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ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 ANALYSED. 
 
 TRANSLATED AND COMMENTED UPON. 
 
 By ALEX. EARL OF CRAWFORD & BALCARRES, 
 
 LORD LINDSAY, &c. 
 
 • As those who unripe veins iu mines explore 
 On the rich bed again the warm turf lay, 
 
 Till Time digests the yet imperfect ore ; 
 
 And know it will be gold another day:" — 
 
 Dryden. 
 
 LONDON: 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1872. 
 
 The right of TrnrishUiou is reserved. 
 
/7- 
 
 ' Lorfix): 
 
 /S 
 
 rix)N 
 
 WULLIAM CLOWKS AND SONS, OTAMFOKD STREET, 
 AND CIIARIHG CROSS. 
 
TO 
 
 MES. JAMES LINDSAY, 
 
 IN SPECIAL REMEMBRANCE 
 
 OF 
 
 TWO WHITE DAYS 
 
 SPENT MANY YEARS AGO TOGETHER 
 AMONG THE RUINS OF 
 
 ANCIENT ETEURTA. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This volume was written and prepared for the press 
 with a view to private circulation, and in the hope 
 that others more competent than myself would take 
 up the subject and work it out. My object was not 
 (properly speaking) to give an accurate interpreta- 
 tion of the Etruscan inscriptions, but to shew that 
 the language employed in those inscriptions was an 
 ancient form of German, in corroboration of an argu- 
 ment derived from independent sources to prove that 
 the Etruscans were a branch of the Teutonic race. 
 My reason for publishing it is this, that in a work 
 which I am about to issue on a much more important 
 subject I have employed the ancient Glerman as an 
 instrument of etymological and mythological com 
 parison and analysis in a manner which can only be 
 justified by adduction of proof that the language 
 stands upon a par in point of antiquity and impor- 
 tance with Greek and Latin, Zendic and Sanscrit, 
 and that its written, or rather engraved monuments 
 are centuries older than the Gospels of Ulphilas. 
 Such proof is, I trust, afforded by the contents of 
 the ensuing pages. 
 
 DuNECHT, 16^^ October, 1872. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 INTEODUCTORY 
 
 Etruscan Inscriptions 
 
 Chap. I. — Tyrrheno-Pelasgic Inscriptions 
 
 Sect. i. The small black i^ot of Csere 
 
 Sect. ii. Inscription of the ' Vinicopium ' 
 
 Sect. iii. Inscription of Mark the Potter . . 
 
 Sect. iv. Minor Inscriptions of Ciere 
 
 Sect. V. The formula Koy| o/j.7ra| 
 Chap. IL — Inscription, purely Etruscan, in a tomb at Tar^ 
 
 quinii 
 Chap. Ill — The 'Alcestis and Admetus' inscription 
 Chap. IV. — Inscriptions on Votive offerings 
 
 Sect. 
 
 Sect. 
 
 Aiseras,' — encroachment on land-marks 
 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 Sect. 
 
 i. ' Tinskvil,' and the candelabrum of Cortona 
 ii. ' Aljian,' or fraud, in atonement for 
 iii. ' 
 
 iv. Fraud, ut supra 
 V. ' Puantrn,' — breach of faith . . 
 
 vi. Yxdixxd, ut suptra 
 
 vii Against sentence of c?rt??i?iM?n .. 
 viii. Pecuniary tine . . 
 
 ix. Pecuniary compensation for fraud 
 Sect. X. Failure of appearance to summons 
 Sect. xi. The ' Arringatore ' 
 Chap. V. — Sepulchral Inscrii^tions 
 
 Sect. i. The Bilingual Inscriptions 
 
 Sect. ii. Sepulchral Formuke 
 
 Sect, iii. The Alethna Sarcoj^hagus 
 
 Sect. iv. The Cesina Inscription . . 
 
 Sect. v. The Inscription of San Manno 
 
 Sect. vi. Inscriptions in the tomb of the Pomj^ey 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 ih. 
 ih. 
 21 
 24 
 27 
 29 
 
 32 
 37 
 41 
 
 42 
 44 
 47 
 48 
 49 
 50 
 62 
 53 
 ih. 
 55 
 58 
 61 
 //). 
 [Yd 
 97 
 102 
 109 
 124 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. VI. — Inscription relating to Land-Tenui'e ,. 
 
 Sect. 1. The Inscription of the ' Marmini ' at Volterra 
 Sect. ii. The great Inscription of Perugia 
 
 § 1. Constitution of ' conductio,' or lease of farm . 
 
 § 2. Illegal alienation of two-thirds ., 
 
 § 3. Action at law 
 
 § 4. Proceedings in equity 
 
 Summary 
 Envoi . . 
 
 rAGB 
 146 
 ih. 
 161 
 166 
 176 
 179 
 186 
 207 
 228 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I. Bilingual Inscriptions .. 
 
 II. Glossary (Abridged) of Etruscan words known to us otherwise thai 
 through the inscriptions 
 Group I. Words expressive of the relations of life and society 
 Group II. Words descriptive of dress, martial and domestic 
 Group III. The chariot ; and amusements, piihlic and private 
 Group IV. Animals, plants, the heavens, &c. 
 Group V. Matters of common life, and miscellaneous 
 Group VI. Etruscan Deities, including the Genii, Lares, &c. 
 Sect. i. The Gods, — general name 
 
 Sect. ii. The Three great Gods 
 
 Sect. iii. The Dii Complices and Dii Consentes 
 Sect. iv. The Dii Novensiles 
 
 Sect. V. The Dii Involuii 
 
 Sect. vi. Etruscan Gods, projoer 
 
 Sect. vii. The Fates, or female demons, friendly and mall 
 nant .. 
 
 Sect. viii. The Genii 
 
 Sect. ix. The Lemures, and theh subdivisions, Lares, Larv 
 and Manes . . 
 
 Sect. X. The Dii Penates 
 
 Group VII. Divination, Public Worship, &c. 
 
 Sect. i. Revealers, teachers, and guardians of divination - 
 Sect. ii. Ministers of divination . . 
 Sect. iii. The Insignia of divination 
 Sect. iv. The Templum, and the Pomoerium .. 
 Sect. V. Public and private worsliip; rites, ceremonies, offi 
 cials, &c. 
 
 233 
 
 2-iO 
 242 
 243 
 244 
 245 
 247 
 250 
 
 ih. 
 
 ib. 
 252 
 
 ib. 
 253 
 
 ih, 
 
 259 
 260 
 
 ib. 
 262 
 263 
 
 ib. 
 264 
 
 ib. 
 265 
 
 266 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Group VIII. The Pontiliccs, tlie Pontifex Maximus, the Calends, 
 
 Ides, Calendar, &c, . . . . . . . . . . 2G9 
 
 Sect. i. The Pontifex Maximus . . . . . . . . . . ib. 
 
 Sect. it. The Calendar, &c 270 
 
 Group IX. Public civil ceremonial of Kome, as derived from 
 
 Etrui-ia 271 
 
 Sect. i. The Executive . . . . . . . . . . . . ib. 
 
 Sect. ii. The Nation 272 
 
 Sect. lii. The Deliberative Assemblies ; the Forum, the Curia;, 
 
 the Comiti a, the Senate .. .. .. .. 274 
 
 Sect. iv. The Fetiales 27G 
 
 Sect. V. The Insignia of Authority . . . . . . . . 277 
 
 Group X. The Sajculum 278 
 
 Group XI. Miscellaneous .. .. .. .. .. .. 279 
 
 Group XII. Proper Names . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 
 
 Sect. i. National surnames of the Etruscans . . . . . . ib. 
 
 Sect. ii. Names of Etruscan cities . . . . . . . 282 
 
 Sect. iii. Name of Rome, as an Etruscan city . . . . . . 304 
 
 Conclusions from the preceding Sm'vey . . . . . . . . . . 30G 
 
 Index 314 
 
ETRUSCAN INSCEIPTIONS, 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 " The origin of the Etruscans," says Mr. Dennis in 
 his delightful work on Etrnria, " has been assigned to 
 the Greeks — to the Egyj)tians — the Phoenicians — the 
 Canaanites — the Libyans — the Basques — the Celts, 
 . . . and, lastly, to the Hyksos, or Shepherd-kings 
 of Egypt. I know not if they have been taken for 
 the lost Ten Tribes of Israel, but certes a very pretty 
 theor}^ might be set up to that effect, and supported 
 by arguments which would appear all- cogent to every 
 one who swears by ' Coningsby.' " — The surest test of 
 ethnological affinity is to be found in Language ; 
 but " the language of Etruria " — I again quote Mr. 
 Dennis — " even in an age whicli has unveiled the 
 Egyptian hieroglyphics and the arrow-headed charac- 
 ter of Babylon, still remains a mystery. This ' geo- 
 logical literature,' as it has been aptly termed, has 
 baffled the learning and research of scholars of every 
 nation for ages past ; and though fresh treasures are 
 daily stored up, the key to unlock them is still want- 
 ing. We know the characters in which it is written, 
 which much resemble the Pelasgic or early Greek ; 
 we can learn even somewhat of the genius of the 
 language and its inflections ; but beyond this, and 
 the proper names and the numerals on sepulchral 
 monuments, and a few w^ords recorded by the ancients. 
 
2 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Introd. 
 
 the wisest must admit their ignorance, and confess 
 that all they know of the Etruscan tongue is that it is 
 unique — like the Basque, an utter ahen to every 
 known family of languages. To the other early 
 tongues of Italy, which made use of the same or 
 nearly the same character, we find some key in 
 the Latin, especially to the Oscan, which hears to 
 it a parental relation. But the Etruscan has been 
 tested again and again by Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and 
 every other ancient language, and beyond occasional 
 affinities, which may be mere coincidences, such as 
 occur almost in every case, no clue has yet been 
 found to its interpretation, — and unless some monu- 
 ment like the Rosetta Stone should come to light, and 
 some Young or Champollion should arise to decipher 
 it, the Etruscan must ever remain a dead, as it has 
 always emphatically been a sepulchral language. 
 Till then, to every fanciful theorist who fondly hugs 
 himself into the belief that to hnn it has been re- 
 served to unravel the mystery, or who possesses the 
 Sabine faculty of dreaming what he wishes, we must 
 reply in the words of the prophet, ' It is an ancient 
 nation, a nation whose language thou knowest not.' " * 
 With these eloquent and deterring words, and from 
 such high authority, still fresh in my ears, you can 
 well imagine, my dear Anne, that I did not venture 
 to essay my luck — where so many had made ship- 
 wreck — without due consideration, without a very 
 strong determining impulse. Rather, I may say, I 
 was compelled by the conditions of an inquiry in 
 which I was engaged to make the venture. 
 
 * Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, hy George Dennis, vol. i, pp. xxxvi- 
 xlv. 
 
INTUOD. INTRODUCTORY. 3 
 
 You will recollect the labour I was at, some years 
 ago, in tracing out and establishing the links of 
 descent in the Aryan race as represented by the 
 three great families which I styled, after the names 
 of their respective eponymi in the ascending chain, 
 the Thoringa, the Hruixga, and the Iotinga. In 
 the course of those investigations I became convinced, 
 by the convergence of almost every description of 
 historical evidence, that the Tyrrheni, or Etruscans, 
 belonged to the Thoringa family, and must conse- 
 quently have been closely akin to the Tervingi, 
 Thuringi, Tyrki (or pre-Odinite Northmen), and 
 other Teutonic tribes, although come off from the 
 common stock bearing the Thoringa name at an 
 extremely remote period. The Rhoeti or Easenic 
 branch of the great stock known to the ancients as 
 Etruscan similarly belonged — so I inferred— to the 
 Hruinga fjimily, — and the general result I came to 
 was, that the Tyrrheni and the RliaBti were the repre- 
 sentatives, specially, in the South, of the Tervingi and 
 Grutungi, better known latterly as Visi-Goths and 
 Ostro-Goths, in the North and West of Europe. The 
 question presented itself — and it could not be silenced, 
 for none could be more important — Did the Etruscan 
 language bear out this induction, or contradict it? 
 Every attempt to interpret the language had hitherto 
 failed ; but I was so persuaded that it must have 
 been Aryan and not remotely akin to the oldest 
 Germanic dialects (especially to those spoken by the 
 Thuringian tribes) that I should have been a faint- 
 hearted knight indeed had I hesitated to apply this 
 crucial test to the point of controversy. I began 
 with the series of single words transmitted to us by 
 
4 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Introo. 
 
 the ancients as Etruscan, and of which they have 
 given us the interpretations in Greek or Latin ; and 
 I found them all to have a corresponding sense in — 
 not merely the Aryan and Japhetan tongues gene- 
 rally, but more particularly in ancient German. I 
 then tested the names of the Etruscan Gods and of 
 the old cities of Etruria, and found the latter more 
 particularly to correspond in repeated instances with 
 the natural features of the country and with the 
 symbolism of coins and other iiidicicv, as reflected in 
 the same Teutonic idiom. I applied the same process 
 to the words connected with those Eoman institutions 
 which the classical writers expressly inform us were 
 derived from Etruria ; and the result was still the 
 same, although it almost proved too much — through 
 the conviction which the inquiry forced upon me 
 that the Oscan, Sabine, or Sabellian race, which con- 
 tributed so much to the early development of Eome, 
 was also of a kindred origin.* The result however, 
 with every set-off, was so eminently satisfactory that 
 I should have contented myself with it but for the 
 consideration that the words analysed and founded 
 ^ipon — those, I mean, distinctly recorded by the 
 Greek and Latin writers in their foreign Etruscan 
 fQj-m — could hardly be supposed to have escaped dis- 
 guise and con-uption through the uncritical medium 
 of their transmission and the subsequent accidents of 
 transcription. This was perhaps being hypercritical ; 
 but I felt that the proof might be considered insuf- 
 ficient unless I could shew that the inscriptions, 
 written in the unmistakeable original dialect and 
 
 * The results of these investi.sations were embodied in a Glossary, an 
 abridgment of which is subjoined to the present Memoir. 
 
Introd. INTTiODUCTORY. 5 
 
 character of Etruria, equally yielded to the touch- 
 stone. I tested several of them accordingly ; and 
 they too responded in a manner which gratified, 
 although I cannot say it surj^rised me. I was called 
 off, however, at this point by more pressing objects 
 of interest ; and therefore, after writing down the 
 results arrived at, and completing my notes on 
 the subject, I laid them aside ; and the subject, if not 
 forgotten, dropped for years into the background. 
 The arrival, however, a few months ago, at an unoc- 
 cupied moment, of a fresh batch of the ' Monumenti 
 Inediti ' of the ' Instituto Archeologico ' of Rome — as 
 well as of Fabretti's noble ' Corpus ' of Inscriptions, 
 Etruscan, Umbrian, Oscan, now in a completed 
 form * — roused up the slumbering fire ; and I have 
 been amusing myself at intervals during this last 
 winter f in re-examining the inscriptions formerly 
 analysed, and applying the same process to others, 
 with the results which — imperfect and tentative as 
 they undoubtedly are — I now propose to lay before 
 3^ou. I have determined upon doing so inasmuch as 
 I am again called off to matters which have a prior 
 claim upon me ; and it may be long ere I can resume 
 the inquiry now a second time interrupted. It is 
 true that I might lay these new notes aside, in the 
 drawer which contains the old ones, till the lapse of 
 two or three more lustra shall evoke them again to 
 light ; but time slips away — those lustra I may never 
 see — I am no longer young — and it may be my fate 
 to die in harness, at work which has its interest 
 
 * Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum Antiquioris u-Evi, — ct Glussariuni 
 Italicum, &c. Aug. Taurinorum, 4to. 1867. 
 t Written in 1870. 
 
6 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Introd. 
 
 doubtless, but in which the heart and the soul are too 
 much engrossed to allow of that calm enjoyment 
 which the intellect finds in the study of pure anti- 
 quity. Believing therefore that what I have to say 
 is worth saying — or I certainly should not presume 
 to utter it — wishing from my heart that it were 
 better worth your hearing, more full and more pre- 
 cise in every way — and yet feeling strongly with 
 Hesiod that " the half is better than the whole " in 
 cases where, as in the present, my chief hope is to 
 induce others more qualified tlian myself to take up 
 the subject and do it justice — I have resolved to 
 chronicle the results I have come to in black and 
 white, and commit them to paper — on the principle 
 of ' valeant quantum,' and at all events to preserve 
 them thus far against the chances of perdition. Had 
 I had leisure to accomplish my purpose of carefully 
 going through the entire body of extant inscriptions, 
 I have no doubt that the individual analyses I now 
 present to you would have been more exact and the 
 conclusions based upon them better warranted ; and 
 in that case I might have felt emboldened to offer 
 them to the world at large, which at present I do not 
 presume to do.* 
 
 I have only to add, in justice to myself, that I have 
 no pretensions to speak with authority in linguistic 
 matters. Language has not been my special study ; 
 I have merely courted her aid as a handmaid to 
 history. It is true that I offer you translations of 
 Etruscan inscriptions ; but my object has not been to 
 interpret these inscriptions for their own sake, but 
 
 * For the reason which has determined me to make thcni public, see 
 the ' Preface,' supra. 
 
Introd. introductory. 7 
 
 simply in order — yoii will appreciate the distinction — 
 to ascertain what the language is in which they are 
 written, and to apply the argument thence arising 
 towards the solution of the ethnological question, 
 " Who were the Etruscans ? " This is not more than 
 may be attempted by an ordinary historical student — 
 a general archaeologist — without presumption. It 
 has fallen to my lot, as I believe, to discover and 
 open the door into the treasury of the Etruscan lan- 
 guage ; but it is for. the great masters of the Linguis- 
 tic Science — whom Britain delights to honour in the 
 person of her adopted son. Max Midler — to enter in 
 and take possession, to reduce the language to its 
 grammar, to elaborate its lexicon, and to determine 
 its exact place on the genealogical tree of Grerman 
 speech, preparing the way for inquiries in which 
 jurists, mythologists, and the leaders of kindred schools 
 of study in Comparative Archaeology, will have to 
 take part. Even now, from what little I have done, 
 some views may, I think, be formed as to the course 
 which inquiry will take in these directions.* 
 
 * I am by no means the first to afiirm broadly that the Etruscan is an 
 Indo-European, or even a Teutonic language. " Suum cuique tribuito." 
 The following are Dr. Prichard's Avords ujDon the subject, pubUshed as long 
 ago as 1841, in his Physical History of Mankind: — " The best resource 
 for investigating the history of human races in general has almost entirely 
 failed in researches respecting the Etruscans. . . . All that can be inferred 
 as tolerably well established respecting the Etruscan dialect is, that it 
 belonged to the class of Indo-European languages." Mr. Bunbury again, 
 admitting — (I quote his excellent article on 'Etruria' in Dr. Smith's 
 Did. of Greek and Roman Oeography) — that the Etruscan has "words 
 and inflexions " in common with the Umbrian, and that " it contains 
 unquestionably a Greek or Pelasgic element," which " especially " (he 
 thinks) " discovers itself in some inscriptions found in the southern part of 
 Etruria," states that " the main ingredients of the language " are " radically 
 •different" from either the Umbrian or Pelasgic;" and that this "third" 
 element, " probably the most important of all, wholly distinct from both, 
 and which may be called the Rasenic clement," is "in all prolaliility the 
 
8 
 
 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : 
 
 Introd. 
 
 One more prelimiiiary observation, and I have 
 done. You must not expect to find the full develop- 
 
 language of the Etruscans properly so called. Of this," he adds, " we can 
 only assert, in the present state of our knowledge, that, although distinct 
 from the Pelasgic or Greek family of languages on the one hand and from 
 that of the Umbrians, Oscans, and Latins on the other, there are good 
 reasons for believing it to belong to the same great family, or to the class 
 of languages commonly known as the Indo-Teutonic. Some arguments," 
 he concludes, " have lately been brought forward to show that its nearest 
 affinities are with the Gothic, or Scandinavian group," — these, I presume, 
 being those advanced by Dr. Donaldson in his ' Varronianus,' those of 
 Dr. Aufrecht published by Bunsen, and those of the Rev. Robert Ellis 
 before he finally adopted his views as to the Armenian origin of the 
 Etruscans; while Jacob Grimm had several years previously remarked 
 upon the affinity of the Etruscan ' ^sar ' and the Scandinavian ' Asen,' 
 and Dr. Steub had connected the inscriptions with the Teutonic proper 
 and the Lithuanian. I own that when, long after I had completely satis- 
 fied myself as to the Teutonic character of the Etruscan, I turned to the 
 'Varronianus,' my first impulse was to re-echo the old denunciation 
 "Pereant qui ante nos nostra dixerunt!" inasmuch as that learned philo- 
 logist distinctly pronounces the Etruscans to have been a Teutonic people, 
 on the gi"ound of a comparison of their language with the Scandinavian or 
 Icelandic tongue, as existing in the ninth century." I soon found, however, 
 that his etymologies and my own, as well as the conclusions we had 
 respectively come to on many points of Etruscan history, were so 
 materially different that any question of priority restricted itself (with rare 
 exceptions) to the assertion of the broad fact of Teutonic descent ; while, 
 even in that point of view, while Dr. Donaldson found his analogies in the 
 old Icelandic, and connected his Etruscans with the Low-German and 
 Scandinavian race (restrictively so termed), I had resorted for mine to a 
 more remote and comprehensive field of general Teutonic antiquity, and 
 arrived at a distinct ethnological inference and, indeed, specific conclusion 
 as to their origin. Dr. Donaldson's argument was, in fact, derived exclu- 
 sively from comparison of language, leaving all the other prior arguments, 
 from the patronymic ' Tyrrheni ' or Thoringa, from the correspondence of 
 religious sympathies and usages, and from national character and insti- 
 tutions, untouched. The fact appeared to me to be that we had approached 
 the subject from different points of view, from two opposite poles of the 
 compass ; he, from the South, as a professed scholar, laying siege in due 
 form to the walls and traditions of Tarquinii, with classical erudition and 
 
 ' " The theory," says Dr. Donald- 
 son, " that the Etruscan language, as 
 we have it, is in part a Pelasgian 
 idiom, more or less corrupted and 
 deformed by contact with the Um- 
 brian, and in part a relic of the 
 
 oldest Low-German or Scandinavian 
 dialects, is amply confirmed by an 
 inspection of those remains which 
 admit of approximate interpreta-' 
 tion." — Varronianus, 3rd ed. p. 165.- 
 
INTROD. INTRODUCTORY. 9 
 
 meiit of Teutonic inflection and grammar in these 
 Etruscan inscriptions. Assuming that the Tyrrheni 
 and other Thoringa tribes separated in remote anti- 
 quity, carrying their common language along with 
 them, it is difficult at first sight to understand why 
 the complex grammatical forms of (say) the Moeso- 
 Grothic of Ulphilas do not appear in the Etruscan 
 inscriptions, at all events in a parallel, if not identical 
 development. So far from such being the case, the 
 impression left upon- me is a doubt whether the sin- 
 
 pliilological learning to which I could make no pretensions — and upon 
 which he appeared to me in many instances to draw too readily and exclu- 
 sively, when illustrations far more close and to the purpose — under one's 
 very nose indeed — were to be found in the oldest Teutonic speech ; but I 
 myself, from the North, as a roving Viking, ranging in my galley from 
 shore to shore, seeking out our ancient kinsmen, and perhaps too rash and 
 precipitate in the first instance in grasping theni by the hand when I 
 thouglit I had recognized them — but with the advantage of starting from 
 tlie cradle from which they also started in times of old, and of being pre- 
 occupied with the speech and traditions of our common Thoringa and 
 Teuton forefothers rather than with those of the more polished races, 
 whose claims could not have had a more learned or accomplished advocate 
 than Dr. Donaldson. There might of course be advantages to truth from 
 both jjoints of view, from both modes of investigation ; but, after full con- 
 sideration, I felt that, without the slightest wish to claim undue credit 
 through poaching (as it were) on another man's manor, I was entitled to 
 set forth my views independently, as originally formed and developed — 
 taking care, of course, to point out in the proper place ever}^ instance in 
 which Dr. Donaldson and others (so far as I was aware) had anticipated 
 me — it being understood that where such acknowledgment was not made, 
 the responsibility rested (so far, again, as I was aware) with myself. I 
 noticed consequently all these instances in the Glossary to 'The Etruscans' 
 as originally written ; and they will be found in the abridgment of that 
 Glossary aj^pended to this voliune. Thus much I have been obliged to 
 say in justice to myself with reference to the general theory I advocate. 
 But as regards the special application of this theory I need fetter my lips 
 by no such explanation. It has been allowed on all sides that it could not 
 be asserted with absolute confidence that the Etruscan language was really 
 and truly German till a sufficient number of the inscriptions had been 
 analysed and found to render a clear and unmistakeable response in that 
 sense to the test applied to them ; and this test has now, I venture to say, 
 for the first time, been effectually, however inadequately, applied — but 
 only as the last link in a long chain of previous induction. 
 
10 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Introd. 
 
 gularly simple character of the Etruscan arises from 
 its representing the ancient Teutonic in its unde- 
 veloped yonth, laid up and preserved to us in a state 
 of crystallised immobility ; or the same ancient lan- 
 guage in a state of disintegration and decay, the 
 consequence of long isolation within a circle of 
 antagonistic dialects, with which it would not mingle, 
 and under whose influence it gradually withered and 
 died out. On the other hand, there are inflections 
 and grammatical forms in these inscriptions, quite 
 sufficient to vindicate the character, not only of the 
 language but of the people that spoke it, as Teutonic. 
 And perhaps more would be discernible but for the 
 singular disadvantage under which the Etruscan 
 speech comes before us, exclusively as a monumental 
 or lapidary language — always unfavourable to the 
 exhibition of inflection and grammatical structure, 
 and with a frequent tendency to run words into each 
 other, as in the inscriptions, without break or distinc- 
 tion, imposing on the decipherer in such cases a task 
 analogous to that of the augur, whose process of 
 meting out the heavens with his lituus before attempt- 
 ing to read the signs presented to him by each special 
 regio of observation, has its exact parallel in the case 
 of the antiquary face to face with these terrible 
 agglomerations of letters, and compelled to detach, 
 identify, and translate the separate words without 
 any traditionary " discipline " to guide his path, or any 
 grammatical help as yet from an Etruscan Eosetta 
 Stone, such as Mr. Dennis fondly hoj3es for, to assist 
 his quest by bilingual translation. Nor have the 
 grammatical inflections fared better, I suspect, under 
 the still further disadvantage in which the Etruscan 
 
INTROD. INTRODUCTORY. 11 
 
 comes before us, " cabiiiVI, cribb'd, confiu'd " witbiu 
 the trammels of an originally Semitic (Phoinician) 
 alphabet, foreign to its genius and unfit to give its 
 dialectic expression suitable utterance. 
 
 Nothing remains for me, then, but to estimate the 
 comparative force and value of certain Etruscan 
 letters, and to point out the extent of claim I intend 
 to make upon your indulgence in regard to literal 
 interchangeability, always rather a sore point betv/een 
 yourself and me. The fact that strikes one most 
 forcibly on first grappling with the inscriptions is 
 the varying use of two characters to denote the 
 letter ' s,' — one of them resembling the Latin capital 
 ' S ' reversed, the other the capital ' M,' being, in fact, 
 the Greek S, but standing (as it were) on its feet; 
 the former identical, I presume, with the Attic 
 si(pna, the latter, in its jagged, dentated form, re- 
 minding us of the name sa?i by which ' s' was known 
 to the Dorians, the ethnological kinsmen of the 
 Tyrrheni, and which would appear to represent 
 hieroglyphically a ' dent-s/ 6ooj/t-9, zahn, or tooth. 
 In some inscrij^tions one of these characters is exclu- 
 sively used, in others the alternate variety ; but in a 
 third class the reversed ' S,' which I shall call the 
 si(jma, is employed at the beginning, and the san, as 
 I shall call the dentated letter, distinguishing it by 
 an accent in transcription, at the end of words, — a 
 distinction which becomes of importance when the 
 inscriptions are written without any break between 
 the component words.* Passing to the question of 
 
 * As the san. is the Doric letter, we may presume that it was the 
 Tyrrhenian, and the sigma would therefore be the Pelasgic character. It 
 may be noted that s as a numeral, <^', was reckoned by the Greeks out of 
 its alphabetic order and immediately after e', the fifth letter of the Greek 
 
12 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Introd. 
 
 literal interchangeability, I have to state that the 
 letters h, d, and g, which I have not a doubt were 
 sounded by the Etruscans as we do, are expressed in 
 the Etruscan alphabet by u, t, and k, which conse- 
 quently have frequently to ' serve double tides.' Of 
 the other letters or sounds, as transmutable from 
 Teutonic into Etruscan orthography, I need only 
 mention that z is represented by tli and t, as well as 
 by its own Etruscan character r|= ; the compound pf 
 is expressed by 8 or ph ; the sclt so familiar to us in 
 the German of all ages (as well as in the Semitic and 
 Egyptian tongues) is almost always expressed by the 
 character J/, usually but inadequately transcribed as 
 qIi^ — a transcription however which I have not pre- 
 sumed to modify, although I remark upon it when 
 necessary. Where two consonants occur together 
 for which there was no approximate single character 
 in the Greco-Phoenician alphabet, the Etruscan in- 
 scriptions usually omit one of them, very frequently 
 the second, as in the case of mh, nd, ng. I must 
 plead guilty to an occasional intermutation of / and d 
 (the Etruscan t), oi k and t, of q and t, of su and k, 
 of th and pK and of s and r ; * but I may allay your 
 nascent apprehension by promising that I will as far 
 as possible avoid all identifications based on such 
 recondite (though indubitable) rules as those that 
 
 alphalcct, and in the place ordinarily assigned to (, — possibly therefore it 
 may have been originally that identical letter; in snpport of which we 
 have the fact that <? stands as a contraction for ctt; and t' is the numeral 
 for six, 
 
 * All these interchanges are of the simplest kind ; and they may be 
 illustrated by the familiar examples of SaKpvfia, 'lacryma;' 'lingua,' 
 ' dingua,' zun<je, tongue ; Ulyxes or Ulysses, Odysseus, &c. ; ' quatuor,' 
 recra-apts, rerrapes ; twist, quist, ' ramus,' a bough; swarz, kiar, black; 
 c^f/p, 6r)p ; ' asa,' ' ara,' &c. &c. 
 
Introd. INTKODUCTOIIY. 13 
 
 prove that ' four ' and ' qnatiior,' ' five ' and -Kevre, 
 ' twenty ' and ' vigaint,' ' e'vcqiie ' and ' bisliop,' are 
 absolutely one and tlie same word in each instance. 
 My sceptical friends shall not charge me on the pre- 
 sent occasion with arguing on the principle that ' the 
 vowels go for nothing, and the consonants must look 
 after themselves' in etymological matters. I trust 
 therefore with the stronger assurance to their and 
 your acceptance of the conclusions now submitted to 
 you — based, as they are, on no such startling argu- 
 ment, but on the simple approximation of words and 
 phrases in two languages, so plain in their outward 
 presentment and combined import that (I may almost 
 say) a very child may read them. 
 
 The inscriptions I have chosen for analysis and 
 exposition shall now be adduced in the following 
 order : — 1. Two very ancient and interesting ones, 
 the first of them found at the Pelasgo-Etruscan city 
 of Agylla or C£ere,and both of them generally accepted 
 as Pelasgian ; but which I shall show to be likewise 
 fundamentally Teutonic, — and also one or two more 
 from Csere, — 2. A very archaic inscription, purely 
 Etruscan, found near Tarquinii, — 3. An inscription 
 painted on a beautiful amphora representing the 
 parting of Alcestis and Admetus, — 4. A series of in- 
 scriptions on Yotive offerings,— 5. A selection from 
 the Sepulchral inscriptions, including sucli bilingual 
 inscriptions as have been discovered, — and, G. Two 
 inscriptions, of much interest, relating to the pos- 
 session and occupation of land. 
 
 I may as well premise that the manual I have 
 chiefly made use of throughout the ensuing analyses 
 has been the ' Glossarium Germanicum Medii ^Evi, 
 
14 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. I. 
 
 potissimum dialecti Suevica^,' of John Greorge Scberz, 
 as edited hj Jeremiah James Oberliii, and published 
 at Strasburg in two vohmies folio, in 1781, a most 
 useful compendium (bulky though it be) of the earlier 
 Avorks of Waehter, Haltaus, Schilter, and others, most 
 of which indeed I have referred to in verifying my 
 translations, — while I have also had beside me the 
 ^ Glossarium Diplomaticum ' of Dr. Edward Brinck- 
 meier, (Gotha, two volumes folio, 1856,) which in- 
 cludes the Latino-Teutonic words of the middle ages, 
 and supplies much that the authors cited by Scherz 
 have omitted or not been aware of. When, therefore, 
 1 simply cite an old German analogue without giving 
 any authority, it is almost always from Scherz, — when 
 other authorities are depended upon (as in the case of 
 the Gothic, Scandinavian, and other dialects), I shall, 
 as a rule, specify them. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 TYKRHENO-PELASGIC IXSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Section I. — 27^6 small hlach ])ot of Ceere. 
 
 This precious little pot, or rather " poculum," was 
 discovered by General Galassi in his excavations 
 at Caere, the modern Cervetri, in 1836, and is now 
 preserved in the Gregorian Museum of the Vatican. 
 It is of the most archaic type of the pottery of the 
 place, and is considered by Dr. Lepsius to be of 
 Pelasgic, pure Pelasgic — or (as he likewise calls it) 
 " alt-tyrrhenisch," OkhTyrrhenian — workmanship, 
 
Sect. I. TYrxRIIENO-rELASGIC. 15 
 
 rather than Etruscan proper,* I slioiild add tliat 
 Ca?re was originally a Pelasgian city, in close alliance 
 with Greece, and bore the name of Agylla till the 
 original name was supplanted by that of Ca3re, im- 
 posed by the Etruscan conquerors. An inscription 
 runs round the pot, or cup, which the learned critic 
 just mentioned considers to be, in language and cha- 
 racter, Pelasgic and not Etruscan, basing his argu- 
 ment, 1. On the formation of certain letters as Old- 
 Greek ; 2. On the absence of other letters, such as 
 z and c/?, which are very common in Etruscan inscrip- 
 tions ; 3 . On the preponderance of vowels over con- 
 sonants; 4. On the occurrence of the diphthong ai; 
 5. On the general absence of the endings in Z, 4 and 
 V, so characteristic of the Etruscan ; and 6. On the 
 exjiression of the liquid vowels throughout the inscrip- 
 tion, which are usually suppressed in Etruscan writ- 
 ing. He admits, however, the use of the Etruscan 
 2^ ; and other of the characters, which he specifies, are 
 occasionally (though seldom) found in the undoubted 
 Etruscan inscriptions. But, with every qualification 
 thus suggested, I do not venture to contest the con- 
 clusion come to by Lepsius ; all I would contend is 
 that, whether Pelasgian or Etruscan, the language of 
 the inscription is substantially Teutonic. I need not 
 remind you that the Etruscans were originally styled 
 the " Tyrrheni-Pelasgi," previously to their settlement 
 in Italy. The compound name denotes undoubtedly 
 a mixture of Tyrrheni and Pelasgi ; but the Pelasgic 
 race was distinct, I think, from the Hellenic, and 
 their language merely differed from that of the 
 
 * Ueber die Tyrrheni sche7i-FeIas(jer in Etrurieii. Leipzig, 8vo. 1842, — 
 pp. 39 sqq. 
 
16 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I, 
 
 Tyrrheni by dialectic divergence. I think I can 
 prove by independent evidence that the Pelasgic was 
 what I call, in a broad sense, German. 
 
 The inscription is as follows, written without break 
 from beginning to end : — 
 
 mlnikethumamimathumar[a]mlisiaithipurenaiethee- 
 raisIeepanaminethunastavhelephu 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 2404, tab. xliii.) 
 
 Lepsius has rightly discerned that the inscription 
 falls into two hexameter lines ; but I differ from him 
 slightly as to the division of the words, and in the 
 scanning.* I should divide it as follows : — 
 
 MlN IK ETHUM AMI MATHU MARAM LISIAI THIPURENAI; 
 Etheeeai sleep ana MINETHU NAST AV HELEPHU. 
 I proceed to analyse the inscription thus : — 
 
 1, 2. MiN IK. — Two words, I think ; a verb and its per- 
 sonal pronoun. — i. Min I take to be the first person present 
 of mvmien, manian, minna, ' monere,' Anghce (or rather 
 Scotice), to ' mind,' or remember, in the sense of attending 
 to. — ii. IK, again, seems to me identical \\ ith icJi, iyo), ' ego,' 
 '1.'* 
 
 3. ETHUM. — A compoimd, consisting of eth and ui\r, — in 
 relation to which I must observe that Etruscan and Teutonic 
 compounds, otherwise identical, frequently vary in that the 
 element which is first in place in Tt utonic is placed last in 
 Etruscan. Moreover, as observed in the Introduction supra, 
 where double letters occur, sucli as ml), one of them, usually 
 the last, is omitted in Etruscan. These are facts on which 
 I would not of course lay undue stress here, on the theory 
 
 * Lepsius divides thum thus: — 
 
 Ml Nl KETHU MA MI MATHU MARAM USlTl THIPURLNTi ; 
 
 EtHE ERAI SIE EPANA MINETHU NASTAV HELEPHU. 
 
 t If taken as one word, minik may be mein, meinige, &c., 'mens', 
 * meum ', mine ; i. e. ' It is mine ', that is, my province, or office, &c. 
 
Sect. I. TYRRHENO-PELASGIO. 17 
 
 tliat the present inscription is Pelasgian ; but they contribute 
 nevertheless to what I believe to be the right understanding 
 of the inscription. I thus read eth-um as um-eth, and 
 compare it with amb-acht, am-echt, anib-et, amh-t, ami, a most 
 ancient word, implying ' ministerium,' ' officium ' — that is 
 * duty.' We shall find it in inscriptions purely Etruscan. 
 MiN IK ETHUM would thus signify, ' I attend to the duty.' 
 
 4. AMI. — To be compared with afia, sam, ' simul ;' samath 
 (A.-Sax.), sam (0. H. German), ' cum,' with ; ijfMi-, sanii, 
 ' semi- ' ; or half. I think it means here simply, ' together 
 with,' or ' with.' 
 
 5. MATHU. — Identical' with the Teutonic 7necle, mecio, 
 medu, meth, implying ' mead,' the drink made from honey ; 
 and with the Sanscrit maclhu, honey, — the Greek form, fxedv, 
 being applied to wine. — To be understood here as ' honey ' — 
 AMI MATHU, ' with, or mixed with boney,' perhaps half and 
 half. The noun referred to follows, mathu as governed by 
 AMI — sam, ' with ' — should be in the ablative case, which 
 here ends in u, as we shall find the Etruscan ablative 
 generally does. 
 
 6. MAKAM. — The second a is obliterated, but I have no 
 doubt that it has been rightly restored, and that the word is 
 the Latin 'merum,' unmixed, that is, pure wine. The 
 mixture of the ' merura ' and honey produced the favourite 
 drink ' mulsum,' the olvofieKt of the Greeks, which is here 
 in question. 
 
 7. Li^iAi. — I think this should be corrected to lisini. 
 According to the engraving (in Fabretti) it is Li^in ; but 
 an additional stroke, where much rubbing off has already 
 taken place, would complete the n and give us a word 
 equivalent to the Teutonic leisten, 'prtebere,' to afford or 
 present, — the first only of the two consonants st being pi-e- 
 served, and. the final vowel or diphthong of the infinitive 
 being postponed to the final consonant, of which we shall 
 have repeated examples in pure Etruscan — which, however, 
 I only found upon here {ut supra) under reservation. 
 
 8. THIPURENAI. — To be read, I think, as thiiyurendai, or 
 -ntai, by supplying (under the preceding reservation) a 
 letter usually suppressed in Etruscan orthography, the word 
 
 c 
 
18 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. I. 
 
 being the dative singular of the present participle of a verb 
 formed from the root Si-yjr-, tip-, signifying ' to thirst ;' from 
 which we have, in Greek, hiylrda>, St-\/rio<?, Sti/^aA-eo?, St^lrrjpo'i, 
 and in Teutonic, zuypilaer, taeplar, tippler, all signifying a 
 thirsty soul, a drinker, or (although the word is not from the 
 same root, but from zapf) a toper.* This verb would be, in 
 Teutonic form, thipuren ; and the formation of the word 
 (the participle) thipurenti w ould be analogous to ' sitio,' 
 ' siti-enti,' in Latin.f — With this word the first line of the 
 inscription — or, rather, the first of the two hexameter lines 
 of the distich — is completed ; and the sense runs thus in 
 English,—" I attend to " (or " I fulfil ") " the duty of offering 
 pure wine mixed with honey," i.e. miiJsum, "to the drinker." 
 — The second verse follows : — 
 
 9. ETHEERAi. — The third person singular of the future 
 tense of the Pelasgic (or early Teutonic) verb answering to 
 eiien, ' jurare,' to swear ; from eid, aiths (Gothice), ' jura- 
 mentum.' eth would represent the transition-stage from 
 the compound letter ths, sth, originally z, in the Gothic, to 
 eid, the later German form of the word. The letters ee, in 
 immediate sequence, are equivalent to the long e, or 77. 
 The meaning of the word would thus be, ' He ' — i. e. the 
 toper — ' will swear,' &c. 
 
 10. ^lEEP. — To be compared with saufen, supfen, soepan, 6 '-■f< 
 8upan, ' sorbere, bibere, immodice bibere,' to absorb, drink 
 down, or ' sup ' — in the sense of the old English song (which 
 
 is much to the purpose here) — 
 
 " But might I of Jove's nectar sup, 
 I would not change for thine ! " 
 
 The double letter ee, as in the preceding word, represents a 
 
 * From zapf, a cork or stopple, and, per meton., wine ; whence zapifen- 
 ambacht, the office of him who 'vinum promit,' — while the Thaliarchus of 
 the feast, the " arbiter bibendi," is described as zapfner and tcepere, ' toper.' 
 Thipurenai may perhaps be derived from this latter root ; but the etymo- 
 logy suggested in the text appears to be the closer. 
 
 t ' Esurio,' to be hungry, is the same original word (thus thoroughly 
 Pelasgic), — the s representing the yjr, and the initial d or th being abraded. 
 This shews that the primary sense was a general one, to long for food, the 
 distinction between thirst and hunger being secondary. 
 
Skct. I. TYREHENO-rELASGK!. 19 
 
 long e, or 77.— etheerai ^lEEr tlius signifies, 'He will swear 
 that he sups,' or ' drinks,' &c. 
 
 11. ANA. — The aw, ana, ane, 'sine,' or 'without,' of the 
 old German, now written ohne. Compare the Greek avev. 
 
 12. MiNETHU. — The Teutonic tneineid, perjury. In the 
 ablative cAse, marked by u. The two letters eth are much 
 obliterated ; but the accepted reading is, I doubt not, 
 correct. 
 
 13. NA^T. — Identical, if I mistake not, \^ith the word nest, 
 ' cibaria,' used in the middle ages in the compound fart-nest, 
 wegn-nest, to express the Christian 'viaticum,' the Holy 
 Eucharist, by which life .and health are ministered to the 
 soul, — the root being nesan, ' convalescere.' Long ago I 
 came to the conclusion that the word ' nectar ' ^Yas a form 
 collateral and akin to this Teutonic nest ; and here, I think, 
 we must, conversely, translate na^t by ' nectar,' as by what 
 follows : — 
 
 14. AV. — The 'ab,' utto, af, of, — signifying 'de,' or 'from,' 
 of the Indo-European languages. And lastly, 
 
 15. HELEPHU. — The ablative of ' Olympus,' — the m, as 
 usual in the case of compound letters, being omitted. — This 
 second verse therefore reads thus: — "He" (the drinker) "will 
 swear, without perjury, that he sups nectar from Olympus!" 
 
 The result, I submit, is — and you will appreciate 
 it more fully hereafter — that, while the above ana- 
 lysis exhibits some variation from pure Etruscan 
 forms — while the word maram seems indubitably to 
 be the Latin ' merum ' — and while the words ami 
 and THIPURENAI may be set aside as common alike 
 to German, Greek, and Latin, we have, nevertheless, 
 
 in MIX IK, ETHUM, LISINI, SIEEP, AXA MINETHU, and 
 
 NAST AV, words, compounds, and forms unmistake- 
 ably Teutonic^ — and thus the Pelasgic speech (if this 
 be Pelasgic) was, like the Etruscan (as we shall see 
 in time), a dialect of archaic German. The word 
 MATHU is especially important in this regard, as it 
 
 c 2 
 
20 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I. 
 
 certainly, from the context here, pignifies * honey,' 
 being thus identical with the Sanscrit form and sense, 
 and closely akin in both to the G-erman ' mead ; ' 
 whereas both in Greek and Latin ' honey ' is ex- 
 pressed by /jiiXi, ' mel ; ' and jxeOu has the full signifi- 
 cation of ' wine.' What further is peculiarly interest- 
 ing is the fact, pointed out (as has been said) by 
 Lepsius, that the two lines are hexameters — the 
 earliest thus existing in the German language. They 
 may be imitated as follows in the same metre in 
 modern English : — 
 
 " Mine is the task the lioney-mix'd wine to jDresent to the drinker, — 
 * Gods ! ' be will swear — nor falsely — ' 'tis nectar fresli from Olympus ! ' " 
 
 This inscription must be (for an European one) of 
 great antiquity. The letters m and n are written in 
 the oldest form, the ]) and t, and the ph, likewise 
 ancient; the letter s is throughout . of the dentated, 
 or serrated form, which I call san. In keeping with 
 this, the st3de of the j)ottery is very ancient and 
 Egyptian-like ; and the tomb in which the " little 
 black pot " was discovered is one of a group, the 
 most important of which exhibits in its architecture 
 and otherwise a striking similarity to the Cyclopic 
 gallery at Tiryns and the Treasuries of Mycenae and 
 Orchomenus, works of the Tyrrheni-Pelasgi in Greece, 
 — inducing the opinion, according to Mr. Dennis, 
 that it " must be considered as of a remoter period " 
 than the Tarquins, " coeval at least with the earliest 
 days of Rome — prior, it may be, to the foundation of 
 the city." * But for this judgment, founded mainly 
 upon the fact that the builder was unacquainted with 
 the princijole of the arch as exhibited in the Cloaca 
 
 * Cities, &c., vol. ii. ]ip. 45 sqq. 
 
Sect. II. TYl^RHENO-PELASGIC. 21 
 
 Maxima, we might Lave indulged in the speculation 
 that the little drinking-vessel which has come down 
 to us through so many ages may have done duty at 
 banquets attended by Tarquin the Proud and his gal- 
 lant son Aruns, when they found refuge at Ca^re 
 among their kindred after the fall of the early 
 monarchy of Rome.* 
 
 Section II. — InseriijUon of ilie 'Vrnieopium.' 
 
 Another inscription which Dr. Lepsius pronounces 
 to be Pelasgian is described by him as written upon 
 a vase of black pottery formerly in Cardinal Borgia's 
 Museum, and then in the Hall of Bronzes of the 
 ' Museo Borbonico ' at Naples ; where, however, ac- 
 cording to Fabretti, it is no longer now to be found 
 — broken, 1 should fear, or mislaid. Where it was 
 discovered is not stated, but the black earth of the 
 pottery and the style of orthography suggest the 
 idea that it may likewise have come from Cosre. 
 
 * Dr. Donaldson translates the inscription thus, — " I am not dust ; I am 
 ruddy wine on burnt ashes; when" (or "if") "there is burning-heat 
 under ground, I am water for thirsty lips." He recognises mathu as ^edv, 
 madhu; but this is the only point of agreement between the versions here 
 before the reader. He connects maram with " the root mar- found in 
 Mapav (the grandson of Bacchus), and in "lo--/iapoj, the site of his vinej^ards 
 (see Odyss. is. 196 sqcp)," and considers it as " i^robably signifying ' ruddy ' 
 (jLiatpa), fiaipa, &c.)." — " LisiAi is the locative of lisis, an old word cor- 
 responding to lix, ' ashes mingled with water.' — Thipurenai is an adjective 
 in concord with lisiai, and probably containing the same root as tepidus, 
 tephral, teforom, &c. . . . Ethe is some particle of condition or time. Erai 
 is the locative of epa, earth." . . . Epana he connects with SaTrrw, and 
 makes it synonymous with torres ; and infers that xethu " means water " 
 from the name of Nethuns = Nei^tunus. " The root is ne-, and appears 
 under a slightly different development in the next word, nastav (comp. 
 vaa-fjios, vadpos, 0. H. G, naz), which is probably a locative in -<^i, agreeing 
 with helephu, and this may be referred to xei^oy, .Police x^'^^osj Latin 
 helito, &c." — Varronianus, pp. 199, 200. 
 
22 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I. 
 
 The inscription is as follows, written round the pot, 
 as in the preceding instance : — • ■ 
 
 MiNIMULVENEKEVELTHUIRPUPLIANA 
 
 {Fulretti, no. 2614.*) 
 
 Dr. Lepsius divides the words as in the preceding 
 inscription, but not in accordance with any suggested 
 interpretation,! and as the letters run (as he states) 
 consecutively, without break, I am entitled to deal 
 with it independently. I thus read it, — 
 
 Mini mul venekevelthu ir pupltana. 
 
 I may state at once that I believe the vase to have 
 been a cup specially used for the entertainment given 
 on the occasion of the conclusion of bargains to the 
 icehikaiiffleuthe, weinkaiifsleute, as they are called in 
 ancient and especially Low-Grerman — the witnesses to 
 the iveinkauff, wincojj, or ' ^'inicopium.' ' Een goede 
 maeltydt,' a handsome sujDper, and ' een stoop w^yn/ 
 a modiuni of wine, are specified among the propines, 
 or offerings, which celebrated such occasions. You 
 must not be startled, here or hereafter, at finding 
 customs — flmiiliar to us as of yesterday — in full life 
 and observance, and described to us in these inscrip- 
 tions by the very same Teutonic words and combi- 
 nations of w^ords, in times long anterior to history. 
 I render this inscription as follows : — 
 
 1. Mini. — Conf. ' manus,' good, as in the Latin title 
 ' Cerus Manus ' interpreted as ' Creator bonus ' by Festus ; 
 
 * He prints it according to Dr. Lepsius' division of the words ; but it 
 should liave been given, as inscribed, without break. 
 
 f Lepsius writes it, {Ueler die TyrrJien.- Pelasfjc r, p. 42,) — 
 
 Ml NI MULVENE KEVEL9U ]R PUPLIANA. 
 
Sect. II. ■ TYRRnENO-PELASGlC. 23 
 
 while, the letters h and m being iutcrchangeable in the 
 oldest tongues, 'manus' and ' bonus ' are one and the same 
 word, with a merely dialectical difference. This is the only- 
 word in the inscription which is of dubious paternity. 
 
 2. MUL. — The Teutonic mal, malil, a meal, or feast, mini 
 MUL is thus the goede maeltijdt above spoken of. The addition 
 -tijdt, tide or time, is equally involved in tlie word here in 
 question, as mal signifies ' time ' or ' tide ' in one sense, as 
 malil does ' convivium' in another. 
 
 3. VENEKEVELTHU. — A compouud, aualysablo as vene- 
 KEYE-LTHU, — and corresponding in Tyrrheno-Pelasgic with 
 the wein-hauff-leuthe above spoken of ; a name descriptive of 
 " homines qui propiuationi yinarioe in fidem ac testimonium 
 contractus consummati interfuerunt." * The word here is, 
 I take it, in the dative case. You will observe, in the case 
 of compounds like this, that each several element in the 
 compound must be reckoned henceforward as a distinct word. 
 On the same principle every well-ascertained Pelasgian or 
 Etruscan word suggests the existence of a host of etymo- 
 logical kindred, whose acquaintance we may expect some 
 day to make, and whose lineaments we may anticipate by 
 Teutonic analogy even before we come face to face with 
 them. 
 
 4. JR. — The Teutonic er, ere, elire, honour, — ' In honour ' 
 of. — The word eJirenwein, ' honorarium vinum,' ' vinum quod 
 regibus et potentibus honoris gratia offertur,' is in point 
 here, although the cup of honour is offered to less exalted 
 personages than those contemplated in modern Germany. 
 
 5. PUPLIANA. — The Etruscan ' Pliuphluns,' or Bacchus, — 
 a title compounded of i. pupli, ' Phuphl ;' and, ii. ana, or 
 cms, ' deus,' or deity, t 
 
 The inscription thus signifies, — " A good " or 
 handsome " feast to the bargain-witnesses," with 
 "wine of honour," or "in honour of Phuphluns," — 
 
 * Sec also hikaiif, litl-op (whence ' licopium '), and leikauffs-leuthe, iu 
 the lexicons of Sclievz, Haltaus, &c. 
 
 t For the etymology of PnuriiLUXs see the abridged Glossary, in the 
 Ap[ieudix. 
 
24 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I.' 
 
 the name, like that of " veteris Bacchi," being equally 
 appropriate to the god and the liquor, — the stoop wyn 
 being thus evidently the accompaniment of the goede 
 maeltydt, or more substantial entertainment.* The 
 line seems to be an hexameter. 
 
 I come to the same conclusion as regards the 
 present homely inscription as that which I have 
 ventured upon in regard to its more poetical sister, 
 viz., that, whether Pelasgic or Tyrrhenian, it is 
 fundamentally Teutonic. From the variations in 
 orthography, strongly resembling those in the in- 
 scription of CjBre (or Agylla) I have little doubt it 
 represents the speech of the Pelasgic element in the 
 Tyrrheno-Pelasgian race. But one important fact 
 transpires from it, viz., that, if Pelasgic, the Pelasgi 
 worshipped the God of Wine, not as Dionysus but as 
 Phuphluns, the ' Grod of the Yine ' — f a/zTreX-o?, ' pam- 
 pin-us,' — that is, by his well-ascertained Etruscan 
 name, which was quite unknown to the Hellenes and 
 Romans. This affords additional proof that the 
 difference in dialect between the Tyrrheni and 
 Pelasgi must have been very slight. 
 
 The probability is that this vase of the old ' Museo 
 Borgia ' is of great antiquity. 
 
 Section III. — The Inserijytion of Mark the Potter. 
 
 The most important Tyrrheno-Pelasgic inscription 
 of Caere — after those just analysed — is found 
 scratched on the outside of a crater, or vase for 
 pouring wine into smaller vessels, which has come 
 down to us " ancor crudo," still unbaked. It runs as 
 
 * Dr. Donaldson translates it, "I am not of Mulva, nor Volsinii, but 
 Populonia." — Varron., p. 201. 
 
Sect. III. TYRRHENO-PELASGIC. 25 
 
 follows ; and you will, I think, recognise it as an 
 hexameter likewise : — 
 
 luUNA LAPHTHI • MARKEI- KURIEAS : | KLUTHl ■ lUKIE • * 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 2400 d, tab. xliii.)t 
 
 % 
 The first four words run entirely round the vase ; 
 
 the two last are inserted in a second line below 
 
 them. The sense seems to be as follows : — 
 
 1. luuNA. — To be compared with the Teutonic Jane,Jone, 
 
 * profecto non,' — answeriiig to our ' Don't you ? ' ' Is not ? ' or 
 ' Are not ? ' It appears to me to be Ibrmed of i. ja, yea, yes ; 
 and, ii. a compound analogous to the Latin ' aune,' but in the 
 negative sense of interrogation. 
 
 2. LAPHTHI. — To be compared with Idufftig, ' versa tus in 
 aliqua re, peritus,' skilled as a workman. 
 
 3. MARKEI. — This may be either the very ancient word 
 marJc, merJc, ' signum,' sign, token, mark, monogram, &c. 
 and perhaps in the plural ; or the personal name ' Marke,' or 
 
 * Marcus,' which we shall find in one of the purely Etruscan 
 inscriptions, infra. This last is the more likely alternative. 
 
 4. KURIEAS. — A noun, I think, akin to Kepa/xev^i, a potter, 
 and having that signification. — Not from «the O. N. and 
 A.-Sax. hverr, hver, a pot or vase, which was always of 
 metal ; but from Mar, black, — bhick epa, or earth. I am 
 uncertain whether it is in the nominative or genitive case. 
 
 5. KLUTHi. — From the root hlu (a variety of hru), whence 
 JiUud, ' sonare,' laiden, ' celebrare,' hlium, hiiumunt, hlmma, 
 ' rumor,' fome, liUumuntig, famous, &c. The Greek K\vTo<i 
 has the same signification, but the v is short, kluthi is an 
 early form, apparently, of hliumuntig. 
 
 6. lUKiE. — The familiar Teutonic iucli, ' vos, vobis,' euch. 
 Here in the dative case. 
 
 * The letter a is of the Upper Italic type, and the p/i of the Greek. The 
 s is the Sigma, not the dentated character. Iuuna is printed Iuna in 
 Fabretti's text. The upright line denotes here, and elsewhere, the termina- 
 tion of a line in the original. 
 
 t He does not say where the vase is preserved. 
 
26 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I. 
 
 I translate the inscription, alternatively, as " Is not 
 the mark (seal or signature) of the skilled j^otter," — 
 or " Is not tlie skilled potter Marke " — " known to you 
 by fame " — " famous among you ?" This last appears 
 to me the preferable^ because the more special, read- 
 ing, as the artist would naturally wish to record his 
 name to posterity.* 
 
 * I suspect that Marke was accustomed to insert this verse upon the 
 vessels he manufactured, and that they were highly prized as relics of 
 the early art of Casre, — it is hardly likely otherwise than an unbaked vase 
 like this should have been preserved and placed in a tomb. It strikes me 
 too as probable that, long afterwards, when the peculiar dialect of Ca3re 
 had died out or was but little understood, and the Greek and Roman 
 antiquaries busied themselves with the subject, a misunderstanding of this 
 inscription gave rise to the rejjort transmitted to us by Pliny, that when 
 Demaratus the merchant of Coriuth, the alleged ancestor of the Tarquius, 
 migrated to Italy and settled at Tarquinii, he brought with him two artists, 
 Eucheir and Eugrammos, who introduced the potter's art into Etruria. 
 All these names find their raison d'etre in the foregoing inscription. The 
 Pelasgic laphthi, ' skilled,' and kur-, this last misunderstood as the old 
 Latin ' hir,' x^ 'P' *^'^ hand, would give precisely the 
 
 same meanni 
 
 Ei'xf tp, find ypajnia has exactly the same sense as marh, understood as a 
 noun, ut supra, and would produce Evypa^jj-os. Even laphthi might be 
 confounded in sound and signification with leute, Bijuos, the people, and 
 with liebt-, dparos, desiiable or beloved,— a confusion which would be 
 quite sufficient to produce the name ' Demaratus.' The words Iuuna, 
 misread a,s Jung, ' Jiivenis,' with the dual sense, perhaps, of 'binus,' (' bis ' 
 = 'duis') zvnn, twin or twain, and laphthi conceived of as the name 
 'Demaratus' in the genitive case (Latin), would at once suggest the legend, 
 " The two young men of Demaratus, Eugrammos and Eucheir," &c. I 
 have no doubt myself that the Tarquinii were of purely Etruscan race — 
 that their first home was Ca3re— that they afterwards removed to tarquinii, 
 but kept up friendly relations still with their former fellow-citizens, one 
 branch of the family apparently continuing to flourish there— and that the 
 supposed migration from Corinth was simply a migration from the ' a;j,er 
 Cjieritanus,' from Casre to Tarquinii. Mr. Dennis remarks that the pottery 
 of Cajre has notldng in common with that of Corinth or Sicyon. (Cities 
 and Cemeteries, vol. i. p. 357.) The statement of Tacitus that Demaratus 
 taught the Etruscans alphabetic writing {ibid., p. 375) may be similarly 
 illustrated by the fact that one of the oldest Pelasgic alphabets and 
 syllabaries existing is found on a pot of Caire (see Fabretti's Corpus, no. 
 2403), now preserved in the Vatican. The probability is that these 
 alphabets were frequently inscribed on the pottery there; and this, in 
 connexion with the [iresent inscription, misread as suggested, would com- 
 plete the legend. 
 
Sect. IV. TYRIUIENO-I'ELASGIC. 27 
 
 Section IV. — Minor Inscriptions of Civre. 
 
 There are yet a few inscriptions of Ca3re wliich 
 seem to belong to the Pelasgic period and dialect. 
 Tliey are of slight importance in themselves, but any 
 relic of Pelasgic antiquity is precious. One of them 
 is inscribed under the foot — " sub pede " — of a cylix^ 
 a cup, or goblet, now preserved in the Vatican, — 
 
 AviPARGL 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 2409.) 
 
 — The ' g ' is expressed by an Old-Greek and Old- 
 Italic, but originally Phoenician character which is not 
 to be found in the purely Etruscan inscriptions, in 
 which ' g ' and ' k ' are both expressed by ' k.' 
 AviPAEGL must be divided as avip aegl ; and of 
 these two words the first, ayip, appears to me identical 
 with umbi, ' for,' and argl with ergeilen, ' Isetari,' to 
 be merry or (the identical word) 'jolly,' — the root gl, 
 geil, gul, suggestiug indeed the idea of luxury in eating 
 rather than drinking. The general sense would seem 
 to be, ^'For enjoyment." Our modern 'regalo' and 
 ' regale ' express this general sense of the root. 
 
 Two or three others, very short, inscribed on vases, 
 appear to me to denote the names of their (intended) 
 contents, as we constantly see on modern majolica 
 pots, marked ' Mustarda,' ' Cicorea,' &c. in Italy. I 
 think the measures are also sometimes indicated ; but 
 without knowing the precise cajiacity or weight of 
 the respective vessels it would be too adventurous 
 to suggest translations. The word 
 
 KUSIACH, 
 
 or, as I read the final letter (at least in the Etruscan 
 
28 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. I. 
 
 inscriptions proper), Kusiasch^ on the " parvus lapis 
 (grigia e rozza)," given by Fabretti as no. 2398, but 
 without saying where it is preserved^ seems to me to 
 indicate standard-weight, — geeichtes geicicht, or aich- 
 mass* — the elements of the compound being reversed, 
 as usual — at least, I must again say, in Etruscan. 
 
 The two names upon the bronze mirror, no, 2346 
 his d of Fabretti, representing a youth (of an Apolli- 
 nean type) seated, with the title Phaun, and a girl 
 standing on her toes, as if in the act of dancing, in 
 front of him, and looking upwards, with tlie title of 
 EvRPHiA, represent, as it appears to me, Favonius, 
 the West-wind, otherwise Zephyrus, and his love 
 Pitys, who was changed by the jealous Boreas into a 
 pine-tree, her name being here given in the 0. 
 Northern, 0. High German, and Anglo-Saxon form 
 2J& foralia, fur]i,Jir, that is Evrph-ia, equivalent to the 
 Greek lilrv^. This word for the pine is common to 
 the Teutonic and (in the form of hor) to the Slavonic 
 languages. The lover of Pitys is variously described 
 as Pan and Favonius, but Phaun, equivalent to 
 Phavn, seems to me to indicate the latter deity. 
 Max Muller connects ' Pan ' with the Sanscrit 
 ' pavana,' wind, — this is equally, or rather still more 
 applicable to ' Favonius.' The antagonism of the 
 forms hor, or for-, and ttltv^ may perhaps have sug- 
 gested the idea of the jealousy of ' Boreas.' The ori- 
 ginal word ' fir ' may be still recognisable in the 
 initial syllable of ' resina,' pyxtViy, resin. 
 
 * It is possible that Kusiasch may correspond exactly with the 
 Zendic ' afperenauomazi,' signifying a measure or quantity equivalent to 
 an 'a^perena,' a weight corresponding with the 'dirhem,' and which is 
 explained as answering to the 'dudu' in Huzvaresh and ' zuza ' in Aramaic. 
 See Justi's Handbuch der Zendsprachc, p. 38. 
 
Sect. V. TYRRHENO-PELASGIC. 29 
 
 Section V. — The formula K6<y^ ofnra^. 
 
 The independent evidence which I mentioned supra, 
 as proving that the Pehisgic was a Teutonic speech, 
 may be subjoined here as ancillary to the inscriptions 
 just dealt with. It consists of the formula Koy^ ufXTra^, 
 with which, according to Hesychius, the hierophant 
 dismissed the initiated at the close of the Eleusinian 
 Mysteries. It has been interpreted in many ways, as 
 involving unthought-of depths of mysterious know- 
 ledge. I read it as, simply. Gang zu ambachs, or zum 
 backs " Go (gang) to your (practical) duties," i. e. 
 " Go about your business ! " The word /x7ra^, or 7ra$, 
 is the same of which we have had an example, in the 
 first of the preceding inscriptions, in the compound 
 ETHUM, UM-ETH, aiubahs, ' oflicium, ministerium ;' and 
 we shall meet with it more than once hereafter. It 
 may be compared with the ' fex, ' which terminates 
 the Latin compounds ' pontifex,' ' carnifex,' &c. ; and 
 has a meaning akin to ' fac-ere,' fyfca, Sec. In all 
 these words the initial consonant in ' f-ex,' tt-o.^, 
 represents the partially abraded u?nb, or afxcj)!. This 
 Eleusinian form of dismissal is analogous to that with 
 which the (Eoman) priest of the Great Goddess, 
 variously named Ceres, Diana, Yenus, Isis, &c., dis- 
 misses the people after the restoration of Lucius (in 
 the ' Metamorphoses ' of Apuleius) to the human 
 shape, turning to them on the threshold and pro- 
 nouncing " sermone rituque Graeciensi, ita, Xao?^ 
 a(^eo-t9." And the same general form is observed 
 in the ' Ite : missa est ! ' with which, as pronounced 
 by the priest, the Mass concludes in the R. Catholic 
 office ; where, as observed by the editor of the 
 
30 ETRUSCAN INSCUIPTIONS : Chap. I. 
 
 Delpliiii edition of Apiileius, " missa est missio, 
 a(f)e(n9." The moral signification of the Eleusinian 
 is wanting however to these more recent forms of 
 dismissah 
 
 In these Pelasgic inscriptions^ as I think I may call 
 them, you will notice, certainly, a marked contrast 
 between the open and flowing style of orthography 
 which characterizes them and the more rugged blocks 
 (so to speak) of sound which will meet us in the in- 
 scriptions of other localities than Casre or Agylla. 
 " Two -periods," according to Mommsen, "in the his- 
 tory of the (Etruscan) language are clearly to be dis- 
 tinguished. In the older period the vocalisation of 
 the language was completely carried out, and the 
 collision of two consonants was almost without excep- 
 tion avoided. To this period belong such inscriptions 
 as those on the earthen vases of Casre. ... By 
 throwing off both the vocal and consonantal termi- 
 nations, and by softening down or expelling the 
 vowels, this soft and melodious language gradually 
 degenerated and became intolerably harsh and rug- 
 ged." And he refers, as indicating the sound of the 
 language at this later period, to the opening words of 
 the great inscription of Perugia — the last of those 
 which I have translated in this volume.* This Peru- 
 gian inscription is doubtless comparatively recent, 
 but I am not sure whether a softer and a harsher 
 dialect — the Tyrrheno-Pelasgic of Agylla and the 
 rougher Etruscan (for example) of the very ancient 
 inscription at Tarquinii, to be discussed in the ensuing 
 
 * Earliest Inhabitants of Italy ; from . . ' History of Bome,'— translated 
 by Geo. Robinson, 8vo. 1858, \\ 52. 
 
Sect. V. TYRRHENO-PELASGIC. 31 
 
 section — did not exist contemporaneously in Eti"uria. 
 The Tyrrheni-Pelasgi may have taken up various 
 words and adopted certain superficial modifications 
 during the residence of those who spoke it in Greece ; 
 but the original Teutonic stamp — ^judging by the 
 preceding specimens — was never effaced. 
 
( 32 ) 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 INSCRIPTION, PURELY ETRUSCAN, IN A TOMB AT TARQUINII. 
 
 If the hexameters dealt with in the preceding 
 chapter betoken a Pelasgian laxity of morals in 
 regard to wine, you shall have^ in the inscription that 
 now follows, an Etruscan homily against excess — 
 although addressed against indulgence in eating 
 rather than drinking. It runs thus : — 
 
 KlVESANAMATVESIKALESEKE = EURASVKLESVASPHESTHP- 
 CHVACHA 
 
 (Fabretti, no. 2301, tab. xlii.) 
 
 This inscription exists (or did so till lately) on the 
 walls of a sepulchre discovered on the hill of Mont- 
 arozzi, part of the metropolis of ancient Tarquinii, in 
 1827; and known now as the ' Grotta delle Iscri- 
 zioni,' and ' della Camera Finta.' It is found in im- 
 mediate proximity and evident relation to a painting 
 representing a youth leaning over a pan or vessel for 
 the purpose of cooking a fish which he holds in his 
 hand ; an old man, holding a forked stick in his left 
 hand, stands opposite to him on the other side, in the 
 act of addressing him. Both are naked. The subject 
 has been taken for a superstitious sacrifice, a magical 
 conjuration, or a process of ordinary cookery ; and 
 the last, as it is the simplest, seems likewise to be the 
 most correct explanation.* The tomb, when opened, 
 
 * Mr. Dennis observes, " It is possible that the stool " — (what I have 
 spoken of as a pan or vessel) — " is a sort of altar, and that the boy is 
 
Chap. II. IN A TOMB AT TAPtQUINII. 33 
 
 was covered witli scenes representing* feasting and 
 revelry. The inscription has (as yon will have ob- 
 served) only one break in it, the words being written, 
 as in the preceding instances, without division except 
 to that extent ; but they stand naturally apart when 
 submitted to analysis, and are to be divided thus, — 
 
 KlVESAN AMAT VESIK AL ESEKE i EURAS-VKLE SVAS PIIES 
 THP CHVACHA. 
 
 — I take them in order :— 
 
 1. KiVESAN. — To be compared and (I submit) identified 
 with quasen, ' crapulari,' to feed luxuriously, — formed Irom 
 quas, ' crapula,' ' luxuria,' gluttouy ; whence — the initial q 
 being rubbed off and u read as/— our Eiighsh ' feast.' 
 
 2. AMAT. — Compare with the Gothic amhat, ' servus, 
 minister;' anibacht, 'qui ministerium habet, officiatus, La^. 
 Barb, anbactus;' ambachi, 'officium, cura, ministerium,' — all of 
 them forms of the very ancient word already twice noticed. 
 The ' & ' in the compound mh is dropped, according to the 
 rule in Etruscan orthography above laid down. Amat here 
 means ' minister,' or ' servant.' 
 
 3. VESIK. — To be identified with fisc, ' piscis,' fish. 
 
 4_ ^y,. — The root found in ancient German as a?-, to burn ; 
 aJan (M.-Goth.), ala (0. N. and Suio-Goth., or Swedish), 
 aelan (A.-Sax.), 'accendere, alere;' aeld, fire, — and, the I 
 being interchanged for r, ' ur-,' as in ' uror,' irvp, feuer, fire, 
 &c. 
 
 5. ESEKE. — Compare with aischen, eischen, heischen, ' petere, 
 exigere,' to demand or require. — The first half of the inscrip- 
 tion would thus run, in its general sense, " The minister of 
 
 making an offering to the other figure, which may represent a divinity. 
 I have heard it designated — ' the God of chastity ;' and there are features 
 which favour this conjecture. It would probably be explained could we 
 interpret a long inscription in Etruscan characters over the head of this 
 figure." But, he adds, " in our present ignorance of the Etruscan language, 
 all attempts at translating this or other inscriptions, except proper names 
 or other recurring formulfe, must be mere guess-work." — Cities, &c., vol. i. 
 p. 342. 
 
 D 
 
34 ETRUSCAN INSCEIPTIONS : Chap. IT. 
 
 the banquet," either the gentleman or his cook, " requires," 
 or orders the attendant, " to burn (boil, or roast) fish." * 
 
 The second portion of the inscription suggests the 
 moral occasioned by this excessive pitch of epicurism, 
 — for, as presumed, we have to deal here with feast- 
 ing, not fasting : — 
 
 6. EURAS-VKLE. — A compound, identical, I think, with the 
 Teutonic vielfrass, a gormandiser, or glutton, — the two ele- 
 ments, EURAS, or frass, and vkle or viel, being, as is usually 
 the case, reversed in the Etruscan. — i. euras would thus 
 correspond with the old German frass, 'luxuria,' frassa, 
 ' helluari ; (derived from a common root with quas, ' crapula,' 
 ut sup-a ; but retaining the r which has been abraded in 
 the later form ;) and, ii. vkle would be identical with mikil, 
 meikle (Scottice), viel, or ' much,' through the interchange of 
 V and m (as, e.y. in 'mad-' and 'wet,' &c.), — the Greek 
 TToXu forming a halfway-house between the m on one side 
 and the v, f, or rather digamma, on the other. Possibly 
 VKLE and viel- may be a degeneration from an earlier hulk, 
 the belly (akin to hauch, our Scottish huchie), in the sense of 
 euras-vkle, /rass-&w7^, a belly-god.' t 
 
 7. svas. — To be compared with sus, susz, snyss, ' strepitus 
 convivantium, luxuria ; ' sot (A.-Sax. and Bremisch dialect), 
 ' fatuus ; * and even sau, a pig. — An adjective, I think, imply- 
 ing ' noisy, obstreperous.' 
 
 8. phes, — Compare v,ith. feisi, faett, ' piuguis,' fat ; and the 
 Latin ' obesus.' 
 
 9. THP. — Compare with dou^, ' stup-idus,' toupen, ' stupidum 
 
 * I slioiild have taken al eseke as one word, aleseke, answering to the 
 peculiarly Scandinavian word aelsha, 'amare,' (meton. from fire,) in 
 the sense of loving, that is, liking fish, had not the painting appeared to 
 represent an order given by a superior to an attendant. 
 
 f Alternative meanings sometimes suggest themselves which (as in the 
 preceding instance) are worth noticing ; and in this case it is just possible 
 that euras-vkle may be read as sivash-hncMer in what I believe to have 
 been the early signification of that word ; or divided as eura-svkle and 
 read — extra as immer, ever, and svki-e as swcdg, ' helluo,' a glutton — in 
 the dialect of Bremen. 
 
Chap. H. IN A TOMB AT TARQUINIL 85 
 
 fieri,' toupheii, ' surditas, stultitia,' — the Sc.ottisli 'dowff.' 
 Th, t, and cl in these words are all softened forms of the 
 compound st in ' stupidus,' st being identical with z. 
 
 10. CHVACHA.^ — Transmutable into German orthography 
 as SCHWASCHA, the Etruscan ch answering (as has been 
 said, and will be seen), by an almost invariable rule, to the 
 Teutonic scA. Compare se/Mra<?A, 'debilis,' weak ; schwachen, 
 'debilitare, deficere,' &c. — The sense of these five words 
 therefore is, — "The glutton [is] noisy," (sottisli,or like a pig,) 
 " fat, stupid, weak." 
 
 The two portions of the inscription thus answer to 
 each other, and agree in sense with the two portions 
 of the painting to which they bear reference, and also 
 with the general character of the scenes depicted in 
 the tomb. These paintings are qualified by Mr. 
 Dennis as the most archaic among the many existing 
 at Tarquinii, bearing " a closer affinity than any 
 other Etruscan paintings yet discovered, both in 
 design and colouring, to those in the ' Grotta Cam- 
 pana' at Yeii — unquestionably the most ancient spe- 
 cimens of pictorial art extant in Italy or Europe." * 
 The ' Grotta Campana ' contains no inscriptions, and 
 the inscription above analysed may therefore be con- 
 sidered (so far as this collateral evidence from the 
 paintings goes) the oldest written monument of the 
 Etruscan proper — that is, as I hope to prove, of 
 the German — language now in existence. The calli- 
 graphy is decidedly ancient ; the sigma alone is used, 
 and the th is in the older form, with the dot in the 
 middle of the circle which forms the character. f 
 
 * Cities and Cemeteries, vol. i. p. 343. 
 
 t I have little doubt that rules for judging of the comparative antiquity 
 of Etruscan inscriptions may be gathered from an extended study of the 
 varying styles of orthography, and the modifications in the shape or use of 
 particular letters, — I have noticed some points of comparison and shall 
 
 D 2 
 
36 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS. Chap. II. 
 
 The preceding inscription, you will allow, is very 
 creditable to the S23artan morality of the early Etrus- 
 cans — where uncorrujDted by the softer associations 
 of Agylla.* 
 
 continue to do so, — the most certain indication of antiquity is when the 
 ' m ' and ' n ' have one leg or fang (usually that to the right) much longer 
 than the others. But I speak with diffidence on points of calligraphy, nor 
 shall I make any attempt (for as yet it would be premature) to discrimi- 
 nate between the language of North and South Etruria, and the minor 
 local dialects. My estimate of the antiquity of the inscriptions is mainly 
 based upon the argument from architecture and painting, as more or less 
 archaic. 
 
 * Some vases, found exclusively, I believe, at Yulci, of a festive or 
 Bacchic kind, and some even of severer character, bear inscriptions in 
 Greek characters, but at first sight totally tmintelligible. These have been 
 supposed to be either written in an " unknown tongue " or " in some cases," 
 possibly, according to the learned Gerhard, " in Etruscan, in Greek letters." 
 (See Mr. Dennis's Cities and Cemeteries, vol. i. p. Ixxxvii ; and the 
 'Annals' of the Roman 'Institute,' vol. for 1831, passim.') Neither of 
 these suggestions are, I think, correct. With one exception — vidXovoxei. — 
 which seems to represent ' Phuphlun-Iacche ' — such of these inscri]jtious as 
 I have examined are of a description which had better not have been 
 written — not indeed implying any revolting guilt, but such as to have 
 induced the calligraphists to disguise their meaning (in the case of certain 
 words) by transposition of some letters and substitution or interpolation of 
 others, out of regard to decency. Some of the words too are written 
 according to the phonetic pronunciation, as still current in modern Greek. 
 These inscriptions are evidently Greek, — I mention this to vindicate the 
 Etruscan from the discredit attaching to their authorship. There is not, 
 so far as I can see, an Etruscan word among them. These vases of Vulci, 
 observes Mr. Dennis, are "of the Attic type, of that severe and archaic 
 design which is always connected with black figures on a yellow ground," 
 and their date, according to Gerhard, is between the 74th and 124th 
 Olympiad, b.c. 484-284. (Dennis, Cities, &c., vol. i. p. 425.) They must 
 either be of Greek importation, or the work of Greek artists, perhaps a 
 colony of them, settled at Vulci, hereditary potters. 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE 'ALCESTIS AND ADMETUS' INSCRIPTION. 
 
