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 "4.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY: 
 
 O R, 
 
 AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT 
 OF THOSE PERSONS 
 
 WHO HAVE BEEN DISTINGUISHED IN 
 
 AMERICA, 
 
 A S 
 
 ADVENTURERS, 
 
 STATESMEN, 
 
 PHILOSOPHERS, 
 
 DIVINES, 
 
 WARRIORS, 
 
 AUTHORS, 
 
 AND OTHER REMARKABLE CHARACTERS. 
 
 Comprehending a Recital of 
 
 The EVENTS conneaed with their LIVES and 
 ACTIONS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 BY JEREMY BELKNAP, D. D. 
 
 " Hie manus ob patriam pugnando vulnera pafli : 
 Quique facerdotes cafti, cum vita manebat : 
 Quique pii vates, et Phcebo digna locuti : 
 Inventas autqui vitam excoluere per artes : 
 Quique fui memores alios fecere merendo :" 
 
 VIRGIL, JEn. vi. 660. 
 
 PuMijsfjttJ accoraing to &rt of Congrefe, 
 
 PRINTED at BOSTON, 
 UY ISAIAH THOMAS AND EBENEZERT. ANDREWS. 
 
 FAUST'S STATUE, No 45, NEWBUR.Y ST.REST. 
 
 MDCCXCIV,
 
 ADVERTISEMENT, 
 
 NO apology is neceflary for the appearance of this v/ork, 
 if its utility be admitted. 
 
 My firft intention was to place the names in alphabetical order ; 
 but, on farther confideration, it was found to be impracticable, 
 unlefs the whole work were before me at one view. A chronoW- 
 
 o 
 
 ical arrangement appeared, on the whole, equally proper, and more 
 in my power. Should any deviation from the exaft order take 
 place, it muft be afcribed to a deficiency of materials ; which 
 however, it is hoped, will be fupplied, at fpme future time, 
 
 BOSTON, JANUARY, 1794, 
 
 * jsfc

 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 On the Circumnavigation of AFRICA by the AN 
 CIENTS; and its probable Confequence, the Popu 
 lation of fome Part of AMERICA. 
 
 1 HE firft navigators, of whom we have any 
 account, were the Phenicians, who were fcattcrcd 
 along the coafts of the Mediterranean and of the 
 Red Sea. As early as the days of Mofes, they had 
 extended their navigation beyond the pillars of 
 Hercules, on the weftern coalt of Africa, toward 
 the fouth ; and as far northward as the ifland of 
 Britain, whence they imported tin and lead,* which 
 according to the univcrlal teftimony of the ancients, 
 were not then found in any other country. 
 
 From the accounts given in ancient hiftory of the 
 expeditions of Sefoftris, King of Egypt, fome have 
 been led to conclude, that he made a difcovery of 
 a// the coaits of Africa.t However this might be, 
 there is no doubt that he opened, or revived a com 
 mercial intercourfe with India and Ethiopia, by 
 way of the Red Sea. It hath alfo been thought, 
 that the voyages of the Phenicians and Hebrews to 
 Ophir, in the time of Solomon, were nothing more 
 nor lefs than circumnavigations of Africa.;* 
 
 But 
 
 * See Numbers, chap, xxxi, ver. 22. 
 t Forfter's Hiftory of Voyages and Difcoveries, page 7. 
 Ibid.
 
 6 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 But, leaving thefc, for the prcfent, in the region 
 of conjecture ; the earlieft regular account which 
 we have, of any voyage round the continent of Af 
 rica, is that performed by order of Necho, King of 
 Egypt, and recorded by Herodotus ; the moft an 
 cient hi'lorian, except the facred writers, whofe 
 works have come down to our time. His character 
 as a hiftorian is, "candid in his acknowledgment 
 of what is uncertain, and abfolute when he {peaks 
 of what he knows. ' The date of Necho 's reign is 
 fixed by Rollin 616 years before ChrHt. The date 
 of Herodotus' hiftory is placed by Dufrefnoy in the 
 third year of the 83d Olympiad, anfwcring to 446 
 years before Chriit, So that he mull have penned 
 his narration of this voyage, in lefs than two centu 
 ries after it was performed. I fhall give his account 
 at large, in a literal tranfJation, from the Geneva 
 edition of his work, in Greek and Latin, by Stepha- 
 tmsi* In defcribing the icveral great divifions of 
 the earth, he fpcaks thus ; 
 
 u I wonder at thofe who have divided and diflin- 
 guiihed Lybia 5 t Alia and Europe, between which 
 there is not a little difference. If indeed Europe 
 agrees with the others in length, yet in breadth it 
 does not feem, to me, worthy to be compared. For, 
 Lybia fhcws itfelf to be jurrcunded by the fea, ex 
 cept where it joins to Afia. Necos, King of the 
 Egyptians, being the firft of thcle, whom we know, 
 
 to 
 
 * Lib. iv, chap. 42. 
 
 f Lybia is the name by which the whole ccntincnt of Africa 
 Was called by the Greeks,
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIOM. 7 
 
 to demonftrate it. After he bad defifted from dig 
 ging a ditch from the Nile to the Arabian gulf (in 
 which work above twenty thoufand Egyptians pe- 
 rifhed ; he betook himfelf to raifing armies and 
 building mips, partly in the north fea* and partly in 
 the Arabian gulf, at the Red Sea, of which they 
 yet fliow fome remains, t) He fent certain Pheni- 
 cians in fhips, commanding them, that having paff- 
 ed the pillars of Hercules, they mould penetrate the 
 north fea, and fo return to Egypt. The Phcni- 
 cians therefore loofmg from the Red Sea, went 
 away into the fouthern fea, and, directing their 
 fhips to land, made a feed time, at the end of au 
 tumn, that they might expeft a harveft, and might 
 affiduoufly coaft Lybia. Then, having gathered 
 the harveft, they failed. + Thus, two years being 
 confumed ; in the third year, coming round the 
 pillars of Hercules, they returned to Egypt ; re 
 porting things which with me have no credit, but 
 siay perhaps with others, that in failing round Lybia 
 they had the Sun on the right hand. In this manner 
 it was Hrft known. 
 
 " In the fecorid place, the Carthaginians, 
 have faid, that a certain Satafpcs, fon of 
 
 Tcafpis 
 
 * By the north fea is meant the Mediterranean, which lies north 
 cf Egypt. 
 
 f Lib. 11, chap. 48. 
 
 J <; Into whatever part of Lyhia feamen camp, they \vaited for 
 harveft, and when they had reaped, they loofed from th" fhore." 
 
 (Note of Stephanus. 
 
 i. e. They being in the fouthern hemifpheicancl f^'lir.tj north 
 ward, faw the Sun rife on the right hand. 
 
 A 4 '
 
 8 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 of Teafpis, a man of the Achamcnides did not fait 
 round Lybia, when he was lent ; but being deter 
 red by the length of the navigation and the fblitude 
 of the country, returned home, having not fulfilled 
 the labour which his mother enjoined him. For 
 he had violated a virgin, daughter of Zopyrus, the 
 fon of Megabyfus ; and for that caufe, being by 
 Xerxes condemned to be crucified, his mother, 
 who was fifler to Darius, liberated him ; becaufe, 
 {he faid, me would impofe on him a punifhinent 
 greater than the King's command. Wherefore it 
 became neceflary for him to fail rouwd all Lybia, 
 till he mould come to the Arabian gulf. Xerxes 
 contenting to this, Satafpes went into Egypt, and, 
 having there taken a fliip and companions, failed 
 to the pillars of Hercules. Having pa fled them, 
 and having doubled the promontory of Lybia call 
 ed Syloes,* he kept a ibuthern courfe. Having 
 traverfed much of the fea in many months, and find 
 ing much more time neceflary, he turned about and 
 came back to Egypt. Returning to Xerxes, he re 
 ported, that in vifiting the remoteft coafts, he had 
 feen fmall men, clothed in Phenician garments; 
 who, at the approach of his fhip, fled to the moun 
 tains and left their villages ; which he entered, and 
 took nothing from them but cattle. He gave this 
 reafon for not having failed round Lybia, that his 
 fhip could fail no farther ; but was flopped. Xer 
 xes did not believe him, and becaufe he had not 
 
 performed 
 
 * Now called Cape Bojador in the s6th degree of north lati 
 tude .
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 9 
 
 performed his engagement, ordered him to under 
 go his dellined punimment." 
 
 To the authenticity of this circumnavigation of 
 the African continent, the following objections have 
 been made : 
 
 Firft, it is fa id that " the veflels which the ancients 
 employed, were fo fmall as not to afford (towage 
 for proviijons, fufficient to fubfift a crew during a 
 long voyage." 
 
 Secondly, " their conftruclion was fuch that they 
 could feldom venture to depart far from land, and 
 their mode of fleering along the coaft was fo circuit 
 ous and flow, that we may pronounce a voyage 
 from the Mediterranean to India, by the Cape of 
 Good Hope, to have been an undertaking beyond 
 their power to accomplifh ; in fuch a manner as to 
 render it in any degree fubfervient to commerce. 
 To this decifion, the account preferved by Herodo 
 tus of a voyage performed by fome Phenician fhips 
 employed by the King of Egypt, can hardly be con- 
 fidered as repugnant."* 
 
 I have chofen to confider both thefe objections 
 together, becaufe that each one helps to deftroy 
 
 the 
 
 * Robertfon's India, p. 175, American edition. 
 
 The objections taken from this learned author were not made 
 direftly againft the voyage mentioned by Herodotus ; but rather 
 againft the poflibility of a paflage to India by way of the Atlantic 
 Ocean, and round the African continent. However, as he bnngi 
 this voyage into view in the fa"me argument, and fpeaks of it du- 
 bioufiy, it is conceived that his fentiments are not mifreprefentcd 
 in the above quotations.
 
 10 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION'. 
 
 the other. For if the vcffds were fo fmall, as not 
 to contain provifions for a long voyage, this was one 
 reafon for the navigators to ke p their courfe near 
 the land ; that they might find water, fruits, game 
 and cattle, on the more, as well as fifh, on the fhoals 
 and rocks near the coaft, for their fubfiftance. And 
 if it was tluir defign to keep near the land, for the 
 fake of difcovery, fmall vcifcls were bed adapted 
 to the purpofe ; becaufe they could pafs over ihoals, 
 through fmall openings, between iflands and rocks, 
 which are generally fituate near the coafls of great 
 continents. Befides, if the vcffels w re fmall, they 
 could carry but fmall crews, who would not iv quire 
 very large quantities of provifion. 
 
 But Herodotus has helped us to folve the diffi 
 culty refpc6ling provih'onsj in a manner perfectly 
 agreeable to the pra&ice of antiquity, though un 
 known to modern navigators. They went on fliore 
 and fowed corn, and when it was ripe gathered the 
 harvelt. This enables us to account for two circum- 
 ftances attending the voyage of Necho ; the length 
 of time employed, and the fupply of provifion, at 
 leafl of bread, confumed in it. 
 
 Nor was the fowing and reaping any lofs of time ; 
 for the monfoons in the Indian ocean would not 
 permit them to proceed any fader. A (hip failing 
 from the Red Sea with the N. E. monfoon, in the 
 fummer or autumn, would meet with the S. W. 
 monfoon, in the beginning of December, which 
 mult have detained her in fomc of the harbours, on 
 
 the
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. ii 
 
 the eaftern coaft of Africa, till the next April. 
 During this time, in that warm climate, corn might 
 be fown and reaped ; and any other articles, either 
 of provifion or merchandifc, might be taken on 
 board. Then the N. E. monfoon would carry 
 her to the fouthern parts of Africa, into the region 
 of variable winds. This regular courfe and chang 
 ing of the monfoons was familiarly known to the: 
 navigators of Solomon's mips, and was the caufe of 
 their fpending three years, in the voyage to and from 
 Ophir. li In going and returning, they changed the 
 monfoon fix times, which made thirty fix months. 
 They needed no longer time to complete the voy 
 age, and they could not perform it in lcfs."t 
 
 It is not pleaded, that the voyage of Necho was 
 undertaken for the fake of commerce ; or, if the 
 authenticity of it were eftablifhe'd, that it would 
 prove the practicability of a voyage from the Medi 
 terranean to India } round the Cape of Good Hope, 
 by the vefTels then in ufe, and the nautical (kill 
 then acquired. The voyage of which Herodotus 
 fpeaks might have been a voyage of difcovery; 
 fuch an one as was perfectly agreeable to the genius 
 of the people by whom it was performed, and of the 
 prince, by whofe order and at whofe expenfe it was 
 undertaken. 4i The progrefs of the Phenicians and 
 Carthaginians, in their knowledge of the globe, 
 was not owing entirely to the defire of extending 
 their trade from one country to another. Com 
 merce was followed by its ufual effects, among both 
 
 thofe 
 
 t Brucc's travels B. ii, chap. 4.
 
 ifc PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 thofe people. It awakened curiofity, enlarged the 
 ideas and defires of men, and incited them tp bold 
 enterprifes. Voyages were undertaken, the fole 
 obje6l of which was to "difcover new countries and to 
 explore unknown feas"* The knowledge acquired 
 in thefe voyages of difcovery might afterwards be 
 fubfervient to commerce ; and though the Pheni- 
 cians might not think it convenient, to circumnavi 
 gate Africa, more than once, yet that they carried 
 on a commercial intercourfe with different parts of 
 that country, and particularly with places fituate on 
 the eaftern coaft, in the Indian ocean, we have evi 
 dence from the facred writings. In the reign of 
 Solomon "the king's mips with the fervants of 
 Hiram and the navy of Tharfhifh every three years 
 brought ivory,t apes and peacocks, befides filver 
 and the gold of Op/rir," which is with great reafon 
 fuppofed to be the" country now called Sofala on 
 the eaftern coaft of Africa, in the fouthern hcmif- 
 phere ; as the learned Bruce, in his late book of 
 travels, has fatisfaclorily proved. 
 
 The prophet Ezekiel, who was contemporary 
 with Necho, King of Egypt, in the account which he 
 gives of the merchandife of Tyre, enumerates fev- 
 cral commodities, which it is well known belong to 
 Africa, " horns of ivory and ebony, and the pcrfons 
 of men."* We may form fome idea of the ftrength 
 and materials of the mips of the Tynans, and of 
 
 their 
 
 * Robcrtfon's AmericaVoI. I, p. 11, ^th edit. 
 
 t 2 Chron. viii. 18, ix. 21. 
 
 f Ezekiel, chap, xxvii, ver. 13, 15.
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 13 
 
 their {kill in navigation,fromthe following paflagesin 
 his apoftrophe to Tyrus. " They have made all thy 
 fhip-boards of fir trees of Seriir ; they have taken 
 cedars of Lebanon to make mafts for thee ; of the 
 oaks of Bafhan have they made thine oars. Thy 
 wife men, O Tyrus, were thy pilots, The ancients 
 of Gebal, the wife men thereof were thy calkers. 
 The (hips of Tharfhifh did fing of thee ; thou waft 
 replcnifhed and made very glorious in the midft 
 of the feas ; thy rowers have brought thee into 
 great waters." Though we have no particular def- 
 cription of the fize or model of their mips ; yet 
 they certainly had mafts, fails and oars ; their 
 pilots and calkers were wife menj and they were 
 not afraid to fail in great waters, by which is proba 
 bly meant the Ocean, in diftinclion from the Medi 
 terranean. 
 
 Of the form and ftrutture of the Grecian vefiels 
 we have a more particular knowledge. " They 
 were of inconfiderable burden, and moftly without 
 decks. They had only one maft, and were firang- 
 ers to the ufe of anchors."* But then it muft be 
 remembered, that " the Phenicians, who inftrufted 
 the Greeks in other ufeful arts, did not communi 
 cate to them that extenfive knowledge of naviga 
 tion, which they themfelves poffeffed."t We may 
 hence conclude that the mips of the Phenicians 
 were fuperior to the Grecian vefTels ; and we have 
 no evidence from the ftru&ure of their veflels or 
 their mode of failing, to warrant a doubt of the abil 
 ity 
 
 1 Robertfon's America Vol, I, p. 1$, 
 t Ibid. p. 14.
 
 14 PRELIMINARY DISSMRTATIOW, 
 
 ity of their fhips or Teamen, to perform a voyage 
 round the continent of Africa in three years. 
 
 To an European theorid fuch a voyage may feem 
 iefs practicable than to an American. The Euro 
 peans have ufually employed none but fhips of great 
 burden, in their trade to India and China; but 
 n'nre the Americans have vifited thofe countries, 
 (loops of fifty or fi.xty tons have failed round the 
 Cape of Good Hope to China, and round Cape 
 Horn to the northweft coait of America, and acrofs 
 the north Pacific Ocean. If any doubt can yet re 
 main, it may be entirely removed by the recollection 
 of a voyage performed in the year 1789, by Lieu 
 tenant Bligh of the Britifh navy; who, being 
 turned adrift by his mutinous crew, traverfcd the 
 foiith Pacific Ocean, above twelve hundred 
 leagues, in a boat of twenty three feet long, with 
 out a deck, in much Itormy weather, with fcanty 
 provifions ; and having paded many dangerous 
 rocks and fhoals, among unknown iflands, arrived 
 in forty one days at a Dutch feulement in Timor, 
 one of the Moluccas.* The obje6hions then agairiit 
 ihe reality of Necho's voyage, from the fi/.e and 
 ihuciure of the Phenician veflcls, and the want ci 
 provifion, are not fo formidable on examination, ?. : 
 fit the firil appearance. t 
 
 A third 
 
 * See the printed narrative by Lieut. Bi 
 
 "T Since this cliffcrtation was fent Lo the prefs I have met with 
 the fullowintf account of an adventure which adds to the credibil 
 My ot'th-.- circu^Hnavigatiop of Afii-.ain fmull embarkations'.
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 15 
 
 A third objection againlt the credibility of 
 this early circumnavigation is, that feveral writers 
 of the greateft eminence among the ancients, and 
 mod dillinguilhed for their knowledge of geogra 
 phy, regarded this account rather as an amufing 
 tale, than the hiftory of a real tranfaclion ; and, 
 either entertained doubts concerning the poffibility 
 of failing round Africa, or abfolutely denied it."* 
 
 That 
 
 In 1534 when the Portuguefe had eflablifhed a government in 
 India ; Badur King of Kambaya being at war with the great 
 Mogul fought afliftance from the Portuguefe and offered them the 
 liberty of building a fort at Diu. As foon as this liberty was 
 granted and the plan of the fort was drawn, James Botello a per- 
 fon fkilful in the affairs of India, having been in difgrace with 
 John King of Portugal, and being anxious to recover the favour 
 of that Prince refolved to carry the firft news of it to him. Hav 
 ing obtained a copy of the plan he fet out from India in a bark of 
 Jixteenfict and a half long, nin: broad and four and a half 
 deep ; with three Portugueib, two others, and his own flaves. 
 He pretended that he was going to Kambaya, but when he was out 
 at fea, made known his defign to go to Lifton ; at which they 
 were all aitonifhed. Being overcome by fair words they proceeded 
 on their way, till finding themfelves reduced to ditrrefs, the flaves 
 agreed to kill Botello ; but after killing a fervant they were put 
 to death themfelves. With the four who remained, Botello held 
 n hiscourfe, doubled the fouthern cape of Africa and at length 
 arrived at Lifbon ; where the bark was immediately burnt ; that 
 no man might fee it was poiTible to perform that voyage in fo 
 fmall a veficl. The King was greatly pleafed with the news, and 
 reliored Botello to his favour, without any other reward for fo 
 daring an adventure. 
 
 See a collection of Voyages and Travels, in quarto, printed *t 
 I endon, 1745, by Thomas Aflley. Vol. i. p. 82, 
 i* Robcrtfon's India, p. 175.
 
 16 PRELIMINARY DISSKRTATIO.V. 
 
 That the Roman geographers and hiftorians did 
 doubt and difbelieve the (lory is very evident ; and 
 the caufes are not far to be fought. 
 
 The firft was the jealoufy of the Phenicians. 
 u Whatever acquaintance with the remote regions 
 of the earth the Phenicians or Carthaginians acquir 
 ed, was concealed from the reft of mankind with a 
 mercantile jealoufy. Every thing relative to the 
 . ourfe of navigation was a fccret of ftate, as well 
 as a my fiery of trade* Extraordinary facts are 
 recorded concerning their folicitude to prevent 
 other nations from penetrating into what they wifh- 
 ed mould remain undivulged."* One of thefe 
 extraordinary facls is thus related by Strabo. The 
 Romans, being defirous to difcover the places, 
 whence the Carthaginians fetched tin and amber, 
 " fent a veflel, with orders to fail in the wake of a 
 Phcnician veflel. This being obfcrvcd by the' 
 Carthaginian, he purpofely ran his veflel among 
 rocks and fand banks ; fo that it was loft, together 
 with that of the inquifitive Roman. The patriotic 
 commander of the former was indemnified for hi- 
 lofs by his country. v t 
 
 A fecond rcafon was the pride of the Romans. 
 If, as Pope tells Us, 
 
 "With honed fcorn. the firft fam'd Cato vir-w'd 
 Rome, learning arts from G recce whom fhe fubdu'd ;'' 
 
 the fame pride would make their wife men fcorn to 
 lean 1 , geography or navigation, theoretically, from 
 thole who were belt able to teach them. It is ac 
 knowledged 
 
 * Robcrtfon's America, vol. i. p. 13.' 
 
 + ForRerN Hiftorv o{ Voyage* and Difcoveriet, chap. i.
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 17 
 
 knowledged that the Romans did not imbibe that 
 commercial fpirit and ardor for difcovery which 
 diftinguifhed their rivals."* It muft alfo be obferv- 
 ed, that there was but little intercourfe between 
 them ; and that the Carthaginians were deficient in 
 thofe fciences for which the Romans were famous* 
 Among the Phenicians and Carthaginians, the ftudy 
 and knowledge of their youth were confined to writ 
 ing, arithmetic, and mercantile accounts; whilft 
 polite literature, hiftory and philofophy were in 
 little repute; and by a law of Carthage, the ftudy 
 of the Greek language was prohibited ; left any 
 communication mould be carried on with their e- 
 ncmies.t 
 
 A third reafon was the opinion which the wifeft 
 men among the Romans had formed, and to which 
 they obilinately adhered, concerning the five- 
 zones, and the impoffibility of pairing from one 
 hemifphere to the other, becaufe of the torrid zone 
 lying between. This doclrine of the zones is fo 
 fully reprefented by Dr. Robertfon,J that I need 
 only refer the reader to what he has written on the 
 iubjccl. 
 
 But notwithftanding the doubts and the infideli 
 ty of the Roman philofophers, and the great def 
 erence paid to them by this learned and cautious 
 inquirer; there is one circumftance which almoft ^ 
 convinced him of the reality of Necho's voyage, 
 
 as 
 
 w Robertfon's America, vol. i, p. 14. 
 
 + Rollin's Ancient Hiflory, book ii, part i, fefh 7. 
 
 J Robertfon's America, vol. i, note 8. 
 
 B
 
 i8 PRELIMINARY 
 
 as related by Herodotus. It is this, that the Phc 
 nicians, in failing round Africa, " had the Sun on 
 their right hand;" which Herodotus, with his ufual 
 modefty and candor fays, " with me has no credit, 
 though it may with others." On this the Dofctor, 
 judicioufiy remarks, " The fcicncc of ailronomy 
 was in that early period fo imperfect, that it was 
 by experience only, that the Phenicians could 
 conic at the knowledge of this facl ; they durft not, 
 without this, havj; ventured to aflert what would 
 have appeared to be an improbable fiction."* In 
 deed if they had not known it by experience, there 
 is not the leait conceivable reaibn for their invent 
 ing fuch a report ; nor even for the entrance of 
 fuch an idea into their imagination. The model! 
 doubt of Herodotus is another argument in favour 
 of the truth and genuincnefs of it ; for as he had 
 no experience to guide him, and the idea was new, 
 it was very proper for him to hefitau- in admitting 
 it, though he mowed his impartiality by inicrting it 
 in his relation. 
 
 So much for the voyage performed by the Pbt--- 
 nicians under the orders of Necho, which is the 
 firft proof produced by Herodotus, of his pofition, 
 that " Lybia is furrounded by die fea, except where 
 it joins Afia." 
 
 Hi* fecond proof is not fo conclufjvc, nor is the 
 defign of his introducing it fo obvious. It is the 
 relation of a voyage undertaken by Satafpcs a Per- 
 iian. whofe punifhmem was commuted from cruci 
 fixion 
 
 * Rpbertfoh's India, note 54.
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 19 
 
 fixion to failing round Lybia ; which voyage he 
 began, but returned by the fame route, not having 
 completed it. The reafon which he gave for re 
 turning was, that " his ihip was flopped and could 
 fail no farther," which his fovereign did not believe, 
 and therefore put him to death, to which he had 
 before been condemned. 
 
 The only evidence which this {lory can afford 
 is, that the circumnavigation of the African con 
 tinent was, at that time, thought practicable The 
 mother of Satafpes thought fo, or fhe would not 
 have propofed it ; and Xerxes thought fo, or he 
 would not have difbelieved the (lory of the fhip 
 being flopped ; by which expreflion was meant 
 that the fea was no farther navigable, by reafon of 
 land. 
 
 The exacl date of this voyage is not afcertain- 
 ed ; but as Xerxes reigned twelve years, and died 
 in the year 473 before Chriit, it could not have 
 been much more than thirty years, preceding the 
 time when Herodotus publifhed his hiflory. 
 
 The voyage of Hanno, the Carthaginian, is thus 
 briefly mentioned by Pliny ; c * In the flourifhing 
 fUte of Carthage, Hanno having failed round 
 from Gades [Cadiz] to the border of Arabia, com 
 mitted to writing an account of his voyage ; as did 
 Himilco, who was at the fame time fent to difcover 
 the extreme parts of Europe."* The character of 
 Pliny, as a hiflorian, is, that " he collected from all 
 
 authors, 
 
 * Piiny's Natural Hjftory, lib, 2, cap. 67. 
 B 2
 
 20 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION, 
 
 authors, good and bad, who had written before 
 him ; and that his work is a mixture of truth and 
 error, which it is difficult to feparate." An in- 
 flance, in confirmation of this remark, occurs in 
 this very chapter ; where he fpeaks of forne mer 
 chants, failing from India, and thrown by a tem- 
 peft, on the coaft of Germany. He alfo mentions 
 a voyage, made by Eudoxus, from the Arabian 
 gulf to Cades ; and another of Coelius Antipater, 
 from Spain to Ethiopia. 
 
 Of thefe voyages, that of Hanno is bed authen 
 ticated. He failed from Carthage with fixty gal- 
 lies, each carrying fifty oars, having on board 
 thirty thoufand men and women, with provifions 
 and articles of traffic. The defign of this equip 
 ment was to plant colonies along the wellern more 
 of Africa, which the Carthaginians, from priority 
 t)f difcovery, and from its contiguity to their ter 
 ritory, confidcred as their own dominion. Han- 
 tio was abfent five years, on this colonizing expe 
 dition ; but there is no certainty of his having pro 
 ceeded any fariher fouthward, than the bay of 
 Benin, in the eighth degree of north latitude. A 
 fragment of his journal, which, at his return, he 
 depofited in the temple of Saturn, at Carthage, is 
 now extant ; and though it has been treated as 
 fabulous by feveral authors, ancient and modern, 
 yet, its authenticity has been vindicated by M. 
 Bougainville, in the 26th volume of the Memoirs 
 of the Royal Academy of Infcriptions and Belles 
 
 Lettres ;
 
 DISSERTATION. 21 
 
 Lettrcs ; where a French tranflation of it is given 
 from the Greek, into which language it was ren 
 dered from the original Punic. 
 
 Concerning the voyage of Eudoxus, the fol 
 lowing account is given by Bruce.* He was fent 
 by Ptolemy Euergetes, as an ambaflkdor to India, 
 to remove the bad effecls of the King's conduft in 
 the beginning cf his reign, who had extorted con 
 tributions from merchants of that and other trad 
 ing countries. Eudoxus returned after the King's 
 death, and was wrecked on the coaft of Ethiopia ; 
 where he difcovered the prow of a fliip, which had. 
 Differed the fame fate. It was the figure of a horfe j 
 and a failor, who had been employed in European 
 voyages, knew this to have been part of one of 
 thofe veflels, which traded on the Atlantic ocean ; 
 of which trade Gades was the principal port. This 
 circumftance amounted to a proof, that there was a 
 paffage round Africa, from the Indian to the Atlan 
 tic ocean. The difcovery was of no greater im 
 portance to any perfon, than to Eudoxus himfelf ; 
 for, fometime afterward, falling under the difplea- 
 fure of Ptolemy Lathy rus, and being in danger of 
 his life, he fled ; and embarking on the Red Sea, 
 failed round Africa and camq to Gades. 
 
 This voyage of Eudoxus was treated as a fable 
 by Strabo, the Roman geographer, who wrote about 
 a century and a half after the time when it is faid to 
 have been performed. The true caufe of the in 
 credulity 
 
 * Travels, book ii, chap. 5. The voyage of Eiuloxus was orijr- 
 iinmy written by Pojidowiis, but I have not met \vilh that autljo
 
 it PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 credulity of him and of other Roman authors in 
 refpect to thefe voyages and difcoveries, was the 
 doclrine of the zones ; to which they inflexibly 
 adhered, and which entirely precluded all cop- 
 viclion. 
 
 Thefe are all the evidences which I have had 
 opportunity to examine refpe&ing the queftion of 
 tjie circumnavigation of Africa,* and, upon the 
 whole, there appears to be this peculiarity attending 
 the fubjett, that it was believed by thofe who liv 
 ed neareft to the time when the vqyage of Necho 
 is faid to have been made ; and, that in propor 
 tion to the diftance of time afterward, it was' doubt 
 ed, difbelieyed and denied ; till its credibility was 
 eftabiifhcd beyond all doubt by the Portugucfe ad 
 venturers in the fifteenth century. 
 
 The credibility of the Egyptian or Phcnician 
 voyages, round the continent of Africa, being ad 
 mitted, and the certainty of the Carthaginian voy 
 ages and colonies on the wettern more of Africa 
 being eflablifhed ; we may extend our inquiry to 
 the probability of what has been advanced by fome 
 writers, and doubted or denied by others, the popu 
 lation of fomc part of America from beyond the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 The 
 
 * Dr. Forjtcr, in his hiftory of voyages and difcoveries (chap, i) 
 refers to three German authors, Gefncr, Schlozer and Miehaelis, 
 who have written on this fubjeft. and obferves, that " the circum 
 navigation of Afrira by the Phcmcians and Egyptians is proved 
 nlmofl to a demonfiration."
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 23 
 
 The difcovery of the Canary iflands by the Car- 
 lhaginians is a faft well attefted. Pliny fpeaks of 
 them as then deltitute of inhabitants, but containing 
 (vejligia adificioruw) the remains of buildings. 
 From this circumftance, it mud appear, that they 
 had been inhabited before the Carthaginian difcov 
 ery. In Plutarch's time, the Fortunate Iflands were 
 not only inhabited, but were fo celebrated for their 
 fertility, that they were fuppofed to be the feat of 
 the bleffed. 
 
 When Madeira and Porto Santo were difcover- 
 cd by the Normans and Portuguefc, both were un 
 inhabited. A queftion then arifes, if thefe iflands 
 were fometimes inhabited and at other times defert- 
 ed, what became of their inhabitants ? It mult have 
 been fame uncommon event which could induce 
 them to abandon fo pleafant and fruitful a. country 
 without leaving a (ingle family behind. If they 
 perifhed in the iflands, it is (till more extraordinary ; 
 for it is a molt fmgular circumftance that all the 
 inhabitants of any place fliould be deltroyed and yet 
 the place itfelf remain. George Glas, who puhlifh- 
 ed a hiftory of thefe iflands in 1764, attempts to 
 folve the inquiry thus.* 
 
 " Almoft two thirds of the Canary iflands are 
 covered with calcined rocks, pumice ftones, and 
 black aflies, which have been formerly thrown out 
 
 from volcanos ; the remains of which are flill to be 
 
 f 
 
 feen, in every one of thefe iflands. Many of the 
 
 natives 
 
 * Pae ifi-. to.
 
 24 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 natives might have been deftroyed by thefe violent 
 eruptions, and the remainder being terrified, might 
 abandon their country, and go in queft of new habi 
 tations: but, where they went, is a queftion not cafi- 
 ly folved ; though fome affert, that they patted over 
 to America." An event exactly fimilar is faid 
 by the fame author to have happened about thirty 
 years before he wrote.* " A volcano broke out 
 in the S. W. part of the ifland of Lanccrotta, near 
 the fea, but remote from habitation ; which threw 
 out Rich an immenfe quantity of afhes and ftones, 
 with fo dreadful a noife, that many of the natives 
 deferted their houfes, and fled to Fuertaventura, 
 another ifland, for the preferyation of their lives." 
 But, whether we admit the conjecture, that, be 
 ing thus obliged to quit the iflands, they paffcd 
 over to America," or not ; yet it is extremely 
 probable, that, in fome of the ancient circumnavi 
 gations of Africa, or in palling to and from thcfe 
 iflands, or even in coafting the continent from the 
 ftraights of Gibraltar, fome vefiels might be drawn 
 by currents or driven by iempefts, within the verge 
 of the trade wind ; " which begins not far to the 
 fouthward of the ftraights, and blows nine months 
 of the year, on the coaft of Morocco." In this 
 cafe, it would be next to impoflible, for thofe who 
 had met with any confidcrable damage in their 
 mafts, fails, or rigging, to run in any other direftion, 
 than before the wind to theweftward; and this 
 
 courfc 
 
 * Page 000..
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 25 
 
 courfe mud bring them to the continent, or iflands 
 of America. 
 
 In confirmation of this remark, feveral fa6ls have 
 been adduced by way of proof. One is thus relat 
 ed by Glas ;* " A few years ago, a fmall bark 
 laden with corn and paffcngers, bound from Lan- 
 cerotta to Tenerifre, met with fome difaftcr at fea, 
 by which fhe was rendered incapable of getting to 
 any of the Canary iflands ; and was obliged to 
 run many days before the wind, till fhe came 
 within two days fail of the coaft of Caraccas, in 
 South America ; where (he met an Englifh fhip, 
 which fupplicd the furviving paffengers with water, 
 and directed her to the port of La Guiara, on that 
 coaft." La Guiara is one of the ports to which the 
 trade from the Canaries is reftrifted by the King of 
 Spain ; and the run thither from Teneriffe is gene 
 rally performed in lefs than thirty days, with the 
 trade wind.t 
 
 Another fal is taken from GumillaJ who fays ; 
 < 4 In December 1731, whilft I was at the town of 
 St. Jofeph in the ifland of Trinidad, a fmall verTe! 
 of Teneriffe, with fix feamen, was driven into that 
 ifland by flrefs of weather. She was laden with 
 wine, and bound for one other of the Canary 
 iflands; flie had provifion only for a few days, 
 which, notwithflanding the utmoft care, had been 
 expended, and the cre.w fubfifted wholly on wine. 
 
 They 
 
 * Introduction, page 5. 
 + ibid, page 329, 333. 
 
 J Cited by Edwards, in his hiftoiy of the W. Indies, vol. i, 
 p. 109,
 
 26 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 They were reduced to the lad extremity ; and 
 were received with aftonifhraent by the inhabi 
 tants, who ran in crowds to fee them. Their ema 
 ciated appearance would have fufficientjy confirm 
 ed the truth of their ftory, if the papers, which they 
 produced, had not put the matter beyond all 
 doubt." 
 
 A third fact is related by Herrera, the royal 
 Spanifh hiftoriart.t Columbus in his fecond voyage 
 to America, having difcovtred the ifland of Gua- 
 daloupe, <; found a piece of timber belonging to a 
 fhip, which the fcamen call the ftern poll ; which 
 they much admired, not knowing which way it 
 fhould come thither, unlefs carried by tempeftuous 
 weather, from the Canaries, or from the ifland 
 Hifpaniola," where the Admiral's {hip was call a- 
 way in his former Voyage. Ferdinand Columbus, 
 in the life of his father, J does not directly afTert 
 this; but fpeaks of their finding "an iron pan;" 
 and endeavours to account for it, by faying that 
 the ftones there being of the colour of iron, a per- 
 fon of an indifferent judgment might miftake the 
 one for the other.*' Not content with this folution 
 he goes on thus ; " though it were of iron, it was 
 not to be admired, bccaufe the Indians of the ifland 
 of Guadaloupc, being Carribbees, and making 
 their excurfions to rob, as far as Hifpaniola; per 
 haps they had that pan, of the Chriflians, or of the 
 other Indians of Hifpaniola; and it ispoffible they 
 
 might 
 
 f Decacl. i, book ii, chap. 7. 
 
 J Chapter 47, in Churchill's collections, vol. ii.
 
 PRELIMINARY JDISSERTATION. 27 
 
 might carry the body of the JJiip the Admiral loft, to 
 make ufe of the iron ; and though it were not the 
 hulk of that fhip ; it might be the remainder of fome 
 ether wreck, carried thither by the wind and cur 
 rent from our parts." 
 
 The improbability of the Indians having carried 
 " the body or hulk of the fhip,, which the Admiral 
 loft," from the northern fide of Hifpaniola, to the 
 caftern fide of Guadaloupe, will appear from the 
 diftance; which is not lefs than two hundred 
 leagues, in a dire8.ion oppofite to the conftant blow 
 ing of the wind. Nor will Herrera's conjecture, 
 that the ftern pott of the Admiral's fhip was carried 
 thither by a tempeft, be readily admitted, by any 
 who are acquainted with the navigation of the Weft 
 Indies; for it mud have pafled through a multi 
 tude of iflands and rocks ; and, without a miracle, 
 could fcarcely have come entire, from fo great a 
 diftance in fuch foul feas. But the difficulty is 
 farther increafed, by confidering what Don Ferdi 
 nand and Herrera have both afferted ; that when 
 Columbus had loft his fhip, "he built a fort with 
 the timber, whereof he loft no part, but made ufe 
 of it all ;"* and this fort was afterward burnt by 
 the natives. If therefore there be any truth in the 
 ftory of the ftern poft found at Guadaloupe ; it 
 muft have belonged to fome other veflelj either 
 foundered at lea, or wrecked on the fhore. 
 
 Under 
 
 * Life of Columbus, chap, xxxiv. Herrera, book i. chap. 18.
 
 28 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 Under the head of fortuitous vifits to the Ame 
 rican continent, may be included a circumllance 
 mentioned by Peter Martyryf that not far from 
 a place called Quarequa in the gulf of Darien, 
 Vafco Nunez met with a colony of negroes. From 
 the fmallnefs of their number it was fuppofcd they 
 had not been long arrived on that coait.J Thefe 
 negroes could have come in no other vefiels but 
 canoes ; a circumftance by no means incredible, 
 to thofe who have read the accounts of Cook, and 
 other navigators of the tropical fcas. 
 
 To thele facls may be added, the cafual difcovery 
 of Brazil, by the Portuguefe commander, Pedro 
 Alvarez Cabral, in his voyage to India in the year 
 1500; an account of which is preferred by Dr. 
 Robertfon.$ " In order to avoid the calms near 
 the coaft of Africa, he flood out to fea ; and kept 
 fo far to the weft, that, to his furprize, he found 
 himfelf on the more of an unknown country, in the 
 tenth degree of fouth latitude. He imagined at 
 firft, that it was fome ifland in the Atlantic Ocean ; 
 but proceeding along its coaft, for feveral days, he 
 was gradually led to believe, that a country fo ex- 
 tenfive formed a part of fome great continent." 
 
 Thefe inflances may ferve as fo many fpecimens 
 of the manner, in which America might have provr 
 ed an afylum, to fome of the ancient navigators of 
 
 the 
 
 + De orbe novo, Decad. lii, chap. i. 
 
 J Edwards' hift. Weft Indies, vol. i, p. no. 
 
 Hift. America, vol. i, p. 151.
 
 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 29 
 
 the African coafts, or of the Canary iflands ; and 
 being arrived, it would be impofiible for them to 
 return. The fame winds which brought them hith 
 er, continuing to blow from the eaitward, would 
 either difcourage them from making -the attempt, or 
 oblige them to put back if they had made it. No 
 argument then can be drawn from hence, in favour 
 of a mutual intercourfe, between this and the old 
 continent. Thofe who would prove, that America 
 was known to the ancients, muft produce better evi 
 dence, than they have yet produced, if they con 
 tend for any other knowledge, than what was acquir 
 ed by cafual difcoverers, who never returned. 
 
 The opinion that America was peopled, in part, 
 by the Phenicians, was long fince maintained by 
 Hornius; and, though rejected by many fuccecd- 
 ing writers, has been lately revived by Bryan Ed 
 wards,* a well informed merchant of the ifland of 
 Jamaica. He extends the argument no farther, 
 than to the Charaibe nation ; who inhabited the 
 Windward Iflands, and fome part of the fouthern 
 continent ; " whofc manners and characleriftic 
 features denote a different anceftry, from the gene 
 rality of the American nations." In fupport of 
 this opinion, he has produced, perhaps, as much 
 evidence from a fimilarity of manners and language, 
 as a fubjecl of fuch remote antiquity can admit. 
 
 To this elegant work I muft refer the reader, 
 and mall add one only remark, arifing from the 
 
 preceding 
 
 * Hift, W. Indies, vol. i, p. 103. 410.
 
 30 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 preceding obfervations ; that if any acccffion of 
 inhabitants was made to America, by the dcfultory 
 migration of the Phenician or Carthaginian navi 
 gators, it is moil rational to look for them between 
 the tropics; the very place where the Charaibes 
 were found, 
 
 ;
 
 A Chronological Detail of Adventures and Difcovenes 9 
 made by the EUROPEAN Nations^ zw AMERICA, 
 before the Ejlabli/Jiment of the Council of PLY 
 MOUTH, in 1620. 
 
 Thofe marked with ^T are more particularly enlarged upon in the 
 Lives of the Adventurers. 
 
 1001" JJIRON, a Norman, accidentally dif- 
 covered a country which was afterward call 
 ed Winland ; and is fuppofed to be a part of 
 the ifland of Newfoundland. 
 
 Crantz. Pontoppidan. 
 
 1170. MADOC, prince of Wales, emigrated; 
 &3~ and, it is thought, difcovered a new country 
 in the welt. Hakluyt. 
 
 An ifland called Eftotiland, was difcover- 
 ~^J ed by a fifherman of Frijland ; as related by 
 
 ZENO. Hakluyt. 
 
 1492. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, in the 
 fervice of Spam, difcovered Guanahani and 
 other iflands, called Bahamas and Antilles. 
 
 Ferd. Columbus. 
 
 COLUMBUS made a fecond voyage, 
 and difcovered Dominica and other iflands, 
 called Caribbees. ibid. 
 
 1497. J OHN CABOT, with his fon SEBAS- 
 TIAN, in the fervice of HENRY VII, of 
 England, difcovered the ifland of Newfound 
 land and fome parts of a weftern Continent / 
 
 as
 
 2 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL or 
 
 as far northward as lat. 45% and as far fouth- 
 ward as lat. 38. Haklyt. 
 
 1498 COLUMBUS made a third voyage, and 
 difcovered the wcftern continent, in lati 
 tude 10, N. Fcrd. Col. 
 
 l -199 OJEDA, a private adventurer, and AM 
 ERIGO VESPUCCI followed the track of 
 COLUMBUS, and difcovered the we item 
 continent; of which Amerigo, after his re 
 turn to Europe, wrote an account, and pub- 
 lifhcd it. From which, the continent ob 
 tained the name of AMERICA. 
 
 Robertfon. 
 
 1500 CABRAL, in the fervice of Portugal, 
 bound to India, difcovered by accident, the 
 continent of America,in lat. 10 fouth ; which 
 was called BrafiL 
 
 ibid. 
 
 3.502 COLUMBUS made his fourth and lad 
 voyage to the new continent, in qucft of a 
 paffage through it to India. 
 
 Ferd. Col. 
 
 t :> : 2 J O H N PO N CE, in the fervice of Spam, 
 difcovered the new continent, in the lati 
 tude of 30' N, and called it Florida. 
 
 ILrrcra. 
 
 : - 1 o, VASCO NUNEZ, a Spaniard, travelled 
 acrofs the iflhmus of D'aricn^ and from a 
 mountain, difcovered on the other fide of 
 the cor,rinontanC^rt?z,which.from the direc 
 tion
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 33 
 
 lion in which he faw it } took the name of the 
 South Sea. Robertfon. 
 
 1519 HERNANDO CORTEZ, in the fer- 
 vicc of Spain, entered the city of Mexico ; 
 and in the fpace of two years reduced the 
 whole country under the dominion of the 
 King of Spain. ibid. 
 
 1520 FERDINAND DE MAGELLANES, 
 a Portuguefe, in the fervice of Spain, paffed 
 through the ftrait which bears his name, and 
 
 x failed acrofs the South Sea, to which he gave 
 the name of Pacific. He difcovered the 
 Philippine iflands, and was there killed in a 
 fkirmifh with the natives. The fhip, un 
 der the command of SEBASTIAN DEL 
 CANO, returned to Spain by way of the 
 Cape of Good Hope, and thus performed 
 the firft circumnavigation of the Globe. 
 Life of Magellanes. 
 
 1524 JOHN DE VERAZZANI, a Floren 
 tine, in the fervice of FRANCIS I, King 
 of France, difcovered the new continent 
 in lat. 34 N. failed northward to lat. 41, 
 where he entered a harbour, which by his 
 defcription mutt be that of New-York. 
 Thence he failed E. and N. E. as far as 
 Newfoundland ; and called the whole coun 
 try New- France. Hakluyt. 
 
 1525 STEPHEN GOMEZ,, in the fervice 
 of Spain, failed to Florida, and. thence to 
 
 C Cape
 
 34 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL OF 
 
 Cape Race in lat. 46 N. in fearch of a 
 N. W. paffage to India. Herrera. 
 
 1526 FRANCIS PIZARRO, failed from 
 Panama to Peru and began the conqueft 
 of that rich and populous country. 
 
 Pure has. 
 
 1528 PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ, in the 
 fervice of Spain, failed from Cuba with 
 400 men to conquer Florida. His purpofe 
 was defeated by a temped, in which he was 
 wrecked on the coaft. Herrera. Purchas. 
 1534 JAMES CARTIER, in the fervice of 
 France, difcovered and named the Bay de 
 Chaleur and the gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 Hakluyt. 
 
 *535 CARTIER made a fecond voyage, dif 
 covered the Great River of Canada, and 
 failed up as far as Hochelaga, which he 
 named Montreal. He wintered in a little har 
 bour near the weft end of the ifle of Orleans, 
 1536 which he called Port de St. Croix. The 
 next fummer he returned to France, car 
 rying foine of the natives. Hakluyt. 
 1539 FERDINANDO DE SOTO failed 
 $3~ from Cuba, with 900 men, to conquer 
 Florida. He traverfed the country in va. 
 
 1542 rious directions for three years, and died 
 on the banks of the Mifliffipi. The fur- 
 
 1 543 viving part of his army returned to Cuba. 
 
 Herrera. Purchas. 
 1540
 
 ADVENTURES and DISCOVERIES. 135 
 
 1540 C ARTIER made a third voyage to 
 Canada, built a fort and began a fettle- 
 
 1541 ment, which he called Charkburg, 4 leagues 
 or above the Port de St. Croix. He broke 
 
 1542 up the fettlement and failed to Newfound 
 land. Hakluyt. 
 
 ROBERVALj with three fhips and 200 
 perfons, going to recruit the fettlement in 
 Canada, met Cartier at Newfoundland, and 
 would have obliged him to return ; but he 
 gave him the (lip and failed for France. 
 ROBERVAL proceeded up the river St. 
 Lawrence 4 leagues above the ifland of 
 Orleans, where he found a convenient har 
 bour and place for a fortification. Here 
 he built a fort, and remained over the 
 winter. The ( next year he returned to 
 France with his colony. ibid. 
 
 During the fucceeding thirty years the 
 paflion for difccwery took another direction. 
 Adventurers from Europe were feeking 
 a paffage to India and China by the N. E. 
 but were prevented from accomplishing 
 their views, by the cold and ice of thofe 
 inhofpitable regions. Forjler. 
 
 In this interval, the French of Brittany, 
 the Spaniards of Bifcay, and the Portu- 
 guefe, enjoyed the fimery on the banks of 
 Newfoundland, without interruption. 
 
 Purchas. 
 C 2 1562
 
 3& A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL or 
 
 1562 Under the patronage of CHATILLON, 
 High Admiral of France, JOHN RI- 
 BALT attempted a fettlement in Florida. 
 He entered a rirer, in lat 32, on the firfl 
 of May ; which, from that circumftance, 
 he named the River May, and the entrance 
 he called Port Royal. Here he built a 
 fort, which in honour of CHARLES IX, of 
 France, he called Fort Charles. After his 
 departure, the people mutinied and return 
 ed to France. Hakluyt and Purchas. 
 
 156*4 LAUDONIERE renewed the fettle, 
 rnent and called the country Carolina, after 
 the reigning monarch of France. This 
 colony was on good terms with the na 
 tives ; but fuffered by famine. They were 
 relieved by Sir JOHN HAWKINS, an Eng- 
 lifhman, who offered to carry them to 
 France ; but the hope of finding Jilver in 
 duced them to ftay, till RIB ALT arrived 
 
 1 565 with feven fail of veffels. 
 
 PEDRO MELENDES, in the fervice 
 of Spain, came with a fuperior force, killed 
 Ribalt and moft of his company, and took 
 poffeflion of the country, building three 
 forts. ibid. 
 
 1568 GOURGUES, from France, with the 
 help of the natives, who hated the Span 
 iards, broke up the Spanifh fettlements in 
 Florida, and returned to France, leaving 
 the country defart, ibid. 
 
 1576
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 37 
 
 1576' All attempts to find a N. E. paflage to 
 India being frultrated, MARTIN FROB- 
 ISHER, in the iervice of ELIZABETH, 
 Queen of England, failed in fearch of a 
 N. W. paffage. 
 
 1577 He made a fecorid voyage. 
 
 157$ He made a third voyage. 
 
 Thefe voyages were made to Greenland^ 
 and produced no material difcovery. He 
 failed through a ftrait which frill bears his 
 name, but is now impaffable by reafon of 
 fixed ice. Hakluyt and Crantz. 
 
 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE being on a 
 cruife againft the Spaniards in the South 
 Sea, landed on the continent of America, 
 northward of California^ took pofieflion of 
 a harbour, and called the circumjacent 
 country between lat. 38 and 42", New- 
 Albion. Hakluyt. 
 
 1579 SIR HUMPHRY GILBERT, obtain- 
 ed of QUEEN ELIZABETH a patent for all 
 $^- countries not pofTcfled by any Chriftiam 
 Prince. Purchas. 
 
 1583 GILBERT failed to Newfoundland ; 
 took formal pofleflion of it and of the con 
 tinent of North America, for the Crown of 
 England. In his return his (hip foun 
 dered, and he was loft. ibid. 
 
 SIR ADRIAN GILBERT, obtained 
 of QUEEN ELIZABETH, a patent for the 
 
 difcovery
 
 38 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL OF 
 
 difcovery of a N. W. paflage ; to remain 
 in force five years. Hakluyt. 
 
 1584 SIR WALTER RALEIGH,* obtained 
 of QUEEN ELIZABETH, a patent for lands 
 not poifefied by any Chrillian Prince ; by 
 virtue of which hefent PHILIP AMADAS 
 and ARTHUR BARLOW to explore the 
 country called by the Spaniards Florida. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 1585 Under the authority of GILBERT'S 
 patent, JOHN DAVIS failed from Eng 
 land in fearch of a N. W. pafiage. 
 
 1586 He made a fecond voyage. 
 
 1587 He made a third voyage. 
 
 DAVIS explored the weftern coaft of 
 Greenland, and part of the oppofite coaft 
 of the continent of America ; the ftrait 
 between them bears his name. Pie alfo 
 difcovered another ftrait which he called 
 Cumberland. Hakluyt. 
 
 1585 SIR WALTER RALEIGH fcnt SIR 
 RICHARD GRENVILLE to Florida. He 
 landed a colony of 100 people at Roanoak^ 
 and returned. ibid. 
 
 1586 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE returning from 
 his expedition again ft the Spaniards, took 
 the colony on board and carried them to 
 England. ibid. 
 
 * See life of John Smith. 
 
 SIR
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 39 
 
 SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE arriv 
 ed after their departure and landed anoth 
 er fmaller colony. ibid. 
 
 1587 Sir WALTER RALEIGH fent another 
 company under the command of JOHN 
 WHITE, to colonize the country which 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH called Virginia, in 
 honour of her own Virginity. The fecond 
 colony were not to be found. One hun 
 dred and fifteen perfons were landed to 
 make a third colony, and the governor 
 returned to England for fupplies. 
 
 Purchas. 
 
 1590 GEORGE WHITE was fent to Vir 
 ginia, but finding none of the third colony 
 living, returned to England. ibid. 
 
 1592 JUAN DE FUCA, a Greek, in the fer- 
 $3" vice of Spain, was fent by the Viceroy of 
 
 Mexico to difcover a N. W. paflage, by ex 
 ploring the weftern fide of the American 
 continent. He difcovered a ftrait which 
 bears his name in the 48th degree of N. 
 latitude, and fuppofed it to be the long de- 
 fired paflage. Purchas. 
 
 1593 HENRY MAY, an Englifhman, return 
 ing from the Eaft Indies in a French fhip, 
 was wrecked on the ifland of Bermuda, 
 where h found fwine ; from which circum- 
 ftance, it appeared, thai fome other veflTel 
 had been there before. The company 
 
 C 4 built
 
 40 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL OF 
 
 built a boat of cedar, caulked it, and payed 
 the feams with lime mixed with turtles' fat, 
 and failed to Newfoundland ; whence they 
 got a paflage to England. Hailuyt. 
 
 1593 GEORGE WEYMOUTH failed from 
 or England to difcover a N. W. palfagc. He 
 vifited the coaft of Labrador? and failed 30 
 miles up an inlet in the latitude of 56 ; 
 but made no material difcovery. 
 
 Forjler. 
 
 DE LA ROCHE obtained, from HEN 
 RY TV, of France, a commiflion to con 
 quer Canada, and other countries not pof- 
 feffed by any Chriftian Prince. He failed 
 from France with a colony of convitfs from 
 the prifons; landed 40 on the iflc of Sable. 
 After feven years, the furvivors, being 12 
 in number, were taken off, and carried 
 home to France; where HENRY pardoned 
 them, and gave them 50 crowns each, as 
 a recompenfc for their fafferings, 
 
 Purchas. Forftcr. 
 
 iooo Q. ELIZABETH eftabliflied, by char 
 ter, a company of merchants in England; 
 with an cxclufive privilege of trading to 
 the Eaft Indies. Tablet of Memory. 
 
 1602 BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, an 
 Englifhman, difcovdred a promontory on 
 the American coaft, in lat. 42, to which 
 he gave the name of Cafe Cod. He landed 
 pn an ifland which he called Elizabeth, and 
 
 built
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 41 
 
 built a fmall fort ; but the fame fummer 
 returned to England. Purchas. 
 
 DE MONTS obtained of HENRY IV, 
 of France, a patent for the planting of 
 L'Acadia and Canada, from lat. 40 to 46. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN failed up 
 the Great River of Canada, and returned 
 to France the fame year. ibid. 
 
 DE MONTS failed from France taking 
 CHAMPLAIN and CHAMPDORE for pilots, 
 and POURTRINCOURT who intended a fct- 
 flement in America, They difcovered 
 and began plantations at Pert Royal, St. 
 John's and St. Crcix, in the Bay of Funda. 
 
 POURTRINCOURT introduced two 
 Jefuits into Port Royal ; but fbirie contro- 
 verfy arifing, the Jefuits went to Mount DC. 
 Jart and began a rTlantation there. ibid. 
 1605 ' GEORGE WE YMOUTH failed on a 
 fecond voyage to difcover a N. W. paf- 
 fage ; but falling fhort, made the land in 
 41 30'; thence failed to 43 20', and dif 
 covered a great river fuppofed to be either 
 Kencbcck or Penobfcot ; took on board five of 
 the natives and returned to England. He 
 put in at Plymouth ; and delivered three 
 0,3 of them to Sir FERDIKANDO GORGES, 
 
 then Governour of Plymouth. Gorges. 
 *6o6 JAMES I, King of England, by patent, 
 divided Virginia into two ,dinri6ts. called 
 
 North
 
 42 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL OF 
 
 North and South Virginia. The fouthern 
 part, fituate between 34 and 41, he grant 
 ed to a London Company ; the northern 
 part, fituate between 38 and 45, he grant 
 ed to a Plymouth Company. Neither of 
 them were to plant within 100 miles of the 
 other. Purchas. 
 
 1607 CHAMPLAIN,by order of DE MONTS, 
 failed up the River of Canada and fortified 
 Quebec, the name of a ftrait in the river. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 HENRY HUDSON, in the fervice of 
 the Englifh Eaft India Company, failed in 
 queft of a N. W. paffage. He attempted 
 to pafs to the E. of Greenland, anddifcov- 
 ered Sfitzbergen. He failed as far N. as 
 82; but, finding the fea obftruted by ice, 
 returned. Forjler. 
 
 CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT failed 
 to South Virginia, and began a colony at 
 Jamestown. EDWARD WINGFIELD was 
 Prefident, but JOHN SMITH wasthe life 
 and foul of the colony. Smith. Purchas. 
 
 GEORGE POPHAM* failed to North 
 Virginia and began a plantation at Sagada- 
 hock) of which he was Prefident. In the 
 winter, the mips returned to England, leav 
 ing 45 perfons behind. Their Prefident 
 
 1608 dying, the next fpring they broke up the 
 
 plantation 
 * See the Life of F. Gorges.
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 43 
 
 plantation and went back to England. This 
 winter was remarkably fevere both in Ame 
 rica and England. Purchas. 
 
 1608 HUDSON, in the fervice of the Englifh 
 Eaft India Company, undertook a fecond 
 voyage of difcovery, and attempted to pafs 
 on both fides of Nova Zembla ; but the ice 
 being impenetrable, he returned. 
 
 Purchas. 
 
 NELSON reinforced the colony of 
 South Virginia with 120 people. ibid. 
 
 1609 CHAMPLAIN returned to France, leav 
 ing Capt. PIERRE to command at Quebec. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 HUDSON, in the fervice of the DUTCH, 
 made a third voyage, and difcovered the 
 river which bears his name in lat. 41. 
 $p- SIR GEORGE SOMERSbound to South 
 Virginia, was wrecked on Bermuda, whence 
 thofe iflands took the name Somer I/lands. 
 
 Smith. Purchas. 
 
 1610 CHAMPLAIN revifited Quebec and 
 took the command there. Purchas. 
 
 HUDSON, in the fervice of the Englifh 
 Eaft India Company, difcovered the ftrait 
 and bay which bear his name; and paffed 
 the winter there, intending to purfue his 
 difcoveries in the enfuing fpring; but his 
 crew mutinied and turned him adrift in his 
 boat with feven others, who were never 
 more heard of. Purchas. Campbell. 
 
 SIR
 
 44 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL OF 
 
 1610 SIR GEORGE SOMKRS having built a 
 pinnace at Bermuda, failed to South Vir 
 ginia ; the colony determined to return to 
 England ; but, in failing down James' Riv 
 er, met Lord DELAWARE with a reinforce 
 ment, by which they were encouraged to 
 return and refume the plantation. Purchas. 
 
 JOHN GUY with a company of 40 per- 
 fons began a colony at the bay of Conception^ 
 in Newfoundland. ibid. 
 
 1611 SIR THOMAS DALE reinforced the 
 3" colony of South Virgina with 300 people ; 
 
 and Sir THOMAS GATES with 300 more, 
 fu miming them with cattle and fwine ; and 
 thus that colony was eftablifhed. ibid. 
 
 1612 The colony at Newfoundland was aug 
 mented to 60 perfons ; but was for many 
 years in a very precarious ftate. Mr. GUY 
 returned to England, and was afterward 
 Mayor of Briftol. Purchas. Oldmixon. 
 
 The South Virginia Company having fold 
 the ifiands of Bermuda to a part of their own 
 number, they obtained a diftincl charter, 
 and fcnt a colony of go perfons thither ; 
 their rirft governor was RICHARD MOOR. 
 
 Pwchai. 
 
 1613 The colony at Bermuda was enlarged by 
 the addition of 400 perfons. ibid. 
 
 SIR THOMAS DALE, Governor of 
 Virginia, hearing that the French had fet 
 tled
 
 ADVENTURES AND DISCOVERIES. 45 
 
 tied within the limits of the northern patent, 
 fent Sir SAMUEL ARGAL L with a fufficient 
 force to diflodge them ; which he did, from 
 Mount Manfel (Dcfart) St. Croix and Port 
 Royal in the Bay of Funda. Thefe French 
 men retired to Quebec and ftrcngthened 
 the fettlement there. Smith. Purchas. Keith. 
 
 1614 CAPT. JOHN SMITH having quitted 
 3- the colony of South Virginia, failed for 
 
 North Virginia, on a fiihing and whaling 
 voyage ; he ranged the coait from Pcnob- 
 fcot to Cape Cod ; and made a map of the 
 country, which he firft called New England. 
 
 Smith. 
 
 1615 ROBERT BYLOT and WILLIAM 
 BAFFIN failed from England in fearch of 
 a N. W. palfage. 
 
 1616 They made another voyage, and difcov- 
 ered the great northern bay which bears 
 BAFFIN'S name. Purchas. Forjler. 
 
 1617 During this and the two preceding years, 
 war, famine, and peftilence, raged among 
 
 T the natives of New England, by which great 
 numbers were fwept off ; and the fur trade 
 between them and the Europeans was inter 
 rupted. Gorges. 
 1619 THOMAS DERMER* failed to New 
 England ; found many places, before popu 
 lous, almoft defolate, and the few remaining 
 
 inhabitants 
 / 
 See the life rfF, Gorges,
 
 46 A CHRONOLOGICAL DETAIL, &?. 
 
 inhabitants either fick or but fcarcely recov 
 ered. In this voyage he failed through 
 the whole pafTage between the main land 
 and Long Ifland and firit determined its 
 in/ular (ituation. Gorges. 
 
 1620 A Company of ENGLISH PURI- 
 grf- TANS*, who had refided twelve years- in 
 Holland, began a colony in New England* 
 which they called New Plymouth. Morton. 
 KING JAMES It, eftablifhed at Ply. 
 mouth 9 in Devonfhire, a Council, for the 
 planting, ruling and ordering of New Eng 
 land ; and thus the bufmefs of colonizatiofi 
 was formed into a fyftem. Gorges. 
 
 * See life of W.Bradford. 
 t See life of F. Gorges. 
 
 AMERICAN
 
 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 I. B I R O N. 
 
 1 HE ancient inhabitants of Norway 
 and Denmark, collectively taken, were diftin- 
 guifhed by the name of NORMANS. Their 
 fituation near the coaft of the fea, and the ad 
 vantages which that element prefented to 
 them beyond all which they could expect, 
 from a rough foil, in a cold climate, led them 
 at an early period to the fcience and practice 
 of navigation. They built their veflels with 
 the beft of oak, and conftructed them in fuch 
 a manner as to encounter the ftorms and bil 
 lows of the northern ocean. They covered 
 them with decks and furnimed them with 
 high forecaftles and fterns. They made ufc 
 of fails as well as oars, and had learned to 
 
 trim
 
 48 B I R O N. 
 
 trim their fail* to the wind, in aimed any di 
 rection. In thefe arts, of building mips and 
 of navigation, they were fuperior to the peo 
 ple bordering on the Mediterranean fea, who 
 depended chiefly on their oars, and ufed fails 
 only with a fair wind. 
 
 About the end of the eighth and beginning 
 of the ninth century, the Normans made 
 themfelves famous by their predatory excur- 
 fions. England, Scotland, Ireland, the Ork 
 ney and Shetland iflands, were objects of their 
 depredations ; and, in one of their piratical 
 expeditions, (A.D. 86 1) they difcovered an 
 illand, which from its lofty mountains, cov r 
 cred with ice and fnow, obtained the name of 
 Iceland. In a few years after they planted 
 a colony there, which was continually aug 
 mented by migrations from the neighbouring 
 countries. Within the fpace of thirty years 
 (889) a new country, fituate on the weft, was 
 discovered, and from its verdure during the 
 fummer months received the name of 
 Greenland. This was deemed fo import 
 ant an acquifition, that, under the conduct 
 ofERic RAUDE, or REDHEAD, a Danifh 
 thief, it was foon peopled. 
 
