Y THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES CONSIDERATIONS O N T H E MEASURES CARRYING ON WITH RESPECT TO THE I N NORTH AMERICA. The SECOND EDITION. WITH ADDITIONS and an APPENDIX Relative to the pi dent STATE of AFFAIRS on that CONTINENT. There is neither King or Sovereign Lord en earthy 'who has beyond his own domain power to lay one farthing en his Subjects 'without the grant and confent of tbofe, 'who pay it , unlefs he does it by_ tyranny and 'violence. Philippe de Commines, Ch. 108. LONDON, Printed for R. BALDWIN, Pater-nofter Row ; E. and C. DILLY, in the Poultry; J. JOHNSON, St. Paul's Church-Yard; RICHARDSON and Co. at the Royal Exchange; and J. ALMON, Piccadiilv, '*-)-* *Fbefr$ Edition of this Book having been haftily printed in the country on account of fome bills relative to the fubjeft then de- fending in Parliament^ there were in it bejides many errors of the prefs fome omiffions -> tkefe latter are fupplied in the prefent edition by the Author together with the addition of an APPENDIX. ERRATA. P.-'ge i, line 11, for the read their i jo, 4, for did honour read did an I'snour ,_. nj, i, for Jft&s read IfeU * An error in the paging from 56 to 65 R(* i! f CONSIDERATIONS, one knows > how far evei 7 perfoii in Britain may be in- r * terefled in the event of the r meafures now carrying on with refpeft to our colonies in North America. This feems to entitle any man on account of his own ftake therein to fpeak his fentiments on the fubje6l. The concern of the community gives to them likewife for the better fecurity a claim, that every opinion may be offered for confideration. Thefe things refult from the nature of a free fociety and particu- B larlv larly from the conftitution of Great Bri- tain, where the people chufe one part of the legiflature and where every man is fuppofed to have ultimately a fharc in the government of his country. One point in difpute between us and the Americans is the right of taxing them here at home. This may be faid to con- cern the power of our parliament. But fo does every general proportion of right and wrong. When any thing is affirmed to be unjuft, does not it include and is not it almoft fynonimous to the faying, that a law made to enforce it would be fo too and beyond the proper power of a legiflature ? Vengeance and punifhment do in the courfc of things afmredly pur- fue dates and nations for their oppreffion and injuftice ; againft the commifllon of which it is beyond queftion the right of every member of the community to warn the reft. I fay t 3 1 I fay it with fubmifiion, but the power of the parliament is the right of the pub- lic. The particular members of that moft refpeclable body are in the ftatutes enac- ted by them no more perfonally inter- cfted, than the reft of their country men. Thefe pafs through their hands, but be- ing fo pafled, they are themfelves bound to obey them in common with others. They are indeed our truftees and guardians in that high office, but they will on that account be the more inclined, that every ilep taken or to be taken by them fhould be fully and carefully examined, like all other honeft men earnefl for the interefl of thofe, whofe concerns are committed to their care. A confideration of the meafures rrcw propofed may like wife pcflibly lead to- wards fome nice and delicate conjunctures or circumftances, whether of the prefent time or of that to come. But it need-not B 2 1C f 4 ] be faid, that the writer only finds the one and gueffes at the other j they depend on an author much higher than Princes or their minifters, but who is pleafed to fuffer the actions of thefe to have mofb ciTential effects in the producing them. What can then be a more fit means to induce a due reflection on our proceed- ings and to infure from them a dcfirable fuccefs, than to lay before the public or the governors of it fome poffible confe- quences of their conduct ? We have not far to feek for the caufe of the prefent fituation of things between the mother-country and our colonies of North America; of the oppofition and diflurbances on the one hand and of the violent laws, motions and preparations on the other. Thefe all undoubtedly pro- ceed from our having taxed thofe colonies without their confent. A perfect affec- tion and union obtained between us, un- til f 5 ] til this was done j that attempt immedi- ately (Hired up animofity and oppofition. However thefe fubfided and peace and fatisfaftion were again reflored on our Haying our hands. We are now once more come back to the charge and the fpirit of difcord feems likewife returned feven times ftronger, than it was before. Other broils and contefts may and many no doubt will arife from this caufe, fhould it proceed ; but this is the origin, the fpring and the fource. The right itfelf of this meafure is in queftion, as well as the expediency of it ; I will therefore prefume to fay fomething to that proportion. The inhabitants of our colonies in North America are fup- pofcd to confift of about two millions of perfons. They occupy and pofiefs a very extenfive territory, much larger than Great Britain. They are not themfelves the original people of the country, -but B 3 they [ 6 ] they now ftand in their place. They have in general been born and bred there, how- ever they receive likewife yearly from other places many, who mix themfelves with them. They have divided themfelves into feveral different governments. They have according to certain rules or laws agreed /upon among them allotted every man his own. They have felled the forefts . They have cleared and tilled the land, they have planted it, they have fown it, they have flocked it with cattle. They have built themfelves houfes. They have entered into exchange and commerce. They have fpared and faved for a future day or for their families. They have by many and various means acquired many and various forts of property. They are by nature in- titled to welfare and happinefs and to feek and purfue thofe bleffings, by all the methods not attended with fraud or vio- lence towards others, which they fhall believe the moft probable to procure or enfure [ 7 1 enfurc them. They have for that end a right to freedom in their governments and to fecurity in their perfbns and pro- perties. None are warranted to deprive or difpoffefs them of thefe things. Should on the contrary one man or a body of men advance any claim, which tended to enilave all the perfons or to unfettle all the property of this great community, to divert them of every thing, which they pofTefs and to leave them nothing, which they could call their own of all, that they have thus inherited earned or acquired ; the very enormity, the evil and unna- tural confequences of fuch a proportion would of themielves fufficiently fhew its abfurdity, weaknefs and unreafona-1 blenefs. Thefe are all either primary, efTential, inherent rights of human nature or fuch as do with refpeft to perfons in the fitu- atien before defcribed neceffarily flow B 4 and and follow from them. Thofe were con- ferred upon them by the great Author of their being j when he was pleafed to en- dow them with the faculties of men, with the perception of good and evil, with the means of felf- prefervation and felf- de- fence, with the organs of rcafon and of fpeech and with a capacity to affociate themfelves for their mutual protection and fupport. They are common to all mankind j they fubfift at all times, in all regions and all climates ; in Turkey, in Spain, in France, in Old England and in New, in Europe and in America ; whenever and wherever a number of men are found to be the objects of them, I don't mean that they are in all thefe places always or at this time pofTefled and enjoyed as they ought to be. But they are to anfwer for that, who do fo commonly employ to the enflaving and oppreffmg of mankind the powers, which thefe intrufl only for their protection and defence. [ 9 1 defence. However this is only atmfe, violence and injuftice ; the right never- thelefs fubfiils and remains. It is not on this fubject necefTary to en- ter into any minute detail of reafoning or long and learned difcourfe on the law of nature. Thefe principles are with us com- mon and publick ; they are founded on the good, the welfare and the happinefs of mankind. They were the principles of our anceftors, of our grandfathers and of our fathers. They may not perhaps be at prefent in their full vigour; how- ever, I truft, that they are not yet fo worn out or loft from among us, but that they ftill remain the principles of the nation. They are to defcribe them by a word well known in our language the principles of .Whigs. Whereby I don't however mean of certain modern Whigs, who feem more fond of the word, than, of any thing belonging to the character 5 who who have perhaps at one time or otter of their lives counteracted all the meafures and contradicted all the principles that ever did honour to the name ; but I mean of Whigs before the Revolution and at the time of it ; I mean the principles which fuch men as Mr. Locke, Lord Molefworth and Mr. Trenchard maintained with their pens, Mr. Hampden and Lord John Ruflel with their blood and Mr. Algernon Sydney with both -, names, which muft furely by all Engliflimen be ever revered, as thofe of fome of the firft among men. But let me add, that they are not only the principles of fpeculative (Indents in their clofets or of great but unfortunate men, whom their zeal and virtue have lead to martyrdom for the liberties of their country and the welfare of mankind j but that they are like wife the real principles of our prefent actual Government, the principles of the Revolution and thofe on which are eftabliihed the throne of the King [ II ] King and the fettlement of the Illuflrious Family now reigning over us. On the fame principles reft both in ge- neral many rights of the Americans and in particular the. right now before us. Thefe are hereby involved and interwoven with our higheft and moft facred con- cerns . We cannot lift up our hands to take them away without forfeiting our national character, without renouncing the tenets and maxims whereon we have on our moft important and critical occa- fions ever acled, as a People, without declaring that we claim a right to refift and oppofe all th.ofe, who opprefs us our- felves and at the fame time to trample upon and tyrannize over all others, where we hope, that we have the power to do it with impunity. But it may be faid, that thefe are in- deed in themfelves very true and com- mendable t ] mendable opinions j but that they are here introduced on fubjecls not worthy of them, a duty of a few (hillings upon fome forts of paper or parchment and of a few pence upon a pound 'of Tea, Let us therefore more particularly confider the nature of the claim and p retention in queftion. Suppofe then one perfon to have in his pecket an hundred pounds, but another to have the right to take it from him and to put it into his own pocket or to do with it what he pleafes ; to whom does that money belong ? This needs no anfwer. Suppofe the fum to be a thoufand or ten thoufand pounds ? That makes no difference. Suppofe one perfon to have a right to demand of another not only one certain fum or what he has about him, but as much as he pleafes and as often ? This goes to the all of that other. But fuppofe not one tingle perfon only to be fiibjecl to fuch demands from one other, but a number of men, a colony, or [ 13 ] or any other community to be fo fubjec~l to the demands of fome other fociety. What then ? Why then that will go in like manner to their all. This feems to be fo evident, that whoever fhall multiply words on the fubjec~l, will hardly do it for the fake of being convinced. But is this cafe, that of the Americans ; for if it is faid that the money raifed on them is to be employed for their own benefit, in their civil fervice or military defence ? Let me afk then, Who are in their cafe to determine, whether any mo- ney is at all wanted for fuch purpofes ; they who pay it or they who take it ? They who take it. Who are to determine the quantity wanted ? They who take it. Who are to determine, how often it is wanted ? They who take it. Who are to determine, whether it is really laid out in the purpofes pretended ? They who take it. Supuofe the Americans ihould be t 14 ] be of opinion or declare, that the money fo raifed is ufed not for their advantage but the contrary ; is that a bar to the raifing ? No. Suppofe them to complain, that the money pretended to be laid out in their civil fervice is given to corrupt their Governors or Judges ; is that a bar to the raifing? No. Suppofe them to fignify, that the money alledged to be ufed in their military defence is employed in paying troops to enflave them and which they had rather be without , is that a bar to the raifing ? No. Wherein then does this differ from will and plea- fure in the moft abfoute fenfe ? This claim affects therefore moft clearly the all of the Americans. Two millions of people fubject to twelve different Governments or more and inhabiting, poffefling and being mailers of a country exceedingly larger than that of thofc, who make the claim or in whofe name it is made [ '5 ] made, have on this ground no property at all, nothing which they can truly call their own, nothing but what may at any time be demanded of them, but what they may be deprived of without and againfl their will and confent. It cannot there- fore furely be made a queftion whether or no, this is a matter of fuch P magni- tude as to deferve the moll ferious difcuf- 0ion ; but it might here be without fur- ther words left to the immediate determi- nation of every man, whether it is on the one hand a reafonable ground, whereon to put into confufion all the parts of the Britiih empire, to throw the mother coun- try and her North American colonies into the moil deadly feuds and perhaps a direct war with one another or whether it is not on the other hand a propofi- tion inconfiflent with the eflential laws of nature, fubverfive of the firfl and inherent rights of humanity, contrary to the principles whereon our forefathers defended t 16 ] i defended and under the fanclion of which they have through many civil wars and with the depofition, banifhmcnt and change of many Princes delivered down to us the rights and properties, which Englifhmen now enjoy. But it is in this difpute very often re- prefented ; that a total and abfolute de- pendence on the Britim Parliament with- out any exception whatfoever either with regard to taxes or any other is liberty it- felf; it is Britim liberty, which is the beft of liberty. I anfwer, who fays other- wife in the cafe of us, who chufe that Parliament ; but that in fome other cafes, this pofition may perhaps be more liable to quefKon. Our North- American colo- nies are as to their internal conflitution V a very free people, as free as the Vene- -ti ans > tne Dutch or the Swifs or perhaps more fo than any of them. This proceeds from their AfTemblies being not only the nominal nominal but the real Reprefentatives, of thofe whom they govern. Thefe are elected fairly, fully and often. In thefe AfTemblies their liberty confifts and it is certainly true and genuine. But change \_0 *\ the fcene a little ; let any one Colony be ~:x- taxed and governed not by their own but by the Aflembly of another j what is then become of this their genuine liberty ? It is loft and gone with their own Aflembly. Let all the Colonies be fo fub jeered to the Aflembly of fome one among them. That won't mend the matter. Let us take a larger fcale. Suppofe this power over them to be lodged in the Parliament of Ireland. We are never the nearer. Let us come towards home. Were the king- & / o /4-* ^*-*-*- dom of Ireland under the taxation and than to fatisfy and appeafe thofe of peo- ple abroad. (See Tucker's Four Traces, page 103.) I could on this fubjecl: fpeak more plainly and explicitly, if I would, but I avoid it. So much for conient and reprefentation. But there is another ground, whereon the Americans likewife rely, which is that of their own provincial charters. I fhall leave the particulars ot this fubjecl: to themfelves, who are belt acquainted with them. However I will in general fay, that thefe charters are no doubt in aid and afliflance of the two fanctions before mentioned very properly brought for the fhortening and filencing of difputes and debates by the producing the fpecial au- thority of government. But they mull be be interpreted by thofe before-mentioned and confiftently with them. They can- not be conftrued fo as to overturn the others. It would be the moft downright abfurdity and the moft direct contradic- tion in itfelf, to talk of a Grant or Patent or Charter of rights given to any one to take away all the rights he had in the world, to confer on him the privilege of having nothing of his own now nor of being able to acquire any fuch thing in time to come, neither he himfelf or his pofterity after him. Every thing of this kind muft be underftood fo as to coincide with the original, inherent rights of any fmgle perfon or community, whether as men or as Britons. Charters would without doubt be for fome purpofes very effectual, if every thing would take place as it is written on a paper or parchment. Suppofe a parcel of miferable people ftarved out of their native [ 33 ] native country or perfecutcd and profe- * cuted there, becaufe they don't believe juft ( *~ what fome other men do or pretend to & do ; that they cannot leave their homes without the confent of their periecutors ; that they muft take with them a piece of parchment ; did their tyrants write there- on, that their defcendants mail go upon all fours, mail be born with hoofs inftead of hands and with inftincl inftead of rea- fon and the faculty of fpeech and that thefe things would ib happen ; this might to be fure give very notable powers over them. They might then be yoked as horned cattle, faddled and bridled as horfes or fleeced and fheared as fheep. The difference in the fpecies would na- turally and necefiarily effect this. But nothing of it all will come to pafs j this future offspring will notwithftanding be born with the nature, the qualities and the talents and confequently with the claims, the rights and the privileges of D ' men. t 34 ] ' men. However fuppofe thefe ftrange terms to be on account of the abfurdity of them dropped, but that there are in- ftead really entered on the parchment or charter fuch an arbitrary fuperiority, fuch defpotic and uncontroulable powers and prerogatives over thefe poor people and their poflerity, as are only fitting, fuit- able and analogous to the former cir- cumftances ; will this in right or in Tea- Ton be a whit more valid than the other or where is the fenfe or juftice in de- manding fucli enormous confequences, when we are forbidden the unnatural premifesj from which alone they can fol- low ? Suppofe that it was on a paper or parchment written in fair characters; that the horfes and other cattle of the New Foreft in Hampshire mould have to them and their heirs for ever the faid Foreft and it might be added to hold in free foccage of the manor of Eaft Green^ wich 3 fuppofe that dents were made in the ' [ 35 1 the paper or parchment and a ftamp put upon it and that it was figned, fealed and delivered as an ac~l and deed ; what would be the effecl ? It will be anfwered that it would be a thing to laugh at j for how Ihould brute beafts take property, who have neither underftanding or capacity or any means for that purpofe j that it would be contrary to nature for them fo to do. But let me demand in my turn, where is the difference as to the effect, whether it is written that beafts mail become men or that men mail become beafts ; that a herd of beafts mail be able to take and hold property or that a com- munity of men (hall not ? The one is juft as contrary to nature as the other. It might indeed be a happy day for defpo- tifm, could fuch things be done ; but they are beyond its ftrength. The great Author of the world has for the tranfcen- dent purpofes of his unfathomable wif- dom placed in the hearts of men pride, D 2 ambition. [ 36 ] ambition, avarice and felf-intereft j but he has at the fame time been pleafed with his moft benevolent hand and by the laws of nature and the courfe of things to appoint bounds to the power of thefe paflions, which they can no more furpafs, than the fea can exceed its Ihores. So much for charters in general. How- ever I will likewife fay fomething con- cerning one particular charter before I leave the fubjecl. When the havock hap- pened among charters in England a fhort time before the revolution and which contributed not a little to produce that event, America was not fpared. About the year fixteen hundred eighty-four a quo warranto was on that head ifTued againft MafTachufet's-Bay. Some of the colonies did on the like occafion give way and throw themfelves on the pleafure of the King. Maflachufet's-Bay refufed to do this. They were ex parte and for non- [ 37 ] non - appearance condemned and their charter ihared the fame fate as that of the city of London and fo many others. Four years afterwards the Revolution happened. As foon as ever the news of it arrived at Boflon, the colony declared in favour of it. They took porTeffion of King James's Governor and of the reft of his creatures and fent them all home to England. But then it will perhaps be faid, they recovered in return their char- ter. Is there almoft faith in man to believe othervvife ? The other colonies fared well enough, who did not with/rand the will of the King and whofe charters had not been vacated in a court of julHce. They put them again in execution them- f elves and no words were made. Our own charters here at home were likewife returned. But the colony of MafTachu- fet's-Bay did not find the fame good fortune. They went on that account firft into the Convention Parliament, where D 3 how- t 38 ] however they could not get through. It is well known that our Parliaments are not ufually difiblved or prorogued, while any bufmefs is depending, which there is an inclination to pafs. They had then nothing left but to beg and pray of the King's Minifters. But is it credible, that they could not procure the refloration of their charter of thefe Revolution-Mini- fters, of thefe Makers and Unmakers of Kings, who had fo lately been on the fame bottom with them and in whofe caufe the colony had fo readily declared itfelf, but who had now obtained their own ends ? Tired