same time that I thanked 
 him for his aid to myself, I begged he would recall 
 his army from Unyoro, as my troops, although few, 
 were strong, and that, having already defeated Kabba 
 Kega, I required no assistance. 
 
 I sent General Congow a present of a sword, 
 and a few articles to M'tese, in return for a specimen 
 of beautifully- dressed skins, sewn together as neatly 
 as the work of a French glover. 
 
 The time wore on in considerable anxiety con- 
 cerning the party that I had sent to Gondokoro 
 under Wat-el-Mek for reinforcements. 
 
 I had allowed them forty-two days for their 
 
 H H 2
 
 468 ISMAILI A . [CHAP, xn i.- 
 
 return to Fatiko with the cattle and troops, but 
 no intelligence had been received of their movements 
 from the week they had started. Fortunately the 
 abundance of game in the neighbourhood had sup- 
 plied the troops with meat. 
 
 At length, after ninety-three days' absence, news 
 was brought that Wat-el-Mek and the troops were 
 close at hand. Shooli had arrived at daybreak to 
 say that a native had seen them on the previous 
 evening on the north side of Shooa hill, about seven 
 miles from Fatiko. 
 
 At 2.30 P.M., on 8th March, we distinguished the 
 white uniforms ascending the plateau at the north end 
 of the Fatiko plain ; and shortly after, the main body 
 emerged from among the rocks and foliage, and 
 formed on the level ground. I at once distinguished 
 with the telescope the lieutenant-colonel, Tayib 
 Agha, upon his well-known powerful white horse. 
 
 My troops in full uniform went out to meet the 
 reinforcements, which quickly marched up and formed 
 on the level turf outside the fort upon the north side. 
 
 I rode out and inspected the troops. 
 
 Not one head of cattle had arrived ! 
 
 The lieutenant- colonel, Tayib Agha, had made a 
 sad mess of his command during the march. He 
 had quarrelled with Wat-el-Mek : and simply be-
 
 CHAP, xin.] DEFEAT OF TAYIB AGHA. 469 
 
 cause some of the native carriers had absconded 
 in a portion of the Bari country named Moogi, 
 he had set fire to the villages in revenge ! This 
 was in a country where I had established peace. 
 
 The Baris had attacked the troops, and had not 
 only killed twenty-eight of our men, but had 
 actually stripped the bodies, and possessed them- 
 selves of clothes, arms, and ammunition. They 
 had also captured the cattle. 
 
 Although Tayib Agha had about 280 men he 
 actually retreated, and dared not attack the natives 
 to recover either the bodies of his men, or their 
 muskets ! 
 
 I at once determined to leave Major Abdullah 
 as commandant at Fatiko, and to take Tayib Agha 
 back to Gondokoro, as he was not fit for an in- 
 dependent command. 
 
 The immense delay in sending up the reinforce- 
 ments had been occasioned by the long voyage 
 from Khartoum. 
 
 When Wat-el-Mek had reached Gondokoro, the 
 troops had not arrived from Khartoum ; therefore he 
 was. obliged to wait. 
 
 When at length they did arrive, they had been 
 thirteen months on the voyage from Khartoum to 
 Gondokoro, and had passed the rainy season with
 
 470 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 the slave-traders in the camp of Kutchuk All on the 
 Bahr Giraffe ; this river they reported as navigable, 
 owing to my canals, which had continued open. 
 
 It was the old story of delay and indolence, un- 
 less I was personally present to force them forward. 
 
 I had now 620 men, therefore I reinforced Kionga 
 and the various stations. I thus garrisoned strongly 
 Fatiko, Fabbo, and Paniadoli the stockade op- 
 posite Eionga's island, in N. lat. 2 6'. 
 
 The country of Unyoro was now completely in 
 the grasp of Ali Genninar and Eionga. Unyoro 
 extends to the south of the equator on the shores 
 of the Albert N'yanza, where Kabba Kega, who 
 was now lost, was supposed to be hiding. 
 
 On 14th March I drew out the following orders for 
 Major Abdullah, who would remain as commandant 
 of Fatiko : 
 
 "1. Observe the rules at present existing respect- 
 ing sentries. 
 
 "2. Observe the rales at present existing for 
 cleanliness of camp. 
 
 " 3. Plant negheel grass on ramparts during the 
 rainy season. 
 
 ''4. Clean out the fort ditch once every month. 
 
 " 5. Each company of troops is to cultivate corn 
 and vegetables at the commencement of the rains.
 
 CHAP, xiii.] ORDERS FOR MAJOR ABDULLAH. 471 
 
 " 6. Each company to be exercised at musketry 
 drill for one hour daily. 
 
 " 7. All troops to be exercised at light-infantry 
 drill for three hours on Mondays and Fridays, upon 
 which days there will be no other work. 
 
 " 8. The corn-tax is to be regularly collected, so 
 that three months' supply shall be the minimum 
 in the camp granaries. 
 
 "9. The bugle to sound the night alarm once 
 every month, to accustom the men to night quarters. 
 
 " 1 0. The troops to occupy their stations at general 
 quarters, according to present practice. 
 
 "11. Banana plants to be introduced upon every 
 opportunity from Magungo. 
 
 "12. Coffee-berries 1 to be sown in nursery-beds, 
 when received from M'te'sd. 
 
 " 13. The old huts to be cleared away and replaced 
 by new, constructed in lines similar to those in 
 the south camp. 
 
 " 14. No ivory to be purchased in exchange for 
 cattle, but only in barter for goods. 
 
 "15. No slaves to be either purchased or taken. 
 
 "16. The bugle to sound 'Extinguish fires' at 
 8 P.M." 
 
 Having left everything in perfect order in the 
 1 I had written to him for a supply of coffee-seed.
 
 472 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 new central territory, I was ready to start for Gon- 
 dokoro on 20th March. 
 
 I had been two years and five months without 
 any news or communication with either Egypt or 
 Europe when the post arrived with Wat-el-Mek. 
 About 700 copies of the Times had arrived at once. 
 We had been introduced to the Tichborne case ; 
 and of course had, at the earliest stage of the trial, 
 concluded that the claimant was Arthur Orton. The 
 news that is almost stereotyped in English news- 
 papers gave us the striking incidents of civilization. 
 Two or three wives had been brutally knocked 
 about by their husbands, who had received only 
 a slight punishment. A prominent divorce case ; 
 a few Irish agrarian outrages ; a trial in the eccle- 
 siastical court of a refractory clergyman ; the smash- 
 up of a few public companies, with the profitable 
 immunity of the directors ; a lady burnt to death ; 
 a colliery explosion : several hundred railway acci- 
 dents, which induced me to prefer walking ; the 
 Communists had half destroyed Paris ; republican 
 principles were fast spreading through England ; 
 the Gladstone ministry would last for ever ; some 
 babies had been poisoned, and the baby-farmer had 
 been hanged ; deceased wives' sisters were to marry 
 their disconsolate brothers ; England was to pay
 
 CHAP, xiii.] NEWS FROM ENGLAND. 473 
 
 a tribute to America (for the freaks of the Alabama) ; 
 drunkenness was on the increase ; ladies were to 
 become our physicians ; &c. I was almost afraid to 
 return home ; but as I had some friends and relations 
 that I wished to see again, I left my little paradise, 
 Fatiko, and marched for Gondokoro, accompanied 
 by my good natives, Shooli and Gimoro. 
 
 After the absurd conduct and the defeat of Tayib 
 Agha at Moogi, I fully expected to have to fight 
 my way through ; but upon arrival in that district 
 the natives knew me, and we were not molested. 
 They even sent me six cows which had been lost by 
 Tayib Agha on the road during his unlucky march. 
 
 I had taken under my especial protection a number 
 of Bari women and young girls whom Wat-el-Mek 
 and Tayib Agha had pressed into their service to 
 carry loads during their journey from Gondokoro to 
 Fatiko. There can be no doubt that these poor 
 creatures never would have been returned to their 
 country, had I not delivered them ; but seeing their 
 condition upon their arrival at Fatiko, I had ordered 
 them to accompany me, and to show me the position 
 of their homes during the march. 
 
 On arrival at the broad dry bed of a stream about 
 two days' march from Gondokoro, we halted beneath 
 the shade of a large tree for breakfast. The women
 
 474 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xni. 
 
 and children now approached, and hesitatingly de- 
 clared that this was their country, and their villages 
 were near. They evidently doubted my sincerity 
 in restoring them, which hurt me exceedingly. 
 
 " Go, my good women," I exclaimed, " and when 
 you arrive at your homes, explain to your people 
 that you were captured entirely against my will, 
 and that I am only happy to have restored you." 
 
 For a few moments they looked around them, 
 as hardly believing the good news. In another 
 instant, as the truth flashed across their delighted 
 minds, they rushed upon me in a body, and before 
 I had time for self-defence, I found myself in the 
 arms of a naked beauty who kissed me almost to 
 suffocation, and with a most unpleasant embrace 
 licked both my eyes with her tongue. The sentries 
 came to my assistance, together with the servants, 
 who withstood the grateful crowd ; otherwise both 
 my wife and myself would have been subjected to 
 this painful thanksgiving from the liberated Bari 
 women. 
 
 Their freedom having been explained, we gave 
 each a present of beads as a reward for the trouble 
 they had undergone, and they went away rejoicing 
 upon the road to their own homes. 
 
 We arrived at Gondokoro on 1st April, 1873,
 
 CHAP, xiii.] PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MARCH. 475 
 
 without the slightest disturbance during the march. 
 This was the exact day upon which my term of 
 service would have expired, according to my original 
 agreement with the Khedive. 
 
 I halted the troops about half a mile from Gon- 
 dokoro, to allow them to change their clothes, 
 when I observed with the telescope some of the 
 Englishmen approaching. Several of my welcome 
 countrymen at length arrived. 
 
 " Where is Mr. Higginbotham ? " I asked, as I was 
 eager to see my excellent chief engineer and friend. 
 
 There was a slight pause before the reply "He 
 died on the last day of February ! " 
 
 I was quite overpowered with the dreadful news ! 
 Poor Higginbotham ! who had been my right hand 
 throughout the early portion of the expedition ! He 
 was a man who so thoroughly represented the 
 character that we love to think is truly English, 
 combining all energy, courage and perseverance. He 
 was gone ! 
 
 We marched into Gondokoro. Fourteen months 
 had made a change for the worse. I had left the 
 
 * 
 
 station with a neat ditch and earthwork ; the 
 environs had been clean. It was now a mass of 
 filth. Bones and remnants of old clothes, that 
 would have been a fortune to a rag-and-bone shop,
 
 476 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 lay scattered in all directions. The ditch was filled 
 up with sand, and the fallen bank washed in by the 
 heavy rains, as it had never been cleansed during 
 my absence. 
 
 The guns fired a salute ; Kaouf Bey and the troops 
 appeared in good health ; and I was shown into poor 
 Higginbotham's house on the cliff above the river. 
 
 A beautiful new steamer of 108 tons, built of steel, 
 with twin screws, was floating on the stream. This 
 was the work of my Englishmen, who had taken 
 a pride in turning out the best results that Messrs. 
 Samuda Brothers and Messrs. Penn & Co. could 
 produce. 
 
 I went on board to inspect the new vessel directly 
 after breakfast. She had been admirably constructed, 
 and being devoid of paddles, she would be able 
 to glide through the narrow channels of the Bahr 
 Giraffe like a fish. 
 
 Although the station was dirty and neglected, 
 I must do Kaouf Bey justice in acknowledging that 
 he had paid much attention to the gardens on the 
 islands, which were producing so abundantly that 
 the troops received rations of vegetables daily. 
 
 Raouf Bey had also shown determination, and 
 had accepted great responsibility in shooting a 
 soldier for desertion during my absence.
 
 CHAP, xiii.] NEWS AT GONDOKOEO. 477 
 
 It appeared that the reinforcements lately received 
 from Khartoum were merely slaves that had been 
 sold to the government, and had rapidly been trained 
 for soldiers. Many of these people had originally 
 come from the White Nile, therefore they were 
 disposed to desert upon the first opportunity. 
 
 A considerable number had deserted, with their 
 arms and ammunition. They had also stolen Kaouf 
 Bey's guns and rifles from his house, and had 
 absconded to Belinian. Eaouf Bey had called upon 
 the Belinian to give up the deserters ; but the 
 Belinian natives had only replied to the summonses 
 by making nightly demonstrations of attack against 
 the station of Gondokoro, which had rendered sound 
 sleep impossible for the last month. Kaouf Bey 
 had accordingly invaded Belinian, and had fought 
 a pitched battle, in which the deserters who had 
 joined the Baris fired upon the troops. Two of 
 them were killed. 1 
 
 I immediately sent for Allorron, who had now 
 become a faithful sheik of the government. He 
 confessed all his sins, and of course laid the whole 
 blame upon Abou Saood, who he declared had 
 
 1 On this occasion, the Baris being well supplied with muskets 
 and ammunition, the troops of Raouf Bey suffered considerable 
 loss.
 
 478 ISMAILI'A. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 deceived him, and instigated him against the govern- 
 ment. I did not wish for any explanations upon 
 the truth of which I could not rely. I therefore 
 ordered him to go at once to Belinian, and inform 
 . the natives that, unless they gave up the deserters, 
 I should pay them a visit with the " red shirts," 
 who had now returned with me from Fatiko. At 
 the same time I promised him three cows if he 
 succeeded. 
 
 In a few days he returned with two deserters. 
 These men were tried by court-martial, and having 
 been found guilty, they were shot in the presence 
 of the regiment. 
 
 Order and discipline were at once restored among 
 the troops. 
 
 Now that I had returned with the " Forty 
 Thieves," the natives of Belinian no longer visited 
 the camp at night, but the country shortly became 
 quiet and peaceful. 
 
 Wat-el-Mek, who had accompanied me from Fatiko, 
 returned with reinforcements and a herd of cattle 
 to his district. I parted with regret with my good 
 men Shooli and Gimoro, to whom I gave some 
 useful presents. 
 
 On 10th April I commenced a new fort with ditch 
 and earthwork around the magazines, but the sandy
 
 gd 
 
 90
 
 CHAP, xiii.] TAKE LEAVE AT GONDOKOEO. 479 
 
 nature of the soil will cause much trouble during 
 the heavy rains. 
 
 I ordered Mr. Marcopolo to take stock, together 
 with an Egyptian officer (Foad EfTendi), of every- 
 thing that remained within the magazine, and to 
 take a receipt for his stores. This task occupied 
 nearly a month. 
 
 The Englishmen had carefully packed every- 
 thing that belonged to the No. 3 steamer and 
 machinery, and had stowed her in a magazine that 
 was given in charge of an officer, who gave a 
 receipt for the contents. 
 
 Everything was ready by the 25th May for 
 our return homewards. I erected a monument 
 of red brick coated with pitch over my poor friend 
 Higginbotham's grave, within my garden, near 
 the spot where the missionaries were formerly 
 buried. 
 
 We started on the 26th, having taken a farewell 
 of my gallant "Forty Thieves/' many of whom 
 showed much emotion at parting. As I walked 
 down the line of troops when I took official leave, 
 my old soldiers broke the bounds of discipline by 
 shouting : " May God give you a long life ! and 
 may you meet your family in good health at 
 home ! "
 
 480 ISMAILi'A. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 I felt a choking sensation in saying good-bye ; 
 but we were soon on board, and the steam was up. 
 
 The new steamer, the Khedive, took us in tow, and 
 we travelled rapidly down the stream towards home 
 in old England. 
 
 Although I had written the most important letters 
 to the Khedive and to his minister in October 
 1871, I had, to my amazement, not received one 
 word in reply by the post that had arrived from 
 Egypt. I had apparently been looked upon as a 
 dead man that did not require a letter. It appeared 
 that my existence was utterly ignored by the 
 Egyptian government, although I had received my 
 letters in due course from England. 
 
 On arrival at the Bahr Giraffe, we found that the 
 canals which I had formerly cut were much improved 
 by the force of the stream. Although these pas- 
 sages were narrow, they had become deep, and we 
 progressed with comparatively little trouble. 
 
 On 7th June, three sails were reported ahead on 
 the horizon. We pushed forward with some curi- 
 osity, but unfortunately a sudd of vegetable rafts 
 had closed the passage for a short distance, which 
 required about an hour to clean ; this delayed the 
 chase. 
 
 That evening, as we had stopped for the night
 
 CHAP, xiii.] ABOU SAOOD'S SLAVE VESSELS. 481 
 
 at a spot known as the " Three Dubbas," we heard 
 a woman's voice from the high grass addressing us 
 in an imploring tone. I immediately sent a boat 
 to make inquiries, as one of our native girls under- 
 stood the language. 
 
 It appeared that the woman had the small-pox, 
 and she had been therefore thrown into the high 
 grass, and abandoned by the vakeel of the three ves- 
 sels that we had observed in the distance. She de- 
 scribed these vessels as being crowded with slaves. 
 
 I gave the unfortunate creature a supply of six 
 days' food, together with a cooking-pot and some 
 firewood, but I dared not introduce so horrible a 
 disease as the small-pox among our party. She w T as 
 thus left alone upon the dubba. 1 
 
 On 8th June we steamed along, towards the tall 
 masts and yards of the three vessels which we 
 perceived "upon the horizon. 
 
 The intricacies of the narrow channel were such 
 that we did not overtake the slavers until sunset. 
 
 We then anchored for the night in a lake, while 
 I sent a boat forward into the canal occupied by 
 the three vessels to order the vakeel of the company 
 to visit me immediately. 
 
 1 At this season native fishermen visited the dubba, therefore 
 she was most probably discovered on the following mornirg. 
 
 VOL. H. I I
 
 482 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 In a short time the boat returned with my old 
 acquaintance Wat Hojoly, the vakeel of the Bohr 
 station belonging to Abou Saood. 
 
 I had always liked this man, as he was generally 
 straightforward in his manner. He now told me, 
 without the slightest reserve, that during my absence 
 in the south, several cargoes of slaves had passed 
 the government station at Fashoda by bribing the 
 governor; and that he would certainly have no 
 difficulty, provided that I did not seize him. He 
 confessed that he had 700 slaves on board the three 
 vessels, and according to orders that he had received 
 from his master, Abou Saood, he was conveying 
 them to their destination, a few days south of 
 Khartoum, on the White Nile ; at which point 
 they could either march overland to the west 
 vid Kordofan, or to the east vid Sennaar; whence 
 they could pass unmolested to the Ked Sea or to 
 other markets. 
 
 The small-pox had broken out among the slaves, 
 several of whom had died. 
 
 I was most thoroughly disgusted and sick at heart. 
 After all the trouble and difficulties that we had gone 
 through for the suppression of the slave trade, there 
 could be no question of the fact that Abou Saood, 
 the great slave-hunter of the White Nile, was sup-
 
 CHAP, xin.] CONNIVANCE AT THE SLAVE TEADE. 483 
 
 ported by some high authority behind the scenes, 
 upon whom he could depend for protection. 
 
 This was apparently the last act of the drama, 
 in which the villain of the piece could mock and 
 scoff at justice, and ridicule every effort that I had 
 made to suppress the slave trade. His vessels were 
 actually sailing in triumph and defiance before the 
 wind, with flags flying the crescent and the star, 
 above a horrible cargo of pest-smitten humanity, 
 in open contempt for my authority ; which Wat 
 Hojoly had been carefully informed did not extend 
 north of Gondokoro. 
 
 I asked this plain-spoken agent whether he was 
 quite sure that he could pass the government station? 
 " Oh yes," he replied, " a little backsheesh will open 
 the road ; there is nothing to fear." 
 
 I was then informed by the same authority that 
 Abou Saood had gone to Cairo to appeal to the 
 Khedive's government against my proceedings, and 
 to represent his TRADE as ruined by my acts. 
 
 This was a remarkable disclosure at the end of the 
 last act ; the moral of the piece was thus explained 
 before the curtain fell. The slave-hunter par 
 excellence of the White Nile, who had rented or 
 farmed from the government, for some thousands 
 sterling per annum, the right of TRADING in countries 
 
 I I 2
 
 484 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 which did not belong to Egypt, was now on the 
 road to protest against my interference with his 
 trade, this innocent business being represented by 
 three vessels with seven hundred slaves that were 
 to pass unchecked before the government station of 
 Fashoda. 
 
 I told Wat Hojoly that I did not think he would 
 succeed upon this occasion, but that I should certainly 
 not lay hands upon him. 
 
 I had not received replies to my letters addressed 
 to the Khedive, therefore I was determined not to 
 exert physical force again ; at the same time I made 
 up my mind that the slave vessels should not pass 
 Fashoda. 
 
 On the following morning we passed ahead, and 
 
 the fearful stench from the crowded slave vessels 
 
 
 
 reeking with small-pox followed us for quite a mile 
 down the wind. 
 
 On 19th June, at 3.30 P.M., we reached Fashoda. 
 The governor at once came on board to receive us. 
 
 This officer had been only recently appointed, 
 and he appeared to be very energetic and desirous 
 to assist me in the total extinction of the slave- 
 trade. I assured the governor (Jusef Effendi) that I 
 had entirely suppressed it in my territory, and I had 
 also suppressed the river trade in 1870; but if the
 
 CHAP, xm.] AERIVAL AT FASHODA. 485 
 
 authorities were determined to connive at this abomi- 
 nation, I had been placed in a disgracefully false 
 position, and had been simply employed on a fool's 
 errand. 
 
 Jusef Effendi assured me that it would be im- 
 possible for vessels to pass Fashoda with slave cargoes 
 now that he represented the government, as the 
 Khedive had issued the most positive orders within 
 the last six months against the traffic in slaves ; 
 therefore such instructions must be obeyed. 
 
 I did not quite see that obedience to such orders 
 was absolutely necessary, as the slave trade had been 
 similarly prohibited by proclamation in the reign 
 of the late Said Pacha, but with no permanent 
 effect. 
 
 There were two fine steamers lying at Fashoda, 
 which had formed a portion of the fleet of six 
 steamers that I had sent up from Cairo some years 
 ago to tow my flotilla up the White Nile. This was 
 the first time that I had ever seen them. 
 
 I now told Jusef Effendi that he would be held 
 responsible for the capture of Abou Saood's three 
 vessels, together with the 700 slaves; at the same 
 time, it would be advisable to allow them to arrive at 
 Fashoda before their capture should be attempted : 
 as the fact of such an audacious contempt of law
 
 486 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 would at once implicate the former governor as 
 having been in the habit of connivance. 
 
 Jusef Effendi appeared to be in earnest. He was 
 an active and highly intelligent Circassian who held 
 the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 
 
 My servants had discovered by chance, when 
 in communication with Wat Hojoly, that Salim- 
 Wat-Howah, who had been one of the principal 
 ringleaders in the attack upon the troops at Fatiko, 
 and had subsequently knocked down Suleiman and 
 possessed himself forcibly of the ammunition from 
 the magazine, with which he and his party had 
 absconded, was now actually concealed on one of the 
 three slave-vessels. I had taken care not to mention 
 his name to Wat Hojoly, lest he should be left at 
 some station upon the route, and thus escape me. 
 
 I now gave a written order to Jusef Effendi to 
 arrest him upon the arrival of the slave vessels, and 
 to send him to Khartoum in irons. 
 
 The news of Abou Saood's personal appeal to the 
 government at Cairo was confirmed by the best 
 authorities at Fashoda. 
 
 On 21st June I took leave of Jusef Effendi, and 
 upon the 28th, at 11 A. M., we arrived at the large 
 tree which is within five miles of Khartoum, by the 
 short cut across the neck of land to the Blue Nile.
 
 CHAP, xm.] ISMAIL YAGOOB PACHA. 487 
 
 I stopped at this tree, and immediately wrote 
 to Ismail Yagoob Pacha, the new governor of 
 Khartoum, to telegraph instantly to Cairo to arrest 
 Abou Saood. 
 
 I sent this note by a faithful officer, Ferritch Agha, 
 with positive orders that he was to deliver it into 
 the hands of Ismail Pacha. 
 
 This order was immediately carried out before 
 any people in Khartoum had an idea of my return. 
 Had I at once steamed round the point, some friend 
 would have telegraphed my arrival to Abou Saood 
 in Cairo, and he might have gone into concealment. 
 
 In the afternoon we observed a steamer rounding 
 the distant headland at the point of junction of 
 the two Niles. She rapidly approached, and in 
 about half an hour my old friend, Ismail Yagoob 
 Pacha, stepped on board my diahbeeah, and gave 
 us a hearty welcome. 
 
 There was no letter either from the Khedive or 
 Cherif Pacha, in reply to the important commu- 
 nications that I had written more than two years 
 ago. 
 
 Ismail Yagoob Pacha was a friend of eight years' 
 date. I had known him during my first expedition 
 to the Nile sources as Ismail Bey, president of the 
 council at Khartoum. He had lately been appointed
 
 468 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xiii. 
 
 governor, and I could only regret that my excellent 
 friend had not been in that capacity from the com- 
 mencement of the expedition, as I should have 
 derived much assistance from his great energy and 
 intelligence. 
 
 Ismail Yagoob Pacha is a Circassian. I have 
 observed that all those officers who are superior to 
 the average in intellect and general capacity belong 
 to this race. The Circassians are admirably repre- 
 sented in Cherif Pacha, who is well known' and 
 respected by all Europeans in Egypt for his probity 
 and high intelligence ; and Eiaz Pacha, who was 
 lately the Minister for Public Instruction, is a 
 Circassian much beloved and respected. 
 
 Ismail Yagoob had commenced a great reform 
 in the Soudan, in his endeavour to put 'down the 
 wholesale system of bribery and corruption which 
 was the ruin of the country. He had also com- 
 menced a great work, according to the orders he 
 had received from the Khedive, to remove the 
 sudd or obstruction to the navigation of the great 
 White Nile. 
 
 The Khedive had given this important order in 
 consequence of letters that I had written on 31st 
 August, 1870, to the Minister of the Interior, Cherif 
 Pacha, and to his Highness direct on 8th October,
 
 CHAP, xiii.j WRECK OF SIX VESSELS IN THE SUDD. 489 
 
 1871, in which communications I had strenuously 
 advocated the absolute necessity of taking the work . 
 in hand, with a determination to re-establish the 
 river in its original navigable condition. 
 
 Ismail Yagoob Pacha had been working with a 
 large force, and he had succeeded in clearing, accord- 
 ing to his calculations, one half of the obstruction, 
 which extended for many miles. 
 
 There was no actual difficulty in the undertaking, 
 which was simply a matter of time and steady labour. 
 
 The immense force of the main stream, thus 
 confined by matted and tangled vegetation, would 
 materially assist the work, as the clearing was com- 
 menced from below the current. 
 
 The work would become lighter as the head of the 
 sudd would be neared. 
 
 A curious accident had happened to Ismail Pacha 
 by the sudden break-up of a large portion of the 
 sudd, that had been weakened by cutting a long but 
 narrow channel. 
 
 The prodigious rafts of vegetation were hurried 
 before the stream like ice-floes, and these masses 
 having struck against a line of six noggurs, the 
 vessels were literally swept away and buried beneath 
 the great rafts, until they capsized and disappeared 
 for ever in the deep channel.
 
 490 ISM AIL f A. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 Late in the evening Ismail Pacha took leave and 
 returned in his steamer to Khartoum. We had 
 enjoyed a long conversation, and I felt sure that 
 the Soudan and Central Africa would quickly feel 
 the benefit of Ismail Yagoob Pacha's administration, 
 as he combined great energy and determination 
 with nine years' experience of the requirements of 
 his province. 
 
 On 29th June the new steamer, the Khedive, 
 rounded the point at full speed with our diahbeeah 
 in tow. 
 
 All the population of Khartoum thronged to 
 the banks and the new quay to witness the arrival 
 of the extraordinary steamer that travelled without 
 paddles, and which had been constructed by the 
 Englishmen at Ismailia (Gondokoro). 
 
 The troops were in order, and as the Khedive 
 drew alongside the quay we were warmly welcomed 
 by Ismail Yagoob Pacha with the usual formali- 
 ties. 
 
 A few days later, a steamer arrived from Fashoda 
 with the three vessels in tow belonging to Abou 
 Saood, which had attempted to pass the govern- 
 ment station with more than 600 slaves on board, 
 about 100 having died of the small-pox since 
 I had left the Bahr Giraffe. The small-pox was still
 
 CHAP, xui.] CAPTUEE OF THE SLAVERS. 491 
 
 raging on board, therefore the vessels were taken 
 to the north bank of the Blue Nile and placed 
 in quarantine. 
 
 As the guard passed by with prisoners, I recog- 
 nized my friend the vakeel, Wat Hojoly, in irons. 
 The unfortunate man had found a new governor at 
 Fashoda instead of his old acquaintance ; thus he 
 did not pass free ; as I had anticipated. 
 
 Walking next to the vakeel, heavily ironed, with 
 his wrists secured in a block of wood similar to 
 stocks, came the cream of ruffians, Salim-Wat-Howah, 
 nailed at last. 
 
 This villainous-looking fellow was afterwards tried 
 before the medjeldis, or tribunal, and by overpower- 
 ing evidence he was found guilty of having first 
 threatened to attack Major Abdullah in the govern- 
 ment camp of Fatiko ; and secondly, with having 
 actually given the orders to fire, and having fired 
 himself on 2nd August, 1872, when we had been 
 treacherously attacked by Abou Saood's company. 
 
 I spoke in favour of Wat Hojoly, as he had other- 
 wise behaved well towards the government, and 
 he was simply carrying out the orders of his master, 
 Abou Saood. 
 
 It had been the usual custom in the Soudan 
 to spare the employers, who were the most respon-
 
 492 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 sible parties, but to punish the small fry, such as 
 vakeels, and the reis, or captains of vessels. 
 
 Ismail Pacha had made great improvements in 
 Khartoum, and he had completed the new govern- 
 ment house that had been commenced by his pre- 
 decessor, Moomtazz Pacha, who was also a most 
 intelligent Circassian. He had likewise made a 
 great change by converting a large open space into 
 a public garden, where it was his intention that the 
 military band should play every evening for the 
 amusement of the people. 
 
 Steam irrigation works were also commenced on 
 the north side of the Blue Nile for the cultivation of 
 cotton. 
 
 After a few days at Khartoum we took leave of 
 our good friend, Ismail Yagoob Pacha, and started 
 for Cairo by steamer. 
 
 I had left my two boys, Saat and Bellaal, with 
 Ismail Pacha, to be instructed either as musicians 
 or soldiers, the latter profession being their great 
 ambition. There was already a school established 
 for the education of the more intelligent negro boys 
 that might be liberated from the slave-traders. 
 
 Upon our arrival at Berber, I found a considerable 
 improvement in the country. The Arabs were be- 
 ginning to return to the fertile banks of the river,
 
 CHAP, xiii.] DEATH OF DAVID SAMSON. 493 
 
 and to rebuild tlieir sakeeyahs or water-wheels. This 
 change was the result of a wise reform instituted by 
 the Khedive, in dividing the Soudan into provinces, 
 each of which would be governed by a responsible 
 and independent official, instead of serving under 
 a governor-general at the distance of Khartoum. 
 
 Hussein Khalifah was now the governor of Berber. 
 He was the great Arab sheik of the desert who 
 had so ably assisted Mr. Higginbotham in trans- 
 porting the machinery and steamer sections by camels 
 from Korosko to Berber across the great Nubian 
 desert, for a distance of about 400 miles. The 
 Arabs were much pleased at his appointment as 
 governor, as he was one of their race. 
 
 In starting from Berber for Souakim, I had the 
 great misfortune to lose by death one of my excellent 
 Englishmen, David Samson. He had been ailing 
 for some time, and the intense heat of July was 
 more than he could endure in riding across the 
 desert. Poor Samson died on the first day's march, 
 and I had his body conveyed to Berber, where it 
 was buried in the Coptic cemetery with every mark 
 of respect. 
 
 This was a sad termination after a journey of 
 nearly four years and a half, when he was on the 
 hopeful road towards home.
 
 494 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xm. 
 