 The emigrants to thefe new regions were 
 ftill inflamed with the paflion for adventure 
 
 and
 
 B I R O N. 49 
 
 and difcovery. An Icelander of ths name 
 HERIOLF and his ion BIRON* made a voyage 
 every year to different countries, for the fake 
 of traffic. About the beginning of the elev 
 enth century (1001) their mips were feparat-r 
 ed by a florin. When Biron arrived in Nor 
 way, he heard that his father was gone to 
 Greenland, and he refolved to follow him ; 
 but another florm drove him to the J 'out l bw '<?/?, 
 where he difcovered a flat country, free from 
 rocks, but covered with thick woods - 3 and an 
 ifland near the coafL 
 
 He made no longer flay at either of thefe 
 places than till the ftorm abated ; when by a 
 northeaft courfe he hailed to Greenland. The 
 difcovery v/as no fooner known there, than 
 LEIF the fon of Eric, who, like his father, 
 had a flrong defire to acquire glory by adven 
 tures, equipped a veflel, canying twenty five 
 men ; and, taking Biron for his pilot, failed 
 (1002) in fearch of the new country. 
 
 His courfe was fouthweil. On the firffc 
 land which he faw, he found nothing but flat 
 rocks and ice, without any verdure. He there 
 fore gave it the name of Hdleland, which Sig 
 nifies 
 
 * His name is fpelled by different authors BIRON, B i o K :; 
 BIOE RN, an4 B JAE RN. 
 
 D
 
 5d BIRO N. 
 
 nifies rocky. Afterward he catne to a level 
 fhore, without any rocks, but overgrown with 
 woods, and the fand was remarkably white ^ 
 This he named Markland, or woody. Two 
 days after, he faw land again, and an idand ly 
 ing before the northern coaft'of it. Here he 
 tirft landed ; and thence failing weftward, 
 round a point of land, found a creek or river 
 into which the fhip entered. 
 
 Oh the banks cf this river, were bufhes 
 bearing fvveet berries ; the air was mild, the 
 foil fertile, and the river well flored with rim, 
 among which were very fine falmon. At the 
 head of this river was a lake, on the more of 
 which they relblved to pafs the winter, and 
 creeled huts for their accommodation. One 
 of their company, a German named Tyrker, 
 having draggled into the woods, found grapes ; 
 from which, he told them that in his country, 
 they made wine. From this circumftance Leif, 
 the commander of the party, called the place 
 Winland dat gode, the good wine country. 
 
 An intercourfe being thus opened between 
 Greenland and Winland, feveral voyages were 
 made, and the new country was further ex 
 plored. Many iflands were found near the 
 coaft, but not a human creature was feen till 
 
 the
 
 B I R O N. 5 r 
 
 the third fummer (1004) when three boats 
 conftrucled with ribs of bone, fattened with 
 thongs or twigs and covered with {kins, each 
 boat containing three men, made their appear 
 ance. From the diminutive fize of thefe 
 people the Normans denominated them Skrce- 
 lings* and inhumanly killed them all but 
 one ; who efcaped and collected a larger num 
 ber of his countrymen, to make an attack on 
 their invaders. The Normans defended their 
 /hips with fo much fpirit, that the afTailants 
 were obliged to retire. 
 
 After this, a colony of Normans went and 
 fettled at Winland, carrying on a barter trade 
 with the Skraslings for furs ; but a controver- 
 iy arofe in the colony, which induced fome 
 to return to Greenland. The others difperfed 
 and mixed with the Sk reelings. 
 
 In the next century (1121) Eric, Bimop 
 of Greenland, went to Winland, with a bene 
 volent clefign to recover and convert his coun 
 trymen who had degenerated into favages. 
 This prelate never returned to Greenland ; 
 nor was any thing more heard of Winland, 
 for feveral centuries. 
 
 This 
 
 * Cut fticksj chips^Dwarfs, 
 D 2
 
 52 BIRO N. 
 
 This account of the difcovery of Winland 
 is taken from Pontoppidan's hiftory of Nor 
 way, Crantz's hiftory of Greenland, and a late 
 hiftory of northern voyages by Dr. John 
 Reinhold Forfter. The fads are faid to 
 have been collected from *' a great number of 
 Icelandic manufcripts by Thormond Thor- 
 foeus, Adam von Bremen, Arngrim Jonas and 
 many other writers, fo that it is hardly poffi- 
 ble to entertain the lead: doubt concerning the 
 
 o 
 
 authenticity of the relation." 
 
 Pontoppidan fays that " they could fee the 
 fun full fix hours in the morteft day ;" but 
 Crantz tells us that " the fun rofe on the mort- 
 eft day at eight of the clock," and Forfter 
 that " the fun was eight hours above the ho 
 rizon," from which he concludes, that Win- 
 land muft be found in the 49th degree of 
 northern latitude ; and from its being in a 
 fouthwefterly direction from Greenland, he 
 fuppofes that it is either a part of Newfound 
 land or fome place on the northern coaft of 
 the gulf of St. Lawrence; but whether grapes 
 are found in either of thofe countries he cannot 
 fay. However, he feems fo fully perfuaded 
 of the facts, that he gives it as his opinion, 
 that the Normans were, ftrictly fpeaking, the 
 
 firft
 
 B I R O N. $j 
 
 firfr, difcoverers of America, nearly five centu 
 ries before Columbus. 
 
 From a careful perufal of the firfr. accounts 
 of Newfoundland, preferred by thofe painful 
 collectors Hakluyt and Purchas, and of other 
 memoirs reflecting that iiland and the coaft 
 of Labrador; and. from infpecting the moft 
 approved maps of thofe regions, particularly 
 one, in the American Atlas, delineated agreea 
 bly to the actual furveys of the late celebrated 
 navigator Capt. James Cook, the following 
 obfervations occur. 
 
 On theN. E. part of Newfoundland, which 
 is moil directly acceffible from Greenland, 
 there is a long range of coaft, in which are 
 two bays, the one called Gander Bay, and the 
 other the Bay of Exploits. Before the mouth 
 of the former, among many fmaller, there lies 
 one large iiland called Fogo ; and before the 
 mouth of the latter, another, called The New 
 World. Either of thefe will fufficiently an- 
 fwer to the iituation defcribed in the account 
 of Biron's fecond voyage. Into each of thefe 
 bays, runs a river, which has its head in a 
 lake, and both thefe lakes lie in the 49th de 
 gree of north latitude. 
 
 The earlieft accounts of Newfoundland after 
 its difcovery and the eftablifhrnent of a fifhery 
 D 3 on
 
 54 B I R O N. 
 
 on its coafts, have refpecl chiefly to the lands 
 about Trinity and Conception bays, between 
 the parallels of 48 and 49. Thefe lands are 
 reprefented as producing ftrawberries, whortle 
 berries, rafpberries, goofeberries, pears, wild 
 idierries, and hazle nuts, in very great plenty. 
 The rivers are faid to have been well ftored 
 with falmon and trouts. The natives, who 
 inhabited a bay lying to the northward of 
 Trinity and came occafionally thither in their 
 canoes, are defcribed as broad breafted and 
 upright, with black eyes, and without 
 beards 5 the hair on their heads was of dif 
 ferent colours ; fome had black, fome broivn 
 and others yellow. In this variety they dif 
 fered from the other favages of North Ame 
 rica, who have uniformly black hair, un- 
 lefs it be grown grey with age. 
 
 The climate is reprefented as more mild in 
 the winter than that of England ; but much 
 colder in the fpring, by reafon of the vaft 
 iilands of ice which are driven into the bays 
 or grounded on the banks. 
 
 On the north eaftern coaft of Labrador, 
 between the latitudes of 53 and 56, are ma 
 ny excellent harbours and iflands. The feas 
 are full of cod, the rivers abound with falmon ; 
 
 and
 
 B I R O N. 55 
 
 and the climate is laid to be more mild than 
 in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 Nothing is faid in any of thefe accounts of 
 vines or grapes, excepting that fome which 
 were brought from England had thriven well. 
 If any evidence can be drawn from a compan 
 ion between the countries of Newfoundland' 
 and New-England it may be obferved ; 
 that all the above mentioned fruits and berries 
 are found in the northern and eaftern parts of 
 New-England as far as Nova Scotia, in the 
 latitudes of 44 a.nd 45 -, and that grapes, 
 (vitis vulpina, vitis labrufca) are known to 
 grow wherever thefe fruits are found, 
 
 Du Monts in his voyage to Acadia, in 
 1608, fpeaks of grapes in feveral places ; and 
 they were in fuch plenty on the ifle of Orleans 
 in lat. 47 that it was firft called the ifland of 
 Bacchus.* Though there is no direct and pof- 
 itive teftimony of grapes in the ifland of New 
 foundland, it is by no means to be concluded 
 that there were none. Nor is it improbable 
 that grapes, though once found there, might 
 have been fo fcarce, as not to merit notice, in 
 fuch general defcriptions, as were given by 
 the firft Englim adventurers. The 
 
 * Itisalfo faid that Mr. Ellis met with the vine about the 
 Englifti fettlement? at Hudfon's Bay ; and compares the fruit of 
 it to the currants of the Levant. Morfe's Un. Qeo. vol. i, i>. 64.
 
 $6 B I R O N. 
 
 The diftance between Greenland and New 
 foundland is not greater than between Iceland 
 and Norway ; and there could be no more 
 difficulty in navigating the weftern than the 
 eaftern parts of the northern Ocean, with fuch 
 veffels as were then in ufe, and by fuch fea- 
 men as the Normans are faid to have been ; 
 though they knew nothing of the magnetic 
 needle^ 
 
 Upon the whole, though we can come to 
 no pofitive conclufion in a queftion of fuch 
 remote antiquity ; yet there are many cir- 
 cum.ftanc.es to confirm, and none to difprove 
 the relation given, of the voyages of Biron.* 
 But if it be allowed that he is entitled to the 
 honour of having difcovcred America before 
 Columbus, yet this difcovery cannot in the 
 lead detraft from the merit of that cele 
 brated navigator. For there is no reafon to 
 fuppofe that Columbus had any knowledge 
 of the Norman difcoveries ; which long be 
 fore his time were forgotten, and would per 
 haps never have been recolle&ed, if he had 
 
 4 
 
 not, 
 
 * At my requeft, Governor WE NT WORTH, of Nova Scotia, 
 has employed a proper perfon, to make inquiry into any veftiges 
 of this ancient colony, which may yet be fubfifiing. I am forry 
 that the refult could not be had, before the publication of thir 
 Volume ; but when it comes to hand, it fliall be communicated.
 
 B I R O N. 57 
 
 Hot, by the aftoniming exertions of his genius 
 and his perfevering induftry, effected a dif- 
 covery of this continent, in a climate more 
 friendly to -the views of commercial adven 
 turers. 
 
 Even Greenland itfelf, in the fifteenth 
 century, was known to the Danes and Nor 
 mans only by the name of loft Greenland ; 
 and they did not recover their knowledge of 
 it, till after the Englim had afcertained its 
 exigence by their voyages to difcover a N. W. 
 pafiage to the Pacific Ocean, and the Dutch 
 hadcoafted it in purfuit of whales. 
 
 II. M A D O C.
 
 II. M A D O C. 
 
 JL HIS perfon is fuppofed to have difcov- 
 cred America, and brought a colony of his 
 countrymen hither, before the difcovery made 
 by Columbus. The ftory of his emigration 
 from Wales is thus related by Hakluyt, whofe 
 book was firft publifhed in 1589 ; and a fec- 
 ond edition of it in 1600. 
 
 " The voyage of Madoc, the fon of Owen 
 Gwynneth, Prince of North Wales, to the 
 Weft Indies in the year 1 170 ; taken out of 
 the hiftory of Wales lately published by M. 
 David Powel Doftor of Divinitie." 
 
 " After the death of Owen Gwynneth, his 
 fons fell at debate who fhould inherit after 
 him. For the eldeft fon born in matrimony 
 Edward or lorweth Drwydion was counted 
 unmeet to govern, becaufe of the maime upon 
 his face -, and Howel, that took upon him 
 all the rule, was a bafe fon begotten of an Irifh 
 woman. Therefore David gathered all the 
 power he could and came againft Howel, and 
 fighting with him, flew him; and afterward 
 enjoyed quietly the whole land of North
 
 M A D O C. 59 
 
 Wales, until his brother lorweth's fon came 
 to age, 
 
 "MADOC, another of Owen Gwynneth 
 his fons left the land in contention between 
 his brethren and prepared certain {hips with 
 men and munition, and fought adventures 
 by fea, failing ivejt, and leaving the coaft of 
 Ireland fo far north that he came to a land 
 unknown, where he faw many ftrange things. 
 
 " This land muft needs be fome part of 
 that country of which the Spaniards affirm 
 themfelves to be the firft finders, fince Han- 
 no's time. [* For by reafon and order of cof- 
 mographie, this land to the which Madoc 
 came, muft needs be fome part of Nova Hif- 
 pania or Florida.] Whereupon it is manifeft 
 that that country was long [before] by Brit- 
 tains difcovered, afore [either] Columbus 
 [or Americus Vefputius] led any Spaniards 
 thither. 
 
 " Of the voyage and return of that Madoc 
 there be many fables feigned, as the common 
 people do u,fe, in diftance of place and length 
 of time, rather to augment than diminim, but 
 fare it is that there he was. And after he had 
 returned home and declared the pleafant and 
 
 fruitful 
 
 * The words included in crotchets [ ] are omitted in the fecond 
 edition of Hakluyt's voyages.
 
 60 M A D O C. 
 
 fruitful countries that he had feen 'without in* 
 habitants ; and upon the contrary part, for 
 what wild and barren ground his brethren and 
 nephews did murther one another, he prepar 
 ed a number of mips and got with him fuch 
 men and women as were defirous to live in 
 quietnefs ; and taking leave of his friends, 
 took his journey thitherwards again. 
 
 " Therefore it is to be prefuppofed, that he 
 and his people inhabited part of thofe coun 
 tries ; for it appeareth, by Francis Lopez de 
 Gomara, that in Acuzamil, and other places, 
 the people honoured the crofs. Whereby it 
 may be gathered, that Chriftians had been 
 there before the coming of the Spaniards. 
 But becaufe this people were not many, they 
 followed the manners of the land they came 
 to, and ufed the language they found there. 
 
 " This Madoc arriving in that \veflern 
 country unto the which he came in the year 
 1170, left moft of his people there, and re 
 turning back for more of his own nation, ac 
 quaintance and friends, to inhabit that fair and 
 large country, went thither again, with ten 
 fails, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am 
 of opinion that the land whereto he came, was 
 
 fonie
 
 M A D O C. 61 
 
 fome part of [Mexico ;* the caufes which 
 make me think fo be thcfe. 
 
 " i. The common report of the inhabit 
 ants of that country, which affirm that their 
 rulers defcended from a flrange nation, that 
 came thither from a far country j which thing 
 is confcfled by Mutezuma King of that coun 
 try, in an oration made for quieting of his 
 people at his fubmimon to the King of Caf- 
 tile -, Hernando Cortez being then prefent, 
 which is laid down in the Spanim chronicles 
 of the conqueft of the Weft Indies. 
 
 " 2. The Britim words and names of 
 places ufed in that country even to this day 
 do argue the fame - 3 as when they talk to 
 gether, they ufe the word Gwrando, which is 
 hearken or liften. Alfo they have a certain 
 bird with a white head, which they call 
 penguin, that is white head. But the ifland 
 of Corroefo, the river of Guyndor, and the 
 white rock of Penguyn, which be all Britifh 
 or Welch words, do manifeftly mew that it 
 was that country, which Madoc and his peo 
 ple inhabited."] 
 
 '* Carmina Meredith fihi Rheft mentionem 
 facientia de Madoco Jilio Oweni Givynnedd et 
 
 de 
 
 In the fecond Edition, the word Mexico is changed for the 
 Indies ; and the twp following paragraphs are omitted,
 
 62 M A D O C. 
 
 de fia navigat/one m terras incognitas. Vixit 
 bic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477. 
 Madoc wyf, mwyedie wedd 
 lawn geneu, Owen Guynned 
 Ni fynnum dir, fy enaid oedd 
 Na da mawr, ond y moroedd. 
 Thefe verfes I received of my learned friend, 
 M. William Camden. 
 
 'The fame in Englifh. 
 
 " Madoc I am the fon of Owen Gwynnedd, 
 With ftature large and comely grace adorned. 
 No lands at home, nor flore of wealth mepleafe, 
 My mind was whole to fearch the Ocean feas." 
 In this extract from Hakluyt is contained 
 all the original information which I have been 
 able to find refpefting the fuppofed difcovery 
 of America by the Welch. The account 
 itfelf is confufed and contradictory. The 
 Country difcovered by Madoc is faid to be 
 " without inhabitants ;" and yet the people 
 whom he carried thither " followed the man 
 ners of the land, and ufed the language they 
 found there." Though the Welch emigrants 
 loft their language, yet the author attempts to 
 prove the truth of his ftory by the preferva- 
 tion of Icveral Welch words in the American 
 tongues. Amorfg thefe he is unfortunate in
 
 M A D O C. 63 
 
 the choice of " penguin a bird with a white 
 head ;" all the birds of that name on the 
 American fhores having black or dark brown 
 heads, and the name penguin is faid to have 
 been originally pinguedme y from their exceftive 
 fatnefs.* 
 
 Among the proofs which fome late writers 
 have adduced in fupport of the difcovery of 
 America by Madoc is this, that a language 
 refembling the Welch was fpoken by a tribe 
 of Indians in North-Carolina, and that it is 
 flill ufed by a nation fituate on fome of the 
 weftern waters of the Miffifippi. If that 
 part of the account preferved by Hakluyt be 
 true, that the language was loft, it is vain to 
 offer an argument of this kind in fupport 
 of the truth of the ftory ; but a queftion may 
 here arife, How could any report of the lofs 
 of their language have been tranfmitted to 
 Europe at fo early a period ? 
 
 An attempt has lately been made to afcer- 
 tain the truth of this piece of hiftory by Dr. 
 John Williams. I have not feen the book 
 itfelf, but if the Critical Reviewers may be 
 credited,-)- no new facts have been adduced. 
 
 It 
 
 See the new Encyclopedia, under the article AMERICA. 
 } Critical Review for 1791, page 357.
 
 64 M A D O C. 
 
 It is remarked by them, that "if Madoc once 
 reached America, it is difficult to explain how 
 he could return home, and it would be more 
 improbable that he fhould arrive in America 
 a fecond time j of which there is not the 
 flighted evidence." They alfo obferve, that 
 "if Madoc failed weftward from Wales, the 
 currents would rather have carried him to 
 Nova Scotia than to the fouthward." 
 
 The mentioning of Nova Scotia reminds 
 me of ibme words in the native language of 
 shat country which begin with two fyllables 
 refembling the name of Madoc.* A fachem 
 of the Penobfcot tribe who lived in the end 
 of the laft and in the beginning of the prefer^; 
 century bore the name of Madokaivando. A 
 village on ^enobfcot river was called Mada- 
 iuankee. One branch of the river St. John 
 which runs into the bay of Funda is Medoc- 
 tack and another is Medocfccnccafis. The ad 
 vocates of this opinion may avail themfelves 
 as far as they can of this coincidence, but in 
 my apprehenfion it is too precarious to be the 
 ball s of any ju ft conclufion. 
 
 After all that has been, or can be faid on 
 the fubjed:, we muft obferve with the Criti 
 cal 
 
 * See C/les' memoirs of his Capij\ity it: 1689.
 
 M A D O C. 65 
 
 eal Reviewers, that, " if Madoc left Wales 
 and difcovered any other country it muft al 
 ways remain uncertain where that country is." 
 Dr. Robertfon thinks, if he made any difcovery 
 at all, it might be Madeira or one of the 
 Azores.* 
 
 The book of Hakluyt, in which the original 
 ftory is preferved, was written in the reign of 
 Queen Elizabeth, and in the time of hercontro- 
 verfy with Spain. The defign of his bringing 
 forward the voyage of Madoc appears, from what 
 hs fays of Columbus, to have been, the aflert- 
 ing of a difcovery prior to his, and confe- 
 quently the right of the Crown of England 
 to the fovereignty of America ; a point at 
 that time warmly contefted between the two 
 nations. The remarks which the fame au 
 thor makes on feveral other voyages, evident 
 ly tend to the eftablimment of that claim. 
 But if the flory of Biron be true, which 
 (though Hakluyt has faid nothing of it) is 
 better authenticated than this of Madoc, the 
 right of the Crown of Denmark is, on the 
 principle of prior difcovery, fuperior to either 
 of them. 
 
 Perhaps the whole myftery may be unveil 
 ed, if we advert to this one circumftance, the 
 E time 
 
 * Hift. Amer. vol. i, p. 37^.
 
 66 M A D O C. 
 
 time when Hakluyt's book was firft publifhecL 
 National prejudice might prevail even with 
 fo honeft a writer, to convert a Welch fable 
 into a political argument, to fupport, againft 
 a powerful rival, the claim of his fovereign 
 to the dominion of this continent. 
 
 III. Z E N
 
 III. Z E N O. 
 
 IT is well known that the Venetians 
 were reckoned among the moil expert and ad 
 venturous of the maritime nations. In that re 
 public, the family of ZENO or ZENI is not 
 only very ancient, and of high rank ; but 
 celebrated for illuflrious achievements. Nicolo 
 Zeno, having exhibited great valour in a war 
 with the Genoefe, conceived an ardent defire, 
 agreeably to the genius of his nation, to trav 
 el ; that he might, by his acquaintance with 
 foreign nations and languages, render himfelf 
 more illuflrious and more ufeful. With this 
 view he equipped a veflel at his own expenfe, 
 and failed through the ftraits of Gibraltar 
 to the northward, [A.D. 1380] with an in 
 tention to vifit Britain and Flanders ; but by 
 a fbrm which lafted many days, he was caft 
 away on the coaft of Frifland. 
 
 The Prince of the country Zichmni (or 
 as Purchas fpells it Zichmui) finding Zeno 
 an expert feaman, gave him the command of 
 his fleet, confifting of thirteen vefTels, of which 
 two only were rowed with oars ; one was a 
 (hip, and the reft were fmall barks. With 
 E 2 this
 
 6$ Z E N (X 
 
 this fleet, he made conquefts and depredations 
 in Ledovo and Ilofo and other fmall iilands ; 
 feveral barks laden with fi(h being a part of 
 his capture, 
 
 Nicolo wrote to his brother Antonio Zeno 
 at Venice, inviting him to Frifland, whither 
 he went, and being taken into the fervice of 
 Zichmni, continued with him fourteen years. 
 The fleet failed on an expedition to Eftland, 
 where they committed great ravages ; but hear 
 ing that the King of Norway was coming againft 
 them with a fuperior fleet, they departed 3 and 
 were driven by a ftorm on fhoals, where part 
 of the fleet was wrecked,and the reft were fav- 
 ed on Grifland, "a great ifland but not inhab^ 
 ited." 
 
 Zichmni then determined to attack Iceland, 
 \vhich belonged to the King of Norway ; 
 but finding it well fortified and defended, and 
 his fleet being diminifhed, he retired and built 
 a fort in Brefs, one of feven fmall iflands, 
 where he left Nicolo and returned to Frifland. 
 
 In the next fpring Zeno, with three fmall 
 barks,failed to the northward on difcovery, and 
 arrived at JLngroenland ; where he found a 
 monaftery of Friars, and a Church dedicated 
 to St. Thomas, fituate near a volcano, and 
 
 heated
 
 Z E N (X 69 
 
 heated by warm fprings flowing from the 
 mountain. 
 
 After the death of Nicolo, which happen 
 ed in about four years, Antonio fucceeded him, 
 in the command of the fleet $ and the prince 
 Zichmni, aiming at the fovereignty of the 
 fea, undertoook an expedition ivejiivard, be- 
 caufe that fome fi (her men had difcovered rich 
 and populous iflands in that quarter. 
 
 The report of the filherrnen was, that above 
 a thoufand miles weftward from Frifland, to 
 which difbnce they had been driven by a tem 
 ped, there was an ifland call Eftotiland, which 
 they had difcovered twenty fix years before > 
 that fix men in one boat were driven upon 
 the ifland, and being taken by the inhabitants 
 were brought into a fair and populous city ; 
 that the King of the place fent for many in 
 terpreters, but none was found who could 
 underftand the language of the fimermen, ex 
 cept one who could fpeak Latin, and he had 
 formerly been caft afhore on the ifiand ; that 
 on his reporting their cafe to the King, he 
 detained them five years, in which time 
 they learned the language ; that one of 
 them vifited divers parts of the ifland, and 
 reported, that it was a very rich .country, 
 E 3 abounding
 
 7 o Z E N O. 
 
 abounding with all the commodities of tl 
 world ; that it was lefs than Iceland, but far 
 more fruitful, having in the middle a very 
 high mountain, from which originated four 
 rivers. 
 
 The inhabitants were defcribed as very in 
 genious, having all mechanic arts. They had 
 a peculiar kind of language and letters ; and 
 in the King's library were preferved Latin 
 books, which they did not understand. They 
 had all kinds of metals (but efpecially gold, 
 with which they mightily abounded.*) They 
 held traffic with the people of Engroenland, 
 from whence they brought furs, pitch and 
 brimflone. They had many great fbrefts, 
 which fupplied them with timber for the 
 building of mips, houfes and fortifications. 
 The ufe of the loadftone was not known ; 
 but thefe fimermen having the mariner's 
 compafs, were held in fo high eftimation, 
 that the King fent them with twelve barks to 
 a country at the fouthward, called Droglo 
 where the moft of them were killed and 
 devoured by cannibals ; but one of them faved 
 himfelf by mowing the favages a way of tak 
 ing 
 
 * This paflage is in Hakkyt's tranflation and the abridgment 
 ky Ortelius ; but Dr. Forfter could not find it in the Italian original 
 of Rajnufio. Northern voyages, p. 1 89.
 
 ZEN O. 71 
 
 ing n(h by nets> in much greater plenty than 
 by any other mode before known among them. 
 This nfherman was in fo great demand 
 with the princes of the country, that they 
 frequently made war on each other for the 
 fake of gaining him. In this manner he pafT- 
 ed from one to another, till in the fpace of 
 thirteen years, he had lived with twenty five 
 different princes ; to whom he communicated 
 his " miraculous" art of nlhing with nets. 
 
 He thus became acquainted with every part 
 of the country, which he defcribed to be fo 
 extenlive as to merit the name of a new world. 
 The people were rude and ignorant of the ufe 
 of clothing, though their climate was cold, 
 and afforded beafts for the chace. In their 
 hunting and wars they ufed the bow and the 
 lance - t but they knew not the ufe of metal. 
 
 Farther to the fouthweft the air was faid 
 to be more temperate and the people more 
 civil. They dwelt in cities* built temples, 
 and worshipped idols to whom they offered 
 human victims ; and they had plenty of gold 
 and filver. 
 
 The fimerman having become fully ac 
 quainted with the country meditated a return. 
 Having fled through the woods to Drogio, 
 E 4 after
 
 72 ZEN O. 
 
 after three years fome boats arrived from Ef- 
 totiiand in one of which he embarked for 
 that country ; and having acquired confidera- 
 ble property he fitted out a bark of his own 
 and returned to Frifland. 
 
 Such was the report of the fimerman up 
 on hearing of which Zichmni refolved to 
 equip his fleet and go in fearch of the new 
 country ; Antonio Zeno being the fecond in 
 command. But "the preparation for the 
 voyage to Eftotiland was begun in an evil 
 hour ; the fimerman who was to have been 
 the pilot died three days before their depar 
 ture." 
 
 However, taking certain mariners who had 
 failed with the fifherman, Zichmni began the 
 intended voyage. When he had failed afmall 
 diflance to the weflward, he was overtaken by 
 a ftorm which lafted eight days, at the end of 
 which they difcovered land, which the natives 
 called Icarw. They were numerous and for 
 midable and would not permit him to come 
 on more. From this place they failed fix 
 days to the weflward with a fair wind - f but a 
 heavy gale from the fouthward drove them 
 four days before it, when they difcovered land, 
 in which was a volcano. The air was mild 
 and temperate, it being the height of fummer. 
 
 They
 
 ZENO. 73 
 
 They took a great quantity of fifh, of fea fowl 
 and their eggs. A party who penetrated the 
 country as far as the foot of the volcano, found 
 a fpring, from which iffued "a certain water, 
 like pitch, which ran into the fea." They 
 difcovered fome of the inhabitants who were 
 of fmall flature and wild -, and who, at the 
 approach of the Grangers, hid themfelves in 
 their caves. Having found a good harbour; 
 Zichmni intended to make a fettlement; but 
 his people oppofing it, hedifmified part of the 
 fleet under Zeno who returned to Frifland. 
 
 The particulars of this narrative were firft 
 written by Antonio Zeno, in letters to his 
 brother Carlo, at Venice ; from fome fragments 
 of which, a compilation was made by Fran- 
 cifco Marcolini, and preferved by Ramufio. 
 It was tranilated by Richard Hakluyt, and 
 printed in the third volume of the fecond 
 edition of his colle&ions, page 121, &c. 
 From it Ortelius has made an extract in his 
 The at rum or bis. 
 
 Dr. Forfter has taken much pains to exam 
 ine the whole account,both geographically and 
 hiftorically. The refult of his inquiry is, that 
 Frifland is one of the Orkneys - y that Porland 
 is the clufter of iflands called Faro ; and that 
 Eftland is Shetland. 
 
 At
 
 74 Z E N a 
 
 At firft indeed he was of opinion that "the 
 countries defcribed by the Zenos actually ex- 
 ifted at that time, but had fince been fwal- 
 lowed up by the fea, in a great earthquake."* 
 This opinion he founded on the probability 
 that all the high iflands in the middle of the 
 fea are of volcanic original $ as is evident with 
 refpecl to Iceland and the Faro iflands in the 
 North Sea ; the Azores, Tenerifte, Madeira, 
 the Cape de Verds, St. Helena and Afceniion 
 in the Atlantic ; the Society Iflands, Otaheite, 
 Eafter, the Marquefas, and other ifland? in 
 the Pacific. This opinion he was induced 
 to relinquifh, partly becaufe * fo great a re 
 volution muft have left behind it fome hifto- 
 rical veftiges or traditions ;" but, principally, 
 becaufe his knowledge of the Runic language 
 luggefted to him a refemblance between the 
 names mentioned by Zeno and thofe which 
 are given to fome of the iflands of Orkney, 
 Shetland, Faro and the Hebrides. 
 
 However prefumptucus it may appear to 
 
 call in queftion the opinion of fo learned and 
 
 diligent an inquirer, on a fubject, which 
 
 his philological and geographical knowledge 
 
 muft 
 
 * Northern voyages, Dublin edition^ p. 200.
 
 2 E N O. 75 
 
 fnuft enable him to examine with the greateft 
 precilion ; yet, from the fearch which I have 
 had opportunity to make, it appears probable 
 to me that his firft opinion was right, as far 
 as it refpects Friiland, and perhaps Porland. 
 My reafons are thefe : 
 
 i . Dr. Forfter fays that Frifland was " much 
 larger than Iceland ;"* and Hakluyt, in his 
 account of Zeno's voyage, fpeaks of it as 
 "bigger than Ireland. "-f- Neither of thefe 
 accounts can agree with the fuppofition of its 
 being one of the Orkneys ; for Iceland is 346 
 miles long and 200 wide. Ireland is 310 in 
 length, and 184 in breadth; but Pomona, 
 the mainland of the Orkneys, is but 22 miles 
 long and 20 wide. 
 
 2. Frifland was feen by Martin Frobifher 
 in each of his three voyages to and from 
 Greenland in the years 1576, 1577, and 
 1578.5 In his firft voyage he took his de 
 parture from Foula, the wefternmoft of the 
 Shetland Iflands, in lat. 60 30', and after 
 failing W. by N. fourteen days, he made the 
 land of Frifland, " bearing W. N. W. diftant 
 16 leagues, in lat. 6i." In his fecond voyage 
 he failed from the Orkneys W. N. W, twen 
 ty 
 
 * Page 181. i Vol. iii, p. 122. 
 
 4 Hakluyt, \ f ol, iii, p. 30, &c.
 
 76 Z E N O. 
 
 ty fix days, before he came " within making 
 of Frifland $" which he thus defcribes. 
 
 "July 4th. We made land perfcd:, and 
 knew it to be Frifland. Found ourfelves in 
 lat. 6oi and were fallen in with the fouth- 
 ernmoft part of this land. It is thought to 
 be in bignefs not inferior to England ; and is 
 called of fome authors Weft Frifland. I think 
 it lieth more weft than any part of Europe. 
 It extendeth to the north very far, as feemed 
 to us ; and appeareth by a defcription fet out 
 by two brethren Nicolo and Antonio Zeni ; 
 who being driven off from Ireland about 200 
 years fmce, were (hip wrecked there. They 
 have in their fea charts defcribed every part,, 
 and, for fo much of the land as we have failed 
 along, comparing their charts with the coaft, 
 we find it very agreeable. All along this 
 coaft the ice lieth as a continual bulwark, and 
 fo defendeth the country, that thofe who 
 would land there incur great danger. "-j~ In 
 his third voyage he found means to land on 
 the ifland. The inhabitants fled and hid 
 themfelves. Their tents were made of fkins 
 and their boats were like thole of Greenland. 
 From thefe well authenticated accounts of 
 
 Frifland, 
 
 t Htfklurt, vol. iii. p. 62
 
 Z E N O. 77 
 
 Frifland, and its lituation fo far weftward of 
 the Orkneys and Shetland, it feems impofliblc 
 that Dr. Forfter's fecond opinion can be right. 
 
 3 . One of the reafons which led the Doctor 
 to give up his firft opinion, that theie lands 
 once exifled, but had difappeared, was, that fo 
 great a revolution muft have left fome veftige 
 behind. If no perfon efcaped to tell the 
 news, what better veftige can there be, than 
 the existence of moals or rocks, in the places 
 where thefe iflands once were known to be ? 
 In a map prefixed to Crantz's hiftory of Green 
 land, there is marked a very extenfive ihoal 
 between the latitudes of 59 and 60, called 
 "The funken land of Bufs." Its longitude is 
 between Iceland and Greenland, and the author 
 fpeaks of it in thefe words, " Some are of 
 opinion that Frifland was funk by an earth 
 quake j and that it was iituate in thofe parts 
 where the funken land of Bufs is marked in 
 the maps -, which the feamen cautioufly a- 
 void, becaufe of the mallow ground and tur 
 bulent waves."* 
 
 Refpecting Bufs Ifland I have met with no 
 other account than what is preferved by Pur- 
 chas-f- in his abridgment of the journal of 
 
 James 
 * Vol. i, p. 273, t Vol. iv, p. 815, 822.
 
 7 8 ZEN O. 
 
 James Hall's voyages from Denmark to 
 Greenland. In his firft voyage [A. D. 1605] 
 he remarks thus, " Being in the latitude of 
 59^- we looked to have feen Buffe Ifland; 
 but I do verily fuppofe the fame to be placed 
 in a wrong latitude in the marine charts." In 
 his fecond voyage [1606] he faw land which 
 he " fuppofed to be Buffe Ifland lying more 
 to the weftward than it is placed in the ma 
 rine charts," and the next day, viz. July 2d. 
 he writes, " we were in a great current fet- 
 ting S. S. W. which I fuppofe to fet between 
 Buffe Ifland and Frifland over toward Ameri 
 ca." 
 
 In a fourth voyage made in 1 6 1 2 by the 
 fame James Hall, from England, for the dif- 
 covery of a N. W. paffage, of which there is 
 a journal written by John Gatonbe and pre- 
 ferved in Churchill's Collections,* they kept 
 a good look out both in going and returning 
 for the ifland of Frifland but could not fee it. 
 In a map prefixed to this voyage, Frifland is 
 laid down between the latitude of 61 and 62; 
 and Bufs in the latitude of 57. In Gaton- 
 be's journal the diftance between Shetland and 
 Frifland is computed to be 260 leagues, the 
 
 fouthernmoft 
 
 * Vol. vi, p. 260, 268.
 
 Z E N O. 79 
 
 fouthernmoft part of Frifland and the north- 
 ernmoft part of Shetland are faid to be in the 
 tfame latitude. There is alfo a particular map 
 of Frifland preferved by Purchas* in which 
 are delineated feveral towns and cities ; the 
 two iflands of Ilofo and Ledovo are laid down 
 to the weflward of it, and another called Stro- 
 rnio to the eaftward. 
 
 In a map of the North Seas prefixed to an 
 anonymous account of Greenland, in Church^ 
 ill's Collection-)- we find Frifland laid down 
 in the latitude 62, between Iceland and 
 Greenland. 
 
 We have then no reafon to doubt the exif- 
 tence of thefe iflands as late as .the beginning 
 of the laft century ; at what time they dif- 
 appeared is uncertain, but that their place 
 has fince been occupied by a fhoal, we have 
 alfo credible teftimony. 
 
 The appearance and difappearance of iflands 
 in the northern fea is no uncommon thing, 
 Befides former events of this kind there is one 
 very recent. In the year 1783, by means of 
 a volcanic eruption, two iflands were produc 
 ed in the fea near the S. E. coaft of Iceland, 
 One was fuppofed to be fo permanent, that the 
 
 King 
 
 * Vol. ivj p, 625, t Vol. if, p. 378.
 
 8o Z E N O. 
 
 King of Denmark fent and took formal pof- 
 feffion of it as part of his dominions ; but the 
 Ocean, paying no regard to the territorial claim 
 of a mortal fovereign, has fince reabforbed id 
 in his watery bofom.* 
 
 Thefe reafons incline me to believe that 
 Dr. Forfler's firft opinion was well founded, 
 as far as it refpe6ls Frifland. 
 
 He fuppofes Porland to be the clufter of 
 iflands called Faro-f-. But Porland is faid 
 to lie fouth\ of Frifland ; whereas the Faro 
 Iflands lie northweji of Orkney,which he fup 
 pofes to be Frifland, The learned Doctor, 
 who is in general very accurate, was not 
 aware of this inconfiftency. 
 
 In the account which Hakloyt has given 
 of Martin Frobifher's third voyage, we find 
 that one of his fhips, the Bufs of Bridgevvater, 
 in her return fell in with land, 50 leagues S. E. 
 of Frifland " which (it is faid) was never 
 found before" the fouthernmoft part of which 
 lay in latitude 57^. Along the coaft of this 
 land,which they judged to extend 25 leagues, 
 they failed for three days. The exiftence of 
 
 this 
 
 * See a new Geographical Grammar, by a Society in Edin 
 burgh, published by Alexander Kincaid. Vol. i,p. 123. 
 t Northern Voyages, p. 207. | ibidj p. 180. 
 Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. -y-j, 93.
 
 Z E N O. 81 
 
 this land, Dr. Forfter feems to doubt; but yet 
 allows that " if it was then really difcovered 
 it muft have funk afterwards into the fea, as 
 it has never been feen again j or elfe thefe 
 navigators muft have been miftaken in their 
 reckoning." 
 
 If fuch an ifland or clufter of iflands did 
 exift in the fituation defcribed by Frobifher, 
 it might be the Porland of Zeno > for the 
 fouthernmoft part of Frifland lay in the lat 
 itude of 60^- -, the fouthernmoft part of this 
 land in 57i .in a direction S. E. from it. It 
 was probably called Bufs, by the Englifh, from 
 the name of Frobimer's veflel which difcover- 
 cdit. 
 
 The only proof which can now be produc 
 ed of this fact muft be the actual exiftence of 
 rocks and moals in or near the fame place. 
 Of this, it is happily in my power to produce 
 the evidence of two experienced mipmafters, 
 of inconteftible veracity, now living. The 
 firft is Ifaac Smith of Maiden, near Bofton, 
 from whofe log book I have made the follow 
 ing extract. " In a voyage from Petersburg 
 to Bofton, in the mip Thomas and Sarah, be 
 longing to Thomas Rullell, Efq. of Bofton, 
 Merchant, Thurfday, Auguft u, 1785, courfe 
 F W. N. W,
 
 82 Z E N O. 
 
 W. N. W. wind W. S. W. At 4 A. M. 
 difcovered a large rock a head, which for fome 
 time we took to be^a ihip under clofe reefed 
 topfail. At 7, being within two miles, faw 
 breakers under our lee, on which account 
 wore fhip. There are breakers in two places 
 bearing S. E ; one a mile, the other two miles 
 from the rock. It lies in Lit. 57 38' ; lon 
 gitude Weil from London 13 36' , and may 
 be difcovered five leagues off. We founded and 
 had 56 fathom. The rock appears to be about 
 i oo yards in circumference and 50 feet above 
 water. It makes like a hay flack, black be 
 low and white on the top." The other is 
 Nathaniel Goodwin, of Boflon, who, in his 
 homeward pafTage from Amfterdam, on the 
 1 5th of Auguft 1793, faw the fame rock. 
 According to his obfervation, (which however 
 on that day was a little dubious) it lies in Lit. 
 r7 48' and Ion. 13 46'. He palled within 
 two miles of it to the fouthward and faw 
 breakers to the northward of it. Its appear 
 ance he defcribes in the fame manner with 
 Dmitri. 
 
 From thefe authorities I am ftronglv in- 
 
 O * 
 
 clined to believe that the fhoal denominat 
 ed " the funken land of Bufs " is cither a 
 
 part
 
 Z. fe N O. 83 
 
 part of the ancient Frifland or of fome iiland 
 in its neighbourhood j and that the rock and 
 ledges feen by Smith and Goodwin, belonged 
 to v *he clutter once called Porland. If thefe 
 concluiions be admitted, there can be no fuf- 
 picion of fiction in the ftory of Zeno, as far as 
 it refpedts Prince Zichmni, and his expedi 
 tions. Shetland may then well enough agree 
 with Eilland, which is defcribed by Hakluyt 
 as lying " between Frifland and Norway."* 
 
 The only place which in Zeno's relation is 
 called by the fame name, by which it is now 
 known, is Iceland ; though there can be no 
 doubt that Engroenland, or Engroveland, is the 
 fame with Greenland ; where, according to 
 Crantz, there Was once a church dedicated to 
 St. Thomas, and iituate near a volcano and a 
 hot fpring.'j- 
 
 But the queftion is, where fhall we find 
 Eftotiland ? Dr. Forfler is pofitive that " it 
 cannot be any other country, than Winland 
 (difcovered in 1001) where the Normans 
 made a fettlement." The Latin books feen 
 there by the fimerrmn, he fuppofes to have 
 been the library of Eric, Biiliop of Greenland, 
 who went thither in the twelfth century to 
 
 convert 
 
 * Vol. iii, p. 122. 
 
 111. p. 
 
 f Crantz's hift. of Greenland, vol. ii, p. 265. 
 
 Purchas, vol. iv, p. 651. 
 T-
 
 84 Z E N O. 
 
 convert his countrymen. He is alfo of opi 
 nion that this fifherman had the ufe of the 
 magnetic needle which began to be known in 
 Europe about the year 1302, before \:he 
 time of the Zenos. He allb thinks that 
 the country called Progio is the fame with 
 Florida. 
 
 In fome of the old maps, particularly in 
 Sanfon's French Atlas, the name Eftotiland 
 is marked on the country of Labrador ; but 
 the pompous defcription of it by the fifher- 
 man, whether it be Labrador or Newfound 
 land, exceeds all the bounds of credibility, 
 and abufes even the licence of a traveller. 
 The utmofl extent of Zichmni's expedition, 
 in confequence of the fimerman's report, could 
 not be any farther weftward than Greenland, 
 to which his defcription well agrees. The 
 original inhabitants were (hort of ftature, half 
 wild and' lived in caverns ; and between the 
 years 1380 and 1384 they had extirpated the 
 Normans and the monks of St. Thomas. 
 
 The difcovery of Eftotiland muft therefore 
 reft on the report of the fimerman j but the 
 defcription of it, of Drogio, and the Coun 
 try S. W. of Drogio muft be ranked in the 
 fabulous hiftory of America ; and would pro 
 bably
 
 Z E N O. 5 
 
 bably have been long fince forgotten, if Chrif- 
 topher Columbus had not made his grand dif- 
 covery ; from the merit of which, his rivals 
 and the enemies of the Spanim nation have 
 uniformly endeavoured to detradt. 
 
 IV CHRISTOPHER
 
 86 
 
 IV. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
 
 1 HE adventures which have been al 
 ready fpoken of were more the refult of acci 
 dent than defign j we are now entering on 
 one, founded in fcience and conducted by judg 
 ment ; an adventure, which whether we re 
 gard its conception, its execution, or its con- 
 fequences, will always reflect the higheft hon 
 our on him, who projected it. 
 
 About the middle of the fifteenth century, 
 when the Portuguefe under the conduct of 
 Prince Henry, and afterward of King John II, 
 were puming their difcoveries along the wef- 
 tern more of Africa, to find a paflage by the 
 fouth to India j a genius arofe, whofe memory 
 has been preferved with veneration in the pages 
 of hiftory, as the instrument of enlarging thr 
 region of fcience and commerce, beyond any 
 of his prcdeceffors. CHRISTOPHER CO 
 LUMBUS, a native of the Republic of 
 Genoa, was born in the year 1447, and at the 
 age of fourteen entered on a feafaring life, as 
 the proper fphere, in which his vigorous 
 mind was deftined to perform exploits which 
 
 mould
 
 COLUMBUS. 87 
 
 ftiould aftonim mankind.* He was educated 
 in the fciences of Geometry and Aftronomy, 
 which form the bafis of navigation ; and he 
 was well verfed in Cofmography, Hiftory and 
 Philofophy. His a&ive and enterprifing ge 
 nius, though it enabled him to comprehend 
 the old fyftems, yet would not fuffer him to 
 reft in their decifions, however inclined by 
 time or by venerable names ; but determined 
 to examine them by actual experiment, he 
 firft vifited thefeas within the polar circle, and 
 afterward thofe parts of Africa, which the 
 Portuguefe had difcovered, as far as the coaft 
 of Guinea ; and by the time that he had at 
 tained the age of thirty feven, he had from 
 his own experience received the fulleft con 
 viction, that the opinion of the ancients 
 refpecting the torrid and frigid zones was 
 void of any j uft foundation. 
 
 When an old fvftem is found erroneous in 
 
 j 
 
 one point, it is natural to fufpedt it of farther 
 imperfections ; and when one difficulty is 
 overcome, others appear lefs formidable. Such 
 was the cafe with Columbus ; and his views 
 were accelerated by an incident, which threat 
 ened 
 
 * Life of Columbus by his fon Ferdinand,, Chap. 4. -See vol. 
 ii. of Churchill's Collection of Voyages. 
 Herrera's Hilt. Amer. vol. i. 
 
 I'' 4
 
 88 COLUMBUS. 
 
 ened to put an end to his life. During one 
 of his voyages, the fhip in which he failed 
 took fire, in an engagement with a Venetian 
 galley, and the crew were obliged to leap into 
 the fea, to avoid perifhing in the flames. In 
 this extremity, Columbus, by the help of a 
 floating oar, fwam upwards of two leagues to 
 the coaft of Portugal near Lifbon, and met 
 with a welcome reception from many of his 
 countrymen who were fettled there. 
 
 At Lifbon, he married the daughter of 
 Pereflrello, an old feaman, who had been con 
 cerned in the difcovery of Porto Santo and 
 Madeira - y from whofe journals and charts, 
 he received the higheft entertainment. Pur- 
 fuing his inquiries in Geography, and obferv- 
 ing what flow progrefs the Portuguefe made 
 in their attempts to find a way round Africa 
 to India, * he began to reflect that as the 
 Portuguefe travelled fo far ibuthward, it were 
 no lefs proper to fail weftward," and that 
 it was reafonable to expe<5t to find the defired 
 land in that direction . 
 
 It muft here be remembered, that India 
 was in part known to the ancients, and that 
 its rich and ufeful productions had for many 
 centuries been conveyed into Europe, either 
 
 bv
 
 COLUMBUS. 89 
 
 by caravans through the defarts of Syria and 
 Arabia ; or by the way of the Red Sea, 
 through Egypt, into the Mediterranean.* 
 This lucrative commerce had been fuccerTive- 
 ly engrofled by the Phenicians, the Hebrews, 
 the Egyptians, the Affyrians, the Palmyrenes, 
 the Arabians, the Genoefe and the Venetians. 
 The Portuguefe were then feeking it by at 
 tempting the circumnavigation of Africa ; 
 and their expectation of finding it in that di 
 rection was grounded on ancient hiftorical 
 traditions, that a voyage had been formerly 
 made by the orders of Necho King of Egypt, 
 from the Red Sea, round the fouthern part 
 of Africa to the ftraits of Hercules j and 
 that the fame route had been traverfed by 
 Hanno the Carthaginian, by Eudoxus the 
 Egyptian, and others, The Portuguefe had 
 confumed about half a century in making va 
 rious attemps, and had advanced no farther, 
 on the weftern coaft of Africa, than juft to 
 crofs the Equator, when Columbus conceived 
 his grfcat defign of finding India in the weft. 
 
 The caufes which led him to entertain this 
 idea are diftinguimed by his fon, the writer 
 pf his life, into thefe three - y " natural reafon, 
 
 the 
 
 * Rob^rtfon's India. Bruce's Travels.
 
 no COLUMBUS. 
 
 y 
 
 the authority of writers, and the teftimony of 
 failors." 
 
 By the help of " reafon," he argued in this 
 manner : That the earth and fea compofed 
 one globe or fphere. This was known by 
 obierving the fhadow of the earth in lunar 
 eclipfes. Hence he concluded that it might 
 be travelled over from eaft to weft, or from 
 weft to eaft. It had been explored to the eaft 
 by fome European travellers as far as Cipango, 
 or Japan 5 and as far weft ward as the Azores 
 or Weftern Iflands. The remaining ipace, 
 though now known to be more than half, he 
 luppoied to be but one third part of the cir 
 cumference of the globe. If this fpace were 
 an open fea, he imagined it might be eafily 
 failed over ; and if there were any land extend 
 ing eaftwardly beyond the known limits of 
 Alia, he fuppoied that it muft be nearer to 
 Spain by the weft, than by the eaft. For, it 
 was then a received opinion that the conti 
 nent and iflands of India extended over one 
 
 .- 
 
 third part of the circumference of the globe ; 
 that another third part was comprehended 
 between India and the weftern fhore of 
 Spain ; therefore it was concluded, that the 
 eaftern part of India muft be as near to Spain 
 
 as
 
 C O L U M B U S. 91 
 
 as the weftern part. This opinion though 
 now known to be erroneous, yet being then 
 admitted as true, made it appear to Columbus 
 very eafy and practicable to difcover India' in 
 the weft. He hoped alib that between Spain 
 and India, in that direction, there might be 
 found fome hlands ; by the help of -which, 
 as refting places in his voyage, he might the 
 better purfue his main del^r. The probabil 
 ity of the e:;iflen:e of land in that' Ocean, he 
 -argued, p. ,,n the opinioa of philofo- 
 
 phers,' that there was more land than lea on 
 the "fur face or" the globe ; and partly from the 
 necelTiL- a counterpoiie in the weft, for the 
 irhmen.fc quantity of: land which was known 
 to be in the eaft. 
 
 Another fource, from which he drew his 
 conclufion, was, " the authority of learned 
 men," who had affirmed the pombility of 
 failing from the weftern coaft of Spain, to the 
 eaftern bounds of India. Some of the ancient 
 Geographers had admitted this for truth, and 
 one of them* had affirmed that forty days 
 were fufficient to perform this, navigation. 
 Thefe authorities fell in with the theory 
 which Columbus had formed ; and having, 
 as early as 1474, communicated his ideas in 
 
 * Plinv. 
 
 writing
 
 92 COLUMBUS. 
 
 writing, to Paul a learned phyfician of Flo 
 rence, he received from him letters of that date, 
 Confirming his opinion and encouraging his 
 defign ; accompanied with a chart, in which 
 Paul had laid down the city of Quifay (fup- 
 pofed to be the capital of China) but little 
 more than two thoufand leagues weftward 
 from Lifbon, which in fact is but half te 
 diftance. Thus, by arguing from true prin 
 ciples, and by indulging conjectures partly 
 well founded and partly erroneous, Columbus 
 was led to the execution of a plan, bold in its 
 conception, and, to his view, eafily practicable -, 
 for great minds overlook intermediate obfta- 
 cles, which men of fmaller views magnify 
 into infuperable difficulties. 
 
 The third ground on which he formed his 
 idea was " the teftimony of mariners ;" a clafs 
 of men who at that time, and in that imper 
 fect ftate of fcience, were too prone to mix 
 fable with fact -, and were often milled by 
 appearances, which they could not folve. In 
 the fea, between Madeira and the Weftern 
 Iflands, pieces of carved wood and large joints 
 of cane had been difcovered, which were fup- 
 pofed to be brought by wefterly winds. Branch 
 es of pine trees, a covered canoe, and two hu 
 man
 
 COLUMBUS. 93 
 
 man bodies of a complexion different from the 
 Europeans and Africans had been found on 
 the mores of thefe iflands. Some navigators 
 had affirmed, that they had feen iflands not 
 more than an hundred leagues weft ward from 
 the Azores. There was a tradition, that 
 when Spain was conquered by the Moors in 
 the eighth century, feven Bifhops, who were 
 exiled from their country, had built feven 
 cities and churches, on an iiland called An- 
 til la 5 which was fuppofed to be not more than 
 two hundred leagues weft of the Canaries ; 
 and it was faid that a Portuguefe fhip had 
 once difcovered this ifland, but could never 
 find it again. Thefe ftories, partly true and 
 partly fabulous, had their effecl: on the mind 
 of Columbus. He believed that iflands were 
 were to be found, weft ward of the Azores and. 
 Canaries ; though according to his theory, 
 they were at a greater diftance than any of his 
 contemporaries had imagined. His candour 
 led him to adopt an opinion from Pliny ref- 
 pefting floating iflands, by the help of which 
 he accounted for the appearances related to 
 him, by his marine brethren. It is not im 
 probable that the large iflands of floating ice, 
 driven from the Polar Seas to the fouthward ; 
 
 or
 
 94 COLUMBUS. 
 
 or the Fog Banks, which form many fingu- 
 )ar appearances reiembling land and trees, 
 might have been the true foundation of this 
 opinion and of thefe reports.* 
 
 It 
 
 * The following account of a curious deception, extracted from 
 ! he Gentleman's Magazine, may. elucidate the above obfervations. 
 
 " March 4, 1748 9,' at two in the afternoon, made land which 
 bore N. E. feven leagues diflance by cflnnation : at five tacked, 
 being about three leagues from faid iflindj wind E. S. E. latitude 
 : V obfcrvation 49 40' ; longitude 24 30', from the Lizard. This 
 ifiand flretches N. W. and S. E. about 5 leagues long, and 9 
 miles wide. On the fouth fide fine valleys and a great number of 
 birds. 
 
 March 5, faid ifiand bore N. three leagues, N. W. a reef of 
 rocks three miles. This day a fhip's malt came along fide. On 
 the fouth point of faid ifiand is a fmall maffhy ifiand." 
 
 " A copy of my journal on board the fnow St. Paul, of London, 
 bound from South Carolina to London. 
 
 William Otton, Commander." 
 
 P. S. Captain Otton thought he faw a tent on thr ifland, and 
 would have gone afhore, but had unfortunately ftove his boat fome 
 tin.vj before. 
 
 * ; Commodore Rodney is commiflioned to go in qnefl of an 
 ifiand, which, according to the report of a mailer of a fhip, and 
 fome others, on examination before the Lords of the Admiralty, 
 lies anout 50 N. and about 300 leagues well of England. Capt. 
 Murdock Mackenzie, an excellent mathematician, and author of 
 the fea charts uf the Orkney and Lewis if!..r,ds, attends him in the 
 Culloden floop, to bring back an account of what difcoverics he 
 may make. As this ifiand lies out c f the track of the trade to 
 America, it is fuppofed to have been mi fled by navigators to our 
 colonies, though marked in for:e Dutch maps. If the Com 
 modore difcovrrs it, he is to take pofL-flion of it by the name of 
 Rodney's iilund." 
 
 " Friday
 
 COLUMBUS. 95 
 
 It is not pretended that Columbus was 'the 
 only perfon of his age who had acquired thefe 
 ideas of the form, dimenfions and balancing 
 of the globe ; but he was one of the few who 
 had begun to think for themfelves, and he 
 had a genius of that kind, which makes ufe 
 of fpeculation and reaibning only as excite 
 ments to action. He was not a clofet pro 
 jector, but an enterprifing adventurer - y and 
 having efbblimed his theory on principles, 
 he was determined to exert himfelf to the 
 utmoft, to demonftrate its truth by experi 
 ment. But deeming the enterprife too great 
 to be undertaken by any but a fovereign ftate, 
 he firit applied (as it is faid) to the Republic 
 of Genoa, by whom his project was treated 
 as vifionary.* He then propofed his plan to 
 
 John 
 
 "Friday, April 10, 1752, Commodore Rodney arrived at 
 Woolwich ; he had been cruifmg ten days in qucft of an ifland, 
 and the men at the top-mafl-head were more than once deceived 
 with what the i'ailors call fog-banks. About the 6th or ^th day 
 the crew obfcrved branches of trees with their leaves on, and 
 flights of gulls, and pieces of fhipwreck, which are generally re 
 garded as certain figns of an adjacent fhore, but could not difcover 
 any." Gent. Mag. for 1751,^. 235. for 1752,^. 88, 189. 
 
 N. B. The ifland marked in the Dutch maps, could not have 
 been miftaken for this imaginary ifland, being but a fingle rock. 
 It is the fame that is defcribed in the life of Zeno. Page%2. 
 
 * This is faid on the authority of Herrera the royal Spanifli 
 hiftorian ; Fer.dinando Columbus, in the life of his father, fayi 
 
 nothing
 
 96 COLUMBUS. 
 
 John II. King of Portugal, who, though a 
 Prince of good underftanding and of an en- 
 terpriiing difpofition, yet was fo deeply engag 
 ed in profecuting difcoveries on the African 
 coaft, with a view to find a way to India round 
 that continent ; and had been at fo vaft an ex- 
 penie without any confiderable fuccefs, that 
 he had no inclination to accept the terms 
 which Columbus propofed. Influenced how 
 ever by the advice of Calzadiila, a favourite 
 courtier, he privately gave orders to a {hip, 
 bound to the iflands of Cape de Verd, to at 
 tempt a difcovery in the weft ; but through 
 ignorance and want of enerprife, the naviga 
 tors, after wandering for fome time in the o- 
 cean and making no difcovery, reached their 
 deftincd port and turned the project of Co 
 lumbus into ridicule. 
 
 Difgufted with this bafe artifice, he quitted 
 Portugal, and went to Ferdinand, King of 
 Spain, having previoufly fent his brother to 
 England to folicit the patronage of Henry 
 VII. But being taken by pirates, and detain 
 ed feveral years in captivity, Bartholomew had 
 it not in his power to reveal his project to 
 
 Henry, 
 
 nothing of it ; but reprefents his application to the King of Por 
 tugal as th<J fir;l, zr.A gives thi reafon for it, "bccaufe he lived 
 under him."
 
 COLUMBUS. 97 
 
 Henry, till Chriftopher Columbus had fuc- 
 ceeded in Spain. Before this could be ac~ 
 complifhed, he had various obftacles to fur- 
 mount ; and it was not till after feven years 
 of painful felicitation that he obtained his re- 
 queft. 
 
 The objections made to the propofal of 
 Columbus, by the mod learned men in Spain, 
 to whom the convideration of it was referred, 
 will give us fome idea of the ftate of geogra 
 phical fcience at that time. One objection 
 was, How fhould he know more than all the 
 wife men and ikilful failors who had exilied 
 lince the creation ? Another was the authori 
 ty of Seneca, who had doubted whether it 
 were poffible to navigate the ocean at any 
 great diftance from the more ; but admitting 
 that it were navigable, they imagined, that 
 three years would be required to perform the 
 voyage, which Columbus propofed. A third 
 was, that if a {hip mould fail wefhvard on a 
 round globe, me would neceilarily go down, 
 on the oppofite fide, and then it would be 
 impoffible to return, becaufe it would be like 
 climbing up a hill, which no fhip could l do 
 with the flrongeft wind. A fourth objection 
 \vas grounded on a book of St. Auguftinc, 
 G in
 
 9 S COLUMBUS, 
 
 in which he had exprefTed his doubt of the 
 exiftence of antipodes and the poffibility of 
 going from one hemilphere to the other. As 
 the writings of this Holy Father had received 
 the fanction of the Church, to contradict him 
 was deemed herefy. 
 
 For fuch reafons, and by fuch reafoners, the 
 propofal of Columbus was at firft rejected ; 
 but by the influence of John Perez, a Spaniili 
 Prieft, and Lewis Santangel, an officer of the 
 King's hou/hold, Queen Ifabelia was perfuad- 
 ed to liften to his felicitation, and after he 
 had been twice repulfed, to recal him to 
 Court ; when fhe offered to pawn her jewels to 
 defray the expenfe of the equipment, amount 
 ing to no more than 2500 crowns - y which 
 fum was advanced by Santangel, and the 
 Queen's jewels were faved. Thus, to the 
 generous decilion of a female mind, we owe 
 the difcovery of America. 
 
 The conditions ftipulated between Ferdi 
 nand and Ifabelia on the one part, and Co 
 lumbus on the other part, were thefe : " That 
 he, his heirs and fucceflbrs, fhould hold the 
 office of Admiral in all thofe Jjlands and Con 
 tinents which he mould difcover ; that he 
 fliould be Viceroy and Governor of the fame, 
 
 with
 
 COLUMBUS. 99 
 
 with power of nominating three afTociates, of 
 whom their majefties mould appoint one. 
 That he mould have one tenth part of the 
 neat proceeds of all the gold, and filver, pre 
 cious ftones, fpice and other merchandife 
 which fhould be found -, that he, or a deputy 
 of his own appointing, mould decide all con- 
 troverfies refpecling the trade ; that he mould 
 be at one eighth part of the expenfe of equip 
 ping the firft fleet, and mould receive one 
 eighth part of the profits." 
 
 The necefTary preparations being made, and 
 a year's provifion laid in, on the 3d of Auguft, 
 1492, Columbus failed from Palos, a port of 
 Spain, on the Mediterranean, with three vef- 
 fels, one of which was called a carrack, and 
 the other two, caravels $* having on board, 
 the whole, ninety men. Having paffed 
 through the ftraits of Gibraltar, he arrived at 
 the Canaries, on the 1 2th of the fame month ; 
 where he was detained in refitting one of the 
 caravels, and taking in wood and water, till 
 the 6th of September, when he failed weft- 
 ward on his voyage of difcovery. 
 
 This voyage, which now is confidered as 
 an eafy and pleafant run, between the latitudes 
 G 2 of 
 
 * A carrack Was a veflel with a deck ; a caravel had nne.
 
 loo C O L U M BUS. 
 
 of 20 and 30 degrees, with a trade wind, was 
 then the boldeft attempt which had ever been 
 made, and filled the minds of the befl ieamen 
 with appreheniion. They were going diredl- 
 ]y from home, and from all hope of relief, if 
 any accident mould befal them. No friendly 
 port nor human being was known to be in 
 that direction. Every bird which flew in the 
 air, every fifh which appeared in the lea, and 
 every weed which floated on its furfice, was 
 regarded with the mofk minute attention, as 
 if the fate of the voyage depended on it. A 
 phenomenon which had never before been 
 obferved ftruck them with terror. The mag 
 netic needle appeared to vary from the pole : 
 They began to apprehend that their compafs 
 would prove an unfaithful guide ; and the 
 trade wind, which wafted them along with 
 its friendly wings, they feared would obflru'fl 
 their return. 
 
 To be twenty days at fea, without fight of 
 land, was what the boldeft mariner had never 
 before attempted. At the expiration of that 
 time the impatient failors began to talk of 
 throwing their commander into the ocean, 
 and returning home. Their murmurs reach 
 ed his ears j but his aftive mind was never at 
 
 a lofs
 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 a lofs for expedients, even in the greateft ex 
 tremity. By Toothing* flattery, and artifice, 
 by inventing reafons for every uncommon ap 
 pearance, by promising rewards to the obedi 
 ent, and a gratuity to him who mould firft dif- 
 cover land, in addition to what the King had 
 ordered ; and by deceiving them in the mip's 
 reckoning, he kept them on their courfe for 
 iixteen days longer. In the night of the i ith 
 of October, he himfelf faw a light, which 
 feemed to be on more, and in the morning of 
 the 1 2th, they had the joyful fight of land, 
 which proved to be the ifland of Guanahana, 
 one of the clutter called Bahamas, in the 25th 
 degree of north latitude. 
 