out therefore with de- lays and not being fare of the worfl that might happen, they were in the end obliged to accept of a new charter muti- lated and caftrated of many of the moll important and efTential privileges of the old. I mail take notice of no other par- ticulars, than that before they chofe annually their own Governor, Deputy- Governor t 39 ] Governor and Secretary. Thefe were from this time to be appointed during pleafure by the King. Of what extreme confe- quence the change in the nomination of thefe their three Chief Officers has proved to them, no man at all acquainted with the name of MafTachufet's-Bay can be fo ignorant of their hiftory, as not to be informed and fenfible. Hence their dif- ferences with their own Governors there and with our Miniilers at home. Hence their prefent military Governor and the armies and fleets now gone or going againft them. Hence the flrange proyi- fion faid to be in agitation, that their blood may not be liable to be anfwered for there. They would otherwife in all appearance be at this moment in the fame fituation on thefe fabjedls as their neigh- bours of Connecticut and Rhode-Ulanc}, with whofe charters thejr own agreed, until they loft it by their refinance and oppofition to the will of the two laft P4 Stuarts-, [ 40 ] Stuarts ; when the others faved theirs by- giving way. I fhall leave my readers to judge, whether it was the good or the evil contained in this poor piece of parchment which thus united againft-it Stuart-Kings and Revolution- Mm ifters. But this char- ter muft certainly have been granted un- der an unfortunate planet, if what fome people lay be true ; that it is now again under difpleafure at home and on the t>iink of being once more reverfed and al- tered. But that event has not on the writing of this happened. I am therefore perfectly perfwaded, that fhouid any thing upon that fubjeft take place, it will on the contrary be the reftoration of thofe its former privileges and powers, which was io unreaionably and fo unjuftly re- fufed at the Revolution. But let any one confider this hiilory of a charter and then reile6l, whether mankind have not rea- fon to blefs themfelves, that they have fome rights of a higher nature than char- ters, ters, fuperior to them and independent of them. But are not we the parent country? That is a very refpectable word, but fo likewife is the relation of it mutual. It has always hitherto had its full weight with our colonies of North- America and will probably continue fo to have, if we can content ourfelves with any tolerably reafonable fenfe and ufe of it. But was every matter and miftrefs of a family re- fident there the immediate fon and daugh- ter of a father and mother living now at this time in England ; yet they being gone from us and having eftablifhed themfelves and got families of their own and having acquired a large territory, we could by no means even as true and real parents make out any claim having fuch confequences, as that which we advance. However the facl: is very different ; they left us in for- mer times a part of the public, as well [ 4? ] as others ; they are fince become hardly our coufm's coufins and no man knows how far we might mount towards Adam or Noah to fettle the real relation between us. But was their hiftory told, as it de- ferves : How they have made thefe their great eflablifhments at their own charge md with almofl no expence of ours : How we have ever had the total command of the produce of that immenfe country, fo as to regulate the commerce and export- ation of it merely according to our own advantage and convenience j that this is grown to be an object of perhaps no lefs than four millions flerling a year, all turned towards our profit : Could the ex- treme benefit be all fet forth, which we have by this means received from the firll foundation of thefe colonies to this time and the chearfulnefs, fidelity and loyalty wherewith they have fubmitted to this;; the fmcere and warm friendfhip and af- fection, which they have ever born us, while I 43 ] while we kept ourfelves within thefe bounds ; the afliftance which we have re- ceived from them in war, as well as the profits in peace : Could all thefe circum- flances be with very many others favour- able to them told and reprefented together and in their full light, the ftory itfelf would bid fair to make thefe harfh and unmerited Acts of Parliament drop out of our hands, if we held them at the time. But however thefe points may be forgot- ten or overlooked by us, they are not fo by the Americans themfelves. They are fenfible and mindful of them, from whom they have proceeded, whatever we may be, who have received them. Our neglect and indifference on the fubject have with them the effect of poifon upon our wea- pons. They make every wound given by us to rankle and to feiler. Every flroke carries with it on that account a tenfold fharpnefs and acrimony. However at leaft don't let us extend a figurative and meta* [ 44 ] metaphorical faying to the diverting of all their properties near upon two millions of people and make it at the fame time a warrant for ourfelves to hold towards them an unjuft, rapacious and unnatural conduct, directly contrary to that of real parents towards their children and totally inconfiftent with the expreflion, where- on we would ground our pretenfions. But how do thefe projectors and pro- moters of taxes and taxing hold concern- ing Ireland ? Do they reckon that to be likewife within the jurifdiclion of their ways and means and in the fame predica- ment with America? Adventurers went formerly from hence, others fucceeded, more followed, until they were mailers of the ifland. It might be added, that this was done with a much greater expence of the blood and treafure of this country than our fettlements in America ever coil us. The Reprefentative body of Ireland is called [ 45 ] called a Parliament, that of America an Aliembly j the term of kingdom obtains in one country and that of colony in the other. Is there any charm in the found of thefe words which makes a difference or would the author of the Stamp Act \ have gone thither alfo ; had the people of America fhewn a facility to his firft at- tempts with them and if the parliament of Ireland had ever made difficulties to his future demands there ? Does any one imagine that learned or other arguments would have been wanting to maintain the rectitude of the one meafure, any more than of the other ? But is there any medium ? Muft not we either rigoroufly enforce obedience from our colonies or at once generouily declare them free and independent of all allegiance to the crown of Great Britain? To which I anfwer, if there is a medium between Great Britain and Ireland, why may [ 46 ] may there not be alfo between Great Britain and North America. The claims of the colonies are not higher than thofe of Ireland. Certain rules of mutual re- fpecl preferved between us and that neigh- bouring part of the King's dominions keep us on the bell and happiefl terms together, terms of perpetual and almofl unfpeakable profit and advantage to En- gland. Does this overturn the confti- tution of Great Britain or weaken the de- pendency on its crown, as fome language has been ? Why fhould not then forbear- ance, moderation and regard towards that a little more diftant portion of our country produce in the one cafe effects confonant and anfwerable to what the like caufes do in the other ? It is moil evident and may in general be depended on, that no evil confequences can happen from any con- dition or fituation between Great Britain and her colonies, which does actually and advantageoufly obtain between Great Bri- tain [ 47 ] tain and Ireland. How was it there twenty years ago, before the firft or the laft of thefe taxes were either of them thought of? All was then peaces calm and content. The repealing the firft of them, the Stamp Act, did that do any mifchief? Not unlefs .the reconciling, uniting and connecting again together all the parts of our government be fuch. There was hardly any where to be found a man, but who was pleafed and happy in the meafure j except a minifter or two at home, who loft their power and their places on the occafion and except a few fycophants abroad, who hoped to recom- mend themfelves by traducing and diftur- bing thofe, to whom they owed afliftance and protection and who defired to fifti in troubles, which they themfelves contri- buted greatly to create. What evil ftar reigns then at this period, that thefe bleffmgs cannot now take place, as they formerly did ? I have [ 48 ] I have on this fubject no mind to play with the name of Ireland. I prclume to introduce on the fcene and to couple, as it were, with America that country only in order to expofe the more plainly by the inftance of the one fome notions ad- vanced concerning the other and at the fame time to the utmofl of my fmall power to recommend, inculcate and en- force that cautious, confiderate, brotherly and affectionate conduct towards both, which 1 am fure that they each of them moft exceedingly well deferve, whether of the government or of the people of England. It is fometimes made a claim on the Americans, that we incurred on their ac- count a great expence in the late war. On whofe account have we not fmce the Revolution incurred a great expence ? Our whole hiftory from that time to this is little elfe, but a fcene of prodigality in the fervice [ 49 ] fcrvice of different people or princes, no way to our own advantage and for which no man can give any good reafon. How^ ever I anfvver on this occafion with the facl. We did not engage in the late war at the requefl of the Americans nor upon any defire or inclination of theirs. The language at the time was on the contrary, that the lefs concerned the inhabitants of oar colonies appeared to be about the in T croachments of the French, the more reafon we had to be jealous on the fub^ jec~l. I believe, that I may in fupport of what I am faying venture to appeal to thofe, who are the beft acquainted with that period. Had it been otherwife, we fhould no doubt have heard enough of it. Subftantial reafons might be given, that the Americans judged better in the, cafe, than we. There may be ground for us to condemn ourfejves for not having confulted them more on the fubjecl, than we did, before that we were fo hafty to E take [ 5 ] take up the hatchet. However there is not the lea ft pretence for charging to their account the confequences of a war, which we undertook without any inflance and application from them and entirely of our own motion. But the honour of Government is con- cerned. That is certainly an unaccount- able reafoning, though not perhaps very uncommon ; that if Government or in plain Englifh the Minifier and thofe about him do a thing, which had better been undone, they are therefore to proceed in the fame road and do many more fuch, until at length the cafe may perhaps be beyond redrefs. Surely the more difcre- dit is incurred, the deeper that people are plunged into mifchief. The welfare and happinefs of five or fix millions of man- kind or more is a prodigious object. Whoever puts himfelf at the helm of our State undertakes in a manner for that. We [ 5' ] We are all mortal and fallible. One in fuch a fituation had need to march with the ut- moft caution, circumfpeclion and fore- fight j fliould he make an unlucky flep, it is his higher! duty to endeavour inftantly to retreat and to retrieve it. In the pre- fent cafe a gulph is before us, which will not admit of many fteps forwards, but that the Government and the Public will both go headlong. But their outrages about the Tea. I prefume thefe to be an object of difcourfe, as well as any other fubjecl: ; how can theyotherwife be difcufled andconfidered? However I fhall without declaring any opinion of my own take them up only in the light, as they may appear to an Ame- rican. He will certainly fay, that thefe receive their complexion from the claim of the colonies not to be taxed by us and accordingly as that fhall be grounded or not. If that is not well founded, that E 2 then [ 52 ] then their whole oppofition is unlawful; whether force and violence or only concert and combination. That the former may indeed be productive of more mifchief than the latter, but that they are on fuch a fuppofition both of them entirely un- warrantable. . I would willingly in this cafe write freely but without offence ; he would therefore certainly add, that fhould the Americans on the other hand have a real right not to be fo taxed, they are undoubtedly intitled likew r ife to the neeef- fary means of ufmg and enjoying that right. That this is a rule of the law of nature as well as of the law of the land or rather that the latter has only borrowed it from the former. I fpeak with fub- miflion j but he would without doubt proceed, that the means ufed on this oc- cafion were abfolutely thofe necefTary ones and no other ; that an objecl was artfully or judicially chofen for this tax, which is fo conflant a part, of diet or luxury, that t S3 ] tli at it was totally impoflible to prevent the tax from taking place without hinder- ing the commodity itfelf from being in- troduced , that therefore the Americans mull abiblutelydo that or lofe their right; that the endeavouring fo to do only by a general concert and agreement would have been no better than building a city out of the fands of the fea ; that thereupon the town of Bofton did at a fort of pub- lic meeting ufe every inftance and appli- cation poffible both with the Captains of the tea fhips and with the Governor, that the tea might be returned, un- touched and damaged as it came ; that this would have fecured their right and they defired no more ; that this was ab- folutely refufed ; that there was there- upon no expedient left for the preferving their right but deftroying the tea ; that this was without any exprefs authority of the town done by private people, but in all appearance with the general inclina- tion tion and with the leart mifchief and da- mage poffible ; that there was fome tea fpilt, but no blood ; that this refers the whole to the mil and original queftion of the right ; that the Americans make there- on the fame claim, as the people of Scot- land would have in an eflential circum- ftance of the Union or thofe of Ireland, mould the line obferved between them and Great Britain be pafTed in any point, which would affect their whole intereft and welfare, as a nation ; that a right in any cafe whatfoever and an abfolute duty of paffive obedience and non-refiflance in the fame are inconfiftent terms, a direct contradiction and totally unintelligible ; that in the other colonies the Governors and Captains confentedto the fending back the tea or to the fhutting it up in fuch a manner as never to be fold or difperfed ; that thefe did not therefore in their cafes .make immediate force neceffary, but that their act was in effect the fame and flands on [ 55 ] on the fame ground. That there is no- thing malignant in the whole matter, no- thing but a determined deiire to fupport this their great and neceflary right. This is no doubt the American idea, as appeal's by many proofs and papers from that fide of the water. I fhall myfelf prefume to fpeak no opinion in the cafe, much lefs will I again call on the manes of our anceftors in fupport of this pretenfion* But mould it be obferved, that it ends in a quefUon, which concerns the bounds and the limits of government ; I cannot on the occafion but repeat and enforce by this example the remark before made, of how dangerous and deadly a nature the dif- putes and contefts are, which lead thither. So much for the rectitude of taxing the Americans. But I may be told, that I have not yet touched the true point, that I have been doing little more, than a man, who rides pofl out of his road. That Statef- Statefmen and Politicians do indeed fome- times talk of the right and wrong, of the juftice and injuftice of meafures ; but that this is all only oftenfible reafoning, while there may at the bottom be nothing, which they really care lefs about. That the Great do every where bear hard on the Little, the Strong on the Weak. That the hawk hunts the partridge, the lion the wolf and the wolf the lamb > that powerful Princes and States opprefs the Helplefs and the High and the Rich thofe > beneath them \ that this is the chapter of the law of nature and nations, which we intend to confult and to follow j that we want money at home ; that our debts are veiy heavy and our refources but too nearly at an end j that we have yet fleets and armies and are determined to bend to our will our colonies of America and to make them fubfervient to our wants and occafiohs ; that this is at the bottom and that all my cafuiftry may in the mean time ferve [ 65 ] ferve the purpofes of grocers and paftry- cooksj that when people write about matters of flate, they ought to do it like men. It is very well j I join iflue hereon, only don't let us go too fail ; one thing at a time. I anfwer that you cannot force them nor is there any appearance that you can. The number of free people in thofe colo- nies is reckoned at towards two millions. The common calculation is of one fen- cible or fighting man in five perfons and this is fuppofed to be rather under than over the truth. This will give us at leaft between three and four hundred thoufand fighting men on the number before men- tioned. Mr. Rome goes fo far as to tell us in fome letters 6cc. lately publifhed in oppofition to the colonies ; " that there " is hardly any thing more common, than " to hear them boafl of particular colo- il nies that can raife on a fnort notice a F " hun- t 66 } " hundred thoufand fighting men." The country is itfelf in fome refpefts a very ftrong one, more Co than any in Europe or the better cultivated parts of the world. It is not on the fide of the fea guarded with forts and caftles built by men, but it is within fecured and protected by the natural fortifications of immenfe forefts and of large rivers. What expectation or probability then can there be of fending from hence armies capable to conquer and fubdue fo great a force of men de- fending and defended by fuch a continent. But can they arm (b many ? In any country very greatly taxed and much more fo than its inhabitants would wil- lingly bear with, it is impoffible confid- ently with fuch a irate of things to arm the whole body of the people. Thefe might be apt to count nofes and to con- fider, who were the flronger, they them- felves or the Tax-gatherers and the Red- coats t 67 ] coats or White-coats or Black-coats or any other, who fuppoit them. The dif- ficulty would be yet greater, were there any further dhTatisfaclion. But thefe are all democratical governments, where the power is in the hands of the people and where there is not the leaft difficulty or jealoufy about putting arms into the hands of every man in the country. But are they united among themfelves ? In the caufeof not being taxed by us it is well underftood, how much they are fo. All accounts and reports from thence of all men and of all parties run in that ftile and concur in that circumftance. It was fo experienced to a very great degree con- cerning the Stamps and has now been found the fame on the occafion of the Tea, Their conduct has in the cafe been every where alike and correfpondent. The Tea is either returned without being landed or received without being fuffered to be fold* F2 at [ 68 ] at New York, at Penfylvania, at Carolina, at all the places to which it was fent. We reckon entirely without our hoft, if we don't expect to have to do with a union of that continent or depend on any meafures infufricient to mafter and overpower the whole. But let me afk* how can we expect otherwife ? They are not unacquainted with the hiilory of the mother-country. They know the weight of the taxing hand here. They have heard of our debt of one hundred and foity millions of pounds fterling incurred fmce the Revolution be- fides other hundreds of millions fpent cur- rently within the fame period. The time to come is to be judged of by the "time pail. Will our brethren of America ex- pect, that this hand fhould be lighter on them at a diilance or that our breafts will feel more for them than for ourfelves ? Let an Englifhman make the cafe his own own and queftion himfelf ; what he fhould think, were he of that country and his whole fortune and concerns there. Would not he believe his all to be at flake upon the caft ? Does any one in America or in jEngland imagine, that all thefe difputes and feuds are at the bottom only about a duty of threepence upon a pound of Tea ? How can then any candid man doubt, whether there will be a general union and concurrence on the fubjccl: or wonder if there is fo ? They are faid to have already Commit- tees of Correfpondence and no doubt ne- ceftity will teach them other means of moving and ac"ling together. Every thing is there by choice and election ; they will probably have at their head, as capable and as wife men, as are to be found among them. The power and influence of Governors and other civil officers apr pointed from hence, muft on an open F 3 rupture r 7 1 rupture have an end. Our authority would perhaps then extend little further, than where it was enforced by our own troops. We fhall bid fair to begin with the lofs of the whole continent. But what are an untrained and undif- ciplined multitude ? Could not an ex- perienced officer with a few regular re- giments do what he would in America ? I anfwer, that a different flory may be told. In the war before laft our meafures directed at home were every where un- fuccefsful. The plains of Flanders were fatten'd with fome of the befl blood of Britain and of Ireland. Our government was fhaken almoft to the foundation by a rebellion contemptible in its beginning. Were we more fortunate in our attempts by fea, whether nrft in that againft Pon- dicherry or afterwards in that againft Port I'Orient ? But the people of New Eng- land maintained at that time the honour of [ 7' ] of our arms. It is well known, that they carried on with their own counfels and with their own foldiery and under the command of one of their own planters againft Cape Breton and Louifbourg an expedition, the event of which need not now be told. We did not begin in a much better manner the laft war. I am unwilling to call to mind our firft cam- paigns in Germany, our fituation and treaty of Clofter-Seven, the fate of Mi- norca or the hiftories of Bradock and Abercrombie. But who were at that time the firft toftem the tide of our ill-fortune "? Was not it an American militia, who commanded by Sir William Johnfon a gentleman at that time of the country met, fought and beat the French and Indians under Monfieur Diefkau and madeprifoner their commander ? But what wonders were afterwards done by our people properly conducted and directed ? It is very true, and I am fure, that I have F4 no no inclination to depreciate them. But neither did thofe of America want their fhare therein. However the courage of our countrymen was never yet queftioned; but may they always unite and employ it againft our common enemies and never be encamped or embattled againft one an- other either in America or any where elfe. But fhould through the extreme rafhnefs and weaknefs of our counfels fuch a very great misfortune fall out; is it to be doubted whether the Americans will be wanting to themfelves or whether they will not endeavour to ftand in their own defence againft thofe, who have fometimes in the fame country come by the worft with inferior enemies, but over whom they have themfelves alone and without aiTiftance often triumphed ? But we are mafters at fea and where- cver our fhips can come. We may do, whatever a fleet can. Very true ; but* it cannot [ 73 ] cannot fail all over North America. It is faid, that Marfhal Saxe had before the declaration of the laft war but one and at the time of our army being in Germany conceived a defign to have landed on our coaft with ten thoufand men and to have tried the fortune of a brifk march to London. He did not find this fo eafy to execute, as he thought for. He was moft happily difappointed. But there was an obje6l. No one can tell the confequence, had he fucceeded. The prefent is a very different matter. No immediate impref- fion upon the town of Bofton nor pof- feffion taken of it by means of a fleet nor the fame circurnftance with regard to any other towns of America liable thereto by their fituation will carry the command of that whole continent or force it to fub- mit to meafures fo univerfally againft their bent and inclination. [ 74 ] ,: .