 This occurs on an amphora described by Mr. Dennis 
 as " in the late style ; with a Bacchic dance on one 
 side and on the other a striking scene of the parting 
 of Admetus and Alcestis, whose names " — Atmite, 
 Alksti — " are attached between the figures of 
 Charun armed with his hammer and another demon 
 brandishing serpents." Mr. Dennis has given an 
 engraving of this scene in the frontispiece to his 
 second volume " as a very rare and curious specimen 
 of undoubted Etruscan ceramography, in its natural 
 colours," red, black, and white. The design is 
 wholly Etruscan, rude, although highly graphic — 
 very different from that on those vases and mirrors 
 which exhibit the full influence of classical taste. 
 The inscription must therefore be of corresponding 
 relative antiquity. I should add that the demon 
 brandishing serpents (Nathum, probabl}^, or ' Neces- 
 sity ') points them at Admetus as threatening death ; 
 w^hile Charun at the other extremity of the composi- 
 tion is about to strike Alcestis ; and the inscription is 
 written in a narrow strip of letters between him and 
 her. The self-devotion of Alcestis is thus clearly 
 indicated in the composition, and ih^ presumption 
 must be that the inscription, occupying the pai'ticular 
 place it does, has — not a general character but a 
 special one, referring to her intervention and self- 
 
38 pyniUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. III. 
 
 sacrifice. This amphora was discovered at Viilci, was 
 afterwai'ds in possession of the learned Dr. Emil 
 Braun at Rome, and tlieii passed into that of the Due 
 de Luynes. The inscription runs as follows ; — 
 
 EkA : ERSKE : NAK : ACHRUM : PHLERTHRKE 
 {Fabretfi, no. 2598, tab. xliv. Dennis, vol. i. p. 90.) 
 
 — I analyse it thus : — 
 
 1, 2, 3. Eka: ERSKE : nak. — i. Eka-nak forms a com- 
 pound, answering (but I am uncertain whether as the first 
 person singular of the present tense of a verb, or as a deriva- 
 tive noun) to naclihangen, (from nach and hang-en,) signifying 
 * consectari, inhaerere tergo fugientis,' that is, to pursue, hang 
 upon, or run down, — but with the elements of the compound 
 iu the reverse order to that we are familiar with in German. 
 The root hang might be traced further back, e.g. to ag-, as in 
 ' ago ' — (" parata executione agere "), — but the above is suffi- 
 cient for my purpose here. — ii. eeske is a formation from 
 wer, ' cautio, vades, fidejussor, sponsor securitatis,' in modern 
 German gewcihr, — akin to warscipe (A.-S.), werschaft, ' cautio 
 de indemnitate et possessione tranquilla,' — and derived from 
 waren, 'cautionem adhibere'— to offer legal security on 
 behalf either of oneself or another — ' guarandia ' or guar- 
 antee, (formed from gWdr) being the English equivalent; 
 while the Latin form ' caution ' is still preserved in Scottish 
 law. Eka : eeske : nak thus signifies (to take the first of 
 the above alternatives) ' I pursue,' or ' attach (legally) the 
 guarantor,' or surety, — viz., in this case, Alcestis, who had 
 offered herself, virtually, as such, in order to redeem her 
 husband from imminent death. 
 
 4. THRKE. — This word, although written consecutively to 
 PHLER, without break, is independent of it, a distinct vocable, 
 as shown by many other examples. — Compare durch, ' per,' 
 through. TURKE, written also trke, constantly occurs in 
 connection with some specified sin or penalty, and thus is not 
 identical with truge, 'fraus, dolus,' as might otherwise be 
 
Chap. HI. ON THE ALCESTIS AND ADMETUS AMrHOKA. 39 
 
 supposed.* The word immediately preceding and governed 
 by THREE is 
 
 5. PHLER, — a word constantly found, like thrke, turke, 
 in the inscriptions upon votive offerings in atonement for 
 various descriptions of guilt. It corresponds with vlur, jiur 
 (equivalent to verlust), signifying 'damnum' — 'damnum* 
 being the technical Latin word for loss, hurt, fine, mulct, or 
 penalty. I think it means loss, in the sense of forfeiture, 
 here. The last word to be dealt Avith is 
 
 6. ACHRUM. — To be read aschrum, the letter >^ having (I 
 am pretty sure) the force of sch in Etruscan ; and divided as 
 ASCH-RUM. — i. ASCH corresponds with aisch-en, Jieisch-en, ' ex- 
 petere, exigere, citare,' (the word which we have met with as 
 ESEKE in the preceding inscription,) heisch-ung, aisch-ung, 
 aisch-e, ' citatio,' this last word being almost identical in form 
 with the Etruscan asch : — And, ii. rum answers to an ancient 
 Teutonic w'ord ram, rahm, implying ' terminus, scopus,' 
 gesetztes ziel, prescribed limit {up den ram signifying ' tem- 
 pore definite '), but including, in understanding and practice, 
 the intervening raum, or space of time and opportunity 
 allowed to the person summoned, and constituting the 
 quernacht, dwerchnaeht, or ztverchnacht of old Teutonic law.f 
 
 * And still less (I submit) with the Icelandic at trega, 'aiigeve aiit 
 dolere,' tregi, ' dolor,' threk, ' gravis labor, molestia,' as urged in his com- 
 mentary on this inscription by Dr. Donaldson ; who founds perhaps his 
 strongest plea for the affinity of the Scandinavians and Etruscans on the 
 argument " that the words three and suthi, constantly occurring on 
 Etruscan monuments of a funereal character, are translated at once by the 
 Icelandic synonyms tregi and sut, both signifying ' grief ' or ' sorrow.' If 
 we had only this fact," he adds, " we should be induced by it to seek for 
 further resemblances between the old languages of Northern Europe and 
 the obscure fragments of the old Etruscan." — Varron., pp. 209, 210. 
 
 t I at one time thought that nak : thbke denoted the dwerchnaeht, 
 and was disposed to connect it with the space of time, two days and a 
 night, in-escribed by Hercules to Admetus in the play of Sophocles as a 
 period of silence and reserve, after the former hero had fought with 
 Thanatos, or Death, and brought Alcestis back, and restored her to her 
 husband, from the grave. It was then only, on the morning of the third 
 day that her consecration to the Infernal Gods through death would have 
 been done away. It appeared to me that the period of purificatign or 
 rehabilitation corresponded thus with that of ' citatio ' in the case of the 
 voluntary victim. I gave up this view of the above passage with great 
 reluctance. 
 
40 ETRUSCAN INSCRII^TIONS. Chap. 111. 
 
 By similar uuderstanding and practice this ram, ' terminus,' 
 seems to have acquired tlie ad litional sense of pledge or 
 plight to appear, confirmed by the hand {ram, 'manus'); and 
 it occurs with accessary words indicative of that idetj in an 
 inscription presently to be dealt with, where I shall revert to 
 the subject. 
 
 The present inscription, therefore, reads, " I pur- 
 sue, or attach, the guarantor " (Alcestis) " through 
 breach of engagement " (on the part of Admetus, the 
 principal) " to appear at the fixed term of citation." * 
 
 * Dr. Donaldson translates the iuscription thus, — ' This earthen vessel 
 in the ground is a votive offering of sorrow.' — Varron.,]). 209. Mr. Dennis 
 was guided, I think, by a truer instinct in reading it, 'Lo! she saves him 
 from Acheron, and makes an offering of herself! " — Cities, &c., vol. i. p. xc. 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 
 
 There are a great many statues, statuettes, and other 
 articles of Etruscan manufacture preserved in the 
 Museums of Europe, which appear from the inscrip- 
 tions upon them to have been of the nature of Votive 
 Offerings — to what shrines or public edifices I know 
 not — some in general expression of gratitude, others 
 in acknowledgment of, or in atonement for, fraud or 
 other guilt in matters of mercantile or personal deal- 
 ing. Sometimes they bear the donor's name, some- 
 times not, but the majority have the character of 
 fraud or damnum, debt or obligation, stamped upon 
 them through the inscriptions. Under the former 
 class I rank the few which bear the inscription 
 TINSKVIL, including that gem of Etruscan art, the 
 great bronze candelabrum of Cortona. No correspond- 
 ence is discernible (except in the second in the series 
 of specimens now to be produced) between the effigies 
 or subjects represented and the delictum specified in 
 the inscriptions. The donors, I take it, bought them 
 in the shops, and 'had the inscriptions engraved for 
 presentation, just as votive offerings ready-made are 
 purchasable even now by devotees in Italy. But the 
 general concurrence of the inscriptions in specifying 
 fraud in general, and instances of fraud in particular, 
 constitutes a strong presum])tion in favour of the 
 accuracy of the interpretation in the case of each 
 inscription severally. 
 
42 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 Section I. 
 
 The word tixskvil — the s invariably written with 
 a sail — is found by itself alone on a Chimasra in the 
 gallery at Florence, on a griffin at Leyden, on a 
 bronze dog formerly in the possession of Signer 
 Coltellini at Cortona, and, in association with other 
 words, on the candelabrum above spoken of, and now 
 first to be dealt with. All these monnments were 
 found at Cortona and (one of them only) at Arezzo. 
 The present beautiful work of art was discovered in 
 1840 at La Fratta, below Cortona, in a ditch, only 
 slightly below the surface of the ground. It is now 
 preserved in the museum of the city. The inscrip- 
 tion is as follows : — 
 
 ThAPNA : LUSNim I INSKVIL : ATHLIK ] SALTHN 
 {Fahretti, uo. 1050, tab. xxxv.) 
 
 1, 2. Thapxa : LU^Ni. — i. lusni appears to me to be the 
 dative case of lusna or losna, an Etruscan title of Diana, 
 and which I should connect with that of ' Lucina,' which ^\as 
 common likewise to Juno. — ii. thapna I take to represent 
 ' Divana,' the early form of ' Diana,' and which we also have 
 as thana on an Etruscan mirror {Fahretti, no. 459), repre- 
 senting the nativity of Minerva. I think that thapna : 
 LUSNI answers here to 'Dianae Lucinae,' or ' Lucime,' the 
 goddess protectress of women in childbirth.* 
 
 3. TiNSKViL. — This word appears to me upon the wliole, 
 and mainly from its position in the present inscription, to be 
 a formation from i., denh-, denk-en, to think, and thence, to 
 
 * Thapna may be the Teutonic hebamme, hevanna, midwife; the h 
 being here in the older form of th, as e.g. in the matronymic Hapienal, 
 Thapienal, which we shall meet with hereafter. If so, the roots would 
 be hth-, tlieb-'^ ' levare,' to raise up; and amma, amna (connected with 
 the Greek ofinvia), mother, nurse. But the analysis in the text is the 
 simplest, and comes (so to speak) fiist to hand. 
 
Sect. I. ON VOTIVE OFFEMNGS. 43 
 
 remember; and, ii. shdd, debt, — the compound sigiufying 
 'debt of remembrance ' with the allied sense of thaukfuhiess 
 or gratitude. When found as a single word it is probably- 
 equivalent to ' In Memoriam,' although not necessarily of a 
 dead person. 
 
 4. ATHLiK. — A compound of ath and lik, and identical 
 with the old Teutonic licht-fasz, licht-vaz, ' lucerna, candela- 
 brum,' — the component elements reversed. 
 
 5. ^ALTHN. — This appears to be a compound of i. ^al, 
 answering to sal, ' traditio,' sol (O. N.), ' donum,' a gift or 
 offering; and ii. thn, representing zan-en, to covenant or 
 agree, a word which .we shall meet with more than once 
 hereafter. 
 
 The inscription would thus signify, — " To Diana 
 Lucina," in "debt of gratitude," this ^^ca?idelab?mm" 
 is " a covenanted offering." — I suspect it was dedi- 
 cated by some noble lady in gratitude for recovery 
 from childbirth ; and this conclusion is to a certain 
 extent in keeping with that of Mr. Dennis, who 
 thinks " that it was suspended, j^erhaps in a tomb, 
 perhaps in a temple as a sacrificial lamp, which in 
 truth its remarkable size and beauty seem to indi- 
 cate." 
 
 The letter " 1 " in this inscription is the Greek, not 
 the Etruscan character ; but the other letters are 
 Etruscan, and the ' n ' is in the regular form. 
 " The style of art," says Mr. Dennis, " proves this 
 monument to be of no very early date, yet there is a 
 certain archaicism about it which marks it as of 
 ante-Roman times." He places it between the AVolf 
 of the Capitol and the Chimaara and Orator of 
 Florence, and refers its date to " the fifth century " 
 of Rome, '' or the close of Etruscan independence." * 
 
 * Ciiics, &c., vol. ii. pp. 442-4. 
 
44 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. IV- 
 
 Section II. 
 
 V. KVINTI • ARNT|IAS • KULPIANS'l | ALPAN TURKE 
 
 V. KVINTI • ARN|TIAS- S^ELANIsL TEZ- ALPAN | TURKE 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 1051, 1052, tab. xxxv.) 
 
 These two inscriptions are found severally on two 
 little bronze statues which were discovered, in April 
 1857,- both together, and, in Fabretti's words, " difese 
 da poche tegole, . . alia distanza di braccia 54, quasi 
 in linea dritta dall' antica porta a tre stipiti, che 
 tuttora, abbenche chiusa e mancante dell' architrave, 
 si vede nelle mura di Cortona." 
 
 The first of the little statues represents a girl, 
 wearing buskins and a necklace, but otherwise per- 
 fectly naked, and with two faces, one looking forw^ard, 
 the other backward, — the second statue represents 
 the same figure apparently, but with the skin and 
 head of some animal on the crown of her head, — I am 
 uncertain whether or not she is doublefaced like the 
 first. This characteristic of doublefacedness — the com- 
 mon symbol of deceit among mankind — naturally 
 attracts attention ; and if the inscription, as inter- 
 preted by comparison with ancient German, alludes 
 to such a characteristic in the person represented or 
 thing signified by the statue^ such interpretation can 
 hardly be considered otherwise than correct. 
 
 I proceed, as before, to analyse the tw^o inscriptions. 
 It will be observed that they are identical except in 
 
 * This is from Fabretti's transcript. In the engraving there is only one 
 point or mark of division (after kulpiansi) in the first inscription. In 
 the second, besides the points above given, there are others after sl and 
 ALPAN. The ' san ' is exclusivelj' employed for the letter ' s.' 
 
Skct. II. ON VOTIVE OFFEIIIXGS. 45 
 
 the words kulpiansi in tlie first and selansl tez in 
 the second, — words wliicli may therefore be pre- 
 sumed to stand in contrasted relation to eacli other. 
 I shall take these words last in the analysis. 
 
 1, 2, 3. V. KViNTi ARNTiA^. — TliGSG woi'ds Constitute a 
 family name, and apparently in the genitive case, perhaps 
 to be rendered ' Velia Quintia Arnthia's,' — or it may be 
 ' Arnthia's, Veins Quiutius's sech,' or daughter, an Etruscan 
 word to be noticed hereafter, abbreviated here as ^. 
 
 4. ALP AN. — To be compared with the ancient alfanz, ale- 
 fantz, ' fraus, falsitas, nequitia,' a word spoken of by the 
 brothers Clrimm in their great lexicon as " ein mei-kwiirdiges, 
 bisher unverstandnes, in hohes alterthum zuriickvveichendes 
 wort:" — From alfanz are derived alfanzer, 'nequam,' all- 
 fanzerey, 'vafrities,' craftiness, cunning, artifice, &c. 
 
 5. TUEKE, — durch, 'per,' through, ut supra. Durch, it 
 may be observed, is found as tJiairh in Gothic and thurh in 
 Old and Anglo-Saxon ; but not in the Old-Northern or 
 Scandinavian, — an important consideration with reference to 
 the ethnology of Etruria. 
 
 6. KULPiAN^r. — A compound word formed from kul and 
 PiAN^i, as by comparison with a similar compound, but 
 exhibiting its elements reversed in order, phni^kIxVL. — i. 
 PiANSi is, I think, the genitive case singular of pian, answer- 
 ing to pfancl, pant, pans (in the ' Lex Salica '), the well-known 
 word (bond in English) signifying a ' pignus ' or pledge. The 
 termination -es, -is of the genitive is frequently written se, 
 SI, (the letters being reversed,) in Etruscan. — ii. kul presents 
 more difficulty. It may be compared with gelt, ' res commu- 
 tanda, . . pensatio damni aut furti pecuniaria, . . donum, 
 oblatio, retributio, solutio, debitum ; ' chalt (in the * Lex 
 Salica '), ' compensatio per solidos furti vel damni ; ' guilt, 
 ' praestatio, debitum, satisfactio,' — geld an einen guilten legen, 
 ' pecuniam foenori apud aliquem exponere ; ' guilten, ' solvere, 
 prjBstare,' &c. kul-pian^i, in this point of view, would sig- 
 nify ' pledge- forfeit, or fine.' It is possible indeed that kul 
 may stand for an older shal, implying ' lapsus,' in the sense, 
 
46 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. IV. 
 
 still, of lapse or falling away from engagement or plighted 
 faith* 
 
 7. ^ELAN^L. — This word likewise is divisible into ^elan 
 and ^L, — the latter being frequently found in other combina- 
 tions. — i. For ^ELAN, compare scolen, sollen, ' debere,' seuld, 
 *debitum, culpa;' suilen, ' contaminare.' — ii. For &h, com- 
 pare seZZejj, 'tradere;' sal, ' traditio ; ' sal (Sueo-Goth.), fine 
 (for homicide) ; sol (O.Northern), * donum.'— selan-^l would 
 thus imply ' debt-forfeit ' or ' fine,' in near correspondence 
 with KULPiANSi. — And, lastly, 
 
 8. TEZ may be compared with zeichen, ' indicare ; ' with 
 ' m-dic-aiG ' itself; ' con-%-ere ; ' testis, &g. Or, with more 
 probability, remembering the frequent interchange of q for t, 
 (as, e.g. in quist, twist, 'ramus,' a bough,) our familiar quit, 
 quittance, quits, may be the analogue here. 
 
 * While PHNis-KiAL appears to corresi)ond literally with kul-piaksi, 
 and PHNis is certainly 2'>fand, pfandes, I am inclined to think that kial 
 may denote ultimately the keule, pfandkeule, pantkeuJe, the ' clava pi^no- 
 rationis,' properly a club or stick, with knots, cut from a tree, which the 
 lender delivered to the borrower at his house in token of equitable under- 
 standing (the root ram again coming into play here in the sense of 'ram- 
 us,' a bough), and which was to be restored to him before the judge when 
 the debt was paid, in token of quittance, — quits and quisf, twist, 'ramus' 
 (or rather ' twig '), answering symbolically to each other again in this final 
 stage of the transaction. In course of time articles of more or less value 
 and bulk were substituted (I conceive) for this keule, stick, or club, some 
 of them so small (although representing rights of hypothek over houses 
 and property) that they were deposited in a chest or desk kept by the 
 borrower, and hence called kistenjfande ; while, in Etruria, works of art 
 seem to have borne the same character, such as the bronze bas-relief in 
 which the compound phniskial above noticed occurs. This bas-relief is 
 now preserved in the Museum at Florence; a Gorgon's head is in the 
 centre, and around it, along the margin, the legend, mi • suthilvelthu- 
 KiTHURA : TURKE • AU • VELTHUEi I'HNisKiAL • (Fubretti, no. 2603, and 
 tav. xliv.) I take this to mean, " Aulus Velturius appoints, sets, or has 
 set me" (mi suthi, unless these words signify 'I am appointed') "as the 
 pfandkeule " (phniskial, or ' clava pignorationis,') " for " (turke) " the 
 annual rent" (thura) " due by him to L. Velturius (l • velthuri),"— 
 Lautinius (as we may for convenience Latinise the name) being the lender 
 and Aulus the debtor in respect of a sum of money lent on hyijothek. 
 Thura I take to be the Etruscan form of simVe, steuer, ' tribulum, tallia,' 
 a word synonymous with geiverf, which is used in Upper Alsatia for a 
 ' tributum annuum.' In a less definite sense thura might be connected 
 mediately with gewdre, 'cautio, warandia,' or security. 
 
Si-XT. IIT. ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 47 
 
 The first, then, of these two inscriptions should be 
 read, "The pledge "—" forfeit," "fine," or "gift/' 
 " of Yelia Quintia Arnthia," or " of Yelus Qiiintius's 
 daughter, Arnthia," [incurred] "through fraud." — 
 And the second, " The debt-forfeit, or fine " of the 
 same personage, incurred " through fraud, paid and 
 acquitted." * 
 
 Section III. 
 
 A species of fraud of very early prevalence would 
 seem to be indicated in the inscription that I shall 
 next adduce, in which the remarkable word alpan 
 recurs :— 
 
 TiTE : ALPNAS : TURKE : AISERAS : THUPH LTHIKLA : 
 TRUTVEKIE 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 2603 his.) 
 
 This is found on a little brass statue described by 
 Fabretti as at Rome, " apud Depoletti." I analyse 
 it as follows : — 
 
 ], 2. TiTE : ALPNAS. — These words do not, I think, denote 
 a proper name, to wit, ' Titus Alpinius,' or ' Titia Alpiuia,' 
 but the general character of the crime attaching to what is 
 specified in the conclusion of the sentence. Their position 
 in relation to tueke, which always appears to follow the 
 general charge, leads me to this opinion, tite appears to 
 me to answer to that, deed or act, and alpnas to alfanz, 
 fraud, — the word already sufficiently dealt with, — alpnas 
 being in the genitive case, governed by tite. 
 
 * It is possible that selan in selan-sl may have the sense oi schilling 
 as m pfandschilling, which denotes 1. the capital lent on hypothek, 2. by 
 meton. the x>fand itself. Selan-sl would thus signify redemption of the 
 bond, payment of the debt ; and tez, rd supra, 'acquittance '—not merely 
 from the debt but from the moral culpability that had been incurred in 
 connexion with it. 
 
48 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. lA^ 
 
 3. TURKE, — as before. 
 
 4. AiSERAS. — Compire eiter, ' terminus pagi aut urbis, 
 sepes, septum,' idrs (Groth.), e^er (Celt.), 'finem atqne ter- 
 mimim.' The word is common to other languages not Indo- 
 European. 
 
 5. THUPHLTHIKLA. — A compoimd, I think, of i. thuphlth-, 
 the Teutonic zweyfalt-, fraudful ; and of ii. ikla, a derivative 
 from wag-an, ' movere,' formed analogously to ' vacill-are,' 
 but in the active sense, and similar to wechseln, ' mutare.' 
 
 6. TRUTVEKIE, A compound likewise, and to be written 
 TRUT-VEKiE. — i. TRUT appears to me to be the Etruscan form 
 of what we have as arpwr-o^ in Greek, ' strat-us ' in Latin, 
 and streu-en, gestreuet in Teutonic, a word thus of most 
 Pelasgic antiquity ; and ii. vekie corresponds with weg, * via,' 
 or way. tkut-vekie is thus the old Etruscan analogue of 
 ' viae stratee ' or wegstrassen, paved, that is, public roads or 
 'streets,' the constituent elements of the compound being 
 reversed in order, as usual in Etruscan. A ' street ' is pro- 
 perly a paved road running, not merely through a town, but 
 through the country — as in the case of the old Eoman road 
 familiar to us in England as ' Watling-street.' 
 
 I read this inscription therefore as — " [Offered] 
 through," or on account of, " an act of fraud, in 
 altering deceitfully," or encroaching upon, " the 
 bounds" (whether terminal stones or fences) "of the 
 public strata," or highway. 
 
 Section IV. 
 
 A general charge of fraud is expressed in three 
 words inserted on the fragment of a little statue in 
 bronze preserved at Fermo in the ' Museo di 
 Minicis,' — 
 
 UtNI : THUPHULTHAS|A | TURKE 
 {Fabretti, no. 804.) 
 
 Another reading gives utin for utni ; and there 
 
Sect. V. ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 49 
 
 seems to have been a letter (now eifacecl) before 
 the u. 
 
 Thuphul'J'HASA is evidently the adjectival form of 
 the THUPHLTH-, ziceyfalt-, above illustrated ; and 
 answers to the corresponding Latin development of 
 the same root, ' dupl-ex.' Utxi, utin, read as tutnt, 
 would correspond to the Teutonic tJiat^ tJiaten, and the 
 Latin ' facin-us,' an action in genere, good or bad, but 
 here quahfied as the latter.* The inscription would 
 thus signify, — " [Fine, or offering] on account of 
 fraudulent actions," "fraudulent dealing." 
 
 Section V. 
 
 The following inscription is found on a small 
 statue of bronze, discovered in 1864 about two miles 
 from Castiglione Fiorentino, and now preserved in 
 the Museum at Cortona : — 
 
 LaRTHIA : ATEINEI : | SL : | PHLERES : PUANTRN \ TURKE : 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 1055 Us, tab. xxxv.)t 
 
 — The statue represents a boy, or youth^ holding up 
 a bird (apparently) in his right hand. The r and t 
 in the inscription are both of an old type, sl is 
 written at right angles opposite the first line at the 
 foot of the inscription. An analysis of the words 
 gives the following result : — 
 
 1, 2. Larthia ; ateinei. — Apparently a female name, 
 ' Larthia Atinia,' and in the genitive case. 
 
 * Compare tite : alpnas, snjyra. It might also stand for teding, 'com- 
 positio pacis,' — a word which we shall meet with presently as tutiiinks; 
 but the rendering in the text seems to meet the construction hcst. 
 
 t PuANTRN is given as puantirn in the engraving. 
 
 E 
 
50 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Cuap. IV. 
 
 3. SL. — The SL, or ^al, which has been identified with 
 sal, fine, payment, or offering, 
 
 4. PHLEEE^. — The genitive of phleke, i. e. vlur, ' dam- 
 num,' as already shewn. 
 
 5. PUANTRN. — This word again, is a compound. — i. puan 
 I take to be ]yfand, loud, a pledge or engagement, the word 
 already noticed ; and, ii. ten may be compared with tara, 
 * damnum, Isesio,' daru (A.S.), ' damnum,' terjan, derjan (A.S.), 
 'nocere,' and tarunga, 'Itesio.' The compound puan-trn 
 would thus imply ' breach of pledge ' or ' faith.' 
 
 6. TUEKE, — already explained as durch, ' per,' or ' through.' 
 
 The inscription would thus signify, in English, 
 " Fine " (gift, or offering) " of Larthia Atinia for 
 guilt " (damnum, injury, penalty), " [manifested] 
 through breach of pledge," or of .plighted faith. 
 
 Section VI. 
 Yet another inscription of the character here under 
 discussion is found upon a statue of bronze, where 
 discovered I do not know, but now preserved in the 
 Museum at Florence : — 
 
 LaRKE .- LEKNCE]: TURKE PHLEREMUTHURLAN VEITHI 
 (Fahretti, no. 255, tab. xxiii.) 
 
 The characters are rude and ancient, the ?n and n 
 written in the same irregular proportions as in the 
 Pelasgic inscription first analysed supra. The form 
 of the PH, moreover, resembling two Greek capital 
 sigmas facing each other, in a shape somewhat like 
 an hour-glass, is nearly the same as in the sepulchral 
 inscription of S. Manno, hereafter to be dealt with. 
 These peculiarities point to considerable antiquity. 
 Phlere, muth, and urlan appear to be separate 
 words. The analysis is as follows : — 
 
Sect. VI. ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 51 
 
 1. Larke. — To be compared witli lurh, Jerh, 'sinister, 
 peryersus.' 
 
 2. LEKXE. — Compare with laichen, ' decipere ;' hiicherei/, 
 ' fraus, dolus ;' lugen, ' meutiri.' 
 
 3. 4. TURKE, and phlere, — ut sujJva. 
 
 5. MUTH. — Conf. 7nuta (S.-Goth.), ' merces,' meed, or 
 desert ; masz, ' macula ;' muth, ' anima.' 
 
 6. URLAN. — Conf. verla^i, ' repellere ;' verlan, ' condonare, 
 remittere, indulgere.' 
 
 7. VEiTHi. — Conf.wad, waed, ' pignus,' and ivdclJa{S.-Goth.), 
 ' appellare, stipulare ;' veddan (A.-S,), ' pacisci (in genero),' 
 Our Scottish ' to wad,' ' wadset,' or pledge. 
 
 I read the inscription therefore as, " A pledge " 
 (or offering) " to repel (or condone) the guilt-desert " 
 (or stain) [incurred] " through sinister fraud." 
 
 Ihre observes in his ' Lexicon Suio-Gothicum ' or 
 Swedish Dictionary, that icad is the original word 
 for 'pignus' in the Scandinavian languages, and 
 that /j/azzcZ has been of later introduction, — imported 
 from Germany. Pfand was certainly the usual 
 w^ord for 'j^ignus' among the Etruscans, — we meet 
 with it in the form of pianst, puan, phxis, phanu, 
 and otherwise. The inscriptions in which these 
 occur are of various dates, some of them very 
 ancient, others among the most recent. On the 
 other hand, icad only occurs (for certain) in the 
 present inscription (not a recent one) as veithi, and 
 in another, hereafter to be discussed (one of great 
 antiquity), as uatha. It would thus seem that icad 
 is the older w^ord in Etruscan, — and this, like similar 
 observations, may perhaps contribute towards solving 
 the ethnological problems connected with the Etrus- 
 cans at some future time.* 
 
 * Sec the article on the ' Pontifcx Maximus' in the Glos.saiy, infra. 
 
 E 2 " 
 
52 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 Section VII. 
 
 Of a similar description is the following inscrip- 
 tion, on a small bronze statue representing a boy 
 in a reclining position and, as before, holding a bird 
 (apparently), — found near the Lake Thrasymene, and 
 now in the Etruscan Museum of the Vatican : — 
 
 Phleresteksanslkver 
 {Fdbretti, no. 1930, tab. xxxyiii.) 
 
 The words, here agglutinated together, will arrange 
 themselves to your eye at a glance in their distinct 
 form : — 
 
 1. Phleees, — ut supra. 
 
 2. TEK. — Compare tycke, ' sententia,' tucTca, ' mnlcta,' from 
 tijcka (S.-G.), ' existimare ' iu the sense of judgment — the 
 thughj'an of the Moeso-Gothic Ulphilas, — words from the same 
 root as thine-, think-, and ting or thing, a court of law. See 
 Ihre, in voce ' Tycka.' 
 
 3. SAN^L. — A compound, san-sl. — For i. san, compare son, 
 sund-, 'debere, peccare, peccatum,' saun (Goth. Ulphil,), 
 sone (0. N.), 'pax, reconciliatio, pacificatio,' — the modern 
 versohnung, atonement for crime. — ii. j^l, as before, would 
 denote forfeit or fine, with the sense of * solutio ' or payment. 
 SAN-^L would thus be rendered ' Debt-fine,' or ' Fine paid iu 
 atonement,' ' for guilt.' 
 
 4. KVER. — Our Teutonic kujofer, the Latin ' ses, aeris,' that 
 is, copper or brass, whence anything made of brass, as vases, 
 cups, caldrons (constantly spoken of under the title hverr in 
 the Eddaic writings), down to coin, or money. This last 
 is the most probable signification here. 
 
 The inscription reads, in its simplest and general 
 sense, " Pecuniary fine paid [against] sentence of 
 dainiiumy 
 
Sects. VIII. IX. ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 53 
 
 A strong Gothic and Scandinavian tinge is ap- 
 parent in the present inscription ; and this may be 
 said to apply to most of those inscribed on offerings 
 for guilt. The orthography of this inscrijDtion is 
 however later than that of the preceding one. 
 
 Section VIII. 
 
 The signification of the following inscription is 
 nearly the same as that of the one just analysed : — 
 
 Phleres tlenakes kver 
 {Fahretti, no. 2599.) 
 
 — It is found on a li-ttle statue of brass, preserved in 
 the ' Museo Estense.' 
 
 Phleres and kver are the same as in the pre- 
 ceding inscription. Tlenakes is also found as 
 TLENACHIES in the more important inscription next 
 to be dealt with. It appears to me to be a compound 
 of TLEN and AKES. For i. tlen, compare zoll^ toll, 
 ' vectigal,' * tel-onium ' (the first syllable short, the 
 second long), a custom-house. — ii. akes, achies, I 
 take to be the simple Latin ' as, assis,' — the compound 
 thus signifying ' tax-,' ' tribute-,' that is, ' current- 
 coin,' or money. The sentence would thus run, as 
 before, " Pecuniary fine for damnum.'" 
 
 Section IX. 
 
 One of the most important relics of Etruscan art is 
 the statue of a boy, which was found, a.d. 1746, at 
 Montecchio, near Cortona, within a niche, along with 
 the statue of a woman and a candelabrum, all now 
 
54 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 preserved in the Museum of Leyden. The following 
 inscription is engraved on the right thigh of the 
 figure, in characters apparently of considerable 
 antiquity, the L especially being the Greek capital 
 ' lambda :' — 
 
 VeLIAS • PHANAKNAL • THUPHLTHAS | ALPAN ■ LENACHE • 
 KLEN • KECHA : TUTHINES • TLENACHEIS 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 1055, tab. xxxv.) 
 
 — By analysis we obtain the following results : — 
 
 1, 2. Velia^ PHANAKNAI-. — 1. Velia^. This must either 
 be in the genitive case — 'Vele's,' or ' VeHa's,' as we should 
 write it ; or it may stand short for Velia^ech, ' daughter of 
 Vele,' or * Veha.' I incline to the former alternative. As a 
 rule, when two names, or two Mords, immediately associated, 
 occur together, the inflection is only expressed in the case of 
 one of them. The word velia^ occurs nowhere else. — ii. 
 PHANAKNAL, — that is, ' child of ' a mother named ' Phanakn,' 
 It has long since been ascertained through the evidence of 
 bilingual inscriptions that the terminational -al in proper 
 names indicates 'natus' — son, or daughter, of such or such a 
 mother, Laethial being interpreted as 'Larthia natus,' 
 Vanial as * Vania natus,' &c. * 
 
 3, 4. THUPHLTHA^ ALPAN. — ' Double-dealing fraud,' ut 
 supra. 
 
 5. LENACHE. — A compound, of which the first portion, 
 LEN, may be compared with Ian, ' merces,' and the second, 
 ACHE, with ach, acht, aht, judgment, public prosecution.! 
 
 6. KLEN. — Compare with gelinden (from linden), 'lenire' 
 — a word implying, first, to smoothe or mollify, and thence, 
 through a series of gradations, to mitigate, lessen, and 
 diminish, in the course of which it associates itself with 
 Txlein, small — if, indeed, hlein is not a distinct derivative 
 
 * For fin explanation of -al by Teutonic roots I would refer to the 
 Section on the Bihngual Inscriptions some pages further on. 
 
 t Compared with lendsache (in the Westphalian and Saxon law), it 
 would imply ' causa ad bonum finem directa, per corupositionem fiuita.' 
 
Sect. X. ON VOTIVE OFFEIUNGS. 55 
 
 from the same root. In a legal sense, in which we find it 
 here, it implies deprecation and propitiation as exercised 
 either by an advocate on behalf of a criminal or, as in the 
 present case, by the criminal himself. I am half inclined to 
 identify it \\lth ]}Iain-,2)laintif, discarding the usual signifi- 
 cation of weeping, however early associated (and especially 
 in its symbolism) with the idea of suing in law. 
 
 7. KECHA. — To be compared with Jieischen, ' petere, exi- 
 gere,' (the word already twice met with,) and heiza, ant-heiza, 
 ' votum, votivum, devotatio,' — from heiz- (0. H. Gr.), the root 
 of ani-heiz-, ' votum,' haizan, Jiaitan, ' vocare,' gaheizan ' spon- 
 dere, vovere,' the modern heissen. You will recollect, too, 
 our Scottish heclit, Avhat is promised or offered. 
 
 8. TUTHiNE^. — Compare teding, taeding, thaiding, ' compo- 
 sitio pacis, pacificatio ' (in a juridical sense). In the genitive 
 case, — the g, as usual, being omitted. 
 
 9. TLENACHEis. — As in the preceding section. 
 
 The inscription, in current English, would run : — 
 " Yelia Phanaknal's votive-offering of pecuniary 
 composition to soften " (diminish or appease) " the 
 judicial award for double-dealing fraud." * 
 
 Section X. 
 
 The same compound — or rather association of 
 words — KLEN KECHA — which gives its tone (as it 
 were) to the character of the preceding inscription, is 
 found in one engraved on the left thigh of a small 
 statue of Apollo, crowned with laurel and wearing 
 a necklace and armlet, and a bulla, formerly in the 
 possession of the Grand Duchess of Tuscany, and 
 now in the (originally) ' Bibliotheque Eoyale' at 
 Paris : — 
 
 * I may add that the candelahrum wliicli was found with the statue is 
 inscribed A • vels • kus • tiiuphlthas alpan tdrke, {Fahretti, no. 
 1054) ; and if kus be short, as is possible, for kusiach, the word explained 
 
56 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 Ml : PHLERES : SVULARE : ARITIMI | PHASTI : RUIPHRIM 1 
 TRKE : KLEN : KECHA 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 2613, tab. xliv.) 
 
 The m and n are in the archaic form already spoken 
 of; and this inscription has a certain Pelasgian 
 character about it in other respects. I proceed to 
 analysis, as usnal : — 
 
 1. Mi. — This is usually read as el/u, 'sura,' I am. It was 
 certainly an occasional usage in inscriptions to make the 
 dedicated article speak for itself in the first person singular. 
 Fabretti thinks that mi means ' I,' and not ' I am.' Mi may 
 perhaps be the Etruscan mode of writing what we should 
 present as ' Im,' the letters transposed, — and this woull bring 
 Mi into more natural relation to elfu. 
 
 2. PHLERE^. — Genitive of phlere, ui supra. 
 
 3. SVULARE. — An early form, I think, of fehl-, fehler, fail- 
 ing or fault, — unless it be a compound oifehl and quaere, wer, 
 'cautio ' or security given. The initial s, lost in fehl, in the 
 Sanscrit Jcalusha, and the Latin ' cacZ-ere,' is preserved in 
 the Sanscrit sichal, to fall, the primitive root being sk = ts, 
 expressive of separation and distinction, in the abstract. It 
 is preserved too in the Teutonic scliwelcheii, 'flaccessere, defi- 
 cere, defectum pati,' a word of cognate origin, which I have 
 noticed as svalki in an Etruscan inscription {Fahretti, no. 
 2101) in the sense, if I mistake not, of defaillance through 
 death. 
 
 4. ARITIMI. — Compare warlieit, ' Veritas, probatio, jusju- 
 randum, olim manu conjuucta consacramentalium peractum,' 
 — a compound of war, 'verum,' and eid, 'juramentum.' 
 ARITIMI would thus be the accusative case, written so accord- 
 ing to Etruscan usage, in lieu of aritiim. aritimi may even 
 
 supra as ' standard-weight,' the sense would be " Fine-offering of Aulus 
 Veins for using false weights." Both offerings would appear to have pro- 
 ceeded from the same house and family. I do not know where the female 
 statue which was found along with the statue of the hoy and the candela- 
 brum is now preserved. It probably commemorated the guilt of a third 
 partner in the fraud. 
 
Sect. X. ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 57 
 
 be simply wort-en, word, or promise. I thought at first it 
 had beeu irrthum. 
 
 5. PHASTI. — Compare /as^, ' firmus,'/aes^a, ' firmare; ' but 
 with especial influence ixo\\\faust, ' pugnus,' the fist or hand , 
 faesta, 'manus jungere,' the symbolic accompaniment of 
 assurance or confirmation. The resemblance of faust and 
 fast — as in old Egyptian times of ' %p,' the fist, ' hp,' to 
 judge, or adjust, ' hpt,' to join, unite, &c. (primitive forms 
 of our familiar hauf-, haufen, and of the Latin '«^^-are') — 
 suggested, I have no doubt, the symbolism. 
 
 6. EUiPHRiM. — A compound, to be written ruiph-rim. — i. 
 RUiPH is the Teutonic ' nt^'-, ruff en, rufen, 'vocare,' and in 
 legal language, ' in jus vocare citatum.' — ii. rim corresponds 
 with ram, rahm, implying term or defined extent of time, 
 the word which we have already met with in the Admetus 
 and Alcestis inscription, and in combination with a word 
 identical in meaning with ruiph, as ach-rum, 'period of 
 citation.' But ram, or rim, is here, from the context, to be 
 understood with the secondary and symbolical sense super- 
 added of ram (S.-G. and 0. N.), ' manus,' the hand. Ihre 
 connects ram in this sense with the middle-age Latin adhra- 
 mire, " quod est, imprimis, porrecta et stipulata manu pro- 
 mittere," (this in general terms,) " et, in specie, promittere 
 se ad condictum tempus loco duelli aut foro ad praestandum 
 prsestanda adfuturum " — that the person entering into the 
 engagement should make his due appearance at the appointed 
 time. " Jurisconsulti nostrates," continues Hire, "festa ed 
 dicunt, a. faesta, manus jungere, dextram fidemque dare, . . . 
 Isl. liramr, Lapp, rahma.'" All these ideas are sub-under- 
 stood here; and it is on account of the connection shewn 
 between the three words akitimi, phasti, and ruiphrim 
 that I have preferred the above to other interpretations 
 which might be suggested, but which do not bear witness to 
 each other in the remarkable manner that these do. — 1\UI- 
 PHRIM thus signifies ' the term or limit of citation, or sum- 
 mons,' with the accessary sense of recognition and pledge of 
 appearance on the part of the person summoned. 
 
 7. TREE, — the same word, I presume, as tueke. 
 
 8. 9. KLEN KECHA, — as in the preceding inscription. 
 
58 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 The signification would thus be, — " I am the alle- 
 viation-offering of guilt [incurred] through failure in 
 keeping an engagement, confirmed by striking hands, 
 to appear within the appointed term of summons." * 
 
 Section XI. 
 
 I shall conclude this particular series of specimens 
 with the inscription on- a large bronze statue (now 
 preserved in the Ufifizj at Florence) and variously 
 spoken of as that ' of Metellus,' of the ' Arringatore,' 
 or Orator, and of the ' Aruspice Mediceo ;' and which 
 was found in 1566 near Sanguinetto on the site of 
 the battle of Thrasymene, and not far from the Lake 
 of Perugia. It is one of the most remarkable relics 
 of pure, although not very archaic Etruscan art. 
 The person represented is dressed in the tunic and 
 pallium of the Greeks and Romans, and has his hand 
 raised as if addressing an audience or propitiating a 
 superior. The inscription is on the border of the 
 pallium, and runs as follows : — 
 
 AULESI • METELIS • VE • VESIAL • KLENSI | KEN • PLERES • 
 TEKE • SANSL • TENINE j TUTHINES'- CHISVLIKS ■ 
 
 {Fabreiti, no. 1922, tab. xxxviii.) 
 
 — The two forms of the s are here distinguished 
 according to their respective position at the begin- 
 ning or end of words. Analysed, it reads thus : — 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4. AuLE^i . METELi^ . VE . VESIAL. — These first 
 
 * Dr. Donaldson translates this inscription, " Sum votivum donarium 
 Apollini atque Artemidi ; Fastia Rufria, Tusci filia, faciundum curavit." 
 Varron., p. 207. He reads the initial words as mi phleres epul aphe 
 
 ARITIMI, &C. 
 
Sect. XL ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS. 59 
 
 four words are interpreted, doubtless correctly, as *Aulus 
 Metellus, son of Veins, mother's son of Vesia.' 
 
 5. KLENSI. — The third person singular, present tense, of 
 the verb gelinden, already noticed as having the sense of 
 mitigation or deprecation in a forensic sense, but here, it 
 would appear, employed to designate — not the cry of contri- 
 tion of an offender, but the suit of the advocate. In klen^i, 
 AULE^i, and other Etruscan words similarly ending, the final 
 ^1 represents, I think, i^, the letters being reversed. 
 
 6. KEN. — Compare with gen, gein, the modern gegen, 
 ' contra,' against. 
 
 7. PLEKE^. — The same word, evidently, as phlere^, and 
 in the genitive case. 
 
 8. TEKE. — The same word, likewise, as tek, discussed 
 supra. 
 
 9. SANSL. — This compound too has been discussed already. 
 
 10. TENINE. — Compare thinan, tenen, ' tendere, ex-tendere,' 
 to stretch out — not only in the primitive sense of thinning 
 or attenuating, but in that of ' porrigere,' to offer anything. 
 TENINE is either the infinitive, the vowel which precedes the 
 final consonant in the G-reek or German infinitive being here 
 postponed to it, the i-E forming a long ei, or diphthong; 
 or the gerund, which would be properly written tentinte, 
 that is, tendinde, like the Latin ' tendendo,' its equivalent, 
 — one only of the compound letters being given in Etruscan 
 orthography. 
 
 11. tdthineI — Ut sujpra, ' compositio pacis, pacificatio,' — 
 in the genitive case. 
 
 12. CHISVLIK^. — More correctly transcribable, according 
 to a rule already laid down, as schisvlik^. This puzzling 
 word is, I think, a compound of schis and vlik^. i. schis 
 I should identify with scJiosz, geseJioss, ' exactio,' from schiessen, 
 'jacere, conjicere;' and, ii. vlik^, with pjlicht, 'proestatio 
 debita,' — the compound thus answering in a very marked 
 manner to the old Teutonic zu gescJwss und pjlicht hletben, in 
 the sense of 'jure ac more debita.' I should take schisvlik^ 
 to be the genitive of an adjective implying ' legal and cus- 
 tomary,' agreeing with the noun tuthine^, taedinges, ' com- 
 position, or compromise.' 
 
60 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. IV. 
 
 The inscription tlius signifies, — " Aiilns Metellus, 
 son of Yelus, mother's son of Yesia, sues (in mitiga- 
 tion)" or "pleads against the full judicial sentence 
 of damnum, by holding forth " (i. e. b}^ offering in 
 extenuation) *' the atonement-fine of legal and custo- 
 mary composition." 
 
 It is possible that these words may merely indicate 
 a votive offering of the usual character ; but the 
 importance of the statue, its peculiar attitude, and 
 the generalising character of the inscription, in which 
 no specific offence is stated, make me think that the 
 name ' Arringatore,' or ' Orator,' has been rightly 
 attributed to it, and that it represents an advocate or 
 lawyer of the old Etruscan bar, by name Aulus 
 Metellus — a predecessor of Gains, whose name be- 
 speaks him of Etruscan descent, or of the ecpally 
 Tuscan Pomponii. 
 
 Altogether — judging by the preceding series of 
 inscriptions — the Etruscans set great store upon the 
 virtue of honesty, and prescribed public atonement 
 and humiliation for the breach of it. I do not think 
 that any votive offerings of a similar character have 
 come down to us from the Romans. The protest in 
 behalf of temperance against luxury, as translated 
 from the inscription found in the tomb of Tarquinii, 
 taken along with that in favour of fair dealing against 
 doublefacedness and fraud, which these penitential 
 confessions give utterance to, may enable us to form 
 an estimate of the standard of morality among these 
 ancient Germans — of Etruria. 
 
( Gl ) 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SEPULCHRAL INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 Another and a very important class, and more 
 difficult to deal with, is tliat of the Sepulchral 
 Inscriptions, some of which I shall now submit to 
 you — always, be it remembered, with the limited 
 view of ascertaining whether the Etruscan language 
 is, as I believe it to be, or is not, Teutonic. I have no 
 doubt whatever that my translations are susceptible 
 in many points of correction and improvement. 
 
 Section I. — The Bilingual Inscriptions. 
 
 All the bilingual inscriptions — that is, those written 
 both in Etruscan and Latin, which have as yet been 
 discovered^are clearly of the sepulchral class, with 
 the exception of one, of which I must treat separately 
 at the end of this Section, and of the fragments of 
 another, too much mutilated to be intelligible. There 
 are eighteen of them in all, inscribed for the most 
 part on the lids or fronts of sarcophagi, or on funereal 
 tablets, and consisting merely of the names of defunct 
 personages. There is such a foscination in the very 
 idea of a bilingual inscription that you will be dis- 
 appointed, I fear, when I add that, with the exception 
 of the last in the series, which is of a very peculiar 
 character, the whole of them put together only 
 furnish one single positive Latin equivalent for an 
 Etruscan word other than a proper name. The 
 
62 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 Eosetta Stone would turn up its nose indignantly if 
 compared with these. Nevertheless they afford, in a 
 different manner, very strong confirmation of the 
 views advocated in this Memoir. Much that is quite 
 new is unfolded by a close inspection of these curious 
 records, and the following are the principal results 
 which that inspection has led me to : — First, — 
 whereas it has been taken for granted hitherto that 
 the Latin is in every instance a version of the 
 Etruscan inscription— that one and the same person 
 is denoted by both writings in each instance — this is 
 not always the case ; in some of the inscriptions both 
 husband and wife (or concubine) are separately com- 
 memorated ; and when that is the case, it is the 
 gentleman's name always which is given in the Latin 
 and the lady's in Etruscan. It is true that the lady 
 is not described by her own name — not (as a rule) as 
 Tanaquil or Arnthia— but by a simple repetition of 
 her husband's name with the addition of -sa or -sla, 
 — SA being equivalent in value, if you will excuse 
 the comparison, to ' Mrs.' The title -sla falls short 
 of that dignity, but has a definite status of its own.* — 
 2. It is noticeable, moreover, that the name of the 
 father is very often omitted in the Etruscan version, 
 and only that of the mother given ; whereas in the 
 Latin the father is (as a rule) always specified, and 
 the mother (except through indirect indication) 
 never, — an interesting illustration of the superior 
 importance attached to maternal descent among the 
 Etruscans. This circumstance, as compared with 
 
 * The I which always precedes sa and sla in the inscriptions is, I think, 
 the final letter of the hi^sband's name, to which the feminine title is sub- 
 joined. 
 
Skct. I. BILINGUAL. 63 
 
 the still existing usage of Yisi-Gothic (or Tervingian) 
 Spain, made a forcible impression on my mind in 
 favour of the consanguinity of the Visi-Goths and 
 Etruscans before commencing my study of the in- 
 scriptions. — 3. Again, where what appear at first 
 sight to be coynomina occur in the Latin version, to 
 which there are no equivalents in the Etruscan — the 
 Etruscans, as there is reason to believe, not liaving 
 used cognomina — I think that these can be shewn to 
 be agnomina, translated from the name of the mother 
 and attributed to the son — not as gentilitial or here- 
 ditary surnames, but as personal designations appro- 
 priate in each instance to the son alone ; a fact which 
 yet again illustrates that respect for mothers, and, it' 
 may be inferred, for the female sex in general, which 
 forms so favourable a characteristic of the Etruscans — 
 in common, it will be remembered, with the ancient 
 Germans as described by Tacitus. — 4. When the 
 prceyiomina in the Etruscan and Latin inscriptions 
 are different, it will be found that in almost every 
 instance the Latin name and the Etruscan have 
 precisely the same meaning, and are thus equiva- 
 lents — the Etruscan being peculiarly Teutonic in 
 character. — And 5, and lastly, in one case, where the 
 nomina themselves are totally different in the two 
 languages, it similarly turns out that they have one 
 identical signification — that the one is an absolute 
 equivalent for the other. The distinct nomenclature 
 in these last-named cases dates in all probability from 
 very early times. 
 
 It would weary you to go through the whole of 
 the bilingual inscriptions in detail ; but a selection 
 from those which illustrate the preceding pro]30sitions 
 
G i ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 may interest yon ; and you will find the whole series 
 in the first article of the Appendix suhjoined to this 
 volume. 
 
 The one Etruscan word rendered by a Latin equi- 
 valent, as above spoken of— excluding two which 
 occur in the last and peculiar inscription above 
 spoken of— is the sufiBx -al, translated 'natus' in 
 the following epitaph : — 
 
 KuiNTE • SiNU • ArNTNAL 
 
 Q ■ Sentius L • F • Arria natus ■ 
 (Fahretti, no. 980. At Chianciano.) 
 
 — This denotes " Quintus Sentius " (the t, as usual, 
 being omitted after n in Sinu), " son of L., born of 
 Arria." al, as rendered by ' natus,' has here un- 
 questionably the sense of ' born ' or ' child of,' and 
 this has long been recognised ; but the peculiar force 
 of the word consists in that it denotes derivation 
 from the female parent — tliat it is used always with 
 reference to the mother, not the father. This special 
 restriction is vindicated, I think, by its cognate origin 
 with the G-reek uXia, warmth, aXccdvco, aXOu}, to cause 
 to grow, the Latin ' alere,' but more especially with 
 the Teutonic al-an (M.-Groth.), ael-an (A.-S.), al-a 
 (0. N.), signifying in its inherent and fully deve- 
 loped sense, ' gignere et procreare ' — ala, in particu- 
 lar, being used in the 0. Northern speech with an 
 especial view to female progeniture ; in support of 
 which Ihre cites from the ' Hervarar Saga,' Swaiva ol 
 ham, i.e. ' Swawa genuit liberos.'* This is much to 
 
 * See too Mr. Cleasby's Icelandic- Eriglish Diet., art. ' ala.' Ala, in a 
 later sense, signifies 'educare,' to bring up a child or infant; and alder is 
 the word for ' foetus,' in Swedish. ' Ad-ol-esco,' * ind-ol-es,' ' sub-ol-es,' are 
 cognate forms in Latin. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 65 
 
 tlie pointj as the Asa and Tyrki, the ancestors of the 
 Northmen, were a branch (as I conceive) of the Visi- 
 Goths or Tervingi of Southern Europe, and thus, as 
 I have inferred, closely akin to the Tyrrheni of Italy. 
 — The ' L. F.' expressing the paternal descent, given 
 in the Latin, is omitted in tlie Etruscan version, in 
 accordance with the second of the results above laid 
 down.* 
 
 It has been supj^osed that the word klan in an- 
 other bilingual inscription denotes ' filius,' as shewn 
 by the context of the sentence, — 
 
 C • Cassius • C • F • Saturninus 
 
 V • KaZI ■ K • KLAN 
 
 {Fabretti, no. 460. Arezzo.) 
 
 But, although the relation indicated is real, as more 
 satisfactorily shewn by the position of klan in 
 other inscriptions, the w^ord is also applied, although 
 rarely, to daughters ; and occasionally the word 
 ETERA, that is andei'-, other, or ' second,' as I under- 
 stand it, is used in antithesis to klan in inscriptions 
 relating to the children of the same parents. The 
 suggestion of K. 0. Muller is therefore, I have little 
 doubt, correct, that klan denotes — ' child ' indeed, 
 but properly the ' first-born ' or ' eldest,' whether son 
 or daughter.^ I take it to be written short for 
 KLANT, the final letter being omitted ; and that it 
 represents the very ancient Aryan word preserved in 
 
 * Similar renderings of al by ' natiis,' ' nata,' may be seen in the bilingual 
 inscriptions consigned to the Appendix ; where examples will also bo found 
 of the name of the father being omitted while that of the mother is given. 
 See numbers XL, XII. 
 
 t Die Etruslier, vol. i. pp. 445-'). And for the examples, classified, sec 
 Fabretti, Gloss. Ital., pp. 854 sqq. 
 
 F 
 
66 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 Welsh as plant^ in Irish as eland, and in Gaelic as 
 clan, all denoting ' proles ' or offspring ; while it 
 exists in Gothic in a varied form as klahaim, — " par- 
 vuli " or " babes " in St. Luke x. 21, being rendered 
 by Ulphilas niu-klahaim ; and in the klagen, ^ parvuli,' 
 of Berlin, cited by Wachter.* 
 
 The qualification of -SLA denotes, as I understand 
 it, concubine — it occurs in the following inscription, — 
 
 Arth • Kanzna I Varnalisla 
 
 C • C/ESIUS • C • F ■ VaRIA • I NAT 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 252, tab. xxiii. At Florence.) 
 
 — The lady is here commemorated in the Etruscan 
 inscription, which has precedence over the Latin, and 
 the gentleman in the latter language, the lady's 
 quality only being given^ and not her personal name. 
 This qualification of -SLA is as common on Etruscan 
 tombs as that of -sa, of which I shall give an example 
 presently ; and I think it denotes, not a wife per 
 excellentiam, but, if I may so express myself, a legiti- 
 mate concubine; and that the word represents the 
 Teutonic sello, sella, gesella, companion, friend, or (for 
 the word is the same) felloiv — equivalent, in this 
 acceptation for the homely Scottish word for a wife 
 two or three hundred years ago, ' bedfellow.' There 
 were such things as secondary wives in old times ; 
 and the word etera, ' other," or ' second,' just men- 
 
 * The g in klagen, like the h in klahaim, represents, if I mistake not, an 
 aspirate or hard sound which is lost in cla7i, cla^id, plant, klan, but pre- 
 served in TSKvov, chicken ; while that hard sound, as well as the initial I, 
 which is lost in both these latter words, as well as in the cognate kinder, 
 children, is preserved in the O. N. klekicc and S.-G. klaecka (the Scottish 
 kleck and English hatch") in the sense of chickens or rfKva, — this last 
 vocable, klaecka, representing the oldest form of the I'oot of klan which I 
 shall here attempt to exhibit. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 67 
 
 tioned, which also occasionally appears with the 
 seeming signification of ' wife ' in the inscrif)tions, 
 denotes this -sla, if I mistake not, when so used, and 
 is the equivalent of the Greek eracpa, although of a 
 primitive and legal type, and not requiring, in the 
 old-fashioned phrase, to be ' made an honest woman 
 of.' The title amke (which does not, any more than 
 ETERA, occur in the bilingual inscriptions) may 
 perhaps have the same, or a kindred signification.* 
 These -slas, eteras, or amkes had a distinct position, 
 protected by law, among the Teutonic races down to 
 a comparatively late period. 
 
 We have the -sa, denoting 'wife,' in the following 
 inscription, which supports several of the results 
 above laid down : — 
 
 AeLCHEPHULNIAELCHES i KlARTHIALISA 
 
 Q • FoLNius • A • F ■ Pom 1 Fuscus 
 (Fahretti, no. 251. Found at Arezzo.) 
 
 The top line must be divided as Aelche Phulni 
 Aelches ; while Kiarthialisa shews that the 
 Etruscan inscription refers exclusively to the wife, 
 the Latin to the husband. We have here too the 
 first example of an agnomen, ' Fuscus,' foreign to the 
 Etruscan usage, but borrowed by translation from 
 the name of the mother of Q. Folnius, by name 
 KiARTHi, to augment the dignity of her- son in 
 Roman eyes. We have even, apparently, a cognomen 
 reflected in like manner from the Etruscan prcenomen ,• 
 and we have that Etruscan proBuomen in a Latin form, 
 completely different, but presumably identical with it 
 
 * I shall speak further on this subject in treating of the word amkk, 
 infra. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 in signification — as represented by Aelche and Q. 
 The present record is thus very fertile in illustration 
 of the peculiarities of the bilingual inscriptions. 
 
 The suffix -SA, with which the first line ends, has 
 long been recognised as equivalent to 'uxor,' and 
 may be compared with ' -issa,' signifying derivation, 
 as of the woman's name and authority from her 
 husband, — a form which occurs in all the German 
 languages except (in curious contrast to the pecu- 
 liarly Low-German character of al) the Scandinavian. 
 It may perhaps be nothing more than our simple 
 English (but most ancient) ' she '■ — a special formation 
 from the primitive sk, ' isli-a.' The personal name of 
 the wife is not given. 
 
 The key to the reconciliation of the p?renom{'na 
 Aelche and Q. — i.e. ' Quinctius' or ' Quintus' — is to 
 be found in the fact that both names signify ' quince,' 
 or rather ' of or pertaining to the quince,' — a deriva- 
 tion analogous to that of the surnames of the Fabii, 
 Lentuli, and many other Roman families, taken from 
 fruits or vegetables. A quince in German is quette, 
 or quette-haum. Quett-isch would be ' of or belonging 
 to a quince.' T and I are interchangeable letters ; 
 and thus qiiet- would become quel-, and quett-isch qiiell- 
 isch. But there is a constant tendency in Teutonic 
 words which begin with q to drop that letter, as 
 e. g. in quas^ which we have already shewn to be the 
 old form of feas-t, and in quell, ' fons,' the English 
 'well.' Our original Quett-isch thus becomes Uell- 
 isch — that is, in Etruscan, ^iL-CH, or more properly 
 iEL-sCH-, the Etruscan ^ having, I have suggested 
 and, I think, shewn, the force of sch. On the other 
 hand, the genius of the Latin dialect was less ready 
 
Sect. 1. BILINGUAL. 69 
 
 to part with the initial ^, as we see in the retention 
 of ' quatuor,' ' quinque,' ' quis,' as compared witli the 
 Celto-Grallic and Teutonic ' petor,' ' four,' the Greek 
 and ItaHc irivre, 'five,' and innumerable similar 
 words ; and thus ' Quinctius ' survives ; or in other 
 words, 'Quinctius' is simply the original quette, quecte, 
 with the 71 inserted for euphony, thus becoming 
 ' quencte,' 'Quinct-ius ' — the exact equivalent of Mi.- 
 SCHE. What may perhaps confirm this explanation 
 is the fact that a coin of the Quinctia gens engraved 
 in Dr. Smith's Diet, of Greek and Latin Biography and 
 Mythology, exhibits what I take to be a round fruit, 
 probably an apple or a quince, between the letters 
 ' T. Q.,' as, I presume, a family or heraldic device.* 
 
 But, as observed, a cognomen — Pom — is given to 
 Folnius in the Latin inscription, a most unusual thing 
 in the case of an Etruscan. It is borrowed, I think, 
 from the prcenomen just discussed, and whatever its 
 developed form, I suspect it to be* derived from 
 ' Pomum Cydonium,' the Latin name for the quette- 
 baum, or quince. f 
 
 We have last to deal with the agnomen Fuscus, as 
 given in the Latin inscription ; and this, in accord- 
 ance with the result or rule above stated, has been 
 
 * Rasche (in his Lex. . . Bei Nummarice Vett.) describes this as a 
 " clipeus rotundus ;" but the Eoman shield, at least in comi^aratively 
 modern times, was not rouud; and the device certainly looks more like an 
 apple than a shield. 
 
 t It is just possible that aelche may represent an original mael-, or 
 MAL-CHE, i.e. 'malum,' apple, — the M represented in this inscription by 
 the initial A, as it frequently is, in various languages, by to; while it may 
 have been wholly abraded by time, as is the case sometimes ; and this 
 would simply give us ' Malum Cydonium ' or ' Cydonia,' the quince, as in 
 the text. But for the fact that the digamma appears to be always given 
 in Etruscan, I should have read the ael in aelche as AfEL-, apfel-, 
 apple-ish. 
 
70 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 assigned in reference to the matronymic borne by 
 Fobiius, KiARTHiAL, i.e. 'mother's son of Kiarthi.' 
 That the letters k and su are interchangeable in 
 Etruscan, as in other languages, we shall find by 
 many examples ; and th is a softened form of ' z.' 
 KiARTH is thus simply the Teutonic suuarz, swarz, 
 swart, the exact equivalent of ' Fuscus.' 
 
 A similar case, in which an agnomen is attributed to 
 the Etruscan gentleman, borrowed from his mother's 
 name, occurs in the following inscription, — 
 
 C • LiCINI C ■ F • NiGRI 
 V ■ Lekne V • I Thapirnal 
 (Fabretti, no. 253. At Florence. Found at Siena.) 
 
 The agjiomen Niger here is formed from the name 
 of Thapirn, the mother of Licinius, as shewn by his 
 matronymic. We are at once reminded of the Grreek 
 ^o0e/9-o9, ' niger, ater, tenebrosus,' black as night, or 
 as the infernal regions ; while the word and the com- 
 mon root are equally known in Teutonic as zaiiher, 
 zauherey, zauhern, zauherinn, used for the ' black art,' 
 or magic, and its male and female professors. Our 
 English sombre (its connection with ' umbra ' being 
 merely collateral) is simply the Greek ^o(pep- or 
 Etruscan tbapirn, the or ^p' being written with 
 us in the more archaic form of ^^ or mb, which in 
 fact is represented in the German zauber as ub. 
 
 This process is so curious that I may cite yet a 
 further illustration from an inscription preserved at 
 Perugia, — 
 
 Pup- Velimna Au Kahatial 
 p • volumnius • a • f • violens 
 
 CaFATIA • NATUS 
 
 (Fabretti, no. 1496. Perugia.) 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 71 
 
 — The maternal name here was Kahati, or (as that 
 name is elsewhere written) Kaphati. This is simply 
 our modern German heftig, violent, vehement, the 
 older haftig, derived from the same root as the Etrus- 
 can CAPYS, or 7u\^, hawk or vulture, viz. hab-en, 
 ' cap-ere,' to seize ; and Yolumnius received the 
 Latin agnomen of Yiolens in consequence. 
 
 This inscription, which is on an ' area ' in form of 
 a temple, is very full and illustrative, Au, the patro- 
 nymic, being represented by ' A. F./ and -al being 
 translated, as usual, ' natus,' This ' area ' forms a 
 part of the treasures of the tomb of the Yolumnii 
 discovered on (or immediately adjacent to) the pro- 
 perty of the Conte Benedetto Baglioni, the descendant 
 of a family which gave sovereign ' signori ' to 
 Perugia, and, I suspect, also of the Yolumnii them- 
 selves, the two names being etymologically identical. 
 It was thus that tombs of the great and numerous 
 Ca3cina family of Yolterra and Rome were discovered 
 last century, one of them, if I recollect rightly, on 
 the actual property of the descendant of the family 
 near Yolterra, himself an ' Aulo Cecina ' by tradi- 
 tional family nomenclature. The direct line became 
 extinct in the person of a learned ecclesiastic early in 
 the present century. My belief is that many old 
 Etruscan families are still flourishing, and recog- 
 nisable. 
 
 Among the prcenomina differing in the two lan- 
 guages but of identical signification, that of the 
 Etruscan Yele or ' Yelius,' as interpreted by ' Caius,' 
 occurs most frequently. We have had an example of 
 this in the epitaph of Licinius just discussed, and 
 other instances may be seen in the Appendix. In all 
 
72 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 such cases the explanation must be sought for through 
 inquiring what objects the names denote in common in 
 the respective tongues. A proximate point of mutual 
 connection in the present instance j^i'esents itself in 
 the fact that while the Teutonic wald signifies forest, 
 the medieval-Latin ' gaia ' or ' gaium ' — whicli I shall 
 shew was likewise an Etruscan word — denotes the 
 thick wood or copse on the higher slopes of hills, — 
 the names ' Caius,' ' Caia,' ' Yelius,' ' Amelia ' being 
 thus tantamount, I might almost say, to ' Silvester ' 
 and ' Silvia/ names not wliolly in disuse among our- 
 selves. But the essential and ultimate point of con- 
 tact is more remote ; and the recollection of the old 
 formula 'Ubi tu Caius, ego Caia,' uttered by the 
 Roman wife on crossing her husband's threshold for 
 the first time — the fact that all women married by 
 ' co-exemptio ' were ' Caise,' according to Cicero — the 
 correspondence of one of the Sanscrit names for wife, 
 ' gaja,' with the Etruscan and Latin ' Caia '■ — the fact 
 that FaFa, F;/, the wife of the ancestral God Uranus, 
 and whose name is usually understood to denote the 
 Earth, was called so, as I conceive, originally as the 
 ' Gaja ' or ' Caia,' that is ' Wife ' per excellentiam — 
 and, lastly, the extreme antiquity of the name * Caius' 
 in Italy, common alike to Umbrian, Yolscian, Oscan, 
 and Roman — all contribute to refer that point of con- 
 tact to very primeval antiquity. Traced to its origin, 
 ' Caius ' or ' Gains ' (for both names are the same) is, 
 I think, identical with the old Egyptian ka, signifying 
 ' husband, male,' while ' Caia ' is the reflex or deriva- 
 tive from it, corresponding perhaps with the feminine 
 article and affix (also in Egyptian) t, or ta, — the roots 
 being primitive^ and the same with that from which 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 73 
 
 proceed the ' isli,' ' isba,' man and woman, husband 
 and wife, in Genesis. But ka has (in Egyptian again) 
 the parallel signification of 'bull,' and ha (also in 
 Egyptian) that of 'cow;' and these sister words, with 
 their varied meaning, descend collaterally through all 
 the Aryan languages — the husband and wife, bull and 
 cow, standing in correlative apposition to each other, 
 the bull as the emblem of Caius and the cow of Caia, 
 ' pater-' and ' mater-familias ' respectively. On the 
 other hand, a parallel series of words for ' bull ' (more 
 especially) likewise descends through the Aryan 
 tongues in derivation from very remote antiquity, 
 and of which afl, Fed, bala, strength, is a proximate 
 root; and of these words — of w^hich our English 
 ' bull/ a word used by metonymy, like ka, for any 
 male animal, is the best known representative — the 
 alternate root must be presumed to be that of which 
 the Canaanitish baal is the oldest recorded example ; 
 baal denoting man and husband in Canaanitish as ishi 
 does in Hebrew or Semitic — Baal thus corresponding 
 with ' Yel-ius' as I.shi, Ka, does with Caius, alike in 
 sound and signification.* The result is that, traced 
 to their oi^'iglnes, Yele in Etruscan has the same 
 force as ' Caius ' in Latin, and the two words could be 
 used interchangeably ; although, as ' Caius ' was 
 equally familiar to Roman and Etruscan while Vele 
 was hardly known as a proper name beyond the 
 
 * On the signification of haal as man and husband, see an article by ]\lr. 
 K. Stuart Poole on ' Baal ' (in the geographical sense) in Dr. Smith's Diet, 
 of the Bible, vol. i. p. 146. — " In Hos. ii. 16, a remarkable instance is j^re- 
 served of the distinction . . between the heathen Baal and the Hebrew 
 Ish, — 'at that day, saith Jehovah, men shall call Me Ishi and sliall call 
 Me no more Buali,' both words having the sense of 'my husband.'" — Jshi 
 is rendered in the Greek by 6 dvrjp jiov. 
 
74 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 Etrurian bounds, the Romans used the former name 
 by preference when the Etruscans wrote Yele. 
 
 Lastly, before passing to the bilingual inscrijDtion 
 already spoken of as differing in character from all 
 the others, I may pause on that referred to in the 
 fifth of the series of results above noticed. It was 
 discovered at Chiusi, the ancient Clusium, and is as 
 follows : — 
 
 Ath • Unata • Varnal Ra 
 
 M • OTACILIUS • RUFUS • Varia • natus 
 
 {Fabretti, no. 794. Clusium.) 
 
 This inscription, a most interesting one in many 
 respects, presents us with a case in which not only 
 the pramomina but the nomina themselves, Unata 
 and ' Otacilius ' differ, and may be presumed to be 
 equivalent in the Latin and Etruscan languages. 
 That the two versions both relate to one person can 
 hardly be doubted, as there is no indication of wife- 
 hood in the Etruscan ; while the correspondence of 
 ' Yaria natus ' with ' Yarnal ' almost prescribes the 
 presumption. 
 
 I should connect Unata, first, with the Etruscan 
 And AS, interpreted ' Boreas' by Hesychius ; secondly, 
 with Ant^, likewise (on the same authority) Etruscan 
 for the ' winds ;' and thirdly, with Antar, another 
 Etruscan word, signifying (still according to Hesy- 
 chius) aerov, the eagle. Antar, as I have shewn 
 in the Glossary in the Appendix, is a compound of 
 weat, ant, and, wint, wind, and ar, to go, or travel, as 
 a voyager on the storm, ar having the collateral sense 
 of messenger, as in the Greek ' Iris ' for example, and 
 other Teutonic words — the Etruscan ' Aruns ' being 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. /O 
 
 probably connected witli it ; while ar, ctro, has more- 
 over the independent sense of ' eagle.' * Axt.e is 
 also a variety of ivint, wind, and Andas is a com- 
 pound of this same ajit, wint, or possibly of andl, 
 * regio,' and eis, ice, — while ' Boreas,' the equivalent 
 of Andas, has the signification alike of the North- 
 wind and of the God who presides over it. ' Aquilo ' 
 is his alternate title in Latin — one equally applicable 
 to Andas and (as we shall find) Unata. 
 
 Turning to 'Otacilius' — 'CiTadX-, as it is written 
 in Greek, with the initial long — and dividing the 
 word as 'Ot-acil-,' I should identify i. 'Of with iceat, 
 wind, ut supra ; and, ii. ' -acil ' with ' aquil-a/ eagle 
 (the vogel, or bird, per excellentiam) ; and, further, 
 with ' Aquilo,' Boreas, a name used indiscriminately 
 (as just stated) for the North Wind and the deity 
 who impersonates it; and which is etymologically 
 one with the Old-Northern and Aryan jokull, the 
 " thick-ribbed ice " of the north, — so far correspond- 
 ing to Andas. 
 
 I should hardly venture, on this ground alone, to 
 identify Unata with ' Otacil-' as Etruscan and Latin 
 equivalents of ' Boreas ' or ' Aquilo,' the eagle-spirit 
 or demon of the North-wind ; but the convergence of 
 testimony tends to that conclusion, as I shall now 
 shew ; and the result has a direct ethnological value 
 in regard to one particular family (at least) among 
 the Etruscans. 
 
 The detection of a common element in the eagle 
 as connected with the two names Unata and ' Ota- 
 cil-ius,' is supported by the fact that the coins of 
 
 * Wint, went (the earlier form), springs fro:n luai-an, to blow, as dtTos, 
 eagle, does from the kindred aw, (irjui, to blow. 
 
76 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 Marcia Otacilia Severa, wife of the Emperor Philip 
 I., the most important personage of the Gens Ota- 
 cilia, exhibit (as a rule) an eagle as their device, the 
 bird usually holding a wreath of laurel in his beak or 
 the thunderbolt in his claw, while a palm-branch is 
 displayed in tlie field, and Otacilia's head is cinctured 
 by the crescent moon, — the eagle being thus presum- 
 ably the heraldic cognisance of the ' gens,' and the 
 various accessories referential to its traditions. But 
 this cognisance points, if I mistake not, to more than 
 mere symbolic allusion, — taken in connection with 
 other facts, it seems to indicate a claim on the part of 
 the Unata, Antar, or ' Otacilian ' family to descent 
 from the semi-divine Boreas himself — or, as I may 
 now perhaps venture to suggest, from the great 
 Jotun giant of the North celebrated in the Edda 
 under the name of ' Hraesvelgr ' — the ' Aquilo ' or 
 ' Boreas,' as I conceive, of the common ancestors of 
 the Northmen and the Etruscans. 
 
 That the classical Boreas was looked upon as of 
 the eagle kind, or invested with the qualities of the 
 eagle, is clear from his title ' Aquilo ; ' and thus Ovid 
 uses no mere metaphor when he writes, 
 
 " Excussit pennas, qiiarum jactatibus omnis 
 Afflata est tellus ; latumque perhorruit ffiquor."* 
 
 In parallelism to this, but with more ethnological 
 distinctness, we read in the Edda that the Jotun or 
 giant Hraesvelgr dwells at the extremity of the 
 North in the shape of an eagle, or indued at least 
 with eagles' wings, by shaking which he produces 
 
 * Metam. vi., 703-4. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 
 
 the wind which sweeps over the eartli.* Reverting 
 again to Boreas, his two sons, the Boreades, Zetes 
 and Calais, are described as winged, in which capa- 
 city they drive away the Harpies who tormented 
 Pliineiis, during the Argonaiitic Expedition, and act 
 as envoys or messengers of Zeus in conveying Latona 
 to tlie protection of Poseidon when threatened by 
 Pytho, — minghng the while among men in every 
 other respect as human beings. With these facts 
 before us, and keeping the heraldic or medallic 
 symbol of the eagle in recollection, I can hardly doubt 
 that ' Hraesvelgr,' ' Boreas,' ' Aquilo,' ' Andas,' and 
 ' Antar ' are bnt various names for the same person- 
 age, — that the ' Otacilii ' or U nata claimed descent 
 from him, — and that the eagle on the coins is 
 assumed in token and memory of this Hyperborean 
 pedigree. You might perhaps hesitate were I to 
 suggest that ^ Hraes-velgr ' — for so, I think, the 
 name should be etymologically divided f — is a Scan- 
 dinavian form of 'Boreas-fylg,' the latter word denot- 
 ing guardian spirit, ' Boreas-fylg ' being thus equiva- 
 lent to ' Boreas the uyyeXo^, or messenger ; ' and that 
 'CIt-uklX- may be ultimately resolvable into this com- 
 pound name ; but the inference is palpably supported 
 by the facts, that, by an ancient tradition, the ' Ota- 
 cilii ' derived their origin from Dacia, that is, Thrace, 
 — that Boreas lived (according to mythological 
 
 * "Tell me, . . whence the wind comes, that over ocean passes, itself 
 invisible to man ? " — " Hra^svelg he is called, who at the end of heaven sits, 
 a Jotun in an eagle's plumage : From his wings comes, it is said, the wind, 
 that over all men passes." — Lay of Vafthrudnir, vss. 36, 37 ; ' Edda,' 
 transl. by Mr. Thorpe, 186G, vol. i. p. 16. 
 
 t It is currently divided as hrce-svehjr, and derived from Imr, 'cadaver,' 
 and sudg-, 'deglutire,' — 'devourer of corpses.' But this etymology is in no 
 wise sui>i)orted bv the legends of the North. 
 
' 78 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 legend) in Thrace, — and that the ' Hraes ' in ' Hraes- 
 velgr ' is etymologically the same as Opa^ and 
 * Thrac-e,' on the one hand, and ' Boreas ' on the 
 other, — the Getce moreover, the inhabitants of Dacia, 
 being proto-Goths, or Jotims — the ' Jiithungi ' being 
 evidently one of their divisions — of the precise breed 
 of Hraesvelgr. And I may draw a further illustra- 
 tion from the extremely curious but neglected record, 
 the ' Fundinn Noregur ' or ' Origines Norvegioe,' the 
 oldest and most precious relic of Thoringa history, or 
 rather genealogy, anterior to Odin — a record which 
 can be shewn to be trustworthy by the aid of tradi- 
 tions absolutely unknown to Scandinavia. We have 
 there ' Frost,' otherwise named ' Jokull,' as, in the 
 ascending line, the son of ' Kare,' the God of the 
 Winds, and, in the descending, as the ancestor of 
 ' Thor,' that is, of Thor, the eponymus of the Thoringa 
 (of whom the Thrakes were a branch), and ancestor of 
 the conqueror Odin, as distinguished from Thor, the 
 God, the son of Odin, as identified with the All-fader or 
 Supreme Deity. But ' Frost-Jokull ' is evidently the 
 same combination as ' Hraes-velgr,' ' Boreas- Aquilo,' 
 TiT-aAiX-, this last being the Latin equivalent of the 
 Etruscan Unata, Andas, Antar. The identification 
 of the names Unata and ' Otacilius,' names at first 
 sight so dissimilar, through a common etymological 
 element, and apparently common traditional descent, 
 may thus perhaps be considered established. And if 
 so, my view that the Tyrrheni were of the great 
 Thuringic, Tervingic or Tyrki stock, w^ho must under 
 any circumstances have held the tradition concerning 
 ' Hraes-velgr ' or ' Aquilo ' in common, is confirmed 
 in a very curious manner. 
 
Sect. I. RILINGUAL. i 9 
 
 The branch of laurel and the crescent moon on the 
 coins of Marcia Otacilia may perhaps be allusive to 
 the good service performed to Apollo and Diana 
 in the person of their mother Latona by Zetes and 
 Calais, the Boreades, from one or other of whom 
 the Otacilii, or Uxata, presumably derived their 
 ancestry. 
 