 Thus in the fpace of thirty fix days, and in 
 the*45th year of his age, Columbus complet 
 ed a voyage which he had fpent twenty years 
 in projecting and executing j a voyage which 
 opened to the Europeans a new world ; which 
 gave a new turn to their thoughts, to their 
 fpirit of enterprise and of commerce ; which 
 enlarged the empire of Spain, and f tamped 
 with immortality the name of Columbus. 
 
 After fpending feveral months in failing 
 from one ifland to another in that vaft archi 
 pelago, which, from the mifhkes of the a^e 
 G 3 received
 
 102 COLUMBUS. 
 
 received the name of the Weft- Indies. Colum 
 bus returned to Spain with the two fmaller 
 vefTels, (the larger having been wrecked on 
 the ifland of Hifpaniola) leaving behind him 
 a colony of thirty nine men, furnifhed with a 
 year's provifion, and lodged in a fort which 
 had been built of the timber faved from the 
 wreck. During his paflage he met with a 
 violent tempeft which threatened him with 
 deftruction. In this extremity, he gave an 
 admirable proof of his calmnefs and forefight. 
 He wrote on parchment an account of his 
 difcoveries, wrapped it in a piece of oiled 
 cloth, and inclofed it in a cake of wax, which 
 be put into a tight cafk and threw into the 
 fea. Another parchment, fecured in the fame 
 manner, he placed on the ftern, that if the 
 (hip mould fink, the cafk might float, and 
 poiTibly one or the other might be driven on 
 fhore, or taken up at fea by fome future navi 
 gator. But this precaution proved fruitlefs. 
 He arrived Me in Spain, in March, 1493, 
 and was received with the honours due to his 
 merit. 
 
 The account which Columbus gave of his 
 new difcoveries, the fpecimens of gold and 
 other valuable productions, and the fight of 
 
 the
 
 COLUMBUS. 103 
 
 the natives which he carried from the Weft- 
 Indies to Spain, were fo pleafing that the 
 court determined on another expedition. But 
 firft it was necefTary to obtain the fanction 
 of the Pope, who readily granted it ; and 
 by an imaginary line, drawn from pole to 
 pole, at the diilance of one hundred leagues 
 weftward of the Azores, he divided between 
 the crowns of Spain and Portugal, all the new 
 countries already difcovered or to be difcov- 
 ered ; giving the weftern part to the former, 
 and the eafterh to the latter. No provifioa 
 however was made, in cafe that they mould 
 meet, and their claims mould interfere on the 
 oppofite fide of the globe. The bull, con 
 taining this famous but imperfect line of de- 
 markation, was figned by Alexander VI. on 
 the fecond day of May, 1493 > anc ^ on tne 
 28th of the fame month, the King and Queen 
 of Spain, by a written inftrument, explained 
 and confirmed the privileges and powers 
 which they had before granted to Columbus, 
 making the office of Viceroy and Governor 
 of the Indies hereditary in his family. On 
 the 25th of September following, he failed 
 from Cadiz, with a fleet of feventeen mips, 
 great and fmall, well furnimed with all necef- 
 G 4 fanes
 
 704 COLUMBUS. 
 
 faries for the voyage ; and having on board 
 1500 people, with horfes, cattle, and imple 
 ments to efHblith plantations. 
 
 On Sunday the third of November, he dif- 
 covered an ifland, to which, in honour of the 
 dav, he gave the name of Dominica. After 
 ward he discovered in fuccefllori other iflands, 
 which he called Marigalante, Guadaloupe, 
 Montferrat, Redonda, Antigua, St. Martin's, 
 St. Urfula, and St. John. On the I2th of 
 November he came to Navidad, on the North 
 fide of Hifpaniola, where he had built his 
 fort, and left his colony - t but he had the 
 mortification to find, that the people were all 
 dead, and that the fort had been deftroyed. 
 
 The account given by the natives, of the 
 lofs of the colony, was, that they fell intodif- 
 cord among themfelves, on the ufual fubjects 
 of controverfy, women and gold ; that having 
 provoked a chief, whole name was Canaubo, 
 he came againft them with a fuperior force, 
 and deftroyed them j that fome of the natives, 
 in attempting to defend them, had been kill 
 ed, and others were then ill of their wounds ; 
 which, on infpection, appeared to have been 
 made with Indian weapons. 
 
 Columbus prudently forbore to make any 
 critical inquiry into the matter , but hafted 
 
 to
 
 COLUMBUS. 105 
 
 to eftablifh another colony, in a more eligible 
 fituation, to the eaftward ; which he called 
 Ifabella, after his royal patronefs. He had 
 many difficulties to contend with, befides 
 thofe which unavoidably attend undertakings 
 of fuch noveky and magnitude. Nature in 
 deed was bountiful : the foil and climate pro 
 duced vegetation, with a rapidity to which 
 the Spaniards had not been accuftomed. 
 From wheat fown at the end of January, full 
 ears were gathered at the end of March. The 
 ftones of fruit, the flips of vines and the joints 
 of fugar cane fprouted in feven days, and ma 
 ny other feeds in half the time. This was 
 an encouraging profpect -, but the flow ope 
 rations of agriculture did not meet the views 
 of fanguine adventurers. The numerous fol 
 lowers of Columbus, fome of whom were of 
 the befl families in Spain, had conceived hopes 
 of fuddenly enriching themfelves, by the pre 
 cious metals of thofe new regions ; and were 
 not difpofed, to liften to his recommendations 
 of patience and induflry, in cultivating the 
 earth. The natives were difpleafed with the 
 licentioufnefs of their new neighbours ; who 
 endeavoured to keep them in awe by a dif- 
 play of force. The explofion of fire arms, 
 
 and
 
 io6 COLUMBUS. 
 
 and the light of men mounted on horfes, were 
 at firft, obje&s of terror ; but ufe had render 
 ed them lefs formidable. Columbus, over 
 burdened with care and fatigue, fell fick, and 
 at his recovery, found a mutiny among his 
 men ; which, by a due mixture of refolution 
 and lenity, he had the addrefs to quell. He 
 then endeavoured to eftablifh difcipline among 
 his own people, and to employ the natives in 
 cutting roads through the woods. Whilfl he 
 was prefent, and able to attend to bufinefs, 
 things went on fo profperoufly, that he 
 
 thought he might fafely proceed on his dif- 
 coveries, 
 
 In his former voyage he had vifited Cuba j 
 but was uncertain whether it were an ifland 
 or a part of fome continent. He therefore 
 patted over to its eaftern extremity ; and coaft- 
 ed its fouthern fide, till he found himfelf en 
 tangled among a vaft number of fmall iilands, 
 which for their beauty and fertility he called 
 the Garden of the Queen j but the dangerous 
 rocks and fhoals, which furrounded them, 
 obliged him to ftretch farther to the fouth- 
 ward ; by which means, he difcovered the 
 ifland of Jamaica ; where he found water and 
 other refreshments for his men, who were 
 
 almoft
 
 COLUMBUS. 107 
 
 almoft dead with famine. The hazard, fa 
 tigue and diftrefs of this voyage, threw him 
 into a lethargic diforder, from which he had 
 juft recovered, when he returned to his colo 
 ny and found it all in confufion ; from the 
 fame caufes which had proved deftructive to 
 the firft. 
 
 In his abfence, the licentioufnefs of the 
 Spaniards had provoked feveral of the chiefs ; 
 four of whom had united to deftroy them, 
 and had actually commenced hoftilities, in 
 which twenty Spaniards were killed. Co^ 
 lumbus collected his people, put them into 
 the beft order, and by a judicious combination 
 of force and ftratagem gained a decifive victo-^ 
 ry, to which the horfes and dogs did not a 
 little contribute. 
 
 At his return to Hifpaniola, he had the 
 pleafure of meeting his brother Bartholomew, 
 whom he had not feen for feveral years, and 
 whom he fuppofed to have been dead. Bar 
 tholomew was a man of equal knowledge, ex 
 perience, bravery and prudence with himfelf. 
 His patience had endured a fevere trial in their 
 long feparation. He had many obftacles to 
 furmount, before he could get to England 
 and obtain accefs to the King. He was at 
 
 Paris
 
 io8 COLUMBUS. 
 
 Paris when he heard of the fuccefs of his 
 brother's firft enterprize ; who had gone on 
 the fecond, before Bartholomew could get to 
 Spain. On his arrival there, and being intro 
 duced to the court, he was appointed to the 
 command of three (hips, which were def- 
 tined to convey fupplies to the colony ; and he 
 arrived whilft Chriftopher was abfent on his 
 voyage to Cuba and Jamaica. Columbus ap 
 pointed his brother to command at Ifabella, 
 whilft he went into the interior part of the 
 ifland, to perfect his conqueft, and reduce the 
 natives to fubjection and tribute. 
 
 The Indians were fo unufed to collect gold 
 duft, in fuch quantities as their conquerors 
 demanded it, that they offered to plant the 
 imqjenfe plains of Hifpaniola, and pay an e- 
 quivalent in corn. Columbus was ftruck with 
 the magnanimity of the propofal ; and in con- 
 fequence, moderated the tribute. This did 
 not fatisfy the avarice of his fellow adventu 
 rers, who found means to complain of him 
 to the King's minifters, for his negligence 
 in acquiring the only commodity, which they 
 thought deferved the name of riches. The 
 Indians then defifted from planting their ufual 
 quantity of corn, and attempted to fubfift 
 
 chiefly
 
 COLUMBUS. 109 
 
 chiefly on animal food. This experiment 
 proved injurious to themfelves as well as to 
 their conquerors ; and it was computed, that 
 within four years, from the firft difcovery 
 of ths ifland, one third part of its inhabitants 
 pcriflied. 
 
 The complaints againft Columbus fo 
 wrought on the jealous mind of King Ferdi 
 nand, that John Aguado, who was lent, in 
 1495, with fupplies to the colony, had or 
 ders to at as a ipy on his conduct. This 
 man behaved with fo little difcretion, as to 
 feck matter of accufation, and give out threats 
 againft the Admiral. At the fame time, the 
 fhips which he commanded, being deftroyed 
 by a hurricane, he had no means left to return ; 
 till Columbus, knowing that he had enemies 
 at home and nothing to fupport him but his 
 own merit, refolved to go to Spain, with two 
 caravels ; himfelf in one, and Aguado in the 
 other. Having appointed proper perfons to 
 command the feveral forts $ his brother Bar 
 tholomew to fuperintend the whole, and his 
 brother James to be next in authority ; he fet 
 fail on the tenth of March 1496, and after a 
 perilous and tedious voyage, in the tropical 
 
 latitudes,
 
 i jo COLUMBUS. 
 
 latitudes, arrived at Cadiz on the eleventh of 
 June. 
 
 His prefence at Court, with the gold and 
 other valuable articles which he carried home, 
 removed, in fome meaiure, the prejudices 
 which had been excited againft him. But 
 his enemies, though filent, were not idle ; 
 and in a court, where phlegm and languor 
 proved a clog to the fpirit of enterprize, they 
 found it not difficult to obftrudt his views ; 
 which, notwithstanding all discouragements, 
 were ftill pointed to the difcovery of a way 
 to India by the weft. 
 
 He now demanded eight (hips, to carry 
 fupplies to his colony, and fix to go on dif 
 covery. Thefe demands were complied with, 
 and he began his third voyage on the thir 
 tieth of May 1498. He keptacourfe fo far to 
 the fouthward, that not only his men, but his 
 provisions and water fuftered greatly from ex- 
 ceffive heat. The firft land he made after 
 leaving the liles of Cape de Verd, was a large 
 ifland which he named Trinidad, from its ap 
 pearance in the form of three mountains. He 
 then panned through a narrow {trait and whirl 
 pool into the gulf of Paria ; where, obferv- 
 ing the tide to be rapid, and the water brack- 
 
 ifli,
 
 COLUMBUS. in 
 
 ifli, he conje&ured, that the land, on the 
 weftern and fouthern fides of the gulf, was 
 part of a continent ; and that the frefh water 
 proceeded from fome great rivers. 
 
 The people on the coaft of Paria were 
 whiter than thofe of the iflands. They had 
 about their necks plates of gold and firings of 
 pearl ; which they readily exchanged for piec 
 es of tin and brafs, and little bells * f and when 
 they were queflioned whence they obtained 
 the gold and pearls, they pointed to the weft. 
 
 The Admiral's proviiion not allowing him 
 to ftay long in this place $ he paffed again, 
 through that dangerous ftrait, to which he 
 gave the name of the Dragon's Mouth $ and 
 having fatisfied himfelf, that the land On his 
 left was a continent, he fleered to the N. W j 
 difcovering Margarita and feveral other iflands 
 in his courfe ; and on the thirtieth of Auguft, 
 arrived at the harbour of St. Domingo, in 
 Hifpaniola -, to which place his brother had 
 removed the colony in his abfence, in con- 
 fequence of apian preconcerted between them. 
 
 Wearied with inceflant care and watching, 
 in this dangerous voyage, he hoped now to 
 enjoy repofe j inftead of which he found his 
 colony much reduced by deaths ; many of 
 
 the
 
 ii2 C O L U M BUS. 
 
 the furvivors fick, with a difenfe, the peculiar 
 confequence of their debauchery ; and a large 
 number of them in aclual rebellion. They 
 had formed themfelves into a body ; they had 
 gained over many of the Indians, under pre 
 tence of protecting them ; and they had retir 
 ed to a diilant part of the ifland, which prov 
 ed a refort for the feditious and difcontented. 
 Their commander was Francis Roldan, who 
 had been Chief Juflice of the colony ; and their 
 number was fo confiderable, that Columbus 
 could not command a force fufficient to fubdue 
 them. He therefore entered into a negociation, 
 by offering a pardon to thofe who would fubmit, 
 and liberty of returning to Spain to thofe who 
 defired it. Thefe offers, however impolitic, 
 proved fuccefsful. Roldan himfelf accepted 
 them, and perfuaded~others to do the fame ; 
 then, being reflored to his office, he tried and 
 condemned the refractory, fome of whom 
 were put to death. 
 
 An account of this mutiny was fent home 
 to Spain by Columbus and another by Rol 
 dan. Each had their advocates at court, and 
 the caufe was heard by the King and Queen. 
 Roldan and his men were accufed of adultery, 
 perjury, robbery, murder, and difturbing the 
 
 peace
 
 COLUMBUS. 113 
 
 peace of the whole ifland ; whilil Columbus 
 was charged with cruelty to individuals, aim 
 ing at independence, and engroiTing the tribute. 
 It was infinuated,that not being a native of Spain, 
 he had no proper refped: for the noble fami 
 lies, who had become adventurers ; and that 
 the debts due to them could not be recovered. 
 It was fuggefted, that if fome remedy were 
 not fpeedily applied, there was danger that he 
 would revolt, and join with forne other Prince; 
 and that to compafs this defign, he had con 
 cealed the real wealth of the colony, and pre 
 vented the converfion of the Indians to the 
 Catholic faith. 
 
 Thefe iniinuations prevailed on the jea- 
 loufy of Ferdinand, and even ftaggered the 
 conftancy of Ifabella. They refolved to ap 
 point a judge, who mould examine fadls on 
 the fpot -, and if he mould find the Admiral 
 guilty, to fuperfede him. For this purpofe 
 they fent Francis Bovadilla, a man of noble 
 rank, but whofe poverty alone recommended 
 him to the office. Furniftied with thefe pow 
 ers, he arrived at St. Domingo, when Colum 
 bus was abfent -, took lodgings in his houfe ; 
 invited acculers to appear again ft him - f feized 
 on his efFedts, and finally fent him and both 
 H his
 
 j 44 C L U M B U 3. 
 
 his brothers to Spain in three different mips, 
 but all loaded with irons. 
 
 The matter of the fhip in which the Admiral 
 failed had fo much refpect for him, that, 
 when he had got to fea, he offered to take off 
 his fetters ; but Columbus nobly declared, 
 that he would permit that honour to be done 
 him, by none but his fovereign. In this hu 
 miliating confinement, he was delivered to 
 Fonfeca, Bifhop of Badajos, who had been the 
 chief iniligator of all thefe rigorous proceed 
 ings, and to whom had been committed the 
 affairs of the Indies. 
 
 Not content with robbing Columbus of his 
 liberty, this prejudiced ecclellaftic would have 
 deprived him of his well earned reputation of 
 having firft difcovered the new continent. 
 With the accufations which Columbus had 
 fent home again ft Roldan, he had tranfmitted 
 an account of the difcovery of the coaft of 
 Paria, which he juflly fuppofed to be part 
 of a continent. Ojeda, an active officer, who 
 had failed with Columbus in his fecond voy 
 age, was at court when thefe difpatches arriv 
 ed, and faw the draught of the difcovery, with 
 the fpecimens of gold and pearls, which the 
 Admiral had fent home. Being a favourite 
 
 of
 
 COLUMBUS. 115 
 
 of Fonfeca, he eafily obtained leave to purfue 
 the difcovery. Some merchants of Seville 
 were prevailed upon to equip four fhips ; 
 with which, in 1499, Ojeda followed the 
 track of Columbus, and made land on the coafl 
 of Paria. Amerigo Vefpucci, a Florentine 
 merchant, well fkilled in geography and 
 navigation, accompanied Ojeda in this voyage j 
 and by publiming the firft book and chart, 
 defcribing the new world, obtained the hon 
 our of having it called AMERICA. This 
 however did not happen till after the death of 
 Columbus. Several other adventurers fol 
 lowed the fame track, and all fuppofed that 
 the continent which they had feen, was part 
 of India. 
 
 As foon as it was known, that Columbus 
 was arrived at Cadiz, (Nov. 5, 1500) in the 
 difgraceful fituation abovementioned, the King 
 and Queen, amamed of the orders which they 
 had given, commanded him to be releafed, and 
 invited him to court, where they apologized 
 for the mifbehaviour of their new Governor, 
 and not only promifed to recal him, but to 
 reftore to the Admiral all his effects. Co 
 lumbus could not forget the ignominy. He 
 preferved the fetters, hung them up in his 
 H 2 apartment,
 
 n6 COLUMBUS. 
 
 apartment, and ordered them to be buried in 
 his grave. 
 
 Inflead of reinftating him in his government 
 according to the original contract, the King 
 and Queen fent Ovando, to Hifpaniola, to 
 fuperfede Bovadilla ; and only indulged Co 
 lumbus in purfuing his darling projed:, the 
 difcovery of India by the weft, which he ftill 
 hoped to accompliih. He failed again from 
 Cadiz, on the fourth of May, 1502 ; with 
 four vefTels, carrying one hundred and forty 
 men and boys ; of- which number were his 
 brother Bartholomew and his fon Ferdinand, 
 the writer of his life. 
 
 In his paffage to the Garibbee iflands, he 
 found his largeft veflel, of feventy tons, unfit 
 for the fervice ; and therefore went to St. Do 
 mingo, in hope of exchanging it for' a better; 
 -ind to feek flicker from aftorm which he faw 
 approaching. To his infinite iurprize and 
 mortification, Ovando would not admit him 
 into the port. A fleet of thirty fhips was 
 then ready to fail for Spain, on board of which 
 Roldan and Bovadilla were prifoners. Co- 
 himbus informed Ovando, of the prognoses 
 which he had obferved, which Ovando difre- 
 garded, and the fleet failed. Columbus then 
 
 laid
 
 C O'L U.M B U S. 117 
 
 laid three of his veffels, under the lee of the 
 fhore ; and, with great difficulty, rode out the 
 tempeft. His brother put to fea -, and by his 
 great naval flail faved the {hip in which he 
 failed. Of the fleet bound to Spain, eighteen 
 {hips were loft, and in them perimed Roldan 
 and Bovadilla. 
 
 The enemies of Columbus gave out that 
 he had raifed this {torm by the art of magic ; 
 and fuch was the ignorance of the age, that 
 the ftory was believed : What contributed the 
 more to its credit, was, that one of the worn; 
 {hips of the fleet, on board of which were all 
 the effects which had been faved from the ru 
 ined fortune of Columbus, was the firft which 
 arrived in Spain. The amount of thefe effects 
 was " four thoufand pefos of gold, each of 
 the value of eight {hillings.' 3 The remark 
 which Ferdinando Columbus makes on this 
 event, fo deftructive to theaccufers of his father, 
 is, "I am fatisfied, it was the hand of GOD, 
 who was pleafed to infatuate them ; that they 
 might not hearken to good advice , for had 
 they arrived in Spain, they had never been 
 puniihed, as their crimes deferved ; but rath 
 er favoured and preferred as being the Bimop's 
 
 friends."* After 
 
 * Chap. 88. 
 
 H3
 
 ii8 COLUMBUS. 
 
 After this ftorm, and another which foU 
 lowed it, Columbus having collected his lit 
 tle fquadron, failed on difcovery toward the 
 continent ; and, fleering to the fouthweft, 
 tarne to an ifland called Guanania, twelve 
 leagues from the coaft of Honduras $ where he 
 met with a large covered canoe, having on 
 fcoard feveral pieces of cotton cloth of divers 
 colours, which the people faid they had 
 brought from the weft ward. The men were 
 armed with fwords of wood, in which fharp 
 flints were ftrongly fixed. Their provifion 
 was maize and roots, and they ufed the ber 
 ries of cocoa as money. When the Admiral 
 inquired for gold, they pointed to the weft, 
 and when he afked for a ftrait by which he 
 might pafs through the land, they pointed to 
 the eaft. From the fpecimens of coloured 
 cloth, he imagined, that they had come from 
 India - t and he hoped to pafs thither, by the 
 ftrait which they defcribed. Purfuing his 
 courfe to the eaft and fouth, he was led to the 
 gulf of Darien ; and vifited feveral harbours 
 among which was one which he called Porto 
 Bello 5 but he found no paflage extending 
 through the land. He then returned to the 
 weftwarfl $ and landed on the coaft of Vera- 
 
 gua;
 
 COLUMBUS. 119 
 
 gua - 3 where the beauty and fertility of the 
 "country invited him to begin a plantation, 
 which he called Belem ; but the natives, a 
 fierce and formidable race, deprived him of the 
 honour of firft eftabliming a colony on the 
 continent, by killing forne of his people and 
 obliging him to retire with the others. 
 
 At fea, he met with tempeftuous weather 
 of long continuance ; in which his mips were 
 fo Shattered, that with the utmoft difficulty 
 he kept them above water, till he ran them 
 afhore on the ifland of Jamaica. By his 
 extraordinary addrefs, he procured from the 
 natives two of their largeft canoes ; in which 
 two of his moft faithful friends, Mendez 
 and Fiefco, accompanied by fome of his 
 failors and a few Indians, embarked for Hif- 
 paniola. After encountering the greateft dif 
 ficulties, in their paiTage, they carried tidings 
 of his misfortune to Ovando, and folicited his 
 aid. The mercilefs wretch detained them 
 eight months, without an anfwer j during 
 which time, Columbus fuffered the fevereft 
 hardOiips, from the difcontent of his compa 
 ny, and the want of provifions. By the hof- 
 pitality of the natives, he at firft received fuch 
 fupplies, as they were able to fpare ; but the 
 H 4 long
 
 120 COLUMBUS. 
 
 long continuance of thefe guefts had dimin- 
 jfhed their flore, and the infolence of the mu 
 tineers gave a check to their friendfhip. In 
 this extremity, the fertile invention of Co 
 lumbus fuggefted an expedient which proved 
 fuccefsful. He knew that a total eclipfe of 
 the moon was at hand, which would be vifi- 
 ble in the evening. On the preceding day, he 
 fent for the principal Indians, to fpeak with 
 them, on a matter of the utmofl importance. 
 Being aiTembled, he directed his interpreter to 
 tell them, that the GOD of heaven, whom he 
 worshipped, was angry with them, for withold- 
 ing provifion from him, and would puniih 
 them with famine and peftilence ; as a tok 
 en of which, the moon would, in the even 
 ing, appear of an angry and bloody colour. 
 Some of them received his fpeech with ter 
 ror, and others with indifference \ but when 
 the moon rofe, and the eclipie increafed as 
 me advanced from the horizon, they came in 
 crowds, loaded with proviiion, and begged the 
 Admiral to intercede with his GOD, for the 
 removal of his anger. Columbus retired to his 
 cabin -, and when the eclipfe began to go off, 
 he came out and told them, that he had pray 
 ed to his GOD, and had received this anfwer $ 
 
 that
 
 COLUMBUS. 121 
 
 that if they would be good for the future, and 
 bring him provifion as he fhould want, GOD 
 would forgive them ; and as a token of it, the 
 moon would put on her ufual brightnefs. 
 They gave him thanks, and prcmifed com 
 pliance ; and whilft he remained on the ifland 
 there was no more want of provifion. 
 
 At the end of eight months, Ovando fent 
 a fmall veiTel to Jamaica, with a calk of wine, 
 two flitches of bacon, and a letter of compli 
 ment and excufe, which the officer deliver 
 ed ; and without waiting for an anfwer, 
 weighed his anchor the fame evening and fail 
 ed back to Hifpaniola. The men who adhered 
 to Columbus and were with him on board the 
 wrecks, wondered at the fudden departure of 
 the veflel, by which they expected deliverance. 
 Columbus, never at a lofs for an evafion, told 
 them that the caravel was too fmall to take the 
 whole company, and he would not go with 
 out them. This fiction had the defired effecl: ; 
 thofe who adhered to him refumed their pa 
 tience -j but the mutineers became fo infolent 
 that it was neceflary to fubdue them by force. 
 In the conteft ten of them were killed. Por- 
 ras, their leader, was made prifoner and the 
 others efcaped. Bartholomew Columbus 
 
 and
 
 12Z COLUMBUS. 
 
 and two others of the Admiral's party were 
 wounded, of whom one died. 
 
 The fugitives, having loft their leader, 
 thought it befl to fubmit ; and on the next 
 day fent a petition to the Admiral, confefling 
 their fault, and promifmg fidelity. This 
 promife they confirmed by an oath, of which 
 the imprecation was fingular ; " they re 
 nounced, in cafe of failure, any abfolution from 
 Prieft, Bimop, or Pope, at the time of their 
 death ; and all benefit from the facraments of 
 the Church ; confenting to be buried like 
 heathens and infidels in the open field." The 
 Admiral received their fubmiffion, provided 
 that Porras mould continue prifoner, and they 
 would accept a commander of his appoint 
 ment, as long as they mould remain on the 
 ifland. 
 
 At length a vefTel, which Mendez had 
 been permitted to buy, with the Admiral's 
 money, at Hifpaniola, came to Jamaica, and 
 took them off. On their arrival at St. Do 
 mingo (Auguft 13, 1504) Ovando affe&ed 
 great joy, and treated the Admiral with a (how 
 ofrefpect ; but he liberated Porras, and threat 
 ened with punimment the faithful adherents 
 of Columbus. As foon as the veflel was re 
 fitted,
 
 COLUMBUS. 123 
 
 fitted, the Admiral took leave of his treach 
 erous hoft, and, with his brother, fon, and 
 fervants, embarked for Spain. After a long 
 and diflreffing voyage, in which the fliip loft 
 her mails, he arrived at St. Lucar, in MaJ 
 
 *5 5- 
 
 His patronefs Ifabella had been dead about 
 
 a year ; and with her, had expired all the 
 favour which he ever enjoyed in the Court 
 of Ferdinand, Worn out with ficknefs and 
 fatigue, difgufted with the infincerity of his 
 Sovereign, and the haughtinefs of his courtiers, 
 Columbus lingered out a year in fruitlefs fo- 
 licitation for his violated rights ; till death 
 relieved him from all his vexations. He died 
 at Valadolid, on the twentieth of May, 1 506, 
 in the 59th year of his age ; and was buried 
 in the cathedral of Seville, with this infcrip- 
 tion on his Tomb, 
 
 A Caftilla ya Leon, 
 Nuevo Mundo dio Colon. 
 
 Tranflated thus. 
 To Caflile and Leon, 
 Columbus gave a new World. 
 
 In the life of this remarkable man there 
 is no deficiency of any quality which can 
 
 conflitute
 
 124 C O L U M B U S. 
 
 conftitute a truly great character.* His 
 genius was penetrating, and his judgment 
 folid. He had acquired as much knowledge 
 of the fciences as could be obtained at that 
 day ; and he corrected what he had learned, 
 by his own obfervations. His conftancy 
 and patience were equal to the moft hazard 
 ous undertakings. His fortitude furmount- 
 ed many difficulties j and his invention ex 
 tricated him out of many perplexities. His 
 prudence enabled him to conceal or fubdue 
 his own infirmities ; whilft he took advan 
 tage of the paflions of others, adjufling his 
 behaviour to his circumftances ; temporiz 
 ing, or acting with vigour, as the occafion 
 required. 
 
 His fidelity to the ungrateful Prince, whom 
 he ferved, and whole dominions he enlarged, 
 mufl render him forever confpicuous as an 
 example of juflice; and his attachment to the 
 Queen, by whofe influence he was raifed and 
 fupported, will always be a monument of his 
 gratitude. 
 
 To his other excellent qualities maybe add 
 ed his piety. He always entertained, and on 
 
 proper 
 
 * Some of thefe obfervations are taken from Dr. Campbell's 
 account of European fcttlements in America, Vol. I. Chap, vhi.
 
 C O L U M B U S.' 12-5- 
 
 proper occafions exprefied, a reverence for the 
 Deity, and a firm confidence in his care and 
 protection. In his declining days, the conta 
 in tions 'of religion were his chief fupport ; 
 and his laft words were, " Into thy hands, O 
 Lord, I commend my fpirit." 
 
 The perfecution and injuftice which he 
 fuftered, may be traced up to the contract, 
 which he infilled on, before he engaged in 
 the plan of difcovery. That a foreigner 
 mould attain fo high a rank as to' bs "Viceroy 
 for life, and that the honour of an 'Admiral 
 fhould be hereditary in his family, to the ex- 
 clufion of all the nobles of Spain, was more 
 than their pride and jealoufy could endure -, 
 and they conftantly endeavoured to depreciate 
 his merit j the only foundation on which his 
 honours were erected. 
 
 There is a ftory recorded by Peter Martyr, 
 a contemporary hiftorian, which exemplifies 
 their malice, and his ingenuity in rifing fupe- 
 rior to it. After the death of the Queen, the 
 nobility afFefted to infinuate, that his difcov- 
 eries were more the refult of accident and good 
 fortune, than of any well concerted meafures. 
 One day at a public dinner, Columbus having 
 borne much infulting raillery on that head, 
 
 at
 
 126 COLUMBUS. 
 
 at length called for an egg, and afked whether 
 any of them could fet it upright on its little 
 end. They all confefTed it to be impofiible. 
 Columbus flriking it gently, flatted the fhell 
 till it flood upright on the table. The com 
 pany, with a difdainful fneer, cryed out, 
 *' Anybody might have done it." " Yes (faid 
 Columbus) but none of you thought of it; fo 
 I difcovered the Indies, and now every pilot 
 can fleer the fame courfe. Many things appear 
 eafy wjaeo^ pnce performed, though before, 
 they were, thought impoffible. Remember 
 the feoffs that were thrown at me, before I 
 put my defign in execution. Then it was a 
 dream, a chimera, a delufion j now it is what 
 any body might have done as well as I." 
 When this flory was told to Ferdinand, he 
 could .not but admire the grandeur of that 
 fpirit, which at the fame time he was endeav 
 ouring to deprefs. 
 
 Writers of different countries have treated 
 the character of Columbus according to their 
 prejudices, either national cr perfonal. It is 
 furprifing to obferve, how thefe prejudices 
 have defcended ; and that even at the diftance 
 of three centuries, there are fome, who affect 
 to deny him the virtues for which he was con- 
 
 fpicucus,
 
 COLUMBUS. 127 
 
 fpicuous, and the merit of originating a dii- 
 covery, \vhich is an honour to human reafon. 
 His humanity has been called in queftion, 
 becaufe he carried dogs to the Weft Indies, 
 and employed them in extirpating the natives. 
 The truth is, that in his fecond expedition 
 he was accompanied by a number of gentle 
 men of the beil families in Spain.; and many 
 more would have gone if it had been poffible 
 to accommodate them. Thefe gentlemen car 
 ried with them " horfes, afles and other beafts, 
 which were of great ufe in a new plantation." 
 The conflict which Columbus had with the 
 natives was in confequence of the diforderly 
 conduct of thefe Spaniards j who, in his ab- 
 fence, had taken their goods, abufed their 
 women and committed other outrages, which 
 the Indians could not endure, and therefore 
 made war upon them. In this war he found 
 his colony engaged, when he returned from 
 his voyage to Cuba ; and there was no way 
 to end it, but by purfuing it with vigour. 
 With two hundred Spaniards, of whom -twen 
 ty were mounted on " horfes followed by as 
 many dogs," he encountered a numerous body 
 of Indians, eftimated at one hundred thoufand, 
 on a large plain. He divided his men into 
 
 two
 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 two parties, and attacked them on two fides > 
 the noife of the fire arms, foon difperfed 
 them, and the horfes and dogs prevented them 
 from rallying ; and thus a complete victory 
 was obtained. In this inftance alone, were 
 the dogs ufed againft the natives. They nat 
 urally followed their matters into the field, 
 and the horfes to which they were accuftom- 
 cd ; but to fuppofe that Columbus tranfported 
 them to the Weft Indies, with a view to dc- 
 flroy the Indians, appears altogether idle, 
 when it is coniidered that the number is rec 
 koned only at twenty. Excepting in this 
 in (lance, where he was driven by neceflity, 
 there is no evidence, that he made war on the 
 natives of the Weft Indies ; on the contrary, 
 he endeavoured as far as poffible to treat them 
 with juftice and gentlenefs. The fame can- 
 JB oe faid of thofe who fucceeded him. 
 
 Attempts have alfo been made to detract 
 from hjs merit, as an original difcoverer of the 
 New World. The moft fuccefsful candidate, 
 who has been fet up as a rival to him, is 
 MARTIN BEHAIM of Nuremberg in Ger 
 many. His claim to a prior difcovery has 
 been fo well contefted, and the vanity of it fo 
 fully expofed by the late Dr. Robertfon, that 
 
 I mould
 
 COLUMBUS. 129 
 
 I mould not have thought of adding anything 
 to what he has written* had not a memoir ap 
 peared in the fecond volume of the Tranfac- 
 tions of the American Philofophical Society* 
 at Philadelphia, in which the pretenfions of 
 Behaim are revived by M. OTTO ; who has 
 produced fome authorities which he had ob 
 tained from Nuremberg) an imperial city of 
 Germany, and which appear to him, "to 
 eflablifh in the cleareft manner a difcovery of 
 America anterior to that of Columbus." 
 
 It is conceded that Behaim was a man of 
 learning and enterprife - t that he was contem 
 porary with Columbus, and was his friend j 
 that he purfued the fame fludies and drew the 
 fame conclusions ; that he was employed by 
 King John II. in making difcoveries ; and* 
 that he met with deferved honour for the im 
 portant fervices which he rendered to the 
 crown of Portugal. But, there are fuch dif 
 ficulties attending the ftory of his difcovering 
 America, as appear to me infuperable. Thefe 
 I mail ftate together with fome remarks On 
 the authorities produced by M. Otto. 
 
 The firft of his authorities contains feveral 
 aflertions which are contradicted by other hif- 
 I tories ; 
 
 * No - 35> P- 26 3'
 
 i 3 o COLUMBUS. 
 
 tories ;* (i .) That Ifabella, daughter of John, 
 King of Portugal, reigned after the death of 
 Philip, Duke of Burgundy, furnamed the 
 Good. (2.) That to this lady, when regent 
 of the Dutchy of Burgundy and Flanders, 
 Behaim paid a vifit in 1459. And (3.) that 
 having informed her of his defigns, he pro 
 cured a veflel in which he made the difcovery 
 of the ifland of Fayal, in 1460. 
 
 It is true that Philip, Duke of Burgundy 
 and Flanders, lurnamed the Good, married 
 Ifabella the daughter of John I, King of Por 
 tugal ; but Philip did not die till 1467, and 
 was immediately fucceeded by his fon Charles, 
 furnamed the Bold, then thirty four years of 
 age. There could therefore have been no 
 interregnum, nor female regent after the death 
 of Philip ; and if there had been, the time of 
 Behaim's vifit will not correfpond with it ; 
 that being placed in 1459, eight years before 
 the death of Philip. Such a miftake, in 
 point of fact, and of chronology, is fufficient 
 to induce a fufpicion that the " archives of 
 Nuremberg" are too deficient in accuracy to 
 be depended on as authorities. 
 
 With 
 
 * Memoirs of Philip de Comines. Mezeray's and Renault's 
 hiftory of France. Collier's Didionary.
 
 COLUMBUS. 131 
 
 With refpect to the difcovery of Fayal, in 
 1460, M. Otto acknowledges that it is ' con 
 trary to the received opinion ;" and well he 
 might ; for the firft of the Azores, St. Maria, 
 was difcovered in 1431 - f the fecond, St. Mi 
 chael, in 1444; the third, Terceira, in 1445; 
 and before 1449, the iilands, St. George, 
 Graciofa, Fayal and Pico, were known to the 
 Portuguefe.* However true it may be that 
 Behaim fettled in the ifland of Fayal, and liv 
 ed there twenty years ; yet his claim to the 
 difcovery of it muft have a better foundation 
 than the " archives of Nuremberg," before it 
 can be admitted. 
 
 The genuine account of the fettlement of 
 Fayal, and the intereft which Behaim had in 
 it, is thus related by Dr. Forfter, a German 
 author of much learning and good credit. 
 
 "After the death of the infant Don Henry 
 [which happened in 1463,] the ifland of Fayal 
 was made a prefent of by [his fifler] IfabelJa, 
 Dutchefs of Burgundy, to Jobft von Hurter, 
 a native of Nuremberg. Hurter went in 
 1466, with a colony of more than 2000 Flem 
 ings of both fexes, to his property, the ifle of 
 Fayal. The Dutchefs had provided the Flem- 
 I 2 ifh 
 
 * Forfter's hiflory of voyages and difcoverics, p. 256, 257, 
 Dublin edition.
 
 132 C O L U M B U S- 
 
 iih emigrants with all nccefTaries for two years, 
 and the colony foon increafed. About the 
 year 1486, Martin Behaim married a daugh 
 ter of the Chevalier Jobfl von Hurter, and 
 had a fon by her named Martin. Jobfl von 
 Hurter, and Martin Behaim, both natives of 
 Nuremberg, were Lords of Fayal and Pico."* 
 The date of the fuppofed difcovery of Ame 
 rica, by Behaim, is placed by M. Otto, in 
 1484, eight years before the celebrated voyage 
 of Columbus. In the fame year we are told-j- 
 that Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva was driven 
 by a ftorm to the weft ward for twenty nine 
 days ; and faw an ifland, of which at his re 
 turn he gave information to Columbus. From 
 both thefe fuppofed difcoveries this conclu- 
 lion is drawn, " That Columbus would never 
 have thought of this expedition to America, 
 had not Behaim gone there before him." 
 Whether it be fuppofed that Behaim and 
 Sanchez failed in the fame fhip, or that they 
 made a difcovery of two different parts of A- 
 merica, in the fame year, it is not eafy to un- 
 derftand from the authorities produced ; but 
 
 what 
 
 * Forfler's hiftory of voyages and difcoveriesjp. 257, 258, 259. 
 f GarcilafTo de la Vega's Royal commentaries. Preface. Pur- 
 cbas. vol. v, p. 1454.
 
 COLUMBUS. 133 
 
 what deftroys the credibility of this plau(lbl 
 tale, is, that Columbus had formed his theo 
 ry, and projected his voyage, at leaft ten years 
 before ; as appears by his correfpondence with 
 Paul, a learned phyfician of Florence, which 
 bears date in 1474.* It is uncertain at what 
 time Columbus firfl made his application to 
 the King of Portugal, to fit him out for a 
 weftern voyage -, but it is certain that after a 
 negociation with him on the fubjecl:, and after 
 he had found out the fecret and unfuccefsful 
 attempt, which had been made to anticipate a 
 difcovery ; he quitted that kingdom in dif- 
 guft, and went into Spain, in the latter end 
 of the year 1484. The authority of thefe 
 fads is unquestioned ; and from them it fully 
 appears, that a prior difcovery of America, by 
 Behaim or Sanchez, made in 1484, could not 
 have been the foundation of the enterprife of 
 Columbus. 
 
 M. Otto fpeaks of letters written by Be 
 haim in 1486, in the German language, and 
 preferved in the "archives of Nuremberg" 
 which fupport this claim to a prior difcovery. 
 As thefe letters are not produced, no certain 
 opinion can be formed concerning them ; but 
 I 3 from 
 
 * Life, chap, viii,
 
 I 3 4 COLUMBUS. 
 
 from the date of the letters, and from the 
 voyages which Behaim actually performed in 
 the two preceding years, we may with great 
 probability fuppofe, that they related to the 
 difcovery of Congo, in Africa ; to which Be 
 haim has an uncontroverted claim. 
 
 I will now ftate the fads relative to this 
 event, partly from the authorities cited by M. 
 Otto ; and partly from others. 
 
 Dr. Robertfon places the difcovery of Con 
 go and Benin in 1483, and with him Dr. 
 Forfter agrees. The authors of the modern 
 univerfal hiftory* fpeak of two voyages to 
 that coaft ; the firft in 1484, the fecond in 
 1485; both of which were made by Diego 
 Cam,"!- who is faid to have been one of the 
 moft expert failors and of an enterprifing gen 
 ius. From the chronicle of Hartman Schedl, 
 as quoted by M. Otto, we are informed, that 
 Behaim failed with Cam, in thefe voyages, 
 which arc defcribed in the following terms. 
 " Thefe two, by the bounty of heaven, coaft- 
 ing along the fouthern ocean, and having 
 
 crofTed 
 
 * Vol. 
 
 P- *33> 35 
 
 + Diego is the Spanifli name of James, in Latin Jacobus, ana 
 in Portuguefe, Jago. Cam is in Latin, Camus or Canus, and in 
 Spanifli, Cano ; thefe different names are found in different auth 
 or?.
 
 COLUMBUS. 13$ 
 
 eroffed the equator, got into the other hem- 
 ifphere ; where, facing to the eaftivard, their 
 fhadows projected toward the fouth, and right 
 hand." No words could be more completely 
 descriptive of a voyage from Portugal to Con 
 go, as any perfon may be Satisfied by infpedl:- 
 ing a map of Africa ; but how could M. Otto 
 imagine that the difcovery of America was 
 accomplimed in fuch a voyage as this ? " Hav 
 ing finimed this cruize (continues Schedl) in 
 the fpaceof 26 months, they returned to Por 
 tugal, with the lofs of many of their feamen, 
 by the violence of the climate." This latter 
 circumftance alfo agrees very well with the 
 climate of the African coaft ;* but Schedl 
 fays not a word of the difcovery of America. 
 M. Otto goes on to tell us "that the moft 
 pofitive proof of the great Services rendered to 
 the crown of Portugal by Behaim, is the rec- 
 ompenfe beftowed on him by King John II ; 
 who, in the moft Solemn manner, knighted 
 him, in the prefence of all his court." Then 
 follows a particular detail of the ceremony of 
 inftallation, as performed on the i8th of Feb 
 ruary, 1485, and M. Otto fairly owns that 
 this was "a reward for the difcovery of Con- 
 1 4 f go." 
 
 * See Brookes' Gazetteer, Benin.
 
 136 COLUMBUS. 
 
 go." Now let us bring the detached parts of 
 the ftory together. 
 
 Behaim was knighted on the 1 8th of Feb 
 ruary, 1485, for the difcovery of Congo, in. 
 which he had been employed 26 months pre 
 ceding ; having within that time made two 
 voyages thither, in company with Diego Cam. 
 It will follow then that the whole of the pre 
 ceding years, 1484 and 1483, were taken up 
 in thefe two voyages. This agrees very well 
 with the accounts of the difcovery of Congo, 
 in Robertfon and Forfter, and does not difa- 
 gree with the modern univerfal hiftory a as far 
 as the year 1484 is concerned j which unfor 
 tunately is the year affigned for Behaim's dif 
 covery of " that part of America called Brafil, 
 and his failing even to the flraits of Magel 
 lan." 
 
 The only thing in M. Otto's memoir 
 which bears any refemblance to a folution of 
 this difficulty is this. " We may fuppofe 
 that Behaim, engaged in an expedition to 
 Congo, was driven by the winds to Fernam- 
 bouc, and from thence by the currents tow 
 ard the coaft of Guiana." But fuppofitions 
 without proof will avail little ; and fuppofi 
 tions againft proof will avail nothing. The 
 
 two
 
 COLUMBUS. 137 
 
 two voyages to Congo are admitted. The 
 courfe is defcribed j and the time is determin 
 ed ; and both thefe arc directly oppofed to the 
 fuppofition of his being driven by winds and 
 currents to America. For if he had been 
 driven out of his courfe and had fpent " fever- 
 al years in examining the American iflands, 
 and difcovering the ftrait which bears the 
 name of Magellan $" and if one of thofe years 
 was the year 1484, then he could not have 
 fpent 26 months preceding February, 1485, 
 in the difcovery of Congo -, but of this we 
 have full and fatisfa&ory evidence ; the difcov 
 ery of America therefore muft be given up. 
 
 There is one thing further in this memoir 
 which deferves a particular remark, and that 
 is the reafon afligned by M. Otto, for which 
 the King of Portugal declined the propofal of 
 Columbus to fail to India by the weft. "The 
 refufal of John II. is a proof of the knowl-, 
 edge which that politic prince had already 
 procured, of the exiflence of a new continent, 
 which offered him only barren lands, inhabit 
 ed by unconquerable favages." This knowl 
 edge is fuppofed to have been derived from 
 the difcoveries made by Behaim. But, not 
 to urge again the chronological difficulty with 
 
 which
 
 which this conjecture is embarraffed, I will 
 take notice of two circumftances in the life of 
 Columbus, which militate with this idea. 
 The firft is, that when Columbus had pro- 
 pofed a weftern voyage to King John, and he 
 declined it, " The King, by the advice of one 
 Doctor Calzadilla, refolved to fend a caravel 
 privately, to attempt that which Columbus 
 had propofed to him ; becaufe in cafe thofe 
 countries were fo difcovered, he thought him- 
 fclf not obliged to beftow any great reward. 
 Having fpeedily equipped a caravel, which was 
 to carry fupplies to the iflands of Cabo Verde, 
 he fent it that way which the Admiral propof 
 ed to go. But thofe whom he fent wanted 
 the knowledge, conftancy and fpirit of the 
 Admiral. After wandering many days upon 
 the fea, they turned back to the iflands of 
 Cabo Verde, laughing at the undertaking, and 
 faying it was impoffible there foould b& a?jy land 
 in t/jq/ejeas."* 
 
 Afterward, "the King being fen fible how 
 faulty they were whom he had fent with the 
 caravel, had a mind to reftore the Admiral to 
 his favour, and defired that he mould renew 
 the difcourfe of his enterprize ; but not being 
 
 fo 
 
 * Life of Columbus, chap. xi.
 
 COLUMBUS. 
 
 To diligent to put this in execution, as the 
 Admiral was in getting away, he loft that 
 good opportunity ; the Admiral, about the 
 end of the year 1484, flole away privately out 
 of Portugal for fear of being flopped by the 
 King/' This account does not agree with 
 the fuppofition of a prior difcovery. 
 
 The other circumflance is an interview 
 which Columbus had with the people of Lif- 
 bon, and the King of Portugal, on his return 
 from his firfl voyage. For it fo happened 
 that Columbus on his return was by ftrefs of 
 weather obliged to take melter in the port of 
 Lifbon ; and as foon as it was known that 
 he had come from the Indies, "the people 
 thronged to fee the natives whom he had 
 brought and hear the news ; fo that the cara 
 vel would not contain them. Some of them 
 praifing God for fo great a happinefs ; others 
 ftorming that they had loft the difcovery through 
 their Kings incredulity ." 
 
 When the King fent for Columbus, "he 
 was doubtful what to do ; but to take off all 
 fufpicion that he came from his conquefts, he 
 confentcd." At the interview, "the King 
 offered him all that he ftood in need of for 
 fervice of their Catholic Majefties, though 
 
 he
 
 1 4 e COLUMBUS. 
 
 he thought, that forafmuch as he bad been a 
 Captain in Portugal, that conqueft belonged 
 to him. To which the Admiral anfwered, 
 that he knew of no fuch agreement, and that 
 he had ftriftly obferved his orders, which 
 were not to go to the mines of Portugal, [the 
 gold coaft] nor to Guinea."* Had John II. 
 heard of Behaim's voyage to a weftern conti 
 nent, would he not have claimed it by priority 
 of difcovery, rather than by the commiflion 
 which Columbus had formerly borne in his 
 fervice ? Had fuch a prior difcovery been 
 made, could it have been concealed from the 
 people of Lifbon ? And would they have been 
 angry that their King had loft it by his in 
 credulity ? Thefe circumftances appear to 
 me to carry fufficient evidence, that no difcov 
 ery of America prior to that of Columbus 
 had come to the knowledge of the King of 
 Portugal. 
 
 In anfwer to the queftion " Why are we 
 iearching the archives of an imperial city for 
 the caufes of an event, which took place in 
 the weftern extremity of Europe ?" M. Otto 
 gives us to underftand, that " from the four 
 teenth to the fixteenth centuries, the Germans 
 
 were 
 
 Life, chap, xli..
 
 COLUMBUS. J 4 t 
 
 were the befl geographers, the beft hiftorians 
 and the mofl enlightened politicians." Not 
 to detract from the merit of the German lite 
 rati of thofe ages, I think we may give equal 
 credit to a learned German author of the pre- 
 fent age, Dr. John Reinhold Forfter ; who 
 appears to have a thorough underftanding of 
 the claims not only of his own countrymen, 
 but of others. In his indefatigable refearches 
 into the difcoveries which have been made by 
 all nations, though he has given due credit to 
 the adventures of Behaim in Congo and Fayal, 
 yet he has not faid one word of his vifiting 
 America ; which he certainly would have 
 done, if in his opinion there had been any 
 foundation for it. 
 
 LETTERS from PAUL, a Phyfician of Flor 
 ence, to CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 
 concerning the Difcovery of the Indies. 
 
 L E r r E R i. 
 
 To CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, PAUL the 
 
 Phyjidan wifheth health. 
 I PERCEIVE your noble and earneft defire 
 t%fail to thofe parts where the fpice is pro 
 duced j and therefore in anfwer to a letter 
 
 of
 
 I4 2 C O L U M B U S. 
 
 of yours, I fend you another letter, which 
 fome days fmce I wrote to a friend of mine, 
 and fervant to the King of Portugal, before 
 tbe wars of Caftile, in anfvver to another he 
 wrote to me by his highnefs's order, upon 
 this fame account - t and I fend you another 
 fea chart like that I fent him, which will fat- 
 isfy your demands. The copy of the letter 
 is this. 
 
 T'o FERDINAND MARTINEZ, canon of Lif- 
 bon, PAUL the Phyfician ivifteth health. 
 I AM very glad to hear of the familiarity 
 you have with your moil ferene and magnif 
 icent King ; and though I have very often 
 difcourfed concerning the Jhort way there is 
 from hence to the Indies, where the fpice is 
 produced, by fea, which I look upon to be 
 ihorter than that you take by the coafl of 
 Guinea ; yet you now tell me that his high- 
 nefs would have me make out and demonftrate 
 it, fo as it may be underftood and put in prac 
 tice. Therefore, though I could better {how 
 it him with a globe in my hand, and make 
 him fenfible of the figure of the world ; yet 
 I have refolved to render it more eafy and in 
 telligible, to mow this way upon a chart, fuch 
 as are ufed in navigation ; and therefore I fend 
 
 one
 
 COLUMBUS. 143 
 
 one to his majefty, made and drawn with my . 
 own hand ; wherein is fet down the utmoft 
 bounds of the weft, from Ireland in the north, 
 to the farthefl part of Guinea, with all the 
 iflands that lie in the way. Oppofitc to which 
 weftern coaft is defcribed the beginning of the 
 Indies, with the iflands and places whither 
 you may go, and how far you may bend from 
 the north pole toward the equinodtial, and for 
 how long a time - t that is, how many leagues 
 you may fail, before you come to thofe places 
 moft fruitful in all forts of fpice, jewels and 
 precious ftones. Do not wonder if I term 
 that country, where the fpice grows, weft, that 
 product being generally afcribed to the eaft ; 
 becaufc thofe who mall fail weftward will 
 always find thofe places in the weft - t and they 
 that travel by land eaftward will ever find 
 thofe places in the eaft. The ftrait lines 
 that lie lengthways in the chart, fhew the 
 diftance there is from weft to eaft ; the others 
 crofs them, mew the diftance from north to 
 fouth. I have alfo marked down in the faid 
 chart, feveral places in India, where mips 
 might put in upon any ftorm, or contrary 
 winds, or any other accident unforefeen. 
 
 Moreover to give you full information of all 
 thofe places which you are very defirous to 
 
 know;
 
 i 4 4 COLUMBUS* 
 
 know -, you muft underftand, that none but 
 traders live or refide in all thole iflands, and 
 that there is as great number of fhips and fea- 
 faring people with merchandife, as in any 
 other part of the world >, particularly in a 
 mod noble port called Zatton, where there 
 are every year a hundred large fhips of pepper, 
 loaded and unloaded, befides many other mips 
 dial take in other fpice. 
 
 This country is mighty populous, and there 
 are many provinces and kingdoms, and innu 
 merable cities under the dominion of a prince 
 called the Kbam, which name (ignifies, King 
 of Kings ; who for the moft part refides in the 
 Province of Cathay. His predecefTors were 
 very defirous to have commerce and be in amity 
 with Chriftians ; and 200 years fince, fent 
 ambafladors to the Pope; defiring him to 
 fend them many learned men and doctors to 
 teach them our faith ; but by reafon of fome 
 obftacles the ambafTadors met with, they re 
 turned back, without coming to Rome. 
 
 Befides, there came an ambafTador to Pope 
 Eugenius IV. who told him the great friend- 
 fhip there was between thofe princes, their 
 people, and the Chriftians. I difcourfed with 
 him a long while upon the feveral matters of 
 
 the
 
 COLUMBUS. 145 
 
 the grandeur of their royal ftrucliures, and of 
 the greatnefs, length and breadth of their riv 
 ers. He told me many wonderful things of 
 the multitude of towns and cities founded a- 
 long the banks of the rivers ; and that there 
 were 200 cities upon one river only, with 
 marble bridges over it, of a great length and 
 breadth, and adorned with abundance of pil 
 lars. This country deferves as well as any 
 other to be difcovered ; and there may not 
 only be great profit made there, and many 
 things of value found, but alfo gold, filver, 
 all forts of precious ftones, and fpiccs in 
 abundance, which are not brought into our 
 parts. And it is certain, that many wife men, 
 philofophers, aftrologers, and other perfons 
 /killed in all arts, and very ingenious, govern 
 that mighty province, and command their 
 armies. 
 
 From Lifbon diredtly weftward, there are 
 in the chart 26 fpaces, each of which contains 
 250 miles, to the moil noble and vafl city of 
 >U2fay 9 which is i oo miles in compafs, that 
 is 35 leagues ; in it there are ten marble 
 bridges. The name fignifies a heavenly city ; 
 of which, wonderful things are reported, as 
 to the ingenuity of the people, the buildings 
 K and
 
 i 4 6 COLUMBUS. 
 
 and the revenues. This fpace abovemention- 
 ed is almoft the third part of the globe. This 
 city is in the province of Mango, bordering 
 on that of Cathay, where the King for the mofl 
 part refides. 
 
 From the ifland Antilla, whic % h you call 
 the feven cities, and of 'which you have feme 
 knowledge, to the moft noble iiland of Cipango 
 are ten fpaces, which make 2500 miles, or 
 225 leagues ; which ifland abounds in gold, 
 pearls and precious flones ; and you muft un- 
 derftand, they cover their temples and palaces 
 with plates of pure gold. So that for want 
 of knowing the way, all thefe things are hid 
 den and conceakd, and yet may be gone to 
 with fafety. 
 
 Much more might be faid, but having told 
 you what is mod material, and you being wife 
 and judicious, I am fatisfied there is nothing 
 of it, but what you underftand, and there 
 fore I will not be more prolix. Thus much 
 may ferve to fatisfy your curiofity, it being as 
 much as the fhortnefs of time and my bufmefs 
 would permit me to fay. So I remain mofl 
 ready to fatisfy and ferve his highnefs to the 
 utmofl in all the commands he mail lay upon 
 me. 
 
 Florence, 'June 2C, 1474. 
 
 LE?fF.R
 
 COLUMBUS, 147 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 To CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, PAUL the 
 Phyjlcian wijhetb health. 
 
 I RECEIVED your letters with the things 
 you fent me, which I {hall take as a great fav 
 our, and commend your noble and ardent de- 
 fire of failing from eaft to weft, as it is mark 
 ed out in the chart I fent you, which would 
 demonftrate itfelf better in the form of a 
 globe. 
 
 I am glad it is well underftood, and that 
 the voyage laid down is not only poffible but 
 true, certain, honourable, very advantageous 
 and moft glorious among all Chriftians. You 
 cannot be perfect in the knowledge of it, but 
 by experience and practice, as I have had in 
 great meafure, and by the folid and true in 
 formation of worthy and wife men, who have 
 come from thofe parts to this court of Rome ; 
 and from merchants who have traded long 
 in thofe parts and are perfons of good re 
 putation. So that when the faid voyage is 
 performed, it will be to powerful kingdoms, 
 and to the moft noble cities and provinces ; 
 rich and abounding in all things we ftand in 
 need of, particularly in all forts of fpice in 
 great quantities, and ftore of jewels. 
 
 JC 2 This
 
 C O L U i\l B U S. 
 
 This will moreover be grateful to thofe 
 kings and princes, who are very defirous to 
 converfe and trade with Chriftians of thefe our 
 countries, whether it be for fome of them to 
 become Chriftians, or elfe to have communi 
 cation with the wife and ingenious men of 
 thefe parts, as well in point of religion, as in 
 all fciences, becaufe of the extraordinary ac 
 count they have of the kingdoms and govern 
 ment of thefe parts. For which reafons, and 
 many more that might be alleged, I do not at 
 all admire, that you who have a great heart, 
 and all the Portuguefe nation, which has ever 
 had notable men in all undertakings, be ea 
 gerly bent upon performing this voyage. 
 
 V. JOHN
 
 M-9 
 V. JOHN CABOT 
 
 AND 
 
 SEBASTIAN CABOT. 
 
 A HE economical difpofition of Henry 
 VII, King of England, induced him to pre- 
 ferve tranquillity in his dominions, which 
 greatly contributed to the increafe of com 
 merce and manufactures ; and to bring thith 
 er merchants from all parts of Europe. The 
 Lombards and the Venetians were remarkably 
 numerous ; the former of whom had a ftreet 
 in London appropriated to them and called by 
 their name.* 
 
 Among the Venetians refident there at that 
 time was JOHN CABOT, a man perfectly {kil 
 led in all the fciences requifite to form an ac- 
 complimed mariner. -f- He had three fons, 
 Lewis,$EB A s T i AN and Sandius, J all of whom 
 he educated in the fame manner. Lewis and 
 Sanftius became eminent men, and fettled, the 
 one at Genoa, the other at Venice. Of Se- 
 baflian a farther account will be given. 
 
 The famous difcovery made by Columbus 
 caufed great admiration and much difcourfe, 
 
 in 
 
 * Forfter's northern Voyages, p. 266. 
 
 t Campbell's Lives of Admirals, i, 336. J Hakluyt. Ill, 7,
 
 150 CABOT. 
 
 in the court of Henry, and among the merch 
 ants of England. To find a way to India by 
 the weftj had long been a problem with men 
 of fcience as well as a defideratum in the mer 
 cantile intereft. The way was then fuppofed 
 to be opened -, and the fpecimens of gold, 
 which Columbus had brought home, excited 
 the warmeft defire of purfiiing that difcovery. 
 Cabot, by his knowledge of the globe, fup 
 pofed thr.t a fhorter way might be found from 
 England to India, by the northweft. Hav 
 ing communicated his project to the King, it 
 was favourably received ; and on the fifth of 
 March 1496, a commirTion was granted to 
 "John Cabot, and his three fons, their heirs 
 and deputies, giving them liberty to fail to 
 all parts of eaft, weft, and north, under the 
 royal banners, and enfigns ; to difcover coun 
 tries of the heathen, unknown to chrijlians ; 
 to fet up the King's banners there ; to occupy 
 and pofTefs as his fubjects, fuch places as they 
 could fubdue -, giving them the rule and ju- 
 rifdiclion of the fame, to be holden on condi 
 tion of paying to the King, as often as they 
 Should arrive at Briftol, (at which place only 
 they were permitted to arrive) in wares and 
 merchandife, one fifth part of all their gains ; 
 
 with
 
 CABOT. 151 
 
 with exemption from all cuftoms and duties 
 on fuch merchandife as mould be brought 
 from their difcoveries." 
 
 After the granting of this commifllon, the 
 King gave orders for fitting out two caravels 
 for the purpofe of the difcovery. Thefe were 
 victualled at the public expenfe ; and freight 
 ed by the merchants of London and Briftol, 
 with coarfe cloths and other articles of traffic. 
 The whole company confifted of three hundred 
 men. 
 
 With this equipment, in the beginning of 
 May 1497,-f J^ n Cabot and his fon Sebaf- 
 tian failed from Briftol towards the north- 
 weft, till they reached the latitude of 58 ; 
 where meeting with floating ice, and the 
 weather being feverely cold, they altered their 
 courfe to the fouthweft ; not expecting to 
 find any land, till they mould arrive at Cathay, 
 the northern part of China, from whence 
 they intended to pafs fouthward to India. 
 
 On 
 
 + There is no good account of this voyage written by any con 
 temporary author. It is therefore collected, from feveral who 
 have fet down fafts without much order or precinlon. To recon 
 cile their contradictions, and deduce conduficns from what they 
 have related, requires much trouble ; and leaves an uncertainty with 
 refpeft to particular circumftances ; though the principal facts re 
 well afcertained, 
 
 K 4
 
 152 CABOT, 
 
 On the 24th of June, very early in the 
 morning, they were furprized with the fight 
 of land $ which, being the firfl that they had 
 feen, they called Prima Vifla. The defcrip- 
 tion of it is given in thefe words. ' The 
 iiland which lieth out before the land, he cal 
 led St. John, becaufe it was difcovered on the 
 day of St.John, the Baptift. The inhabitants 
 of this iiland wear beafts' fkins. In their 
 wars, they ufe bows, arrows, pikes, darts, 
 wooden clubs, and flings. The foil is barren 
 in fome places and yieldeth little fruit ; but is 
 full of white bears and flags, far greater than 
 ours. It yieldeth plenty of fifli, and thofe 
 very great, as feals and falmons. There are 
 foles above a yard in length ; but efpecially 
 there is great abundance of that kind of nih 
 which the favages call Bacalao, (Cod.) In 
 the fame ifland are hawks and eagles, as 
 black as ravens j alfo partridges. The inhab 
 itants had great plenty of copper. "-f- 
 
 This land is generally fuppofed to be fome 
 part of the ifland of Newfoundland ; and Dr. 
 Forfter thinks that the name, Prima Vifta, was 
 afterward changed to Eona Vijla, now the 
 northern cape of Trinity bay, in Latitude 48 
 
 jo 1 - 
 
 f Hakluyt iii, 6. Purchas iv, 807.
 
 CABOT. 153 
 
 50.' Peter Martyr's account is, that Cabot 
 called the land, Bacalaos ; and there is a fmall 
 ifland off the fouthcape of Trinity bay, which 
 bears that name. Mr. Prince, in his chronol 
 ogy, (citing Galvanus for an authority) fays, 
 that the land difcovered by Cabot was in lati 
 tude 45. If this were true, the firft difcovery 
 was made on the peninfula of Nova Scotia ; 
 and as they coafted the land northward, they 
 inuft have gone into the gulf of St. Lawrence, 
 in purfuit of their northweft pafiage. 
 