 We were nearly wrecked during the voyage from 
 Souakim to Suez, as the engine of the sloop-of-war 
 was out of repair. We then changed to another 
 steamer, which carried away the cap of her rudder 
 during a heavy sea and fresh northerly gale. Fortu- 
 nately our English shipwrights were on board, and 
 Lieutenant Baker, R.N., knew his work ; thus we 
 escaped drowning on a coral reef, which would 
 assuredly have been our fate had we been left to 
 the ignorance of the officers and crew. 
 
 We reached Cairo on 24th August at 4.30 P.M. 
 On 25th I had the honour of presenting myself to 
 his Highness the Khedive, to explain the large chart 
 of his new territory that I had annexed in Central 
 Africa. 
 
 I received from his Highness the Imperial order 
 of the Osmanie, 2nd class, as a token of his approba- 
 tion of my services. I had already had the honour to 
 accept from hi^ hands the order of the Medjidie, 2nd 
 class, before I had started upon my mission. His 
 Highness the Khedive now conferred upon Lieutenant 
 Baker the order of the Medjidie, 3rd class. 
 
 I handed the botanical collection to his Highness 
 the Khedive, which had been carefully prepared 
 throughout the journey by Lady Baker. Unfor- 
 tunately more than 300 specimens of plants had
 
 CHAP, xin.] EVIDENCE AGAINST ABOU 8AOOD. 495 
 
 been destroyed by the conflagration at Masindi. 
 The botanical specimens, together with samples 
 of the fibres, skins, and the salt of the new terri- 
 tory, were ordered to be forwarded to the Vienna 
 Exhibition. 
 
 The Khedive expressed his determination to judge 
 Abou Saood by a special tribunal, composed of 
 Cherif Pacha, Nubar Pacha, and Ismail Pacha, the 
 Minister of Finance. I handed seventeen documents 
 to Nubar Pacha, with evidence sworn to upon the 
 Koran before witnesses, and properly sealed by Wat- 
 el-Mek, Suleiman, the sheiks of the country, Major 
 Abdullah, and others, against Abou Saood, charging 
 him with various crimes, including treason in having 
 given the orders that his Fatiko company should 
 fire at me and the government troops. I took a 
 receipt for these important documents. 
 
 I had also brought up several of the "Forty 
 Thieves " as viva-voce witnesses, in addition to 
 Lieutenant Baker, K.N.,' Lieutenant- Colonel Abd-el- 
 Kader, Captain Mohammed Deii, and two servants, 
 Suleiman and Mohammed Haroon. Thus all the 
 evidence was in official order : 
 
 1. 26th Jumay Owal, 1289, report of Major Ab- 
 dullah (commandant of Fatiko) : threatening conduct 
 of Abou Saood's vakeels during my absence.
 
 496 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xui. 
 
 2. 28th Jumay Owal, 1289, the declaration of 
 the regimental officers of Fort Fatiko. 
 
 3. 6th October, 1872, 1st Shaban, 1289, the 
 declaration of the vakeels of Abou Saood (Wat-el- 
 Mek and Suleiman), that they had acted according 
 to orders received from Abou Saood. 
 
 4. 26th Jumay Owal, 1289, Major Abdullah's 
 declaration against Abou Saood and his company 
 at Fatiko. 
 
 5. 12th Jumay Ocher, 1289, declaration of the 
 chiefs of the country, complaining of the kidnapping 
 of women and children, massacres, &c., committed 
 by Abou Saood and his companies. 
 
 6. Declaration of Abou Saood's men, containing 
 declarations of Mohammed, Wat-el-Mek, and Besheer 
 Achmet, that Abou Saood gave the order to fire at the 
 Pacha and the government troops. Two large papers. 
 
 7. 29th Jumay Owal, 1289, letter from Abou 
 Saood from Fabbo. 
 
 8. 29th Kebi Owal, 1289, Major Abdullah's reasons 
 for not detaining Suleiman, and for not arresting 
 Abou Saood. 
 
 9. 2nd Jumay Acher, 1289, letter from Abou 
 Saood,' Fatiko. 
 
 10. 29th Jumay Owal, 1289, order for confiscation 
 of Fatiko after the attack made upon the troops,
 
 CHAP, xiii.] OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. 497 
 
 11. Letter from officers of Fabbo. 
 
 12. 4th Kegeb, 1289, report of Abou Saood's escape 
 with government guns, &c. 
 
 13. 22nd Jumay Acher, 1289, letter from vakeel 
 Suleiman, Fabbo. 
 
 14. 3rd November, 1872, proems-verbal; declara- 
 tion of Suleiman and Abou Saood's people. 
 
 15. 1st Shaban, 6th October, 1873, copy of orders 
 to Wat-el-Mek. 
 
 16. Mohammed the dragoman's declaration. 
 
 17. Wat-el-Mek's declaration that he and his 
 people were always paid by Abou Saood in slaves, 
 and that the conduct of the stations was according 
 to his orders. Also that he had obeyed Abou Saood's 
 orders in attacking me at Fatiko. 
 
 I insisted upon appearing personally as accuser 
 against Abou Saood, but I was begged to return to 
 England, and to confide him to the hands of the 
 authorities, as his Highness declined to bring him 
 before the public tribunal. 
 
 His Highness the Khedive had the kindness 
 to confer promotion upon my faithful officer, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, to the rank of kaima- 
 kam ; and Captain Mohammed Deii to the rank 
 of saccolassi. He also granted a reward to the 
 soldiers who had fought the battle of Masindi, 
 
 VOL. II. K K
 
 498 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 and marched through eight days of ambuscades to 
 Foweera. 
 
 A gratuity of a month's pay was given to 
 every English engineer and mechanic, and they 
 started for England. 
 
 After a delay of about six weeks in Egypt, his 
 Highness afforded us a gracious and hospitable 
 occasion of taking leave of himself and the young 
 princes, to all of whom I am indebted for much 
 courtesy and kindness.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 THE foregoing chapters will have afforded a sufficiently 
 distinct view of the expedition to enable the public to 
 form their own opinion of the position of the slave 
 trade. 
 
 It will have been seen that I had acted directly 
 against that infamous traffic from the commencement 
 of the work, according to the explicit instructions of 
 my firman : at the same time I had made due allow- 
 ances for the ambiguous position of the traders upon 
 the White Nile, who were actual tenants of the 
 government. Thus I never visited the interior of 
 their camps, nor had I disturbed their stations in any 
 way, but I had passed them as without the pale of my 
 jurisdiction ; at the same time I gave the vakeels due 
 warning, and entirely prevented them from making 
 use of the river as the highway of the slave trade. 
 
 K K 2
 
 500 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 In 1870, while I was camped at Tewfikeeyah, I 
 entirely suppressed the river traffic ; but the fact of 
 my having overtaken three vessels with 700 slaves 
 belonging to Abou Saood at the close of the expedi- 
 tion, on my return towards Khartoum, must be a 
 damning proof of complicity on the part of certain 
 government officials. 
 
 Thus it is plain that, while I was endeavouring to 
 do my duty, others who should have been supporting 
 me were actually supporting the slave-hunters. No 
 people could have had the absurd audacity to attempt 
 the passage of the river in front of Fashoda a govern- 
 ment station, garrisoned by two regiments, and 
 provided with two steamers unless they were in 
 league with the officials. 
 
 My personal interference has rendered the slave 
 trade of the White Nile impossible so long as the 
 government is determined that it shall be impossible. 
 At the close of the expedition, the higher officials had 
 been changed, and the country appeared to be in 
 good hands. The governor of Fashoda, Jusef Effendi, 
 had captured the slave vessels of Abou Saood 
 according to my instructions. Ismail Yagoob Pacha 
 had been appointed governor of Khartoum. Hussein 
 Khalifah, the Arab desert sheik, was governor of 
 Berber, and various important changes had been made
 
 CHAP, xiv.] A SWEEPING REFORM NECESSARY. 501 
 
 among the higher authorities throughout the Soudan, 
 which proved that the Khedive was determined upon 
 reform. 
 
 One grand and sweeping reform was absolutely 
 necessary to extinguish the slave trade of Central 
 Africa, and this I had the honour to suggest : " That 
 all the present existing traders or tenants of the 
 White Nile should be expelled from the country, pre- 
 cisely as I had expelled them from the territory under 
 my command." The government would then assume 
 the monopoly of the ivory trade of the White Nile, 
 and the natives would in a few years be restored to 
 confidence. 
 
 So long as the so-called traders of Khartoum should 
 be permitted to establish themselves as independent 
 piratical societies in the Nile Basin, the slave trade 
 would continue, and the road through Darfur and 
 Kordofan would be adopted in place of the tabooed 
 White Nile. 
 
 Should the White Nile companies be totally dis- 
 banded, the people now engaged must return to their 
 original agricultural pursuits in the Soudan, and their 
 labour would tend to an increase of the revenue, and 
 to the general prosperity of the country. 
 
 I have already published so much on the subject of 
 the slave trade in " The Albert N'yanza," that I fear to
 
 502 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 repeat what I have before so forcibly expressed. I 
 have never changed my original opinions on this 
 question, and I can only refer the public to page 313, 
 voL ii., of that work, whence I take the following 
 extract : " Stop the White Nile trade ; prohibit the 
 departure of any vessels from Khartoum to the south, 
 and let the Egyptian government grant a concession 
 to a company for the White Nile, subject to certain 
 conditions, and to a special supervision. . . . 
 
 ..." Should the slave trade be suppressed, there 
 will be a good opening for the ivory trade ; the con- 
 flicting trading parties being withdrawn, and the 
 interest of the trade exhibited by a single company, 
 the natives would no longer be able to barter ivory for 
 cattle ; thus they would be forced to accept other goods 
 in exchange. The newly-discovered Albert Lake opens 
 the centre of Africa to navigation. Steamers ascend 
 from Khartoum .to Gondokoro in lat. 4 55'. Seven 
 days' march south of that station the navigable portion 
 of the Nile is reached, whence vessels can ascend direct 
 to the Albert Lake ; thus an enormous extent of 
 country is opened to navigation, and Manchester 
 goods and various other articles would find a ready 
 market in exchange for ivory at a prodigious profit, 
 as in those newly-discovered regions ivory has a 
 merely nominal value.
 
 CHAP, xiv.] SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 503 
 
 " Beyond this commencement of honest trade I 
 cannot offer a suggestion, as no produce of the country 
 except ivory could afford the expense of transport 
 to Europe. 1 
 
 " If Africa is to be civilized, it must be effected by 
 commerce, which, once established, will open the way 
 for missionary labour ; but all ideas of commerce, 
 improvement, and the advancement of the African 
 race that philanthropy can suggest, must be discarded 
 until the traffic in slaves shall have ceased to exist. 
 
 " Should the slave trade be suppressed, a field 
 would be opened, the extent of which I will not 
 attempt to suggest, as the future would depend upon 
 the good government of countries now devoted to 
 savage anarchy and confusion." .... 
 
 " Difficult and almost impossible is the task before 
 the missionary. The Austrian mission has failed, and 
 their stations have been forsaken ; their pious labour 
 was hopeless, and the devoted priests died upon their 
 barren field." 
 
 By a reference to that work also, " The Albert 
 N'yanza" it will be seen that in the present expe- 
 dition I carried out the plans that I had proposed 
 at the termination of my first journey. 
 
 1 The proposed railway from Cairo to Khartoum will overcome 
 this obstacle.
 
 504 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 I have no doubt that missionaries will take ad- 
 vantage of the change that has resulted from the 
 suppression of the slave trade and the establish- 
 ment of a government. At the same time, should 
 they attempt a settlement in the neighbourhood of 
 Gondokoro, they must be prepared with an inex- 
 haustible stock of patience when dealing with the 
 Baris. 
 
 The Madi and Shooli tribes would be found tract- 
 able and more capable of religious instruction. It 
 is my opinion that the time has not yet arrived 
 for missionary enterprise in those countries ; but at 
 the same time a sensible man might do good service 
 by living among the natives, and proving to their 
 material minds that persons do exist whose happi- 
 ness consists in doing good to others. The personal 
 qualifications and outfit for a single man who would 
 thus settle among the natives should be various. 
 If he wished to secure their attention and admira- 
 tion, he should excel as a rifle shot and sportsman. 
 If musical, he should play the Highland bagpipes. 
 He should be clever as a conjuror, and be well pro- 
 vided with conjuring tricks, together with a magic 
 lantern, magnetic battery, dissolving views, photo- 
 graphic apparatus, coloured pictorial illustrations, 
 &c., &c. He should be a good surgeon and general
 
 CHAP, xiv.] LAY MISSIONARIES. 505 
 
 doctor, &c. ; and be well supplied with drugs, re- 
 membering that natives have a profound admiration 
 for medical skill. 
 
 A man who in full Highland dress could at any 
 time collect an audience by playing a lively air 
 with the bagpipes, would be regarded with great 
 veneration by the natives, and would be listened 
 to when an archbishop by his side would be totally 
 disregarded. He should set all psalms to lively 
 tunes, and the natives would learn to sing them 
 immediately. 
 
 Devotional exercises should be chiefly musical. 
 
 In this manner a man would become a general 
 favourite ; and if he had a never-failing supply of 
 beads, copper rods, brass rings for arms, fingers, 
 and ears, gaudy cotton handkerchiefs, red or blue 
 blankets, zinc mirrors, red cotton shirts, &c., to give 
 to his parishioners, and expected nothing in return, 
 he would be considered a great man, whose opinion 
 would carry a considerable weight, provided that 
 he only spoke of subjects which he thoroughly 
 understood. 
 
 A knowledge of agriculture, with a good stock of 
 seeds of useful vegetables and cereals, iron hoes, 
 carpenter's and blacksmith's tools, and the power
 
 506 . ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 of instructing others in their use, together with a 
 plentiful supply of very small axes, would be an 
 immense recommendation to a lay missionary who 
 should determine to devote some years of his life 
 to the improvement of the natives. 
 
 In the magnificent equatorial portions of Africa 
 there is a great field for British enterprise, and much 
 might be accomplished by lay missionaries, who 
 would at the commencement avoid theological 
 teaching, until by other means they should have 
 gained an ascendency over the minds of the 
 natives. By slow degrees confidence might be 
 established ; and much may be effected by good 
 example. . . . 
 
 The geography of Central Africa, that has made 
 great strides within the last few years, will now be 
 rapidly extended. The fact of an established govern- 
 ment under the direction of my able successor, 
 Colonel Gordon, E.E., is sufficient to assure the 
 most sceptical that the future will be rich in geo- 
 graphical discoveries. It is hoped that the steamer 
 which I carried up to Gondokoro will be transported 
 to the Albert N'yanza early in the year 1875. It 
 is impossible to foretell the result of steam com- 
 munication on the great inland sea M'wootan
 
 CHAP, xiv.] THE TANGANYIKA. 507 
 
 I do not love to dwell upon geographical 
 theories, as I believe in nothing but actual obser- 
 vation ; but I cannot quite disbelieve my native 
 informants, who assured me that they had travelled 
 to Ujiji by canoe from Chibero on the Albert 
 N'yanza. 
 
 By the latest intelligence from Lieutenant Cameron, 
 dated Ujiji, 28th February, 1874, the mean of many 
 observations for altitude of the Tanganyika Lake, 
 taken with mercurial barometer, aneroids, and boil- 
 ing-water thermometers, gives 2,573 feet above the 
 sea-level. 
 
 The corrected altitude of the Albert N'yanza, 
 taken by me at Vacovia, N. lat. 1 14', March 14, 
 1864, is 2,720. The uncorrected or the absolute 
 observation of the instrument was 2,448. 
 
 Whenever Lieutenant Cameron shall return home, 
 it will be interesting to observe the results of his 
 corrected observations, as they already so closely 
 approach the level of the Albert N'yanza. 
 
 As the Khedive's expedition under Colonel Gordon 
 will shortly have the advantage of a steamer on the 
 Albert Lake or M'wootan N'zige', the question of a 
 connection between the two lakes will be definitely 
 settled. 
 
 When that question shall have been resolved, geo-
 
 508 ISMAILI A. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 graphers must turn their attention to the great river 
 Sobat, which is by far the most important affluent 
 of the Nile. 
 
 Although during my recent expedition I have not 
 travelled over much new ground, the advantages to 
 geography are considerable, owing to the professional 
 observations of Lieutenant Baker, R.N., to whom I 
 confided the entire charge of the topographical de- 
 partment. Some slight corrections have been made 
 in observations for longitude taken during my first 
 expedition ; and as every place is now rigidly attested 
 on the map, that portion of Central Africa is most 
 thoroughly investigated, and the astronomical posi- 
 tions of all principal points and stations are incon- 
 testable. 
 
 The fact of this thorough exploration, and the 
 establishment of the Egyptian government, now 
 afford a firm base for all future travellers. The 
 good work of one man can be carried on by his 
 successor. Formerly it was impossible to render the 
 necessary support to an explorer in Central Africa. 
 A distant country cannot plunge into war with a 
 savage potentate of the equatorial Nile Basin because 
 he has either captured an explorer or devoured a 
 missionary. 
 
 There was only one step practicable if the im-
 
 CHAP, xiv.] DIFFICULTIES. 509 
 
 provement of Africa were to be attempted. Egypt 
 was the only country that could form a government 
 by the extension of her frontier to the equator. 
 This would insure the safety of future travellers 
 where hitherto the life of an individual had no 
 guarantee. 
 
 This annexation is now effected, and our relations 
 with the Khedive assure us that the heart of Africa 
 will be thrown open to the civilizing influence of 
 the North. 
 
 When the railway shall be completed from Cairo 
 to Khartoum, there will be direct communication 
 by rail and river. Countries that are eminently 
 adapted for the cultivation of cotton, coffee, sugar, 
 and other tropical productions will be brought 
 within the influence of the commercial world, and 
 the natives, no longer kidnapped and torn from 
 their homes, will feel the benefits of industry, as 
 they now feel the blessings of protection. 
 
 It is well known that the greatest difficulties lie 
 in the first footsteps of a great enterprize ; but 
 those difficulties are overcome, and patience and 
 perseverance will at length perfect the good work. 
 The impression of civilization must be gradually 
 and slowly engraved upon Central Africa, and 
 those who work in this apparently hopeless under-
 
 510 ISMAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 taking must not be appalled by the difficulties 
 of the task. 
 
 In the share that I have taken during nine 
 years passed in Africa, I have simply represented 
 one of those atoms of which Great Britain is com- 
 posed. I deeply regret that personally I have not 
 had the honour of serving my Queen, but I trust 
 that indirectly I have worked out that principle, 
 which England was the first to initiate, expressed 
 in the word " Freedom," which, we maintain, is the 
 natural inheritance of man. 
 
 Mingled with the regret that I was not in the 
 service of her Majesty, is the pleasure that I feel 
 in testifying to the able manner in which the 
 Royal Navy was represented, throughout a long and 
 trying expedition, by Lieutenant Julian Alleyne 
 Baker, R.N. This energetic young officer rendered 
 me the greatest assistance, and has left a vivid 
 impression on the minds of the natives, and 
 of the Egyptian troops, of the activity, and the 
 straightforward, manly character that has always 
 distinguished British sailors in whatever duty 
 they have had to perform, whether on sea or 
 land. 
 
 I return my acknowledgments of the faithful and 
 courageous services of Lieutenant- Colonel Abd-el-
 
 CHAP, xiv.] NINE YEARS IN AFRICA. 511 
 
 Kader, and other officers who accompanied me 
 through every difficulty with patience and de- 
 votion. 
 
 I also thank Mr. Marcopolo, my intelligent 
 and trustworthy secretary and chief storekeeper, 
 at the same time that I acknowledge the services 
 of those industrious English engineers and me- 
 chanics who so thoroughly supported the well- 
 known reputation of their class by a determination 
 to succeed in every work that was undertaken. 
 Their new steamer, the Khedive, remains upon the 
 White Nile an example of their energy and ca- 
 pability. 
 
 Lastly, I must acknowledge the able assistance 
 that I have received, in common with every person 
 connected with the inland expedition, from my wife, 
 who cared for the sick when we were without a 
 medical man, and whose gentle aid brought comfort 
 to many whose strength might otherwise have failed. 
 During a period of fourteen months, with a de- 
 tachment of 212 officers and men, exclusive of 
 many servants and camp-followers, / only lost 
 one man from sickness, and he was at an out- 
 station. 
 
 In moments of doubt and anxiety she was 
 always a thoughtful and wise counsellor, and much
 
 512 IXHAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 of my success through nine long years passed in 
 Africa is due to my devoted companion. 
 
 The foundation for a great future has been laid : 
 a remote portion of the African race hitherto excluded 
 from the world's history has been brought into direct 
 communication with the superior and more civilized 
 races ; legitimate trade has been opened ; therefore, 
 accepting commerce as the great agent of civilization, 
 the work is actually in progress. 
 
 Fortified posts extend to within two degrees of the 
 equator. The alliance with M'te'se', the king of 
 Uganda, enabled me not only to communicate by 
 letter (addressed to Livingstone) in the distant 
 country of Unyamyembe', but a reply was sent by 
 Lieutenant Cameron, together with large presents 
 of ivory, to me at Gondokoro, 1 as I have been 
 informed by a letter from Colonel Gordon. 
 
 The Khedive of Egypt, having appointed Colonel 
 Gordon, R.E., has proved his determination to con- 
 tinue the work that was commenced under so many 
 difficulties. The Nile has been opened to navigation ; 
 and if the troubles that I encountered and overcame 
 shall have smoothed the path for my able and ener- 
 getic successor, I shall have been well rewarded. 
 
 1 The letter and the ivory from M'te'se were received by Colonel 
 Gordon.
 
 CHAP, xiv.] THE END. 513 
 
 The first steps in establishing the authority of a 
 new government in a tribe hitherto savage and in- 
 tractable were of necessity accompanied by military 
 operations. War is inseparable from annexation, 
 and th.e law of force, resorted to in self-defence, 
 was absolutely indispensable to prove the superiority 
 of the power that was eventually to govern. The 
 end justified the means. 
 
 At the commencement of the expedition I had felt 
 that the object of the enterprise " the suppression of 
 the slave trade," was one for which I could con- 
 fidently ask a blessing. 
 
 A firm belief in Providential support has not 
 been unrewarded. In the midst of sickness and 
 malaria we had strength ; from acts of treachery we 
 were preserved unharmed ; in personal encounters we 
 remained unscathed. In the end, every opposition 
 was overcome : hatred and insubordination yielded, 
 to discipline and order. A paternal government ex- 
 tended its protection through lands hitherto a field 
 for anarchy and slavery. The territory within my 
 rule was purged from the slave trade. The natives of 
 the great Shooli tribe, relieved from their oppressors, 
 clung to the protecting government. The White 
 Nile, for a distance of 1,600 miles from Khar- 
 toum to Central Africa, was cleansed from the 
 
 VOL. II. L L
 
 514 I8MAILIA. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 abomination of a traffic which had hitherto sullied 
 its waters. 
 
 Every cloud had passed away, and the term of 
 any office expired in peace and sunshine. In this 
 result, I humbly traced God's blessing. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 After my departure from Egypt, Abou Saood was 
 released, and was appointed assistant to my suc- 
 cessor.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE fact quoted at the end of the concluding chapter 
 respecting the release of Abou Saood became known to 
 me when the manuscript was almost completed. The 
 astonishment that I felt will doubtless be shared by the 
 public, who will draw their own conclusions. 
 
 It is useless to shut the eyes to the support thus openly 
 given to the greatest slave-hunter of the White Nile. 
 
 It will be interesting to refer to the instructions that I had 
 received from the Khedive in the firman which granted me 
 the necessary powers for the command : 
 
 " Considering the savage state of the people who inhabit 
 the countries of the "White Nile ; 
 
 " Considering that neither government, nor law, nor security 
 exists in those countries ; 
 
 " Considering that humanity necessitates the suppression of 
 the slave-hunters, who are to be found there in great numbers 
 &e. &c " 
 
 . . . It will be seen that the firman commences with an 
 admission that the tribes are savage ; that no security exists ; 
 and that the slave-hunters are in great numbers. 
 
 The curious anomaly is presented, that " the slave-hunters 
 who are to be found there in great numbers" were all 
 subjects and tenants of the Egyptian government ! Thus the 
 
 L L 2
 
 516 APPENDIX. 
 
 government expedition under ray command was to suppress 
 the Arab companies who farmed the right of trading by an 
 annual rent paid to the governor-general of the Soudan. 
 
 Without any exception, every White Nile trader was a 
 tenant of the Soudan government : thus the government was 
 in the position of a participator in illegal profits. 
 
 This painful fact, coupled with the positive instructions 
 that I had received, will account for the intrigues and 
 Apposition of the Egyptian public. 
 
 My orders, signed by the Khedive, continue thus : 
 
 " An expedition is organized to subdue to our authority 
 the countries situated to the south of Gondokoro ; 
 
 " To suppress the hunting of slaves," &c. &c. 
 
 I was thus commanded to annex the country which was 
 already farmed out to slave-hunters! and "to suppress the 
 hunting of slaves," which was to ruin the tenants of the 
 government ! 
 
 Is it possible to conceive a greater anomaly ? or a house 
 more completely divided against itself ? 
 
 I do not attempt to explain this apparently hopeless 
 mystery. We have to search somewhere for sincerity. 
 
 If the slave-traders had been punished by the government 
 at the close of the expedition, the effect upon the White 
 Nile companies would have been positive. Instead of this, 
 we find that after a long expedition to suppress the hunt- 
 ing of slaves, the chief slave-trader, Abou Saood, remains 
 in the ascendant ! 
 
 Since the completion of my manuscript, I have heard that 
 the slave trade of the White Nile revived after my departure 
 from the country ! We have seen that I overtook three 
 vessels, with 700 slaves, on the return voyage, that were 
 about to pass Fashoda. The re-appearance of the slave
 
 APPENDIX. 517 
 
 trade since my departure is an unquestionable proof that in 
 spite of the Khedive's orders the authorities are determined 
 to uphold this abominable traffic ; and I refer with regret to 
 page 312 in vol. ii. of " The Albert N'yanza" : 
 
 "Egypt is in favour of slavery. I have never seen a 
 government official who did not in argument uphold slavery 
 as an institution absohitely necessary to Egypt." 
 
 This was written in 1866, and the fact is corroborated in 
 1874. 
 
 In the career of Abou Saood, it will have been seen that 
 he is first introduced as a tenant of the Soudan government, 
 who farmed the right of trading (i.e. slave-trading) from the 
 Soudan governor, who -had no right to any lands upon the 
 White Nile beyond the Shillook. 
 
 Thus the Soudan government and the slave-trader are disco- 
 vered in close connection at the opening of the book, sharing 
 profits from the spoil of a country that belonged to neither. 
 
 The second appearance is the arrival of Abou Saood at 
 Gondokoro with 1,400 head of cattle, which he had captured 
 in defiance of uiy authority, from the Shir tribe. This act 
 caused the massacre of the government detachment at the 
 Shir station. 
 
 The third appearance is in the capture of three vessels 
 belonging to Abou Saood, with 600 slaves, on the way 
 from his Bohr station, towards Khartoum, at the close of 
 the expedition. 
 
 The last appearance is the appointment of Abou Saood to 
 a post in the present expedition ! 
 
 Thus the great slaver of the White Nile is rewarded. 
 In spite of the assurance that I received from the Khedive 
 and from Nubar Pacha that he should be fairly judged upon 
 the evidence that I produced, the prisoner was released.
 
 518 APPENDIX. 
 
 It is not improbable that Abou Saood may succeed Colonel 
 Gordon in the command of the expedition to " suppress the 
 slave trade." The government may require black troops for 
 the army. The new territory has added some millions of 
 subjects to the Khedive ; these will be liable to the law of 
 conscription. Abou Saood would be an excellent recruiting 
 officer in Central Africa, as the kidnapping of slaves has 
 been a useful apprenticeship. 
 
 The support given to Abou Saood at the close of the 
 expedition, corroborates the suspicions that I had always 
 entertained concerning the connivance of government offi- 
 cials at the slave trade. 
 
 We have already seen that Kutchuk Ali, one of the 
 greatest slave-hunters of the White Nile, had been appointed 
 by Djiaffer Pacha to command the government expedition 
 on the Bahr Gazal. 
 
 We can therefore readily understand that Abou Saood, 
 who has already been rewarded, was supported in his 
 intrigues throughout the expedition. If he was supported 
 by a contract with the government at the commencement, 
 and also rewarded at the end, it is fair to suppose that he 
 was supported throughout. 
 
 Although I had written most important letters to the 
 Khedive, and also to his minister, Cherif Pacha, on 8th 
 October, 1871, which necessitated a reply, I never received 
 an answer, I had reported the conduct of Abou Saood in 
 having captured herds of cattle from the Shir. I had also 
 reported the conduct of my regimental officers in having 
 purchased slaves in large numbers. I had also represented 
 in severe terms the conspiracy of the officers to abandon the 
 expedition, and I had begged for an immediate reply. 
 
 From that day I never received any written communica-
 
 APPENDIX. 519 
 
 tion from the Khedive or his ministers during my command 
 in Central Africa. Thus no notice was taken either of the 
 piratical acts of Abou Saood, or of the conspiracy of the 
 officers. 
 
 A few extracts from the valuable work of Dr. Sch \vein- 
 furth will throw a light upon the spirit which animated the 
 authorities, all of whom were incensed at my having pre- 
 sumed to understand the Khedive's orders literally respecting 
 the suppression of the slave trade. 
 
 In page 485, vol. ii., he writes : " The ill-feeling and 
 smothered rage against Sir Samuel Baker's interference nur- 
 tured by the higher authorities, breaks out very strongly 
 amongst the less reticent lower officials. In Fashoda, and 
 even in Khartoum, I heard complaints that we (the Franks) 
 were the prime cause of all the trouble, and if it had not 
 been for our eternal agitation with the Viceroy, such measures 
 would never have been enforced." 
 
 In page 477, vol. ii., he continues : " Notwithstanding 
 that Sir Samuel Baker was still on the upper waters of the 
 river, the idea was quite prevalent in all the seribas, that as 
 soon as the 'English Pacha' had turned his back upon 
 Fashoda (the government station in the Shillook country), 
 the mudir (governor) would relapse into his former habits, 
 and levy a good round sum on the head of every slave, and 
 then let the contraband stock pass without more ado. But 
 for once the seriba people were reckoning without their host. 
 The mudir had been so severely reprimanded by Baker for 
 his former delinquencies, that he thought it his best policy, 
 for this year at least, to be as energetic as he could in his 
 exertions against the forbidden trade." 
 
 In page 470, vol. ii., Dr. Schweinfurth writes : " I knew 
 that Sir Samuel Baker was upon the Upper Nile, and did not
 
 520 APPENDIX. 
 
 doubt that his presence would have the effect of making the 
 government take the most strenuous measures against any 
 import of slaves." 
 
 Page 429, vol. ii. : " Before Sir Samuel Baker's expedition 
 put a stop to it altogether, the slave trade that was carried on 
 down the river was quite insignificant compared to the over- 
 land traffic." " For years there has been a public prohibition 
 against bringing slaves down the White Nile into Khartoum, 
 and ever and again stronger repressive measures have been 
 introduced, which, however, have only had the effect of 
 raising the laud traffic to a premium ; but as a general rule, 
 the Egyptian officials connive at the use of this compara- 
 tively unimportant channel of the trade, and pocket a quiet 
 little revenue for themselves by demanding a sum varying 
 from two to five dollars a head as hush-money." 
 
 In page 429, vol. ii. : " The expedition of Sir Samuel 
 Baker has stopped this source." 
 
 In page 410, vol. ii., Dr. Schweiufurth writes : " Already 
 had Sir Samuel Baker, with praiseworthy energy, commenced 
 scouring the waters of the Upper Nile, and by capturing all 
 slave-vessels and abolishing a large ' chasua ' belonging to the 
 mudir (governor) of Fashoda, had left no doubt as to the 
 earnestness of his purpose," &c. 
 