| It may however be faid, that this is not theplan. The charter of the town of Bofton is to be changed and their trade fufpended and other meafures of the very ftrongefl fort are to be enforced againft them. The moving mountain is according to the imagination of Dr. Swift to hang over them and the fun not to fhine or the rain or the dew to fall on them, until they are brought to fubmifTion and made to the reft of America an example of the danger of refraftorinefs and difobedience to the mother-country ; all which we think may and will with time be compafied and accomplished. This is indeed as to the qucftion of force the true point of the matter, I mean, which will at laft and at the end of a long trial get the better j but I add, that this will probably not be Great-Britain. Here I muft again crave leave to write with freedom. If it is the firft wifdom of a private [ 75 ] private man to know himfelf ; fo muft it likewife be that of a State to confider in all its meafures its own condition and fituation. The fearching into our cir- cumftances neither makes or mars them. But what muft be our cafe, fhould we have any wound or mifchief and that it might not be probed or examined ? We muft ever fuppofe our adverfaries to be informed and not by {hutting our own eyes pretend to blind other people. I lhall therefore without fcruple enquire into the ftate of the public, as far as it con- cerns my fubjecl:. The condition of the great ftaple ma- nufactures of our country is well known. Thofe of the linen and the filk are in the greateft diftrefs and the woollen and the linen are now publicly banded and con- tending againft one another. One part of our people is ftarving at home on the alms of their parifhes and another run- ning t 76 ] ning abroad to this very country, that we are contending with. The produce of North-America ufed to be fent yearly to Britain is reckoned at about four millions fterling ; the manufactures of Britain and other commodities returned from hence at nearly the fame fum ; the debts due from people in America to the Britifh mer- chants here at about fix millions or a year and a half of that commerce. I fay, the ; time paft muft be our guide with refpecl to that to come. Suppofing therefore the Americans to act in this cafe, as they did in that of the Stamp Aft $ we mail then have yearly until the final fettlement of this affair manufactures to the value of four millions fterling left and heaped on the hands of our merchants and mafler- manufacturers or we fhall have workmen and poor people put out of employ and turned adrift in that proportion. There will likewife be withdrawn from our home jponfumption and out of our general trade and [ 77 ] inttf and traffick North American commodities to the fame value and debts will to the immenfe fum above mentioned be with- held from private people here. This was- the train of things begun before and we muft look for the like again. What ef- fects thefe things will produce confidering the prefent flate of our trade, manufac- tures and manufacturers, the condition of our poor at home and the numbers of our people running abroad, it don't want many words to explain and fet forth. They were before very feverely felt for the time, that they lafted and it is appre- hended, that the prefent fituation of the Public is yet more liable to the impreffion. Thefe are fome of the difficulties and dif- treiles, which we are for the fake of a trial of fkill with our colonies going to bring on ourfelves and which muft be perpetu- ally magnifying and increafmg, as long as the unnatural conteft fhall continue. To [ 78 ] To thefe a former adminiftration gave way ; but it is to be fuppofed, that the prefent has by returning to the fhock re- folved to be more callous on the occafion and to leave the Americans, the merchants and the manufacturers to fettle among themfelves their matters, as they may. Our people will indeed be lefs clamorous about the ears of their betters if they fhali all run and emigrate out of the kingdom. But there is a circumftance not yet men- tioned, which will bid fair to go further and which may but too probably involve in one common confufion the nation, the government and the adminiflration itfelf. I mean the danger of a diforder or failure of the public revenue, the difficulty or impoflibility to pay the interefl of the debt, the navy, the army, the civil lift and our other expences ; if the prefent contention fhall proceed and continue. I defirc [ 79 ] I delire in explanation of this to con- lider our prefent income, our out-goings and our refources. I will not enter into any detail thereon j the particulars in grofs will be fufncient for the purpofe before us. I will however in order to be the better underftood premife fomething about the revenue in general. It may be divided into two parts, the one of taxes laid in perpetuity, the other of fuch as are granted by the year and for the year. The firft part confifts of all our taxes in general whatfoever, except the Land-tax and the annual Malt-tax ; the latter con- lifts of thefe two only. Perpetual taxes are now in the language of Europe often exprefTed by the name of funds, as afford- ing a fixed, and fettled foundation for any fpecial ufe and particularly for that of borrowing money. It was to anfwer this intereft of our debts, that our own funds were eftablifhed and they are now pledged for that purpofe. Thefe of ours have been been chiefly thrown into three great com- mon ones called the General, the Aggre- gate and the South Sea Funds. Thefe are fometimes with all other funds or perpetual taxes whatfoever deftined and fettled for the difcharge of the intereft of our debt comprehended and united toge- ther in difcourfe and called the Sinking Fund j although there is in reality no one particular Fund of that name, any more than there is fuch a piece of money as a pound flerling or a French livre. The Civil Lift is placed on the fame Funds, as the interefl of the Public Debt. What remains annually of the whole col- lection of thofe Funds after the fatisfying thefe two incumbrances is, what is meant by the furplus of the Sinking Fund. I have thought proper to preface thefe few things, that my own language may at leaft be underftood, in what little I mall fay on the fubject. The The intereft of our debt amounts to near upon five millions a year ; all an- nuities for lives or years, every thing re- deemable or irredeemable included. The Civil Lift is eight hundred tho.ufand pounds a year. Thefurplus of the Sink- ing Fund is changing and uncertain, that being compofed of very many variable parts. It is impoflible to fix it, but I will at an average for the fake of round numbers fuppofe it to be two millions and more, about as much more as will anfwer to what the intereft of the debt may want of five millions. We mail then have about feven millions three quarters for the produce of our perpetual Taxes and Funds. Our armual taxes remain then only to be coniidered, which are eafiiy reckoned ; the Land-tax granted for a million and a half at three millings in the pound, as it now is ; the Malt-tax always granted at three quarters of a mil- lion. Thefe fums put together give us G about about ten millions of pounds fterling, being our prefent annual national income and likewife our prefent annual national expence ; including what may at times be paid towards the difcharge of the Public Debt and befides the collection, which is not to my prefent purpofe. Should any one be of opinion, that the furplus of the Sinking Fund is either overcharged or undercharged, he has my confent to make fuch addition to it or fubtraction from it, as he mail pleafe. Neither the one or the other will affect the argument which I am upon. Our receipts and difourfe- ments will in either cafe go hand in hand. I mall therefore without any more nice difquifition take thefe at the medium of about ten millions flerling each. So much for our income and our ex- pences. Let us next confider our re- fources ; I mean what refources we may be fuppofed to have in our power without creating [ 83 ] creating any new debt* The firft to occur will be the furplus of the Sinking Fund. We apply of courfe to this on almoft all occafions. We are bylaw obliged to dif- charge regularly the intereft of our debt; but whatever prudence and a proper care of ourfelves and of thofe after us may confefledly require, we are commonly underftood to be by no contract or en- gagement bound to do more or to pay off any part of the principal of it. This furplus we will therefore fuppofe to be one refource ; but it is fuch no otherwife or further, than it can be fpared from our current expences, towards which it is commonly in whole or in part taken. We can for our prefent purpofe reckon only on fo much of it, as might otherwife be employed towards leffening the capital of our debt. We have now had between eleven and twelve years of peace, in which time I reckon, that we have difcharged about eight millions of that capital. This G 2 will will therefore fuppofing no part of it to be balanced by any debt or arrears in- curred and unprovided for give us by the ' year about feven hundred thoufand pounds. This is what we may look to for one of our refources. But we have likewife another, which is the Land-tax. That is now at three (hillings in the pound, but it is fometimes at four. We may therefore count in cafe of exigency on one (hilling more, that is on half a million. Thefe two fums amount to- gether to about one million two hun- dred thoufand pounds. Thefe are our refources and without borrowing thefe are all. Let us next turn in our thoughts, whether thefe twelve hundred thoufand pounds a year, being fomewhat more than a ninth part of our prefent income, are likely to be fufficient for this American occafion. Fleets and armies, (hips of war and f 85 ] and regiments arc the means and the in- ftitiments of executing the meafures in queftion. A million goes but a very little way with us in fuch articles. This bufi- nefs muft in it include a fuppofition, that all our colonies, all our ancient colonies on that continent may in the progrefs of it be combined and united in one com- mon afibciation, intereft and defence. There can be no reafonable hopes of fuc- cefs, nothing but mortification and difap- pointment dire<5lly in view by proceed- ing on any plan, which does not compre- hend the probability of that circumftance. What a field is then here opened ? Are. our twelve hundred thoufand pounds to furnifh us there likewife ? However thefe things concern only our expences. Let us confider the other fide of our fituation j how much our income is at the fame time likely to be lefTened. Four millions iler- ling yearly of the produce of America - f as many of the merchandize of Great- G 3 Britain ; [ 86 ] Britain; more of debts here at home with-held and kept back from our duties, our cuftoms and our excife. What an operation on the revenue ! Is our million two hundred thoufand pounds to fupply all this befides ? How is it poffible either on the one hand, that a perfon with thefe circumftances before his eyes fhould fet on foot the prefent meafures againfl our colonies or on the other, that any one having capacity and understanding to be at the head of the government and ad- miniftration of a great kingdom fliould overfee and overlook them ? This feems to be like not difcerning the fun at noon- day or the moon and the flars by night. There is from the general condition of our country and perhaps from the public accounts themfelves but too much reafon to apprehend, that the national revenue is at this time without thefe additional caufes finking and decreafmg. This could not not but add greatly to our difficulties in the fituation before defcribed. But a particular inveitigation of this might lead into too long a labyrinth. I {hall there- fore not take it into the prefent account j but rnoft ailuredly any one at the head of our affairs ought not to forget it in his, if it is true. But it may be faid, that we will in the fuppofed exigency borrow, as our prede- ceflbrs have done before us. I anfwer, that this may very probably be then out of our power. I will not go upon a ge- neral difcuffion, whether we fhould enter into another war with the fame credit, we have hitherto had; although this mayinit- felf be a fubje6l of the utmoft importance, and whereon we have but too much reafon to reflect. But the confideration properly before us is, what would be the ftate of our credit under a revolt and feparation of our fettlements in America, that great G 4 and [ 88 ] and effential fource of our riches and re- venue ? Loans and money advanced to us have as yet been reckoned equally fecure, there has been no doubt made of the re- gular payment of the intereft nor in con- fequence of a public market for the prin- cipal, whether we fhould ourfelves hap- pen to be more or lefs fuccefsful on any occafion, wherein we were at the time concerned and for which they were bor- rowed. They were as fafe under the defeats and difappointments of the war before, as upon the victories and conquefls of the laft. However things could not in this cafe but be much changed. The fecurity of millions lent muft depend upon the fu- ture chance and fortune of war. It might be made a doubt, what fruits would for fome years to come be received from pro- vinces mangled and mutilated in a fcvere conteft decided to their difadvantage, mould thefe at laft return to us again j but no one could overlook, what muft be the cafe, if t 89 ] if the event ftiould terminate againft us and end after an expence of much treafure and blood in fo fatal and ineftimable a lofs on our fide, as that of thefe colonies would be. However no man knows, whether this difpute might run into a very long trial. There are ways of anticipating fome parts of the public revenue and likewife of run- ning behind-hand fome of the public fer- vices. Things may perhaps be for a fnort fpace carried on in that manner without much notice. But mould we once come publickly and profefTedly to borrowing and to funding in what fome may arFecl to call a yanky war, it will be well, if the whole fa- bric of our credit does not at that moment make and tremble to it's very foundation. A general breach and defection of thefe colonies would withal cut the fmews of our power. We could not moft probably in fuch a fituation long continue to pro- vide and pay the intereft of our moft enormous debt already incurred and fub- fifting. [ 9 ] fifting. It need not be repeated, that it is the affiflance received from their com- merce and produce, which enables us now to do it. Deprived of that it will be but to little purpofe for us to be inventing new Funds at home, We have enow of them already. More would only run foul of one another. We may then without the operations of a war in America, without the fending or fupplying fleets or armies at a diitance, without creating new debts, new Funds and new taxes have at our own homes from our actual fituation bu- fmefs enough on our hands to engage and employ us. We need not perhaps be at this time nice in comparing and mcafur- ing our force with that of the Americans, the evil of fuch a day will be but too fuffi- cient to decide the conteft. But it may be afked, what will then be the confequence, iliould we from thefe caufes become unable to pay the intereft of of our prefent debt. I will be bold to fay, that there is no man living wife enough to anfwer that queftion in its extent. Ex- perience teaches men ; but there is no preceding hiftory or tradition of any ftate or nation whatfoever, which can throw fufficient light on that proportion. There never was before in the world fuch a debt contracted or fubfifting, as the Bri- tifh. Letters and books are older than money, I mean than gold and filver com- monly current and having their weight known by a ftamp. But there is no oc- cafion to ranfack ancient times on this fubjecl:. The difcovery of Mexico and Pern and the pofleflion of them by the Spaniards is the aera from whence we are to date the beginning of the prefent plenty in Europe of thefe two precious metals, which command often individuals and fometimes commonwealths and king- doms. The art of Funding was formerly very confined. It is a fucceffion of Eng- lifh adminiftrations, which has carried it to [ 92 ] to an extent never before known among men. It is a new experiment in a ftate. There is no example of it in the annals of mankind. We are at a lofs where to look for the confluences of fuch an unpre- cedented and unheard of deficiency or bankruptcy, as this would prove. How- ever we cannot but have before our eyes diforder, anarchy and confufion ; the monied intereft of the nation banded againft the landed and the landed againfl the monied; rich monied men brought to beggary and the land drained of the utmoft farthing which can be forced from it ; every one catching, rending and pro- viding for the prefent moment ; our ma- nufactures and commerce at a ftand ; the middling people emigrating out of our country and the poor in famine or in fedition - y foreigners preffing for their de- mands and the Dutch particularly in rage and almoU in madnefs for their countlefs millions tmfted and hazarded in our 4 . covintry j [ 93 ] country ; perhaps at the lame time our navy unmanned and our army in mutiny for want of pay. Who can withal tell the end; for the debt, the burthen and the demand will ever remain ? There was a time, when the Romans had formerly withdrawn themfelves from this ifiand, that the pofTeilions became here through the w r eaknefs and helplefmefs of thofe re- maining the prize and the prey of all plun- derers, pirates, robbers and conquerors, who came and feized upon them ; until that thefe people themfelves, the Danes, the Saxons and the Normans replenifh- ed and rlrengthened again, the country. Whether the like fcenes will on the fame fpot be once more a<5led or what ifTue awaits us, he only knows in whofe hands thefe events are. But we muft neceiTarily expec~l that the diflant or detached parts of our empire, will fall from us ; ths ilronger and the larger will probably pro- vide for and govern themfelves, the weaker and [ 94 ] and the lefTer fink away or feek another matter. I don't at all mean that they have any inclination fo to do, where we give no caufe or provocation ; but the reins of government will in fuch a conjuncture of courfe and of themfelves drop out of our hands. No man can tell, whether Great-Britain itfelf might at that time continue in one or whether it may again be fplit and divided into two. There have not been wanting endeavours to- wards that end. I don't now pretend to decide at whofe door this principally lies. It is not perhaps one man or one party only, that is in fault. There have been on one hand moft unjuft and cruel perfe- cutions and a feries of the greater! injuries and provocations. High and flrong re- fentments of thefe are no otherwife than natural and warrantable nor do I in ge- neral mean to arraign thofe conceived or exprefled on this occafion. But the per- fon wronged mufl furely in his cooler and [ 95 ] and calmer moments be himfelf fenfible, that they have in one refpect been carried to an unreafonable extent. Reflections have been made and continued, where they are totally ungrounded and unme- rited. They have hitherto been borne with a national good fenfe, that brings more honour to the parties, than all the ribaldry in the world can ever do them difcredit. But who knows, how their effects may be felt in fuch a time, as is be- fore defcribed ? What a fituation ! Britain or England left alone with a debt of a hundred and forty millions flerling on its head ! How can any one have before his eyes fuch an event and yet run on the road, which leads directly towards it ! But all is not yet faid which this fubjccT: demands. I have hitherto only confidered us and our colonies as engaged between ourfelves, not a word has been faid of any foreign ftate medling in the matter. That [ 96 ] That is yet behind. We muft look upon our colonies in the light of the provinces of Holland, when they contended with Spain. The wifh, the hand of every man will be againft us. I will not enter into a general difcourfe of politics, how far it may be for the common good of mankind to fplit great ftates into fmall ones, to