 The beft accounts of the voyage preferved 
 by Hakluyt and Purchas, fay nothing of the 
 latitude of Prima Vifta j but fpeak of their 
 failing northward after they had made the 
 land, as far as 67, Stovve, in his chroni 
 cle, ~j~ fays it was on the " north fide of Terra 
 de Labrador." This courfe muft have car 
 ried them far up the ftrait which feparates 
 Greenland from the continent of America. 
 
 Finding the land ftill ftretching to the 
 northward, and the weather very cold in the 
 month of July - y the men became uneafy, and 
 the commanders found it necefTary to return 
 to Bacalaos. Having here refrefhed them- 
 felves, they coafted the land fouthward, till 
 
 they 
 
 f Reign of Hen. vii. An, 14, p. 872.
 
 CABOT. 
 
 they came into the fame latitude with the 
 {traits of Gibraltar 36, or according to fome, 
 no farther than 38, when their provifions 
 falling mort, they returned to England ; 
 bringing three of the Savages as a prefent to 
 the King. " They were clothed with the 
 ikins of hearts, and lived on raw fleih ; but 
 after two years, were feen in the King's court 
 clothed like Englimmen, and could not be 
 difcerned from Englimmen."* 
 
 Nothing more is faid of John Cabot, the 
 father ; and fome hiftorians aicribe the whole 
 of this difcovery to Sebaflian only ; but at 
 the time of this voyage he could not have been 
 more than twenty years old ; when, though he 
 might accompany his father, yet he was too 
 young to undertake fuch an expedition him- 
 felf. The voyage having produced no fpe- 
 cimens of gold ; and the King being engaged 
 in a controverfy with Scotland, no farther 
 encouragement was given to the fpirit of dif 
 covery. 
 
 After the King's death, Sebaflian Cabot 
 was invited to Spain, and was received in a 
 refpe&ful manner by King Ferdinand and 
 Queen Ifabella. In their fervice he failed on 
 
 a voyage 
 
 * Stowe Reign of Hen. vii, page 875, Anno Rcgni 18.
 
 C A B r O T. 155 
 
 a voyage of difcovery to the fouthern parts 
 of the New Continent 5 and having vifited 
 the coaft of Brafil, entered a great river to 
 which he gave the name of Rio de la Plata. 
 He failed up this river one hundred and twen 
 ty leagues j and found it divided into many 
 branches ; the mores of which were inhab 
 ited by numerous people. 
 
 After this, he made other voyages, of which 
 no particular memorials remain. He was 
 honoured by Ferdinand, with a commifTion of 
 Grand Pilot 5 and was one of the council of the 
 Indies. His refidence was in the city of Se 
 ville. His character was gentle, friendly and 
 focial. His employment was the drawing of 
 charts ; on which he delineated all the new 
 difcoveries made by himfelf and others. Peter 
 Martyr fpeaks of him as his friend, with 
 whom he loved familiarly to converfe.* 
 
 In his advanced age, he returned to Eng 
 land, and refided at Briftol. By the fav 
 our of the Duke of Somerfet, he was intro 
 duced to King Edward VI, who took great 
 delight in his converfation, and fettled on him 
 a penfion of 166. i^f. ^d. per annum for 
 
 life. 
 
 * " Familiarem habeo domi CABOTUM ipfum t et inter 'dui* 
 t" Decad. iii, chap. vi.
 
 jr6 CABOT. 
 
 J 
 
 life. He was appointed governor of a compa 
 ny of merchants, aflbciated for the purpofe of 
 making difcoveries of unknown countries.* 
 This is a proof of the great efleem, in which 
 he was held as a man of knowledge and ex 
 perience in his profeflion. He had a flrong 
 perfuafion that a paflage might be found to 
 China, by the northeaft, and warmly patronif- 
 ed the attempt made by Sir HughWillough- 
 by in 1553 to explore the northern feas, for 
 that purpofe. There is ftill extant a com 
 plete let of instructions drawn and fubfcribed 
 by Cabot, for the direction of the voyage to 
 Cathay, which affords the cleareft proof of his 
 fagacity and penetration. -j~ But though this, as 
 well as all other attempts of the kind, proved 
 ineffectual to the principal end in view, 
 yet it was the means of opening a trade witk> 
 RufTia, which proved very beneficial to the 
 company. 
 
 Thelaft account which we have of Sebaftian 
 is, that in 1556, when the company were lend 
 ing out a veflel called the Search- thrift, under 
 the command of Stephen Burrough, for dif- 
 covery j the Governour made a vifit on board; 
 
 which 
 
 * Hakluyt I. 268, III. 10. + Ibid I, 226,
 
 CABOT. 157 
 
 which is thus related in the journal of the 
 voyage as preferved by Hakluyt.* 
 
 " The 27th of April, being Monday, the 
 Right Worfhipful Sebaftian Cabota came a- 
 board our pinnace, at Gravefend , accompani 
 ed with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen ; 
 who, after they had viewed our pinnace, and 
 tailed of fuch cheer as we could make them, 
 went amore, giving to our mariners right lib 
 eral rewards. The good old gentleman Maf- 
 ter Cabota gave to the poor moft liberal alms, 
 wifhing them to pray for the good fortune and 
 profperous fuccefs of the Search- thrift, our 
 pinnace. And then at the fign of St. Chrif- 
 topher, he and his friends banqueted j and 
 made me and them that were in the company 
 great cheer ; and for very joy that he had to 
 fee the towardnefs of our intended difcovery, 
 he entered into the dance bimfelf, among the 
 reft of the young and lufty company -, which 
 being ended, he and his friends departed, moft 
 gently commending us to the governance of 
 Almighty GOD." 
 
 According to the calculation of his age by 
 Dr. Campbell, he muft at that time have 
 been about eighty years old. 
 
 He 
 
 * Vol. i, p. 274.
 
 158 CABOT. 
 
 He was one of the moft extraordinary men, 
 of the age in which he lived. By his inge 
 nuity and induftry, he enlarged the bounds 
 of fcience and promoted the intereft of the 
 Englifh nation. Dr. Campbell fuppofes it 
 was he who firft took notice of the variation 
 of the magnetic needle.* It had been obferv- 
 ed in the firft voyage of Columbus to the 
 Weft Indies ; though probably Cabot might 
 not have known it, till after he had made the 
 fame difcovery. 
 
 * Lives of Admirals, i. 419. 
 
 VI. JAMES
 
 '59 
 
 VI. JAMESCARTIER. 
 
 THOUGH the Englim did not profe- 
 cute the difcovery made by the Cabots, nor 
 avail themfelves of the only advantages which 
 it could have afforded them ; yet their neigh 
 bours of Brittany,* Normandy and Bifcay 
 wifely purfued the track of thofe adventurers 
 and took vaft quantities of cod on the banks 
 of Newfoundland. 
 
 In 1524, John Verazzani, a Florentine, in 
 the fervice of France, ranged the coaft of the 
 new continent from Florida to Newfound 
 land, and gave it the name of New France. 
 In a fubfequent voyage he was cut to pieces 
 and devoured by the favages. 
 
 It is remarkable that the three great Euro 
 pean kingdoms Spain, England and France, 
 made ufe of three Italians to conduct their dif- 
 coveries : Columbus, a Genoefe ; Cabot, a 
 Venetian ; and Verazzani, a Florentine. This 
 is a proof that among the Italians there were 
 at that time perfons fuperior in maritime 
 knowledge to the other nations of Europe ; 
 
 though 
 
 * It is fuppofetl that the ifland of Cape Breton took its name 
 from, the Bretons, the fi&ermen of Brittany.
 
 j6o C A R T I E & 
 
 though the penurious fpirit of thofe repub 
 lics, their mutual jealoufy and petty wars, made 
 them overlook the benefits refulting from ex- 
 tenfive enterprifes, and leave the vafh regions 
 of the new world to be occupied by others. 
 
 The voyages of Verazzani having produc 
 ed no addition to the revenue of France ; all 
 further attempts to perfect his difcoveries 
 were laid afide ; but the fifhery being found 
 conducive to the commercial intereft, it was 
 at length conceived, that a plantation in the 
 neighbourhood of the banks might be advan 
 tageous. This being reprefented to King 
 Francis I, by Chabot the Admiral, JAMES 
 CAR TIER* of St.Malo, was commiffioned to 
 explore the country, with a view to find a 
 place for a colony. ( 
 
 On the 2oth of April 1534, he failed from 
 St. Malo with two {hips of fixty tons, and 122 
 men -, and on the tenth of May came in fight 
 of Bonavifta, on the ifland of Newfoundland. 
 But the ice which lay along the more obliged 
 him to go fouthward ; and he entered a har 
 bour to which he gave the name of St. Catha 
 rine j J where he waited for fair weather, and 
 fitted his boats. As 
 
 * His name is fometimes written Quartitr* 
 i Forfler's northern voyages, p. 435. 
 
 * Called m feme maps Catalina.
 
 C A R T I E R. 161 
 
 As foon as the feafon would permit he fail 
 ed northward, and examined feveral harbours 
 and iilands, on the coaft of Newfoundland ; 
 in one of which he found fuch a quantity of 
 birds, that in half an hour, two boats were 
 loaded with them ; and after they had eaten 
 as many as they could, five or fix barrels full 
 were falted for each (hip. This place was 
 called Bird Ifland. 
 
 Having palled Cape de Grat, the northern 
 extremity of the land ; he entered the ftraits 
 of Bellifle and vilited feveral harbours on the 
 oppofite coaft of Labrador, one of which he 
 called Cartier's Sound. The harbour is de- 
 fcribed as one of the beft in the world - y but 
 the land is ftigmatized as the place to which 
 Cain was banifhed ; no vegetation being pro 
 duced among the rocks, but thorns and mofs. 
 Yet, bad as it was, there were inhabitants in it, 
 who lived by catching feals, and feemed to be 
 a wandering tribe.* 
 
 In circumnavigating the great ifland of New 
 foundland, they found the weather in gener 
 al cold ; but when they had croffed the gulf 
 in a fouthweflerly direction to the continent, 
 they came into a deep bay, where the climate 
 
 was 
 
 * Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 201 '21 1. 
 
 L
 
 162 C A R T I E R. 
 
 was fo warm, that they named it Baye de Cha- 
 leur, or the Bay of Heat. Here were feveral 
 kinds of wild berries, rofcs and meadows of 
 grafs. In the frefh waters they caught fal- 
 mon in great plenty. 
 
 Having iearched in vain for apaffage through 
 the bay, they quitted it, and failed along the 
 coaft, eaflward, till they came to the fmaller 
 bay of Gafpe -, where they fought flicker from 
 a tempeft, and were detained twelve days in 
 the month of July. In this place Cartier 
 performed the ceremony of taking pofleflion 
 for the King of France. A crofs of thirty 
 feet high was erected on a point of land. On 
 this crofs was fufpended a fhield, with the 
 arms of France and the words Vive k Roy de 
 France. Before it, the people kneeled, un 
 covered ; with their hands extended, and their 
 eyes lifted toward heaven. The natives, who 
 were prefent, beheld the ceremony at fir ft 
 with filent admiration ; but after a while, an 
 old man, clad in a bear's fkin, made figns to 
 them that the land was his, and that they 
 fhould not have it, without his leave. They 
 then informed him by figns, that the crofs 
 was intended only as a mark of direction, by 
 which they might again find the port ; and 
 
 they
 
 C A R T I E R. 163 
 
 they promifed to return the next year, and to 
 bring iron and other commodities. 
 
 They thought it proper however to con 
 ciliate the old man's good will, by entertaining 
 him on board the fhip and making him fev- 
 eral prefents ; by which means, they fo pre 
 vailed on him, that he permitted Cartier to 
 carry two of his fons, young men, to France, 
 on the fecurity of a promife that he would 
 bring them back, at his return the next 
 fpring. 
 
 From Gafpe, he failed fo far into the Great 
 River, afterward called St. Lawrence, as to 
 difcover land on the oppoiite fide ; but the 
 weather being boifterous, and the current fet- 
 ting againft him, he thought it beft to return 
 to Newfoundland, and then to France ; where 
 he arrived fafe in the harbour of St. Malo on 
 the fifth of September. 
 
 The difcoveries made in this voyage excit 
 ed farther curioiity ; and the Vice Admiral 
 Melleraye reprefented Carder's merits to the 
 King, fo favourably, as to procure for him a 
 more ample equipment. Three mips, one 
 of 120, one of 60 and one of 40 tons, were 
 deftined to perform another voyage, in the 
 enfuing fpring ; and feveral young men of dif- 
 L 2 tincYion
 
 C A R T I E R. 
 
 tinclion entered as volunteers, to feek adven 
 tures in the new world. When they were 
 ready to fail, the whole company, after the 
 example of Columbus, went in proceflion 'to 
 church, on Whitfunday, where the Bimop of 
 St. Malo pronounced his bleffing on them. 
 They failed on the i9th of May 1535. Meet 
 ing with tempeftuous weather, the fhips were 
 feparated ; and did not join again, till Cartier 
 in the largeft fhip arrived at Bird Ifland, where 
 he again rilled his boats with fowls, and on 
 the 26th of July was joined by the other vef- 
 fels. 
 
 From Bird Ifland they purfued the fame 
 courfe as in the preceding fummer - y and hav 
 ing come into the gulf on the weftern fide of 
 Newfoundland, gave it the name of St. Law 
 rence. Here they faw abundance of whales. 
 Faffing between the iflandof Afumption (fince 
 called Anticofti) and the northern more, they 
 failed up the great river, till they came to a 
 branch on the northern fide, which the young 
 natives who were on board called Saguenay ; 
 the main river they told him would carry 
 him to Hockelaga, the capital of the whole 
 country. 
 
 After fpending fome time in exploring the 
 northern coafl, to find an opening to the 
 
 northward ;
 
 C A R T I E R. 165 
 
 northward ; in the beginning of September, 
 he failed up the river and difcovered feveral 
 iilands -, one of which, from the multitude 
 of filberts, he called Coudres ; and another, 
 from the vail quantity of grapes, he named 
 Bacchus, (now Orleans.) This iiland was full 
 of inhabitants who fubfifted by fifhing. 
 
 When the fhips had come to anchor be 
 tween the N. W. fide of the ifland and the 
 main, Carder went on fhore with his two 
 young Savages. The people of the country 
 were at firfl afraid of them -, but hearing the 
 youths fpeak to them in their own language, 
 they became fociable, and brought eels and 
 other fim, with a quantity of Indian corn 
 in ears, for the refrefhment of their new 
 guefts ; in return for which, they were pre- 
 fented with fuch European baubles as were 
 plealing to them. 
 
 The next day, Donacona, the prince of the 
 place, came to vifit them, attended by twelve 
 boats -, but keeping ten of them at a diftance, 
 he approached with two only, containing fix- 
 teen men. In the true fpirit of hofpitality, 
 he made a fpeech, accompanied with fignifi- 
 cant geftures, welcoming the French to his 
 country and offering his fervice to them. The 
 L 3 young
 
 166 C A R T I E R. 
 
 young favages, Taignoagni and Domagaia 
 anfwered him, reporting all which they had 
 feen in France, at which he appeared to be 
 pleafed. Then approaching the Captain, who 
 held out his hand, he kifled it, and laid it 
 round his own neck, in token of friendship. 
 Cartier, on his part, entertained Donacona 
 with bread and wine, and they parted mutu 
 ally pleafed. 
 
 The next day Cartier went up in his boat 
 to find a harbour for his {hips ; the feafon 
 being fo far advanced that it became necefTary 
 to fecure them. At the weft end of the ifle 
 of Bacchus, he found " a goodly and pleafant 
 found, where is a little river and haven ; a- 
 bout three fathom deep at high water." To 
 this he gave the name of St. Croix, and de 
 termined there to lay up his (hips. 
 
 Near this place was a village called Stada- 
 cona, of which Donacona was the Lord. It 
 was environed with foreft trees, fome of which 
 bore fruit ; and under the trees, was a growth 
 of wild hemp. As Cartier was returning to 
 his mips, he had another fpecimen of the 
 hofpitable manners of the natives. A com 
 pany of people, of both fexes, met him on 
 the more of the little river, fmging and danc 
 ing
 
 C A R T I E R. 167 
 
 ing up to their knees in water. In return 
 for their courtefy, he gave them knives and 
 beads ; and they continued their mufic till he 
 was beyond hearing it. 
 
 When Cartier had brought his fhips to the 
 harbour and fecured them, he intimated his 
 intention to pafs in his boats up the -river to 
 Hochelaga. Donacona was loth to part with 
 him ; and invented feveral artifices to pre 
 vent his going thither. Among others, he 
 contrived to drefs three of his men in black 
 and white fkins, with horns on their heads 
 and their faces befmeared with coal, to make 
 them refemble infernal fpirits. They were 
 put into a canoe and palTed by the (hips ; 
 brandifhing their horns and making an unin 
 telligible harrangue. Donacona, with his 
 people, purfued and took them, on which 
 they fell down as if dead. They were carried 
 afhore into the woods, and all the favages fol 
 lowed them. A long difcourfe enfued, and 
 the conclufion of the farce was, that thefe 
 demons had brought news from the God of 
 Hochelaga, that his country was fo full of 
 fnow and ice, that whoever mould adventure 
 thither would perifh with the cold. The 
 artifice afforded diverfion to the French, but 
 L 4 was
 
 168 C A R T I E R. 
 
 was too thin to deceive them. Cartier de 
 termined to proceed; and on the i9th of 
 September, with his pinnace and two boats, 
 began his voyage up the river to Hochelaga. 
 
 Among the woods on the margin of the 
 river were many vines loaded with ripe grapes, 
 than which nothing could be a more welcome 
 fight to Frenchmen, though the fruit was not 
 fo delicious as they had been ufed to tafle in 
 their own country. Along the banks were 
 many huts of the natives ; who made figns of 
 joy as they pafled -, prefented them with fifh ; 
 piloted them through narrow channels ; car 
 ried them amore on their backs, and helped 
 them to get off their boats when aground. 
 Some prefented their children to them, and 
 fuch as were of proper age were accepted. 
 
 The water at that time of the year being 
 low, their paffage was rendered difficult - t but 
 by the friendly afliflance of the natives they 
 furmounted the obftrudions. On the a8th 
 of September they pafled the rapids between 
 the illands in the upper part of the lake An- 
 goleme, (now called St. Peters) and on the 
 fecond of October they arrived at the ifland of 
 Hochelaga ; where they had been expected, 
 and preparations were made to give them a 
 
 welcome
 
 C A R T I E R 169 
 
 welcome reception. About a thoufand per- 
 fons came to meet them, fmging and dancing, 
 the men on one fide, the women on the other, 
 and the children in a diflincl: body. Prefents 
 of fifli and other victuals were brought, and 
 in return were given knives, beads and other 
 trinkets. The Frenchmen lodged the firft 
 night in their boats, and the natives watched 
 on the more, dancing round their fires during 
 the whole night. 
 
 The next morning Cartier, with twenty 
 five of his company, went to vifit the town, 
 and were met on the way by a perfon of dif- 
 tindion, who bad them welcome. To him 
 they gave two hatchets and two knives, and 
 hung over his neck a crofs which they taught 
 him to kifs. As they proceeded, they palled 
 through groves of oak, from which the acorns 
 were fallen and lay thick on the ground. Af 
 ter this they came to fields of ripe corn, fome 
 of which was gathered. In the midft of thefe 
 fields was fituate the town of Hochelaga. 
 
 It was of a round form, encompaffed with 
 three lines of palifades, through which was 
 one entrance, well fecured with ftakes and 
 bars. On the inlide was a rampart of timber, 
 to which were afcents by ladders, and heaps 
 
 of
 
 170 C A R T I E R. 
 
 of ftones were laid in proper places for defence. 
 In the town were about fifty long huts built 
 with flakes and covered with bark. In the mid 
 dle of each hut was a fire, round which were 
 lodging places, floored with bark and covered 
 with fkins. In the upper part was a fcafFold, 
 on which they dried and prefer ved their corn. 
 To prepare it for eating, they pounded it in 
 wooden mortars, and having mixed it with wa 
 ter, baked it on hot ftoncs. Befides corn they 
 had beans, fquafhes and pumpkins. They 
 dried their fifh and preferved them in troughs. 
 Thefe people lived chiefly by tillage and fifh- 
 ing, and feldom went far from home. Thofc 
 on the lower parts of the river were more giv 
 en to hunting, and confidered the Lord of 
 Hochelaga as their fovereign, to whom they 
 paid tribute. 
 
 When the new guefts were conducted to 
 an open fquare in the centre of the town ; the 
 females came to them, rubbing their hands 
 and faces, weeping with joy at their arrival, 
 and bringing their children to be touched by 
 the ftrangers. They fpread mats for them 
 on the ground, whilft the men feated them- 
 felves in a large circle on the outfide. The 
 King was then brought in a litter, on the 
 
 moulders
 
 C A R T I E R. 171 
 
 moulders of ten men, and placed on a mat 
 next to the French Captain. He was about 
 fifty years old, and had no mark of diftinclion. 
 but a coronet made of porcupine's quills dyed 
 red ; which he took off and gave to the Cap 
 tain, requefting him to rub his arms and legs 
 which were trembling with a palfy. Several 
 perfons, blind, lame, and withered with age, 
 were alfo brought to be touched ; as if they 
 fuppofed that their new guefts were mefleng- 
 ers from heaven inverted with a power of 
 healing difeafes. Cartier gratified them as 
 well as he could, by laying his hands on them 
 and repeating fome devotional palTages from a 
 fervice book, which he had in his pocket ; ac 
 companying his ejaculations with fignificant 
 geftures, and lifting up his eyes to heaven. 
 The natives attentively obferved and imitated 
 all his motions. 
 
 Having performed this ceremony, he defir- 
 ed the men, women and children to arrange 
 themfelves in feparate bodies. To the men 
 he gave hatchets, to the women beads, and to 
 the children rings. He then ordered his 
 drums and trumpets to found, which highly 
 pleafed the company and fet them to dancing. 
 
 Being
 
 172 C A R T I E R. 
 
 Being defirous of afcending the hill, under 
 which the town was built, the natives con 
 ducted them to the fummit ; where they were 
 entertained with a mod extenfive and beauti 
 ful profpeft of mountains, woods, iflands and 
 waters. They obferved the courfe of the riv 
 er above, and ibme falls of water in it ; and 
 the natives informed them that they might 
 fail on it for three months ; that it ran through 
 two or three great lakes, beyond which was 
 a fea of frefh water, to which they knew of 
 no bounds ; and that on the other lide of the 
 mountains there was another river which ran 
 in a contrary direction to the fouthweft, 
 through a country full of delicious fruits and 
 free from fnow and ice - y that there was found 
 fuch metal as the Captain's Jiher whittle and 
 the haft of a dagger belonging to one of the 
 company which was gilt with gold. Being 
 fhewn fome copper, they pointed to the north 
 ward, and faid it came frrn Saguenay. To 
 this hill Carrier gave the name of Montreal, 
 which it has ever fince retained. 
 
 The vifit being finifhed, the natives accom 
 panied the French to their boats, carrying 
 fuch as were weary on their moulders. They 
 were loth to part with their guefts, and fol 
 lowed
 
 C A R T I E R. 173 
 
 lowed them along the more of the river to a 
 confiderable diftance. 
 
 On the fourth of Oftober, Cartier and his 
 company departed from Hochelaga. In pafT- 
 ing down the river they erected a crofs on the 
 point of an ifland, which, with three others, lay 
 in the mouth of a (hallow river on the north 
 fide, called Fouetz. On the eleventh they 
 arrived at the Port de St. Croix, and found 
 that their companions had enclofed the mips 
 with a palifade and rampart, on which they 
 had mounted cannon. 
 
 The next day Donacona invited them to 
 his rendence, where they were entertained 
 with the ufual feftivity and made the cuftom- 
 ary prefents. They obferved that thefe peo 
 ple ufed the leaves of an herb [tobacco] which 
 they preferved in pouches made of fkins and 
 fmoked in ftone pipes. It was very offeniive 
 to the French ; but the natives valued it as 
 contributing much to the prefervation of their 
 health. Their houfes appeared to be well 
 fupplied with provifions. Among other 
 things which were new to the French, they 
 obferved the fcalps of five men, fpread and dri 
 ed like parchment. Thefe were taken from 
 their enemies the Toudamani, who came from 
 
 the
 
 174 C A R T I E R. 
 
 the fouth, and were continually at war with 
 them. 
 
 Being determined to fpend the winter a- 
 rnong thefe friendly people, they traded with 
 them for the provifions which they could 
 fpare, and the river fupplied them with fifh 
 till it was hard frozen. 
 
 In December the fcurvy began to make its 
 appearance among the natives, and Cartier 
 prohibited all intercourfe with them ; but it 
 was not long before his own men were taken 
 with it. It raged with uncontroled violence 
 for above two months, and by the middle of 
 February, out of one hundred and ten perfons, 
 fifty were fick at once, and eight or ten had 
 died. 
 
 In this extremity Cartier appointed a day of 
 folemn humiliation and prayer. A crucifix 
 was placed on a tree, and as many as were able 
 to walk went in proceffion, through the ice 
 snd fnow, finging the feven penitential pfalms 
 and performing other devotional exercifes. At 
 the clofeof the folemnity Cartier made a vow, 
 that" if it would pleafe God to permit him, 
 to return to France, he would go in pilgrim 
 age to our Lady of Roquemado." But it was 
 necefTary to watch as well as pray. To pre 
 vent
 
 C A R T I E R. 175 
 
 vent the natives from knowing their weak 
 and defencelefs ftate, he obliged all who were 
 able, to make as much noife as poffible with 
 axes and hammers ; and told the natives that 
 his men were all bufily employed, and that he 
 would not fuffer any of them to go from the 
 fhips till their work was done. The mips 
 were fafl frozen up from the middle of No 
 vember to the middle of March - 3 the fnow 
 was four feet deep, and higher than the fides 
 of the mips above the ice. The feverity of 
 the winter exceeded all which they had ever 
 experienced ; the fcurvy fllll raged $ twenty 
 five men had fallen victims to it, and the 
 others were fo weak and low in fpirits, that 
 they defpaired of ever feeing their native 
 country. 
 
 In the depth of this diflrefs and defpon- 
 dency, Cartier, who had efcaped the difeafe, 
 in walking one day on the ice, met fome of 
 the natives, among whom was Domagaia, one 
 of the young men who had been with him to 
 France and who then refided with his coun 
 trymen at Stadacona. He had been fick with 
 the fcurvy, his finews had been fhrunk and 
 his knees fwollen, his teeth loofe, and his 
 gums rotten -, but he was then recovered, 
 
 and
 
 i 7 6 C A R T I E R. 
 
 ?nd told Car tier of a certain tree, the leaves 
 and bark of which he had ufed as a remedy. 
 Carlier exprefled his wiih to fee the tree ; tel 
 ling him that one of his people had been affect - 
 ed with the fame diforder. Two women were 
 immediately difpatched, who brought ten or 
 twelve branches, and mowed him how to pre 
 pare the decoction ; which was thus, " to 
 boil the bark and the leaves j to drink of the 
 liquor every other day ; and to put the dregs 
 on the legs of the fick."* 
 
 This remedy prefently came into ufe, on 
 board the mips, and its good effects were fo 
 furprifing, that within one week they were 
 completely healed of the fcurvy ; and fome 
 who had venerial complaints of long ftanding 
 were alfo cured by the fame means. 
 
 The feverity of winter having continued 
 four months without intermifiion, at the re 
 turn 
 
 * This tree was called by the natives Ameda or Haneda. Mr. 
 Hakluyt fuppofes it to have been the Saflafras ; but as the leaves 
 vere ufed with the bark, in the winter, it muft have been an ever 
 green. The dregs of the bark were alfo applied to the fore legs 
 of the patient. From thefe circumftances I am inclined to think 
 that it was the fpruce pine (pinus canadenfis J which is ufed in 
 the fame manner by the Indians, and fuch as have learned of 
 them. Spruce beer is well known to be a powerful antifcorbutic ; 
 and the bark of this and of the white pine ferves as a cataplafm 
 for wounds and fores.
 
 C A R T I E R. 177 
 
 turn of the fun, the feafon became milder, and 
 in April the ice began to break up. On 
 the third of May, Cartier took poflefTion of 
 the country by erecting a crofs, thirty five 
 feet high, on which was hung a fhield, bear 
 ing the arms of France, with this infcription: 
 FRANCISCUS primus, Dei gratia, FRANCO- 
 RUM Rex, regnat. 
 
 The fame day, being a day of feftivity, the 
 two young favages, Taignoagni and Domagaia, 
 with Donacona the chief of the place, came on 
 board the fhips ; and were partly prevailed on 
 and partly conftrained to accompany Cartier to 
 France. A handfome prefent was made to 
 the Family of Donacona, but it was with 
 great reluctance that his friends parted with 
 him j though Cartier promifed to bring him 
 again at the end of twelve months. On the 
 fixth of May they failed from the Port of St. 
 Croix ; and having touched at St. Peter's in 
 Newfoundland, they arrived at St. Malo in 
 France the fixth of July 1536. 
 
 Whether Cartier performed his vow to God, 
 the hiftory does not tell us j certain it is, 
 however, that he did not perform his promife 
 to his pafTengers. The zeal for adventures of 
 this kind began to abate. Neither gold nor 
 M filver
 
 I 7 8 C A R T I E R. 
 
 filver were carried home. The advantages of 
 the fur trade were not fully underftood j and 
 the profpect of benefit from cultivation in the 
 fhort fummer of that cold climate, was great 
 ly overbalanced, by the length and feverity of 
 a Canadian winter. The natives had been fo 
 often told of the neceflity of baptifm in or 
 der to falvation, that on their arrival in France, 
 they were at their own requeft baptized ; but 
 neither of them lived to fee their native land 
 again. 
 
 The report which Cartier brought home, 
 of the fine country beyond the Lakes, had 
 however made fuch an imprerTion on the 
 minds of fome, that, at the end of four years, 
 another expedition was projected. Francis 
 de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, was commif- 
 fioned by the King as his Lieutenant Govern 
 or in Canada and Hockelaga ; and Cartier was 
 appointed his pilot, with the command of 
 five mips. When they were ready to fail, 
 Roberval had not finimed his preparations, 
 and was therefore detained. The King's or- 
 . ders to Cartier being poiitive, he failed from 
 St. Malo on the 23d of May 1540. 
 
 The winds were adverfe and the voyage te 
 dious. The fhips were fcattered, and did not 
 
 arrive
 
 C A R T I E R. 179 
 
 arrive at the place of their deftination till the 
 23d of Auguft ; when they came to the port 
 of St. Croix in the river of Canada. 
 
 The firft inquiry made by the natives was 
 for their countrymen who had been carried 
 away. Theanfwer was, that Donacona was 
 dead, and that the others had become great 
 Lords, were married in France, and refufed to 
 return. Neither forrow nor refentment were 
 mown on this occafion ; but a fecret jealou- 
 fy, which had long been working, received 
 ftrength, from an anfwer fo liable to fufpicion. 
 The hiftory of this voyage being imperfect, 
 it is not poflible to fay, in what particular 
 manner this jealoufy operated. Cartier made 
 another excurfion, up the river ; and pitched 
 on a place about four leagues above St. Croix 
 to lay up three of his veflels for the winter. 
 The other two he fent back to France, to in 
 form the King of what they had done -, and 
 that Roberval had not arrived. 
 
 At the new harbour, which he had chofen 
 for his (hips, was a fmall river, running in a 
 ferpentine courfe to the fouth. On the cart- 
 em fide of its entrance was a high and fteep 
 cliff; on the top of which, they built a fort 
 and called it Charleburg. Below, the mips 
 M 2 were
 
 i8o 
 
 were drawn up and fortified, as they had 
 been in the former winter which he fpent 
 here. Not far from the fort were fome rocks 
 containing chryftals - 3 which they denominat 
 ed diamonds ; and on the more were picked 
 up certain fpecks of a yellow fubftance, which 
 their imaginations refined into gold. Iron 
 ore was found in abundance ; and a kind of 
 black flate, with veins of an apparent metallic 
 fubftance. 
 
 In what manner they patted the winter, the 
 defective accounts which we have do not in 
 form us. In the fpring of the following year, 
 Cartier and his company having heard noth 
 ing of Roberval ; and concluding that they 
 were abandoned by their friends and expofed 
 to perifh in a climate the mofl fevere, and a- 
 mong people whofe conduct toward them, 
 was totally changed, determined to return to 
 France. Accordingly having fet fail, at the 
 breaking up of the ice, they arrived in the 
 harbour of St. John in Newfoundland, fome- 
 time in June ; where they met Roberval, 
 who, with three mips and two hundred per- 
 fons, male and female, had failed from Rochelle 
 in April - y and were on their way to eftablim 
 a colony in Canada. Cartier went on' board 
 
 Roberval's
 
 C A R T I E R. 181 
 
 Roberval's (hip, and fhowed him the dia 
 monds and gold which he had found ; but 
 told him that the hoftile difpofition of the 
 natives had obliged him to quit the country ; 
 which however he reprefented to him as ca 
 pable of profitable cultivation. Roberval 
 ordered him to return to Canada ; but Car- 
 tier privately failed out of the harbour in the 
 night and purfued his voyage to France. 
 
 Mortified and difappointed, Roberval con^ 
 tinned fome time longer at St. John's before 
 he proceeded, and about the end of July ar 
 rived at the place which Cartier had quitted, 
 There he creeled a fort on a commanding 
 eminence, and another at its foot ; in which 
 were depofited all the provifion, ammunition, 
 artillery, implements of hufbandry and other 
 materials for the intended colony. 
 
 In September, two veflels were fent back 
 to France, to carry fpecimens of chryftal, 
 and fetch provifions for the next year ; the 
 flores which they had brought being much 
 reduced. By the help of the fifh which they 
 took in the river, and the game which they 
 procured from the favages j and by well huf- 
 banding their provifions, they lingered out a 
 tedious winter, having differed much fro'-j 
 M 3 the
 
 182 C A R T I E R. 
 
 the fcurvy, of which about fifty of them died. 
 In addition to this diftrefs, Roberval exer- 
 cifed fuch feverity in his government, that 
 one man was hanged, feveral were laid in 
 irons, and fome of both fexes underwent the 
 difcipline of the whip. 
 
 In April the ice began to break up ; and 
 on the fifth of June he proceeded up the riv 
 er ; leaving De Royeze, his Lieutenant, to 
 command in his abfence, with orders to em 
 bark for France, if he mould not return by 
 the middle of July. 
 
 As the account of the expedition ends 
 here, we can only remark that the colony was 
 broken up -> and no farther attempt was made 
 by the French to eftablim themfelves in Can 
 ada, till after the expiration of half a century. 
 The laft account of Roberval is that, in 1549, 
 he failed with his brother on fome voyage of 
 difcovery, and never returned. 
 
 In this firft vifit, which the natives of Can 
 ada received from the Europeans, we have a 
 iiriking inftance of their primitive manners. 
 Sufpe-fting no danger, and influenced by no 
 fear, they embraced the ftranger with unaf- 
 fefted joy. Their huts were open to receive 
 him, their fires and furs to give warmth and 
 
 reft
 
 C A R T I E R. 183 
 
 reft to his weary limbs ; their food was fliar- 
 ed with him or given in exchange for his tri 
 fles - y they were ready with their fimple med 
 icines to heal his difeafes and his wounds ; 
 they would wade through rivers and climb rocks 
 and mountains to guide him in his way, and 
 they would remember and requite his kind- 
 nefs more than it deferved. 
 
 Unhappily for them they fet too high a 
 value on their new gueft. Imagining him 
 to be of a heavenly origin, they were extrava 
 gant and unguarded in their firft attachment, 
 and from fome fpecimens of his fuperiority, 
 obvious to their fenfes, they expected more 
 than ought ever to be expected from beings of 
 the fame fpecies. But when the miftake was 
 difcovered, and the ftranger whom they had 
 adored, proved to be no more than human, 
 having the fame inferior defires and paffions 
 with themfelves ; efpecially when they found 
 their confidence mifplaced and their generous 
 friendship ill requited ^ then the rage of jea- 
 loufy extinguimed the virtue of benevolence ; 
 and they ftruggled to rid themfelves of him, 
 as an enemy, whom they had received into their 
 bofom as a friend. 
 
 M4 On
 
 184 C A R T I E R. 
 
 On the other hand, it was too common for 
 the European adventurer, to regard the man 
 of nature as an inferior being - y and whilft he 
 availed himfelf of his ftrength and experience, 
 to abufe his confidence, and repay his kindnefs 
 with infult and injury ; to ftigmatize him as a 
 heathen and a favage, and to beftow on him 
 the epithets of deceitful,treacherous,and cruel; 
 though he himfelf had firft let the example of 
 thefe deteftable vices. 
 
 VII. FERDINANDO
 
 VII. FERDINANDO DE SOTO. 
 
 JL HE travels and tranfactions of this 
 adventurer are of fo little importance in the 
 hiftory of America^ that I mould not have 
 thought them worthy of much notice ; had 
 it not been, that fome gentlemen of ingenuity 
 and learning, have had recourfe to the expedi 
 tion of this Spaniard as a means of folving the 
 queftion refpecling the mounds and fortifica 
 tions, of a regular conftvu&ion, which within 
 a few years paft have been difcovered in the 
 thickeft {hades of the American foreft.* 
 Though the opinion feems to have been can 
 didly given up by one of the writers who at 
 tempted to defend it j yet, as what was publim- 
 ed on the fubject may have imprefled fome 
 perfons with an idea that thefe works were of 
 European fabric, I {hall briefly relate the hiftory 
 of Soto's march ; and the difficulties which 
 
 attend 
 
 * If the reader wifhes to fee a particular investigation of this 
 hypothecs, he may confult the American Magazine, printed at 
 New York, for December 1787, January and February 1788, and 
 fome fubfequent numbers ; compared with the Columbian Mag 
 azine, printed at Philadelphia, for September and November 
 1788.
 
 i86 SOT O. 
 
 attend the fuppofition that he was the builder 
 of any of thefe fortifications. 
 
 After the conquefl of Mexico and Peru, in 
 the beginning of the fixteenth century, the 
 inextinguimable thirft for gold, which had 
 feized the Spanifh adventurers, prompted them 
 to fearch for that bewitching metal wherever 
 there could be any profped: of finding it. 
 Three unfuccefsful attempts had been made in 
 Florida, by Ponce, Gomez, and Narvaez ; but 
 becaufe thefe adventurers did not penetrate the 
 interior parts of the continent ; FERDI NAN 
 DO DE SOTO, Governour of Cuba, who had 
 been a companion of the Pizarros in their 
 Peruvian expedition, and had there amafTed 
 much wealth, projected a march into Florida, 
 of which country he had the title of Adelan- 
 tado, or Prefident. He failed from the Port 
 of Havannah May 18, 1539, with nine vefTels, 
 fix hundred men,* two hundred and thirteen 
 horfes, and a heard of fwine, and arrived on the 
 3Oth of the fame month in the bay of Efpiri- 
 _ tu Santo, on the weflern coaftof the peninfula 
 of Florida. 
 
 Being 
 
 * In Prince's Chronology it is faid that Soto had 900 men, 
 "but he quotes Purchas for his authority, in whofe book the number 
 is "Jix hundred."
 
 S O T O. 187 
 
 Being a foldier of fortune and determined 
 on conqueft, he immediately pitched his 
 camp and fecured it. A foraging party met 
 with a few Indians who refilled them ; two 
 were killed, the others efcaped, and reported to 
 their countrymen that the warriors of fire had 
 invaded their territories ; upon which the 
 fmaller towns were deferted and the natives 
 hid in the woods. 
 
 Having met with a Spaniard of the party 
 of Narvaez, who had been wrecked on the 
 coail, and had been twelve years a captive with 
 the Indians, Soto made ufe of him as a mef- 
 fenger to them to inquire for gold and filver ; 
 and wherever he could receive any informa 
 tion refpecting thefe precious metals thither 
 he directed his march. 
 
 His manner of marching was this : The 
 horfemen carried bags of corn and other pro- 
 vilions ; the footmen marched by the fide of 
 the horfes, and the fwine were driven be 
 fore them. When they firft landed they had 
 thirteen female fwine, which in two years in- 
 creafed to feveral hundreds ; the warmth of 
 the climate being favourable to their propaga 
 tion, and the forefts yielding them a plenty of 
 food. 
 
 The
 
 i88 SOT O. 
 
 The firft fummer and winter were fpent 
 in the peninfula of Florida, not far from the 
 bay of Apalache - y and in the beginning of 
 the following fpring, having fent back his 
 veflels to Cuba for fupplies, and left a part of 
 his men at the port, where he expected the 
 fhips to return, he marched toward the north 
 and eaft, in fearch of a place called Yupaha, 
 where he had been informed there was gold. 
 
 In this march he crofled the river Altama- 
 ha and probably the Ogechee, and came, as he 
 was informed, within two days journey of the 
 bay of St. Helena, where the Spaniards had 
 been feveral years before. In all this march 
 he ffcaid not more than a week in any one 
 place, 
 
 He then fet his face northward, and having 
 palled a hilly country, came to a diftrict called 
 Chalaque, which is fuppofed to be the coun 
 try now called Cherokee, on the upper branch 
 es of the river Savannah. Thence he turned 
 
 
 iveftward, in fearch of a place called Chiaha, 
 and in this route he croffed the Allegany 
 ridge, and came to Chiaha, where his horfes 
 and men, being exceffively fatigued, he refted 
 thirty days. The horfes fed in a meadow, and 
 and the people lay under the trees, the weath 
 er
 
 S O T O, 189 
 
 cr being very hot, and the natives in peace. 
 This was in the months of May and June. 
 During their abode there they heard of a 
 country called Chifca, where was copper and 
 another metal of the fame colour. This coun 
 try lay northward \ and a party was fent with 
 Indian guides to view it. Their report was, 
 that the mountains were impaffable, and Soto 
 did not attempt to proceed any farther in that 
 direction. 
 
 From a careful infpection of the maps in 
 the American Atlas, I am inclined to think 
 that the place where Soto crofTed the moun 
 tains was within the thirty fifth degree of lat 
 itude. In Delifle's map, a village called Ca- 
 nafaga, is laid down on the N. W. lide of the 
 Allegany (or as it is fometimes called) the 
 Apalachian ridge of mountains, in that lati 
 tude ; and Chiaha is faid in Soto's journal to 
 be five days weft ward from Canafagua. 
 
 To afcertain the fituation of Chiaha we 
 rnuft obferve that, it is faid to be fubject to 
 the Lord of Cofa, which is fituate on an eaft- 
 ern branch of the Mobille ; and Soto's fick 
 men came down the river from Chiaha in 
 boats. This river could be none but a branch 
 of the Mobille ; and his courfe was then 
 
 turned
 
 190 SOT O. 
 
 turned toward the fouth. In this march he 
 pafTed through Alibama, Talife, Tafcalufa, 
 names which are ftill known and marked on 
 the maps, till he came to the town of Mavil- 
 la, which the French pronounced Mouville 
 and Mabille. It was then a walled town, but 
 the walls were of wood. The inhabitants 
 had conceived a difgufl to the Spaniards, 
 which was augmented by an outrage commit 
 ted on one of their Chiefs, and finally broke 
 out in a fevere conflict, in which two thoufand 
 of the innocent natives were flain, and many 
 of the Spaniards killed and wounded, and the 
 town was burnt. This was in the latter end 
 of October. 
 
 It is probable that Soto intended to pafs 
 the winter in the neighbourhood of that vil 
 lage, if he could have kept on friendly terms 
 with the Indians j for there he could have 
 had a communication with Cuba. There 
 he heard that the veffels which he had fent 
 to Cuba for fupplies were, arrived at Ochus 
 [Penfacola] where he had agreed to meet 
 them - y but he kept this information fe- 
 cret, becaufe he had not yet made any dif- 
 coveries which his Spanifh friends would 
 think worthy of regard. The country 
 
 about
 
 S O T O. 191 
 
 about him was populous and hoftile, and, 
 being void of gold or filver, was not an ob- 
 jet for him to poffefs at, the rifque of lofing 
 his army, of which above an hundred had 
 already perifhed. He therefore, after flay 
 ing twenty eight days for the recovery of his 
 wounded, determined on a retreat. 
 
 In this retreat it has been fuppofed that 
 he penetrated northward, beyond the Ohio. 
 The truth is, that he began his march from 
 Mavilla, a village near the mouth of the 
 Mobille, on the i8th of November, and on 
 the 1 7th of December arrived at Chicaca, 
 an Indian village of twenty houfes, where 
 they remained till the next April. 
 
 The diftance, the time, the nature of the 
 country, the courfe and manner of the 
 march, and the name of the village, all con 
 cur to determine this winter flation of Soto 
 to be a village of the Cbickefaw Indians, iit- 
 uate on the upper part of the Yafou, a branch 
 of the Midi flip pi, about eighty leagues 
 northweftward from Mobille, and not lefs 
 than one hundred and forty leagues, fouth- 
 weftward from the Mufkingum, where the 
 great fortifications, which gave rife to this 
 inquiry, arc found. From C/jicapa, in the 
 
 fpring,
 
 i 9 2 SOT O. 
 
 fpring, he went weftward, and crofled a river 
 within the thirty fourth degree of latitude, 
 which he called Rio Grande, and which is 
 now known to be the Miififfippi. 
 
 On the weftern fide of the Mifliffippi, af 
 ter rambling all fummer, he fpent the next 
 winter, at a place called Autiamque, where 
 he enclofed his camp with a wall of timber, 
 the work of three days only. Within this 
 enclofure he lodged fafely during three 
 months j and, in the fucceeding fpring, the 
 extreme fatigue and anxiety which he had 
 fufFered, threw him into a fever, of which 
 he died, May 21, 1542, at Guacoya. To 
 prevent his death from being known to the 
 Indians, his body was funk in the middle of 
 a river. 
 
 His Lieutenant, Louis de Moicofco, con 
 tinued to ramble on the weflern lide of the 
 Mifiiffippi, till the next fummer ; when worn. 
 with fatigue, difappointment, and lofs of men, 
 he built feven boats, called brigantines, on the 
 Miffiffippi, in which, the Shattered remnants, 
 confifting of three hundrd and eleven, return 
 ed to Cuba, in September 1543.* 
 
 The place where Soto died is faid to have 
 been on the bank of the Red river, a weftern 
 
 branch 
 
 * P o!. v, p. 1532 to
 
 S O T O. 193 
 
 branch of the Miffiffippi, in lat. 31. The 
 place where the remnant of his army built their 
 vefTels and embarked for Cuba is called in the 
 journal Minoya. They were feventeen days 
 in failing down the river, and they computed 
 the diftance to be two hundred and fifty 
 leagues.* 
 
 From this account, faithfully abridged from 
 Purchas and compared with the beft maps, I 
 am fully perfuaded that the whole country 
 through which Soto travelled on the eaftern 
 fide of the Mifiifiippi is comprehended with 
 in Florida, Georgia and South Carolina j and 
 that he never went farther northward than 
 the 35th degree of latitude, which is difrant 
 two degrees fouthward from any part of the 
 Ohio. The concluficn then is, that he could 
 not have been the builder of thofe fortifica 
 tions, ftill remaining in that part of the con 
 tinent, which lies N. W. of the Ohio. Nor 
 indeed can any works which he erected for 
 the kcurity of his camp be fubfifting at this 
 time ; for the beft of them were made of 
 wood, and were intended to cover his men 
 and protect his horfes and fwine only during 
 one winter. The 
 
 * Mr. Prince, in his chronology, fays 400, in figures ; but Pur- 
 chas, from whom he quotes, fays "two hundred and fifrv." 
 
 N
 
 194 SOT O. 
 
 The works which have fo much excited 
 curiofity and conjecture, are far more numer 
 ous, extenfive and durable. They are found 
 in various and diftant places, in the interior 
 part of the continent, on both fides of the 
 MiffifTippi ; on the Ohio and its branches ; 
 on James and Potowmack rivers in Virginia ; 
 in the country of the Six Nations, and on the 
 fhores of lake Erie ; where they are exceed 
 ingly numerous. 
 
 The moft obvious mode of folvins the 
 
 D 
 
 queftion refpe<5cing them, is by inquiry of the 
 preicnt natives. But the ftructures are too 
 ancient for their tradition; the oldefl and 
 wifeil men know nothing of their original. 
 The form and materials of thefe works, indi 
 cate the exiftence of a race of men fuperior to 
 the prefent race, in improvement, in defign, 
 and in that patience which muft have accom 
 panied the labour of erecting them. 
 
 Trees which have been found growing on 
 them have been cut down, and, from indubi 
 table marks, are known to have been upwards 
 of three hundred years old; nor were thefe 
 the firft growth, upon them. 
 
 The mounds and ramparts are conftrufted 
 of earth, and have acquired afirmnefsand fol- 
 
 idity,
 
 S O T O. 195 
 
 idity, which render it probable that they are 
 the work of fome remote age and fome other 
 people ; who had different ideas of conveni 
 ence and were better acquainted with the arts 
 of defence ; and in fact, were much more nu 
 merous than the anceftry of thofe natives, 
 of whom we or our fathers have had any 
 knowledge. 
 
 It is to be hoped that the perfons who now 
 occupy and are cultivating the lands where 
 thefe fingular buildings are found, will pre- 
 ferve, as far as they are able, fome, at leaft, of 
 thefe monuments of unknown ages ; that as 
 they have long refifted the ravages of time, 
 and may poffibly baffle the refearches of the 
 prefent generation, they may fubfift unimpair 
 ed as fubje&s of fpeculation to our pofterity. 
 
 N 2 VIII. HUMPHREY
 
 196 
 
 VIII. HUMPHREY GILBERT. 
 
 A.FTER the difcovery of Newfound 
 land by the Cabots, the paflion for adventure, 
 among the Engli(h, met with many fevere 
 checks. But whilft one adventurer after a- 
 nother was returning home from an unfuc- 
 cefsful voyage, intended to penetrate unknown 
 feas to China ; foreigners were reaping the 
 benefit of their partial difcoveries. 
 
 Within the firft forty years we have no ac 
 count of any attempt made by the Engliih to 
 profecute the difcovery of the new continent, 
 except, that in 1536, two veflels containing 
 one hundred and twenty perfons, of whom 
 thirty were gentlemen of education and cha 
 racter, under the conducl of " Mafter Hore 
 of London" made a voyage to Newfound 
 land ;* but they were fo ill provided, and 
 knew fo little of the nature of the country, 
 that they fuffered the extremity of famine. 
 For, notwithflanding the immenfe quantities 
 of fim and fowl to be found on thofe coafts ; 
 they were reduced fo low as to watch the 
 nefts of birds of prey and rob them of the fifh 
 
 which 
 
 * Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 130.
 
 GILBERT. 197 
 
 which they brought to feed their young. To 
 collect this fcanty fupply, with a mixture of 
 roots and herbs, the men difperfed themfelves 
 in the woods, until feveral of them were miff 
 ing. It was at firfl thought that they were 
 devoured by wild beafts ; but it was found 
 that they met with a more tragical fate ; the 
 ftronger having killed the weaker and feafted 
 on their flefh. In the midft of this diftrefs, 
 a French fliip arriving with a fupply of provi- 
 fions, they took her by force, and returned to 
 England ; leaving to the Frenchmen their own 
 fmaller veffels, and dividing the provifion be 
 tween them. Complaint of this act of piracy 
 was made to King HENRY VIII: who, 
 knowing the miferies of the unfortunate crew, 
 inftead of puniming them, paid the damage 
 out of his own coffers. 
 
 Within the fucceeding forty years, the 
 Englifh had begun to make fome advantage 
 by the fifhery ; and in 1 578, the ftate of it is 
 thus defcribed.* " There are about one hun 
 dred fail of Spaniards who come to take cod ; 
 who make it all wet, and dry it when they 
 come home ; befides twenty or thirty more, 
 who come from Bifcay to kill whales for train. 
 N 3 Thefe 
 
 * Letter of Anthony Parkhurft to Richard Hakluyr } vol. iii, 
 p. 132.
 
 198 GILBERT. 
 
 Thefe be better appointed for Shipping and 
 furniture of munition than any other nation, 
 fave the Englifh j who commonly are Lords 
 of the harbours. As touching their tonnage, 
 I think it may be near five or fix thoufand. 
 Of Portugals, there are not above fifty fail, 
 whofe tonnage may amount to three thoufand, 
 and they make all wet. Of the French na 
 tion are about one hundred and fifty fail ; the 
 moil of their {hipping is very fmall, not pafl 
 forty tons ; among which fome are great and 
 reafonably well appointed ; better than the 
 Portugals, and not fo well as the Spaniards ; 
 the burden of them may be about feven thou 
 fand. The Englifh veiTels have increafed in 
 four years from thirty to fifty fail. The trade 
 which our nation hath to Iceland, maketh, 
 that the Englifh are not there in fuch num 
 bers as other nations." 
 
 The next year [1579] Queen Elizabeth 
 granted to Sir HUMPHREY GILBERT, a pa 
 tent for the difcovering, occupying and peop 
 ling of " fuch remote, heathen and barbarous 
 countries as were not actually pofTefTed by any 
 Cbrijlian people."* In confequence of this 
 grant, many of his friends joined him, and 
 
 preparations 
 
 * Hakluyt iii. 135. ForRer, 292.
 
 GILBERT. 199 
 
 preparations were made for an expedition, 
 which promifed to be highly advantageous. 
 But before the fleet was ready, ibme declined 
 and retracted their engagements. Gilbert, 
 with a few companions, failed ; but a violent 
 ftorm, in which one of the fhips foundered, 
 caufed him to return. This misfortune in 
 volved him in debt j and he had no way to 
 fatisfy the demands of his creditors, but by 
 grants of land in America. By fuch means, 
 the country was not likely to be peopled, nor 
 the conditions of his patent fulfilled. He 
 was obliged therefore to fell his eftate before 
 he could make another attempt ; and, after 
 long felicitation, being affifted by fome 
 friends, he fet fail from Plymouth with five 
 fhips, carrying two hundred and fixty men, 
 on the eleventh of June 1583; and on the 
 eleventh of July arrived off the bay of St. 
 John, oh the eaftern coaft of Newfoundland. 
 Thirty fix fiming vefTels were then in the 
 harbour, who refufed him admittance. He 
 prepared to enter by force of arms ; but pre- 
 vioufly fent in his boat with his commirTion 
 from Queen Elizabeth ; on fight of which 
 they fubmitted, and he failed into the port.* 
 N 4 The 
 
 * Stith's luftory of Virginia, page 6.
 
 200 GILBERT. 
 
 The intention of this voyage was to take 
 formal polTeilion of the ifland, and of the ft fa 
 ery on for the crown of England, 
 he following manner :* 
 fifth of Auguft, Admiral 
 t pitched on more, in light 
 ; and being attended by 
 ^upJ --uiimoned the merchants and 
 mafttrs of veifels, both Englimmen and oth 
 ers, to be prefent at the ceremony. When 
 they were all afTembled, his commirTion was 
 read, and interpreted to the foreigners. Then 
 a turf and a twig were delivered to him, which 
 he received with a hazle wand. Immediately, 
 .proclamation was made, that by virtue of his 
 commiffion from the Queen, he took poflef- 
 fion, for the crown of England, of the har 
 bour of St. John, and two hundred leagues 
 every way round it. 
 
 He then published three laws, for the gov 
 ernment of the territory. By the firft, pub 
 lic worlhip was eftablilhed according to the 
 mode of the church of England. By the fec- 
 ond, the attempting of any thing prejudicial 
 to her Majefty's title was declared treafon, ac 
 cording to the laws of England. By the 
 
 third, 
 
 * Hakluyt iii, 151, 165.
 
 GILBERT. 201 
 
 third, the uttering of words, to the dimonour 
 of her Majefty, was to be puniihed with the 
 lofs of ears and the confifcation of property. 
 
 The proclamation being finifhed, aflent and 
 obedience were fignified by loud acclama 
 tions. A pillar was erected, bearing a plate 
 of lead, on which the Queen's arms were en 
 graven ; and feveral of the merchants took 
 grants of land, in fee farm, on which they 
 might cure their fifti, as they had done be 
 fore. 
 
 A tax of provifion, by her Majefty's autho 
 rity, was levied on all the mips. This tax 
 was readily paid ; befides which, the Admiral 
 received prefents of wine, fruit, and other re- 
 frefhments, chiefly from the Portuguefe. 
 
 This formal polTerTion, taken by Sir Hum 
 phrey Gilbert, in confequence of the difcov- 
 ery by the Cabots, is the foundation of the 
 right and title of the crown of England to the 
 territory of Newfoundland and to the fimery 
 on its banks. 
 
 As far as the time would permit, a furvey 
 was made of the country ; one principal ob 
 ject of which was the difcovery of mines and 
 minerals. The mineralogift was a Saxon, 
 who is characterized as " honeft and religious." 
 
 This
 
 202 GILBERT. 
 
 This man brought to the Admiral firft a fpe- 
 cimen of iron, then a kind of ore, which, ofi 
 the peril of his life, he protefted to be filver. 
 The Admiral enjoined fecrecy, and fent it on 
 board ; intending to have it allayed, when 
 they fhould get to fea. 
 
 The company being difperfed abroad, fome 
 were taken fick and died ; fome hid themfelves 
 in the woods, with an intention to go home, 
 by the firft opportunity j and others cut one 
 of the veflels out of the harbour and carried 
 her off. 
 
 On the twentieth of Auguft, the Admiral, 
 having collefted as many of his men as could 
 be found, and ordered one of his veflels to 
 flay and take off the fick, fet fail with three 
 fhips ; the Delight, the Hind, and the Squir 
 rel. He coafted along the fouthern part of 
 the ifland, with a view to make Cape Breton 
 and the Ifle of Sable ; on which laft, he had 
 heard that cattle and Avine had been landed by 
 the Portuguefe, thirty years before. 
 
 Being entangled among moals and involved 
 in fogs, the Delight ftruck on a fand bank and 
 was loft. Fourteen men only faved them 
 felves in a boat ; the lofs of the Saxon refiner 
 was particularly noted, and nothing farther 
 
 was
 
 GILBERT. 203 
 
 was heard of the filver ore. This misfortune 
 determined the Admiral to return to Eng 
 land, without attempting to make any farther 
 difcoveries, or to take pofTeflion of any other 
 part of America. On his pafTage, he met with 
 bad weather. The Squirrel frigate, in which 
 Sir Humphrey failed, was overloaded on her 
 deck , but he perfifted in taking his pafTage 
 in her, notwithftanding the remonftrances of 
 his friends, in the Hind, who would have per- 
 fuaded-him to fail with them. From the 
 circumftance of his returning from his nrft 
 voyage without accomplishing its object, it 
 had been reported that he was afraid of the 
 fea ; had he yielded to the folicitation of his 
 friends, the ftigma might have been indelible. 
 When the wind abated, and the veflels were 
 near enough, the Admiral was feen conftantly 
 fitting in the {tern with a book in his hand. 
 On the ninth of September, he was feen for 
 the laft time j and was heard by the people 
 in the Hind to fay, " We are as near heaven 
 by fea as by land." In the following night, 
 the lights of his fnip fuddenly difappeared. 
 The people in the other veffel kept a good 
 look out for him, during the remainder of the 
 voyage. On the twenty fecond of September, 
 
 they
 
 204 GILBERT. 
 
 they arrived, through much tempeftand peril, 
 at Falmouth. But nothing more was feen or 
 heard of the Admiral. 
 
 Whilft his zeal for the interest of the 
 Crown, and the fettlements of its American 
 dominions, has been largely commended ; he 
 has been blamed for his temerity in lavifhing 
 his own and other men's fortunes in the prof- 
 ccution of his defigns. This is not the only 
 inftance of a wafte of property in confequence 
 of fanguine expectations ; which, though ruin 
 ous to the firft adventurers, has produced 
 folid advantages to their fuccefTors. 
 
 Dr. Forfter has a remark on one of the in 
 cidents of this voyage which is worthy of re 
 petition and remembrance. " It is very clear 
 (fays he) in the inftance of the Portuguefe 
 having ftocked the lile of Sable with domeftic 
 animals, that the difcoverers of the new world 
 were men of humanity ; defirous of provid 
 ing for fuch unfortunate people as might hap 
 pen to be cafl away on thofe coafts. The 
 falfe policy of modern times is callous and 
 tyrannical, exporting dogs to devour them. 
 Are thefe the happy confequences of the fo 
 much boafted enlightened (tate of the prefent 
 
 age,
 
 GILBERT. 205 
 
 age, and refinement of manners peculiar to 
 our time ? Father of mercies, when will 
 philanthropy again take up her abode in the 
 breafts of men, of Chriftians and the rulers 
 of this earth !" 
 
 IX. WALTER
 
 206 
 
 IX. WALTER RALEIGH, 
 
 AND 
 
 RICHARD GRENVILLE. 
 
 JL HE diftinguifhed figure, which the 
 life of Sir Walter Raleigh makes in the hif- 
 tory of England, renders unneceffary any oth 
 er account of him here, than what refpedts 
 his adventures in America - t and particularly 
 in Virginia ; of which colony he is acknow 
 ledged to have been the unfortunate founder. 
 
 He was half brother, by the mother's fide, 
 to Sir Humphry Gilbert, and was at the ex- 
 penfe of fitting out one of the fhips of his 
 fquadron. Notwithstanding the unhappy 
 fate of his brother, he perfifled in his defign 
 of making a fettlement in America. Being a 
 favourite in the court of Queen Elizabeth, he 
 obtained a patent, bearing date the 25th of 
 March 1584, for the difcovering and planting 
 of any lands and countries which were not 
 pofTerTed by any chrijlian prince, or nation. 
 
 About the fame time the Queen granted 
 him another patent, to licenfe the vending of 
 wine, throughout the kingdom ; that by the 
 profits thence arifing he might be able to bear 
 
 the
 
 RALEIGH. 207 
 
 ,the expenfe of his intended plan of coloniza 
 tion. Further to ftrengthen his intereft, he 
 engaged the affiftance of two wealthy kinf- 
 men, Sir Richard Grenville and William 
 Sanderfon.* They provided two barks, and 
 having well furnimed them with men and 
 provifions, put them under the command of 
 Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, who fail 
 ed from the weft of England, April 27, 
 
 ,584. 
 
 They took the ufual route by the way of 
 the Canaries and the Weft Indies ; the reafon 
 of which is thus exprefTed in the account of 
 this voyage written by Barlowf-, u becaufe 
 we doubted that the current of the bay of 
 Mexico between the cape of Florida and Ha- 
 vanna had been of greater force than we after 
 wards found it to be." 
 
 Taking advantage of the Gulf ftream, they 
 approached the coaft of Florida ; and on the 
 fecond of July came into flioal water ; where 
 the odoriferous fmell of flowers indicated the 
 land to be near, though not within fight. On 
 the fourth they faw land ; along which they 
 failed forty leagues before they found an en 
 trance. 
 
 * Stith's Hifty. of Virginia, p. 7, 8. 
 t Hakluyt, iii, 246.
 
 2 o8 RALEIGH. 
 
 trance. At the firft opening, they caft an 
 chor (July 13) and having devoutly given, 
 thanks to GOD, for their fafe arrival on the 
 coaft, they went amore in their boats, and 
 took pofleffion in the name of Queen Eliza 
 beth. 
 
 The place where they landed was a fandy 
 ifland, called Wococon,* about fixteen miles 
 in length and fix in breadth, fall of cedars, 
 pines, cyprefs, faflafras and other trees > a- 
 mong "which were many vines loaded with 
 grapes. In the woods they found deer and 
 hares -> and in the waters and marmes, vari 
 ous kinds of fowl ; but no human creature 
 
 was 
 
 * This ifland is generally fuppofed to be one of thofe which lie 
 at the mouth of Alhermarle found, on the cc/aft of North Carolina. 
 Barlow, in his letter to Sir W. Raleigh, preserved by Hakluyt, 
 fays, that he, wuh feven others, went in about " twenty miles into 
 the river Occam, and, the evening following, came to an ifland 
 called Roanoke, difiant from the harbour by which we entered, 
 /ci'en leagues j at the north end thereof was a village." Mr. 
 Stub, who wrote the hiftory of Virginia, and who acknowledges 
 that he had not feen this letter in Englifh but in a Latin tranfla- 
 tion, iuppofes. that the ifland Wococon mufl lie between cape 
 Hatteras and cape Fear, and that the diiiance might be 30 leagues. 
 But it appears from Barlow's letter that the boat went in one day 
 and came in the evening to the north end of Roanoke ; the dif- 
 tance j$ .twicd mentioned, once in miles and once in leagues. I 
 fee no reaibn therefore to admit Stith's conjefture in.oppofition to 
 Barlow. Stith however appears to -have been a very clofe and 
 accurate inquirer, as far as his materials and opportunity permitted.
 