 In page 83, vol. i. : " Beyond the true eastern shore, the 
 Dinka are said to be settled in extensive villages, and at that 
 time still furnished an inexhaustible supply of slaves to the 
 marauding expeditions of the garrison of Fashoda. In 1870 
 Baker succeeded in putting an end to this disorder, the 
 knowledge of which penetrated to the most remote tribes." 
 
 The evidence of so trustworthy a traveller as Dr. Schwein- 
 furth is exceedingly valuable, as he was in the Western Nile 
 districts at the time that I was actively engaged; thus he
 
 APPENDIX. 521 
 
 had opportunities of witnessing the results of my inter- 
 ference, and the hostility exhibited by the authorities. He is 
 simply in error concerning the importance of the slave trade 
 of the river, which he much underrates, as will have already 
 been seen by the fact of 700 slaves being stowed away upon 
 only three vessels belonging to Abou Saood. 
 
 These vessels, that were captured by my orders at Fashoda, 
 on their way towards Khartoum, were an example of the 
 truth foretold by the traders with whom Dr. Schweinfurth 
 was travelling in the west "that as soon as the English 
 Pacha had turned his back upon Fashoda, the governor would 
 relapse into his former habits, and levy a good round sum on 
 the head of every slave, and then let the contraband cargo 
 pass without more ado." 
 
 There were always well-known slave routes through Kor- 
 dofan, but these channels became of extreme importance 
 when I rendered the slave traffic of the river impossible. 
 
 It is quite unnecessary to write more on the subject of the 
 slave trade. I believed that the Khedive of Egypt was 
 sincere when he gave me the orders to suppress this horrible 
 traffic; and I trust, from the simple and straightforward 
 description of the expedition, that the world will acknow- 
 ledge that I did my duty, at the same time that I exhibited 
 the utmost leniency towards the ruffianly lessees of the 
 Soudan government. 
 
 I still believe that the Khedive is sincere at heart in 
 wishing to suppress the slave trade, but he requires un- 
 usual moral courage to enter the lists single-handed against 
 Egyptian public opinion. 
 
 Abou Saood was the incarnation of the slave trade. I 
 begged that he might be tried before the Medjildis or public 
 tribunal in Cairo in my presence. The Khedive declined to
 
 522 APPENDIX. 
 
 bring him before the public council, but offered to try him 
 by a special and secret tribunal. 
 
 The greatest slave-hunter of the White Nile WAS 
 REWARDED ! 
 
 MISSIONARY LABOUR. 
 
 My opinion has been frequently asked on this subject, and 
 many have endeavoured to persuade me that a rapid change 
 and improvement of the natives may be effected by such an 
 agency. I cannot resist by argument such fervent hopes; but 
 if good and capable men are determined to make the attempt, 
 they may now be assured of peace and security at Gondo- 
 koro, where they will have the advantage of the good name 
 left by the excellent but unfortunate members of the late 
 Austrian mission. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 I have not changed my opinions that have already been 
 expressed in " The Albert N'yanza," except that, from the 
 native testimony, I presume there must be a channel which 
 connects the Tanganyika with the Albert N'yanza. This 
 channel may easily have escaped the notice of Dr. Living- 
 stone and Mr. Stanley when skirting the reedy northern 
 shores of the Tanganyika lake. 
 
 Without a guide, it would be a work of much time and 
 difficulty to discover the true channel among the labyrinth- 
 like inlets that characterize the vast beds of floating water- 
 grass. 
 
 Many years ago, when at Magungo, on the Albert N'yanza, 
 I could not at first believe that the raft-choked entrance of 
 the Victoria Nile in apparently dead water was indeed the 
 mouth of that important river. My subsequent experience 
 in the marshy and lacustrine Bahr Giraffe has confirmed my
 
 APPENDIX. 523 
 
 impressions of the extreme difficulty of deciding upon the 
 non-existence of a channel until after a lengthened inves- 
 tigation. 
 
 I cannot conceive that the Lualaba of Livingstone can be 
 included within the Nile Basin. Livingstone decided the 
 level of the Tanganyika lake to be within 72 feet of my- 
 level of the Albert N'yanza. With the same instruments he 
 determined the altitude of the Lualaba to be lower than the 
 Albert N'yanza, thus showing the impossibility of a connec- 
 tion between that river as an affluent with the lake. 
 
 I will not presume to assert that the Lualaba is a source 
 of the Congo, as I have a strong objection to geographical 
 theories or assertions unless proved by actual inspection 
 but if Livingstone's observations for altitude are correct, it is 
 impossible that the Lualaba can be connected with the Nile. 
 
 Dr. Schweinfurth's discovery of the Welle river flowing 
 towards the west, between the 3rd and 4th deg. N. lat., is a 
 clear proof that no river can be running from the south to 
 the north-east towards the Nile Basin, otherwise the Welle 
 river \\ 7 ould be intersected. 
 
 My friend, Djiaffer Pacha, the former governor-general of 
 the Soudan, having originally been an admiral in the 
 Egyptian navy, was highly scientific, and a great geographer. 
 He was of opinion that the sources of the Nile could not 
 possibly be south of the equator. I heard him explain his 
 reasons in a most emphatic manner to a select circle of 
 admiring Beys, who bowed down to his superior learning and 
 intelligence. He argued that the idea of the Nile sources, 
 being to the south of the equator militated against common 
 sense. " Some people," he said, " are so opinionated that they 
 persist in their belief in the southern sources ; but I will 
 prove to you that such a theory must be the result of
 
 524 APPENDIX. 
 
 ignorance. You all know, my friends, what is meant by a 
 ' globe ' ? " As none of bis hearers had ever seen one, they 
 remained silent. 
 
 " A globe, my friends, is a sphere which represents the true 
 figure of the earth. If you will take a spherical body in your 
 hands, and draw a line around it at the exact centre, you will 
 find that it represents two inclines from that centre, or equator ; 
 one of which tends to the north, the other to the south. 
 
 " You will readily understand that a river cannot run up- 
 hill " (" hear, hear " from the audience) ; " therefore a man of 
 only moderate capacity will be convinced of the correctness 
 of my theory, that the sources of the Nile cannot be south 
 of the equator. If the sources were south, they would run 
 down towards the south, and follow the inclination of the 
 globe. It would therefore be impossible that the water should 
 run up the hill from the south to cross the equator, and then 
 start down the northern inclination of the globe to reach Egypt 
 and the Mediterranean." 
 
 Djiaffer Pacha's geographical lecture perfectly satisfied his 
 hearers, who exclaimed " Sahhe' " (it is true), and they won- 
 dered that no man except their own governor-general had 
 before discovered this palpable fact in physical geography ! 
 
 The Egyptian ex-admiral's science was a warning against 
 an indulgence in theories. 
 
 In page 186, vol. ii., Dr. Schweinfurth l writes : " Its 
 course [the Lualaba], indeed, was towards the north ; but 
 Livingstone was manifestly in error when he took it fur a 
 true source of the Nile, a supposition that might have some 
 semblance of foundation, originating in the inexplicable 
 volume of the water of Lake M'wootan (Albert N'yanza), but 
 which was negatived completely as soon as more ample investi- 
 
 1 "The Heart of Africa."
 
 APPENDIX. 525 
 
 gation had been made as to the comparative level, direction, 
 and connection of other rivers, especially of the "Welle 1 ." 
 
 Although Dr. Schweinfurth was unprovided with astro- 
 nomical instruments, we may place thorough reliance in 
 the integrity and ability of this traveller, who has taken the 
 greatest pains to arrive at true conclusions. I am quite of 
 his opinion, that the Welle* is outside the Mle Basin, and 
 drains the western watershed. 
 
 In a letter from Dr. Livingstone addressd to Sir Bartle 
 Frere, dated Lake Bangweolo, 27th Nov., 1870, he writes: 
 "The Tanganyika, whose majestic flow I marked by miles 
 and miles of conferva? and other aquatic vegetation for three 
 months during my illness at TJjiji, is, with the lower Tan- 
 ganyika, discovered by Baker, a riverine lake from twenty to 
 thirty miles broad." 
 
 It is thus clear that Livingstone considered that the Tan- 
 ganyika and the Albert N'yanza were one water. On 
 30th May, 1869, dated Ujiji, he writes to Dr. Kirk: 
 " Tanganyika, N'zige Chowambe (Baker ?) are one water, and 
 the head of it is 300 miles south of this." 
 
 " The majestic flow" of confervse remarked by Livingstone 
 on the Tanganyika is beyond my comprehension, if that vast 
 lake has no outlet at the north. 
 
 In Livingstone's letter of 27th Nov., 1870, he writes: 
 " Speke's great mistake was the pursuit of a foregone conclu- 
 sion. When he discovered the Victoria N'yanza he at once 
 leaped to the conclusion ' that therein lay the sources; but 
 subsequently, as soon as he and Grant looked to the N'yanza, 
 they turned their backs on the Nile fountains. Had they 
 doubted the correctness of the conclusion, they would have 
 come west into the trough of the great valley, and found 
 there mighty streams, not eighty or ninety yards, as their
 
 526 APPENDIX. 
 
 White Nile, but from 4,000 to 8,000 yards, and always 
 deep." 
 
 I was surprised that Livingstone could make such an error 
 in quoting Speke's AVhite Nile from the Victoria N'yanza as 
 eighty or ninety yards in width ! At M'rooli, in latitude 
 N. 1 37", I have seen that magnificent river, which is at 
 least a thousand yards in width, with a great depth. I have 
 travelled on the river in canoes, and in the narrowest places, 
 where the current is naturally increased, the width is at 
 least 300 yards. 
 
 From my personal experience I must strenuously uphold 
 the Victoria Nile as a source of enormous volume, and should 
 it ever be proved that the distant affluents of the Tanganyika 
 or the M'wootan N'zige are the most remote, and therefore 
 the nominal sources of the Nile, the great Victoria N'yanza 
 must ever be connected with the names of Speke and Grant 
 as one of the majestic parents of the Nile Basin. 
 
 Latterly, when speaking of the Lualaba, Livingstone writes to 
 Sir Henry Rawlinson : " The drainage clearly did not go into 
 Tanganyika, and that lake, though it probably has an outlet, 
 lost all its interest to me as a source of the river of Egypt." 
 
 We are, therefore, completely in the dark concerning the 
 flow of water from the Lualaba south of the equator, and of 
 Schweinfurth's Welle north of the equator, but both these 
 large rivers were tending to the same direction, north-west. 
 The discovery of these two rivers in about the same meridian 
 is a satisfactory proof of the western watershed, which com- 
 pletely excludes them from the Nile Basin. If the Tan- 
 ganyika lake has no communication with the Albert N'yanza, 
 the old Nile is the simple offspring of the two parents the 
 Victoria and the Albert lakes. 
 
 When the steamer that I left at Gondokoro hi sections
 
 APPENDIX. 527 
 
 shall be launched upon the Albert N'yanza, this interesting 
 question will be quickly solved. 
 
 Early in November 1871, when I was on the Nile south 
 of Regiaf, I noticed the peculiar change that suddenly took 
 place in the river. We were then in N. lat. 4 38", below 
 the last cataracts, where the water was perfectly clear and 
 free from vegetation, with a stream of about three and a half 
 or four miles per hour. 
 
 Suddenly the river became discoloured by an immense 
 quantity of the Pistia Stratiotes, of which not one plant was 
 entire. 
 
 This aquatic plant invariably grows in either dead water 
 or in the most sluggish stream, and none existed in the part 
 of the river at N. lat. 4 38". 
 
 I examined many of the broken plants, which, instead of 
 floating as usual on the surface, were mingled in enormous 
 quantities with the rushing waters. None were rotten, but 
 they had evidently been carried down the numerous rocky 
 waterfalls which occupy the interval between N. lat. 3 34" 
 and 4 38", and were thus bruised and torn asunder. 
 
 The extraordinary influx of damaged aquatic plants con- 
 tinued for many days, and unmistakably denoted the rise in 
 the level of the Albert N'yanza at that season (say 1st Nov.). 
 Above the falls, in N. lat. 3 32", there is very little current 
 in the broad deep Nile ; and in about N. lat. 3 this river is 
 several miles in width, with no perceptible stream. In those 
 propitious calms the Pistia Stratiotes grows in vast masses 
 along the shores, and the annual rise of the lake creates a 
 current which carries the plants towards the cataracts, and 
 consequent destruction. 
 
 By this sign I conclude that the maximum of the Albert 
 N'yanza would be during the month of November.
 
 528 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 LANGUAGES. 
 
 The following list of words will afford a fair example of 
 the differences in language of the various tribes between 
 Gondokoro and the equator : 
 
 
 Lobor6. 
 
 Bari. 
 
 Shooli. 
 
 Uuyoro. 
 
 A fowl 
 
 A-56. 
 
 ChSkBre. 
 
 Gweno. 
 
 Unkoko. 
 
 
 Gallaca. 
 
 Tero. 
 
 Kaboone. 
 
 
 Flour 
 
 Arafoo. 
 
 BolQ. 
 
 Mocha. 
 
 ObsanS. 
 
 Fire 
 
 Arsi. 
 
 Kemaug 
 
 Mai 
 
 Moora 
 
 Water ' . 
 
 Yee. 
 
 Feeum. 
 
 Pee. 
 
 Maizi. 
 
 Milk 
 
 Leh. 
 
 Le"h. 
 
 Chak. 
 
 Amattai. 
 
 
 Tee. 
 
 Kitang. 
 
 Deang. 
 
 Inte. 
 
 A bull 
 
 Moniko. 
 
 MonL 
 
 Tu-an. 
 
 
 
 Orke. 
 
 Diong. 
 
 Gunoah. 
 
 
 Rain 
 
 Yee. 
 
 Koodoo. 
 
 Kort. 
 
 Injoor^. 
 
 The sun 
 
 Yetakali. 
 
 Narlong. 
 
 Tschen. 
 
 Musanne. 
 
 A chief 
 
 Orpi. 
 
 Mattat. 
 
 Kuort. 
 
 Matonfali 
 
 A sheep 
 
 Kabeelo. 
 
 Kabisho. 
 
 Ramo. 
 
 Imbuzi. 
 
 A goat . 
 
 Indree. 
 
 Keene. 
 
 Deall. 
 
 Imbuzi. 
 
 
 Imbah. 
 
 Yarfah. 
 
 Dooe. 
 
 Quezi. 
 
 The stars 
 
 Beebi. 
 
 Katchikoo 
 
 "Lakori. 
 
 Nynerzi 
 
 Flesh 
 
 Isah. 
 
 LQkQre. 
 
 Rengo. 
 
 
 Dhurra (corn) .... 
 A basket 
 
 Asih. 
 Evoch. 
 
 Keemak. 
 Soodah. 
 
 Gyab. 
 Adooku. 
 
 
 
 Beads 
 
 Meeoh. 
 
 Sooksook. 
 
 Teko. 
 
 Un<manze. 
 
 Coracan Eleusine . . . 
 
 Loque. 
 
 
 Kaal. 
 
 Burroi. 
 
 
 Unyoro. 
 
 
 Unyoro. 
 
 A tree .... 
 
 Bisale. 
 
 Halt. . . . ." 
 
 Incleeuda 
 
 Far off . . . . 
 Near 
 
 Arraie'e. 
 Alee 
 
 Go away . . 
 
 Taisa Geuda. 
 
 Not far .... 
 A house . . . 
 Plantains . . . 
 Beans .... 
 Butter .... 
 A canoe .... 
 A paddle . . . 
 A mountain . . 
 
 Ampi. 
 Engooi. 
 Bitoki. 
 Koli. 
 Maggita. 
 Obwato. 
 Engaiee. 
 Orsozi. 
 
 Sit down 
 Get up . . . 
 A man . . . 
 A woman 
 A girl . . . 
 A boy . . . 
 A thief . . . 
 
 Fish 
 
 In-karra-hanze 
 Im-mookka. 
 Moosegga. 
 Mookazze. 
 Miss-sooki. 
 Um-wana. 
 Moostlma. 
 ( Lubari or 
 
 Ine earth . . . 
 The sky . . . . 
 A road or path 
 
 Intaka. 
 Tgg6hr. 
 Muhauda. 
 
 Wood .... 
 Eees . 
 
 ( Euchoa. 
 Blti. 
 Yooli 
 
 Go on .... 
 
 Togendi. 
 

 
 APPENDIX. 529 
 
 DOMESTIC ANIMALS. 
 
 It is a singular fact that, although the domestic ox, sheep, 
 and fowls are found everywhere among the negroes of Cen- 
 tral Africa, there is no trace of the original stock among the 
 wild animals of the country. The question arises where 
 did they come from ? 
 
 Dogs are domesticated, and are used by the natives in 
 their hunts. Those of Central Africa are miserable pariahs, 
 but they are nevertheless much prized by their owners. 
 
 After the attack at Fatiko by the slave-hunters, which 
 resulted in the dispersion of their party, upwards of 170 dogs 
 became houseless. The natives asked my permission to capture 
 them, and, having spread their hunting-nets, they drove the 
 dogs as they would wild animals, and daily secured a great 
 number, which they trained to hunt the calves of antelopes 
 and the great grass-rat (Aulacodus Swindernianus). 
 
 Negroes have no sympathy with the young of wild ani- 
 mals, and I have never seen a pet animal or bird in their 
 villages. Although I offered two cows for every young 
 elephant they might catch, I never could prevail upon them 
 to spare the little ones. Five were speared ruthlessly in one 
 day, within two or three hours' march of Fatiko. A negro is 
 never seen without his spear, and he finds the greatest 
 pleasure in sticking it into either something or somebody. 
 
 DISEASES. 
 
 Small-pox is prevalent. Cholera rarely attacks the 
 country, but it is known. Dysentery is very common in 
 the White Nile districts, but it is rare in the highlands. 
 This complaint is generally fatal at Gondokoro. Great 
 
 VOL. II. M M
 
 530 APPENDIX. 
 
 caution should be used, and impure water avoided. Marsh 
 fever is the general complaint of the low ground, but is rare 
 in the highlands of Fatiko and Unyoro. 
 
 I have never met with typhoid fevers in Central Africa, 
 although they are common at Khartoum. 
 
 Measles, whooping-cough, scarlatina, croup, diphtheria, are 
 quite unknown. 
 
 Blindness is only the result of extreme age, and is very 
 rare. I never saw a case of mania, nor have I ever met more 
 than one idiot in Central Africa. The brain appears to be 
 exercised as a simple muscle of the body, and is never over- 
 strained by deep thought or by excessive study. There are 
 no great commercial or parliamentary anxieties ; no struggles 
 to keep up appearances and position in society against the 
 common enemy, "small means;" no hearts to break with 
 overwhelming love ; but the human beings of Central Africa 
 live as animals, simply using the brain as a director of their 
 daily wants. Thus in their simple state they never commit 
 suicide, and never go mad. Their women never give birth to 
 cripples or monsters, as the sympathetic uterus continues in 
 harmony with the healthy brain. 
 
 I have seen only two dwarfs. These were in Unyoro, one 
 of whom was described by Speke (Kimenj^a) : he is since 
 dead. The other was at the court of Kabba Re'ga, named 
 Rakoomba. We measured this little fellow, who was exactly 
 three feet and half an inch in height, at the age of about 
 eighteen years. 
 
 The teeth are remarkable throughout Central Africa. I 
 have examined great numbers of skulls, and I never found 
 a decayed tooth. Many tribes extract the four front teeth 
 of the lower jaw. The bone then closes, and forms a sharp 
 edge like the jaw of a turtle.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 531 
 
 MAMMALIA. 1 
 
 The principal animals and birds in the Shooli country 
 are: 
 
 Gazella dama ..... 
 
 Nanotragus hemprichianus 
 Cervicapra leucotis .... 
 
 Cervicapra ellipsiprymna . 
 
 Cervicapra arundinacea 
 
 Alcelaphus bubalis .... 
 
 Tragelaphus scriptus .... 
 
 Hippotragus Bakeri 
 
 Camelopardalis giraffa 
 
 Phacochozrus ^Eliani (Riipp) (Wart-hog) 
 
 Bos caffer ...... 
 
 Elephas Africanus .... 
 
 Rhinoceros bicornij .... 
 
 Felis leo ...... 
 
 Felis leopardus ..... 
 
 Wild dog, probably (Lycaon pictus) 
 
 Jackal 
 
 Hyaena crocuta .... 
 
 Manis Temminckii . . 
 
 Hystrix sp. ..... 
 
 Viverra genetta ..... 
 
 Felis caracal ..... 
 
 Herpestes striatus .... 
 
 Struthio camelus .... 
 
 Leptoptilus crumenifirus . 
 
 Hyrax sp. 
 
 Aulacodus svnnderniamis, or great reed- 
 Eupodotes sp. ..... 
 
 Numida meleugris (?) ' .'" . ' . 
 Francolinus sp. (?) 
 
 rat 
 
 Xative name. 
 Lujooar. 
 Amoor. 
 Teel. 
 Apoolli. 
 Oboor. 
 Poora. 
 Roda. 
 Aboori. 
 Ree. 
 Kool. 
 Joobi. 
 Le"tch. 
 Oomooga. 
 Lobohr. 
 Quatch. 
 Orara. 
 Roodi. 
 Laluha. 
 Mooak. 
 Cho. 
 Gnonge. 
 Quorra. 
 Juang. 
 Oodo. 
 Kicoom. 
 Dooka. 
 Neeri. 
 Apodo. 
 Oweno. 
 Aw^ri. 
 
 The zebra exists in the Shooli country, -but is very rare. 
 Hippopotami are to be found in the Asua river. 
 
 On the borders of the White Nile we find the Cervicapra 
 megaceros and the beautiful Damalis Senegalensis, which I 
 
 1 Mr. Sclater, of the Zoological Society of London, has furnished me with 
 the scientific names of the antelopes and other mammals. 
 
 M M 2
 
 532 APPENDIX. 
 
 had supposed was a new species when I first secured it 
 on the banks of the Balir Giraffe. 
 
 Nothing new has been actually discovered during the 
 expedition, and there can be nothing existing as an animal 
 that is not well known to the natives, with whom I con- 
 stantly associated ; therefore there is little hope of unknown 
 species, excepting the wild dog known by the Shooli as 
 " Orara." 
 
 The botanical collection, made entirely by Lady Baker, 
 was handed to the Khedive of Egypt, therefore I regret that 
 I cannot describe it. 
 
 LIBERATED SLAVES. 
 
 Upon arrival at Gondokoro with our party, we were shortly 
 visited by the Bari father of little Cuckoo, who had travelled 
 seven hundred miles with us. In a year and a half Cuckoo 
 had grown immensely, and, being in a good suit of clothes, 
 he was with difficulty recognised by his savage-looking 
 parent, who had parted with him as a naked, ash-smeared 
 little urchin of between six and seven years old. 
 
 I am sorry to say that Cuckoo did not meet his father 
 with an affectionate embrace, but he at first positively refused 
 to go with him ; and when compelled to accompany him as a 
 prodigal son and wanderer, he dug his knuckles into his eyes 
 and began to cry. Poor little Cuckoo knew that the days of 
 beef and good cooking had passed away. He expressed his 
 determination to run away from his father and to return to 
 us ; but as his home was on the west bank of the Nile, we 
 never saw little Cuckoo again. 
 
 The boys and young women whom I had liberated from 
 the slave-hunters, and who had acted as domestic servants, 
 were well cared for at the close of the expedition, and I
 
 APPENDIX. 533 
 
 secured them situations with well-known respectable families 
 in Cairo and Alexandria. Amarn, the Abyssinian boy, who 
 in intelligence had been far in advance of the negro lads, 
 accompanied his mistress to England at his express request, 
 where he is now regularly installed in our own household. 
 The ulcerated leg, from which he had suffered for two years in 
 Africa, was soon cured by the kind attention of the surgeons 
 of St. George's Hospital, shortly after his arrival in London. 
 
 A FEW HINTS. 
 
 I shall give the following hints as they occurred to me, 
 and as I noted them down at the time when in Africa : 
 
 Medicine Chest. Should be of teak, covered with zinc, 
 with copper edges and corners. The bottom should be first 
 covered externally, to enable the wet to drain off without 
 touching the wood. The expensive canteens purchased of 
 Messrs. Silver and Co., although covered with metal on the 
 top and sides, had no metal beneath ; thus they were a prey 
 to damp and insects. 
 
 All bottles in medicine chest should have numbers engraved 
 on the glass to correspond with an index painted on the 
 inside of the lid. Insects and damp quickly destroy gilding 
 or ordinary paper labels. 
 
 Seidlitz powders and all effervescent medicines should be 
 packed in wide-mouthed, stoppered bottles, but never in 
 papers. 
 
 Matches. Bryant and May's " Victoria Matches " will stand 
 the damp of the tropics beyond all others. 
 
 Tarpaulins. Should be true mackintosh ; but no other 
 preparation of india-rubber will stand the heat of the tropics. 
 No. 2 canvas painted is better than any preparation of tar, 
 which sticks when folded together.
 
 534 APPENDIX. 
 
 All tarpaulins should be 12 feet square, with large metal 
 eyelet holes and strong lines. If larger, they are too heavy. 
 
 Bottles All wine or liquor bottles should have the necks 
 dipped in bottle-wax thickly. Metallic capsules will be 
 bitten through and the corks destroyed by cockroaches. 
 
 Milk. Crosse and Blackwell's "liquid cream" is excel- 
 lent. That of the Anglo-Swiss Company was good at the 
 commencement, but it did not keep sweet after two years. 
 
 Shoes and Boots. Shoes are better than laced boots, as the 
 latter give much trouble. The soles should not be too thick, 
 and should be studded with sharp nails. Two pairs of long, 
 brown leather boots to reach above the knee are useful for 
 riding. All shoes should be kept in light canvas bags, 
 tightly tied at the mouth to protect them from insects. 
 
 Dry Stores. Should all be hermetically sealed, and great 
 care should be observed in soldering the tin cases. This is 
 frequently neglected, and the result of careless soldering is 
 ruin to all biscuits, flour, sago, macaroni, &c. 
 
 Ammunition. All cartridges should be taken from Eng- 
 land loaded ; and for private use they should be hermetically 
 sealed in boxes containing one hundred each if small, or fifty 
 if large. 
 
 Five hundred snider cartridges, in teak boxes lined with 
 soldered tin, weigh 641bs. each, and can be carried on the 
 journey by one native. 
 
 Casks of wood are unsuited for African travel ; small 
 beetles perforate them. Galvanized iron flattened kegs are 
 useful for carrying water through the desert. For camels 
 which carry four casks they should contain ten gallons each ; 
 for mules, eight gallons. 
 
 Plates, &c. All plates, cups, saucers, dishes, &c., should 
 be enamelled on metal.
 
 APPENDIX. 535 
 
 Saucepans, kettles, &c. Should be copper. 
 
 Drinking cups should be silver, to contain one pint or 
 more, and to fit into each other. 
 
 A tankard with a very strong hinge to the lid is invaluable 
 to keep out flies, but the servants will probably wrench the 
 lid off. 
 
 Boxes. Do not attempt to spare money in boxes. They 
 should be of the stoutest block tin, or of copper, well 
 painted. Tradesmen are apt to do you in the hinges. 
 
 All boxes should lock with brass locks. Shun padlocks. 
 A master-key should open all your boxes, even should you 
 have a thousand. Each box should have a pierced metal label 
 slung with wire upon each iron handle. Painted numbers 
 quickly wear out. 
 
 My boxes measured twenty-two inches long, twelve inches 
 deep, fourteen broad. These were quite invaluable through- 
 out the expedition. 
 
 Cruns and rifles must depend upon individual tastes. 
 Never possess such an antiquated affair as a muzzle-loader. 
 
 Hollow bullets are quite useless for thick-skinned animals. 
 I like No. 10 rifles, with chambers to contain a cartridge 
 with ten drachms No. 6 powder. Such a rifle must weigh 
 fifteen pounds to shoot accurately. 
 
 Axes. All axes, picks, hoes, &c., should have oval holes, 
 but nearly circular, to receive the handles. Natives will 
 break any civilized method of fitting. 
 
 Every soldier should carry a very small, long-bladed, but 
 narrow hatchet of soft steel. 
 
 Feathers. Preserve all feathers of game, taking care to 
 strip them from the stems, for making pillows. 
 
 The large wing-feathers of geese, bustards, &c., make 
 dusting-brushes, fans, quill toothpicks, &c.
 
 536 APPENDIX. 
 
 Hale's rockets. Those which explode are invaluable. Six 
 and three-pounders are large enough, and are handy to carry. 
 
 Norton's pumps were of no use except in sandy or gravelly 
 soil, and they did not equal my expectations. 
 
 Blue lights are quite invaluable if fitted with percussion 
 caps. They should be packed in a strong tin box, with par- 
 titions to contain a dozen ; to be placed near your bed at 
 night. 
 
 Lamps. Should burn either oil or candles. 
 
 Burning glasses are very useful if really good. The inner 
 bark of the fig-tree, well beaten and dried in the sun, makes 
 excellent tinder. 
 
 Musquito gaiters or stockings should be wide, of very soft 
 leather, to draw over the foot and leg quite up to the thigh 
 joint. These are a great comfort when sitting during the 
 evening. 
 
 Tanned goods. All tents, awnings, sails, nets, lines, &c., 
 should be tanned, to preserve them in African climates. 
 
 Books. All journals and note-books should be tinted 
 paper, to preserve the eyes from the glare, which is very 
 trying when writing in the open air upon white paper. 
 
 Seeds. Should be simply packed in brown paper parcels 
 sewn up in canvas, and should never be hermetically sealed. 
 
 Blood. When meat is scarce do not waste the blood. 
 Clean out the large intestine of an animal if far from camp. 
 This will contain a considerable quantity, and can be easily 
 secured by a ligature at each end. 
 
 Fish can be preserved without salt, by smoke. They 
 should be split down the back (not the belly) from head to 
 tail, and be smoked upon a framework of sticks immediately 
 when caught. Four forked sticks, driven into the ground 
 as uprights to support two parallel poles, crossed with bars,
 
 APPENDIX. 537 
 
 will form a framework about three feet high ; the fire is 
 beneath. All fish and flesh is thus preserved by the natives 
 when hunting. 
 
 Salt. When efflorescent on the surface of the soil, scrape 
 with a spoon or shell, and collect it with as little sand as pos- 
 sible. Cut a hole two inches square in the bottom of a large 
 earthen pot, cover the hole with a little straw, then fill the pot 
 with the salt and sand. Pour water slowly over this, and allow 
 it to filter into a receiver below. Boil the product until the 
 water has evaporated, then spread the wet salt upon a cloth 
 to dry in the sun. 
 
 Potash. If you have no salt, treat wood ashes or those of 
 grass in the same way. 
 
 Oil. All seeds or nuts that will produce oil should be first 
 roasted like coffee, then ground fine upon a flat stone, and 
 boiled with water. The oil then rises to the surface, and is 
 skimmed off. Unless the nuts or seeds are roasted, the 
 boiling water will not extract the oil. 
 
 Crutches. To make impromptu crutches to assist wounded 
 men upon a march, select straight branches that grow with a 
 fork. Cut them to the length required, and lash a small 
 piece of wood across the fork. This, if wound with rag, will 
 fit beneath the arm, and make a good crutch. 
 
 In this manner I brought my wounded men along on the 
 march from Masindi. 
 
 Tamarinds. Whenever possible, collect this valuable fruit. 
 Take off the shell, and press the tamarinds into lumps of 
 about two pounds. They will keep in this simple form for 
 many months, and are invaluable in cases of fever cooling 
 when drunk cold, and sudorific when taken hot. If taken in 
 quantity, they are aperient.
 
 538 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE LAST LETTER OF MR. EDWARD HlGGINBOTHAM, ENGINEER- 
 IN-CHIEF TO THE EXPEDITION/ WHO DIED 28TH FEB., 1873. 
 RECEIVED AT FATIKO. 
 
 "IsMAiLiA, Feb. 2nd, 1873. 
 