 The prcBiiomma Atb. and M., and the cognominaJiA 
 and RuFus, in the respective versions of the inscrip- 
 tion may merit notice . 
 
 M., I suspect, stands for ' Marcus ' or * Marcius,' 
 which seems to have been a favourite prcenomen with 
 the Otacilii. Remembering that the characteristics 
 and names of Mars and Mercury resolve into the 
 same in many mythologies,^ and that Mercury was 
 the God of boundaries, we may perhaps assume that 
 the root of ' Marcus ' or ' Marcius ' here is mark, a 
 boundary or land-mark. Ath, on the other hand, 
 may be the basis of the Etruscan aiser and Teutonic 
 eter, which we have recognised as implying likewise 
 a boundary-stone or .landmark. Ath may possibly 
 be identical, as a personal name, with ' Otho ' — that 
 of the Roman Emperor, an Etruscan, with tlie ' Azo ' 
 of medieval Italy, and the ' Other,' ' Auster-ius,' 
 which we find in Grail ic France — in which latter form 
 it runs parallel with aiser, eter. But my impression 
 is that Ath, ' Otho,' and ' Azo ' (at least), are but 
 abraded forms of an earlier ' Tath,' or ' Taut,' answer- 
 ing to ' Tet,' the ancient name of Hermes or Mer- 
 cury, and which in a still earlier and fuller form was 
 written ' Thoth ' and ' Zet ; ' and that we thus have 
 in Ath the actual name ' Zetes,' that of the eaglet 
 son of Boreas himself, and whom I take to have been 
 
80 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 one of the innumerable forms in wliich the idea, of 
 the messenger-god was manifested — Hermes, or Mer- 
 cury, it will be remembered, being winged (and with 
 mechanical or artificial plumage) likewise. The abode 
 of Hraesvelgr, as dwelling at the ' end ' — audi — of 
 heaven, implies an eter, or landmark. Ath and M., 
 understood as Marcus or Marcius, thus tally, as above 
 shewn, in Etruscan and Latin. 
 
 The final Ra, in the Etruscan inscription, and 
 RuFUS in the Latin, must not be overlooked. Rufus, 
 by the analogy of the inscription to the memory of 
 ' Publius Yolumnius, A. F. A^iolens, Cafatia natus,' 
 should be a formation from the name of the mother 
 of Otacilius, Tarn or 'Varia.' M^arna,' the word 
 for caste in Sanscrit, denotes properly ' colour,' and 
 red being the peculiar heraldic badge of the Aryan 
 race, Rufus would thus supply a fitting agnomen. 
 But we have, I think, a closer link between Varn, 
 ' Yarin,' and RuFUS in the Pelasgic word Trvpp-o^, 
 ' burr-US,' denoting ' rufus ; ' and Yarn, ' A'aria,' has, 
 I presume, been understood as 'burr-a' or -Kvpp-a by 
 the epigraphist on this occasion.* 
 
 Ra, on the other hand, cannot be a cognomen, the 
 
 * It is worth notice that ' aquihis,' — blackish or dusky, is explained in 
 an ancient Glossary as p.fKav, m? 6 XovniXkios. The Lnciliiwerea plebeian 
 (i.e. a non-Roman) gens at Rome, Cf-lebrated only for the poet Lucilius, the 
 father of Roman satire, a native of Sucssa in Campania, once an Etruscan 
 province. I cannot say whether ' Otacilius ' was ever written ' Olacilius ' 
 or 'Lucilius,' but one of the cognomina of the Lucilii was 'Rufus.' The 
 above reference is cited by Wachter from Huet, who adds, " Nos Galli 
 dicimus ?ff &«se pari significatu; nam G'allice bis nigrum sonat. In qui- 
 husdam Galli.'e nostrfe locis vcntus Thracias (Thrascias) nic/er vocatur." 
 See Wacht(r, Gloss. Germanicum, art. ^ Beisswind, boreas, aquilo,' &c. — 
 Bis, like the Greek <pai6s, ' fusciis,' dusky, the equivalent of 'aquilus,' is a 
 degenerated form of zwarz, ziraz, suasus, black, the initial z having been 
 abraded, as in the parallel case of ' bis,' 8is, ' duis ' (Lat. antiq.), zwm, itc. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAT>. 81 
 
 use of which was foreign to Etruscan usage ; it is 
 hardly conceivable that it should in any shape (even 
 abridged) represent the actual name Hraesvelgr ; and 
 T would' only suggest, with great hesitation, that it 
 may be the complement of Unat-a, And-as, mak- 
 ing up the full equivalent of Ant-ar, with the 
 matronymic interposed, although there does not 
 appear any adequate motive for such interpolation 
 here.* 
 
 I now pass to the last of the bilingual inscriptions 
 — one which stands apart from the rest, not only 
 through the fullness of its alternate readings but the 
 singularities attending it otherwise, and which render 
 it somewhat doubtful whether it be really of Etruscan 
 origin, I cannot even affirm that it is of a sepul- 
 chral character, — but, if not so, it must at least have 
 been of the nature of a monumental slab or epigraph, 
 for the purpose of preserving the memory of a dis- 
 tinguished man before the eyes of his countr^^men. 
 It runs thus, — 
 
 * As this particular notice Las run to greater length than I intended, I 
 subjoin in a note that Ath, ' Zetes,' the son of Boreas, or Hraesvelgr, may 
 perhaps be identical with the Jotun ' Thiassi,' equally celebrated for his 
 eagle-plumage, and who carried off Iduna, as Zetes carried off Latona 
 (although with a different motive), and Boreas himself Orithyia, as 
 recorded in classic story. I hardly like to suggest that all these names are 
 ctymologically convertible. Through Orithyia the Boreades had intimate 
 relations with Athens, and Calais is stated to have founded Cales in (the 
 once-Etruscan) Campania in Italy. ' Thiassi,' on the other hand, is 
 apparently identical with ' Thessalus,' the son of Hercules, from whose son 
 Aleuas descended the great and (as they were denominated) 'kinglj-' 
 house of the Aleuada; of Larissa in Thessaly — a race whom 1 have felt 
 strongly tempted to connect with the Jarls of Hlade in Norway. The 
 Xircunomen Ath appears to point tit supra to Zetes as the ancestor ol' 
 the Otacilii in ijreference to Calais, and Zetes being thus apparently the 
 same as Thiassi, I think it not impossible that they — the Unata, or 
 Antar-, in their Etruscan name — may have been one of the many 
 branches of the Aleuadaj. 
 
82 ETEUSCAN INSCEIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 . . . F • ATIUS • L ■ F • STE • HARUSPE[X] 
 
 FULGURIATOR 
 
 KAPHATES • LR ■ LR • NETSVIS • TRUTNVT • PHRONTAK • * 
 
 (Olivieri's Marmora Pisaurensia, 1738, p. 11 ; pp. 56 sqq.) 
 
 — Fabretti ranks it among the Umbrian inscriptions ; 
 it certainly was discovered at Pesaro in Urnbria, 
 where it is now preserved ; moreover, its calh'graphy 
 exhibits many variations from the style of Etruria 
 proper. It speaks, however, of a personage whose 
 public offices, that of ' Fulgm-ator ' especially, were 
 peculiarly Etruscan ; and the words appear to me to 
 be Teutonic, or explainable at least by that language. 
 It is of course conceivable that an inscription in 
 honour of a man exercising an art so widely spread 
 as that of the Haruspex might be written in a dialect 
 not Etruscan. On the other hand, the word nets vis 
 is found in a genuine inscription of Clusium, and 
 this sets up a counter-presumption in favour of its 
 Etruscan origin. The inscription is engraved in very 
 ornate characters on a block of marble ; and, from 
 the style of the Latin portion of the calligraphy, 
 cannot be earlier than the last age of the Republic ; 
 while the form ' Fulguriator ' instead of ' Fulgurator ' 
 witnesses to provincial inaccuracy. 
 
 I reserve the consideration of the surname of the 
 subject of the epigraph, and begin with the con- 
 cluding words descriptive of his public offices, 
 
 NETSVIS, TRUTNVT, PHRONTAK. 
 
 Taking the word phrontak first, in connection 
 with 'Fulguriator,' it appears to be a compound of 
 PHRONT and AK, — i. phront being comparable — not 
 
 * The dots at the bottom of the line denote missing letters. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 83 
 
 witli fSpopTi), thunder, tbe Fulgurator being tlie espe- 
 cial interpreter of tlie lightning', but with brennen, 
 hrcmt, brand, in the sense of a thunderbolt ; while ak 
 is connectible with 'ico, ict-us,' stroke, and more 
 remotely with clkU, a point, taken in connection with 
 7re\-eKv^, the original flint-axe or hammer (as I take 
 it to have been) of Thor, and with the ancient idea 
 that flint arrow-heads — elf-bolts as they were called 
 — were thunderbolts. The name, in a Latinised form, 
 of the Etruscan god ' Jupiter Ehcius,' to whom 
 Romulus is said to have dedicated an altar on the 
 Aventine, and from whom the Etruscans evoked 
 (' eliciebant ') lightnings by their sacrifices, is appa- 
 rently a compound of * El ' = ' HI' = ' Hr ' = 'Ey?yo-o<r, 
 and ^ic-,' that is, the ak here in question. A com- 
 bination to the same effect, and shewing a nearer 
 relationship to pheoxtak exists in the titles of 
 ' Thor-Aku' and ' Taran-Ukko' given to the Thunder- 
 God of the Scandinavians and Finns ; Taran-Ukko 
 more particularly being identical with the ' Perkunas,' 
 'Perun,' &c., of the Lithuanian, Lettish, and Slavo- 
 nian branches of the Aryan race, <j) and 6 being 
 always interchangeable. But phrontak seems to 
 represent here the simple idea of ' lightning-stroke,' 
 or ' fulgur.' I do not think that it includes the active 
 force of ' -ator ' in ' Fulguri-ator, the sense of which 
 must be sought for elsewhere. 
 
 Proceeding to trutnvt, the word which corre- 
 sponds in position with 'Haruspex,' I should divide it 
 as TRUTN-VT. It is susceptiblc of two interpretations, 
 and we must defer election between them till the 
 remainder of tlie inscription has been analysed. In 
 the later and more proximate signification, and 
 
 o 2 
 
84 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 which answers to the classical sense of ' Haruspex,' (or 
 rather ' Haruspicium,') trutn appears to me to re- 
 present a word denoting the intestines — which must, 
 I think, have existed in ancient German — derived 
 (like drat, ' filmn tortum,' for example) from drehen 
 (remotely akin to the Greek arpecpeiv), to twist or 
 turn round and round, — the obvious superficial 
 characteristic of the entrails. Yt, again, in this 
 proximate or secondary sense of trutnvt, is con- 
 nective with such words as the Homeric tW-e/ja, the 
 Ionic tvT-ctfxva), the Latin ' int-estinus ' and ' exta,' and 
 the Teutonic (^iuz-, giut-, gut ; while the word l'v6-eo^, 
 'enth-eus,' i.e. ' numine afflatus,' has evidently an 
 origin much older than the ej^-6'€09 from which it is 
 popularly derived, connecting itself with the ideas 
 which placed the seat of inspiration, of the divine 
 trift, or 'afifectus,' in the yacTyp, or belly, and pro- 
 duced the word for a false prophet, lyyaaTplfxvOo^. 
 But, while trutnvt has this proximate signification, 
 it appears to me, in its remote origin, to be a com- 
 pound, in the first instance, of trutx, a word 
 identical with Druhtin, Truhtin, ' Dominus, Deus,' in 
 the sense of Lord and Governor — a very ancient 
 word, familiar both to the Germans proper and Scan- 
 dinavians, found even in Etruria as cpovva, druxa, 
 government, according to the testimony of Hesychius, 
 and perhaps too the same which gave their name to 
 the ' Druids ' of Gaul and Britain ; and, secondly, of 
 VT, equivalent to '■ fat-,' ' fat-um,' oracle, or to ' vat-,' 
 * vat-es-,' -0//T1/9, clFolco^, prophet, — trutnyt thus 
 signifying, originally and properly, ' Prophet ' — or 
 ' Oracle ' — ' of God.' The words ' Haruspex,' ' Haru- 
 spicium,' exhibit precisely the same double significa- 
 
Sect. J. BILINGUAL. 85 
 
 tioii — ' Haruspex,' proximately, in tlie personal sense, 
 as tlie liira-sjxili, that is, ' Intestine-viewer,' or hira-spec, 
 ' Intestine-prophet ;' and remotely, as llru-spdh, or 
 Ilru-spec, ' Seer or Prophet of Hru, 'E/)^o9, or God ;' 
 while the action or activity expresses itself in the 
 derivative ' Haruspic-ium.' * 
 
 Without pausing to determine the exact significa- 
 tion of TKUTNVT here, I proceed to netsvis, the third 
 word from the end in the sentence. To this there is 
 apparently no erpiiyalent in the Latin version ; for 
 ' Ste • ' must, by position and analogy, represent the 
 agnomen derived from the mother's name. The fourth 
 letter in netsvis has certainly more resemblance to an 
 ' M ' than an ' s ' in the inscription (especially as com- 
 pared with the ' N,' as engraved) ; but the calligraphy 
 is very peculiar, and the ' s ' occurs unmistakeably 
 in what is evidently the same word in the inscription 
 above-mentioned discovered at Chiusi, viz., — 
 
 NaE ■ KIKU I PETHNAL ' NETS'viS 
 
 which is translated by Fabretti (by the aid of the 
 present inscription of Pesaro) as 'Na3vius Cocnes, 
 Petini^ filius, Haruspex.' f Netsvis, divisible as 
 Nets-vis, has likewise two significations, a proximate 
 
 * Dr. Donaldson thinks that " haruspex was the genuine Pelasgian form, 
 trutnft being tlie Easenic or Etruscan synonym." — " As trie in IceLandic 
 signifies fides or religio, and fit-la = Itviter digitos mouere (where -la is 
 merely a frequentative affix, Eask, Old Norse Grammar, p. 1G8), I 
 recognise teinn = hacillus in the middle of tru-tn-ft, and refer the whole to 
 the use of the lituus by the Etruscan haruspex. Those who are not satisfied 
 with this analysis may compare trutnft with the Eunic trutin, ' God,' 
 (Dieterich, p. 322), and feta, ' inveuire ' (Egilsson, p. 167)." — Varron., 
 p. 187. 
 
 t Bulhttim deW lustituto Archeol. di lloma, &c. 1866, p. 240. lie had 
 expressed a doubt in the 'Corpus' as to the genuineness of the inscription, 
 which he retracts in the paper referred to. 
 
86 ETKUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 and limited, a remoter and general one. In the 
 proximate sense, it is analysable as i. nets, equivalent 
 to v?](ni9, 'intestinum jejunum,' so called from its 
 being usually found empty, — vTjan^ standing in 
 parallel line with j/Z/^uta and i/iyEw, the belly, and find- 
 ing its root, I suspect, in that represented by v{]6o), 
 the Gaelic sniomh, the Welsh nyddu, and the Teutonic 
 hnyta, knit, or 7iet, signifying, in some cases specially, 
 to spin, and in all, in a general sense, to twist — the 
 root extending, in fact, into the Turanian and Semitic 
 languages,* — and, ii. vis, equivalent to wts, wise, as 
 in ivisa (S.-Gr.), iveisen, ' ostendere ' (the peculiar word 
 used for portents, ' ostenta '), ' explicare,' &c., with the 
 ultimate sense of ' vid-eo,' to-e'w, to see or ascertain by 
 observation, or know. The general or remoter signi- 
 fication is again to be found in the identity (as I 
 think) of NETS and Ana-wort ^ ' word of Ana,' ' Ans,' 
 or ' Deity ' (conf. antvjort der Gotter, oracle), a com- 
 pound which has been abraded and softened down 
 into Neverit- and Nort-, as in the names of 
 ' Neverita,' the ' Dea Eeverentiae ' of Martianus 
 Capella, and of ' Nortia,' the Etruscan Goddess of 
 Fortune ; and, still further^ into the ' nut-,' the sym- 
 bolical ' nutus,' or ' nod ' of Jove (not to be con- 
 founded with not, ' necessitas,' which is derived from 
 
 * N?;o-Teuw, to fast, is usually derived from j/^oris ; but the etymology 
 is rather from an-ezan, ' not to eat ;' and the idea conveyed by vr^a-nvoi 
 would associate itself, I should think, with the ' dies nefasti,' or unlucky 
 days— dedicated, I presume, originally to the deities of counter and de- 
 pressed religions, on which, as on our Friday, the priests of the dominant 
 religion prescribed 'jejunium.' The special sense of vriams in the text is 
 therefore, I think, secondary; originally it meant, simply, 'intestinum.' 
 The idea of ' nexus,' complication, extended itself from the root illustrated 
 in the text to the opcra'ious iu magic, so familiar to students of the Black 
 Art. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 87 
 
 a distinct root) ; and last (almost) of all, into ' fatum,' 
 that which is enounced prophetically, — xets, in combi- 
 nation with VIS, iceis-, thus signifying the ' ostentator ' 
 or ' shewer forth of the response ' of God — in equi- 
 valent value to what I believe to have been tlie 
 primitive sense of ' au-spex/ ' au-gur,' before the idea 
 of observing special signs, birds, or otherwise, had 
 suggested itself. A preponderance in value is given 
 to this last etymology from the almost isolated 
 character of the word v?]gtl<;, as expressing intestines, 
 — the word being apparently Hellenic, not Pelasgian, 
 as shewn by its being represented by a different 
 word in Latin.* 
 
 Reviewing therefore the facts and circumstances, 
 1. That two Latin words, ' Fulguriator ' and ' Haru- 
 spex,' express the distinct acts and personal agency of 
 two classes of diviners, those who divined by light- 
 ning and those who divined by the entrails of the 
 victim, — 2. That among the (presumed) Etruscan 
 equivalents, phrontak expresses only \hQ object of 
 the observation of the ' Fulguriator,' not his activity 
 or personality, — 3. That tkutnvt, which answers to 
 ^ Haruspex,' may be presumed therefore to have a 
 similarly restricted signification, — 4. That np]TSV1S is 
 used in the inscription of Chiusi apparently in a 
 general and comprehensive sense, which the deriva- 
 tion above suggested warrants, — and lastly, That 
 XETSVis, being first among the three words, may be 
 expected to govern the whole, while it has a})parently 
 no immediate equivalent in the Latin, — I think, on 
 these grounds, we may be justified in reading 
 
 * If 'exta' be an abraded form of vria-r-is, v-ija-T-, as I have soinetimes 
 thought, this last observation woiild require to be modified. 
 
88 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 NETSVIS • TRUTNVT • PHRONTAK aS 'AugUr/ i.e. 
 
 ' Ostentator ' or declarer of the will of God, ' through 
 Haruspieia' and ^Lightnings,' — netsyis, or 'Augur,' 
 being the personal title, and trtjtnyt and phrontak 
 expressing the particular character of his divination. 
 The Augurs, Haruspices, and Fulguratores formed 
 distinct schools (as it were) among the Etruscan 
 prophets, but there was no reason why one man 
 should not exercise two or more functions ; and the 
 title ' Augur ' was etymologically, and by mytholo- 
 gical use (as in the epithet ' Augur Apollo '), tlie 
 most generic and comprehensive title of all. 
 
 Travelling now from the end to the beginning of 
 the inscription, I have to suggest that the Kaphates 
 of the Etruscan line should be divided as Kaph • 
 Ates, and the lost letters at the commencement of 
 the Latin be restored as ' Naef • Atius.' That the 
 Etruscan name should be so divided is imperative, 
 first, because otherwise the title would be without 
 a prcenomen, which cannot be supposed ; and, 
 secondly, because the separation by a point in the 
 Latin version prescribes it. The letters preceding 
 '-F ' in the Latin text, might undoubtedly be read 
 ' Oaf.,' answering to Kaph • , but I suspect tliat they 
 were ' Naef.,' short for ' Navius,' or ' Na3vius,' mainly 
 on the ground that the latter name occurs as that of 
 a certain. ' M. Nsevius, M. F. Pal.J Magnus Augur,' 
 in another Pesarese (exclusively) Latin inscription, 
 shewing that the word ' Na3vius,' although there 
 figuring as a nomen, was in familiar use at Pesaro. 
 If this be so, the two names Kaph • and ' Naef.,' or 
 ' Nasvius ' would appear to be equivalents — proxi- 
 mately, I mean— (as in the case of Yele, ' Caius,' 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 89 
 
 KiARTH, ' Fnscus,' and others) — in the two] lan- 
 guages, — Kaph • representing the ancient Jcp, the 
 hand or fist, and ' Na3v-' the root from which pro- 
 ceeds nam-an, to take, i.e. by the hand — the same too 
 that we have in the cant words, ' nimm ' and ' nab,' 
 but which may be recognised still more closely in the 
 S.-Gr. noefice and Scottish neive, the fist. ' Ates ' or 
 ' Atius,' the name itself, is etymologically, I think, 
 akin to aoilo^, or ' vates,' as I propose to illustrate 
 more fully. 
 
 It remains for me to notice the two words, 
 evidently abridged, lr • and lr • , which follow the 
 pramomen and nomen in the Etruscan inscription. 
 With these must be considered the ' Ste • ' in the 
 Latin version. The first lr • is evidently the Etrus- 
 can equivalent of ' L. F.,' and must be understood, 
 I presume, as ' Lartis filius,' * son -of Larth,' or Lars. 
 The second lr • occupies the usual place of the matro- 
 nymic, and I should read it as Larthial, * son of 
 Larthia.' ^ Ste • ,' which corresponds to it in place, 
 must represent a cognomen translated from 'Larthia ;' 
 and remembering the Grascising affectations which 
 came in during the latter days of the Roman Re- 
 public, I suspect that this cognomen was ' Stephanus,' 
 and that the association of ideas was with ' Lar ' or 
 ' Lars,' the root of ' Larthia,' understood (whether 
 rightly or wrongl}') in connection with the ' laurus ' 
 or laurel — that tree connected so closel}' with the 
 practice of augury and worship of its supreme repre- 
 sentative, Apollo.* 
 
 * ' Ste.' in Roman inscriptions usually stands for ' Stellatinus,' i. c. a 
 member of the Stellatina tribe, which gave name to extensive jtn-isdictions 
 in LTmbria, Campania, and Etruria. Pisaurum (Pesaro) did not however lie 
 within the limits of any of these. Had the abbreviation borne tliis mean- 
 
90 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 The double inscription thus reads as a whole, ac- 
 cording to the above restoration, — " Nsevius Attus, 
 son of Larth, mother's son of Larthia," surnamed 
 " Stephanus : Augur " in the quality of "Haruspex" 
 and " Fulgurator." 
 
 I would crave your indulgence for one more re- 
 mark ere dismissing this very interesting record, — 
 although, indeed, I may shelter myself by pleading 
 that it involves the discussion of an independent 
 inscription, that above cited as existing at Chiusi to 
 the memory of 
 
 NaE • KIKU I PETHNAL j NETSVIS 
 
 • — Here, differently from the inscription to the 
 memory of M. Nsevius the ' Magnus Augur ' of 
 Pesaro, Nae • figures as the prainomen, as in the case 
 ofKAPH • AxES^or^Naef • Atius.' What I wish to 
 shew is, that kiku is an Etruscan variety of a very 
 ancient word equivalent to ' vates,' and thus, as I 
 believe, to Ates, ' Atius,' or ' Attus,' ut supra. The 
 initial sp in the Zendic cpaq and Teutonic spdld, 
 implying to ' spae ' or divine — and which, modified 
 as h, gives rise to hexe, luicki, icitch, and links itself 
 through the associations of sound with a word of dis- 
 . tinct origin, hitch., ' Canidia ' — takes, according to an 
 usage already illustrated, the form of k in Etruscan ; 
 and thus spdhi at once becomes kdhi, kiku, the no men 
 of Nae • KIKU, the NETSVIS, or ^ augur' (as I have 
 translated the word), of Clusium. It is in like manner 
 that the Latin ' cicer ' softens into vetch ,• but I 
 
 ing here, it would probably have implied tbat the personage commemorated 
 belonged to the ' Stellatimis ager ' in the ueighbourhood of Capena, the colony 
 of Veil and ally of Falerii, in South Etruria. But it must (as stated) have 
 been formed, as a cognomen, from Larthia. 
 
Sect. I. BILINGUAL. 91 
 
 strongly suspect that the name of ' Cicero ' (KiKcpcov) 
 was derived originally from this kiku, or a word akin 
 to it, implying ' Diviner ' or ' Augur,' and this would 
 tally not merely with the peculiar, perhaps here- 
 ditary interest in divination evinced by the great 
 representative of the family — Marcus Tullius having 
 been himself an augur — but with the obscure tradition 
 mentioned by Plutarch, that the Tullia Glens derived 
 its descent from a king of the Yolscians, by name 
 ' Tullus Attius ' — equivalent_, as you will see, ' Attius ' 
 corresponding with vt, ' vates,' and vt with spdhi, 
 KIKU, to ' Tullus Kiku ' or ' Tullus Ates,' — that is, 
 'Tullus the Augur,' — Nae • kiku of Clusium and 
 the great Roman orator being, I have little doubt, 
 of the same original stock or clan.* I wish that 
 TuUy were alive that I might make this suggestion 
 to him in verification of the old family legend, for 
 I am sure it would please him, — but, as the three 
 Scotsmen explained simultaneously to Charles Lamb 
 on his expressing a similar wish with regard to 
 Burns, the man is dead, and there is no help 
 for it. But more follows from this approximation 
 of Kiku and ' Ates ' or ' Atius,' — we obtain in 
 Nae • Kiku, the equivalent of the great name 
 ' Attus Navius ' — that of the " inclytus augur " so 
 famous in the days of Tarquinius Prisons, who cut 
 the whet-stone with a razor, according to the legend 
 recorded by Livy.f It is singular to find these 
 
 * Another of the family is commemorated in the following inscription on 
 the operculum or lid of a sarcophagus now preserved at Florence, — Ath 
 Kiku • Ath • Tutnal • (Fahretti, no. 156). — Ath has been inferred 
 (supra) to correspond with ' Marcus ' or ' Marcins.' ' ]\l.' is the prcenomen 
 of the ' Magnus Augur ' of Pesaro. Or is Ath here ' Attus ' ? 
 
 t The resemblance of the roots of wetzstein and hwezjan, to cut or 
 ' whittle,' to ' Att-ius,' evidently suggested the legend. 
 
92 ETRUSCAN INSCEIPTIOXS : Chap. V. 
 
 names in combination (although reversed in sequence), 
 and in such immediate connection with augury, at so 
 late a date ; and I think it may further be presumed, 
 the practice of such divination being so widely 
 diffused, that these Na^vii and Atti of Pesaro and 
 Chiusi must have been of the race of the great 
 diviner who first bore the conjunct names.* It is 
 not clear that Attus Navius was an Etruscan, al- 
 though he was taught by the Etruscans ; and the 
 argument against the Roman origin of the poet 
 Cn. Ntevius from the fact of the name of Plautus, an 
 Umbrian, being coupled with that of Nasvius in the 
 ' De Oratore,' f would tell in favour of the family 
 being Umbrian, and thus, not impossibly, natives 
 originally of Pisaurum. 
 
 Lastly, the title ' Navius,' or ' Ncevius,' rej^resents, 
 as it appears to me, in its remote origin, the ' au-' 
 in ' au-spex,' ' au-gur,' and the avi in the correspon- 
 dent Zendic avicpaq, in an older form ; and I should 
 derive all these forms therefore from the very archaic 
 TTv-fx, ' N-m,' ' N-f,' found as Trvevfia, Num-a, Nep-, 
 and otherwise — a root, with its derivatives, common 
 to the Aryan, Hamite, and Semitic stocks (the familiar 
 nabu, nehy, a prophet, representing it in Assyrian, 
 
 * Fabretti, in his interesting communication to the ' lustituto di Cor- 
 respondenza,' 20 Oct. 1866, in which he expresses his final adherence to the 
 reading netsvis, and interpi-ets it as " haruspex od augur" adds, — " Veg- 
 gauo ora gli Etruscisti . . se si possa credersi accidentals la presenza di 
 Navius e di augur in una stessa urna cineraria," (that of M. Naavius at 
 Pesaro) ; " e veggano altresi se non sia tempo di rendere all' Etruria il 
 monumento di Pesaro" (the inscription now discussed), "citta che non 
 appartenne alia tribii Stellatina (si v' erano ascritte la vicina Urhino e le 
 Etrusche Cortona, Tarquinia, e (?r««(sca), come non v' appartenne certa- 
 mente la citth, che diedc i natali a Porsenna." — BuUettino, 1866, p. 240, 
 
 t See Dr. Smith's Bid. Greek and Bom. Biography, &c., art. Naevius, 
 ('n. 
 
Sect. I. SEPULCHRAL FOP.MUL.E. 93 
 
 Hebrew, and Arabic), and denoting the Ahniglity in 
 the character of the ' Spirit,' the source of trift or 
 inspiration. The combinations avi-cjMC, ' au-spex,' 
 Nae • KiKU, Kaph • Ates, 'NaviusAtius,' and con- 
 versely, ' Attiis Navius,' would thus denote ' Prophet ' 
 or ' Diviner of the God-Spirit,' or ' Spirit-God.' 
 
 It is quite clear that there are Etruscan elements 
 in this inscription, — the question is whether an Um- 
 brian influence is also perceptible, — if so, it holds a 
 position in regard .to the great body of the Etruscan 
 inscriptions something like that occupied by those of 
 the Tyrrheni-Pelasgi at Caere. Trutn" connects it- 
 self as much with the Gaul and the Briton as with 
 the Teuton. Nets, the root of netsvis, has a very 
 marked development, in the sense of reticulation, in 
 the Cymric languages. The claim of the poet 
 Na3vius to Roman origin is contested, as has been 
 seen, on a ground not to be dismissed lightly. And 
 Pesaro is in Umbria. But the Umbrians were of the 
 Aryan stock ; the argument is good, if not for 
 the Teutonic, at least for the Aryan character of the 
 Etruscan language ; and anything which connects 
 the NETSVIS or ' Augur ' of Umbria and Etruria with 
 our kinsmen of the Cymric and Celtic race cannot 
 but be interesting. 
 
 I am distressed at the length to which this review 
 of the bilingual inscriptions has run ; but the subject 
 is important, and this must be my excuse. I now 
 proceed to the class of 
 
 Section IL — Sejnilchml Formula. 
 
 There are several formulce of constant occurrence 
 in the sepulchral inscriptions that are not bilingual. 
 
94 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 but of which the general significance has been long 
 recognised. The most familiar of these is the phrase 
 RIL, RiL AYIL, AVIL, AViLS, always, either together or 
 separately, preceding a numeral, and which has been 
 inferred with good reason to signify ' vixit annos,' 
 and ' astatis.' * These words are, I think, purely 
 Teutonic — ril being formed from a common root 
 with our English roll, to revolve — hicarhl-, hverfl-, in 
 old G-erman — having nearly the signification of the 
 " conversari " of the Eomans — our year or jahr 
 itself, the " revolving year " of Thomson, being of 
 kindred origin ; while avil, avils (in tlje genitive), 
 correspond with hicila (0. H. Gr.), hveila (Goth.), 
 hictla, hvUe (0. Sax. and A. -Sax.), our English 
 'while,' a word signifying an allotted portion of 
 time, varying as a minute, an hour, a year, or a life- 
 time. f Sometimes ril occurs in combination with 
 the word leine, thus — ril xiii leine ; ril leine l ; 
 RIL XLii leine, &c. ; and this leine I take to be the 
 third person singular, present tense, of the verb 
 langen, ' manum extendere, manu attingere ' — in 
 einem ort gelangen, to reach a particular spot; ineticas 
 gelangen, to attain a certain object — that is, in the 
 sepulchral sense, the goal, or term of life, — the Etrus- 
 can combination thus denoting, Yelus or Larthia 
 ' reached ' or ' attained to tlnrteen years,' ' reached 
 fifty years,' ' reached forty-two years,' and so on. 
 
 But a more difficult question is the proper inter- 
 pretation of the following fuller formula which is 
 
 * See Fabretti, in his Glossary ; and Dennis, Citie?, i&c, vol. i., p. xliv. 
 Avils occurs also as avils, but rarel3^ 
 
 t See, for illustrations, Graffs AUhochdeutscher Sprachschatz, vol. iv. 
 col. 1224. 
 
Sect. II. SEPULCHRAL FOUMUL/E. 95 
 
 frequently found over the doorways of tombs, and on 
 sarcophagi, sometimes as ekasuthi or eka : sutiit ; 
 sometimes as ekasuthixesl, or with the component 
 words divided, as in these two inscriptions, the first 
 found at Castel d'Asso, the second at Toscanella, — 
 
 EkASUTHINESL • TETNIE ... 
 EKA : SUTHI • NESL : PAN ... 
 
 {FabretH, no. 2089, 2133.) 
 
 — They may be dissected as follows : — 
 
 1. Eka. — This word, a different oue from eka in the in- 
 scription analysed in a former page, is usually identified with 
 * ecce,' or with ' hie,' here ; and, if the latter, I should be 
 tempted to recognise it in the Italian 'qua,' here. But, 
 taking it in connection with all the other inscriptions (more 
 than twenty in number), one or two of them not sepulchral, 
 in which it occurs, I tliiuk it is an adjective or participle 
 akin to ei(/-, eigen, to possess, in the sense of property, and 
 with the sanction of ehe, law ; and that it has a signification 
 akin to the Latin ' proprius,' or ' own,' — special or private. 
 In this sense it is congenital with hag, hay, ' sepes, domus,' 
 the Greek olK-o<i, as from e%-&); with the -^dy-o'i in 'sarco- 
 phagus ' (as I divide the word) ; and with -ke, which we 
 shall meet with in an Etruscan word of nearly the same sig- 
 nification as 'sarcophagus,' viz., zilachenke. "E^-w, eig-, 
 again, is, if I am not mistalvcn, an abraded form of ere-, arc-, 
 ecpy-, implying seclusive, inclusive, or absolute possession ; 
 and thus eka and ' area,' a chest (the word constantly used 
 for a coffin), are probably one and the same word originally, 
 even as the '-aculum' in ' recept-aculum ' is, I presume, a 
 worn-down form of ' -erculum,' as in ' op-erculum.' But the 
 simple sense here, I think, is — ' Legally own,' or ' Private.' 
 
 2. ^UTHi. — This word I should compare w^ith setz-en, ' sta- 
 tuere, ordinare,' in a general sense, satjan, gasatjan (Groth.), 
 to set, place, or lay ; whence sezzi, a place set apart for any 
 one, the Suio-Gothic haette and Txetti, a grave, and the hethio. 
 
96 ETEUSCAN INSCEIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 ' ciibiculiim ' or bed, of Ulphilas, — all answering to the Greek 
 idea of a koltt), Koifi7]rijpiop, or sleeping-place, — ^UTHI thus 
 corresponding with sezzi, hetliio, and signifying (specially) 
 ' sejDulchre.' ' Kit's Cotty House,' and other similarly named 
 monuments in England, have, I should think, a similar deri- 
 vation. ^UTHi and EKA would appear to be used as a com- 
 pound, judging by the single dot, or stop, which follows 
 ^UTHi in the second of the inscriptions here under discussion, 
 of which I have noticed one or two other instances in the 
 case of compounds, the single dot usually following the second 
 word of the compound, and not interposed between them in 
 the modern fashion. — Lastly, as regards 
 
 3. NE^L, — my impression is, that this is the older form of 
 isel, ' fomes, favilla,' the " yet glowing ashes of the dead," as 
 interpreted by Mr. Bimbury ; and dtel (Suio-Goth.), as, az 
 (Alem.), awasel, aivesel, 'cadaver,' a corpse. Isel and at el 
 would become ascJien through the pretty frequent literal 
 change of n for I. The link between isel, afel, and nesl is 
 suj)i3lied by the Zendic nagu, nagus, ' cadaver,' the word so 
 constantly met with in the Zend-Avesta, shewing, I think, 
 that isel, atel have originally been nisei, mdel. The root nag 
 is common to Zendic and Sanscrit ; and, although the word 
 does not occur with the sense of a corpse in the latter 
 language, naslifa, the perfect past participle of the verb nag, 
 has the sense of ' dead ' or perished, and the familiar change 
 of t into I gives us at once nisei, natel, nesl, as 'cadaver.' 
 The probability is that the Zendic-Sanscrit root nag is the 
 same as the Teutonic 7iad-, nass, moist or wet — our English 
 ' nasty.' * 
 
 Coupling therefore Eka : suthi with nesl, we have 
 
 * A very near consanguinity to kesl may be recognised in the Armenian 
 nekJieal, a corpse, al^in to nas, a coffin in tliat language. Tins is remarlied 
 in one of the most ingenious approximations of Mr. Ellis in his Armenian 
 Origin of the Etruscans, pp. 109, 110. He compares the Armenian aha 
 sov?:aninekheal,i.e. 'ecceseseconditputrefactus,' with eka ; suthi • kesl, 
 and translates the latter 'hie conditur mortuus,' or 'cadaver.' I had not 
 thought of the connection of vskvs and veKpos with kesl till I read Mr. 
 Ellis's work. Dr. Donaldson translates ekasuthi as ' This is the mourn- 
 ing,' reading sothi as the Icelandic sut, 'dolor;' and eka suthixesl as 
 'This is the sorrowful inscription.' — Varron., p. 200. 
 
Sect. III. ALETIINA SARCOPHAGUS. 97 
 
 the sense, " Private Sepiilclire " or " Private resting- 
 place of the remains of" — for example Tetnia, Titnia, 
 or Titinia, the lady whose name follows i\\Q formula 
 in one of the inscriptions above cited — cut boldly in 
 ihe, face of the rock over the portal of what was once 
 her tomb at Castel d'Asso. 
 
 Section III. — The Alethna iSarcojjhagius. 
 I shall not give you many of the longer sei)ulchral 
 inscriptions, as they are full of words relating to the 
 computation of time and the mythology of Mantus 
 and the Etruscan Hades as to which I have not as 
 yet satisfied myself, and which would require a very 
 extended examination properly to identify. The 
 following however is a comparatively short and 
 intelligible one, and will, I think, support my general 
 argument. It falls into two portions, the first being 
 written on the area or chest itself, the second on 
 the operculum or lid of one of the sarcophagi of the 
 Alethna family discovered in a tomb near Viterbo in 
 1850. This tomb contained more than forty very 
 large sarcophagi, several of them doubtless ' bisomi,' 
 or calculated to contain two bodies. Most of them 
 were highly ornamented with bas-reliefs. The style 
 of the inscriptions exhibits, if I mistake not, an 
 expression of sentiment rarely demonstrated in those 
 of Etruria, — beside other peculiarities. 
 
 LaRTH ■ ALETHNAS • ATHNTHAL • RUVPHIALK • KLAN 
 AVILS • I X ■ LUPUKE • MUNISVLETH • KALUSURASI 
 TaMERA • ZELAVV ENVS • LURI ■ MIAKE 
 (Fabrefti, no. 2058.) * 
 
 I analyse these inscriptions — for they are practi- 
 
 * In the first of these inscriptions, as transcribed by Orioli, the word 
 
 U 
 
98 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 cally two — as follows, — taking that of the sarco- 
 phagus itself first : — 
 
 1-5. LAETH • ALETHNAS • ATHNTHAL • RUVPHIALK • 
 
 KLAN. — The namep and designation of the man interred, of 
 which the three first words are clearly intelligible as ' Lars 
 Alethnius, son of Atonia,' or 'Athnia,' and the fifth as 'eldest' 
 son of his family. The fourth, ruvphialk, is more puzzling. 
 Taking it in connection with the inscription immediately pre- 
 ceding it in Fabretti's ' Corpus,' viz. ae . . . thnas . . enthal 
 
 KLA . . THANKVIL LSK • EUVTHIAL • ZILACH . . &C., and with 
 
 a short one at the foot of a sarcophagus, with the figure of a 
 woman recumbent on it, discovered at Siena, and numbered 
 456 by Fabretti, viz. A • ^emna • lk | au • ^ien • au • , 
 it is clear, 1. That euvphia and lk in the present inscription 
 are two separate words, — 2. That lk is in a less full form 
 than LSK, which last therefore furnishes the type of the word ; 
 and, 3. That in all the three cases it expresses a relationship 
 of some sort existing between man and woman, presumably 
 husband and wife ; and as the man's name figures first in the 
 two former and the woman's in the last of the three inscrip- 
 tions, it probably expresses a relationship of affection pri- 
 marily, independently of status or law. My impression is 
 that the word answers to the German lust, 'joy, comfort, 
 delight,' — the Jc taking the place of/, as in so many instances ; 
 and that, while tlie Sienese inscription reads, " A. Semna,the 
 comfort of Aulus Sienna, the son of Aulus," and the epitapli 
 preceding the present one as " Ael. Alethnius, the sou of 
 Arnthia, eldest son of his family, the comfort of Tanaquil, 
 daughter of Euvthia " — we must read here, " Lars Alethnius 
 Athnthl, the comfort of Euvphia" — Euvthia, the mother of 
 
 LUPUKE is written llplkk. This, however, is so evidently (to my mind) 
 a misreading of the second and third T s, a letter which merely differs in 
 Etruscan from 'ii' by the stroke to the left being more prolonged, that I 
 have restored lupuke, a word frequently found in sepulchral inscrijjtions, 
 and an example of which will be cited presently, also from the present 
 tomb. It is to be observed that the ' m ' employed is the more archaic one. 
 The 's' used throughout is the sigma; the san does not occur. The two 
 * u ' s in ZELAVV are written with a form of the digarama commonly found 
 in Oscan and Umbrian inscriptions, but seldom in Etruscan, and different 
 from that used in envs and elsewhere in the present inscription. 
 
Sect. III. ALETHNA SArvCOPIIAGUS. 09 
 
 Tanaquil, being, I have little doubt, the same as lluvphia, 
 the wife of Lars, the personage whose epitaph we are now 
 dealing with* 
 
 6, 7. AVILS • 'l^ X- — According to Fabretti ^ stands for 
 the Eoman L, ' quiuquaginta,' fifty. Taking X for ' decern,' 
 ten (for which there is ample authority), avils • ^ X would 
 thus read ' aetatis LX,' or ' sixty.' 
 
 8, 9. LUPUKE. — Divisible as LUPU ke. — i. lupu is, I think, 
 the ablative of ldp, the Etruscan form of lib, lif, ' vita,' life. 
 — ii. KE I take to be the third person singular of the perfect 
 tense (of course contracted) of geJien, to go. lupuke would 
 thus signify ' went from- life.' 
 
 10. MUNISVLETH. — Three words, or rather, three com- 
 pounds, slightly differing from each other, and which require 
 careful discrimination, appear in the Etruscan inscriptions — 
 the present munisvleth, munisureth, and munikleth, or 
 MUNIKLET. The letters sv and K (as already observed) are 
 interchangeable, as by many examples in the Indo-European 
 dialects {e.g. 'qualis,' sulcli, 'such'); but I think the word 
 MUNIKLETH is distiuct from the other two. I shall notice it 
 hereafter on two occasions. And that munisvleth and 
 MUNisuPiETH are distinct compounds would appear from the 
 third and fourth syllables of each appearing (although in a 
 different combination in the former case) on another of the 
 sarcophagi found in the present tomb, the inscription of 
 which runs, 
 
 I ALETHNASSETHRESA: NESS- SAK- S j KLEN 
 
 .... I • MULETHSVALASI • ZILACHNUKE • LUPUKE • MUNI- 
 SURETH KALU, — witli the additional words on the operculum, 
 AVILSfXXLLIV (LUPU?)- 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 2059.) 
 
 — It appears from this approximation that muni and svleth 
 
 * Th and Ph, 6 and (/>, were (as already remarked) frequently inter- 
 changeable, and the names of Ruvph and Thaxkvil occur together, 
 apparently as two daughters, in the inscription numbered 2069 by Fabretti, 
 the last two letters in the former name being expressed by two Greek 
 capital sigmas, which Fabretti reads ' SS.', but which I think are intended 
 to represent the Etruscan variety oi ph above spoken of as in shape like an 
 hourglass, and which, being found in the Pelasgic inscriptions of Caare, 
 denote, I think, a high antiquity for this tomb of the Alethnii. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 form the component elements of the preisent word ; and 
 towards its interpretation the first step must be to ascertain 
 the meaning of muni. Taking svleth in prima facie con- 
 nection with it, and remembering that it occurs on a sarco- 
 pbagus, the idea at once suggests itself that muni may repre- 
 sent • Mantus,' the Etruscan Hades. The d or t following n 
 is constantly (as has been stated) omitted in these inscrip- 
 tions. And the identification is supported by comparison 
 with the word muleth in the parallel compound muleth- 
 SVALASI. The word ' IMantus ' signifies the mund, or mouth — 
 of Hell ; whence the ' Mundus ' of the Eoman forum. And 
 MULETH expresses the same idea through its root mul, the 
 modern tnaul, mouth or maw — whence mulecht, ' oris formam 
 vel vim habens,' — a derivative which closely resembles — even 
 if it be not identical with — muleth. Taking these words in 
 connection with -svleth and -svalasi, the identification 
 becomes more complete, the latter being evidently, I think, 
 the old Teutonic schwelgen, ' voracem esse,' our English 
 ' swallow ' — akin to sivalg (in the dialect of Bremen *), 
 ' helluo,' a glutton. The mythological character of the 
 Etruscan Charon (more particularly) has been built up 
 through the suggestive association of many words bearing a 
 general resemblance to swalg, or of words compounded of 
 interchangeable consonants, such as zelch, zuill, quell, zwerlie, 
 twerch, scherg, quetclien, and others. munisvj>eth thus means 
 in this place, 1 conclude, ' to,' or ' into, the swallow,' or 
 ' maw,' of ' Mantus,' i.e. Hades, or Orcus. 
 
 11, 12. KALUSURASi. — Divisible as kalu surasi. For i. 
 KALU, compare hale, ' cruciatus, dolor,' the modern German 
 qual, — from a common root with qualm, death, and with the 
 name of the Etruscan demon, Kulmu, for whom I would refer 
 you to the Glossary in the Appendix. — ii. sURASi I should 
 compare with swar, 'gravis;' swere, 'dolor;' sure, 'laesio,' 
 and our English sorrow, &c. — The general signification would 
 be that of ' heavy ' or ' bitter grief.' 
 
 The inscription may thus be read in English — 
 
 * I have frequently ])anse(l over words in this dialect as ap]iarently akin 
 to Etruscan. 
 
Sect. III. ALETHNA SARCOPHAGUS. 101 
 
 "Lars Aluthnius, tlie sou of Atoiiia, the comfort of" 
 his wife " Tanaquil, daughter of Euvphia, passed 
 from " this " life into the jaws of death, aged sixty- 
 years, bitterly mourned for." 
 
 The second legend, that on the lid of the sarco- 
 phagus, may be explained as follows : — 
 
 1. Tameka. — To be compared with the Greek Bd/xap, a 
 wife or married woman.* 
 
 2. ZELAVV, — Compare with geleihet, ' relictus ; ' za leibu, 
 ' residuum ; ' ci leiim, ' residui,' — derivatives from leiben, ' re- 
 linquere post se,' to leave behind one. 
 
 3. ENVS. — Compare with enheissen, ' edere,' to eat ; anheis- 
 sen, 'jentare/ to breakfast'; imbes, imbesse, imbiss, 'jentaeu- 
 lum, praudium,' breakfast, dinner ; inibitz, ' prasbenda,' what 
 is offered in tribute or otherwise, as ' jentaculum diis offerre,' 
 &c. &c. 
 
 4. LURi. — Compare with lurk, ' sinister, perversus,' (the k 
 being omitted in the orthography,) — an epithet which would 
 be in conformity with many Etruscan epithets of Hades and 
 Charon implying transverseness, running across the path — of 
 life. We have had this word as larke previously, luek, 
 LURI, and ihiverch, dtverch, are probably the same word, 
 the " I " being used in the one form and the 'th' or 'd' in the 
 other. 
 
 5. MiAKE. — Compare either with mehte, ' potestas ; ' or (in 
 more special signification) with mauch-, meuch-, meuchel, 
 ' clandestinus ; ' mucker (Saxon and Bremish), ' sicarius ; ' 
 mueken, ' sicarium agere ; ' meuchel, ' sicarius.' 
 
 The sense would therefore be, " The perverse (or 
 
 * It might also have the sense of ' mourning ' in the sense of blackness, 
 zauher ; but Sti/xap is more natural. The word tamera occurs, in com- 
 bination, as EiTVA • TAMERA, in another of these family sarcophagi, no. 
 2056 of Fabretti ; where eitva, I think, means ' widow,' as I shall shew 
 in relation to the same word occurring in another inscription, infra. And 
 we have tamera on a sarcophajius in the Vatican, (Fabretti, no. 2100,) 
 in combination with a word resembling in some respects that which we have 
 next to deal with ; to wit, as tameka • zelaravaua. 
 
102 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 malevolent) power (or assassin) devours the wife, the 
 survivor," or " relict." This inscription, I imagine, 
 was added when the widow of Lars Alethnius was 
 consigned to the same sarcophagus with her hus- 
 band.* 
 
 Section IV. — The Cesina Inscription. 
 
 I may now pass to an inscription — or rather two 
 inscriptions — which were found painted on opposite 
 walls in a tomb of the Cesina (not Csecina) family at 
 Tarquinii, in 1735. Neither of them is quite com- 
 plete, but, although Fabretti describes the first of 
 them as an " intricatissima epigrafe," the sense can 
 be arrived at with tolerable accuracy, and they are 
 very interesting. The one seen in front, on entering 
 the sepulchre, ran as follows : — 
 
 LaRTH ■ KEISINIS • VELUS ■ KLAN • KIZI • ZILACHNKE | 
 MEANI ■ MUNIKLETH METHLM ■ NUPPHZI KANTHKE • 
 KALUS ... LUPU 
 
 {Fabretti, no. 2339.) 
 
 — The signification will appear (or at least an ap- 
 proximation may be made to it) through the following 
 analysis : — 
 
 1-4. Laeth • KEISINIS • VELUS • KLAN. — The name, in 
 the nominative case, of the owner of the tomb, ' Lars Cesina, 
 [eldest] son of Veliiis.' Velus is genitive of Vele. 
 
 * Yet another interpretation might be suggested, by which tamera 
 would answer to the Teutonic dammen, ' domare,' ddmmern, to strike or 
 shxy ; and zelavv would imply ' remains ' in the sense of ' corpse,' or bodj% — 
 the sense being, "The malevolent power devours the stricken remains." 
 But this appears to me too vague and unpractical a rendering; and I 
 have therefore preferred that in the text, although I am not altogether 
 satisfied with it. 
 
Sect. IV. TOMB OF LARS CESINA. • 103 
 
 5. Kizi. — I take this word to be tbe German diess and 
 English this, but in the primitive form as still preserved 
 in vernacular Italian. Analogously to what we see in 
 ' quinque, qvinqve,' irevTe, ffinf, jive, there must have been 
 first, a primitive ' quizi ' or ' kvizi,' then Kizi as here, and 
 then, by mutation of k into t or th (as in ' quatuor,' reaaape<i), 
 thizi, diess, this, — the original kizi^ — or rather, the older form 
 hvizi — having descended to the Tuscan (Etruscan) peasant of 
 to-day as ' questo.' 
 
 G. ziLACHNKE, — to be transcribed more correctly ziL- 
 ASCHNKE. — From its position in many sepulchral inscrip- 
 tions this word would appear to signify, generally, tomb or 
 cofiBn; and on dissection it resolves into, i. ziL, teil, 'portio/ 
 or what is separate ; ii. aschen, the genitive plural of esch, 
 ' favilla,' ashes ; and iii. ke, akin (as has been shown) to ag-, 
 hag- (a ' hedge '), hay, kau, in the sense of fortified defence, 
 for protection, zil-aschen-ke would thus mean ' repository 
 for separation of the ashes ' of the dead. It is thus analogous 
 to aapKo^djo<i — the component elements of which word are 
 evidently, i. crap^, crapKo<i, hreo, ' corpus ; ' and ii. Fa'y-, ay- 
 (as in djy-o^, a vase or urn), 'ag-' (as in 'agger'), hag, 
 ' sepes,' &c. ut sujjra. 
 
 7. MEANI. — Compare with mund, ' tutela, potestas ;' munden, 
 * asserere, defendere, tueri,' — a word closely connected in its 
 sepulchral signification with the Etruscan mantus, or ' Mun- 
 dus,' It here implies, I think, ' owns,' ' occupies,' — or perhaps 
 ' tenants ' would best express the whole range of signification. 
 
 8. MUNIKLETH. — Not, as I have shown, to be confounded 
 with MUNISVLETH and munisuketh — or even with another 
 word of nearer resemblance, muniklet, hereafter to be dealt 
 with. The word here in question corresponds, if I mistake 
 not, with mein, ge-mein, 'communis,' common, gemeiniglig, 
 gemeinlich, implying ' in common with.' 
 
 9. METHLM, — otherwise transcribed as methlum, and per- 
 haps mis-read, according to Fabretti's suggestion, for methlni. 
 — A female name, that of ' Metella,' or rather 'Matulnia,' as 
 appears from the other inscription in the tomb. I suspect it 
 should be read 'Methl-am,' — that is (understandiug '-am 
 as djjba, sam), ' together with Metella,' or ' Matulnia.' 
 
104 • ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Cuap. V. 
 
 10. NUPPHZi. — Compare with not, genoetig, genoetsam, ' suffi- 
 ciens, foecundiis,' — but rather with ' nub-ere,' ' nupta.' 
 
 11. KANTHKE. — Compare with Vonjux,' — kan answering 
 to ' con,' or with ; and thke to zug, ' ducere,' to lead, in the 
 sense of ' ducere uxorem/ 
 
 12. KALUS . . . , some letters being lost. To be compared 
 with hale, ' dolores,' grief, &c., as lately shewn. Perhaps in 
 the genitive case. 
 
 13. LUPU. — Compare either with Uh, lif (A.-S.), 'vita,' life ; 
 or with leiben, ' linquere,' to leave ; geleibet, ' relictus.' ta- 
 MEEA ZELAVV has thus been rendered 'uxor relicta,'or 'relict,' 
 in the preceding epitaph of Lars Alethnius and his wife. 
 
 The space of three letters, or of a point and two 
 letters, is marked as illegible in the present inscrip- 
 tion as given by Fabretti, and so too by Gori in his 
 original publication of it in bis ' Museum Etruscum,' 
 which I have also beside me. But strict accuracy in 
 such estimates was less regarded in 1735 than now. 
 If five letters could be allowed for, I should fill the 
 vacant space with urasi, reading kalusurasilupu, 
 as in the inscription recently analysed, surasi 
 answers, as I have suggested, to s?^'ar, sclncer, ' gravis,' 
 heavy. In the alternative that the exact space is 
 given by Gori, I should fill up the space with • ze ; 
 that is, I should read kalus • zelupu, ' his sorrowing 
 relict,' or widow. 
 
 The inscription would therefore run as follows : — 
 " Lars Cesina [eldest] son of Yelius, owns (has right 
 of property and protection in, or tenants) this sepul- 
 chre, in common with Metella his wife, his companion 
 in the sorrows of life ; " or " in common with Metella 
 his wife, his sorrowing relict." 
 
 Opposite to the inscription just examined, ran 
 another, much injured, which is given as follows : — 
 
Sect. IV. TOMB OF LARS CESINA. 105 
 
 RaMTH • MATULNEI • SECH ■ MARKES MATULM | 
 
 PUIAM • AMKE • SETHRES KEIS . . . lES • KISUM • TAME .... 
 
 U I LAPH . . . NASK • MATULNA SK ■ KLALUM • KE . 
 
 S . . S- Kl KLENAR • M • j A AVENKE • LUPUM ■ AVILS 
 
 ACHS • MEALCHLSK • EITVAPIA • ME 
 
 (Fahretti, uo. 2340.) 
 
 This inscription appears to me to be divisible into 
 two portions, tlie first ending with nask, the second 
 beginning with matulna. I shall take them there- 
 fore separately. The first portion may be analysed 
 as follows : — 
 
 1, 2. Kamth • MATULNEI, — The female name, 'Eamtha' 
 or (as Fabretti translates it) ' Arimtia Matulua ' — perhaps 
 ' Metella.' 
 
 3. SECH. — This word, sometimes written sek, but, as we 
 have it here, to be spelt sesch, occurs in innumerable inscrip- 
 tions relating to women ; and there can be little doubt that 
 the accepted interpretation of it as 'filia,' 'gnata,' or daughter, 
 is correct. 
 
 4. maekes. — The genitive singular, apparently, of ' Mark,' 
 ' Marcus.' 
 
 5. MATULM. — Fabretti thinks this a mistranscription for 
 Matulni, but I am unwilling unnecessarily to deviate from 
 accepted readings. The remainder of the first line of the 
 inscription is lost, to the extent of about ten letters, judging 
 by the space in Gori's engraving, which I follow as the 
 oldest authority. This space, I fancy, contained the name 
 of the father of Metella. 
 
 6. PUIAM. — The words puius, fuius, puia, and others 
 similarly formed, are found in many inscriptions ; and the 
 accepted interpretation among Etruscan antiquaries is that 
 of ' son ' or ' daughter.' They connect them with the Greek 
 uto?, via, in which they may be right. There must, however, 
 be some distinction between the status of the two descriptions 
 of children, klan and sek, and those described by the words 
 here in question, which T cannot as yet define. As klan 
 and sek (or sech) appear to be the favourite words for 
 
106 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 legitimate sons and daughters, I would suggest in the mean- 
 while whether PUius, puia, have not the signification of ' ille- 
 gitimate,' or perhaps ' semi -legitimate' son or daughter, as 
 derived from cfiuo), the root of ^v(tl<;, ' natura ' — by the same 
 process of thought through which we describe a child born 
 out of lawful wedlock as a 'natural' child. The space 
 between matulm and puiam may have been filled up with 
 the family name or some other qualification of the person 
 spoken of, immaterial to the general sense of the inscription. 
 
 7. AMKE. — Substantially the same word with kanthke, 
 ' conjux ' — ayit-, sam, ' with,' answering to kan or ' con.' But 
 it may correspond (and I am inclined to think this is the 
 case) with ameigi (Alemannic), amia (Snio-Gotli.), implying 
 ' uxor secundaria,' or concubine in a legal and respectable 
 sense, as 1 think I have shewn ; the amke being thus iden- 
 tical with the ^LA above spoken of.* 
 
 8, 9. ^ETHRES KEis . . . lES, — to be written, I presume, 
 KEisiNiES, the genitive of ' Sethre Keisine.' 
 
 10. KisuM. — The same word, 1 think, as kizi, ' this,' in the 
 accusative sense. 
 
 11. TAME . . . . — The inscription is so defective here that 
 I can only say that it seems to me probable that tame . . 
 may represent the Teutonic tumhe, the Latin ' tumulus,' from 
 tammen ' munire.' 
 
 12. u I LAPH . . . — The lost space possibly 
 
 contained the verb, to ' give,' or * bequeath.' laph is probably 
 to be restored as zu laphu, answering to zu leibe, ' ad vitam,' — 
 leih itself having the derivative sense of ' usus fructuarius.' 
 
 13. NASK. — Compare with nutz, usufruct ; nutzen, to enjoy 
 (in possession). I suspect that . . laph • nask denotes ' life- 
 
 * By the ' Lex Helsingica,' as quoted by Ihre, these secondary wives had 
 a legal status, although inferior to that of the wife per excellentiam. Ihre 
 and others have suggested a derivation of ameigi from the Latin ' arnica,' 
 but Brinckmeier expresses a doubt whether a Latin word could have come 
 so extensively into use among the German and Scandinavian races, 
 especially among the Saxons, and still more the Swedes. Ameigi is, I have 
 little doubt, the old amke of the Etruscans, and 'amica' is a Latin form of 
 AMKE. If PUIAM be rightly understood as illegitimate, or even half- 
 legitimate, the lady here spoken of and the lower grade of wife-ship were 
 possibly suited, according to an understood conventionality. 
 
Sect. IV. TOMB OF LAES CESINA. 107 
 
 rent,' or, if the lost words liad the effect of personal appoint- 
 ment, ' life-renter.' 
 
 If this analysis be correct, the first portion of the 
 inscription now under consideration would import as 
 follows : — " Ramtha Matulna, daughter of Marcus, ap- 
 pointed as life-rent proprietor of this tomb " — or, " be- 
 stowed," " gave," or " bequeathed " " the usu-fruct of 
 this tomb " — to " Matulna, daughter semi-legitimate, 
 of" a person whose name is lost, and the " secondary 
 wife (or legitimate concubine) of Sethre Cesina." 
 
 The remainder of the inscription may be analysed 
 thus : — 
 
 1-4. Matulna sk • klalum • ke . s . . s . — These four 
 words I read as follows :^i. Matulna, a female name, in the 
 nominative ease.— ii. sk. For see, or sech, daughter. — iii. 
 KLALUM. I am afraid that this denotes the qualification 
 attaching to this Metella as born gelJe-um, — um answering 
 to um, ' a, ab, de,' from, — that is, born from a gelle, ' pellex,' 
 or illegitimate concubine. — iv. ke . s . . s. — restorable as 
 KEisiNS, or KEiSNis, uuloss the word originally stood, ut supra, 
 as KEisiNEis, — the genitive of ' Cesina.' 
 
 5-8. Ki KLENAR • M • | A . . . . — I wiU not attempt to 
 explain this at present. 
 
 9. AVENKE. — Compare with ahengeh-en, 'decedere.' It 
 signifies ' departed.' 
 
 10. LUPUM. — To be read as lup-um, and interpreted, i. lup, 
 as lib, lif, 'vita,' life ; and ii. um, um, from, as above, — i.e. 
 'from life/ 
 
 11. AVILS, — equivalent to ' aetatis,' or ' aged.' 
 
 12 ACHS, — the latter portion to be read as aschs. 
 
 This denotes the age of the lady — eighteen ? 
 
 13. MEALCHSK, as in Gori, but mealchlsk, as given by 
 Fabretti, who appears to refer to authority for inserting the 
 ' 1.' Both forms would express the same word, but I suspect 
 that Fabretti's has been the original reading. — Compare with 
 malatseh, maletschig, maletzig, mahig, ' leprosus,' leprous ; 
 
108 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. V. 
 
 maletschetj, ' lepra.' The form mealchlsk, iu which the 
 letter J^ must be credited, as in other cases, with the power 
 of the German sell, and wliich, as a whole, should thus be 
 written Teutonice as mealschalisch, represents probably 
 the oldest orthography of the word; and is apparently a 
 compound of, i. mod, ' macula,' a spot; ii. sehalg, a scale ; and 
 iii. the adjectival termination -isch, — the exact description 
 of the disease to which Matulna was a victim. 
 
 14. EiTVAPiA. — A compound of, i. iit, uit, yt (whence ent-), 
 implying ' nou,' not ; and ii. weih, ' femina, niulier nupta,' a 
 wife ; and thus signifying ' innupta,' unmarried, — as might 
 naturally be supposed from her illness, if attacked by it early 
 in life.* 
 
 The rest of the inscription is very obscure. The 
 letters me are given by Grori. Three letters would 
 complete the line ; and meant, if 1 might suggest the 
 emendation, might stand for ' beloved,' as represent- 
 ing mifinen, minne, — like the ' dulcis suis ' in the 
 beautiful epitaph of Felicula at Yolterra. An old 
 MS. copy completes the inscription as mexuaa- 
 VENKE ; and this might imply, ' She went away to 
 Men[t]u,' i. e. Mantus, or Hades. But Fabretti evi- 
 dently doubts the accuracy of this addition. The 
 sense is complete without it ; and it is possible that 
 the word avenke was repeated by an oversight in 
 the transcript. 
 
 The inscription would thus read, in its leading 
 phrases, — " Matulna, illegitimate daughter of Cesina, 
 departed this life, aged . . . , a leper, unmarried " — 
 shall I add, " beloved " ? 
 
 The history of the tomb and of its occupants, as 
 gathered from the comparison of these inscriptions, 
 
 * The compound imioip, unvip, is foimd in old German, but in a bad 
 sense. Here it can only have a good one. 
 
Sect. V. «TEMPIO DI SAN M ANNO.' 109 
 
 may be stated thus : — It was excavated by Lars 
 Cesina, the son of Yelius, for the joint tenancy of 
 himself and his wife Matulna, — whom I take to have 
 been the Kamtha Matidna, daughter of Marcus, who 
 figures in the second of the inscriptions. Ramtlm 
 Matulna survived her husband, and assigned or 
 bequeathed the usufruct of the tomb to a second 
 Matulna, a semi-legitimate daughter of one of her 
 own family, and concubine (in a legal sense) to Sethre 
 Cesina, probably a nephew or kinsman of Lars 
 Cesina. And lastly, a third Matulna, illegitimate 
 
 daughter of Cesina, was buried there, with the 
 
 record that she died a leper and unwedded. More, it 
 will be remarked, is said of her personally than of 
 any of the others ; and this would seem to sliew that 
 she was loved, pitied, and fondly remembered — 
 whether or not the final and incomplete me . . . have 
 the force above suggested or not. 
 
 Section V. — The Inscription of San Manno. 
 
 The same tenderness that breathes tlu'oughout the 
 inscription we have just analysed characterises 
 another which I shall now bring before you, and 
 which throws peculiar light incidentally on the eth- 
 nology of the Etruscans. It is to be seen in a tomb 
 — spacious, and beautifully built (of travertine), and 
 vaulted — at the village of La Commenda, about 
 two miles from Perugia on the road to Florence. 
 This tomb is now known as the ' Tempio di San 
 Manno,' it being a disputed point whether it was 
 intended for sepulchral or religious use.* A church, 
 
 * Kollermann calls it the ' Torre di S. Manno.' 
 
110 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. V. 
 
 dedicated to San Manno, was built above it some cen- 
 turies ago by the Knights of Maha. The iiiscri]3tion 
 is carved, in three hnes, above, and continuously to 
 the right and left of a magnificent arch opening into 
 a recess, within which are two rectangular blocks of 
 stone, which have been supposed to be altars. A 
 view of the whole is given by Count Griancarlo 
 Conestabile in his Monumenti di Perugia, tav. iv-xxx. 
 The inscription runs as follows : — 
 
 KeHEN : SUTHI : HINTHIU :THUES': SIANs": ETVE : THAURE : 
 LAUTNESKLE : KARESRI : AULES : LARTHIAL : PREKUTH- 
 ARASI : *| LARTHIALISVLE : KESTNAL : KLENARASI : ETH : 
 PHANU : LAUTN : PREKUS : IPA : MURZUA : KERURUM : 
 EIN : I HEKZRI : TUNUR : KLUTIVA : ZELUR R .t 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 1915.) 
 
 — The inscription falls into two portions, the first 
 ending with klenarasi. It may be analysed as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. KEHEN. — Akin to the Gothic hethio, a ' cubiculum,' or 
 bed ; and the Suio-Gothic haette ; but a verb, not a noun, and 
 implying to ' sleep ' or ' rest,' — apparently in the third person 
 of the plural (or perhaps dual ?) number. 
 
 2. SUTHI. — Compare (as on a previous occasion) with sat- 
 jan, to set, or lay — in a sepulchral sense, in the grave ; sezzi, 
 a place set ai)art for any one, &c. 
 
 3. HINTHIU. — A compound, I think — not of hm, thither, 
 but of, i. hie, here ; ii. in ; and iii. thiu, in the sense of tie/, 
 deep ; but with the signification of ' down ' or ' beneath,' as I 
 
 * This word is given as Peekuthurasi in Fabretti, but it ends as -arasi 
 in the engraving given by Conestabile ; and this is probably correct, as the 
 same termination occurs in klenarasi in the following line. 
 
 t HEKZRI and TUNUR, so given in Conestabile's engraving, are written 
 HERKZRi and TUN : UR in his text ; but Fabretti gives both as in the 
 engraving, from personal examination. 
 
Sect. V. ' TEMPIO DT SAN MANNO.' Ill 
 
 iut'er from the preservation of what appears to me the same 
 word in modern Italian as ' giu.' I read iiinthiu, therefore, 
 as equivalent to herunten, ' here beneath ' or ' below.' The 
 phrase would read therefore thus far, — ' There rest, buried, 
 here below,' &:c* 
 
 4, 5. THUE^ : SIAN^, — I take these words together because 
 they form a compound in the modern Teutonic laugniages, to 
 wit (in the singular number) sUef-sohn, ' step-son.' This title 
 has nothing to do with the idea of a ' step ; ' nor do any of 
 the ordinary derivations from stief, ' hard ' (on the theory of 
 the "injusta noverca "), stijva, ' firmare,' stiften, ' ordinare,' 
 or even from stov, stow, ' locus ' — (e. g. ' in loco parentis '), meet 
 the requirements of the case. Junius long ago pointed out 
 the truth, viz., that stepan, stiu^an (in the old Anglo-Saxon 
 and Alemannic) denotes ' orbare ' — that is, to deprive (of 
 kindred) ; and that steopnotlier (A.-Sax.), stiufmuather (Alem.), 
 thus signifies ' orphanorum matrem ; ' while Ihre adds in 
 confirmation that in the Anglo-Saxon version of the New 
 Testament bp^avov is translated steopeild. Starting from 
 this idea we can easily ascend to the true signification of the 
 first word in the present compound, viz. thues. ' Orbus,' op^a- 
 vo<i, are evidently Irom the same root as ' priv-us,' ' priv-atus,' 
 and ' priv-ignus ' — the Latin word for stepson ; and ' priv- 
 are ' is clearly the same \\ ith herauh-en, to bereave, or, ori- 
 ginally, to rob — a root equivalent to the Sanscrit rahh, the 
 Latin ' rap-ere,' &c. The idea of oi'phanhood was therefore 
 that of being ' bereaved ' or ' deprived ' of parents by death 
 — coming upon the family like an armed man or a thief in 
 the night. But thiubs, theof, tiuf, thief — ' fur, latro ' — is as 
 ancient and pregnant a word as rahh, ' rap-,' raub, ' rapt-or,' 
 raub-er ; and its application to the case of orphaned children 
 
 * A word very like hinthiu, occupying a cori-csponding place and 
 signification, and possibly of cognate origin, exists in Gaelic and Irish, viz. 
 an so, 's an aite so, here, or in this place ; with which the Diet, of the 
 Highland Society compares the Persian anja, there, ansii, thither, ' iliuc,' 
 and aiisu, hither. When a pillar-stone was set up over the grave of 
 Fothadh Airgtheach, who was killed a.d. 285, this stone was inscribed 
 *■ Eochaidh Airgtheach inso' (here), according to the 'Leabhar na h' 
 Uidhre.' — Journal of the Kilkenny Archcwl. Society, new series, vol. ii. 
 p. 177. 
 
112 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 would be equally appropriate. Henoe I infer that the 
 Etruscan thu, thues— reading it as in other instances thb, 
 THB-ES— is the same word as the old Teutonic tUuhs, theof, 
 thief, the compound thief-son, strange as it may sound, 
 implying exactly the same as step-son, viz., ' bereaved-son,' 
 — the child having been deprived of its parents by the theft 
 of death. But, more even than this : — Thief-son, or thief- 
 mother, is in reality the same word as steop-son, steop-muather, 
 the initial th and st being merely alternative forms of one 
 original, a primitive z. It is curious and sad to perceive how 
 an evil character has attached itself to stepmothers through 
 oblivion of the true etymology of the title and adverse in- 
 fluence from the deceptive suggestions of sound. We shall 
 find that we have to deal in the present inscription with a 
 'noverca' of the noblest and tenderest species. — ii. sian^, 
 the second element in what I here consider as a compound, is 
 (in the nominative case) the Teutonic sunu, ' filius,' son, — the 
 literal formation being akin to that which we have noticed 
 in PiAN-^i for pfand-, or, as is to be seen in German itself, in 
 the varying forms of lean, laen, lehen, laun. Ion, lohn. — Thu- 
 or THB-^iAN is thus the Etruscan form of stepson; and 
 from the context I am inclined to think that the word or 
 words must be in the genitive case, either plural or dual — 
 two persons, step-sons, being, as we shall see, in question 
 here ; in which alternative (of their being in the dual number) 
 the words would represent a very rare formation — the -es 
 answering to the terminational -6s in Sanscrit, which has 
 disappeared in Zendic and Lithuanian. — Thue^ : stan^ signi- 
 fies therefore, I conclude, ' of [her] two step-sons.' 
 
 6. etve. — Compare with ivittwe, witawa (vidava Sanscr.), 
 ' vidua,' widow.* It is dangerous (at least for myself) to 
 affirm such a thing in the face of the peculiar form of Etrus- 
 can orthography ; but I should think this word too was in the 
 dual mimher, like duhitar-a, Ouyarep-e in Sanscrit and Greek ; 
 and, if so, the words that follow are also in that number. 
 
 7. thaure. — Compare teur, tliaur, ' earns, pretiosus ' — dear, 
 or of great price. In agreement with etve. 
 
 * We have met with the word ah-e<ady as eitva • tamera in an insci-ip- 
 tion cited in a note, p. 101. 
 
Sect. V. 'TEMPIO DI SAN MANNO.' 113 
 
 8, 9. LAUTNE^KLE. — Written together without break, but 
 to be divided as lautne^ kle. — i. lautne^ is the genitive 
 singular of lautne, or Lautinia, the name of a person 
 more fully described in the second part of this inscrip- 
 tion as LAUTN : PREKU^. — ii. KLE — analogously to quell, 
 well ; ' quatuor/ jyetor, four ; ' quinque/ irevre, five — must 
 have been written originally rule or kuile, whence the 
 form of kle (abbreviated as usual) in the present inscrip- 
 tion, and, the initial K being omitted, *fil-e,' 'fil-iae' in 
 Latin ; while Kovpo<i, Kovprj, Kopo'i, Koprj (this last the name 
 of * the Daughter ' ^er excellentiam, Persephone), are formed 
 in parallel development in Greek, by mutation of the ' 1 ' 
 into ' r.' — THAURE : lautne^ kle thus signifies, ' Lautinia's 
 dear daughters.' 
 
 10. kaeesri. — A proper name, which is Latinized by 
 Fabretti as ' Caresia.' It designates one of Lautinia's 
 daughters, the widow of (we may infer) the eldest of her two 
 step-sons. His name and her qualification as his wife 
 follow : — 
 
 11-13. aules : laethial : prekuthara^i. — aules^ lar- 
 THIAL needs no explanation ; it is in the genitive case. But 
 PEEKUTHARA^r is a compound of prekuth and ara^i. — i. 
 prekuth is part of the name, or rather the name itself, of 
 Aulus Larthial, which is afterwards joined to Lautinia's (as 
 above said) as lautn : preku^. — ii. ara^i, I think, means 
 ' wife,' — and this may be gathered, first, from the context, in 
 •which tlie wives of the persons named are previously repre- 
 sented as widows ; secondly, from the resemblance of the word 
 to the old Homeric oap, 6apo<;, female companion, especially 
 wife ; and thirdly, from its appearance in a short inscription 
 at Perugia, ar . . . . ph arsa | lautneteri, {Fabretti, no. 
 1966), which I read as ' . . . , wife of Lautinius, second son,' 
 or ' second ' wife. "Oap must have been pronounced and 
 written oFap, oFapo^; ; and, restoring the lost initial, we may 
 recognise it probably as identical with Sd/xap, Sd/jiapTo<i, the 
 Etruscan tamera. OFap and frau may perliaps be the same 
 word ; and heuraht, heurath, wedlock, also suggests itself. I 
 infer that Aulus was the eldest son from his being first named, 
 and from his bearing the paternal name of 'Precuth.' 
 
 I 
 
114 ETRUSCAN INSCETPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 14, 15. LARTHiALi^vLE. — Distinguishable as larthiali 
 ^VLE. — i. LARTHIALI seems to be the name of the younger 
 daughter, and ii. ^vle the jprsenomen of her husband, sv and k 
 are interchangeable in Etruscan,and therefore ^ vle is probably 
 the same name as kale, which would be rendered in Latin 
 by ' Gallus,' as ^vle itself is, I suspect, by ' Sulla,' * Sylla.' 
 
 16. kestnal. — The matronymic of ^vle, Sylla, or Gallus. 
 
 17. klenara^i. — Compounded of, i, klen, the final title 
 or designation of ^vle kestnal; and of, ii. ara^i, wife. 
 KLEN — distinctly written so, and not klan — stands, I think, 
 for Mein, ' parvus,' in the sense of ' younger son.' 
 