 RALEIGH. 209 
 
 was feen, till the third day ; when a canoe, 
 with three men, came along by the more. One 
 of them landed ; and, without any fear or pre 
 caution, met the Europeans and addrefied them 
 in a friendly manner, in his own language. 
 They carried him on board one of their vef- 
 fels ; gave him a fhirt and fome other trifles, 
 and regaled him with meat and wine. He 
 then returned to his canoe ; and with his com 
 panions went a fifliing. When the canoe was 
 filled, they brought the fifh on more and di 
 vided them into two heaps ; making figns, 
 that each of the vefTels fhould take one. 
 
 The next day, feveral canoes came 5 in 
 which were forty or fifty people, and among 
 them was Granganimeo, brother of Wingina 
 King of the country ; who was confined at 
 home by the wounds, which he had received 
 in battle, with a neighbouring Prince. The 
 manner of his approach was fearlefs and xef- 
 pedtfuL He left his boats at a diftance ; and 
 came along the fhore, accompanied by all his 
 people, till he was abreaft of the mips. Then 
 advancing with four men only, who fpread a 
 mat on the ground, he fat down on one end ; 
 and the four men on the other. When the 
 Englifh went on more, armed, he beckoned 
 O to
 
 210 K A L I G H. 
 
 to them to come and fit by him ; which they 
 did, and he made figns of joy and friendfhip, 
 ftriking with his hand on his head and breaft, 
 and then on theirs, to mew that they were all 
 one. None of his people fpokea word j and 
 when the Englifh offered them prefents, he 
 took them all into his own poflemonj making 
 figns that they were his fervants, and that all 
 which they had, belonged to him. 
 
 After this interview, the natives came in 
 great numbers and brought fkins, coral, and 
 materials for dyes ; but when Granganimeo 
 was prefent, none were permitted to trade, 
 but himfelf and thofe who had a piece of cop 
 per on their heads. Nothing pleafed him 
 fo much as a tin plate, in which he made a 
 hole and hung it over his breaft, as a piece 
 of defenlive armour. He fupplied them every 
 day with venifon, fifli, and fruits, and invited 
 them to vifit him at his village, on the north 
 end of an iiland called Roanoke. 
 
 This village confifted of nine houfes, built 
 of cedar, and fortified with marp palifades. 
 When the Engliih arrived there in their boat, 
 Granganimeo was abfent ; but his wife en 
 tertained them with the kindeft hofpitality, 
 wafhed their feet and their clothes, order 
 ed
 
 RALEIGH. 211 
 
 ed their boat to be drawn amore and their 
 oars to be fecured ; and then feafted them 
 with venifon, fifh, fruits, and homony.* 
 Whilft they were at fupper, fome of her 
 men came in from hunting, with their bows 
 and arrows in their hands ; on which her 
 guefts began to miftruft danger - y but ihe or 
 dered their bows to be taken from them, and 
 their arrows to be broken ; and then turned 
 them out at the gate. The Englifh however 
 thought it moft prudent to pafs the night in 
 their boat, which they launched and laid at 
 anchor. At this (he was much grieved ; but, 
 finding all her felicitations ineffectual, fhe 
 ordered the victuals in the pots to be put on 
 board, with mats to cover the people from 
 the rain ; arid appointed feveral perfons of 
 both fexes to keep guard on the beach during 
 the whole night. Could there be a more en 
 gaging fpecimen of generous hofpitality ? 
 
 Thefe people were characterized as " gen 
 tle, loving and faithful ; void of guile and 
 treachery ; living after the manner of the 
 golden age -, caring only to feed themfelves, 
 with fuch food as the foil affordeth, and to 
 
 defend 
 
 * Homony is made of Indian corn beaten in a mortar and 
 fcparated from the bran ; then boiled either by itfclf or in the 
 broth of meat. 
 
 02
 
 m RALEIGH. 
 
 defend themfelves from the cold, in their 
 fhort winter." 
 
 No farther difcovcry was made of the coun 
 try by thefe adventurers. From the natives 
 they obtained fome uncertain account of its 
 geography, and of a fhip which had been 
 wrecked on the coaft between twenty and 
 thirty years before. They carried away two 
 of the natives, Wanchefe and Manteo ; and 
 arrived in the weft of England about the mid 
 dle of September. 
 
 The account of this difcovery was fo wel 
 come to Queen Elizabeth, that me named the 
 country Virginia ; either in memory of her 
 own virginity, or becaufe it retained its vir 
 gin purity, and the people their primitive fim- 
 plicity. 
 
 About this time Raleigh was elected knight 
 of the mire, for his native county of Devon ; 
 and in the Parliament which was held in the 
 fucceeding winter, he cauled a bill to be 
 brought into the Houfe of Commons to con 
 firm his patent for the difcovery of foreign 
 countries. After much debate, the bill was 
 carried through both houfes, and received the 
 royal afTent. In addition to which, the Queen 
 conferred on him the order of Knighthood.* 
 
 A fecond 
 
 * Stith, p. 11.
 
 RALEIGH. 
 
 A fecond expedition being refolved on, 'Sir 
 Richard Grenville himfelf took the command, 
 and with feven veflels, large and fmall, failed 
 from Plymouth, on the ninth of April, 1585.-)- 
 They went in the ufual courfe by the Canaries 
 and the Weft Indies j where they took two 
 Spaniih prizes ; and, after narrowly efcaping 
 fhipwreck on Cape Fear, arrived at Wococon 
 the 26th of June 4 
 
 The natives came, as before, to bid them 
 welcome and to trade with them. Manteo, 
 whom they had brought back, proved a faith-, 
 ful guide, and piloted them about from place 
 to place. In an excursion of eight days with 
 their boats, they vifited feveral Indian villag 
 es, on the iflands and on the main, adjoining 
 to Albemarle Sound. At one place, called 
 Aquafcogok, an Indian ftole from them a 
 filver cup. Inquiry being made, the offen 
 der was detected and promifed to reftore it ; 
 but the promife being not fpeedily performed, 
 a hafty and fevere revenge was taken, by the 
 orders of Grenville -, the town was burnt and 
 the corn deftroyed in the fields, (July 1 6) 
 
 whilft 
 
 f- Hakluyt. iii. 251. 
 
 J Mr. Stith miftakes in faying May 26, and Sir William Keith, 
 who copies from him, adopts the fame miitake. 
 
 03
 
 2i 4 RALEIGH. 
 
 whilft the affrighted people fled to the woods 
 for fafety. From this ill judged aft of vio 
 lence, may. be dated the misfortunes and fail 
 ure of this colony. 
 
 Leaving one hundred and eight perfons to 
 attempt a fettlement, Grenville proceeded 
 with his fleet to the ifland of Hatteras 3 where 
 he received a vifit from Granganimeo, and 
 then failed for England. On the i8th of 
 September he arrived at Plymouth -, with a 
 rich Spanifh prize which he had taken on 
 the pafTage. 
 
 Of the colony left in Virginia, Ralph Lane 
 was appointed Governor. He was a military 
 man, of confiderable reputation in the fea- 
 fervice. Philip Amadas, who had command 
 ed in the firft voyage, was Admiral. They 
 chofe the ifland of Roanoke in the mouth of 
 Albemarle Sound, as the place of their refi- 
 dence ; and their chief employment was to 
 explore and furvey the country, and defcribe 
 the perfons and manners of its inhabitants. 
 For thefe purpofes, Sir Walter Raleigh had 
 fent John Withe, an ingenious painter ; and 
 Thomas Heriot, a fkilful mathematician, and 
 a man of curious obfervation : both of whom 
 
 performed
 
 RALEIGH. 215 
 
 performed their parts with fidelity and fuc- 
 
 cefs.* 
 
 The farther! difcovery which they made to 
 
 the fou th ward of Roanoke was Secotan, an 
 Indian town between the rivers of Pamptico 
 and Neus, diftant eighty leagues. To the 
 northward they went about forty leagues, to 
 a nation called Chefepeags, on a fmall river 
 now called Elifabeth, which falls into Chefe- 
 peag Bay, below Norfolk. To the weftward 
 they went up Albemarle Sound and Chowan 
 river, about forty leagues, to a nation called 
 Chowanogs ; whofe King,Menatonona,amufed 
 them with a flory of a copper mine and a 
 pearl fimery ; in fearch of which they fpent 
 much time and fo exhaufled their provifions, 
 
 that 
 
 * The drawings which Mr. Withe made were engraven and 
 printed at Frankfort (1590,) by Theodore De Bry. They repre- 
 fent the'pcrfons and habits of the natives, their employments, di- 
 verfions and fuperftitions. From thefe, the prints in Beverley's 
 hiftory of Virginia are copied. 
 
 Mr. Heriot wrote a topographical defcription of the country 
 and its natural hiftory, which is pieferved in Hakluyt's collection 
 vol. iii, 226. It was tranflated into Latin, and publiflied by De 
 Bry in his collection of voyages. It has been fuppofed that Ra 
 leigh himfelf came to Virginia with this colony. This is a mif- 
 take, grounded on a miftranflation of a pafTage in Heriot's narrative. 
 It is thus exprefled in Englifli "The aftions of thofe who have 
 been by Sir Walter Raleigh therein employed." Which is 
 thus rendered in the Latin tranflation, "qui generofum D. Wai- 
 tcrum Ralegh, in earn regioncm cbmitati funi." Stith, p. 22.
 
 RALEIGH. 
 
 that they were glad to eat their dogs before 
 they returned to Roanoke. 
 
 During this excurfion, their friend Gran- 
 ganimeo died ; and his brother Wingina dif- 
 covered his hoftile difpofition toward the col 
 ony. The return of Mr. Lane and his party, 
 from their excurfion, gave a check to his mal 
 ice for a while ; but he fecretly laid a plot 
 for their deftrudion ; which being betrayed 
 to the Englifh, they feized all the boats on 
 the iiland. This brought on a fkirmifh, in 
 which five or fix Indians were killed, and the 
 reft fled to the woods. After much jealoufy 
 and diflimulation on both fides, Wingina was 
 drawn into a fnare ; and with fight of his 
 men, fell a facrifice to the refentment of the 
 Englifh. 
 
 In a few days after Wingina' s death, Sir 
 Francis Drake, who had been cruifing againft 
 the Spaniards in the Weft Indies, anct had 
 received orders from the Queen to vifit this 
 colony, arrived with his fleet onthecoaft; and 
 by the unanimous defire of the people, took 
 them all off and carried them to England, 
 where they arrived in July 1586. 
 
 Within a fortnight after the departure of 
 this unfortunate colony, Sir Richard Grenville 
 
 arrived
 
 RALEIGH. 217 
 
 arrived with three mips for their relief. Find 
 ing their habitation abandoned, and being un- 
 abJe to gain any intelligence of them ; he 
 landed fifty men, on the ifland of Roanoke, 
 plentifully fupplied with provifions for ttvp 
 years, and then returned to England. 
 
 The next year (1587) three mips were fent, 
 under the command of John White, who 
 was appointed Governor of the colony, with 
 twelve Counfellors. To them Raleigh gave 
 a charter of incorporation for the city of Ra 
 leigh, which he ordered them to build on the 
 river Chefepeag, the northern extent of the 
 difcovery. After narrowly efcaping fhip wreck 
 on Cape Fear, they arrived at Hatteras, on 
 the 22d of July, and fcnt a party to Roanoke 
 to look for the fecond colony of fifty men. 
 They found no perfon living, and the bones 
 of but one dead. The huts were {landing ; 
 but were overgrown with bufhes and weeds. 
 In converfation with fome of the natives, they 
 were informed, that the colony had been de- 
 ftroyed by Wingina's people, in revenge of 
 his death. 
 
 Mr. White endeavoured to renew a friendly 
 intercourfe with thofe natives ; but their jea- 
 Joufy rendered them implacable. He there 
 fore
 
 218 RALEIGH. 
 
 fore went acrofs the water to the main with 
 a party of twenty five men, and came fudden- 
 ly on a company of friendly Indians, who 
 were feated round a fire, one of whom they 
 killed before they difcovercd the miftake. 
 
 Two remarkable events are mentioned as 
 happening at this time ; one was the baptifm 
 of Manteo, the faithful Indian guide ; the 
 other was the birth of a female child, daugh 
 ter of Ananias Dare, one of the Council ; 
 which, being the firft child born in the colo 
 ny, was named Virginia. 
 
 By this time (Auguft 21) the mips had un 
 loaded their ftores and were preparing to re 
 turn to England. It was evident that a farth 
 er fupply was necefTary, and that fome perfon 
 muft go home to folicit it. A difpute arofe 
 in the Council on this point, and after much 
 altercation, it was determined, that the Gov 
 ernor was the moft proper perfon, to be fent 
 on this errand. The whole colony joined in 
 requeuing him to proceed, promifing to take 
 care of his intereft in his abfence. With 
 much reluclance he confented, on their fub- 
 fcribing a teftimonial of his unwillingnefs to 
 quit the plantation. He accordingly failed on 
 the 27th of Auguft, and arrived in England 
 
 the
 
 RALEIGH. 219 
 
 the following November. The nation was 
 in a ftate of alarm and apprehenfion on ac 
 count of the war with Spain, and of the in 
 vincible armada, which had threatened it 
 with an invafion. Sir Walter Raleigh was 
 one of the Queen's Council of war, as were 
 alfo Sir Richard Grenville and Mr. Lane. 
 Their time was wholly taken up with public 
 confultations, and Governor White was o- 
 bliged to wait, till the plan of operations a- 
 gainfl the enemy could be adjufted and carri 
 ed into execution. 
 
 The next fpring, Raleigh and Grenville, who 
 had the command of the militia in Cornwall, 
 and were training them for the defence of the 
 kingdom ; being ftrongly folicited by White, 
 provided two fmall barks, which failed from 
 Biddeford on the 2 ad of April 1588. Thefe 
 veffels had commifTions as mips of war, and 
 being more intent on gain to themfelves, than 
 relief to the colony, went in chace of prizes, 
 and were both driven back by mips of fuperi- 
 or force, to the great mortification of their 
 patron, and the ruin of his colony. 
 
 Thefe difappointments were a fource of 
 vexation to Raleigh. He had expended forty 
 thoufand pounds, of his own and other men's 
 
 money,
 
 220 RALEIGH. 
 
 money, in purfuit of his favourite object ; and 
 his gains were yet to come. He therefore 
 made an alignment of his patent (March 7, 
 1.589) to Thomas Smith, and other merch 
 ants and adventurers, among whom was Gov 
 ernor White ; with a donation of one hun 
 dred pounds, for the propagation of the Chrif- 
 tian religon in Virginia. Being thus difen- 
 gaged from the bufmefs of colonization ; he 
 had full fcope for his martial genius, in the 
 war with Spain. 
 
 His affignees were not fo zealous in the pro- 
 iecution of their bufinefs. It was not till the 
 fpring of 1590, that Governor White could 
 return to his colony. Then, with three 
 mips, he failed from Plymouth, and paffing 
 through the Weft Indies, in queft of Spanifli 
 prizes, he arrived at Hatteras on the i5th of 
 Auguft. From this place they obferved a 
 imoke arifmg on the ifland of Roanoke j 
 which gave them fome hope that the colony 
 was there fubfifting; on their coming to the 
 place, they found old trees and grafs burning, 
 ofbut no human being. On a poft of one 
 of the houfes they faw the word Croatan t 
 which gave them fome hope, that at the 
 ifland of that name they fhould find their 
 
 friends.
 
 RALEIGH. 221 
 
 friends. They failed for that ifland ; which 
 lay fouthward of Hatteras ; but a violent 
 ftorm arifing, in which they loft their anch 
 ors, they were obliged to quit the inhofpita- 
 ble coaft and return home ; nor was any thing 
 afterward heard of the unfortunate colony. 
 
 The next year (1591) Sir Richard Gren- 
 ville was mortally wounded in an engagement 
 with a Spanim fleet ; and died on board the 
 Admiral's mip, where he was prifoner. 
 
 Raleigh, though difengaged from the bufi- 
 nefs of colonizing Virginia, lent five times at 
 his own expenfe to feek for and relieve his 
 friends ; but the perfons whom he employed, 
 having more profitable bufinefs in the Weft 
 Indies, either went not to the place, or were 
 forced from it by ftrefs of weather j it being 
 a tempeftuous region, and without any fafe 
 harbour. The laft attempt which he made, 
 was in 1602 ; the year before his imprifon- 
 ment ; an event which gratified the malice 
 of his enemies, and prepared the way for his 
 death ; which was much lefs ignominious to 
 him than to his fovereign, King James I, the 
 Britifli Solomon ; fuccefTor to Elizabeth, the 
 
 Britim Deborah.* 
 
 This 
 
 * As a fpecimcn of the language of that time, let the reader 
 iake the following extraft from Purehas, 
 
 He
 
 222 RALEIGH. 
 
 This unfortunate attempt to fettle a colony 
 in Virginia, was productive of one thing which 
 will always render it memorable, the intro 
 duction of tobacco into England. Cartier, in 
 his vifit to Canada, fifty years before, had 
 obferved that the natives ufed this weed 
 fumigation, but it was an object of difguft 
 to Frenchmen. Ralph Lane, at his return 
 in 1586, brought it firft into Europe -, and 
 Raleigh, who was a man of gaiety and fafhion, 
 not only learned the uie of it himfelf, but in 
 troduced it into the polite circles j and even 
 the Queen herfelf gave encouragement to it. 
 Some humourous ftories refpecting it are ftill 
 remembered. Raleigh laid a wager with the 
 Queen, that he would determine exactly, the 
 weight of fmoke which iffued from his pipe. 
 This he did by firft weighing the tobacco and 
 then the aihes. When the Queen paid the 
 wager, me pleafantly obferved, that many la 
 bourers had turned their gold into fmoke j 
 but that he was the firjfl who had converted 
 fmoke into gold. 
 
 It 
 
 " He [i. e. King James] is beyond comparifon a raeer tranf- 
 cendcnt, beyond all his predeceflbrs, princes of this realm.; be 
 yond the neigbouring princes of his own time ; beyond the 
 conceit of fubjefts dazzled with fo much brightnefs ; beyond 
 our vilorious Deborah, not in fex alone, but as peace is more ex 
 cellent than war, and Solomon than David ; in this alfo thitt hr 
 is, and we enjoy his prefent funfhine."
 
 RALEIGH. 223 
 
 It is alfo related that a fervant of Sir Wal 
 ter, bringing a tankard of ale into his ftudy as 
 he was fmoking his pipe, and reading, was 
 fo alarmed at the appearance of fmoke, iffuing 
 out of his mouth, that he threw the ale into 
 his face, and ran down to alarm the family, 
 crying out that his mafter was on fire. 
 
 King James had fo refined a tafte, that he 
 not only held this Indian weed in great abhor 
 rence himfelf, but endeavoured, by proclama 
 tions and otherwife, to prevent the ufe of 
 it among his fubjedts. But all his zeal and 
 authority could not fupprefs it. Since his 
 time it has become an important article of 
 commerce, by which individuals in Europe 
 and America, as well as colonies and nations, 
 have rifen to great opulence. 
 
 X. JOHN
 
 224 
 
 X. JOHN D E F U C A. 
 
 VvHEN the exiftence of a weftern 
 continent was known to the maritime nations 
 of Europe, one great object of their in 
 quiry was, to find, through feme openings 
 which appeared in it, a paflage to India and 
 China. For this purpofe feveral expenfive 
 and unfucceisful voyages were made -, and ev 
 ery hint which could throw any light on the 
 &bjedt was eagerly fought and attended to, 
 by thole who coniidercd its importance. 
 
 JOHN DE F'ucA was a Greek, born in the 
 iiland of Cephalonia in the Adriatic gulf. He 
 had been employed in the fervice of Spain, in 
 the Weft Indies, as a mariner and pilot, above 
 forty years. Having loft his fortune, amount 
 ing (as he faid) to fixty thoufand ducats, when 
 the Acapulco fhip was taken, by Captain 
 Cavendish an Englishman ; and being difap- 
 pointed of the recompenfe which he had ex 
 pected from the court of Spain ; he returned 
 in difguft, to his native country, by the way 
 of Italy ; that he might fpend the evening of 
 his life, in peace and poverty, among his 
 
 friends. 
 
 At
 
 D E F U C A. 
 
 At Florence he met with John Douglas, an 
 Englifhman, and went with him to Venice. 
 There, Douglas introduced him to Michael 
 Lock, who had been Conful of the Turkey 
 company at Aleppo, and was then occafional- 
 ly refident in Venice. (A. D. 1596.) 
 
 In converfation with Mr. Lock, De Fuca 
 gave him the following account of his adven 
 tures. 
 
 " That he had been fent by the Viceroy of 
 Mexico, as pilot of three fmall veflels, to dif- 
 cover the flraits of Anian, on the weftern 
 coaft of America - y through which, it was 
 conjectured that a paffage might be found, in 
 to fome of the deep bays on the eaftern fide of 
 the continent. This voyage was fruftrated, by 
 the mifcondud: of the commander, and the 
 mutiny of the feameri; 
 
 " In 1592 the Viceroy fent him again, with 
 the command of a caravel and a pinnace, on the 
 fame enterprize. Between the latitudes of 47 
 and 48 N. he difcovered an inlet, into which 
 he entered and failed more than twenty days. 
 At the entrance was a great headland, with an 
 exceeding high pinnacle orfpired fock, like a 
 pillar. Within the ftrait, the land ftfetched 
 N,W* and N.E. and alfo E. and S.E. It was 
 P much
 
 D K F U C A. 
 
 much wider within, than at the entrance, and 
 contained many iflands. The inhabitants were 
 clad in the (kins of beafts. The land appear 
 ed to be fertile like that of New Spain, and 
 was rich in gold and filver. 
 
 " Suppofing that he had accomplifhed the 
 intention of the voyage and penetrated into 
 the North Sea ; but not being ftrong enough, 
 to refift the force of the numerous favages, 
 who appeared on the mores ; he returned to 
 Acapulco, before the expiration of the year." 
 
 Such was the account given by De Fuca ; 
 and Mr. Lock was fo imprefled with the fin- 
 cerity of the relation and the advantages which 
 his countrymen might derive from a know 
 ledge of this flrait ; that he earneftly urged 
 him to enter into the fervice of Queen Eliza 
 beth, and perfedl the difcovery. He fucceed- 
 ed fo far, as to obtain a promife from the 
 Greek, though fixty years old - y that if the 
 Queen would furnifli him with one mip, of 
 forty tons, and a pinnace, he would undertake 
 the voyage. He was the more eafily per- 
 fuaded to this, by a hope that the Queen 
 would make him fome recompence for the 
 lofs of his fortune by Capt. Cavendifh. 
 
 Mr.
 
 D E F U C A. 227 
 
 Mr. Lock wrote to the Lord Treafurer 
 Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh and Mr. Hakluyt, 
 requeuing that they would forward the 
 fcheme, and that one hundred pounds might 
 be advanced to bring De Fuca to England. 
 The fcheme was approved ; but the money 
 was not advanced. Lock was fo much en 
 gaged in it, that he would have fent him to 
 England at his own expenfe ; but he was 
 then endeavouring to recover at law, his de 
 mands from the Turkey company, and could 
 not difburfe the money. The pilot there 
 fore returned to Cephalonia - y and Lock kept 
 up a correfpondence with him, till 1602, 
 when he heard of his death. 
 
 Though this account, preferved by Pur- 
 chas,* bears fufficient marks of authenticity , 
 yet it has been rejected as fabulous for nearly 
 two centuries ; and is treated fo even by the 
 very candid Dr. Forfter.-j- Recent voyages 
 however, have eftabiimed the exiftence of the 
 ilrait ; and De Fuca is no longer to be con- 
 iidered as an importer ; though the gold and 
 iilvcr in his account were but conjectural. 
 
 The ftrait which now bears his name is 
 formed by land, which is fuppofed to be the 
 
 continent 
 
 * Lib. iv, chap, xx, p. 849. + Nprthern voyages, p. 451. 
 
 P 2 *
 
 228 D E F U C A. 
 
 continent of America on one fide - y and by a 
 very extenfive clufter of iflands on the other. 
 Its fouthern entrance lies in lat. 48 20' N. 
 long. 124 W. from Greenwich, and is about 
 feven leagues wide. On the larboard fide, 
 which is compofed of iflands, the land is very 
 mountainous ; rifing abruptly in high and 
 fharp peaks. On the ftarboard fide, is a point 
 of land terminating in a remarkably tall rock, 
 called the pillar. Within the entrance, the 
 pafTage grows wider, extending to the S. E. 
 N, and N. W. and is full of iflands. On the 
 E. and N. E. at a great diftance are feen the 
 tops of mountains ; fuppofed to be on the 
 continent ; but the mips trading for furs have 
 not penetrated far to the eaftward ; the fea 
 otters being their principal object, and the 
 land furs of fmall confideration. For this 
 reafori) the eaftern boundary of the inland fea 
 is not yet fully explored. The ftrait turns to 
 the N. and N. W. encompaiTing a large 
 clufter of iflands, among which is fituate 
 Nootka Sound, and comes into the Pacific 
 ocean again in lat. 51 15', long. 128 40'. 
 This extremity of the ftrait is called its north 
 ern entrance, and is wider than the fouthern. 
 
 Another
 
 D E F U C A. 
 
 Another ftrait has been lately feen which is 
 fuppofed to be that of De Fonte, a Spanish 
 Admiral, difcovered in 1640 ; the exiftence of 
 which has alfo been treated as fabulous. The 
 clufter of iflands, called by the Britifh feamen 
 Queen Charlotte's, and by the Americans, 
 Wa(hington's iflands, are in the very fpot 
 where De Fonte placed the Archipelago of 
 St. Lazarus.* The entrance only of this 
 ftrait has been vifited by the fur mips. It 
 lies in lat. 54 35' and long. 131 W.-f~ 
 
 Thefe recent and well eftablifhed facts may 
 induce us, to treat the relations of former 
 voyages with decent refpect. The circum*- 
 navigation of Africa by the ancient Phenicians, 
 was for feveral ages deemed fabulous by the 
 learned Greeks and Romans. But its credi 
 bility was fully eftablimed by the Portuguefe 
 difcoveries in the fifteenth century. In like 
 manner the difcoveries of De Fuca and De 
 
 Fonte 
 
 * Sec the Critical Review, January, 1791. 
 
 f For this information I am indebted to Captain ROBERT 
 GRAY ; who has the laft fummer, (1793) returned from a fecond 
 circumnavigation of the globe in the {hip Columbia of Bofion. 
 Pie has failed quite through the flrait of De Fuca; and feen the 
 entrance of that of De Fonte. The latitudes and longitudes of 
 thefe places are taken from a very neat and accurate map of the 
 N. W. coaft of America, drawn by Mr. HAS WELL, firxl Mate 
 of the Columbia in her late voyage. 
 
 PS
 
 230 D E F U C A. 
 
 Fonte which have long been fligmatized by 
 geographers as pretended, and marked in their 
 maps as imaginary, are now known to have 
 been founded in truth, though from the im 
 perfection of inftruments or the inaccuracy of 
 hiftorians, the degrees and minutes of latitude 
 and longitude were not precifely marked, and 
 though fome circumftances in their accounts 
 are but conjectural. Farther difcoveries may 
 throw new light on the fubject, and though 
 perhaps a N. W. paffage, by fea, from the 
 Atlantic into the Pacific may not exift -, yet 
 bays, rivers and lakes are fo frequent in thofe 
 northern regions of our continent that an in 
 land navigation may be practicable. 
 
 It has been fuggefted that the company of 
 Englifh merchants who enjoy an exclulive 
 trade to Hudfon's Bay have, from interefted 
 motives, concealed their knowledge of its 
 weftern extremities. Whether there be any 
 juft foundation for this cenfure, I do not pre 
 tend to determine - 3 but a furvey is faid to be 
 now making, from which, it is hoped, that 
 this long contefted queftion of a N. W. paff- 
 age will receive a full folution. 
 
 XI. BARTHOLOMEW
 
 231 
 
 XL BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD. 
 
 T^ 
 
 JL HE unfortunate iflue of Raleigh's at 
 tempt to make a fettlement in America, to 
 gether with the war with Spain, which con 
 tinued for feveral years, gave a check to the 
 fpirit of colonizing. In the beginning of the 
 feventeenth century it was revived by BAR 
 THOLOMEW GOSNOLD, an intrepid mariner 
 in the weft of England. At whofe expenfe 
 he undertook his voyage, to the northern part 
 of Virginia, does not appear -, but, on the 
 26th of March 1602, he failed from Fal- 
 mouth, in Cornwall, in a fmall bark, with 
 thirty two men. Inftead of going by the 
 way of the Canaries and the Weft Indies, he 
 kept as far north as the winds would permit, 
 and was the firft Engliihman who came in a 
 dired courfe to this part of America. 
 
 On the 1 4th of May they made the land, 
 and met with a lhallop of European fabric, 
 in which were eight favages, one of whom 
 was drefled in European clothes ; from which 
 they concluded that fome unfortunate fifher- 
 men of Bifcay or Brittany, had been wrecked 
 on the coaft. 
 
 P 4 The
 
 232 G O S N O L D. 
 
 The next day they had again fight of land, 
 which appeared like an ifland, by reafon of a 
 large found which lay between it and the 
 main. This found they called Shole Hope. 
 Near this cape they took a great number of 
 cod, from which circumftance they named 
 the land Cape Cod. It is defcribed as a low 
 fandy fhore in the latitude of 42. The Cap 
 tain went on fhore and found the fand very 
 deep. A young Indian, with plates of copper 
 hanging to his ears, and a bow and arrows in 
 his hand, came to him, and in a friendly man 
 ner offered his fervice. 
 
 On the 1 6th, they coafted the land fouth- 
 erly, and at the end of twelve leagues difcov- 
 ered a point, with breakers at a diflance ; and, 
 in attempting to double it, came fuddenly in 
 to moal water. To this point of land they 
 gave the name of Point Care ; it is now call 
 ed Sandy Point, and forms the foutheaftern. 
 extremity of the county of Barnftable, in 
 Maffachufetts. 
 
 Finding themfelves furrounded by fhoals 
 and breakers, they lay at anchor till they had 
 examined the coaft and foundings in their 
 boat during which time fome of the natives 
 made them a vifit. One of them had' a plate 
 
 of
 
 G O S N O L D. 233 
 
 of copper over his breaft, a foot in length and 
 half a foot in breadth ; the others had pend 
 ants of the fame metal at their ears : they all 
 had pipes and tobacco, of which they were 
 very fond. 
 
 In furveying the coaft they difcovercd 
 breakers lying off a point of land, which they 
 denominated Gilbert's Point; it is now call 
 ed Point Gammon, and forms the eaftern fide 
 of the harbour of Hyennes. 
 
 On the 1 9th they pafTed the breach of Gil 
 bert's Point, in four and five fathoms of water, 
 and anchored a league or more to the weft- 
 ward of it. Several hummocks and hills 
 appeared, which at firft were taken to be 
 iflands -, thefe were the high lands of Barnfta- 
 ble and Yarmouth. 
 
 To the weftward of Gilbert's Point, ap 
 peared an opening, which Gofnold imagined 
 to have a communication with the fuppofed 
 found which he had feen weftward of Cape 
 Cod -, he therefore gave it the fame name 
 Shole Hope ; but finding the water to be no 
 more than three fathoms deep, at the diftance 
 of a league, he did not attempt to enter it. 
 From this opening, the land tended to the 
 fouthweft ; and, in coafting it, they came to 
 
 an
 
 234 G O S N O L D. 
 
 an ifland to which they gave the name of 
 Marthas Vineyard. This ifland is defer ibed 
 as "diftant eight leagues from Shole Hope, 
 five miles in circuit, and uninhabited ; full 
 of wood, vines and berries : here they faw 
 deer and took abundance of cod." 
 
 From their flation off this ifland, where 
 they rode in eight fathoms, they failed on the 
 24th; and doubled the cape of another ifland, 
 next to it, which they called Dover cliff : 
 this courfe brought them into a found, where 
 they anchored for the night, and the next 
 morning fent their boat to examine another 
 cape, which lay between them and the main, 
 from which projected a ledge of rocks, a mile 
 into the fea, but all above water, and not dan 
 gerous. Having pafTed round them, they 
 came to anchor again, in one of the finefl 
 founds, which they had ever feen and to 
 \vhich they gave the name of Gofnold's Hope. 
 On the northern fide of it was the main ; and 
 on the fouthern, parallel to it, at the diftance 
 of four leagues, was a large ifland which they 
 called Elizabeth, in honor of their Queen. 
 On this ifland they determined to take up 
 their abode ; and pitched upon a fmall woody 
 iflet in the middle of a frefh pond, as a fafe 
 
 place
 
 G O S N O L D. 235 
 
 place to build their fort. A little to the 
 northward of this large ifland lay a fmall one 
 half a mile in compafs, and full of cedars. 
 This they called Hill's Hap. On the op- 
 pofite northern more appeared another firm- 
 lar elevation to which they gave the name of 
 Hap's Hill. 
 
 By this defcription of the coaft it is evident 
 that the found into which Gofnold entered 
 was Buzzard's Bay. The iflarid which he 
 called Martha's Vineyard, was not that which 
 now goes by that name, but a fmall iflarid, 
 the eafternmoft of thofe which are known by 
 the name of Elizabeth's iilands. It is called 
 by the Indians NenimiiTett -, its prefent cir 
 cumference is about four miles, but it has 
 doubtlefs been diminimed fince Gofnold's 
 time, by the force of the tides which fet into 
 and out of the bay with great rapidity. Its 
 natural produdtions and pleafant fituation an- 
 fwer well to his defcription ; and deer are 
 frequently feen and hunted upon it : but 
 none were ever known to have been on the 
 great ifland, now called Martha's Vineyard ; 
 which is above twenty miles in length and 
 was always full of inhabitants. For what 
 reafon and at what time the name was tranf- 
 
 ferred
 
 236 G O S N O L D. 
 
 ferred from the one to the other, I have not 
 yet learned. 
 
 The cliff named Dover is fuppofed to be 
 the eaflern head of a fmall ifland which was 
 called by the natives Onky Tonky,and is now 
 corrupted into Uncle Timmy. The rocky 
 ledge is called Rattlefnake Neck. Hill's 
 Hap confifts now of two very fmall iflands 
 called Wicpeckets. There is every appear 
 ance that thefe were formerly united ; and 
 there are now a few cedars on them. Hap's 
 Hill, on the oppofite part of the main, is a 
 fmall elevated ifland, of an oval form, near the 
 mouth of a river which pafles through the 
 towns of Wareham and Rochefler. It is a 
 confpicuous object to navigators. 
 
 The ifland on which Gofnold and his com 
 pany took up their abode, is now called by its 
 Indian name Naumaun, and is the property of 
 the Honourable JAMES BOWDOIN, of Bof- 
 ton, to whom I am indebted for thefe remarks 
 on Qofnold's journal, which is extant at large 
 in Purchas's collections.* 
 
 Near the fouthweft end of Naumaun is a 
 large frefh pond ; fuch an one as anfwers to 
 Gofnold's defcription, excepting that there is 
 
 no 
 
 
 
 -* Vol. v, p. 1647.
 
 G O S N O L D. 237 
 
 no iflet in the middle of it. The more is 
 fandy ; but what revolution may have taken 
 place within the fpace of almofl two centuries 
 paft, we cannot fay. 
 
 Whilft fome of Gofnold's men laboured in. 
 building a fort and {tore houfe on "the fmall 
 iiland in the pond, and a flat boat to go to it ; 
 he crofled the bay in his veflel and difcovered 
 the mouths of two rivers : one was that near 
 which lay Hap's Hill, and the other, that, on 
 the fhore of which the town of New- Bedford 
 is now built. 
 
 After five days abfence, Gofnold returned 
 to the ifland and was received by his people 
 with great ceremony ; on account of an Indian 
 chief and fifty of his men who were there on 
 a vifit. To this chief they prefented a ftraw 
 hat and two knives ; the hat he little regarded ; 
 but the knives were highly valued. They 
 feafted thefe favages with fifh and muftard, 
 and diverted themfelves with the effect of the 
 muftard on their nofes. One of them ftole a 
 target, but it was reftored. They did not ap 
 pear to be inhabitants, but occafional vifitants 
 at the ifland, for the fake of gathering fhell- 
 fiih. Four of them remained, after the others 
 
 were
 
 238 G O S N O L D. 
 
 were gone, and helped the Englifh to dig the 
 roots of faffafras - y with which, as well as the 
 'furs which they bought of the Indians, the 
 veffel was loaded. 
 
 After fpending three weeks in preparing a 
 fbre houfe, when they came to divide their 
 provifion, there was not enough to victual the 
 Ihip, and to fubfift the planters till the fhip's 
 return. Somejealoufy alfo aroie about the 
 intentions of thofe who were going back; 
 and after five days confultation they determin 
 ed to give up their delign of planting, and re 
 turn to England. On the eighteenth of June 
 they failed out of the bay through the fame 
 paflage by which they had entered it ; and on 
 the twenty third of July they arrived at Ex- 
 mouth, in the well of England. 
 
 Gofnold's intention was to have remained 
 with a part of his men, and to have fent Gil 
 bert, the fecond in command, to England, for 
 farther fupplies ; but half of fo fmall a com 
 pany would not have been a fuflicient num 
 ber to refift thefavages,had they been difpofed 
 to attack them. 
 
 After his return to England he was inde 
 fatigable in his endeavours to forward the fet 
 tling
 
 G O S N O L D. 239 
 
 fettling of a colony in America, and was one 
 of thofe who embarked in the next expedi 
 tion for Virginia, where he had the rank of a 
 Counfeilor, and where he, died in the year 
 1607. 
 
 XII. JOHN
 
 240 
 
 XII. JOHN SMITH. 
 
 r-f-i 
 
 1 HOUGH the early part of the life 
 of this extraordinary man was fpent in foreign 
 travels and adventures which have no refer 
 ence to America -, yet the incidents of that 
 period fo ftrongly mark his character, and 
 give fuch a tincture to his fubfequent actions, 
 and are withal fo fingular in themfelves, that 
 no reader (it is prefumed) will cenfure the in 
 troduction of them here as impertinent. 
 
 He was born at Willoughby, in Lincoln- 
 fhire, in the year 1579.* From the firft dawn 
 of reafon, he difcovered a roving and roman 
 tic genius, and delighted in extravagant and 
 daring actions among his fchool fellows. 
 When about thirteen years of age, he fold his 
 books and fatchel, and his puerile trinkets, to 
 
 raife 
 
 * This is determined by an infcription annexed to his portrait on 
 
 his map of New-England " ^Etat 37. Anno 1616." 
 
 This portrait reprefcnts him clad in armour and under it arc 
 thefe veri'es : 
 
 " Such are the lines that (hew thy face ; butthofe 
 
 That (hew thy grace and glory brighter bee ; 
 Thy faire difcoveries and fowle ovcrthrowes 
 
 Of falvages much civilized by thee, 
 Beft fhew thy fpirit, and to it glory win, 
 
 So thou irtbra.JJ't without, but gelde within."
 
 SMITH. 241 
 
 raife money, with a view to convey himfelf 
 privately to fea ; but the death of his father 
 put a ftop for the prefent to this attempt, and 
 threw him into the hands of guardians, who en 
 deavoured to check the ardour of his genius, by 
 confining him to a compting houfe. Being put 
 apprentice to a merchant at Lynn, at the age 
 of fifteen, he at firfl conceived hopes that his 
 mafter would fend him to fea in his fervice, 
 but this hope failing, he quitted his mafter, 
 and with only ten Shillings in his pocket, en 
 tered into the train of a young nobleman who 
 was travelling to France. At Orleans he was 
 difcharged from his attendance on lord Bertie, 
 and had money given him to return to Eng 
 land. With this money he vifited Pans, and 
 proceeded to the Low Countries, where he en- 
 lifted as a foldier, and learned the rudiments 
 of war, a fcience peculiarly agreeable to his 
 ardent and active genius. Meeting with a 
 Scots gentleman abroad, he was perfuad- 
 to pafs into Scotland, with the promife of be 
 ing ftrongly recommended to King James ; 
 but being baffled in this expectation, he re 
 turned to his native town, and finding no 
 company there which fuited his tafte, he 
 built a booth in a wood, and betook himfelf 
 
 ta
 
 242 SMITH. 
 
 to the ftudy of military hiflory and tactics, di 
 verting himfelf at intervals with his horfe and 
 lance ; in which exercile he at length found 
 a. companion, an Italian gentleman, rider to the 
 earl of Lincoln, who drew him from his fyl- 
 van retirement to Tatterfal. 
 
 Having recovered a part of the eftate which 
 his father had left him, he put himfelf into 
 a better condition than before, and fet off 
 again on his travels, in the winter of the year 
 1596, being then only feventeen years of 
 age. His nrfl itage was Flanders, where 
 meeting with a Frenchman who pretended to 
 be heir to a noble family, he, with his three 
 attendants, prevailed upon Smith to go with 
 them to France. In a dark night they arrived 
 at St. Valery in Picardy, and, by the conni 
 vance of the (hip mafler, the Frenchmen were 
 carried amore with the trunks of our young 
 traveller, whilft he was left on board till the 
 return of the boat. In the mean time they 
 had conveyed the baggage out of his reach, 
 and were not to be found. A failor on board, 
 who knew the villains, generoufly undertook 
 to conduct him to Mortaine where they lived, 
 and fupplied his wants till their arrival at the 
 place. Here he found their friends, from 
 whom he could gain no recompence ; but the 
 
 report
 
 S^ M I T H. 243 
 
 report of his furFeriags induced feveral perfons 
 of diftinction to invite him to their houfes. 
 Eager to purfuehis travels, and not caring to 
 receive favours which he was unable to re 
 quite, he left his new friends and went from 
 port to port in fearch of a fhip of war* In 
 one of thefe rambles, near Dinan, it was his 
 chance to meet one of the villains who had 
 robbed him. Without fpeaking a word, 
 they both drew - t and Smith having wound 
 ed and difarmed his antagonift, obliged him 
 to confefs his guilt before a number of per 
 fons who had afTembled on the occafion. Sat 
 isfied with his victory, he retired to the feat 
 of an acquaintance, the earl of Ployer, who 
 had been brought up in England, and having 
 received fupplies from him, he travelled along 
 the French coaft to Bayonne, and from thence 
 crofTed over to Marfeilles j vifiting and obferv- 
 ing every thing in his way which had any 
 reference to naval or military architecture. 
 
 At Marfeilles he embarked for Italy, in 
 company with a rabble of pilgrims. The 
 ihip was forced by a tempeft into the harbour 
 of Toulon, and afterward was obliged by a 
 contrary wind to anchor under the little 
 ifland of St. Mary, off Nice, in Savoy. The 
 bigotry of the pilgrims made them afcribe 
 
 their
 
 244 S M I T H. 
 
 their ill fortune to the prefence of a heretic on 
 board. They devoutly curfed Smith, and his 
 Queen Elizabeth, and in a fit of pious rage 
 threw him into the fea. He fwam to the 
 ifland, and the next day was taken on board a 
 (hip of St. Malo which had alfo put in there 
 for fhelter. The matter of the fhip, who was 
 well known to his noble friend the earl of 
 Ployer,entertained him kindly,and carried him 
 to Alexandria in Egypt ; from thence he 
 coafled the Levant > and on his return had 
 the high fatisfaction of a naval engagement 
 with a Venetian (hip, which they took and 
 rifled of her rich cargo. Smith was fet on 
 (hore at Antibes with a box of a thoufand 
 chequins, (about 2000 dollars) by the help 
 of which he made the tour of Italy, crofTed 
 the Adriatic and travelled into Stiria, to the 
 feat of Ferdinand, Archduke of Auftria. Here 
 he met with an Englim and an Irifh Jefuit 
 who introduced him to lord Ebcrfpaught, 
 baron Kizel and other officers of diftinftion, 
 and here he found full fcope for his genius ; 
 for the emperor being then at war with the 
 Turks, he entered into his army as a vol 
 unteer. 
 
 He
 
 SMITH. 245 
 
 He had communicated to Eberfpaught a 
 method of converting at a diftance by fignals 
 made with torches, which being alternately 
 ihown and hidden a certain number of times, 
 defignated every letter of the alphabet. He 
 had foon after an opportunity of making the 
 experiment. Eberfpaught being belieged by 
 the Turks in the ftrong town of Olimpach, 
 was cut off from all intelligence and hope of 
 fuccour from his friends. Smith propofed 
 his method of communication to baron Kizel, 
 who approved it, and allowed him to put it 
 in practice.* He was conveyed by a guard to a 
 hill within view of the town, and fufficiently 
 remote from the Turkifh camp. At the dif- 
 play of the fignal, Eberfpaught knew and an- 
 fwered it, and Smith conveyed to him this 
 intelligence, " Thurfday night, I will charge 
 
 on 
 
 * The method is this. Firft, three torches are fhown in a 
 line equi-diftant from each other, which are anfwered by three 
 others in the fame manner. Then the meflage being written as 
 briefly as poflible, and the alphabet divided into two parts, the 
 letters from A to L are fignified by mowing and hiding one light, 
 as often as there are letters from A to that letter, which you 
 mean. The letters from M to Z by two lights in the fame man 
 ner. The end of a word is fignified by mowing three lights. At 
 every letter, the light fiands till the other party may write it down 
 and anfwer by his fignal, which is one light. 
 
 O.3 

 
 246 SMITH. 
 
 on the Eaft > at the alarm fally thou." The 
 anfwer was " I will." Juft before the at 
 tack, by Smith's advice, a great number of 
 falfe fires were made on another quarter, 
 which divided the attention of the enemy and 
 gave advantage to the aflailants ; who, be 
 ing affifted by a fally from the town, killed 
 many of the Turks, drove others into the 
 river, and threw fuccours into the place, 
 which obliged the enemy the next day to raife 
 the fiege. This well conducted exploit, pro 
 duced to our young adventurer, the command 
 of a company, confifting of two hundred and 
 fifty horfemen in the regiment of count Mel- 
 drick, a nobleman of Tranfylvania. 
 
 The regiment in which he ferved being en 
 gaged in feveral hazardous enterprizes, Smith 
 was foremoft in all dangers and diftinguimed 
 himfelf both by his ingenuity and by his val 
 our -j and when Meldrick left the Imperial 
 army, and pafled into the fervice of his native 
 prince, Smith followed him. 
 
 At the fiege of Regal, the Ottomans derided 
 the flow approaches of the Tranfylvanian 
 army, and fent a challenge, purporting that the 
 lord Turbjiha, to divert the ladies, would 
 light any fingle Captain of the Chriftian troops. 
 
 The
 
 S M I T H. 247 
 
 The honour of accepting this challenge, being 
 determined by lot, fell on Captain Smith ; 
 who, meeting his antagonift on horfeback, 
 within view of the ladies on the battlements, 
 at the found of mufic began the encounter, 
 and in a fhort time killed him, and bore away 
 his head in triumph to his general the lord 
 Moyzes. 
 
 The death of the chief fo irritated his friend 
 Grualgo, that he fent a particular challenge 
 to the conqueror, who, meeting him with 
 the fame ceremonies, after a fmart combat, 
 took off his head alfo. Smith then in his 
 turn fent a rneflage into the town, informing 
 the ladies, that if they wifhed for more diver- 
 fion, they mould be welcome to his head, in 
 cafe their third Champion could take it. 
 This challenge was accepted by Bonamolgro, 
 who unhorfed Smith and was near gaining 
 the viclory. But remounting in a critical 
 moment, he gave the Turk a ftroke with his 
 faulchion which brought him to the ground, 
 and his head was added to the number. For 
 thefe fmgular exploits he was honoured with 
 a military proceffion, confifling of fix thoufand 
 'men, three led horfes, and the Turks' heads 
 on the points of three lances. With this ce- 
 4 remony
 
 248 SMITH. 
 
 remony Smith was conducted to the pavilion 
 of his general, who, after embracing him, 
 prefented him with a horfe richly furnifhed, 
 a fcymitar and belt worth three hundred 
 ducats, and a commiffion to be major in his 
 regiment. The prince of Tranfylvania, after 
 the capture of the place, made him a prefent 
 .of his picture fet in gold, and a penfion of 
 three hundred ducats per annum, and moreover 
 granted him a coat of arms bearing three 
 Turks' heads in a fhield. The patent was 
 admitted and recorded in the college of 
 Heralds in England, by Sir Henry Segar, 
 garter king at arms. Smith was always proud 
 of this diftinguiming honour, and thefe arms 
 are accordingly blazoned in the frontifpiecc 
 ito his hiftory, with this motto, 
 
 ff Vine ere eft vivere." 
 
 After this, the Tranfylvanian army was de 
 feated by a body of Turks and Tartars near 
 Jlotenton, and many brave men were (lain, 
 among whom were nine Englifh and Scots 
 officer.^. who, after thefafhionof that day, had 
 entered into this fervice, from a religious zeal 
 to drive the Turks out of Chriftendom. 
 Smith was wounded in this battle and lay 
 among the dead. His habit difcovered him 
 
 to
 
 SMITH. 24$ 
 
 to the viftors as a perfon of confequence ; 
 they ufed him well till his wounds were heal 
 ed, and then fold him to the Baflia Bogal, 
 who fent him as a prefent to his miflrefs T^ra- 
 gabigzanda at Conftantinople, accompanied 
 with a meflage, as full of vanity as void of 
 truth, that he had conquered in battle a Bo 
 hemian nobleman, and prefented him to her 
 as a ilave. 
 
 The prefent proved more acceptable to the 
 lady than her lord intended. She could fpeak 
 Italian - y and Smith, in that language, not only 
 informed her of his country and quality, but 
 converfed with her in fo pleafmg a manner as 
 to gain her affe&ions. The connexion prov 
 ed fo tender, that to fecurehim for herfelf and 
 to prevent his being ill ufed or fold again, me 
 fent him to her brother the Bafha of Nalbraitz, 
 in the country of the Cambrian Tartars, on 
 the borders of the fea of Afoph. Her pre 
 tence was, that he mould there learn the man 
 ners and language as well as religion of the 
 Tartars. By the terms in which ihe wrote 
 to her brother, he fufpe&ed her defign, and 
 refolved to difappoint her. Within an hour 
 after Smith's arrival he was ftripped ; his 
 head and beard were maven, an iron collar was 
 
 put
 
 250 SMITH. 
 
 put about his neck ; he was clothed with a 
 coat of hair-cloth, and driven to labour among 
 other Chriftian flaves. He had now no hope 
 of redemption, but from the love of his mif- 
 trefs, who was at a great diftance, and not like 
 ly to be informed of his misfortune ; the 
 hopelefs condition of his fellow flaves could 
 not alleviate his defpondency. 
 
 In the depth of his diftrcfs, an opportunity 
 prefented for an efcape, which to a perfon of 
 a lefs courageous and adventrous fpirit would 
 have proved an aggravation of mifery. He 
 was employed in threming, at a grange, in a 
 large field about a league from the houfe of 
 his tyrant, who in his daily vilits treated him 
 with abufive language, accompanied with 
 blows and kicks. This was more than Smith 
 could bear, wherefore watching an opportu 
 nity when no other perfon was prefent, he lev 
 elled a ftroke at him with his threfhing in- 
 flrument, which difpatched him. Then hid 
 ing his body in the ftraw and (hutting the 
 doors, he filled a bag with grain, mounted the 
 Bafha's horfe, and betaking himfelf to the 
 defart, wandered for two or three days, ig 
 norant of the way, and fo fortunate as not to 
 meet with a fingle perfon who might give 
 
 information
 
 SMITH. 251 
 
 information of his flight. At length he came 
 to a pofl ere&ed in a crofs road, by the marks 
 on which he found the way to Mofcovy, and 
 in fixteen days arrived at Exapolis on the river 
 Don > where was a Ruffian garrifon, the com 
 mander of which underftanding that he was 
 a Chriftian, received him courteoufly ; took 
 off his iron collar, and gave him letters to the 
 other governors in that region. Thus he 
 travelled through part of Ruffia and Poland, 
 till he got back to his friends in Tranfylvania ; 
 receiving prefents in his way from many per- 
 fons of diftindtion, among whom he particu 
 larly mentions a charitable lady, Callamata, 
 being always proud of his connexion with 
 that fex, and fond of acknowledging their fav 
 ours. At Leipfic he met with his colonel, 
 count Meldrick, and Sigifmund, prince of 
 Tranfylvania, who gave him 1 500 ducats to 
 repair his lofies. With this money he was 
 enabled to travel through Germany, France, 
 and Spain, and having vifited the kingdom of 
 Morocco, he returned by fea to England ; 
 having in his paiTage enjoyed the pleafure of 
 another naval engagement. At his arrival in 
 his native country he had a thoufand ducats 
 in his purfe, which, with the intereft he had 
 
 remaining
 
 252 SMITH. 
 
 remaining in England, he devoted to feek 
 adventures and make discoveries in NORTH 
 AMERICA. 
 
 Bartholomew Gofnold having conceived a 
 favourable idea of America, had made it his 
 bufmefs, on his return to England, to folicit 
 affiftance in profecuting difcoveries. Meet 
 ing with Captain Smith, he readily entered 
 into his views, the employment being exactly 
 fuited to his enterprizing genius. Having en 
 gaged Edward Maria Wingfield, a merchant, 
 Robert Hunt, a clergyman, and feveral others, 
 they prevailed upon a number of noblemen, 
 gentlemen, and merchants, to folicit a patent 
 from the crown, by which the adventurers to 
 Virginia became fubjecl to legal direction, and 
 had the fupport and encouragement of a 
 wealthy and refpeclable corporation ; which 
 was ufually flyled the South Virginia compa 
 ny, or the London company, in diftindion 
 from the Plymouth company, who fuperin- 
 tended the affairs of North Virginia. The 
 date of their patent was April 10, 1606, and 
 on the 1 9th of the following December, three 
 (hips, one of one hundred tons, another of 
 forty, and one of twenty, fell down the river 
 Thames for Virginia. The commander was 
 
 Chriftopher
 
 SMITH. 253 
 
 Chriftopher Newport, an experienced mari 
 ner. They had on board the neceflary per- 
 fons and proviiions for a colony ; and their 
 orders for government were fealed in a box, 
 which was not to be opened till they ihould 
 arrive in Virginia. 
 
 The mips were kept in the Downs by bad 
 weather fix weeks, and afterward had a tem- 
 peftuous voyage. They took the old route 
 by the Canary and Caribbee iflands, and did 
 not make the entrance of Chefapeak Bay till 
 the a6th of April 1607. From the begin 
 ning of their embarkation, there was a jealou- 
 fy and diflention among the company. Smith 
 and Hunt were friends, and both were envied 
 and fufpe&ed by the others. Hunt was ju 
 dicious and patient, his office fecured him 
 from infult. Smith was ardent and induftri- 
 ous, courteous in his deportment, but liberal 
 in his language. On fome fuggeftions that 
 he intended to ufurp the government, and 
 that his confederates were difperfed among 
 the companies of each fhip, he was made a 
 prifoner from the time of their leaving the 
 Canaries, and was under confinement when 
 they arrived in the Chefapeak. When the 
 box was opened it was found that Bartholo 
 mew
 
 254 SMITH. 
 
 mew Gofnold, John Smith, Edward M. 
 Wingfield, Chriftopher Newport, John Rat- 
 cliff, John Martin, and George Kendal were 
 named to be of the council ; who were to chufe 
 a preiident from among themfelves for one 
 year, and the government was vefted in them. 
 Matters of moment were to be " examined by 
 a jury, but determined by the major part of 
 the council, in which the prefident had two 
 voices." When the council was fworn, 
 Wingfield was chofen prefident, and a decla 
 ration was made of the reafons for which 
 Smith was not admitted and fworn among the 
 others. 
 
 Seventeen days from their arrival were fpent 
 in ieeking a proper place for their firft planta 
 tion. The fouthern point of the bay was 
 named Cape Henry, and the northern Cape 
 Charles, in honour of the two fons of King 
 James. To the firft great river which they 
 difcovered they gave the name of their fove- 
 reign ; and the northern point of its entrance 
 was called Point Comfort, on account of the 
 good channel and anchorage which they found 
 there. On the flats they took plenty of 
 oyfters, in fome of which were pearls ; and 
 on the plain they found large and ripe ftraw- 
 
 berries,
 
 SMITH. 255 
 
 berries, which afforded them a delicious re- 
 paft. 
 
 Having met with five of the natives, they 
 invited them to their town, Kecoughtan, 
 where Hampton is now built. Here they 
 were feafted with cakes made of Indian corn, 
 and regaled with tobacco and a dance. In 
 return they prefented the natives beads and 
 other trinkets. Proceeding up the river, 
 another company of Indians appeared in arms. 
 Their chief, Apamatica, holding in one hand 
 his bow and arrow, and in the other a pipe 
 of tobacco, demanded the caufe of their com 
 ing ; they made figns of peace, and were hof- 
 pitably received. On the 131?! of May, they 
 pitched upon a peninfula where the mips 
 could lie in fix fathom water, moored to the 
 trees, as the place of their intended fettlement. 
 Here they were vifited by Pafpiha, another 
 Indian chief, who being made acquainted with 
 their defign, offered them as much land as 
 they wanted, and afterward fent them a deer 
 for their entertainment. On this fpot they 
 piched their tents, and gave it the name of 
 James -town. 
 
 Every man was now employed either in 
 g and planting gardens, or making nets, 
 
 or
 
 256 S M I T H. 
 
 or in cutting and riving timber to reladc the 
 fhips. The prefident at firft would admit of 
 no martial exercife, nor allow any fortifica 
 tions to be made excepting the boughs of trees 
 thrown together in the form of a half moon. 
 Captain Newport took Smith and twenty more 
 with him to difcover the head of James-river. 
 In fix days they arrived at the falls, and erect 
 ing a crofs, as they had at Cape Henry, took 
 pofleiTion of the country in the name of King 
 James. In this route they vifited POWHA- 
 TAN, the principal Indian chief, or emperor. 
 His town confiflcd of twelve houfes pleafantly 
 fituate on a hill ; before which were three 
 iflands, a little below the fpot where Rich 
 mond is now built. Captain Newport pre- 
 fented a hatchet to this prince, which he 
 gratefully received, and when fome of his In 
 dians murmured at the coming of the Kng- 
 lifh among them, he filenced them by faying 
 " why fhould we be offended ? they hurt us 
 not, nor take any thing by force ; they want 
 only a little ground which we can eafily fpare." 
 This appearance of friendmip was not much 
 relied on, when at their return to James-town, 
 they found that the company had been furprif- 
 ed at their work by a party of Indians, who 
 
 had
 
 SMITH* 257 
 
 had killed one and wounded feventeen others, 
 A double headed {hot from one of the (hips 
 had cut off a bough of a tree, which falling 
 among the Indians, terrified and difperfed 
 them. This incident obliged the Prefident 
 to alter the plan of the fort, which was now 
 a triangular palifade with a lunette at each an 
 gle ; and five pieces of artillery were mounted 
 on the works, which were completed by the 
 -i 5th of June. It was allb found necefTary to 
 exercifc the men at arms, to mount guard and 
 'be vigilant, for the Indians would furprife and, 
 moleft ftragglers, whiTft by their fuperior a- 
 gility they would efcape unhurt. 
 
 The iliips being almoft ready to return, it 
 was thought proper that fome decifion (hould 
 be had respecting the allegations againft Smith, 
 His accufers affected commiferation, and pre 
 tended to refer him to the cenfure of the com 
 pany in England, rather than to expofe him, 
 to a legal proiecution which might injure his 
 reputation or touch his life. Smith, who 
 knew both their malice and their impotence, 
 openly fcorned their pretended pity and defied 
 their refentment. He had conducted himfelf 
 . fo unexceptionably in every employment 
 which had been allotted to him, that he had 
 R rendered
 
 258 SMITH. 
 
 rendered himfelf very popular , and his accuf- 
 ers had by a different condudt loft the affec 
 tions and confidence of the people. Thofe 
 who had been fuborned to accufe him ac 
 knowledged their fault, and difcovered the fe- 
 cret arts which had been pradtifed againft 
 him. He demanded a trial, and the iflue 
 was, that the Prefident was adjudged to pay 
 him two hundred pounds ; but when his pro 
 perty was feized in part of this fatisfaction, 
 Smith generoufly turned it into the common 
 ftore, for the benefit of the colony. Such an 
 adion could not but increafe his popularity. 
 Many other difficulties, had arifen among 
 them, which, by the influence of Smith, and 
 the exhortations of Hunt, their chaplain, 
 were brought to a feemingly amicable conclu- 
 fion. Smith was admitted to his feat in the 
 council, and on the next Sunday they celebrat 
 ed the communion. At the fame time the 
 Indians came in, and voluntarily defired peace. 
 With the good report of thefe t ran factions 
 Newport failed for England on the 22d of 
 June, promifing to return in twenty weeks 
 with frefh fupplies. 
 
 The colony thus left in Virginia confifted 
 of one hundred and four perfons, in very mif- 
 
 erable
 
 SMITH. 259 
 
 erable circumftances, efpecially on account of 
 provilions, to which calamity their long 
 voyage did not a little contribute, both as it 
 confumed their flock, and deprived them of 
 the opportunity of lowing feafonably in the 
 fpring. Whilft the mips remained, they 
 could barter with the failors for bread ; but 
 after their departure, each man's allowance 
 was half a pint of damaged wheat, and as 
 much barley , per day : the river, which at 
 the flood was fait, and at the ebb was muddy, 
 afforded them their only drink ; it alfo fuppli- 
 ed them with flurgeon and fhellfim. This 
 kind of food, with their continual labour in 
 the heat of fummer, and their frequent watch- 
 ings by night in all weathers, having only the 
 bare ground to lie on with but a flight cov 
 ering, produced difeafes among them j which 
 by the month of September carried off fifty 
 perfons, among whom was Captain Gofnold. 
 Thofe who remained were divided into three 
 watches, of whom not more than five in each 
 were capable of duty at once. All this time 
 the Prefident, Wingfield, who had the key of 
 the ftores, monopolized the few refrefhmenfs 
 which remained, and was meditating to de- 
 fert the plantation privately in the pinnace, 
 R 2 and
 
 260 SMITH. 
 
 and remove to the Weft Indies. Thefe things 
 rendered him fo hateful to the reft, that they 
 depofed him and elected Ratcliffe in his room ; 
 they alfo removed Kendal from his place in 
 the council, fo that by the middle of Septem 
 ber, three members only were left. 
 
 Ratcliffe. being: a man of no refolution nor 
 
 o 
 
 activity, committed the management of affairs 
 abroad to Smith, in whom his confidence was 
 not mifplaced. At the fame time the Indians 
 in their neighbourhood brought in a plenti 
 ful fupply of fuch proviiions as they had, 
 which revived their drooping fpirits ; and 
 Smith feeing the neceffity of exertion to fe- 
 cure themfelves, and provide for the approach 
 ing winter, partly by his animating ipeeches, 
 but more by his example, fet them to work 
 in mowing and binding thatch, and in build 
 ing and covering houfes. In thefe exercifes 
 he bore a large fhare, and in a ihort time got 
 a fufficiency of houfes to make comfortable 
 lodgings for all the people excepting himfelf. 
 This being done, and the provifions which the 
 natives had brought in being expended, he 
 picked a number of the beft hands and em 
 barked in a (hallop which they had brought 
 
 from
 
 S M I T H. 261 
 
 from England, to fearch the country for a- 
 nother fupply. 
 
 The party which accompanied Smith in 
 this excurfion, confifled of fix men, well arm 
 ed, but ill provided with clothing and other 
 neceflaries. What was wanting in equipment 
 was to be fupplied by refolution and addrefs > 
 and Smith's genius was equal to the attempt. 
 They proceeded down the river to Kecoughtan 
 [Hampton] where the natives, knowing the 
 needy ftate of the colony, treated them with 
 contempt, offering an ear of corn in exchange 
 for a mulket, or a fword, and in like propor 
 tion for their fcant and tattered garments. 
 Finding that courtefy and gentle treatment 
 would not prevail, and that nothing was to 
 be expected in the way of barter, and more 
 over provoked by their contempt,Smith order 
 ed his boat to be drawn on more and his men 
 to fire at them. The affrighted natives fled 
 to the woods, whilft the party fearched their 
 houfes in which they found plenty of corn -, 
 but Smith did not permit his men to touch 
 it; expecting that the Indians would return 
 and attack them. They foon appeared to the 
 number of fixty or feventy, formed into a 
 fquare carrying their idol OKE, compofed 
 R 3 of
 
 262 SMITH. 
 
 of fkins, fluffed with mofs and adorned with 
 chains of copper. They were armed with 
 clubs and targets, bows and arrows, and ad 
 vanced, finging, to the charge. The party re 
 ceived them with a volley of {hot, which 
 brought feveral of them to the ground and 
 their idol among them -, the reft fled again 
 to the woods, from whence they fent a depu 
 tation to offer peace and redeem their god. 
 Smith, having in his hands fo valuable a 
 pledge, was able to bring them to his own 
 terms ; he ftipulated that fix of them mould 
 come unarmed, and load his boat with corn, 
 and on this condition he would be their friend 
 and give them hatchets, beads and copper. 
 Thefe ftipulations were faithfully performed 
 on both fides ; and the Indians in addition 
 prefented them with venifon, turkies, and 
 other birds ; and continued finging and danc 
 ing till their departure. 
 