 " EXCELLENCY, 
 
 " Wat-el-Mek arrived here on the 23rd December, 
 1872, bringing your welcome letter of the 14th November. 
 I need not say how glad I am to hear that you are all well 
 and have had good health since your departure. 
 
 " I have been very anxious about you, as there were all 
 kinds of rumours afloat here. 
 
 " I write down the news, the different items in the order 
 they have occurred. 
 
 "On the 20th August, 1872, the traders arrived from the 
 "West with a considerable quantity of ivory. 
 
 " On the 29th August, Aboo Soud made his appearance, 
 with sixty or seventy of his people, and immediately all 
 kinds of rumours were in circulation. That you had been 
 obliged to retreat from Unyoro with the loss of half the 
 men; Abd-el-Kader killed. That you had returned to 
 Fatiko, and would be here in a short time, and the whole 
 expedition would then return at once to Khartoum. 
 
 " It also became at once known that you had fought with 
 Aboo Soud's people, and killed a great number of them, but 
 the cause I could not find out. I questioned several of the 
 men, but could gather no details of the affair. It was very 
 evident they did not wish to give any information respecting 
 the matter. 
 
 "Seeing nothing of Aboo Soud, I next day went to see
 
 APPENDIX. 539 
 
 Eaouf Bey, and found Aboo Soud there, ' Atrush,' 1 and several 
 others. I remained there some time, but could learn nothing 
 beyond what I had heard the day before. Seeing this, I 
 asked Aboo Soud why the government troops and his people 
 had fought together. He replied that he had not been pre- 
 sent, and knew nothing whatever about the matter. That 
 after the fight you had sent for him, and asked him to take 
 down in writing what had occurred. That he had refused, 
 on the grounds that he had not been present, and that he was 
 only Aboo Soud and you were a Pacha. 
 
 " He then left you and returned to Fobbo, and afterwards 
 marched for here, as he found, after what had occurred, that 
 it was impossible to procure porters to carry the ivory from 
 the different stations. His intention in coming here w r as to 
 try and persuade ' Atrush ' and the natives from the West to 
 return with him to Fobbo to bring the ivory here. 
 
 " I then asked him for letters, when, much to my surprise, 
 he replied that he had none. I at once put it down for 
 certain that he had come here without your knowledge or 
 consent. 
 
 "After the arrival of Aboo Soud, the general feeling here 
 was one of satisfaction. Every face looked brighter. You 
 were coming here, and we were all to start for Khartoum at 
 once ; in fact, the expedition was at an end. 
 
 " Aboo Soud took up his quarters at your old place 
 (Hellet-el-Sit), and was engaged for several days in dividing 
 the ivory brought from the West. 
 
 " Eaouf Bey wished to go out to capture cattle, and asked 
 Aboo Soud and the men of Atrush to accompany him. 
 However, the expedition did not come off for some reason, I 
 
 1 Atrush, the vakeel of Abou Saood's stations in the Makkarika country 
 west of the Kile.
 
 540 APPENDIX. 
 
 believe because the men of Atrusli were afraid of having 
 anything to do with us, after hearing the news brought by 
 Aboo Soud. "Whether Aboo Soud really asked ' Atrush' and 
 his people to return with him to Fobbo I do not know ; 
 report says that he did, and they refused to have anything to 
 do with him hereafter. They broke up their camp at once, 
 and marched, many of the men declaring their intention of 
 making for their ' Zareeba/ and then marching across 
 country with their women, children, and slaves, to join the 
 stations on the Bahr Gazelle. 1 
 
 " On September 9th a ' diahbiah ' arrived from Khartoum 
 belonging to Aboo Soud, but not letters. 
 
 "On the llth September, Aboo Soud, with all his people 
 and boats, left for the ' Bohr.' 2 
 
 " On the 6th November a boat arrived at Khartoum, 
 belonging to a merchant; ten months and a half on the 
 journey. He met Aboo Soud on his way to Khartoum. 
 
 " On the 8th November six boats arrived with corn for the 
 Government. They belonged to Aboo Soud, and had con- 
 tracted at Khartoum to deliver a certain quantity of corn 
 here. These boats, after discharging the corn, returned to 
 the ' Bohr.' Ten months on the journey. 
 
 "On the 27th December, 1872, one of a fleet of twenty- 
 two boats arrived ; the remainder we were to expect every 
 day. They have since arrived, bringing 400 men, and corn ; 
 all Soudanis. The ' sackoylarsi ' died on the way. 
 
 " They brought, of course, the latest news, which you will 
 now receive. 
 
 " The new steamer was finished a few days ago, and very 
 well she looks. The men are now engaged in packing the 
 
 1 Thus to escape with the slaves vid the routes of Darfur and Kordofan. 
 3 The " Bohr " is one of Abou Saood's largest stations on the White Nile.
 
 APPENDIX. 541 
 
 smaller one, and repairing your ' diahbiah.' We lind it 
 impossible to drag her up, as we are afraid of pulling her in 
 pieces in doing so. However, we are making the best job of 
 her we can. 
 
 " As regards the carts, I am afraid we cannot rely on their 
 being of the slightest use. Everything made of European 
 timber appears to perish rapidly here. All the 'Kyassa' 
 boats, and the three wooden 'diahbiahs' built at Cairo, are 
 worthless, and obliged to be broken up. They have been 
 dragged up, caulked, and patched, only to sink again. They 
 are all wrecks, and we are breaking them up. The timber 
 we get from them is for the most part unfit to burn on the 
 steamer, it is so rotten. 
 
 " Even the barge, built by the Englishmen twelve months 
 ago, of new timber, will be worthless in another six months. 
 
 " Only ' Soont' seems to stand the climate, all other timber 
 becomes rotten at once. 
 
 " The fleet of twenty-two boats and the merchant's boat 
 return to-morrow, with the exception of four. They remain 
 here to do the general work, and to replace the ones being 
 broken up. 
 
 " I have also kept here a crew of eight men for your 
 ' diahbiah.' All the old boatmen are returning ; there has 
 been great sickness amongst them. 
 
 " Two of the workmen have died since you left, and a third 
 is useless from a sore leg. There is now no sawyer. 
 
 " The health of the Englishmen, as well as my own, has 
 been but indifferent, but quite as well as could be expected 
 taking into consideration the fact that we are living at 
 Ismailia. Soon after Wat-el- Mek's arrival I was attacked 
 with inflammation of the lungs, and have been laid up since ; 
 a very disagreeable illness ; but am getting better.
 
 542 APPENDIX. 
 
 " Wat-el-Mek will, of course, explain his long delay here, 
 about which you will be very anxious. He expects to leave 
 to-morrow. 
 
 " We have had a wonderfully wet season, quite different 
 from the year before ; the whole place flooded at times ; the 
 river sometimes covering the islands for days together. 
 
 " I need not say how glad I shall be to meet you all 
 again. 
 
 " Remember me kindly to Lady Baker and Mr. Baker, and 
 
 believe me to be, 
 
 " Excellency, 
 
 " Your most obedient servant, 
 
 "E. HlGGINBOTHAM. 
 
 " His Excellency SIR SAMUEL BAKEK, PACHA, 
 " Commander-in-Chief, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 " The ' reises ' of the fleet of boats which has arrived, all 
 agree that the 'Sud' is a far less formidable affair than the 
 year we passed through, there now being plenty of water 
 where it was before dry. There is also little or no grass."
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES.
 
 544 
 
 AI'PESDIX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKER. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 Place. Date. Rainfall. ; Wind. 
 6 A.M. Noon, i 
 
 R KM AUKS. 
 
 1871. 
 
 
 
 Ismailia .. Aug. 1 70 SO 
 
 variable 
 
 Light. 
 
 2 73 82 .. 
 
 
 
 
 3 ' 72 80 '29 
 
 
 
 4 72 82 
 
 t 
 
 
 5 
 
 74 82 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 G 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 74 
 
 so -01 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 74 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 74 
 
 78 : .. 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 76 '22 
 
 S.W. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 11 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 w. 
 
 12 
 
 74 
 
 S5 
 
 N.K. 
 
 13 74 
 
 74 '22 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 70 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 75 
 
 83 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 1(3 
 
 74 
 
 80 -21 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 77 
 
 74 '56 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 72 
 
 80 
 
 E. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 19 
 
 74 
 
 75 -07 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 70 
 
 84 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 73 
 
 85 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 75 
 
 85 , 
 
 N. 
 
 Light 
 
 
 26 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 74 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 73 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 2.1 
 
 77 
 
 86 
 
 
 
 
 30 7(J 8(3 
 
 
 
 
 31 75 85 -12 
 
 
 
 
 S-pt. 1 72 '87 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 2 9 72 1-78 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 3 70 83 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 72 85 
 
 N. 
 
 
 5 1 72 86 
 
 
 
 6 71 80 I'lO 
 
 S. 
 
 
 7 70 8G 
 
 N. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 8 75 84 ; 
 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 74 74 1-02 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 72 84 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 72 87 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 73 86 : 
 
 
 
 Beliuian .. 
 
 IS 
 
 72 84 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 72 84 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 73 78 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 70 75 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 70 80 . 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 70 78 ! 3 20 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 68 77 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 
 1 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 545 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTEB kept by LADY BAKKB continued. 
 
 Pkee. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Rainfall. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 REMAKES. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 1871. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Belinian .. Sept. 20 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 74 
 
 81 
 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 72 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 72 
 
 83 
 
 .. 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 70 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 76 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 70 
 
 78 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 t , 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 73 
 
 82 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 Oct. 1 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 71 
 
 85 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 72 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 72 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 Ismailia 
 
 6 
 
 74 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 74 I 80 
 
 : 20 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 70 90 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 75 | 86 
 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 74 
 
 88 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 19 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 1-04 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 70 
 
 84 
 
 08 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 70 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 70 
 
 89 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 70 
 
 87 
 
 .. 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 73 
 
 86 
 
 
 N. Light. 
 
 
 20 
 
 74 
 
 88 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 74 
 
 87 
 
 .. 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 75 
 
 84 
 
 .. 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 75 
 
 82 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 / 
 
 
 24 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 f f 
 
 S. 
 
 n 
 
 
 25 
 
 71 
 
 84 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 K 
 
 
 26 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 
 variable 
 
 ts 
 
 
 27 
 
 72 
 
 84 
 
 .. 
 
 S. 
 
 IS 
 
 
 28 
 
 72 
 
 82 
 
 
 W. 
 
 \ A 
 
 
 29 
 
 70 
 
 86 
 
 
 variable 
 
 Vi 
 
 
 30 
 
 74 
 
 86 
 
 
 N. 
 
 m^ 
 
 
 31 
 
 74 
 
 86 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 Nov. 1 
 
 72 
 
 86 
 
 .. 
 
 S. 
 
 Light 
 
 
 2 
 
 74 
 
 87 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 74 
 
 82 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 72 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 72 
 
 86 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 76 
 
 86 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 74 
 
 87 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 73 
 
 86 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 73 
 
 86 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 N N
 
 546 APPENDIX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKER continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Rainfall. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 REMARKS.. 
 
 6 A.M. Noon. 
 
 1871. 
 
 
 Ismailia -. Nov. 10 74 88 
 
 S. 
 
 
 ,, 11 
 
 74 , 88 
 
 NE. 
 
 
 12 
 
 72 
 
 84 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 76 
 
 86 
 
 . . 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 M M 
 
 74 85 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 M 15 
 
 75 86 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 70 86 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 73 
 
 8t> 
 
 .. 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 73 
 
 85 
 
 ^ f 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 73 
 
 86 
 
 ,, 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 73 
 
 90 
 
 t t 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 M 21 
 
 72 
 
 92 
 
 ,. 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 70 
 
 88 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 . . 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 .. 
 
 s. 
 
 
 ,, 27 
 
 72 
 
 89 
 
 VV. 
 
 
 28 
 
 73 
 
 89 
 
 ' 
 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 
 89 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 Dec. 1 72 
 
 90 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 76 
 
 88 
 
 40 N. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 
 s.w. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 75 
 
 83 
 
 20 
 
 s.w. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 72 
 
 84 
 
 .. 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 72 
 
 87 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 12 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 74 
 
 92 
 
 
 N.. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 76 
 
 93 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 f 9 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 76 
 
 92 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 74 
 
 94 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 74 
 
 87 
 
 .. 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 26 
 
 8. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 72 
 
 88 
 
 . . 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 70 
 
 87 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 ,, 17 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 72 
 
 93 
 
 
 
 
 
 ,, 20 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 70 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 74 
 
 90 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 72 
 
 88 . variable 
 
 
 
 24 72 
 
 88 . 8. 
 
 
 
 25 ti8 
 
 87 . N. 
 
 
 
 26 70 
 
 90 . N. 
 
 
 
 , 27 70 
 
 88 . N. 
 
 
 
 , 28 69 
 
 86 . . variable 
 
 
 
 29 66 90 .. W. 
 
 
 
 30 66 88 .. variable 
 
 
 '.', 31 66 88 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 54' 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKER continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Wii.d. 
 
 REMARKS. 
 
 
 we. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 ivuiniui 
 Noon. 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 
 
 
 Isiuailia . . 
 
 Jan 1 69 
 
 90 
 
 variable : 
 
 
 
 2 70 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 
 3 69 
 
 90 
 
 j 
 
 
 
 
 4 70 
 
 92 
 
 
 
 
 5 70 
 
 90 
 
 5 j 
 
 
 
 6 70 
 
 88 ! .. 
 
 
 
 
 7 70 
 
 88 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 8 63 
 
 80 I 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 9 63 
 
 82 j .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 10 65 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 11 68 
 
 92 ! 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 12 70 
 
 90 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 13 70 
 
 90 i 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 14 70 
 
 88 
 
 
 
 
 15 ' 70 
 
 88 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 
 16 70 
 
 88 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 17 69 
 
 88 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 18 69 
 
 90 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 19 66 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 20 , 72 
 
 92 
 
 N. Strong. 
 
 
 
 21 72 
 
 92 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 22 80 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 23 74 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 24 : 80 
 
 92 
 
 > > 
 
 
 
 
 25 75 
 
 89 ; 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 77 
 
 92 
 
 S. 
 
 
 Lat.438'N. 1 
 
 27 77 
 
 88 
 
 variable Light. 
 
 
 28 77 
 
 88 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 21) 70 
 
 92 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 30 77 
 
 88 
 
 N. Light. 
 
 
 
 31 7o 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 F 
 
 ). 1 75 
 
 90 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 
 2 72 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 3 72 
 
 86 
 
 S. Light. 
 
 
 
 4 74 
 
 84 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 
 5 70 
 
 90 ! 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 
 6 70 
 
 92 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 
 7 70 
 
 80 
 
 S. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 
 8 71 
 
 84 
 
 variable Strong. 
 
 
 
 9 64 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 Lat. 428'N. 
 
 
 10 64 
 
 84 
 
 N. 
 
 
 Lat.418'N. 
 
 11 66 
 
 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 Lat. 4 7' N. 
 
 12 66 
 
 90 j 
 
 N. 
 
 Light. 
 
 iLat.4]'N. 
 
 13 ! 70 
 
 90 ! 
 
 N.N.W. 
 
 
 I Lobore. 
 
 14 68 
 
 88 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 15 70 
 
 86 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 16 74 
 
 87 
 
 j N.N.W. 
 
 
 
 
 17 71 
 
 81 
 
 ! variable 
 
 
 
 
 18 71 
 
 87 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 
 19 69 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 20 72 
 
 88 
 
 N. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 X JN 2
 
 548 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 METEOUOLOGIOAL HEGISTER kept by LADY BAKEU continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Rainfall. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 REMARKS. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (Lat.4l'N. 
 \ Lobore. 
 
 Feb. '21 
 22 
 
 71 
 68 
 
 83 
 88 
 
 
 S.S.E. 
 S.E. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 ,, 23 
 
 71 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 2i 
 
 77 
 
 80 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 69 
 
 80 
 
 f . 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 '26 69 
 
 86 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 71 
 
 86 
 
 
 8. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 28 
 
 70 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 
 80 
 
 
 N. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 March 1 
 
 66 
 
 80 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 70 
 
 89 
 
 ,, 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 69 
 
 89 
 
 .. 
 
 i 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 4 
 
 69 
 
 88 
 
 ,. 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 68 
 
 88 
 
 .. 
 
 P.E. 
 
 
 fLat. 37'N. 
 
 6 
 
 69 
 
 90 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 \ Snooa. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (Lat.3l'N. 
 
 > " 
 
 69 
 
 89 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 \ Fatiko. 
 
 8 
 
 69 
 
 88 
 
 .. 
 
 N. v 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 68 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 68 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 68 
 
 85 
 
 , . 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 70 
 
 84 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 70 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 E. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 14 
 
 70 
 
 74 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 , 15 
 
 65 
 
 77 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 68 
 
 81 
 
 
 E. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 17 
 
 70 
 
 85 
 
 .. 
 
 S.E. 
 
 Strong. 
 
 
 18 
 
 70 
 
 86 
 
 .. 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 1!) 
 
 70 86 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 68 
 
 80 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 21 66 
 
 80 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 68 
 
 82 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 iLat 216'N. 
 
 , 23 
 
 65 80 
 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 i A tn la. 
 
 24 
 
 65 80 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 66 
 
 78 
 
 B . 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 64 
 
 80 
 
 . . 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 68 
 
 82 
 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 68 
 
 82 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 64 
 
 84 
 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 64 
 
 76 
 
 , t 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 ,.31 
 
 64 
 
 76 
 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 April 1 
 
 64 
 
 80 
 
 
 S. 
 
 Light 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 66 
 
 78 
 
 : 23 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 64 
 
 80 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 65 
 
 79 
 
 1-50 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 64 
 
 7* 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 65 
 
 80 -07 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 64 
 
 79 i 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 65 
 
 80 -16 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 66 
 
 78 ! 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 64 
 
 73 -73 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 549 
 
 MBTEOEOLOGICAL KEGISTEB, kept by LADY BAKER. continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Rainfall. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 RKMARKS. 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Atada 
 
 April 11 
 
 66 
 
 80 
 
 75 
 
 S. 
 
 Started IbrMaoindi. 
 
 
 12 
 
 66 
 
 73 
 
 23 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 05 
 
 76 
 
 50 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 64 
 
 76 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 66 
 
 78 
 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 64 
 
 80 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 65 
 
 79 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 68 
 
 80 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 iy 
 
 61 
 
 78 
 
 : 23 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 65 
 
 80 .. 1 S.E. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 04 
 
 80 -48 S.E. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 65 
 
 78 .. S. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 65 
 
 78 
 
 S. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 24 
 
 64 
 
 78 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 (Lat.l45'N. 
 
 25 
 
 6i 
 
 78 
 
 *23 
 
 E. 
 
 Arrived at MaJndi, 
 
 ( Miisindi. 
 
 20 
 
 64 
 
 78 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 64 
 
 78 
 
 : 26 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 64 
 
 72 
 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 04 
 
 72 
 
 : 18 ! E. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 64 
 
 73 
 
 64 S.E. 
 
 
 
 May 1 
 
 02 
 
 71 
 
 14 W.S.W. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 64 
 
 72 
 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 62 
 
 72 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 60 
 
 73 
 
 .. 
 
 variable Light. 
 
 
 5 
 
 no 
 
 74 
 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 62 
 
 70 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 61 
 
 70 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 >i 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 62 
 
 75 
 
 gi 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 fl 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 73 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 62 
 
 75 
 
 '82 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 60 
 
 73 
 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 51 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 60 
 
 70 
 
 10 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 60 
 59 
 
 70 
 70 
 
 56 
 
 S. Light. 
 S.W. 
 
 
 20 
 
 60 
 
 71 
 
 : 22 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 21 
 
 59 
 
 70 
 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 22 
 
 59 
 
 70 
 
 'so 
 
 W. Strong. 
 
 
 23 
 
 60 
 
 72 
 
 36 
 
 S. Strong. 
 
 
 24 
 
 59 
 
 71 
 
 10 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 25 
 
 59 
 
 71 
 
 N.W. : 
 
 
 26 
 
 65 
 
 69 i -30 
 
 variable 
 
 
 27 
 
 63 
 
 72 
 
 80 
 
 W. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 28 
 
 64 
 
 69 
 
 23 
 
 \\. 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 64 
 
 72 1 00 
 
 W. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 62 
 
 72 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 60 
 
 70 
 
 60 
 
 s. 
 - 
 

 
 550 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 MKTEOHOLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKEK continued. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 
 Place. Date. Wind. 
 
 KAIX. REMARK?. 
 
 6 A.V. Noon. 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 
 
 indi .. Juno 1 61 74 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 2 64 69 S.W. 
 
 
 
 3 i 64 74 S. 
 
 
 
 4 65 76 , S. 
 
 
 5 G2 70 ; W. Strong. 
 
 
 G ' 61 70 W. 
 
 
 7 I 61 70 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 
 ko 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 s- 11 
 
 65 75 
 
 N. 
 
 Rained hard. 
 
 
 12 
 
 65 75 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 13 65 86 
 
 N. 
 
 Light. 
 
 
 14 64 75 
 
 N. 
 
 Rained heavily at night. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 64 
 
 83 
 
 N. 
 
 Rained in thenight. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 63 
 
 83 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 63 
 
 83 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 65 
 
 78 
 
 S. 
 
 Rained in thenight. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 63 
 
 78 
 
 N. 
 
 Rained in thenight. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 65 
 
 83 N. 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 65 
 
 84 ! 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 65 
 
 79 S. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 66 
 
 84 .. S. 
 
 Light rain. 
 
 
 
 24 64 
 
 80 N. 
 
 Rained at night. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 65 
 
 80 N. 
 
 Heavy rain. 
 
 
 
 2G 
 
 66 
 
 80 N. 
 
 Rained in thenight. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 66 
 
 80 
 
 N. 
 
 Heavy rain. 
 
 
 
 .28 
 29 
 
 66 
 64 
 
 hO 
 80 
 
 N. 
 N. 
 
 Rained in the night. 
 Showery. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 65 
 
 83 N. 
 
 Rained all night. 
 
 
 
 31 65 
 
 83 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 )t. 1 63 
 
 78 
 
 N. 
 
 (Light rain from 1 P.M. till 
 5 P.M., and at night. 
 
 
 
 2 66 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 Rained all the afternoon. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 66 
 
 80 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 63 
 66 
 
 80 
 80 
 
 N. 
 S. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 Light rain during the day. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 W. 
 
 Showery. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 6J 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 A shower in the night. 
 
 
 
 S G6 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 A shower in the night. 
 
 
 
 9 66 
 
 86 
 
 vaiiable 
 
 
 
 10 62 
 
 86 
 
 
 
 
 11 63 79 N. Heavy rain early. 
 
 
 
 12 66 
 
 86 : S. 
 
 
 
 13 6.5 
 
 86 : S. 
 
 
 
 14 C6 86 N. 
 
 
 
 15 ; 66 86 variable 
 
 A shower. 
 
 
 
 16 66 , 86 E. 
 
 Rained during the night. 
 
 
 
 17 C3 84 
 
 E. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 
 18 | 66 86 
 
 N.W. Slight rain at night. 
 
 
 
 19 66 86 variable' 
 
 
 T 
 
 20 G3 80 1 N. A shower. 
 
 
 t 
 
 21 GG 86 N.W.
 
 APPENDIX. 551 
 
 METEOEOLOGIOAL REGISTEB kept by LADY BAKER continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 RAIN. REMARKS. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 
 3872. 
 
 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 Sept. 22 66 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 23 i 66 74 
 
 N. . 
 
 Light rain during the night, 
 
 
 ,, 24 66 80 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 25 66 80 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 65 
 
 80 
 
 S.E. 
 
 Slight rain at night. 
 
 
 27 
 
 66 
 
 84 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 66 86 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 , 29 
 
 65 85 
 
 S.E. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 30 
 
 63 81 
 
 s.i-:. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 Oct. 1 
 
 65 84 
 
 variable 
 
 Eained during the night. 
 
 
 2 
 
 66 84 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 3 66 86 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 4 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 ,, 5 72 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 6 70 
 
 88 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 7 72 
 
 90 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 ,, 8 72 
 
 90 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 9 72 
 
 80 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 63 
 
 81 
 
 N. 
 
 Light rain at night. 
 
 
 11 
 
 63 
 
 84 
 
 variable 
 
 Light rain at night. 
 
 
 12 
 
 66 
 
 84 
 
 , , 
 
 (Heavy shower in afternoon, 
 \ and light at night. 
 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 84 
 
 
 Rained during the night. 
 
 
 14 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 f f 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 66 
 
 84 
 
 s t 
 
 A shower at night. 
 
 
 16 
 
 65 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 Light rain at night. 
 
 
 17 
 
 66 
 
 77 
 
 N. 
 
 Light rain at night. 
 
 
 18 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 N. 
 
 A shower at night. 
 
 
 19 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 variable 
 
 Rained during the night. 
 
 
 20 
 
 64 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 (From 3-30 P.M. til 6 P.M., 
 \ and during the night. 
 
 
 21 
 
 65 
 
 81 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 66 
 
 81 
 
 N. light 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. strong 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 ,, 25 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 72 
 
 86 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 64 
 
 77 
 
 variable 
 
 Rained during the night. 
 
 
 28 
 
 62 
 
 79 
 
 , , 
 
 Heavy rain during the night. 
 
 
 29 
 
 63 
 
 80 
 
 .. 
 
 (Rained for 2 hours heavily 
 \ in the evening. 
 
 
 ,, 30 
 
 61 
 
 79 
 
 
 i Rained for 1 hour in the 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' * 
 
 \ evening. 
 
 
 31 
 
 65 
 
 82 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 Nov. 1 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 65 
 
 84 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 ,, 3 
 
 63 
 
 84 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 66 
 
 90 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 5 72 90 
 
 E. by S. 
 
 
 
 6 64 
 
 88 | 
 
 S.E. 
 strong 
 
 
 
 7 65 
 
 90 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 
 8 66 
 
 88 
 
 E. strong:
 
 552 APPENDIX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKKB continued. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 I'-: ~ _- : : 
 
 ' Wiiwl 
 
 RAI>~ . Rousxs. 
 
 A Jt. NCOO. 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 ! 
 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 Nov. 9 
 
 72 
 
 90 E. 
 
 
 
 ,, 10 
 
 72 
 
 f variable 
 \ light 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 66 
 
 88 E. strong 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 86 ,, 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 61 
 
 86 
 
 
 
 1* 
 
 61 
 
 S8 ,, 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 66 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 66 
 
 86 N. light 
 
 > Heavy rain in afternoon and 
 i shower at night 
 
 
 , 17 
 
 63 
 
 72 NJS. 
 
 i Light nun fur 2 hours in the 
 \ night 
 
 
 18 
 
 60 
 
 75 variable 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 63 
 
 84 S.E. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 66 
 
 84 E. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 61 
 
 84 E. strong 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 63 
 
 86 ., 
 
 
 
 ,. 23 
 
 63 
 
 90 E. light 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 65 
 
 90 
 
 
 
 ,, 25 
 
 66 
 
 80 variable 
 
 {Light rain for 3 hoars in the 
 night 
 
 
 ,, 26 
 
 61 
 
 84 S.E. 
 
 (Heavy rain for an hoar in 
 \ the evening. 
 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 65 
 65 
 
 82 S. 
 79 8.E. 
 
 Steady light rain all night 
 Rained daring the night 
 
 
 29 
 
 65 
 
 84 S.E. 
 
 Heavy rain in the evening. 
 
 
 30 
 
 66 
 
 84 S. 
 
 
 
 Dec. 1 
 
 66 
 
 86 i variable 
 
 Rained daring the night 
 
 
 2 
 
 68 
 
 88 E. 
 
 
 
 ,. 3 
 
 66 
 
 88 ; E, 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 72 
 
 86 variable 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 66 
 
 80 8.E. 
 
 
 - 
 
 6 
 
 66 
 
 86 variable 
 
 Heavy rain for 2} hoars. 
 
 
 7 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 66 
 66 
 
 84 
 80 E. 
 
 Light at night 
 ( Rained for 2 hoars in after- 
 \ noon, and at night 
 
 
 10 
 
 66 84 variable 
 
 A light shower. 
 
 
 11 
 
 66 \ 84 ,. 
 
 
 
 ., 12 
 
 72 88 , S.E. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 72 88 { J^ 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 62 ^'^ 
 
 1 fctrODET 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 63 88 S.E. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 66 86 S.E. 
 
 
 
 ,. 17 
 
 63 88 S.E. 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 60 86 S.E. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 61 
 
 86 8.E. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 61 
 
 86 S.E. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 66 1 88 S.E. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 63 j 89 SJE. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 66 ; 88 variable 
 
 
 
 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 553 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL EBGISTEB kept by LADY BAKEB continued. 
 
 Place. Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Wind. Pwinf. REMARKS. 
 
 6 A.X. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 1872. 
 
 
 
 
 Fatiko .. Dec. 24 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Light shower in the evening. 
 
 
 ,. 25 
 
 72 
 
 88 ! 
 
 and I.eavy rain from 3 oO 
 
 
 
 
 
 P.M. till G'PM. 
 
 
 ,, 26 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 N. Light shower in the tuomiug. 
 
 
 27 
 
 66 
 
 81 
 
 N. Light in the afk-rnoon. 
 
 
 28 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 63 
 
 79 ' 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 t t 
 
 
 
 ,, 31 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 1873. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jan. 1 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 N. atmng 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 61 
 
 80 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 63 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 ,, 10 
 
 63 
 
 79 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 ,. 
 
 61 
 
 79 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 ,, 12 
 
 63 
 
 80 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 X.E. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 66 
 
 79 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 63 
 
 66 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 63 
 
 77 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 66 
 
 81 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 I 66 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 , 20 
 
 l 64 
 
 86 
 
 E. strong 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 ! 64 
 
 86 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 63 
 
 88 
 
 
 
 
 , 23 
 
 68 
 
 1 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 70 
 
 \ 90 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 65 
 
 88 
 
 E 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 63 
 
 88 
 
 BE. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 63 
 
 90 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 ,! 28 
 
 i 68 
 
 68 
 
 N.E. 
 
 
 
 ,, 29 
 
 66 
 
 ss{ 
 
 S.E. 
 strong. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 E. strong 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 68 
 
 88 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 Feb. 1 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 E. light 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 68 
 
 84 
 
 . , , /Rained twenty minutes in 
 variable { afternoon. 
 
 
 4 
 
 64 
 
 86 
 
 , , Light rain at night 
 
 
 ,. 5 
 
 72 
 
 86 
 
 E. 
 
 
 6 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 7 
 
 72 
 
 90 
 
 E. 

 
 554 
 
 A PPENDTX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKER continued 
 
 Place. Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 HAIJJ. REMARKS. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Non. 
 
 1873. 
 
 
 
 Fatiko .. Feb. 8 72 88 E. 
 
 
 
 9 68 E. 
 
 
 
 10 66 90 : E. 
 
 
 11 66 9J | E. 
 
 
 12 66 90 E. 
 
 
 13 66 86 ,E. strong' 
 
 
 14 72 88 variable 
 
 
 15 72 
 
 92 
 
 
 16 68 
 
 92 E. 
 
 
 
 17 68 
 
 90 ; E. 
 
 
 
 18 ; 72 
 
 90 E. 
 
 
 
 19 68 
 
 88 N. strong 
 
 
 
 20 72 
 
 86 
 
 
 
 21 63 81 
 
 
 
 22 66 86 N.N.W. 
 
 
 
 23 68 88 N.W. 
 
 
 
 24 | 72 88 N.W. 
 
 
 
 25 ! 77 86 variable 
 
 
 
 26 75 90 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 72 90 I S.E. 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 68 8J S.E. 
 
 
 
 5 arch 1 
 2 
 
 68 
 68 
 
 86 variable 
 88 
 
 Slight shower in afternoon. 
 A shower. 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 66 
 66 
 
 88 ; , 
 86 E. 
 
 A heavy shower. 
 A shower. 
 