 The translation of this first half of the inscription 
 would thus run : — " Caresia, wife of Aulus Larthial 
 Prekuz, [and] Larthiali, wife of Sylla Kestnal Klen, 
 the dear daughters of Lautinia, widows of her two 
 step-sons, rest in the sleep (of death) here-beneath." 
 It is evident from the record that Lautinia was twice 
 married, and by her first husband had two daughters. 
 She married, secondly, a gentleman of the family of 
 ' Prekuz,' or ' Prekuth,' himself already twice a 
 widower, and the father of two sons, Aulus, the eldest, 
 by his first wife Larthia, and Gallus, or Sylla, the 
 younger, by his second wife Kestna. The two 
 daughters married the two sons. The young men 
 died early, possibly in battle, and the wives survived 
 for awhile and then also died, leaving their mother 
 desolate. — Matter equally interesting, although of a 
 different character, follows in the second portion 
 of the text, as I have ventured to divide it : — 
 
 1, 2. ETH : PHANU. — Much has been urged from the occur- 
 rence of the word phanu in favour of this sepulchre ' di San 
 Manno ' having been really a ' fanum,' or ' tempio ' — as it is 
 popularly called. But the two words eth and phanu, taken 
 together, and with the context, denote a totally different 
 
Sect. V. 'TEMPIO DI SAN MANNO.' 115 
 
 thing, to wit, a testamentary trust or disposition, — eth cor- 
 responding with EiD, ' juramentum,' an oath, and being funda- 
 mentally allied with ' tides,' trust ; and phanu (which would 
 have been pronounced, I think, phantu, the accessory con- 
 sonant being, as usual, omitted in the calligrapliy) ^\ith 
 jofand, i^iliant, ^ant, ' pignus,' or perhaps with ge^^fandet, the 
 participle past oiiyfaenden, ' pignorare,' to pledge, — the words, 
 in effect, constituting a compound, and denoting — not exactly 
 a last will and testament, in its entirety, but a provision or 
 settlement under trust, by way of legacy. In the present 
 case the w^ords that follow shew that this provision was an 
 endowment in mortmain, a grant in perpetuity. An eth- 
 PHANU in fuller detail, but with a more limited object, will 
 be found in the inscription next to be analysed.* 
 
 3, 4. — LAUTN : PREKU^. — The name (in the genitive case) 
 of Lautinia, by marriage ' Prekuz ' (as the word must have 
 been properly written, judging by the variations -^ and -th, 
 which refer us to an original z) — or ' Precutia ' — mother of 
 the two ladies buried here, the constructor, I presume, of the 
 tomb, and legatrix and institutrix of the trust just men- 
 tioned. It is the fact of this ' Lautn ' bearing the name 
 ' Prekuz,' combined with that of the step-son Aulus being 
 also a Precuz, that obliges us, I think, to read lautn as a 
 female name, ' Lautinia,' notwithstanding the presumption at 
 starting against the legal competency of a woman, or wddow, 
 to act, as she is here represented as doing, independently.f 
 
 5, 6, 7. IPA : MURZUA : ker. — I detach ker from the word 
 it is coupled with, as the sense evidently requires this ; and 
 Etruscan sculptors and scribes were at all times lax observers 
 of the rules of calligraphy, constantly mixing up words and 
 names together even in inscriptions as carefully executed as 
 this is. — i. IPA is the German ley, and Greek vtto, by or 
 
 * It is just possible that the Etruscan eth : phanu and Latin ' testa- 
 mentum ' may be fundamentally the same (compound) word, — ' test- ' 
 representing an earlier teth, t-eth, t-ez, in the Etruscan, and phanu the 
 ' -mentum.' 
 
 t Possibly eth ! phanu may be tlie verb and lautn : prekus the 
 governing noun, iu the nominative case. The sense would be the 
 
116 • ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 under. — ii. murzua is an adjective, wliicli has its Teutonic 
 allies in morth, 7nurd, and its derivatives, but in the sense — 
 not of ' murder ' but of simple ' mors,' death. — And, iii. ker 
 is the old Pelasgic %elp, in Latin * hir,' hand — a word only- 
 known in the classical language from a notice preserved by- 
 Cicero, after Lucilius, as signifying the hollow of the hand 
 employed in tasting wine. — ipa : murzua : ker thus signifies, 
 ' Per manum mortuam,' or in todte hand, the formula used 
 in cases where a grant is made to a church, and explained 
 ' ad manus mortuas, sen perpetuas, legare,' that is, as we call 
 it in Scots, ' in mortification.' Such was the mode in which 
 the ETH : PHANU, or trust, was constituted in the present 
 instance ; and it is interesting to find a symbolical phrase 
 and usage so familiar to the student of middle-age charters 
 thus carried back to extreme antiquity. I suspect from the 
 use of the word murz-, * mors,' that these three words are a 
 technical formula of purely^ Pelasgic times, long anterior to 
 the date, remote as it is, of tlie present inscription.* 
 
 8, 9. URUM : EiN. — To be read, in conformity with Etruscan 
 usage in other instances which I shall notice, um ein-ur. 
 In compounds such as ein-ue the first element in Latin and 
 German is often (as will be foimd) put last in Etruscan, whether 
 that last be a particle like ein or a substantive noun. And 
 a relative word, or words, is occasionally moreover interposed 
 between such constituent parts of one compound, after a 
 
 * Although the trust by the todte hand and that by the treue or living 
 hand are expressed by the same word in medieval Teutonic, it will be 
 observed (if my identification of the latter phrase as also occurring in 
 Etruscan be found correct) that 'hir' is appropriated to the former and 
 hand to the latter, — a distinction which must have had its motive cause. 
 The discussion would be too long for this place, but I may observe, i. That 
 the association between ' hir,' x^ 'P> ^^^^ death may have arisen from the 
 resemblance of ' hir ' to hreo, a corpse, ' fer- ' in * fer-alia,' &c. : — ii. That as 
 the hollow or palm of the hand, ' hir,' is interpreted by ' vola manus,' the 
 latter having also the signification of the ' sole ' of the foot, so ' palma ' has 
 a close affinity with qualm, the Etruscan kulmu, death, — and, iii. That 
 5evap, the Greek equivalent of ' vola ' appears to be fundamentally con- 
 nected with 5dv-aTos. It is similarly the 'hollow of the hand,' kp 
 (Egyptian), which lies at the root of hivf-ni, the word expressive of con- 
 tract generally, and which I shall speak of presently. The plucking off 
 and delivery of the shoe, as by Boaz (Ruth iv. 6 sqq), seems to attach 
 itself rather to the alternate sense of ' vola manus.' 
 
Sect. V. 'TEMPIO DI SAN MANNO.' 117 
 
 manner still familiar to us in modern German. — i. UM is 
 here identical with unib, d/x(f)l, &c. denoting ' on account of,' 
 or ' for the purpose of,' that is, ' towards compassing any- 
 thing.' — ii. EIN-UR corresponds with the Latin ' inferige,' or 
 ' feralia,' the sacrifice for the dead, — the u standing here for 
 ' V ' or ' f,' EIN-UR thus becoming ein-fr, ' inferise.' 
 
 10. HEKZRi. — A compound, if I mistake not, of two words, 
 the first itself a compound, hek-z, the second a single vocable, 
 Ri, and thus to be wi-itten, properly, hek-z rt. — i. Of hek-z, 
 the first element, hek, may be compared with hoh, high ; the 
 second must be considered in relation to the component 
 elements of the single letter in which it appears before us, z. 
 This letter ' z ' is the rejDresentative of the letters ' s ' and * t ' 
 — letters that originally, T think, were sounded together as 
 'st,' (compare SSeu? for Zey? in the ^olic dialect,) — but 
 which are very frequently found apart, and receive a vowel 
 between them. In old Egyptian ' st ' signifies a stone, and I 
 infer from the legend of Saturn or Cronos (the ' Set,' ' Tet,' 
 * Zida,' of the Eastern world, and the God of Tide or Time) 
 having swallowed a stone, that such was the original ortho- 
 graphy, or rather orthoepy of his name. By the same 
 analogy zeit, tid, our Teutonic word for ' time,' must have 
 been written originally 'st,' or 'z,' and thus, I infer, the 
 Etruscan z in hek-z has that signification, hek-z is there- 
 fore, I think, identical with hoh-zeit, or liocli-zeit — not in the 
 modern sense of a marriage, but that of the Saxon heah-tide, 
 ' tempus festivum, festiim,' or ' high festival ' in genere, and the 
 Suio-Goth. hogtid, more especially now used for the great 
 religious festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Passion-week 
 in Scandinavia. But to complete the double compound 
 HEK-z-f-Ki, we have yet to consider the final element, ii. ri. — 
 This may be compared with the primitive Aryan ' cr,' ' gr,' ' hr,' 
 ' vr,' as in ' cr-esc-ere,' gr-oen, ' vir-escere,' and with the San- 
 scrit hari, ' vir-idis,' green; and ri would thus appear to at- 
 tach the idea of the green growth of early spring to the 
 HEK-Z, hoch-zeit, or festival in question, hek-z ri thus signi- 
 fies ' at the high festival of green things.' * The name of 
 
 * The word hek, with the preceding signification, is of great antiquity, 
 occurring in old Egyptian, and in various hieroglyphical combinations, as 
 
118 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 the deity to whom the festival was dedicated immediately 
 follows, viz., 
 
 11. TUNUR. — The ' Thunaer,' or Thor, of Thuringia, other- 
 wise written *Donar' in Old High German, and 'Thunar' in the 
 Old Saxon. Taking hek-z pj tunur together, we have here 
 the Etruscan equivalent of the Teutonic EoJie Bonnerstag, or 
 Grime Donnerstag, as it was sometimes called — the ' Dies 
 Viridium ' or feast of spring, sacred to Jupiter — the great 
 'Dies Jovis,' — the 'Holy Thur's' or ' Thor's Day,' which we 
 still celebrate with especial reverence in Passion-week ; Pope 
 Leo having, in a.d. 692, converted the pre-Christian festival 
 into a Cliristian one, in perfect conformity with its original 
 signification. Holy Thursday having been the day on which 
 the Eucharist, or High Feast of the New Spring, the New 
 Creation, was instituted by Our Saviour.* 
 
 12. KLUTIVA. — A compound, divisible into klut and IVA. 
 — i. KLUT, I take it, represents gold, gelt, ' sterilis ' (as ren- 
 dered so artificially) ; and ii. iva, the Indo-European word 
 found in Greek as oft?, 019, Lat. ' ovis,' and Sanscrit avi, — 
 KLUTiv- thus signifying a wether — what used to be called a 
 
 liak, a time, festival, Mhr, a festival, and hah; a point of time. (BircJis 
 Did. Tlieroglypliics, ap. Bunsen's Egyxit, vol. v. p. 399, last English 
 edition.) The relations of the old Egyptian and the Teutonic and Aryan 
 lansiiages, generally, are very close, and to be accounted for only, I think, 
 by Japhetan conquest and intermixture at a very early period. I suspect, 
 nevertheless, that hek, htali, liocli, hog, and even the Egyptian hah, are but 
 abraded forms of an older herh, hearh, akin to the A.-Saxon haerg, 'fanum,' 
 and the Swedish horg and haurg, ' fanum, vel locus sacrorum, ubi victimaj 
 immolantur,' — the same word which we have in the old Latin 'arg-ei,' the 
 name o-iven by the Pontifices of Rome to the ' loca sacris faciendis ' accord- 
 ing to Livy {lib. i. c. 21). See Ihre in voce. If Conte G. Conestabile is 
 correct in transcribing the word above discussed as herkzei, these observa- 
 tions will shew that the interpretation offered in the text is in no wise 
 affected. As stated, I have retained the current reading, as given in the 
 Count's engraving, as well as in the transcript by Fabretti. 
 
 * In Conestabile's text (as stated in a previous note) he divides tunur as 
 TUN : UB ; whereas it is tunur in the engraving, as well as in the various 
 transcripts. Even if divided as tun : ur, the sense would remain the 
 same ; as tun would then answer to Zr]v, Zav, ' Tin-a,' ' Din,' or ' Pfing,' all of 
 them varieties of the name of Thor (conf. Asshur = Astun) ; and ur would 
 represent the additional syllabic ' -aer ' as found in ' Thun-aer ' of Thuringia, 
 analogously to ' Surt-ur,' as compared with ' Surt,' in Scandinavia. 
 
Sect. V. ' TEMPIO DI SAN MANNO.' 119 
 
 bell-wetber, perhaps as sacred in Britain and Gaul to Baal, 
 Thor, or Jupiter, — a creature always looked upon Avitli 
 respect, and his title even transferred to humanity as ' one 
 who leads the people.'* I may be wrong, but klutiva 
 appears to me, from the termination, to be in the dual 
 number, — we might perhai3s infer this from there being the 
 manes of two persons to propitiate ; and the conjecture will 
 possibly be confirmed by what I have to state after finishing 
 this analysis. 
 
 13. ZELUR . . . E. — Eeading u as b, and comparing zelur 
 with zalilhar, we should obtain the meaning of ' due, payable ' 
 at a certain time ; and I should incline to fill up the deficient 
 letters and read the remainder thus, — zelur : ipa : e, — the 
 final R standing for an Etruscan word akin to jar, year, and 
 to the verbal eil already spoken of; and the passage thus 
 signifying — ' payable j^^er annum,' or yearly. 
 
 The entire inscription may therefore be rendered, — 
 i. "Caresia, wife of Aulus Larthial Prekus," and 
 " Larthiali, wife of Sylla Kestnal Klen, the dear 
 daughters of Lautinia, widows of her step-sons, rest 
 in the sleep (of death) here-beneath : " — ii. " Legacy, 
 (or fiduciary trust,) of Lautinia Prekutia " — or, " Lau- 
 tinia Prekutia bequeaths in trust — per manum mor- 
 tuam" — (that is, in perpetuity) — " as z^/^r^o? (sacri- 
 fices to the dead), at the High Feast-day of Tunur " 
 (the Hohe Bonner stag or ' Dies Yiridium '), " [two] 
 wethers, due " (or, to be offered) " yearly." f I offer 
 this interpretation as that which the separate words 
 analysed and the context appear to prescribe — so 
 
 * Two ' berbices ' or ' vervices ' are mentioned in the records of the Arval 
 Brothers passim as a periodical sacrifice to Jupiter, that is, Tina, or 
 Thunaer. 
 
 t Dr. Donaldson translates the latter part of the inscription thus: — 
 ' Timur Clutiva let carve this sacred funereal prayer of Larthialisulus, the 
 yoimgcr son of Cestna, upon the building where the cinerary urns are 
 deposited.' — Varron., p. 223. 
 
120 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 strongly indeed as to overrule the hesitation and 
 doubt which the exhibition of such freedom and inde- 
 pendence of action on the part even of a widow in 
 Roman times suggest. But this was an Etruscan 
 lady, and her action belonged to the times probably 
 of her nation's independence. 
 
 I reserve any remarks upon the interesting mytho- 
 logical and (by implication) ethnological intimation 
 in the second part of the inscription, and merely note 
 here one or two circumstances which may support the 
 preceding interpretation. I may state, in the first 
 place, that I had translated the whole as above shewn 
 before referring to Mr. Dennis's account of the tomb 
 (which I have never visited) ; and there I read, to 
 my satisfaction, as follows : — " About half-way down 
 the chamber, on either hand, is a recess, also vaulted, 
 in one of which stand, in the inner corners, two blocks 
 of travertine resembling altars, each having a groove 
 or channel at the upper edge as if to carry off the 
 blood." It is obvious, I think, that these two 
 blocks are the actual altars upon which the klutiva, 
 or two wethers, were sacrificed, as provided by the 
 ETH PHANU of Lautinia Prekutia, to the manes of her 
 two daughters — a separate altar for each victim. Mr. 
 Dennis suggests that the sepulchre received its name 
 of ' tempio ' from the existence of these altars.* The 
 justice of this criticism is now, I think, proved ; 
 
 * " It is this," he says, " which has caused the vault to be regarded as a 
 temple, though I think it more probably was a sepulchre, both from analogy 
 and on account of its subterranean character. Moreover the existence of an 
 altar is in no way inconsistent with the supposition of a tomb, for the rela- 
 tion between tombs and temples is well known ; and a shrine where offer- 
 ings might be made to the Manes was not infrequent in ancient sepulchres 
 . . . The sepulchre was, in fact, the shrine of the Manes, who were 
 regarded as Gods." — Cities, Sec, vol. ii. p. 488. 
 
Sect. V. ' TEMPIO DI SAN MANNO.' 121 
 
 while that criticism may equally be appealed to as 
 shewing that the interpretation above given — in 
 which bloody sacrifices are the subject-matter — is 
 worthy of credit. The truth turns out to be that 
 those who contend that the place was a tomb and the 
 rival partisans of the ' tempio ' theory are both right, 
 and that this Etruscan sepulchre has been from the 
 first an endowed mortuary chapel — thus at once 
 temple and tomb. The further observation occurs to 
 me (and this is more under the circumstances than 
 mere matter of curiosity), that these sacrifices to the 
 ' Manes ' of the two ladies probably went on year after 
 year till the introduction of Christianity ; and then, 
 I suspect, the title ' S. Manno ' supplanted that of the 
 
 * Divi Manes ;' and either the place was consecrated, 
 or such a reverence continued to attach to it in the 
 neighbourhood for centuries afterwards, that a chapel 
 or church was built over it as over a crypt — the pre- 
 decessor probably of the present building. In that 
 case the two Etruscan ladies, votaries of Tunur or 
 Thor, have been the subject of an uninterrupted 
 cultus, although latterly under the masculine title of 
 
 * S. Manno,' to the present time. It is remarked by 
 Conte Gr. Conestabile that no traces of urns or sarco- 
 phagi exist in the tomb ; nor have any notices of such 
 having been ever there come down to us ; and — 
 judging from the force of the word hinthiu, ' here- 
 beneath,' as I understand it — I should not be sur- 
 prised if the remains of Caresia and Larthiali were 
 buried within or in front of the recess and altars, and 
 might still be discovered there by excavation. 
 
 The question of the antiquity of the tomb is a matter 
 of high interest, as bearing on that of the inscription. 
 
122 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 Mr. Dennis compares it with the "Tanella di Pitagora' 
 at Cortona and the ' Deposito del Gran Duca ' at 
 Chinsi, — the former built of very massive stones, but 
 exquisitely shaped and finished — as old, he thinks, 
 as the walls of Cortona herself, or the Cloaca Maxima 
 of Rome, and such as he would have considered Pelas- 
 gian but for an Etruscan inscription formerly attached 
 to it,* — the latter perfectly vaulted, like the present 
 tomb, but of less massive workmanship, and not, he 
 thinks, indicating a very high antiquity, although 
 Steuart, he adds, assigns a very ancient date to a 
 tomb in Lydia very similar to it in construction. The 
 ' Deposito del G-ran Duca ' has been originally, in 
 Mr. Dennis's opinion, built up as an independent 
 structure, and then covered with earth in imitation of 
 a tumulus, the soil being loose and friable ; and 
 Count Gr. Conestabile makes the same remark with 
 regard to the ' Tempio di San Manno.' No argu- 
 ment against the early date of the ' Tempio ' can be 
 based on that ' beauty ' and ' perfection ' of its ma- 
 sonry which Mr. Dennis speaks of with such enthu- 
 siasm, inasmuch as he acknowledges that the like 
 excellence is compatible with the opinion he holds as 
 to the very ancient date of the ' Tanella di Pitagora.' 
 The result, I should say, fairly to be arrived at from 
 all this is, that the ' Tempio di S. Manno ' is only 
 second in date to the ' Tanella,' and certainly not 
 later than the sixth century before Our Saviour, 
 which Mr. Dennis assigns as the earliest in which the 
 
 * It is very short, — v • kusu • kb • l • apa j petkual • klan 
 (Fahreiti, no. 1040). The jninctuatiou of the first line is represented 
 by Castellani as somewhat doubtful ; and the l in that line may perhaps 
 be an i. 
 
Sect. V. 'TEMPIO Dl SAN MANNO.' 123 
 
 arch proper can be found to have been used in vault- 
 ing — at least, I should submit, by the Etruscans, for 
 the Egyptians certainly knew and practised it a 
 thousand years earlier. I own that, judging from the 
 engraving of the interior given by Conestabile, I 
 should have thought it far older than the date fixed 
 on by Mr. Dennis. Whatever the date, it must be 
 very early ; and, if so, the inscription must of course 
 represent the language as existing at the same period, 
 when possibly the dual number, subsequently lost or 
 almost effaced, may have been still in viridi ohser- 
 vantid among the Etruscan Germans. I may add 
 that both the ' Tanella di Pitagora ' and the ' Depo- 
 sito del Gran Duca ' exhibit that " singular identity 
 of dimensions with the multiples and divisions of the 
 modern Tuscan braccio — which there is good reason 
 to believe is just double the ancient Eoman foot " — 
 upon which Mr. Dennis founds his opinion " that the 
 Romans took that measure from the Etruscans, and 
 that the modern Tuscans use the very same measures 
 as their celebrated forefathers." * Mr. Dennis does 
 not state — nor does Conestabile, whether this identity 
 exists likewise in the case of the ' Tempio di S. 
 Manno ' — but I suspect it does. 
 
 I should perhaps stop here, but the observation 
 presses forward : May it not be inferred from this 
 magnificent tomb and the memories associated with 
 it, as well as from the preceding inscription, that 
 happy homes, founded on the culture of domestic 
 virtue, were as common with these, our remote Etrus- 
 can kinsmen, as with ourselves ? It is remarkable 
 that there is no allusion in the present inscription to 
 
 * Cities, &c,, vol. ii. pp. 376, 448, 449. 
 
124 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. V. 
 
 the terrors of Charon and the grave, — nopaintmgsof 
 festivity or sorrow adorn the Puritan simphcity of 
 the walls ; while, at the same time, there is no out- 
 pouring of desolate hopeless distress (as in other 
 cases) on the part of Lautinia, although left alone 
 apparently in the world, husband, daughters, and 
 step-son sons-in-law, all gone before her. The ques- 
 tion suggests itself — ■' Whither,' in her estimation ? 
 Is it too much to think that the ' High Feast of 
 Tunur,' the ' Dies Viridium ' or Griine Donnersiag of 
 the Etruscans and (pre-Christian) Teutons, was in 
 some dim way to them, as to ourselves, a pledge of 
 renewed life and immortality? Such speculations 
 are not always too daring. ' Non omnis moriar ' was 
 as instructive and influential a sentiment among the 
 virtuous ancients as the belief in God, Geo?, ' Deus,' 
 apart from His mythological representatives. 
 
 Section VI. — Inscription in the tomh of the Pompeys. 
 
 I now pass to the inscription which I referred to 
 sypra, under the word eth : phanu, as presently to 
 be brought forward, and as exhibiting the form and 
 substance of a fidei-commissum. It is, or rather was 
 inscribed — for it is now nearly obliterated — on the 
 great central pillar in the sepulchre of the Pompey 
 family at Tarquinii, discovered in 1832, — a richly 
 decorated tomb, a full description of which is given by 
 Mr. Dennis ;* while engravings of the paintings may 
 be seen in the second volume of the 'Monumenti 
 Inediti ' of the ' Institute Archeologico ' of Rome. It 
 runs as follows : — 
 
 * Cities, &c., vol. i. jip. 302 sqq. 
 
Sect. VI, TOMB OF THE POxMPEYS. 125 
 
 ElTH : PHANU : SATHEK : LAVTN : PUMPUS | SKUNU • S : 
 S'UTHITP : IN : PHLENXNA | TEISNIKA:KAL : IPA:MAANI : 
 TINERI MTISUS . . NAMUTNE : IPA : TR . . . . NIKLTE | 
 
 PHLESXNEVES . . A . . : K.K TAN ERKE : ATHIS | 
 
 THNAM • PHLENXNATE ATA • : ENAK ■ ELI :' | 
 
 KESASIN :THUNCHU . . . . M : ENAK-CHM .... VER:KAL- | 
 
 . RNTHAL : LA LISLA : CH . . . ELR . . . AS : K • 
 
 ENS i SKUNA • * 
 
 A shorter inscription is also to be seen — or was so 
 formerly — over the head of the jDrincipal personage 
 in the most important of the paintings, to the follow- 
 ing effect : — 
 
 LaRIS : PUMPUS I ARNTHAL : KLAN | KECHASE. 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 2279, 2280, tab. xlii. And Kellermamis paper, 
 ^ BuUettino,' Archseol. Institute of Rome, 1833.) f 
 
 The longer inscription has suffered so much injury, 
 and its restoration and interpretation must be in many 
 
 * The ' ph ' used in phanu is, like the ' ph ' in the Pelasgian inscriptions, 
 diiferent from the usual Etruscan letter, which resembles the numeral 8, or 
 rather an hourglass ; but, while the Pelasgian ' ph ' is formed apparently of 
 two sans facing each other, the 'ph' here used resembles two siymas 
 similarly opposed. The two foiTus san and sig7na appear to be employed 
 with careful discrimination throughout this inscription. The punctuation 
 appears to be carried through with strict grammatical propriety. I doubt 
 the inscription being of antiquity commensurate with that of the tomb. 
 The paintings differ in character, some being archaic, others of the finest 
 time of Etruscan art. 
 
 t I may take this opportunity of suggesting the extreme importance of 
 accurate measurement, and comparative measurement too, of the lacunw in 
 Etruscan inscriptions, — each lacuna should itself be measured, and notice 
 taken of any indickp. of the original number of letters, even although they 
 be no longer legible ; and at the same time a measurement should be taken 
 of the space occupied by (say) ten or twelvaletters in an unbroken portion of 
 the inscription, so as to furnish a standard for the assistance of the critic 
 who may endeavour to restore the lost passages. My impression is that 
 Kellermann has been wonderfully accurate in his transcript on the present 
 occasion ; I should otherwise never have been able to restore (as I trust 
 I have done) the missing portions. 
 
126 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 passages so conjectural, that I should hardly have 
 selected it for the present purpose had it not appeared 
 to be of peculiar interest on the ground above speci- 
 fied, and its general purport sufficiently apparent to 
 justify my doing so. I have found it indeed less im- 
 perfect than I supposed at first from the irregularity 
 with which the lines begin and end, as represented in 
 the engi^aving. I doubt whether any words are 
 wanting except in the central parts of the inscription. 
 I proceed to analyse it as usual : — 
 
 1, 2, 3. EiTH : PHANU : ^athek. — The words eth : phanu, 
 taken in connection, have already been explained as signify- 
 ing a testamentary trust ; but the combination is somewhat 
 diiferent here, and while eith retains its signification of 
 ' fides,' trust under oath, phanu must be taken with Father, 
 as a distinct compound. We have identified phanu, war- 
 rantably, I think, with pfand. As regards ^athek, — the 
 Teutonic satz, and its derivative satzung, both signify ' pignus, 
 hypotheca,' a pledge or mortgage; satzung, 'testamentum, 
 legatum,' a will or bequest, — while setzen in pfandsiveise 
 implies 'jus hypothecee ; alicui rem constituere,' to create a 
 trust or mortgage, — which act, again, is expressed in com- 
 position by the noun pfandsatz. phanu : ^athek, considered 
 as a compound, would thus be the Teutonic jyfand-satz, or 
 rather pfand- satzuiig, the d and n being respectively omitted 
 (as usual) in the Etruscan orthography. Taken with the 
 preceding word, eith, ' fides,' the signification may be 
 accepted as 'Testamentary settlement, by fidei-commissum^ 
 or in the hands of a fiduciary, or trustee. 
 
 4, 5. lavtn : pumpus. — I'he name of the defunct who 
 constitutes the fidei-commissum in question. It may be either 
 in the nominative or genitive case, as the termination -us is 
 common to both. The latter is more probable. 
 
 6. SKUNU. — Compare schein, ' testimonium,' scheinon, ' os- 
 tendere, manifestare,' gasceinon, ' notum facere,' to declare, 
 set forth, or make known, skunu is, I think, written. 
 
Sect. VL TOMB OF THE TOMrEYS. 127 
 
 according to common Etruscan usage, for skuntu, the past 
 participle of the Etruscan verb, and signifies ' declared.' And 
 the six words thus constitute the title of the inscription, 
 ' The testamentary settlement hy fidei-commissum of Lautinius 
 Pompey,' duly ' declared and notified ' — as we shall see, by 
 ' nuncupatio.' The single dot or stop that follows skunu, 
 instead of the usual colon, appears to mark the termination 
 of this title ; and there are other instances of this in the 
 record, constituting a peculiarity which distinguislies it from 
 the practice in other cases in which the single dot sometimes 
 marks the presence of compounded words. 
 
 7. s : . — This letter; I think, stands in abbreviation for an 
 Etruscan word which would be, in German, setzer, i. e. 
 ' mandator ' — he who gives a charge or commission, to wit, 
 the EiTH-PHANU-^ATHEK or pfcind-satzung just spoken of, and 
 now to be set forth, s : is the nominative to what follows : — 
 
 8, 9. ^UTHiTP. — This congeries of letters, although written 
 unbrokenly as one word, is divisible into two, thus, ^uthi tp. 
 — i. ^UTHi I take to be the third person, present tense, 
 of setz-en, ' ponere, constituere,' to appoint, — governed by 
 s = setzer, the preceding word. — ii. tp represents the ad- 
 jurative do^^p ! , signifying (in the imperative mood) ' Strike ! ' 
 as derived from duppen, ' percutere,' to duh or strike (conf. 
 TVTTTco, ' percutio ') ; and addressed in ancient times in Ger- 
 many by any one ' ad sponsion em provocante,' that is, calling 
 upon another to ratify a bargain or agreement by joining — 
 or, as we still say, ' striking ' — hands.* The root of the 
 symbolism is to be found (according to what I believe to be 
 a fundamental law governing symbolical development) in 
 the fortuitous resemblance of words — dojyp, tvttt-, being, 
 
 * Hence our phrase, to ' strike a bargain :' — " Nam sponsiones more 
 antiquo complosis dextris (Latine manum stipulatam vocant) percutiuntur. 
 Et hinc is qui ad sponsionem provocat dicere solet (Zo^j/j, id est, percute. 
 Confer adobare." — Wachter, sub voce dopj^- So too under handschlag, 
 which he derives from Imnd, ' stipulatio,' and schlagen, 'plodere, collidere.' 
 . . " Unde nataj formute, /riWe?i anstossen, kaufschlagen," &c. The idea 
 thus expressed is that rather, superficially, of ' clapping ' hands ; but the 
 sound merely expressed the junction, the essential point of the symbolism. 
 ' Stip- ' is, in fact, the same word originally as kp, which will be noticed 
 immediately in the t«xt. 
 
128 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 through the interchangeability of d and h, a mere echo of h]^, 
 that very ancient word for the ' fist ' or ' palm of the hand,' 
 as found in old Egyptian, and still familiar to us in the 
 Scottish ' gowp-en,' a handful, and in the English ' cuff,' to 
 strike, which lies at the root of the entire family of words 
 expressing sale and purchase, or bargains and covenants of 
 whatever kind, and of which haufen is the Teutonic repre- 
 sentative. It was on this same principle of echoing sense by 
 sound that, by Roman usage, in the case of a ' testamentum 
 per aes et libram,' when a trust was constituted for the benefit 
 of the ' familia ' of the testator — which was the case to a 
 certain extent, as we shall see, in the present instance — the 
 ' emptor ' (or fictitious purchaser) struck the scales with a 
 piece of coin, which he gave to the 'testator'; and it was 
 only after that ceremony had been completed that the 
 'testator' pronounced ' nuncupatio ' or published Lis will, 
 naming his (fiduciary) ' heres,' or heir, — the crowning cere- 
 mony which is expressed in the word skunu in the title above 
 analysed. I draw this illustration from Eoman law and 
 practice ; but that the Roman ceremony was simply bor- 
 rowed from the Etruscan, and that its relative terms were 
 translated from the Etruscan or Teutonic language, is clear, 
 I think, first, from the presumption that the Romans bor- 
 rowed their law as well as their other institutions from 
 Etruria, and secondly, from the fact that those words which 
 denote the principle of ' nexum,' or obligation, the various 
 forms and symbols of obligation, and the central authority 
 which presided over Contract, the Pontifex Maximus, stand 
 isolated, apart, and without any recognisable link of coherence, 
 in Latin, while they apjjear in connection, each with a living- 
 meaning, and all in subordination to one dominant word, 
 pfand, bond, phanu, in Teutonic and Etruscan. The con- 
 vergence in signification of the different words thus far 
 analysed, may enable us, I think, to conclude that the 
 EiTH : PHANU : Father constituted by Lautinius Pompey 
 and recorded in this inscription was a fidei-commissum, or 
 trust, confirmed by ' cautiones ' or mutual covenants, sym- 
 bolised and ratified by that striking of hands which, cer- 
 tainly in Germany and, as we now see, in ancient Etruria, 
 
Fect. Vr. TOMB OF TIIK POMPEYS. 120 
 
 aocompanieii sucli transactions. We have seen in a former 
 inscription that the violation of an engagement made by- 
 joining hands entailed a severe penalty. 1 read, in fine, 
 s : ^UTHi TP as, 'The mandator,' viz. L. Pompey, 'appoints 
 by striking,' i.e. settles in trust. This conclusion will bo 
 snpported by what immediately follows : — 
 
 10, 11. IN : PHLENXNA. — Of these two words, i. in evi- 
 dently has the same meaning as in Latin and English ; and, 
 ii. PHLENXNA is, with equal clearness, an Etruscan variety of 
 the Roman ' bilanx,' a balance or pair of scales, — a word 
 usually derived from 'bis' and ' lanx,' a plate or scale. It 
 has not hitherto been 'determined, whether the letter i, 
 sometimes transcribed 'z,' represents that letter or 'x'; but 
 this identification decides it in favour of the latter. These 
 two words complete the sense, in sequence to ^uthi tp ; and 
 the phrase ^uthi tp in phlenxna must be read, ' appoints 
 by striking' with a coin 'upon the scales,' thus expressing 
 by its full technical formality a ' mancipium,' or transfer in 
 trust 'per ass et libram.' 
 
 12. teisnika. — Compare with tusinc, tuzing, tausend, 
 ' mille,' a thousand, — a numeral ; to be follo^ved by a noun 
 substantive, tineei, implying a coin, or denomination of 
 money, presently. 
 
 13, 14, 15. kal : ipa : ma • ani : — With respect to these 
 words I can only suggest that they exj^ress the time and 
 seasons when the thousand tineri are to be paid. — i. kal : 
 may represent either zal, ' numerare, ' zelten, ' solvere, 
 prsGstare,' to pay; or, more probably (as I think), 'kalendse,' 
 the kalends, or times when money due was payable. — ii. ipa 
 represents vtto, hey, and signifies, as already shewn, ' per.' — 
 iii. MA • ani may be compared with mand, fxrjv, mouth ; and 
 the analysis of the word would give ma, ' measure,' and ani, 
 < of the annus,' or year- circle. The single dot, or point, 
 interposed in lieu of the colon between ma and ani confirms 
 this suggestion by shewing that ma • ani is a compound. I 
 take KAL : ipa : ma • ani thus to signify ' to be paid every 
 month,' or ' on the kalends of each month ' in the year. 
 
 16. TINEEL — This I take to represent ' denarii ' — teisnika 
 tineri, ' mille denarios.' Danaro, the vernacular word for 
 
 K 
 
130 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 ' money ' in Tuscany, is a corruption (I presume) of ' denarius.' 
 The value of the denarius as familiar to us in classical times 
 and in the Koman territory can of course be no positive 
 criterion of the value in Etruria at the date of this inscrip- 
 tion. 
 
 17, 18, MTisr^. — Distinguishable, I should think, as mtis 
 u^. — i. MTIS may be compared Avith mauth, mause, ' vectigal,' 
 toll — especially such as is levied on property transported by 
 water — perhaps, in this instance, on the river Marta, or levied 
 at Graviscse, the port of Tarquinii ; and further, with mezz-an, 
 metzen, meten, to measure, the Tis answering to tz. — ii. us 
 probably corresponds with uz, usz, aus, ' ex,' out of mtis u^ 
 may thus signify ' out of [his] revenue, or income ' — or it 
 may be the commencement of the ensuing clause, directing 
 how the money should be spent, and readable, ' To mete out,' 
 disburse, or pay — a word not inappropriate in connection 
 with the balance or scales.* 
 
 19. . . NAMUTNE. — Two letters being apparently lost at 
 the beginning of this word, I suspect that the hiatus should 
 be filled up with ke or ki, or perhaps ze, — that the word was 
 originally kenamutne, — and that it is akin to the old German 
 henomunge, 'definita certa portio,' — a noun formed from 
 henuimen, ' definire,' as henuimen is from nenen (the Greek 
 ve^ieiv), ' nominare, specilicare,' — the root being nemen, nehmen, 
 to take — especially with the hand. The signification would 
 be 'speciatim,' or rather, 'distributive,' — to pay, that is to 
 say, ' in defined, or prescribed sums,' or ' specifically,' as 
 shall be indicated. 
 
 20, 21, 22. IPA : TE . . . . Nl. — We have now entered on 
 the broken ground of the inscription, and the difficulty of 
 picking our \vay increases at every step. Ni, I would observe, 
 is written in connection with the succeeding word klte, 
 without break, in the inscription ; but klte is certainly, as 
 will appear, a distinct word. — i. ipa has been already con- 
 nected with viro, ' per,' hey. — ii. iii. TK . . . . Ni appears to 
 
 * Orioli reads it nutisus, which would he derivahle from i. nutz, 
 signifying the usufruct or 'redditus' of a property; and ii. usz, aus, as 
 above. But I think the transcript originally made by Kellermann and 
 taken as the text for this analysis is the more trustworthy. 
 
Sect. VI. TOMB OF THE POMPEYS. lol 
 
 me to stand for treue hand, ' fida manus, manus fiduciaiia,' 
 the final d or i in liand being omitted, as nsual in Etruscan, 
 and the word written ani, hani, or perhaps simply ni, as a 
 dot appears in Kellermann's engraving near the top of the 
 * n,' as if there had been a colon before it. The clause would 
 imply therefore ' to pay,' or * payment in defined sums,' or 
 ' specifically,' by the ' true ' or faithful ' hand ' of the fiduciary, 
 or trustee. 
 
 23, 24, 25. KLTE : phle^xneves . . ^ . . : k.k 
 
 — i. KLTE, akin to the Teutonic gelt, the type and centre of 
 an infinity of words connected with ' solutio ' or money-pay- 
 ment, must be understood here as ' pecunia,' wages, or stipend, 
 as for example in the compound hnecht-geld, ' pecunia militi 
 alendo ' (especially in garrison), and others of the same kind. 
 — ii. PHLESXNEVES, although so like at first sight, is a dif- 
 ferent word from phlenxna, an * ^ ' taking the place of the 
 *N.' Proximately, it is comparable with irfiegnus, 'famuli- 
 tium,' i.e. the slaves, or servants, who compose what we call 
 an establishment ; but the two words represent, I think, both 
 of them, an older original form in parallel descent. We may 
 be guided to this form by the observation that the first ' ^ ' 
 in PHLESXNEVES is rendered by the Etruscan san, which in 
 this inscription, as in various others, appears to be used in 
 preference to the sigma at the end of words, or of the several 
 elements of compound words, phles and xneves would 
 thus be the component elements here ; and the latter, xneves, 
 at once reminds us of our Northern cnecht, hieclit, hnapp, 
 knave, ' famulus, servus,' which, in the bad sense of ' nebulo,' 
 was familiar to the Etruscans as nepos. The resemblance 
 of phleS to pflicht, ' cura, tutela, servitia, &c., jure ac more 
 debita,' &c. may be less apparent ; but the terms die jpfliclitige 
 leute, zinspjlichtig, and others, used to denote 'servi,' whether 
 servants, serfs, or slaves, and as tantamount to lofiegliaft, a 
 term again commutable with pflegnuss (from pfege, 'tutela') 
 ut supra, warrants the approximation ; and my impression is, 
 that the Etruscan compound now in question has been 
 originally written phleks-xneves, but that the ' K ' has 
 been softened down and lost in use through the conjunction 
 and attrition of so many consonants. The two words klte : 
 
 K 2 
 
132 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 PHi,E^XNEVES — the latter apparently in tlie genitive case — 
 thus appear to signify, ' cost, or payment, of the servants,' or 
 • of tlie establishment,' provided by the settlement. It will 
 not escape your notice that the Etruscan klte-xneves cor- 
 responds in form, although with a variation in special signi- 
 fication, with the Teutonic compound hiecM-geld, above 
 spoken of.* — iii. Tiie gross amount to be thus paid must 
 have been indicated in sequence to phle^xneves ; and we 
 can discern indications of numerals ; but the illegible spaces 
 and abbreviations whicli present themselves at this point 
 throw us necessarily upon consideration of the context 
 (before and after) as the only sure means of ascertaining the 
 precise pecuniary provisions of the trust. I shall therefore 
 postpone my interpretation of them, merely stating here that 
 I believe that the text should run, restored, as 
 
 PHLESXNEVES : I TR • : KKKXXXIII : 
 
 — the general signification being, 'Towards maintenance of 
 the household,' — so much. A second clause in the specifica- 
 tion of money-payments now succeeds : — 
 
 26-33. TAN .... eeke : athis ] thnam • phlenxnate 
 
 ATA . : ENAK. — The lacunas here, as in the case 
 
 of the preceding numerals, are unfortunate; the letters are 
 written moreover (or were written) so irregularly that it is 
 difficult to feel sure as to the number of them which ought 
 to fill each separate gap ; but I think the passage may be 
 restored as follows, tanna : heeke : athis | thnam • 
 
 PHLENXNATE : CHAZI : UATA • : ENAK. — i. The WOrd TANNA 
 
 occurs in the great inscription of Perugia, hereafter to be 
 dealt with ; anti I have therefore completed the word by 
 adding the two letters deficient, followed by a colon. It 
 appears to me to be the past participle passive of zanen, ' con- 
 
 * My first impression was that phlesxneves was the Etruscan equivalent 
 for the Latin ' familia,' to wit, the inheritance which the ' emptor ' bought 
 per ces et lihrani, but under covenant to the testator to deal with it accord- 
 ing to his expressed wish. But I think the word, although covered by this 
 legal sense of ' familia,' has likewise the more specific sense assigned in the 
 text. 
 
Sect. VI, TOI\IB OF THE TOMPEYS. 133 
 
 cordare inter se,' to agree together, ^vitll the sense of 'in- 
 dentured.' I shall spealv of it again more fully, phlenxnate 
 is its relative substantive. — ii. iii. herke : athis. hekke 
 I take to represent the word found in ancient law-Latin (I 
 mean of Roman antiquity) fts ' herctum ' or ' forctum,' inter- 
 preted as ' hereditas,' and in a simpler form as ' here-' in 
 ' herc-isco,' to divide an inheritance, the ' -isco ' having the 
 force of the old root sh, to divide, as a verb. I have restored 
 the initial 'h' accordingly, to fill ujd the lacuna, athis 
 represents the ' -atis ' in the geuitival form ' heredit-atis,' — or 
 heeke : ATHIS may represent ' heritag-ii,' i. e. ' of the heri- 
 tage.' — The two next w6rds, iv. v. thnam • phlenxnate are 
 written, as you will observe, with a dot, or full stop, and not 
 a colon, between them, a mark which usually denotes a com- 
 pound word, or words used in immediate connection, although 
 in several instances in this inscription it also serves as an 
 indication of distinction between successive clauses, phlenx- 
 nate is itself a compound, of (1.) phlenx, which I take to 
 mean ' money weighed out,' i. e. from the phlenx, or 
 ' balance ; ' and (2.) nate, that is, nutz, ' utilitas,' — money 
 put out 'at use,' or lent on usury.* thnam, again, is, I 
 think, to be understood as zu-nam, i.e. 'to the nomen,' in 
 other words, ' to the debit ' of the borrower or of the estate 
 on the security of which money was lent — which I take to be 
 the family estate of the Pompeys not conveyed by this 
 document. — vi. vii. chazi : uata • , as I have ventured to 
 restore this word, represents the Teutonic wetteschatz (the 
 component elements being reversed) in one of its various 
 significations, that viz. of redemption, or power of repurchase, 
 in which sense, as k^ uatha, we shall meet with it in the 
 more ancient inscription immediately following the present in 
 this Memoir. The full Etruscan word for which ks stands 
 (as I believe) in abbreviation, should be written chazi ; or, 
 rather, spelled correctly (as I read the letter usually ren- 
 dered by 'eh'), schazi. A single dot follows the surviving 
 letters ata in the inscription, before enak ; and as the single 
 
 * It might be divided as phlexxn'-ate, ate representing ' usus ;' but 
 nutz is, I think, the earlier form. 
 
134 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 dot, when marking a compound, is sometimes found between 
 the component elements, and sometimes after both, at the 
 end of the compound, and this latter alternative appears to 
 prevail here, I have placed a colon between uata and chazi. 
 Lastly, viii. enak is, if I mistake not, an Etruscan equivalent 
 for the Latin ' seque atque,' ' ?eque et,' ' seque ac,' (the vocables 
 being reversed, as usual, in the Etruscan compound,) imply- 
 ing ' in like proportion,' ' in equality with ' — some other 
 person or thing, en, I conceive, answers to end, und, our 
 English ' and.' enak may perhaps survive in the Italian 
 ' anche.' The word is followed in the inscription by a single 
 point, with the view (liere) of marking the termination of the 
 clause, as in the case of skunu • at the commencement of 
 the record. I interpret the sentence therefore as — in sequence 
 to the preceding — ' Towards redemption of the money lent to 
 the debit of (or as a debt upon) 'the heritage, as secured by 
 indentured covenant — the like sum.' The provision is not 
 intended for payment of the interest on the debt, but to 
 accumulate towards wiping out the principal.* 
 
 34. ELI.— From what follows I think this tirst word of the 
 third distributive clause represents elicli, ellekh, ' legitimus, 
 conjugalis,' as applied to cohabitation or wedlock. It may 
 be the same word as d\oxo<i. A provision for a wife of 
 Pompey's would appear to be here in question. t 
 
 35. KESASIN. — Compare (the letter ' k ' being used for * b ') 
 with heijsitz, ' concubinatus,' heysiizerin, ' concubina,' but in a 
 legitimate point of view, as by the preceding qualification of 
 eUch, and in the sense of sitzen, ' habitare, domicilium habere,' 
 and sitzin, ' modestus.' — In the dative case apparently. 
 
 * I suspect that the financial word, ' ijrincipal,' which is not derivable 
 from pure Latin, is a degenerate form of an old Pelasgian, Teutonic, or 
 Thoringa word based upon phlenx, the '1' at the beginning changed into 
 ' r.' The word ' bilanx ' is of extreme antiquity, — not, I think, originally 
 compounded of bis' and ' lanS,' as currently held, but of sphil, tt/X-, and 
 oKif, the word being the same originally as TreXeKvs, — two axe- or spear- 
 heads, originally of flint (sphil = ' sil-ex ') serving for the weights of the 
 balance ; and this idea lies at tlie root of much of the penal severity with 
 which debtors were punished as if homicidal criminals. 
 
 t A transverse stroke is given immediately after eli : in Kellermann's 
 plate, which appears to indicate a letter, possibly ' s,' but so broken that I 
 cannot pretend to explain it. 
 
Sect. YI. TOMB OF THE POMrEYS. 1 35 
 
 36. THUNCHU .... M. — To be read, in part at least, as 
 THUNCHULUM, tlie name of the secondary wife or concubine 
 in question, ' Tlmncliul,' or ' Tanaquil,' in the dative case, as ■ 
 agreeing with kesasin. 
 
 37. ENAK. — 'In equal proportion,' or 'the like sum,' ut 
 supra. The word is followed by a single point, denoting here 
 completion of the sentence. — The clause would thus signify, 
 'To his legitimate concubine, Tanaquil, the like sum.' It 
 was only by a fidei-commissum of this description that post- 
 humous provision could be made for a wife or otlier woman, — 
 the law denying to women the right of inheritance or of 
 holding independent property — at least by Eoman usage. 
 This third clause will be found to exhaust the funds of whicli 
 the distribution is prescribed in these three last clauses ; and 
 the remaining portion of the inscription must therefore be of 
 a supplementary or accessory character. The broken ground 
 recommences unfortunately with this final sentence : — 
 
 38-47. CHM .... VER : kal • | . enthal : la 
 
 Li^LA : CH . . . ELE . . . AS : K • ENS | SKUNA. — This may be 
 restored, I think, as chmun : vee : kal • | aenthal : laytn • 
 
 ENTHALl^LA : CHLTZELE : THTAS : K • ENS | SKUNA. — i. ii. 
 
 CHMUN : VEE. Of these two words, vee may be compared 
 with loer, ' cautio,' security, weren, * warantizare,' to warrant 
 or guarantee, a word already met with in the Admetus and 
 Alcestis inscription, vee being, I think, in the verbal form 
 here. — chmun, which should properly be written schmun, or, 
 if the final consonant were given, schmunt (for schmund), 
 is, it may (I think) be proved, the original form of mund, 
 * tutus,' mund, ' propugnaculum,' from whence we have mund- 
 lar, originally (I presume) schmundhar, ' tutor,' or fiduciary.* 
 
 * I thought indeed, at first, that this last Avord, mundbar, was the 
 
 Teutonic equivalent of chm ver ; but the context appears to ]3rescribe 
 
 the construction adopted. Words beginning now with m, b, p, v, &c., in 
 Teutonic or other Aryan languages, 'exhibit in instances innumerable the 
 effect of the abrasion of time on older formations beginning with sch (to 
 say nothing of other letters), as we see, for instance, in ^/ (Egyptian), a 
 ram, scdf, sheep, of is, ' ovis ;' and in the case just discussed we may recog- 
 nise a trace of the same older form in the old Egyptian x'^'^s, ' tutor,' — 
 one of very many analogies between the language of the Pharaohs and that 
 of ourselves. 
 
136 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. V. 
 
 CHMUN : VER thus signifies * warrants secure ' or ' safe,' that is, 
 ' guarantees from injury,' in his capacity of ' tutor ' or fidu- 
 ciary, — a construction requiring a nominative in the person 
 of the ' tutor,' and an accusative in the person of the indi- 
 vidual person or thing protected. Tiie name of the former 
 follows in the clause, — iii, iv. kal • | . enthal, i. e., restoring 
 the lost letter, arnthal, which I read as ' Gallus, the son of 
 Arnthia,' the kal being followed by a single point, appa- 
 rently to denote a contraction, while arnthal necessarily 
 prescribes that the preceding word should be a 23ersonal name. 
 — V. vi. vii. The latter, the individual to be protected, in the 
 accusative case, was Tanaquil, Lautinius Pompey's ' legitimate 
 concubine,' whose provision forms the subject of tlie clause 
 immediately preceding the present. This is sufficiently in- 
 dicated by the title ^la at the termination of the lacuna, ^la 
 denoting a secondary wife, as I have already shewn — the 
 title in question, here given, being in conformity, it Avill be 
 remarked, with the sense assigned to eli : kesasin, suj^ra. 
 And, as the husband's name was lavtn, or Lautinius, and the 
 title begins with la, I restore it as lavtnaenthali^la, or 
 lautn . enthali^la, that is, 'the ^la of Lautinius, son of 
 Arnthia, — which last title, Arnthal, w^e shall find reason, I 
 think, to conclude, was the matronymic of Lautinius Pompey, 
 omitted in the beginning of this inscription. The clause reads 
 therefore thus far, ' Grallus Arnthal guarantees ' or ' w^ar- 
 rants [Tanaquil], the wife- concubine of Lautinius Arnthal.' — 
 viii. ix. X. chltzelr : thtas : k • — Taking thtas : k • 
 first, I consider it an abbreviation of thtas : kn • , and iden- 
 tical with gegenthat-es, the genitive case of gegenthat, signify- 
 ing ' reciprocatio, factum reciprocum,' a. reciprocal obligation 
 or contract, the position of the elements of the compound 
 being reversed, as usual. The k is followed by a full stop or 
 point, apparently to indicate a contraction, as in the case of 
 KAL • for ' Gallus,' just noticed. The phrase gegentliat und 
 vergeliung ' is explained by Brinckmeier as ' eine handlung, 
 die man einer andern entgegensetzt, zur ausgleichung oder 
 vergeltung,' an action wdiich one man opposes, or sets as a 
 j5er contra, to another by way of balance or requital. Ver- 
 gelten, again, is explained by hezahlen, — ' eine schuld durch 
 
Sect. VI. TOMB OF TUE POMPFA'S. 137 
 
 zalilimg odor sonst ausgleiclien,' to settle a debt by payment 
 or otherwise. Gelten signifies ' pensare,' to weigh with 
 the wage or scales ; geJten, ' em ere,' to buy ; and zelea, 
 zahlen, to reckon, compute, or take into consideration. 
 Moreover, vergolten und hezalt occurs as a commercial phrase 
 in old Grerman. I therefore, with the preceding words before 
 me, read the broken phrase, in connection with thutas : k, 
 as ' -yer-GOLT-te-ZELT-ER gegenthates,' or, in the Etruscan 
 brevity, chltzele : thtas : k - ,ut supra, — the T in zelter 
 being omitted in zelr in the usual manner — the CH in chlt, 
 goU, pointing as SCH to an earlier stage in which gelt was 
 schuld — and the phrase signifying ' of the reciprocal engage- 
 ment,' or ' covenant,' ' upon the sale and purchase (em])tio),' 
 that is, of the f am ilia, or at least of the rent-charge of 
 twelve thousand denarii, which had passed ]3er ass et libram 
 between the fiduciary and the testator above narrated. — 
 Lastly, xi. ens | skuna is the Etruscan form of entschoenen, 
 ' violare,' and of its kindred participles and nouns, — the vio- 
 lation here spoken of being necessarily, from the context, 
 that of a contract or agreement. These four last words com- 
 plete the clause, which we may thus read as, ' Gallus Arnthal 
 guarantees,' in his capacity of 'tutor' or fiduciary, ' Tanaquil, 
 legal concubine of Lautinius Arnthal, against any damnum,' 
 or injury, ' through infringement of the mutual compact ' — 
 that is, between himself and the deceased. 
 
 All that remains for us now to do is to fix, if 
 possible, the proper reading of the numerals repre- 
 sented by the broken letters and abbreviations which 
 are represented by number 25 in the preceding 
 analysis. The copies given us of the passage mark 
 the largest lacuna by six and eight dots or points 
 respectively — these dots usually representing so many 
 letters. The former number is Kellermann's ; but 
 he increases the general allowance of space by inter- 
 posing a dot between the two 'k's,' which appears 
 to mark an intermediate lost letter, inasmuch as. 
 
138 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 judging by the analogy of other Etruscan numerals, 
 it was not the custom to mark such as abbreviated. 
 Orioli gives eight dots as representing the missing 
 letters; and we are thus fairly entitled to assume 
 seven lost letters as wanting. The inscription, as it 
 stands, and the suggested restoration, may therefore 
 be represented thus, — 
 
 PHLESXNEVES ..y|..:K.K TAN &o 
 
 PHLESXNEVES : I TK • : KKKXXXIII : TAN &o 
 
 — Or, if you disallow the compromise, we may dis- 
 pense with the final : , in accordance with the lax 
 rules of Etruscan orthography. But I do not like 
 doing so ; and I would lay more stress on the fact that 
 three of the numeral-letters, the ^k's, occupy fre- 
 quently a very narrow space in the inscriptions^ and 
 would easily make room for the final : in question. 
 
 The inscription itself is in fact written very irregu- 
 larly, the letters in some places rather straggling, in 
 others close together. Passing, however, from this 
 minute but necessary criticism, the English of the pas- 
 sage as above restored, would be (omitting the words 
 preceding and following the numerals) — ' One third 
 of a denarius, and 333 denarii.' It appears strange 
 that the fraction should be placed before the principal 
 sum, and perhaps I ought to transpose them in my 
 English rendering. In some Etruscan inscriptions 
 (as in Arabic) the numerals are written from left to 
 right, even in the midst of a legend running in the 
 usual manner from right to left ; on the other hand 
 there are many in which the numerals run from 
 right to left, in what must have been the original 
 
Sect. VI. TOMB OF THE TOMPEYS. 139 
 
 Etruscan fasliion. Sncli is tlie case in tlie present 
 inscription, — and yet it is possible tliat the two 
 groups were viewed in the h'ght of two hieroglyphs, 
 and, although read internally each of them from 
 right to left, were regarded and read by the spec- 
 tator, in their corporate character, as from left to 
 right, according to the modern usage. — Perhaps you 
 may say that the matter was sufficiently clear until I 
 explained it ; I pass on therefore to specify the pro- 
 cess by which the preceding restoration and interpre- 
 tation has been arrived at: — 1. There are three 
 separate provisions for payment ; 2. The second and 
 third end, each of them, with an order that the same 
 sum shall be paid under them as under the first ; 3. 
 The total sum receivable monthly, as by the initiatory 
 clause of the record, is 1000 denarii ; 4. Dividing 
 1000 denarii by 3, we obtain 333^^- denarii as the 
 monthly payment under each head of disbursement ; 
 5. The sum due under the first of the three joro vi- 
 sions, and which we should exjDect to find where the 
 broken letters occur, was therefore 333 denarii and 
 one-third of a denarius ; 6. In Etrurian letters the 
 lump sum would be written kkk — i.e., in Latin, 
 ccc — XXXIII. The first and third of these letters 
 are still visible ; and I restore the text therefore to 
 its pristine integrity by adding the second and inter- 
 mediate letter and the seven subsequent ones necessary 
 to complete the sense. But more remains. I cannot 
 say precisely in what manner the . y|, or as I have 
 ventured to write it, i/|, expresses the fractional third 
 of a denarius— a mere arithmetical intangibility, for 
 there was no coin of that amount ; but I have no 
 doubt that it stands for the fraction in question. Is 
 
140 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 it too mucli to suggest that the modern copyist, tran- 
 scribing by imperfect torch-hght, in the obscurity of 
 a tomb, from a record not engraved, but jDainted 
 merely, on a damp and decaying wall, and without 
 any suspicion of the purport of the inscription to 
 quicken his observation, may have written y| for \, 
 the Etruscan t, — especially if the right limb of the 
 transverse stroke had been effaced ? If we may 
 suppose that the original letter was \ or t (which 
 stands in Etruscan for d) we should have the initial 
 letter of dritte, or drittheil, that is, the ' third' — of a 
 denarius. The i that follows, as restored, would re- 
 present ' one ' — ' one- third,' I have written it i tr • , 
 with a point to mark the contraction. I can only 
 suggest all this, and that the account would be thus 
 completely squared. I shall venture to assume that it is 
 so. The effect of these emendations in connection with 
 the context will be seen from the recapitulation of the 
 entire record, which I shall now make. I would only 
 pj'emise that the emendations are not capricious in 
 themselves, either those here immediately in question, 
 or those that I have suggested in otlier parts of the 
 inscription. Its tenor in extenso is as follows : — 
 
 " The Testamentary Settlement by fidei-commissum 
 of Lautinius Pompey," [duly] " declared " by nuncu- 
 ixitio : — "The mandator''' (Pompey) "apjDoints by 
 striking on the scales," or/»^r ws et lihram, i.e. settles 
 in trust, " one thousand denarii out of his rents, pay- 
 able on the Calends of each month of the year," — 
 i.e. 12,000 denarii 'per annum, "to be dispensed in 
 certain (definite) portions by the true hand of the 
 fiduciary (or trustee) : "^ — To wit, I., " Towards the 
 maintenance of the establishment " — the slaves and 
 
Sect. VT. TOMB OF THE TOMPEYS. 141 
 
 household of the individual in whose favour the trust is 
 instituted—" 333i denarii :"— II. " Towards redemp- 
 tion of the debt upon the heritage," that is, the prin- 
 cipal estate, " as secured by indenture, or bond — the 
 like sum : " — III, "To his lawful concubine, Tanaquil, 
 the like sum:" — Lastly, " Gallus Arnthal," tutor or 
 fiduciary, " guarantees " the said Tanaquil, " lawful 
 concubine of Lautinius Arnthal, against" any injury 
 through " violation of the mutual compact, as by sale 
 and purchase," entered into between himself and the 
 dead man. I think I am justified, under the circum- 
 stances, in assuming that the mother of Lautinius was 
 Arnthia, seeing that Gallus bore that matronymic ; 
 and the presumption is, that the office of ' tutor ' 
 would be borne by a brother of the defunct, which I 
 take Gallus to have been. 
 
 If the general sense of this important inscription 
 be rightly given — if indeed its character as the 
 record of a testamentary disposition be correctly ascer- 
 tained — the identification thus effected may be useful 
 hereafter as indicating with some prima facie proba- 
 bility the character of similar inscriptions, should 
 they be discovered, in corresponding positions in 
 Etruscan tombs. No similar one to the preceding is 
 as yet known ; and few of the words above analysed 
 occur in other inscriptions, which has of course en- 
 hanced the difficulty of interpretation. 
 
 It must not, in fine, be taken for a will conveying 
 the whole property of the testator, but merely as a 
 testamentary provision, executed, as all such convey- 
 ances were, jc^r ws et Ubram, on an emergency pro- 
 bably, when either at the point of death, or about to 
 start on a military campaign. The reference to the 
 
142 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 debt encumbering the * hereditas ' seems to prove this, 
 independently of the opulence testified to by the 
 magnificence of the tomb. The document here 
 analysed is simply a testamentary deed intended to 
 serve a special purpose, and based upon rights in- 
 volving a much larger property than the portion 
 which is the subject of the settlement. It is a most 
 curious fact that it should have been inscribed — 
 ' enrolled ' as it were — in a tomb ; for such enrolment 
 of wills or testamentary covenants was not usual, at 
 least in Roman joractice. I reserve the more general 
 remarks suggested by the transaction for a future page. 
 The shorter inscription mentioned at the beginning 
 of this section will not occupy us long. It is written 
 over the head of the principal figure in a long painted 
 procession which runs along one of the walls of the 
 sepulchre — that of ' Lars Pompeius.' Pompey is in 
 the act of being — as Fabretti expresses it — " afferrato 
 dal Caronte" — Charon's lion's-paw resting on his 
 shoulder in the stroke of death. The legend runs 
 thus, — 
 
 LaKIS : PUMPUS | ARNTHAL : KLAN | KECHASE , 
 
 Kechase is the dominant word in the sentence, 
 requiring explanation. It may be compared either 
 with schach, ' homicidium, latrocinium, debilitatio ; ' 
 sJcaeka (0. N.), ' interficere ; ' schaecken, 'rapere;' 
 gescltachen, ' vincere,' — with which may be taken the 
 words scJiaecker, ' nebulo, sicarius, preedo, latro,' all of 
 them expressive of the onslaught of the demon of 
 death, arriving like a thief in the night, with his 
 fatal hammer, to stun and crush out life : — Or, it may 
 be read as schatz, ' pecunia, exactio publica ;' schaetzeii, 
 
Sect. VI. TOMB OF THE POMPEYS. 143 
 
 ' pecimia taxare,' — a word used alike in a commer- 
 cial and a moral sense, and not inappropriate to Lars 
 Pompey thus ' called to account ' — geschdtzt — by the 
 great ' telonarius ' of the unseen world. 
 
 There can be little doubt (and Mr. Dennis takes it 
 for granted) that this ' Laris Pumpus Arnthal ' is the 
 same ^^erson as Lautinius Pompey — ' Laris ' being 
 used (I think) as a formal title — ' Lord ' or ' Laird,' 
 while ' Lautinius ' v.^as his prcenomen. The matro- 
 nymic corresponds with what I have assigned to him 
 in the longer inscription. 
 
 This title Lakis — ' Lars , Lartis ' (gen.), in Latin 
 — demands a word in conclusion. It certainly seems 
 to be used, as in the case of Porsena, Tolumnius, 
 and other distinguished personages, in an honorific 
 or titular sense, but it must be fundamentally the 
 same word as the more frequent Larth, although the 
 latter was applied indiscriminately, and the former 
 only (to all appearance) in the case of very high 
 rank. It is thus that ' Lord,' ' Laird,' in English 
 and Scots, is applied to persons in almost every grade 
 of society ; and I feel a strong persuasion that Larth, 
 ' Lord,' and ' Laird ' are the same word, — the ap- 
 proximation is not new ; but the identity can be 
 established by proof ascending to very remote 
 antiquity. I take ' Lord,' ' Lar-ts,' to be a much 
 abraded form of the Zendic and old Aryan thicorest-^ 
 thworestdra, 'creator,' — a title given to Deity, and 
 which, worn down to thword-, would by the familiar 
 change of d to I, become Licord, lord, laird, larth, 
 lar-ts, and lar* Fiirst, prince, I may observe, has 
 
 * 'Lors' is a provincial form of 'Lord' in England, now familiarised to 
 us liy the ' Mill on the Floss.' This dialectic form reminds us of ' Lars.' 
 
144 ETKUSCAN INSCrvIPTIONS : Chap. V. 
 
 the same origin. Larthia, the female form of Larth, 
 Lord, is (I beHeve) the original form in like manner of 
 ' Lady ' — the r having been rubbed down and lost. 
 In this latter form — (which we may recognise in the 
 latu, lada, ' nxor,' of the Lycian inscrij)tions, a word 
 Mr. D. Sharpe has identified with the English ladi/) 
 — Larthia, lathia, lady becomes associated with the 
 idea of the procession of the wife, led by the husband, 
 to her new home ; and she is thus (as already stated) 
 the -leitu, ' ducta,' in the sense of the ' ducere uxorem' 
 of the Eomans. But this is travelling beyond the 
 strict borders of the present record — although not 
 beyond the limits of Etruscan philology. 
 
 The date of the tomb is fixed by Mr. Dennis as 
 " hardly earlier than the latter days of the Eoman 
 republic " — this judgment being based on the style 
 of the paintings, which are (or were) of a very 
 grand character, evidently (as Mr. Dennis expresses 
 it) by "the Michael Angelo of Etruria." At the 
 same time, "there are paintings" (he says) "on a 
 block of stone of a more archaic character " than 
 those on the sides of the column and on the walls of 
 the tomb.* The inscriptions are probably contempo- 
 rary with those first spoken of. I have noticed such 
 indications of comparative antiquity as are afforded 
 by the letters used, the punctuation, &c., in a note 
 supra. An inference as to date may perhaps be 
 drawn from the use of the Latin, or Pelasgic, form 
 PHLEXX for ' bilanx,' instead of icage, the more usual 
 Teutonic word for scales, or balances, at least in the 
 North of Europe. It is only wonderful that these 
 Etruscan inscriptions, even of late date, preserve the 
 
 * Citivs, &c., vol. i. pp. 305, 308. 
 
Sect. VI. TOMB OF THE POMPEYS. 145 
 
 native language so free from Latin admixtm-e. The 
 mention of reciprocal covenants in the record of the 
 fidei-commissum might further fix the date as prior to 
 the ' senatns-consultum Trebellianum,' in tlie time of 
 Nero, which rendered such covenants— at least on 
 the part of ihe ' fidei-commissarius ' in favour of the 
 ' heres ' — superfluous. 
 
( 146 ) 
 
 CHAPTEE yi. 
 
 INSCEIPTIONS RELATING TO LAND-TENURE. 
 
 I PASS from the class of Sepulchral Inscriptions to 
 those which I conceive to relate to the Tenure of 
 Land ; selecting two specimens, — the last of which 
 is the longest and most important inscription as yet 
 discovered in Etruria. The two inscriptions have 
 this in common, that they are inscribed, each of 
 them, on the front and on one of the side-faces of a 
 quadrangular block of stone, thus shewing that the 
 stones served originally as corner-stones — in the case 
 of the former probably, and in the case of the latter 
 certainly — of buildings. It follows that the subject 
 of the inscriptions must have been matter of public 
 notoriety and permanent importance, either to the 
 State or to individuals. 
 
 Section I. — The LiscrijJtion of the * Marmini ' at VoUerra. 
 
 The stone on which the first and shorter of the two 
 inscriptions is engraved was found in 1855 in a tomb 
 near Yolterra, on a spot traditionally called ' I Mar- 
 mini.' Some workmen, digging for stone in the 
 summer of that year, came to a layer of lime, and 
 below it a hewn stone, which proved to be the archi- 
 trave of the door of a subterranean tomb or hi/jyogamm, 
 of circular form, full of sepulchral vases. To the 
 right of the entrance, and on one of the gradini or 
 
Sect. I. LAND-TENURE AT VOLTERRA. 347 
 
 benches (cut in the rock) running round the walls, 
 stood the inscribed stone, surrounded by various 
 vases, one of them a gutiurario, in shape Greek, the 
 workmanship of exquisite taste, and two large tazze,^ 
 with red figures on a black ground,— all of very 
 ancient character. There were many other vases, of 
 different form and style ; and in some of them were 
 found coins, all from Roman mints, and belonging to 
 the earliest times of consular Rome. This is but an 
 imperfect and second-hand account, obtained by 
 Fabretti and published by him in the ' Archivio 
 Storico Italiano ;' * but it may suffice to explain the 
 position in which the inscribed stone was discovered. 
 The place known as the ' Marmini ' occupies the 
 slope of the hill, a little below the ' Porta di Diana,' 
 and is " marked," Mr. Dennis states, " by a clump of 
 cypresses." I think I remember them ; but it is long 
 since I was at Yolterra. From the multitude of 
 sepulchres existing there, (such, at least, is Mr. 
 Dennis's explanation of it,) the spot was known till 
 recently by the name of the ' Campo Nero,' a name 
 now become " almost obsolete." The present tomb — 
 which was discovered several years after the publica- 
 tion of the ' Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,' must 
 not be confounded with that described by Mr. Dennis 
 under the name of the ' Grotta de' Marmini,' but 
 which has its relatiye importance here, inasmuch as 
 it is " said to be a type in form and character of the 
 tombs of Yolterra," (all of which have been filled up 
 and closed), — circular, like this, with a square pillar 
 in the centre, three tiers of benches covered with 
 miniature sarcophagi, and with "two large pine- 
 
 * Archivio, &c. ; Nuova Serie, torn. iv. p. 137. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 cones of stone, common funereal emblems, lying one 
 on each side of the entrance."* Although the brief 
 account given by Fabretti does not mention these 
 pine-cones as existing in the sepulchre which dis- 
 closed the inscription now to be analysed, I think it 
 very probable that similar emblems existed there, 
 forming, as they seem to have done, one of the 
 features common to the tombs of the locality. 
 
 My belief is, that the tomb in question, and not 
 only it, but the whole district of the ' Marmini,' 
 belonged to one of the religious Fraternities or 
 Colleges — consisting normally of twelve Fellows, one 
 of them designated as ' Master,' and variously known 
 as ^ Salii,' ' Fratres Aterii ' or ' Ateriates,' ' Fratres 
 Arvales,' and ' Sodales Titii,' ' Titienses,' or ' Ti- 
 tiales,' which, with varying functions, as perambu- 
 lators and lustrators of fields and boundaries, offerers 
 up of the 'fruges' or first-fruits of the year, sacri- 
 ficers of the Arval lamb at harvest-time, or as perpe- 
 tuating the sacra of the respective nationalities, 
 Pelasgian, Umbrian, Latin, and Oscan, to which 
 they originally belonged, all agreed apparently in 
 worshijDping the Supreme God under variations of 
 his early Pelasgic name of ' Deus,' Geo?, his iEolic 
 title 'Ep/3o9, and his Teutonic name ' Dod,' or ' Grod,' — 
 the form ' Deus ' being perpetuated in the masculine 
 form as ' Deus Dius ' and in the feminine as ' Dea 
 Dia,' — the ' Deus Dius ' melting into the character 
 of the mythological ' Ju-piter ' and ' Ja-nus,' and the 
 'Dea Dia' into that of ' Di-ana,' 'Deo,' 'Deione' 
 (Demeter and Persephone), and thence by insensible 
 gradation into that of the Phrygian ' Cybele,' whose 
 
 * Cities and Cemeteries, &c., vol. ii. pp. 156 sqq. 
 
Sect. T. LAND-TENURE AT V()[/rERRA. 149 
 
 name links tlie East with the West in this extended 
 connection througdi its identity witli that of 'E/j/xt, 
 Ehea, and Juno in Etruscan, to wit, ' Cupra,' — 
 ' Cybel-' and ' Oupr-' being etymologically identical. 
 There cannot be a doubt, I think, that the ' Bona 
 Dea ' was worshipped in Italy ages before the impor- 
 tation of the more orgiastic form of her worship into 
 Eome in the third century before Our Saviour. I 
 have only to add that the title ' Salii,' that of the 
 priests of Mars Gradivus (' Hru,' 'Epp-, or ' Herr- 
 deus ') at Rome, is identical with that of the ' Selli ' 
 or ' Helli ' of Pelasgian Dodona, and that of the 
 ' Galli,' the priests of Cybele at Pepinus in Asia 
 Minor, although the representatives of the name 
 presented a very different aspect to the eyes of 
 Homer and those of Horace. The name of ' Titius,' 
 the eponymus of the Titiensian College, is, I conceive, 
 of cognate origin with that of ' Dodona,' of the river 
 ' Titaresius,' and of the ' Campus Dotius,' in Pelas- 
 gian Thessaly.* The fraternity to whom the pi'eseiit 
 inscription relates was, I think, the ' Sodales Titii,' 
 or ' Titienses ; ' and the inscribed stone is the record, 
 the title-deed (as it were), of their property at Vol- 
 terra. It is engraved in very ancient characters ; and 
 must certainl)^, from the very fact recorded in the 
 inscription, be older than the sepulchre — old as that 
 
 * The ' Dodona ' of Homer was certainly in Thessaly, as shewn not ouly 
 by internal evidence (for which see Mr. Gladstone's Homer and the 
 Homeric Age, vol. i. p. 106), but from the name 'Cami:)us Dotius' and 
 that of the Lake ' Bcebeis.' The ouly Dodona known to positive geography 
 is beyond Thessaly ; and I think the worship must have been transferred 
 thither, the neighbouring lake receiving the name ' Pambotis,' which is 
 etymologically the same as ' Bcebeis.' Perhaps the Western Dodona may 
 have been a colony of that in Thessaly, as affirmed by Stcphanus Byzan- 
 tinus. 
 
150 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 is — in which it was discovered. I may suggest here- 
 after how it got there. 
 
 The inscription runs as follows, — the column here 
 represented on the right of the vertical line being of 
 course on the left in the original, the Etruscan 
 language being written (I need not say) in the 
 Oriental fashion, from right to left : — 
 
 TiTESI : KALE 
 
 SI 
 
 KINA : KS : MES 
 
 TLES 
 
 HUTH : NAPER 
 
 LESKAN 
 
 LETEM : THUI 
 
 
 ARASA : THEN 
 
 TMA 
 
 SELAEI : TRE 
 
 KS 
 
 THENST : ME 
 
 UATHA 
 
 {Fahretti, no. 346 ; and tab. xxv.) 
 
 — The letters (as above observed) are archaic in form. 
 The ' h ' is represented by a circle with two cross- 
 lines within it, but it seems doubtful whether the 
 second cross-line is not accidental. The circles repre- 
 senting the letter ' th ' have each the point within 
 them, which is understood (with reason, I think) to 
 indicate an older form. The 'm' is of the ancient 
 type, with one leg longer than the other two. The 
 ' r ' is very peculiar, resembling a triangle with the 
 apex truncated. The ' p ' too is peculiar, — but all 
 the letters seem to be Etruscan. The initial sigma and 
 final san seem to be carefully discriminated. They 
 are better seen in Fabretti's large engraving in the 
 ' Archivio ' than in the reduced copy in the ' Corpus.' 
 Fabretti and Migliarini both view the inscription as 
 written continuously^ — kalesi and mestles, for ex- 
 ample, forming each one word ; but I think that each 
 column is to be read separately, — which might be 
 
Sect. I. LAND-TENURE AT VOLTElillA. 151 
 
 inferred, in fact, from the space left between the last 
 three lines of the narrower column on the side-face 
 of the stone, and the others. These last three lines, 
 or words, tma ks uatha, form, it will be seen, an 
 independent paragraph, in completion of the record. — 
 I proceed to analysis, as usual : — 
 
 1, 2. TiTE^i : kale. — Eead accordiug to the usual practice 
 of Etruscan paleof^raphers, this would imply ' Titius Gallus,' 
 — aud such reading would be as admissible as it is natural 
 were there nothing iii the context to suggest a different inter- 
 pretation. The anxious desire to extract some sense, at 
 least, out of the inscriptions, some sunbeams out of these 
 very obscure cucumbers, has, I am convinced, not unfre- 
 quently occasioned an unwarranted assumption that words 
 bearing in reality a very different signification are nothing 
 more than proper names. My impression is that titesi : 
 kale stands here for ' Titii ' or ' Titiensibus Sodalibus,' in the 
 dative case plural, — the terminational -e^i being, in fact, 
 very like the -ecrcrt of Homer, kale receives no addition 
 according to a frequent Etruscan (and modern) usage, of 
 only subjoining inflections to one word where two are in 
 grammatical agreement. I have sufficiently dealt with the 
 title ' Titienses ' in the paragraphs introductory to this 
 analysis; and that kale is the Etruscan equivalent of 
 ' Sodales ' will appear from the fact that kale, galli, salii, 
 SODALES are all of them varieties, in successive stages of 
 disintegration, of a very early word which must originally 
 have been written ' Zfal-' or ' Zfel-,' and of which geSello is 
 the German, ' ConSul ' the Latin, and ' fellow ' the English 
 representative. The process has been analogous to that 
 through which ' Queen,' huna, <^/vvr], has been softened down 
 to lean in Erse, ^av-rJKe'i (wives) in Bceotian Greek, and 
 ' Yen-us ' in Latin ; and zwanzig or twenty, ' quatuor,' quelle, 
 ' Quain,' ' Guasc-ones ' (and innumerable other cases could be 
 cited), to vigaint or ' viginti,' ' petor,' or ' four,' ' well,' ' Finn,' 
 and ' Vase-ones,' or ' Basques.' ' Fellow ' has thus been pro- 
 nounced originally as ' gf ellow ' or ' kf ellow ' ; but while in 
 
152 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 England and Scandinavia we have dropped the ' k,' in Etruria 
 and Phiygia they retained it, and wrote kale, ' Galli.' Col- 
 laterally with this, the Greeks and Romans, dropping the 'k' 
 and exchanging ' F ' for ' s,' wrote ' Salii,' ' Selli '— ' Helli ' 
 occupying a middle place — and the Germans, selh. I may 
 note in collateral illustration, i. That the idea of ' fellow ' — 
 as of thefselle, ' socins,' of the people of Scania — is involved 
 in the O. N. verb fahla, faeUa, signifying ' coaptare, com- 
 mittere,' to fit, or, in the general sense of the word, to ' fold ' 
 together, whether it be as the leaves of a book in binding, or 
 as the parts of sl f aid-stool, or as parties in a bargain or law- 
 suit, or as friend with friend in society, — the word fold, be it 
 observed, corresponding exactly with the Latin ' sodalit-as,' 
 with the exception that ' sod-,' representing the lost initial 
 'z' or 'st,' has been rubbed off: — ii. That faella connects 
 itself by this link of transition with glied, a joint, w hether of 
 the human body or of anything else, — glied der hirche, mitglied 
 eines Jcollegium, rathsgUed, having the analogous signification 
 of member of the Church, fellow of a College, member of 
 Council, &c. : — And, iii. that this again leads us to gelenk 
 and gleicli, each having the like sense of a joint, link, or 
 articulation ; while gleich, as an adjective, (a form parallel 
 to that of KALE,) is constantly used for ' fellow ' in modern 
 German. All this appears to me to support the identity of 
 the TiTEf^i KALE in the present inscription with the ' Titiensian 
 Fellows, Brothers, or Companions.' And the word kale, or 
 something very like it, was actually used in Germany to 
 express the idea thus suggested, in the case of the Kalands- 
 hruider of the middle ages, the association called in Latin 
 the ' Fratres Calendarii,' and who derived their name — not 
 assuredly from the classical ' kalends,' as has been conjectured, 
 but from the words above-mentioned, implying 'sodalitas,' 
 ' societas,' — even if they were not (as I think it probable they 
 were) the * Titienses ' or Arval Brothers themselves, surviving 
 through the middle ages. I do not know whether their 
 origin can be historically established ; but it is quite as 
 probable that the Arval Brothers or Titienses passed from 
 Paganism into Christianity through a natural transfer of their 
 su[)erficial religious rites from the old to the new religion, as 
 
Sect. I. LAND-TENUEE AT VOLTETiRA. 153 
 
 that the Pontifex Maxiraus and the Pontifical College of 
 ancient Rome became (as I believe they were) absorbed into 
 and identifier! with the Pope and the ' Cardinales ' (as repre- 
 senting the ' cardines ' or hinges, gleich, gelenh, glied, fall) of 
 the Sublician Bridge, under the Popedom. The interest 
 of the point here discussed may be my apology for dwelling 
 so long on these initial words tite^i : kale. 
 
 3. KiNA. — This I take to be the name of a man, Cinna, 
 with whom the Titienses had the dealings recorded in this 
 inscription. 
 