 The fuccefs of this attempt encouraged 
 him to repeat his excurfions by land and wa 
 ter - y in the courfe of which he difcovered 
 feveral branches of James-River, and particu 
 larly the Chickahamony, from whofe fertile 
 banks he hoped to fupply the colony with 
 provifion. But induftry abroad will not make 
 
 a flourishing
 
 SMITH. 263 
 
 a flourifhing plantation without economy at 
 home. What he had taken pains and rifqued 
 his life to provide, was carelefsly and wanton 
 ly expended ; the traffic with the natives be 
 ing under no regulation, each perfon made his 
 own bargain, and by out bidding each other 
 they taught the Indians to fet a higher value 
 on their commodities, and to think themfelves 
 cheated when they did not all get the fame 
 prices. This bred a jealoufy and fowed the 
 feeds of a quarrel with them, which the colo 
 ny were in a poor condition to maintain, be 
 ing at variance among themfelves. 
 
 The fhallop being again fitted for a trading 
 voyage, whilft Smith was abroad on one of 
 his ufual rambles, and the people being dif- 
 contented with the indolence of Ratcliffe, 
 their prefident, and the long ficknefs of Mar 
 tin j Wingfield and Kendal, who had been 
 difplaced, took advantage of Smith's abfence, 
 and cpnfpired with fome malcontents to run 
 away with the veflel and go to England. 
 Smith returned unexpectedly, and the plot 
 was difcovered. To prevent its execution, 
 recourfe was had to arms, and Kendal was 
 killed. Another attempt of the fame kind 
 was made by Ratcliffe himfelf, ailifted by 
 R 4 Archer ;
 
 264 SMITH. 
 
 Archer; but Smith found means to defeat 
 this alfo. He determined to keep pofiefiion 
 of the country, the value of which was daily 
 rifing in his eftimation -, not only as a fource 
 of wealth to individuals,but as a grand nation 
 al objecl 5 and he knew that great undertak 
 ings could not be accompli (hed without la 
 bour and perfeverance. 
 
 As the autumn advanced, the waters were 
 covered with innumerable wild fowl 5 which 
 with the addition of corn, beans, and pump 
 kins, procured from the Indians, changed 
 hunger into luxury, and abated the rage for 
 abandoning the country. Smith had been 
 once up the river Chickahamony, but becaufe 
 he had not penetrated to its fource, exceptions 
 were taken to his conduct: as too dilatory. 
 This imputation he determined to remove. 
 In his next voyage, he went fo high that he 
 was obliged to cut the trees, which had fall 
 en into the river, to make his way through as 
 far as his boat could fwim. He then left her 
 in a fafe place, ordering his men not to quit 
 her until his return j then taking two of 
 them, and two Indians for guides, he proceed 
 ed in one of their canoes to the meadows at 
 {he river's head , and leaving his two men 
 
 with
 
 S M I T H. 265 
 
 with the canoe, he went with his Indian 
 guides acrofs the meadows. A party of 300 
 Indians below, had watched the motions of 
 the boat. They firfl furprized the ftraggling 
 crew, and made one of them prifoner, from 
 whom they learned that Smith was above. 
 They next found the two men, whom he had 
 left with the canoe, aileep by a fire, and killed 
 them; then having difcovered Smith, they 
 wounded him in the thigh with an arrow. 
 Finding himfelf thus atlaulted, and wounded, 
 he bound one of his Indian guides with his 
 garters to his left arm, and made ufe of him 
 as a fhield, whilft he difpatched three of his 
 enemies and wounded fome others. He was 
 retreating to his canoe, when regarding his 
 enemies, more than his footfleps, he fudden- 
 ly plunged with his guide into an oozy creek, 
 and ftuck faft in the mud. The Indians af- 
 tonifhed at his bravery did not approach him, 
 till almoft dead with cold, he threw away his 
 arms, and begged them to draw him out, 
 which they did and led him to the fire, where 
 his flain companions were Tying. This fight 
 admonimed him what he was to expert. Be 
 ing revived by their chafing his benumbed 
 linibs, he called for their chief, Opechanka- 
 
 now,
 
 266 SMITH. 
 
 now, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he prc- 
 fented his ivory compafs and dial. The vi 
 brations of the needle, and the fly under the 
 glafs, which they could fee but not touch, 
 afforded them much amufement; and Smith, 
 having learned fomething of their language, 
 partly by means of that, and partly by figns, 
 entertained them with a defcription of the 
 nature and ufes of the inftrument ; and gave 
 them fuch a lecture on the motions of the 
 heavens and earth, as amazed them, and ful- 
 pended for a time, the execution of their pur- 
 pofe. At length, curiofity being fatiated, 
 they faflened him to a tree, and prepared to 
 difpatch him with their arrows. At this in 
 fant, the chief holding up the compafs, 
 which he efleemed as a divinity, they laid a- 
 fide their arms, and forming a military pro- 
 cefiion, led him in triumph to their village 
 Orapaxe. The order of their march was 
 thus : they ranged themfelves in a fmgle file, 
 the King in the midft, before him were borne 
 the arms taken from Smith and his compan 
 ions ; next after the King, came the prifoner, 
 held by three flout favages ; and on each fide 
 a file of fix. When they arrived at the vil 
 lage, the old men, women, and children, came 
 
 out
 
 SMITH. 267 
 
 out to receive them ; after fome manoeuvres, 
 which had the appearance of regularity, they 
 formed themfelves round the King and his 
 prifoner, into a circle, dancing and tinging, 
 adorned with paint, furs, and feathers, bran- 
 difhing their rattles, which were made of the 
 tails of rattlefnakes. After three dances, 
 they difperfed, and Smith was conducted to a 
 long hut, guarded by forty men. There he 
 was fo plentifully feafted with bread and veni^ 
 fon, that he fufpected their intention was to 
 fatten and eat him. One of the Indians, to 
 whom Smith had formerly given beads, 
 brought him a garment of furs, to defend him 
 from the cold. Another, whofe fon was then 
 fick and dying,' attempted to kill him, but 
 was prevented by the guard. Smith being 
 conducted to the dying youth, told them that 
 he had a medicine at James-town, which 
 would cure him, if they would let him fetch 
 it -, but they had another defign, which was 
 to furprize the place, and make ufe of him as 
 a guide. To induce him to perform this fer-? 
 vice, they promifed him his liberty, with as 
 much land, and as many women, as would 
 content him. Smith magnified the difficulty 
 and danger of their attempt,from the ordnance, 
 
 mines
 
 268 SMITH. 
 
 mines and other defences of the place, which 
 exceedingly terrified them, and to convince 
 them of the truth of what he told them, hft 
 wrote on a leaf of his pocket book, an inven 
 tory of what he wanted, with fome directions 
 to the people at the fort, how to affright the 
 meflengers who went to deliver the letter. 
 They returned in three days, reporting the 
 terror, into which they had been thrown, and 
 when they produced the things for which he 
 had written, the whole company were afton- 
 ifhed at the power of his divination by the 
 freaking leaf. 
 
 After this they carried him through feveral 
 nations, inhabiting the banks of the Potow- 
 mack and Rapahanock, and at length brought 
 him to Pamaunkeej where they performed a 
 ftrange ceremony, by which they intended to 
 divine, whether his intentions toward them, 
 were friendly or hoftile. The manner of it 
 was this : early in the morning a great fire was 
 made in a long houfe, and a mat fpread on 
 each fide, on one of which he was placed, and 
 the guard retired. Prefently, an Indian prieft, 
 hideoufly painted, and drefled in furs and fnake 
 Ikins, came flapping in, and after a variety of 
 uncouth noifes and geflures, drew a circle 
 
 with
 
 SMITH, 269 
 
 with meal round the fire. Then came in 
 three more in the fame frightful drefs, and 
 after they had performed their dance, three 
 others. They all fat oppoiite to him in a line, 
 the chief prieft in the midfl. After tinging 
 a fong, accompanied with the mufic of their 
 rattles, the chief prieft laid down five grains 
 of corn, and after a fhort fpeech three more ; 
 this was repeated till the fire was encircled. 
 Then continuing the incantation, he laid flicks 
 between the diviiions of the corn. The whole 
 day was fpent in thefe ceremonies, with fail 
 ing ; and at night a feaft was prepared of the 
 beaft meats which they had. The fame tricks 
 were repeated the two following days. They 
 told him that the circle of meal reprefented 
 their country, the circle of corn the fea more, 
 and the flicks his country ; they did not ac 
 quaint him, or he has not acquainted us with 
 the refult of the operation ; but he obferved 
 that the gunpowder, which they had taken 
 from him, was laid up among their corn, to 
 be planted the next fpring. 
 
 After thefe ceremonies, they brought him 
 to the emperor POWHATAN, who received 
 him in royal flate, clothed in a robe of 
 racoon fkins, feated on a kind of throne, 
 
 elevated
 
 270 S M I T H. 
 
 elevated above the floor of a large hut, in the 
 midfl of which was a fire j at each hand of 
 the prince, fat two beautiful girls, his daugh 
 ters, and along each fide of the houfe, a row 
 of his counfellors, painted and adorned with 
 feathers and {hells. At Smith's entrance a 
 great fhout was made. The Queen of Apa- 
 matox, brought him water to wa(h his hands, 
 and another ferved him with a bunch of 
 feathers, inftead of a towel. Having feafted 
 him after their manner, a long coniultation 
 was held, which being ended, two large ftones 
 were brought in, on one of which his head 
 was laid, and clubs were lifted up to beat out 
 his brains. At this critical moment, POCA- 
 HONTAS, the King's favourite daughter, flew 
 to him, took his head in her arms, and laid 
 her own upon it. Her tender intreaties pre 
 vailed. The king confented that Smith 
 fhould live, to make hatchets for him, and 
 ornaments for her. 
 
 Two days after, Powhatan caufed him to 
 be brought to a diflant houfe ; where, after 
 another threatening, he confirmed his promife, 
 and told him he mould return to the fort, and 
 fend him two pieces of cannon, and a grind- 
 flone ; for which he would give him the 
 
 country
 
 SMITH. 271 
 
 country of Capahoufick, and forever efteem 
 him as his fon. Twelve guides accompani 
 ed him, and he arrived at James-town, the 
 next day. According to the flipulation, two 
 guns and a large grindftone were offered them, 
 but having in vain tried to lift them, they 
 were content to let them remain in their place. 
 Smith, however, had the guns loaded, and 
 difcharged a volley of {tones, at a tree cover 
 ed with icicles. The report and effect con 
 founded them ; but being pacified with a 
 few toys, they returned, carrying prefents to 
 Powhatan and his daughter, of fuch things as 
 gave them entire fatisfaction. After this ad 
 venture, the young princefs, Pocahontas, fre 
 quently vifited the plantation, with her attend 
 ants, and the refremments which fhe brought 
 from time to time proved the means of faving 
 many lives, which otherwife would have been 
 loft. 
 
 Smith's return happened at another critical 
 juncture. The colony was divided into parties, 
 and the malcontents, were again preparing to 
 quit the country. His prefence a third time, 
 defeated the project in revenge for which they 
 meditated to put him to death, under pretence 
 that he had been the means of murdering the 
 
 two
 
 272 S M I T H. 
 
 two men who went with him in the canoe ; 
 but by a proper application of valour and 
 Itrength, he put his sccufers under confine 
 ment, till an opportunity prefented for fend 
 ing them as prifoners to England. 
 
 The misfortunes and mifmanagements of 
 this Virginian colony, during the period here 
 related, feem to have originated partly in the 
 tempers and qualifications of the men who 
 were appointed to command, and partly in the 
 nature and circumstances of the adventure. 
 There could be no choice of men for the fer- 
 vice,but among thofe who offered themfelves j 
 and thefe were previoufly flrangers to each 
 other, as well as different in their education, 
 qualities and habits. Some of them had been 
 ufed to the command of mips, and partook of 
 the roughnefs of the element on which they 
 were bred. It is perhaps, no great compli 
 ment to Smith, to fay that he was the beft 
 qualified of them, for command ; fince the 
 event proved that none of them, who furviv- 
 ed the firft ficknefs, had the confidence of 
 the people in any degree. It is certain that 
 his refolution prevented the abandonment of 
 the place the firft year ; his enterprizing fpi- 
 rit led to an exploration of the country, and 
 
 acquainted
 
 I T H. 273 
 
 acquainted them with its many advantages ^ 
 his captivity produced an intercourfe with the 
 favages ; and the fapplies gained from them, 
 chiefly by means of his addrefs, kept the peo 
 ple alive till the fecond arrival of the mips 
 from England. The Virginians, therefore, 
 juftly regard him, if not as the father, yet as 
 the faviour of that infant plantation. 
 
 In the winter of 1607, Capt. Newport ar 
 rived from England in Virginia. The other 
 fliip, commanded by Capt. Nelfon, which fail 
 ed at the fame time, was difmafled on the 
 American coaft, and blown off to the Weft- 
 Indies. The fupplies fent by the company 
 were received in Virginia with the moft cor 
 dial avidity ; but the general licenfe given to 
 the failors, to trade with the favages, proved 
 detrimental to the planters, as it raifed the 
 prices of their commodities fo high, that a 
 pound of copper would not purchafe, what 
 before could be bought for an ounce. New 
 port himfelf was not free from this fpirit -of 
 profufion, fo common to feafaring men, which 
 he manifefted by fending prefents of various 
 kinds to Powhatan, intending thereby to give 
 him an idea of the grandeur of the Englim 
 nation. In a vifit which he made to this 
 S prince,
 
 274 S M I T H. 
 
 prince, under the conduct of Smith, he was 
 received and entertained with an equal fhow 
 of magnificence j but in trading with the 
 lavage chief, he found himfelf outwitted. 
 Powhatan, in a lofty {train, fpoke to him thus : 
 " It is not agreeable to the greatnefs of fuch 
 men as we are, to trade like common people 
 for trifles ; lay down therefore at once, all 
 your goods, and I will give you the full value 
 for them." Smith perceived the fnare, and 
 warned Newport of it ; but he, thinking to 
 out brave the favage prince, difplayed the 
 whole of his {lore. Powhatan then fet fuch 
 a price on his corn, that not more than four 
 bufhels could be procured $ and the necef- 
 fery fupplies could not have been had, if 
 Smith's genius, ever ready at invention, had 
 not hit on an artifice which proved fuccefsful. 
 He had fecreted fome trifles, and among them 
 a parcel of blue beads , which, feemingly in a 
 carelefs way, he glanced in the eyes of Pow 
 hatan. The bait caught him 5 and he earn- 
 eftly defired to purchafe them. Smith, in 
 his turn, raifed the value of them, extolling 
 them as the mofl precious jewels, refembling 
 the colour of the iky, and proper only for the 
 nobleft fovereigns in the univerfe. Powhatan's 
 
 imagination
 
 SMITH. 275 
 
 imagination was all on fire $ he made large 
 offers. Smith infifted on more, and at length 
 fuffered himfelf to be perfuaded to take be 
 tween two and three hundred bumels of corn 
 for about two pounds of blue beads* and they 
 parted in very good humour, each one being 
 very much pleafed with his bargain. In a 
 fubfequent vifit to Opecankanough, King of 
 Pamaunkee, the company were entertained 
 with the fame kind of fplendor and a fimilar 
 bargain clofed the feftivity ; by which means, 
 the blue beads grew into fuch eftimation, that 
 none but the princes and their families were 
 able to wear them* 
 
 Loaded with this acquifition, they return 
 ed to James-town ; where an unhappy fire had 
 confumed feveral of their houfes, with much 
 of their provifions and furniture. Mr. Hunt, 
 the chaplain, loft his apparel and library in 
 this conflagration, and efcaped from it with 
 only the clothes on his back. This misfor 
 tune was feverely felt $ the (hip (laying in 
 port fourteen weeks, and referving enough for 
 the voyage home, fo contracted their ftock 
 of provifions, that before the winter was gone, 
 they were reduced to great extremity, and 
 many of them died. The caufe of the {hip's 
 S 2 detention
 
 276 SMITH. 
 
 detention for fo long a time was this : In 
 fearching for frefh water in the neighbour 
 hood of James-town, they had difcovered in 
 a rivulet, fome particles of a yellowim ifing- 
 glafs, which their fanguine imaginations had 
 refined into gold daft. The zeal for this pre 
 cious matter was fo ftrong, that in digging, 
 warning and packing it to complete the lading 
 of the fhip, all other cares were abforbed. 
 This was a tedious interval to Capt. Smith ; 
 his judgment condemned their folly, his pa 
 tience was exhaufted, and his paflion irritated, 
 and the only recompenfe which he had for 
 this long vexation was, the pleafure of fend 
 ing home Wingfield and Archer, when the 
 fhip departed. 
 
 The other fhip arrived in the fpring, and 
 notwithstanding a long and unavoidable deten 
 tion in the Weft-Indies, brought them a com 
 fortable fupply of provifions. They took ad 
 vantage of the opening feaion, to rebuild their 
 houfes and chapel, repair the palifades, and 
 plant corn for the enfuing fummer, in all 
 which works the example and authority of 
 Smith, were of eminent fervice. Every man 
 of activity was fond of him, and thofe of a 
 contrary difpofition were afraid of him. It 
 
 was
 
 SMITH. 277 
 
 was propofed that he fhould go into the coun 
 try of the Monacans, beyond the falls of 
 James-river, that they might have fome news 
 of the interior parts to fend home to the com 
 pany ; but a fray with the Indians detained 
 him at James-town, till the mip failed for 
 England, laden chiefly with cedar, but not 
 without another fpecimen of the yellow duft, 
 of which Martin was fo fond, that he took 
 charge of the packages himfelf and returned 
 to England. An acceflion of above one hun 
 dred men, among whom were feveral gold- 
 fmiths and refiners, had been made to the col 
 ony, by the two laft fhips, and a new mem 
 ber, Matthew Scrivener, was added to the 
 council. 
 
 Having finimed the necefTary buflnefs of 
 the feafon, and difpatched the ihip, another 
 voyage of difcovery was undertaken by Capt. 
 Smith and fourteen others. They went down 
 the river (June 10, 1608) in an open barge, 
 in company with the fhip, and having parted 
 with her at Cape Henry, they crofTed the 
 mouth of the bay, and fell in with a clufter 
 of iflands without Cape Charles, to which 
 they gave the name of Smith's Ifles, which 
 they ftill bear. Then re-entering the bay 
 S 3 they
 
 278 SMITH. 
 
 they landed on the eaftern neck, and were 
 kindly received by Acomack, the prince of 
 that peninfula, a part of which ftill bears his 
 name. From thence they coafted the eaftern 
 fhore of the bay, and landed fdmetimes on 
 the main, and at other times on the low 
 iflands, of which they found many, but none 
 fit for habitation. They proceeded up the 
 bay to the northward and crofled over to the 
 weftern more, down which they coafted to the 
 fouthward, and in this route difcovered the 
 mouths of the great rivers, which fall into 
 the bay on that fide. One in particular, at 
 tracted much of their attention, becaufe of a 
 reddHh earth which they found there, and 
 from its refemblance to bole-ammoniac, they 
 gave it the name of Bolus-river, and it is fo 
 named in all the early maps of the country ; 
 but in the later, it bears the Indian name Pa- 
 tapfco 5 on the north fide of which is now 
 the flourifhing town of Baltimore. They 
 failed thirty miles up the Potowmack, with^ 
 out feeing any inhabitants ; but on entering 
 a creek found themfelves furrounded by In 
 dians who threatened them. Smith prepared 
 for an encounter ; but on firing a few guns, 
 the Indians, terrified at the noife, made figns 
 
 of
 
 S M I T H. 279 
 
 of peace, and exchanged hoflages. One of the 
 company was by this means carried to the 
 habitation of their prince, and the whole were 
 kindly ufed. They learned that it was by 
 direction of Powhatan that the Indians were 
 in arms, and had attempted to furprife them - y 
 from this circumftance they were led to fuf- 
 pectthat Powhatan, had been informed of 
 this expedition, by the difcontented part of 
 the colony whom Smith had obliged to flay 
 in the country when they would have defert- 
 ed it. 
 
 It was Smith's invariable cuftom, when he 
 met with the Indians, to put on a bold face, 
 and if they appeared defirous of peace to de 
 mand their arms, and fome of their children 
 as pledges of their fincerity $ if they complied, 
 he conlidered them as friends -, if not, as ene 
 mies. In the courfe of this voyage, he col 
 lected fome furs, and difcovered fome colour 
 ed earths, which the favages ufed as paints, 
 but found nothing of the mineral kind. At 
 the mouth of the Rappahanock, the boat 
 grounded, and whilft they were waiting for the 
 tide, they employed themfelves in flicking 
 with their fwords the fames which were left 
 on the flats. Smith having ftuck his fword 
 S 4 into
 
 SMITH. 
 
 into a ftingray, the fifli raifed its tail, and with 
 its Iharp indented thorn, wounded him in the 
 arm. The wound was extremely painful, and 
 he prefently fwelled to that degree, that they 
 expected him to die, and he himfelf gave 
 them orders to bury him on a neighbouring 
 ifland. But the furgeon, Dr. Rufiel, having 
 probed the wound -, by the help of a certain 
 oil, ib allayed the anguifh and fwelling, that 
 Smith was able to eat part of the fifh for his 
 fupper. From this occurrence, the place 
 was diftinguifhed by the name of Stingray- 
 Point, which it flill bears. 
 
 On the 2 1 ft of July, they returned to 
 James-town. Having, with the coloured 
 earths which they had found, difguifed their 
 boat and ftreamers, their old companions were 
 alarmed at their approach, with the apprehen- 
 fion of an attack from the Spaniards ; this was 
 a trick of Smith's to frighten the old Prefi- 
 dent, who had rioted on the public {lores, and 
 was building a houfe in the woods, that he 
 might feclude himfelf from the fickly, difcon- 
 tented, quarrelfome company. On Smith's 
 arrival, they fignified their defire of inverting 
 him with the government. Ratcliffe being 
 depofed, it fell to him of courfe ; and having 
 
 recommended
 
 SMITH. 2*1 
 
 recommended Scrivener to preiide in his ab- 
 fence, he entered on another voyage of difcov- 
 ery, being determined to fpare no pains for a 
 full exploration of the country. 
 
 From the 24th of July, to the 7th of Sep 
 tember, with twelve men in an open barge, 
 he ranged the bay of Chefapeak, as far north 
 ward as the falls of Sufquehannah, entering 
 all the rivers that flow into the bay, and ex 
 amining their fhores. In fome places, the na 
 tives were friendly, an din others jealous. Their 
 idea of the ftrange vilitors, was, that they had 
 come " from under the world to take their 
 world from them." Smith's conftant endea 
 vour, was to preferve peace with them ; but 
 when he could not obtain corn in the way of 
 traffic, he never fcrupled to ufe threats, and 
 in fome cafes, violence, and by one or the 
 other method he prevailed fo as to bring 
 home a load of provifions for his difcontented 
 companions, who without his efforts would 
 not have been able to live. Sicknefs and 
 death were very frequent, and the lateft com 
 ers, were moft affedted by the diforders of the 
 climate. 
 
 Smith was now eftablimed in the prefiden- 
 cy, by the election of the council and the re- 
 
 queft
 
 282 SMITH. 
 
 queft of the company ; but the commiflion. 
 gave to a majority of the council the whole 
 power. Newport, at his third arrival, brought 
 over two new members, and Ratcliffe having 
 flill a feat, though depofed from the prefiden- 
 cy, Smith was obliged in fome cafes to comply 
 with their opinions, contrary to his own 
 judgment, an initance of which will now be 
 exhibited. 
 
 The Virginia company in London, de 
 ceived by falfe reports, and mifled by their 
 own fanguine imaginations, had conceived an 
 expectation not only of rinding precious metals 
 in the country, but of difcovering the South 
 Sea, from the mountains at the head of James - 
 river -, and it was thought, that the journey 
 thither, might be performed in eight or ten 
 days. For the purpofe of making this capi 
 tal difcovery, they put on board Newport's mip, 
 a barge capable of being taken to pieces, and 
 put together again at pleafure. This barge 
 was to make a voyage to the head of the river, 
 then to be carried in pieces acrofs the moun 
 tains, and to defcend the rivers which were 
 fuppofed to run weftward to the South Sea. 
 To faciliate this plan, it was neceflary to gain 
 the favour of Powhatan, through whofe 
 
 country
 
 SMITH. 283 
 
 country the paffage mufl be made ; and as 
 means of winning him, a royal prefent was 
 brought over, confifting of a bafon and ewer, 
 a bed and furniture, a chair of flate, a fuit of 
 fcarlet clothes, with a cloak and a crown, all 
 which were to be prefented to him in due 
 form ; and the crown placed on his head, with 
 as much folemnity as poffible. To a perfon 
 who knew the country and its inhabitants fo 
 well as Smith, this project appeared chimeri 
 cal, and the means whereby it was to be car 
 ried on, dangerous. With a fmall quantity 
 of copper and a few beads, he could have kept 
 Powhatan in good humour, and made an ad 
 vantage of it for the colony, whereas a profu- 
 iion of prefents he knew would but increafe 
 his pride and infolence. The project of travel 
 ling over unknown mountains with men 
 already weakened by ficknefs, and worn out 
 with fatigue, in a hot climate, and in the 
 midft of enemies, who might eafily cut off 
 their retreat, was too romantic even for his 
 fanguine and adventrous fpirit. His opinion 
 upon the matter cannot be expreffed in more 
 pointed language, than he ufed in a letter to 
 the company. " If the quartered boat was 
 burned to afhes, one might carry her in a bag, 
 
 but
 
 284 SMITH. 
 
 but as me is, five hundred cannot, to a navi 
 gable place above the falls." His diffent 
 however was ineffectual, and when he found 
 that the voice of the council was for execut 
 ing it, he lent his am* fiance to effect as much 
 of it as was practicable. 
 
 Previoufly to their fetting out, he under 
 took, with four men only, to carry notice to 
 Powhatan of the intended prefent, and invite 
 him to come to James-town, that he might 
 receive it there. Plaving travelled by land 
 twelve miles to Werocomoco, on Pamunky 
 (York) river, where he expected to meet 
 Powhatan, and not finding him there, whilft 
 a meffenger was difpatched thirty miles for 
 him ; his daughter Pocahontas, entertained 
 Smith and his company with a dance, which 
 for its fingularity, merits a particular def- 
 cription. 
 
 In an open plain, a fire being made, the 
 gentlemen were feated by it. Suddenly a 
 noife was heard in the adjacent wood, which 
 made them fly to their arms, and feize on two 
 or three old men, as hoftages for their own 
 fecurity, imagining that they were betrayed. 
 Upon this the young princefs came running 
 to Smith, and paflionately embracing him, 
 
 offered
 
 SMITH. 285 
 
 offered herfelf to be killed, if any harm mould 
 happen to him or his company. Her aflur- 
 ances, feconded by all the Indians prefent, 
 removed their fears. The noife which had 
 alarmed them, was made by thirty girls, who 
 were preparing for the intended ceremony. 
 Immediately they made their appearance, with 
 no other covering than a girdle of green leaves 
 and their fkins painted, each one of a different 
 colour. Their leader had a pair of buck's 
 horns on her head, an otter's fkin as her gir 
 dle, and another on one arm ; a bow and ar 
 row in the other hand, and a quiver at her 
 back. The reft of them had horns on 
 their heads, and a wooden fword or ftafF in 
 their hands. With fhouting and finging, 
 they formed a ring round the fire, and per 
 formed a circular dance for about an hour, 
 after which they retired in the fame order as 
 they had advanced. The dance was followed 
 by a feaft, at which the favage nymphs were 
 as eager with their carefles as with their at 
 tendance ; and this being ended, they con 
 ducted the gentlemen to their lodging by the 
 light of fire brands. 
 
 The next day Powhatan arrived, and Smith 
 tklivered the meflage from his father, Newport 
 
 (as
 
 286 SMITH. 
 
 (as he always called him) to this effect. 
 That he had brought him from the King 
 of England, a royal prefent, and wifhed to fee 
 him at James-town, that he might deliver it 
 to him 5 promifing to aflift him in profecut- 
 ing his revenge againft the Monacans, whofe 
 country they would penetrate even to the fea 
 beyond the mountains." To which the fav- 
 age prince with equal fubtilty and haughti- 
 nefs, anfwered, " If your King has fent me a 
 prefent, I alfo am a King, and am on my own 
 land. I will flay here eight days. Your father 
 muft come to me, I will not go to him, nor 
 to your fort. As for the Monacans, I am 
 able to revenge myfelf. If you have heard of 
 felt water beyond the mountains, from any of 
 my people, they have deceived you." Then 
 with a flick he drew a plan of that region on 
 the ground j and after many compliments the 
 conference ended. 
 
 The prefent being put on board the boats, 
 was carried down James-river and up the Pa- 
 munkee, whilft Newport, with fifty men, went 
 acrofs by land and met the boats, in which he 
 paffed the river, and held the propofed inter 
 view. All things being prepared for the ce 
 remony of coronation, the prefent was brought 
 
 from
 
 SMITH. 287 
 
 from the boats j the bafon and ewer were de- 
 pofited, the bed and chair were fet up, the 
 fcarlet fuit and cloak were put on, though 
 not till Namontac (an Indian youth whom 
 Newport had carried to England and brought 
 back again) had affured him that thefe habili 
 ments would do him no harm ; but they had 
 great difficulty in perfuading him to receive 
 the crown, nor would he bend his knee, or 
 incline his head in the leafl degree. After 
 many attempts, and with actual preffing on 
 his moulders, they at laft made him ftoop a 
 little and put it on. Inftantly, a fignal being 
 given, the men in the boats fired a volley, at 
 which the monarch ftarted with horror, im 
 agining that a defign was forming to deftroy 
 him in the fummit of his glory; but being 
 afTured that it- was meant as a compliment, his 
 fear fubfided, and in return for the baubles of 
 royalty received from King James, he defired 
 Newport to prefent him his old fur mantle 
 and deer fkin (hoes, which in his eftimation. 
 were doubtlefs a full equivalent ; fince all this 
 finery could not prevail on the wary chief to 
 allow them guides for the difcovery of the in 
 land country, or to approve their defign of 
 vifiting it. Thus difappointed they returned 
 
 to
 
 288 SMITH. 
 
 to James-town, determined to proceed with 
 out his affiftance. 
 
 Smith, who had no mind to go on fuch a 
 fruitlefs errand, tarried at the fort with eighty 
 invalids to relade the (hip, whilfl Newport 
 with all the council, and one hundred and 
 twenty of the health ieft men, began their 
 tranfmontane tour of difcovery. They pro 
 ceeded in their boats to the falls at the head 
 of the river ; from thence they travelled up 
 the country two days and a half, and difcover- 
 cd two towns of the Monacans, the inhabit 
 ants of which fcemed very indifferent toward 
 them, and ufed them neither well nor ill. 
 They took one of their petty princes and led 
 him bound to guide them. Having perform 
 ed this march, they grew weary and returned, 
 taking with them in their way back certain 
 portions of earth, in which their refiner pre 
 tended that he had feen figns of filver. This 
 was all the fuccefs of their expedition ; for the 
 Savages had concealed their corn, and they 
 could neither perfuade them to fell it, nor find 
 it to take it by force. Thus they returned to 
 James-town, tired, difappointed, hungry and 
 iick, and had the additional mortification of 
 being laughed at by Smith for their vain at 
 tempt. 
 
 The
 
 SMITH. 289 
 
 The Virginia company had not only a view 
 to the difcovery of the South Sea, but alfo to 
 eftablifh manufactures in their colony ; and for 
 this purpofe had fent over a number of work 
 men from Poland and Germany, who were 
 fkilled in the making pot ames and glafs, as 
 well as pitch and tar. Had the country been 
 full of people, well cultivated and provided 
 with all neceflaries for carrying on thefe works, 
 there might have been fome profpect of ad 
 vantage; but, in a new region, the principal 
 objects are fubfiftence and defence ; thefe will 
 necefTarily occupy the firfl adventurers to the 
 exclufionof all others. However, Smith was 
 of fo generous a difpofttion, and fo indefatiga 
 ble in doing what he apprehended to be his 
 duty, and in gratifying his employers, that as 
 foon as Newport returned from his fruitlefs 
 attempt to find the South Sea, he fet all, who 
 were able, to work, that he might, if poffible, 
 anfwer the expectation of the company. Thole 
 who were fkilled in the manufactures, he left 
 under the care of the council, to carry on their 
 works ; \vhilft he took thirty of the moft ac 
 tive with him, about five miles down the riv 
 er, to cut timber, and make clapboards ; this 
 being, as he well knew, an employment the 
 T moft
 
 290 S iM I T H. 
 
 moft certain of fuccefs. Among thefe were 
 feveral young gentlemen, whofe hands not 
 having been ufed to labour, were bliftered by 
 the axes, and this occalioned frequent expref- 
 fions of impatience and profanenefs. To 
 punifh them, Smith caufed the number of 
 every man's oaths to be taken down daily, and 
 at night as many canns of water to be poured 
 inlide his fleeve. This difcipline was no lefs 
 fingular than effectual ; it fo leffened the 
 number of oaths, that fcarcely one was heard 
 in a week, and withal it made them perfectly 
 good humoured, and reconciled them to their 
 labour. At his return to the fort, he found, 
 not only that bufmefs had been neglected, but 
 much provifion confumed, and that it was 
 neceffary for him to undertake another expe 
 dition for corn. He, therefore, went up the 
 Chickahamony with two boats and eighteen 
 men, and rinding the Indians not in a humour 
 for trading, but rather fcornful and infolent, 
 he told them that he had come not fo much 
 for corn, as to revenge his imprifonment, and 
 the murder of his two men, fome time before. 
 Putting his crew in a pofture of attack, the 
 Indians fled, and prefently fent meflengers to 
 treat of peace ; for the obtaining which, he 
 
 made
 
 SMITH. 291 
 
 made them give him an hundred bulhels of 
 corn, with a quantity of fifh and fowls > and 
 with this fupply he kept the colony from 
 flarving, and preferved the mip's provifions 
 for her voyage to England. At her depar 
 ture, me carried fuch fpecimens as could be 
 had of tar, pitch, turpentine, foap afhes, clap 
 boards, and wainfcotj and at Point Comfort, 
 met with Scrivener, who had been up the 
 Pamaunkee for corn, and had got a quantity of 
 pocones, a red root, ufed in dying ; thefe being 
 taken on board, Capt. Newport returned to 
 England the third time, leaving about two 
 hundred perfons in Virginia. 
 
 The harveft of 1608, had fallen mort both 
 among the new planters and the natives ; and 
 the colony was indebted to the inventive ge 
 nius and indefatigable perfeverance of Smith, 
 for their fubfiftence during the fucceeding 
 winter. As long as the rivers were open, he 
 kept the boats continually going among the 
 natives, for fuch fupplies as could be obtain 
 ed ; and he never would return empty, if any 
 thing were to be had by any means in his 
 power. Whilft abroad on thefe excurfions, 
 he and his men were obliged frequently to 
 lodge in the woods, when the ground was 
 T 2 hard
 
 292 S M I T H. 
 
 hard frozen and covered with fnow ; and their 
 mode of accomodating themfelves was, firft 
 to dig away the fnow and make a fire ; when 
 the ground was dried and warmed, they re 
 moved the fire to one fide, and fpread their 
 mats over the warm fpot for their bed, ufing 
 another mat as a fcreen from the wind ; when 
 the ground cooled, they fhifted the fire again ; 
 by thus continually changing their pofition 
 they kept themfelves tolerably warm through 
 many cold nights ; and it was obferved, that 
 thofe who went on this fervice and fubmitted 
 to thefe hardfhips, were robuft and healthy, 
 whilfl thofe who flayed at home were always 
 weak and fickly. 
 
 The fupplies procured by trading being in- 
 fufficient, and hunger very prefling, Smith 
 ventured on the dangerous project of furpriz- 
 ing Powhatan, and carrying off his whole 
 flock of provifions. This Indian prince, had 
 formed a fimilar defign refpefting Smith ; 
 and for the purpofe of betraying him, had in 
 vited him to his feat, promifing that if he 
 would fend men to build him a houfe, after 
 the Englifh mode, and give him fome guns 
 and fwords, copper and beads, he would load 
 his boat with corn. Smith fent him three 
 
 Dutch
 
 SMITH. 293 
 
 Dutch carpenters, who treacheroufly revealed 
 to him the defign which Smith had formed, 
 On his arrival with forty fix men, he found 
 the prince, fo much on his guard, that it was 
 impoffible to execute his defign. Having 
 fpent the day in converfation (in the courfe 
 of which Powhatan had in vain endeavoured 
 to perfuade Smith to lay aficje his arms, as 
 being there in perfect fecurity) he retired in 
 the evening and formed a defign to furprize 
 Smith, and his people at their fupper -, and 
 had it not been for the affectionate friendfhip 
 of Pocahontas, it would p.robably have been 
 effected. This amiable girl, at the rifque of 
 her life, ftole from the fide of her father, and 
 paffing in the dark through the woods, told 
 Smith with tears in her eyes of the plot, and 
 then as privately returned. When the In 
 dians brought in the fupper, Smith obliged 
 them to tafte of every difh ; his arms were in 
 readinefs, and his men vigilant ; and though 
 there came divers fets of meffengers one after 
 another, during the night, under pretence of 
 friendly inquiries, they found them fo well 
 prepared, that nothing was attempted, and the 
 party returned in fafety, 
 
 T 3 In
 
 294 S M I T H. 
 
 In a fubfequent vifit to Opecancanough, by 
 whom he formerly was taken prifoner, this 
 prince put on the femblance of friendfhip, 
 whilft his men lay in ambum with their bows 
 and arrows. The trick being difcovered by 
 one of Smith's party and communicated to 
 him, he refolutely feized the King by his hair, 
 and holding a piftol to his breaft, led him 
 trembling to the ambum, and there with a 
 torrent of reproachful and menacing words, 
 obliged him to order thofe very people not 
 only to lay down their arms, but to load him 
 with provifions. After this, they made an at 
 tempt to murder him in his fleep, and to poi- 
 fon him, but both failed of fuccefs. The 
 chief of Pafpiha meeting him alone in the 
 woods, armed only with a fword, attempted 
 to moot him, but he clofed with the favage, 
 and in the ftruggle both fell into the river j 
 where, after having narrowly efcaped drown 
 ing, Smith at laft prevailed to gripe him by 
 the throat, and would have cut off his head, 
 but the intreaties of the poor vi<5tim prevail 
 ing on his humanity, he led him prifoner to 
 James-town. 
 
 This intrepid behaviour ftruck a dread into 
 the favager, and they began to believe what 
 
 he
 
 SMITH. 295 
 
 he had often told them, that, " his God 
 would protect him againft all their power, 
 whilft he kept his promife ; which was to 
 preferve peace with them as long as they 
 fhould refrain from hoftilities, and continue to 
 fupply him with corn." An incident which 
 occurred about the fame time, confirmed their 
 veneration for him. An Indian having ftolen 
 a piftol from James-town, two brothers who 
 were known to be his companions were feiz- 
 ed, and one was held as hoftage for the other, 
 who was to return in twelve hours with the 
 piftol, or the prifoner was to be hanged. The 
 weather being cold, a charcoal fire was kind 
 led in the dungeon which was very clofe, and 
 the vapour had fo fuffbcated the prifoner, that 
 on the return of his brother at the appointed 
 time, with the piftol, he was taken out as 
 dead. The faithful favage lamented his fate 
 in the moft diftreffing agony. Smith, to con- 
 fole him, promifed, if they would fteal no 
 more, that he mould be recovered. On the 
 application of fpirits and vinegar, he mewed 
 figns of life, but appeared delirious -, this griev 
 ed the brother as much as his death. Smith 
 undertook to cure him of this alfo, on the 
 repetition of the promife to fteal no more. 
 T 4 The
 
 296 S M I T H. 
 
 The delirium being only the effedr, of the fpi- 
 rits which he had fwallowed, was remedied 
 by a few hours ileep ; and being difmifTed, 
 with a prefent of copper, they went away, be 
 lieving and reporting that Smith was able tt 
 bring the dead to life. The effect was, that 
 not only many ftolen things were recovered, 
 and the thieves punimed, but that peace and 
 friendly intercourfe were prefer ved, and corn 
 brought in as long as they had any, whilfl 
 Smith remained in Virginia. 
 
 He was equally fevere and refolute with his 
 own men, and finding many of them inclin 
 ing to be idle, and this idlenefs in a great 
 meafure the caufe of their frequent fickneffes 
 and deaths, he made an order, " that he who 
 would not work fhould not eat, unlefs he 
 were difabled, by ficknefs ; and that every 
 one who did not gather as much food in a day 
 as he did himfelf, fhould be banifhed." A 
 recent attempt having been made, to run away 
 with the boats, he ordered that the next per- 
 fon who fhould repeat this offence fhould be 
 haneed. Ey firmnefs in the execution of 
 thefe laws, and by the concurrent force of his 
 own example in labouring continually, and 
 his whole fhare of European pro- 
 
 vifions
 
 SMITH. 297 
 
 vifions and refreshments to the fick, he kept 
 the colony in fuch order, that, though many 
 of them murmured at his feverity, they all be 
 came very induftrious ; and withal fo healthy, 
 that, of two hundred perfons, there died 
 that winter and the next fpring no more than 
 feven. In the fpace of three months they had 
 made a quantity of tar, pitch, and pot afhes ; 
 had produced a fample of glafs -, dug a well in 
 the fort ; built twenty new houfes -, provided 
 nets and wiers for liming ; creeled a block 
 houfe on the ifthmus of James-town j anoth 
 er on Hog liland ; and had begun a fortrefs 
 on a commanding eminence. As the fpring 
 came on, they paid fuch attention to hufband- 
 ry, as to have thirty or forty acres cleared and 
 fit for planting ; and a detachment had been 
 fent to the fouthward, to look for the long loft 
 colony of Sir Walter Raleigh, but without 
 fuccefs. 
 
 Such was the ftate of the Virginia colony, 
 when Captain Samuel Argal arrived on a trad 
 ing voyage, and brought letters from the com 
 pany in England, complaining of their difap- 
 pointment, and blaming Smith as the caufe of 
 it. They had conceived an ill opinion of 
 Jiim, from the perfons whom he had fent 
 
 home,
 
 298 SMITH. 
 
 home, who reprefented him as arbitrary and 
 violent toward the colonifts, cruel to the fav- 
 ages, and difpofed to traverfe the views of the 
 adventurers, who expected to grow rich very 
 fuddenly. 
 
 There was this difadvantage attending the 
 bufmefs of colonization in North America, at 
 that day, that the only precedents which could 
 be had were thole of the Spaniards, who had 
 treated the natives with extreme cruelty, and 
 amaffed vail fums of gold and filver. Whilft 
 the Englifh adventurers detefted the means by 
 which the Spaniards had acquired their riches, 
 they ftill expected that the fame kind of riches 
 might be acquired by other means ; it was 
 therefore thought politic, to be gentle in de 
 meanor and lavifh of prefents toward the na 
 tives, as an inducement to them to difcover 
 the riches of their country. On thefe princi 
 ples the orders of the Virginia company to 
 their fervants were framed. But experience 
 had taught Smith, the moft difcerning and 
 faithful of all whom they had employed, that 
 the country of Virginia would not enrich the 
 adventurers in the time and manner which 
 they expected; yet he was far from abandon 
 ing it as worthlefs : his aim, was thoroughly 
 
 to
 
 SMITH. 299 
 
 to explore it; and by exploring, he had difcov- 
 cred what advantages might be derived from 
 it ; to produce which, time, patience, expenfe 
 and labour, were abfolutely neceilary. He 
 had fairly reprefented thefe ideas to his em 
 ployers, he had fpent three years in their fer- 
 vice, and from his own obfervations had drawn 
 and fent them a map of the country -, and he 
 had conducted their affairs, as well as the na 
 ture of circumftances would permit. He had 
 had a diforderly, factious, difcontented, difap- 
 pointed fet of men, to control, by the help 
 of a few adherents j in the face of the native 
 Jords of the foil, formidable in their numbers 
 and knowledge of the country, verfed in flrat- 
 agem, tenacious of refentment, and jealous of 
 ftrangers. To court them by prefents was to 
 acknowledge their fuperiority, and inflate their 
 pride and infolence. Though favages, they 
 were men and not children. Though defti- 
 tute of fcience, they were pofTeffed of reafon, 
 and a fufficient degree of art. To know how 
 to manage them, it was necefTary to be per- 
 fonally acquainted with them ; and it muft be 
 obvious, that a perfon who had refided feveral 
 years among them, and had been a prifoner 
 with them, was a much better judge of the 
 
 proper
 
 3 oo SMITH. 
 
 proper methods of treating them, than a com 
 pany of gentlemen at feveral thoufand miles 
 diftance, and who could know them only by 
 report. Smith had, certainly, the interefl of 
 the plantation at heart, and by toilfome expe 
 rience, had jult learned how to conduft it ; 
 when he found himfelf fo obnoxious to his 
 employers, that a plan was concerted to fuper- 
 fede him, and reinftate, with a mare of autho 
 rity, thofe whom he had difmifTed from the 
 fervice. 
 
 The Virginia Company had applied to the 
 King to recal their patent and grant another ; 
 in virtue of which they appointed -Thomas 
 Lord de la Warre, general ; Sir Thomas 
 Gates, lieutenant general ; Sir George Somers, 
 admiral ; Sir Thomas Dale, marmal ; Sir 
 Ferdinando Wainman, general of horfe ; and 
 Captain Newport, (the only one of them who 
 had feen the country) vice-admiral. The ad 
 venturers having, by the alteration of their pa 
 tent, acquired a reinforcement both of dignity 
 and property, equipped nine (hips ; in which 
 were embarked five hundred perfons,men,wom- 
 en and children. Gates, Somers, and Newport, 
 had eachacommiflion, inverting either of them 
 
 who might firfl arrive, with power to call in the 
 
 old
 
 SMITH. 301 
 
 old and fet up the new commiilion. The fleet 
 failed from England in May 1609, and by fome 
 flrange policy the three commanders were em 
 barked in one fhip. This {hip being feparated 
 from the others in a ftorm, was wrecked on 
 the ifland of Bermuda ; another foundered at 
 lea ; and when the remaining feven arrived in 
 Virginia, two of which were commanded by 
 Ratclifte and Archer, they found themfelves 
 deftitu^e of authority ; though fome of them 
 were full enough of prejudice againft Smith 
 who was then in command. The fhips had 
 been greatly mattered in their pafTage, much 
 of their provilion was fpoiled, many of their 
 people were fick ; and the feafon in which 
 they arrived was not the mod favourable to 
 their recovery. A mutinous fpirit foon broke 
 out, and a fcene of confufion enfued ; the new 
 comers would not obey Smith, becaufe they 
 fuppofed his commiffion to be fuperfeded j the 
 new commiffion was not arrived, and it was 
 uncertain whether the (hip which carried it 
 would ever be feen or heard of. Smith would 
 gladly have withdrawn and gone back to Eng 
 land, but his honor was concerned in main 
 taining his authority till he mould be regularly 
 fuperfeded ; and his fpirit would not fufferhirn 
 
 to
 
 302 S M I T H. 
 
 to be trampled on by thofe whom he defpifed. 
 Upon due confideration, he determined to 
 maintain his authority as far as he was able ; 
 waiting fome proper opportunity to retire. 
 Some of the moft infolent of the new comers, 
 " he laid by the heels." With the more 
 moderate he confulted what was beft to be 
 done ; and, as a feparation feemed to be the 
 beft remedy, and it had been in contempla 
 tion to extend the fettlements, fome were in 
 duced to go up to the Falls, others to Nanfe- 
 mond, and others to Point Comfort. Smith's 
 .year being almoft expired, he offered to relign 
 to Martin, who had been one of the old coun 
 cil, but Martin would not accept the com 
 mand ; he, therefore, kept up the form ; and, 
 as much as he could, of the power of govern 
 ment ; till an accident which had nearly 
 proved fatal to his life, obliged him to return 
 to England. 
 
 On his return from the new plantation at 
 the Falls ; fleeping by night in his boat ; a 
 bag t of gun powder took fire, and burnt 
 him in a moft terrible manner. Awaking 
 in furprife,and finding himfelf wrapt in flames* 
 he leaped into the water, and was almoft 
 drowned, before his companions could recover 
 
 him.
 
 SMITH. 303 
 
 him. At his return to James- town, in this 
 diftrefTed condition, Ratcliffe and Archer con- 
 fpired to murder -him in his bed -, but the 
 afTafTin, whom they employed, had not courage 
 to fire a piftol. Smith's old foldiers would 
 have taken off their heads -, but he thought 
 it prudent to pafs by the offence, and take 
 this opportunity, as there was no furgeon in 
 the country, of returning to England. As 
 foon as his intention was known, the council 
 appoirited Mr. Percie to prefide in his room ; 
 and detained the (hip three weeks, till they 
 could write letters, and frame complaints 
 againft him. He at length failed for England, 
 about the latter end of September 1609 ; 
 much regreted by his few friends, one of 
 whom has left this character of him. " In 
 all his proceedings he made juftice his firft 
 guide, and experience his fecond -, hating 
 bafenefs, floth, pride, and indignity, more than 
 any dangers. He never would allow more 
 for himfelf than for his foldiers -, and upon 
 no danger would fend them where he would 
 not lead them himfelf. He would never fee 
 us want what he had, or could by any means 
 get for us. He would rather want than bor 
 row i or ftarve, than not pay. He loved action 
 more than words ; and hated covetoufnefs 
 
 and
 
 304 S M I T H. 
 
 and falfehood worfe than death. His adven 
 tures were our lives ; and his lofs our deaths." 
 
 There needs no better teftimony to the 
 truth of this character, than what is related 
 of the miferable colony after- he had quitted 
 it. Without government, without prudence, 
 carelefs, indolent, and factious, they became 
 a prey to the infolence of the natives, to the 
 difeafes of the climate and to famine. With 
 in fix months, their number was reduced from 
 five hundred to fixty ; and when the three 
 commanders, who had been wrecked on Ber 
 muda, arrived (1610) with one hundred and 
 fifty men in two fmall veflels, which they had 
 built out of the ruins of their fhip, and the 
 cedars which grew on the ifland ; they found 
 the remnant of the colony in fuch a forlorn 
 condition ; that without hefitation, they de 
 termined to abandon the country, and were 
 failing down the river ; when they met a boat 
 from the Lord De la Warre, who had come 
 with a fleet to their relief. By his perfuafion 
 they refumed the plantation, and to this for 
 tunate incident, may be afcribed the full ef- 
 tablidiment of the colony of Virginia. 
 
 Such a genius as Smith's could not remain, 
 idle. He was well known in England, and 
 
 the
 
 SMITH. 30$ 
 
 the report of his valour, and his fpirit of ad 
 venture, pointed him out to a number of 
 merchants, who were engaged in the Ameri 
 can fimery, as a proper perfon to makedifcov* 
 eries on the coaft of North Virginia. In 
 April 1614, he failed from London with two 
 {hips, and arrived at the ifland of Monahigon 
 in latitude 43^ , as it was then computed, 
 where he built feven boats. The defign of 
 the voyage was to take whales, to examine a 
 mine of gold, and another of copper, which 
 were faid to be there -, and if either, or both 
 of thefe mould fail, to make up the cargo 
 with fifh and furs. The mines proved a fic 
 tion, and by long chafing the whales to no 
 purpofe, they loft the beft feafon for nming ; 
 but whilft the feamen were engaged in thefe 
 fervices ; Smith, in one of his boats, with 
 eight men, ranged the coaft, eaft and weft, 
 from Penobfcot to Cape Cod ; bartering with 
 the natives for beaver and other furs, and 
 making obfervations on the mores, iflands, 
 harbours, and head lands 3 which, at his re 
 turn to England, he wrought into a map, and 
 prefenting it to prince Charles, (afterward the 
 royal mar 7*j/r)with arequeft that he would give 
 the country a name, it was for the firft time 
 U called
 
 306 S M I T H.- 
 
 called New-England. The prince alfo made 
 feveral alterations in the names which Smith 
 had given to particular places. For inftance, 
 he had called the name of that promontory, 
 which forms the eaftern entrance of MafTa- 
 chufetts bay, Tragabigzanda ; after the name 
 of the Turkifh lady to whom he had been 
 formerly a flave at Constantinople ; and the 
 three iflands which lie off the Cape, the 
 Turks Heads, in memory of his victory over 
 the three Turkifh champions, in his Tranfyl- 
 vanian adventures. The former, Charles, in 
 filial refped: to his mother, called Cape Anne, 
 which name it has ever fince retained j the 
 name of the iflands has long fince been loft ; 
 and another clufter to which he gave his own 
 name, Smith's Ifles, and which name the 
 prince did not alter, are now, and have for 
 more than a century been called the Ifles of 
 Shoals ; fo that the moft pointed marks of his 
 difcoveries on the coaft of New-England, have, 
 either by his own complaifance to the fon of 
 his fovereign, or by force of time and acci 
 dents become obfolete. When he failed for 
 England in one of the mips, he left the other 
 behind, to complete her lading, 'vith orders 
 to fell the filh in Spain. The mailer, Thomas 
 
 Hunt,
 
 SMITH; 3*07 
 
 Hunt* decoyed twenty four of the natives on 
 board, and fold them in Spain for Haves. 
 The memory of this bafe tranfaclion was long 
 preferved among the Americans, and fucceed- 
 ing adventurers fuffered on account of it. 
 
 At Smith's return to England he put in at 
 Plymouth j where relating his adventures, 
 and communicating his fentiments to Sir 
 Ferdinando Gorges, he was introduced to the 
 Plymouth Company of adventurers to North 
 Virginia, and engaged in their fervice. At 
 London he was invited by the South Virginia 
 company to return to their fervice ; but made 
 ufe of his engagement with the Plymouth 
 adventurers as an excufe for declining their 
 invitation. From this circumftance it feems, 
 that they had been convinced of his former 
 fidelity, notwithftanding the letters and re 
 ports which they had formerly received to his 
 difad vantage. 
 
 During his fhy in London, he had the 
 very fingular pleafure of feeing his friend 
 Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhatan. Hav 
 ing been made a prifoner in Virginia, (he was 
 there married to Mr. John Rolfe, and by 
 him was brought to England. She was then 
 about twenty two years of age ; her pcribn 
 U 2 was
 
 308 SMITH. 
 
 was graceful, and her deportment gentle and 
 pleafing. She had been taught the Englifh 
 language and the Chriftian religion, and bap 
 tized by the name of Rebecca. She had heard 
 that Smith was dead, and knew nothing to 
 the contrary, till (he arrived in England. 
 The fame of an Indian princefs- excited great 
 curiofity in London ; and Smith had the ad- 
 drefs to write a handfome letter to the Queen, 
 letting forth the merits of his friend, and the 
 eminent fervices (he had done to him and the 
 colony of Virginia. She was introduced by 
 the lady De la Warre ; the Queen and royal 
 family received her with much complacency, 
 and me proved herfelf worthy of their notice 
 and refpecl. At her firft interview with 
 Smith fhe called him father ; and becaufe he 
 did not immediately return the falutation and 
 call her child, me was ib overcome with 
 grief, that {he hid her face and would not 
 fpeak for ibmetime. She was ignorant of the 
 ridiculous affectation which reigned in the 
 court of James ; which forbad Smith aflum- 
 ing the title of father, to the daughter of a 
 King j and when informed of it (he defpifed 
 it ; patlionately declaring, that me loved him 
 /as a father, and had treated him as fuch in 
 
 her
 
 SMITH. 309 
 
 her own country, and would be his child 
 wherever me went. . The fame pedantic af 
 fectation caufed her hufoand to be looked upon 
 as an offender, for having, though a fubject, 
 invaded the myfterious rights of royalty in 
 marrying above his rank. This marriage, 
 however, proved beneficial to the colony, as 
 her father had thereby become a friend to 
 them, and when the came to England, he fent 
 with her Uttamaccomac, one of his trufty 
 counfellors -, whom he enjoined to inquire for 
 Smith, and tell him whether he was alive. 
 Another order which he gave him was, to 
 bring him the number of people in England ; 
 accordingly, on his landing at Plymouth, the 
 obedient favage began his account by cutting 
 a notch on a long ftick for every perfon whom 
 he faw - y but foon grew tired of his employ 
 ment, and at his return told Powhatan that 
 they exceeded the number of leaves on the 
 trees. A third command from his prince 
 was, to fee the God of England, and the 
 King, Queen, and Princes, of whom Smith 
 had told him fo much ; and when he met 
 with Smith, he delired to be introduced to 
 thofe perfonages. He had before this {een 
 the King, but would not believe it ; becaufe 
 U 3 the
 
 3 io SMITH. 
 
 the perfon whom they pointed out to him had 
 not given him any thing. " You gave Pow- 
 hat'an (faid he to Smith) a white dog, but 
 your King has given me nothing/' Mr. 
 Rolfe was preparing to return with his wife 
 to Virginia, when {he was taken ill and died 
 at Gravefend ; leaving an infant fon, Thomas 
 Rolfe, from whom are defcended feveral fam 
 ilies of note in Virginia, who hold their lands 
 by inheritance from her. 
 
 Smith had conceived fuch an idea of the 
 value and importance of the American conti 
 nent, that he was fully bent on the bufmefs of 
 plantation, rather than fiming and trading for 
 furs. In this he agreed with his friend Sir 
 Ferdinando Gorges, and the few other active 
 members of the council of Plymouth, but it 
 had become an unpopular theme. One colo 
 ny had been driven home from Sagadahock by 
 the feverity of the feafon and the deaths of 
 their leaders. Men who were fit for the 
 buiinefs were not eafily to be obtained, thole 
 who had formerly been engaged were difcour- 
 aged, and it required great ftrength of mind 
 as well as liberality of purfe, to fet on foot 
 another experiment. After much trouble in 
 endeavouring to unite perfons of oppofite in- 
 
 terefis.,
 
 S M. I T H. 3 u 
 
 terefts, and ftimulate thofe who had fuftained 
 former loffes, to new attempts, he obtained 
 one fhip of two hundred tons, and another of 
 fifty, with which he failed in 1615. Plav- 
 ing proceeded about one hundred and twenty 
 leagues, they were feparated in a ftorm -, the 
 fmaller one commanded by Capt. Thomas 
 Dermer purfued her voyage ; but Smith hav 
 ing loll his marts was obliged to put back 
 under a jury mail to Plymouth. There he 
 put his flores on board a fmall bark of fixty 
 tons, and thirty men, of whom fixteen were to 
 aflift him in beginning a new colony. 
 
 Meeting with an Englifh pirate, his men 
 would have had him furrender ; but though 
 he had only four guns, aud the pirate thirty 
 fix, he difdained to yield. On fpeaking with 
 her, he found the commander and fome of the 
 crew to be his old fhipmates, who had run 
 away with the (hip from Tunis, and were in 
 diftrefs foe provifions ; they offered to put 
 themfelvcs under his command, but he reject 
 ed the propofal and went on his voyage. Near 
 the Weftern Iflands he fell in with two 
 French pirates ; his men were again thrown 
 into a panic, and would have ftruck, but he 
 threatened to blow up the (hip, if they would 
 U 4 not
 
 3ia SMITH. 
 
 not fight ; and by firing a few running (hot, 
 he efcaped them alfo. After this he was met 
 by four French men of war, who had orders 
 from their Sovereign to feize pirates. He 
 fhowed them his commifiion under the great 
 feal ; but they prefi dioufly detained him whilft 
 they fuffered his fhip to efcape in the night, 
 and return to Plymouth. They knew his 
 enterprifing fpirit, and were afraid of his mak 
 ing a fettlement in New-England, fo near 
 to their colony of Acadla ; and they fuf- 
 pected, or at leaft pretended to fufpect, that 
 he was the perfon who hod broken up their 
 fifhery at Port Royal (which was really done 
 by Captain Argal) the year before. 
 
 When their cruife was finimed, they carried 
 him to Rqchelle -, and notwithftanding their 
 promifes to allow him a {hare of the prizes 
 which they had taken whilft he was with 
 them, they kept him as a prifoner on board a 
 ihip at anchor. But a ftorm arifing, which 
 drove all the people below, he took the boat, 
 with an half pike for an oar, thinking to 
 make his efcape in the night. The current 
 was fo ftrong that he drifted to fea, and was 
 near periming. By the turn of the tide he 
 got afhore, on a marfhy ifland, where fome 
 
 fowlers
 
 SMITH. 313 
 
 fowlers found him in the morning almoft dead 
 with cold and hunger. He gave them his 
 boat to carry him to Rochelle, where he 
 learned that the fhip which had taken him, 
 with one of her prizes, which was very rich, 
 had been driven on more in that ftorm, and 
 loft, with her Captain and one half of the 
 men. 
 
 Here he made his complaint to the judge 
 of the Admiralty, and produced fuch evidence 
 in fupport of his allegations, that he was treat 
 ed with fair words ; but it does not appear 
 that he got any recompence. He met here 
 and at Bourdeaux with many friends, both 
 French and Englim, and at his return to Eng 
 land, published in a fmall quarto, an account 
 of his two laft voyages, with the depofitions 
 of the men who were in the fhip when he 
 was taken by the French. To this book he 
 prefixed his map of New-England - 3 and in it 
 gave a defcription of the country, with its 
 many advantages, and the proper methods of 
 rendering it a valuable acquifition to the Eng- 
 lifh dominions. When it was printed, he 
 went all over the weft of England, giving 
 copies of it to all perfons of note ; and en 
 deavouring to excite the nobility, gentry, and 
 
 merchants.
 
 3 i4 SMITH. 
 
 merchants, to engage with earncflnefs in the 
 bufinefs of colonizing America. He obtained 
 from many of them fair promifes, and was 
 complimented by the Plymouth company with 
 the title of Admiral of New-England. But 
 the former ill fuccefs of fome too fanguine ad 
 venturers, had made a deep imprefiion, and a va 
 riety of crofs incidents, baffled all his attempts. 
 
 However, his experience and advice were 
 of eminent fervice to others. The open frank- 
 nefs and generofity of his mind led him to 
 give all the encouragement which he could to 
 the bufmefs of fi filing and planting in New- 
 England ; for which purpofe, in 1622, he 
 pablifhed a book, entitled, " New-England's 
 Tryals" fome extracts from which are preferv- 
 ed by Purchas.* No man rejoiced more 
 than himfelf in the eftablifhment of the colo 
 nies of Plymouth and MaiTachufetts. 
 
 When the news of the maflacre of the Vir 
 ginian planters by the Indians, 1622, arrived 
 in England, Smith was all on fire to go over 
 to revenge the infult. He made an offer to 
 the company that if they would allow him 
 one hundred foldiers and thirty failors, with 
 the necefTary provifions and equipments, he 
 would range the country, keep the natives in 
 
 awe, 
 
 * Vol. v, p, 1837.
 
 S M I T H. 315 
 
 awe, protect the planters, and make difcover- 
 ies, of the hitherto unknown parts of Ameri 
 ca ; and for his own rifque and pains would 
 defire nothing but what he would " produce 
 from the proper labour of the favages." On 
 this propofal the company was divided, but 
 the pufillanimous and avaricious party pre 
 vailed ; and gave him this anfwer, " that the 
 charges would be be too great ; that their 
 flock was reduced ; that the planters ought 
 to defend themfelves ; but, that if lie would 
 go at his own expenfe, they would give him 
 leave, provided he would give them one half 
 of l\\t pillage ." Such an anfwer could be re 
 ceived only with contempt. 
 