divide them into a fize fit to profit and benefit others, but not to overbear or diftrefs them. Let us confider the fubjecl: by examples familiar to us. Mexico and Peru are more diflant from Great Britain, than our colonies of North America, from Spain or France; but were thofe in a flate of defection and feparation from the Spaniards, I wonder, whether we mould find a way to approach them or to avail ourfelves in any manner of that circum- ftance. France was pretty well plumed in the laft war ; but neverthelefs were the reviving or beginning fettlements of Pon- dicherry, of Mauritius and Madagafcar disjoined [ 97 ] disjoined from it or its own continent broken once more into feveral different parts and feparate governments, would our endeavours contribute to unite them ? Should Batavia, the Spice Iflands and the Cape of Good Hope revolt from the United Provinces, would not Englifhmen try to profit by the conjuncture ? I will not touch on the Brazils, that may be a tender point. But would none of all mankind, neither French or Spaniards or Dutch or Portuguefe or Danes or Swedes, to fay nothing of the Ruffians or of the new maritime State of Pruflia ; would none of them all give directly or indirectly aid, affiftance, encourage- ment, countenance or protection to our colonies ? Would they not trade or traf- fick with them, would they fupply them with nothing wherewith to defend them- felves or to offend us ? Is it very practica- ble to watch and guard fuch immenfe coafts or do we at home with all the H navy [ 98 ] navy of England in our ports find this fo eafy, with refpect to thofe only of the two Englifh counties of Kent and SufTex ? Did neither England or France fupport formerly the feven United Provinces in their breach with Spain ? Have the French at this time afforded no effential affiftance to the Turks nor another nation to the Ruffians, while each continues at peace with the enemies of their refpective friends ? Are the independence of the Britifh colonies in North America and their disjunction from Great Britain no objeft to other nations j are not they in particular as much fo to France as this Turkifh and Ruffian fquabble ? Was for- merly that nation ever wanting to Scotland . or infenfible of its interefl in affifting that divifion ? I don't at all mean hereby to fignify any attempts or endeavours of other Governments to take pofleffion of thefe colonies or any inability in them to defend themfelves from thatcircumftancej but [ 99 ] but I mean the general defire and incli- nation, which there would afluredly be in all Europe to fee them disjoined from our nation and to become abfolute, diftincl:, unconnected, independent ftates and go- vernments in larger or in fmaller portions and more or lefs like the prefent ftates of Holland, as it mould happen. Were there in fight fuch a condition with re- fpect to Mexico and Peru or the Dutch fettlements in the Eaft-Indies, would not the Englifh without infifting on becoming matters themfelves thereof be moft abun- dantly contented with their general ad- vantage arifing from the commerce and traffic with them and from the other cir- cumftances of their independency? It cannot be doubted, but that there will be found a conduct and actions confequent and corrcfpondent to fuch univerfal and almoft unanimous views and wifhes of mankind. II 2 This r This is all faid on a fuppofition of peace. But what if one or more of the greatcft powers in Europe fhould in a mofl critical and difficult moment declare war againfl us ? Have France and Spain forgot the lofs of Canada and Georgia and the many defeats anddifgraces received in the laft conteft with us ? Have they for their honour or intereft no defire of re- venge nor that thofe provinces fhould again return to their own crowns ? On whom does it depend whether it fhall in the cafe fuppofed be peace or war ? Is this to be determined at London, or at Madrid and Verfailles ? Is it in the power and in the breafls of ourfelves or of thofe, who are moft our rivals and whofe enmity may be faid to be hardly yet cooled ? Are four years paft fince we had two alarms ? Is one year gone fince we had one ? Should there now be happily at the head of one or other government a Perfonage inclined to peace j yet how uncertain are the days of every mortal and how are Princes, Miniflers [ "I } Minifters or States tempted into a&ion by circumftances, opportunities and advan- tages ? Let us well weigh what it is for a private man, but much more for a. great nation to part with the means of their profperity out of their own hands and to place it in the power and determination of thofe, of whom they have on account of a long and ancient rivalfhip and the continuance of many bloody wars the ut- mofl reafon to be lufpicious and jealous. We cannot too much conficier or reflecl upon what happened between Spain and the Dutch Provinces at their breach and feparation. The Spanifh Government confifted at that time, of Spain, of Por- tugal, of Mexico and Peru and other pro- vinces of America, of the Spanifh and Portuguefe being all the European fettle- ments at that time in the Eaft- Indies and of Flanders making feventeen provinces, whereof thofe now united and then re- volted were only feven. How unequal a H 3 match ! I02 match ! But yet the battle was not to the Jlrong. The ftory and event of their war are well known. I am not about to repeat them. How little did in the beginning the Spaniards or Portuguefe or even the Dutch themfelves dream, that the latter would before long ftrip and diveft the former of the chief of thefe their fettkr- ments in the Eaft-Indies and make them their own. They were neverthelefs dif- ferent nations, fpoke different languages, had different cuftoms and religions incon- fiftent together and were themfelves be- fore the end extremely odious to one an- other. The Dutch obtained nothing ex- cept by force, victory and conqu eft. But furely we are well aware, how different things may in thefe refpecls be between us and the Americans and how much to the advantage of the latter. We are one nation, with the fame language, the fame manners and the fame religion. Their Seamen, their Soldiers, their People are ours [ I0 3 ] ours and oars theirs. How eafy will be the tranfition or the change of depen- dence, protection or government between one and the other? Our people do already and at this moment feek with them fhe}- ter and refuge from their domeftic poverty and mifery. Should ever thefe our pro- vinces in the events of chance 'and time come to look us in the face with any near equality or be much allifted by any other nation, would it then be a very ftrange thing, if they fhould caufe a general revolt of all or of almoft all the feamen of the Bntifh Empire ? Thefe might not look upon themfelves as engaging or acting againft their country, but as chufmg be- tween two parts of it. They will at their pleafure diilribute the titles of unreafon- able and unjuft, of injured and oppreffed. The beft terms and the bed treatment will not fail to carry the greater numbers. There is perhaps on the one fide towards this brave and deferving body of men a H4 mofl cruel, unjuft and impolitic practice, which has long cried for vengeance and which cannot fail to be one day heard and at that moment perhaps as likely, as at any other. It is in every one's difcourfe, that fomething of the fame kind may happen with refpect to our common foldiery j I will not therefore dwell on that point. But what part might our iflands in the Weft- Indies take at fuch a conjuncture ? To whom are they the nearer! or on whom do they moft depend for their provifions, lumber and other neceilary circumftances of their trade ? Would there be in the Eaft- Indies the fame neceffity of conqueft, as the Dutch found ? Might more equal con- ditions or independence itfelf be no temp- tation to one or the other or might it in that day be thought a great fin to change the words Old England for New ? There is one point fo important, fo critical, that I hardly know either how to mention or how to be filent in it. Suppofe that Ireland, - , : ( 105 ] -;;:; " Ireland itfelf, I mean the proteflant, opu- lent and ruling part of Ireland fliould grow jealous ; fhould begin to make com- parifons between the ftate, fituation and relation of the Americans towards us and their own ; but I will pafs by this fub- je<5l. However I know fo well the open- nefs and franknefs of that nation, as to be fully affured, that there are at lean: none of that country, who advife or urge at this time the prefent proceedings with any diftant or double view to forward and haften the independence of Ireland and that not at its own, but at the coft and hazard of America. The human heart can hardly be conceived to conceal fuch myfleries. But were it otherwife, our adminiftration would no doubt be fenfible of it and inftead of being duped or impofed upon thereby, be only the more circumfpecl on the occafion and the more upon their guard.- - - . r. > t Unhappy Unhappy are the people, which purfue thofe fteps, that their friends moft fear and their enemies moil wifh. Were the cabinets of Verfailles and Madrid or any other the moft j ealous of the power and profperity of Great - Britain united in Council and that they had it in their option to drive and pufh us for their own advantage upon fome ruinous and deftruftive meafure, what would they chufe before this very one, which we are now of ourfelves fo fatally and fo madly running upon ? It is a common proverb in politics, that any ftate may at it's own pleafure commence war, but that they muft after- wards afk their enemies, when it mall be ended. Let us ftay our hand and reflect once more, while we may and "before that the die is caft not to % be re- called. No man knows otherwife, wne^ ther the next time that we and the Ameri- cans cans fhall treat upon terms, it may be on the ground of acts of parliament and acts of afTembly or upon that of a treaty of peace. It is fometimes faid, that Providence blinds the undemanding of thofe, whom it deilines to deflruclion. When things are ripe for that end, men often provoke and haften their own fate. But God for- bid, that any one being at the helm of this frate fhould ever not fully and re- peatedly confider or that he fhould from any unhappy impulfe fcruple or hefitate to ftay and to flop fuch meafures, as may in their confeqmen^ces make his mafter to fit uneafy on his throne nor fuffer him himfelf to jay down his head upon his pillow without bearing on it the curfes of his country, but which may throw all the parts of the Britifh empire into fuch diforder and confufion, that neither he nor any man fhall be able to guide or hold the reins of its government. I can- [ io8 ] I cannot guefs into whofe hands thefe fheets may fall or how they may be re- ceived. It is not a Prince alone who may in thefe abjecl: times be furrounded with flattery; a Minifter may not want his fhare of it. It is withal but a poor fatif- faction for a private perfon to wifh in the wafle and havock of his country, that it may be remembered ; that there was not wanting One who laid freely and plainly before the Public and thofe go- verning it the rifque and the likelihood of thefe fatal events and circumfcances. But it is to be hoped, that better and more fubllantial effects and confequences will follow, fliould the things here advanced be on confideration found no other than truth and reafon. May not otkerwife thefe advices and admonitions rife up one day in witnefs againfl thofe, who iliall now defpife them ? It is at the fame time the fuitheft from my meaning, that futurity can be forefeen or that it is permitted to look [ I0 9 ] look into the book of the time to come. There is nothing certain in human affairs. But in incidents of this prodigious im- portance, in the fate of ftates and of kingdoms, in dangers of this tranfcen- dent magnitude, probability takes the place of certainty and every prudent ruler ought to fhun and avoid the one with almofl as much caution, as he would the other nor can I finifh this fubjecr, without once more repeating, that our prefent debt puts us into a fituation, in which no nation ever was before. I know that fome people afFe<5t to mag- nify the debts of France, but they are hardly worth fpeaking of in comparifon of ours. I don't believe, that they ex- ceeded at the utmofh fifteen millions flerling when the Regent Duke of Or- leans took the method of the Mifiifippi to cancel and annihilate therm The wants of Lewis the Fourteenth had been great, ( . great, but his credit was as fmall. What can the prefent King have contracted fmce to be compared to the debt of Great Britain ? Where is the credit ? Does any one believe the Dutch concerns of that kind to be equal in France to what they arc in England or has France itfelf fup- plied the reft ? However I will only ob- ferve more that the French debt confifts in great meafure of arrears of penfions, places, pofts and other grants which the fame hand with-holds, as conferred j but that our debt was all received in millions fterling. As to what has been faid, that great men moving in a public fphere are above the rules of right arid wrong ; he muft be unworthy to hold the helm of any government, who is fo ignorant of the facts and incidents before his time or fo blind to thofe about him, as not to ob- ferve and perceive that good and virtuous actions, [ I" ] actions, I mean, fuch as are really fo without the falfe colours of flattery and obfequioufnefs, produce in general and national matters their proper and cor- refpondent effects. We have not indeed before our eyes in that cafe the formalities of a trial and a fentence, the Judge in his robes or the apparatus of an execution j but due confequences do from the ori- ginal and univerfal law given to the world follow a good or evil conduct in public concerns with much more certainty, ju- ftice and impartiality, than they do by the means of municipal laws in private. But I defire to explain, that it is not the piety of a bigot on his knees or the prayers even of a devout Prince, which will flay or turn the courfe and order of the world. Had that been the cafe, our Henry the Sixth would not have fallen in a prifon by the hand of an aflalTm nor Charles the Firft have fuffered on a fcaf- fold by the axe of the executioner nor James James the Second have led the latter part of his life in banifhment. Thefe were all uncommonly both devout and unfortu- nate Princes. I don't at prefent enter into the confideration of what reward perfonal piety will meet with in another place ; but it is the public good, a love and regard for that and attention to it, a conftant refolution never to take directly or indirectly by the means either of force or of corruption the property of the fub- jec"l at will and at pleafure, but to employ only for the welfare and happinefs of the people the powers and the prerogatives en- trufted by them for that purpofe ; which are the true trial and touchftone of the conduct of Princes and Minifters, as fuch. Thefe naturally produce affection, loyal- ty, fidelity, attachment and fupport. But fhould any man or number of men be re- gardlefs of the good or condition of others, trample on their rights, lay unjufl hands on their properties, treat them rather like the [ 3 ] the beafts of the fields than as their fel- lows and equals, fhouldtheyfupport them- felves herein with the fword and a fupe- riority of power ; the great Author of mankind and of their welfare and hap- pinefs has fo linked and chained together caufes and effects, that thefe things will certainly turn to the detriment and dif- advantage of them and theirs, who do them j fometimes by a filent and hardly obfervable courfe of things and fome- times with long delay and at a great di- ftance , but fometimes likewife at the mo- ment and upon the occafion with direct and immediate refiftance and a common confufion, wherein the authors of the mifchief are themfelves involved and wherein they often fall a prey and a fa- crifice. The ways of Providence and the courfe of futurity are unfearcheable ; but were any man to prefume to divine, how juftice and injuftice and the general mo- rality of the univerfe may poilibly in the I prefent "4 ] jrfefent cafe operate, it would perhaps be j that Right will ftrongly unite, cement and combine by a mutual aflfociation and afliftance thofe acting under its banners, while Wrong will on the contrary con- found and weaken with difunion, diffen- tion and disturbances among themfelves that people, by whom it fhall unhappily have been adopted, Thefc are on each fide the natural and, as it were, the ne- cefTary confequences of their own choice. But there appear at the fame time fome untoward and threatening figns, that the Hand of Heaven will on the ocCafion be heavy and fevere j when woe to the party, which fhall abide it. If any thing can iri this Cafe enhance the importance of the great flake, which we are about to venture, it muft be a com- parifbn of the very little profit, that we are going to contend for. The Americans are willing and confenting to give us all they [ "5 ] they have, provided that we will accept it with our right hand; but we are ob- ftinate to rilk every thing both of theirs and of our own rather than not to take it with our left. Our whole object is on this occafion no more, than the difference between thofe two propofltions. Our Americans have now no gold or filver* It comes all to the mother-country. It would equally do fo, did they receive as much again. They keep none for their own currency; they ufe themfelves paper for that and fend us all the other. One would be amazed to think, what men or adminiftrations can defire. Cannot we be contented with all and do we infift on. having more than all ? But it will be faid we want to tax them, I afk why. It muft be anfwered, becaufe we are bent upon getting their money. I repeat again, we have it already. But fays a ways-and-means man.; we muft 1 2 have 116 } have it in the fhape of taxes. No other wiil i|rve our purpofe. I reply once more, that we have it really in that fhape ; for cannot we and don't we tax it, when it comes hither and is not that the fame thing ? Are there not taxes enow to take it, as foon as it gets to Britain or why don't you afk for more, if there are not ? Who fays you nay here ? I will be bold to fay, that there is at this time raifed on Great-Britain nothing lefs than ten mil- lions fterling a year, befides the collection ; that is the leaft, it may with the latter be fairly taken at eleven. Our fpecie has never been ufed to be reckoned at above twenty millions. It is faid, that about three millions and a quarter of guineas have at the time of the writing this been on occafion of the light gold brought into the Bank. Let our currency be calculated on that ground and we fliall according to any juft reafoning thereon appear to raifc within the year by taxes, including the col- [ "7 1 collection, a fum at leaft equal to half of the whole fpecie and current coin of the kingdom; a prodigious proportion and perhaps incredible, were we not to ex- amine into particulars. Should it be faid, that a circulating guinea cannot but pay twenty different taxes in a year, fome might poffibly be at firft light furprized at it. But how far ihort will that on a more minute exami- nation be found of the truth? Let us confider only the courfe of a fhilling for a very fhort time. A chairman pays out of it for his pot of porter. How many taxes does that include ; the new and old taxes on beer and malt and the tax on hops ? They are more than I have time to reckon. His wife fends next morning to the fhop for her tea and fugar. How many more are there ? I will leave them to be counted by thofe better acquainted with the book of rates, than I am. But 1 3 here [ "8 ] here are a confiderable number gone thro' out of one fmgle fhilling by the time, that a porter has got his beer over-night and his wife her breakfaft the next morn- ing. There remains then a third part of the money to run the gauntlet again in the fervice of the man at dinner-time. However they do not perhaps amount quite to twenty j but fo is likewife the time a good deal fhort of a year and the money much lefs than a guinea. But this is not taking the matter in the ftrongefl light. There is a chain and union of taxes, which operate infenfibly and al- moft beyond imagination. Go into a Shoemaker's (hop. Buy a pair of (hoes there. How many taxes does any one in effect pay then ? The Journeyman Shoe- maker muft put into his day's labour and confequently there muft be laid upon the {hoes made by him all the taxes, which he and his family pay in the mean time for his fait, for his foap, for his coals, for' [ "9 1 for his candles, for the linen and for the very (hoes worn by him, his wife and his children and for very many other things. Thefe are all juft fo much money out of his pocket and he muft be repaid them by his daily labour, which is his only means. He cannot otherwife live ; there would be no {hoes and men muft go with- out them. But it is not the immediate taxes of the Shoemaker only which go upon his manufacture, but thofe like- wife of his tradefmen. The price of his cloaths is enhanced by the taxes, which the Taylor and the Weaver paid while they were making and weaving them; however not by theirs only, but by thofe likewife of the perfons working for them in their turn and fo on. Thefe muft all * be put on the (hoes. Jnfornuch that the whole fully purfued and obferved makes a feries and combination fit to put Newton or Demoivre at a ftand. A poor guinea or {filling cannot in England put its head, 14 if I if I may fo exprefs myfelf, out of any man's pocket, but that an army of thefe catchpoles are ready to feize upon it, wherever it ilirs. The matter being then viewed in thefe lights, it feems no longer ftrange, if we raife a revenue equal to the half of our currency or more. Increafe that currency and you increafe in all ap- pearance your revenue nearly in that proportion. This is a prodigious ope- ration and furely fufficient to fatisfy any adminiftration whatfoever. Let us therefore content ourfelves with getting hither the American money. That is our bufmefs. We know what to do with it here. This is the very land of taxes. Jt is now coming as fart, as it can. Don't let us move Heaven and Earth only to difcurb it in its pafTage. Let us have the leaft patience and fall to work upon it at home. We are certain, that it will be here and that it