 
 5 
 
 65 
 
 88 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 66 
 66 
 
 86 
 90 
 
 S.E. 
 
 Light shower at 4'30 P.M. 
 Two showers. 
 
 
 8 
 
 68 
 
 90 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 72 
 
 88 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 72 
 
 88 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 68 
 
 86 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 66 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 A shower. 
 
 
 15 
 
 68 
 
 84 
 
 S.E. 
 
 
 
 16 
 17 
 18 
 
 68 84 
 66 72 
 72 81 
 
 N.W. Light shower, 
 variable Heavy rain at night. 
 N.W. 
 
 
 19 G8 84 
 
 N.W. ; 
 
 
 20 
 
 66 
 
 
 
 On the march 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 66 
 
 93 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 24 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 26 72 
 
 95 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 27 81 
 
 84 
 
 
 
 
 28 72 
 
 93 
 
 E. 
 
 A heavy shower. 
 
 
 29 72 
 30 72 
 
 95 
 93 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 A heavy shower. 
 
 
 a I 75 
 
 92 
 
 
 Ismail ia .. April 1 75 
 
 95 :; 

 
 APPENDIX. 555 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept by LADY BAKER continued. 
 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. i 
 6AM. : Noon. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 1VAIN K: J1AK1\S- 
 
 
 1873. ~ 
 
 
 
 
 Ismalia 
 
 April 2 72 93 
 
 variable ; 
 
 
 
 , 3 i 75 
 
 93 
 
 E. strong Slight rain. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 72 
 
 95 
 
 , , Slight rain. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 75 
 
 91 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 79 
 
 93 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 variable Light lain. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S.W. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 77 
 
 97 
 
 N.W. 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 75 
 
 97 
 
 E. 
 
 
 
 12 77 
 
 95 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 79 
 
 91 
 
 w. 
 
 
 
 14 75 91 
 
 s. 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 77 
 
 93 
 
 s.w. 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 77 
 
 77 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 72 
 
 91 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 75 
 
 77 
 
 S.W. 
 
 Lisrht shower. 
 
 
 
 , 19 
 
 72 
 
 93 
 
 N. ; Steady rain. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 75 
 
 91 
 
 ... 
 
 IJain at night. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 75 
 
 95 
 
 variable 
 
 Light steady rain. 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 A heavy shower. 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 72 
 
 79 
 
 variable 
 
 Steady rain all night. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 Heavy rain at iv'ght. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 77 
 
 79 
 
 S. 
 
 Light rain. 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 75 
 
 79 
 
 variable 
 
 Light rain at night. 
 
 
 
 May 1 
 
 72 
 
 88 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 75 
 
 91 
 
 N. light j 
 
 
 
 ,, 3 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. strong! 
 
 
 
 ,. 4 
 
 75 
 
 80 
 
 vari-ihlp / Li g ht niin for three nours in 
 \\ morning. 
 
 
 5 
 
 75 
 
 91 
 
 , , Light shower. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 77 
 
 91 
 
 S. Shower at night. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 72 
 
 81 
 
 o J Heavy rain from 3 A.M. 
 
 ^ \ 9A.M. 
 
 till 
 
 
 8 
 
 75 
 
 91 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 79 
 
 93 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 ,, 10 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. Heavy shower at night. 
 
 
 
 ,, 11 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 . 12 
 
 77 
 
 90 
 
 S. A sl.ower at night. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 75 
 
 73 
 
 vr p i Heavy rain from 9 A.M. 
 h 4-30 P.M. 
 
 till 
 
 
 14 
 
 74 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 74 
 
 88 
 
 S. light 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 75 
 
 95 
 
 P 
 ' ' 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 74 
 
 75 
 
 N'.E. 
 
 Slight rain. 
 
 
 
 ,, 19 
 
 73 
 
 84 
 
 S. light 
 
 
 
 
 20 73 91 
 
 variable 
 
 Slight shower. 
 
 
 
 21 73 84 
 
 S. 
 

 
 556 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL KEGISTKK kept by LADY BAKER continue/I. 
 
 Place. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Thermometer. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 U A IN. I? EM A KKS. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Noon. 
 
 
 1873. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Isinalia .. May 22 74 
 
 84 
 
 S 
 
 
 23 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 
 24 
 
 73 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 Heavy rain all night. 
 
 25 
 
 75 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 Heavy rain all night. 
 
 White Nile, 26 70 
 
 88 
 
 S. 
 
 
 on passage 27 70 
 
 79 
 
 S. 
 
 Heavy rain in the night. 
 
 to Khar- 28 75 
 
 86 
 
 variable 
 
 
 tonm. 29 
 
 79 
 
 88 
 
 f f 
 
 A shower. 
 
 30 . 77 
 
 86 
 
 f t 
 
 
 
 31 75 
 
 84 
 
 S. 
 
 
 White Nile 
 
 Ju le 1 75 
 
 84 S. light 
 
 
 
 2 : 75 
 
 84 S. 
 
 
 
 3 75 
 
 86 S. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 75 
 
 80 ; N.W. 
 
 Light rain nil day. 
 
 Buhr Zaraffe 
 
 9 
 
 75 
 
 84 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 fi 75 
 
 84 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 7 | 75 
 
 84 
 
 variable Heavy rain in afternoon. 
 
 
 8 
 
 75 
 
 84 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 q 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 variable 
 
 Very heavy rain. 
 
 
 10 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 79 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 79 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 79 
 
 86 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 77 
 
 86 
 
 N. 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 77 
 
 86 
 
 variable 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 77 
 
 88 S. 
 
 
 White Nile 
 
 19 
 
 75 
 
 86 S. 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 75 
 
 86 N. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 21 
 
 79 
 
 87 S. 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 77 
 
 86 S. 
 
 Heavy rain at night. 
 
 
 23 
 
 79 
 
 8(5 S. 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 79 
 
 88 S. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 75 
 
 86 N. strong Light rain. 
 
 
 26 
 
 79 
 
 88 S. 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 79 
 
 88 variable 
 
 Light rain. 
 
 
 28 
 
 75 
 
 86 
 
 N. 
 
 
 Khartoum . . 
 
 29 
 
 79 
 
 90 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 79 
 
 90 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 Juy 1 
 
 79 
 
 90 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 79 
 
 92 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 82 
 
 91 S. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 84 
 
 92 S. 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 79 
 
 91 variable 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 84 
 
 93 i W. 
 
 
 
 7 79 
 
 85 . S. 
 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 55' 
 
 'C.s 
 
 i*s 
 
 1 t-- C5 O O C<) O 
 
 i PH eq co t> 
 
 ' < CO _i _< _- Ci "*l 
 
 t-i-no-^cs Lr^^--i o 
 cb cb 
 
 COCOCJOiGO Oi OiO5C5C5C;Ci 
 
 +J > C5 
 
 
 ^si t 
 
 H, <Jc20^Q ^ feS<5S^^ 
 
 
 . 
 
 ~
 
 558 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER. TOWFIKIA, Lat. 9 25' 15". 1870. 
 
 Month. 
 
 Mean Temperature, Fahr. Rainfall. 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 Noon. Days heavy. ; Days light 
 
 
 1 
 
 .. ' 73 3 
 
 92-2 3 4 
 8(r5 5 G 
 
 
 .. ' 72 3 
 
 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER kept at TOWFIKIA, on the WHITE NILE, 
 Latitude 9 25' 15" N., in 1870, by LIEUT. JULIAN A. BAKER, R.N., 
 during SIR S. W. BAKER'S KHEDIVE EXPEDITION. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Aneroid. 
 
 Thermo- 
 meter. 
 
 Wind. 
 
 Force. 
 
 Weather. 
 
 1! EM AUKS. 
 
 
 Indies. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 July 23 -A.M. 
 
 28-56 
 
 73 
 
 S. 
 
 2 
 
 c 
 
 
 - P.M. 
 
 55 
 
 80 
 
 s.w. 
 
 7 
 
 tqr 
 
 
 ,, 24 -AM. 
 
 60 
 
 73 
 
 S* 
 
 2 
 
 CO 
 
 
 - P.M. 
 
 t , 
 
 
 S" 
 
 3 
 
 or 
 
 
 , , 25 6 A.M. 
 
 65 
 
 71 
 
 S" 
 
 2 
 
 c 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 58 
 
 80 
 
 S* 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 , , 26 6 A.M. 
 
 62 
 
 73 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 55 
 
 78 
 
 S. 
 
 1 
 
 1)C 
 
 
 , , 27 - A.M. 
 
 65 
 
 73 
 
 S. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 51 
 
 79 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 Rained Leavily in night. 
 
 , , 28 6 A.M. 
 
 62 
 
 72 
 
 S.W" 
 
 2 
 
 bet 
 
 
 , , 29 6 A.M. 
 
 60 
 
 75 
 
 S.W. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 - P.M. 
 
 
 
 
 
 N" 
 
 3 
 
 cr 
 
 i Hard rain for two hours in 
 \ I lie afternoon. 
 
 , , 30 6 A.M. 
 
 56 
 
 73 
 
 S. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 50 
 
 73 
 
 s. 
 
 2 
 
 c r 
 
 Rained from 12J to 2i P.M. 
 
 ,, 31 6A.M. 
 
 57 
 
 78 
 
 calin 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 noou 
 
 54 
 
 78 
 
 S. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 47 
 
 78 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 Means of 9 days' observa- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tions : aneroid 28-57, 
 
 Aug. 1 6 A.M. 
 
 56 
 
 73 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 thermometer 75 1'. 
 
 noon 
 
 56 
 
 79 
 
 S.W. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 55 
 
 74 
 
 S.W. 
 
 2 
 
 cor 
 
 Drizzle from 2 to 5 P.M. 
 
 , , 26 A.M. 
 
 60 
 
 73 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 noon 
 
 60 
 
 77 
 
 S.E. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 Drizzle from 7 to 9 i A.M. 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 52 
 
 78 
 
 S.W. 
 
 4 
 
 be 
 
 
 , , 36 A.M. 
 
 56 
 
 73 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 oc 
 
 Rain from 8 to 9 A.M. 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 53 
 
 78 
 
 S.W. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 46 A.M. 
 
 58 
 
 75 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 lc 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 48 
 
 79 
 
 S. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 , , 56 A.M. 
 
 52 
 
 75 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 42 
 
 83 
 
 ) 
 
 
 
 l.c 
 
 
 ,, 6 6A.M. 
 
 54 
 
 74 
 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 noon 
 
 50 
 
 83 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 Ifainfromlto2A.M.,rcqlt. 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 50 
 
 75 
 
 N.\V. 
 
 1 
 
 CO 
 
 Drizzle from 2 to 5 P.M.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 559 
 
 METEOROLOGICAL EEGISTER kept at TOWFIKIA, on the WHITE 
 NILE continued. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Aneroid. 
 
 T ST Wind. 
 
 Force. 
 
 Weather. 
 
 11 EM ARKS. 
 
 
 
 Indies. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 7 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 28-56 
 
 73 N. 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 Bonn 
 
 
 .. N.W. 3 
 
 be 
 
 Slight rain 7 to 8 P.M. 
 
 M 8 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 : 55 
 
 72 calm 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 - P.M. 
 
 
 . . N.W. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 
 i. 9 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 *64 
 
 76 calm 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 48 
 
 79 S.E. 3 
 
 c r 
 
 Rain from 5 to G P.M. 
 
 ;, 10 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 56 
 
 73 ! N.W. 3 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 noon 
 
 56 
 
 74 N.W. 5 
 
 cd 
 
 Slight drizzle in afternoon 
 
 ,, 11 
 
 6 A.M. 
 
 56 
 
 74 calm 
 
 be 
 
 Means of 11 clays' observa- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tions : aneroid 28'54 
 
 Sept. 4 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 62 
 
 73 ! ,, 
 
 c 
 
 thermometer 76. 
 
 ,, 5 
 
 f 
 
 60 
 
 75 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 Rain from 2J to 3J P.M. 
 
 6 
 
 
 57 
 
 77 
 
 , , 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 noon 
 
 
 
 N.E. 
 
 4 
 
 c r 
 
 Eain from 9 to 12 A.M. 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 . 
 
 S.E. 
 
 3 
 
 r 
 
 Eain from 5^ to 7 P.M. 
 
 ., 7 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 63 74 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 noon 
 
 S.E. 3 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 6P.M. '52 78 
 
 calm 
 
 be 
 
 
 .. 8 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 60 75 
 
 o 
 
 be 
 
 
 ,, 9 
 
 t , 
 
 61 75 
 
 o 
 
 f 
 
 Rain from 9 to 9J A.M. 
 
 
 noon 
 
 s. 
 
 6 
 
 be 
 
 
 ,, 10 
 
 6A.M. '54 76 
 
 s. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 6 P.M. -58 76 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 i. 11 
 
 6A.M. -63 74 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 S.E. 
 
 2 
 
 be 
 
 Rain from 2 to 2J P.M. 
 
 ,, 12 
 
 6A.M. 
 
 65 76 
 
 N.E. 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 noon 
 
 
 , , 
 
 N.E. 5 to 8 
 
 cpq 
 
 Hard rain 2 to 3 P.M. 
 
 
 6 P.M. 
 
 
 N.E. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 ,, 13 
 
 6 A.M. 67 
 
 74 
 
 calm 
 
 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 noon 
 
 ., 
 
 S. 
 
 4 
 
 be 
 
 
 
 6P.M. 
 
 
 S. 
 
 3 
 
 be 
 
 
 ,, I* 
 
 6A.M. '< -64 75 
 
 N. 
 
 1 
 
 be 
 
 
 ,. 15 
 
 62 i 76 
 
 N. 
 
 1 
 
 b c 
 
 Means of 12 days' observa- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tions : aneroid 28'G1, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 thermometer 75 3'. 
 
 GENERAL AVERAGE OF AXEUOID AND THERMOMETER. 
 
 
 For 9 days in July 
 
 .. 28 
 
 57 .. 75-1 
 
 
 ,,11 August .. .. 
 
 
 54 .. 76' 
 
 
 ,,12 September .. 
 
 
 61 .. 75-3 
 
 32 
 
 28-573 
 
 75-5
 
 560 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
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 3 : 
 
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 O/.OOIM . . -OJOif5T*<Tt<OOOOOOOCO 
 
 r v Tt< co oooocf3OC3-*it>e<5io 
 
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 IM(M <N<M<N(N<M(M(NIMe4(M 
 
 
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 w 
 
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 m in in ur> m oo in 
 coi-i ooeocooi><eo(MQO 
 
 <j 
 
 > 
 
 CO 
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 So oooooooooo 
 
 <N<H <MC^(M(NIM<M(MC^P<C^ 
 
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 OQ H 
 
 2 
 
 fc o.^ 
 
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 w 
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 CB 
 
 ) g s 
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 1O 3>O -OI>OO-tit>l>OiOO 
 t>t>OO O500O5OJO5COOOO5O500 
 
 ^<i 
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 coo to CD co 
 
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 ar 
 
 
 
 OQ <1 
 
 
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 s t 3 
 
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 S- 3 
 
 
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 ^ <fi .... 
 
 r " 
 
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 or DETEBMINATI 
 
 
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 : : : 2 ?-S : : : : ^ : - : : 
 
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 11 : ! llf|Il!if!l 
 
 HO C3HffiWWO^<100fe^ 
 
 BVATIONS i 
 
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 g, O i 1O -OOOOi-H-<i-<COTHOi-i 
 
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 Oi 
 
 ^ b I 1 
 
 B 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 ^ 1 . . . . I . . . | . . . : 
 
 >; ^ ? 5 
 
 g i- *T> C& S 
 -s 
 
 C o< 
 
 OO OO QO 
 
 i -i ;S
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 561 
 
 c^ CQ co CQ CM co "* 
 
 IM CO c: CO -f t> O 
 
 -T O Oi CO O -f 00 
 
 CQ CQ CO CQ CQ CQ CQ 
 
 CQ CQ CQ (M <M <M 
 
 CQ CQ CQ CQ 
 
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 00 CO CO .-I 
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 O ut 
 
 i lOOCNCQCOCOeQTt<[>OICOCOS x lO71COO 
 
 COOOiOlCIOOOOlOCOt^OOt^CirSCO 
 
 ooooooooooooooooo 
 
 <M<N(M(MCNe<l(M(MC^SNC<lC<I<MCN7)7<l7-4 
 
 If) IO 
 
 -HCOCNCQCOCOCQ-*it>!MCOCO<Ml>S^COC7ii-l 
 
 COiOOO>OiOOiOOOCOh-GOt~~C5^ T- i I 
 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO' ' 
 C^C^IC^CMIMCNC^CMCICMIMC^C^CSC-IS-IT^IH 
 
 o 10 o 10 10 10 
 
 COlMCNOOt^C^CQCOIMOCOi-iCOi iCOCiCO 
 
 COlOiOiOiOOiOOOiOCOO-COt-OClcOr-l 
 OO>OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOr-l 
 OJiMCNOlCMlMCJCMiMCMlMIM^IC^CNfMS-lC^ 
 
 Oi-IOS<MCO OSOt--t-OOi-t-*IIMeQflOOt- 
 OSOit>COOOt>OCOt^COCOO500OSCOOC5CO 
 
 i-H 
 
 (NOOiOCOCDCOf-iO CQOS CDCQO 
 
 O5OOOOt-t>'n < >OI>- i ( t> CJ^CQ 
 
 COCOCDCOCOCOCOCOCO COt^ 1 OOtT^O 
 
 (N<M<MCN(NSS1<MCMCS1 (N(M WC^CQ 
 
 :::::::::::*:::::: 
 
 I 
 
 : ^23 
 
 g 
 
 i If 1 1 . ! i i . i ' 1 1 s : 
 [lit IJtiilljilliu 
 
 SSlSoO-SaO-duS I'C^^O-acT'eS 
 
 SJB6iaMQliJ z !o53 l 2oaoo 
 
 oo os o 1-1 o "s 
 
 r-< i-t CM C*l " ' 
 
 to S 
 
 i! 
 
 S =0 
 
 s> 
 
 'a 
 
 -u 
 
 VOL. IT. 
 
 o o
 
 562 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 The corrections required to be applied to the readings of the 
 hypsometers were found at the Kew Observatory to be as 
 follows : 
 
 D..te. 
 
 1869. May .. 
 1868. November 
 1873. December 
 
 No. 4693. 
 
 No. 9582. Xo. 9534. 
 
 At 205. 
 
 At 212. 
 
 At 205. 
 
 At 212. At 205. 
 
 At 212. 
 
 -0.05 
 
 -fO-10 
 "00 
 
 + 6-15 
 
 +6'-20 +6-20 
 
 -o-io , 
 
 1 
 
 +6 : 20 
 
 -o-io 
 
 The following corrections have been used in reducing the 
 heights in column B ; they are based upon the latest veri- 
 fications : 
 
 
 
 No. 4693. 
 
 No. 9582. 
 
 No. 9584. 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 At 212 
 
 o-oo 
 
 - 0.10 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 211 
 
 - 0-02 
 
 - 0-11 
 
 - 0-10 
 
 
 
 210 
 
 - o-oi 
 
 - 0-11 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 203 
 
 - 0-06 
 
 - 0-12 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 208 
 
 - 0-08 
 
 - 0-13 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 207 
 
 - 0-11 
 
 - 0-13 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 206 
 
 - 0-13 
 
 - 0-14 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 
 205 
 
 - 0-15 
 
 - 0-15 
 
 - o-io 
 
 
 The atmospheric pressure at the sea-level has, in calculating 
 'the heights in column B, been assumed the same as that shown 
 on Bueharis Isobaric Charts; and the temperature of the air 
 there, the same as that shown on Doves Isothermal Charts. 
 
 The heights in column A were calculated on the spot, and 
 are generally greater than those in column B. 
 
 Buchan's Isobaric Charts of the World furnish the following 
 data for the pressure of the atmosphere at the sea-level, in inches 
 of mercury at the temperature of 32 Fahrenheit, over the 
 countries extending from Egypt to the Equator : 
 
 Months. 
 
 Lat. 20 N. 
 
 Lat. 10 N. 
 
 Lat. 0. 
 
 
 January .. 
 
 
 
 80-0 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 February 
 
 
 
 30-0 
 
 2^-9 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 Mateh 
 
 
 
 
 30-0 
 
 29-9 
 
 29 8 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-8 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 
 May . . 
 
 
 
 
 29-8' 
 
 29-8 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 2r7 
 
 29-7 
 
 29-9 
 
 
 
 July.. 
 
 
 
 
 29-7 
 
 29-7 
 
 29-9 
 
 
 
 August 
 
 
 
 
 89-7 
 
 2.)-7 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 
 September 
 
 
 
 29-8 
 
 2.V8 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 
 October . . 
 
 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 
 November 
 
 
 
 30-0 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-8 
 
 
 ; December 
 
 
 
 30-0 
 
 29-9 
 
 29-8 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 563 
 
 Dove's Thermal Charts of the World furnish the following 
 data for the mean temperature of the air at the sea-level, for 
 the coast of the same region : 
 
 
 Mm 
 
 :hs. 
 
 
 
 l.at 20 X. 
 
 Lat. 1C" N. 
 
 J.it 0. 
 
 
 
 January 
 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 11 
 
 o 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 February 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 80 
 
 83 
 
 
 
 March 
 
 
 
 
 80 
 
 85 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 86 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 May.. 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 8j 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 86 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 July.. 
 
 
 
 
 90 
 
 85 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 August 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 85 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 Septembei 
 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 82 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 October . 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 86 
 
 82 
 
 79 
 
 
 
 November 
 
 
 
 
 77 
 
 82 
 
 80 
 
 
 
 December 
 
 
 
 
 72 
 
 77 
 
 77 
 
 
 The heights deduced would, of course, be more reliable if we 
 could ascertain the values for atmospheric pressure and tem- 
 perature at the sea-level for the day and hour on which each 
 observation of the hypsometer or aneroid was made. 
 
 The hypsometer observations appear to be excellent. They 
 have been used for checking the aneroid readings. For this 
 purpose the equivalents of tension of vapour for the boiling 
 points have been taken from the extensive table, based upon 
 Kegnault's determinations, given in Sir Henry James's Instruc- 
 tions for taking Meteorological Observations, and the difference 
 of the corresponding aneroid readings from them taken. From 
 these differences are deduced the following mean corrections 
 for the aneroid : 
 
 At 30 inches 
 , , 29 
 
 ,,28 .. 
 , , 27 
 
 - -50 
 
 - -47 
 
 - -45 
 
 - -43 
 
 And these corrections have been used in the calculations of the 
 heights of Towfikia and Gebel Regiaf, which are the only ones 
 which depend upon the aneroid. 
 
 2nd February, 1874 
 
 E. STRACHAN, F.M.S, 
 
 o o
 
 564 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 RESULTS of the ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS made by LIEUT. J. A. 
 BAKER, B.N., during the YEARS 1870, 1871, 1872, and 1873, in SIR 
 8. W. BAKER'S EXPEDITION up the KIVER NILE, calculated by 
 WILLIAM ELLIS, F.R.A.S., of the KOYAL OBSERVATORY, GREENWICH. 
 
 TABL.E I. Results of the Observations for Latitude. 
 
 (These Latitudes are deduced from meridian altitudes, excepting those at 
 Towfikia, 1870, November 7, and November 10 (first result), which are 
 obtained from altitudes taken a little distance from the meridian). 
 
 
 Date. 
 
 
 Name of Place. 
 
 Object observed. 
 
 Resulting 
 Latitude 
 North. 
 
 1870. 
 
 .Jan. 
 
 13 
 
 Khartoum 
 
 Sun 
 
 15 36 6 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 14 
 
 Fasboda 
 
 Canoput 
 
 9 54 14 
 
 
 M irch 
 
 9 
 
 The Dubbah, Bahr Zaraffe .. 
 
 Canopus 
 
 7 47 38 
 
 
 June 
 
 7 
 
 Towdkia 
 
 o Centauri 
 
 9 25 12 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 7 
 
 , 
 
 Sun 
 
 y .LJ 25 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 , 
 
 Sun 
 
 9 2G 19 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 f .. . . 
 
 Sun 
 
 9 24 5 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 Sun 
 
 9 24 27 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 Sun 
 
 9 24 59 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 Sun 
 
 9 25 11 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 Sun 
 
 ( J 25 1 
 
 1871. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 11 
 
 The Dubbah, Bahr Zaraffe .. 
 
 Sun 
 
 7 4(J 47 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 1 
 
 Three Dubb.ihs, Bahr Zaraffe 
 
 Sun 
 
 7 31 51 
 
 
 July 
 
 28 
 
 Gondjkoro 
 
 Moon 
 
 4 56 28 
 
 1872. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 20 
 
 ,, 
 
 o Ursse Maj'iris 
 
 4 54 58 
 
 
 > 
 
 20 
 
 ,, 
 
 7 Ursae Majoris 
 
 4 53 49 
 
 
 5 > 
 
 20 
 
 , , .... ... 
 
 a Ciucis 
 
 4 53 43 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Gebel Regiaf 
 
 a Crucis 
 
 4 45 22 
 
 
 ) 
 
 27 
 
 f Sheikh Boden's, just below i 
 \ the rapids f 
 
 Canopus 
 
 4 37 49 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 8 
 
 (On the march from Sheik i 
 \ Beden's to Lobore . . . . / 
 
 Canopus 
 
 4 37 8 
 
 
 t f 
 
 9 
 
 Goboor 
 
 Capella 
 
 4 28 34 
 
 
 > 
 
 10 
 
 Marengo 
 
 Capella 
 
 4 18 33 
 
 
 > 
 
 11 
 
 Moo^i 
 
 o ^ 
 
 Cauopus 
 
 4 6 37 
 
 
 > f 
 
 15 
 
 Liobjre 
 
 Canopus 
 
 415 
 
 
 M;irch 
 
 1 
 
 /At the junction of Asua and\ 
 \ Attabbi / 
 
 
 Canopus 
 
 3 42 38 
 
 
 , , 
 
 3 
 
 At camp in the forest . 
 
 Canopus 
 
 3 22 11 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Shooa 
 
 a Crucis 
 
 3 7 17 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 o Ursae Majoris 
 
 3 1 21 
 
 
 April 
 
 5 
 
 Foweera 
 
 a Lyrse 
 
 2 12 35 
 
 
 > 
 
 14 
 
 Kisoona 
 
 a Urgae Majoris 
 
 2 2 52 
 
 
 > 
 
 16 
 
 Koki 
 
 a Ursa Majoris 
 
 1 59 26 
 
 
 , , 
 
 19 
 
 Chorobczi 
 
 a Crucis 
 
 1 56 29 
 
 
 i 
 
 28 
 
 Masindi 
 
 a Crucis 
 
 1 44 35 
 
 1873. 
 
 Jan. 
 
 1-1 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 ft Aurigse 
 
 3 2 14 
 
 
 f I 
 
 22 
 
 
 Canopus 
 
 3 33 
 
 
 ff * 
 
 23 
 
 t 
 
 Cipella 
 
 3 1 28 
 
 
 9 
 
 24 
 
 
 C.ipella 
 
 3 2 18 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 Capella 
 
 3 2 38 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 Capella 
 
 3 1 39 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 6 
 
 
 Canopus 
 
 2 59 15
 
 A PPENDIX. 
 
 565 
 
 The results contained in the preceding Table having been 
 combined as necessary, the following table was formed : 
 
 TABLE II. Concluded Latitudes. 
 
 
 
 s . 
 
 ill 
 
 
 
 it 
 
 Name of Place. 
 
 Latitude 
 North. 
 
 oo a 
 *o '5 
 
 Name of Placo. 
 
 L.'iiitude 
 North. 
 
 Q..2 
 - , 3 
 
 
 
 Is 
 
 
 
 fe 
 
 
 
 3 m 
 
 go 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 Khartoum 
 
 15 H6 6 
 
 r 
 1 
 
 Gobo> >r 
 
 I 28 34 
 
 i 
 
 Fashoda 
 
 9 5t 14 
 
 1 
 
 Marengo 
 
 4 18 33 
 
 i 
 
 Towrikia 
 
 9 25 5 
 
 8 
 
 Moogi 
 
 4 6 37 
 
 i 
 
 The Dubbah, Bahr| 
 Zaraffe f 
 Three Dubbahs, Bahri 
 Zaraffe / 
 
 7 47 13 
 
 7 31 51 
 
 2 
 
 Lobore 
 At the junction of the"! 
 Asua ard Attubbi/ 
 At camp in the forest 
 
 415 
 3 42 38 
 3 22 11 
 
 i 
 i 
 i 
 
 Gondokoro 
 
 4 5t 45 
 
 4 
 
 Fhooa 
 
 3 7 17 
 
 i 
 
 GebelRegiaf .. .. 
 
 4 45 22 
 
 1 
 
 Fntiko 
 
 3 1 26 
 
 8 
 
 Sheikh Beden's, just 1 
 below the rapids . . 1 
 
 4 37 49 
 
 I 
 
 Foweera 
 Kisoona 
 
 2 12 35 
 
 2 2 52 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 On the march from 
 
 
 
 Koki 
 
 1 59 26 
 
 1 
 
 Sheikh Beden's to 
 
 4 37 8 
 
 1 
 
 Chorobezi 
 
 1 56 29 
 
 1 
 
 Lobore' . , 
 
 
 
 Ma^indi 
 
 1 44 35 
 
 1 
 
 TABLE III. Results of the Observations for Longitudes from Lunar 
 
 Distances. 
 
 (In the reduction of these observations the ' Nautical Almanac ' distances 
 have been corrected for the errors of the places of the Moon and Planets as 
 determined from the Greenwich Observations). 
 
 Dafcj, 
 
 Name of Place. 
 
 Object to which 
 Moon was 
 referred. 
 
 Whether 
 the Moon 
 was Kast 
 or West. 
 
 Resulting 
 Longitude East. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 1 II 
 
 1870. Oct. 
 
 29 
 
 Towfikia 
 
 Sun 
 
 E. 
 
 31 29 
 
 5 } 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 Sun 
 
 E. 
 
 31 15 15 
 
 > 
 
 31 
 
 , , 
 
 Antares 
 
 E. 
 
 32 42 
 
 
 31 
 
 , , 
 
 Saturn 
 
 E. 
 
 32 1 15 
 
 Nov. 
 
 7 
 
 > 
 
 Aldebaran 
 
 W. 
 
 31 33 45 
 
 1 1 
 
 7 
 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 W. 
 
 31 43 30 
 
 
 8 
 
 , , . . . . ' . . 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 W. 
 
 31 24 45 
 
 187'2. Jan. 
 
 18 
 
 Gondokoro 
 
 Fomalhaut 
 
 E. 
 
 30 48 15 
 
 
 18 
 
 , , .1 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 \V. 
 
 32 8 
 
 March 
 
 15 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 W. 
 
 32 37 
 
 
 16 
 
 .. .. 
 
 Sun 
 
 K. 
 
 HI 46 15 
 
 |] 
 
 16 
 
 j , 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 W. 
 
 32 58 
 
 
 17 
 
 , , . . 
 
 Aldebaran 
 
 E. 
 
 f,2 9 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 Aldebaran 
 
 E. 
 
 32 6 30 
 
 1 1 
 
 17 
 
 > > 
 
 Jupiter 
 
 W. 
 
 32 52 15
 
 566 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 At one place (Fatiko) two observations of eclipses of Jupiter's 
 satellites were made, the results of which are given in the next 
 Table: 
 
 TABLE IV. Results of the Observations for Longitude, from Eclipses ff 
 Jupiter's Satellites, made at Fatiko. 
 
 (In the reduction of these observations the ' Nautical Almanac ' times have 
 been used without correction, no corresponding observations having been 
 found.) 
 
 Date. 
 
 Phenomena. 
 
 Resulting 
 Longitude Ea?t. 
 
 1872. March 17 
 1873. Feb. 6 
 
 Keappearance of 1st satellite 
 Disappearance of 3rd satellite 
 
 32 37 45 
 32 35 45 
 
 Combining together the results of Tables III. and IV., the 
 following values of longitude are found : 
 
 TABLE V. Concluded Longitudes. 
 