 When the King in 1624, inftituted a com- 
 miffion for the reformation of Virginia, Smith, 
 by defire of the commiffioners, gave in a re 
 lation of his former proceedings in the colony, 
 and his opinion and advice refpecling the 
 proper methods of remedying the defeats in 
 government, and carrying on the plantation 
 with a profpecl: of fuccefs.* Thefe with ma 
 ny 
 
 * Agreeably to Smith's advice to thefe commiRloners, Kiiig 
 Charles I. at his acceffion diffblved the company, in 1626, and re 
 duced the colony usder the immediate direction of the croxvn, ap 
 pointing the governor and council, and ordering all patents and 
 procefles to iflue in his own name,
 
 316 SMITH. 
 
 ny other papers he collected and publimed, in 
 1627, in a thin folio, under the title of, " The 
 General Hiftory of Virginia, New- England, 
 and the Somer Ides." The narrative part is 
 made up of journals and letters of thofe who 
 were concerned with him in the plantation, 
 intermixed with his own obfervations. His 
 intimate friend, Mr. Purchas, had publifh- 
 ed moft of them two years before in his " Pil 
 grims." 
 
 In 1629, at the requeft of Sir Robert Cot 
 ton, he publimed a hiftory of the early part of 
 his life, entitled, " The true Travels, Adven 
 tures and Obfervations of Capt. John Smith." 
 This work is preferved intire, in the fecond 
 volume of Churchill's collections, and from it, 
 the former part of this account is compiled. 
 In the concluiion he made fome addition to 
 the hiftory of Virginia, Bermuda, New-Eng 
 land and the Weft Indies, refpedting things 
 which had come to his knowledge, after the 
 publication of his general hiftory. He ftated 
 the inhabitants of Virginia in 1628 at five 
 thoufand, and their cattle about the fame 
 number. Their produce was chiefly tobacco ; 
 but thofe few who attended to their gardens 
 bad all forts of fruit and vegetables in great 
 
 abundance
 
 SMITH. 317 
 
 abundance and perfection. From New-Eng 
 land, they received falted fifti ; but of frefh 
 filh their own rivers produced enough, befide 
 an infinite quantity of fowl ; as their woods 
 did of deer and other game. They had two 
 brew houfes ; but they cultivated the Indian 
 corn, in preference to the European grain. 
 Their plantations were fcattered ; fome of 
 their houfes were palifaded ; but they had no 
 fortifications nor ordnance mounted. 
 
 His account of New-England is, that the 
 country had been reprefented by adventurers 
 from the weft of England, as rocky, barren 
 and defolate ; but that, fmce his account of it 
 had been publimed, the credit of it was fo 
 raifed, that forty or fifty fail went thither an 
 nually on fifhing and trading voyages. That 
 nothing had been done to any purpofe in 
 eftabliming a plantation, till " about an hun 
 dred Brownifts went to New-Plymouth ; 
 whofe humorous ignorance caufed them to 
 endure a wonderful deal of mifery, with infi 
 nite patience." 
 
 He then recapitulates the hiftory of his 
 American adventures in the following terms. 
 " Now to conclude the travels and adven 
 tures of Captain Smith : How firft he plant 
 ed
 
 318 S M I T H. 
 
 ed Virginia, and was fet afhore with a hundred 
 men in the wild woods ; how he was taken 
 prifoner by the favages, and by the King of 
 Pamaunky tied to a tree to be fhot to death ; 
 led up and down their country, to be mown 
 for a wonder ; fatted as he thought for a fac- 
 rifice to their idol, before whom they conjur 
 ed three days, with ftrange dances and invoca 
 tions ; then brought before their Emperor 
 Powhatan, who commanded him to be {lain ; 
 how his daughter Pocahontas faved his life, 
 returned him to James-town, relieved him 
 and his famiflied company, which was but 
 eight and thirty, to poflefs thofe large domi 
 nions ; how he difcovered all the feveral na 
 tions on the rivers falling into the bay of Chef- 
 apeak ; how he was ftung almoft to death by 
 the poifonous tail of a fifh called a ftingray ; 
 how he was blown up with gunpowder and 
 returned to England to be cured. 
 
 " Alfo how he brought New England to 
 the fubjection of the kingdom of Great Brit- 
 tain ; his fights with the pirates, left alone 
 among French men of war, and his fhip ran 
 from him ^ his fea fights for the French a- 
 gainft the Spaniards ; their bad ufage of him ; 
 how in France, in a little boat, he efcaped 
 
 them
 
 SMITH. 319 
 
 them ; was adrift all fuch a ftormy night at 
 fea by himfelf, when thirteen French mips 
 were fplit or driven on more by the ifle of 
 Rhee, the General and moft of his men 
 drowned ; when GOD, to whom be all honor 
 and praife, brought him fafe on more to the 
 admiration of all who cfcaped ; you may read 
 at large in his general hiftory of Virginia, the 
 Somer iflands and New England." 
 
 This was probably his laft publication, for 
 he lived but two years after. By a note in 
 JolTelyn's voyage, it appears that he died in 
 1631, at London, in the fifty fecond year of 
 his age. 
 
 It would give lingular pleafure to the com 
 piler of thefe memoirs, if he could learn from 
 any credible teftimony, that Smith ever receiv 
 ed any recompence for his numerous fervices 
 and fufFerings. The fenfe which he had of 
 this matter, in 1627, ma ^ be g* ven in hi s 
 own words. " I have fpent five years, and 
 more than five hundred pounds, in the fer- 
 vice of Virginia and New England, and in 
 neither of them have I one foot of land, nor 
 the very houfe I built, nor the ground I dig 
 ged with my own hands j but I fee thofe 
 countries mared before me by thofe who know 
 them only by my defcriptions." 
 
 XIII.
 
 320 
 
 XIII. D E M O N T S, 
 POUTRINCOURT 
 
 AND 
 
 CHAM PLAIN. 
 
 xxFTER the difcovery of Canada, by 
 Carrier, the French continued trading to that 
 country for furs, and fifhing on the banks of 
 Newfoundland, Cape Breton and Acadia ; 
 where they found many excellent and conve 
 nient harbours, among which Canfeau wae 
 early diftinguifhed as a place extremely fuita- 
 ble for the fimery. One Savalet, an old mari 
 ner, who frequented that port, had before 
 1609 made no lefs than forty two voyages to 
 thofe parts.* 
 
 Henry IV, King of France, perceived the 
 advantages which might arife to his kingdom 
 from a farther exploration of the northern, 
 parts of America ; and therefore gave encour 
 agement to thofe who were defirous of mak 
 ing adventures. In 1598, the Marquis DE 
 LA ROCHE obtained a commidion of Lord 
 Lieutenant, and undertook a voyage with a 
 view to eftablifh a colony ; confiding of con 
 victs 
 
 * Purchas v. 1640.
 
 D E M O N T S. 321 
 
 vicls taken out of the prifons. Happening 
 in the courfe of his voyage to fall in with the 
 ifle of Sable, a low, fandy id and, lying about 
 twenty five leagues fouthward of Canfeau, he 
 there landed forty of his miferable crew, to 
 fubfift on the cattle and fwine, with which 
 the place had been flocked by the Portuguefe, 
 for the relief of fhipwrecked feamen. The 
 reafon given for chufing this forlorn place, 
 for the difembarkation of his colony, was, 
 that they would be out of all danger from the 
 favages, till he mould find a better fituation 
 for them on the continent, when he promifed 
 to return and take them off. Whether he 
 ever reached the continent is uncertain,* but 
 he never again law the ifle of Sable. Return 
 ing to France, he engaged in the wars, was 
 made a prilbner by the Duke of Merceur, and 
 foon after died. The wretched exiles fubiift- 
 ed on fuch things as the place afforded, and 
 clothed themfelves with the {kins of feals. 
 At the end of feven years,-)- King Henry, in 
 
 compaffion, 
 
 * Forfler fays, that "he made in different parts of it, fuch re- 
 fcarches as he thought necefiary, and then returned to France." 
 p. 443. Purchas fays that "it was his fortune, by reafon of con 
 trary wind, not to find the main land, but was blown back to 
 France." Vol. v, p. 1807. 
 
 + Purchas fays twelve ; this will bring it to the laft year of 
 Henry's life, 1610. 
 
 w
 
 322 D E M O N T S. 
 
 companion, fent a fimerman to bring them 
 home. Twelve only were then alive. The 
 fimerinan, concealing frlm them the generous 
 intention of their fovereign, took all the fkins 
 which they had collected as a recompence for 
 his fervices, fome of which being black foxes 
 were of great value. The King had them 
 brought before him in their feal fkin habits 
 and long beards. He pardoned their former 
 crimes, and made each of them a prefent of 
 fifty crowns. When they difcovered the 
 fraud of the fifherman, they inftituted a pro- 
 cefs againft him at law, and recovered large 
 damages ; by means of which they acquired 
 fo much property as to enter into the fame 
 kind of traffic. 
 
 The King alfo granted to PONTGRAVE DE 
 CMAUVIN, an exclufive privilege of trading at 
 Tadoufac, the mouth of the river Saguenay ; 
 to which place he made two voyages, and was 
 preparing for a third when he was prevented 
 by death. 
 
 The next voyager of any note was SAMUEL 
 CHAMPLAIN, of Brouage; a man of a noble 
 family ; who, in 1603, failed up the river of 
 Canada, as far as Cartier had gone in 1535. 
 He made many inquiries of the natives con 
 cerning
 
 D E M O N T S. 323 
 
 cerning their country, its rivers, falls, lakes, 
 mountains and mines. The refult of his in 
 quiry was, that a communication was formed, 
 by means of two lakes, with the country of the 
 Iroquois toward the fouth ; that toward the 
 weft there were more and greater lakes of 
 frefh water, to one of which they knew no 
 limits ; and that to the northward there was 
 an inland fea of fait water. In the courfe of 
 this voyage, Champlain anchored at a place 
 called Quebeck, which in the language of the 
 country fignified a flrait j and this was thought 
 to be a proper fituation for a fort and fettle- 
 inent. He heard of no mines but one of 
 copper, far to the northward. With this in 
 formation he returned to France, in the month 
 of September. 
 
 On the eighth of November in the fame 
 year King Henry granted to the Sieur DE 
 Mo NTS, a gentleman of his bed chamber, a 
 patent constituting him Lieutenant General 
 of all the territory of L'Acadia, from the for 
 tieth to the forty fixth degree of north latitude, 
 with power to fubdue the inhabitants and 
 convert them to the Chriftian faith.* This 
 
 patent 
 
 * See the patent, in French, in Hazard's Collection, vol. i. 45, 
 and tranflated iato Englifh, in Churchill's Collections, vol. viii, 
 p. 796. 
 
 W 2
 
 324 D E M O N T S. 
 
 patent was publifhed in all the maritime towns 
 of France -, and De Monts having equipped 
 two veflels failed for his new government on 
 the feventh of March, 1604; taking with 
 him the aforefaid Samuel Cham plain for a 
 pilot, and Monlieur DE POUTRINCOURT 
 \vho had been for a long time defirous to vifit 
 America. 
 
 On the 6th of May, they arrived at a har 
 bour on the S. E. fide of the peninfula of Acadia 
 where they found one of their countrymen, 
 Roflignol, trading with the Indians without 
 licence. They feized his {hip and cargo j 
 leaving him only the poor confolation, of giv 
 ing his name to the harbour where he was 
 taken j the provifions found in his fhip were 
 a feafonable fupply, and without them the en- 
 terprize muft have been abandoned. This 
 place is now called Liverpool. 
 
 From Port Roflagnol they coafted the pen 
 infula to the S. W. and having doubled 
 Cape Sable came to anchor in the bay of St. 
 Mary, where Aubry, a pried, going afliore, was 
 loft in the woods, and a proteflant was charg 
 ed with having murdered him, becaufe they 
 had fometimes had warm difputation on re 
 ligious fubjedts. They waited for him fever- 
 
 al
 
 D E M O N T S. 325 
 
 al days, firing guns and founding trumpet?, 
 but in vain ; the noife of the fea was fo great 
 that no other found could be heard. Con 
 cluding that he was dead, they quitted the 
 place after fixteen days ; intending to examine 
 that extenfive bay on the weft of the peninfu- 
 la to which they gave the name of La Baye 
 Francoife ; but which is now called the Bay 
 of Fnnda. The prieil was afterward found 
 alive, but almoft flarved to death. 
 
 On the eaftern fide of this bay they difcov- 
 ered a narrow itrait, into which they entered, 
 and foon found themfelves in a fpacious ba- 
 fon, invironed with hills, from which de- 
 fcended ftreams of freili water ; and between 
 the hills ran a fine navigable river, which they 
 called L'Equille. It was bordered with fertile 
 meadows, and full of delicate fifh. Poutrin- 
 court, charmed with the beauty of the place, 
 determined here to take his refidence, and 
 having received a grant of it from De Monts, 
 gave it the name of Port Royal. [Anna 
 polis.] 
 
 From Port Royal, De Monts failed farther 
 
 into the great bay, to vifit a copper mine. It 
 
 was a high rock, on a promontory, between 
 
 two bays. [Menis.] The copper, though 
 
 W 3 mixed
 
 326 D E M O N T S. 
 
 mixed with ftone, was very pure ; relembling 
 that called Rozette copper. Among thefe 
 ftones they found chryftals and a certain fhin- 
 ing ftone of a blue colour. Specimens of 
 thefe ftones were fent to the King. 
 
 In farther examining the bay they came to 
 a great river which they called St. John's ; 
 full of iflands and fwarming with fifh. Up 
 this river they failed fifty leagues, and were 
 extremely delighted with the vaft quantity of 
 grapes which grew on its banks. By this 
 river they imagined that a Ihorter communica 
 tion might be had with the Baye de Chaleur 
 and the port of Tadoufac, than by the fea. 
 
 From the river St. John they coafted the 
 bay, fouthwefterly, till they came to an ifland 
 in the middle of a river which Champlain had 
 previoufly explored. Finding its fituatioii 
 fafe and convenient, De Monts refolved there 
 to build a fort and pafs the winter. To this 
 ifland he gave the name of St. Crojx j* be- 
 
 caufe 
 
 * This is a Ration of much importance. It has given rife to a 
 controverfy, between the United States and the Britifh govern 
 ment, which is not yet terminated. I fhall therefore give a de- 
 fcription of this ifland and its furrounding waters, from a tranfla- 
 lion of Mark Lefcarbot's hiftory of the voyages of De Monts, 
 in which he himfelf was engaged, and therefore had fcen the place 
 which he defcribes. This tranflation is to be found at large in 
 
 Churchill's
 
 D E M O N T S. 327 
 
 caufe that two leagues higher there were 
 brooks which " came crofs-wife to fall with 
 in this large branch of the fea." 
 
 The winter proved fevere, and the people 
 fuffered fo much by the fcurvy, that thir 
 ty fix of them died ; the remaining forty, who 
 were all lick, lingered till the fpring (1605) 
 when they recovered by means of the frefh 
 vegetation. The remedy which Cartier had 
 found in Canada was here unknown. 
 
 As 
 
 Churchill's Colle&ions, vol. viii, -796, and an abridgement of it ia 
 Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. v, 1619. 
 
 " Leaving St. John's river, they came, following the coaft 
 twenty leagues from that place, to a great river, which is proper 
 ly fea, fj. e. fait water] where they fortified themfelves in a lit 
 tle ijland feated in the midft of this river, which the faid Cham- 
 plain had been to difcover and view. And, feeing it ftrong by 
 nature, and of eafy defence and keeping ; befides that the feafon 
 began to flide away, and therefore it was behoveful to provide of 
 lodging, without running any farther, they refolved to make their 
 abode there. 
 
 " Before we fpeak of the {hip's return to France, it is meet to 
 tell you, how hard the ifle of St. Croix is to be. found out, to 
 them that were never there. For there are fo many ifles and great 
 bays to go by [from St. John's] before one be at it, that I won 
 der how one might ever pierce fo far as to find it. There are 
 three or four mountains, imminent above the others, ore the fides; 
 but on the north Jide from whence the river runneth down, there 
 is but a JJiarp pointed one, above two leagues dijiant. The 
 woods of the main land are fair and admirable high, and well 
 grown, as in like manner is the grafs. There is right over again ft 
 the ijland frejh water brooks, very pleafam and agreeable ; 
 
 where 
 W 4 
 
 I
 
 328 D E M O N T S. 
 
 As foon as his men were recovered, De 
 Monts refolved to feek a comfortable ftation 
 in a warmer climate. Having victualled and 
 armed his pinnace he failed along the coaft 
 to Norombega, a name which had been given 
 by fome European adventurers to the bay of 
 Peno'ofcot -j from thence he failed to Kenne- 
 bec, Cafco, Saco, and finally came to Male- 
 barrc, as Cape Cod was then called by the 
 
 French. 
 
 where divers of Monf. De Monts men did their bufincfs. and 
 builded there, certain cabbins. As for the nature of the ground 
 it is moft excellent, and moft abundantly fruitful. For the faid 
 Monf. De Monts having caufcd there fome piece of ground to be 
 tilled, and the fame fowed with rye ; he was not able to tarry for 
 the maturity thereof to reap it ; and notwithftanding, the grain 
 fallen hath grown and increafed fo wonderfully, that two years af 
 ter, we reaped and Bid gather of it as fair, big and weighty as in 
 France, which the foil hath brought forth without any tillage : ar;d 
 yet at this prefent [i6ocjj it doth continue (till to multiply every 
 year. 
 
 " The faid ifland containeth fome half a league in circuit, 
 and at the end of it, on the fca fide, there is a mount, or Jmc.ll 
 hill, which is, as it were, a little ijle. fevered from the other, 
 where Monf. De Monts his cannon were placed. There is alfo 
 a little chappcl, built after the favage fafliion. At the foot of 
 which chappel there is fiich Jlore of muffles as is wonderful, 
 which may be gathered at low water, but they are fmall. 
 
 " Now let us prepare and hoift up fails. Monf. de Poutrin- 
 rourt made the voyage into thefc parts, with fome men of good 
 fort, not to winter there ; but as it were to feek out his feat, and 
 find out a land that might like him. Which he having done, had 
 no need to fojourne there any longer. So then, the {hips being 
 
 rcsdr
 
 D E M O N T S. 329 
 
 French. In fome of the places which he 
 had patted, the land was inviting ; and par 
 ticular notice was taken of the grapes ; but 
 the favages appeared numerous, unfriendly and 
 thievifh : De Monts' company being fmall^he 
 preferred fafety to pleafure, and returned firft 
 to St. Croix, and then to Port Royal ; where 
 he found Dupont, in a fhip from France, 
 with frefh fupplies and a reinforcement of 
 
 forty 
 
 ready for the return, he {hipped himfelf, and thofe of his compa 
 ny in one of them. 
 
 " During the forefaid navigation, Monf. De Monts his people, 
 did work about the fort i which he feated at the end of the :'- 
 and, oppofite to the place where he had lodged his cannon. 
 Which was wifely confidered, to the end to command the river 
 up and down. But there was an inconvenience ; the faid fort 
 did lie toward the north, and without any fhelter, but of the trees 
 that were on the ifie more, which all about he commanded to be 
 kept and not cut down. 
 
 " The moft urgent things being done, and hoary fnowy father 
 being come, that is to fay winter, then they were forced to keep 
 within doors, and to live every one at his own home. During 
 which time, our men had three fpecial difcommodities, in this ifl- 
 and, want of wood, (for that which was in the faid ifle was fpent 
 in buildings) lack of frefii water, and the continual watch mad 
 by night, fearing fome furprize from the favages, that had lodged 
 themfelves, at the foot of the faid ifland, or fome other enemy. 
 For the malediction and rage of many chriftians is fuch, that one 
 muft take heed of them much more than of infidels. When thev 
 had need of water or wood, they were conftrained to crofs over the 
 river, which is thrice as broad of every fide as the river of 
 jSeine." 
 
 By
 
 D E M O N T S. 
 
 forty men. The (lores which had been de- 
 poiited at St. Croix were removed acrofs the 
 bay, but the buildings were left ftanding. 
 New houfes were erected at the mouth of 
 the river, which runs into the bafon of Port 
 Royal - 3 there the ftores and people were 
 lodged 5 and De Monts having put his affairs 
 in as good order as poflible, in the month of 
 September embarked for France ; leaving 
 Dupont as his lieutenant, with Champlain, 
 and Champdore to per feel; the fettlement, and 
 explore the country. 
 
 During the next winter they were plentifully 
 fupplied by the favages with venifon, and a 
 great trade was carried on for furs. Nothing 
 is faid of the fcurvy ; but they had fhort al 
 lowance of bread ; not by reafon of any fcarc- 
 ity of corn but becaufe they had no other 
 mill to grind it than the hand mill, which re 
 quired 
 
 By a gentleman who refided feveral years in thofe parts, I have 
 been informed, that an ifland which anfwers to this defcription, 
 lies in the eajlern part of the bay of PafTamaquoddy ; and there the 
 river St. Croix was fuppofed to be, by the commiflioners who ne 
 gotiated the peace in 1783, who had MitchePs map before them; 
 but, in a map of the coaft of New England and Nova Scotia, pub- 
 lifhed in London, 1787, by Robert Sayer, and faid to be drawn 
 by Capt. Holland, the river St. Croix is laid down at the 
 tutjltrn part of the bay ; the breadth of which is about fix or fevcn 
 leagues.
 
 D E M O N T S. 331 
 
 quired hard and continual labour. The fav- 
 ages were fo averfe to this exercife, that they 
 preferred hunger to the tafk of grinding corn, 
 though they were offered half of it in pay 
 ment. Six men only died in the courfe of 
 this winter. 
 
 In the fpring of 1606, Dupont attempted 
 to find what De Monts had miffed, in the 
 preceding year, a more foutherly fettlement. 
 His bark was twice forced back with adverfe 
 winds -, and the third time was driven on 
 rocks and bilged at the mouth of the port. 
 The men and flores were faved ; but the vef- 
 fel was loft. Thefe fruitlefs attempts proved 
 very difcouraging ; but Dupont employed 
 his people, in building a bark and fhallop ; that 
 they might employ themfelves in vifiting the 
 ports, whither their countrymen refort to dry 
 their fifh, till new fupplies mould arrive. 
 
 De Monts and Poutrincourt were at that 
 time in France, preparing, amidft every dif- 
 couragement, for another voyage. On the thir 
 teenth of May, they failed from Rochelle, in 
 a fhip of one hundred and fifty tons ; and on 
 the ayth of July arrived at Port Royal, in 
 the abfence of Dupont, who had left two 
 men only to guard the fort. In a few days 
 
 he
 
 332 D E M O N T S. 
 
 he arrived, having met with one of their boats 
 which they had left at Canfeau, and great was 
 the joy on both fides at their meeting, 
 
 Poutrincourt now began his plantation j 
 and having cleared a fpot of ground, within 
 fifteen days he fowed European corn and fev- 
 eral forts of garden vegetables. But notwith- 
 ilanding all the beauty and fertility of Port 
 Royal, De Monts had ftill a deiire to find a 
 better place at the fouthward. He therefore 
 prevailed on Poutrincourt to make an 
 other voyage to Cape Malebarre ; and fo earn- 
 cft was he to have this matter accomplifhed, 
 that he would not wait till the next fpring, 
 but prepared a bark to go to the the fouth 
 ward as foon as the (hip was ready to fail. 
 
 On the 28th of Auguft, the fliip and the 
 bark both failed from Port Royal. In the 
 {hip De Monts and Dupont returned to 
 France ; whilft Poutrincourt, Champlain, 
 Champdore and others crofTed the bay to St. 
 Croix, and thence failed along the coaft ; 
 touching at many harbours in their way till 
 they arrived in fight of the Cape, the object 
 of their voyage. Being entangled among the 
 fhoals, their rudder was broken and they were 
 obliged to come to anchor, at the diftance of 
 
 three
 
 D E M O N T S. 333 
 
 three leagues from the land. The boat was 
 then fent aihore to find a harbour of frefh 
 water ; which by the information of one of 
 the natives was accomplished. Fifteen days 
 were fpent in this place ; during which time^ 
 a crofs was erected, and pofTeflion taken, for 
 the King of France ; as De Monts had done 
 two years before at Kenebeck. When the 
 bark was repaired and ready to fail, Poutrin- 
 court took a walk into the country, whilft his 
 people were baking bread. la his ab fence 
 fome of the natives vifited his people and ftole 
 a hatchet. Two guns wore fired at them, 
 and they fled. In his return he faw feveral 
 parties of the favages, male and female, carry 
 ing away their children and their corn j 
 and hiding themfelves, as he and his com 
 pany pafled. He was alarmed at this 
 jftrange appearance ; but much more fo, 
 when early the next morning a mower of ar 
 rows came flying among his people, two of 
 whom were killed and feveral others wounded. 
 The favages having taken their revenge, fled ; 
 and it was in vain to purfue them. The 
 dead were buried at the foot of the crofs -, and 
 tvhilil the funeral fervice was performing, the 
 favages were dancing and yelling in mock 
 
 concert,
 
 334 D E M O N T S. 
 
 concert, at a convenient diftance, but within 
 hearing. When the French retired on board 
 their bark, the favages took down the crofs, 
 dug up the bodies and ftripped them of their 
 grave clothes, which they carried off in tri 
 umph. 
 
 This unhappy quarrel gave Poutrincourt a 
 bad idea of the natives. He attempted to 
 pafs farther round the cape ; but was prevent 
 ed by contrary winds ; and forced back to the 
 fame harbour, where the favages offering to 
 trade, fix or feven of them were feized and put 
 to death. 
 
 The next day another attempt was made to 
 fail farther ; but the wind came againft them. 
 At the diftance of fix or feven leagues they 
 difcovered an ifland ; but the wind would not 
 permit them to approach it ; they therefore 
 gave it the name of Douteufe, or Doubtful. 
 This was probably either Nantucket or Ca- 
 pawock, now called Martha's Vineyard ; and 
 if fo, the conteft with the Indians was on the 
 fouth more of Cape Cod ; where are feveral 
 harbours and ftreams of frem water. To the 
 harbour where he lay, he gave the name of 
 Port Fortune. 
 
 It
 
 D E M O N T S. 335 
 
 It was now late in the feafon and no prof- 
 pet appeared of obtaining any better place 
 for a iettlement ; befides, he had two wound 
 ed men whofe lives were in danger. He 
 therefore determined to return, which he did 
 by the morteft and mod direct courfe ; and 
 after a perilous voyage, in which the rudder 
 was again broken, and the bark narrowly ef- 
 caped fhipwreck, he arrived at Port Royal on 
 the 1 4th of November. 
 
 The manner in which they fpent the third 
 winter was focial and feftive. At the princi 
 pal table, to which fifteen perfons belonged, an 
 order was eftablifhed, by the name of L'ordre 
 de bon temps. Every one took his turn to be 
 caterer and fteward, for one day, during which 
 he wore the collar of the order and a napkin, 
 and carried a ftafF. After fupper he reiigned 
 his accoutrements, with the ceremony of 
 drinking a cup of wine, to the next in fuccef- 
 fion. The advantage of this inflitution was, 
 that each one was emulous to be prepared for 
 his day -, by previoufly hunting or fiming, or 
 purchafing fifh and game of the natives, who 
 conftantly relided among them, and were ex 
 tremely pleafed with their manners. 
 
 Four
 
 336 D E M O N T S, 
 
 Four only died in this winter j and it is re 
 marked that thefe were " fluggim and fretful. 5 ' 
 The winter was mild and fair. On a Sunday 
 in the middle of January, after divine fervice, 
 thsy " fported and had mufic on the river ;" 
 and in the fame month they went two leagues, 
 to fee their corn field, and dined cheerfully in 
 the fun (Line. 
 
 At the firft opening of the fpring (1607) 
 they began to prepare gardens - y the produce 
 of which was extremely grateful - y as were al- 
 fo the numberlefs fifh which came into the 
 river. They alfo creeled a water mill, which 
 not only faved them much hard labour, at the 
 hand mill ; but gave them more time for rim 
 ing. The fifh which they took were called 
 herrings and pilchards ; of which they pickled 
 feveral hogmeads tQ be fent home to France. 
 
 In April they began to build two barks, in 
 which they might vifit the ports, frequented 
 by the fimermen, and learn fome news from 
 their mother country, as well as get fupplies 
 for their fubfiftence. Having no pitch to pay 
 the feams, they were obliged to cut pine trees 
 and burn them in kilns, by which means they 
 obtained a fufficiency. 
 
 On
 
 D E M O N T S. 337 
 
 On Afcenfion day, a veflel arrived from 
 France, deftined to bring fupplies ; a large 
 mare of which, the crew had ungeneroully 
 confumed in their voyage. The letters 
 brought by this vefTel informed them that the 
 company of Merchants, aflbciated with De 
 Monts, was encouraged ; and that their (hip 
 was to be employed in the fifhery at Canfeau. 
 The reafon of this proceeding was, that con 
 trary to the King's edit, the Hollanders had 
 intruded themfclves into the fur trade, in the 
 river of Canada ; having been conducted by a 
 treacherous Frenchman ; in confequence of 
 which, the King had revoked the exclufive 
 privilege which he had given to De Monts 
 for ten years. The avarice of thefe Holland 
 ers was fo great, that they had opened the 
 graves of the dead, and taken the beaverfkins 
 in which the corpfes had been buried. This 
 outrage was fo highly refented by the favages 
 at Canfeau, that they killed the perfon, who 
 had mown the places where the dead were 
 laid. This news was extremely unwelcome, as 
 it portended the deftruction of the colony. 
 
 Poutrincourt however was fo well pleafed 
 with his fituation, that he determined to rc- 
 , X turn
 
 338 p E M O N T S. 
 
 turn to it, though none but his own family 
 ihoiild accompany him* He was very defir- 
 ous to fee the iflue of his attempt at agricul 
 ture, and therefore detained the veffel, as long 
 as he could and employed his bark in fmall 
 voyages, about the bay, to trade for furs, and 
 gather fpecimens of iron and copper to be 
 tranfported to France. When they were all 
 ready to fail, he tarried eleven days longer 
 than the others, that he might carry home 
 the firft fruits of his harveft. Leaving the 
 buildings, and part of the proviiion with the 
 /landing corn, as a prefent to the friendly na 
 tives, he finally failed from Port Royal, on 
 the nth of Auguft, and joined the other vef- 
 fels at Canfeau $ from which place, they 
 proceeded to France, where they arrived in 
 the latter end of September. 
 
 Specimens of the wheat, rye, barley, and 
 oats were mown to the King ; which, with 
 other productions of the country, animal and 
 mineral, were fo highly acceptable, that he re 
 newed and confirmed to De Monts the privi 
 lege of trading for beavers ; that he might 
 have it in his power to eftablifh a colony. 
 In confequence of which, the next fpringfev- 
 eral families were fent to renew the plantation, 
 
 whe
 
 D E M O N T S. 339 
 
 who found that the favages had gathered lev- 
 en barrels of the corn which had been left 
 flanding ; and had referved one for their 
 friends whom they expected to return. 
 
 The revocation of the exclufive patent 
 given to De Monts, was founded on com 
 plaints, made by the matters of fifhing vefiels, 
 that the branch of commerce in which they 
 were engaged would be ruined. When this 
 patent was reftored, it was limited to one 
 year ; and on this condition, that he mould 
 make an eftablifhment in the river St. Law 
 rence. De Monts therefore quitted his 
 connexion with Acadia, and the compa 
 ny of Merchants, with whom he had been 
 connected, fitted out two mips for the 
 port of Tadoufac, in 1608. The fur trade 
 was of very confiderable value, and the com 
 pany made great profits ; but De Monts find 
 ing their interefts hurt by his connexion with 
 them, withdrew from the aflbciation. 
 
 Poutrincourt refolving to profecute his 
 plantation at Port Royal, the grant of which 
 had been confirmed, to him by the King, 
 fent Biencourt, his fon, to France, (1608) for 
 a fupply of men and provifions. One condition 
 of the grant was, that attempts mould be made 
 Xa to
 
 34 o D E M O N T S. 
 
 convert the natives to the Catholic faith, it 
 was theVefore neceffary to engage the afiiftance 
 of fome ecclefiaftics. The firft who embrac 
 ed the propofal were the Jefuits, by whofe 
 zealous exertions a contribution was foon made 
 for the purpofe ; and two of their order, Biard 
 and Maffe, embarked for the new plantation. 
 It was not long before a controverfy arofe be 
 tween them and the proprietor, who faid " it 
 was his part to rule them them on earth, and 
 theirs only to guide him to heaven."* After 
 his departure for France, his fon Biencourt, 
 difdaining to be controled by thofe whom he 
 had invited to refide with him, threatened 
 them with corporal punimment, in return for 
 their fpiritual anathemas. It became necef- 
 fary then that they mould feparate. The Je 
 fuits removed to mount Defart, where they 
 planted gardens and entered on the bufmefs of 
 their million, which they continued till 1613 
 or 1614 ; when Sir Samuel Argal from Vir 
 ginia broke up the French fettlements in 
 Acadia. In the encounter one of thefe Jefuits 
 was killed and the other was made prifoner. 
 Of the other Frenchmen, fome difperfed 
 themfclves in the woods and mixed with the 
 
 * Pupchasv. 1808. 
 
 favages
 
 D E MONT 
 
 favages -, fome went to the river St. Law 
 rence and ftrengthened the fettlement which 
 Champlain had made there ; and others re 
 turned to France. 
 
 Two advantages were expected to refult 
 from eftablifhing a colony in the river St. 
 Lawrence : One was, an extenfion of the fur 
 trade, and another was the hope of penetrating 
 weftward, though the lakes, to the Pacific 
 Ocean, and finding a nearer communication 
 with China. One of the verlels fent by the 
 company of merchants, in 1608, to that river, 
 was commanded by Champlain. In his form 
 er voyage he had marked the ftrait above the 
 Ifle of Orleans, as a proper fituationfora fort ; 
 becaufe the river was there contracted in its 
 breadth, and the northern more was high and 
 commanding. He arrived there in the begin 
 ning of July, and immediately began to clear 
 the woods, to build houfes, and prepare fields 
 and gardens. Here he fpent the winter, and 
 nis company fufFered much by the fcurvy. 
 The remedy which Cartier had ufed, was not 
 to be found, or the favages knew nothing of 
 it. It is fuppofed that the former inhabitants 
 had been extirpated, and a new people held 
 pofleflion.* 
 
 X 3 la 
 
 * Purchas v, 1 642 .
 
 342 D E M O N T S. 
 
 In the fpring of 1 609, Champlain, with two 
 other Frenchmen and a party of the natives, 
 went up the river now called Sorel and enter 
 ed the lakes, which lie toward the fouth, and 
 communicate with the country of the Iroquois. 
 To the largeft of thefe lakes Champlain gave 
 his own name, which it has ever fince retain 
 ed. On the more of another, which he called 
 Lake Sacrament, now Lake George, they were 
 difcovered by a company of the Iroquois, with 
 whom they had a fkirmifh. Champlain killed 
 two of them with his mufquet. The fcalps 
 of fifty were taken and brought to Quebeck in 
 triumph. 
 
 In the autumn, Champlain went to 
 France, leaving Capt Pierre to command $ 
 and in 1 61 o he returned to Quebeck, to perfecl: 
 the colony, of which he may confidered as 
 the founder. 
 
 After the death of Henry IV, he ob 
 tained of the Queen Regent, a commif- 
 fion as Lieutenant of New-France, with very 
 cxtenfive powers. This commiffion was 
 confirmed by Lewis XIII 5 and Champlain was 
 continued in the Government of Canada. 
 
 The
 
 D E M O N T S. 343 
 
 The religious controverfies, which prevail 
 ed in 1' ance, augmented the number of colo- 
 nifh. A fettlement was made at Trois Rivieres, 
 and a brifk trade was carried on at Tadoufac. 
 In 1626, Quebeck began to affume the face 
 ot a city, and the fortrefs was -rebuilt with 
 ilone -, but the people were divided in their 
 religious principles and the Hugonot party 
 prevailed. 
 
 In this divided ftate, (1629) the colony 
 was attacked by an armament from England 
 under the condudt of Sir David Kirk. He 
 failed up the river St. Lawrence and appeared 
 before Quebeck, which was then fo miferably 
 fupplied, that they had but feven ounces of 
 bread to a man for a day. A fquadron from 
 France, with provifion for their relief, entered 
 the river ; but, after fome refiftance, were tak 
 en by the Englim. This disappointment in- 
 creafed the diftrefs of the colony and obliged 
 Champlain to capitulate. He was carried to 
 France in an Englim fhip ; and there found the 
 minds of the people divided, with regard to 
 Canada ; fome thinking it not worth regain 
 ing, as it had coil the government vaft fums, 
 without bringing any return j others deeming 
 
 the 
 X 4
 
 344 D E M O N T S. 
 
 the fimery and fur trade to be great national 
 obje&s, cfpccially as they proved to be a njur- 
 fery for feamen. Thefe fentiments, fupported 
 by the folicitation of Champlain, prevailed j 
 and by the treaty of St. Germain's, in 1632, 
 Canada, Acadia and Cape Breton were reftor- 
 ed to France. 
 
 The next year Champlain refumed his gov 
 ernment, and the company of New France 
 were reflored to their former rights and pri 
 vileges. A large recruit of inhabitants, with 
 a competent fupply of Jefuits, arrived from 
 France 3 and with fome difficulty a million 
 was eftablifhed among the Hurons > and a fem- 
 inary of the order was begun at Quebeck. In 
 the rnidfl of this profperity Champlain died, 
 in the month of December, 1635 \ and was 
 fucceeded the next year by De Montmagny.^ 
 
 Champlain is characterized as a man of 
 good fenfe, itrong penetration and upright 
 views ; volatile, active, enterprising, firm and 
 valiant. He aided the Hurons in their wars 
 with the Iroquois, and perfonally engaged in 
 their battles ; in one of which he was wound 
 ed. His zeal for the propagation of the 
 Catholic religion was fo great that it was a 
 
 common
 
 D E M O N T S. 345 
 
 common faying with him, that " the falvation 
 of one foul was of more value than the con- 
 quefl of an empire."* 
 
 * Charlevoix Hift. Nouvelle, France, Tom. i, p. 197, 410. 
 
 XIV. FERDINANDO
 
 XIV. FERDINANDO GORGES. 
 
 AND 
 
 JOHN MASON. 
 
 W E know nothing concerning Gorges 
 in the early part of his life.* The firft ac 
 count we have of him, is the difcovery which 
 he made of a plot which the earl of Eflex 
 had laid to overthrow the government of 
 Queen Elizabeth, the tragical iflue of which 
 is too well known to be here repeated. Gorges, 
 who had been privy to the confpiracy at firft, 
 communicated his knowledge of it to Sir 
 Walter Raleigh, his intimate friend, but the 
 enemy and rival of Effex.-f' 
 
 There was not only an intimacy between 
 Raleigh and Gorges, but a fimilarity in their 
 genius and employment > both were formed 
 for intrigue and adventure ; both were inde 
 fatigable in the profecution of their fanguine 
 projects ; and both were naval commanders. 
 
 During the war with Spain, which occupi 
 ed the lafl years of Queen Elizabeth, Gorges, 
 with other adventurous fpirits, found full em 
 ployment 
 
 * In Joflelyn's voyage he is called " Sir F. G. of Afliton 
 Phillips, in Somerfet." p. 197. 
 f Hume.
 
 GORGES. 347 
 
 ployment in the navy of their miftrefs. 
 When the peace, which her fucceflbr, James I, 
 made in 1 604, put an end to their hopes of 
 honor and fortune by military enterprizes, 
 Sir Ferdinando was appointed Governor of 
 Plymouth, in Devonihire. This circum- 
 ftance, by which the fpirit of adventure might 
 feem to have been reprefled, proved the occa- 
 fion of its breaking out with .frefh ardour, 
 though in a pacific and mercantile form, con 
 nected with the rage for foreign difcoveries, 
 which after fome interruption, had again feiz- 
 ed the Englifh nation. 
 
 Lord Arundel, of Wardour, had employed 
 a Captain Weymouth in fearch of a north- 
 weft palTage to India. This navigator having 
 miftaken his courfe, fell in with a river on the 
 coaft of America, which, by his deicription, 
 muft have been either Kenebeck, or Penob- 
 fcot. From thence he brought to England, 
 five of the natives, and arrived in the month 
 of July, 1605, in the harbour of Plymouth, 
 where Gorges commanded, who immediately 
 took three of them into his family. Their 
 names were Manida, Sketwarroes and Taf- 
 quantum ; they were all of one language, 
 though not of the fame tribe. This accident 
 
 proved
 
 34 8 GORGES. 
 
 proved the occaiion, under God's providence, 
 of preparing the way for a more perfect dif- 
 covery than had yet been made of this part of 
 North-America. 
 
 Having gained the affections of thefe fava- 
 ges by kind treatment, he found them very 
 docile and intelligent ; and from them he 
 learned by inquiry, many particulars concern 
 ing their country, its rivers, harbours, iflands, 
 fifh and other animals j the numbers, difpo- 
 fition, manners and cuftoms of the natives ; 
 their government, alliances, enemies, force 
 and methods of war. The refult of thefe in 
 quiries ferved to feed a fanguine hope of in 
 dulging his genius and advancing his for 
 tune by a more thorough difcovery of the 
 country. 
 
 His chief aiTociate in this plan of difcovery, 
 was Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Juftice of 
 the King's Bench, who, by his acquaintance 
 with divers noblemen, and by their intereft at 
 court, obtained from King James a patent for 
 making fettlements in America, which was 
 now divided into two diftricfts, and called 
 North and South Virginia. The latter of 
 thefe diftridts was put under the care of cer 
 tain noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, who 
 
 were
 
 GORGES. 349 
 
 were ftyled the London Company ; the former 
 under the direction of others in Briftol, Exe 
 ter and Plymouth, who were called the Ply 
 mouth Company, becaufe their meetings were 
 ufually held there. 
 
 By the joint efforts of this company, of 
 which Popham and Gorges were two of the 
 mod enterprifing members; a fhip, command 
 ed by Henry Chalong,- was fitted out, and 
 failed in Auguft, 1606, for the difcovery of 
 the country, from which the favages had been 
 brought, and two of them were put on board. 
 The orders given to the mailer, were to keep 
 in as high a latitude as Cape Breton, till he 
 fhould difcover the main land, and then to 
 range the coaft fouthward, till he fhould find 
 the place from which the natives had been 
 taken. Inftead of obferving thefe orders, the 
 Captain falling fick on the pafTage, made a 
 fouthern courfe, and firfl arrived at the ifland 
 of Porto Rico, where he tarried fome time 
 for the recovery of his health ; from thence 
 coming northwardly, he fell in with a Span- 
 ifh fleet from the Havannah, by whom the 
 fhip was leized and carried to Spain. 
 
 Captain Prynne, in another fhip, which 
 failed from Briftol, with orders to find
 
 350 GORGES. 
 
 long, and join with him in a furvey of the 
 coaft, had better fuccefs ; for though he fail 
 ed of meeting his confort, yet he carried home 
 a particular account of the coafts, rivers, and 
 harbours, with other information relative to 
 the country, which made fo deep an impref- 
 lion on the minds of the company, as to 
 flrengthen their refolution of profecuting their 
 enterprize. 
 
 It was determined to fend over a large num 
 ber of people fufficient to begin a colony. For 
 this purpofe George Popham was appointed 
 prefident ; Raleigh Gilbert, admiral - y Ed 
 ward Harlon, mafter of ordnance ; Robert 
 D<ivis, ferjeant major ; Elis Beft, marfhal ; 
 Mr. Seaman, fecretary ; James Davis, com 
 mander of the fort -, Gome Carew, fearcher. 
 All thefe were to be of the council > and be- 
 fides thefe, the colony confifted of 100 men, 
 who were fly led planters. They failed from 
 Plymouth in two mips (May 31, 1607) and 
 having fallen in with the ifland of Monahigon 
 (Augufl ii,) landed at the mouth of Sagada- 
 hock, or Kenebeck river, on a peninfula, 
 where they erected a ftore houfc, and having 
 fortified it as well as their circumftances would 
 admit, gave* it the name of Fort St. George. 
 
 By
 
 GORGES. 351 
 
 By means of two natives, whom they 
 brought with them from England, viz. Sket- 
 warroes, fent by Goiyes, and Dehamida, by 
 Popham, they found a cordial welcome among 
 the Indians, their fachems offering to conduct 
 and introduce them to the Bamaba or great 
 chief, whofe refidence was at Penobfcot, and 
 to whom, it was expected, that all Grangers 
 fhould make their addrefs.* 
 
 The Preiident having received feveral invi 
 tations, was preparing to comply with their 
 requeft, and had advanced fome leagues on 
 his way, but contrary winds, and bad weather, 
 obliged him to return, to the great grief of 
 the fachems, who were to have attended him. 
 The Bamaba hearing of the difappointment, 
 fent his fon to vifit the Prefident, and fettle 
 a trade for furs. 
 
 The mips departed for England, in De 
 cember, leaving behind them only 45 perfons 
 of the new colony. The feafon was too far 
 
 advanced 
 
 * The Baftiaba of Penobfcot, was a prince, fuperior in rank 
 to the fachems of the feveral Tribes. All the fachems, weftward, 
 as far as Naumkeeg [Salem] acknowledged fubjeftion to him. 
 Pie is frequently mentioned in the accounts of the firft voyages to 
 New-England ; but was killed by the Tarrateens in 1615, be- 
 fore any effectual fettlementwas made in the country. We have 
 no account of any other Indian chief in thefe northern parts f 
 America, whwfe authority was fo extenfive.
 
 352 GORGES. 
 
 advanced before their arrival to begin planting 
 for that year, if there had been ground prepar 
 ed for tillage. They had to fubfift on the 
 provifions which they had brought from 
 England, and the fifli and game which the 
 country afforded. The feverity of an Ame 
 rican winter was new to them ; and though 
 it was obferved, that the fame winter was un 
 commonly fevere in England, yet that cir- 
 cumflance being unknown, could not allevi 
 ate their diftrefs. By fome accident, their 
 ftorc houfe took fire, and was con fumed, with 
 the greater part of their provifions, in the 
 middle of the winter ; and in the fpring 
 (1608) they had the additional misfortune to 
 lofe their Prefident, Captain Popham, by 
 death. The (hip, which their friends \n 
 England ~ had by their united exertions fent 
 over with fupplies, arrived a few days after, 
 with the melancholy news of the death of 
 Sir John Popham, which happened while 
 {he lay waiting fora wind at Plymouth. The 
 command of the colony now devolved on 
 Gilbert, but the next fhip brought an ac 
 count of the death of his brother Sir John 
 Gilbert, which obliged him to return to Eng 
 land, to takd- care of the eftate to which he 
 
 fucceeded.
 
 GORGES. 
 
 fucceeded. Thefe repeated misfortunes and 
 difappointments, operating with the difguft 
 which the new colonifts had taken to the 
 climate and foil, determined them to quit the 
 place. Accordingly, having embarked with 
 their Prefident, they returned to England, 
 carrying with them, as the fruit of their la 
 bour, a fmall veflel, which they had built 
 during their refidence here, and thus the firft 
 colony, which was attempted in New Eng 
 land, began and ended in one year. 
 
 The country was now branded as intolera 
 bly cold, and the body of the adventurers re- 
 linqu ilhed the defign. Sir Francis Popham, 
 indeed, employed a fhip for fome fucceeding 
 years in the filhing and fur trade ; but he, at 
 length, became content with his lofles, and 
 none of this company but Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges, had the refolution to furmount all 
 difcouragements. Though he fincerely lament 
 ed thelofs of his worthy friend, the Chief Juf- 
 tice> who had zealoufly joined with him, in 
 thefe hitherto fruitlefs, but expenfive labours, 
 yet, "as to the coldnefs of the clime (he fays) 
 he had too much experience in the world, to 
 be frighted with fuch a blaft, as knowing 
 many great kingdoms and large territories 
 Y more
 
 3 4 GORGES. 
 
 more northerly feated, and by many degrees 
 colder, were plentifully inhabited, and divers 
 of them ftored with no better commodities 
 than thefe parts afford, if like induftry, art 
 and labour, be ufed." 
 
 Such perfevering ardor in the face of fo ma 
 ny difcouragements, muft be allowed to dif- 
 cover a mind formed for enterprize, and fully 
 perfuaded of the practicability of the under 
 taking. 
 
 When he found that he could not be fec- 
 onded in his attempts for a thorough difcov- 
 ery of the country, by others, he determined 
 to carry it on by himfelf j and for this pur- 
 pofe he purchafed a mip, and engaged with a 
 mailer and crew to go to the coafl of New 
 England for the purpofe of fiming and traffic, 
 the only inducement which feafaring people 
 could have to undertake fuch a voyage. On 
 board this (hip he put RICHARD VINES, and 
 feveral others of his own fervants in whom he 
 placed the fulleft confidence and whom he 
 hired at a great expenfe to flay in the country, 
 over the winter, and purfue the difcovery of 
 it. Thefe perfons having left the fhip's com 
 pany to follow their ufual occupation on the 
 coaft, travelled into the land, and meeting 
 
 with
 
 GORGES. 355 
 
 with the favages, who had before returned to 
 America, by their affiftance became acquainted 
 with fuch particulars as Gorges wimed to 
 know. 
 
 Mr. Vines and his companions were received 
 by the Indians with great hofpitality, though 
 their reiidence among them was rendered haz 
 ardous -, both by a war which raged among 
 them, and by a peftilence which accompanied 
 or fucceeded it. 
 
 This war and peftilence are frequently 
 fpoken of by the hiftorians of New England* 
 as remarkable events, in the courfe of Provi 
 dence, which prepared the way for the eftab- 
 lifliment of an European colony. Concern 
 ing the war, we know nothing more than 
 this ; that it was begun by the Tarratenes, a 
 nation who refided eaftward of Penobfcot. 
 Thefe formidable people furprized the Bama- 
 ba, or chief fachem, at his head quarters, and 
 deftroyed him with all his family ; upon 
 which all the other fachems who were fubor- 
 dinate to him, quarrelled among themfelves 
 for the fovereignty : and in thefe difTenfions 
 many of them as well as of their unhappy 
 people perimed. Of what particular kind the 
 Y 2 peftilence
 
 356 G O 'R G E S. 
 
 peftilence was, we have no certain* informa 
 tion ; but it feems to have been a diforder pe 
 culiar to tjie Indians, for Mr. Vines, and his 
 companions, who were intimately converfant 
 with them, and frequently lodged in their 
 wigwams, were not in the lead degree affect 
 ed by it, though it fwept off the Indians at 
 iuch a prodigious rate, that the living were 
 not able to bury the dead, and their bones 
 were found feveral years after, lying about the 
 villages where they had refided. The extent 
 of this peftilence was between Penobfcot in 
 the eaft, and Narraganfet in the weft. Thefc 
 two tribes efcaped,whilft the intermediate peo 
 ple were wafted and deftroyed. 
 
 The information which Vines obtained for 
 Sir Ferdinando, though fatisfactory, in one 
 view, produced no real advantage proportion 
 ate to the expenfe. Whilft he was deliberat 
 ing by what means he fhould farther profe- 
 cute his plan of colonization, Capt. Henry 
 Harky, who had been one of the unfortunate 
 adventurers to Sagadahock, came to him, 
 
 bringing 
 
 * Mr. Gookin fays, that he "had difcourfed with feme old 
 Indians who were then youths, who told him, that the bodies of 
 the ficlc wer- exceeding yellow, (which they defcribed by 
 
 pointing to garment) both before they died and after 
 
 ward.'* S. .s of Hiftorical Society for 1792. p. 148.
 
 GORGES. 357 
 
 bringing a native of the Ifland Capawock, 
 now called Martha's Vineyard, who had been 
 treacheroufly taken from his own country by 
 one of the timing fhips and fhown in London 
 as a fight. Gorges received this favage, 
 whofe name was Epenow, with great plea- 
 fare : and about the fame time recovered Af- 
 facumet, one of thofe who had been fent in 
 the unfortunate veyage of Captain Chalong. 
 Thefe two Indians at firft, fcarcely underflood 
 each other ; but, when they had grown better 
 acquainted, AfTacumet informed his old matter 
 of what he had learned from Epenow con 
 cerning his country. This artful fellow had 
 invented a flory of a mine of gold in his native 
 ifland which he fuppofed would induce fome 
 adventurer to employ him as a pilot, by which 
 means he hoped to get home, and he was not 
 difappointed in his expectation. 
 
 Gorges had engaged the Earl of Southamp 
 ton, then commander of the Ifle of Wight, 
 to advance one hundred pounds, and Capt, 
 Hobfbn another hundred, and alfo to go on 
 the difcovery. With this affiftance, Harley 
 failed in June 1614, carrying v/ith him feveral 
 land foldiers and the two before mentioned 
 Indian^ with a third named Wanape, who 
 Y 3 had
 
 358 GORGES. 
 
 had been fent to Gorges from the Ifle of 
 Wight. On the arrival of the fhip, fhe was 
 foon piloted to the ifland of Capawock, and 
 to the harbour where Epenow was to perform 
 his promife. The principal inhabitants of 
 the place,with fome of his own kinfmen,came 
 on board, with whom he held a conference 
 and contrived his efcape. They departed, 
 promifing to return the next day with furs for 
 traffick. Epenow had pretended that if it 
 were known, that he had difcovered the fe- 
 crets of his country, his life would be in 
 danger, but the company were careful to 
 watch him -, and to prevent his efcape, had 
 dreffed him in long clothes, which could eafi- 
 ly be laid hold of, if there fhould be occafion, 
 His friends appeared the next morning in 
 twenty canoes, and lying at a diftance, the 
 Captain called to them to come on board, 
 which they declining, Epenow was ordered 
 to renew the invitation. He, mounting the 
 forecaftle, hailed them as he was directed, and 
 at the fame inflant, though one held him by 
 the coat, yet being ftrong and heavy, he jump 
 ed into the water. His countrymen then ad 
 vanced to receive him, and fent a mower of 
 arrpws into the Jthip, which fo difcgncerted 
 
 the
 
 GORGES. 359 
 
 the crew, that the prifoner completely effedl- 
 ed his efcape. Thus the golden dream van- 
 imed, and the fhip returned without having 
 performed any fervices adequate to the ex- 
 penfe of her equipment. 
 
 The Plymouth company were much dif- 
 couraged by the ill fuccefs of this adventure ; 
 but the fpirit of emulation between them and 
 the London company proved very ferviceable 
 to the caufe in which they were jointly en 
 gaged. For thefe having fent our four mips 
 under the command of Michael Cooper, to 
 South Virginia, [January, 1615] and Captain 
 John Smith, who had been employed by that 
 company, having returned to England, and 
 engaged with the company at Plymouth, their 
 hopes revived. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in 
 concert with Dr. SutlifTe, Dean of Exeter, 
 and feveral others, equipped two veflels, one of 
 two hundred, the other of 50 tons, on board 
 of which (befides the compliment of feamen) 
 were fixteen men who were deftined to begin 
 a colony in New England. [March, 1615] 
 When they had failed one hundred and twen 
 ty leagues, the large {hip loft her mafts, and 
 fprung a leak ; which obliged them to put 
 back under jury mafts to Plymouth. From 
 Y 4 thence
 
 360 GORGES. 
 
 thence Smith failed again [June 24] in a 
 bark of fixty tons, carrying the fame fixteen 
 men; but on this fecond voyage, was taken by 
 four French men of war, and carried to 
 France. The velfel of fifty tons, which had 
 been feparated from him, purfued her voyage, 
 and returned in fafety ; but the main defign 
 of the voyage, which was toeffeft a fettlement, 
 was frustrated. 
 
 The fame year (October) Sir Richard Haw 
 kins, by authority of the Plymouth company, 
 of which he was Prefident for that year, vifit- 
 ed the coalt of New England, to try what 
 fervices he could do them in iearching the 
 country, and its commodities j but on his ar 
 rival, finding the natives engaged in war, he 
 pafled along the coafl to Virginia, and from 
 thence returned to England, by the way of 
 Spain, where he difpofed of the fifh, which/ 
 he had taken in the voyage. 
 
 After this, fhips were fent every feafon by 
 the London and Plymouth Companies on 
 voyages of profit ; their fifh and furs came to 
 a good market in Europe, but all the attempts 
 which were made to colonize North Virginia, 
 by fome unforefeen accidents failed of fuccefs. 
 Gorges, however, had his mind ftill invariably 
 
 bent
 
 GORGES. 3 6i 
 
 bent on his original plan, and every incident 
 which ieemed to favour his views, was eager 
 ly improved for that purpofe. Being poffeff- 
 cd of the journals and letters of the feveral 
 voyagers, and of all the information which 
 could he had, and being always at hand, to 
 attend the meetings of the Company, he con 
 trived to keep alive their hopes, and was the 
 prime mover in all their tranfactions. 
 
 About this time Captain Thomas Dermer, 
 who had been employed in the American 
 fifhery, and had entered fully into the fame 
 views ; offered his fervice to aflift in profecut- 
 ing the difcovery of the country. He was 
 at Newfoundland, and Gorges prevailed on 
 the company, to fend Captain Edward Ro 
 craft, in a {hip, to New England, with ord 
 ers to wait there till he mould be joined by 
 Dermer. Rocraft, on his arrival, met with a 
 French interloper, which he feized, and then 
 failed with his prize to South Virginia. In 
 the mean time Dermer went to England, and 
 having conferred with Gorges and the com 
 pany, on the intended difcovery, went out in 
 a fhip, which Gorges himfelf owned ; hoping 
 to meet with Rocraft, but was much perplex- 
 $d at not finding him. 
 
 Having
 
 362 GORGES. 
 
 Having ranged and examined evecy part of 
 the coaft, and made many ufeful obfervations, 
 which he tranfmitted to Gorges, he maped 
 his courfe for Virginia,* where Rocraft had 
 been killed in a quarrel, and his bark funk. 
 Dermer being thus difappointed of his con- 
 fort, and of his expected fupplies, returned to 
 the northward, At the ifland of Capawock, 
 he met with Epenow, who knowing him 
 to be employed by Gorges, and fufpecting 
 that his errand was to bring him back to 
 England, confpired with his countrymen, to 
 feize him and his companions, feveral of 
 whom were killed in the fray : Dermer de 
 fended himfelf with his fword, and efcaped, 
 though not without fourteen wounds, which 
 obliged him to go again to Virginia, where he 
 died. The lofs of this worthy man, was the 
 moft difcouraging circumftance which Gorges 
 had met with, and as he himfelf exprefTes it, 
 " made him almoft refolve never to intermed 
 dle again in any of thefe courfes." But he had 
 in facl: fo deeply engaged in them, and had fo 
 many perfons engaged with him, that he 
 could not retreat with honour, whilft any 
 
 hope 
 
 * It is faid that he was the firft who pafled the whole extent of 
 Long Ifland Sound, and difcovered that it was not conneftcd with 
 the continent. This was in 1619.
 
 GORGES. 363 
 
 hope of fuccefs remained. Soon after this, a 
 profpect began to open from a quarter, where 
 it was leaft expected. 
 
 The patent of 1606, which divided Virgin 
 ia into two colonies, exprefsly provided that 
 neither company mould begin any plantation 
 within one hundred miles of the other. By 
 this interdiction the middle region of North 
 America was neglected, and a bait was laid to 
 attract the attention of foreigners. 
 
 The adventurers to South Virginia had pro 
 hibited all who were not free of their compa 
 ny from planting or trading within their lim 
 its 5 the northern company had made no fuch 
 regulation ; by this means it happened that 
 the South Virginia Ihips could fifh on the 
 northern coaft, whilft the other company 
 were excluded from all privileges in the fouth- 
 ern parts. The South Virginians had alfo 
 made other regulations in the management of 
 their bufmefs, which the northern company 
 were deiirous to intimate. They thought the 
 moft effectual way to do this, was to procure 
 an exclusive patent. With this view, Gorges, 
 ever active to promote the intereft which he 
 had efpoufed, folicited of the crown a new 
 charter, which a by the intereft of his friends in 
 
 court,
 
 364 GORGES, 
 
 court, was after Ibme delay obtained. By 
 this inftrument forty noblemen, knights and 
 gentlemen, were incorporated by the ftyle of 
 " the council eftablifhed at Plymouth, in the 
 county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and 
 governing of New England in America." The 
 date of the charter was November 3, 1620. 
 The territory fubjecl to their jurifdiftion was 
 from the /foth to the 48th degree of north 
 latitude, and from fea to fea. This charter is 
 the foundation of all the grants which were 
 made of the country of New England. 
 
 Before this divifion was made, a number of 
 families, who were fly led Puritans, on ac 
 count of their feeking a farther reformation of 
 the Church of England, which they could 
 not obtain, and who had retired into Holland 
 to avoid the fe verity of the penal laws again ft 
 diflenters, meditated a removal to America. 
 The Dutch were fond of retaining them as 
 their fubje&s, and made them large offers, if 
 they would fettle in fome of their tranfmarine 
 territories ; but they chofe rather to relide in 
 the dominions of their native prince, if they 
 could have liberty of confcience. They had, 
 by their agents, negociated with the South 
 Virginia company, and obtained a permifliori 
 
 to
 
 GORGES. 365 
 
 to tranfport themfelves to America within 
 their limits j but as to the liberty of con- 
 fcience, though they could obtain no indul 
 gence from the crown under hand and feal, 
 yet it was declared, that " the King would 
 -connive at them, provided they behaved 
 peaceably." As this was all the favour which 
 the fpirit of the times would allow, they de 
 termined to caft themfelves on the care of 
 Divine Providence and venture to America. 
 After fevcral difafters, they arrived at Cape 
 Cod in the 42d degree of north latitude, a place 
 remote from the object of their intention, 
 which was Hudfon's river. The Dutch had 
 their eye on that place and bribed their pilot 
 riot to carry them thither. It was late in the 
 feafon when they arrived ; their permillion 
 from the Virginia company was of no ufe 
 here j and having neither authority nor form 
 of government, they were obliged for the fake 
 of order, before they difembarked, to form 
 themfelves into a body politic, by a written 
 instrument. This was the beginning of the 
 colony of New- Ply mouth ; and this event 
 happened (Nov. n, 1620) a few days after 
 King James had figned the patent for incor 
 porating the council, Thefe circumftances 
 
 ferved
 
 366 GORGES. 
 
 ierved the intereft of both, though then 
 wholly unknown to each other. The coun 
 cil, being informed of the eftablimment of a 
 colony within their limits, were fond of tak 
 ing them into their protection, and the colony 
 were equally defirous of receiving that pro 
 tection as far as to obtain a grant of territory. 
 An agent being difpatched by the colony to 
 England, Sir F. Gorges interefted himfelf in 
 the affair, and a grant was accordingly made 
 (1623) to John Peirce,in truft for the colony. 
 This was their firft patent ; they afterwards 
 (1629) had another made to William Bradford 
 and his aflbciates. 
 
 One end which the council had in view, 
 xvas, to prevent the accefs of unauthorized ad 
 venturers to the coaft of New-England. The 
 crews of their mips, in their intercourfe with 
 the natives, being far from any eftablifhed 
 government, were guilty of great licentiouf- 
 nefs. Befides drunkennefs, and debauchery, 
 fome flagrant enormities had been committed, 
 which not only injured the reputation of Eu 
 ropeans, but encouraged the natives to acts of 
 hoftility. To remedy theie evils, the coun 
 cil thought proper to appoint an officer to ex- 
 crciie government on the coaft. The firft 
 
 perfon
 
 GORGES. 367 
 
 perfon who was fent in this character, was 
 Capt. Francis Weft -, who finding the fifher- 
 men too licentious and robuft to be control- 
 * ed by him, foon gave up this ineffectual com 
 mand. They next appointed Capt. Robert 
 Gorges, a fon of Sir Ferdinando. He was 
 like his father, of an a&ive and enterprizing 
 genius, and had newly returned from the Ve 
 netian war. He obtained of the council a 
 patent for a trac~l of land on the northeaftern 
 tide of Maffachufetts Bay, containing thirty 
 miles in length and ten in breadth, and by the 
 influence of his father, and of his kinfman 
 Lord Edward Gorges, he was difpatched with 
 a commiffion to be "Lieutenant General and 
 Governour of New England" They appointed 
 for his council the aforefaid Weft, with Chrif- 
 topher Levet, and the Governour of New Ply 
 mouth for the time being. Gorges came to 
 Plymouth in 1623, publifhed his commiflion, 
 and made fome efforts to execute it. He 
 brought over with him as a Chaplain, Willi 
 am Morrell, an Epifcopal clergyman. This 
 was the firft effay for the eftablifhment of a 
 General Government in New England, and 
 Morrel was to have a fuperintendence in ec- 
 clefiaftical, as Gorges had in civil affairs - y but 
 
 he
 
 3 68 GORGES. 
 
 fre made no ufe of his commifiion at Ply 
 mouth ; and only mentioned it in his conver- 
 fation about the time of his departure.* This 
 general government was a darling object with 
 the council of Plymouth, but was much 
 Dreaded by the planters of New England j 
 however, all the attempts which were made to 
 carry it into execution failed of fuccefs. Gor 
 ges, after about a year's relidence in the 
 country, and holding one court at Ply 
 mouth, upon a Mr. Wefton, who had be 
 gun a plantation at WeflagufTet, [Wey- 
 mouth] where Gorges himfelf intended 
 a icttlement, was recalled to England, the 
 
 fupplies 
 
 * This Morrefl appears to have been a diligent inquirer into 
 th ftate and circumflances of the country, its natural production* 
 and advantages, the manners, cuftoms, and government of the 
 pntives ; the refult of his obfervations he wrought into a poem 
 which he printed both in Latin and Englifli. The Latin is by no 
 means deftitute of .claflical merit, of which the following line* 
 may ferve as an evidence. 
 