will then be taxed and, as as it were, taxed upon taxed. The reft is with all fubmifiion to my fuperiors no better at the bottom, than a childifh fancy and impatience and owing only to the want of a full reflection and confidera- tion on the fubje6L I have yet fomething to add on this head ; which is, that were the Irifh and the Americans both of them unanimously to cry out to us to fpare their lives and to take all they have ; to beg of us to fend them fuch another army of tax-gatherers, as our own, and with them a copy of our code of revenue-laws ; I will be bold to fay, that it would neverthelefs be in us the worft policy in the world and to- tally contrary to our own mtereft to take them at their words and to do in the leaft degree any fuch thing. We fee the Thames flowing conftantly into the ocean and yet always full. It need not be faid, that the rain and the dew are the caufes of [ 122 ] of this, which firft fall and fertilize the earth and then replenifh that noble river. Were thofe two flopped or dried up, it would not be long, before we fhould pafs over dry-fhod at London Bridge. Were they fo only in part, the ftream would then likewife lower in proportion. What pur whole defct to foreigners amounts to, no one may probably know with exaftnefs - t but the more it has been enquired into, the higher it has always appeared. How- ever the intereft of it is a current, which runs perpetually into the Continent. We do not indeed fee it with our eyes, as we do the Thames ; otherwife we love money fo much better than we do water, that we might perhaps be lefs indifferent about it, than we are. It pafTes imperceptibly, but neverthelefs furely and without ceaf~ ing. What are then the caufes which fup- ply it ? I anfwer, thofe two great fources of Ireland and America. Thefe firft water and fruclify with their moft benignant current [ I2 3 1 current the whole ifland of Great-Britain and then finifti their courie in the dif- charge of our debt abroad. Their way is no more vifible, than that of the intereft itfelf of our debt, but it is alike certain and conftant. Stop or dry up thefe and you will as furely ftop or dry up the funds of our debts, as withholding the rain or the dew of Heaven would lefTen and lower the ftream of the River Thames. Taxes will do this. They are the bane of com- merce and of agriculture. They affeft the Merchant, the Manufacturer, the Planter, the Farmer and the Labourer. Our America is not of an age to fupport their operation. The things from above keep their courfe in fpite of man for his benefit and advantage. It is God's very great mercy that the dew and the rain do not depend on Adminiftrations, they would otherwife have undoubtedly been taxed and dried long ago. But it is not fo with what is of our own fabrick or pro- [ 124 ] production. We have a great power over riches and treafure. Governments can ef- fectually cut off the wells and the fprings of thefe. We have only to look abroad in the world to be abundantly convinced of that truth. The example of Great- Britain will not prove the contrary. It was when and while we were not taxed, as we now are, that we profpered, grew great and rich. Thofe times gave us ftrength to bear for a while the burthen iince impofed upon us. It is from the Revolution, that our prodigious taxes have begun. They were laid by degrees and fo muft their effects be perceived. They don't operate like a ftonn or a whirlwind. Let us give them a fair and fu 1 ! trial before we declare, that we are not undone by them. It will then be ' time enough to make ourfelves a model for others. I afk, whether it is not our own actual difficulties brought on by thefe very taxes, which do now at this inftant inftant urge us upon our colonies and which are the caufe of all the prefent conteft and diforder. It is one of the firil principles in commerce not to burthen the means and materials of manufactures. It would be nipping the fruit in the bud. The fame reafoning holds here. Let us keep our hands from thefe two great caufes and fources of our treafure and wealth. They have hitherto wonder- fully fupplied and fupported us. They may continue fo to do, if we will fufter them. But it may be faid, that we have at home great and profitable manufactures and our woollen one in particular -, where- by we Hand lefs in need of diftant afliil- ance. That is very true j but fo is it likewife, that we have on the continent very many expences and demands for mo- ney befides the intereft of our debt. We {hall be very fortunate, if we can with the [ 126 ] the means of all our richeft refources make at the year's end an even accompt. But it may be alked, what are we then to do. We are prefled with our domef- tic burthens and incumbrances. Thefe put us firft on the meafure of Stamps in America, wherein we did not fucceed. Thefe induced us afterwards to make de- mands on the India-Company, wherein we had rather better fortune. It is thefe, which have again brought us back to our attack on America. How are we either to Hand under them or to march for- ward ? Is it fafe to reft as we are ? What courfe are we to take if it is not ? This is perhaps as ferious a proportion, as one Englifhman can put to another. No man laments more than the writer of thefe fheets, that nearly twelve years of peace are now elapfed without any thing being done or eftabliihment made which may enable us to maintain another war or per- [ 1*7 ] perhaps even in peace fupport long the prefent very heavy preflure, under which we labour. We have in that time paid off eight millions. We borrowed during the late war twelve millions in a year ; fo that our difcharge is in between eleven and twelve years of peace equal to a debt of eight months of war. We ihall at that rate in about feventeen years of the firft, if it fhould continue fo long, free our-, felves from the incumbrance of one year of the latter. Whereas fhould the whole, time be taken from the Revolution to the prefent, we have had as much of the one as of the other, except the difference of about ten years in the whole. Should therefore any one at the helm of Government plume himfelf on this, what would he do but teflify, how very far fhort his own views and conceptions are of the real neceflities and exigencies of the ftate ? We are in the mean time daily liable to be again engaged in war. We have now had an uncom- [ '28 ] uncommon interval of reft from it. It was but a very few years ago, that we were on the- brink of a rupture with Spain, which would undoubtedly have been attended by one with France. How can any Minifter ileep in peace, who has on his hands the care of a kingdom and the welfare of many millions of people ; while public affairs are in a condition fo very unprepared for an event, which may at any moment happen and which may in our prefent fituation bring with it confe- quences of an importance hardly to be conceived ? Surely they think on thefe things, whofe duty moll demands it of them. It is impoffible, that fuch con- cerns of ours can be left only to chance and hazard or, as it were, to the fortui- tous concourfe of atoms. One would think there could hardly be a man in Britain, Minifter or any other not per- petually employed at the plough, but who muft daily revolve in his mind the prefent circum- t 129 ] circumflances of his country, our bur- thens, our debts and our expences and at the fame time carl in his own breaft, what mufl be the befl means of our fupporting ourfelves under them, whether in war or in peace. There is an iffue, which fome men have in view and which I will not exprefs j we may however be allured that they do but very fupcrficially confider the matter, who imagine, that this will in our cafe take place without the utter ruin and confufion of every thing. All is notwithstanding as yet tranquillity and funfhine with us. We poffefs a great and fine country; we have moil noble and beneficial dependencies ; we have a fleet ; we have an army ; we have feveral hun- dred thoufands and perhaps near a mil- lion of men capable of bearing arms in their own defence - t we have a revenue with a furplus above the intereft of our debts and expences. Surely there is yet an op- portunity to find fome plan; to fettle K fome [ 130 ] Ibme eftablifhment, whereon things may reft fafely and fecurely and the Public and all reafonable perfons be fatisfied, that they do fo. There is however no time to be loft. It may be too late to prepare, as it were, in the day of battle and at the moment when our difficulties prefs ftrongly upon us. But this is of itfelf a very wide field and one of the greateft of confiderations nor is it my immediate fubjecl. But the meafures now carrying on will not effect it or any thing towards it. No furrounding dangers or difficulties are a good reafon for running down a precipice j our fate can but lead us thither at laft. However no other end can hap- pen to us from the way, which we are now in, if we perfevere and proceed in it. This feemsto be afufficient anfwer tothe point before us. However I will not to- tally turn my back on this queftion, with- out [ '3' 3 out frankly and freely propofing what, I truft, will at lead be more for our purpofe, than that which we are nowpurfuing; what may be carried into execution, which the other cannot, what would increafe our re- venue, which the other will not. I mean to do almoft directly the contrary of what we are about, that is, to give a greater liberty and latitude of trade both to Ireland and to America, to America including our Weft- India Iflands. That is my propo- fition. We are the feat and center of Government. This is our ftrength. This is our advantage. This is what we are to preferve. While we retain this, all the money, riches and treafure of the more diftant and dependent parts of our Em- pire cannot fail to flow in upon us. We have nothing to do with little jealoufies about this trade or that manufacture ; it is the proper bufmefs of the rich to fpend their money and of the poor to earn it ; the State may well without meddling in K2 it C *32 J it leave them to fettle the means of thai matter with one another. The end of all trades and of all manufactures muft reft with us, while we continue the feat of dominion. It is the neeeffary eonfequence of giving the tone and the law. Ambi- tion, pleafurc, fafhion, buflnefs, curioftty, education, trade and commerce, pofts and places poflMed abroad by Englifh- men and; numberlefs other eaufes will contribute to and effect it. The ifland of Jamaica and our other iflands in the Weft-Indies what money and commodi- ties equivalent to money have they not fent to- England, could the whole be added together ? Jamaica in particular draws by its fituation gold and lllver from the Spanifh main, that great modern Ophir, much more abundant in thofe metals than ever was the ancient. It is here almoft impoilible not to obferve - 3 . that the fame ftatefman forbid and flopped alfo tliis commerce, who contrived and paffed the. the Stamp Aft. I will not dwell on this circumilance. However it is very remark- able I lhall therefore proceed to take notice, that had thefe Iflands and Iflanders acquired ten times as much as they did, it would undoubtedly have run the fame road as the reft. The climate would have driven the polTefTors from thence, while the feat of empire would have in- vited them hither. Do not we fee the very Proprietaries of our northern colonies living in England as private gentlemen and have not we fometimes known them voting in Minorities of our Lower Houfe of Legislature, while they might have been almofl as Princes and Kings in their own governments ? Were it in the next month to rain over the different parts of Ireland a million of moneys how long does any one imagine it would be, before at leaft nine hundred thoufand pounds of it would find its way into England ? Have we lately wanted very fufiicient proofs, t 7 tha*. [ '34 ] that there remains no abundance of cafh. in that kingdom ? I will not repeat, what has been faid of North America ; but they have by their paper-money invented the very contrivance of the world for fending to us every ounce of their gold and filver, did we but know when to be content. Look at the city of London ; they neither plant nor do they fow nor do they reap, yet Solomon or his Jerufalem were not in all their glory rich and great like that capital of our dominions. But by what means does this happen ? The money of our whole empire is remitted thither, as the blood runs to the heart. Our great body politic is preferved and nourilhed by the difperfion and circula- tion of it again from thence. This is the conftant and never-failing courfe of things. But the cafe is much more ftrong, if we take Great-Britain itfelf, whereof London is only a part. That would re- a confiderable fhare of what it re- [ '35 ] ceives, did not the interefl of our debt carry it out, as faft as it comes in. This is the iflue and the drain, which prevents us from perceiving ourfelves more en- riched and replenimed from the vaft quan- tity of treafure perpetually arriving to us from many parts. This may be the reafon, why we are lefs fenfible, lefs attentive and perhaps fometimes lefs grate-*, ful on the occafion. But that is all our own fault, our own doing. We have none to thank for it but ourfelves. We ought not on that account to efleem thefe fupplies the lefs, for had we not them, it would be much worfe with us. No- thing could follow but our lafr deceafe and difTolution, as a State. Thefe muft and will take place, whenever the others mail flop. However thefe things don't require much reafoning, We have the world before us for an example. Such are every where the eftecls between the center and other parts of a Government, K 4 although, [ '36 ] although perhaps in no cafe more fo than in that of Great-Britain on account of certain circumftances and caufes attend- ing that empire, which are particularly fuited to produce them. This is our point, if we are but fenfible of our true intereft j let us but preferve this our great and facred prerogative and the other benefits and advantages will of courfe follow, the reft of thefe thines will perform them- . ' * felves, even while we are alleep. I fhall ufe no words to prove that this arrangement will bring a greater influx of treafure to thofe, to whofe liberty of! trade it fliall extend. The perfon the moft prejudiced or the mofl fhort-fightcd in the cafe will not difpute that with me. I will venture to prefijme on that point. This will therefore attach to us our de- pendencies at the fame time, that it en- riches us ourfelves. It will ftrengthen and fiiten the bond and union between us. It [ '37 ] It will confirm our fuperiority, while it encreafes the fruits of it. It will bring us more fpoils and profits than conqueft, although it will operate by love and af- fection. It will require neither fleets or armies to enforce it ; we need fear no re- volts, no defections or confederacies on the account of it. How happy would it be 4 if all the circumftances of the other plan would in the fame manner anfwer and play into the hands of each other ! When will men be contented to do to others no more mifchief, than what will turn to their own benefit ? States and Miniflers will have advanced no mean way in policy, as well as in morality, when they fhall once have learned to confine all their evil towards others within that circle. It is fhe very perverfenefs of folly to fuppofe, that men can ferve themfelves only by oppreffing others. But here on the con- trary the hand of nature itfelf works with us. Freedom of trade is our foundation ; no [ '38 ] no wonder then that fo many bleflings coincide together. There is open before us a rich and wide field ; we have only to enter and to reap the harvefl, which is ripe and plentiful. This propofal refls there- fore on three points ; to wit, that it will bring a greater influx of treafure into our outward dominions 5 that this mull en- rich the center of empire; which cannot therefore likewife but encreafe its revenue. Thefe are fhort proportions and no way perplexed. Let them be well examined. All fails to the ground, which has been faid on the fubjecl, if any one of them be falfe or miftaken ; but fhould they on the contrary be all of them moil evident, moil certain and indifputable, let any man and the greateil in trufl the mod confider j how he can anfwer to Ireland, to the Colonies, to his Country at home, to his King himfeif in the concern of his Revenue and his Exchequer, the refilling his attention and afliilance to a meafure., fo Ib very practicable and at the fame time fo univerfa'lly beneficial and falutary. This is the more and much more ne- cefTary on account of the prefent con- dition of Ireland. The late enquiry con- cerning their linen manufacture, the public hiftory of their emigrations and the ftate of their credit at the beginning of their prefent Seffion of Parliament have made that fufficiently known. I fhall not pretend to defcribe it. England has perhaps from that Ifland reaped more real benefit, than Spain ever did from Mexico or Peru. Spain gains indeed from thofe porTeffions great riches of filver and gold ; but fhe has dearly purchafed them at the price of her inhabitants and peo- ple at home. Whereas Ireland affords us in many ways a very advantageous affiftance and fupport of men, while we receive from her at the fame time a con- ftant mofl rich influx and fupply of mo- ney. t ney. We now fo depend on thefe things and can fo ill do without them and are by thefe means fo united with our Sifter- liland, that mould fhe on any account xmhappily link, fhe cannot but like a mill-ftone fattened about our necks carry us down along with her. Should her condition grow worfe, who knows but it may turn to rage and defpair and cither have an effect on her Legiflature or that the majority thereof may be hardly able to manage and govern their own State. I am unwilling 'to point out fuch poflibiliries ; but it will not be long health and wealth in England, fhould any irretrievable mifchief happen in Ire- land. A moderate remedy might how^ ever now be timely, for what may in futurity be beyond redrefc. A greater liberty and latitude of trade is the proper affiftance in the cafe. It is what Ireland jtfelf wifhes and defires. It will at the feme time be of more benefit to us than to + [ 141 to them. France is beating us out of the trades of Turkey, of Spain and even of Portugal. Let loofe the Irifh and they will do as much for them and likewife for fome others. It is Great-Britain, which with-holds the hand of Ireland and not the nature of things, that confines it, Let us but conlent and they will foon ftretch out their right hand into many a market in the world, where it now never appears and having done fo they will im- mediately deliver to us with their left the money gained there as furely, as that we are born Englifrimen. I don't point out particulars j lights will not be wanting in that refpecl, whenever there fhall be an Inclination to demand them. I don't moreover mean to fignify, that any open- ing of the commerce of Ireland and Ame- rica recommended within the compafs of thefe fricets will of itfelf be adequate to all the demands of our prefent fituation. That will in all appearance require a new and [ 142 ] and univerfal arrangement of our taxes and commerce, wherein Great Britain herfelf muft bear a mofl material part. No man can fay, that all the money in Europe is equal to our National Debt nor can therefore any provifion be fufficient, but what may produce effefts anfwerable to fuch a very great neceflity. Some plan feems to be demanded, which may bring into Great- Britain a good part of all the gold and filver now current in the world. Nothing lefs will perhaps do our bufmefs. The practicability of this cannot but ap- pear a doubtful problem. Were all ftates whatfoever formed on a conilltution the moft advantageous for commerce, where- of each is capable - t it is evident, that they would then fhare among them thofe two precious metals in fo near a proportion, that no one could therein have over the reft any very great fuperiority. But this is exceedingly wide of the cafe. No one ftate is fo conftituted ; but on the con- trarv [ H3 I trary almoft all governments whatever arc framed and a<5l on principles diretly oppofite thereto. This gives a very great opportunity for an extreme difference and difproportion in that refpect. It is per- haps on the availing ourfelves thereof, that depends the future welfare of our country and the fafety, the ftability and the very fubfiflence of our ftate. The Dutch are a fmall people or at learr. have but a veiy confined territory and that de- fended with difficulty from the fea. They have neverthelefs done a great deal in the way, which we are fpeaking of. They are certainly therein at the head of all mankind. However it is evident and might eaiily be pointed out, that they are yet far fliort of perfection. There is good room for others to go beyond and efpecially for a ftate, which has fuch ad- vantages as Great - Britain. However what degree of advantage the nature of things will admit of on this head or how to t '44 1 to attain thereto are not queftions of this prefent mftant. I have faid thus much led to it by my fubjecl together with the intereft of the Public therein and the ne- ceflity, which I am perfuaded that my countiy is at this time under of finding and carrying into execution fome fuch great, general and falutary meafure. Hap- py will be the hand, that fhall in the firft place prevent the ruin, whereon we are now running. We muft begin there. That is the object direclly before us. Let us next enlarge the trade of Ireland and America. This will do a great deal. It may likewife lead us towards a more uni- verfal plan, with which it cannot at th# fame time but coincide. It will withal be well, that this double benefit of thefe two parts of our country went hand in hand together. The prefent flate of Ire- land makes it abfolutely and immediately necefTary for the one and the intereft of Great-Britain requires it for both. I don't t 145 ] I don't enter into particulars concern- ing the flopping up the Port of Bofton or the new laws given to MafTachufett's-Bay, However I muft obferve, that the altera- tion of their Charter and of their Civil Go- vernment is not temporary like the other provifions, but perpetual. The breaking of Charters is making the worft war upon mankind. It involves the innocent and thofe yet unborn. Every thing