 
 Name of Place. 
 
 Longitude 
 East. 
 
 Number of 
 separate 
 Determinations. 
 
 
 
 Towfikia 
 
 31 44 13 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 Gondokoro 
 
 31 28 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Fatiko 
 
 32 27 49 
 
 8 
 
 
 In addition to the above, several differences of longitude were 
 measured by means of two chronometers. 
 
 TABLE VI. CJtronometric Differences of Longitude. 
 
 
 Names of Places. 
 
 Resulting 
 Differences of 
 Longitudes. 
 
 
 
 Khartoum, ea-t of Fashoda 
 Fashoda, cast of Towfikia 
 Khartoum, east of Towfikia 
 Towfikia, east of the Dubbah. Bahr Zaraffe 
 Towfikia, east of Three Dubbahs, Bahr) 
 Zaraffe / 
 
 21 
 30 45 
 51 45 
 1 3 15 
 
 1 3 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The interval between the observations made before leaving 
 Khartoum, and after arriving at Towfikia (taking Fas,hoda on
 
 APPENDIX. 5G7 
 
 the way) wa3 fourteen days, and the rates determined at 
 Khartoum agree well with those afterwards found at Towfikia. 
 The first three results of the preceding Table should therefor 
 be good. 
 
 The last two differences depend on rates determined before 
 leaving Towfikia, carried on twenty-nine days for " The Dubbah," 
 and fifty-two days for " Three Dubbahs," there being no after 
 determination of rate. These differences are therefore less 
 worthy of confidence, although it may be noted as a favourable 
 circumstance that in each case the two chronometers employed 
 gave fairly accordant results.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abbas Pacha, Achmet Rafik's service 
 under, i. 323. 
 
 Abbio, the old sheik of Lobore, 
 offers assistance, ii. 48 et seq. ; 
 sends his son as a hostage, ii. 60. 
 
 Abd - el - Kader, Lieutenant-colonel, 
 first aide-de-camp, appointed to 
 command of Sir S. Baker's body- 
 guard, the "Forty Thieves," i. 
 31 ; trustworthiness of, i. 90, 
 ii. 13 ; boards a slaver, i. 126 ; 
 an excellent diver, i. 182 ; 
 explains matters to Allorron, i. 
 224 ; commands an attacking 
 party, i. 265 ; storms a stockade, 
 i. 273 ; visits slavers' station 
 at Gondokoro, i. 283 ; prompti- 
 tude of, i. 356, ii 231 ; accom- 
 panies Sir S. Baker to Unyoro, ii 
 5 ; advises capture of the sheik 
 Bedden, ii. 24 ; fires Bari villages, 
 ii. 32 ; in charge of baggage, ii. 
 68 ; sent to Foweera with instruc- 
 tions, ii. 165 ; sent to remonstrate 
 with Kabba Re"ga, ii. 179 ; escorts 
 Kabba Rega to Sir S. Baker's 
 dwelling at Masindi, ii. 236 ; drills 
 troops daily at Masindi, ii. 295, 
 297 ; his interview with Kitta- 
 kara after battle of Masindi, ii. 
 302 ; his dwelling on fire, ii. 319 ; 
 his duties on the march to Rionga, 
 ii. 324 ; wounded, ii. 341 ; rejoins 
 Sir S. Baker in Rionga's district, 
 ii. 371 ; in command at Foweera, 
 ii. 378, 384 ; his testimony respect- 
 ing the expedition, ii. 408 ; re- 
 called to Fatiko, ii. 415 ; as a 
 
 hunter, ii. 448 ; promotion of, ii. 
 497 ; honourable mention of, ii. 
 510. 
 
 Abdullah, Major, left in command of 
 a station, i. 375 ; completion of 
 station commanded by, i. 379 ; 
 visit to station of, i. 383 ; recalled, 
 i. 3:5; Achmet's camp attacked 
 after departure of, i. 397 ; further 
 particulars respecting his com- 
 mand, ii. 38 ; attacked by the 
 Baris of Bedden, ii. 55 ; left in 
 command at Fatiko, ii. 134 ; in 
 charge of liberated slaves, ii. 221 ; 
 awkward position of, at Fatiko, ii. 
 233, 388 ; in peril, ii. 363 ; re- 
 lieved by Sir S. Baker, ii. 389 ; 
 ordered to arrest Abou Saood, ii. 
 448 ; in command at Fatiko, ii. 
 469 ; orders for, ii. 470 ; otherwise 
 mentioned, ii. 5, 440. 
 
 Abdullah, the Shillook, volunteers to 
 accompany Sir S. Baker in explor- 
 ing the White Nile, i. 140 ; guards 
 corn at Tewfikeeyah, i. 178 ; sent 
 to Tewfikeeyah with letter for the 
 governor of Fashoda, i. 179 ; re- 
 turns from Tewfikeeyah with intel- 
 ligence respecting letter, ii. 180. 
 
 Abdullah, the cook, i. 7. 
 
 Abdullah Maseri, catches the thief, 
 L 253. 
 
 Abdullah, the pathfinder, ii. 322, 
 358. 
 
 Aboo Kooka, a native interpreter, ii. 
 292, 314. 
 
 Abou Kookah, station of, i. 219. 
 
 Abou-noos or Abdnoos (ebony), i. 240. 
 
 Abou Saood (Agad & Co.), his con- 
 tract with the Egyptian govern-
 
 570 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ment, i. 159 ; surreptitiously dis- 
 poses of slaves, ib. ; appearance 
 and character of, ib. ; treacherously 
 murders the sheik of Belinian, i. 
 232 ; arrives at Gondokoro, i. 
 280 ; brings stolen cattle, i. 281 ; 
 joyfully welcomed to Gondokoro 
 by Baris, i. 282 ; his cattle con- 
 fiscated, i. 284; Sir S. Baker's 
 official letter to, ib. ; intrigues of, 
 i. 287 ; carries off cattle, i. 315 ; 
 responsible for Shir calamity, i. 
 316 ; anticipates failure of the ex- 
 pedition, i. 320 ; further intrigues 
 of, i. 321 ; traffics with Baris of 
 Belinian, i. 323 ; asks for permis- 
 sion to quit Gondokoro, i. 341 ; 
 incites officers to conspire, i. 365 ; 
 success of his intrigues, i. 398 ; 
 swindles the government, i. 425 ; 
 departure of, i. 429 ; his station 
 at Latooka, i. 432 ; otherwise men- 
 tioned, i. 353, 364 ; his stations 
 near Ibrahiine'yeh, ii. 78 ; meeting 
 at Fatiko with, ii. 90 ; his in- 
 trigues with Shooli natives, ii. 94 ; 
 his proceedings at Fatiko, ii. 107 : 
 his contract to supply the troops 
 with provisions, ii. 108 ; his 
 character, ii. 109 ; wantonly at- 
 tacks the Koshi country, ii. 112 ; 
 swears eternal fidelity, ii. 120, 
 129 ; his instructions to Sulei- 
 man, the vakeel, ii. 158 ; visits 
 Kabba Re"ga and prepares a snare, 
 ii. 160 ; conspires with Suleiman, 
 ii. 168 ; his first appearance at 
 Masindi, ii. 193 ; wantonly at- 
 tacks Rot Jarma, who was under 
 government protection, ii. 233 ; 
 Rionga's information respecting, ii. 
 373 j abominable treachery of, il. 
 380 et seq. ; evidence against, ii. 
 401, 425 ; summoned to Fatiko, 
 ii. 406 ; his defence, ii. 409 ; his 
 flight and false reports, ii. 411 ; 
 some of his slavers overtaken, ii. 
 482 ; arrest of, ii. 487 ; docu- 
 mentary evidence against, handed 
 to Nubar Pacha at Cairo, ii. 495 et 
 seq. ; latest information respecting, 
 ii. 514 et seq. 
 
 Achmet Bash Choush, narrow escape 
 of, i. 305. 
 
 Achmet Effendi, conduct of, i. 178 ; 
 leisurely proceedings of, i. 187 ; 
 appointed to command of a station, 
 i. 375 ; energetic conduct of, i. 
 379 ; returns to camp with intel- 
 ligence, i. 397. 
 
 Achmet Rank Effendi, left behind 
 with Niarnbore, i. 281 ; natives 
 threaten, i. 315 ; information re- 
 specting his conduct in the Shir 
 matter, i. 318_; negligence of, i. 
 323 ; anxiety for, i. 328 ; killed 
 by Baris, i. 332. 
 
 African horse sickness, i. 362 ; 
 diplomacy, ii. 23 ; paradise, ii. 
 85 ; love of music, ii. 92, 505 ; 
 slavery, ii. 209 ; notions about 
 honesty, ii. 210. 
 
 Afuddo, sport at, ii. 77. 
 
 Agad Achmet Sheik (head of the 
 firm of Agad & Co.), his contract 
 with the Egyptian government, i. 
 149 ; his grievances, i. 150, 156 ; 
 modification of the terms of con- 
 tract with, i. 157 et scq. ; death j)f, 
 i. 281 ; otherwise mentioned, i. 4, 
 132, 148, 425. 
 
 Agricultural enemies, i. 136 ; strike, 
 i. 137 ; experiments, ii. 255. 
 
 Akiko Hill, bearings taken at, ii. 7P. 
 
 Albert N'yanza (M'wootan N'zige"), 
 arrangements for navigating the, i. 
 32 ; junction of Victoria Nile and, 
 i. 143 ; White Nile flowing from 
 the, ii. 74 ; mountains on west 
 shore of, opposite Magungo, ii. 
 134 ; native information respecting 
 Bare"ga, a country bordering on 
 the, ii. 147 ; sighted from neigh- 
 bourhood of Masindi, ii. 179 ; in- 
 formation from M't^se's envoys 
 respecting, ii. 198 ; sighted from 
 Masindi, ii. 214 ; east shore of, 
 ii. 262 ; Makkarika cannibals near 
 the, ii. 432 ; native information re- 
 specting, ii. 462 ; Unyoro bounded 
 by the, ii. 470 ; altitude of, taken 
 by Sir S. Baker at Vacovia, ii. 
 507 ; future observations of the, 
 ib. ; connection of Tanganyika lake 
 with, ii. 522 ; Dr. Schweiufurth on 
 Livingstone's theories respecting, 
 ii. 524 ; highest altitude of, ii. 
 527.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 571 
 
 Alexandria, distance between Gondo- 
 koro and, i. 10. 
 
 Ali Amouri, representatives of, at 
 Wat-el-Shambi declare their in- 
 ability to supply troops with food, 
 i. 217. 
 
 Ali Bey, governor of Fashoda, claims 
 to have taken measures for sup- 
 pressing the slave trade, i. 33 ; 
 makes a razzia upon the Shillooks, 
 i. 86; his interview with Sir S. 
 Baker, i. 89 ; his method of taxing 
 a district, i. 93 ; his intrigues 
 against the Shillook king, i. 102 ; 
 summoned to an interview with 
 Quat Kare, i. 119 et seq.; dismissed 
 and disgraced, i. 157 ; otherwise 
 mentioned, i. 148. 
 
 Ali Emmeen persuades the Makka- 
 rika tribe to take hostile measures 
 against Sir S. Baker, ii. 430 ; 
 refuses to appear before Sir S. 
 Baker, ii. 431 ; his representations 
 to the Makkarikas, ii. 432. 
 
 Ali Genninar makes submission, and 
 offers his services, ii. 227 ; super- 
 sedes Eddrees, ii. 244 ; Kabba 
 R4ga steals guns and ammunition 
 of, ib. ; in command in Unyoro, ii. 
 416 ; narrowly escapes drowning, 
 ii. 421 ; and Eionga defeat Kabba 
 Re"ga, ii. 433 ; and Eionga obtain 
 complete possession of Unyoro, ii. 
 470. 
 
 Ali Goboor ("Forty Thieves") wound- 
 ed by a lance, ii. 339. 
 
 Ali Hussein, an employe of Abou 
 Saood, description of, ii. 102 ; 
 treachery of, ii. 103 ; intercepts 
 provisions, ii. 128 ; superseded by 
 Wat el-Mek, ii. 381 ; death of, 
 ii. 398. 
 
 Al Jusef, an envoy from M'tese", 
 king of Uganda, arrives at Fatiko, 
 ii. 461. 
 
 Ali Nedjar (" Forty Thieves "), death 
 of, ii. 14 ; otherwise mentioned, i. 
 348, 420, 448 ; ii. 13. 
 
 Ali Sadik (" Forty Thieves "), a crack 
 shot, ii. 354. 
 
 Allorron, a Bari chief, promises alle- 
 giance to the government, i. 221 ; 
 hostile conduct of, i. 223 ; his 
 connection with Abou Saood, i. 
 
 225; prejudiced against expedi- 
 tion, i. 228 ; refuses to supply cattle 
 or food, i. 235 ; his aversion to the 
 government, i. 236 ; his cattle con- 
 fiscated, i. 255 ; his interview with 
 Sir S. Baker, ib. ; his negotiations 
 with the Baris of Belinian, i. 277 ; 
 assists Abou Saood, i. 283, 321 ; 
 desires peace, i. 429; repentance 
 and reformation of, ii. 477. 
 
 Amarn, an Abyssinian boy, rescued 
 from a cruel master, i. 354 ; in- 
 telligence of, ii. 6 ; on a march, ii. 
 44 ; ill with an ulcerated leg, ii. 
 442 ; brought to England by Lady 
 Baker, ii. 533. 
 
 Ambuscades, i. 345 ; ii. 339. 
 
 Ammunition, reckless waste of, ii. 
 342, 344. 
 
 Antelopes, i. 65, 68, 71, 73, 85, 87 ; 
 ii. 446, 448, 451, 453. 
 
 Ants, i. 135, 234. 
 
 Ant-hills, i. 40, 65, 68, 71. 
 
 Apothecaries' Hall, medicines and 
 drugs for the expedition obtained 
 from, i. 18. 
 
 Artilleryman, death of an, i. 60 ; 
 prophecy of an, i. 60 ; fulfilment 
 of prophecy of an, i. 75. 
 
 Artillery for expedition, i. 16. 
 
 Assaballa, capture of slaver belonging 
 to. i. 132. 
 
 Asua (River), an affluent of the Nile, 
 direction of the, i. 143 ; impassable 
 during the rainy season, ii. 3 ; junc- 
 tion of the Attabi with the, ii. 70. 
 
 Atbara (River), an affluent of the 
 Nile, direction of the, i. 143. 
 
 Atroosh, a vakeel, station of, ii. 121 ; 
 instructed by Abou Saood to attack 
 Fabbo, ii. 430. 
 
 Attabi (River), water of the, quite 
 clear, ii. 70. 
 
 Austrian mission station at Gondo- 
 koro, i. 222, 237. 
 
 B. 
 
 Baggara Arabs, followers of Ali Bey, 
 help to levy taxes, i. 89 ; canoe' 
 builder, ii. 365. 
 
 Baggera, immense size of the fish 
 called, i. 444.
 
 572 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Bahr Gazal (River), expedition of 
 Djiaffer Pacha to the, i. 25, 44 ; 
 navigable channels in the, i. 70 ; 
 slave-vessel from the, seized, i. 
 132 ; scarcity of wood near the, 
 i. 140 ; absence of current in the, 
 i. 141 ; geographical particulars 
 respecting the, i. 142 ; geographi- 
 cal theories respecting the, L 
 398. 
 
 Bahr Giraffe (River), a branch of the 
 White Nile, ascent of the, i. 38 ; 
 particulars respecting the, i. 39 ; 
 whole fleet in a cul-de-sac on the, i. 
 47 ; attempt of officials to prevent 
 expedition from passing the, i. 
 148 ; wreck on the, i. 173 ; un- 
 navigable character of the, i. 196 
 et seq. ; dam constructed across the, 
 i. 204 ; return journey via canal 
 perfectly navigable, ii. 480 ; other- 
 wise mentioned, i. 35, 37, 79, 89, 
 126, 1.33, 143 ; ii. 36. 
 
 Bahr Ingo (River), effluents at east- 
 ern corner of, ii. 118. 
 
 Bairam, the, a Mahommedan festival, 
 i. 180. 
 
 Baker, Sir Samuel, firman of Khe- 
 dive appointing him commander 
 of the expedition to suppress the 
 slave-trade of the White Nile, and 
 to annex the Central Nile Basin, 
 i. 7 ; English party under his com- 
 mand, i. 12 ; preliminary arrange- 
 ments of, i. 12-20 ; unpopularity 
 of his expedition, i. 25 ; surveys 
 lacustrine region, i. 50 ; contem- 
 plates returning to Shillook 
 country, i. 69 ; detects the ne- 
 farious practices of Ali Bey, the 
 governor of Fashoda, i. 87 ; 
 his interview with Ali Bey, 
 i. 89 ; liberates slaves, i. 95 ; 
 descends the Sobat, i. 96 ; as- 
 sembles the entire fleet at Tew- 
 fikeeyah, i. 97 ; his first interview 
 with Quat Kare, i. 100 ; conciliates 
 the Shillooks, i. 104 ; his proceed- 
 ings at Tewfikeeyah, i. 107 ; adjusts 
 matters between Quat Kare and 
 Ali Bey, i. 122 ; explores the old 
 White Nile, i. 140 ; sends letter of 
 remonstrance to Djiaffer Pacha, i. 
 148 ; his limited jurisdiction, i. 
 
 151 ; explanation of preceding 
 limitation, i. 154; determines to 
 assume monopoly of the ivory 
 trade, L 159 ; leaves Tewfikeeyah, 
 i. 170 ; discovers the great White 
 Nile, i. 201 ; constructs a dam 
 across the Bahr Giraffe, i. 204 et 
 seq. ; his operations at Gondokoro, 
 i. 220 et seq. ; difficulties with the 
 sheik Allorron, i. 246 ; officially 
 annexes Bari country, i. 248 et 
 seq. ; issues general order, i. 262 ; 
 makes war with the Baris, i. 
 265 et seq. ; Abou Saood, i. 284 
 et seq. ; commences a campaign 
 against the whole Bari tribe, i. 
 322 ; administers absolute justice, 
 i. 353 ; and Baris of Regiaf, i. 367 ; 
 further military movements of, i. 
 387 et seq.; his interview with the 
 sheik Bedden, i. 403 ; makes peace 
 with the Baris, i. 419 ; advances 
 south, ii. 1 ; meets Bedden as ap- 
 pointed, ii. 17 ; quells a mutiny, 
 ii. 35 ; arrives at Ibrahimeyeh, ii. 
 75 ; at Fatiko, ii. 83 ; notifies ter- 
 mination of Agad & Co.'s con- 
 tract, ii. 110; arrives at Unyoro, 
 ii. 136 ; meets Quonga, ii. 137 ; 
 issues proclamation to volunteers, 
 ii. 141 ; his native nickname, ii. 
 151, 218 ; pays an official visit to 
 Kabba Rega, ii. 181 ; further inter- 
 view with Kabba Rga, ii. 189 ; 
 Abou Saood's portrait of, ii. 195 ; 
 annexation of Unyoro, ii. 243 ; 
 residence at Masindi, ii. 225 et seq. ; 
 general attack upon, by Kabba 
 Re"ga, ii. 294 ; battle of Masindi, 
 and defeat of the Unyoros, ii. 
 297 ; difficulties of the march 
 to Foweera, ii. 304 et seq. ; 
 attempted assassination of, ii. 315 ; 
 retreats from Masindi, ii. 327 ; 
 meets Rionga, ii. 372 ; returns 
 to Fatiko, ii. 378 ; arrives at 
 Fatiko, ii. 389 ; defeats the rebels, 
 ii. 397 ; summons Abou Saood to 
 Fatiko, ii. 406 ; his reputation in 
 Egypt and the Soudan, ii. 408 ; 
 slave - trade entirely suppressed, 
 and the slave-hunters driven from 
 the country, ii. 416 ; formation of 
 irregular corps, ib. ; the country at
 
 INDEX. 
 
 573 
 
 peace, ib. ; the government estab- 
 lished throughout, ib. ; tender 
 solicitude of Fatiko ladies for, 
 ii. 458 ; sends a letter to Dr. 
 Livingstone, ii. 464 : returns to 
 Gondokoro, ii. 474 ; starts for 
 home, ii. 480 ; returns to Fashoda, 
 ii. 484 ; returns to Khartoum, ii. 
 490; returns to Cairo, ii. 492 ; 
 interview with the Khedive, ii. 
 494 ; decorated by the Khedive, 
 ib. ; concluding remarks, ii. 499 
 et seq. ; general remarks on Abou 
 Saood, slave trade, and geographi- 
 cal details, vide Appendix, 515 et 
 seq. 
 
 Baker, Lady, accompanies her hus- 
 band, i. 12 ; takes charge of liber- 
 ated slave-girl, i. 70 ; receives a 
 gift from the Empress of the 
 French, i. 146 ; accompanies Sir 
 S. Baker to Belinian, i. 332 ; trains 
 native girls to household duties, i. 
 358 ; witnesses an engagement, 
 i. 379 ; courageous conduct of, 
 ii, 272, 285 ; admirable fore- 
 thought of, ii. 323, 397 ; on the 
 march to Rionga, ii, 328, 330 ; in 
 action, ii. 335 ; hardships endured 
 by, ii 342, 353, 360, 385 ; her pre- 
 sence of mind, ii. 393 ; botanical 
 collection prepared by, ii. 494 ; 
 invaluable services of, ii. 511 ; 
 meteorological register kept by, 
 ii. 544 et seq. 
 
 Baker, R.N., Lieutenant J. A. joins 
 expedition, i. 12 ; his professional 
 experience valuable, i. 28 ; assists 
 in floating grounded steamers, i. 
 52 ; shoots a Baleniceps Rex, i. 59 ; 
 shoots a buffalo, i. 65 ; takes part 
 in lake survey, i. 67 ; Sir S. Baker's 
 confidence in, i. 70 ; contributes to 
 a remarkable " bag," i. 80 ; goes out 
 antelope-hunting, i. 85 ; ill with 
 fever, i. 86 ; visits camp of Ali 
 Bey, i. 94 ; renders able assistance 
 in exploring, i. 144 ; ill with fever, 
 i. 164 ; shows an excellent example 
 of indubtry, i. 173 ; value of his 
 nautical knowledge, i. 182 ; suffers 
 frequently from fever, i. 200 ; erects 
 a flag-staff, i. 248 ; display of magic 
 lantern by, i. 251 ; marches with 
 
 troops to Belinian, i. 2G9 ; assists 
 in forcing gateway of stockade, i. 
 273 ; visits slave-traders' camp, i. 
 283 ; narrow escape of, i. 306 ; 
 assists in capture of cattle, i. 334 ; 
 occupies an island abounding with 
 corn, i. 378 ; returns from Gondo- 
 koro, i. 397 ; shoots an elephant, i. 
 432 ; makes observations from sum- 
 mit of Mount Regiaf, ii. 16 ; ante- 
 lope-hunting, ii. 77 ; marches to 
 Fatiko, ii. 84 ; visits Kabba 
 Re'ga, ii. 217 ; assists in drawing 
 plan of stockade, ii. 278 ; clears 
 away trees, ii. 360 ; superintends 
 canoe-building, ii. 366 ; decorated 
 by the Khedive, ii. 494 ; geogra- 
 phical observations of, ii. 508 ; 
 honourable mention of, ii. 510 ; 
 mean temperatures arranged by, ii. 
 557 ; meteorological register kept 
 by, ii. 558 et seq. ; observations 
 for determination of heights made 
 by, ii. 560. 
 
 Baleniceps Rex, shooting the, i. 45, 
 59, 63, 189. 
 
 Bamba, the magic throne, held in 
 great veneration, ii, 277, 316. 
 
 Barega, statement of native envoys 
 respecting situation and people of, 
 ii. 147. 
 
 Baris form alliance with the Loquia, 
 i. 308 ; steal corn, i. 318, 330, 332 ; 
 a female foreign minister amongst 
 the, i. 331 ; treachery of, i. 338, 
 341, 343 ; renew hostilities, i. 343 ; 
 attack an exploring party, i. 
 378 ; attack Major Abdullah's 
 party, i. 379 ; general attack by, 
 i. 389 ; a friendly tribe of, i. 401 ; 
 sue for peace, i. 417; geological 
 aspect of country of the, i. 406 ; 
 peace established with the, i. 419 ; 
 political morality, i. 421. 
 
 Baris of Bedden, friendly demeanour 
 of the, i. 401 ; visit Ismailia, i. 
 402 ; moral influence of elephant 
 hunt upon, i. 416 ; dependence up- 
 on, ii. 5 ; refuse to act as carriers, 
 ii. 23 ; hostility of, ii. 25 ; make 
 night attack, ii. 29; villages of, 
 destroyed, ib. ; treachery of the, ii. 
 55 ; attack Major Abdullah, ii.
 
 574 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Baris of Belinian, sheik of, mur- 
 dered by Abou Saood, i. 232 ; par- 
 ticulars respecting, i. 2 44 ; sheik 
 of, declines to attend conference, i. 
 
 258 ; night march to Belinian, i. 
 269 et seq. ; well armed, i. 322 ; 
 the attack on Belinian, i. 324 et seq.; 
 war with, L 326-351 ; blamed for 
 war, i. 418 ; shelter deserters, ii. 477. 
 
 Baris of Gondokoro, sheik of, i. 
 221 ; expelled by the Loquia, i. 
 226 ; cattle of, i. 233, 334 ; un- 
 friendly conduct of the, i. 235 
 et seq. ; stockades of, i. 243 ; the 
 sheik's drum, ib. ; weapons of, 
 ib. ; . warlike character of, ib. ; 
 form an alliance with those 
 of Belinian, i. 244, 268 ; tamper 
 with the troops, i. 254 ; confisca- 
 tion of cattle of the, i. 255 ; agree- 
 ment with, i. 257 ; proposals of, L 
 
 259 ; further confiscation of cattle 
 of the, i. 261 ; completely abandon 
 the troops, ib. ; make night attempt 
 to recover the cattle, L 262 ; attack 
 working party, i. 263 ; war with, i. 
 264 ; women of the, i. 277 ; con- 
 stant attacks by, i. 287, 305 ; wily 
 method of attack of, i. 307. 
 
 Baris of Regiaf, in alliance with those 
 of Belinian, i. 367 ; hostile attitude 
 of the, i. 368 ; rich in corn, i. 371 ; 
 occupation of territory of the, i. 375. 
 
 Bari system of farming, L 405; 
 products, i. 431 ; method of catch- 
 ing-elephants, i. 434 ; guides, ii. 
 323, 324, 357. 
 
 Bark cloth, Kabba Riga's robe of, 
 ii. 189 ; preparation of, ii 229. 
 
 Baroondi (Speke's " Urundi "), ii- 263. 
 
 Bartholorn6, M., a French trader, i. 
 231. 
 
 Bartooma, (M.), ii. 148. 
 
 Bazaine, Marshal, soldiers who had 
 fought under, i. 16, 396. 
 
 Bedawi, the guide, i. 43. 
 
 Bedden, Bari chief, visits Sir S. 
 Baker at Ismailia, i, 402 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, L 420, 421 ; 
 subsequent treacherous conduct 
 of, ii. 17 et seq. 
 
 Belinian, attack upon, i. 268 et seq.; 
 Baris of, vide Baris ; river of, i. 
 334 ; mountain of, i. 346. 
 
 BeJlaal, a negro boy, ii. 295, 441, 492. 
 
 Berber, i. 16, 21 ; frightful change in 
 the aspect of country near, i. 134, 
 163 ; improvements at, ii. 492. 
 
 Besheer, swears information against 
 Abou Saood, ii. 401. 
 
 " Bismillah ! " wonderful effect of 
 exclaiming, i. 443. 
 
 Bizemont, Visconte de, French lieu- 
 tenant de vaisseau, arrives at 
 Khartoum to join expedition, i. 
 146 ; withdraws from expedition 
 on receiving intelligence of battle 
 of Sedan, i. 162. 
 
 Black troops, i. 51. 
 
 Blue Nile, the, L 31. 
 
 Bohooma, curious Unyoro customs 
 respecting the, ii. 148. 
 
 Bohr tribes, L 220 ; station, ii. 108, 
 430. 
 
 Bokamba, ii. 281. 
 
 B5nneggesah, ii. 281. 
 
 Bonosoora, the, Kabba Riga's body- 
 guard, ii. 256 ; their pay, ii. 276. 
 
 Booamba, a cannibal district, ii. 263. 
 
 Boulti (Perca Nilotica), i. 51, 443. 
 
 " Boxer " hollow bullets, i. 438. 
 
 Buffaloes, i. 43, 65, 87. 
 
 C. 
 
 Cairo, delays at, L 19 ; start from, i. 
 21 ; horses from, i. 30 ; disappoint- 
 ments at, i. 33 ; artillerymen from, 
 i. 60 ; criminals from, employed as 
 soldiers, i. 105 ; ploughs from, i. 
 137 ; postal communication with, i. 
 163 ; Abou Saood's proceedings 
 at, ii. 411, 483, 486 ; Sir S. Baker's 
 return to, ii. 492. 
 
 Cairo - Khartoun railway, ii. 503, 
 509. 
 
 Camels, i. 22 ; return to Cairo of 
 sloops transporting, i. 26 ; great 
 need of, ii. 23 et seq. 
 
 Cameron, Lieutenant, ii. 466, 512. 
 
 Camp at Tewfikeeyah, i. 100 ; at 
 Gondokoro, i. 228 ; regulations at 
 Gondokoro, i. 228. 
 
 Canals, i. 41, 47, 49 ; ii. 480. 
 
 Cannon, deterrent effect of, upon 
 natives, i. 416, 420. 
 
 Cattle of Baris confiscated, i. 255,261 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 575 
 
 activity of Bari, i. 334 ; of Abou 
 
 Saood confiscated, i. 284 ; carried 
 
 off by Abou Saood, i. 315. 
 Central Africa, extreme fertility and 
 
 healthy climate of, i. 2 ; number 
 
 of slaves annually taken from, i. 
 
 4 ; slavers' atrocities in, i. 5, ii. 
 
 119, 199, 386, 414 ; leased to 
 
 slave-traders, i. 153 ; future steam 
 
 transport of, ii. 75 ; game laws in, 
 
 ii. 437 ; missionary labour in, ii. 
 
 522 ; geography of, ib. ; languages 
 
 of, ii. 528 ; domestic animals of, 
 
 ii. 529 ; diseases of, ib. ; hints to 
 
 travellers in, ii. 533. 
 Ceylon, farming in, i. 138 ; canoes, 
 
 ii. 366. 
 Cherif Pacha, sympathizes with slave 
 
 suppression, i. 9 ; no reply from, 
 
 ii. 487 ; admirable representative 
 
 of the educated Circassian, ii. 
 
 488 ; member of secret tribunal, 
 
 ii. 495. 
 Gherri-Merri, an African boy, ii. 253, 
 
 272 309 
 
 Chibero, ii. 263, 433, 507. 
 Chorab, a travelling sack used for 
 
 carrying flour, ii. 61. 
 Chorobz6, ii. 178, 344. 
 Co-co-me", the supposed cry of a bird 
 
 in Unyoro, ii. 348, 352. 
 Cojoor (magic), i. 429 ; ii. 206, 238, 
 
 &c. 
 Congo (River), possible junction of, 
 
 with the Lualaba, i. 143 ; ii. 523. 
 Congow, General, M't6s6's com- 
 
 mander-in-chief, ii. 281, 433, 463, 
 
 467. 
 Conspiracy amongst Sir S. Baker's 
 
 officers, i. 363. 
 Corn-tax paid by natives, ii. 405, 
 
 434. 
 Cotton, Shillook, i. 115 ; at Gondo- 
 
 koro, i. 431. 
 Cow, a vicious, i. 335. 
 Crews, difficulty in getting together, 
 
 i. 31. 
 Crocodile, man carried off by a, i. 
 