 4. K^, — This word appears to me to be written in an 
 abridged form. Taking it in conjunction with the k^ : uatha 
 at the end of the sentence, I think it stands for schat, sehatzen, 
 in the sense of ' pignus,' pledge ; and that it means here, 
 'gives in jsledge,' or ' in satisfaction.' 
 
 5. MES. — Compare messen, ' metiri,' to measure — in the 
 sense of payment or consideration. It seems to answer to 
 the Latin ' niodo ' and the modern Italian ' mediante.' 
 
 6. HUTH. — Apparently a numeral. Fabretti thinks it 
 means ' quat-uor,' four ; and certainly it bears the same 
 resemblance to 'q-waif-uor' that the old and very abraded 
 Egyptian ftu does. But, pending further enlightenment, I 
 would suggest Imnd-, ' cent-um,' as more probable, — huth 
 representing the word in its primitive form (as in the Gaelic 
 and Irish cead) before the ' n ' was introduced in accordance 
 with the rule of ' anuswara.' 
 
 7. NAPER. — From the relation in which this word stands 
 to others in various inscriptions I am inclined to think it is 
 Etruscan for ' numnii ' — which would be, in Latin, so many 
 ' nummi sestertii,' or ' sestertii.' But the monetary value of 
 the Etruscan need not necessarily have been the same as that 
 of the Roman, or even the Greek ' nummus,' — indeed, from 
 the numerals attached to the word here and elsewhere I should 
 think it was a conventional term used for the higher descrip- 
 tions of coin — perhaps the Latin ' aureus ' or Greek ' mina.' 
 The word appears to me, proximately, a compound of i. nap, 
 the same root which has produced hnaepp, a blow, hnaeppa, 
 to strike and resound (as in S.-Goth.) ; and ii. er, identical 
 with er, 'aes, aer-is,' or perhaps 'aur-,' gold, — nap-er thus 
 
154 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. VI. 
 
 signifying ' struck ' or ' coined money.' Through the inter- 
 change of _p and h, hnaeppa is the same word as hiaclcen, 
 ' crepitare ; ' and we have gnack, and hnack, as ' nummus,' 
 — names for medieval German coins. The seJmcqij^ctn — 
 which comes nearer to naper, an initial sch having perhaps 
 been rubbed off — was similarly an ancient coin, marked by 
 the device of a horse — perhaps a gnack or nag, thus connect- 
 ing sclinaioiMn and hnack ; while the ' rostrum ' or beak of a 
 ship, found on many very ancient coins — schndbel in old 
 Teutonic, neb, whence nihhle, in English, in its primitive 
 sense as applied to birds, sheep, &c. — connects that device 
 too with schna][)ijen, the older form (as I conceive) of nap-er. 
 Both these devices lead us, if I am not mistaken, to the 
 original root of the word in ' Num,' Tr-vevfi-a, ' K-neph,' ' Neb-,' 
 the title found, as already in part intimated, in the Latin, 
 Etruscan, and Hellenic names ' Nept-unus,' ' Neth-uns,' and 
 ' Pos-eidon,' as that of the Spirit-Deity of the Japhetan race ; 
 and the compound nap-er would thus signify ' the money of 
 Neptune,' that is of commercial, especially maritime, exchange. 
 
 8. LETEM. — The accusative singular of lai, the earlier 
 form of lafit, land. 
 
 9, 10. THUi ara^a. — My first impression w^as that these 
 two words were to be read as 'Divee Cereri,' i.e., 'eeesi, 
 'ereri ; or as ' Dies ad aras,' according to a form, used in 
 Umbrian inscriptions, of 'arasa' for *ad aras.' But the 
 inscription records an act, or process of acts, of commercial 
 dealing, not a gift from motives of devotion. I should 
 read therefore i. thui, as ziveg, ' duo,' two, and, ii. arasa as 
 ahrs (Goth.), acliar, ' ager,' or perhaps ' versus,' the Etruscan 
 and Umbrian word for a field one hundred feet square, as 
 by the testimony of an ancient fragment ' De Limitibus.' 
 The ground dealt with, although for the greater part wild 
 uncultivated forest, would naturally be divided by the 
 ' agrimensores ' for the purposes of sale or mortgage. 
 
 11, 12. thenselaei. — Divisible as then and selaei. — i. 
 For THEN, compare tann, 'pinus,' fir, or fir- wood. — ii. For 
 SELAEI, compare hoh, vXij, a\ao<;, ' sylva,' ' sylvestris.' Tiiui 
 aea^a then selaei would thus mean ' two vorsi ' or ' acres, 
 of wild or natural pinewood.' 
 
Sect. I. LAND-TENURE AT VOLTERRA. 155 
 
 13. TKE. — Compare tri, ' ties,' three. 
 
 14, 15. THEN^T. — Eesolvable into then and f^T, — ^t repre- 
 senting sat, sown, or planted ; and thus then ^t would 
 signify 'planted pine-wood' as contrasted with the wild or 
 uncultured growth. The fir-crop, as we know in Scotland, 
 requires peculiar culture to produce timber — far less pic- 
 turesque than the wild growth, but fitter for use. then-^t, 
 written as a compound, and 'j)Mi-e/-um' are, I have no doubt, 
 the same word. The convertibility of th and j:> or lyJi, need 
 hardly be insisted upon when w'e remember the identity of 
 ' Thraetaona ' in India and ' Feridun ' in Persia, or even the 
 alternate writing of the surname 'Throckmorton,' ' Frog- 
 morton,' in MSS. of Queen Elizabeth's time. — The wood 
 thus described as pledged, mortgaged, to the Titienses 
 became subsequently, I imagine, after consecration, the sacred 
 ' Lucus ' or grove of the Brotherhood ; and thenceforward the 
 trees planted, as well as those of natural growth, would be 
 hallowed from the axe, and their fall from age or tempest 
 expiated by the ceremonies which we read of in the sculptured 
 ' Acta ' of the Arval Brothers as usual on such occasions. 
 
 16. MESi. — The same (substantially) as mes, — in the sense 
 of consideration, — ' modo,' ' mediante,' or ' by way of.' 
 
 17, 18. TLE^ LESKAN. — i. TLES is, I think, the genitive of 
 TL, i.e. zol, 'debitum' or obligation ; and, ii. leskan I take 
 to be leist-ung, from leisten, implying the act of becoming 
 security, on bond or bail, for a debt or obligation — the 'jus 
 ostagii.' ME^i TLES LESKAN would thus mean ' by way of 
 security for settlement.' * The clause finishes here, in com- 
 pletion of the recital that Cinua had pledged the property to 
 the ' Titienses,' or ' Sodales Titii,' as a security for the consi- 
 
 * The letters t and k are often interchanged, as I assume them to have 
 been in leskan, histung. A nearer literal resemblance to tles leskan 
 would be found in reading leskan as leschung, 'sententiaj solutio, ex- 
 tinctio,' from lesclien, to extinguish — alike in the case of a conflagration or 
 a debt. But in this case there would have been no occasion for the last 
 three words in the record ; and the property would have remained with 
 Cinna; whereas, as I think we shall see reason to conclude, it lapsed to the 
 College. I duly considered the compounds teil-Iosung, and los-theilung ; but 
 the interpretations they suggested would not suit the context, at least as I 
 read it. 
 
156 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. YI. 
 
 deration of 100 nummi. A new sentence, marked by the 
 space of a line being leit blank, begins with 
 
 19. TMA.^ — This word may be compared with iuom, iuomo, 
 'judicium,' 'judex,' — with turn, 'matricul a, collegium,' a word 
 used for a convent, religious house, or Collegiate Church, — 
 with temmen, ddmpfen, ' sedare, extinguere,' to extinguish or 
 settle anything,— and with our Scottisli ioom, empty or void. 
 Something may be said for each of these readings, but I have 
 no hesitation in taking the last as at once the simplest and 
 most agreeable to the analogy of speech. It means here 
 'void' in the sense in which we say, 'the agreement is void,' 
 ' the bubble ' (analogous to ' tumor,' that which is swelled up) 
 'has burst.' 
 
 20. KS. — As before, and standing for schatz ; but here to 
 be taken in special connection with the last word in the 
 inscription, namely, 
 
 21. UATHA. — For this, compare ivette, ' pignus,' and the 
 compound wetteschatz (from schcit, also signifying 'pignus,') 
 explained by Scherz as ' pignus simplex, vadium, vadimonium,' 
 and " pignus juris Germ, in re immobili aut incorporali, qua?, 
 una com possessione, usum fructum proportionatum et sequalis 
 fere sestiuiationis (v. widerlegimg) fert et proprietatem atque 
 etiara jus alienandi, unde ein freyer wetteschatz dicitur." 
 Wettescliatz is further explained as " redemptio, retroven- 
 ditio," — wetteschatzen, " impignorare, . . item eraere hoc tali 
 titulo, . . redimere hoc tali titulo pignoratum." The sim[)le 
 sense of ' security given ' is sufficient for our purpose here ; 
 and thus the three words, or rather tma and the compound 
 K^-UATHA, signify, ' The security, pledge, or bond is void,' — 
 that is, the property pledged has escheated to the creditor 
 through non-redemption of the obligation. The use of the 
 word UATHA, tcette, may perhaps infer a considerable antiquity 
 for this inscription on the grounds specified in the fiith sec- 
 tion of the chapter on ' Inscriptions on Votive Offerings,' 
 siqn-a. 
 
 I read the entire inscription, in its two portions, 
 thus :— I. " To the ' Sodales Titii ' Cinna gives in 
 pledge, for the consideration of One Hundred nummi, 
 
8kct. T. LAND-TENUHE AT VOLTERIJA. 157 
 
 land, — [to wit] two V07'si, or acres of natural pine- 
 wood, and three of planted, or cultivated pinetwn, by 
 way of security for debt : " — II. " The security is 
 void " — that is, the pledged property has escheated. 
 
 It is interesting to note that time and tradition 
 have preserved, if I mistake not, many memorials of 
 this ancient Fraternity in connection with the spot 
 which once owned their beneficent power and influ- 
 ence. The subject of the grant, or record, was, as we 
 have seen, a grove of jjines, which, as surmised, became 
 the sacred ' Lucus ' of their worship. The pine — 
 tt/tw — was sacred, generally, to ' Dea Dia,' the ' Bona 
 Dea,' or Cybele, in Phrygia and Lydia, consecrated 
 to her, I presume, in consideration of the title — 
 ' Cpenta ' in Zendic, signifying ' Holy ' and ' White ' 
 — which she must have borne in Asia Minor, judging 
 by that of ' Bendis,' the same word, her designation 
 in the intermediate and kindred Thrace, — ' Bend-' 
 or '(^pent-' being simply the Goth, hveits {qveta, 
 Sanscr.), with the ' n ' inserted by ' anuswara,' and tt/tw 
 being thus adopted as the echo-emblem of ' Cpenta.' 
 But, specially, it was the KVTraptaao^, ' pinus cupressus,' 
 or cypress, which, I take it, her European votaries 
 honoured, through the resemblance of the root 
 ' cupar-' to ' Cybel-,' the words being identical through 
 the interchangeability of ' r ' and ' 1,' — while this is 
 rendered still more probable through Cybele being 
 the same personage in the estimation of the Arval 
 and other brotherhoods with Juno, the female ' genius ' 
 or reflex of the Supreme Deity, and who (as I may 
 repeat here) was styled by the Etruscans, emigrants 
 moreover from Lydia, ' Cupra.' All this throws an 
 interesting light on the facts now before us, that the 
 
158 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 ground which the Titienses became possessed of 
 through the transaction recorded in the present 
 inscription was a wood of pines ; that sculptured 
 pine-cones appear to have been placed in the se- 
 pulchres of Yolterra, and are still to be seen in the 
 one and typical tomb described by Mr. Dennis ; and 
 that a clump of cypresses still crowns the eminence 
 of the ' Marmini ' — lineal descendants perhaps (it is 
 pleasant, at least, to imagine it) of those recorded on 
 the venerable stone here in question. — Again, it 
 seems not improbable that the ' Porta di Diana ' by 
 which you approach the ' Marmini,' and which looks 
 down on the scene of the old festivities of the ' Sodales 
 Titii/ may have derived its name by corruption from 
 that of ' Dea Dia,' or Deo, lengthened into Deione, as 
 in the person of her daughter, or alternate self, Cora 
 or Persephone — Diana herself being a mere form of 
 'Dia.' — Once more, the name ' Campo Nero'— con- 
 jecturally explained by reference to the many 
 sepulchres, but which seems to me to require some 
 special elucidation to account for its being afSxed to 
 this particular spot and not to other of the necropo- 
 lises of Etruria — appears to bear direct reference to 
 the old proprietors. While the Arval Brothers, the 
 especial votaries of 'Dea Dia,' appear from their 
 records to have worn white more especially, at least 
 in their great festivals,* it is natural to suppose that 
 the Salii, who attached themselves more peculiarly to 
 ' Deus Dius ' (although indeed the shades of varying 
 honour were but slight) wore dark-coloured raiment ; 
 
 * See Marini's ' Atti e Monumenti de' Fratelli Arvali,' Rome, 2 vols. 4to, 
 1795, and Supplement, — the great repertory of information on the subject. 
 It is not improbable that the Arval Brothers may have worn black as their 
 usual dress, and white only on their great ceremonies. 
 
Sect. 1. LAND-TENURE AT VOLTEREA. 159 
 
 partly because the Supreme Deity, in liis male 
 character, was symbolised by the colour black in 
 token of his inaccessibility and unknown character, 
 and partly through the resemblance of their name 
 ' Salii ' to salo, ' fuscus,' ' niger.' It may even be 
 questioned whether this did not attach to all the 
 ' Sodalitates ' as distinguished from the ' Fraterni- 
 tates,' thus associating the Titienses at once with the 
 Salii. ' Tit-', moreover, is in one line of descent, a 
 worn-down form of zicarz, swart, black, — the name of 
 the ' Galli ' connects itself with zwarz through the 
 Sanscrit form of kala., the Etruscan kiarth, — while 
 ' Ater-' in ' Aterii,' 'Ateriates,' represents an inter- 
 mediate stage of verbal degeneration. My impres- 
 sion therefore is that, while the ' Arvales ' were the 
 ' White,' the ' Titienses ' and their con-sodalities were 
 the ' Black Friars ' (so to speak) of the ancient 
 world ; and the name ' Campo Nero ' traditionally 
 assigned to their ancient heritage thus receives an 
 intelligible signification. The word ' Campo ' itself 
 arrests attention. The idea of ' campi,' or fields, is 
 closely connected with these ancient brotherhoods or 
 colleges, but in the sense, I suspect, of fields or 
 places of combat, such as would be in harmony with 
 the traditions of Mars Gradivus and the Salii. As 
 applied to the hilly district of the ' Marrnini,' the word 
 is by no means appropriate in its usual signification, 
 and must therefore have had some such other and 
 technical meaning as that suggested. — Once more, 
 and lastly, the name ' I Marmini ' bears consentient 
 testimony. There are two channels through which 
 it may be traced upwards to the fountain-head, and 
 while hesitating which to prefer, I feel confident that 
 
160 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 one of the two should conduct us to the truth. ' Mar- 
 mar,' the name of Mamers, Mars, or Mars Gradivus, 
 akin evidently to ' Mamurius Yeturius,' the hero of 
 the 'axamenta,' or commemorative songs, of the 
 Roman Salii, the priests of Mars, is invoked with 
 emphasis also in the ancient song of the Arval 
 Brothers, — by a not unfamiliar change of ' n ' for ' r,' 
 ' Marmar ' would become ' Marman,' and thus we 
 should have ' I Mar mini ' at once restored to Etruscan 
 antiquity : — Or, as an alternate solution, the name 
 would equally derive from the ' ambarvalis hostia,' 
 the 'ambarvale sacrificinm,' offered up yearly by the 
 Fratres Arvales, and the ' ambarvalia,' or perambula- 
 tion of boundaries, one of the peculiar duties of the 
 brotherhood, — the word ' ambarval- ' softening down 
 into ' mbarval,' ' marval,' and then by the usual 
 change of 'v' into 'm' and '1' into ' n,' into 
 ' Marman,' ' Marmini,' to the same result as that 
 above suggested. Both these, suggestions may appear 
 to proceed on an unwarranted assumption that the 
 rites of the Arval Brothers, the Salii, and the Ti- 
 tienses were identical ; but, with certain special 
 peculiarities, the presumption is that they were so ; 
 and if we had as many documents illustrative of the 
 traditions and practice of the Titienses as we have of 
 the Arval Brothers we should, I think, find this to be 
 the case. It is to be remembered too that while the 
 various brotherhoods or religious orders above spoken 
 of represented the Umbrian, Sabine, and Roman 
 populations, that now under discussion represented 
 the Etruscan ; and it is impossible to say whether 
 they may not have exercised functions which else- 
 where were appropriated otherwise. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 1<)1 
 
 My impression, in fine, is, that the stone which 
 bears the inscription which has detained us so long 
 w^as originally built, as a corner-stone, into the wall 
 of a chapel or temple in the sacred grove, and 
 remained thej*e during the flourishing times of 
 paganism ; but that when the Emperors became 
 Christian and the old worship, although tolerated, 
 was nodding to its fell, it was concealed for security 
 in the tomb from which it has since emerged — that 
 tomb being in all probability one sacred to the ashes 
 of the Fellows of Titius. Those who concealed it pro- 
 bably thought that times might change and the old 
 religion once more recover its power ; and they 
 sought to preserve it, in the meanwhile, as the pre- 
 cious title-deed of the chief seat of their worship, from 
 the risk of destruction. 
 
 Section II. — Tlie great Inscription of Perugia. 
 
 Turning to the second and last of the specimens 
 that I propose to produce of Etruscan Inscriptions 
 relating to Land — and which I must now formally 
 introduce to you as the great inscription of Perugia, 
 preserved in the Museum of that most interesting 
 city, — I have to observe, first, that the same observa- 
 tion applies to it as to the preceding record, viz., that, 
 the writing being on the front and side-face of a 
 quadrangular block of stone, we must presume that 
 the block in question formed the angle- or corner- 
 stone of a building, and that the inscription related to 
 matters requiring public notification. It is probable 
 moreover that the building on which the inscription 
 appeared was a farm-house or ' villa,' and not a tem- 
 
 M 
 
162 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. YI. 
 
 pie, inasmuch as the block was found, not within the 
 walls of Perugia, but at some distance from it, where 
 it is not known that any temple existed. The in- 
 scription related therefore, it may be assumed, to 
 private not to religious matters. It was discovered 
 in 1822, — to the north of the city — a sufficiently 
 meagre account* Before analysing the inscription 
 T had better say at once that I believe it to be the 
 record of a series of transactions, legal and otherwise, 
 connected with the ' conductio ' or lease of the pro- 
 perty on which it was discovered. The laws and 
 customs in such matters were as follows among the 
 Eomans, — and, considering the influence exerted by 
 Etruria on Rome, as well as the Pelasgic element 
 common to both nations, I do not think that it is 
 unreasonable to expect light towards its interpretation 
 from that quarter : — An owner or landlord, who did 
 not choose to cultivate the soil himself, leased it to a 
 tenant described as the ' conductor ' or ' colonus,' who 
 paid rent for it, partly in kind and partly in money, 
 or wholly in kind or wholly in money, as might be 
 agreed upon. In course of time, and under the 
 influence of the Praetors, the practice grew up of pre- 
 suming a sort of subordinate property in the land, 
 described by a Greek word as ' emphyteusis,' in favour 
 of the tenant, who was thus placed upon a footing in 
 relation to the landlord of very considerable inde- 
 pendence. By this custom, gradually consolidating 
 into law, the tenant acquired at last a perpetual right 
 in the possession or usufruct of the land under the 
 Dominus, conditional on fulfilling the obligations of 
 
 * Conte Giancarlo Conestabile's Ilonnmenti di Perugia, Etrusci e 
 Bomani, parte IVta, p. 4. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. ICS 
 
 the contract. This right was transmissible to his 
 descendants, and by ordinary law the * conductor ' 
 could transfer or assign the ' possessio ' to a third party 
 on a fine to the Dominus, the Dominus having no 
 power of eviction unless the tenant injured the pro- 
 perty, failed in payment of rent, alienated without 
 giving due notice, or otherwise infringed the con- 
 ditions of tenure. Of course, such rights could be 
 limited by private arrangement. The ' Lar,' ' Domi- 
 nus,' or Superior in" the case before us was, if I read 
 it rightly, a lady of the name of ' Aphuna,' or in 
 Latin form, ' Aponia,' and the ground leased is. de- 
 scribed as the ' Salic ' or Dominical land, — land ori- 
 ginally wild and uncultivated, but which had been 
 (as in other cases) newly fenced in (so I presume) for 
 cultivation, and which was now made over to the 
 'conductor' — by name ' Lautn Yelthina,' or 'Lautinius 
 Yeltinius ' — with the reservation of feudal rights to 
 the proprietor. I use the word ' feudal ' advisedly ; 
 for I think there can be little doubt that what we call 
 the feudal system as distinguished from the allodial 
 was in force among the Etruscans at a period long- 
 anterior to history, and derived from a common 
 source with the corresponding system among the 
 Teutonic race North of the Alps.* These brief obser- 
 vations will make the analysis of this great Perugian 
 inscription more intelligible during its progress, and 
 enable me to dispense with much comment while 
 laying the results before you. 
 
 * 'J'he local tenures and special feudal and customary law of Germany 
 would probably throw great light on the legal antiquities of Etruria. It is 
 singular how often the dialect of Bremen (as already observed) and the 
 usages of Holstein have crop^sed up in my Etruscan researches. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS; 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 The inscription runs as follows, 
 line, as in the original : — 
 
 ■I give it line by 
 
 EULAT • TANNA • LAREZUL 
 
 AMEVACHRLAUTN • VELTHINAS • E 
 
 STLAAPHUNASSLELETH • KARU 
 
 TEZANPHUSLERI TESNSTEIS 
 
 RASNESIPAAMAHENNAPER 
 
 XIIVELTHINATHURASARASPE 
 
 RASKEMULMLESKULZUKIEN 
 
 ESKIEPLTULARU 
 
 AULESI ■ VELTHINASARZNALKL 
 
 ENSI -THII -THILSKUNA- KENU • E 
 
 PLK • PHELIKLARTHALSAPHUNES 
 
 KLENTHUNCHULTHE 
 PHALAS-CHIEMPHUSLE- VELTHINA 
 HINTHAKAPEMUNIKLET MASU 
 NAPER ■ s'rANKZLTHIIPHALSTIV 
 ELTHINA- HUT- NAPER- PENEZS 
 MASU • AKNINA • KLEL- APHUNAVEL 
 THINAMLERZINIA- INTEMAME 
 R- KNL- VELTHINA- ZIA SATENE 
 TESNE - EKA - VELTHINATHURASTH 
 AURAHELUTESNE RASNE KEI 
 TESNSTEIS RASNESCHIMTHSP 
 ELTHUTASKUNAAPHUNAMENA 
 HEN - NAPER - Kl KNLHAREUTUSE 
 
 VELTHINAS 
 
 ATENAZUK 
 
 1 • ENESKI - IP 
 
 A-SPELANE 
 
 THI - PHULUMCH 
 
 VASPELTHI - 
 
 RENETHIEST 
 
 AKVELTHINA 
 
 AKILUNE- 
 
 TURUNESK 
 
 UNEZEAZUK 
 
 I ■ ENESKI - ATH 
 
 UMIKS- APHU 
 
 NAS- PENTHN 
 
 A- AMAVELTH 
 
 INA-APHUN 
 
 THURUNI ■ EIN 
 
 ZERIUNAKCH 
 
 A-THILTHUNCH 
 
 ULTHL- ICH - KA 
 
 KECHAZICHUCH 
 
 E 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 1914, tab. xxxviii.; and Conesiahile, iv. p. 3.) 
 
 This congeries of words, at first appearance hope- 
 lessly conglomerated — written certainly with an 
 anxious regard to economy of space, and in some 
 instances evidently abbreviated — would appear to be 
 divisible into separate words as follows, the sense in 
 most cases determining the division ; while the dis- 
 criminative use of the san and sir/ma, observed 
 througliout the inscription, is a further element of 
 guidance. Each column must be read separately, as in 
 the case of the inscription of the ' Marmini.' I add the 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 165 
 
 punctuation, use capital letters for proper names, &c., 
 exactly as if I was writing it in English : — 
 
 E-ulat. Tanna. Lare-zul : — Amevachr Lautn. Veltliina^, 
 e^tla, Aphuna^ sleleth, kam tezaii, pliu^leri ; tesn^ tei^ 
 ra^-ne^, ipa ama hen. naper XII : — Velthiua thura^, ara^, 
 pera^, ke, miil, mle-sknl, zuki oneski, eplt iilani. 
 
 Aule^i Velthiua!^, Arziial, klen^i thii-thils, kuna keiiu, 
 ep-lk-phelik Lartbal^ aplmne^. 
 
 Klen tliunchul tliepbalas cliiemplius-Ie . Velthina hintlia- 
 -kape. Muniklet masu, — naper ^, rauk-zl, thiiphal^ti Vel- 
 thina; hut naper, pene-z^; masu aknina. Kiel . Aphuna 
 Velthiuam. Ler-zinia in tern amer. Knl Velthina. Zia- 
 -^atene tesne. Eka Velthina thurti^ Thanra helu-tesne ; ras-ne 
 ke I :— Tesn^ tei^, ra^-ne^, chimth spelt hut, as kuna apliuna 
 mena, hen ; naper, ki. Knl har eut-u^e. Velthina Catena zuki 
 eneski ipa ^pehxne, thi ; phulum-chva-^pel, thi ; reue, thi, — 
 e^ tak. Veltliina akil une tur un-e^kune-zea zuki eneski, 
 ath-um-ik^ Aphuna^ penthna. Ama Velthiua aphun-thur-uni 
 ein, zeriun akcha. — Thil thunchul-thl, ich, kakechazi 
 chuch e. 
 
 The inscription will he found, I think, to fall into 
 four sections, each narrating a distinct act in the 
 dramatic history of the farm. The first (prefaced by 
 a short title) records its original constitution, — the 
 second, a step taken by the heir of the original grantee 
 in violation of the terms of the contract, — the third, 
 an action at (strict) law, brought by the superior 
 against the tenant in consequence, followed by the 
 judgment, — the fourth, a consequent but distinct 
 action before the Praitor, or chief judge inequity, the 
 superior summoning the vassal, the vassal demur- 
 ring, — the award in each instance following the nar- 
 rative of the suit or appeal. The fact that the suit 
 in equity proceeded immediately upon that in law 
 may be a reason why the two are recorded in sequence, 
 
106 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 without break, on the inscription — if indeed any 
 explanation be required of this pecuHarity. The first 
 section is as follows : — 
 
 § 1. — Constitution of the ' Condudio,' or Lease. 
 
 1. EuLAT. — A compound word, I think, — E-ulat, — equiva- 
 lent to E-BLAT, the u having frequently the force of h in 
 Etruscan. — i. E is the old Teutonic word e, eAe, 'lex;' and 
 ii. ULAT I should connect with Uasen, hiaten, to proclaim or 
 ' blazon ' as a crier or public herald — the ' blast ' of whose 
 horn symbolically echoed his function. I take e-ulat, e-hlat, 
 to be a noun signifying * Legal Notice.' 
 
 2. tanna. — This is the word, in full, which I have taken 
 the liberty of restoring in the inscription in the tomb of the 
 Pompeys at Tarquinii. It is the participle past, passive, of 
 zanen, ' concordare inter se,' whence einzanen, ' inserere,' and 
 the modern ' indenture ' — the root being zaJin, ' dens,' a tooth, 
 in reference probably to a symbolical application of the teeth 
 in ratification of a contract, which has (I imagine) been 
 preserved to the present day in the jagged or saw-like 
 edge of a deed of indenture, tanna stands for tann-t-a, 
 originally, I conceive, zanen-ta, the final consonant being 
 omitted, as is so constantly the case in Etruscan inscriptions. 
 This interpretation appears to me preferable to that which 
 might be derived from tenine, ' extendere ' — the word found 
 in the inscription on the statue of the ' Arringatore,' above 
 dealt with, tanna I take to be the participle used in the 
 sense of a noun substantive, and equivalent to ' Indenture ' 
 or 'Agreement.' It is, you will recollect, as a simple par- 
 ticiple that it stands in the restored eth-phanu of Lautinius 
 Pompey. 
 
 3. laeezul. — A compound, divisible as lake-zul. — i. 
 lake must be referred to lar, ' dominus ' ; and ii. ZUL may 
 either represent zoU, reX-a, ' vectigal,' in which case laee-zul 
 would signify ' Lord's rent ; ' or, more probably, zal, sal, 
 ' mansio, curtis, curia dominicalis, aula,' — sal, saal, ' aula,' 
 ' hall,' being softened forms of the Teutonic word, laee-zul 
 thus signifies 'the Lord's Court,' or 'Hall,' the ]\Ianor-Court 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 107 
 
 {sal'hof, 'curia dominica ') ; and the clause E-ulat TxVnna 
 LAKE-zuL would read in English, in brief lapidary style, 
 'Legal Notice. Indenture ' or ' Agreement. Manor-Court.' 
 This completes the title of the record.* 
 
 4. AMEVACHR, — or, as it might bo written, amefachr ; 
 the V and / equally representing the digamma. Compare the 
 Teutonic emj)faclier, ' conductor ' or ' colonus,' a tenant- 
 farmer, and the cognate words empfangmiss, ' investitura, 
 traditio,' emjjfanffen, ' conducere aliquid titulo locationis,' to 
 farm a property by the title of ' locatio ' — the precise words 
 being used to express the German or feudal and the Latin 
 and the Etruscan contract, empfacher or amevachr, like 
 amhachf, ' officium ' or ministerial duty, is derived (I would 
 say once more) from i. umh, dficf)!, and ii. the root -ahts, -ax, 
 -ae-ere, implying action, which — with the consonant re- 
 tained from umh, d/acj)-, and the initial vowel of umb, d/j,(f)-, 
 elided — appears before us now as -hahfs, -pax, -fix, -facere, 
 and in the compounds ' ponti-fex,' ' carni-fex,' and other old 
 Latin words, — to say nothing of the Eleusiniau 6/j,7ra^, as 
 above illustrated, or — to link the past with the present in 
 the etymological chain — our Scottish ambachter or ' factor.' 
 The force of the Etruscan ch, read as sch — through which 
 the word here under discussion should more proj)erly be 
 written amevascher — is preserved in the Italian 'amba- 
 sciatore,' a mere Latinisatiou oi amhae]it-dri.'\ The word here 
 may be simply a noun-substantive, in accordance with the 
 lapidary style which prevails so markedly in the present in- 
 scription ; but it is not impossible that it may in this 
 instance be a verb, the third person singular of the present 
 tense active, corresponding to the Swedish filter, implying 
 ' in re rustica, terram colere,' according to Hire, and 
 
 * Under the former alternative larezul would be the same word as 
 LAETHALS which occurs further on in the inscription ; and the sense would 
 be, ' Proclamation : — Covenanted Lord's rent,' &c. 
 
 t The sch is equally recognisable in the French 'se facher,' and the 
 Scottish fash, the latter implying annoyance by small cares, otherwise 
 expressed (in nearer accordance to the Scandinavian) by fykes. It is 
 singular how often Scottish forms are identical with Etruscan. The vary- 
 ing pronunciation of ch in German, as purely guttural, or in the softer 
 form of sch, is equally in point. 
 
168 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 governed by Lautn Velthina^, the name of tlie ' Conductor,' 
 in tlie nominative case, which follows. The formation of the 
 third person singular in question in -r is peculiar (so far as 
 existing proof goes) to the Scandinavian tongues, and is 
 understood to. be by mutation of a final s, t, or th. If 
 AMEVACHR be thus understood, it affords a strong prima 
 facie argument for the Scandinavian affinities of the Etrus- 
 can ; but it does not necessarily follow that such form may 
 not have existed also in the dialects of Germany proper, 
 although traces of it do not survive * 
 
 5, 6. LAUTN VELTHiNA^. — The name (as stated) of the 
 'Conductor' or tenant, — in the nominative case apparently. 
 Latinised, it reads, as has been stated, ' Lautiuius Veltinius.' 
 
 7. E^TLA. — This word has been corrected as e^tal and 
 interpreted as the matronymic of L. Veltinius; but this 
 supposes an error in orthography which should not be pre- 
 sumed without sufficient cause. Moreover the zan in e^tla 
 suggests that it should be read as e^ tla, either as two words 
 or a compound word. I think that it is a compound, to wit, 
 of i. e^, that is, heisse, from heischen, ' quserere, exigere ; ' and 
 ii. TLA, to be read as zoll, rek-o^, zdhlen, &c. ; and that it is 
 identical with the Lombardic and medieval gastold, gesteald 
 (A.-Sax.), ' gastaldus,' ' castaldus,' denoting, generally, any 
 one placed in charge by the Dpminus, but, specially and 
 immediately, one set over the collection and administration 
 of his rents and revenues — his steward or seneschal, in short, 
 in this proximate capacity, and his ' actor,' ' factor,' or ' doer,' 
 in a more extensive sense. That the title ' gastald-us ' is 
 analysable as gas-tald, not gast-ald, and is formed — not of 
 gast and aide (' servus vel minister '), or halten, (still less 
 from gestellen,) as commonly supposed, but of the component 
 elements above indicated, would appear from the use of the 
 peculiar ^ or san in the Etruscan text ; while we have a 
 parallel compound (although reversed), proving the same 
 fact, in tlie ancient schuld-heisse, or scuU-heisse, the Latin 
 
 * The Greek or Pelasgic eficfyireva-is is derived, I should think, from the 
 same root as amevaciir, — a mere variety, in fact, of ambacht, amhaJds, 
 (ficj)vT-fV(ns ; although a special sense has been induced upon it collaterally 
 from e/x0i'&). 
 
Skct. it. land-tenure AT TERUGIA. 1G9 
 
 ' scult-etiis,' explained as ' qua3stor, villiciis,' the officer who 
 exacted the rent and other dues of the feudal lord, and in 
 whose title schuld is convertible with -tald- and -tla, while 
 heisse corresponds with (/as- and e^. I take it that I^. Velti- 
 nius was ' ]\layor of the Palace ' in every sense of the word, 
 and ' Major-domus ' (in one of the Latin interpretations of 
 ' gastaldus '), to the Dominus or Etruscan ' Lar ' — the lady 
 whose name immediately follows ; and that he obtained the 
 ' conductio ' from her on extremely favourable terms.* 
 
 8. APHUNA^. — The genitive case, I think, of Aphdna, 
 ' Aponia,' the proper name of the Lar in question. That she 
 was the ' dominus,' sujjerior, or landlord, appears alike from 
 the reservation of rights presently to be shewn, and from the 
 fact that in a subsequent^readjustment of the lease, in conse- 
 quence of contention between herself and the heir of 
 L. Veltinius, the arbiter decrees that the latter should hold 
 an additional portion of land from Aponia, which could not 
 have been thus prescribed unless Aponia had been the 
 possessor and superior over the whole. Members, some of 
 them ladies, of the family surnamed ' Aphuna ' appear in 
 many sepulchral inscriptions at Perugia and Clusium.f 
 
 9. SLELETH. — Divisible as sle-leth. — Compare salhmd, 
 saalland, ' terra Salica,' or ' Dominicalis,' — that is, land held 
 in lordship or superiority, independently of tax or tribute. 
 
 * The process by whicli the office of estla, ' gastaldus,' or schuldlmsse 
 passed down, as I conceive, into the designation of the humble stcujUere 
 or ostl-er of our ' hospitium ' or inn — the stall of the horse answering to the 
 tripod stul of the palace on which the schuldheisse invested a tenant in 
 Germany — the ostler receiving the payment still, I conceive, on behalf of 
 the landlord — would be too long to trace, and irrelevant here. One link 
 of the process may be discerned through the stadelhof, contracted into 
 stalhof, ' curtis domini,' — stadel through the interchange of d and p or b 
 becoming stabul-, or stable. This subject might be pursued much further. 
 — Let me add that I at first thought that estla aphunas signified ' of the 
 Ycstal Aponia's,' and only gave up that view (with great reluctance) 
 through the conviction that estla would have been written in that case 
 with a sUjma, not a san. 
 
 t Words almost identical with aphuna occur elsewhere in this inscription 
 with a different sense ; but that APHUNA here is a proper name will ap[)ear 
 from the unmistakeable significance of the word in the third and fourth 
 divisions, or paragraphs, of the record. 
 
170 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 In Christian times the word was, through an easy association, 
 applied to the territories of reh'gious fraternities — as it may 
 indeed anciently have been in Italy and Greece to the lands 
 of the Selli of Dodona and the Salii, Titii Sodales, and the 
 Arval Brothers of Kome and Etruria, so lately spohen of. The 
 Salic law of the Franks is of course familiar to us ; but I 
 apprehend that the idea of ' Salic ' or Dominical land, as 
 here described, is as old as any custom of the Teutonic race 
 — under which I rank the Etruscan. The last four letters 
 of SLE-LETH represent, I think, the older form of lant, or 
 land, viz., lat, 'solum,' or land in a state of nature, i.e. uncul- 
 tivated, — a form akin (in the use of the letter e instead of 
 ' a ') to that of lethum and the Greek ' Lethe.' The word 
 might have been explained as selMat, ' terra sylvestris,' or 
 woodland, and understood as in the record of the dealings of 
 Cinna with the Titienses (where it is also spelt with e as 
 lethem) ; but it will be seen that the forests are in this 
 instance specially excepted from the grant. Sal-land is 
 sometimes used in a more restricted sense for the land 
 attached to a farm ; but in this case it is clear that it included 
 the entire land granted for the future farm, properly fenced 
 round, of course, in the usual manner in such cases. The root 
 is sal, zal, ' aula,' the Lord's ' hall,' or court ; and the modern 
 English equivalent would be, I suppose, ' the demesne-land.' 
 10, 11. KAEU TEZAN. — Of thesc two words the first, 1. kaeu, 
 may be compared with Mire, ' conductio, merces conditionis,' 
 i.e. hire or price ; and the second, ii. tezan, with setzen, hasez- 
 zan, ' statuere, ordinare,' to settle or fix, the initial s having been 
 rubbed off, as in the Greek form of the word, rdrreiv, Taa- 
 aetv, which must originally have been written rdraeiv or 
 Tu^eLv like tezan, the j)rimitive form being (as inferrible) 
 stetzen, ard^eiv, stezan. kaeu tezan thus answers to the 
 technical formula ' ad pretium fixum,' or the later Latin ' ad 
 fictum,' whence the Italian affitto — viz., the fixed price, 
 * canon,' ' pensio,' or ' redditus ' always agreed upon with the 
 Conductor in cases either of ' emphyteusis ' or of simple lease. 
 12. phu^leei. This word implies, I think, ' as a vassal,' 
 or 'in vassalage;' and maybe compared proximately with 
 the middle-age Latin ' vassaleria,' ' vassallagium,' 'vassalli 
 
Sect. II. ' LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 171 
 
 feudum/ ' vassallus, jpro feiidatorius,' ' vassallus indomini- 
 catus,' ' vassallus simplex,' e^c. &c. &c., — the root being 
 ' vass-us,' the shorter form of ' vassallus.' * This analysis 
 suggests that the form ' vassallus ' implies more than merely 
 ' vassus ; ' and we accordingly find a distinction (as above 
 illustrated) among vassals, some being specially described, 
 as in a charter cited by Ducange — " coram vassis dominicis, 
 tarn Eomanis quam Salicis " — the latter holding under the 
 Salic law. My impression is that the title ' Vassalli ' — pro- 
 perly divisible perhaps as ' Vas-salli ' — denotes ' vassi ' of 
 the 'sal,' or 'aula,' the * curia dominica' — literally 'Vassi 
 Dominici.' I incline upon the whole to think that phu^- 
 LERi should be divided, not as phusl-eri but as phu^-leri ; 
 and that leri represents either Uria as in ' vassalleria,' or a 
 substantive noun, having nearly the same signification with 
 ' aula,' or sal, and which we may recognize in the Old High 
 German Idr, a forgotten word denoting house or ' mansion ' 
 (as e. g. the " many mansions " in the kingdom of heaven),t 
 and which had the same signification too, I suspect, in Etrus- 
 can. That PHU^LERi is a compound is almost certain from 
 the use of the san to express the ' s ' ; and we find the same 
 division indicated in tlie like manner in a word presently to 
 be dealt with, chiemphu^le. The ceremony of ' traditio ' — in 
 German, sal, sala — by the ' cespes,' ' waso,' ivase, turf or sod, 
 was a symbolical reflex of the original compound title ' vas- 
 -sal,' ' vassal,' as in so many other cases. 
 
 13, 14. TESN^ TEi^. — For i. tesn^, compare zins, 'prae- 
 dium de quo merces accipi potest,' a farm lettable for hire; 
 and for ii. tei^, zeyss, zijss, ziese, ' vectigal, telonium, accisa' 
 (this last being the Latin form of ziese, teis), tribute or rent. 
 The older form of zins would be, I suspect, zaun, zun, ' sepi- 
 mentum,' an enclosure, used like the Latin ' sepes ' for any 
 enclosed place — zaun being the original form of the word town, 
 as used to this day in Scotland to denote a farm-steading. | 
 
 * See Diicange's Glossary of Media3val Latin, and Supplement. 
 
 t See Graff's A. H. D. Sprachschatz, vol. ii. col. 243. 
 
 X I suspect that husband-, in the compound husbandman, is under a 
 modified exterior the same word as zaun = zabn, — husband having been 
 originally written thusband, or zusband, and gradually softened down to 
 husb-n, precisely as zaun = tsaun has been to tesn. 
 
172 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI, 
 
 TESN^ is probably here in the genitive case. I understand 
 TESN^ TEi^ therefore as ' income of the farm.' 
 
 15. EA^-NE^, — a word distinguishable as a compound by 
 the peculiar ^, and which has only as yet been found in this 
 Perugian inscription. Probably from the same root as 
 raseria, raserium, ' mensura annonaria,' — ' annona ' signify- 
 ing the year's increase or produce, in grain or otherwise ; and 
 as the early Italico-Latiu rasenga, which constantly occurs 
 in the charters as a measure of corn paid in kind — so many 
 rasengge of ' frumentum,' so many of spelt — in recording the 
 revenue of landed property. But although rasenga has the 
 nearer superficial resemblance to ea^-ne, and may probably 
 be derived from it in direct descent, ea^-ne is nearer in sense 
 to raseria ; and I should compare i. ea^ with gras, in the 
 sense of growth, cresc-, in-crease, or even with the Latin ' res ' 
 (of kindred origin, I suspect), understood as wealth, estate, 
 substance — ' res frumentaria ' for example ; and ii. ne^ (else- 
 where, in a different case, ne, as in ea^-ne), with ' ann-us,' 
 in the genitive case singular, formed in the Etruscan and 
 Teutonic manner from the noun which we have already met 
 with as ani. ea^-ne^ would thus be equivalent to ' annonse ' 
 (' -ona ' ]_jer se denoting augmentation in Latin), and signify 
 ' of the year's produce.' If raseria be analysable (by mere 
 conjecture) as ras-jahr-ia, it would be identical in every 
 respect with ea^-ee, ea^-ne^. We use almost the same 
 compoimd words in speaking of ' this year's grass,' for 
 example. 
 
 16, 17, 18. ipa ama hen. — These three words also have 
 already come before us, in a slightly different orthographical 
 form, as ipa : ma • ani, and explained as ' every month ' or 
 ' measure ' ' of the year.' 
 
 19, 20. NAPEE XII. — Equivalent to ' nummi,' or pieces of 
 money, in number twelve, payable, as we have just seen, 
 monthly, making up a money-rent of 144 ' nummi ' yearly. 
 The conditions of the lease having been thus far stated,* the 
 reservation of rights by the proprietor follows in a clause 
 
 * There is a dot or point after XII in Fabretti's engraving which may 
 mark the terminatiou of a clause. But it is not in his transcrijit, nor in 
 that of Conestabile. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 173 
 
 precisely parallel in character, altlioiigli the order of the 
 subjects is different, to those which appear in old Italian 
 charters of the ninth and tenth centuries, and which may 
 be seen in great numbers in Muratori's ' Antiquitates Italicse 
 Medii J^vi : ' — 
 
 21. VELTHINA. — The name of Lautinius Veltinius, ex- 
 pressed in short, as in the case of Aulns Veltinius afterwards, 
 and in the nominative case — governing a verb at the end of 
 the sentence, the intermediate words, thura^, ara^, &c. 
 being in the accusative. All after naper xii to the end of 
 this first division of the inscription is written without the 
 slightest break whatever. 
 
 22. THURA^ — in the nominative case thura — must be iden- 
 tified, I think, with tiver, quer, querh, implying transverse, 
 oblique, or opposite, but in the special sense here in which 
 we find die quere used for ' ripa obliqua, adversa, opposita,' 
 the opposite banks or 'shores 'of a stream or river. The 
 river in this case may be presumed to be the Tiber, which 
 lies to the N. and N.E. of Perugia, on that side of the town 
 where the inscription was found; and we shall see further 
 evidence to support this presumption. Q (or 7i;) and t are 
 letters constantly interchangeable, as in quist, twist, ' ramus,' 
 a bough, as already shewn. The word thura^ answers here 
 to that which occurs in the clause " cum . . . ripis, rupinis, 
 montibus," &c. in the feudal charters of medieval Italy, as 
 above stated. 
 
 23. ARA^. — To be read as the Latin ' areas,' explained by 
 Ducauge as open spaces, neither ploughed nor cultivated. 
 The word corresponds with tlie " terris . . . incultis," and 
 " cum terris, . . . ortis, areis, et terris," &c. of the middle- 
 age charters referred to. 
 
 24. PERA^. — Gomi>aie fores, foret, forst, wood or forest. In 
 the charters as, " cum . . . silvis, salectis, sationibus," &c. 
 
 25. KE. — The words from this point to the end of the 
 clause are so crushed together that it appears hopeless at 
 first sight to arrive at their signification. But ke, if I mis- 
 take not, is equivalent to the medieval ' gaia, gajum, 
 gagiura,' implying " sylva densissima," very thick wood, and, 
 I think, high up in the hills. " Silvaque et gajo " are linked 
 
174 ETRUSCAN INSCEIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 together, and in the same order as pera^ ke here, in one of 
 Muratori's charters. 
 
 26. MUL. — Evidently, I think, our common mill, the right 
 to which is constantly reserved even now to the lord of the 
 manor. Such passages as " molendinosque ibi sitos duos, seu 
 et gajum unum," &c., and " vaccariciis, alpibus" {i.e. cattle 
 pastures, the proper sense of alp), " gajis, molendinis," in a 
 charter of Hugo, King of Italy in 927, and in the ' Chrouicon 
 Farfense,' both cited by Ducange, show that the mil] and 
 the 'gajum,' forest -or thick forest, were usually contiguous 
 and (as I inferred) high up in the hills, the water that fed 
 the mill descending probably through the ' gajum,' or as it is 
 here abbreviated, ke, g being represented by h in Etruscan 
 orthograpliy. The sequence of pera^, ke, mul, as above 
 explained, is thus natural, and the interpretation of each word 
 supports that of its neighbour. 
 
 27. mleskul. — A compound word, divisible — not as mles- 
 -KUL, but MLE-SKUL. — i. SKUL may represent either the Teu- 
 tonic scalh, scalch, 'servus,' from the obsolete schul-en, to 
 minister or serve, the compound thus implying * the mill- 
 slaves,' or serfs, attached to the soil, and answering to the 
 " et familiis utriusque sexus," and the " servi et ancillge," 
 so frequently found in Muratori's charters ; or it may more 
 probably be the Etruscan and ancestral representative of the 
 medieval ' sequela,' synonymous with the " secta ad molen- 
 dinum et secta montee," implying the customary obligation 
 of the feudal tenant to grind his corn at the lord's mill. The 
 word sequels, used in a somewhat different sense but in con- 
 nection with the multures of the miller, is common in Scottish 
 leases, mleskul therefore expresses, broadly, the 'mill- 
 rights ' or ' dues,' reserved by the Lar, or Superior, from his 
 concession to the Conductor — in this case, L. Veltinius.* 
 
 28. 29. ZUKI ENESKi. — These two words occur twice in this 
 
 * Even the modern mahlgelt, used for multure in the sense of a ' pcnsi- 
 tatio ' due from the corn to the landlord of a mill, might have been repre- 
 sented by this old Etruscan compound, divided as mles-kul, — the final t of 
 gelt being, as usual, omitted, and ml taken in the genitive case. But the 
 objection meets us here that the 's' is written with the sigma, whereas it 
 would have (presumptively) been the san if mles formed the first half of 
 the compound. 
 
Sect. IT. LAND-TENURE AT rERUGIA. 175 
 
 inscription, — witli the sense in the present chuise of the 
 rig'ht of ' hunting with dogs,' or ' sporting,' and in a later one, 
 of ' sporting dogs.' The two words would equally express both 
 meanings, but there was probably a slight modification in the 
 actual speech which is not preserved in the written record of 
 it. These words carry us back into very remote antiquity, 
 and their full discussion would occupy many pages. Briefly, 
 — i. ZUKI appears to me an ancient form of our modern jagd, 
 ' venatio,' or hunting, the proximate root being found in 
 zuck-, zuck-en, ' capere,' and the old Aryan az (Zendie), a'y-03, 
 whence the Zendie azra, ' venatio,' the Greek a'yp-evw, 
 ' venari,' and ' Zagreus,' the title of Dionysus, denoting ' the 
 hunter,' which preserves the original initial 'z,' like zuki. 
 ZUKI ^^as probably pronounced ZUKTI {jahti, jagd-), the se- 
 cond consonant being omitted in writing. It must be added 
 that although jagd and zuki properly and distinctively 
 denote ' venatio ' or the chase, the idea of that chase being 
 with dogs is implied in it, the word hunt, hund, 'can-is,' and 
 even ' dog,' deriving by independent descent from the same 
 original root. — ii. eneski, on the other hand — pronounced, 
 as it doubtless was, enteski — is evidently derived from tliis 
 ancient hunt, hund, as its proximate root, with a sense akin 
 to that of the Latin ' index,' and which might be rendered 
 * indicator,' — but whether the termination -eski is adjectival, 
 like hilndiseh (but in a noble sense), is not so clear. Either 
 way, I think it denotes a leader or (rather) ' pointer,' that 
 being the special signification, if I mistake not, both of our 
 English ' dog,' the Teutonic hund, tlie Latin ' can-is,' and of 
 the root of the Etruscan eneski. While ' dog' is simply the 
 zogo, 'dux,' leader, the Sanscrit analogue sucaha, implying 
 ' indicator,' as applied to the dog, is derived from the root 
 sue-, which is a mere variety of the Egyptian teha and Pelas- 
 gian heLK-, ' die-,' the root of ' in-dic-are, in-dex,' in which last 
 word we may discern, I repeat, a very close analogy to 
 end-eski, en-eski.* — zuki eneski thus signifies here, ' Eights 
 
 * The resemblance of the Greek KwiaKos to eneski is striking but super- 
 ficial onl3\ That of Kwr^yea-la, the chase by dogs, is closer, but still not so 
 near as the approximation suggested in the t«xt. All these words are 
 indeed akin. 
 
176 ETRUSCAN IXSCRTPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 of chase with dogs,' or ' of coursing.' The phrase coincides 
 with the " cum venationibus " of the charters. 
 
 30, 31. EPLT ULAEU, — two Separate words. — i. eplt is a 
 contraction, as I take it, for aufhalt-et, signifying ' protects ' 
 or ' defends ' — as sick auflialten der gewalt, ' tueri se contra 
 vim ; ' and ii. ulaeu I read as the ablative case of vler, vlur, 
 ' damnum,' injury — the same word as phlee, with which we 
 are already familiar. Keverting to the nominative ' Vel- 
 thina ' at the beginning of the sentence, and which governs 
 the whole, the clause reads therefore thus, — ' Veltinius sliall 
 protect the banks or shores, &c. &c., from damage,' — the riglits 
 to these being thus reserved by the Superior, Aj^onia, in 
 granting the lease. 
 
 The first section of the Perugian inscription thus 
 runs substantially as follows: — "Legal notice" of 
 " Agreement. Lord's Court," or " Exchequer. Lauti- 
 nius Veltinius, steward " or seneschal, " farms " (or 
 "is farmer of") "the Dominical land of Aponia, ad 
 pretium jixum " (or in ajjitto), "in vassallage : " — [To 
 pay, viz.] " From the income of the holding, as rent, 
 twelve nummi monthly : " — [On the other hand,] 
 " Veltinius warrants the river-banks, open spaces, 
 forest-ground, highland copse wood, the mill, the mill- 
 dues, and the right of coursing over the manor, from 
 damnum " — ^infringement or injury on his part. 
 
 § 2. Illegal alienation of two-thirds of the Farm. 
 
 The second portion of the inscription records an 
 attempt by Aulus, the son and heir (I presume) of 
 Lautinius, the original ' conductor,' to alienate a 
 portion — two-thirds — oi i\iQ feudum. This must now 
 be dealt with : — 
 
 1, 2, 3. AULE^i VELTHiNA^ AEZNAL. — The name, in full, 
 of the son and heir in question. I say the son, because apart 
 
SiccT. ir. LAND-TENURE AT PEKLKHA. 177 
 
 from that relationship ho could not have had a ii_i;ht to the 
 holding except by a special disposition, which is not men- 
 tioned. He is not styled estla, like his predecessor, from 
 which I infer that Ajjonia had not renewed the office in his 
 person. 
 
 4, KLENsr. — Tliis is the third person singular, present 
 tense, active, of the verb akin to linden, gelmden, ' lenire,' 
 and Idein, small, which we have already met with, and which 
 implies in genere, ' to diminish,' and, in a special and legal 
 sense, to 'mitigate' damages as in the j^lea of an advocate, 
 or to atone for guilt and 'extenuate poe^ia' as incurred by a 
 culprit. Here, I thinkj the special sense is that of ' diminu- 
 tion ' or ' depreciation ' of value through an act of Anlus 
 Veltinius by which he had lessened the security of the 
 ' dominus ' for the duty payable under the ' loeatio ' of the 
 farm, by alienating a portion of it* The extent of diminu- 
 tion or depreciation is next specified : — 
 
 5, THiiTHiLS. — Tim and thil^ must be taken together, as 
 one word, notwithstanding that thil^ and the word which 
 I'ollows, viz. KUNA, are written without break in the inscrip- 
 tion. The peculiar s in thil^ denotes the end of a word, or 
 of a word the constituent element of a compound, thii- 
 THILS . appears to be , a compound, in the genitive case, 
 answering to the German zweij-theil, ' duai tertife,' two third- 
 parts, especially of an 'ager,' or farm. I read it m 'to the 
 extent of two-thirds.' 
 
 6, 7. KUNA KENU. — i. KUXA I should read as kunta, the t 
 being omitted, answering to Tiunde, ' cognitio, notitia ; ' and 
 ii. KENU as ana, ani, ' sine,' auev, without — the original k 
 having been abraded in the German, Latin, and Greek dia- 
 lects, and, as we have seen, in the more peculiarly Pelasgian 
 inscription analysed at the beginning of this memoir — ana 
 MiNETiiu, without meineid, or perjury, kuna kenu thus sig- 
 nifies ' without notice to' or 'knowledge of Aponia the Lar, 
 — an alienation surreptitiously, or at least illegally effected, 
 
 * I am not sure whether 'a'.ien-arc' be not derived from a conunoii 
 source with klen, kleksi— the hard 'k' or 'h' having been rubbed ofl"iu 
 the Latin equivalent. 
 
178 ETRUSCAN I N^SCRIPTIONS: Chap. VJ. 
 
 and which rendered the perpetrator liable to judicial punish- 
 ment.* 
 
 8, 9. EPLK PHELIK. — I am inclined to think that ep and 
 PHELIK answer to the modern ahfdllig, the older German 
 faellig, denoting ' deficiens a fide pacti,' — the intermediate 
 LK either representing lih, 'similis,' like-as; or, more pro- 
 bably, '-liq,' '-lict,' — in the sense of 'delictum' or 'delin- 
 quency,' the LK being introduced between the two elements 
 of the compound word in a manner of which other examples 
 occur in Etruscan. On the other hand, eplk may be a 
 distinct word, a compound of, i. e, ehe, ' fides, lex ; ' and ii. 
 pjliclit, jpliglit, 'jus, fides, cura, tutela,' — thus signifying 
 ' plighted faith,' ' legal engagement,' which would equally 
 suit the sense. I lean to the former alternative. 
 
 10, 11. LARTHAL^ APHUNES. — These words (like phelik) 
 might appear at first to be proper names, but they are not 
 so. They should be divided as lae thal^-aphune^, these 
 last two words being used as a compound, lar denotes 
 ' dominus,' or lord, ut sup-a. thals-aphune^ corresponds, 
 or rather is identical with the Teutonic jjfund-zoll, ' vectigal, 
 pensio,' rent, that is, properly, weighed money. Tlie position 
 of the constituent elements is reversed as usual. The words 
 are in the genitive, governed by phelik, ahfdlllg, deficient — 
 i.e. of the 'Lord's rent.' The genitival termination -e^, it 
 will be observed, is not that of the feminine name, APHUisrA^. 
 
 The sense of this second portion of the inscription is 
 therefore this : — " Aiilus Yeltinins Arznal alienates " 
 or " diminishes " the farm by " two-thirds without 
 notice; failing likewise," or "culpably f{\iling, in 
 paying the rent due to the Lar's Court, or Exchequer." 
 
 * I feel pretty sure of the rendering given in the text ; but it is worth 
 mentioning that thii thilskuna would give the same signification as 
 THiiTHiLS, viz. ' two-thirds,' if thilskuna were identified witli zdgen, a 
 word explained as ' tres partes, in quas dividitur pra^dium rusticuni (eine 
 Ittibe) in Suevia,' the portions being discriminated as ^ summer-, iv inter-, 
 und Irach/dd.'' But no such economic cause for division existed in the 
 present instance ; and the context seems to prescribe the interpretation I 
 have adoi")ted. 
 
Si:cT. II. LAND-TENUKE AT PERUGIA. 179 
 
 § 3. — Action at Law. 
 
 We 2^1'oceed to the action at law brought by the 
 proprietor in consequence of this ahenation and its 
 consequences : — 
 
 1. KLEN — is apparently the same word which we have 
 ah-eady dealt with, implying- suit or petition for justice — but 
 as of a plaintiff, not a defendant. It is possible indeed that 
 although written by the same letters, klen may here stand 
 for the old he-langen, * desiderare,' now ver-langen, with the 
 sense of accusation. There are cases numberless in which 
 words and names absolutely identical in shape and sound, 
 but of different significations, derive from very different 
 roots. li often represents h or jp in Etruscan orthography. 
 Either way the signification would be practically the same. 
 
 2. THUNCHUL.' — This, as in other cases, would be more 
 properly transcribed as thunschul. It might be read as 
 zwangTisal, ' oppressio violenta,' masterful violence ; but the 
 sense here and the use of the word as recurrent in a subse- 
 quent part of the inscription shew that it is a compound, of 
 i. thunch, ding, ting, a court of justice, and ii. ' vel-,' ' vol-,' 
 ' will,' — thus implying a ' placitum ' or judicial sentence, sued 
 for by a litigant, — nearly in the sense of dingsal, dingnuss, 
 'judicium.' 
 
 3. THEPHALAS. — Not, I tliiuk, to be conn(cted with zep- 
 peln, ' rixari, expostulare ' — with the sense of kicking against 
 the pricks : but with thuphltha^, the Etruscan analogue of 
 ' duplex,' which we have elsewhere met with, and with tbii- 
 PHALSTi, which occurs infra in the judgment given by the 
 court here in question, thephalas would thus signify, ' Of 
 fraud,' or ' double-dealing.' 
 
 4. CHIEMPHUSLE. — A comparison of the two last syllables 
 of this word with phu^leei, and the observation that the * s ' 
 is in each case expressed by a san, suggests prima facie that 
 PHUSi.E and phusleri represent the same word, the former 
 being perhaps written contractedly. If so chiem mu.-t be a 
 distinct element, and the whole a compound. On tliis con- 
 
 i\ 2 
 
180 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. YI. 
 
 strnction chiemphiisle might be analysed as i. chiem, 
 cliumpft, or (the same word) 'comit-ium,' a convention or 
 assembly ; ii. phusle (for phusleei) ' of the vassals' — that is, 
 a Manor-Court or Court-Baron. I sliould have acquiesced 
 in this but for the light thrown (if I mistake not) on the 
 word by what follows in the judgment, and which I shall 
 explain hi dealing with the word eankzl. For the present 
 I shall only state that chiemphu^-le, divided as I have 
 here written it, appears to me to correspond — wholly in 
 sense, and verbally" in part — to the old Teutonic Kem,])Ms- 
 buile, i. e. (literally) tlie * Hill of Contention,' the spot wheie 
 points of dispute were decided by single combat or duel, 
 according to a judicial practice of very primitive times. 
 Such courts of combat were usually dedicated to the God of 
 War, and thus we have the ' Campus Martius ' of Rome 
 (where the scene was, not a hill, but a j^lain), tlie 'Areo- 
 pagus ' or ' Mars' Hill ' of Athens, &c., the idea of combat 
 always underlying the name,* Whether hill or plain, the 
 fundamental idea oicam])-,he7n]}li-,cMem][)h-, is that oihampff, 
 'helium, certamen;' and it may be a question whether the 
 contest was by strength of arm or eloquence of tongue in the 
 earliest times. In those ^\ith which we now deal, when the 
 influence of law pervaded the whole community, the spears 
 were arguments and the shields the established law of the 
 land ; but the whole terminology of law and battle was inter- 
 changeable then, and is so even now. Space Avill not allow 
 me to do more than suggest this. Applying a closer analysis 
 to chiemphus-le, it would appear that the final le represents 
 the old Teutonic le, lee, hleo, hlaiwe, rather than huile,] — le 
 implying a ' tumulus ' or grave, ' clivus ' (as e. g. the ' clivus 
 
 * The 'Mons Sacer' of the Plebeians at Rome was possibly a bill or 
 elevated ground of this description, although of natural fonnat'on, the 
 indicative title 'Sacer' having probably a secondary signification in the 
 sense of dyopa, a word which links itself through ' ager ' with the ' Campus 
 Martius.' The secession of the Plebeians to the 'Mons Sacer' may have 
 been simply to the original and superseded ' Moot-hill ' of the Latin 
 population, for consultation, &c. 
 
 t Buile is, however, I tliink, from the same root— a variation of 
 hlaiwe. 
 
Sect. n. LAND-TENUUK AT rKKUGIA. 181 
 
 Mamurii ') being the Latin form of hlaiwe, le, — the word being 
 in fact still familiar to us in Scotland as a law, e g. ' Largo- 
 Law,' ' North-berwick-law, ' ' Dunse-law,' and the ' Law-liills ' 
 at various places. If this be tlie case, chiemph probably 
 represents hempe, a champion -or hero, and chiemphus-le 
 should be read 'the Kempe's Law,' or 'tumulus' — which 
 doubtless became the 'IMoot-hill,' clmmft-le, or meeting-place, 
 ' coraitium,' of the inhabitants for purposes of public consulta- 
 tion and judgment — the place of judgment being always, 
 whether hill or plain, a ' locus septus,' a place or court fenced 
 in, viz. by Z/ifze, 'cancelli,' or 'lists' — the very word used in the 
 lauguage of the tournament. The two readings of chiemph as 
 chiunft, kamjjf, thus reflect the conjunction of purpose which 
 time brought about in the use and destiny of these primitive 
 seats of justice, chiemph, it must be remembered, should 
 be written schiemph; but such too was the case originally 
 Avith hampf, and, I have little doubt, cliwnft likewise. This 
 earlier form of ho/inpf is preserved in schimj^ff, ' certamen,' 
 (the Gothic shimpe),* zu scJiimjpfen reiten, ' equitare in cer- 
 tamina, ludicra vel seria,'— and this word and its analogues 
 shew us that the Champion's Hill, or Plain, was used as a 
 theatre likewise for jugglers, mock-combats, &c., — schimpfer, 
 'histrio,' scliimpfen, 'jocari,' and similar words, witnessing to 
 what became ultimately mere degradation : while a series of 
 corresponding words testify to this in parallel descent from 
 leika (0. N.), analogous to hUri, and from ' lud-o ' in Latin, 
 analogous to ' lis, lit-is.' The Etruscan word lucar, money 
 paid for entrance to the theatre, or public ' palestra,' is an 
 illustration of the former of these categories.f I conclude, 
 therefore, that the four words klen thunchul thephala^ 
 
 * 111 an earlier stage still it was probably scltrlmpe, schramj-), as pre- 
 served in skirm-ish, scrimra-CKje, ramp-a(jeons, &c. I might cite many 
 examples of a primitive ' r ' having heen softened down and obliterated in 
 the growth, or rather disintegration of lauguage. But the original sense is 
 probably that of sc/uVm, protection, whence the words for 'scutum, pro- 
 pugnaculum,' &c., and schirmen, to protect. These words all resolve 
 ultimately into a common root witli ' guerra,' ' war,' — and that too 
 implies that the fundamental idea of warfare is defence, not offence, 
 or aggression. 
 
 t See the Glossary in the Appendix. 
 
1S2 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 CHiEMPHU^-LE are a sort of title or preface to what follows, — 
 'Suit foT placitum' or 'judgment for fraud at the Areopag-us ' 
 or ' IMoot-hill ' of the district — necessarily in behalf of the 
 Lar, Aponia, against A. Veltinius Arznal, whose fraudulent 
 diminution of the farm by alienation of two-thirds of it is the 
 subject of the preceding section of the record. 
 
 5, 6, 7. VELTIIlNxV HINTHA KAPE. — i. VELTHINA is the 
 
 name of the defendant, in the nominative case, written short, 
 without the final ' s,' as in the case of his father — already 
 remarked upon. — ii. hintha is the Teutonic Mntz, 'contra,' 
 as in Mntz einen clagen, ' contra aliquem actionem instituere,' 
 and identical too with the Greek avrl, as in avTiXeyw, to 
 contradict. — iii. kape, again, may correspond either with 
 haben as used (in connection moreover with Mntz) in the 
 phrase rechtung und ansprach die ivir Mnz in liahen ; or 
 otherwise with hampfen, ' pugnare/ to fight or contend — i. e. 
 HINTHA, in opposition, — an alternative which the analogies 
 indicated under the preceding word chiemphu^-le may 
 support. I think', upon the whole, that hintha-kape is a 
 quasi-compound, answering to ' contradicit ; ' and that vel- 
 THINA HINTHA-KAPE signifies, ' Vcltinius denies ' the charge, 
 — thus meeting Aponia, not by an ' exceptio ' as if it were a 
 case in equity, but by a ' contradictio,' the matter being one 
 of strict law. 
 
 8, 9. MUNIKLET MASU. — i. Of MUNIKLET — manifestly a 
 compound, and already noticed in association with the sepul- 
 chral MUNISVLETH, but in distinction from it — various 
 Teutonic analogues may be given which all point to the 
 same general signification, with one exception, viz. that of 
 gemeine leute, arbiters, which would not suit here, as tlie case 
 was not one of arbitration or equity, but of 'judicium.' Mann 
 is the Teutonic word for a vassal, or feudal tenant, and 
 mannreclit implied 'judicium feudale ex paribus curiae con- 
 stans, ad examinandas causas inter Dominum et Vasallos,' 
 exactly such a case as that between Aponia and Veltinius. 
 A compound mann-leut {mann-{-Ieut, ' popnlus ') would 
 denote the vassals who composed this court ; tmd this may 
 possibly have been the original form of the acknowledged 
 compound mund-hut, ' clientes,' although this latter word is 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PEIIUGIA. 183 
 
 proximately associable with inuncl, 'advocatus' or protector. 
 The okler form of hut, Hut is Meut, liliut, and biuniklet 
 would thus correspond with either of these compounds, and 
 signify a 'Vassal-,' 'Baron-/ or 'Manorial Court;' in which 
 case it would be the noun governing the word wliich follows, 
 MASU, as a verb. On the other hand it might be read ns 
 gemein-liloz, i.e. ' common sentence,' ' lot,' or ' vote,' as an 
 adjective agreeing with masu. — ii. MASU may correspond 
 with mas, mase, ' moderatio,' maszen, masen, ' moderare, 
 temperare,' as well as with the series of words expressing 
 measurement, meting- out — of justice from the scales of 
 Themis, no less than in the case of other commodities. 
 MUNIKLET MASU would thus be renderable, 'The Manor- 
 Court adjudges,' 'decrees' — or, 'By common decree' or 
 ' sentence,' masu being read as in the ablative case ; and this 
 last alternative is upon the whole the safest, at least at 
 present, as it does not appear for certain otherwise w hether 
 the Court on the ' Kempe's hill ' was a Manorial Court or a 
 public court of law for the whole Perugian district. The 
 sentence was against Yeltinius, and is given in the words that 
 follow : — 
 
 10. NAPER. — As before, ' nummi.' 
 
 11. ^. — I take tliis to be a contraction, standing by itself, 
 and to be disconnected from the word that follows, viz. 
 EANKZL. This may be inferred from its being written with. 
 a san, which is very seldom found at the beginning of a word. 
 The context too prescribes a numeral ; and we may supply 
 it, I think, by ^as, the word that follows avil in an inscrip- 
 tion to the memory of a lady given by Fabretti (No. 2104), 
 and which, I presume, represents ' sex,' six — although, the 
 lady in question having been an 'amke,' it may stand (there 
 at least) rather for sixty. The number six is rendered by 
 the numeral r' (the si, or ' stigma ') in Greek. 
 
 12. RANKZL. — A compound of rank and zl. — i. rank I 
 take to be the same word as the Teutonic ring, ' locus judi- 
 cii olim sub dio cancellis munitus ' (as in an dem ringe oder 
 an der sclirannen), — a space enclosed within rails, in which 
 the combatants, whether at law or in single combat, disputed 
 for victory — the word being still perpetuated in English 
 
184 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Chap. VI. 
 
 speech whenever a ' ring ' is formed for a pugilistic contest. 
 It is the occurrence of this word RANK, ring, in connection 
 with CHiEMPHUs-LE \vhich confirms me in the belief as to the 
 signification of the latter compound, as above stated. It was 
 within this ' cancellaria,' ' chancel,' or ' chancery '—this ring 
 — that orators or advocates spoke; and we have the word 
 accordingly in the Italian ' arringatore,' and in the English 
 ' harangue,' — the statue of Aulus Metellus illustrating, as we 
 have seen sui^ra, tlie oratory of the Etruscan bar. The 
 judge and his assessors, I take it, sat on elevated seats, pre- 
 siding over this ' chancel ' (as was the case in the ancient 
 basilicas, and in early Christian churches built on the model 
 of the basilica, and in which the chancel is occupied by the 
 choir), but within the outer fossa or sejpes which fenced in 
 the entire court of justice, kakk and ring are both abraded 
 forms of an older scliranch, 'conseptum, career' (schranch- 
 zaun, ' sepes ex lignis decussatim positis '), schrannen, ' can- 
 cellus, locus judicii,' schrande, ' cancelli, judicium,' — a form 
 still familiar to us in our English screen. I should have read 
 EANK as srank but for the peculiar initial seen above remarked 
 ujDon. — ii. ZL, as previously, signifies ' debitum,' debt or due, 
 especially in 'told' money, 'numerata pecunia.' eankzl 
 must thus, I apprehend, be translated, ' dues to the Chancery,' 
 that is, to the court which gave the 'judicium;' but, in a 
 more special sense, ' fine to the scliranch ' or 'career' — which 
 was practically in some cases and theoretically in all directly 
 under the seat of the 'judex ' — as a fine for exemption from 
 imprisonment as the due of delinquency, — the amount 
 awarded being, ut supra, naper ^,, 'nummi sex,' six, or 
 (possibly) sixty. 
 
 13, 14. THiiPHAL^Ti VELTHiNA. — I read this as, 'to the 
 defaulter ' or ' fraudulent Veltinius,' — and the qualification 
 additionally shows that the word eankzl expresses the ' poena ' 
 or fine for ' delictum ' which was always inflicted in a case of 
 ' judicium,' or strict law, such as that here in question. It 
 was different in equity, as we shall see presently. The clause 
 thus reads therefore, ' Six (or sixty ?) nummi by. way of fine 
 to the Court on the part of the defaulting Veltinius.' — After 
 this follows si^ecification of 
 
Sect. IF. LAND-TRNURE AT TERUGIA. 185 
 
 15, 16, HUT NAPER, i.e, ' One hundred nummi,' as 
 
 17. PENEzs. — This seems to be a compound of pene-z^, 
 answering to ^ene-zeyss, -ziese, or jpene-zins. It may be thus 
 analysed : — i. pene, our English penny, is a word of extensive 
 use among the Teutonic and Slavonic races, and is even found 
 in li.\\\\gax\im,jpfemiig,])fenning being the later German form ; 
 it signifies 'pecunia, nummus' in a general sense, and is 
 found in composition as pene-geld, * pecimia mulctarum,' 
 pfennig-zins, 'census parata pecunia solvendus,' &c. — ii. z^, 
 the second element in the compound, may be recognised in 
 zeyss, ziese, ' vectigal,'.rent, which we have already met with 
 as TEi^ in TESNS TEis, supva ; and, with the 'n' inserted, in 
 ziNS, ' reditus, census,' in which form we have it as j^fsunig- 
 zins, ' census,' — ^pene-zs and pfennig-zins being thus in fact 
 precisely the same word, and signifying, in its simplest sense, 
 ' sum due.' HUT naper penezs therefore denotes, ' One 
 hundred nummi ' — according to the census or calculation ' of 
 rent' — this sum being the balance due to Aponia on the 
 alienated portion of the farm, not hitlierto accounted for, 
 and in which Aulus Yeltinius is stated in the second portion 
 of. the inscription to have become a defaulter — phelik 
 LAR thals-aphunes. The rent due and not paid was pro- 
 bably for a year and about three weeks, the rent for two- 
 third.s of the holding being 96 'nummi' per annum. The 
 Court disallowed and treated the alienation as non adveiiu, as 
 by one ' non habente potestatem ' by the constitution of the 
 farm, while tliey punished the fraudulent infraction of that 
 constitution. 
 
 18, 19. MASU aknina. — With aknina we may compare 
 eigenen, ' convenire alicui ' in the sense of what is befitting, 
 and eigenen, ' conferre, dare in proprietatem ' — but here, if I 
 mistake not, in an extreme sense, analogous to that by which 
 the judge was wont 'judiciali auctoritate appropriare (eigenen) 
 cretlitori funduui vel bona mobilia debitoris per immissionem' 
 — that is, to make over the entire property of the debtor 
 or defaulter to the creditor — in this case to A[)onia, — " his 
 wife and children and all that he had,^' in the words of 
 the parable, till payment should be made to the uttermost 
 fai'thiuir. 
 
186 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 Tlie entire record and sentence under this tliird 
 division of the inscription would appear to run as 
 follows : — " Suit " (at law) " for judgment of fraud," 
 on behalf of Aponia against Aulus Yeltinius, " at the 
 Kempe's-law," or " Moot-hill " of the district. " Yel- 
 tinius puts in a contradictio. The Court decrees, 
 — Six (or sixty ?) nummi as poena against the de- 
 faulter, Veltinius : — One hundred nummi as rent 
 due " and to "be refunded " to Aponia : — Further, 
 " Decrees appropriation of his goods," as security, 
 that is to say, " for payment." 
 
 § 4. Proceedings in Equiiij. 
 
 The ' delictum ' in the preceding case was, it is 
 evident, a fraudulent alienation of land held under 
 the lease, without notice to the Lar, or Dominus, 
 Aponia, inferring the risk of manifest damnum to 
 the latter whether the alienation was total or that 
 merely of sub-letting. Aponia therefore took legal 
 measures to replace the ' conductio ' on its proper 
 footing and punish the infraction of its terms, and, 
 as we have just seen, with success. But the whole 
 position of the farm appears to have required recon- 
 sideration, and personal annoyance had apparently 
 been resorted to on the part of Aulus Veltinius 
 since the death of his father Lautinius. Aponia there- 
 fore followed up the suit at law without delay by 
 proceedings before a higher (but not, in this case, 
 appellate) tribunal^ that of the Prastor — proceedings 
 in equity, not at strict law. The parties were heard ; 
 reason was found for enlarging the holding and re- 
 adjusting the rent; but at the same time stringent 
 
Sect. H. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 187 
 
 restraint was imiDosccl upon the annoyance to which 
 Aponia had been subjected.- 'No jjcena is specified, — 
 Yeltinius meets the prosecution, not by a ' contva- 
 dictio ' but by a demurrer ; and other points in the 
 proceedings shew that the suit came before tlie Praitor 
 in his capacity of ' Arbiter pro finiendis controversiis,' 
 and that Aponia's suit was for an Intcrdictum, wdiich 
 was granted, proceeding upon an arbitration and 
 adjustment of rights and wrongs equitable to both 
 parties. I have Httle doubt that substantial justice 
 was done, — at the same time I think we shall see 
 that the Prcetor proceeded upon a presumption which 
 gradually grew up under the Prretorian jurisdiction, 
 that long tenancy had established a quad- or quali- 
 fied ownership on the part of Yeltinius, so that the 
 effect of the award — while in a personal sense favour- 
 able to Aponia — was on the other hand to recognise 
 Yeltinius as holding by right of emphyteusis under 
 the Dominus, thus in fact elevating him to a status of 
 subordinate, it is true, but still co-proprietorship. I 
 cannot think that his conduct had deserved this 
 allowance ; but the principle doubtless prevailed. — 
 The following is the analysis of this last portion of 
 the inscription : — 
 
 1. KLEL. — This word is followed by a point of distinction 
 of the usual sort, but which may possibly indicate a tech- 
 nical abbreviation, as in cases previously noticed. I think 
 it represents a legal vocable or phrase answering to the 
 Teutonic gelegenlicher tag, ' dies ab arbitris cum consensu 
 partium constituta,' i. e. on 'a day appointed by consent of 
 both parties.' klel., thus abbreviated, would represent this 
 phrase, or formula, as KLEknLk, which would answ'er to 
 gelegenlich, ' by agreement,' even if the tag were not under- 
 stood. 
 
188 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 2, 3. APHUNA VELTHINAM. — I uiiderstaud tliis as 'Apoiiia 
 V. Veltinium.' x\ponia had sued for the Praetor's interveution. 
 Veltinius accepts the challenge. 
 