depends with men on their conflitution of Go- vernment. Such a meafure is therefore wantonly laying wafle the territories of the earth and I fpeak it with reverence, but it is even forbidding Providence it- felf to make mankind happy thereon* unlefs he fhall for the undoing the works of unreafonable and ill-judging men per- form immediate miracles and fufpend or counteract his own laws of nature, which is furely not to be fuppofed or expected. As for thofe, who refufe or impede law and juftice for blood, let them be well L aware, [ i 4 6 ] aware, that they don't thereby bring it on their own heads or warrant private men to be themfelves their own avengers. However the whole will no doubt be re- ceived in America as a declaration of war and depend upon the fame iflue. It muft be by force and conqueft, if they fubmit. It is probably not a month or a year, that will finally determine this affair. The flame may break out immediately or the fire may fmother until fome fatal opportunity of our being engaged in a foreign war or fome other fuch occafion. The authors of thefe meafures no doubt expecl, that the removal of the Cuftom- houfe and the fufpenfion of the trade of JBofton will bring thefe people on their knees and force them to fubmit to the reft of our meafures. It is evident, that this is their idea. They might have been well informed and inftructed and ought to have been fo, before they proceeded fo far. They may ncverthelefs find them- felves I. '47 ] felves much miftaken in the event, how- ever forward they are to hazard on their opinion the Welfare and profperity of their country. It feems, that fome men can- not even at the diftance of America bear a Conftitution in any degree Democra- tical. But they ought to know the Hiftory of the World better than to be ignorant of the ftrength and the force of fuch a form of government and how ftrenuoufly and almoft wonderfully people living under one have fometimes exerted themfelves in defence of their rights and liberties and how fatally it has ended with many a man and many a ftate who have entered into quarrels, wars and contefts with them, , Some fay, that all the contradiction and oppofition of America originates from home and that it is only the faction of England, which catches there. Nothing perhaps teftifies a greater ignorance of L 2 the t 148 ] the true ftate of .that country, than fuch a notion. What is all the fpirit of Pa- triotifm or of Liberty now left in Eng- land, more than the laft fnuff of an ex- piring lamp ? It is not longer than four and thirty years ago, that it was other- wife with us. But who can fay, whether the fame flame, the fame facred flame may not at this time burn brightly and ftrongly in America, which once fhow'd forth fuch wonders in Greece and in Rome and from whofe afhes it ftill enlightens a great part of mankind, I mean, all who are not funk in ignorance or barbarity ? They have certainly there excellent and free forms of government and which par- take perhaps in fome degree of the prin- ciples, whereon were framed the ancient ones of thofe eminent cities. They are themfelves as yet a new and uncorrupted people. They carried with them formerly the fpirit of Liberty from England, at the time that it was in its greateil purity and [ *49 1 mid perfection there nor has it fince de- generated by the climate. Whoever fhall j udge of their temper by ours at ihome and proceed accordingly, will perhaps in the end be fcorched by that flame, which he may find to buri} too powerfully for him and of the nature and of the proper means for extinguishing of which, he was totally ignorant, I have now confidered the rectitude, the practicability and the profit to be ex* peeled from our prefent meafures and have, gone fo far as to offer another mea- fure infteac}. I hope, that I have proved my propofitions to a great degree of clear- nefs and certainty, I don't know what to do more on this fubjecl:, unlefs I fhould propofe fomething, which might convince and fatisfy without the trouble of reafon and argument. This feems difficult. How- ever I will not defpair. My caufe is a good and a ftrong one ; that will help me and I L 3 be S beg to be permitted to try my hand in the cafe. I will recommend and, fo far as becomes me, defire and requefl ; that every one, when he confiders of this fub- jec"l and cfpecially before he ufes any hard words or pafles any harfh laws, will place himfelf in America ; will imagine himfelf born, bred, refident and having all his concerns and fortune there. I don't mean Jn the light of a Governor or of one, who feeks to recommend and to advance him- felf here at the expence of his countrymen in that part of the world j but as one, who has no other views or interefl except in the common good of his colony or continent. Let then any fuch man can- didly and fairly alk himfelf in his own breaft, what he fhould in that fituation think of being taxed at Weftminfler and let no one on this occafion throw a ftone, whofe heart does not plainly and roundly anfwer him with its aflent. I may make too free with Miniflers of State $ but I would t '5' ] would particularly prefs this on thofe, whofe deiires, paflions and inclinations are followed by effects and who hold per- haps at this moment in their hands the fate of Great-Pritain and of North- Ame- rica. This I fay, is an argument with- out a fyHqgifm; but which if properly brought home and enforced by, every man upon himfelf, may perhaps penetrate, move and foften more than all the rea- foning and earneftnefs, which I have hi- therto ufed. I would willingly try this experiment of tranfpofition upon a late tranfaftion, wherein fome peoples opinions feem to be affected by locality. Certain letters (fee letters of Governor Hutchinfon, &c.) have been publifhed of an American Governor and Lieutenant- Governor and a third perfon together with remarks and the fpeech of a learned and and ingenious Gentleman. Thefe are offered as an ap- L 4 peal [ '52 ] peal to the public againil the colony of Maffachufett's-Bay. They cannot there- fore, but be themfelves likewife the ob- jects of a public confideration. I have by the touchftone of locality a mind to examine and queftion fome of this learned Gentleman's reafoning. It is now but between eighty and ninety years, fince we of this country banifhed our King. On what ground did we do it? It will be anfwered j that we did not like his ac- tions j for that they tended to deprive us of our beft rights and properties. That we did it as Englifhmen on the Conftitu- tion of England Who was the common Judge between us and him ? There was no iuch common Judge. We judged for ourfelves. He was our King, our Ma- giftrate, our Truftee. When we found him to fail in the efTential points of thefe offices, we took another. This was. our right, as Englifhmen But we fet afide one of his daughters from her turn in the fucceiTion [ '53 ] fuccefllon and appointed inftead a perfon, who had no title by birth. The King's horfe threw him and the Lady fucceeded. But that was chance. It might in a courfe of nature very well have happened, that me had never been Queen. What had fhe done ? She had taken a remarkable part in the Revolution and was totally unexceptionable. But there were in one fcale the welfare and happinefs of many millions of people and in the other the advancement of only one Lady, although a deferring one. There was therefore no equality, the latter could not but kick the beam I anfwer, that I fubfcribe to all this with my hand and my heart. But it is only one fide of the medal. Let us turn the reverfe. An American Governor is not fo big as a King ; he don't wear a Crown nor bear a Scepter nor fit on a Throne nor is worfhipped on the knee nor has a Navy nor an Army nor makes Bifhops nor Judges nor is his Civil Lift perhaps above a thoufand pounds a year. He J He feems to be much more refponfible and more removeable, than a King. Sup- pofe then that one of our Colonies fhould take the ftrongeft exceptions to their Governor and defire to change him 5 would they in that cafe be permitted to judge for themfelves ? No. Why not ? -Becaufe they are Americans. Who are to judge for them? We. Why fo? Becaufe we are Englifhmcn, But would their application be to us a fufRcient caufe for a removal ? Perhaps not - } but on the contrary a reafon to continue him at prcfent and to promote and advance him afterwards, That has been the cafe be- fore and may probably be fo again But why is the meafure which we mete to them fo different from that, which we meafure to ourfelves ? That has been already anfwered. Becaufe we are Eng- liihmen and they are Americans. This jnuft be owned to be perfectly jufr. and futisfacrory and the Americans are the mail moft unreafonable men in the world, if they don't fee it exactly in the fame light. But fuppofe that the Reprefentative Body of the Province fliould make the complaint ? The anfwer would then be, that there was no accufer or if any one chofe to fpeak Latin no delator. ^-Suppo& that they complain of falfehood and treachery towards the Province ? That would be no charge, no crimeri.SuppofQ that they gave in evidence the party's own letters ?~That would complete the thing; for there would then be no evidence, no teftis. Nil borum. But will this hold wa- ter ? Admirably ; with relpeft to Ame^ rica and in Latin. It is ftrongly difputed, whether thefe American letters are of a public or a private nature^ This may not in itfelf be a very important point. However let Its [ '56 ] us endeavour to fettle it, fmce it lies in our way, Whatever concerns and affects the interefts, the welfare and happinefs of a whole people is and muft be of a public nature, whether papers, letters or any other thing whatfoever. Good and evil are not matters of Law or of Logic. They are the moft, if not the only efTential cir- cumflances of the world. They are what every thing elfe refers tq. They ftamp an eternal mark and difference on all things, which even imagination cannot cancel or erafe. The enjoyment of the one and the avoiding of the other is the very end of our being and likewife of all the beings which 4o or which even can be fuppofed to exift and which have a fenfe and perception of them, Whatever there- fore relates to the general good and evil of a People is of a public nature, It is that circumftance which makes it fo. The terms are as good as fynonomous, Whatever concerns on the contrary only this t ttf ] this or that individual, is of a private n* ture. It is confined to his or their happi* nefs or welfare j to his or their good and eviL There is again the true and uner- ring criterion. Thefe things feem clear to the greateft degree of intuitive cer- tainty. It is ftrange to be forced to reafort about them. However we" are told other - wife. If foriie compliments happen in a letter to be made to an old Lady, it changes the eflence of every thing ; me contracts and confines the whole matter and all be* comes of a private nature ; although the chief fubjec"l of that very letter fhould be to advife and point out the means of al- tering the Charter and of new modelling the Conftitution of a Colony and that there fhould be recommended therein the finding fome way according to its 'owrf language cc to TAKE OFF the original " incendiaries," left they fhould " conti- " nue to inftil their poifon into the minds * c of the people j" but the mention of the old t old Lady makes it all private. (Sec Mr. Wedderburn's fpeech page 94 and letter of Mr. A. Oliver Feb. 13, 1769.) But fuppofe that thefe letters were really meant and intended to produce public effects j what will that do ? Nothing at all. If the perfon had not at that moment a place, to whom they were written, it fignifies nothing ; although he might have had a poft before and might look for one again and although he might have com- municated thefe letters to others for the very purpofe of affecting the Public. All this will be of no importance, if the per- fon did not happen to have a place at the time. Would not one be tempted to think, that as fome endeavour to leave no property in America, others have a mind to banifh all human reafon out of American affairs ? But let us take this matter in another light. Suppofe a Prince to have been the fubjeft V [ ] fubjeft of thefe letters inftead of a People and his conduct and character to have therein been fo freely treated and cenfured inftead of theirs and the diverting him of his power and dignity fo plainly menti- oned and recommended inftead of the de- priving them of their rights and privileges and the taking him off propofed inftead of the taking off fome of them, what would have been the confequence ? High Treafon But might not thefe have been private letters of friendfhip and the re- eeiver have fecreted and concealed them ? There is no fuch thing as private let- ters in the cafe. No civilities fent to the faireft Lady in the land can make them fo. The perfon receiving muft at his own peril carry them to a Secretary of State or to a Juftice of the Peace or to fomc other Magiftrate ; we don't otherwife want a word for him, which is mifprifion of trcafon. But who would take notice of fuch a thing ? Let Mr. Attorney or Mr, Mr. Solicitor anfwer that But on what ground is all this ? Becaufe the Prince is fuppofed to be the public perfon and to reprefent the whole people and that what relates to him may affect them But there are bad Princes and writing againft them is fometimes writing in fupport and in the interefts of the Public and of the Peo- ple No fuch plea or proportion is ever fuffered. It would on the contrary be an additional crime even to make or to offer it. But does any one by reprefenting a body acquire more prerogatives, than be- long to that body itfelf or are the Public more affected through a third perfon than immediately in themfelves ? Yes, juft fo. Say a word againft a Prince and beware of informations, indictments, fines, pri- fons, fcaffolds and gibbets. Thefe are the ftongeft arguments in the world and I never knew any man to get the better in difputing with them. But abufe a People from morning till night and every one one knows, that the rule and the law is ; let them mend their manners, if it is true j let them defpife it and leave it to fall on the author, if it is falfe I am at the feet of Gamaliel and defire only to learn. I mall not contradict the doftrine concern- ing a Prince and I fubfcribe heartily to that about a People. Should thefe com- monwealths of America ever become as flrong and independent, as they are now weak and dependent and mould they in their greatnefs and glory remember a word of the humbleft and the meaneft, but not of the leaft fincere or the leaft difmterefted of their friends and advocates, it will be, never to employ force and power againft reafon and argument j to leave thofe in- ftruments to cabinets and to fuch as may want them, but to believe Truth to be ever the real intereft of the People and the Public and that no other incenfe or facrince mould ever be offered at the altars of that Goddefs, but the pure oblation of M a free- a freedom of thinking, fpeaking and wri- ting. But here it cannot well fail to be obfervedj that fhould thefe people, whofe diftrefies are now pleaded, ever come to be mailers both of tfiemfelves and of others and to be glutted with power and riches, that they will certainly run the race of the reft of mankind and learn in their turn tyranny and injuftice, as their betters and their predecefTors have done before them I anfwer, no man perhaps believes this, more than myfelf 5 however that is not now the cafe. They are at prefent the injured and the opprefTed party and have as fuch a claim to the wifhes or to the afliftance of every generous and unprejudiced perfon. But whenever the other fuppofition fhall obtain, it is to be hoped, that neither may there in that day be wanting fome ' honeft man among them, who will endeavour to make them blufti at fuch a conduct, if he fhall not be able to duTuade and divert them from it. it. However I would willingly in my turn ,now afk, whether this laft obfervation is alfo local and confined to America or whether it extends itfelf likewife to the meridian of Great-Britain ? It is not reafon and argument -, it is this locality which operates on the prefent occafion. It is this only, that makes many men eafy and indifferent in the cafe about right and wrong, jufHce and injuftice. Were my countrymen now in England dipped once in the River Delaware, I dare fay, that it would make an almoil mira- culous change in their opinions. If fome, who might be named, were tranfpofed into AfTembly Men j they would perhaps be as ready to repeal certain late laws, as ever they were to pafs them. However I will not go back again to topics, which feem fufficient to awaken the moft lethar- gic Englimman out of his foundefl fleep > but I defire to put a cafe relating to M 2 this t 164 ] this locality itfelf and its power and ef- fects, when it is to be hoped, that we (hall not find in the mirror any fimilitude or reprefentation of ourfelves . At the beginning of the laft century, there lived a gentleman of the name of Fawkes. He hired a houfe and fome cel- lars and other apartments in Weftminfter. We will fuppofe that he had a leafe of them. A leafe is for the time as good as a purchafe. It might not indeed be ftamped ; but {lamps were not then in faihion, it was good without. He bought fome gunpowder. It is to be believed, that he paid honeflly for it. He could perhaps have produced for it a receipt. He placed it in the cellars or other apartments hired by him. He had indeed a mind to amufe himfelf with blowing up the Legislature of England, no doubt with the good intention of introducing a better. However he and his trains were difcovered difcovered and the nation not relifhing his projects he met with another reward than he defired. But fuppofe, that he and Garnet and the reft of their aflbciates, inflead of falling into the hands of an Englifh Jury, had been tried at Rome before the Confiftory Court or any other Court there, they would no doubt have found an advocate. That is no other than the duty of the profeflion. I won't take upon me to fay, whether he would in this cafe have flourifhed about private property, trefpafs or forcible entry -, but whatever turn the Italian council had thought proper to give the caufe of his clients, has any one ferioufly the leaft doubt, but that they would have been cleared and acquitted and probably by the Court of Rome itfelf in good time pre- ferred and promoted. So much can a difference of climate do. But Fawkes and Garnet and their friends were fools, Jefuits as fome of them were. They did M 3 not [ 1*6 ] not underftand their trade. They might have been told better ways of blowing up Legiflatures than with gunpowder; that don't make a quarter of the crack and combuition, but which are ten times more effectual. But our colonies might be well enough, were it not for Dr. Franklin, who has with a brand lighted from the clouds fet fire to all America -No Governments care ever to acknowledge the people to be fairly againft them. For whatever may be the cafe with the opinions of the muU titude in abftrufe and refined matters, which but little concern them nor do they much trouble themfelves about ; yet the end and therefore the touchftone and trial of all Government being their wel- fare and happinefs, there is not common modefty in affecting to defpife and refufe their fenfe concerning their own good and evil, their own feelings, benefits or fuf- ferings. [ 167 i -;- rerings. It is in thefe things that the voice of the People is faid to approach, that of their Maker. The fycophants of Minifters endeavour therefore to throw on the artifice and influence of individuals all difcontent or dhTatisfaclion of the Public. Mr. Wilkes moves England and Dr. Franklin America; as if we had here no feeling, but through the firft and they had there neither eyes or ears, but by the latter. It were happy for mankind, if Adminiftrations procured their own votes and majorities with as much fairnefs, as the voice of the People is commonly obtained. I wonder, whe- ther we fhould then have ever heard of any Government in Europe indebted in the fum of a hundred and forty millions flerling or be at this moment under the alarm of a parent ftate attacking its own colonies or of a great empire fetting at work its fleets and armies only to throw the parts of itfelf into mifchief and con- M 4 fufion. [ '68 ] fufion. It is idle and childifh to be cry- ing out againfl this or that private per- fon. The truth is, that whenever Go- vernments heap up combuftibles, there will always be found a hand to put the match to them or thefe would heat and take fire of themfelves, if there were not. But it feems, that Dr. Franklin recom- mended to his conftituents for the rule of their conduct to refrain from all force and violence, but to preferve and keep alive in the mean time their claims by votes and refolves. (Wedderburn's fpeech page no and in.) I have nothing to do with the defence of any individual. However what more prudent or honefl advice could on the occafion have been conceived or of- fFered ? Is the hour very far off, when every man in Britain and among the reft the Minifter himfelf and perhaps even his royal and ilhiftrious Mafter may moft earneftly wifhj that the fame fpirit of peace had infpired mfpired, the fame caution and confidera- tion guided the public counfels here at home on the fubject, as appear to have dictated this advice attributed to Dr. Franklin for the direction of our coun- trymen beyond the Atlantick. This may, I fay, indeed happen foon, but with this moft wide and infinite difference) that the time may then be too late, that the circumftances of things can no more be recalled, but that the lot of our good or our evil, of our peace or our confufion and poflibly even of our cxiftence or our diifolution as a ftate (hall before have fatally and irrecoverably been carl. However is not Mr. W.'s Philippick againft the Doctor a capital performance? I am fure that I have not the leail in- clination to depreciate the ingenuity of that learned Gentleman, whofe argument I have been making fo free with. But the J)eing charmed with fpruce expreffions or a fhiart- [ 1 7.0 ] a fmartnefs of inveclive, where the fub- jecl: makes againft the privileges or the liberties of a People ; what is it better, than if a parcel of prifoners or of galley- flaves were fo abject as to take a pleafure In the