 44 ; jammed between rafts, i. 57 ; 
 
 a friendly, i. 64 : man seized by a, 
 
 i. 290, 291 ; woman carried off by 
 
 a, i 292 ; shot, i. 293. 
 Croii, St., deserted mission station 
 
 at, i. 219. 
 
 Cuckoo, an African boy, ii. 7, 44, 
 84 ; wishes to discard his father, 
 ii. 532. 
 
 D. 
 
 Damalis Senegalensis, antelope found 
 south of the Sobat, i. 68, n. 
 
 Darfur, annual importation of slaves 
 via, L 4 ; settlement on the frontier 
 of i. 25. 
 
 Death of Dr. Gedge, i. 171 ; from 
 sickness, i. 48, 56, 60, 75, 2J8 ; of 
 Monsoorand Ferritch Baggara, ii. 
 298 ; of Ramadan and Haflz, ii. 
 320 ; of Howarti, ii. 330 ; of a 
 gallant soldier, ii. 343 ; of the 
 "fat boy," ii. 356 ; of Mr. Higgin- 
 botham, ii. 475 ; of Mr. David 
 Samson, ii. 493. 
 
 Deang, a native village, ii. 154. 
 
 Debono, Andrea, an ivoiy merchant 
 tradingin Central Africa, ii. 114. 
 
 Delays and difficulties at Cairo, i. 
 19 ; occasioned by opening of Suez 
 Canal, i. 19 ; at Khartoum, through 
 negligence and secret opposition of 
 Egyptian officials, i. 24 ; occasioned 
 by Nile obstructions, vide Sudd ; 
 occasioned by insufficient means 
 of transport, i. 147 ; occasioned 
 by negligence or opposition of 
 subordinates, L 176, 186, 188 ; at 
 Gondokoro, ii. 2 et seq. ; through 
 Bedden's breach of faith, ii. 17 
 et seq. ; &c. 
 
 Desertion, case? of, capture and mock 
 execution of a deserter, i. 81, 82 d 
 seq. ; six soldiers desert, i. 215 ; cap- 
 ture of a deserter,ii.63 ; two desert- 
 ers shot at Gondokoro, ii. 476, 478 ; 
 a deserter killed in a fight with 
 Bans of Belinian, ii. 477. 
 
 Dhurra (Sorghum vulgar e], descrip- 
 tion of, i. 239 ; scarcity of, i. 317 ; 
 in large quantities at Belinian and 
 and Regiaf, i. 320, 371 ; occupa- 
 tion of an island abounding with, 
 i. 378 ; occupation of a village 
 containing, i. 387 ; ordered from 
 Khartoum, i, 399 ; native method 
 of storing, i. 371, 394, 407. 
 
 Diahbeeah charged by a hippo- 
 potamus, i. 46 ; a dwelling for
 
 576 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sir Samuel and Lady Baker, L 
 107, 166. 
 
 Dinka country depopulated by 
 slavers, i. Ill ; natural advantages 
 of the, i. 117 ; natives of the, i. 
 300. 
 
 Disaffection amongst the troops, i. 
 352. 
 
 Djiaffer Pacha, governor-general of 
 the Soudan, places too much con- 
 fidence in his officers, i. 23 ; 
 arranges for a year's delay at 
 Khartoum, i 24 ; his expedition 
 to the Bahr Gazal, i. 25 ; former 
 experience of, i. 28 ; supplies Sir 
 S. Baker with some very irregular 
 cavalry, i. 29 ; employs Kutchuk 
 Ali, an infamous slave trader, i. 
 44 ; letter from, i. 85 ; and Quat 
 Kare, i. 102 ; neglects to obtain 
 necessary vessels, i. 147 et seq. ; 
 and Ali Bey, i. 149 ; and the 
 grievances of the ivory-traders, i. 
 152, 157 ; false position of, i. 155 ; 
 antecedents of, i. 161 ; applied to 
 for supplies of men and food, i. 
 399 ; his lecture on the sources of 
 the Nile, ii. 523 ; otherwise men- 
 tioned, i. 15, 30, 32. 
 
 Djoor (River), musicians from Pongo 
 on the,i. 96 ; and the western outlet 
 of the Bahr Gazal, L 142. 
 
 Dolape palui (Borassus Ethiopicus), 
 pleasing appearance of, i. 96, it 
 76 ; used for canoe building, ii. 
 365. 
 
 Domestic arrangement at Gondokoro, 
 i. 358, ii. 7 ; at Masindi, ii. 225. 
 
 Dome palm (Palma Thebaica), i. 96. 
 
 Dongola, sailors from, i. 134. 
 
 Drift vegetation, i. 40 et seq. 
 
 Egypt, natives of, engaged in slave- 
 hunting, i. 3 ; building materials 
 from, i. 98 ; mechanics from, i. 109. 
 
 Egyptian soldiers, formerly convicted 
 felons, i. 16, 105 ; employed in 
 cutting canals, i. 51 ; unhealthy 
 constitutions of, i. 75, 98 ; miser- 
 able spirit of, i. 110, 133, 172 ; 
 desertions amongst, i. 215, 253. 
 
 Egyptian mechanics, i. 27, 109 ; pro- 
 crastination, i. 26 ; fanaticism, i. 
 59 ; cotton (galleen), i. 357 ; artil- 
 lerymen, ii. 58. 
 
 Egyptian government and Abou 
 Saood, ii. 411, 483, 486, 495 et 
 seq., 514, et seq. ; and the slave 
 trade, ii. 483, 485. 
 
 Elephants, sudden appearance of, at 
 Gondokoro, i. 406 ; two elephants 
 shot south of Regiaf, i. 412 ; spe- 
 cific gravity of, i. 414 ; Lieutenant 
 Baker shoots a bull elephant near 
 the camp, i. 432 ; nocturnal visit of, 
 i. 433 ; strength of, i. 434 ; ele- 
 phant gathers fruit of the heglik, 
 i. 435. 
 
 Ellis, F.R.A.S., Mr. W., results of 
 Lieutenant Baker's astronomical 
 observations arranged by, ii. 564. 
 
 Ellipsyprymna antelopes, i. 85. 
 
 Engineering workshops at Tewfikee- 
 yah, i. 109 ; operations at Gondo- 
 koro, ii 480, 511. 
 
 English mechanics, i. 360 ; engineers, 
 ii. 36, 480, 511 ; news received in 
 Central Africa, ii. 472 ; endurance 
 and enterprise, ii. 35 ; party re- 
 turns to Gondokoro for the purpose 
 of constructing steamers, ii. 36. 
 
 Explosive shell invented by Sir S. 
 Baker, effect of the, i. 55, 56, 64. 
 
 E. 
 
 Eddrees, a vakeel of Abou Saood, 
 and formerly a member of Ibra- 
 him's party, visits Sir S. Baker, ii. 
 137 ; offers his services to the 
 government, ii. 140 ; at Foweera, 
 ii. 166 ; ill with dysentery, ii. 244 ; 
 receives secret instructions from 
 Sir S. Baker, ii. 259 ; death of, ii. 
 421. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fabbo, keen competition for purchase 
 of ivory between traders at, and 
 those of other stations, ii. 115 ; 
 Suleiman in command at, ii. 383 ; 
 Abou Saood carries ivory to, ii. 
 385 ; rebels at, ii. 403 ; slavers' atro- 
 cities at, ii. 413; garrisoned, ii. 470. 
 
 Faddul ("Forty Thieves") wounded, 
 ii. 356.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Faddul-Moolah, dives for a hippo- 
 potamus, i. 64. 
 
 Fadlullah ("Forty Thieves") severely 
 burnt, ii. 337. 
 
 Faloro, slavers' station at, ii. 281 ; 
 rebels at, ii. 403. 
 
 Farragenia, station at, ii. 81 ; rebels 
 at, ii. 403. 
 
 Fashoda, arrival of Sir S. Baker's 
 party at, i. 33 ; governor of, vide 
 Ali Bey ; and Bahr Giraffe junc- 
 tion, great difference in duration of 
 journeys between, i. 188 ; Sir S. 
 Baker's return to, at close of ex- 
 pedition, ii. 484. 
 
 Fatiko, first arrival at, ii. 83 ; Abou 
 Saood's encampment at, ii. 87 ; 
 geographical position of, ii. 91 ; 
 natives of, ii. 93, 132 ; return of 
 Lazim's slave-hunting party to, ii. 
 106 ; government station at, ii. 
 120, 129 ; bad news from, ii. 233 ; 
 postal party leaves Masindi for, ii. 
 248 ; perilous journey of post for, 
 ii. 322, 383, 417 ; Sir S. Baker's 
 return to, ii. 389 ; treachery of 
 slavers at, ii. 391 ; defeat of rebels 
 at, ii. 397 ; completion of fort at, 
 ii. 434 ; great hunt with natives 
 at, ii. 440 ; night nurseries at, ii. 
 449 ; peace and harmony estab- 
 lished at, ii. 459'; garrisoned, ii. 470. 
 
 Fazokld, ii. 114. 
 
 Ferritch Agha, Lieutenant (" Forty 
 Thieves "), promotion of, i. 298 ; 
 Sir S. Baker's opinion of, i. 349 ; 
 his former service in Mexico under 
 Bazaine, ii. 5 ; nationality of, ii. 
 461 ; despatched with letter to 
 Ismail Pacha, ii. 487. 
 
 Ferritch Ajoke, a Pongo soldier 
 (" Forty Thieves "), deserts and is 
 taught a salutary lesson i. 81 et seq.; 
 subsequent career of, i. 298, 349. 
 
 Ferritch Baggara (" Forty Thieves "), 
 Sir S. Baker's opinion of, i. 349 ; 
 fatal mission of, ii. 292 ; murder 
 of, ii. 299 ; tribute to the memory 
 of, ii. 351. 
 
 Fig-tree (Ficus Indica), halt beneath 
 a, ii. 45 ; Sir S. Baker's tent at 
 Masindi pitched under a, ii. 184. 
 
 Fleet for transport of expedition, i. 
 15; vexatious delays at Khartoum 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 in connection with the, i. 24 ; pur- 
 chase and preparation of vessels 
 for the, i. 27 ; stuck fast in the 
 sudd of the Nile, i. 67 ; steamer 
 of the, aground, i. 103 ; enters the 
 White Nile, i. 216. 
 Flogging for desertion, i. 84 ; for 
 theft, i. 105, 254 ; for neglect of 
 duty, i. 168 ; for disobedience of 
 orders, i. 218, 254 ; for pillage, i. 
 356 ; of Suleiman, ii. 173 ; of a 
 soldier for connivance at Lazim's 
 escape, ii 427. 
 
 Foquatch, ii. 135. 
 
 Fort at Gondokoro. i. 311 et s?q. ; ii. 
 434. 
 
 " Foity Thieves," The, Sir S. Bakers 
 company of picked men, fmma- 
 tion of the corps, i. 31 ; distinctive 
 dress of, i. 299 ; take no part in 
 the military conspiracy, i. 364; 
 horrible superstition amongst, ii. 
 355 ; parting with, ii. 479 ; gallant 
 and distinguished services of, i. 169, 
 200, 217, 228, 233, 254, 265, 269, 
 270, 272, 275, 297, 308, 310, 312, 
 325, 330, 334, 343, 356, 372, 378, 
 381, 410, 439, 443 ; ii. 13, 26, 33, 
 68, 84, 151, 298, 301, 308, 322, 
 355, 478. 
 
 Foweera, station at, i. 153, 322 ; ar- 
 rival at, ii. 361 ; stockade at, ii. 362. 
 
 Francolin partridges, found in abund- 
 ance on the banks of the Bahr 
 Giraffe, i. 38. 
 
 Frere, Sir Bailie, extract from a letter 
 of Dr. Livingstone addressed to, 
 ii. 525. 
 
 French, H.I.M. the Empress of the, 
 sends Lady Baker a token of her 
 sympathy with the expedition, i. 
 146; volunteers join the expedition, 
 ib. ; volunteers return to Europe 
 after the battle of Sedan, i. 163. 
 
 Fuel, scarcity of, i. 39 ; laying in 
 supplies of, i. 44, 86, 96. 
 
 G. 
 
 Galla country, torrents from the, 
 emptying into the Sobat, i. 35. 
 
 Gallas, the, former conquerors of 
 Unyoro, ii. 149, 177. 
 
 P P
 
 578 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Galvanized iron, adaptability of, for 
 building purposes in tropical coun- 
 tries, i. 428. 
 
 Game laws in Central Africa, ii. 437. 
 Gardens at Tewfikeeyub, i. 107 ; at 
 Gondokoro, i. 229 ; at M&sindi, ii. 
 224, 254 ; at Fatiko, ii 417. 
 Gebel Forke (M.), scenery near, ii. 52. 
 Gebel Kuku, bearings of, ii. 78. 
 Gedge, Dr. Joseph, chief medical offi- 
 cer, joins expedition, i. 12 ; staits 
 from Cairo, i. 20 ; overtakes main 
 body, i. 95 ; illness of, i. 145 ; 
 death of, i. 171. 
 
 Geographical discussions with native 
 chiefs, ii. 147 ; information ob- 
 tained from M'te^'s envoys, ii. 
 462 ; notes, ii. 543. 
 Georgia, Dr., Greek physician to the 
 
 forces, attends Dr. Gedge, i. 146. 
 Ghattas, an ivory and slave-trader, 
 boats of, overtaken on Bahr Giraffe, 
 i. 80. 
 
 Ghebbelli tobacco, ii. 28. 
 Gimoro, the guide, ii. 94, 129, 417, 
 
 441. 478. 
 
 Giraffe-hunting, i. 86. 
 Gobbohr, halt at, ii. 45. 
 Gonah, a Langgo chief, ii. 376. 
 Gondokoro, arrival of expedition at, 
 i. 220 ; desolation and change in 
 the aspect of the country sur- 
 rounding, i. 221 ; slave-trading 
 operations at, i. 225 ; station 
 at, i. 228 ; gardening at, i. 229 ; 
 attack upon the station at, i. 
 308 ; fort at, i. 311; completion 
 of fort at, i. 357 ; domestic ar-' 
 rangernents at, i. 358 ; drought at, 
 i. 363 ; corn supply for, i. 376 ; 
 native visitors to, i. 422, 432 ; re- 
 turn to, at close of the Bari cam- 
 paign, i. 424 ; peace and harmony 
 at, i. 429, 447 ; distilling at, i. 
 431 ; fortified posts communicating 
 with, ii. 1 ; dangerous delays at, 
 ii. 3 ; return of English engineers 
 to, ii. 36 ; reinforcements from, ii. 
 429 ; Sir S. Baker's final visit to, 
 ii. 475 ; the steamer Khedive built 
 at, ii. 476 ; final departure Irorn, 
 ii. 479. 
 
 Googoos, native term for corn store- 
 houses, L 239, 371, 394, 407., 
 
 Goose, the crimson-headed, i. 135. 
 Gordon, Lieutenant - Colonel, Sir 
 
 S-unuel Baker's successor, ii. 46(5, 
 
 512. 
 Grinding corn, Egyptian notions 
 
 about, L 110. 
 Guides, experience of, i. 37 ; entirely 
 
 at fault, i. 110; Bari guides, ii. 
 
 323, 324, 357, &c, 
 Guinea fowl, i. 135 ; ii. 379. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadj, a Mohammedan festival, i. 49. 
 
 Hatiz, the farrier, murder of, ii. 320 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, ii. 312, 315. 
 
 Hansa!!, Mr., Austrian consul at 
 Khartoum, i. 24. 
 
 Heglik (Balanites Egyptiaca), fruit 
 of the, i. 431 ; elephants attracted 
 by the fruit of the. i. 434. 
 
 Hemp (jiibiscris], Sir S. Baker per- 
 suades Baris to cultivate, i. 431 ; 
 Bari use of, ib. 
 
 Herpestris, a genus of cat, i. 136. 
 
 Hijfginbotham, Mr. Edwin, engineer- 
 in-chief, joins the expedition, i. 14 ; 
 command entrusted to, i. 15 ; letter 
 from, i. 85 ; illness of, i. 173, 184; 
 energy of, i. 182 ; constructs a 
 dam across the Bahr Giraffe, i. 
 20i ; last parting with, ii. 10 ; 
 death of, ii. 475 ; grave of, ii. 479 ; 
 last letter from, ii. 538 ; distin- 
 guished services of, i. 20, 27, 29, 
 32, 51, 52, 60, 69, 204, 231, 269, 
 270, 273, 311, 317, 359, 366, 427, 
 433. 
 
 Hiliet-el-dolape, a native village 
 destroyed by the governor of 
 Fashoda, i. 9o'. 
 
 Hippopotamus hunting, i. 38 ; diah- 
 beeah charged by a, i. 45 ; exciting 
 hunt of a, i. 54, 80; frightful effect 
 of the "Baker" explosive shell 
 upon, i. 56, 64, 207 ; furious attack 
 by a, i. 209 et seq. ; an impene- 
 trable, i. 436. 
 
 Hippotragus antelope, i. 68. 
 
 Hippotrugus Aiger, i. 68, 180. 
 
 Hitch man, Mr., an English ship- 
 wright, i. 13.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 579 
 
 Hoes, used by Unyoro natives, ii. 
 197, 307. 
 
 " Holland " rifle, i. 191,413. 
 
 Howarti, the fisherman, catches fish 
 by exclaiming "Bismillah!" i. 443; 
 death of, ii. 320 ; otherwise men- 
 tioned, i. 193, 439 ; ii. 5, 15, 351. 
 
 Hussein Halifa or Khalifah, Arab 
 sheik intrusted with management of 
 desert transport, i. 163 ; appointed 
 governor of Berber, ii. 493. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ibn Batuta, extract from the writings 
 of, affording evidence of the great 
 antiquity of the ceremony observed 
 upon the death of a king of Uuyoro, 
 ii. 203 
 
 Ibrahimeyeh, station at, ii. 2 ; arrival 
 at, ii. 75 ; sport at, ii. 77. 
 
 India-rubber tree on the banks of the 
 Sobat, i. 96. 
 
 Irregular troops, review of, i. 29 ; en- 
 listment of, ii. 2, 145, 153. 
 
 Ismailia, the new name given to the 
 district when Sir Samuel Baker 
 annexed the country formerly 
 known as Gondokoro ; vide Gondo- 
 koro. 
 
 Ismail Yagoob Pacha, governor of 
 Khartoum provinces, his character 
 and sympathy with the expedition, 
 i. 148 ; instructed to telegraph to 
 Cairo for the arrest of Abou S;iood, 
 ii. 487 ; his improvements at Khar- 
 toum, ii. 492. 
 
 Ivory, government robbed of, by 
 Abou Saood, i. 425 ; statistics re- 
 specting the transport of, ii. Ill ; 
 brisk competition lor, ii. 116; trade 
 in Uganda, ii. 208 ; carried to Fabbo 
 by Abou Saood. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jarda, a Belinian chief, friendly rela- 
 tions with, i. 331 ; and his diplo- 
 matic sister, i. 336 ; proposes an 
 alliance, i. 338. 
 
 Jaugy, unfairly elected king of the 
 Shillooks, i. 103, 122 ; deposed, i. 
 171. 
 
 Jarvah, the " fat boy," ii. 6 ; death 
 
 of, ii. 356. 
 Jarvis, Mr., chief shipwright, i. 12, 
 
 109, 427. 
 Juba (River), particulars respecting, 
 
 ii. 119. 
 Jusef EfTendi, governor of Fashoda, 
 
 interview with, ii. 484. 
 Jusef, station of, destroyed by natives, 
 
 ii. 107. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kabba Bega, king of Unyoro, parti- 
 culars respecting his succession to 
 the throne of Kamrasi, ii. SJ8, 138 ; 
 presents for, ii. 139, &c. ; message 
 to, by Qucnga, ii. 143 ; policy of, 
 ii. 149, 311, 312 ; sends messengers, 
 ii. 152 ; his projected attack upon 
 Rionga frustrated, ii. 15b ; inhos- 
 pitable conduct of, ii. 164 ; obtains 
 throne by the mu rder of Ka bka, I\i ii o, 
 ii. 178 ; officially visited by Sir S. 
 Baker, ii. 181 ; description of, ii. 
 187 ; his dread of the slave-traders, 
 ii. 189; his hatred of Rionga, ii. 
 191, 197, 220, &c. ; sends presents, 
 and complains of Abou Saood, ii. 
 198 ; spies upon Sir S. Baker's 
 movements, ii. 217 ; his hatred of 
 M'tese, ii. 221 ; impromptu visit 
 of, ii. 224 ; visits Sir S. Baker's 
 new residence at Masindi, ii. 236 ; 
 his idea of human happiness, ii. 
 240 ; present at formal annexation 
 of territory, ii. 243 ; steals guns 
 and ammunition, ii. 245 ; desires 
 monopoly of ivory trade, ii. 251 ; 
 suspected of foul play, ii. 259 ; 
 sullen behaviour oi, ii. 275 ; sends 
 poisoned merissa to the troops, ii. 
 287 ; attacks the government sta- 
 tion, ii. 294 ; sues for peace, ii. 
 309 ; diabolical treachery of, ii. 
 321, 369 ; Kionga's information re- 
 specting, ii. 373 ; defeat and Might 
 of, ii. 433 ; disappearance of, ii. 
 470 ; otherwise mentioned, ii. 363, 
 404. 
 
 Kabka Miro, rightful heir to Kam- 
 rasi, murdered by Kabba Re"ga, by 
 the help of the slave traders, ii 
 138, 178. 
 
 P P 2
 
 580 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kabbdyu, ii, 263. 
 
 Kadji Barri, ii. 269, 272. 
 
 Kamrasi, father of Kabba Rega, death 
 of, ii. 137 ; Sir S. Baker's visit to 
 Unyoro in the reign of, ii. 198, 
 31U. 
 
 Karagwe, ii. 147, 151, 198. 
 
 Karka, a teinare slave liberated by Sir 
 S. B ,ker, i. 358. 
 
 Kaseega, halt at, ii. 355. 
 
 Keedja, ex-chief of Atada, visits Sir 
 S. Baker near Masindi, ii. 140. 
 
 KerrLson, Sir Edward, valuable rifle 
 lent by, L 72. 
 
 Khartoum, slave merchants of, i. 3, 4, 
 150, 259, &c. 
 
 Khartoum, diminished population of, 
 i. 24 ; injurious effect of quarter- 
 ing troops at, i. 25 ; flight of boat- 
 men from, i. 30 ; departure from, i. 
 31 ; Sir S. Baker meets with vessels 
 from, i. 86 ; letter sent from Tew- 
 fikeeyah to, i. 132 ; return to, i. 
 146 ; second departure from, L 
 164 ; distance between Gondokoro 
 and, i. 223 ; return of vessels to, L 
 360 ; difficulties of communication 
 between Gondokoro and, i. 361, 
 445 ; sick and incapable sent off to, 
 i. 377 ; vessels return to, i. 397 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, i. 15, 17, 21, 
 22, 32, 36, 37, 66, 69, 81, 123, 125, 
 139, 145, 318, 320, 425 ; reinforce- 
 ments from, ii. 3, 477 ; Ismail 
 Pacha's improvements at, ii. 492. 
 
 Khedive of Egypt, his Highness 
 Ismail Pacha, tirman of, appointing 
 Sir S. Baker, i. 6 ; humane conduct 
 of, i. 9 ; his orders neutralized, i. 
 26 ; and the Khartoum merchants, 
 i. 150 ; sincerity of, i. 154, ii. 521 ; 
 officer's letter of complaint for- 
 warded to, i. 366 ; formal com- 
 plaint to, i. 399 ; letter to, i. 4i6 ; 
 publicly prohibits slave- trading, ii. 
 4*5 ; energetic measures of, ii. 493 ; 
 receives and decorates Sir S. Baker 
 at Cairo, ii. 494. 
 
 Khor, The, L 198. 
 
 Kinyon ("Crocodile"), a Bari lad, 
 ii. 6. 
 
 Kirk. Dr., extract from a letter from 
 l)r. Livingstone to, ii. 525. 
 
 Kiihakka, on the Kittangule, ii. 263. 
 
 Kisoona, Suleiman summoned to, ii. 
 161 ; arrival at, ii. 359. 
 
 Kittakara, an Uuyoro chief, maile 
 prisoner, ii. 166 ; gentlemanly de- 
 meanour of, ii. 177 ; intercedes for 
 Kabba Kega, ii. 302 ; otherwise 
 mentioned, ii. 151, 238, 256/259, 
 265, 268, 271, 278, 307, 310, 312. 
 
 Kittangule (River),courseol'the,ii. 263. 
 
 Koojook, halt at, ii. 45. 
 
 Koorshood Agha, i. 187. 
 
 Kordofun, annual importation of slaves 
 from Central Africa via, Darfur and, 
 i. 4. 
 
 Korosko, desert transport from, i. 15 ; 
 difficulty of obtaining a steamer to 
 tow flotilla to, i. 20. 
 
 Koshi country invaded by Makkarika 
 cannibals and AH Emmeen, ii. 43 J. 
 
 Kutchuk Ali, a slave-trader appointed 
 to an important command by 
 Djiaff'er Pacha, governor - general 
 of the Soudan, i. 25 ; outrages 
 committed by his people, i. 44 ; 
 arrival at station of, i. 81 ; other- 
 wise mentioned, L 125, 132, 14M, 
 187. 
 
 Lacustrine region, survey of, i. 50 ; 
 
 formation of soil in, i. 77 ; further 
 
 details respecting, i. 53, 142 et 
 
 seq. 
 Langgo, country, ii. 117 ; natives, ii. 
 
 118 ; chief, ii. 376. 
 Latooka, station at, i. 425 ; deserters 
 
 to, i. 433 ; rebels retire to, ii. 
 
 416 ; otherwise mentioned, ii. 71, 
 
 75, 107. 
 Lay missionaries for Central Africa, 
 
 ii. 505. 
 Lazim, an employ^ of Abou Saood, 
 
 ii. 104 ; capture of, ii. 413 ; escape 
 
 of, ii. 426 ; death of, ii. 428. 
 Le Blanc, Monsieur, i. 163. 
 Leopard, boy attacked by a, ii. 450. 
 Lepidosiren annectens, a very useful 
 
 and agreeable fish for food, ii. 379. 
 Levcotis antelopes, ii. 446, 448, 451, 
 
 453, &c. 
 Lifebuat, lo.-s of section of a, i 175 
 
 recovery of section of a, i. 184,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 581 
 
 Lion - hunting, a disappointment 
 whilst, i. 39 ; fight with a lioness, 
 ii. 453. 
 
 Lira, a country rich in ivory, ii. 117 ; 
 donkeys found in, ib. 
 
 Livingstone, Dr. David, erroneous 
 theory of, i. 142 ; Sir Samuel 
 Baker's inquiries after, ii. 151,261, 
 282,' 462 ; intelligence of, ii. 464 ; 
 Sir S. Baker's letter to, sent by 
 M'tese's envoys, ib. ; researches 
 of, ii. 523 : on the Tanganyika, ii. 
 524 ; on the Lualaba, ii. 526. 
 
 Lobbohr, country of the, i. 119. 
 
 Lobore, transport of luggage to, ii. 
 17 et seq. ; advance to, ii. 31 et 
 teq. ; preparations for the march to, 
 ii. 39 ; start for, ii. 43 ; arrival at, 
 ii. 47 ; language of, ii. 48 ; natives 
 of, ii. 49 ; customs, ii. 64 ; know- 
 ledge of the lever, ii. 65 ; dis- 
 honesty amongst natives of, ii. 66 ; 
 carriers, ii. 69, 125 ; natives kill a 
 buffalo, ii. 89 ; words, ii. 528. 
 
 Lokara, Kabba Rega's commander-in- 
 chief, ii. 144, 146, 151. 
 
 Lokko (" Oom Nickla "), a Bari chief, 
 i. 338 et seq. 
 
 Loquia, Bari tribe, invade Allor- 
 ron's district, i. 226 ; capture cattle 
 belonging to hostile tribe, i. 357 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, ii. 221, 255, 
 259, 308, 311. 
 
 Lualaba, (River), position and course 
 of, i. 143 ; discussions respecting 
 the, ii. 523. 
 
 M. 
 
 Machinery, arrangements for trans- 
 port of the, i. 18. 
 
 Machoonda, the Albert N'yanza be- 
 yond the, ii. 263. 
 
 Madi tribe, ingenious method of 
 chaining prisoners amongst the, 
 ii. 65 ; villages of the, destroyed 
 by Abou Saood, ii. 70 ; attack 
 slavers, ii. 97. 
 
 Magazine at Tewfikeeyah, i. 98. 
 
 Magnetic battery, beneticial effects 
 of a shock from the, i. 61 ; con- 
 sidered magical by the natives, i. 
 405 ; exhibited to Kabba R4ga, ii. 
 
 237 ; exhibited to M'tese's envoys, 
 ii. 283. 
 
 Magungo, mountains of, ii. 135 ; na- 
 tives of, ii. 321 ; lake journey to, 
 ii. 462 ; otherwise mentioned, ii. 
 522. 
 
 Mahomet Tewfik Pacha, the Khe- 
 dive's eldest son, Sir S. Baker 
 names his first settlement in the 
 Shillook country after, i. 105. 
 
 Makkarikas, a cannibal tribe in- 
 duced by AH Emmeen to invade 
 the Koshi country, ii. 430 ; at- 
 tacked by small-pox, 432 
 
 Marcopolo, Mr., chief storekeeper, 
 arrives at Cairo, i. 27 ; his duties 
 at Tewfikeeyah, i. 106 ; honour- 
 ably mentioned, ii. 511 ; otherwise 
 mentioned, i. 12 ; ii. 10, 37, 479. 
 
 Murengo, ii. 46. 
 
 Marshes, cutting through the, i. 49 
 et seq. 
 
 Mashudi, Rionga's stronghold, ii. 
 305 ; M'tese sends an auxiliary 
 army to, ii. 463. 
 
 Masindi, capital of Unyoro, disarm- 
 ing of slave-traders at, ii. 180 ; 
 description of, ib. ; character of 
 soil at, ii. 197 ; government house 
 at, ii. 198, 213, 225 ; M't&e's en- 
 voy to Kabba Rega at, ii. 198 ; 
 messengers from Faieera arrive at, 
 ii. 233 ; nightly murders at, ii. 
 257 ; arrival of Karagwe mer- 
 chants at, ii. 260 ; difficulty in 
 obtaining food at, ii. 265 ; warlike 
 demonstration of natives at, ii, 269 ; 
 fort constructed at, ii. 278 ; in 
 flames, ii. 296 ; battle ot, ii. '297 ; 
 night incendiarism at, ii. 317 et 
 seq. ; station at, fired, ii. 327 ; re- 
 treat from, ib. ; night bivouac near 
 ii. 333. 
 
 Matouse, an Unyoro chief, visits Sir 
 S. Baker, ii. 147 ; taken prisoner, 
 ii. 166 ; conceives a dislike for 
 Monsoor, ii. 238 ; present at hos- 
 tile demonstration of natives, ii. 
 268 ; brings poisoned merissa from 
 Kabba Rega, ii. 286 ; Monsoor 
 goes to summon him before Sir S. 
 Baker before battle of Masindi, ii. 
 290 ; blamed by natives for the 
 battle of Masindi, ii. 309.
 
 582 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Masons at Gondokoro, i. 427. 
 
 McWilliam, Mr., chief mechanical 
 engineer of steamers, i. 12, 109, 
 214,427. 
 
 Meri, a Bari chief, i. 424. 
 
 Merissa, a kind of fomented drink, 
 Marsala versus, i. 405 ; jars of 
 p >isoned merissa sent by Kabba 
 Rega, ii 286. 
 
 M'fumbiro, ii. 286. 
 
 Military arrangements for the expe- 
 dition, i. 16 ; during the Bari war, 
 i. 387 ; for reduction of the force, 
 i. 399 ; previous to advancing 
 south from Gondokoro, i. 427 ; ii. 
 1 et se.q. ; in respect of irregular 
 troops, i. 29 ; ii. 145, 153. 
 