 " Eft locus occiduo procul hinc fpatiofus in orbe 
 Plunma regna tenens, populifque incognitus ipfis : 
 Felix fnigiferis fulcis, fimul fcquore felix, 
 Pracdia perdives variis, & fluminc dives, 
 Axe fatis cahdus, rigidoquca frigore tutus." 
 Thedefcripticnitfelf is jufl and animated, and the Engiifli 
 trsnffation(corrTideringthe date of it) is very tolerable. It is 
 printed in the collections of the Hiftorical Society, far 
 125.
 
 GORGES. 369 
 
 f applies which he expelled to have received 
 having failed. This failure was owing to one 
 of thofe crofs accidents which continually be- 
 fel the Council of Plymouth. - Though the 
 erection of this board was really beneficial to 
 the nation, and gave a proper direction to the 
 fpirit of colonizing, yet they had to ftruggle 
 with the oppofing interefrs of various forts of 
 perfons. 
 
 The company of South Virginia, and in 
 deed the mercantile intereft in general, find 
 ing themfelves excluded from the privilege of 
 fifhing and traffic, complained of this inftitu- 
 tion as a monopoly. The commons of Eng 
 land were growing jealous of the royal pre 
 rogative ; and wifhing to reftrain it ; the grant 
 ing charters of incorporation with exclufive 
 advantages of commerce was deemed a ufur- 
 pation on the rights of the people. Com 
 plaints were firfl made to the King in coun 
 cil ; but no difpofition appeared there to 
 countenance them. It happened however, that 
 a parliament was called for fome other purpo- 
 fes (February 1624) m which Sir Edward 
 Cook was chofen fpeaker of the commons. 
 He was well known as an advocate for the 
 liberties of the people, and an enemy to pro- 
 Z jectors.
 
 370 G O R -G E S. 
 
 
 
 jeclors. The King was at firft in a good hu 
 mour with his parliament, and advantage was 
 taken of a demand for fubfidies to bring in a 
 bill againft monopolies. 
 
 The houle being refolved into a committee, 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges was called to the bar, 
 where the fpeaker informed him, that the 
 patent granted to the council of Plymouth was 
 complained of as a grievance ; that under 
 colour of planting a colony, they were purfu- 
 ing private gains : that though they refpect- 
 ed him as a perfon of worth and honour, yet 
 the public intereft was to be regarded before all 
 perfonal confiderations ; and therefore they re 
 quired that the patent be delivered to the houfe. 
 Gorges anfwered, that he was but one of the 
 company, inferior in rank and abilities, to 
 many others - y that he had no power to de 
 liver it, without their confent, neither in fad, 
 was it in his cuftody. Being afked where 
 it was, he faid, it was for aught he knew, ftill 
 remaining in the crown-office, where it had 
 been left for the amendment of forne errors. 
 As to the general charge he anfwered ; that 
 he knew not how it could be a public gr/Vi;- 
 ancc fince it had been undertaken for the 
 Advancement of religion, the enlargement of 
 
 the
 
 GORGES. 371 
 
 the bounds of the nation, the increafe of trade, 
 and the employment of many thoufands of 
 people ; that it could not be a monopoly -, for 
 though a few only were interefted in the bu- 
 finefs, it was becaufc many could not be in 
 duced to adventure where their lofles at firft 
 were fure, and their gains uncertain ; and, 
 indeed, fo much lofs had been fuftained that 
 moft of the adventurers themfelves were 
 wtary ; that as to the profit arifing from 
 the fifhery it was never intended to be con 
 verted to private ufe, as might appear by the 
 offers which they had made to all the maritime 
 cities in the Weft of England ; that the grant 
 of exclufive privileges made by the crown, 
 was intended to regulate and fettle plantations, 
 by the profits arifing from the trade, and 
 was in efTecl: no more than many gentlemen 
 and lords of manors in England enjoyed 
 without offence. He added, that he was 
 glad of an opportunity for fuch a parliamen 
 tary inquiry, and if they would take upon 
 themfelves the bufinefs of colonization, he 
 and his affociates would be their humble fer- 
 vants as far as lay in their power, without ajiy 
 retrofpect to the vaft expenfe which they had 
 already incurred in difcovering and taking pof-
 
 37 2 GORGE S. 
 
 ieliion of the country, and bringing matters to 
 their then prefent fituation. He alib defired, 
 that if any thing further was to be inquired 
 into, it might be given him in detail -, with 
 liberty of anfwering by his council. 
 
 A committee was appointed to examine the 
 patent and make objections - y which were deli- 
 vered to Gorges ; accompanied with a decla 
 ration from the fpeaker that he ought to look 
 upon this as a favour. Gorges having acknow 
 ledged the favour, employed council to draw 
 up anfwers to the objections. His council 
 were Mr. (afterwards Lord) Finch, and Mr. 
 Caltrup, afterwards attorney general to the 
 court of wards. Though in caufes where the 
 crown and parliament are concerned as parties, 
 council are often afraid of wading deeper than 
 they can fafely return ; yet Gorges was fatisfied 
 with the conduit of his council, who fully 
 anfwered the objections, both in point of Law 
 and Jujiice ; thefe anfwers being read, the 
 houfe afked what further he had to fay, upon 
 which he added fome obfervations in point of 
 Policy , to the following effedt: 
 
 That the adventurers had been at great cofl 
 and pains to enlarge the King's dominions ; 
 to employ many feamen, handicraftsmen, and 
 
 labourers :
 
 GORGES. 373 
 
 labourers ; to fettle a flouriming plantation, 
 and advance religion in thofe favage countries ; 
 matters of the higheft confequence to the 
 nation, and far exceeding all the advantage 
 which could be expected from a fimple courfe 
 of fiming, which muft foon have been given 
 over ; for that fo valuable a country, could 
 not long remain unpofTefled either by the 
 French, Spaniards, or Dutch -, fo that, if the 
 plantations were to be given up, the fimery 
 muft inevitably be loft, and the honour, as 
 well as jntereft of the nation, greatly fuffer ; 
 that the mifchief already done by the perfons 
 who were foremoft in their complaints was 
 intolerable ; for, in their diforderly intercourfe 
 with the favages, they had been guilty of the 
 greateft exceffes of debauchery and knavery, 
 and in addition to all thefe immoralities, they 
 had furnimed them with arms and ammuni 
 tion ; by which they were enabled to def- 
 troy the peaceable fi mermen, and had become 
 formidable enemies to the planters. 
 
 He further added, that he had, in zeal for 
 the intereft of his country, deeply engaged 
 his own eftate, and fent one of his fons to the 
 American coaft, befides encouraging many of 
 his friends to go thither j this he hoped would 
 Z 3 * - be
 
 374 GORGES, 
 
 be ^n apology for his earneftnefs in this plea, 
 as if he had fhewn lefs warmth it might have 
 been conftrued info negligence and in 
 gratitude. 
 
 Thefe pleas however earned and rational, 
 were to no purpofe. The parliament pre- 
 fented to the King the grievances of the na 
 tion, and the patent for New-England was 
 the firft on the lift. Gorges, however, had 
 taken care that the King {hould be previoufly 
 acquainted with the objections and anfwers ; 
 a,nd James was fo jealous of his prerogative, 
 that though he gave his aflent to a declara 
 tory act againfl monopolies in general, yet he 
 Would not recal the patent. However, in 
 deference to the voice of the nation, the coun 
 cil thought fit to fufpend their operations. 
 This proved for 4 while,, djfcouraging to 
 the fpirit of adventure and occafioned the 
 recalling Robert Gorges from his govern 
 ment. 
 
 But the parliament having proceeded with 
 niore freedom and boldneis in their com 
 plaints, than fuited the feelings of James, he 
 diffolved them in hafte, before they could 
 proceed to meafures for remedying the difor- 
 dcrs in church and ftate, which had been the 
 
 fubjecl:
 
 G O R G E S., 375 
 
 fubject of complaint ; and Tome of the more 
 liberal fpeakers were committed to prifon . This 
 ferved to damp the fpirit of reformation, and 
 prepared the way for another colony of emi 
 grants to New-England. 
 
 About the fame time, the French ambaf- 
 fador put in a claim in behalf of his court 
 to thefe territories, to which Gorges was 
 fummoned to anfwer before the King and 
 council, which he did in fo ample and con-' 
 vincing a manner, that the claim was for that 
 time filenced. Gorges then, in the name of 
 the Council of Plymouth, complained of the 
 Dutch, as intruders on the EngliCh pofief- 
 fions in America, by making a fettlement on 
 Hudfon's river. To this, the States made an 
 fwer, that if any fuch things had been done, 
 it was without their order, as they had only 
 erected a company for the Weft Indies. Thig 
 anfwer, made the council refolve to profecute 
 their bulinefs and remove thefe intruders. 
 
 Hitherto Gorges appears in the light 
 of a zealous, indefatigable and unfuccefs- 
 ful adventurer ; but neither his labours, 
 expenfe, nor ill fuccefs were yet come to a 
 conclulion. 
 
 Z4 To
 
 376 GORGES. 
 
 To entertain a juft view of Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges, we muft confider him both as a mem 
 ber of the Council of Plymouth, purfuing the 
 general intereft of American plantations ; and 
 at the fame time as 1 an adventurer, undertak 
 ing a fettlement of his own, in a particular 
 part of the territory which was fubjedl to the 
 jurifdiction of the council . Having formed an 
 intimacy with Capt. John Mafon, Governour 
 of Portfmouth, in the county of Hants, who 
 was alfo a member of the council ; and hav 
 ing (1622) jointly with him procured from 
 the council, a grant of a large extent of coun 
 try, which they called Laconia, extending from 
 the river Merrimack to Sagadahock, and from 
 the ocean to the lakes and river of Canada, they 
 indulged fanguine expectation of fuccefs. 
 From the accounts given of the country by 
 fome romantic travellers, they had conceived 
 an idea of it as a kind of terreftrial paradife, not 
 merely capable of producing all the necefTaries 
 and conveniencies of life but as already richly 
 furnifhed by the bountiful hand of nature. 
 The air was faid to be pure and falubrious 
 the country pleafant and delightful, full of 
 goodly forefts, fairvallies, and fertile plains 
 abounding in vines, chefnuts, walnuts, and 
 
 many
 
 GORGES. 377 
 
 many other forts of fruit ; the rivers ftored 
 with fifli and environed with goodly meadows 
 full of timber trees. In the great lake,* it 
 was faid, were four iilands, full of pleafant 
 woods and meadows, having great (lore of 
 flags, fallow deer, elks, roebucks, beavers and 
 other game ; and thefe iflands were fuppoied 
 to be commodioufly fituate for habitation and 
 traffic, in the midfl of a fine lake, abounding 
 with the moft delicate fifh. This lake was 
 thought to be lefs than ico miles diftant 
 from the fea coaft ; and there was fome fecret 
 expedition that mines and precious flones, 
 would be the reward of their patient and dili 
 gent attention to the bufinefs of difcovery. 
 Such were the charms of Laconia ! 
 
 It has been before obferved that Gorges 
 
 O 
 
 had fent over Richard Vines, with forne 
 others, on a difcovery, to prepare the way for 
 a colorfy. The place which Vines pitched 
 upon, was at the mouth of the river Saco.* 
 Some years after, another fcttlement was ms'de 
 on the river of Agamenticus, by 'Francis 
 Norton, whom Gorges fent over with a num 
 ber of other people, having procured for 
 them a patent of 12,000 acres on the eail fide 
 of the river, and 12,000 more on the weft 
 
 fide > 
 
 * Lake Champlain.
 
 378 GORGES. 
 
 fide ; his fon Ferdinando Gorges being named 
 as one of the grantees ; this was the beginning 
 of the town of York. Norton was a Lieu 
 tenant Colonel, and had raifed himfelf to that 
 rank from a common ibldier, by his own 
 merit. In this company were fcveral artific 
 ers, who were employed in building faw mills, 
 and they were fupplied with cattle and other 
 neceffaries for the bufinefs of getting lumber. 
 
 About the fame time (viz. 1623) a fettle- 
 ment was begun at the river Pifcataqua, by 
 Captain Mafon, and feveral other merchants, 
 among whom Gorges had a (hare. The prin 
 cipal defign of thefe fettlements was, to eftab- 
 lifh a permanent fifhery, to make fait, to trade 
 with the natives, and to prepare lumber for 
 exportation. Agriculture was but a fecondary 
 object, though in itielf the true fource of all 
 opulence and all fubfiftence. 
 
 Thefe attempts proved very expenfive and 
 yielded no adequate returns. The aflbciates 
 were difcouraged, and dropped off one after 
 another, till none but Gorges and Mafon re 
 mained. Much patience was neceflary, but 
 in this cafe it could be grounded only on en- 
 thufiafm. It was not pomble in the nature 
 of things that their intereft fliould be advanc 
 ed
 
 OGS. 37$ 
 
 cd by the manner in which they conduced 
 their bufinefs. Their colonifts came over 
 either as tenants or as hired fervants. The 
 produce of the plantation could not pay their 
 wages, and they foon became their own maf- 
 ters. The charge of making a fettlement 
 in fuch a wildernefs was more than the value 
 of the lands when the improvements were 
 made : overfeers were appointed, but they 
 could not hold the tenants under command ; 
 nor prevent their changing places on every 
 difcontent : The proprietors themfelves never 
 came in perfon to fuperintend their intereils, 
 and no regular government was eftablifhed to 
 punim offenders or preferve order. For thefe 
 reafons though Gorges and Mafon expended 
 from firft to lad more than twenty thoufand 
 pounds each, yet they only opened the way for 
 others to follow, and the money was loft to 
 them and their poflerity.* 
 
 Whilft their private intereft was thus fink 
 ing in America, the reputation of the coun 
 cil of which were members lay undsr fuch 
 difadvantage in England as tended to endanger 
 their political exigence. As they had been 
 incorporated for the purpofe, not merely of 
 
 g ran ting 
 
 * See Hifiory of Nev-Hamp&ire, vol. ;. Chap. i. 
 
 u.
 
 380 G O . R G E S. 
 
 granting lands, but of making actual planta 
 tions in America, they were fond of encou 
 raging all attempts, from whatever quarter, 
 which might realize their views and ex 
 pectations. 
 
 The ecclefiaftical government at this time 
 allowed no liberty to fcrupulous confciences ; 
 for which reafon many who had hitherto been 
 peaceable members of the national church, 
 and wimed to continue fuch, finding ftiat no 
 indulgence could be granted, turned their 
 thoughts toward America where fome of their 
 brethren had already made a fettlement. They 
 firft purchafed of the council of Plymouth a 
 large territory^ and afterward obtained of the 
 crown a charter, by which they were confti- 
 tuted a body politic within the realm. In June 
 1630 they brought their charter to America, 
 and began the colony of Maffachufetts. This 
 proved an effectual fettlement, and the rea- 
 fons which rendered it fo were the the zeal and 
 ardour which animated their exertions ; the 
 wealth which they poffefled, and which they 
 converted into materials for a new plantation $ 
 but principally \htprefencc of the adventurers 
 themfelves, on the fpot, where their fortunes 
 were to be expended and their zeal exerted. 
 
 The
 
 GORGES. 381 
 
 The difference between a man's doing bufinefs 
 by himfelf, and by his fubftitutes, was never 
 more fairly exemplified than in the conduct 
 of the Maffachufetts planters, compared with 
 that of Sir Ferdinando Gorges : what the one 
 had been labouring for, above twenty years 
 without any fuccefs,was realized by the others 
 in two or three years ; in five, they were fo 
 far advanced as to be able to fend out a colo 
 ny from themfelves to begin another at Con 
 necticut ; and in lefs than ten, they founded 
 an Univerfity which has ever fince produc 
 ed an uninterrupted fucceffion of ferviceable 
 men in church and ftate. 
 
 The great number of people who flocked to 
 this new plantation, raifed an alarm in Eng 
 land. As they had manifefted their difcon- 
 tent with the ecclefiaftical government, it 
 it was fufpe&ed that they aimed at independence p , 
 and would throw off their allegiance to the 
 crown. This jealoufy was fo ftrong, that a 
 royal order was made to reftrain any from 
 coming hither who fhould not firfl take the 
 oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, and obtain 
 a licence for their removal. 
 
 To refute this jealous cavil againft the 
 planters of Ncw-England,wc need only to ob- 
 
 ferve,
 
 382 GORGES. 
 
 ferve, that at the time when they began their 
 fettlement, and for many years after, the lands 
 which they occupied were objects of envy 
 both to the Dutch and French. The Dutch 
 claimed from Hudfon, as far as Connecticut 
 river, where they had erected a trading houfe. 
 The French claimed all the lands of New 
 England ; and the Governour of Port Royal, 
 v.'hen he wrote to Governour Winthrop,direcl- 
 ed his letters to him as Governour of the Englijh 
 at BoJIon in Acadia. Had the New England 
 planters thrown off their fubjection to the 
 crown of England they muft have become a 
 prey to one or the other of thefe rival powers. 
 Of this they were well aware, and if they had 
 entertained any idea of independency, which 
 they certainly did not (nor did their fuccejjbrs 
 till driven to it by Britain herfelf) it would 
 Lave been the moft impolitic thing in the 
 world to have avowed it, in the prefence of 
 neighbours with whom they did not wifh to 
 be connected. 
 
 This jcaloufy, however groundlefs, had an 
 influence on the public councils of the nation, 
 as well as on the fentiments of individuals, 
 and contributed to increaie the prejudice which 
 had been formed againft all who were con* 
 
 cerned 
 
 "
 
 GORGES. 383 
 
 ccrned in the colonization of New England. 
 The merchants ftill confidered the Council of 
 Plymouth, as monopolizing a lucrative branch 
 of trade. The South Virginia company, dif- 
 relimed their exclufive charter, and fpared no 
 pains to get it revoked. The popular party 
 in the commons regarded them as fupporters 
 of the prerogative, and under the royal influ 
 ence.* The high church party were incenf- 
 cd againft them as enemies of prelacy, becaufe 
 they had favoured the fettlement of the Puri 
 tans within their territory: and the King him- 
 felf fufpected that the colonies in New Eng 
 land had too much liberty to conlift with his 
 notions of government. Gorges was looked 
 upon as the author of all the mifchief ; and 
 being publicly called upon, declared, " that 
 though he had earneftly fought the intereft of 
 the plantations, yet he could not anfwer for 
 the evils which had happened by them.'* It 
 was extremely mortifying to him to find that 
 after all his exertions and expenfes in the fer- 
 vice of the nation, he had become a very un 
 popular chara&er, and had enemies on all fides. 
 
 To 
 
 * This manifestly appears from the grant which they were o- 
 bliged to make to Sir William Alexander, of the country of Nova 
 Scotia, by virtue of a meflage from the King, which they confider 
 ed as a command. This grant Was ceanVmed t him by the King, 
 and he fold it to the Frensli.
 
 384 GORGES. 
 
 To remedy thefe difficulties, he projected 
 the refignation of the charter to the crown j 
 and the divifion pf the territory into twelve 
 lordfhips,tobe united under one General Gov- 
 ernour. As the charter of MaiTachufetts flood 
 in the way of this project, he, in conjunction 
 with Maion, petitioned the crown for a revo 
 cation of it. This brought on him the ill 
 will of thofe colonifls alfo, who from that 
 time regarded him and Mafon as their enemies. 
 i3efore the council furrendered their charter, 
 they made grants to fome of their own mem 
 bers, of twelve diftricts, from Maryland tOySt. 
 Croix, among which the diftrict from Pifcata- 
 qua to Sagadahock, extending one hundred arid 
 twenty miles northward into the country, was 
 afiigned to Gorges. In June 1635, the coun- 
 i il reiigned tbeir charter, and petitioned the 
 King and the lords of the privy council for ;. 
 confirmation of the feveral proprietary grants, 
 and the eftablifhment of a general government. 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, then three Icore years 
 of age, was the pcrion nominated to be. the 
 General Governor. About this time, Maibn, 
 one of the principal actors in this affair, was 
 removed by death : ^nd u fliip, which was in 
 tended for the fn IK-\V 'icvcrnmeru* 
 
 ;
 
 GORGES. 385 
 
 fell and broke in launching. A quo warranto 
 was ilTued againft the Mailachuietts charter, 
 but the proceedings upon it were delayed, and 
 never completed. An order of the King in 
 council, was alfo ifTued in 1637, for theeftab- 
 limcnent of the general government, and Gor 
 ges was therein appointed Governour ; but the 
 troubles in Scotland and England, at this time 
 grew very ferious and put a check to the bufi- 
 nefs. Soon after, Archbifhop Laud and fome 
 other lords of council, who were zealous in 
 the affair, loft their authority, and the whole 
 project came to nothing. 
 
 Gorges however, obtained of the crown in 
 1639, a confirmation of his own grant, which 
 was ftyled the Province of Maine, and of 
 which he was made Lord Palatine with the 
 fame powers and privileges as the bimop of 
 Durham in the County Palatine of Durham. 
 In virtue of thefe powers, he conftituted a 
 government within his faid province, and in 
 corporated the plantation at Agamenticus in 
 to a city, by the name of Gorgeana, of which 
 his coufin, Thomas Gorges, was Mayor, who 
 refided there about two years, and then return 
 ed to England. The council for the admin- 
 iftration of government were Sir Thomas 
 A a JofTelyn,
 
 -86 GORGES. 
 
 JofTelyn, Knight, Richard Vines, (Steward) 
 Francis Champernoon (a nephew to Gorges,) 
 Henry JofTelyn, Richard Boniton, William 
 Hooke, and Edward Godfrey. 
 
 The plan which he formed for the govern 
 ment of his province was this : It was to be 
 divided into eight counties, and thefe into 
 iixteen hundreds, the hundreds were to be 
 fubdivided into parimes and tythings, as the 
 people fhould increafe. In the abfence of the 
 proprietor a lieutenant was to prefide, A 
 chancellor was constituted for the decifion of 
 civil caufes $ a treafurer to receive the revenue, 
 a marfhal for managing the militia, and a 
 marfhal's court, for criminal matters ; an ad 
 miral, and admiral's court, for maritime caufes ; 
 a mafter of ordnance and a fecretary. Thefe 
 officers were to be a ftanding council. Eight 
 deputies were to be elected, one from each 
 county, by the inhabitants, to fit in the fame 
 council -, and all matters of moment were to 
 be determined by the lieutenant with advice 
 of the majority. This council were to ap 
 point juftices, to give licences for the fale of 
 lands fubjett to a rent of four pence or fix pence 
 per acre. When any law was to be enacted 
 or repealed, or public money to be raifed, 
 
 they
 
 GORGES. 387 
 
 they were to call on the counties to elecl each 
 two deputies, "to join with the council in the 
 performance of the fervice;" but nothing is 
 faid of their voting as a feparate houfe. One 
 lieutenant and eight juftices were allowed to 
 each county ; two head conftables to every 
 hundred ; one con (table and four tythingmen 
 to every pariih ; and in conformity to the in 
 flictions of King Alfred, each tythingman 
 was to give an account of the demeanor of the 
 families within his tything, to the conftable 
 of the parim, who was to render the fame to 
 the head conftables of the hundred, and they 
 to the lieutenant and juftices of the county ; 
 who were to take cognizance of all mifdemean- 
 ors ; and from them an appeal might be made 
 to the proprietor's lieutenant and council. 
 
 Forms of government, and plans of fettle- 
 ment, are much more eafily drawn on paper, 
 than carried into execution. Few people 
 could be induced to become tenants in the 
 neighbourhood of fuch a colony as Maflachu- 
 fetts, where all were freeholders. No provi- 
 fion was made for public inftitutions^ fchools 
 were unknown, and they had no minifters, 
 till in pity to their deplorable ftate, two went 
 thither from Bofton on a voluntary million, 
 A a 2 and
 
 3 8S GORGES. 
 
 and were well received by them. The city of 
 Gorgeana, though a lofty name, was in fadt 
 but an inconfiderable village 5 and there were 
 only a few houfes in fome of the beft places 
 for navigation. The people were without 
 order and morals, and it was faid of fome of 
 them, that " they had as many (hares in a 
 woman, as they had in a riming boat."* Gor 
 ges himfelf complained of the prodigality of 
 his fervants, and had very little confidence in 
 his own fons, for whofe aggrandizement he 
 had been labouring to eftablifh a foundation. 
 He had indeed creeled faw mills and corn mills, 
 and had received fome acknowledgment in the 
 way of rents, but lamented, that he had not 
 reaped the " happy fuccefs of thofe who are 
 their own flewards, and the difpofers of their 
 own affairs." x 
 
 How long Gorges continued in his office 
 as Governour of Plymouth, does not appear 
 from any materials within my reach. In 
 1625, he commanded a fhip of war in a fquad- 
 ron under the Duke of Buckingham, which 
 was fent to the affiftance of France, under pre 
 tence of being employed againft the Gcnoefe. 
 But a fufpicion having arifen that they were 
 
 deftined 
 
 * Hutchinfon's Colieftion of Papers, p. 424.
 
 GORGES. 389 
 
 deilincd to affift Louis againft his proteftant 
 iubjecls at Rochelle, as foon as they were ar 
 rived at Dieppe, and found that they had been 
 deceived, Gorges was the firfl to break his 
 orders and return with his (hip to England. 
 The others followed his example, and their 
 2eal for the Proteftant religion was much ap 
 plauded.* 
 
 When the civil difTenfions in England broke 
 out into a war, Gorges took the royal fide ; 
 and, though then far advanced in years, engaged 
 perfonally in the fervice of the crown. He 
 was in Prince Rupert's army at the liege of 
 jBriftol in 1643 \ and when that city was re 
 taken in 1645 by the parliament's forces, he 
 was plundered and imprifoned.-f' His politi 
 cal principles rendered him obnoxious to the 
 ruling powers, and when it was neceflary for 
 him to appear before the commiffioners for 
 foreign plantations, he was feverely frowned 
 upon, and confequently difcouraged. 
 
 The time of his death is uncertain -, he is 
 fpoken of in the records of the Province of 
 Maine as dead in June 1647, Upon his de- 
 ceafe, his e.ftate fell to his cldefl fon, John 
 
 Gorges, 
 
 * Hume. 
 
 f Joffelyn fays that he was ffveral times plundered and imprU 
 foned. p. 197. 
 
 Aaj
 
 390 GORGES. 
 
 Gorges, who, whether difcouraged by his 
 father's ill fuccefs, or incapacitated by the 
 feverity of the times, took no care of the prov 
 ince, nor do we find any thing memorable 
 concerning him. Moft of the commiflioners 
 who had been appointed to govern the prov 
 ince defertedit; and the remaining inhabit 
 ants in 1649, were obliged to combine for 
 their own fecurity. In 1651, they petitioned 
 the Council of State that they might be con^- 
 fidered as part of the commonwealth of Eng 
 land. The next year, upon the requeft of a 
 great part of the inhabitants, the colony of 
 Maflachufetts took them under their protec 
 tion, being fuppofed to be within the limits 
 of their charter fome oppofition was made 
 to this ftep ; but the majority fubmitted or 
 acquiefced ; and confidering the difficulties 
 of the times, and the unfettled ftate of affairs 
 in England, this was the befl expedient for 
 their fecurity. 
 
 On the death of John Gorges, the proprie 
 ty deicended to his fon Ferdinando Gorges, of 
 Weftminfter, who feems to have been a man 
 of information and activity. He printed a 
 defcription of New England in 1658, to which 
 he annexed a narrative written by his grand 
 father j
 
 GORGES. 391 
 
 father; from which this account is chiefly 
 compiled ; but another piece which in fome 
 editions is tacked to thefe, entitled " Wonder 
 working Providences," was unfairly afcribed 
 to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, though written by 
 a Mr. Johnfon of Woburn in New England. 
 On the reftoration of King Charles II. 
 Gorges petitioned the crown, complaining of 
 the MafTachufetts colony for ufurping the 
 government of Maine, and extending their 
 boundary lines. In 1664, commifTioners were 
 fent to America, who finding the people in 
 the Province of Maine divided in their opin 
 ions with refpect to matters of government, 
 appointed juftices in the King's name to gov 
 ern them -, and about the fame time the pro 
 prietor nominated thirteen commiffioners and 
 prepared a fet of inftructions which were en 
 tered on the records of the province. But 
 upon the departure of the royal commiiSon- 
 ers the colony refumed its jurifdiction over 
 them. Thefe two fources of government kept 
 alive two parties, each of whom were always 
 ready to complain of the other and juftify 
 themfelves. 
 
 An inquiry into the conduct of Maffachu- 
 fetts had been instituted in England, and the 
 A a 4 colony
 
 392 GORGES. 
 
 colony was ordered to fend over agents to an- 
 fwer the complaints of Gorges, and Mafon, the 
 proprietor of New Hampshire, who had joint* 
 ]y propofed to fell their property to the crown 
 to make a government for the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth. This propofal not being accepted, 
 the colony themfelves took the hint, and 
 thought the moil effectual way of filencing 
 the complaint would be, to make a purchafe. 
 The circumftances of the Province of Maine 
 were fuch as to favour their views. The In 
 dians had invaded it, moft of the fettlements 
 were deftroyed or deferted, and the whole 
 country was in trouble -, the colony had af 
 forded them all the afliftance which was in 
 their power, and they had no help from any 
 other quarter. In the height of this calamity 
 John Umer, Efq. was employed to negociate 
 with Mr. Gorges for the purchafe of the 
 whole territory, which was effected in the 
 year 1677. The fum of twelve hundred and 
 fifty pounds fterling was paid for it, and it has 
 ever fmce been a part of Maflachufetts. It is 
 now formed into two counties, York and 
 Cumberland; but the Diftritt of Maine, as 
 eftablimed by the laws of the United States, 
 
 comprehends
 
 GORGES. 393 
 
 comprehends alfo the counties of Lincoln, 
 Wamington, and Hancock $ extending from 
 Pifcataqua to St. Croix ; a territory large e- 
 nough, when fully peopled, to be formed into 
 a diftinct ftate. 
 
 XV. HENRY
 
 394 
 
 XV. HENRY HUDSON. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the fnmiefs 
 
 attempts, which had been made, to find a paf- 
 fage to India, by the north, the idea was not 
 given up ; but it was fuppofed, that under the 
 direction of fome prudent, refolute and expe 
 rienced commander, the objecl: might yet be 
 attained. A fociety of wealthy and fanguine 
 adventurers, in England, believed the practi 
 cability of the paflage - t and with a refolution 
 and liberality almoft unexampled, raifed the 
 money to carry on this expenfive undertaking. 
 They gave the command of the expedition, 
 to HENRY HUDSON, a feaman of enlarged 
 views and long experience ; in whofe knowl 
 edge and intrepidity they could fafely confide; 
 and whofe enterprizing fpirit was exceeded by 
 none, and equalled by few of his contem 
 poraries.* 
 
 When the fhip, which they had deftined 
 for the voyage, was ready, Hudfon with his 
 crew, according to the cuftom of feamen in 
 that day, went to church on April 19, 1607, 
 and there partook of the Lord's Supper, -f- On 
 
 the 
 
 * For/let's northern voyages p, 324, 
 t Purchas iv. 567,
 
 HUDSON. 395 
 
 the firft of May, he failed from Gravefend ; 
 and on the 2ift of June, difcovered land, in 
 lat. 73, on the eaftern coaft of Greenland, 
 which he called Hold with Hope. 
 
 His defign was, to explore the whole coaft 
 of Greenland, which he fuppofed to be an 
 iiland ; and, if poffible, to pafs round it, to the 
 northweft ; or elfe directly under the pole. 
 But having failed as far as the latitude of 82, 
 he found the fea obftructed by impenetrable 
 ice ; and was obliged to return to England j 
 where he arrived on the I5th of September. 
 
 By this voyage, more of the eaflern coaft of 
 Greenland was explored, than had ever before 
 been known ; and the ifland, afterward called 
 Spitzbergen, was firft difcovered. It alfo o- 
 pened the way to the Englifh, and after them 
 to the Dutch, to profecute the whale nmery 
 in thofe northern feas. 
 
 The next year,* the fame company of ad 
 venturers refolved to make another attempt, 
 and fent Hudfon again, to find a paffage by ' 
 the northeaft. He failed on the 22d of A- 
 pril 1608. The higheft latitude, to which 
 he advanced in this voyage, was 75 30'. Af 
 ter having made feveral attempts, to pafs be 
 tween 
 
 * Pur^has iv, p. 574.
 
 396 HUDSON. 
 
 tween Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, which 
 he found impracticable ; the feafon was fo far 
 fpent, and the winds fo contrary, that he had 
 not time to try the ftrait of Waygats, nor 
 Lumley's Inlet; and therefore thought it his 
 " duty, to fave victual, wages and tackle, by a 
 fpeedy return." He arrived at Gravefend on 
 the 2oth of Auguft,* 
 
 After his return from his fecond voyage, he. 
 went over to Holland and entered into the 
 fervice of the Dutch. Their Eaft India com 
 pany fitted out a mip for difcovery, and put 
 him into the command.-f' He failed from 
 Amfterdam on the 25th of March 1609.^ 
 
 The 
 
 * In the journal of this voyage, written by Hudfon himfelf, is 
 the following remark. "June 15, lat. 75 7', this morning one 
 of our company looking overboard faw a mermaid, and calling up 
 fome of the company to fee her, one more came up, and by that 
 time, (he was come clofe to the {hip's fide, looking earneftly on the 
 men. A little after, a fea came and overturned her. From th 
 navel upward, her back and breafis were like a woman ; (as they 
 fay that faw her) her body as big as one of us ; her (kin very 
 white ; and long hair hanging down behind, of colour black. In 
 her going down, they faw her tail, which was like th,e tail of a por- 
 poife, and fyeckled like a mackarel. Their names that faw her were 
 Thomas Hilles and Robert Rayner." Purchas iv. 575, 
 
 + This is faid on the authority of Dr. Forfter. The journal 
 fays nothing of it. It was written by Robert Juet, his mate. 
 
 ibid. 581. 
 
 J Smith, .in his hiflory of New York, following Oldrnixon and 
 ther fecond baud authorities, places this voyage in 1608. But as 
 the journals of Hudfon's four voyages are extant in Purchas, I take 
 all dates from him.
 
 HUDSON. 397 
 
 The higheft latitude which he made in this 
 voyage was 71 46' ; where he found the fea 
 in the neighbourhood of Nova Zembla fo fill 
 ed with ice, and covered with fogs, that it was 
 impoffible to pafs the ftrait of Waygats to the 
 eaftward. He therefore tacked and fleered 
 wefterly, toward Greenland ; intending to fall 
 in with Bufs Ifland, which had been feen by 
 one of Frobifher's (hips in 1 578 ; but when 
 he came into the latitude where it was laid 
 down, he could not find it. 
 
 He then fleered fouthwefterly ; pafled the 
 banks of Newfoundland among the French 
 mips which were fifliing, without fpeaking 
 with any of them ; and failed along the coafl 
 of America. In this route he difcovered 
 Cape Cod and landed there ; then purfued his 
 courfe to the fouth and weft ; making remarks 
 on the foundings and currents, till he came 
 to the entrance of Chefapeak bay. Here 
 he plied oft and on for feveral days, and then 
 turned again to the northward. 
 
 In his return along the coaft, on the 28th 
 of Auguft he difcovered the great bay, now- 
 called Delaware, in the latitude of 39 5'. 
 In this bay he examined the foundings and 
 
 currents,
 
 398 H U D S O N. 
 
 currents, and the appearance of the land -, but 
 did not go on more. 
 
 From this bay, paffing along a low marfhy 
 coaft fkirted with broken iflands, on the 
 ad of September he faw high hills to the 
 northward ; which I fuppofe were the Nev- 
 eriinks in New Jerfey. 
 
 On the 4th of September, he came to an 
 chor in " a very good harbour" in the latitude 
 40 30', which is the bay within Sandy Hook. 
 On the 6th, the boat was fent to furvey what 
 appeared to be the mouth of a river, diftant 
 four leagues. This was the ft rait called the 
 
 O 
 
 Narrows, between Long liland and Staten 
 Jlland ; here was a good depth of water; 
 and within was a large opening, and a narrow 
 river, to the weft ; the channel between Ber 
 gen Neck and Staten Ifland. As the boat 
 was returning, it was attacked by fome of 
 the natives, in two canoes. One man, John 
 Colman, was killed ; he was buried on a point 
 of land, which, from that circumftance, was 
 called Colman's point. It is probably Sandy 
 Hook, within which the ihip lay. 
 
 On the 1 1 th, they failed through the Nar 
 rows, and found a " good harbour fecure from 
 all winds." The next day, they turned againfl 
 
 a N. W.
 
 HUDSON. 399 
 
 a N. W. wind, into the mouth of the river, 
 which bears Hudfon's name ; and came to 
 anchor two leagues within it. On thefe two 
 days, they were vifited by the natives, who 
 brought corn, beans, oyfters and tobacco. 
 They had pipes of copper, in which they 
 fmoked ; and earthen pots, in which they 
 drefled their meat. Hudfon would not fuffer 
 them to ftay on board by night. 
 
 From the i2th to the i9th of September, 
 he failed up the river -, which he found about 
 a mile wide and of a good depth, abounding 
 with fifh, among which were " great ftore of 
 falmons." As he advanced, the land on both 
 fides was high, till it became very mountain 
 ous. This ts high land had many points, the 
 channel was narrow,and there were many eddy 
 winds." 
 
 From a careful enumeration of the com 
 puted diftances, in each day's run, as fet down 
 in the journal, it appears that Hudfon failed 
 fifty three leagues. To this diftance, the river 
 was navigable, for the (hip ; the boat went 
 up eight or ten leagues farther - y but found 
 the bottom irregular, and the depth not more 
 than feven feet. It is evident therefore that 
 
 he
 
 400 HUDSON. 
 
 he penetrated this river, as far as where the 
 city of Albany now (lands. 
 
 The farther he went up the river, the more 
 friendly and hofpitable the natives appeared. 
 They gave him fkins in exchange for knives 
 and other trifles. But as he came down, be 
 low the mountains, the favages were thievifh 
 and troublefome, which occafioned frequent 
 quarrels, in which eight or nine of them were 
 killed. The land on the eaftern fide of the 
 river near its mouth, was called Manabata. 
 
 On the 4th of O&ober he came out of the 
 river j and without anchoring in the bay, flood 
 o-ut to fea ; and fleering dire6lly for Europe, 
 on the yth of November arrived " in the range 
 of Dartmouth in Devonfhire." Here the 
 journal ends. 
 
 The discoveries made by Hudfon, in this 
 remarkable voyage, were of great mercantile 
 confequence to his employers. It has been 
 faid, that he " fold the country, or rather his 
 right to it, to the Dutch."* This however is 
 queflionable. The fovereigns of England and 
 France laid equal claim to the country, and 
 it is a matter which requires fome difcuflion, 
 whether the Hollanders were, at that time, fo 
 
 far 
 
 * Smith's hiftory of New York, p. 14. Carey's edition.
 
 HUDSON. 401 
 
 far admitted into the community of nations* 
 as to derive rights which would be acknowl 
 edged by the other European powers.* . How 
 ever, whilft they were ftruggling for exift- 
 e;ice among the nations, they were growing 
 rich by their mercantile adventures j and this 
 capital difcovcry, made at their expenfe, was 
 a fource of no fmall advantage to them. 
 They had, for fome time before, caft an eye 
 on the fur trade :; and had even bribed fome 
 Frenchmen, to admit them into the 
 traffic at Acadia and St. Lawrence. The 
 difcovery of Hudfon's river, gave them at once, 
 an entrance of above fifty leagues into the 
 heart of the American continent ; in a litua-* 
 tion, where the beft furs could be procured 
 without any interruption from either the 
 French or the Englim. The place indeed 
 lay within the claim of both thefe nations ; 
 Acadia extended from the latitude of 40 to 
 48 ; and Virginia from 34 to 45 ; but the 
 French had made feveral fruitlefs attempts to 
 pafs fouthward of Cape Cod ; and had but 
 juft begun their plantations at Acadia and St. 
 Lawrence. The Englim had made fome ef- 
 forts to eftabjim colonies in Virginia, one of 
 
 which 
 
 * Chalmers* Annals. 568. 
 
 Bb
 
 402 H U D S O N. 
 
 which was flruggling for exiftence, and others 
 had failed, both in the ibuthern and northern 
 divifion. Betides, King James, by a flroke of 
 policy peculiar to bimfelf, in dividing Virginia, 
 between the North and South Companies, had 
 interlocked each patent with the other > y and 
 at the fame time interdicted the patentees from 
 planting within one hundred miles of each 
 other.* This uncertainty, concurring with 
 ether caufes, kept the adventurers at fuch a 
 diftance, that the intermediate country, by 
 far the moft valuable, lay expofed to the in- 
 trufions of foreigners , none of whom knew 
 better than the Dutch, how to avail them- 
 felves of the ignorance or inattention of their 
 neighbours, in the purfuit of gain. 
 
 But whether it can, at this time, be deter 
 mined or n'ot, by what means the Holland 
 ers acquired a title to the country -, certain it 
 is, that they underftood and purfued the ad 
 vantage which this difcovery opened to them. 
 Within four years, a fort and trading houfe 
 were erected on the fpot where Albany is now 
 built ; and another fort on the S. W. point 
 of the ifliind, where the city of New- York 
 
 now 
 
 * Seepage 41. 42. See alfo Hazard's Colle&ion, vol. r, 
 page 50.
 
 H U D S O N. 403 
 
 now ftands -, by a company of Merchants, 
 who had procured from the States General 
 a patent for an exclufive trade to Hudfon's 
 river. 
 
 The tranfadtions between Hudfon and his 
 Dutch employers are not ftate'd in the ac 
 counts of his voyages. Dr. Forfter fays that 
 he offered to undertake another voyage in their 
 fervice, but that they declined it, upon which 
 he returned to England ; and again entered 
 into the fervice of the Company, who had 
 before employed him. 
 
 The former attempts for a northern paflage 
 having been made in very high latitudes^ was 
 now determined, to feek for one, by pafTing 
 to the weft ward of Greenland, and examining 
 the inlets of the American continent. For 
 this purpofe a fhip was fitted out, and the 
 command was given to Hudfon ; but, unhap 
 pily, the Company infifted that he fhould take 
 with Lim as an affiftant, one Colburne, a very 
 very able and experienced feaman. Their 
 great confidence in Colburne's ikill excited 
 Hudfon's envy 5 aad after the mip had fallen 
 down the river, he put him on board a pink, 
 bound up to London, with a letter to the 
 owners, containing the reafons of his con- 
 B b 2 duel ;
 
 404 HUDSON. 
 
 duct $ and then proceeded on his voyage. 
 [April 22, 1610.] Thisrafh ftep gave the crew 
 an example of difobedience, which was fo 
 feverely retaliated on himfelf, as to prove the 
 caufe of his ruin. 
 
 He went round the north of Scotland, 
 through the Orkney and Faro iflands, and on 
 the 1 1 th of May made the eaftern part of 
 Iceland. Sailing along its fouthern more, in 
 fight of the volcanic mountain Hecla, he put 
 into a harbour in the weftern part of the ifland ; 
 where he met with a friendly reception from 
 the inhabitants $ but found great difienfions 
 among his crew, which he could not appeafc 
 without much difficulty. 
 
 Having doubled the fouthern promontory of 
 Greenland, he fleered N. W. for the Ameri 
 can continent. In this paflage he was fo en 
 tangled with floating ice,that healmoft defpair- 
 ed of getting clear. But at length, with much 
 labour and peril,he forced his way through the 
 ftrait and into the bay which bear his name. 
 The farther he advanced, the greater were the 
 xnurmurings among his men. He removed his 
 mate and boatfwain and put others into their 
 places. This difcipline not only rendered him 
 ^ more unpopular ; but inflamed the difplaced 
 . efScers with bitter refentment againft him. 
 
 The
 
 H U D 8 O N. 405- 
 
 The whole Cummer having been fpent, in 
 examining the eaftern and fouthern extremities 
 of the deep and extenfive bay, which he had 
 difcovered -, in October it was too late to re 
 turn ; the difcovery was yet incomplete, and 
 he was loth to leave it. He had taken but 
 half a year's provifion from England. It was 
 therefore neceflfary to hufband what was left, 
 and procure more by hunting - y which was 
 done in great plenty, by reafon of the numer 
 ous flights of fowl, which fucceeded each 
 other through the winter. 
 
 In November the (hip was frozen up. Soon 
 after the gunner died, and a controverfy took 
 place about dividing his clothes. Hudfon 
 was partial to Henry Green, a young man of 
 a debauched character, whom he had taken on 
 board ; and whofe name was not on the fhip's 
 books. This young man ungenerouily took 
 part with the difcontented, and loft Hudfon's 
 favour. 
 
 They had to ftruggle with a fevere winter, 
 and bad accommodations, which produced 
 fcorbutic and rheumatic complaints. Thefe 
 were relieved by a decoction of the buds of a 
 tree filled with a balfamic juice ; the liquor 
 was drank, and the buds applied to the fwelled 
 joints. This is fuppofed to have been 
 balfamlfera, 
 
 B b 3 When.
 
 4 o6 HUDSON. 
 
 When the fpring came on, the birds difap- 
 peared, and their provifions fell mort. To 
 ilill the clamour among the diicontented, 
 Hudfcn injudicioufly divided the remaining 
 ftores, into equal fhares, and gave each man 
 his portion ; which fome devoured at once 
 and others preferved. 
 
 The iLip being afloat, he began to fail to 
 ward the N. W. to purfue the object of his 
 voyage ; when, (June 21, 1611) a confpira- 
 cy which had been fometime in fermentation, 
 broke out into open mutiny. The difplaced 
 mate and boatfwain, accompanied by the in 
 famous Green and others, rofe and took com 
 mand of the fhip. They put Hudfon, his 
 ion, the carpenter, the mathematician, and 
 five others, molt of whom were lick and lame,, 
 into the ihallop ; with a fmail quantity of 
 meal, one gun and ammunition, two or three 
 fpears and an iron pot -, and then with the 
 moil favage inhumanity turned them adrift. 
 This is the left account of Hudfon. Wheth 
 er he, with his unhappy companions, perifhed 
 by the iea, by famine, or by the favages, is 
 unknown. 
 
 The confpirators put the iliip about to the 
 paftward and halted to get oiu of the bay. 
 :r Cape Digges, they met with feven canoes 
 he {".wages, by whom they v/ere attack; 
 
 Tl
 
 HUDSON. 407 
 
 The perfidious Green was killed, and three 
 others wounded, of whom two died in a few 
 days. The miferable remnant, purfued their 
 courfe homeward, and fuffered much by fam 
 ine ; but at length arrived in Ireland, and from 
 thence got to England. 
 
 This account of the unfortunate end of 
 Hudfon and the return of the Ihip, is taken 
 from a narrative written by Abacuc Pricket,* 
 whom the mutineers preferved, in hope that 
 by his connexion with Sir Dudley Digges, 
 one of the owners, they fhould obtain their 
 pardon. 
 
 The mofl aflonilhing circumftance in this 
 horrid aft of cruelty, is the oath, by which 
 the confpirators bound themfelves to execute 
 their plot ; the form of it is preferved by 
 Pricket, and is in thefe words. 
 
 You {hall fwear truth, to GOD, your 
 Prince and Country -, you fhall do nothing 
 but to the Glory of GOD, and the good of 
 the action in hand, and harm to no man." 
 It is to be hoped, that the abfurdity, hypoc- 
 rify, and blafphemy of this tranfaction will 
 ever be unparalleled in the hiftory of human 
 depravity ! 
 
 * Purchas, iv, 597,
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 1 HE author is fo much indebted to 
 HAKLUYT and PURCHAS, that he thinks it 
 butjuftto give fome account of them and 
 their writings, 
 
 RICHARD HAKLUYT, Prebendary of 
 Weftminfter, was born in Herefordmire, 
 1553. He early turned his attention to geo 
 graphy, and read lectures in that fcience at 
 Oxford, where he was educated, and where 
 he introduced maps and globes, into the pub 
 lic fchools. In 1582 he publifhed a fmall 
 collection of voyages and difcoveries $ and 
 going two years after as chaplain to Sir Ed 
 ward Stafford ambafTador to France, he there 
 met with and publifhed a M. S. entitled, 
 The Notable Hi/lory of Florida, by Laudon- 
 nicrre and other Adventurers. He returned to 
 England in 1588, when he applied himfelf to 
 collect, tranflate and digeft all the voyages, 
 journals and letters that he could procure, 
 which he publifhed firft in one volume, 1589, 
 to which he afterward added two others, and 
 reprinted the firft in 1599, and 1600. He 
 was a man of indefatigable diligence and 
 great integrity ; much in favour with Queen 
 lilizabeth's miniftry, and largely converfant 
 
 with
 
 409 
 
 with feamen. He died in 1616, and his ma- 
 nufcripts fell into the hands of Mr. Purchas. 
 [Wood and Northouck.] 
 
 A complete fet of Hakluyt's Voyages is in 
 the library of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical 
 Society. 
 
 SAMUEL PURCHAS was born at Thack- 
 ftead in Eflex, 1577, and educated at Cam 
 bridge. He was firft vicar of Eaftwood in 
 Effex, then rector of St. Martin's London. 
 Pie published a folio volume entitled, Purchas 
 his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and 
 the 'Religions obferved, in all Ages and Places, 
 &c. The third edition of it, is dated 1617. 
 When Mr. Hakluyt's papers fell into his hands 
 he compiled four other volumes, which were 
 printed 1625 j they are entitled, Purchas bis 
 Pilgrims. Part i, ii, iii, iv. The whole 
 makes a fet of five volumes. They confift 
 of journals, letters, narratives, tranflations and 
 abridgements, comprehending all the travels 
 and difcoveries made in all parts of the world, 
 and are, with Hakluyt's work, the largeft and 
 moft authentic collection of the kind, extant 
 for that time. By the publishing of this vol 
 uminous work, Pqrchas brought himfelf into 
 
 debt.
 
 410 
 
 debt -, and it has been laid that he died in* 
 prifon j but Northouck fays he died in his 
 own houfe in London, 1628. 
 
 A complete fet of Purchas's Pilgrims is ir\ 
 the library of Harvard College. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 7. not* read failing iveftward {aw ihfi ;:r'J,\i>< fun on the rigLi 
 hand. 38, dele the marginal note. 186, line 4, from bottom, for heard 
 read herd. 190, line 6, for Mabille read Mobille. 208, note, line 4, for 
 about, read a teat. 2ZO, line 4, from bottom, dele the firft rf. 222, line 
 6, after weed infert in. 363, line 6, from bottom, read latfijtr. 

 
 The SUCCESSION cfS o v r R E i c K s of t he E u R o p E A K N A T i o x s 
 
 a; Ac Aavc /zc<^ POSSESSIONS^ CON NE xi ONS ZTZ AMER ic A. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 1773 
 
 
 1485 
 
 
 
 Lewis XVI. 
 
 
 Henry VII. 
 
 1-92 
 
 
 I5C9 
 
 
 
 Republic. 
 
 
 Henry VIII, 
 
 
 
 
 *547 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 SPAIN. ' 
 
 
 Edward VI. 
 
 1474 
 
 
 J553 
 
 
 
 Ferdinand V. r.nd Ifabell. 
 
 
 Mary. 
 
 I5C4 
 
 
 1558 
 
 
 
 Phillip I. 
 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 I5l6 
 
 
 1603 
 
 James I. 
 
 
 *tv o ? I- King 
 Charles > -\r r 
 5 V. Emp. 
 
 1625 
 
 
 1556 
 
 
 
 Charles I. 
 
 
 Philip II. 
 
 1648 
 
 
 IJ 9 8 
 
 
 16 
 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 
 Philip III. 
 
 1 53 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 
 Philip IV. 
 
 1658 
 
 
 TG6$ 
 
 
 
 R. Cromwell. 
 
 
 Charles II. 
 
 j66o 
 
 
 I7CO 
 
 
 
 Charles II. 
 
 
 Philip V. 
 
 1685 
 
 
 1746 
 
 
 
 James II. 
 
 
 Ferdinand VI. 
 
 1688 
 
 
 J 759 
 
 
 
 William and Mary 
 
 
 Charles III. 
 
 1694 
 
 
 1789 
 
 
 Y **OT 
 
 William III. 
 
 
 Charles IV. 
 
 I ,. CI 
 
 Anne. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 PORTUGAL, 
 
 1714 
 
 
 1481 
 
 
 
 George I. 
 
 John II. 
 
 1727 
 
 1495 
 
 
 
 George II, 
 
 
 Emanuel. 
 
 1760 
 
 
 1521 
 
 
 
 George III. 
 
 
 John III. 
 
 
 . 
 
 1557 
 
 
 A. D. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 
 SeKaftian. 
 
 J 4^3 
 
 
 1578 
 
 
 
 Charles VIII. 
 
 
 Henry. 
 
 1498 
 
 
 1580 
 
 
 15*5 
 
 Lewis XII. 
 Francis I. 
 
 1598 
 
 Philip II. -, 
 of Spain 
 Philip III. J> and 
 
 1547 
 
 Henry II. 
 
 1621 
 
 1 Portugal. 
 Philip IV. J 
 
 J559 
 
 
 1640 
 
 
 
 Francis II. 
 
 
 Jol.n IV. 
 
 1560 
 
 
 1656 
 
 
 
 Charles IX. 
 
 
 Alphonfa VI. 
 
 1574 
 
 
 166" 
 
 
 
 Henry II. 
 
 
 Peter. 
 
 1589 
 
 
 1704 
 
 
 
 Henry IV, 
 
 
 John V. 
 
 1610 
 
 
 J7-0 
 
 
 
 Lewis XIII, 
 
 
 Jofeph. 
 
 1643 
 
 
 1777 
 
 
 
 Lewis XIV, 
 
 
 Maria Frances If<ttel!a, 
 
 1715 
 
 
 
 
 
 Lewis XV, 

 
 INDEX. 
 
 A< 
 
 -CADIA, its Limits, 323 
 
 Africa, Circumnavigated, v 7 
 
 Aguado, fent to Hifpaniola, 109 
 
 America, Peopled in Part from the Eaft, 25 
 
 , Named from Amerigo, 115 
 
 Argal Samuel, his Voyages, 297, 3*2 
 
 Azores, Difcovered, 131 
 
 B. 
 
 Behaim Martin, 129 
 
 , Difcovers Conge and Benin, 134 
 
 Bifon, 47 
 
 Bligh Lieutenant, his Hazardous Voyage, 14 
 
 Botello, his Daring Voyage from India to Lifbon, 15 
 
 Bovadilla, Superfedes Columbus, 113 
 
 .Brazil, Difcovered, 28 
 
 Breton Cape, Named, 159 
 
 Bufs Ifland, 77 
 
 Buzzard's Bay Difcovered, 235 
 
 c. 
 
 Cabot John and Sebaftian, 149 
 
 Cabral, Difcovers Brazil, 28 
 
 Canary Iflands Difcovered, 23 
 
 , Volcanos in, 24 
 
 Cape Cod Difcovered by Gofnold, 232 
 
 -, Vifited by the French from Acadia, 328, 332 
 
 , , by Hudfon, 397 
 
 Cartier James, 1,59 
 
 Chaleur Bay, Difcovered, 162 
 
 Champlain Samuel, 320 
 
 , Sails up the St. Lawrence, 323 
 
 -, Builds a Fort at Quebeck, 341 
 
 - , Difcovers the Lakes, 348 
 
 , Surrenders Quebeck to the Englifk, 343 
 
 , his Death and Character, 344 
 
 Charaibes, Emigrants from the Eaft, 29 
 
 Columbus Chriftopher, 86 
 
 , his Reafons for Seeking India in the Weft, 90 
 
 . -, his Firft Voyage, 99 
 
 , his Second Voyage, 104 
 
 , his Third Voyage, HO 
 
 i , his Fourth Voyage, 116 
 
 , Wrecked on Jamaica, 119 
 
 * , his Death and Character, 123, 124 
 
 Columbus
 
 INDEX. 4,3 
 
 Columbus Bartholomew, 6, toy 
 
 Congo, Di {covered, 134 
 
 Croix St. Port of, 166 
 
 , Ifland of, 326 
 
 Cuba, chfcovered, 106 
 
 D. 
 
 Delaware Bay, difcovered, 397 
 
 Dermer Thomas, 361 
 
 Drogio, 70 
 
 Dutch, intrude into the Fur Trade, 337 
 
 j complained of as Intruders, 375 
 
 , poflefs Hudfon's River, 401 
 
 E. 
 
 JEclipfe Lunar, fortunate to Columbus, 120 
 
 Egg, fet on its fmalleft End, 125 
 
 Elizabeth Ifland, 234 
 
 Eftotiland, 69, 83 
 
 Eudoxus, his Voyage, 21 
 
 f. 
 
 Fog Banks, 94 
 Fortifications, antique, 10,4 
 Frifland, 67, 75 
 Foate dc, Sttait of, 229 
 Fuca John de, 224 
 , Strait of, defcribed, 225, 228 
 
 Cr. 
 
 Gafpe, Bay of, difcovered, 162 
 
 Gilbert Humphrey, 196 
 
 , takes poffeflion of Newfoundland, 200 
 
 , is loft at Sea, 203? 
 
 Gorges Ferdinando, 346 
 
 , his Perfeverance, oca 
 
 , his Defence before the Commons, 3-70 
 
 , his Complaint againft the Dutch, 215 
 
 , his Expenfe and Lofs, 3^0 
 
 , his Misfortunes and Death, 380 
 
 Gorges Thomas, 385 
 Gorges Robert, g68, 374 
 
 Gorges John, 390 
 
 Gorges Ferdinando, ad. 090 
 
 Gofnold Bartholomew, his Voyage, 231 
 
 , his Death, 359 
 
 Grenville Richard, 2O& 
 
 , his Voyage to Virginia } 215 
 
 .- , his Death, 221 
 
 Greenland, difcovered, 48 
 
 Guanahana, difcovered, lot 
 
 Guadloupe, difcovered, 26, 104
 
 4 i. t I N D E X. 
 
 II. 
 
 Hanno, his Voyage, 19 
 
 Hifpaniola, dikovercd, 104 
 
 ;iy, defcribed, 21 1 
 
 Hud ion Henry, 394 
 
 . 's River, difcovered, 399 
 
 's Bay, difcovered, 404 
 
 < his Misfortunes and Death, 406 
 
 I- J- 
 
 Jamaica, difcovered, loo 
 
 -i , Columbus Wrecked on, 119 
 
 James-town, 255 
 
 Jefuits Introduced to Port Royal, 340 
 
 ladependeiicc of the Colonies Sufpetted, 38 1, 
 
 K. 
 
 Mirk David, takes Quebeck, 343 
 
 i-/. 
 
 Laconia, defcribed, 376 
 
 Lane Ralph, -Governour of Virginia, 214 
 
 Lawrence St. Bay and River difcovered, 163 
 
 Line of Demarkation, 103 
 
 Lifbon, Columbus puts in at, 133 
 
 M. 
 
 Madoc, Prince of Wales, 58 
 
 Maii'ie, Province of, 385 
 
 its Plan of Government, 386 
 
 protected by MafTachufetts, 390 
 
 purchafed by MafTachufetts, 392 
 
 John, connected with Gorges, 376 
 
 his Plantation at Piicataqua, 378 
 
 his great Expenfe and Lofs, 370; 
 
 Maffachufetts Colony Eitabliihed, 380 
 
 Mermaid feen, 396 
 
 Monfoons, known to the Pheiiicians, 1 1 
 
 Montreal, difcovered and named, 172 
 
 Monts de, 320 
 
 , his Patent for Acadia, 323 
 
 , his Fort at St. Croix, 326 
 
 , quits Acadia, 339 
 
 Morell William, full Epifcopal Clergyman in New England, 368 
 
 N. 
 
 Necho, his Voyage round Africa, 7 
 
 Newfoundland, difcovered, 152 
 
 , its Production?, 54 
 
 -, State of its Fiihery, 197 
 
 , PoiTelFed by the Englifh, 200 
 
 Newport Cimitopber, his Voyages, 273, 288 
 
 Norombcga, 
 
 Mafon
 
 INDEX, 
 
 isoroinbega, 328 
 
 Normans, their Navigation, 47 
 
 Opecankanow, King of Pamaunky, 265 
 
 Ovando, Governour of Hifpaniola, 116 
 
 - , his Cruelty to Columbus, 119, 121 
 
 Paria, Gulf of, difcovered, HO 
 Paul the Phyfician, his Letters to Columbus, 141, 14* 
 
 Peftilence among the Indian*;, 35^ 
 
 Phcnicians, the Firft Navigators, ej 
 
 -- , conftruclion of their Shim, 13 
 
 - , their Mercantile Jealouly, 16 
 Plymouth, Council of, Ellablifhed, 364 
 - , embarrafTed 383 
 
 - - , diflblved, 384 
 
 - - , Colony EQabliftied, 365 
 Pocahontas, (aves Captain Smith, 270 
 
 - - , entertains him with a Dance, -284 
 
 - , reveals her father's Treachery, 29$ 
 
 - , her Voyage to England, 307 
 , her Death, 
 
 Porland, 8t 
 
 Pert Royal, Plantation at, 325 
 
 Poutrincourr, 320 
 
 Powhatan, 256 
 
 , his Coronation, 287- 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quebeck, named, 323 
 
 -- , Fort built, 344 
 
 - , taken by the English, 343 
 
 - , reftored to the French, 344. 
 
 Raleigh Walter, 206 
 
 ---- , his Death, f 221 
 
 Roanoke, difcovered, 208 
 
 Roldaji, his Mutiny, 112 
 
 S. 
 Sable, Ifland, flocked with Cattle, 202, 204 
 
 - - - , convicis landed at, 321 
 Sagadahock, Colony at, 350 
 Scurvy, Remedy for, 176 
 Sknelings, 51 
 Smith John, 240 
 -- , his Encounter with the Turk?, 247 
 
 - , fold as a Slave, 249 
 -- , his Efeape, 250 
 
 Smith
 
 4 i6 INDEX. 
 
 Smith John, his Voyage to South Virginia, 453 
 
 . - - taken by the Indians, 265 
 
 - faved by Pocahontas, 270 
 
 - releafed, 271 
 
 - his Difcoveries, 277, 290 
 
 - - made Prefident of Virginia, 281 
 . his Fame among the Indians, 294 
 
 - - his Singular Difcipline, 2 9Oj 296 
 
 - -- ' - his Return to England, 303 
 
 . his Voyage to North Virginia, 305 
 
 -- his Writings, 316 
 - i his Death, 319 
 Soto Ferdinando de, his Adventures in Flondaj 185 
 _ -- } hi s Death, 192 
 
 T. 
 
 Tobacco firfl known, 173 
 
 -- , carried to England, 222 
 Trinidad, 1 fiand difcovered, liO 
 
 V. 
 
 Vineyard Martha's, difcovered, 234 
 
 Virginia named, 212 
 
 - , its Topography by Hcnol, 2t(*y 
 m^- , firft Child born in, *i8 
 
 - , Company, their Miftakes, 282, 289 
 r~ - , fecond Patent, 300 
 _ - , divided into North and South* ^48 
 
 W. 
 
 White John, Governour of Virginia, 217 
 
 Winland, difcovered, 50 
 
 X. 
 Xerxes, his orders to fail round Africa, , 
 
 Zeno, 67 
 
 Zencs, Doclrine of, 17 
 
 END OF VOL. I.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
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