noife and the rattling, or as it were, jn th$ mufic of their own chains ? I am drawing towards an end of my career. However I will firfl fay fome- thing to the Americans themfelves. I obferve them to charge fometimes on the Britifh fubjec~ls in general the meafures, with which they are aggrieved. Herein they do us wrong. I may venture to af- firm j that there would not be hurt the hair of the head of ail American, were jt to be voted by all our country. Every one muft remember, the univerfal fatif- faclion produced by the repeal of the Stamp Act and it would no doubt be the fame again, were the prefent meafures dif- f harged and remitted. But it often hap- pens; [ '7' ] pens $ that Reprefentatives and their Con-? flituents are in the moft eflential and the moil important points directly and dia- metrically oppoiite to one another. I don't pretend to account for this. It is a fa- tality or perhaps it is a new kind of Re,- prefentation. But the Americans fliould conlider, that two different parts of a country may be opprefled by one and the fame hand. Adminiftrations have been fquandering and running us in debt at home, until our whole fubftancc is wafted and confumed. It may now be coming to their turn. But procul a Jove, procul a fulmine. Great-Britain is firft brought to its extremity. Let any of our dependen- cies compare their burthens with ours and then complain of the nation, if they mail find that ours are the lighter. I don't mean to make a merit of this j but let them fuppofe the fame ftrong hand to be upon us both, when they fhall have been convinced, how little we are in this refpefl to be envied. I [ I 7 2 ] I am unwilling to take my leave with- out faying likewife one word to my Coun- trymen of England. It is not only riches and power, men and money, which the center of Government receives from the detached parts of its dominions, but like- wife credit and honour in the world. The Scotch and the Irifh are as good men, as any in Europe. This is well known, wherever they feek fervice and eftablifh- nients and the which they are left to do in more parts, than is for the benefit of Great-Britain. Our Countrymen of Ame- rica have not yet fo figured in our quarter of the globe ; but it is hardly a compli- ment to place them clearly at the head of their own, the offspring of all other peo- ple there included. If there are any fpoil'd children of our national family, it muft be the Englifh themfelves ; unlefs that riches and luxury mend the manners of men. But neverthelefs being fo the feat of [ '73 ] of Empire and all commands ifTuing from our capital and our name being forward, the actions, the merits, the figure, the reputation and the glory of all our Coun- trymen whatfoever and wherefoever do exceedingly redound to us and to the honour of England and of Engliflimen. There is another circumftance, which none of us can obferve but with pleafure. I mean that we feem to be as individuals, on as fair terms with the other parts of our nation, as they with one another; that the name of Englifhman is as accept- able and will go with them as far, as that of any other of the appellations, into which we are feparated. Whether this is our defert or a confequence of the fame caufe, I won't fay -, however it is what cannot but afford us fatisfaftion. In return for thefe things they defire no more than a juft fenfe and acknowledgement of them. Whether we do make this return, whe- ther thefe circumftances have always the weight [ '74 .] weight with us, which they merit; Eng* liihmen will beft determine by examining into their own breafts. But this we may be allured of; that the good will, affection and attachment of our Countrymen fpread throughout our common Empire will be our firmcft ftrength. and fecurity, if it fhall be our lot to continue in our prefent fplendor and profperity ; as likewife that the fame cannot but be our befl fupport and aftiftance, wherewith to weather the ftorms of fate and fortune, if Heaven fliall on the contrary have any reverfe or times of difficulty and diftrefs in ftore for us. I have now finimed, unlefs it may be a few words with refpecl to the Author himfelf. He hopes, that fhould in the warmth of writing any inadvertencies or inaccuracies have efcaped him, that they will be readily overlooked; he is per- fuaded, that there are none fuch, as affect his [ '75 1 his argument. He has wrote with free- dom, but he trulls without offence ; he has no perfonal views whatfoever in any thing, that he has advanced or offered 5 he has no intereft in any diftant part of the Britifh Dominions, neither in Scot- land Ireland or America j he has neither trade or traffick with them nor a foot of land in any of them. His concerns, his property, his family, his fricndfhips, his affections, every thing moft dear to him center in South-Britain. He has ncr m- tercourfe or connexion with any man, that either is or that ever was or who to the beft of his knowledge defires to be a Minifter. He is totally indifferent, who {hall be at the head of our affairs, any otherwife than as the Public may be con- cerned in it. He would not perhaps in his humble fituation accept of any place or pofl, high or low, which the King has to confer, great and powerful as he is. He [ 176 ] He wifhes only that thefe flieets may be read, as they are written, with the pureft and the moft difmtereiled intentions for the good, the greatnefs and the ftability of the whole Britifh Empire, for the union, harmony and prefervation of all its parts and for the particular intereft, fafety, peace, profperity and happincfs of England. April 1774. [ I ] THE foregoing fheets were firft pub- liflied in April and we are now in the next November : time and events have in the fhort intervening fpace of feven months but too plainly and too ftrongly confirmed the opinions refpecling our American meafures and their confequen- ces, which were then prefumed by the Author to be laid before the Public. It is in the preceding pages explained ; that the plan propofed and confided in by the Adminiftration on that occafion appeared to be, that the removal of the Cuilom- houfe and the fufpenfion of the com- merce of Bofton would foon bring on * A their their knees and fubject to our commands the inhabitants of that town and of its colony j who were by that means to be- come befides their own obedience an ex- ample likewife and a terror to the reft of their brethren on that continent : but the policy and the probability of this fine-fpun fcheme are there doubted of, queflioned and difcuffcd. It is reprefented that the harfli and violent meafures then carrying on would in America be received no otherwife, than as a declaration of war and depend upon the fame ifliie ^ that it could only be by force and by con- queft, if they were fubmitted to; that we muft expeft to have to do with an union of that continent j that it would among them be made a common caufe not to be taxed by us and that they would certainly join, combine and aflbciate together for their general and mutual afliftance and defence. Is there any occafion to fay whe- t 3 ] ggV; ; whether or no thefe things have proved true ? We were at the feme time warned ; that if it was intended to ufe force and violence, the decifion might not be fo very foon or fo very fure ; that thefe being a truly free people and their go- vernments democratical, they would be able to arm every man in their country $ that neceffity would befides their Com- mittees of Correfpondence then fubfifling teach them other means of moving and of acting together , that they would pro- bably have at their head fome of the wifeft and of the ablefl men of their country j that the influence of our Go- vernors and of our other civil officers would mrink to nothing nor our own authority probably extend further, than where it was enforced by our own troops j that our very foldiery would defire and endeavour to leave us and to go over to * A 2 the [ 4 ] the Americans. Has one word of all this fallen to the ground or is there almoft a fmgle fentence of it, which is not now become a matter of fact ? It was further fet forth} that no imme- diate imprefTion upon the town of Bofton or poffeflion taken of it by a fleet or an army would carry the command of all that continent or force them to fubmit to meafures fo univerfally againft their bent and inclinations, but that on the contra- ry the moft flrenuous and moft vigorous exertions were from that whole people to be expected in fupport of their common liberties and properties. May I call on our Minifters and demand whether they are not themfelves fenfible by this time of all theie things ? i I will pafs by other particulars of the fame fort, that I may not tire my reader with the repetition of them. However I hope, I hope, that the prefumption will be par- doned, fhould it be alked ; Whether there is any one event as yet come on in the order of time and the courfe of things, which has contradicled or happened other- wife j than what was before pointed out ? This gives a great prejudice and fufpicion with refpecl to the further train remain- ing yet to follow. However there is be- hind and among the things in fufpence one particular circumflance of fuch a magnitude, that all thefe other incidents are in comparifon of it, but as the duft upon the balance. I mean ; that fliould by thefe meafures either the public ex- pences increafe or income decreafe or both together, fo that the national revenue fhall fail and we be rendered unable to/ proceed in paying the whole intereft of our debt ; then will in all appearance be no longer delayed the day and the hour of our definition, but that conjuncture prove the lateft and the uttermoil term of * A 3 ;:|; ;- : E ] our peace, our profperity and our ftabi- lity, as a ftate and a nation. This point is much prefied in the former fheets ; how- ever heaven avert, that fate fhould in the due order of things and at fome perhaps not very diftant moment of time demon- flrate it to be, as well grounded ; as have already been found fo many other cautions and warnings before given ! But if we fow the feeds, it may be depended on, that the fruits will follow: caufes and effects keep their courfe, like day and night : events appear to be preparing and bringing on that period : men and things, counfels and actions, figns and appear- ances feem to tend to that catailrophe. However the Writer prefumes to offer once more to the Public the mite of his fentiments upon the ftate of our affairs in America, as it ftands now altered fmce the date of the preceding pages ; while we have yet allotted a time to do it, while there is room for reflection and that any thine: t 7 ] i| tiling remains more for Britons, than only to relate the ftory of their ruin. This attack upon that continent ap- peared to many people mod unreafonable and mofl unpromifmg from the very be- ginning ; futurity has neverthelefs before it a conflant cloud and obfcurity, which no human eye can perfectly penetrate: rafhnefs and inconfideratenefs do fome- times make this more of a pretence, than the cafe will well warrant -, but however doubtful the matter might then be or not, time has now opened events and fact and certainty have in manyrefpects taken place on the fubject. It is clear andfure; that the propofed plan and project have failed, and mifcarried. We fent out at firft forces fit for our intended defign. The common language ufed in commendation of the meafure was, that a few regiments and a few fmall fhips of war would do the bufi- nefs. But we are now calling and gather- * A 4 ing [ 8 ] ing together an army from all quarters, from England, from Ireland, from feve- ral different parts of America and even our newly conquer'd province of Quebec is to be unguarded and unfurnifhed ; that we may be enabled to carry on a war againft our ancient Colonies and our own Coun- trymen. We have inflead of commanding and of bringing to taxation and to fub- jeclion all America by the means of the town of Bofton lofl the reft of that conti- nent and not gained the town. We have with our own hands and by our own / ." counfels got things into fuch a ftate ; that our Colonies obey their Governors no further, than they pleafe, aiid that they are unanimoufly and publicly preparing to oppofe meafure to meafure or force to force, as they fhall upon the event judge moil neceflary; while that bicoque of New-England looks us in the face upon an equality and holds up its head as highly, as we do ourfelves. Matters are ten times more [ 9 ] more embroiled, than they were, wear ten times a worfe and a more threatning afpect, than they did feven months ago and before that we entered on thefe meafures : every ftep taken forwards in our prefent track feems only to lead us into further mifchief and difficulties. Our Adminiftration is in the mean time become the wonder and the contempt of all Europe. When we find therefore, that we are going on in a road direclly wrong, why don't we take a contrary courfe ? This appears to be a moft obvious ftep -, there is no uncom- mon reach of reafon or extraordinary depth of human wifdom demanded to make that conclufion. It is an old pro^ verb ; that wife men do often, but fools never change their opinion. No one little or great need fcruple to alter for the better his actions or his meafures ; it is furely his fiift praife and firft prudence fo to do : but what muft be thought of thofe, fafts and events themfelves will not f 10 ] not convince or who being convinced are neverthelefs determined to ftrive and to contend againft the irrefiftible force of them? Our political pilots have a fair and a direct wind for the port, to which the Commonwealth is bound ; but they are obftinately bent to run counter to it, to buffet ftorms and tempefls, to rifque rocks and quickfands and to endanger in the greateft degree the common ad- venture and fortunes of us all. We read a fabulous ftory of an ancient Ro- man faid to have leaped into a gulph to fave Rome : but what will pofterity be- lieve ; when they fhall be told of the men f thefe times, who run headlong down a. precipice for no apparent end, but to carry along with them their country into the fame ruin ? The original defign and expectation were at leaft fufficiently plain and intel- ligible j but the Adminiftration having been been deceived in them, there is now no longer left the leaft appearance of pru- dence or of policy in our proceedings : it is become difficult to comprehend, what the authors or the friends of thefe meafures purfue even in their own breafts. Let any one within the bounds of probabi- lity or almoft of poffibility fancy in his mind events at pleafure and let him re- flecl: by what iteps, what means, what chain of incidents and accidents, what train within the wit of man to trace, it can be expected, that we fhall in this violent and military method of going on come to a good and advantageous conclu- fion and I believe, that he will evidently find himfelf at a default on the fub- je6l. I [am perfuaded, that our rulers would themfelves be put to it to lay down fairly and clearly their own plan nor is any fuch commonly known and underflood : the fafls are public ; the other would no- doubt not be difficult to find, [ '2 ] find, if reafon, appearances and proba- bility fuggefted or admitted of any fuch. The Chaplains of our regiments are not to chop logick with the Americans and to reafon them into the being taxed at Weftminfter : that is not the intention nor will hard words bring this about from whencefoever trumpeted No: we will force them to it Be it fo. Let us without confidering the chance of war or refinance fuppofe Bofton in afhes, no one ftone of it (banding on another, the inhabitant?, men, women and children buried under its ruins and all this havock and deltruc-'iion the efFel of our cannon, bombs and mortars. This would no doubt be a. noble event ^ Europe would fcare and it would exceedingly redound to the honour and the glory of the Go- vernment, that fhpuld atchieve it. How- ever let us come to the confequences ; the mifchief and the evil are eafily found, rage and defpair reigning every- where, [ '3 ] where, all our Colonies crying out for vengeance, America in arms and in open and avowed revolt againfl Great-Britain : thefe things need not to be pointed out : but how are butchery and mafTacre to conduct us to peace, to a fettlement, to a reftoration of union and of harmony or to any defireable end whatsoever ? All regard for the Americans being bammed out of the queftion, either as brethren or as men } it can neverthelefs not be pre- tended, that we ought likewife to lofe iight of the true interefl and the benefit of our more immediate country of Great- Britain nor are we furely to feek for any other views or motives of our public coun- fels on the occafion, than thofe. God forbid, that there fhould inftead prevail paffion, refentment, an impatience of op^ pofition and of difappointment, a thirft for revenge and for the blood of the peo- ple of Bofton and of New - England : heaven avert, that there fhould directly or indi- [ 14 ] indireftly, more nearly or more remotely be at this moment preparing or meditat- ing any defperate ftroke, which may dis- join America and Great - Britain in a manner to be never united more ! I will not deny, but that the queftion refpecling the plan of our conduct may with lefs difficulty be explained, if fome fuch unfit principles and confiderations are to be taken into the account. But fome one may fay , What a ftrange tragedy and image have here been intro- duced ? Who thinks of any fuch thing ? We would not for the world be the ag- grcffors -, but if the people of Bofton or of New -England {hall begin firft and fhall attack or unlawfully refift us ; you know, that the wrong will then be with them and that all, which we fliall do, will be nothing but felf-defence and the execu- tion of the law nor do we wage war but \vithmen. I anfwer; that this is too high, high, too home and too ferious a fubjeft, on which for any one to refufe himfelf or to be readily refufed by others freedom of fpeech. I prefume -, that it is within the lawful liberty of an Englifhman to de- mand in return ; to what end are then intended a military Governor, a fleet, an army, artillery, warlike provifion, and ammunition and fupplies and reinforce- ments of thefe things together with acls of Parliament, which it was known, would not be obeyed ? Are all thefe red-coats and regiments muttered there only to aflift the people of America in the clear- ing of their plantations, the reaping of their harvefts or the watching of their flocks and their herds ? Should any one flart at the idea of Bofton being over- thrown : what would he fay, were he in plain Englifh told ; that there is no ap- pearance or probability of carrying into execution fome certain meafures without cutting the throats of almoft all our Ame- rica, [ '6 ] rica, without dying its forefts, its fwamps and its favannahs with the blood of thofe, whofe anceftors fled from their country and went thither in hopes of finding re- fuge from the tyranny and the oppreflion of the Governors of Great-Britain ? What does it matter, who dies a victim the firfl or the laft and whether by the fword, the muiket and the bayonet or by famine, di- flrefs and mifery, when a whole region (hall be laid wafte and depopulated ? Is it difficult to pick a quarrel on any fubjecl: or to drive a people into defpair and then to deftroy them for being defperate or are there wanting writers or fpeakers to de- fend any action or any meafure ? But will the gloffing, the quibbling, the flattery of penfioners or of fycophants heal the wounds, calm the minds, appeafe the paffions, reconcile the affections or blind and confound the understandings of an injured and exafperated continent confifl- ing of many numerous and flourifliing pro- provinces and inhabited by a people pof- ieiFed and infpiied with a love of liberty almoft loft to the fhame of the human fpecies out of Europe, but moil powerful and irrefiftible wherever it prevails and is united with the means of defence ? I don't mean to talk to Minifters and to Statef- men about right and wrong, humanity, '; compaffion and the cardinal virtues : but I repeat j that there is in thefe meafures full as little of the policy of Machiavel, as of the morality of Grotius or the reli- gion of the Whole Duty of Man -, not a whit more of the wifdom of the ferpent, than of the innocence of the dove. The fenfe of the nation is in the mean time moft ftrong againft thefe tran fac- tions : people were not at the beginning fo much moved j they appear not to have believed, that any men at the head of a ilate would really be fo wild and fo headlong, as to bring about in efFecl, * B what [ I? ] what now flares them moil flrongly and moil fully in the face : it is well underflood that the All of the Public and of every private perfon is upon a defperate cafl at flake againfl nothing : men raife their eyes and their hands with horror, when they fpeak on the occafion : they fympathife in common with the Americans and ex- prefs plainly and roundly their own fen- timents on their account : fuch are on the contrary filent and referved on the fubject, who are tiled to direct their dif- courfe by mean motives : the change or difcharge of thefe meafures would be a moil fmcere and univerfal fatis faction. Shall then a great nation with its eyes open and fenfible of its fituation and its danger be drawn or driven upon its ruin by a few men among them and thofe perhaps intrufled for its fafety and its protection? Where is in that cafe the Conflitution or what is our pretended and our boafled reprefentation ? Is there nothing, t 19 ] nothing, nothing even to the utmorr. ex- tremity of our deilruction, but what cor- ruption can conipafs and proftitution will perform ? Thefe proceedings are of that dangerous and deftruclive tendency, that whoever promotes or unites in them, does as a private man light a brand to fire his own houfe and to lay wafte his own eftate j but as one of the public, he concurs with his own hand to thruft a dagger into the heart of his already wounded, helplefs and almofi expiring country. It may be won- dered j how any fuch perfon can hold up his hands, towards heaven to pray for pro- fperity on him or his, which he does him- felf fo directly counteracl:. Can then any nation famous for its freedom want in fuch an extremity fome proper remedy and refource againft the rage, the madnefs or the incapacity of an Adnliniftration ? I alnfwer 5 that our anceflors were far from being fp carelefs of thpfe to come * B 2, after after them, as to have left us in concerns depending on our own domeftic govern- ment without means very fufficient for our fafety and our welfare. The people of Great- Britain have a lawful, confti- tutional, acknowledged, undifputed, un- doubted power of application and peti- tion. This is an inherent right of every county, every city, every borough, every body of men in it and which any one may be confident j that no King, no Minifter and, let me add, no Parliament will refill or with/land j if the exertion of it {hall be general, univerfal and unanimous, fuchas fhafl evidently fpeak with the full and the clear voice of the whole nation : it may in fuch a cafe be depended upon for fufficient and effectual. Never did perhaps any period of our hiftory more require fuch an exertion , than the prefent moment. I will not re- peat, what has been faid with refpect to the ftake either of the public or of private per- fons j but even the Minifter muft in all ap- pearance [ 21 ] pearance be in his own breaft pleafed with it. It might afford him a fair opportunity or almoft force him to withdraw his foot out of difficulties ; in which, he cannot but by this time be fenfible, how rafhly and in- confiderately he has involved both him- felf and his country. What unaccount- able fatality is it, which can prevent any one at the helm of a nation from taking of his own accord fo prudent and fo fa- lutary a ftep. But this matter mounts higher. The King is blefTed with a fair and a large family from whom even a private parent might promife himfelf the greateft comfort and felicity ; but much more may his Majefty, if they near him fhall by their fatal and unfortunate coun- fels mingle no bitter in his cup. How- ever let all loyal fubjecls well reflect and efpecially they firft in favour ; whether thefe meafures are not of fuch a magni- tude and a malignity, that they may either immediately or in their confe- *B 3 quences t 22 ] quences throw the whole flate into the laft confufion, endanger our becoming a prey to foreign powers, fhake the Throne itfclf and difturb one day the peace and the happinefs of our gracious Prince even within his own palace and in the midft of his numerous royal progeny. To whomfoever we may therefore prefumc on this fubject to offer up our humble petitions, we (hall befeech thofe refpecl- able perfons to blefs and to fecure equally both the public and themfelves, It feems the more necelTary to ufe this laft fate refource of the Conftitution, as it is difficult to find any other help, that is left for us under heaven. Our political parties and their leaders bear a iufpicion of covering and concealing under pre- tences of the general Good defigns of perfonal ambition and advancement. The people of England have had but too much 'experience in that refpect. What divifion, what f *3 ] what connection, what denomination of men among us have not in their turn ipoiled and plundered this poor country ? Our liberties and our properties were be- fore the Revolution attacked under the pretence of Prerogative by a fet of men, who bore the name and who invented or advanced the doctrines of Tories ; but the virtue of our anceftors faved us then. Through how long a feries of fucceflive Adminiflrations has fmce that time this nation been fold, bartered and betrayed by a race of falfe, pretended, unworthy and venal Whigs ; whofe endeavours to- wards our deftruclion have unfortunately been more fuccefsful, than thofe of their predeceflbrs ? God forbid, that we fhould now be ready to receive our fatal and our final ftroke from the joint force of both thefe caufes, from the ace ur fed practice of corruption united with the fenfelefs principles of a boundlefs obedience of the People and of an extravagant power of * B 4 the t 24 ] the Grown ! Thefe evils do not perhaps leaft prevail in the very places, which ought moll to be a fancluary and a fecu- rity againil them. What is become of the ancient public fpirit of England, when the firft in rank and in fortune were ever the foremofl to protect the rights of the whole j 1 It is for the honour of our name and our nation to be hoped, that this noble paflion of the human breaft is retired and is fetting up its ftandard among our Countrymen on the Conti- nent, if it has totally fled from this once free and fortunate iiland. It mufl grieve any one to alk ; Whether there are none even in the refpected band of our pro- fefTed Patriots, who .had it once in their power to have utterly extinguiihed, but who left unhappily and purpofely to lurk and to fmother in their proceed- ings and in their own Acts of Parlia- ment this very pretenfion, and, as it were, the fame fire, which has fince broken cut out fo fiercely and which threatens now to confume in one common flame both Britain and America ? However it is to be hoped, that thefe perfons will from fuch violent and fuch evident mifchiefs be at length convinced nor continue back- ward to concur and to contribute towards fome fufficient meafures for the lafling peace and relief of our country and our colonies. But we are now upon the brink of the precipice : our fituation ad- mits no longer of our being led blind- fold : it is too late for us to truft either to thorough-paced Ministers or to half- paced Patriots : the time requires this nation to declare its own genuine fenfe, perhaps its laft fenfe of its condition and its circumftances. How can we other- wife expect in this cafe the affiftance of Providence itfelf than in employing the powers, which his goodnefs has by the means of the Conftitution and the pro- vifion of our anceftcrs been pleafed to lodge [ 26 ] lodge with us for that apparent pur- pofc ? But it may be faid, have not we a legal Reprefentative and is not that fufficient ? I fhall leave the matter of fact to anfwer with refpect to the fufficiency, but I defire to fay fomething in explanation of of the point itfelf . I hope to be perfectly imderftood, that I don't at all mean to deny our having fuch a legal reprefenta- tive ; but it is furely juft and becoming for us to difcourfe on fubjecls of this con- fequenee with one another, like men. I prefume, that it is permitted for any one to afk; whether there is not fome dif- tinclion between a legal reprefentative and a real one. All bodies of men fpeak and act by their majority. It is a handful of people in comparifon of the whole nation, which chufe the major part of our Houfe of Commons. I may in faying this ex- prefs myfelf freely ; but I offend no wor- thy thy or honeft man. No fuch will ever take offence at a notorious truth and none can well be more fo, than the faft, which is now mentioned. How can then in the common ufe and fenfe of the Englifh language any body of men really repre- fent any others, than thofe by whom the greater part of them are named and ap- pointed for that purpofe ? This may not interfere with a legal reprefentation nor do I declare myfelf any opinion about a real one. I am on the fuhjecl; ready to receive with refpec~l the dictates of my betters. It may perhaps be a myftery in politics or fomething not at this moment comprehended by the writer. .However this legal, this real reprefentative or in what manner foever that honourable body js to be defcribed, they do ever fiiffer their fellow- fubjects to apply to them by petition through the hands of any one of their own members. This circumftance is there necefTary^ but it feems to make no t 28 ] no effectual difference.' The right or practice itfelf has never been denied or difputed nor therefore has it flood in need of the fanction of an Act of Parlia- ment. The road is yet more direct to the Throne : the fubject prefents of himfelf and without intervention his petition there. This right was at the Revolution confirmed in as fit terms, as the trueft friend of the freedom of his country could have found. There are therefore required no firings or belts to clear either of thefe ways : they remain ever plain and open and lead immediately to thofe who can afford us effectual redrefs and afliflance. Thus ftands then this point : Our throne is "hereditary, our peerage is hereditary, the major part of our Houfe of Com- mpns is appointed by an inconfiderable proportion of the nation : can then many words be wanted to recommend or to en- force the practice of petition by the peo- ple [ 29 ] pie and the Public or is the community to have no (hare in its own conftitution, in its legiflature, its government and the de- termination of its moft important arid moft efTential concerns ? However as we have in our hands pro- per, prudent and peaceable means of flop- ping or of diverting thefe meafures, fo let us on the other fide confiderj whether we fhall not by a neglect of them become partakers in the guilt of the wrongs done to the Americans and of the ruin brought on ourfelves and our pofterity. All peo- ple are refponfible for the public conduct of thofe, whom they appoint or confent to be over them : this is the law of men and of nations, but it is likewife that of a higher power j it is the law of nature. I obferve with reverence, that Providence feems to unite together the mterefts and concerns, the fate and fortunes of each ilate and of each kingdom and to demand at t I* at their hands an account of the actions of their refpeclive rulers* whether Princes, Minifters or any other : their proiperity and their adverfity appear to be in a great degree dealt out to them according to that circumftance. It is ftrange, on what ground fome people found their prefump- tion ; for the Public does not only ap- point Government in its firft original 5 but it is moft evident, that it does after- wards continue at all times to anfwer for the conduct and the meafures of its Go- vernors both to God and to man. But with refpecl to our own cafe in the pre- fent inftance, can there be in the affairs of humanity a fairer or a more equitable condition, than for people to have in their own power the means of removing their danger and of fecuring their liabi- lity ? However it behoves us to remember on what terms we enjoy it. The Ame- ricans may one day require at our hands and retaliate upon us their own fufferings and I 31 ] and in oft certainly will do fo; if we fhali not exert to effect thefe means inherent in us, but that the things and the events already begun and in motion fhall come to extremity. The ftory of the war car- ried on by the Dutch in fupport of their liberty againft the Portuguefe and the Spaniards will fufficiently teach us this ; if we need to go beyond our own reafon. for fuch a piece of mftru6rion. We have in ourfelves and placed in our hands the power on this occafion of infuring our own fafety and of reftoring to our Colo- nies and our Countrymen of America their rights, their peace, their properties , and their liberties, a moft noble and in- eftimable privilege, but in all appearance not entrufted to us without account. It may however be afkedj What way is then to be taken, what clue can be found, that may lead us out of our pre- fent perplexity and difficulties ? I anfwer, that [ 32 ] that it is much more eafy to embroil a ftate, which is in peace and in tranquil- lity ; than it is to reduce it again to the fame defirable fituation, when it fhall once be fo embroiled. However I will in fo important a matter venture to hazard an opinion, although with fbme uncer- tainty of the future fact whereon it is grounded. There is faid to be fitting at Philadelphia a Congrefs of fome of the moft refpeclable perfons of that Conti- nent. It appears probable, that there may from them come in fome fliape or another proportions to the Public or to the Government. Should that be fo let not thefe be out of an ill-judged pride or idea of fuperiority defpifed and refufed, but on the contrary adopted and made the ground and the foundation of a future fettlement and eftabliflunent between us and America : I won't prevaricate or deny that, I mean in fome meafure a new one j for of returning again exactly and pre- [ 33 ] precifely to the former and ancient one, there is not the leafb appearance of proba- bility ; although there mall in the way be nothing more, than what is known to have already happened. They have once trufted to our experience and our prudence j how- ever they have found thefe but a weak and a (lender fecurity. They will undoubtedly expect fome ftronger and better barrier, fome line to be drawn or fome land-mark to he fixed in futurity between us. I fpeak it with the utmoft iincerity 3 that I verily believe them to underftand the joint in* terefts of Great Britain and of America, better than we do and that they will in the firil inftance propqfe nothing unfit or unbecoming with refpect tq this country j but mould we neglect or reject proper terms, when they are offered, we may per- haps afterwards not come readily to the fame again. Our Charles the firft granted ten times more at laft, than would have contented and have fatisfied at firft j but he * C ever [ 34 ] ever fuffered himfelf to be forced : that was his evil policy and evil fortune. None thanked him, for what he did. He loft at length all; his head not excepted. Do not letjour flate or our government imitate in their conduct that unfortunate prince. There may directly be for a kingdom no block or fcafFold; but there are juftand equal laws and a fevere and irrefiftible fa- tality attending upon the tranfgreffion of them. What is in the general courfe of an infinite univerfe perpetually proceeding in obedience to thofe laws the exiftence, the rife or the fall of a ftate any more upon the comparifon, than that of a fingle per- fon? Thefe are not light and trifling matters, which are now in operation, a Mid-fummer night's dream or the ftory of a day ; with which we may divert our- felyes at our will. It may be depended upon ; that it is for ever, if thefe pro- vinces, fhall once be fevered from us. The command and the government of great ; t 35 i great countries are not to be taken up again at pleafure, when they fhall have fallen from the hand, that holds them, like the play- things of children. But it may be obferved to have been thrown out, that France and Spain would interfere j whereas nothing of that kind has happened nor are we difturbed by either of them. I anfvver, that their Mi- nifters of State muft otherwife have been, much as thoughtlefs and as inconfiderate, as our own. It is fit, that the fifh fliould fatten on the hook or be entangled in the net beyond the power of getting free, be- fore the hand appears, which is to ftrike or to make a prey of it. He is furely but a poor politician, who can be laid afleep by thofe two Cabinets being more cun- ning than to flay or to turn Us in the be- ginning of a career, which muft be fo much to their fatisfaclion and their inclination. It is an old proverb, that any one fhoiild make a bridge of gold for his enemy, * C 2 when. t 36 ] when he is flying from him. Is it t6 be doubted, but that thefe Powers would willingly pave almoft with any materials and at any expence a way for us by which to march and to attack our own provin- ces, thofe provinces which have fo long been the fupport of ourfelves and the envy of other nations. It has been faid ; that they have before now found the means of paving the way to their own peace with us j but heaven forbid, that they fhould ever find that of putting us at daggers- draw among ourfelves, of engaging in a war with one another the mother-coun- try and our Colonies of North- America ! Whenever that ill-ftar'd hour fhall arrive and by whofe folly or artifice foever brought about, the arms of our rivals will hardly be wanted to lay the glory and the greatnefs of Britain in the dull. France and Spain laugh and fing in the mean time to fee what we are doing and it may be depended upon, that they know better than to meddle at this moment in our broils. There ;.'. [ 37 ] There is another point, to which I would fpeak a word, before I have done. Some fycophants and makers of mifchief on the other fide of the Atlantic feem to have had no fmall part in caufing the prefent difturbances. Why fhould other- wife all thefe have rather arifen in MafTa- chufets-Bay, than in Connecticut or in Rhode - liland ; except that we appoint the Governors in the former and that the people themfelves do fo in the latter. The counfels of thefe men mult upon ex- perience have been found wrong and mif- taken. They magnified the mighty power of Parliaments and appear to have flat- tered fome people here, as if their finger was irrefiftible. Had they pointed out events, as they have really happened ; it is impoflible, that we fhould have con- ducted ourfelves, as we have actually done. All this may clearly be accounted for, if we fuppofe one principle, which- is ; that they meant to advance them- felves in Great-Britain, however their en- deavours [ 38 ] deavours might turn out either for us or for America. It would be a moft ftrange thing, fhould thefe fame perfons be frill confulted, countenanced and encouraged. We ought to be fenfible, how dearly we have already paid on that article. The Writer does not know the face of one of them j I fpeak fmgly for the fake of the Public : but there can in all appearance no common good come to the two countries of Great-Britain and of North- America, until that thefe fatal authors of our mu- tual evils fhall be banifhed fromall coun- fels and confidence. So much for my prefent obje<5l. I have on this occafion not entered into the dif- ficulty or rather the apparent impofTi- bility of fubduing with a few thoufands of foldiers from England a very great Continent, moft ftrong in itfelf and de- fended by fome hundreds of thoufands of its inhabitants naturally placed over the different parts and commanding all the pro- t 39 1 produce and the advantages of the coun- try and who are armed, trained and ready to take the field in defence of what they believe to be their all ; men of tried bra- very and that have upon experience per- formed many actions of remark i I have not infilled on the abfolute certainty of their finding in cafe of a direcl: rupture and revolt from Great - Britain foreign afliftance : I have not mentioned our Mi- nifters having wantonly and in all ap- pearance out of perfonal ambition taken upon themfelves the affairs of our Eaft- India Company and having by that means fubjefted on any contention with the na- tive Powers of thofe regions the nation to the danger of being one day found be- tween the two fires of the Weft-Indies and of the Eaft and perhaps at the fame time a fire in Europe hotter than either of the others : I have not examined the burthen of our national debt preffing in the midil of thefe circumftances moft heavily upon us : I have not touched on * C 3 very t 40 ] very many other topicks refpefting ou prefent ill-judg'd and ill-omen'd attempt : thefe were of a preceding fubjett. This matter has now been only taken up on the ground, where it was left upon a former argument and upon our meafures and the change and the ftate of affairs in America fmce that time : here will I likewife leave it once more. It is hot owing to a want of informa- tion, to a want of understanding, to a want of a fenfe and a knowledge of the importance or the imprudence of our American meafures ; if fome people of property, of capacity, of independence feem to fleep fupinely, while a rock is ready to fall and to crufh their country. There is in public concerns an abje&nefs, which obtains and daily increafes among us and that in a rank of men, where it ought leaft to prevail and to whom others are intitled to look up in a time of danger or of difficulty. The rife and the begin- ning ning of this might readily be pointed out : it was not firft of this reign : but thefe men may truly be told ; that there is no fupport for themfelves, but in the {lability of all; that their private for- tunes and pofTeflions will in the com- mon definition moft inevitably go to wreck and to ruin with the reft : the cloud from the Atlantic threatens them, as well as the merchant and the manufacturer, the farmer and the labourer. But wefeem not to remember, that we are born Bri- tons ; that Governments are inftituted for the good of the govern'd and for that only; that we have in our immediate, perfonal and collective capacity an inhe- rent right to fignify our fentiments of the national meafures to thofe who contrive, govern and direct them ; that the concern therein of many is upon the comparifon much as confiderable one for one as their own, but that of all united and taken together almoft as the ocean to a drop of I water ; water ; that we are men and not a flock of fheep forced to follow our fellow, be- cauie he happens to bear a bell about his neck. The Writer has thrown out thefe things from a fmcere and earneft defire of the general fafety and welfare ; he heartily hopes that the feed is fown in good ground and that it will bear fruit for the benefit of the whole : but if after all the hand of fate is upon this nation; if the period ap- proaches, in which we are doomed to pe- rifh j if there is at once an incurable mad- nefs in our councils and a-boundlefs ob- fequioufnefs in our proper guardians and protectors ; if the conilitution is forgotten and men of weight and of refpect abandon their country; I mult fay, that his will be done, who governs both individuals and communities: I truft neverthelefs, that thefe words will not be fo loft, but that they fhall at leaft preferve one private per- fon from the charge and the confcioumcfs pf having fcruplecl tofpeak plainly his opi- nion [43 1 nion and his expectation of the dan- gers and the evils impending over th public. Nov. 1774. End of the APPENDIX*. P. S. During the printing of thefe fheets authentic accounts are come of refolutions refpe6ling a fufpenfion of commerce between America and Great- Britain being entered into and recom- mended by the Congrefs held at Phila- delphia. This is another material cir- cumftance and confideration pointed out and prefied in the foregoing book: I mean now to make no reflections on the fubjeft : time will tell, whether the con- fequences fhall alfo be fuch, as are there fup- [ 44 ] or conceived. There is another vote of the fame meeting, which is both fo very plain and fo very important, that I cannot omit to repeat it in its own words, which are " That the Congrefs " approve 6f the oppofition by the in- cc habitants of the MafTachufets-Bay to