 4. LEKZiNiA. — A compound of ler and zinia. — i. zinia 
 seems to be the Etruscan representative (although in a more 
 primitive form) of zanh, the modern zcinJc, 'jurgium, alter- 
 catio, rixa,' quarrel or dispute — our English taunt and. twit, 
 and the Greek rcodaafio^, sarcasm or baric,- — the root, zahn, 
 ' dens,' tootli, expressing itself in zanen, zannen, ' dentes osten- 
 dere,' ' mordicari,' to show the teeth, or bite ; a verb which, 
 under the influence of bitter feelings — the bite being sym- 
 bolically vented (it would seem) on the legal instrument of 
 agreement — produces einzanen, ' concordare ' as by indenture, 
 the root of tanna, the word already analysed. — ii. The initial 
 vocable ler is more difficult. Head as lara (S,-Goth.), leren, 
 ' docere,' it would signify to ' instruct,' in the Scottish 
 forensic sense of building up legal proof of a case. But lara, 
 leren, is by general consent referred to the same origin as 
 lusa,lesen, the letters 'r' and 's' being constantly inter- 
 changeable ; and I suspect that ler here is the analogue of 
 lass-, lass-en, ' permittere,' to let — but in the special legal 
 sense of an oder auf einen lassen, 'permittere caussam 
 arbitro.' I imderstand ler-zinia therefore as ' Submission of 
 matters of dispute by \Aay of arbitration.' * 
 
 5, 6, 7. intemamer. — Divisible into three words, i. in, 
 which I take to be a preposition answering to our English 
 'to': — ii. TEM, answering to tuom, doom, deem (Scotice), 'ju- 
 dicium,' and the Greek (Pelasgic) rt/x-T/o-t?, ' aestimatio ' 
 awarded by a judge in law-proceedings, — and, iii. amer, the 
 Etruscan analogue of the Teutonic amber, ambter, ambachter, 
 in its highest sense of ' prsetor causarum civilium, praefectus 
 loci vel judicii in loco,' — the three words thus implying, ' To 
 the estimation,' or ' arbitration,' ' of the Praetoi'.' The title 
 written in this diluted form in Etruscan — analogously to 
 UM-ETH, that is ETH-UM, in the Pelasgian inscription, the 
 
 '* Lkr, as /'rtsse?!, might Lave liat the sense of ' ostcndere, manifestare ' 
 (lisa, laisa, 0. N,), if the matter had been limited to tlie exhibition of 
 rights, aud of 'rogare ad aliqnid judicnm sententiam.' But the context 
 
 requires tl c iuterpretutioii given in the text. 
 
Sect. II. LANI)-TEx\U]!E AT PKliCiilA. 189 
 
 first in this series, and to amat (amhaeht) in the inscription 
 of ]\[ontarozzi, near Tarquinii — is applied throughout the 
 Aryan world to every grade of official life, but in law-pro- 
 ceedings specially to the supreme judge within his district, or 
 even in the kingdom under the sovereign, and is thus used 
 sometimes for 'prorex' under the German Emperors. Our 
 English ' umpire ' is merely amer, amider, in a kindred 
 language. But, I repeat, it was to an official umpire, and 
 one of the highest rank, the Eoman Praetor and his ' nobile 
 officium ' of equitable jurisdiction, that Aponia had recourse. 
 —The words thus far given constitute the title of the record, 
 and express Aponia's reference or submission of the matters 
 in dispute, as plaiutiff, to this ultimate authority. 
 
 8, 9. KNL • VELTHIXA. — KNL is, I think, a contracted form 
 of a word answering perhaps to gegen-hehelf, ' exceptio ' in 
 the sense of a ' replica ' or reply ; or to the current gegen- 
 laut, ' oppositio,' gegenhalt, &c. The meaning is, ' Veltinius 
 excepts,' or 'demurs,' to Aponia's summons and charge. 
 Compared with Yeltinius's peremptory denial before the 
 Vassal Court or judicial tribunal — velthina hintha kape 
 — in a case of strict law, the word knl additionally marks 
 the character of the present proceedings as being in equity, 
 before the Praetor. — The matters in dispute being thus tabled 
 and the parties in opposition, the Praetor proceeds to action. 
 The first portion of his award, as we shall find, is Declaratory, 
 as to what Veltinius shall enjoy and do, and thus of the 
 nature of a ' Decretum,' — the second is Prohibitory, defining 
 what Veltinius shall not do, — the two together forming a 
 complete specimen of an Etruscan ' Interdictum.' 
 
 10, 11. ziA^ATENE TESNE. — TESNE we havo had already. 
 For ziA-^ATENE, a compound, compare zusatz, ' assessor,' 
 zusetzer, ' arbitri pari utrinque numero olim electi et additi 
 superarbitro communi,' ' adjuncti partium,' with the relative 
 verb, as in eine sache zu einem setzen, ' causam ad aliquem 
 tanquam arbitrum decidendam deferre,' — and also setzen, Jce- 
 sazta, kesezzan, ' ordinare, disponere,' in the sense of the Greek 
 Td(T(T€Lv, TobTTei-v, deuotiug inter alia, to impose a tax or any 
 other contribution. The phrase zia-^atene tesne implies, 
 I think, ' Let the holding (tesne) be taxed, or valued, by 
 
190 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. YI. 
 
 arbitration,' — this being the ruling of the Prsetor, either 
 naming arbiters to value it, or acting himself in his office 
 as such. 
 
 12, 13. EKA VELTHINA. — ERA may either represent the 
 aeh, acht, ' aestimatio, taxatio ' — the revaluation and settlement 
 of rent which immediately follows ; or it may represent eigien, 
 to possess, i.e. the ecJd, possession or usufruct (as distin- 
 guished from the dominium or superiority) of the holding. 
 This last is more probable, partly because the order for tlie 
 valuation has been already given, and partly because a verb 
 is thus supplied to cover the words that follow, eka vel- 
 THINA thus would imply, ' Let Velthiua hold,' or ' possess.' 
 
 14. THURAS. — The same word which we recognised pre- 
 viously as signifying the ' banks ' or ' shores ' of a river. 
 
 15. THAUEA — if I mistake not, is to be read thabra, that is, 
 ' Tybris,' or ' Tiber,' — the u standing for the Latin h. Tuber 
 in old German, 'tybrum' in medieval Latin, implied 'alveus,' 
 the trougli or bed of a river, — a word humbly represented in 
 Scots by chib, and in English, although in a modified signifi- 
 cation, by tub! These thuras thaura were the river 
 banks which had been reserved by Aponia, and warranted 
 free from encroachment by Lautinius Veltinius, at the origi- 
 nal constitution of the farm ; and part of which was now 
 awarded to Aulus Veltinius towards the enlargement of his 
 holding, in implement of the compromise. 
 
 16. HELUTESNE, a compound, helu-tesne. — For helu com- 
 pare halba, the A.-Sax. heaJf, half, — the u, as in the preceding 
 case, representing 6.— tesne we are familiar with ; and from 
 the analogy of halb-lmbe, half the farm, as opposed to liaupt- 
 Imbe, an entire farm, I take helu-tesne to mean ' the half- 
 holding,' i. e. of the opposite shores or banks of the Tiber. 
 
 17. EASNE. — ' At the rent-payment of.' 
 
 18. 19. KEi.— To be divided, I conceive, as ke i, and 
 understood — reading ke as huh, (our Scottish hje) — ' One 
 cow ' — that is, jper annum, as appears by a subsequent word 
 — as tribute for the rigiit of grazing along the pleasant 
 banks of the river, where the sweetest and freshest grass 
 grows, as known to every farmer. There was probably not 
 much of it, — but the value of the cow may have been com- 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENUliK AT TERUGIA. Uil 
 
 mensurate at tlio time.* — The entire clause would thus run : 
 — " Let Veltiuius possess the half-farm of ' Banks of Tiboi-,' 
 at the rent-paymeut of one cow,"per annum. — The succeeding. 
 words describe modifications in the tenure and rent of (I 
 take it) the original farm : — 
 
 20, 21, 22. TESNS TEi^ EA^NE^, — RASNE^ being apparently 
 in the genitive case : — That is, — ' From the income (tei^) of 
 the holding (tesk^), as ' or ' of rent ' — so much, tesns 
 TEi^ refers here (I repeat) to the holding proper, or original 
 farm, whole and entire, independently of the additional lease 
 of the half-farm of ' Banks of Tiber.' 
 
 23. CHIMTH. — This ■ and the following words are run 
 together without break, but I think they may be divided 
 and interpreted as I shall proceed to shew : — For chimth — 
 which should be written in German as schimth, compare 
 SCHUBIPF, KUMPF, CHUNF, ' mensura frumenti,' a measure of 
 corn, but — -at least in ancient Germany — of a very minute 
 description;! and schauh, scea/ (A.-Sax.), ' garba,' a sheaf of 
 corn. Bemembering the interchangeability of h and m, th 
 and 2]f, in the ancient languages, and taking the word that 
 follows into consideration, I am inclined to think that the 
 word SCHIMTH here means ' sheaves.' 
 
 24. ^PELT. — Identical, I presume, with the Latin ' spelta,' 
 and German ' S2)eU (A.-Sax.), sj>el, sjjeh,' a sort of corn, the 
 most common grain in which payments in kind are made in 
 the old Italian charters. The word 'spelta' is not classical 
 Latin ; it occurs first in a poem ' de Ponderibus ' attributed to 
 Priscian, who flourished in the sixth century of the Christian 
 era ; and I have little doubt that it is a purely Etruscan and 
 German word, Latinised as above shewn. 
 
 25. HUT. — As before, ' centum,' a hundred. ' One hundred 
 sheaves of spelt.' 
 
 26. 27. A^KUNA. — Divisible as as kuna, and to be read, I 
 think, as aus gang, in the sense of the phrase gang unci gebe, 
 used ' de monetis et mercibus,' and signifying ' cursibilis, 
 
 * If I were read as the Greek i', it would represent ten cows. But tliat 
 would, evidently, have been too much. 
 
 t The word may be the same as the Southern ' coppa,' which denoted a 
 larcrer measure. 
 
192 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 iisualis, nsiialiter dativus, legalis,' — that is, 'usual, or cur- 
 rent.' 
 
 28. APHUNA. Here to be understood, from the context, as 
 Ijfund, 'pondus, libra,' weight. 
 
 29. MENA, — the same word as meyn, gemein, 'comraunis, 
 yjublicus.' — The entire j)hrase a^ kuna aphuna mena tliu.s 
 denotes (with the words that immediately precede), 'One 
 hundred sheaves of spelt, usual or standard markct-weiglit.' 
 
 30. HEN. — TJt supra, 'annually.' 
 
 31. NAPEE, — ' nummi.' — 'And in cash, nummi ' so many. 
 
 32. Ki. — Evidently a numeral, and probably abridged; 
 but it is difficult to judge between alternate readings, ki 
 may represent the Eoman letters ci, ' one hundred and one ' 
 
 nummi, (and this would be in keeping with the use of the 
 
 Eoman letters as numerals in the statement of the original 
 terms of the lease) : — Or it may stand short for an Etruscan 
 word representing ' quinque,' cinque, five, or even ' viginti,' 
 although this is less likely. — The rent of the original farm, 
 at first payable in money only, but now partly in money, 
 partly in kind, was thus fixed at ' One hundred sheaves of 
 spelt, standard weight, per annum, pkis ' — I will not under- 
 take to say how many ' nummi.' — And this is followed by 
 the usual provision in awards of this nature : — 
 
 33, 34, 35. KNLHAEEUTU^E. Divisible into knl, the 
 word, (or rather contraction) which has been already dealt 
 with ; HAR, and eutuse. — i. knl implies, as before, ' the 
 Opposition,' or ' Opponent,' i. e. Veltinius. — ii. HAR must be 
 compared with wer, ' cautio,' — in composition (a very ancient 
 form) gewaer, gWer, from whence gar-, and guar-antee, &c. ; 
 and. with ivar-en, ' cavere, cautionem adhibere vel pra^stare,' 
 as in law-proceedings, &c. ' Gare I'eau!' and 'Ware 
 hawk ! ' exhibit the two varieties of the word in their 
 simplest (compound) form, hae thus signifies 'to give 
 caution ' or security ; and this might be either for tlie proper 
 use of a thing entrusted to one, or, abstractly, for due fulfil- 
 ment of covenanted obligations. — Lastly, iii. eutuse is a 
 compound of eut- or ebt-use, answering to amhaht-, ampt-, or 
 amt-hus, or -haus, denoting the ' curtis principalis,' the ' aula ' 
 or Hi'^h Court, presided over by the Ampe7% Amptmann, 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 193 
 
 or PraBtor. The sense therefore is, * The Opponent, or Ex- 
 ceptor^ shall give cautio, or security, to the Court.' ' Cau- 
 tiones ' were especially required in eases where the rights of 
 parties were not in active litigation, but the subject of 
 compromise, as here. — This first portion of the Praetorian 
 award thus runs, — ' Let the liolding be taxed by arbitration. 
 Let Yeltinius possess the half-farm of " Banks of Tiber," at 
 the rent-payment of One cow (annually) ;' and ' pay, from 
 the income of the farm (proper), as rent. One hundred 
 sheaves of spelt, of the current market-weight, annually ; and 
 five,' ' twenty,' or 'one hundred and one/ ' nummi,' as the 
 case may be. And, ' let" the Exceptor Yeltinius give caution 
 (or guarantee) to the Court,' that he will fulfil these condi- 
 tions. — From this point to near the end of the record, we 
 have to deal witli the second portion of the award, which is 
 directed to the protection of Aponia, the motive party in the 
 suit. 
 
 36, 37. VELTHiNA SATENA. — VELTHINA is in the nomina- 
 tive case, as before. Catena may represent satten in the 
 reflective sense of sieh saettigen lassen, ' acquiescere,'^ — ' Let 
 Yeltinius satisfy himself ' or ' acquiesce in ' the restriction to 
 be imposed. Or, taking Catena with the words es tak at 
 the end of the sentence, it more probably answers to satz, a 
 compromise by arbitration, satzung, * couventio ' or ' pignus,' 
 and the relative verb satzen, seizen, — thus implying, ' Let 
 Yeltinius agree, as a compromise, to keep only,' &c. &c. 
 
 38, 39. ZUKI ENESKi. — 'Dogs for hunting,' as already 
 shewn. 
 
 40. IPA. — A preposition, already familiar to us, — answering 
 more nearly perhaps to ley, ' per,' for, than to * of.' 
 
 41. ^PELANE. — Compare s^ielen, spilen, 'ludere,' — a word 
 embracing many meanings, including that of ' venari, feras 
 persequi, aves avibus capere,' in which latter sense Luther 
 uses it in translating the third Book of Baruch. ' Sporting' 
 is our nearest English equivalent. 
 
 42. THI. — As before, zwey, two. 
 
 43. 44, 45, 46. phulumchva^pel. — Before attempting 
 to analyse this uncouth-looking phrase, I would note that 
 federsjoil implies in German either ' collective, omnes aves 
 
 O 
 
194 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 quibus fit aucupium,' birds, viz. that are employed in hawk- 
 ing or fowling ; or ' venatio avium per aves,' i. e. * the sport 
 of hawking itself,' — the word being compounded, in either 
 acceptation, of spU, 'Indus venatorius,' and feeler, 'penna,' 
 wing, feather, &c. " Wo sind die fiirsten der heyden . . die 
 da spielen mit den voglen des himmels " are Luther's words 
 in the translation of Baruch just referred to. capys, too, we 
 know to have been the Etruscan word for Tiafuc, JiabicJd, an 
 ' accipiter ' or hawk, the prime minister of 'aucupium.' 
 And the root of capys, as of ' accipiter,' is manifestly ' cap- 
 ere,' hab-en, to take and hold with force. Assuming there- 
 fore that the phrase here in question may imply ' Hawks for 
 the sport of fowling/ the question arises how to divide and 
 identify the words, ^pel is, indeed, unmistakeable ; and 
 CHVA is probably capy-s, or hawk ; um may represent the 
 Teutonic unib, 'for the purpose of;' and phul the root 
 found in ' vol-are,' /e-o>^ (A.-Sax.), to fly ; from whence 'vol- 
 ucres,' birds, i. e. winged or feathered fowl, phul indeed, 
 like fowl, would appear to be a softening down of the early 
 and dissyllabic vo(/el, the hard g being wanting here.* And 
 although CHFA, read as schfa, would become 'av-es' by 
 eliding the sch — as in the parallel case of schaf ot?, ' ovis ' — 
 the sense, assuming it to be such as supposed, requires an 
 aggressive not a passive substantive in the place. Witli 
 much hesitation therefore as to these particular suggestions, 
 but with strong assurance as to the general sense, I read the 
 passage as chva um phul spil, or (in the order in which 
 they are wTitten, following a peculiar Etruscan grammatical 
 form), phul um chva spil, denoting, ' Hawks,' or Mcons, 
 ' for the sport of fowling.' — The number of these is by the 
 decree, as in the case of the dogs, limited to 
 
 47. thi, — zivey, two, as in former instances of this nume- 
 
 * That this should be the case ought not to surprise us ; for the same 
 work of disintegi-atiou and refinement was going on, it may be presumed, in 
 Etruria as among ourselves North of the Alps, under the same grammatical 
 laws, and under more harmonious conditions. ' PuUus,' a chicken in Latin, 
 the modern Italian ' polio,' is simply tlie Etruscan phul ; but ' pullus,' used 
 as the young of any animal— e.g. a ' foal ' — is (I conceive) from a different 
 root. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 195 
 
 ral. Veltiuius had, I fancy, poached on the preserves of his 
 * dominus,' the Lady Aponia ; and, althougli she now granted 
 him under the award of the Prastor rights of coursing within 
 the limits of his owu holding, this concession was fenced in by 
 strict limitations in her interest. 
 
 48, 49, 50, 51. EENETHiE^TAK. Divisible as rene thi 
 E^-TAK, and explainable as follows : — rene, probably ratm, 
 ' equus castratus,' a gelding, for following the game. — ii. thi, 
 as before, zicei/, two. — iii. iv. e^ tak, — two words which 
 apparently answer to zu dank, in the sense of zu danh sein, 
 'acceptum esse,' and, taken with Catena at the beginning of 
 the clause, would imply, 'shall content himself with the 
 number of dogs, falcons, and horses specified in the award. 
 The clause would therefore run as a whole, ' Veltinius shall 
 content himself with dogs for hunting, two ; with hawks for 
 fowling, two ; and Avith geldings, or riding-horses,' for follow- 
 ing up the game, 'two.' But Aponia's protection is still 
 further to be secured : — 
 
 52, 53, 54. AKILUNE • TUR. — AKiL and une are two words. 
 AKiL is the German angel, ' cardo,' hinge ; une (probably 
 pronounced, in full, unde) is our modern tmd, and; and tur 
 corresponds with thur, or door, — thilrangel signifying ' door- 
 hinge ' in existing German. The three words here taken 
 together may be recognised in the old Teutonic phrase, 
 ' einen mit tliuir und angel beschliessen,' ' alicui injungere 
 ne domo sua vel certo loco excedat, confinare, . . . janua et 
 porta continere aliquem,' — to enjoin upon any one that he 
 keep — or to restrain any one — ' within door and hinge.' This 
 proverbial phrase was thus common to ancient German and 
 Etruscan. 
 
 55, 56, 57. une^kunezea, — divisible as un e^kune zea, 
 — the whole being written without break, and ending with 
 ZUKI, this last being certainly, as we have repeatedly seen, 
 an independent vocable. Postponing for the moment the 
 initial UN, we may compare e^kune with ausgang, ausgehen, 
 ' exitus, exire,' and with the similar combination in the phrase 
 a^runa aphuna mena already analysed ; and then, conjoin- 
 ing UN and ZEA, proceed to identify the compound thus pre- 
 sented to us with einzielien, implying to draw in, restrain, and 
 
 2 
 
19G ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 even imprison {einziehung) — a sense inherent indeed in the 
 very roots of the language. The phrase would thus run 
 UN-E^KUNE-ZEA, em-ausgehen-zielie, ' shall restrain from going 
 out.' The separation of the verb and its affix here shown is 
 familiar to us in the Germanic languages. 
 
 58, 59. zuKi ENESKi. — ' His sporting- dogs,' as before. 
 ' 60, 61, 62. — ATHUMiK^. Three words are here conglome- 
 rated, ATH, UM, and IK^. — i. ath must, in its primitive form, 
 have been az, z being the original and fuller form of th. It 
 represents here hetze, ' venatio,' hetzen,' venari ' — caccia, cliasse, 
 cliase being the Latin, and huntian, hunt, the Anglo-Saxon 
 form at the present day, — hunting, that is to say, with the 
 hund, hound, or dog, which in its earlier form was probably 
 written hud {hud = huds = huz) before ^e n was introduced 
 for euphony. The old Francic form of the verb, eez-en, comes 
 very near to ath. ath, eez-, hetze, ' cacc-ia,' hunt, all spring 
 from the old Aryan az already spoken of, and are cousius- 
 german of zuKi, jagd, ' venatio.' — ii. um is the Teutonic 
 umb, ' a,' ' ab,' or ' de ' — from. — And iii. ik^ probably repre- 
 sents icht, ichtes, ichts, ichsit, ' aliquid,' and likewise ' aliquo 
 modo.' 1 interpret the phrase therefore as ' from hunting in 
 any wise.' um, 'from,' is placed after the verb, which 
 seems to have been idiomatic in Etruscan. 
 
 63. APHUNA^, — the genitive of Aphuna, ' Aponia.' 
 
 64. PENTHNA. — To be compared with jpuindt, huinde, plur. 
 huindina, ' locus pascuus septus, fundus,' enclosed pastures ; 
 or, in a more general sense, with our English ' bounds.' * — 
 The sense of the clause up to this point would be, ' Veltinius 
 shall restrain his sporting-dogs within ' (or by) ' door and 
 hinge from hunting in any wise ' (that is, from trespassing) 
 ' upon Aponia's bounds ' — 1 had almost written, ' preserves.' 
 — The Praetor's award proceeds as follows: — 
 
 Qb. AM A. — This combination of letters must here, I think, 
 answer to sam, a/na, denoting ' along with this,' ' at the same 
 time,' or ' moreover.' 
 
 66. VELTHiNA. — 'Let Veltinius .' 
 
 * Bundin, beunden, bad even the sense of ' agri domiuicales,' at least in 
 Nassau, which would more i^recisely tally with Aponia's character as 
 dominus. See Brinckmeier's ' Gloss. Diplom.' in voce. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PEKUGIA. 197 
 
 67, 68. APHUNTHDKUNi. — Divisible as aphun-thuruni. 
 APHUN and UNI form one compound word, with thuk inter- 
 jected between them, according to Etruscan usage. The 
 whole is governed by the verb ein which follows immediately 
 after them in the Etruscan. — i. thur I take to be either 
 tlior, door, or thurm, ' turris,' tower, a word of the most 
 ancient Tyrrhenian and Etruscan origin. — ii. aphun-uni cor- 
 responds with offenunge, 'jus aperturae,' in feudal law, the 
 ' castrorum tempore belli debita apertura,' the obligation of 
 opening the gates of the vassal's castle or house to the Lord 
 in time of war. The house of Veltinius is thus declared to 
 be what was called in medieval Germany an qfeiies haus, 
 oder schloss, ' castrum patens, apertum et aperiendura Domino 
 in casu necessitatis' — an ojy^en slott; such a house as it is 
 repeatedly covenanted in old German charters shall be 
 ' domus aperta et domus lygia, vulgariter dicta ein of en leclig 
 huss,' or, as more fully defined, " Domino nostro . . semper 
 esse pro omnibus necessitatibus suis aperta municio contra 
 quemlibet indifferenter," — in short, a quasi-fortalice, held by 
 free feudal service, and to be maintained against all men in 
 the Lord's cause, the Sovereign only excepted. 
 
 69. EIN. — This word, divided from the preceding and 
 attached to the ensuing cluster of words as einzeriunakcha, 
 may be compared with ein-en, ' tribuere in proprium,' eige^i- 
 en, ' concordare, pacisci,' &c. I think it signifies ' afford ' 
 or 'yield,' 'render,' 'fulfil, as of obligation,' &c. ; and that 
 it applies to both portions of the sentence, before and 
 after it. 
 
 70, 71. ZERiuNAKCHA. — To be divided as zeriun akcha. 
 — i. ZERIUN is formed from the very ancient ser, sar, scliar* a 
 troop or band of soldiers, the fundamental element in the 
 following compounds, (1.) serianti, sariande, sariantus,sarian- 
 ciis, sergeenter (Goth.), schariant, implying one who renders 
 military, or rather feudal service, — the same word as our 
 
 * The root ser, scliar, has nothing to do originally with ' servus,' ' service.' 
 Its analogies are with schirm, protection, schrimpe, the older form of kcnnp, 
 &c. (as illustrated supra), and with tverre, ' guerra,' war, between which 
 and ser- the Etruscan form zee affords, as in other cases, a common centre 
 of connection. 
 
198 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 familiar ' sergeant,' altlioiigli its original sense is now lost ; 
 (2.) scheriverch, ' angariae,' and scheriverehen, ' angarias prne- 
 stare,' that is, to pay the service agreed upon between lord 
 and vassal — the vassal holding by what is styled in Anglo- 
 Norman law ' serjeantry,' grand or ])etit, — anrl, (3.) scJiar- 
 wacht, ' manipulus vigilum,' a small body (handful) of soldiers, 
 or armed men, detached as a watch, especially by night, and 
 which is sometimes expressed as in the phrase und hette des 
 nachfs wacht und skart gehalten, the ' circuitores ' or Avatch 
 being styled shart or shartleute. I read zeriun as serianti, 
 schariant, the final ' t ' being omitted in the Etruscan ortho- 
 graphy. — ii. AKCHA, properly written akscha, I take to be 
 the wachten (in older, and especially Gothic and Saxon 
 German, wahan, wacha), to wake, and in Low German 
 generally, to watch for defence, in the sense of ivarten* 
 ZERIUN AK>SCHA would thus signify, in its proximate sense, 
 ' watch and ward by night,' — but with an ulterior significa- 
 tion of tenure by serjeantry, or as a military vassal. Either 
 Veltinius had violated his duty in shutting his doors against 
 Aponia, and neglecting his feudal obligation of ' watch and 
 ward ' in obedience to the provisions of the original contract 
 as implied under the head of phu^leri, or vassalage ; or the 
 Praetor put the tenure now for the first time on a new, more 
 liberal, and distinctly military footing, as oialediges hems, held 
 by the service of serjeantry, — and I think this last the more 
 probable alternative.f — This second portion of the award 
 
 * Wacha, wahan, in the sense of watching, is recognisable — the result of 
 Aryan and, I suspect, Tyrrhenian influence — in the Egyptian makataru, 
 which is literally, as well as in signification, our English loatchtoiver — the 
 'm' in Egyptian orthography constantly representing the Teutonic 'w,' 
 and the word being thus tantamount to wahataru. The watchtower was 
 adopted, I think, from the Tyrrheni alike by Phoenicians and Egyptians ; 
 and we have the mahataru in a Semitic form in the ' Mag-dala ' (Mig-dol) 
 of Gennesareth and Abyssinia. The invention of towers is attributed to 
 the Tyrrheni, 
 
 t It is just possible that AKSCHA may represent ach, aclit, aclit-es, 'jus, 
 possessio,' or we(j, weg-es ; and that zeriun-akscha may thus signify ' by 
 right of serjeantry,' or ' sergeant-wise.' — zeriun-akscha, as above identified, 
 considered as a compound, is fuller, it will be observed, than the more recent 
 scharwacht. The immediate resemblance of this last word, and of the 
 kindred form ' eschargaita,' ' scharaguayta,' in medieval Latin, and the old 
 
Sect. IT. LAND-TENUHE AT PERUGIA. 199 
 
 runs therefore, as a whole, thus : — ' Let Veltinius content 
 himself with two dogs for hunting, two hawks for fowling, 
 and two riding-horses. Let him keep his sporting-dogs 
 within doors, lest they trespass on Aponia's bounds. And 
 let him keep open door ' or ' render free entry ' (to his house 
 in time of danger), * and maintain watch and ward by niglit,' 
 — acting, in short, as the dutiful castellan of a ' domus lygia,' 
 holding (as aforesaid) ' in serjeantry,' by feudal service. We 
 now reach the last clause in the judgment, which touches 
 both parties equally : — 
 
 72-77. THILTHUNCHULTHL • ICH • KAKECHAZICHUCHE. — 
 
 This last clause is the most difficult of all in the inscription. 
 Its general sense seems to be, that the Court orders security to 
 be given by both sides for observance of the award. Various 
 explanations which might be offered in this general sense 
 are met by the difficulty that the corrected orthography 
 of ' ch ' as ' sch,' and the necessity of consistency in selecting 
 the Teutonic equivalents for Etruscan words with regard 
 to that condition, lay a veto on such words as gegenseit-ig, 
 reciprocal, satz, compromise, and scliutz, protection, which I 
 have at various times thought of as answering to kake- 
 CHAZi. The peculiar isolation of the word iCH, separated by 
 points before and after from the rest of the clause, must be 
 taken notice of, as it suggests that it denotes a formula of 
 law, probably abridged. The interpretation that seems to me 
 to be upon the whole most free from objection on these con- 
 siderations, and most practical, and such as would justify the 
 inscription of the clause on a public monument like this, may 
 be set forth as follows : — i. thil, — ' statuit,' ordains ; the third 
 person singular, present tense, of teilen, ' statuere, senten- 
 tiam ferre,' &c. — ii. thunchulthl, — a compound of (1) 
 THUNCH, ding, the ' thing ' or court, and (2) ulthl, for urtheil, 
 'judicium, placitum,' and signifying 'the decree of the 
 Court:' — Or, if (1) thuxchul be read as thunch-will, 
 dingsal, ' placitum,' as before ; and (2) thl as teil, ' pars 
 litigans, adversarius in causa litigiosa,' the parties to a suit, 
 
 Nonnan ' eschargaites/ to zer. . .akscha made me think at first tliat the 
 intermediate UN represented a connective und, and, — but I think the true 
 rendering is as I have given it in the text. 
 
200 ETKUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 then THIL THUNCHUL THL would imply, ' the jplacitum enjoins 
 on the j3arties to ' — do so and so. — iii. kakechazi, — to be 
 distinguished from the words that follow, although written 
 without break, and to be read, properly, as kakeschazi. It 
 may be compared with sclianz, ' cautio,' gegenschantz, ' cautio,' 
 or security, with the sense of counter-protection, counter- 
 security, the idea being that of fortifications reared in defence 
 by two enemies opposed one to the other, — schazi answering 
 to schanz, ' cautio,' and kake to gegen, or perliaps ivider, 
 against, — the ' n ' being omitted as usual in writing schazi. 
 — iv. CHUCH, or, written properly, schusch, — to be compared 
 witli scJmeh, schachen, the French ' choquer,' our English 
 shock ; and with quetschen, ' contundere,' our squash and quash, 
 — all having the sense of coming into collision, with the 
 further qualification of 'jactura, damnum,' injury or skaith, 
 thence accruing ; while schach implies, in addition, the con- 
 dition of ' check-mate ' or ' dead -lock ' — words fundamentally 
 identical. — v. E. — Apparently ehe, eo, e, 'jus, fas, lex,' but 
 with the sense of moral, eternal, or divine justice as con- 
 trasted with gesetz, ' lex,' humanly imposed, or strict law, — 
 ehe, I have little doubt, being the ultimate root (beyond 
 '8eq-uus')of ' sequitas,' 'equity' — the mean, or comju-omise 
 between severe 'jus' and ' indulgentia,' this last being the 
 aim-point of the peculiar jurisprudence of the Praetors. — 
 And, lastly, vi. ich, properly written ISCH, stands, I pre- 
 sume, iov jezo, jetzt, but practically in abbreviate as the first 
 word of a formula well known in old Teutonic law, jetzt als 
 dann und dann als jetzt, ' nunc prout ex tunc et ex tunc prout 
 ut nunc,' the ' formula reciproca de continuatione aequali ' — 
 imposed, that is to say, on both parties in an agreement or 
 award, viz., to adhere to it, without interruption, in ^erpetuum. 
 — The clause would thus run, 'The judgment ordains,' or 
 ' the judgment imposes on the parties to the suit ' — to give 
 ' counter-securities against ' any ' shock to,' or breach of, 
 ' the equitable award ' just pronounced, and to be binding 
 ' now and henceforward ' unbrokenly for ever. This con- 
 cludes the entire record. The point I am most doubtful 
 about is the reading of isch. It might be interpreted heisch 
 — 'seeks,' 'requires' — 'the judgment orders the parties to 
 
Sect. IT. LAND-TENURE AT TERUGIA. 201 
 
 seek security,' — and this would be more in conformity with 
 the force of the letter sch, as above insisted upon ; but the 
 peculiar isolation of the word, and the importance of the in- 
 junction of continuity, induce me to acquiesce in the inter- 
 pretation now given.* 
 
 The entire Peruglan inscription may now be 
 repeated in sequence : — 
 
 I. "Legal Notice of Indenture," or Agreement. 
 " Lord's Court," or Exchequer. " Lautinius Yel- 
 tinius, Seneschal, farms the Dominical Land of 
 Aponia, ad pretium jixum, in vassalage :" — Paying, to 
 wit, " from the income of the holding, as rent, twelve 
 nummi per month, annually : — Yeltinius," on the 
 other hand, " warrants the river-banks, open (or un- 
 cultivated) spaces, forest-ground, highland copse- 
 w^ood, the mill, mill-dues, and the right of coursing 
 with dogs over the manor " — in other words, the 
 game — " from damnum'' or injury. 
 
 n. " Aulus Yeltinius Arznal diminishes the farm 
 by alienation of two-thirds without notice, defaulting 
 in the rent due to the Dominus." 
 
 III. " Suit (at law) for judgment of fraud " against 
 
 * An entirely different interpretation of kakeschazi schusch-b once 
 suggested itself to me, viz. — ' The Judgment awards the schusch-e,' the 
 ' schutz-iee,' or ' costs of the defence,' that is, the public ' costs ' incurred by 
 the litigant ]i:vrties, each of which was the subject of the 'defence' or 
 'preesidium' of the tribunal in a case of eqnity — (or possibly it might be 
 read schatz-e, the ' sacramentum ' or sum of money deposited by the rival 
 parties) — ' to the kakeschazi,' or ' bo7ia-cadt(ca chest,' — kake being read in 
 connection with * cad-o,' ' cec-idi,' and schazi identified with scJiatz, treasury 
 or ' jerarium.' This interpretation is the easiest of all ; but the considera- 
 tion that such an award — a mere matter of course — could not have been a 
 subject for public em'olmeut on marble determined me against it. Had 
 this interpretation been unobjectionable, it would have fixed the date of the 
 inscription as prior to the appointment of the ' Advocatus Fisci ' in the 
 reign of Hadrian, up to which time the attribution of such windfalls to 
 particular uses was at the discretion of the local authorities. 
 
202 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 Veltinius "at the Kempe's Law/' or Moot-hill Court. 
 " Yeltinius contradicts the charge. The Court de- 
 crees, — Six (sixty?) mimmi a^ fine to the Conrt," or 
 pcena, " against the defaulter, Yeltinius : One hun- 
 dred nummi, as rent due, to be refunded " to Aponia : 
 And " decrees appropriation of his goods " as security 
 for payment. 
 
 IV. " By agreement of the parties on the appointed 
 day : Aponia v. Veltinius," — Suit in Equity. " Sub- 
 mission of matters in dispute by way of arbitration 
 to the award of the Ampter," or Pra3tor. " Veltinius 
 demurs." Decision: — "Let the farm be taxed." 
 Award : — i. " Let Veltinius have the half-farm of 
 Banks of Tiber," hitherto reserved to Aponia by the 
 original lease, " at the rent-payment of one cow an- 
 nually :" — Let him pay " from the income of the farm " 
 (the original holding, proper) " as rent, one hundred 
 sheaves of spelt, of the current market weight, annu- 
 ally ; and five " ("twenty," or "one hundred and one") 
 " nummi : — Caution " (or security) " to be given to 
 the Court by the exceptor " Veltinius. — On the other 
 hand, ii. " Veltinius shall content himself with two 
 sporting-dogs, two hawks for fowling, and two ridiug- 
 horses (geldings). Veltinius shall keep his sporting- 
 dogs within door and hinge " (within doors), " that 
 they hunt not within Aponia's bounds ; and shall 
 keep open-door and watch and ward by night, in 
 serjeantry," as an observant vassal in future.— 
 Finally, "The judgment orders the parties to find 
 counter-security for perpetual observance of the 
 equity," the equitable award, thus pronounced. 
 
 And thus the proceedings ended ; and we can only 
 hope that Aponia and Veltinius were better friends 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENURE AT PERUGIA. 203 
 
 afterwards. As there is no furtlier inscription on 
 the stone, I presume that on the death of A'^eltinius 
 the farm lapsed to Aponia or her representatives on 
 faihire of his male issue, to which the charter or ori- 
 ginal grant probably restricted it.* 
 
 * At the end of Conte G. Conestabile's ' Monumenti di Perugia ' he gives 
 a very valuable synopsis of the diflerent interpretations which have been 
 rendered of this great inscription, in its individual parts, and as a whole- 
 But to English readers the observations of Dr. Donaldson will be the most 
 interesting ; and they extend beyond the inscription itself to general 
 positions on which, as the reader will have seen, I cannot agree with him. 
 " The facility," he says, " with which the philologist dissects the Etruscan 
 words which have been transmitted to us, either with an interpretation or 
 in such collocation as to render their meaning nearly certain, and the 
 striking and unmistakeable coincidences between the most difficult frag- 
 ments and the remains of the Old Norse language, might well occasion 
 some surprise to those who are told that there exists a large collection of 
 Etruscan inscriptions which cannot be satisfactorily explained. One cause 
 of the unprofitableness of Tuscan inscrij^tions is to be attributed to the 
 fact that these inscriptions, being mostly of a sepulchral or dedicatorial 
 character, are generally made up of proper names and conventional ex- 
 pressions. Consequently they contribute very little to our knowledge of 
 the Tuscan syntax, and furnish us with very few forms of inflection. So 
 far as I have heard, we have no historical or legal inscriptions." Historical 
 inscriptions are certainly as yet the grand desideratum ; but such may 
 perhaps be found hereafter, and the old Teutonic will be, we may now feel 
 assured, the key to unlock them with. " If we go through this inscrip- 
 tion," continues Dr. Donaldson — that, viz. of Perugia — " and compare the 
 words of which it is composed, we shall find that out of more than eighty 
 diS"erent words there are very few which are not obviously proper names, 
 and some of these occur very frequently ; so that this monument, com- 
 paratively copious as it is, furnishes, after all, only slender materials for a 
 study of the Tuscan language." He supports bis assertion of the Scan- 
 dinavian character of the Etruscan by connecting aras with eri, 'junior,' 
 — ENESKi with eski (0. N.), ashes, or eski, ' pyxis,' — epl with epli (0. N.), 
 ' progenies,' — eth, as " a demonstrative pronoun and affix," with " the 
 Old Norse idioms," — hut, with the " hut in the Runic inscriptions, as thir 
 huaru hut til Orika, i. e. isti profecti sunt in Grmciam," — kuna with the 
 Runic kuna, wife, — lat, with the 0. N. lit, let, — lautn, with laut (0. N.), 
 grave, — naper, with knapr (0. N.), son, — penthna, with phant, pantr 
 (0. N.), and pantas (Lith.), a pledge, — slel, with sida, sfd, a column, — 
 SRANKZL with the Icelandic axl, ' tuber,' — and zuki, with sok (0. N.), 
 ' causa,' dat. pi. sokum, ' propter,' Engl. sake. " It would be easy to found a 
 number of conjectures on the Old Norse assonances w^hich may be detected 
 in almost every line, and which I have noticed . . . , but until a complete 
 
204 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 I have said nothing as yet of the date of the 
 inscription, but it must he comparatively recent 
 among those of Etruria. It is presumably later than 
 the first institution of the Eoman Prastor, B.C. 366. 
 If we could ascertain the period when the Prsetors 
 
 collection of all the genuine Etrnscan inscriptions shall have furnished us 
 with a sufficiently wide field for our researches — until every extant 
 Etruscan word has been brought within the reach of a philological com- 
 parison — above all, until we get some sufficiently extensive bilingual 
 monument — we must be content to say of this great Perugian inscription, 
 that it appears to be a cippus conveying some laud for funereal purposes, 
 and commemorating the family connexions of certain persons bearing the 
 names oi Rxsius, Aponius, J.<wi/«s, and VeUhina" — "Larthius, a member 
 of the family of the Rezcc (licesii)" being "the donor,"' and "Velthina . . 
 the person in whose honour this cippus was erected." " If," he adds, " I 
 do not undertake to interpret all that Lartius, the son of Rsesia, has 
 thought fit to inscribe on this cippus for the gratification of his own 
 immediate relatives, it must not be supposed that this in any way affects 
 the results at which I have arrived respecting the ethnography of the 
 Etruscans. That an inability to interpret ancient monuments may be 
 perfectly consistent with a knowledge of the class of languages to which 
 they belong, is shown, not merely by the known relationship between the 
 language of the Egyptian hieroglyphics and the Coptic dialects more 
 recently spoken in that country, but still more strikingly by the fact, that, 
 although we have no doubt as to any of the idioms spoken in ancient 
 Britain, no one has been able as yet to give a certain interpretation of the 
 Kunic inscriptions on the pillar of Bewcastle and on the font at Bridekirk, 
 which are both in Cumberland, and which both belong to the same dialect 
 of the Low-German language, (see Palgrave, Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, 
 Lond. 1850, pp. 146 sqq.). The really important point is to determine 
 the origin of the ancient Etruscans ; and the Perugian inscription, so lar 
 from throwing any difficulties in the way of the conclusion at which I 
 have arrived, has furnished some of the strongest and most satisfactory 
 confirmations of the Old Norse affinity of the Rasena." — Varroniauus, i>p. 
 215 sqq. 
 
 Although differing from Dr. Donaldson in so many points of detail, I 
 cannot but recognise the clear iusight into the Teutonic character (in the 
 broadest sense) of the Etruscan speech exhibited by that distinguished and 
 lamented scholar. But his proofs were less felicitous ; and had I to choose 
 between them and the arguments in favour of the Armenian as urged by 
 Mr. Ellis, I should hesitate which side to take. That the Etruscan was 
 Scandinavian in the paramoimt sense asserted by Dr. Donaldson the reader 
 will agree with me in doubting ; and such affinities as really exist are 
 accounted for, 1 submit, by the original unity of the various branches of 
 the Thoringa or Thuringian family. 
 
Sect. II. LAND-TENUKE AT PERUGIA. 205 
 
 first began to rule in favour of the right subsequently 
 known as that of ' emphyteusis,' this would lead us 
 nearly to the true date, for the process is evidently 
 in progress as between the original and the sub- 
 sequent grant of the holding under Aponia. This 
 period is unfortunately as yet unknown to us. A 
 limit on the other hand as regards modern times is 
 imposed by the very fact of the record being written 
 in Etruscan. The question is, when did the language 
 die out ? K. 0. Midler thinks that it was in a mori- 
 bund state when Yolnius wrote his tragedies with the 
 view, he conceives, of reanimating its waning vitality, 
 shortly before the time of Yarro, who was born B.C. 
 116. He observes that " Latin inscriptions gradually 
 supplanted " the Etruscan " in every possible man- 
 ner. . , . The right of citizenship in Etruria and 
 the merciless desolations of Sulla may have driven 
 out the native tongue, and im^^osed the Latin. Yet 
 the Haruspices continued to read their ' Etruscos 
 libros' in Cicero's time. Dionysius sjoeaks of the 
 Etruscan as a living language in his day," — he died 
 shortly after B.C. 7 ; " and many urns with Etruscan 
 legends shew us from the style of their decorations 
 that they belong to imperial times. At this jDcriod, 
 however," he concludes, "the language became ex- 
 tinct ; and even the Etruscan seers used in their rites 
 the Tarquitian translation, instead of their ancient 
 Eitual and Fulgural Books." * With these facts and 
 views before us, we have to consider that the 
 language appears in this inscription in full vigour and 
 quite uncorrupted, without any infusion of Latin 
 
 * I quote from Mrs. Hamilton Gray's translation in the third volume 
 of her ' History of Etruria.' 
 
206 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Chap. VI. 
 
 words. It is not a little remarkable, indeed, that 
 none of the inscriptions — of those, at least, that I have 
 examined — exhibit the mixture of language which 
 generally takes place before extinction. And yet 
 various words which we have recognised as Etruscan, 
 and not Latin, linger on in the speech of modern 
 Italy. The calligraphy of this inscription is, it is to 
 be observed, remarkably regular ; the more modern 
 forms of the letters 'm,' ' n,' and others are used only, 
 and, although the words are agglomerated together, 
 the orthography is settled and consistent. My im- 
 pression, upon the whole, therefore is, that it cannot 
 be much later than the days of Yolnius and Yarro. 
 
( 207 ) 
 
 SUMMARY. 
 
 It is now for yourself, my dear Anne, and others, 
 to decide whether or not I have made out my pro- 
 position, viz. that the Etruscan was a Teutonic 
 language. In guidance towards such decision, I may 
 be allowed to point out that Jacob Grimm, in his 
 argument from language to prove that the Dacians 
 and Get£e were Teutons, writes thus, — " If only six 
 or eight of my interpretations be correct, and the 
 remainder more or less probable, there needs no 
 further proof that the races in question are of the 
 German stock." * This is spoken of isolated words 
 transmitted to us as Dacian, and I might have 
 claimed your verdict accordingly on the score of the 
 Etruscan words preserved by the classical and other 
 ancient writers — words injMri casu with those of Dacia 
 and the Getae — and which I analysed and explained 
 by ancient German long ago. But no one should be 
 content with second-hand evidence when primary is 
 accessible ; and, applying Grimm's standard therefore 
 to the original inscriptions which we have now 
 examined, I venture to think that you must have 
 recognised many more words than " six or eight " 
 among them as pure German. What I would lay 
 greater stress upon, however, are the facts; 1. That 
 these words thus interpreted form in their current 
 concatenation consistent sense throughout, and sense 
 
 * Geschichte der Deufschcn Sprachc, Leipzig, 186R, 3rd clit., vol. i. p. 
 150. 
 
208 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Summ. 
 
 too in whicli no word is superfluous and no idea 
 occurs wliich is not naturally warranted by the appa- 
 rent jo^^i'pose of the inscriptions in which they 
 occur: — 2. That many of these words present them- 
 selves in particular clusters, or rather in sequences 
 closely agreeing with similar familiar sequences, not 
 only in Gi-erman but other Indo-European languages ; 
 such, for instance, as aritimi phasti ruiphrim, ' en- 
 gagement confirmed by striking hands ; ' ipa mur- 
 ZUA KER, ' per manum mortuam ; ' as kuna aphuna 
 MENA, 'current market-weight;' and akil une tur 
 UN-ESKUNE-ZEA, ' shall keep at home within hinge 
 and door,' where the akil uxe tur is the very 
 phrase of the vernacular Teutonic idiom; to which 
 may be added, in similar illustration, the corre- 
 spondence of the clause thuras, aras, per as, ke, 
 MUL, MLESKUL, zuKi EXESKi, ' shorcs, areas, forest, 
 upland-copse, mill, mill-dues, rights of chase,' &c. 
 with similar clauses including the same subjects in 
 the old Italian charters of the ninth and tenth cen- 
 turies cited from Muratori : — And 3. That a parallel 
 line of proof is afforded by the identity of the Etrus- 
 can CHis-VLiKS, or as it should be written, schis- 
 VLIKS, with the Teutonic zu geschoss mid pflicht ; 
 'jure ac more,' Legal and Customary ; and by the 
 correspondence between such compound words as 
 TRUT-VEKiE and weg-strassen, phanu-sathek and 
 pfand-satzung, ks-uatha and wette-schatz , es-tla and 
 gas-told, pene-zs and pfennig-zins, thals-aphunes 
 and pfund-zoll ; as also, I may add, between the 
 Pelasgian vene-keve-lthu and the Teutonic wein- 
 kauff-leuthe, — these compounds bearing the same signi- 
 fication in both languages, although the position of 
 
SuMM. SUMMARY. 209 
 
 the component elements is usually reversed, as has 
 been repeatedly illustrated. It is incredible, I submit, 
 that such coincidences as the preceding should exist 
 unless the Etruscan language was really, as I contend 
 it was, archaic German. I may add to these considera- 
 tions the striking fact that the primitive figure by 
 which human obligation was conceived of as a ' bond ' 
 or ' chain ' linking parties together as by a physical 
 union — an idea which may be traced backwards (al- 
 though this is not the place for it) to the earliest moral 
 conceptions of the Aryan world, and to the original 
 sanction of faith and dependence in the character 
 and relations of God to Man — is expressed — and not 
 only the idea, but the symbols which shadow forth 
 that idea — in Etruscan and in Teutonic by the same 
 words, as already shewn in speaking of the Will and 
 ' Fidei-Commissum ' of Lautinius Pompey, and I may 
 also add, in the article upon the ' Pontifex Maximus ' 
 (abridged as it is) in the Appendix to this Memoir. 
 
 It is but right that I should state that in hardly 
 any case have I taken up an inscription — least of all 
 the great one of Perugia — with a foregone conclusion 
 as to its meaning. The meaning that dawned on 
 me, as I j)roceeded in the analysis, was^ on the con- 
 trary, in repeated instances, the reverse of what I 
 had anticipated. This is not saying much ; but I 
 have at least attempted in my own practice to hold 
 rigidly by the rule that should govern all such in- 
 quiries, viz. to abstain from coming to any positive 
 conclusion till all the words have been analysed and 
 their j^ossible significations ascertained, — it is then 
 only that, upon a review of the whole, the exact 
 purport can be approximated to. In fact, after a 
 
210 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 certain point in the process the true meaning usually 
 opens on the perception like a flash of lightning. 
 
 I do not, let me further say, overlook the maxim 
 that mere resemblance or even identity of words 
 between the speech of two nations is insufficient per se 
 to establish identity of race ; nor do I assign the 
 Etruscans to the Teutonic stem on the bare ground 
 that they spoke a Teutonic language. Although 
 affording a strong prima facie argument, identity 
 of speech does not necessarily infer identity of race. 
 There are many instances, both in Europe and Asia, 
 of whole populations losing their original and adopt- 
 ing a foreign vocabulary, — although, when this is the 
 case, the grammar or skeleton (as it were) of the lan- 
 guage usually remains unaltered below the change 
 on the surface. Now, in the case of the Etruscan 
 language, we find that not only the vocabulary but 
 the inflections and grammatical structure are, as has 
 been shewn in repeated instances, identical with the 
 Teutonic ; and by this supreme test in the application 
 of language to questions of ethnology I count myself 
 justified in the conclusion I have come to as to the 
 German origin of the Etruscans. You will recollect 
 moreover throughout, that the proof from language 
 here given is merely the coping-stone of an induction 
 laboriously built up from an accumulation of historical 
 evidence all tending to the same conclusion. 
 
 It will be for others to work out the theory and 
 practice of the Etruscan grammar, in due scientific 
 method, after the whole of the accessible inscriptions 
 have been analysed and translated ; and I shall add 
 nothing therefore to the few observations on this 
 point scattered over the preceding pages. But, in 
 
SuMM. SUMMARY. 211 
 
 looking back on the inscriptions now before us as 
 materials for history, I may observe, first, that they 
 throw a very pleasing light on some points of 
 character in the old Etruscans — on their domestic 
 affection, on their high respect for women, on their 
 temperance, their honesty, their abhorrence of fraud, 
 and their addiction (so like the English) to amicable 
 composition of dispute by compromise. It is interest- 
 ing, in a legal point of view^ to recognise notices of a 
 system of pledge and pawn, with its accompanying 
 forfeits (a system introduced into Eome from Etruria 
 dnd systematised, as I believe was the case, under 
 the special protection of the Pontifex Maximus) — the 
 actual words (I may almost say) of a last Will and 
 Testament, constituting a trust — the foundation- 
 charter (as I may call it) of a mortuary-chapel ; a 
 lady in that case, as in others, acting with an inde- 
 pendence hardly known to Eome, but in perfect 
 keeping with the high estimation of women so abun- 
 dantly testified to as existing among the Etruscans — 
 the public notification of a mortgage of land to a 
 religious College, and its subsequent foreclosure — and 
 the history of a farm, held under feudal tenure, and 
 the subject, as has just been shewn, of two lawsuits, 
 the first by judicium under strict law, the second in 
 eqiiity — all recorded in the ancient language of 
 Etruria, the mother of Rome in so many of her most 
 important institutions. There is an especial touch (I 
 may observe) of feudalism in the relations of the 
 Dominus and the Vassal as described in this last- 
 named record, which bespeaks a Northern people 
 domiciled in the South, as well as in the glimpses of 
 manners brought out by the narrative. We should 
 
 p 2 
 
212 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Summ. 
 
 hardly think of Cincinnatus or Pnblicola hunting and 
 hawking on horseback along the Volscian slopes or 
 on. the Latin plain. The Mamilii of Tusculum may 
 have done so, in company with Porsena. On the 
 other hand, the inscription of Perugia mirrors, as it 
 were, in its successive dramatic scenes, the change of 
 feeling through which the tenure of a farm held by 
 vassalage at a fixed rent becomes invested in the eyes 
 of the tenant himself first, and afterwards of the law, 
 with a qualification of property, ownership, tenant- 
 right, or ' emphyteusis ' — subordinate indeed to that 
 of the Superior, but equally the subject of legal pro- 
 tection so long as the conditions of the contract are 
 observed, and to which Equity is always on the 
 watch to give undue preponderance, — a generous 
 proclivity not unknown to our own day, and which 
 we may recognise, I think, in the favour with which 
 Aulus Yeltinius is treated by the Amper, or Prjetor, 
 although it must be allowed that the dues of Aponia 
 also receive fair consideration. All this drama is at 
 least as much Etruscan as it is Roman ; and my im- 
 pression is that the Law of the Twelve Tables in the 
 first instance, and the Equity or Praetorian law of later 
 Rome, was mainly inspired by the more liberal doc- 
 trines of Etruria. When I add to this enumeration 
 the revelation of the ' Dies Yiridium ' or Hohe 
 Donners-tag, the Holy Thursday sacred to Tunur, 
 Tinia or Thor, as the great festival of the Etruscans 
 no less than of the Teutons — and take into account 
 the peculiar ideas suggested by the choice of that 
 particular period for the commemorative rites to the 
 memory of the departed — it appears hardly possible 
 to doubt that they looked forward to that yearly 
 
SUMM. 
 
 SUMMARY. 218 
 
 recuiTiiig epoch, and beyond it too, witli ho})es of 
 immortality and hap[)iness for themselves and the 
 friends they loved on earth akin to those which we 
 onrselves cherish — although with a fuller assurance 
 than could have been shared in by Lautinia Prekutia 
 and the sisters of San Manno. 
 
 All this will, I doubt not — and much more — stand 
 out clearly in some future day when the inscriptions — 
 that of Perugia and others, to say nothing of those 
 not as yet discovered — shall have been fully eluci- 
 dated and their shades of technical meaning ascer- 
 tained by some one qualified for the task (which I 
 am not) by familiarity with the old Teutonic lan- 
 guages and with the laws and customs of ancient 
 Germany and Scandinavia. Enough has in the mean- 
 while, I think, been done to establish a fact of the 
 gravest importance for historical science, viz. that the 
 great nation, whose institutions exercised so power- 
 ful an influence over the development of Rome, and 
 through Rome on existing society, was of the Ger- 
 manic stock. Niebuhr professed himself willing to 
 devote the best part of his fortune as a prize to the 
 man who should solve the problem 'Who were 
 the Etruscans ? ;' inasmuch as the ascertainment of 
 that fact would throw, as he says, an entirely new 
 light over the ethnography and history of ancient 
 Italy. But the solution now offered does more — 
 illuminating, as it will be found to do, many dark 
 places of history, bridging over many difficulties 
 which have hitherto proved impassable, linking the 
 nationalities of Europe in closer bonds of consan- 
 guinity than they have been aware of hitherto, and 
 leading us many steps onward toward tlie remoter 
 
214 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 sources of the pre-liistoric civilisation of the West. 
 It may ajDpear daring to base such hopes and beliefs 
 on a few fragmentary inscriptions imperfectly inter- 
 preted like the preceding ; but such fragments are for 
 the historian what the fossil relics of extinct or- 
 ganic life are to a Cuvier ; and the Hebrew belief 
 that a particular bone, surviving of every man, is the 
 destined germ of his future corporeity, is but a shadow 
 of the truth that one single line of Etruscan proved 
 to be genuine German is sufiScient to resuscitate and 
 animate and identify as such for the purpose of history 
 a great multitude which no man may number — an 
 exceeding great army — an entire nation, including all 
 its successive generations— of which the forgotten 
 hand that traced that line was a representative. I 
 may conclude with one or two observations illustrating 
 these later positions. 
 
 The identity of the Etruscan with the G-erman 
 language (now, I think, proved) carries back our 
 positive or literal knowledge of German to an ex- 
 tremely remote period — that, namely, when the two 
 branches of the common race, Teutons and Etruscans, 
 were living together, as one people, before they 
 parted in the East. It may be affirmed — if only I 
 have proved my main point — that, unless still earlier 
 Tyrrhenian or Pelasgian — I will even say, purely 
 Lydian records, are discovered by Mr. Dennis in 
 Asia Minor, where he is now exploring, these Etrus- 
 can or Tyrrheno-Pelasgian inscriptions of Italy — 
 distinct grammatical compositions as they are^ and 
 not mere isolated words — must stand henceforward 
 at the head of Teutonic literature in point of anti- 
 quity. In a word, we now have connected writings. 
 
SuMM. SUMMARY. 215 
 
 I am entitled to say by Grermans in a German 
 dialect, earlier in point of composition and calli- 
 graphy than the Gothic Gospels of Ulphilas — earlier 
 than the Dacian and Getic words preserved by writers 
 of the second century of Christianity — earlier than 
 the lost verses which Ovid wrote during his exile, 
 " pasne poeta Getes," * in the Dacian, that is, if 
 Grimm be right, the German tongue of Thrace — and 
 earlier (to take a still further flight) than the ca]3ture 
 and binding of Dionysus by the Tyrrhenian mariners 
 on the Icarian Sea — writings, in fact, in a language 
 which was the familiar speech of the Tyrrheni- 
 Pelasgi when they first quitted the shores of Asia 
 Minor and rounded Mount Athos in pre-historic time, 
 and which must have been spoken in substantially 
 the same dialect and idiom by them and by the 
 ancestors of the Germanic tribes of Tacitus, and of 
 the Moeso-Goths of Ulphilas, when living as one 
 people (I repeat) in their latest Asiatic home before 
 starting — the latter to proceed directly Westward 
 towards the Atlantic and the setting sun, the former 
 to seek their fortune, like their kinsmen, the Northmen 
 of later times, along the coasts of the Meditenanean. 
 But it is not only identity of speech that is demon- 
 strated through this unexpected approximation, — a 
 consideration of what the preceding inscriptions reveal 
 enables us to refer much in thought and civilisation 
 that is usually considered comparatively modern, or 
 dating at least within historic times, to the same 
 archaic antiquity, the same ethnological origin, — and 
 it is in Law principally, that most constant witness to 
 human progress, that this reveals itself. When, for 
 
 * Ex Ponto, lib. iv. ; Epist. 13 ; v. 18. 
 
216 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 example, we find sncli compound words as phanu- 
 SATHEK, or pfand-satzung, ks-uatha, or wette-schatz, as 
 above noticed — such phrases as ipa murzija ker and 
 AKiL une tur un-eskune-zea — sucb descriptive 
 qualifications as vene-keve-lthu, or weinkcmffleute, 
 identically the same in Etruscan and German ; when 
 we find the technical phraseology of a primitive 
 conveyance, or will, per ces et libram, expressed in 
 Etruscan by the same words which express it in 
 German — those words echoing the symbolism and 
 being clearly intelligible in the two languages, while 
 the corresponding words in the Eoman conveyance 
 are each different from the other, obscure in etymo- 
 logy, and in no sense echoes of the symbolism sanc- 
 tioning the transaction, — the title of the Pontifex 
 Maximus, ^;be guardian of contracts, himself, being 
 moreover significant only in Etruscan and German, 
 not in Latin ; * when we consider that this all- 
 pervading identity could not have arisen from the 
 various words and phrases in question being in- 
 dependent translations from the Latin by the Etrus- 
 cans and medieval Germans at any period subsequent 
 to the original separation of the two latter races, be- 
 cause' — and I would beg your especial attention here 
 — because in that case, at such great intervals of 
 time — the Etruscan language too having been in a 
 moribund state — in the opinion, at least of Milller — 
 even before the commencement of the Christian era 
 — equivalent words different in composition although 
 not in meaning would infallibly have been used in 
 many instances ; whereas the words, and what is of 
 
 * See, once more, the article ' Pontifex' in the Glossary, infra. 
 
SuMM. SUMMARY. 217 
 
 more importance than the separate words, the very 
 compounds and the sequences and phrases, are, as we 
 have seen, identical in Etruscan and Glerman, — when, 
 I say, we consider all this, it is impossible not to put 
 such queries as the following — and with a strong 
 assurance, I venture to submit, that they must be 
 answered in the affirmative : — 1. Was not the law of 
 Rome, like her religion and civil institutions gene- 
 rally, borrowed in great measure from that of Etruria 
 — its harsher features exaggerated, its milder de- 
 pressed, till through the ' Jus Gentium ' and the 
 influence of the Praetors, the Etruscan Equity pre- 
 vailed over the more rigid Quiritian Law, and 
 prepared the way for the legislation of modern times, 
 — Etruria still, be it remarked, sending forth, almost 
 within our own times, her jolea in favour of mercy (I 
 praise the spirit, not the particular utterance of the 
 oracle) through the voice of Beccaria ? — 2. Must not 
 "the credit of inventing the Will — the institution 
 which, next to the Contract, has exercised the great- 
 est influence in transforming society " — I quote the 
 words of Sir Alexander Maine in his profound yet 
 most lucid essays on ' Ancient Law,' which have 
 suggested more than one of the problems here sub- 
 mitted to you * — must not this great credit be attri- 
 buted to Etruria rather than Rome ; or, rather, must 
 not the Conveyance or ' Mancipium,' out of which the 
 Will and the Contract both sprung, have been in 
 full development and common use among the ances- 
 
 * Ancient Law, j). 195. — He adds, "it is doubtful whether a true power 
 of testation was known to any original society except the Roman :" — And, 
 "whatever testamentary law exists" in the Leges Barbarorum "has been 
 taken from the Roman jurisprudence." — Ihid., p. 196. 
 
218 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 tors of the Etruscans and Teutons before they sepa- 
 rated ? — 3. Must not those portions of the ' Leges 
 Barbarorum' which, through their resemblance to 
 Roman law, have been supposed to betray a Roman 
 origin, and to have been absorbed through contact 
 with the Romans while the Goths, Lombards, and 
 other G-ermanic tribes were hovering on the frontiers 
 of the Empire — must not these portions be esteemed 
 indigenous — relics of the same original legal system 
 which the Etruscan branch of the common race had 
 preserved and improved under more favourable con- 
 ditions in Italy, and perhaps at an earlier period in 
 Greece ? * — 4. Is not, again, the feudal system and 
 law of the middle ages the mere perpetuation, in the 
 main, of the old Etruscan and Teutonic system and 
 law, as existing in Etruria, in the case, for example, 
 of the Salic land and farm at Perugia, and in Thessaly 
 and Northern Greece (as it appears to me) in the 
 days of the Aleuadee and the Pelasgi — a system 
 strongly contrasted with that of Rome, although 
 Rome in her Imperial days found herself obliged to 
 adopt it partially in those military benefices which 
 have been supposed to exhibit the original model of 
 the feudal fief? f — 5. Must not the description of the 
 
 * On this point see tlie note appended to the query next to be sug- 
 gested. 
 
 t Sir A. Maine repeatedly speaks of " a considerable element of Roman 
 law" in the codes of the German conquerors of the Roman Empire as 
 " absorbed by them during their long sojourn on the confines of the Roman 
 dominion," "probably borrowed at widely distant epochs and in frag- 
 mentary importations." — Ancient Law, p. 282. He then observes, a few 
 pages further on, "If Roman jurisprudence had any influence on the 
 barbarous societies, it had probably produced the greatest part of its effects 
 before the legislation of Justinian ... It was not the reformed and 
 purified jurisprudence of Justinian, but the undigested system which pre- 
 vailed in the Western Empire, and which the Eastern Corpus Juris never 
 
SuMM. SUMMAIIY. 219 
 
 Germans by Tacitus be considered as that of the out- 
 lying and uncultivated branches of the great Teutonic 
 
 succeeded in displacing, that I conceive to have clothed with flesh and 
 muscle the scanty skeleton of barbarous usage. The change must be 
 supposed to have taken place before the Germanic tribes had distinctly- 
 appropriated, as conquerors, any portion of the Eoman dominions, and 
 therefore long before Germanic monarchs had ordered breviaries of Eoman 
 law to be drawn up for the use of their Roman subjects. The necessity 
 for some such hypothesis will be felt by everybody who can appreciate the 
 difierence between archaic and developed law. Rude as are the Leges 
 Burharorum which remain to us, they are not rude enough to satisfy the 
 theory of their purely barbarous origin ; nor have we any reason for 
 believing that we have received in written recoi'ds more than a fraction of 
 the fixed rules which were practised among themselves by the members 
 of the conquering tiibes. If we can once persuade ourselves that a con- 
 siderable element of debased Roman law ah-eady existed in the barbarian 
 systems, we shall have done something to remove a grave difficulty. The 
 German law of the conquerors and the Roman law of their subjects would 
 not have combined if they had not possessed more affinity for each other 
 than refined jurisprudence has usually for the customs of savages. It is 
 extremely likely that the codes of the barbarians, archaic as they seem, are 
 only a compound of true primitive usage with half-understood Roman 
 rules, and that it was the foreign ingredient which enabled them to coalesce 
 with a Roman jurisprudence that had already receded somewhat from the 
 comparative finish which it had acquired under the Western Emperors." — 
 Ihid., pp. 297, 298. It is on this view that Sir A. Maine derives the 
 feudal system, through the ' beneficia ' of the Emperors, from the earlier 
 tenancies in right of ' Emphyteusis,' pp. 298, 302 ; while " we have," he 
 observes, " in the Emphyteuta a striking example of the double owner- 
 ship " — illustrated, I may again remark, by the history of the farm at 
 Perugia recorded in the inscription analysed supra — "which characterised 
 feudal property." Ihid., p. 301. — I venture, with the utmost deference, 
 to suggest, that the queries expressed in the text, based as they are on 
 the series of considerations previously noticed, furnish a solution for the 
 various problems proposed, and in a manner not irreconcileable with Sir A, 
 Maine's hypothesis, but rather tending to place it on a broader and more 
 secure foundatiou. The germs of the feudal system, as well as of the 
 chivalry which is frequently misunderstood as hostile to it in principle, 
 may be recognised at the present day among the Rajpoots of India, of the 
 Royal or Kshatra caste ; and these were equally cherished, I imagine, in 
 the institutions of the Royal Scytha^ and early Teutons — although it was 
 the destiny of their Thoringa and perhaps Pelasgian kinsmen to give them 
 development in the West, at first in the days of Porseua, and after- 
 wards in those of Godfrey de Bouillon. Let me further add, that the German 
 contemporaries of the Roman Emi)erors were not, as I think I have shewn, 
 "barbarians," much less "savages." To the former epithet I take no 
 
220 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Summ. 
 
 stock, remote from the centre of its civilisation ; and 
 do not the grammar and speech of the Gotlis of 
 Moesia, as represented by Ulphilas, direct us to the 
 great Gothic race, comprehensive alike of Grutungi 
 and Tervingi, Rhceti and T3'rrheni, as the represen- 
 tatives in the North of the identical civilisation which 
 the Etruscans represented in the Soutli — thus ac- 
 counting for the continuity in descent of common laws 
 and usages, and identical technical forms of speech, 
 through two separate channels, but derived from one 
 and the same source ? — 6. May w^e not, further, at- 
 tribute the superior respect for women, the absence 
 (according to the negative testimony of Gains) of the 
 ' Patria Potestas ' (at least in its narrower form) from 
 the domestic institutions of Etruria, the importance 
 assigned to eth, faith, or credit, in the inscriptions, — 
 and, on the other hand, the peculiar severity exhibited 
 against violation of trust — ^justice and mercy thus 
 balancing each other in the scales of the Etrurian 
 Themis — to the influence of that extended commerce 
 which the Tyrrheni carried on in pre-historic times 
 along the coasts of the Mediterranean, bringing them 
 into contact with men of every race and character, 
 and preparing the way for that more general and 
 cosmopolitan view of life from which the ' Jus Gen- 
 tium ' or ^ Jus Naturale ' drew its original sanction ? 
 
 exception, so long as it is used in a classical sense ; but " savages " — if the 
 word be used in its usual signification — they were not, even as described 
 by Tacitus." 
 
 " The name ' Scythte ' is, I sus- I dred dialects), thiudans, interpreted 
 pect, a variety of * Kshatra,' with as BaaiXevs, may probably have 
 the ' r ' abraded; and with this their given their name to the ' Teutons,' 
 title of ' Royal Scythians ' agrees, whether the name ' Dentsch ' be 
 
 The same title in Gothic (and kin- ! derived from the same root, or not. 
 
Sltmm. summary. 221 
 
 — I liave little doubt, in fact, that the Tyrrheni and 
 their kindred of the Thoringa and Hriiinga stock 
 had made permanent settlements at a very early 
 period on the Eastern and Southern shores of the 
 Mediterranean, ranging between the coasts of the 
 Euxine and the Pillars of Hercules. — Finally, do not 
 the preceding considerations, taken as a whole, direct 
 us — as the Homeric Poems equally do — to a period of 
 early civilisation in Eastern Europe and Western 
 Asia which fell to ruin and rose up again under 
 altered conditions and taking a new start, even as 
 the modern life of Europe did under the latter days 
 of Rome and through the subsequent period of the 
 so-called middle ages ? We lose sight of that early 
 period beyond the days of Solon and Thales in Grreek 
 history ; we see the shadow of it, not in the story but 
 the manners incidentally depicted in the Iliad and 
 Odyssey ; mythology, and the rites and ceremonies, 
 religious and civil, preserved from early times, supply 
 much to assist us towards the resuscitation of those 
 ancient days; language, critically examined, does 
 even more : — But I must not dwell on the subject 
 here. 
 
 It may at least be said that answers to the fore- 
 going queries in the affirmative would be in con- 
 sistency with the evidence of these Etruscan inscrip- 
 tions — would be contradicted by them in no point — 
 and would contribute towards the solution of very 
 obscure historical problems. But it requires an effort 
 of the mind like that of Cuvier, as above suggested, 
 to conceive of historical truths revealed, not by actual 
 records, but by comparison and induction from the 
 language used in such records, — and the time for 
 
222 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 such generalisation is hardly ripe as yet. I therefore 
 make no demand on your belief on these latter points, 
 but merely turn over the turf^ shew you the metallic 
 fruit germinating beneath, lay the turf back, and ask 
 your sympathy in the hope that, however immature 
 now, it may ripen into " gold another day." 
 
 There is but one thing that has troubled me 
 throughout these investigations — anxiety lest the 
 results should hurt the patriotic feelings of those with 
 whom we have ever entertained such warm sympathy 
 — the Italians. It looks as if I were attempting to rob 
 them of their great men, ancient and modern. But a 
 little reflection will shew them that, while all the 
 greatest races of humanity have sprung from the 
 marriage (as it were) of two stocks— Hindu and 
 Persian, Celtic and Teutonic, Pelasgian and Hellenic, 
 Latin and Etruscan, it has been the prerogative 
 apparently of Italy and Greece to generate the 
 greatest thinkers and actors among mankind ; and 
 Italy need feel no suscejDtibility therefore in recog- 
 nising the claim to kindred blood now preferred on 
 behalf of those ' Tedeschi ' who have, in truth, not 
 only in tbe Etruscan but the medieval times of Italy, 
 exerted such influence upon her fortunes — and far 
 more for good than for evil — as one of the two great 
 factors of her political life and being. With this 
 word of deprecation — and in protest against Mtiller's 
 unqualified denial of ' genius ' to the race to whose 
 history he devoted so much learning and acuteness, 
 I may claim, not only " the all Etruscan three " of 
 Christian times, but Virgil himself, as paternally at 
 least, of the old Teutonic and Thoringa race. 
 
SuMM. SUMMARY. 223 
 
 I have somewhat diverged, in these conchiding 
 pages, from the main object of this inquiry, which 
 was, simply, to strengthen a weak link in my original 
 chain of argument by shewing that the native 
 inscriptions of Etruria, as well as the words recorded 
 as Etruscan by the classical writers, are in the Teu- 
 tonic language. The argument in question is only one, 
 although the most important, among many ; and it is 
 the concentration of the whole upon one conclusion 
 that (to speak with humility) commands conviction. 
 1 shall therefore wind up these remarks by stating — 
 more fully than I did at the commencement of this 
 Memoir, yet still in a very abridged form — the main 
 points of the proof, as originally worked out, and 
 now, I trust, sufficiently vindicated, of the German 
 origin of the Etruscans : — 
 
 I. I demonstrated in a memoir entitled ' The 
 Thoringa,' and which preceded that on ' The Etrus- 
 cans,' i. That the ' Thoringa ' were a family of Aryans 
 divided into many branches, all bearing the same 
 patronymic under varying forms as derived from an 
 ancestral ' Thor/ whom I shewed to be identical with 
 the classical Hercules,' — ii. That wherever the Tho- 
 ringa race were found, they were in association with 
 tribes of earlier development, bearing under various 
 forms the general patronymic of Hruinga, derived 
 from an ancestor named ' Hru,' whom I shewed to be 
 identical with the eponymic ' Hlu,' ' iEol-,' from 
 whom they were in one particular (classical) branch 
 called ' iEolidce,' or ' Pelasgi,' — and iii. That, in the 
 background of both these races there towered a still 
 remoter ancestral stock named everywhere, with the 
 like superficial variations, ' lotunga,' or Jotuns, after 
 
224 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Summ. 
 
 their patriarch ' lot.' Tlie Tyrrheni, or Etruscans, 
 found their place by necessity under the first or latest 
 of these three genealogical categories, and the Rhaeti 
 or Grrisones, the next neighbours of the Etruscans, and 
 their kinsmen by blood (the Etruscans themselves bear- 
 ing, it is affirmed, the alternate name of ' Rasena ') 
 — under the second. The presumption necessarily 
 was tliat all were nearly related to each other, and 
 that the Tyrrheni were a branch of the great Tho- 
 ringa family on the same footing as the Dorians of 
 Greece and the Thuringi of Germany. They figured 
 to that extent only — as one among many — in the 
 memoir upon ' The Thoringa ' here spoken of. 
 
 II. But in my essay on ' The Etruscans,' starting 
 from the basis laid down in ' The Thoringa,' I showed 
 at large, i. That the Tyrrheni-Pelasgi — whether as 
 Pelasgi or Tyrrheni — were in religion, in political 
 character, in manners (especially in the point of their 
 respect for women), in their commercial instinct, and 
 in their singular love for technical and legal pro- 
 ceedings, and so far as I had then traced it, in lan- 
 guage, closely allied to the Teutonic or German race, 
 especially in its Gothic, Low German, and Scandi- 
 navian branches, — the identity of Tages with Tuisco 
 and of the Manes with the Mannus of the continental 
 Germans giving a predominance of probability to the 
 alternative of their Gothic extraction : — And, ii. That, 
 as the nearest neighbours of the Tyrrheni and Rha^ti 
 in Italy and Germany were the Tervingi and 
 Grutungi — the two great branches of the Gothic 
 nation, subsequently styled Yisi-Goths and Ostro- 
 Goths, with whose language, as Goths, their own 
 stood in near connection, the probability was that the 
 
SuMnr. SUMMARY. 225 
 
 Tyrrlieni were identical with the Tervingi and the 
 Rhteti with the Grutungi, although come off from 
 the Grothic stem at a far more remote period — ^^the 
 ' Rotnno ' of Lydia, whose wars with the Pharaohs 
 are pictured in the Egyptian bas-reliefs, being, in 
 fact, primitive Grutungi, out of whom the Tyrrheni- 
 Pelasgi in all probability originally sprung. After the 
 close of the wanderings consequent upon the original 
 separation, and on their settlement in Greece and 
 Italy, the Tyrrheni, I-argued, came once more into con- 
 tact with their long-estranged Rha^tian and Thuringian 
 kinsmen, who had pressed steadily Westward, North 
 of the Alps, and whose rusticity had naturally received 
 none of that polish and enlightenment from Lydia, 
 Phoenicia, Egypt, and Hellenic Greece, which had 
 civilized their Southern brethren. I founded further, 
 strongly, upon the identity of national character 
 exhibited by the piratical warfare waged at an interval 
 of two thousand years along the coasts of Europe by the 
 Tyrrheni-Pelasgi and by the Tyrki vikings of Scandi- 
 navia — as well as on the ready adoption by both races 
 of a high civilization after settlement, and their genera- 
 tion thereafter of mixed races of high intellect and 
 indomitable energy in ancient Greece, in ancient and 
 modern Italy, and in Northern and Hesperian Europe. 
 I observed too that the points of resemblance between 
 the Etruscans and the Thoringa of continental Ger- 
 many were probably only less salient because the 
 original records of the Tervingi and Grutungi have 
 for the most part (with the exception of the Yisi- 
 Gothic law, in its Latin translation*) utterly perislied. 
 
 * A few most precious words and phrases of the original arc preserved 
 in this translation as well as iu that of the Salic Law. 
 
 Q 
 
226 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : Stom. 
 
 III. These conclusions have, I presume to think, 
 been confirmed by the results which have emerged 
 from the analysis of the inscriptions given in the 
 preceding pages. The Teutonic character of the 
 Etruscan language has been (I trust) satisfactorily 
 ascertained. It might have been doubtful, as the 
 argument was left in ' The Etruscans,' whether they 
 were more nearly akin to the Tervingi or the Tyrki 
 of Scandinavia, but the fact {inter alia) now ascer- 
 tained, that pfand was used rather than wad, for 
 ' pignus,' and that the God worshipped as Thor in 
 Scandinavia and as Donar and Thunaer by the ancient 
 Saxons and Thuringians, appears as ' Tunur ' in the 
 inscription of S. Manno — taken in connection with 
 the argument from Tuisco and the Manes above 
 noticed — weigh down the scale in favour of conti- 
 nental Germany. The closest link would appear to 
 be with the Thuringi, — but the Thuringi were merely 
 an outpost of the Tervingi, and their dialect still 
 exhibits nearer affinity to the Gothic than any other. 
 The link with the Tyrki and Asiani, or Asa, of Scan- 
 dinavia was only less near, for they too were Tho- 
 ringa and Asa — i.e. F/sz-Goths. The historical fact 
 that stands out from the whole inquiry is, that the 
 Etruscans and Rhgeti of antiquity, the Tervingi and 
 Grutungi (Yisi-Goths and Ostro-Goths), the Thu- 
 ringi, and the Tyrki, or original Northmen of Scan- 
 dinavia (the ancestors of Ivar of the Uplands, 
 Rognvald the Magnificent, Rollo, and the highest 
 families of the Normans), formed a group of tribes, 
 branches of one and the same Thoringa or Tyrrhe- 
 nian stock, dwelling in almost uninterrupted geo- 
 graphical contiguity; and the p^ulse of kindred blood 
 
RuMM. SUMMARY. 227 
 
 beat continuously throughout the vast community. 
 The presumption must be that the members of this 
 family group used a language mutually intelligible, 
 even to the latest date when the Etruscan was a 
 living language. We have seen what the Etruscan 
 language really was ; and I feel certain therefore 
 that the Emperor Claudius, the historian of Etrnria, 
 could have made himself understood without an 
 interpreter had he met the great Hermanric face to 
 face in early life. 
 