 Minith, the steamer, tows vessels 
 out of harbour, i. 20. 
 
 Mohammed Deii, Captain and aide- 
 de-camp (" Forty Thieves "), ap- 
 po.nted to Sir S. Baker's body- 
 guard, i. 31 ; sent with a party 
 to recall Abdullah's detachment, i. 
 384 ; accompanies Sir S. Baker to 
 Unyoro, ii. 5 ; on the march to 
 Lol>ore, ii. 43 ; his mission to 
 Suleiman, ii. 169 ; promoted at 
 close of expedition, ii. 497. 
 
 Mohammed-el Feel, Sergeant of 
 "Forty Thieves" i. 301 ; ii. 338. 
 
 Mohammed Haroon, Sir S. Baker's 
 servant, i. 268. 
 
 Mohammed Mustapha, Lieutenant, 
 wounded, ii. 349. 
 
 Mohammed Wat - el - Mek, Abou 
 S.iood's vakeel, parentage of, ii. 
 114 ; invades Koshi district, ii. 
 112; in concealment, ii. 113; en- 
 tertains Speke and Grant, ii. 114 ; 
 character of, ii. 115; geographical 
 discoveries of, ii. 117 ; command 
 
 ; of irregular corps offered to, ii. 
 248 ; appointed Abou Saood's 
 commander, ii. 381 ; his anxiety 
 to serve the government, ii. 383 ; 
 capture of, ii. 395 ; his evidence 
 ngainst Abou Saood, ii. 401 ; his 
 superstition and vow of fidelity, 
 ii. 402 ; his useful influence, ii. 
 412 ; retires from Fabbo. ii. 415 ; 
 intercedes for Suleiman, ii. 423 ; 
 sent to Gondokoro for reinforce- 
 ments, ii. 429 467 ; returns to 
 
 Fatiko, ii. 468 ; brings news from 
 Europe, ii. 472 ; returns finally to 
 Fatiko from Gondokoro, ii. 478. 
 
 Mohammed the camel-driver, de- 
 lighted at meeting Sir Samuel and 
 Lady Baker, i. 432. 
 
 Mohammed the sailor, ii. 5, 14. 
 Mohammed, a former Cairo dragoman 
 of Sir S. Baker, unexpected meet- 
 ing with, ii. 83 ; gives valuable in- 
 formation, ii. 96 et seq. ; fidelity of, 
 ii. 389 ; sent with Fatiko post, ii. 
 418 ; otherwise mentioned, ii. 147, 
 156, 231. 
 
 Monsoor, Lieut. ("Forty Thieves"), 
 Sir S. Baker's favourite officer, de 
 scription of, i. '200 ; visits slavers' 
 camp with Sir S. Baker, i. 283 ; 
 promotion of, i. 298 ; prompti- 
 tude and fidelity of, i. 356, ii. 
 231 ; accompanies Sir S. Baker 
 to Unyoro, ii. 5 ; cheerful in- 
 dustry of, ii. 43 ; accompanies 
 Sir S. Bilker *to Kabba Kega'a 
 presence, ii. 217 ; native con- 
 fidence in, ii. 252 ; his de- 
 meanour in a critical situation, ii. 
 268 ; sent to Kabba Rega for food, 
 ii. 286 ; departs on a fatal inis- 
 sion to summon Matons4, ii. 290 ; 
 murder of, ii. 298 ; anniversary of 
 his death, ii. 307 ; regret for, ii. 
 351, 417 ; otherwise mentioned, i. 
 334, 383, 389, 393, 401. 
 
 Mooge, encampment at, ii. 47 ; sheik 
 of, ii. 50. 
 
 Moointazz Bey, governor of Souakim, 
 i. 22. 
 
 Moostoora, little native girl pro- 
 tected by Lady Baker, i. 131 ; sent 
 to Khartoum to be educated, ii. 10. 
 
 Molodi, a Madi, ii. 265, 275, 322, 364, 
 444, 447. 
 
 Morbe, a Bari chief, elected the re- 
 sponsible sheik of the B.iris, i. 
 257. 
 
 Morgian Agha, Lieutenant, ii. 5, 179. 
 
 Morgian Sherrif, Captain, gallant 
 conduct of, i. 327 ; previous military 
 experience of, ii. 5. 
 
 Morgiau the guide and interpreter, i. 
 277, 279, 307, 343, 401 ; ii. 84, 
 265. 
 
 M'rooli, distance of Albert N'yanza
 
 INDEX. 
 
 583 
 
 from, ii. 149 ; proposed combined 
 attack upon, ii. 378. 
 
 M't&g, the powerful and excellent 
 king of Uganda, his conversion to 
 Mohammedanism, ii. 98 ; invades 
 Unyoro, ii. 453 ; sends envoys to 
 Fatiko, ii. 463 ; opens communica- 
 tion between Fatiko ;md Zanzibar, 
 ii. 464 ; friendship and energy of, 
 ii. 466 ; letter to, ii. 467 ; his" reply 
 to Sir S Baker's letter, ii. 512; 
 otherwise mentioned, ii. 144, 148. 
 
 Mustapha Ali, Hogged for engagin^ 
 in prohibited traffic with natives, i. 
 218. 
 
 M'wootanN'zige", vide Albert N'yanza. 
 
 N. 
 
 Native carriers, ii. 164, 179, 180, 
 385. 
 
 Ne'gheel, a fine kind of grass, i. 226. 
 
 Negroes, class feeling amongst, i. 
 300 ; improvement of the condition 
 of, i. 302 ; peculiar character of, i. 
 421 ; vide Central Africa. 
 
 Nersho, a respectable native educated 
 by the Austrian missionaries, ii. 
 46. 
 
 Neka, an Unyoro chief, ii. 23R, 247. 
 
 Niambore, a friendly sheik, i. 281 ; 
 is the bearer of bad news, i. 314. 
 
 Nile (River), vessels start from Cairo 
 for voyage up the, i. 20 ; character 
 of obstruction in the, i. 37 (for 
 further information, vide Sudd) ; 
 affluents of the, i. 147 ; basin of 
 the, i, 6, 8, 143 ; particulars re- 
 specting the, ii. 77. 
 
 Nile, the Blue, i. 143. 
 
 Nile, White, vide White Nile. 
 
 N'kole, ii. 263. 
 
 Noba, a superior African caste, i. 
 300. 
 
 Nubar Pacha, favourable to expedi- 
 tion, i. 9 ; documentary evidence 
 against Abou Saood handed to, ii. 
 495 et seq. ; member of secret tri- 
 bunal fur trial of Abou Saood, ib. 
 
 Nubian desert, transportation of lake 
 steamers across the, i. 9, 20, 163 ; 
 ii. 493. 
 
 Nubian sailors, i. 134. 
 
 0. 
 
 Okooloo, an Unyoro warrior, ii. 376. 
 Orchid, curious specimen of, ii. 161. 
 Origin of the White Nile slave-trade, 
 
 i. 259. 
 Ostrich-hunting, i. 112. 
 
 P. 
 
 Paniadoli garrisoned, ii. 470. 
 
 Parrots regarded by natives with 
 awe, i. 404. 
 
 Pigs, wild, i. 54. 
 
 fistia titratiotes, a river- weed, de- 
 scription of the, i. 47 ; in immense 
 quantities in the Nile, ii. 527. 
 
 Pittia, a native interpreter, brings a 
 message from Bedden, ii. 24 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, ii. 22, 147, 
 149, 151, 1G4, 418. 
 
 Plantain rove, halt in a, ii. 353. 
 
 Pongo, desertion and mock execu- 
 tion of a soldier, a native of, i. 82, 
 298 ; slave sent as a present to Sir 
 S. Baker, i. 97 ; musicians from, i. 
 132. 
 
 Poncet, Jules, a French trader, i. 184, 
 218. 
 
 Prince of Wales, H.R.H. his sym- 
 pathy with the expedition, i. 5. 
 
 Princess of Wales, H.R.H., native 
 admiration of, ii. 239. 
 
 Prisoner, an old friend recognized in 
 a, ii. 368. 
 
 Proh/pterus, a species of fish, a great 
 take of, i. 51. 
 
 Provisions for the expedition, i. 18 ; 
 scarcity of, ii. 367, 385. 
 
 ' Purdey " rifle, i. 1-2. 
 
 Q- 
 
 Quat Kare, king o the Shillooks, 
 interview with, i. 101 ; his favour- 
 ite wife, i. 102 ; intrigues against, 
 i. 103 ; stoical conduct of himself 
 and wives, i. 104 ; invited to a 
 meeting with Ali Bey, i. 118 et 
 seq. ; his case referred to the Khe- 
 dive, i. 1 23 ; entertained by Sir 
 Samuel Baker, i. 124 ; his three
 
 534 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 sons sent to Khartoum, i. 132 ; 
 restored to power, i. 171 ; assists 
 in recovery of a sunken vessel, i. 
 132 ; New Year's gift to, i. 185. 
 
 Quay constructed at Tewfikeeyah, i. 
 105. 
 
 Queen, H.M., photograph of, ex- 
 hibited at Masindi, ii. 239. 
 
 Quonga, a favourite adviser of Kam- 
 rasi, brings a conciliatory message 
 from Kabba Reg.-i, ii. 169 ; present 
 to, ii. 177 ; otherwise mentioned, 
 ii. 137, 138, 142, 146, 151, 238. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rahonka, an Unyoro chief, first ap- 
 pearance of, ii. 151 ; kills a re- 
 fractory carrier, ii. 154 ; escape of, 
 ii. 166 ; otherwise mentioned, ii. 
 159, 164, 185, 238, 268, 272, 278, 
 310, 312. 
 
 Rain-maker, Lokko, the old, ii. 40. 
 
 Ramadan, the Mohammedan festival, 
 i. 173, 180. 
 
 Ramadan appointed schoolmaster at 
 Masindi, ii. 253 ; carries musical 
 box to Kabba R4ga, ii. 312, 315 ; 
 murder of, ii. 320 ; regret for, ii. 
 351. 
 
 Hamsall, Mr.,'an English boiler-maker, 
 i. 13. 
 
 Raouf Bey, Colonel, disgraceful negli- 
 gence of, i. 178 ; his friendship for 
 Abou Saood, i. 286 ; his ineffi- 
 ciency, i. 311, 323 ; forwards letter 
 of complaint from the officers, i. 
 364 ; Sir Samuel Baker's instruc- 
 tions to, before leaving Gondokoro 
 for Unyoro, ii. 10 ; ordered to take 
 charge of prisoners, ii. 248 ; con- 
 nives at flight of Abou Saood, ii. 
 411 ; his conduct in his command 
 at Gondokoro, ii. 476 ; otherwise 
 mentioned, i. 32, 44, 53, 56, 70, 
 98, 134, 176, 187, 189, 192, 197, 
 218. 
 
 Rawlinson, Sir H., extract from a 
 letter from Dr. Livingstone to, ii. 
 526. 
 
 Red Sea, perilous navigation in the, 
 L 21, ii. 494. 
 
 " Reilly " breechloader, i. 53. 
 
 Regiaf (Mount), the Baris of, i. 367 ; 
 observations from summit of, ii. 
 16 ; curious rock at base of, ib. ; 
 sudden change in the Nile at, ii. 
 527. 
 
 Rionga, an Unyoro chief (the in- 
 veterate foe of Kamrasi), ii. 138 ; 
 proposed attack on, ii. 150 ; his 
 ancient feud, ii. 188, 191, 197, 
 220 ; contemplated alliance with, 
 ii. 3')4 ; communication with, ii. 
 305 ; orders for the march to, ii. 
 324 ; the march from Masindi to, ii. 
 327 et scq. ; arrival in district of, ii. 
 361 ; Sir Samuel Baker receives a 
 message from, ii. 369 ; present for, 
 ii. 371) ; gives a truly negro wel- 
 come, ii. 371 ; meets Sir Samuel 
 Baker, ii. 372 ; goes through the 
 ceremony of exchanging blood with 
 Sir S. Baker, ii. 375 ; popularity 
 of, ii. 377 ; proclaimed king of 
 Unyoro vice Kabba Rega, ib. ; AH 
 Genninar despatched with troops 
 and present for, ii. 413 ; defe its 
 Kabba Rega, ii. 433 ; holds Un- 
 yoro jointly with Ali Genninar, ii. 
 473. 
 
 Rockets, native notions respecting, 
 ii. 224 ; vide Hale's rockets. 
 
 Rot Jarm-i, the great Shooli sheik, 
 visits Sir S. Baker, ii. 126 ; fidelity 
 of, ii. 381, 384 ; further mention 
 of, ii. 95, 233, 381, 384. 
 
 Route arrangements, i. 15. 
 
 Rumanika, king of Karagw, sends 
 merchants to Masindi to purchase 
 ivory, ii. 260. 
 
 S. 
 
 Saat, a negro boy, ii. 6, 13, 295, 441, 
 493. 
 
 Saat Choush ("Forty Thieves"), 
 champion shot, ii. 354. 
 
 Said, native boy, catches some fish 
 of the Silurus species, i. 233. 
 
 Said Agha, a native of Sishuaali, ii 
 461. 
 
 Said Pacha, slave trade formerly pro- 
 hibited by, ii. 485. 
 
 Salim-Wat-Howah, an employ^ of 
 Abou Saood, ii. 413 ; exploit of,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 585 
 
 ii. 415 ; in hiding, ii. 481, 486 ; 
 capture of, ii. 491. 
 
 Salt-making, " Forty Thieves " em- 
 ployed in, i. 430. 
 
 Samson, Mr. David, joins expedition, 
 L 13 ; death of, ii. 493. 
 
 Sand-banks, ii. 13. 
 
 Sangrado, i. 60. 
 
 Schweinfurth, Dr., sends his notes on 
 the Western Nile Basin to Sir 
 Samuel Baker, i. 145 ; his remarks 
 on Sir Samuel Baker's proceedings, 
 ii. 519, 520 ; geographical dis- 
 coveries of, ii. 523 ; on the course 
 of the river Lualaba, ii. 524. 
 
 Sedan, battle of, arrival of intelli- 
 gence of the, i. 162. 
 
 Selim, the Suachli, sent as an envoy 
 to M : tese, ii. 466. 
 
 Senaar, the, an Egyptian war-sloop, 
 L21. 
 
 Seroor ("Forty Thieves"), narrow 
 escape of, ii. 355. 
 
 Sesame, an African wood, i. 239, 
 338. 
 
 Sessi lake, ii. 284. 
 
 Shadoof, an Egyptian machine for 
 hand irrigation, i. 296. 
 
 Shallows in the Bahr Giraffe, i. 195. 
 
 Sharga, a native village, ii. 3tf5. 
 
 Sheik, sad death of an old blind, i. 
 118 ; " the red sheik," i. 393. 
 
 Shell, the " Baker " explosive, i. 55, 
 56, 64 ; novel use for a, ii. 11. 
 
 Sheroom, a Bari guide, i. 269, 279, 
 307, 343, 429. 
 
 Shillooks, arrival in the country of 
 the, i. 33 ; return to country of 
 the, i. 69 ; plunder of the, by 
 slave-traders, i. 87 ; the false king 
 of the, i. 91 ; present from chief 
 of the, i. 97 ; visit from king of 
 the, i. 99 ; misrule of the, i. 1 04 ; 
 opinions about the expedition 
 amongst the, i. Ill ; friendly 
 traffic with the, i. 113 ; honesty of 
 the, i. 114 ; canoes used by the, i. 
 116 ; placed in charge of corn, i. 
 178 ; assist in raising sunken 
 vessel, ib. ; rafts of the, ii. 367 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, i. 98, 103. 
 
 Shipwrights, English, i. 12, 13, 108. 
 
 Shir tribe, a detachment of govern- 
 ment troops destroyed by the, i. 
 VOL. II. 
 
 314; expedition against the, i. 428; 
 a chief of the, proposes to sell his 
 son, ii. 211. 
 
 Shooa, mountain of, i. 78 ; no tracks 
 of large animals between Latooka 
 and, ii. 71 ; hill, Wat-et-Mek's de- 
 tachment seen near, ii. 4G8. 
 
 Shooli natives, ii. 93 ; docility of, ii. 
 95 ; hunting season of, ii. 435 ; 
 peace and harmony established 
 with, ii. 436 ; conservative prin- 
 ciples amongst, ib.; general hunting 
 arrangements of, ii. 439 ; their 
 skill as hunters, ii. 451. 
 
 Shooli words, ii. 528 ; animals and 
 birds, ii. 531. 
 
 Shooli the guide, ii. 129, 417, 440, 
 
 ' 468, 478. 
 
 Sickness, thirty-two cases of, at one 
 time, i. 48 ; more cases of, i. 49 ; 
 from marsh fever, i. 52, 58 ; many 
 Egyptians down with, i. 61 ; 
 artillerymen nearly all attacked 
 with, i. 98 ; deaths from, vide 
 Death. 
 
 Silber and Fleming, i. 13. 
 
 Silurus, a species of fish, i. 234. 
 
 Sishuaali, officers natives of, ii. 461. 
 
 Slave hunters of Khartoum, vide 
 Khartoum ; Arabs employed as, 
 i. 3 ; Egyptian subjects employed 
 as, ib. ; traces of, i. 42, 44, 59 ; in 
 the Dinka country, i. Ill ; further 
 details respecting, ii. 70, 78 ; ren- 
 der all the native tribes hostile, 
 ii. 112 ; devastations of, ii. 136 ; 
 escape with slaves, ii. 167 ; at 
 Foweera and Kisoona, ii. 198 ; 
 frightful atrocities of, ii. 119, 336, 
 414 ; determined opposition of, ii. 
 208 ; kept as a rod for natives, ii. 
 405 ; plunder the neighbourhood 
 of Fabbo, ii. 406 ; fire upon Sir 
 Samuel Baker's messengers, ii. 
 407 ; captured at Fashoda, ii. 490, 
 
 Slave trade, suppression of the, L 8. 
 14, 25, 96,259; ii. 4f;9 et seq.; 
 revival of the, ii. 516 ; greatly 
 desired by the troops, i. 352 et 
 seq. 
 
 Slaves, discovery of,i. 127 ; emancipa- 
 tion of, i. 29, 164 ; female slaves 
 married to the soldiers, i. 130 
 difficulty of managing liberated, L
 
 586 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 165 ; masses of, at Abou Saood's 
 stations, ii. 122, 148 ; released, ii. 
 182 ; restored to their homes, ii. 
 207 ; purchased for needles, ii. 
 209 ; liberated, ii. 532. 
 
 Slave vessels confiscated, i. 129, 164 ; 
 ii. 432. 
 
 Small-pox amongst the Makkarikas, 
 ii. 432 ; amongst slaves, ii. 482. 
 
 Snakes, i. 50. 
 
 " Snider " rifles, i. 395 ; considered 
 magical by the natives, i. 429. 
 
 Sobat (River), junction of the, i. 34 ; 
 origin of the, i. 35 ; return to the, 
 i. 96 ; direction of the, i. 143, ii. 
 118. 
 
 Soont (Acacia Arabica), i. 117, 140 ; 
 ii. 117, 541. 
 
 Souiikim, desert journey between 
 Berber and, i. 22 ; governor of, vide 
 Moomtazz Bey ; otherwise men- 
 tioned, i. 16, 21, 28. 
 
 Soudan, the, miserable vessels of, i. 
 56 ; rule in, i. 103 ; cotton, i. 115 ; 
 confusion in, i. 157 ; ancient 
 funeral rites in, ii. 203 ; no help 
 from, i. 399 ; otherwise mentioned, 
 i. 3, 16 ; Ismail Pacha's improve- 
 ments in the, ii. 488. 
 
 Soudan government, i. 23 ; opposi- 
 tion of, i. 26 ; insincerity of, i. 
 153. 
 
 Soudani regiments, superiority of, i. 
 288 ; demand an increase of 
 rations, i. 317 ; prefer Central 
 Africa to Khartoum, i. 377 ; other- 
 wise mentioned, i. 59, 98, 357. 
 
 South, the march, ii. 1 et seq. 
 
 Speke and Grant, ii. 114; 148. 
 
 Sponge-bath used as a boat, ii. 163. 
 
 Sport, i. 38, 43, 65, 80, 179, 184, 189, 
 193, 220, 231, 234, 379, 409 ; ii 11, 
 51, 131, 133, 446. 
 
 Stable at Tewfikeeyah, i. 106. 
 
 Steamers fixed by floating rafts ot 
 vegetation, i. 57 ; breakdown of 
 one of the, i. 97. 
 
 Steel corn-mills, i. 111. 
 
 Stockades, assault on the, i. 327, 342. 
 
 Stores, ordering of, i. 14 ; packing of, 
 i. 17 ; damaged by rain, L 56 ; 
 destroyed by rats and ants, i. 107 ; 
 deliberate theft of, L 218. 
 
 Sudd, the, or Nile obstructions, 
 
 preparations for cutting through, i. 
 110, 172 ; six vessels wrecked in 
 the, ii. 488 ; delays caused by, i, 
 56, 58, 140, 193, 215. 
 
 Suez, i. 21. 
 
 Suez canal, i. 19. 
 
 Suleiman, the missionary, i. 228. 
 
 Suleiman Eftendi, i. 176 ; ordered to 
 clear the channel, i. 177. 
 
 Suleiman, Sir S. Baker's servant, i. 
 408. 
 
 Suleiman, a vakeel of Abou Saood, 
 ii. 136 ; receives formal notice of 
 termination of Agad & Co.'s con- 
 tract, ii. 139 ; present to, ii. 144 ; 
 promises to assist Kubba Re'ga, ii. 
 150 ; ivory held by, ii. 153 ; 
 murders a native, ii. 155, 159 ; 
 his intrigues and vengeance, ii. 
 159 ; ordered to furnish carriers, 
 ii. 165 ; his interview with Colonel 
 Abd-el-Kader, ii. 166 ; in league 
 with Rahonka, ii. 168 ; trial of, ii. 
 171 ; publicly flogged* ii. 173; and 
 Rionga, ii. 373 ; in command at 
 Fabbo, ii. 388; with the Fatiko 
 post, ii. 419 ; surrender arid pardon 
 of, ii. 42 i et seq. 
 
 Sunstroke, a death from, i. 48. 
 
 T. 
 
 Taka, mutiny at, i. 355. 
 
 Tamarind tree, forests of the, i. 431. 
 
 Tanganyika lake (supposed to be 
 part of the great Albert N'yanza), 
 i. 143, 263, 464, 507, 522 ; vide 
 Albert N'yanza. 
 
 Taxes in the Soudan, i. 23. 
 
 Tayib Agha, Lieutenant-Colonel, con- 
 duct of, i. 175 ; and the wrecked 
 vessel, i. 185 ; desired to lay in fuel, 
 i. 187 ; behindhand on arriving 
 with the vessels, i. 192 ; letter left 
 in a bottle at the ' Dub bah " for, i. 
 194 ; disgraceful loitering of, i. 271 ; 
 Sir S. Baker awaits arrival of, i. 
 274 ; misses the path when in com- 
 mand of detachment marching to 
 Belinian, i. 375 ; folly of, i. 317; 
 cautioned, i. 318 ; defeat of, ii. 
 468 ; superseded, ii. 469. 
 
 Teel (Leucotis), ii. 131.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 587 
 
 Tetel (Antelope Subalis), ii. 51, 53, 
 
 79, 133, 451. 
 
 Tewfikeeyah, government station at, 
 i. 100 et seq. ; slaver sighted off, i. 
 125 ; farming, i. 134 et seq. ; sport 
 at, i. 136 ; mean temperature at, 
 during May, June, and July, i. 
 138 ; return to, in October 1870, 
 i. 164 ; station at, dismantled, i. 
 170 ; sudden fall of the thermo- 
 meter at, i. 139. 
 
 Thief, a nocturnal, i. 167 ; discovery 
 of the, i. 254 ; escape of the, ib. 
 
 Timber, scarcity of, i. 108. 
 
 Tirnsah, lake (" Crocodile Lake "), i. 
 190. 
 
 Tobacco cultivation in Unyoro, ii. 
 162. 
 
 Tomby, an interpreter, i. 231, 259. 
 
 Trieste, fir poles from, i 18. 
 
 Troops, discontent amongst the, i. 
 245 ; laziness of the, i. 319 ; diffi- 
 culty of maintaining proper disci- 
 pline amongst the, i. 325 et seq. ; 
 laxity of discipline among the, 
 i. 355 et seq. j conspiracy amongst 
 officers of the, i. 365 et seq. ; better 
 spirit amongst the, i. 423 ; muti- 
 nous gathering of the, ii. 33 ; 
 review at Fatiko of the, ii. 91 j 
 gallant and soldierly conduct of, 
 ii. 351 ; reported extermination of 
 the, ii. 383 ; gratuity to, ii. 497 ; 
 vide Military arrangements. 
 
 Tullaboon (Ehusine Coracana), ii. 
 181. 
 
 U. 
 
 Uganda, M'te"se"'s capital, Abou 
 Saood's people visit, ii. 98 ; 
 threatened transfer of seat of com- 
 merce from Masindi to, ii. 144 ; 
 manufacture of bark-cloth at, *ii. 
 230. 
 
 Ujiji (pronounced Uye"y) and Ma- 
 gungo, lake communication be- 
 tween, ii. 462 ; Livingstone heard 
 of at, ii. 464. 
 
 Unibogo (the " Buffalo "), speaks Ara- 
 bic, ii. 162 ; gives information re- 
 specting Abou Saood's treachery, 
 ii. 168 ; particulars respecting, ii. 
 199 ; his views upon the question 
 
 of soap, ii. 200 ; explains the 
 uproar in Masindi, ii. 231 ; ante- 
 cedents of, ii. 257 ; his report 
 respecting native attack, ii. 307 ; 
 otherwise mentioned, ii. 280, 290, 
 293, 302, 305, 314. 
 
 Umiro, tribe of the, defeat Abou 
 Saood's people, ii. 102 ; massacre 
 a party of slave-traders, ii. 105 ; 
 as hunters, ii. 135 ; cattle of the, 
 ii. 152. 
 
 Ume-el-Ete, a Mohammedan festival, 
 i. 445. 
 
 Unyanyembe', Sir Samuel Baker's 
 letter to Livingstone reaches, ii. 
 466 ; communication opened with, 
 ii. 512. 
 
 Un-y-Aine" (River), proposed general 
 depot for steamers near the mouth 
 of the, ii. 75 ; channel of the, near 
 Patiko, ii. 130 ; murdered women 
 flung into the, by slavers, ii. 413 ; 
 great hunt near the, ii. 442. 
 
 Unyoro, ivory trade in, ii. 4 ; prepara- 
 tions for the journey to, ii. 129 ; the 
 march to, ii. 139 ; scenery between 
 Fatiko and, ii. 130 ; country of, 
 devastated by slave-traders, ii. 136 ; 
 natives of, ii. 150 ; chiefs visit Sir 
 S. Baker, ii. 151 ; chivalrous cere- 
 mony in, ii. 177 ; extraordinary 
 and ancient ceremony at the death 
 of a king of, ii. 201 ; perfect organ- 
 ization in, ii. 213 ; liberation of 
 slaves in, ii. 221 ; commerce estab- 
 lished in, ii. 250 ; benefits conferred 
 on natives of, ii. 277 ; natives 
 attack government station at 
 Masindi, ii. 294 ; Rionga pro- 
 claimed king of, ii. 317 ; further 
 attacks by natives of, ii. 335 ; 
 extent of, ii. 470 ; in the hands 
 of Rionga, ii. 473 ; words, ii. 528. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vegetable obstructions in the rivr 
 
 Nile, vide Sudd. 
 Vegetables raised at Tewfikeeyah, i. 
 
 108. 
 Victoria Nile, course of the, i. 143 ; 
 
 march to Suleiman's station on the 
 
 banks of the, through beautiful
 
 588 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 scenery, ii. 136 ; width of, at 
 Foweera, ii. 364 ; Rionga's strong- 
 hold on the, ii. 371 ; crossing the, 
 ii. 379 ; mouth of the, ii. 522 ; 
 Livingstone's erroneous statement 
 respecting the width of, ii. 526. 
 
 Victoria N'yanza (Ngraa Bali), in- 
 formation obtained from natives 
 respecting the, ii. 284 ; erroneous 
 theories respecting the, ii. 526 ; 
 Victoria Nile of the, i. 143. 
 
 Vienna Exhibition, Sir S. Baker's 
 botanical collection made during 
 this expedition forwarded by the 
 Khedive to the, ii. 495. 
 
 Vivisection of cattle by slave-hunters, 
 ii. 428. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wady Halfah, time for ascending 
 cataracts of the, i. 19. 
 
 Wani, the reputed sheik of the 
 mountain, visits Sir S. Baker at 
 Belinian, i. 338 et seq. 
 
 Wani the dragoman, i. 48. 
 
 Wat-a-jook, a native village on the 
 Sobat, i. 96. 
 
 Wat-el-Shambi, destination of certain 
 boats, i. 197 ; arrival at, i. 217. 
 
 Wat-el- Ajoos Omare, sheik of Fa- 
 tiko, ii. 126 ; a hunt with the 
 people of, ii. 439. 
 
 Waterbuck (Eedunca Ellipsyprymna) 
 in the Shir country, i. 434 ; on the 
 river Asua, ii. 72, 
 
 Water-grass rafts, iv, 41 ; fleet in- 
 closed by, i. 52 ; cutting through, 
 i. 189 et seq. 
 
 Watuta, M'wootan N'zige' passes 
 through, ii. 263. 
 
 Wat Hojoly, a vakeel of Abou Saood, 
 attempts to pass Fashoda with 
 slaves, ii. 482 et seq. ; taken pri- 
 soner at Fashoda, ii. 491. 
 
 Ways65a, envoy from Uganda, ar- 
 rives at Masindi, ii. 281. 
 
 Welle (River), particulars respecting, 
 ii. 523, 525, 526. 
 
 White ants, remarkable exodus of, 
 ii. 157. 
 
 White Nile (Masaba), i. 10 ; slave 
 trade of the, i. 23, 259 ; junction 
 of the Sabot and, i. 34 ; be- 
 tween the Sobat junction and 
 Gondokoro, i. 35 ; obstructed 
 vegetable drift, ib. ; totally un- 
 navigable, i. 48 ; exploration of, i. 
 70 ; rats of the, i. 106 ; uninterest- 
 ing districts of the, i. 108 ; Eng- 
 lish enterprise in the forests of the, 
 i. 109 ; exploration of the Old, i. 
 140 ; ivory-traders rent the terri- 
 tory of the, i. 196 ; great necessity 
 for clearing the main channel of 
 the, i. 196, 399 ; discovery of the 
 Great, i. 201 ; fleet enters the, i. 
 216 ; changed aspect of the, at 
 GondokQ < ro, i. 221 ; sudden rise 
 and fall of the, i. 233 ; the greatest 
 enemy to the expedition, i. 361 ; 
 reconnaissance of the last cataracts 
 of the, i. 400 ; Livingstone's erro- 
 neous theories respecting, ii. 527. 
 
 Whitfield, Mr., shipwright, i. 13. 
 
 Wild-duck shooting, i. 53. 
 
 Wood, Mr., Sir S. Baker's secretary, 
 i. 12 ; returns to Egypt, i. 132. 
 
 Woolwich tubes, superiority of, ii. 
 40. 
 
 Wreck, recovery of a, i. 181 ; of ?ix 
 vessels in the sudd, ii. 488. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zafteer, a favourite horse, death of, 
 ii. 351. 
 
 Zanzibar, native trade with, ii. 99 ; 
 opening of communication between 
 Fatiko and, ii. 464. 
 
 Zareebas (or kraals), description of 
 Bari, i. 240 ; artfully concealed by 
 high grass, i. 328 ; troops pro- 
 tected by, i. 330 ; owners of, also 
 farmers, i. 405. 
 
 Zinc boat, a portable, i. 67. 
 
 LONDOK ; R. CLAY, SONS. AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HILL.
 
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