 <i 2 
 
( 228 ) 
 
 ENVOI. 
 
 And now, my dear Anne, let me revert once more, 
 ere laying down my pen, to the " two white clays " 
 commemorated in the Dedication which I have pre- 
 fixed to these pages. It is pleasant to recall such 
 sunny hours, and to take note of the contrasted 
 sensations of by-gone times through the telescope of 
 retrospection. The first occasion, that of our visit 
 to YoLTERRA, the quecn-like capital of Northern 
 Etruria, was in very early days — before Pio Nono 
 had raised the cry of revolution in Europe — when he 
 was still a simple monk in his cell at Imola — and 
 when G-regory XYI. slumbered on St. Peter's chair 
 at the Yatican. Mr. Dennis's work had not then 
 been published, nor indeed that of Mrs. Hamilton 
 Gray, which first and powerfully aroused the interest 
 of England in the relics of Etruscan greatness. We 
 had left our friend and fellow-traveller, the gifted 
 and loyal Felicie de Fauveau, at San G-imignano — 
 San Gimignano of the ' Belle Torri ' and of Santa 
 Fina — revelling among the frescoes of Benozzo 
 Gozzoli and Domenico Ghirlandajo. We had spent 
 a long day among the antiquities of Yolterra, and 
 we were sitting in the evening on the Cyclopean 
 walls to the North of the town, inhaling the breeze, 
 and admiring the shadows stealing over the ' vast 
 extent of rolling wilderness, when the tinkle of a 
 guitar and the pleasant voices of two young girls, 
 gradually nearing us, dispelled the silence. They 
 
Envoi. 
 
 ENVOI. 220 
 
 stopped when they saw ns, to return our greeting-. 
 We spoke of their music, of their old songs, of the 
 flower-draped ruins which formed our resting-place, 
 but which to them conveyed no thought of their 
 Etruscan forefathers ; and then they offered to sing- 
 to us — to improvise — on whatever subject we might 
 please to dictate. One was then with us, since 
 gone to his rest — One most gentle, most wise, yet 
 strong as he was gentle, and merciful as he was 
 wise — whose genial temper added brightness to the 
 fairest day — whose graceful genius lent an ideal 
 charm to every aspect of material nature — and whose 
 inspiring sympathy drew forth, like the lyre of 
 Orpheus, the divine spark from the dullest natures 
 with whom he came in contact. He — whom no one 
 has such cause to remember and to mourn for as 
 yourself — said to these young Etruscan Muses, ' Sing 
 to us of this fair Lady ! ' And they sang accordingly, 
 to the music of their cithern — alternate strophes in 
 your praise ; much in the same strain doubtless as 
 the minstrels depicted on the walls of the old sepul- 
 chres near us had piped and sung to the Etruscans 
 of three thousand years ago — crediting, you with 
 every charm and wishing you every blessing, and a 
 happy return home when your pilgrimage to their 
 Southern land should have been accomplished. And 
 here I point my contrast. We thought little then of 
 the ancient possessors of the fair region we were 
 sojourning in ; or, I should rather say, their tombs, 
 their paintings, their sarcophagi, their mirrors, their 
 candelabra — the old walls themselves we sat upon — 
 in a word, everything connected with the old Etrus- 
 cans interested us except — themselves ; they, the 
 
230 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: Envoi. 
 
 creators of everything around us, were personally 
 stranger and more remote from us (so we thought) 
 than the old Egyptians, — we were aware of no special 
 tie between us and them except that of our common 
 humanity. So passed the hour. 
 
 It was otherwise when the Second Day marked 
 with white chalk in this Tuscan calendar dawned 
 upon us. Our friend above commemorated, the 
 ruling spirit of that visit to Yolterra, had indeed 
 departed to the land — not of Etruscan interlunar 
 shadows, but of Christian realities ; and the fine gold 
 of our enjoyment had thus been dimmed of its former 
 brightness ; but Time, the Healer, had laid his hand 
 tenderly on the survivors, and they sought to be 
 cheerful because He would have wished them to 
 be so. It was a peaceful rather than an exciting 
 time^ that we passed among the tombs of Castel 
 d'Asso— peaceful, at least, as regarded the seniors of 
 the party ; for a generation had sprung up, undreamt 
 of by us at Yolterra, and its eldest representative was 
 in full activity among us. Our caravan was a pic- 
 turesque one as we left Yiterbo, in charge of our 
 friend the Campagna farmer — or rather lord — of the 
 district we were bound to, — his attendants, horsemen 
 and foot, scouring the country on either side as we 
 advanced — over a far-extending plain, with the blue 
 hills that shelter Toscanella in front of us. Suddenly 
 we paused, brought up unexpectedly by a deep gulf 
 at our feet — rifted in the plain ; its rocky walls (as 
 we looked down into it) sculptured into pillar and 
 pediment, with yawning apertures below, half visible 
 through brushwood — the necropolis, in a word, of an 
 ancient city that once crowned the adjacent table- 
 
Envoi. ENVOI. 231 
 
 land, but of wliicli not one stone now rests upon 
 another, — a ruined middle-age castle towering over 
 against us on the opposite side of the chasm. We 
 descended by a precipitous path and spent a long 
 summer's day in the winding valley, alternately 
 exploring the tombs, deciphering the inscriptions, and 
 resting under a shadowy rock when the sun was 
 powerful ; while lizards rustled round us, the cicada 
 sang from the trees, and the distant shots of our 
 cacciatori occasionally came up the vale. Nor w^ere 
 songs wanting, but proceeding from our own party ; 
 for no fair Etruscan maidens volunteered their com- 
 pany, — the place is an absolute desert. Knowledge, 
 however, had brought to us a new sympathy which 
 had been wanting at Yolterra, but now coloured the 
 entire scene with its warmer and peculiar hue. We 
 no longer felt, as formerly, strangers to those who 
 had streamed up the valley of yore in so many 
 long and sorrowing processions, and who still people 
 the yet unprofaned sepulchres. We had learnt to 
 believe, from the investigations which have suggested 
 the preceding pages, that these old Etruscans were 
 our own near kinsmen, blood of our blood and bone 
 of our bone, Thoringa of the South, as we, through 
 our distant Norwegian ancestry, w^ere Thoringa from 
 Northern Thule. At Yolterra our old-world sympa- 
 thies had been excited by the simple epitaph of the 
 Roman girl preserved in the Museum, 
 
 ^Felicula vixit XIX axnos, dulcis suis,' 
 
 rather than by the tliought of the illustrious Cecinae 
 ensepulchred under its walls, — speculating on her 
 
232 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS. Envoi. 
 
 early cleatli and simple sweetness, Roman and Briton 
 did not appear so far asunder — the tie of consan- 
 guinity, though distant, was still appreciable. But 
 now it was different ; the veil had been removed 
 from our eyes, — and at Castel d'Asso we felt almost 
 as if we were visiting the graves of our own ances- 
 tors. It was something surely for archaeology thus 
 to have re-knitted the broken links of time, brought 
 us face to face witli the old Etruscans as near kins- 
 folk^ and invested their last resting-place with the 
 pure, and homelike, and almost filial associations we 
 then experienced. Nor can I think that the vision 
 we thus indulged in — and which I venture to hope I 
 have now substantiated — was as unreal and transient 
 as that of the bridge of a thousand arches in the long 
 winding valley of Bagdad, — or, to revert to Mr. 
 Dennis's warning simile — a Sabine dream ! 
 It was night ; 
 
 " A dewy freshness fill'd the silent air," — 
 
 the last song of the contadino had sunk to rest — the 
 stars v^ere shining brightly over us — the moon was 
 rising over Monte Cimino — and a deep calm was in 
 our own hearts, as we re-entered Yiterbo. 
 
( 233 ) 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 THE BILINGUAL INSCEIPTIONS. 
 
 [See p. 64, supra.) 
 
 I. 
 
 LeUKLE PHISIS LAV[I]NI 
 L ■ PHISIUS • L- LAUCI 
 (Fahrctti, no. 794 his. Chisium.) 
 
 The names ' Lavini ' and ' Lauci ' are, according to Fabretti, 
 ' incertissima.' 
 
 II. 
 
 SeNTI • VILINA 
 
 L • SENTIA • SEX • F 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 979. Cliianciano.) 
 
 III. 
 
 L- F • TIITIA GNATA 
 MIISIA • ARUN 
 AR : MESI 
 {Fahretti, no. 1888. Perugia.) 
 
 IV. 
 
 L- KAE • KAULIAS 
 LART • CAI[I] CAULIAS 
 (Fahretti, no. 935. Montepiilciano.) 
 
 The Etruscan seems merely rewritten here in Latin, or 
 rather Old-Italic characters. 
 
234 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 V. VI. 
 
 ThANIA I SUDERNIA AR • F 
 TA SADNAL 
 
 TANIA- SUDERNIA- SADNAL 
 (Fahretti, no. 958 and 285.) 
 
 These evidently relate to the same lady, and come, I pre- 
 sume, from the same tomb, although the former (on a sepul- 
 chral tile) remains at Montepulciano, and the latter (on an 
 olio) is now in the museum at Florence. Both are written 
 in the Latin character ; but sadnal is the Etruscan form of 
 the matronymic in both. 
 
 VII. 
 
 KuiNTE • SINU ARNTNAL 
 Q • SENTIUS • L • F • ARRIA • NATUS 
 (Fahretti, no. 980. Chianciano.) 
 
 This has been discussed in the text, siqjra, p. 64. 
 VIII. 
 
 Vl ■ ALPHNI • NUVI 1 KAINAL 
 C ■ ALFIUS • A • F • I CAINNIA • NATUS 
 {Fahretti, no. 792. Chiusi.) 
 
 See p. 71, swp-a in regard to ' Velus' and ' Caius.' NUVi 
 appears to correspond with ' A.F.,' which last is to be read 
 ' Auli Filius.' nuvi is probably Jcnabe, nefi, ' nepos,' the word 
 usually used for grandson, and which was not unknown to 
 the Etruscans, although used (according to Eoman testimony) 
 in a disparaging sense. We have it in Greek as i^j/Vio? ; but 
 I suspect it is here used in the sense of 'junior,' veoirepo^. 
 
app. appendix. 235 
 
 IX. 
 
 AeLCHEPHULNIAELCHES i KIARTHIALISA 
 Q • FOLNIUS • A • F • POM i FUSCUS 
 (Fabretti, no. 251. Arezzo.) 
 
 Already discussed in the text, j^p. 67 sqq. 
 
 X. 
 
 . . . . SPEDII • TULLIO 
 LAUTNATA .... 
 SERTURUS .... 
 (Fahretti, no. 934. Montepulciano.) 
 
 This inscrijition (on a sepulchral tile) is very imperfect ; 
 and I think that as many letters are wanting after lautnata 
 and after serturus as before spedii tullio. It will be 
 remembered that, the Etruscan being written from right to 
 left, the deficient portions in the original are wholly to the 
 left-hand of the reader. 
 
 The first line doubtless records the husband's name, part 
 of Avhich, 'Tullius,' is clearly given. The dative case is 
 unusual; but in another sepulchral inscription of Monte- 
 pulciano, a Latin one, (no. 954 of Fabretti,) the name is 
 similarly given, 'Aullo • Larci.' *Spedo' also occurs as a 
 surname — 'Ar. Spedo,' 'Vel. Spedo,' in Latin inscriptions 
 of the same locality (no. 956 and no. 957 of Fabretti). The 
 s in SERTURUS identifies lautnata as the -sa or wife of 
 Sertur, or Serturu ; and the presumption is, that the 
 names ' Tullius ' and ' Sertur ' correspond. Arria Thana 
 occurs in Fabretti, no. 953, and Thania Sudernia as in the 
 preceding page, all three inscriptions being at Montepulciano; 
 and I read lautnata .... therefore as Lautna Thana. 
 
 AYith these facts before us, and in the view of what will 
 follow, I should suggest ' Mr. and Mrs. Tailor ' as the equiva- 
 lent of the respective names in English. The accepted 
 etymology of ' tailor ' and of the cognate ' tailler,' ' tagliare,' 
 ' tallare,' from the Latin ' talea ' — the branch of a tree, cut 
 
236 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 and sharpened like a stake, and planted in order to produce 
 a new tree — is quite insufficient. The word proceeds, I think, 
 from iheil-, theil-en, to divide, in the sense of a ' cutter out ;' 
 and that this is the primary conception, the central idea of 
 tailorship may perhaps be supported by the lexicographical 
 rendering of theilclien as a ' snip,' to say nothing of Schneider 
 having the same signification. Tullius thus appears to me, 
 in the present case at least, equivalent to ' Tailor.' Sertur, 
 on the other hand, may be a word formed from smerz, smerz-en, 
 to smarten up, or botch — the precise signification of the Latin 
 equivalent, ' sartor,' and the noun formed from this would 
 be smerz-dri, ' sart-or,' Sertur. That I am serious in these 
 suggestions (although I cannot resist a smile) will appear 
 when I point out that the surname Spedo is apparently 
 formed from ' suo,' to sew or stitch, whence ' sut-um,' what 
 is stitched, and ' sutor,' a sewer,' or — as by accepted usage, 
 a shoemaker or cobblei", — ' su ' being equivalent to ' sp ' in 
 ' sp-edo,' while the Teutonic fadam, thread, must have ori- 
 ginally been written sfadam or spadam. The two elements 
 in the name, ' Spedo Tullius,' thread and snip, thus speak 
 for each other. I suspect he was a tailor ; but the gentle 
 craft of ' souters ' may have been represented by ' Thania 
 Sudernia,' whose bilingual epitaph is given supra. ' IMonte 
 Follonica ' rises to the N.W. of Montepulciano, and seems to 
 reflect the kindred idea of fulling-mills. And those who 
 have noticed the extraordinary tenacity with which old 
 associations cling verbally to certain localities through every 
 change of time and circumstances will not scout the sug- 
 gestion before testing it, that the idea of ' botching ' which 
 lies at the root of the preceding etymology may perhaps 
 survive in the name ' Bucelli ' attached to the palace where 
 the inscriptions here commented upon are preserved. My 
 impression is that Montepulciano was a great settlement of 
 fullers, tailors, and (possibly) shoemakers ; and that the town 
 derived its Etruscan name — as yet unknown — from the root 
 jleck-en, jiick-en, ' sarcire,' to ' botch,' in German, — that 
 Etruscan name having been handed down to us (I conceive), 
 substantially unchanged, in the medieval name of the place, 
 ' Castellum Politianum.' 
 
App. appendix. 237 
 
 The calligraphy of Montepulciano is raarlvod by many 
 peculiarities. 
 
 XI. 
 
 ArTH ■ KANZNA | VARNALISLA 
 C • C/ESIUS • C • F • VARIA | NAT 
 
 (Fahrefti, no. 252, tab. xxiii. At Florence.) * 
 
 Discussed in part at p, 66. I cannot at present account for 
 Arth • and C • as equivalents. The ' C • F • ' only occurs 
 in the Latin inscription, in accordance with the usage noticed 
 under the second result enumerated in the section upon 
 ' Sepulchral Inscriptions,' p. 62, supj^a. 
 
 XII. 
 
 C • VENSIUS • C ■ F • CAIUS 
 VEL : VENZILE : ALPHNALISLE 
 (Fabretti, no. 793. Chiusi.) 
 
 This inscription relates to husband and wife, or concubine. 
 "While tlie Latin prdenomen ' C • ' agrees with the Etruscan 
 VEL • through the affinities noticed in the preceding JMemoir, 
 the agnomen ' Caius ' must, by analogy, have been foi-med 
 from the mother's name Alphnt, or ' Alpinia ;' and a point of 
 connection may be suggested in both 'gaia' and al]) — the latter 
 denoting the upland pastures and thickets of the mountain, 
 which the Etruscans, I suspect, called ' alps ' and the Romans 
 ' gaia,' as shewn supra, p. 72. Here, again, ' C • F • ' is 
 unrepresented in the Etruscan. 
 
 XIIL 
 
 C • LICINI C ■ F • NIGRI • 
 V ■ LEKNE V • I THAPIRNAL 
 
 (Fabretti, no. 253. Sieua. Kow at Florence.) 
 Discussed in the text, p. 70. 
 
 * The Etruscan surname given as Kanzxa in Fabretti's text appears to 
 read rather as Kirszna or Kirszpia in the engraving. But it occurs dis- 
 tinctly as Kaszna on an ' area ' at Montepulciano. Fabretti, no. 887. 
 
238 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : A pp. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 C ■ CASSIUS • C ■ F • I SATURNINUS 
 V • KAZI ■ K • KLAN 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 460. Arezzo.) 
 
 The word klan has been discussed in the text, p. 65. The 
 isolated k • in the Etruscan version does not represent ' C. F.,' 
 the proper equivalent for wliich would be V, but the initial 
 of V. Kazi's matronymic, which is represented by the agnomen 
 ' Saturninus ' in the Latin version. ' Saturninus ' appears to 
 point to that city of almost ]irimeval antiquity, Saturnia, as 
 its origin. 
 
 XV. 
 
 PUP-VELIMNA AU KAHATIAL 
 
 P • VOLUMNIUS • A • F • VIOLENS \ CAFATIA • NATUS 
 
 (Fabretti, no. 1496. Perugia.) 
 Already discussed in the text, p]>. 70 sqq. 
 
 XVJ. 
 
 A • TITIUS • A • F ■ SCAB ■ CALIS 
 A • TITI • A • VANIAL 
 
 (Fabretti, no. 936. Montepulciano.) 
 
 By analogy with other cases, the Latin ' Scae • Calls' must 
 be viewed as an agnomen formed from the name of ' Vania,' the 
 mother of A. Titius. The idea common to the two names — 
 at least, as conceived of by the personage commemorated or 
 by the friends who composed his bilingual epitaph — is that 
 of wandering, with the moral idea siijjerinduced, of defection, 
 error. ' Van-ia,' in this point of view, would represent our 
 wandern, wandeln, with the associated idea of defect, dimi- 
 nution, falling away, or starting aside, as derived from the 
 root van, wan, one of extreme antiquity. ' Scae • Calis ' I 
 take to represent ' Scseva Callis,' a combination analogous to 
 the ' devios calles ' spoken of e.g. by Livy, — ' callis ' denoting 
 a narrow path or track going off from tlie main road, but with 
 
App. appendix. 239 
 
 the partieular sense affixed here by ' Scaeva,' viz. to the left 
 hand. The left hand was fortunate according to the lloman 
 auspices, but unluclvy according to those of other nations, 
 including, I presume, the Etruscan ; and ' Scaeva Callis ' 
 would thus be a metaphorical equivalent to ' Van-ia ' in the 
 sense of defect or aberration, as above suggested. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 AtH • UNATA • VARNAL RA 
 M • OTACILIUS • RUFUS • VARIA • NATUS 
 (Fahretti, no. 794. Clnsiuni.) 
 
 Discussed at large in the text, pp. 74 sqq. 
 XVIII. 
 
 . . . F • ATIUS • L • F • STE ■ HARUSPECX] FULGURIATOR 
 
 KAPHATES • LR ■ LR • NETSVIS • TRUTNVT • PHRONTAK 
 
 (Fahretti, no. 69, tab. vi. his. Pesaro.) 
 
 Fully discussed likewise in the text, pp. 82 sqq. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Fragments exist of a bronze tablet, discovered at Chiusi, 
 on which a bilingual inscription exists, but in so mutilated a 
 state as to be quite unintelligible. Two of the fragments are 
 given by Fabretti, no. 801 bis, and tab. xxxii. ; but the 
 plate and the transcript do not entirely correspond. Another 
 fragment was bought by Mr. Clarke at Chiusi, and a fourth 
 was in the possession of P. Matranga when Fabretti wrote. 
 
( 240 ) 
 
 No. II. 
 
 GLOSSAEY {Alridged) OF ETRUSCAN WORDS 
 KNOWN TO US OTHERWISE THAN THROUGH 
 THE INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 The following are tlie results (abridged) of an examination 
 of four distinct classes of words positively or presumptively 
 Etruscan, and now shown to be akin to, if not identical with 
 ancient Teutonic. The first class consists of Etruscan words 
 transmitted to us as such by the classical writers, with their 
 equivalent meanings in Latin or Greek, — the second, of 
 words designative of persons, offices, insignia, or things mis- 
 cellaneous, in use among the Romans, but which are expressly 
 stated to have been adopted from the Etruscans, and the 
 names of which are therefore presumptively Etruscan, and 
 especially so in cases where those names are manifestly not 
 immediately derived from Latin roots, — the third includes 
 the names of deities and other supernatural beings belonging 
 to Etruscan mythology ; and the fourth, the proper names of 
 cities, districts, &c. reported, or which are reasonably held, 
 to have been founded and named — in some cases, re-named — 
 by the Etruscans. I have not attempted to keep the words 
 belonging to "the two first of these classes separate in the 
 following enumeration. In each instance where a word is 
 transmitted to us as Etruscan by a classical writer, the autho- 
 rity is added within brackets. 
 
 I would remark on the threshold that, although in a few 
 instances the etymology of an Etruscan word may bear an 
 equal resemblance to the Teutonic and to Greek or Latin, 
 still the mere fact of its being cited by the Greeks or 
 
App. .'\PPENniX. 211 
 
 Eomans as Etruscan, and foreign (as tlioy undorslood it) to 
 classical speech, transfers it to the Teutonic side of the argu- 
 ment, and entitles us to found upon it (if we choose to exer- 
 cise the right) in proof of the nationality contended for. 
 Occasionally we find a compound word of which one portion 
 is common to Teutonic and to Ijatin, and the other peculiar 
 to the North; and such compounds are of course a fortiori 
 to be dealt with in the like manner. But the greater num- 
 ber of the words recorded as Etruscan will be found, I thinlc, 
 to be purely Teutonic. 
 
 You must not misunderstand me as proposing to derive 
 these Etruscan words from the Teutonic or German language 
 proper, but from roots and verbal formations whicli I infer 
 to have existed in the mother Teutonic tongue from w hich 
 both German and Etruscan are descended. I do not, for 
 example, when I approximate the Latin ' diribitores ' (v. infra, 
 under 'Senatus') and the Teutonic droi^iietdri, intend to 
 derive the Latin from the German word, but to point out 
 that the two words are derived from one original i-oot thi-ough 
 different lines of descent, under the influence of the genius 
 of the original, generative, but superseded mother-tongue 
 perpetuating itself throughout the lines of its descendants. 
 The parallelism in question affords a proof that both these 
 words and the languages they belong to spring from a com- 
 mon stock and origin. I do not, as a rule, compare these 
 Etruscan words with those in the other Aryan languages, as 
 the Teutonic is sufficient for my purpose, and is the nearest 
 in consanguinity to them. But this rule has its exception. 
 
 I would protest, however, on broader grounds, against the 
 prejudice, at first sight most natural, that Teutonic or Ger- 
 man must be reckoned as a modern language, far more recent 
 and young than Greek or Latin, and that it would be absurd 
 therefore to attempt to explain Etruscan words by the light 
 of Teutonic etymologies. We are apt at all times to think 
 
 R 
 
242 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 of nations as beginning to exist only from the time when we 
 first hear of them through history, — and still more apt are 
 we to forget that the antiquity of a language is not to be 
 measured by that of its existing literature. Least of all, 
 ought these fallacies to be allowed in relation to such a lan- 
 guage, such a stock, as that of the Teutons. There were 
 Germans before Tacitus, and there must have been a German 
 literature before Ulphilas. It would not be difficult to prove 
 that in very many instances German (in the broadest sense), 
 even as spoken at present, preserves the primitive forms of 
 Aryan and Japhetan speech with a purity and precision 
 which is entu-ely abraded and worn down even in Sanscrit. 
 German is, to say the least, the contemjjorary and sister of 
 Sanscrit, Zendic, Latin, and Greek, and is thus a sufficient 
 touchstone for the purpose to which I now apply it. 
 
 First Geoup. — Words expressive of the Relations of Life 
 and Society. 
 
 [Laes, al, klan, sa, and sla, words originally noticed 
 under this group of the Glossary, have been discussed in the 
 text, pp. 143, 64, 65, 68, and 66, sup-a.'] 
 
 1. AGALLETOE, a child {Eesijcliius). — The same word as 
 agaleizi, or agalleizir, one that is careful and attentive, the 
 roots being, i. aga, aid, discipline, and, ii. leitj-an, Jed-ian, 
 led-a, to lead — equivalent to ' one led along by discipline,' 
 i.e. a youth, or to use the exact etymological equivalent, a 
 *lad' — in the state of pupilage. 
 
 2. ATEIUM, — the inner court, open to the sky, and pro- 
 vided with an ' impluvium ' or pond for the reception of rain- 
 water in the centre, which formed the usual entrance-hall 
 (as it were) of Etruscan and afterwards of Koman houses. 
 From i. wato, waetr, udr, wasser, water, and ii. hei7)i, imply- 
 ing a dwelling. — Equivalent therefore to the ' water-tank,' or 
 'phice for water.' 
 
 3. DRUNA, — government (Hesychius). — From drott, lord, 
 and at drottna, to govern, according to Dr. Donaldson. 
 
App. appendix. 243 
 
 4. LucuMO, plur. LUCUMONES, — the title of the chief 
 magistrates of the twelve Etruscan cities. — From i. lag, law, 
 and ii. guma, gomo, 'homo,' a man, but in the sense (pre- 
 served chiefly in the Old-Northern or Scandinavian lan- 
 guages) of ' custos ' or guardian (as in hriUigomo, hrydguma, 
 bridegroom), — the compound ' Lucumo ' thus signifying * the 
 guardian of the law,' or chief magistrate. The title is thus 
 analogous to that of ' lag-mad r ' or * lag-man ' of the North, 
 which was attached to an office strongly resembling that of 
 * Lucumo ' in Etruria. 
 
 Second Group. — Words descriiitive of Dress, martial and 
 domestic. 
 
 1. BULLA, — the plate or boss of metal worn as an orna- 
 ment by the sons of the Roman patricians, and which was 
 adopted from the Etruscans. — From halg-an, or lelg-an, to 
 swell or boil, like a bubble — which * bulla ' also signified in 
 Latin. 
 
 2. CASSIS, originally cassila. (Festus.) — A helmet, made 
 of metal, as distinguished from the ' galea,' which was only of 
 hide. (Adopted from the Etruscans, according to Isidore.) 
 The same word fundamentally as our English ' hat.' From 
 liuotj-an, ' custodire,' to guard in the sense of covering ; from 
 whence huotil, a protector, in a martial sense, and Jmottla, a 
 mitre or tiara, evidently the same word as cassila, the letters 
 * c ' and ' h,' * s ' and * t ' being constantly interchangeable. 
 
 3. balteus, — the military girdle, or belt. ( Varro.) — From 
 fald-an, to fold, or bind. 
 
 4. L.ENA, — a woollen cloak. — Like the Greek ;)^\ai/t9 and 
 the Latin 'lana,' wool, from liulihan, lyccan, 'vellere,' to 
 tear — as the fleece, 'vellus,' was (formerly, it would seem) 
 torn from the sheep. 
 
 5. STROPPUS, — a fillet (Festus). — From strouf-en, to bind. 
 Hence our English stra2). 
 
 6. TOGA, — the well-known robe of the Romans, borrowed 
 from the Etruscans. — A Latin form of the Teutonic deJci, 
 thecl'i, decha, implving anything worn as a covering. Dok is 
 
 R 2 
 
244 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: App. 
 
 the existing name for the black pejolus worn by women at 
 funerals in Sweden. {Ihre.) — From theckja, ' tegere,' to cover. 
 These words represent merely dialectic varieties of one 
 
 Thikd Group. — The Chariot; and Amusements, imllic and 
 private. 
 
 1. GAPOS, — 6')(7]/jua, a chariot. {HesycTiius.) — Considered 
 by Dr. Donaldson a short Pelasgian form for airt^vr}, a chariot. 
 But its root must be sought further off. The d7n]vr) was a 
 car made of wicker-work, and is described by Homer as four- 
 wheeled and drawn by mules. It was essentially a vehicle of 
 peace, and distinct from the St'^po?, or apfia, the chariot of 
 war. — From weh-an, to weave, gaWeb-a7i, to weave together, 
 gaWeb, gWeb, a ' textura,' or weaving together. — Equivalent 
 to a ' basket-carriage.' 
 
 2. SUBULO, — a ' tibicen ' (Festus and Varro), or player on 
 the Etruscan- or double flute, made of the reed — a character 
 constantly introduced in the festive ceremonies of the Etruscan 
 tombs. — From i. suh, soef, sif, a reed, (a word of Egyptian * 
 and Semitic as well as Aryan antiquity,) and ii. hlahan, to 
 blow. — Equivalent to a ' reed-blower.' 
 
 3. LANISTA, — a ' gladiator ' or ' carnifex ' {Isidore), one 
 who keeps and trains gladiators. — From i. Ion, hire, and ii. 
 hazus (that is, hatsus, or hastus), in the sense of an athlete. — 
 Equivalent to a ' keeper of athletes for hire,' or ' one who 
 professionally trains athletes.' The Old-High-German hezo- 
 sun is rendered ' palajstrita?,' that is directors of the 
 ' palaestra,' to wit, of the wrestling-school, or place for prac- 
 tising athletic exercises. This gives the further sense of 
 LANISTA as he teacher or trainer of his ' familia ' or school. 
 There is no intimation of gladiatorial combats (strictly so 
 called) in this etymology ; and I therefore infer that they 
 were of subsequent introduction. 
 
 4. HiSTEE, — a pantomimic actor. — From gasa, jasa, to 
 
 * Shy sha, implies a flute in old Egyptian. 
 
App. appendix. 245 
 
 jest — a word corresponding to the character of the ' hister ' 
 and (Latin) ' histrio,' from its original dignity of pantomimic 
 action through all its successive shades of degradation. — 
 Equivalent to our English 'jester' — gasciH, jasdri — alike in 
 etymologic formation and signiiication. 
 
 5. LUDUS, Luuii, and ludiones, — play, players, &c. 
 {Dionys. Sal.). — From leitj-an, led-ian, to lead, — their cha- 
 racter being originally that of leaders in public processions, 
 religious and civil. The armed dance, the mock fight, the 
 jests and mockeries, scurrility and grossness that succeeded 
 (the latter perpetuated to us in the words ' ludibrium,' 
 ' ludicra ars,' &e,), are all secondary to this dominant idea. 
 The ' ludio,' like the * hister,' was introduced into Kome from 
 Etruria. 
 
 6. LUCAK, — the price of admission to the public plays and 
 shows performed by the ludiones, Mstriones, &c. As these 
 were Etruscan, the word lucar is j^robably so likewise. — 
 From i. laik-^ leih-, laich-, play (especially of a martial charac- 
 ter), and ii. er, ar, eyr, money. — Equivalent to * play-money.' 
 As in the case of jasa and hister, the word laih- corresponds 
 to ' ludere ' in all its successive shades of meaninof. 
 
 Fourth Group. — Words descrijjtive of Animals, Plants, the 
 Heavens, the Elements, &c. 
 
 I, Animals, Quadrupeds, Birds, <&c. 
 
 1. DAMNUS, — 'L-TTiro^, a horse. (Eesych.) — " This," observes 
 Dr. Donaldson, "seems to be an Etruscan, not a Pelasgian 
 word, and suggests at once the O. N. tam=domitus, assuetus, 
 cicur ; N. H. G. zahm." It is one of Donaldson's happiest 
 approximations. The specific character of the damnus is to 
 be gathered from the root zahm, ' frenum,' zahmen, ' frenare/ 
 giving the sense of 'bridled;' and zaumen, according to 
 Wachter, "dicitur proprie de jumentis." Damnus thus 
 signifies a pack-horse, or horse of burden. But damnus is 
 itself, I think, the identical word jumentum in an Etruscan 
 form ; the initial ' d ' representing ' j,' as ' Di-anus ' represents 
 
246 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 ' J-anus ;' while the final ' n ' is omitted according to Etruscan 
 usage, as illustrated in the text of this volume, passim. If 
 so, DAMNUS must be reckoned as a word common alike to the 
 Pelasgians and the Teutons proper. 
 
 2. CAPRA, — a she-goat. (Hesi/ch.) — I should rather think 
 this word of Celtic origin, and connected with the f/afr, 
 gauvr of the Breton, the gavijr of the Welsh, and the gahhar 
 of the Gaelic dialects, all implying ' goat.' 
 
 3. ARiMi, — TTiOriKoi, apes. {Strcibo.) — Probably a Phoeni- 
 cian word, and derivable from the Hebrew charihn, ' simus,' 
 snub-nosed, as shewn by Dr. Donaldson. 
 
 4. ANTAR, — the eagle. (Hesyeh.) — This has been discussed 
 sufficiently in the text, p. 74 supra. 
 
 5. ARACOS, — the hawk. {Hesyeh.) — The same word as the 
 Greek lepa^, ' accipiter,' and the Icelandic hauhr ; and either 
 from arc, arac, greedy, or (which is more probable) from a 
 common root with ' capys ' and liahuli. 
 
 6. CAPYS, — ' falco ' (Servius), tlie falcon. The Greek <yv^^ 
 and Teutonic JiahuJi, ' accipiter.' — From Jiahan, hafa, hahen, 
 ' habere,' ' capere,' to have — that is, to possess oneself of, by 
 taking or seizing. 
 
 7. GNis, — the crane. {Hesyeh.) — Evidently, I think, the 
 Teutonic gaNoz, gNos, genoss, implying a 'sorlalis, collega, 
 commilito,' or ' companion,' — in allusion to the gregarious 
 habits of the bird, its peculiar characteristic as noticed by 
 Pliny and the ancients. 
 
 II. Plants, or Vegetable Svhstances. 
 
 1. AT^SON, — avahevhpa<;, (Hesyeh.), the wild vine, which 
 climbs up trees, or ' vitis arbustiva.' — From i. at, equivalent 
 I conceive to * vitis,' the vine, and ii. as-, as-6n, to creep. — 
 Equivalent to ' the creeping ' or ' climbing vine.' Pliny's 
 advice, to prune the (cultivated) vine well " ne in altitudinem 
 repat,' lest it creep up into height, illustrates the appropriate- 
 ness of the latter half of this rendering. 
 
 2. APLUDA, — the chaff of corn, or froth of pottage, which is 
 blown off by the breath or wind. Used also for anything 
 
Arp. APPENDIX. 247 
 
 light, unsubstantial, and worthless. (Aulus GelUus and 
 Festus. Gellius is uncertain whether the word is Tuscan or 
 Gallic.) From i. ab, from or away, with the sense of detrac- 
 tion, and ii. lidan, to go — a word connected with a host of 
 terms expressive of what is Avorthless and execrable. — Equi- 
 valent therefore to 'that which flies off, and is vile and 
 unprofitable.' 
 
 0. FLOCES, — the inferior wine made by squeezing the 
 fleshy or gross part of the grape, which had been left as dregs 
 in the wine-press. {Aul GelUus.) — From Jleise, flesh, fat, or 
 pulp. 
 
 III. The Heavens, Elements, d'c. 
 
 1. FALANDUM, — 'coelum' (Festus), the heavens. — From i. 
 2if, up, and ii. land, region. — Equivalent to ' the upper re- 
 gion,' like the O. N. ui)i)heimr, the name by which heaven 
 was known to the Jotuns, or giants, who, I apprehend, were, 
 in an historical sense, Juthungi and Goths, and ancestors of 
 the Tyrrheui and Tyrki. falandum may be the same word 
 as ' Olympus,' the nd taking the form of m or m]), as is often 
 the case, e. g. in lime, linde, Flamand, Flandrensis, &c., the 
 nd usually prevailing in the northern dialects of the common 
 language. 
 
 2. AUKELOS, — eco9, the dawn. (Ilesyeh.) — From i. cmgj-an, 
 to manifest, and ii. lios, light — or, possibly, r}\-, the sun. — 
 Equivalent to ' the revelation of the light ' of day. 
 
 3. ANT^, — ave/jiOL, the winds. (Hesych.) — Noticed in the 
 text, p. 75, supra. 
 
 4. AND AS, — 'Boreas,' the North, or the North wind. 
 {Hesych.) — This word has been dealt with in the text, p. 75, 
 stq^ra. 
 
 Fifth Group. — Words expressive of Matters of Common 
 Life ; ami Miscellaneous. 
 
 1. MANTISSA, — a make-weight; that which is added to 
 the weight in the retail of provisions or other merchandise. 
 
248 ETKUSCAN IXyClllPTIONS : App. 
 
 but which is of an inferior dei-cription, and valueless. 
 (Festus.) — From i. meinicla, that which is ' propositum,' pro- . 
 posed or ofifered, and (perhaps) ii. wahsan, to increase ; or 
 l)ossibly, simply, the Gothic mein-aiths, perjury, in the sense 
 of a fraudulent proffer. 
 
 2. NANOS, — 7T\av7]T]]<;, a wanderer, in the Tyrrhenian 
 speech, according to Tzetzes in his commentary on Lyco- 
 ])hron, who applies the epithet to Odysseus or Ulysses, — Dr. 
 Donaldson views this interpretation as " only a guess based on 
 the ifXavataL of Lycophron," and considers the name equi- 
 valent to the Greek vdvo<i and Latin ' nanus,' a pigmy. 
 (Varron. p. 191.) He supports this identification with great 
 ingenuity, basing it on the conjecture of Dr. Keurick that 
 'OXfcrcreu? implies 6-\i^o<;, Xtro?, little. (Ihid. p. 171.) But 
 I know of no authority for degrading the brave and sage 
 hero of Itliaka to the stature of a Lilliputian. Mazochius, 
 in his additions to Voss's ' Etymologicou,' argues that nanos 
 is a corrupt reading for ' natos,' or ' nados' — a woid he sup- 
 poses to have been derived i'rom the Hebrew and Phoenician 
 nad, ' erro,' a wanderer, — and, were this admissible. Dr. 
 Donaldson's suggestion that the ' Tyrrheni ' of Tzetzes 
 should be read ' Tyrii ' — the people, not of Tyrrhenia but of 
 Tyre — would be singularly happy. But it is not necessary, 
 I think, to go to such a distance, nanos appears to me to 
 be simply nan-tos or 'navita,' vavrTj^;, i.e. 'the sailor,' 
 witli the last letter, ' t,' omitted, a frequent practice in 
 Etruscan inscriptions, — and this was a character constantly 
 attributed to Ulysses by the ancients. In a secondary sense, 
 indeed, as a wanderer " per mare, per terras," he figures on 
 a coin cited by Lanzi as a beggar, with the inscription 
 ' Nat is,' which corresponds with the Etruscan w ord, read as I 
 read it, nan-tos. The coins, again, of the Mamilii, lords of 
 Tusculum, the reputed descendants of Ulysses, represented 
 that hero in the dress of a traveller, with his staff in his 
 hand, and accompanied by his dog — unless indeed (as I sus- 
 pect) the representation be that of Hermes, the remoter 
 ancestor (through Ulysses) of the Mamilii. The name 
 ' Ulysses ' or ' Odysseus ' — ' Ulysses ' being, in fact, the oldei-, 
 at least the -^olic form — tracked to its ethnological origin 
 
Ai'P. APPENDIX. 219 
 
 in remote antiquity, associates itself, it is true, like the 
 kindred forms 'Pelasgi' and ' M'lecli'lia,' (and we may even 
 suggest the name of ' Peleg,') with the idea of ' wanderer,' 
 although not ultimately founded upon it. 
 
 3. NEPOS, — a spendthrift. (Festus.) — The same word, I 
 conceive, as the Latin 'nepos,' a nephew or grandson, but 
 with a further moral signification, as collaterally developed 
 in the Teutonic dialects proper; and identical in both 
 respects with our familiar hiaho, hia/pi, boy — or knave. 
 
 4. AQUILEX, — a discoverer and collector of springs for 
 aqueducts, a peculiarly Etruscan profession, the " Tuscus 
 aquilex " of Varro. — From i. aha, a, ahwa, water, and ii. 
 gaLesan, lesa, to collect. — Equivalent to ' a water-collector.' 
 
 5. VORSUS, — a field one hundred feet square, so called by 
 the Etruscans and Umbrians, according to an old writer ' De 
 Limitibus.' — From /or, four; fior-ise, four-ish, or square. 
 
 6. QUiNQUATEiA, or QUiNQUATRUS, — a festival celebrated 
 on the filth day after the Ides. — From i. ' quinque,' five, and 
 (perhaps) ii. aftar, after. The triatrus, sexatrus, and 
 SEPTIMATRUS of Tusculum, and the decimatrds of the Falis- 
 cans, celebrated respectively on the third, sixth, seventh, and 
 tenth days after the Ides, form one category with QUIN- 
 QUATRUS. — Equivalent to ' of, or belonging to, the third, 
 fifth, sixth, seventh, or tenth ' day ' after ' the Ides. 
 
 7. BURRUS, — Kuvdapo<;, a drinkiiig-cup, with two handles. 
 (Ilesi/ch.) — Like einJBar, the Teutonic equivalent of the 
 Latin ' amphora,' from heran, to bear or carry. 
 
 8. ARSE VERSE, — words inscribed on the threshold of a 
 house, and explained by Festus as signifying ' averte ignem,' 
 ' avert, or ward off, fire ! ' — arse would appear to correspond 
 to vard, vairths, implying watchfulness against, and verse to 
 7rvp,Jiur, fire. 
 
 9. RiL AViL. — Already discussed in the text, p. 94, under 
 ' Sepulchral Inscriptions.' 
 
250 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 Sixth Group. — Names of Etruscan Deities, celestial and 
 infernal, including the Genii, Lares, &c. 
 
 I. The Gods, — general name. 
 
 1. ^SAE, the name of ' Deum,' God, among tlie Etruscans, 
 according to Suetonius ; and Klcroi, ' ^si,' signifying Oeol, 
 gods, among the Tyrrheni, according to Hesychius. — K. 0. 
 Miiller and Donaldson connect both titles, and justly, with 
 the Scandinavian As, 'deus,' pi. ^sir. Donaldson further 
 compares them with the Alaa, the Fate, or Destiny, of the 
 Greeks. It is clear from the passage in Suetonius that the 
 word ' JEsar,' translated as ' Deum,' gives but a part of its 
 Etruscan meaning, while the words of the oracle " inter deos," 
 as reported by him, supply the omission, and prove that 
 * ^sar ' imj)lied, not the Supreme God, absolutely, but ' the 
 Gods,' generally — answering, letter (almost) for letter, to 
 the '^sir' of Scandinavia. It may further be noted, 1. 
 That the Goths, according to Jornandes, styled their ' pro- 
 ceres ' or heroes ' semideos, i. e. Anses ;' and 2. That the 
 O. N. as, A.-S. OS, ' numen ' or deity, tlie singular of ' ^sir,' 
 takes the form of ans, likewise, in O. H, German. These 
 forms as and ans, but more especially the latter, and the 
 feminine form ana, anna, in the sense of 'numen,' occur 
 continually in the composition of the names of Etruscan and 
 Latin deities, as will be seen hereafter. Perhaps these words 
 are all connected with the Assyrian and Babylonian, that is, 
 the Semitic and Hamitic Ana, implying, originally. Deity. 
 {Batdinsons Five Great Monarchies, vol. i. p. 144.) 
 
 II. The Three Great Gods of the Etruscans. 
 
 I. TiNiA, or Tina,— otherwise Zr^v, ' Zens,' or ' Jupiter' — 
 the ruler of the material heavens and wielder of the thunder- 
 bolt. The ' Dii Complices ' and ' Dii Consentes,' twelve in 
 number, were his assessors or councillors in heaven. — The 
 name Tin-, Zr^v, stands in etymological regard to ' Thor,' as 
 
Arp. * APPENDIX. 251 
 
 the Assyrian ' Asshur ' does to tlie Samaritan (Cushite) 
 ' Astun,' the ' r ' and ' n ' being interchanged. The name 
 TiN-iA, again, is akin to that of ' Thun-ar,' the name under 
 which Thor was worshipped by the Thuringi — the Tyrrheni 
 or Thoringa of the North.* Zr)v and Tin-ia may, in remoter 
 antiquity, be identical with ' 0-din,' * Wo-den,' whose name 
 corresponds with that of ' Va-Dana,' ' the Lord Dana,' the 
 Babylonian equivalent of the Assyrian 'Thourras' or Thor, — 
 the ' 0-,' ' Wo-' in the name of the German and Scandina- 
 vian God answering to the honorific prefix ' Ya.' — The asso- 
 ciation of Tinia, Thunar, Thor, with the thunder-bolt is 
 through the assonance of the root stan-, ton-, as in stanayitrm 
 (Sanso.), tonitrns, thunder. 
 
 2. KuPRA, or CuPRA ; the Greek ' Here ' or 'Eppa, and 
 Latin ' Juno,' — worshipped under her Etruscan name, accord- 
 ing to Strabo, at ' Cupra Maritima,' on the coast of the 
 Adriatic. Kupea is primarily (I conceive) derived from 
 * Hru,' 'E^/3-09, through the archaic form ' Hrerr-,' pro- 
 ducing ' Hpr,' ' Kupr-a.' But, in a special sense, Kupra 
 expresses the character of Juno as presiding over contracts 
 and obligations of every description involving good faith 
 among mankind, and especially that of marriage — answering 
 thus to the Teutonic lioiipari, formed from the primeval root 
 hp, houpen, to bargain or covenant. It is, moreover, in the 
 name of Kupra, thus understood, that we find the significance 
 of the * ses,' or eojJj^er, which played so important a symbolical 
 part in the ancient ' mancipium ' or contract. The Etruscan 
 ' Kupra ' is evidently the same name as ' Cybele ' of Phrygia, 
 the ' r ' taking the place of ' 1 ' in the final syllable. 
 
 4. Menerva, Menrka, Meneruka, — the Minerva of Rome, 
 and analysable as ' Men-erva, -rka, -eruka.' — A compound, I 
 think, of i. gpenta (Zendic), holy — the ' f ' being elided and 
 the ' p ' changed to ' m ;' and ii. urva (Zend.), soul, or spirit, 
 — although the ' k ' in ' Men-rka ' indicates a distinct root 
 expressing itself in the second portion of the name. This 
 root is represented in parallel descent in the Greek title of 
 
 * Since this was written, I have met with his name as Tu^'UE in the 
 inscription of S. Manno. !Scc p. 118, sairru. 
 
252 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONSt App. 
 
 Athene, 'Kpy-dvi], the * Worker,' — Minerva being thus 
 viewed as the Goddess of practical ability. This secondary 
 character of Minerva has been influenced by association of 
 the initial title 'Min- ' with fiTjv- (as in ^rjvvco), ' mens,'maw«, 
 and with the Teutonic mah, mag-an, ' posse,' to ' may,' or be 
 able. Every characteristic of Minerva, or Athene 'E/ayay?;, 
 is reflected and represented by Teutonic words derived from 
 the root mah. The name of ' Athene ' proximately connects 
 itself with citman (Sanscr.), soul, the exact equivalent of urva ; 
 but has a remoter origin which 1 need not discuss here. The 
 character of ' Pallas ' does not appear to attach to the Etruscan 
 and Koman Minerva. 
 
 III. The Dii Complices and Dii Consentes — general names for the 
 twelve principal Gods of Etruria, Councillors of Tinia. 
 
 1. Dii Complices. — From gaFIegan, to act as ministers, 
 — formed from ])legan, to take counsel, care for, or govern. 
 ' Ga ' becomes ' con ' or ' cum ' in the Latinized form of the 
 particle. — Equivalent to ' the Gods Councillors.' 
 
 2. Dii Consentes, — so called from their common origin, 
 pilgrimage, fate, and destiny, rising and setting together, as 
 Varro describes them. — ' Consentes ' is a Latinized form of 
 the Teutonic gaSiathya, gaSinda, haSinde, 'comites, satel- 
 lites,' — the root being sind, sidh, a path, journey, fate. — 
 Equivalent to ' the Gods Companions.' 
 
 IV. The Dii Novensiles, or Nine Great Gods who had the privilege of 
 hurling tlmnder-holts. 
 
 1. Dii Novensiles, — so called, proximately, from i. niun, 
 nine, and ii. sello, colleague ; and thus far equivalent to ' the 
 Nine Colleagues ' or ' Companions.' But, more remotely, 
 the final -siles appears to me to point to the root sphll, to 
 split or splinter, whence ' sil-ex,' flint, and ireX-, the root of 
 TreXe/cv?, an axe, spear-, or arrow-head, which I take to 
 have been the primitive symbol of lightning ; while Noven 
 
App. APrENDTX. 253 
 
 siniilavly may be connected \vitli vej>-o<^, ' nub-es,' a most 
 ancient root, wliicli we have in a fuller sense in Erse as 
 neamh, heaven. But, I am inclined to tliink, it ascends as 
 liigh as the title ' Num,' ' Nef,' that of the 'Spirit '-God, 
 whom the early Japhetans worshipped in common (as I think 
 may be shewn) with the old Egyptians. If this be so, the 
 idea of ' Nine ' colleagues is of subsequent aggregation.* 
 
 V. The Dii Involuti — the Shrouded, or Hidden Gods. 
 
 1. Dii iNVOLUTi.-^The title has its root in tlie Teutonic 
 falh-cm, fal-a, to veil or conceal; with its derivative faWi- 
 an, fald-an, to fold or bind ; whence ana-gaFaldan, in- 
 gaFaldan, to wrap up, or infold. These deities, unnamed 
 and nameless, ruled over Gods and men; and even Tinia 
 bowed to them in obedience. 
 
 VI. The Etruscan Gods proper, — exclusive of the Three Great Gods, 
 Tinia, Kupra, and Minerva, and omitting those ivhose names 
 are not strongly marked as Etruscan.'\ 
 
 1. Aril, Atlas, — so named in paintings representing him 
 supporting the globe symbolical of the heavens. — From 
 hwarl, the root of Jnvarho, liverjla, hverbaUn, Jivirvil, whirl, 
 and a host of other words comprehensive of all the concep- 
 tions entertained respecting Atlas, and having an especial 
 
 * It must be very ancient, however, and before the Lithuanians separated 
 from the Etruscans, if, at least, I am justified in comiiaring the Nine 
 Novensiles with the Nine Sons of Perkons, of whom, according to a popular 
 i-hyme, we are told, " Father Perkons has nine sons ; Three strike, thi-ce 
 thunder. Three lighten." — Palston's Songs of the Bitssian Feojj/e, p. 90. 
 
 f These are, Apollo, Camillus (as a name of Hermes), Ceres, Chanin, 
 the Dioscuri, Eileithuia, Fatuus, Hercules, Janus, Latona, Lucina, Mars, 
 Ops, Pales, Saturn, Sylvanus. All of these deities were worsliippod by the 
 Etruscans and are reckoned as Etruscan by Mr. Dennis, or by authorities 
 cited by him ; and 1 treated of them accordingly at length in the original 
 of this abridged Glossary, shewing that their names are Aryan except 
 when they ascend into primeval antiquity. But I am anxious to shorten 
 this abridgment as much as possible, and therefore omit them. 
 
254 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 connection with the ideas of the globe, or earth, the seasons 
 and changes of the material heavens, &c.* ril in ril avil 
 is a similar derivative. 
 
 2. Dea, the Etruscan name of Ehea.— The same word as 
 6ea, ' diva,' and the Teutonic cUa, tifi, all implying ' the God- 
 dess ' ^er excellentiam. She is doubtless identical with the 
 * Dea Dia ' of the Arval Brothers. 
 
 3. Feronia, — the goddess of freedom and liberty. — From 
 \.frei,fri, free, and ii. anna, mother or nurse, — but used like- 
 wise, as above suggested, in the sense of deity.— Equivalent 
 to ' JMother, or Goddess of the Free.' 
 
 4. HoRTA,— the goddess, it is supposed, of gardens. — Either 
 from the primitive g-rd, g-rt, implying an enclosure, from 
 which the Latin ' hortus ; ' or a variety of ' Hertha,' the Teu- 
 tonic goddess of the Earth. 
 
 5. LosNA, — the name attached to the figure of a goddess 
 with the crescent, on an Etruscan mirror, supposed to repre- 
 sent Diana,— the Goddess of the Moon. {Dennis, Cities, &c., 
 vol. i. p. liv.)— As such, it might represent ' Zios-a^ma,' i. e. 
 Goddess of Light ; but I rather think she was Juno, in the 
 character of Lucina, the midwife. 
 
 6. Mantus,— the Dis Pater, or Pluto, of Etruria (Festus). 
 The name is connectible with the * mundus,' the pit in the 
 Comitium at Rome, which was popularly considered to be 
 the ' mouth ' of Orcus ; and with the ' Manducus,' the effigy 
 with gaping jaws and chattering teeth, which was carried in 
 the Eoman processions. ' Mantus ' may be identified, in this 
 aspect and phase of development, with the Teutonic munths, 
 munt, mund, ' the mouth ' — that is to say, of Hades. Eemotely 
 indeed, ' Mantus ' may be a form of the Egyptian and Semitic 
 ' Amenti ' and ' Mu-t.' See the text, p. lOO, sup^a. 
 
 7. Nethuns,— the Etruscan Poseidon, or Neptune. Both 
 Nethuns and the Eoman name resolve into ' Nept-un-s,' the 
 
 * Hvirvil has the sense, not only of the heights or crown of heaven but 
 of the deeps, hollows, and whirlpools (wirhel, hvirbil) of the sea — with 
 which Homer, be it remarked, represents Atlas as familiarly acquainted ; a 
 strange qualification for an earth-born Titan, but which is rendered quite 
 intelligible by the Teutonic affinities and the actual signification of Iiis 
 Etruscan name Aril. 
 
App. ArPENDIX. 2o5 
 
 ' Spirit-Deity,' formod from tlieEgypto-Aryan *Nuni,' 'KnepL,' 
 TTvev/J^a, ' Spirit,' and ' aiis,' Deity. 
 
 8. NoRTiA, — the goddess of Fate, or Destiny. This deity 
 has been discussed in the text, page 86, siipra. 
 
 9. Phuphluns, — the Etruscan Dionysus, or Bacchus. Com- 
 pounded of i. PHurHL, — a name — the same as * Apollo ' — 
 common to both Japhetan and Shemite, denoting * Son ' in a 
 divine sense ; and ii. ans, deity, — the title signifying ' The 
 Son-God : ' — But proximately, it takes its character, through 
 symbolical association, from i. afnrek- or, as it must have 
 been pronounced in Pelasgian times, Fa^ireX-o'i, the Latin 
 * pampinus,' and ii. aiis, deity {ut sup'o), — being thus equi- 
 valent to ' God of the Vine.' 
 
 10. Pomona, wife of Vertumnus, and the goddess who pre- 
 sided over the fiuit of trees. From i. haum, j^omn, a tree ; 
 and ii. anna, nurse or mother, ana, goddess. — Equivalent to 
 ' Mother ' or ' Goddess of Trees.' 
 
 11. Sethlans,* the Hephaestus or Vulcan of Etruria. — A 
 compound of i. sethl, and ii. ans, deity. Ultimately, from 
 the root sJc, or sha, implying separation ; whence sceit-, and 
 sceit-il-6)i, signifying to divide or discriminate, and, in one 
 marked direction, through analysis and epuratiou by fire. 
 But sceit-, sceitil-, are abraded forms of a more primitive 
 schmeit-, sclimeitl-, a trace of which is preserved in the Egyptian 
 smy, to strike, and in our English smite and smith — this last 
 being the central type in this analysis. The original form of 
 SETHLANS has thus been schmethl-ans. The ideas connected 
 with sk and epuration had a moral as well as physical signi- 
 ficance ; and thus we may interpret sethl-ans as ' the Subtle,' 
 ' Searching,' or ' Refining God.' 
 
 12. SuMMANUs, — one of the Novensiles ; the God who 
 emitted such lightnings as flew by night. The early Romans 
 held him in higher reverence than Jupiter himself. — The 
 title is divisible as Scmm-anus, 'the God Summ-,' — 'Suram' 
 being identifiable, I presume, with ' Soma/ the Lunus of the 
 Hindus, proximately, and more remotely with 'Yama,' or 
 
 * Both the initial and final ' s ' are written with the san, as s, on a mirror 
 described by Fabretti under no. 459. On another, no. 2492, the first s only 
 is so written. 
 
256 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 ' Yima,' the Aryan ruler of the dead. Ultimately, Sum- 
 manus is, I think, a form of the One Snpreine God. 
 
 13. Thalna, — a goddess represented on Etruscan mirrors 
 as assisting at tlie birth of IMinerva, of A})ollo, c^^c. She has 
 been identified with Juno, but this can hardly be, as slie 
 appears in attendauce on Latona, the object of Juno's especial 
 hatred and malevolence. The name could only have been 
 applied to Juno as an epithet, in the same manner as that of 
 ' Lucina ' was in regard to her presidency over marriage. 
 From i. teil, implying separation, division, — a root found in 
 special connection with marriage and parturition in the 
 classical languages ; and ii. anna, nurse or mother, and in 
 composition, hev-anna, midwife. Equivalent, therefore, to 
 ' the nurse ' — or, if -na be read as ana, ' the goddess ' — ' who 
 divides,' or 'separates,' the child from the womb. Thalna 
 may perhaps be Lucina or Eileithuia in p'oprid jyersond. 
 
 14. Thana, apparently the same as ' Diana,' goddess of the 
 moon and protectress of slaves. — Connectible, proximately, 
 with i. ' di-,' ' di-es,' and ii. anna, or ana ; and thus equi- 
 valent to ' Mother,' or ' Goddess of Day ' — the ' dies ' or day 
 beginning with the Romans, it will be recollected, at mid- 
 night : — As protectress of slaves, connectible \\\i\\ deo, dio, a 
 slave, dionon, to serve as a slave, &c. Remotely Thana is a 
 feminine reflex of ' Janus,' ' Dianus,' Zi-jv, Tinia, &c. 
 
 15. Thesan, — Aurora. Perhaps from i. tou, gen. tones, 
 the dew, and ii. an, ana, or anna ; and if so, equivalent to 
 * mother ' or * goddess of the dew,' in accordance with the 
 mythological legend. * Ros,' ' roris,' the dew, stands in simi- 
 lar relation to the name ' Aurora.' 
 
 16. Thurms, or Turms, the Etruscan Hermes or Blercury, 
 the god presiding over limits and boundaries, and all the 
 relations of life that are dependent on their inviolability. 
 Thurms is evidently a more primitive form of ' Hermes.' 
 — From i. drum, tlirom (0. N.), a frontier, limit, or boundary, 
 the border or margin of anything, especially at its circum- 
 ference ; and ii. as, deity, — Thurm-s thus implying 'the God 
 of limits or landmarks,' and being identifiable so far with the 
 Latin 'Term-inus' (' Thurm-an-us') ; although he bears a 
 more important character in the Etruscan mythology, co- 
 
Arp. APrp:NDix. 257 
 
 extensive with that of Hermes aud Mercury. The names 
 of Hermes and Mercury are connected etymologically \vitli 
 that of 'Thurms' through this central idea of fixed ter- 
 minal boundaries, physical and moral. I need not ascend to 
 tlie higher origines of these titles. 
 
 17. TuEAN, — Venus or Aphrodite; also worshipped as 
 MuRCiA at Veii, and styled on Etruscan mirrors Malaviscii 
 and TiFANATi. — Turan is resolvable into Tur-an, signifying 
 ' the Goddess ' or ' Mother Tur.' Tur is, I think, the same 
 name and person as the Egyptian ' Athor ' — the pure and 
 holy ' Urania ' of the Greeks — ' Urania ' being identical again 
 with Turan, although with the initial ' t ' abraded. The title 
 ' Pandemos,' applied in classical times to Aphrodite or Venus 
 in her degraded aspect, is in that later sense a mere corrup- 
 tion of what I believe to have been the original title, ' ^pent- 
 -amma,' ' Holy Mother,' as applied to ' Aphrodite Urania,' 
 ' Turania,' or ' Turan,' throughout the Aryan world. Tur is a 
 worn down form of Sivartz, the ' Bhick,' or ' Hidden,' a title of 
 the Supreme God among the primitive Japhetans. — Murcia 
 and Malavisch seem to be connected A\ith maro, marmvi, 
 tender, delicate, graceful, the ' 1 ' changed to ' r,' — but in this 
 character Turan approximates more nearly to the classical 
 Aphrodite. — tifanati is, I have no doubt, a compound of, 
 i. tiji, 6efa, goddess, and ii. Anait-is, or A7ita, the Oriental 
 deity, probably the same as Astarte, whose name is given 
 by the Persians to the planet Venus. Astarte and Athor 
 were originally one and the same 'deity. ' Anait-,' or ' Anta,' 
 is probably itself a corruption of ' ^penta,' the ' Holy,' and 
 identical with ' Bendis,' the Thracian analogue of Cybele 
 and the Etruscan Kupra. 
 
 18. UsiL, — a name given to the Sun. — Perhaps the same 
 word as the Greek i]\-io<i, ^eVio?, the Cymric haul, the M. 
 Gothic lUl and sauil, and the Latin ' sol.' U may represent 
 the Oriental prefix ' Va,' but I suspect that usiL is simply 
 suiL by metathesis. 
 
 19. Vejovis, or Vedius, — an infernal God, whose thunder- 
 bolts deafened or stupified his victims before actually striking 
 them. Also described as adjudging for impiety, and as iden- 
 tical with Dis and Pluto.— Vedius corresponds proximately 
 
 S 
 
258 ETEUSCAN IKSCEIPTIONS : App. 
 
 witli ivuot, vod, our Scottish ivode, stnpified or (to use another 
 Northern word) demented ; and may be an Etruscan form of 
 
 * Hades ' or ' Aides ' — which again, considered as a locality, 
 expresses, like the Teutonic odi, auihis, wasteness, emptiness, 
 desolation, — odi and wuot being, in fact, varieties of the same 
 original word and idea. I need not trace the etymology 
 higher. — Vejovis, Vedius, as the 'judge,' corresponds with 
 wiz, the root of wizod, witotli, law, ivizi, judgment, &c. The 
 Oscan ' meddix ' is collaterally akin to this same root. 
 
 20. Vertumnus, or Voetumnus, — styled by Varro " deus 
 Etruriffi principalis," — the God of wine and gardens, pre- 
 siding over the transformation of plants and their progress to 
 blossom and fruit ; and thence, derivatively, among the 
 Eomans, over every conceivable description of change and 
 exchange, the vicissitudes of the seasons, the return of rivers 
 to their proper beds, matters of sale and purchase, &c. — Not, 
 immediately, from ' verto,' as commonly supposed ; but from 
 Tierta, gen. plur. hertono, implying vicissitude (of time), alter- 
 nation (of seasons, of germination, &c.), and proceeding from 
 the same root as hivarh, liwm-ho, already mentioned as imply- 
 ing revolution. The Latin ' ordo ' has the same signification 
 and etymology as Jierta, and, with the prefix of the digamma, 
 might have originated the name ' Vertumnus ; ' but the roots 
 of the word can only be found in the old Teutonic, althougli 
 they extend far beyond it into the primeval language. — 
 Veetumnus is thus the compound heeton-ans, the ' God of 
 the Seasons,' the prior ' n ' being changed to ' m ' for the 
 sake of euphony, as in ' alunnus, alumnus.' 
 
 21. VoLTUMNA, — the wife of Vertumnus, and the goddess 
 at whose shrine, in the heart of the Ciminian forest, the 
 Etruscans held their great annual council. — Perhaps from 
 i. wcdd, forest, and ii. amia, mother, — (Pomona, who was 
 also the wife of Vertumnus, deriving her name, as has been 
 shewn, from hawn, a tree) ; but connectible, in her cha- 
 racter of presiding over the national council, with the root of 
 wah-an, walt-an, velt-a, to deliberate, and thus signifying 
 
 * Mother, or Goddess, of Counsel.' 
 
Arp. APPENDIX. 259 
 
 VI r. The Fates, or Female demons, friendly and hostile, attendant 
 on death in the Etruscan mythology, as represented and named 
 on ancient mirrors, dc. 
 
 1, 2. Lasa and Mean, — the "mild or decreeing? Fates" 
 (as tliey are described by Mr. Dennis), who take note of and 
 record the destinies of men. They are usually figured with 
 a stj/lus and a slieet of paper, recording the judgments of 
 destiuy, or (in a few instances) with a hammer and nails, 
 the attributes of Nortia. — Respectively from las, whence 
 lesan, lesa, laisa, implying to collect, gather, and ascertain by 
 examination ; and from mein, as in meinj-an, mein-a, to record 
 or commemorate, but with the affection of memory and love 
 associated with it in the Teutonic dialects. Lasa is thus the 
 ' Inquirer into ' and Mean the ' Recorder ' or ' Remem- 
 brancer' — in both cases in an official sense — of Fate or 
 Destiny. 
 
 3. Leinth, — the goddess, apparently, of Fame. — Probably 
 identical with hliumunt, Uiinmnt, praise, reputation, fame, 
 &c. 
 
 4. KuLMU, — a demon represented in the death-scenes of 
 Etruscan art as issuing from the gate or mouth of Orcus, 
 sometimes with a flaming torch on her shoulders, and carry- 
 
 * The name Lasa is frequently associated, as a gcneiic title, with other 
 epithets denoting varieties of duty, as in the case of 1. Lasa Phektj, — 
 Pheku being associable with vach (Sansc), s2kc-, to speak, as in vogt, 
 fogot (0. iST.), and ' ad-vocf/^-us.' The demoa in question may personify 
 either the summons to judgment or forensic advocacy before the judicial 
 tribunal after death : — 2. L. Sitmuca, in which sitmika is probably akin 
 to sciJit, hte, or sceid-, sceitimga, * scissura,' separation as by the shears, 
 the idea thus corresponding exactly with that of the Greek Mo7pa: — 3. L. 
 TiMRAE, — connectible with tomj-ari, judge, or dumpfan, to extinguish, 
 developable into dampf-ciri, ' one who extinguishes ' — i. e. the torch of 
 life : — And, 4. L. PiEKUNeta, whose name resolves into i. rach, as found in 
 rahha, race, ram, a cause, plea, or sentence ; in ruha, the act of (legal) 
 procuration or advocacy ; and in rech-an, raclmj-an, to reckon, — and ii. 
 not, nead, necessity. Kekuneta thus expresses either the inevitability of 
 the call to reckoning or judgment, or the need of an advocate. All these 
 titles have a forensic sense, responsive to the prevenient idea and apprehen- 
 sion of citation to judgment alter death. They are respectively interpreted 
 by Gerhard as ' Victoria,' * Semele,' ' Thymbraea,' and ' Gra;canica.' 
 
 s 2 
 
260 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: App. 
 
 ing a pair of shears. — Evidently a personification of qvalm, 
 cvahn, death ; with a latent etymological suggestion of im- 
 pending punishment, or at least, suffering. The idea of the 
 flaming torch is involved in the root qual (Sansc. jval, 
 ' flagrare,' jvar, ' segrotare ') ; and the shears may have been 
 suggested by the resemblance between qual, Jcul, and JcUuban, 
 to cleave or shear, in the same manner in which they are 
 attributed (if I mistake not) to Clotho, the Greek form of 
 the Teutonic hloz, ' sors,' lot or fate.— kulmu is thus equiva- 
 lent to the angel, or demon of 'Death.' I suspect that 
 KULMU represents the original form of the Scandinavian 
 ' Hela ; ' and the Hindu ' Kali ' and Greek ' Kora ' (Proser- 
 pine) may be perhaps of kindred origin. 
 
 5. Yanth, — a demon likewise attendant frequently on 
 scenes of death. — Probably identical with weinot, ' ululatus, 
 fletus, planctus,' and a personification of Grief, or Tears. 
 
 6. Nathum, — a demon, fierce and truculent, attending on 
 scenes of violent death. — Compounded of i. not, ' necessitas,' 
 and ii. torn, judgment or doom. 
 
 VIII. The Genii 
 
 1. The GENII, — spirits, the offspring of the Great Gods, 
 who were the efScient cause of human life, and attended 
 mankind throughout their lifetime, and even to the world of 
 immortality. — Derived, like a host of kindred words in Latin, 
 Greek, and old Teutonic, from the Japhetan root jan, jin, 
 ryev, gen, and han, implying generation and birth. 
 
 IX. The Lemures ; and their subdivisions, the Lares, Larvce, and 
 Manes. 
 
 1. The LEMUEES, — a generic term (in its original and 
 proper sense) for the spirits of the dead, wdiether Lares, 
 Larvse, or Manes. — From lam, lamer, lamr, a root implying 
 the deficiency and weakness arising from deprivation of vital 
 or physical force. — Equivalent to ' the weak,' ' the maimed,' 
 the ' lame,' or in the dialect of Lancashire, the ' clemmed ' 
 ones. In later times (only) the idea of malignancy was attri- 
 
App. appendix. 2G1 
 
 buted to them. The noun sela, souls or spirits, is to be 
 understood. — Under the ' Lemures ' are to be ranked, 
 
 i. The LARES, — the spirits of virtuous ancestors, who 
 presided over the hearth and home of their descen- 
 dants. — From Idri, ' inanis,' empty or void, as 
 characteristic of disembodied spirits — the idea 
 being the same as that at the root of the preceding 
 epithet ' Lemures.' The Lares were associated 
 with the family dwelling-place through the resem- 
 blance of Idri to Idri, giLdri, the house, or domicile. 
 The ' Lar Familiaris ' more particularly was looked 
 upon as a ' Lars,' lord, or ' paterfamilias ' — a dis- 
 tinct character and name. 
 
 ii. The larv^, — the spirits of evil men, having no 
 longer a happy home, but wanderers abroad, in 
 exile from the domestic hearth. — From i. Idri, 
 ' inanis,' empty, or void, as before, with a strong 
 influence collaterally from Idri, ' domus ; ' and ii. 
 dwiggi, ' avius, devius,' wandering and errant, — a 
 compound of d, privative, and n:eg, the Latin ' via,' 
 way, — that is, errant from the w^ay and home of 
 virtue and peace. — Equivalent (to use a word of 
 kindred origin and exactly correspondent sense) 
 to ' the souls of the wick-ed.' 
 
 iii. The manes, or dii manes, — the souls of the departed, 
 generally, although frequently used as synonymous 
 with ' Lares.' Connected likewise in tradition with 
 the lower world and with the moon, the souls of 
 men being supposed to have emanated from that 
 planet. — From mein, mdn (Ital. mancare), implying 
 defect, deficiency, defaiUance, as from privation of 
 the body, of animal life and strength, as in the 
 case of the Lares and Lemures. The connection 
 with the moon has been suggested (partly) by the 
 resemblance of mdn to mani, the moon. The 
 ' Manes,' ancestors of the Etruscans and Komans, 
 correspond ultimately with 'Mar^ms,' ancestor of 
 
2G2 ETEUSCAN INSGIUPTIONS : Ait. 
 
 tlie Teutonic tribes, the son of Tuisco; as also with 
 Menu, Minos, Menes, and other patriarchs — the 
 primary signification of all being mann, ' homo.' 
 Tuisco again, the father of Mannus, is the same 
 personage as the Etruscan Tages, of whom pre- 
 sently, — each stands (as it were) as a towering 
 shadow behind the dead ancestors of his nation ; 
 and the parallelism affords a strong argument in 
 favour of the original identity of the two races. 
 
 X. TJw Dii Penates. 
 
 1. The DII PENATES, — the household Gods, dwelling in the 
 ' penetralia ' of the house or city. Tlie images of the ancient 
 Roman Penates, said to have been brought from Troy, bore 
 the inscription AENA^, denas. — Proximately associable 
 with the Pelasgian word represented by evh-ov in Greek, and 
 ' end-u ' or ' ind-u ' in Latin, signifying ' within,' and, as ol 
 evhov, ' those of the family, or household ;' and which, with 
 the digamma prefixed (as represented in the Teutonic piunt, 
 enclosure), and in composition with as, deity, would give us 
 FevS-a'i, ' /-end-as,' ' Piunt-as,' whence ' Penat-es,' equivalent 
 to ' the Gods Indwellers.' The remoter root, intimately as- 
 sociated with it, is, I conceive, indu, the moon, in Sanscrit 
 — the ' Penates ' being thus connected with the gods and 
 heroes of the race styled ' Induvansa ' or ' Children of the 
 Moon ' in India and elsewhere. — The word denas is either a 
 transposition of ' End-as,' or a compound of i. ten, an enclo- 
 sure, whether in the case of a house or a town, and ii. as, 
 deity, — thus implying, proximately, ' Gods of the house, or 
 city.' More remotely, remembering that the Penates of 
 Eome were represented as two in number, with the attri- 
 butes of Castor and Pollux, we may recognize in ' Den-,' 
 ' Denas,' a form of zwin, twin, and the name would thus imply 
 ' the twin Gods,' in other words, the Dioscuri. Both den- 
 and PEN-T- find, in fact, their ultimate reconciliation in zwin, 
 ' d ' representing ' z ' and ' p ' the ' w,' even as SeXcj^lu and its 
 dialectic variety ^eXcf^lv find their common origin in the 
 older but forgotten form of BFeXcjiLi'. 
 
Ari'. AiTE.X DIX. 203 
 
 Seventh Group. — Words connected ivith Divination, Puhlic 
 Worshijj, d'c, anion ff the Etruscans, and {as derived from 
 the Etruscans) among the Bomans. 
 
 I. Tlie revealers, teachers, and guardians of Dki nation, 
 
 1. Tages,— the mysterious being, half boy, half sage, the 
 son of Jupiter, or according to another legend, of Hercules 
 ant]^ j\Iinerva, who sprang out of the earth when Tarchon was 
 ploughing the foundations of Tarquiuii, and revealed the 
 science of divination and the ' Discipliua Eti'usca,' which 
 formed the foundation of the political and religious obser- 
 vances of Etruria. — The same word and name as ' Tuisco,' or 
 ' Tuisto,' above spoken of, the "deum e terra editum," put forth 
 by the earth, and whom the Germans celebrated in the time 
 of Tacitus as the father of Mannus, the ancestor of the three 
 tribes of their nation, ' Tages ' and ' Tuisco,' as thus known 
 to us, seem to reflect the influence of the Teutonic zwishi, 
 tuisc, literally two-ish, or double, which also has given its 
 signification in classical mythology to the name Diosc-uri. 
 The original root of all three must be referred to a still 
 earlier date in etymology. 
 
 2. Begoe, — a nymph who taught the Etruscans the art of 
 interpreting the signs given by lightning. — From sjxihi, wise 
 through intuition, like a seer — the Scottish ' spaewife,' — the 
 initial ' s ' being abraded, as (to cite one among many exam- 
 ples) the ' s ' in ' speht,' the oracular bird of Mars, is abraded 
 in the Latin ' pic-us.' The nymph-like character of Begoe 
 reflects the ancient 'piga,' a pure virgin, the origin of our 
 familiar ' Peggy.' The ' book ' of her writings has been sug- 
 gested by the resemblance of her name to huch, hool; a word 
 derived from the huocha or heech, lamina or tablets of the 
 w^ood of which tree served (among other mediums) as paper 
 to the early scribes of the Japhetan race. 
 
 3. The SIBYL. — The word Sibylla is simply the Teutonic 
 spella, the feminine of sjyello, a spokesman. Compare the 
 Latin ' fatum,' the ' libri fatales,' the ' fata Sibyllina.' — Equi- 
 valent to ' the Saga,' ' the Spokeswoman.' — The legends of 
 the ' books ' of the Sibvl, of the ' leaves ' on which she wrote 
 
264 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : 
 
 A pp. 
 
 her propliecies, and even of lier ' cave,' all find their origin 
 in the remoter root sphal, phal (Sanscr.), ' dissilire/ to split, 
 from which the words spella, ' sibyl,' are derived.* 
 
 4. The DUUMVIEI,— the guardians of the Sibylline Books, 
 and to whom the office of consulting them was exclusively 
 confided. There were several bodies of Duumviri, but all 
 were magistrates ; and this their function gives the clue to 
 the interpretation of the title. — From tuom, dom, judgment ; 
 whence tuomo, and (probably) tuomdri, a doomer, dempster, 
 or judge. 
 
 II. The Ministers of Divination. 
 
 1. The HARUSPICES, — the diviners who ascertained the 
 will of the Gods, generally through inspection of the entrails 
 of victims offered in sacrifice. Their Etruscan name appears 
 to be connected with the word teutnvt, of winch I have 
 treated at page 83 of this volume, as well as of the etymo- 
 logy of ' Haruspex.' 
 
 2. The AUGURS — originally, it is said, named auspices, — 
 diviners whose duty, like that of the Haruspices, was to 
 ascertain the will of the Gods, principally through the flight 
 and sounds of birds. They seem to have been described in 
 Etruria by the name of net^vi^. This, as well as the titles 
 'Augur' and 'Auspex' have been discussed in the text, p. 85, 
 sujyra. 
 
 III. The Insignia of Divination. 
 
 I. The LiTUUS, — the wand with which the Augur drew or 
 marked out the 'regiones,' or boundary lines on the expanse 
 of the heavens before taking an observation. — From hit, the 
 root of leitj-an, lecl-ian, to lead, gciLeit-jan, to lead or draw — 
 
 * The idea of the leaf is more closely connectible with the Sibyl than 
 that of hooh, which last, as composed of lamince of beech-wood (iit supra) 
 attaches rather to Begoe. The connection between ' fol-ium,' a leaf and 
 ' Sibyl ' is seen more nearly in the Irish or Gaelic words duile, a leaf, 'duU- 
 leach-an, a little book, or pamphlet,— c^wiTe passing immediately— by the 
 exchange of d for s (component elements of z), and of u for b — into shile 
 ' Sibylla.' Leabhar, liber; points to the bark of trees as a third material 
 for writing. It is remarkable how we still speak of the ' leaf of a book, as 
 if contemporaries of the Cumasan Sibyl. 
 
Ar-p. ATPEXDIX. 265 
 
 in Latin, ' regere,' — tins Latin equivalent being the very word 
 by which, as 'regere fines,' the operation in question was 
 expressed. 
 
 2. The TRABEA, or robe of honour. See infra. 
 
 3. The TUBA. See infra. 
 
 IV. The Templum — the connecting link hetiveen Divination and 
 worship ; and the Pomoerium. 
 
 1. The TEMPLUM, — in its original signification, the place 
 in the sky circumscribed, marked out, and separated by the 
 Augur w^ith his ' lituus,' or staff, from the remainder of the 
 visible heavens, and within which he proposed to take his 
 observations. The word afterwards expressed (in Greek as 
 re'fxevo'i) a piece of land marked off as sacred to the Gods, 
 from which the building erected \Aithiu it for divine worship 
 received the name of ' temple.' — Proximately from turn, the 
 root of ium-on, and of tumil-6n, to encircle or go round, — 
 the letter ' p ' being introduced in tmnil- for euphony, as we 
 have it, for example, in the English form of tumilon, to 
 ' tumble.' — Equivalent to ' a place encircled,' or ' circum- 
 scribed,' to the effect of distinction and separation, according 
 to the original meaning of the word, as above stated. 
 
 2. The POMCEEIUM, — the symbolical wall, or rather the 
 hollow space or trench, its course marked by stone pillars 
 erected at intervals, which was made by the Etruscans and 
 Komans when founding a town, and within which only the 
 city auspices could be taken. The city walls might be either 
 on one side or the other of the ' Pomoerium.' — Compounded 
 of the preposition i. hi, governing the dative, and implying 
 ' by,' ' at,' ' beside,' or ' close to,' and ii. murom, the dative 
 plural of miira, miiri,miir, a wall, — pomcerium thus resolving 
 into the ' Bi-miirom,' the space 'at,' 'by,' or 'near the walls.'* 
 
 * The article ' De sulcis extra villas' in the ' Indiculus Superstitionnm ' — 
 the list of heathen ceremonies and observances denounced by the ' Con- 
 cilium Liptinense,' a.d. 743 — may perhaps have had reference to the 
 Pomoerium,' or something akin to it. We have, alas ! nothing but a few 
 meagre headings, like that ' De sulcis,' to instruct us as to the rites against 
 which the censures of the Couucil were directed. ' Sulcus,' as used in old 
 German- Latin, is explained by Unic, a line; such a line, I presume, as was 
 
206 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 V. Public and Private Worship ; rites, ceremonies, officials, &c. 
 
 i. Service of the Gods in gefieral. 
 1. SACER and its derivative compoiind,>j, sacrificium, 
 
 SACERDOS, the REX SACRIFICULUS, &C. — SACER is tllB olil 
 
 Teutonic scir, implying bright, shining, pure, free from alloy, 
 not inherently but through refinement and purification by 
 fire — the ultimate root being sZ;, implying (as noticed under 
 SETHLANs) Separation or division. This root sZ;— common, I 
 may observe, to the Japhetan and the Hamite race, governs 
 and accounts for all the significations (otherwise irrecon- 
 cilable) of the Latin ' sacer.' 
 
 ii. Service of the Gods in j)cirticular. 
 
 1. The FLAMINES, — the priests of particular deities. — From 
 i. ])leg-an, plaga, to care for, or minister to, used with refer- 
 ence to religion ; and ii. man, as in ' lagman,' ' landamman.' 
 — Equivalent to ' the Minister ' of such or such a God. The 
 word may perhaps be the same originally as the Hindoo 
 Brahman, hr- being read as 2^1-- 
 
 2. The SALii, the priests of Mars, at Rome, the guardiaus 
 of the ANCILE, or sacred shield that fell down from heaven — 
 who marched in procession through the city on the festival of 
 Mars, singing their hymns, the axamenta, in alternate verse, 
 to the clashing of their shields, in honour of the illustrious 
 armourer Mamurius Veturius — and dancing in a measured 
 step described by the words amptruare, ampruatio, tri- 
 PUDIUM, — the day concluding with a solemn feast held in the 
 temple of their god. The selli too were the priests of 
 Jupiter at Dodona. ' Salii ' and ' Selli ' are apparently the 
 same word as sello, geseUo, companion, in the sense of fraternity, 
 or as a college. A further signification is imported from the 
 root hal, importing to cover, protect, and defend, especially 
 in a military sense. The dance was probably suggested by 
 
 di'iiwu by the augurs in tLeir rites. {Brinclivneier, Gloss. Diplom., in 
 voce.') The treuch of eaitli corresponds — wliether in the case of liomulus 
 on the Palatine or of Tarchon at Tarquinii — with the lines which mark out 
 the temj.)lmii in heaven. 
 
AiT. APPENDIX. 267 
 
 tlie resemblance of tliesc roots to the G-reek and Latin 
 ciWo/jbai, 'saltare.' The word ancile is compounded of i. 
 Jia(/, city, and ii. this same hal, protection, and is equivalent 
 to 'palladium.' The axamenta are derivable from i. ivi(/, 
 gen. iviges, war, and ii. mimt, memory, or commemoration. 
 TRiPUDiuM is a mere Latin form of the Teutonic trift {trift, 
 triiKl,tr{]^ud-ium),\m^\jmg impulse or ' affectus,' from triban, 
 drifan, to impel or drive — in allusion to the divine 'afflatus;' 
 and AMTEUATio and amtruare spring from the same root, 
 with the prefix of amU, a[X(^\, the Teutonic um or umh, imply- 
 ing ' round, or in a circle.' Mamurius Veturius appears to 
 me to combine a tradition of Weylaud Smith with the name 
 of Weyland's master, the illustrious armourer 'Mimer' — who 
 moreover is associable with the Mimer (himself the father of 
 a baud of ' Salii ') celebrated in Scandinavian tradition. 
 Veturius — otherwise written Vetusius — implies in old Teu- 
 tonic and Zendic, 'the wise,' or 'skilful,' a common epithet 
 of the hero-smiths of early time. Both names are indeed 
 traceable to eastern Iran. And, finally, the whole institution 
 of the ' Salii ' appears to me a reflection in Italy of the life 
 and conversation of the j^Esir and of Odin in the celestial 
 Asgard, as depicted in the Edda. The ' Salii,' I should add, 
 were the priests of Mars ("Ap?;?) under his title ' Gra-divus ' 
 and of ' Quir-inus ' — that is of the God ' Gra ' and ' Quir.' 
 But ' Gra,' ' Quir,' and "Ap-i;? are the same name as 'Epp-o?, 
 the j^olic or Pelasgic Jupiter, of Dodona. The ' Salii ' and 
 the 'Selli' (above-mentioned) were thus branches of one 
 and the same priestly community. There are many curious 
 points of connection between Dodona, Rome, and Scandinavia. 
 
 iii. Certain particular religious festivals. 
 
 1. The februa, lupeecalia, &c., — festivals of lustration 
 or purification. — februa is evidently derived from furh-, as 
 in fiirbj-an, furh-ish, to cleanse, purify, and renovate — the 
 root being jiur, the ' fire ' which refines and purges all things. 
 The Teutonic hloiif-an, hloui>a to run, or leap, accounts for 
 many characteristics of the god 'Lupercus' and the 'Luper- 
 calia.' 
 
268 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 2. The LUSTRATio, and the suovetaukilia, otherwise 
 termed solitaurilia, the great sacrifice of appeasement. — 
 The words lustrare, lustratio, lustrum, are connected with 
 hlidar, liitar, signifying washed, purged, pure, hliUarjan, to 
 exj^iate, &c. The word suovetaurilia is a compound of 
 i, suovetaur, i. e. sauthr (originally suautlir), a ram or lamb ; 
 and ii. -ilia, the usual suffix denoting religious service, — the 
 name thus signifying 'the lamb-sacrifice.' The bull and 
 the boar-pig were, I take it, additions to the original and 
 central offering, the "sacer agnus." The alternate name 
 solitaurilia expresses the cause and object of the atone- 
 ment, viz, sJchal, scol-o, sculcl, ' delictum,' crime — the Latin 
 ' scel-us ' — with the same termination -ilia. 
 
 3. The COMPITALIA, — the ancient festival of the 'Lares 
 Compitales' — that is (as commonly understood) of the 
 Lares who presided over the 'compita,' or places where 
 two or more roads met. Also mixed ujj with the legend 
 concerning the miraculous birth of Servius Tullius. From 
 cliumft, humft, implying 'the [fact of] coming,' used sub- 
 stantively as a noun, whether applied to events in prospect, 
 to progeny or posterity, to the meeting of persons (whence 
 the Latin ' comitium '), the crossing of roads, &c., — the root 
 being cumen, homa, to come. The suffix al-, implying pro- 
 creation, gives prominence to that idea in the case of these 
 particular Lares, in connection, however, with the sense ex- 
 pressed, as just shewn, in -ilia. 
 
 iv. The insignia of the Ministers of Divine Worship. 
 
 1. The APEX, or conical hat worn by the Flamines and 
 Salii, in shape exactly like a bee-hive. — From i. ' ap-is,' the 
 Teutonic hia, a bee, and ii. wahs, vex, wax, implying increase. 
 '■ — Equivalent to ' a bee-hive,' after the analogy of ivin-wahs, 
 a ' vinetum,' or vineyard. 
 
 2. The TUTULUS, — the conical knot, or pile, into which the 
 hair of the Flaminica, or wife of the Flamen Dialis, was 
 bound. — Similarly, the 0. H. German zidal, a bee-hive. 
 
 3. The RICA, — the square, fringed, and purple garment 
 worn by the Flaminica, as a mantle or hood. — The same 
 
A IT. APPENDIX. 269 
 
 word as tlio Teutonic rol; the Celtic rlmchan, &c. The root 
 is rill, as found in the Anglo-Saxon vrig-an, to cover. 
 
 Eighth Group. — Tlie Poniijices, the Fontifex Maxinius, the 
 Calends, Ides, Calendarium, Iduarium, tlie Dies Fasti, &c. 
 
 1. The functions of the fontifex maximus and of the 
 Pontifical College have all of them reference, ultimately and 
 essentially, to the enforcement of obligations — of ' bounden 
 duties ' — of what the Komans in a special sense called 'nexus' 
 and 'nexum.' — There .are two significations of the word 
 ' bounden,' the first that of being meted out, the second that 
 of being attached, ourselves or something else, to each other 
 reciprocally as by a chain. Of these significations the first 
 is the oldest, and expresses the essence or reality of the con- 
 ception ; the second is the more recent, and gives utterance 
 to the symbolism by which the conception is rendered 
 palpable to our apprehension. The root of the whole series 
 of words which express this oldest sense — of measurement or 
 definition — is that found in Egyptian as ma, truth, and which 
 in the commutable form of wa, ve, gives origin to ' ve-rus,' 
 ' ve-rit-as,' ivahr-heit. By the association of ma with ')(a, to 
 measure, xx^ to balance, the old Egyptians formed ma-^a, a 
 balance or pair of scales — the scales of justice. By the 
 exchange of x foi' ^j ^> ma^- is found in Latin as met-, met-iri, 
 to measure ; while, m taking the form oi p, and the letter n 
 being introduced by ' anuswara,' ma^- becomes ' pe-d-,' ' pend-,' 
 'pend-ere,' 'pond-us' in the same language. In the I^orth, on 
 the other hand, through the interchange of m and iv, which con- 
 stantly obtains in the Egyptian analogues of Aryan roots, maxa 
 is found as %va(/e, ivagan, and iveigh in the German dialects ; 
 while ])fund also figures among them through a process of 
 descent analogous to that which has produced ' pend-,' ' pond- 
 -us,' in Latin. It is at this point, of the clear theoretical 
 consciousness of moral duty, as meted out by Themis, that 
 the root hant, hint, the Sanscrit handh, to bind, is (as it were) 
 called in to give practical sanction to the sense of duty by 
 the symbolical idea of enchainment, which the Roman ex- 
 presses by 'obligatio' and by 'nexus' {ut supra), and the 
 
270 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 Teuton and other Japlietau tribes by 'bond' or 'bounden' 
 — ' bounden duties,' as above used. The third step was the 
 introduction of pledges for the redemption of such obh'ga- 
 tions — and these were expressed by the ivac/e, wager, gage, 
 and wad in Teutonic, and ' vadium ' in Latin ; and by jpfand, 
 bond, in Teutonic, ' pignus ' and (perhaps) ' sponsio ' in Latin. 
 — Applying these premises to the etymology of the title 
 PONTIFEX, I should therefore derive it from, i. M=P-nt, 
 denoting ' bounden duty,' as stated ; and ii. fyha, files. aJis, 
 aclit (as in amh-aclit), signifying in old Teutonic ' the being- 
 occupied or busied with anything ministerially or officially, 
 in the way of duty,' — the compound ponti-fex thus imj^ly- 
 ing, ' He who presides officially over matters of bounden 
 duty and obligation,' whether towards God, or between men. 
 For this reason I rank the ' Pontifices ' — not, as hitherto, 
 under the religious polity of Eome, but in a position by 
 themselves, intermediate between Church and State, or 
 rather appertaining to both, although, if I mistake not, 
 originally and properly a branch of the Civil legislature. 
 It is hardly necessary to observe that this remoter etymology 
 of the word pontifex was totally lost sight of by the 
 Romans ; while in Teutonic it survives in viridi observantid. 
 The derivation of pontifex from the 'Pons Sublicius,' of 
 which the guardianship was confided, on symbolical and 
 mystical grounds, to the ' Pontifex Maximus,' is quite in- 
 adequate, and on a par with innumerable etymologies sug- 
 gested by Varro and others, in classical times, who had not 
 the advantage (which we now possess) of judging from the 
 point of view of Comparative Mythology and Language. 
 It was from this lofty and primitive moral sense of justice, 
 as the equal admeasurement of rights and duties, that, in 
 later times, when tlie symbolism had obscured the reality, 
 debt — sehuld — however incurred, was invested, so long as 
 unsettled, with the taint of scel-tis, or criminality, and punish- 
 ment by imprisonment, slavery, and even death. 
 
 2. The CALENDAEIUM. — This had nothing to do originally 
 with religion, but was purely a secular institution, and a 
 means and memorial for the transaction of what the Romans 
 called ' negotiura,' or business. The whole system of the 
 
App. appendix. 271 
 
 CALENDS an<l IDES tiims, if I mistiiko not, upon tlio system 
 of money-lending and pledging, as practised in early times. 
 The Calends were the first, the Ides the middle day of the 
 month. Money lent became due, with its interest, on the 
 Calends. But it was the usage to indulge the debtor with a 
 delay till the Ides, after which he became liable to the law 
 in case of non-payment. The calendaeium Avas a book or 
 ledger in which creditors noted the names (' nomina ') of 
 their debtors, the sums of money lent, the rate of interest, 
 and the times when principal and interest became due. The 
 iduakium, in like manner, recorded the names of those to 
 whom indulgence till the Ides had been given, on the 
 ' promise to pay ' of the debtor. — I derive, therefore, calen- 
 d.e from i. lehan, Idn, to lend ; partic. past, gaLdiiecl, what 
 is lent; and ii. dag, tag/, day, — the compound hciLdned-dag, 
 ' Calendse,' signifying ' the day of money lent upon loans,' or 
 interest. The word idus proceeds from eid, aiths, an oath 
 or promise (the Latin ' fides '), and signifies ' the day of 
 faith,' ' trust,' or ' credit ' — the root being wet-an, vitli-an, to 
 join, or bind. The dies fasti are in like manner derived 
 from the Teutonic fas, the Sanscrit ]}ag, to bind, whence the 
 participle fasti, fast — that is, ' what is bound, fixed, and 
 immoveable.' And the words calendakiubi and iduaeium 
 are formed from the combination of the words above men- 
 tioned, ' Calendse ' and ' Idus,' with the root ivar, implying 
 custody — the respective compounds thus signifying, ' the 
 repository,' or place of registration ' of loans,' and. ' promises 
 to pay.' The process by which the register of private obliga- 
 tions became that of the State is very interesting, bat not to 
 the purpose for the present argument. 
 
 Ninth Group. — Words connected ivitli the Puhlic Civil Cere- 
 monial of the Eti'uscans, and (as derived from the 
 Etruscans) of the Romans. 
 
 I. The JRidcrs — the Executive. 
 
 1. The LUCUMO. — See the First Group, number 4, supra. 
 
 2. The REX, — supreme both in civil and ecclesiastical 
 
272 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 matters. — A word rooted in primeval speech — the Saiiserit 
 ' Kaj,' Babylonian ' Ea,' and Egyptian ' Re,' (titles of deity,) 
 being all derivative from the ancient root Eru, already cited. 
 
 3. The CONSULS, — the two great officers on whom the 
 civil power of the kings devolved after the establishment of 
 the republic, — said to have been originally termed tr^etors, 
 as commanders of the army, pe^toe and impeeator — 
 this last title written by Enniiis ' Enduperator ' — appear to 
 me to be the same word, and compounded of i. umb, d/Lc^l, 
 and ii. rit, ris, the root of ritan, risen, signifying ' to ride,' but 
 with the especial sense of ' on a military expedition.' M and 
 nt are constantly interchangeable, as already observed ; and 
 thus umh and ' endu,' are identical. The Teutonic fartdri, 
 denoting leader of a fart, or military expedition, is probably 
 of cognate origin. Consul is ga-Sello, signifying ' sodalis,' 
 ' collega,' the colleague — in the plural, ' the colleagues,' — the 
 well-known title of the Consuls. 
 
 4. The PRzETOE. — See the preceding article. 
 
 5. The TEIBUNI PLEBis. — See the articles 'Tribns' and 
 * Plebs,' infra. 
 
 II. The Nation. 
 i. The Patricians. 
 
 1. The PATRicii, — a name resolvable into 'Atr-inga,' pro- 
 nounced with the digamma, — ' fAtr-inga,' ' Patr-inga,' ' Patr- 
 icii;' and thus probably the same patronymic (although 
 disguised) as that of ' Tyrrh-eni,' or Etruscans. ' Atri ' and 
 ' Tyr ' are two forms of the same name, and the Scandinavian 
 Tyr corresponds to the Roman Gradivus, or Mars. The 
 digamma and consonant thus restored are preserved in tlie 
 corresponding title ' Eupatridse,' at Athens. ' Tyrrh- ' is not 
 the oldest form of the eponymic title. 
 
 2. The POPULUS, — not the ' people,' or ' populace,' in the 
 modern sense, but the conquering or dominant class, as 
 opposed to the ' Plebs,' or commons, — identical in fact with 
 the Patricians. — From ajl, afla, implying, first, strength ; 
 secondly, generation or procreation ; thirdly, acquisition and 
 conquest. Pronounced, with the digamma, ' ^afl,' and sub- 
 
Arp. . APPENDIX. 573 
 
 sequeiitly developed, by substitntion of the kindred ' p ' for 
 ' f/ into ' pjipl,' 'popl-ns ' (the ohler form), ' popnhis.' — ]*](pii- 
 valent, originally, to ' the strength ' of the nation, in the 
 sense in which a son, * fil-ius ' (from the same root), is said to 
 be ' the strength ' of his father's loins ; and, in a later con- 
 ception, to ' the conquerors,' in the sense in which William 
 of Normandy is styled ' the Coucpieror,' that is, the ' acquirer' 
 of England. 
 
 3. The EQUITES, — the knights, or equestrian order. — From 
 i. ' equus,' a horse, a w'ord akin to the Celtic each, the Greek 
 Xtttto^, the Zendic ' afpa,' and Sanscrit aswa ; and ii. the 
 root 'it,' imjdying motion. 
 
 4. The CELERES,- — originally, the three hundred horsemen 
 forming the body-guard of Eomulus (according to the legend) 
 — all Patricians. — From a common root with held, helder, and 
 implying likewise 'fighters' or 'warriors.' The ultimate 
 root is closely akin to that of ' Populus,' ajla and ajl. 
 
 ii. The rhhtiahs, 
 
 1. The PLEBS, — the commons of Rome, chiefly of the 
 Latin race. — The same word, I think, as the Gothic ULaifs 
 and Greek XeZ-v/rt?, derived from MLaibj-an, XeiireLv, and 
 signifying ' the remnant ' — the remains, that is, of the original 
 population, ' left ' so by the conquering race, the ' Patricii ' 
 or ' Populus.' The name ' Eleusis ' is, I think, of similar 
 origin. 
 
 2. The CLIENTES, — members of the Plebs, dependent on, 
 or attached to, members of the Patrician order. — From ga- 
 Lavb-jan, to trust ; part, present, IceLouh-endo, (/eLouhenti, 
 trusting, confiding, — an etymology involving the ancient 
 metaphor of dwelling under the shadow of one wdio is as a 
 tree of shelter and protection. 
 
 iii. The Tribes. 
 
 1. The TEIBUP, — the three Tribes of the Patricians. — Like 
 'stirps,' from trih-an, trif-an, to drive, nzTnh-an, to drive out, 
 in the sense of a tree thrust or driven forth out of the earth, 
 
 T 
 
274 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : . App. 
 
 by the force — trift, impulse — of its inherent vitality and 
 growth. I take it that each ' tribus ' constituted originally 
 one family, and that the current arrangement of three 
 branches under one ' tribus,' was suggested by the resemblance 
 of the word to dri, rpeU, rpia, ' tres,' the numeral ' three.' 
 
 III. The Deliberative Assemblies. 
 i. The Forum. 
 
 1. The FORUM, — in its original signification, an open space 
 or area in front of a building. — From i. fora, ' prae,' ' pro,' 
 ' ante,' ' in conspectu,' and ii. Jieim, a home, or city, — the 
 ' forum ' thus signifying ' the [space] in front of, or before 
 the city.' The ideas of market-place, place of assembly, 
 place of deliberation, &c., are all posterior to this. 
 
 ii. The Cur ice. 
 
 1. The CURIA, — signifying any one of the ten divisions 
 into which each of the Roman tribes was partitioned, or the 
 place of assembly where the division in question held its 
 religious and civil meetings. This last I should think the 
 original meaning. — From the root ffar, hri, implying appro- 
 priation, enclosure, the mother of many Japhetan words, in- 
 cluding the Teutonic chur, a court ; and, in a more developed 
 form, gart, gard, yard, — the widely extended root already 
 mentioned under ' Horta.' — Equivalent to the ' chur,' or 
 ' court ' {gart), the place of assembly for the transaction of 
 public business. The tribal division probably acquired its 
 name from the ' curia,' just as the Court of the Queen, or the 
 High Court of Parliament, is so styled from the gart, ' court,' 
 or palace in which it resides. 
 
 iii. The Comitia. 
 
 1. The COMITIA (nora. pi.), and the comitium, — originally 
 COMITIA, plur. C0MITI.E, — the assemblies of the Roman 
 people, and the place where they met. — From chumft, humft, 
 
App. APL'KNDIX. 275 
 
 the noun already mentioned as implying ' the [fact of] 
 coming.' 
 
 iv. The Senate. 
 
 1. The SEXATUS and the senatores. — From tlie root san, 
 sinn-, sadh, sidli, signifying ' to go for the accomplishment of a 
 matter ;' and from which descend two distinct streams of verbal 
 thought, which include all the peculiar characteristics of the 
 Koman Senate, their mission or delegation, as ^sent' from 
 their different 'curiae' — their fellowship, as gaSinde, com- 
 panions — their general office of counsel, deliberation, and 
 * consensus ' {sinn, sinnct) — their fulfilment of embassies {sind 
 and senden) — their peculiar office of ministers of peace, and 
 habitual assemblage in the Temple of Concord (sonida) — 
 their equally peculiar character of reconcilers and arbiters 
 for the settlement of disputes (sSnari) — and, finally, their 
 judicial office, as a sort of Committee of Privy Council (sonjo). 
 The crescent or half-moon on their * calcei,' or shoes, that 
 well-known badge, was, I suspect, an emblem and reminis- 
 cence of ' San,' the God of the Moon among the Assyrians, 
 and, I think also, the Lydians. The connection between 
 sinn, the mind, and ' San,' the moon, on the one hand, and 
 ' mens,' the mind, and /xyjv, mani, the moon, on the other, is to 
 be remembered here. And ' Tyr ' — originally identical with 
 Thor — with whom I have connected the Patricians as ' Atr- 
 -inga,' ' Tyrrheni,' was God of the Moon as well as of war 
 among the Scandinavians — the Senate originally consisting, 
 you will recollect, exclusively of Patricians. Legislation and 
 the moon have been associated in all the oldest traditions 
 of mankind. 
 
 2. The SUFFRAGES, — including the suffragium ; the ro- 
 
 GATORES, the TABELL^E, the CISTA, the SITULA, the DIRIBI- 
 
 TORES, and the custodes. — The votes were given originally 
 either viva voce or by a stone or pebble, yjnjcpo';, dropped into 
 an urn ; and suffragium, it appears to me, is a compound 
 of ylr7](j)- and frag-, f rag-en, the Latin ' rogare,' to ask for, — 
 thus implying a ' request for one's vote,' which you give — 
 give as your suffrage in the form of a pebble — to the candi- 
 
 T 2 
 
276 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 date, or in favour of the measure proposed to you. The 
 * Kogatores,' ' Tabellae,' &c., all have their exact meaning in 
 old Teutonic; and I will merely add, as an example, that the 
 DiRiBiTOEES, the tellers (as it were) of the Koman division, 
 exhibit a merely Latinised form of the Teutonic droppetdri, 
 a dropper — in the sense of the ' dropping ' of the votes, the 
 ■\lrrj(j)ot or ' tabellae,' one by one, out of the * cista ' or ' situla,' 
 for the purpose of ascertaining on which side lay the majority 
 — this being the especial function of the officers in cpiestion. 
 
 IV. The Fetiales. 
 
 1. The FETIALES, — a college of priests who acted as guar- 
 dians of the public faith, and as heralds in cases of dissension 
 between Rome and other states. The title was sometimes 
 written ' Fetiales,' sometimes ' Feciales.' In the former case 
 I should connect it with i. eid, adh, an oath, — the root which, 
 in the digammatised form, becomes in Latin ' tides,' whence 
 ' fcedera,' treaties, the especial care of the ' Fetiales ;' and ii. 
 heil-, heiljan, ' servare,' to keep or preserve. ' Fetiales ' 
 would thus be equivalent to ' Conservators of Faith.' But 
 the older form was, I think, Feciales. I should derive this 
 from the Sanscrit vach, vachas, the Latin ' vox,' the Teutonic 
 spec-cm, speak-er, and interpret the title as the ' Spokesmen,' 
 literally, of the State. In keeping with this, we learn that 
 the technical word for their demand for redress and procla- 
 mation of war was ' clarigatio ' — (a word reminding one of 
 "the lark's shrill clarion" the early horn of the herald of 
 day) ; and this word points too to what must have been the 
 older form of the Greek KTjpv^, viz. KXrjpv^ — the root being 
 KaX; kail-, to call or summon. The title of the chief of the 
 heralds, "pater patratus," and the flint-stones (stone-axes 
 evidently) with which they slew the victim in whose blood 
 the missile lance was dipped before hurling it into the de- 
 nounced country, connect the institution with remote anti- 
 quity — with Jupiter Feretrius, with the oath by Jupiter 
 Lapis, and the stone held by tlie man tliat swore that oath, 
 — and, beyond Eome, with the Pelasgi. 
 
Am APPENDIX. 277 
 
 V. The insifjma of Author ity— at first Lucumonian and Uoyal, 
 afterwards Consular, Senatorial, &c. 
 
 1. Tlie SELLA cuiiULis, 01* Curule Chair, — the seat of di<5- 
 iiity or honour per excelleniiam among the Romans. — Pri- 
 marily from gar-, cliur, ' curia ' — as the ' seat ' in wliich the 
 president of the ' court ' sat. The ' chair ' and the ' chair- 
 man ' of our English popular assemblies spring from the same 
 root. But in its more general signification of a chair of state, 
 * curia ' reflects an influence from hru, glorious, the ancient 
 word from which proceed so many epithets of majesty and 
 honour. 
 
 2. The LiCTORS, — officers who went before, or in front of, 
 the Consul or magistrate, one by one, in a line, processionally. 
 — A Latinised form of leitari, ' dux,' a leader — as leading the 
 way. — ^From leitj-ian, led-ian, ' ducere,' to lead. 
 
 3. The FASCES, — rods bound in bundles, and containing a 
 'securis,' or axe, in the middle — carried by the lictors. — 
 From fas, the Sanscrit pag, to bind. — ' Securis ' is the old 
 Teutonic scur, an axe ; and the ' securis ' must have been 
 adopted as an ensign of royalty through its resemblance in 
 sound to scir, distinguished, illustrious, the origin of our ' Sir ' 
 and ' Sire.' The root is sh, signifying separation, distinction 
 — for good or for evil. 
 
 4. The TRABEA, — the ancient official robe, sacred to Gods, 
 to the Augurs, Kings, &c., according to its varieties of 
 colour. — The same word as streif, streif-ig, stripe, striped, in 
 allusion to the transverse stripes with which the robe was 
 decorated. The root is dwar, thver, transverse, oblique, or 
 athwart. 
 
 5. The PEiETEXTA, or toga pezETExta, — the toga of 
 white, bordered with a purple stripe, originally the Koyal 
 robe of Etruria, and afterwards that of the Eoman Kings — 
 worn by certain high magistrates during the Republic, and 
 to the latest times by boys and girls of the Patrician order — 
 by the boys till they attained the age of sixteen, by the 
 girls till marriage, when they dedicated it in the Temple of 
 ' Fortnna Virginalis.' — Probably, I think, a Latin form of toga 
 ivirdigsta, literally, ' the robe of highest honour,' — ivirdigsta 
 
278 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 boiug the superlative of wirclig, 'dignus,' 'augustas,' — the 
 ultimate root ward, vridh (Sanscr.), including the idea of 
 growth or increase. ' V ' and ' p ' are, I need scarcely insist, 
 interchangeable letters — none more so. The subject of the 
 ' Toga Praetexta ' is a very intricate and interesting one. 
 
 6. The CLAYUS — whether ' latus,' broad, or ' angustus,' 
 narrow — the former being a broad purple band or stripe 
 which ran down the centre of the tunic worn by the Senators 
 — the latter consisting of two narrow purple slips, which 
 extended from the top to the bottom of the tunic, — this was 
 worn by the Equestrian order. — The same word as the Teu- 
 tonic and Lithuanian lappa and lopas, implying the edge, 
 border, or fringe of a garment ; and derivable from the San- 
 scrit ' lup ' and Teutonic kUuh-an, to cleave or divide ; which 
 exactly expresses the manner in which the ' clavus ' or purple 
 stripe ' clove,' or divided the tunic. It will be observed that 
 the ' c ' in ' clav-us ' preserves the ' k ' in the old Teutonic 
 JcUuh-an. 
 
 7. The CALCEUS, or high shoe worn by the Senators. — 
 Perhaps from gaLegj-an, ' ponere,' ' induere,' — in the sense of 
 putting on clothes or shoes. 
 
 8. The CLASSICUM, — the trumpet by which the people 
 were called to the Comitium. — Either from kallasj-an, de- 
 rived from Tcall-on, to call ; or from gaLes-an, to collect 
 together. ' S ' and ' r ' being interchangeable, the word 
 * classic-um ' is probably connected with ' clarig-atio.' 
 
 9. The collective word insignia. — Proximately from ' in,' 
 upon, and 'signum,' a sign, — the latter word being ulti- 
 mately identical with the Teutonic zeicJien, teken, plur. zeich- 
 ena, our English 'token,' with the hoKava of Sparta, and with 
 t^n, an obelisk, in ancient Egyptian, — all from a common 
 primeval root. 
 
 Tenth Group. — The Ssecidum. 
 
 1. The s^cuLUM. — Ten ' Seecula,' according to the Etrus- 
 can doctrine, were to comprise the life of their nation ; and 
 the close of the ' Sseculum ' per exeellentiam was to witness 
 the extinction of the Gods themselves, — a doctrine resem- 
 
Ai>p. APPENDIX. 279 
 
 bling that of Scandinavia, as remarked by IMr. Buiibiiry in 
 liis valuable article on ' Etruria' in Dr. Smith's Bid. of Greek 
 and Roman Geography. — s.ecdlum is the same word, if I 
 mistake not, as the old Teutonic scijle, skal, implying a 
 separation or distinction between any two things — the ulti- 
 mate root being the particle sh, of Indo-Teutonic and indeed 
 primitive antiquity, already noticed. ' SiECUL-UM ' thus im- 
 plies ' the division ' or ' separation ' between periods of time, 
 between generations or centuries. The ' Ludi Saeculares,' 
 the expiatory games of Rome — which, contrary to the usual 
 impression, were not celebrated at any fixed period — are 
 nowise, I think, connected with the word ' sseculum ' except 
 through common derivation from the original root, sh. They 
 were so named from scul-an, ' debere,' our English ' sliall,' — 
 from whence scolo, ' debitor,' a debtor, and sculd, debt, or 
 guilt — the root from which 1 have already derived the games 
 named ' Solitaurilia.' 
 
 Eleventh Group : — Miscellaneous Words, j^resumahb/ Etrus- 
 can, as de$cri]jtive of things horrowed hy the Romans from 
 Etruria. 
 
 1. AGER, — a field, a territory. — The Teutonic akrs, akr. — 
 From ak, the Latin ' ag-ere,' to drive.'— Equivalent therefore 
 to ' land tilled by cattle.' 
 
 2. ARCUS, — the arch. — From the ancient Indo-Teutonic 
 root el'py-, ' arc-,' werj-, to hold together by pressure. 
 
 3. C.ESTUS, or CESTUS, — the boxer's glove. — Like * custos,' 
 ' custodire,' akin to Jmotj-an, the root of ' cassila,' ut supra, — 
 implying guardianship or protection, as for the boxer's fist. 
 
 4. CIRCUS, — the same word as KVK\o<i, a circle, ' 1 ' and ' r ' 
 being interchangeable letters, and thus implying a round or 
 circular space, or ring. 
 
 5. CLOACA, — a sewer. — Compare the Teutonic loh, ' fora- 
 men,' ' baratrum,' ' os (inferui, putei, &c.) ; ' loc, ' clausura ; ' 
 lucha, ' apertura.' 
 
 6. The CORNU, invented, according to Festns, by the Etrus- 
 cans. — The same word as the Teutonic horn, the Celtic 
 * earn,' and the Greek Kip-a<i. 
 
280 ETEUSCAN INSCitlPTIONS : Ai>p. 
 
 7. FAVISSA, — the ditch or fosse which surrounded a temple, 
 — inferred to be an Etruscan word by Dr. Donaldson. Con- 
 nectible with ' puteus ' and ' fossa,' and thus belonging to one 
 of the most wide-spread roots existing. 
 
 8. MUKUS, — a wall. — The old Teutonic iniir, as shewn 
 under ' Pomoerium.' 
 
 9. TESTUDO, — a vault. — From i. zuo, zu, to, or against, 
 and ii. stedian, ' applicare, condere,' to put together, build, 
 join, or attach, forming the compound zuoStedicm, ' applicare,' 
 in old Teutonic; and akin to stdti, firm, stable, and stun, to 
 stand. Equivalent to 'that which is firm through counter 
 attachment or pressure ' — as is a vault in architecture. 
 
 10. TUBA, — the Greek aaXTriy^, the war trumpet of the 
 Etruscans. — Probably the same word as s-h, s-f, (originally, 
 as in Hebrew and Arabic, z-jph,) a reed — although the 'Tuba' 
 in later times was made of brass. SoXtt-, the root of 
 adXTTty^, is in like manner, I conceive, the Teutonic halm 
 or sciluf, a reed — s and h, and m and p, being convertible 
 letters. 
 
 Twelfth Group. — Proper Names, Etruscan and of 
 Etruscan origin. 
 
 I. The National Surnames of the Etruscans. 
 
 1. Tyukheni, otherwise Tyrseni, TvpprjvoL, Tvpcrtjvoi. — A 
 form, as elsewhere stated, of the patronymic which the 
 Etruscans bore in common with the Tervingi, Thuringi, 
 Tyrki (or early Aryan Northmen), and others, and which 
 may be generalised as ' Thoringa,' i. e. ' Children of Thor.' 
 Thor is Hercules, and Thoringa is thus an equivalent of 
 Heraclida). By some accounts Tyrrhenus, the eponymus, 
 was son of Hercules, — according to others he was son of 
 Atys, king of Lydia, and son of IManes — the Mannus of the 
 Germans, Menu, Menes, &g. I have little doubt that Tyr- 
 rhenus represents in Etruria the patriarch known (imder a 
 more archaic form of the name) as Thraetaona (Feridun) in 
 I'ersia, whose fathers were styled the Athwya — a title corre- 
 sponding with At-ys, as it does in another direction with 
 
Ait. ArrENDIX. 281 
 
 J6t-im and Goth. The name of Tarclion, tlic founder of 
 Tarquiuii, is a mere variety of that of Tyrrhenus, the double 
 -pp- hardening into ' -reh-,' as in the opposite direction it 
 softens into ' -rs-.' 
 
 2. Hrasena, 'Pacrem or 'Vaaevva, — stated by Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus to have been an alternate name of the Etrus- 
 cans, and more especially that by which they styled them- 
 selves. I should doubt the latter assertion, or that 'Hrasena' 
 was more than an alternate name, inasmuch as, although 
 ' Porsena ' was their hero, the glory and traditions of Etruria 
 centered at Tarquinii.. The title 'Hrasena' belongs rather 
 to the earlier, the Pelasgic stage, or component element, in 
 their genealogy ; and it is evidently the same as that of the 
 Grisones or Rh.eti, the inhabitants of Pihoitia, who Mere, 
 we know, of the same stock as the Etruscan, and spoke 
 according to Livy, the same language, although corrupted — 
 and as that of the 'Grut-uugi,' the sister tribe (with the 
 Tervingi) of the great Gothic family in Germany. Hrasena, 
 IlmETi, may be analysed as i. he as- or he.et-, and ii. -en a, 
 a termination akin to the -rjvoC in Tvp'pnvol, and similar 
 patronymics. But I suspect that ' Hrasena ' and ' Porsena ' 
 were originally the same name as ' Tyrs-enus, -i,' although 
 dialectically distinguished afterwards. It is noteworthy that 
 ' Resar ' and ' Thursar,' titles of the Jotuns or Giants of 
 Scandinavia, answer very nearly to 'Hrasena' and ' Tyrseni,' 
 the children of Atys, as these again do to the ' Grutungi ' 
 and ' Tervingi ' of the German Goths. All these fit into a 
 much larger scheme. As ' Hrasena,' the Etruscans were, so 
 to speak, iEolida-, or Pelasgi ; as 'Tyrrheni,' Heraclida?, 
 Dorians, and Hellenes ; and, in a more extensive sense, they 
 formed a mixture of Suryavansa and Chandra-, or Indu- 
 vansa, Children of the Sun and of the Moon, according to 
 the nomenclature of Oriental Aryanism. A variety of col- 
 lateral attributes of the Tyrrheni or Etruscans, connect 
 themselves with the title Hrasena through secondary re- 
 semblance, as, for example, their character as builders of 
 Cyclopean walls (compare the German riesenmaui'-, from 
 reso, ' gigas, Cyclops '), — as lovers of horses, hros, ros, redz, 
 ret, (conf. the horse's head on the coins of Larissa in 
 
282 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 Thessaly, and the fact that ' Resen ' in Mesopotamia is 
 rendered ' Larissa ' by Xenoplion and ' Aspa ' by the Samari- 
 tan Pentateuch), — as the * equites ' at Rome, reiter, reisener, 
 &c. &c. 
 
 II. Names of Etruscan Cities.* 
 
 i. Of the Twelve Confederated Cities of Etruria. 
 
 1. Areetiuji, now Arezzo,— celebrated for its red pottery 
 and its walls of brick ; and called the ' City of Potters.' On 
 its coins there is the inscription upn. — From i. rot, red, and 
 ii. heim, forming ' Eot-heim,' ' Arretium ' — emphatically, 
 ' The Red City,' — unless indeed the original root be ' Ras- ' 
 or ' Rha3t-,' as denoting a city of the Rhajtian branch of the 
 Etruscan race.t The site of the ancient ' Arretium ' is on a 
 barren hill called ' Poggio di S. Cornelio ' (not an Italian 
 Saint), and ' Castel Secco,' both of which names point to the 
 colour of red (the latter through aridity) as the characteristic 
 of Arezzo-I upn I should identify with ofan, uplian (our 
 English oven), a furnace or kiln, the same word, in fact, as 
 the Greek tTry-o?. This may have been the original Pelas- 
 gian name of the city, thus signifying ' the Brick Kilns ; ' 
 and I am the more inclined to think so, as one of the symbols 
 used on the coins is an anchor — probably then known as 
 €vv-ri, the word applied by Homer to the great bouldei's used 
 to retain ships at their moorings in primitive times before 
 anchors (in the usual sense of that word) were invented. 
 Even the prow of a ship, likewise exhibited on the coins, 
 may refer to this ; while the wheel, ' rota,' rad, also found 
 there, may typify the potter's wheel. The f\iniily of Maecenas, 
 the ' Cilnii,' may perhaps have derived their surname from 
 
 * Some of these are discussed more fully tliaii is the case in other 
 articles of this abridged Glossary ; but this I caunot avoid, the evidence 
 for their etymology being more multifarious and complicated, and the 
 results important. 
 
 t The association of ' Ares,' Mars, with Arretium may support perhaps 
 this latter suggestion. But the former is, upon the whole, more probable. 
 
 % Erde, earth, as the material of brick and pottery, is almost too vague, 
 but it deserves notice. 
 
App. appendix. 283 
 
 cyln, ' fornax,' or kiln, as the gieat biickmakers or potters of 
 Arezzo. It was throngli that manufacture probably that the 
 "atavi reges " acquired their historical wealth and greatness. 
 2. CiERE, or CiSRA (as Miiller reads it), the city of Mezen- 
 tius and the Tarquins, — seated, according to Mr. Dennis's 
 description, on a table-land united by a rock to the high- 
 land adjoining, and thus forming a sort of peninsula.* We 
 are thus reminded, in the first instance, of the Greek j^epao'i 
 or ')^6f)po<;, a continent or waste, as in ' cherso-nesus,' which 
 denotes a peninsula or similar projection, connected by a 
 narrow tongue of land with a continent. But the name 
 C^RE has a signification behind this. The Pelasgian and 
 thus, presumptively, the older name of the place — or that, 
 at least, by which the Pelasgi who formed such an important 
 element in the Tyrrhenian or Etruscan population must have 
 known it — was Agylla ; and the etymology of this word 
 must be taken into consideration along with that of ' Csere.' 
 AGYLLA may be connected, proximately, either with i. eih, 
 ' quercus, ilex,' and ii. vXrj, ' silva,' wood, in allusion to the 
 spontaneous growth of ilex which now, according to Mr. 
 Uenuis, covers the site of the city and the entire district ; or 
 with the Teutonic igel (blut-igel), echel, egil-, egala, ecala, 
 ' hirudo, sanguisuga,' the leech — with which little beast the 
 wooded and swampy valleys probably abounded in the early 
 ages. The existence of a streamlet named (now) 'La San- 
 guinara ' in the neighbourhood, and the statement of Livy 
 that on one occasion the waters of Caere flowed mingled with 
 blood, induce one to pause on this etymology as possible ; and 
 further inquiry shews that it can be strongly supported. 
 The derivation of the name ' Agylla ' from the ilex-groves 
 finds no echo in ■)(^eppo<i, ')(ep(jo<;, nor that of ' Ca?re ' from 
 ;j^epcro? any echo iu ' Agylla.' It does not follow that when 
 a place has two names derived from different languages or 
 races they must each denote the same characteristic feature ; 
 but, when they do, the coincidence can hardly be accidental. 
 That this coincidence exists in the present instance may be 
 shewn thus. The word for * hirudo,' leech, in Greek is /38iWa, 
 
 * Cities and Cemeteries, &c., vol. ii. pp. 27 sqq. 
 
284 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 /SSeXka x^pa-aia, — ^SeXXa being derived from ^SdWo), to suck 
 or draw off by suction ; while x^paaco'i, if derivable from 
 ^epo-09, can only be so in the sense that that word bears of 
 ' waste/ and must find its root rather in the Teutonic kaerr, 
 Mar, ' palus,' itself formed (I conceive) from an e^lrlier JcFaerr, 
 or hmaerr, whence 'marsh.' B8eWa 'x^epaaia thus signifies 
 * marsh-leech ' — or what we now call, by corruption, a ' horse- 
 leech,' 'horse' answering to %epo--, and signifying, not the 
 noble creation of Poseidon, but tlie swamp in which the 
 ' hirudo ' lives.* I think we may assume at this point 
 that ' Caere ' or ' Cisra ' is the same name as yepa-aia or 
 '^epp-ala, as found in this compound. But fiSeXXa, when 
 analysed, is the same word as the Teutonic effil, and, as we 
 shall find, the Pelasgic 'Agylla,' leech; its earlier form (as 
 ascended to by etymological induction) having been ^vSeWa, 
 whence, the ^ being elided and the letter v taking the form 
 of /3, we obtain in the descending line, first, /SSeWa, and then, 
 /3 being replaced by a and S by '^' or ' k,' egiil = ' ngellsC = 
 'Agylla.' The result is, first, that ^heXXa x^po-aia corresponds 
 verhatim with agylla-ceiie, or cisra ; and, secondly, that the 
 double name of the town under discussion is thus tantamount, 
 strange as it may appear, to ' the marsh-leech.' ' Agylla ' is 
 doubtless the Pelasgian, and ' Caere,' ' Cisra,' the Etruscan 
 name ; and I suspect that ' Caere ' or yepaaia was used for the 
 horse-leech as an independent noun by the Etruscans as the 
 Latins used 'hirudo,' whicli is of cognate origin. But further : 
 — ZvheWa, the original form of ^heXka, is modifiable as 
 ZvyeWa, and must have passed through that stage in order 
 to become 'AyeWa; and this leads us to the earlier ety- 
 mology of the word in ' sugo,' to suck, or draw by suction — 
 the Latin and Teutonic equivalent of ^SdXXo), the peculiar 
 characteristic of the /38eXX.a, egil, or leech. The object of 
 this particular suction is blood, and the next step in the 
 process suggests the connection. — By insertion of ' n,' accord- 
 ing to the rule of ' anuswara,' ' Agylla ' becomes ' Angilla,' 
 and by restoring the initial ' z ' in the softened form of ' s,' 
 
 * We have, however, tlic combination In Gaelic, as deal-each, horse- 
 leech ; deal being the Celtic form of fddfXXa, (the /3 abraded,) and each of 
 ' equus.' 
 
App. aitendtx. 285 
 
 ' Saiigilla ' — that is, ' Saiiguilla ;' while, ' 1 ' being exchanged 
 for * n,' it becomes ' Sanguin-,' ' Sanguinea,' whence the pre- 
 sent name of the streamlet ' Sangninara,' the 'Bloody,' above 
 spoken of, and the current tradition of the waters of Ca3re 
 having become mingled with blood — both thus supporting 
 the proposed etymology. Mr. Dennis approximates the 
 name and the tradition, and inquires, with his usual sagacity, 
 " iMay not the tradition be preserved in the name of this 
 stream ? " But both tradition and name bear reference, I 
 think, to the preceding Pelasgo-Tyrrhenic etymology. — 
 Lastly, and in consonance with all this, the name of Mezentius, 
 the tyrant of Agylla, bears the same signification. I had 
 long been convinced tliat Mezentius and Turnus in the^T^neid 
 were identical witli Modsognir and Durinn, the princes (the 
 first-created) of the Dvergar or Elves in the Scandinavian 
 mythology, the respective names being etymologically iden- 
 tical, and other coincidences leading me to the identification. 
 But, while pondering over this etymology of Agylla, it oc- 
 curred to me that we have in ' Modsognir ' the identical name 
 of ' leech,' or w hat comes very near to it. The signification 
 and etymology of the name given by Finn Magnusen is 
 this, — " vigorera sugens, sive succum attrahens, . . a Twmodr 
 (viofhr), succus, vigor, et verbo siuga, sugere (Dan. sue, 
 Germ, saugen, AngL such, &c.)." Comparing the lines of 
 Virgil, 
 
 " Mortua quinetiam jungebat corpora vivis, 
 Componens manibusque manus atque oribus ora, 
 Tormenti genus ; et sanie taboque fluentcs 
 Complexu in misero louga sic morte necabat," — * 
 
 the conclusion seems evident that, whatever be the pri- 
 mitive signification of the names ' Mezentius,' ' Modsognir,' 
 that of ' Mezentius,' the ruler of 'Agylla-Caere,' was, in the 
 mythical age, identical with that of his city, and equivalent 
 to ' the marsh- or horse-leech,' and therefore that the ety- 
 mology above suggested is correct.t Both ' Modsognir ' and 
 
 * Virg. ^n., viii. 485. 
 
 t The tribute of the entire annual vintage — the ' blood of the grape ' — 
 demanded bv Mezentius from the Latins, and which gave rise to the lloman 
 
286 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 ' Mezentiiis ' (in older orthography this name would be 
 ' Medsentius ') must have been written with an initial ' z ; ' 
 and in the syllable Zmod-, Zwod-, Zmed-, Zived-, thus re- 
 stored, and which is evidently identical with the ^/38- or /3S- 
 in /BSiXXa, we at once recognize the familiar ' sud-or,' Ix-^Pi 
 and 'sang-uis/ blood. The importance of this identification, 
 not merely as regards ' Agylla-Cc-ere,' but as bearing on the 
 entire argument in favour of the Teutonic origin of the Etrus- 
 cans, cannot be overlooked. Virgil was himself an Etruscan, 
 and we can now hardly doubt that traditions of the Dvergar 
 and Alfar were familiar to him and his race, derived by 
 independent descent from the ancestors of the Etruscans and 
 Teutons when both were living together as one people. The 
 subject cannot be pursued further here.* 
 
 3. Clusium ; now Chiusi, — originally named Camae, or 
 Camae-ts ; the capital of Porsena, and celebrated after that 
 hero's death for his tomb, the glory of Etruria, of which such 
 a curious description is given by Pliny after Varro.- — The 
 key to the signification of Camae-ts is afforded by the fact 
 that there exists a double type of coins corresponding in all 
 respects, except that the one bears the legend ' Ku,' or ' Kam,' 
 the other ' Ka ' and ' Eaet.' The former corresponds, I con- 
 ceive, to ham, the latter to harte (ha-raei), both implying a 
 
 festival of the ' Vinalia ' according to Ovid {Fasti, lib. iv. vss. 879 sqq.), is 
 not out of keeping with the tradition which I believe to lie at the root of 
 the etymology. His skill on horseback is noticed both by Yirgil and 
 Ovid. This may refer to the later sense of x^po-j marsh = horse. 
 
 * It is a curious fact that Agylla consulted the oracle of Apollo at 
 Delphi, and dedicated treasure there. The ^SeXXa, (,vhe\\a, above sug- 
 gested as the original form of Agylla, may be compared with the alternate 
 forms (already cited) of hik<^\v, f^eXf^h, and with what must have been 
 the early form of Delphi, viz. Z/3eX0o(, ZveX(f)o\. But Delplii appears 
 under the name of 'Crissa' in the Homeric hymn to Apollo, just as Agylla 
 is named also ' Cisra,' or ' Cajre.' The word leech, as ' mcdicus,' a physician 
 or healer, is common to the Gothic, German (proper), Scandinavian, Celtic, 
 and Slavonic languages; and I have little doubt that it gives character to 
 the title ' Lycian ' applied to Apollo, and that aKea-ios, aKeofiai were 
 originally XaKta-ios, XuKeofxai. It connects itself also with lecken, to lick, 
 the sanative process which dogs apply to wounds or sores. But the question 
 leads into intricate veins of exploration, even within the limits of Aryan 
 speech. 
 
Apr. APPENDIX. 287 
 
 ' pecteu,' or comb — the karie formed of tlio sharp spikes of 
 the thistle (' carduus '), as used originally for carding wool. 
 Kam further signiiies the 'scapus,' or columnar stem of a 
 plant, from which the fruit or berries hang, as it were, in 
 a circle round it, — and the Greek word for this, Kav\o<i, leads 
 us within the associations of the Cl-, in Clusium. — This 
 name Clusium is a compound, I think, of, i. hiaiv, hUo, gen. 
 hleices, a tomb or mausoleum, and ii. heim, city, — implying 
 the ' City of the Sepulchre.' Or it may be simply the Gothic 
 hiaivs, ' sepulcrum,' the same word as the Latin ' clivus,' 
 e. g. the ' Clivus Mamurii,' the hill, barrow, or tomb of 
 Mamurius Veturius at liome. It is noteworthy at this point 
 that I'eil signifies ' cuneus,' a wedge, or, as applied to archi- 
 tecture, a building of conical elevation, like a pyramid, — the 
 peculiar feature which distinguished the tomb of Porsena. 
 The marvels attributed by Varro to the tomb are all echoed 
 by Teutonic roots bearing more or less resemblance to Kam, 
 Ka-raet, Camar-, and hleo, and which have suggested evidently 
 the separate features of the description, — hrwiib, ' curvus,' 
 tortuous ; hrumM, ' ambago, mseandrus,' and hrumha, ' camiros, 
 breves circulos ' (the translations are Graff's), answering to 
 the labyrinth within the basement of the tomb; and kloz, 
 Mot (0. N.), liliuwa, to the compact and close masonry, to 
 the bronze circle or * orbis,' on which the four pyramids or 
 cones stood, with a fifth in the centre (in regard to which 
 the word Mot in Ihre's Suio-Gothic Lexicon suggests an 
 interesting approximation), and to the clue of thread by 
 wdiich only the labyrinth could be explored with safety. 
 The kam, ' scapus,' Kav\o<;, evidently suggested the bells 
 which hung— like pendent berries — and like the bells round 
 pagodas in China, or the tripod-caldrons around Dodona — from 
 the ijetasus, — rung, like them, by the wind. Exaggerated as 
 the tradition may be, the tomb must, I think, have existed ; 
 the very name, Clusiui\i, as above analysed, witnesses to its 
 importance. The ' Poggio Gajella ' has been identified with 
 it, — but the Poggio is not ' below the city,' as Varro describes 
 the tomb ; on the other hand, the labyrinthine passages are 
 of the character described, and the name ' Gajella ' recalls the 
 keil, or 'cuneus.' 'Poggio S. Paolo' has not yet been 
 
288 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 explored; and the name 'Paolo,' too, may he a reminiscence 
 of JcFeil, Jceil, ' cuneus.' There may have been other cuneiform 
 or pyramidal tombs at Chiusi besides that of Porsena. 
 
 4. CoRTONA, — the great Pelasgic stronghold, captured by 
 the Etruscans (it is said) from the original inhabitants of the 
 land, and from M'hich they extended their sway over Western 
 Italy. — Proximately, from i. gard, (/art, the primitive word, 
 implying an enclosed space, already cited, and ii. ' -ona,' as 
 in * Vetulonia,' ' Populonia,' &c., connectible Avith won-en, to 
 dwell, implying abode or residence. Originally, it may 
 perhaps be derived from ' Rh?et,' the alternate surname of 
 the Tyrrhenian race, and which resolves into that of the 
 Pelasgi. The older name of the city is said to have been 
 ' Corythus;' and this is etymologically the same as 'Corinth.' 
 Its symbol is a wheel — rat and ' rota ' in Teutonic and Latin, 
 in evident echo of the name of the city ; and such too was a 
 numismatic symbol (one among many) of Arretium. 
 
 5. Falerii, the city of the Falisci or ^Qui Faltsci, 
 said to have been a colony from Argos. — The name Falisci, 
 like that of VoLSCi, and that too (' 1 ' and ' r ' being inter- 
 changed) of ' Prisci/ is evidently (I think) an Italian form 
 of 'Pelasgi.' The ^QUI may have been ' Achaei,' of the 
 same stock as the original inhabitants of Argos. — Falerii is 
 resolvable into i. 'Fal,' the root of ' Fal-isci,' 'Pel-asgi,' and 
 ii. erhi, patrimony or heritage, or 'ipa, the Pelasgian form of 
 ' terra,' — thus implying ' the patrimony,' or land, the ' terra ' 
 or ' patria ' in modern Italian, ' of the Fal-,' or Pelasgi. 
 
 6. Perusia (Perugia),— in Etruscan orthography ap- 
 parently, Peruse. — A form of the old Teutonic and Indo- 
 European lurz, implying a ' burg,' burgh, or fortified city. 
 The ' Bursa ' of Carthage, for example, was (I conceive) the 
 Imrz, the ' perusia,' the citadel, of that city. The Hellenic 
 e(f)vprj is, I think, remotely, the same word.* The emblem of 
 Perusia, a ' bipennis,' or two-liea'led axe, was doubtless chosen 
 
 * Mr. Gladstone suggests " that ecjivprj and cf>€pai may properly denote, 
 and maybe the original and proper Hellic name for the tore (Ital), or. 
 walled places, founded by the Hellic races ; as apyos signifies the open dis- 
 tricts in which the Pelasgians were given to settling kco/xt/Sw, for agricultural 
 purposes." — Homer and the Homeric Age, vol. i. p. 513. 
 
Apr. APPENDIX. 289 
 
 from the resemblance of the old Teutonic hirsa, hyrs, a 
 ' bipennis,' to the name ' Bursa,' ' Perusia.' 
 
 7. EusELL^, — a city of which the site is now completely- 
 overgrown (as it doubtless was before the settlement of any 
 population there) by a beautiful, thorny, yellow-flowering 
 plant, called by the Italians ' raarruca,' and which renders 
 the exploration of Eusell?e, according to Mr. Dennis, "a 
 desperate undertaking." Nowhere had that indefatigable 
 explorer such difficulty in making his way to any Etruscan 
 site ; and the growth is of very old standing, inasmuch as 
 Polybius probably refers to it (tliis is Mr. Dennis's observa- 
 tion) in describing a battle fought between the Romans and 
 Gauls in the neighbourhood.* The name appears to me a 
 compound of i. ris, liris, the Welsh jjrys and English hrush — • 
 gorse being in fact the same word — but in the special growth 
 of the Latin ' ruscus ' and Greek o^v/xupa-Lvrj, fivpcrivT] being 
 apparently the modern ' niarruca,' — and ii. haiha, a region or 
 district, — rusell.e thus implying, ' the region ' or world ' of 
 ruscus ' — ' gorse ' (shall we say ?) — or whins, — unless indeed 
 it be simply developed from the first of these roots analo- 
 gously to the French hroussaille. 
 
 8. Tarquinii, in Greek TapKvvla and Tap/covivai, in Etrus- 
 can orthography perhaps Tarchna, — the parent city of 
 Etruria, founded, it is said, by Tarchon, the son of the Lydian 
 Tyrrh-enus. — From ' Tarch,' the same root as Tvpp- in 
 ' Tyrrh-enus,' — with the termination -wia or ' -ona,' and thus 
 implying ' the City of Tarch,' ' Tyrrh,' or ' Thor.' But the 
 root tarq- had certainly the signification of ' rule ' among 
 the early Aryans ; targadh exists as government, ' imperatio ' 
 (conf. the Etruscan druna), in Erse ; and the Greek "Xpxoiv 
 is ' Tarchon ' minus the initial, tarquinii may thus have 
 signified also ' the Ruling City ' — in the south, more espe- 
 cially, of Etruria. 
 
 9. Veii, — the great fortress and bulwark of Southern 
 Etruria. — The ancient ivlk, ivige, wicJc, denoting castle or 
 fortress, (whence the Latin * vicus,') occurs to one at once ; 
 but I think that the name veii is specially derived from 
 
 * Cities, (fcc, vol. ii. p. 251. 
 
290 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: App. 
 
 weggi, wiga, ' cuneus/ a wedge, as representing its situation, 
 — the ground wliich the earliest site of the city, afterwards 
 the citadel, occupied forming a complete wedge, bounded by 
 the two valleys of the 'Fosso di Formelle' and ' Fosso de' 
 due Fossi,' which converge at a point below the citadel, 
 where the two streams, uniting, form the Cremera. The 
 legend of the ' cuniculus,' or mine, of Camillus has been sug- 
 gested, I think, by the root in question * 
 
 10. Vetulonia, — Vatl (written abridged) on the coins ; 
 the town from which the 'fasces' and other symbols of power, 
 "the Curule chair, &c., were borrowed by Eome; while a 
 naked athlete, an oar, and a pine-cone, are the emblems on 
 her coins. — Ultimately, I think, from i. ivald, a forest — in 
 reference to the pine-woods still flourishing near the town, 
 and ii. the suffix ' -ouia,' denoting habitation, — the name thus 
 signifying ' the City in the Wold, wood, or forest.' — The con- 
 nection with the idea of authority or power, and the various 
 numismatic emblems just mentioned, are echoes of resem- 
 blances existing between the root ' Vetul,' ' Vatl,' and words 
 — e. g. wold, wait, power ; tt/ti;?, the pine ; ttituXo?, the act 
 of rowing, ttltvXl^-co, to strike in boxing — in old Pelasgian 
 Greek, and Teutonic. 
 
 11. VoLATERR^, Velathri (in Etruscan orthography), 
 Volterra, — once the most powerful of the Etruscan cities. — 
 Probably from i. wald, wait, power, and ii. epa, or erhi, patri- 
 mony or district, — unless the name be ivaltdri, ' dominatrix ' 
 — the ' lady ' or ' queen ' of Upper Etruria. Her various 
 symbols all find their echo in Teutonic words resembling the 
 name Velathri in sound. t 
 
 * The nod of Jiino, in assent to the invitation to Rome, has on the other 
 hand been suggested by a word of similar sound, viz, weg-an, our English 
 wag. 
 
 t The etymology given in the text is the broadest and simplest ; but it 
 is difficult to think of ' Velathri,' or Volterra, save in association with 
 ' Alatrium,' now Alatri, near Ferentino, a most ancient city of the Hernici ; 
 or of both without remembrance of the three mysterious heads, the puzzle 
 of Etruscan antiquaries, on the ' Porta dell' Arco' of the Etruscan city. If 
 Wult-epa, or Waltdri be the oldest and most general title, I canuot at the 
 same time but think that 'Velathri,' 'Alatri-,' (and I may add, con- 
 jecturally, ' Velitraj,') had, at some period, the more special sense of drt- 
 
App. appendix. 291 
 
 12. VoLsiNii, — Velsina, or Vp^lsuna, apparently, in Etrus- 
 can, — the modern Bolseua. The natural features of Volsinii 
 consist, first, in its site — that, I mean, of the ancient Etruscan 
 town, identified by Mr. Dennis as "the summit of the hill 
 above the amphitheatre " which circles the Lake of Bolsenn, 
 " the loftiest height on this side of the lake, where the ground 
 spreads out like a table-land, extensive enough to hold a city 
 of first-rate importance ; " and secondly, in the Lake itself, 
 the * Lacus Yolsiniensis ' of antiquity, filling the crater of an 
 extinct volcano — its basin being of a nearly circular shape. 
 The district has for ages been one of mystery and marvel. 
 The lake, at all times bearing a changeful, unsteady, capri- 
 cious character, was famous in pagan times for its floating 
 islets covered with thick groves — sometimes taking a circular, 
 sometimes a triangular, but never (a curious speciality) a 
 square form ; while in the days of Christianity it refused to re- 
 ceive into its bosom the little child-martyr St. Christina, when 
 they threw her into the waters with a mill-stone round her 
 neck, but bore her up, while she knelt in prayer (as Vincenzo 
 Catena has depicted her in a beautiful picture at Venice), 
 
 fait, 'three-fold,' but with the position of the component syllables 
 reversed, according to the peculiarity so frequently illustrated in the text 
 of this Memoir. Volterra had under her wing two dependent and yet 
 jDotent cities, Populonia and Luna, of both of which I shall speak jiresently ; 
 and a club and a crescent, which I believe to have been their respective 
 symbols, are found on her own coins. The most memorable fact, more- 
 over, in the history of Alatrium (nothing, it should be stated, of a similar 
 nature, is recorded of Velitra?) is her joint refusal, along with Ferentinum 
 and Yeruli — (members like herself of the Hernican League, but which I 
 should imagine to have been bound to her by immediate political ties) — to 
 proclaim war against Rome, — which the Romans rewarded by permitting 
 the three cities to retain their own laws and enjoy the mutual right of 
 ' connubium,' and other immunities. We liave thus the common point 
 of a trifold (dri/altig) confederation attached respectively to Yolterra and 
 Alatri; and it is thus conceivable that the three heads over the 'Porta 
 deir Arco ' — which in the ancient neuter plural form, as used by Ennius, 
 would be expressed by 'VoltaTria' — represented the three Etruscan cities. 
 This, indeed, may, as suggested, have been a sjTnbol of more recent, 
 although still ancient origin ; and, as a general rule, I suspect that the 
 Romans who ruled over Etraria frequently interpreted or played upon 
 the Etruscan words and names according to Latin assonances and analogies, 
 and invented symbols accordingly. 
 
 U 2 
 
292 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 and bore her to the shore. The mill plays an important part 
 in the traditions of Volsinii, — hand-mills, according to Pliny, 
 were invented there, which turned of their own accord, by an 
 innate vitality, reminding one of the living furniture with 
 which Hephaestus supplied the courts of Olympus and the 
 palace of Alcinous in Scheria, the land of the Phfeacians. 
 At a very early period, when Tinia still ruled the land, and 
 probably before the town was founded, the monster * Volta ' 
 — evidently, by the etymology of his name, a dragon — 
 ravaged the surrounding country, till Porsena drew lightning 
 from heaven and destroyed him. On another occasion the 
 town was entirely consumed by lightning. Ages afterwards 
 the marvellous element inseparably attached to Volsinii broke 
 out again in the far-famed ' Miracle of Bolsena ' immortalized 
 by Raphael in the Vatican. The whole country was once, 
 and still partly is, a vast forest — of exquisite beauty. — Before 
 attempting to ascertain the etymology of the name, I may 
 observe that 'Volsinii,' Telsina' (the Etruscan name of 
 Bononia, or Bologna), and ' Ffesulae,' or Fiesole, form a group 
 etymologically and mythologically considered, and hang to- 
 gether, although distinguishable according to their respective 
 leading characteristics. Volsinii was the most important 
 member of this group, and the only one which had rank 
 among the Twelve Cities of central or piimitive Etruria. 
 Assuming that the name of the Lake must be older than 
 that of the town, its circular form, a marked characteristic, 
 would naturally suggest the compound title, Walbi-seo, the 
 ' Bound Sea,' or sheet of water; and this word, with its cog- 
 nate welbi, 'vertigo,' and walhi, 'volubilis' — all from wellan, 
 ' volvere,' would in time suggest its changeable character, 
 as well as the spontaneous revolution of the hand-mills above 
 spoken of. " At the same time the situation of the lake, in a 
 wood, and the idea of the floating islands (perhaps lacustrine 
 habitations), would correspond to wald, forest, and the Greek 
 a\cro<:, which we have in the iiEolic form of oXtl^ in the name 
 of the sacred grove of the Peloponnesian Olympia, — suggest- 
 ing an alternate title Fa\a — or wald-seo, that is, ' the Lake 
 in the Forest.' When the primitive settlement developed 
 into a town, it would naturally be called by a combination 
 
Apr. APrENDIX. 293 
 
 of the name of the lake with the local word, heim in Teutonic, 
 -UNS in Rhfetian, and -ena in Etruscan, the name becoming 
 Walbi-seo-lieim, or FaM-seo-ena, shortened into Velsuna, or 
 VoLSiNii, the ' City on the Eound Sea,' or * Lake in the 
 Forest.' But upon this foundation, a purely Pelasgic one, 
 a more special character, etymological and mythological, was 
 imposed, I think, at a very early period, and probably by the 
 Thoringa or Tyrrhenian settlers. Keeping in view the com- 
 position of the name — its three elements Vol, seo, and ena, 
 — considering that ' v ' is interchangeable with ' m ; ' and that 
 the presumption is thatvOL or mol must have been prece led 
 by a primitive ' z,' commutable as ' k ' or ' q,' — remembering 
 in this connection the tradition about mills and mill-stones, 
 the dragon Volta, and the legends (to be noticed hereafter) 
 connected with Felsina and F^esulse — my impression is, that 
 the initial vol- represents, according to tlie Etruscan nomen- 
 clature, an earlier qvul-, or kul-, and that it is, in fact, the 
 name of the goddess Qual, or Death, the Etruscan Kulmu, 
 whom we have identified with Kali and Hela, or Hel ; and 
 that the name ' Vol-seo-ena,' * Volsinii ' thus came to signify 
 'the City of the Sea of Hela,' 'Culmu,' — or possibly, if the 's' 
 be viewed as a genitival inflection, 'Kulmu's-' or 'Hela's City' 
 or dwelling, — being thus tantamount to the Scandiuavian 
 Hel-heim and Greek 'Elys-ium.' The floating islands and 
 groves, quasi-islands of the blest, will at once recur to us here. 
 I can but suggest the identity of the sacred aXn^ of Olympia, 
 with its lofty wall built by Hercules, its spacious gates, and 
 the great Tro/xTrtK?] etcroSo?, or ' Path of Processions ' — those, 
 I believe (symbolically) of the Dead, marshalled by the 
 '\lrvxo'Trofji7ro<i — with the walls and gates of Helheim, and 
 the road trodden by Odin and Hermode to the halls of Hela. 
 The topography of Helheim, as recorded in the Edda and 
 that of Elis have many points of singular reseinblance ; and 
 — as shewing connection with Volsinii — Elis was originally 
 written with the digamma, ' Velis.' * Even the very -ena in 
 
 * Elis, the ' holy land,' stands in etymolo.^ical as well as mythological 
 contrast to the rest of Peloponnesus, and especially to Laconia, — Alphaeus, 
 the river of 'life,' or 'white' river, flowing- in its chequered course past 
 Olympia and the sacred SXtis, as through paradise ; and Eurotas, the river 
 
294 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 the local name may possibly, in this particular instance, 
 have the signification of 'Enna' in Sicily, where Cora, or 
 Persephone, the Greek analogue of ' Hela,' was sporting when 
 carried away ; and Mr. Dennis's description of the site of the 
 city corresponds with this suggestion. It is possible, on 
 the other hand, that the lake may have derived its mytho- 
 logical name — or had a new sense imported into its original 
 designation — from the dog of Hell, either Garmr (the classical 
 Cerber-us) or the wolf Fenrir, the brother of Hela, and been 
 thus called TJlfs seo ; and this derives some plausibility from 
 the consideration that it was on the shores of an C7/"s seo in 
 the nortli that Yolundr (or Weyland Smith) passed his early 
 years ; while Yolundr was pupil of the wise smith Mimer, 
 whom (as already stated) I take to be identical with the 
 Mamurius Veturius so celebrated in the songs of the Salii, 
 the priests of ]\lamers or Mars at Eome, Mars being the 
 Southern analogue of Tyr, whose hand the wolf Fenrir bit 
 off. But Felsina was the sacred city (I conceive) of Fenrir, 
 and, although Fenrir may have been commemorated at 
 Volsinii, Hela or Kulmu was, I think, the ruling spirit there. 
 The great serpent Jormundgand, or Midgards-orm, the other 
 brother of Hela, is more recognisable perhaps in the dragon 
 Yolta, whose name reminds us at once oi' ivalzan, 'volvere,' 
 and may perhaps be connectible with that of Ladon, fLadon, 
 the dragon of the Hesperides. I lean therefore to the identi- 
 fication of ' Yolsinii ' with ' Hel's-heim,' ' Hel-heim,' or ' Elys- 
 -ium.' The legends respecting the mills and mill-stone have 
 evidently sprung up from the commutability of the letters 
 ' V ' and ' m,' vol- and MUL-, as above stated.* Whether the 
 great name of the Yolsungr is connected with Yolsinii may 
 
 of ' death,' past Sparta, the ' black ' and stem representative of annihila- 
 tion — to their several bournes at opposite extremities of the peninsula. 
 
 * The root vol-, implying will, volition, spontancitj% probably exerted a 
 collateral influence on the tradition. The hand-mills must have been of 
 the primitive species familiar to us as 'querns,' — but this word would 
 connect them with Hela through another channel. Quern perpetuates an 
 older form than the Gaelic hraithean and Welsh brewan ; and its funda- 
 mental element, the Sanscr. 'jri,' to grind, must be taken in connection 
 with Quer = x^'i-P = ^^^ obsolete Latin 'hir,' hand. 'R' and '1' being 
 interchangeable, 'hir,' quer, associates itself with 'Hel-a,' ' Kora.' 
 
Arp. ArPENDIX. 295 
 
 be subject for inquiry. I may at least sugj^est the identity 
 of Nihel- with JV{/f- in 'Nifl-heim,' and of Ghihi with Aid, 
 and thus, through Hela, with every district where her awful 
 home was localised. It is in keeping with tlie preceding 
 suggestions that the river which flows from the Lake of 
 Bolsena to the sea is called the ' Marta,' — whether it allude 
 to ' Mars ' (Tyr), or ' Mors,' Death ; and that the ancient name 
 of Gravisc^, the sea-port of Tarquinii, which lies towards 
 its mouth — a place as pestiferous in ancient times as it is 
 now — stamped, as Mr. Dennis remarks, with the "curse on 
 Moab and Ammon — salt-pits and a perpetual desert " — sug- 
 gests the idea of the * grab,' or grave. Volsinii and Graviscoe 
 probably existed before Tarchon built Tarquinii on an inter- 
 vening spot, — and even there, when he ploughed his first 
 furrow, the element of marvel, attached to the region, broke 
 forth in the apparition of the mysterious Tages. But these 
 last may be merely fanciful approximations. The preceding 
 explanation of ' Volsinii ' cannot be fully appreciated till 
 after perusal of what has yet to be said regarding Felsina and 
 FfBsulae. 
 
 ii. Of other Etruscan Cities. 
 
 1. Adeia, in the older orthography Ateia, — founded by the 
 Etruscans on the Eastern coast of Italy, at a confluence of 
 rivers, and among vast marshes. The Etruscans w^ho settled 
 there connected the rivers by canals, drained the marshes, and 
 became a great maritime and commercial people, and the adja- 
 cent gulf derived its name from Adeia, as the ' Adriatic' — 
 From watr, udr, vScop, water, (the root of Atrium, as else- 
 where shewn,) and signifying ' The City of Waters.' 
 
 2. Alsium, — either from aM, the sea, (literally salt), or 
 aXao<;, holz, a grove. 
 
 3. Capena, — perhaps from i. Jcam2}, ham, a comb, or moun- 
 tain-ridge, in allusion to its position, and ii. ena. 
 
 4. Capua, — perhaps, proximately, from Jiof, as the court, 
 capital, or chief city (which it was) of Campania. But the 
 idea of hamph, battle, kampho, warrior or champion, was 
 equally present to the memories of the place, as shewn by a 
 
296 ETKUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 coin of Capua representing two warriors shaking hands, — the 
 idea of compact, or reconciliation, thus indicated, finding its 
 expression likewise in hp, the hollow of the hand, and the 
 whole tribe of words of which haupen, Jcaufen, is the general 
 representative. The oldest affinity of the name, however, is 
 with CAPYS, 7tV\|^, the vulture ; and this I infer from the name 
 VoLTURNUS conferred on Capua by the Etruscans after the 
 conquest, — voltur- evidently answering to capys, the latter 
 being probably the Pelasgian and the former the Tyrrhenian 
 equivalent. 
 
 5. Clavenna, now Chiavenna, in Ehaetia ; situated at the 
 foot of the pass over the Spliigen. — From Miubmi, hliufa, to 
 cleave, or separate, in the sense of a cleft or pass in the 
 mountains. The word ' Spliigen ' derives, I suspect, from the 
 corresponding form found in Sanscrit as i:)hal, ' findi,' sjyhal, 
 ' dissilire ' — to split, or cleave asunder. But su, sj:), being in- 
 terchangeable with h, ' Spl-ug-' and Cl-av-' themselves both 
 resolve into one root. 
 
 6. CosA, Koaaat, now called * Ansedonia ;' a marvellous 
 Cyclopean fortress of Pelasgic antiquity, erected on a conical 
 hill overlooking the Tyrrhenian Sea. — The Eoman ' Consus,' 
 whose character is defined as 'Neptunus Equestris,' and 
 * Poseidon ' were the same deity. CosA, I imagine, reflects 
 the former, and ' Ansedonia' the latter title. Ossa, in Thes- 
 saly, now called * Kissavo ' (conf. Cosa), is also of conical 
 shape ; and I believe was originally sacred to Poseidon. The 
 idea of the wedge, or ' cuneus,' was also connected with ' Cen- 
 sus.' The port of Cosa, ' Portus Cosanus,' was named the 
 'UpuKkiovi Ai/xrjv, or 'Portus Herculis.' This suggests an 
 iniluence from Egypt through the Greeks, Khonso being the 
 Egyptian analogue of Hercules ; and the connection of 
 Hercules with Cosa is thus apparently accounted for.* 
 
 * Porto d' Ercole stands on the peninsula of ' Mons Argeutarius,' a name 
 sufficiently appropriate to the silver expanse of waters, but which rather, I 
 should think, points to the metal silver having been found there at some 
 remote period. The tradition of silver — or at least of metal ; for the same 
 word seems to have been ai^plied at different times alike to silver and iron 
 — as expressed in the Gothic siluhr and Lithuanian s«V^«&ms, has evidently, 
 I think, given its name to the ancient town facing Mons Argcntarius, and 
 
Arp. 
 
 APPENDIX. 297 
 
 7. FiESUL^, the modem Fiesole, situated on the summit 
 of a hill, an advanced post or buttress of the Apeuniue. The 
 coins attributed to F.esul^ bear a winged gorgon holding 
 serpents in each hand, with the inscription Phesu in Etruscan 
 letters. The goddess 'Ancharia' was worshipped there,— of her 
 we know nothing, but the goddess ' Angitia ' was the protect- 
 ress from serpents ; and, taking this fact in connection with the 
 initial syllable of * Anch-aria,' the presumption is that they 
 were identical, and that at all events Ancharia is represented 
 by the gorgon on the coin. In approaching the etymology 
 of F.ESUL^ the first thing that strikes us is the fact that 
 ' ancharius,' denoting an ass in the Latin, is equivalent to 
 esil in Teutonic. Esil, Fesil, or Fesil, and * Anchar-ia ' are 
 thus brought into connection with a special reference to that 
 animal. The ass is the symbol of ' Set,' or ' Tet,' the Syrian 
 and Egyptian God, once held in the highest honour, but 
 afterwards dreaded and hated as Typhon, and who is identi- 
 cal with Azhi Dahaka, the demon out of whose shoulders grew 
 — not wings, but serpents, in Iranic tradition — Azhi Dahaka, 
 again, being identical with Asa-Lok, or Lok, of our Scandi- 
 navian mythology.* I cannot pause upon the proof of all 
 this. Further, the wife of Lok was Angur-boda, the ' mes- 
 senger of ill,' a giantess from Jarnwid, the ' forest of iron ;' 
 and she became by him the mother of the goddess Hela, of 
 Fenrir the woK, and of the great serpent, worm, or ' anguis,' 
 Midgards-orm. I would suggest, therefore, that FiESUL-^ 
 was named after Lok under the symbol of an esil, or ass ; and 
 that * Ancharia,' represented by the gorgon with her snakes 
 
 now named Orbitello, but in which the root s-Z-6, o-r-h, has been the prime 
 constituent element. The same root silb- appears in the river ' AlWnia.' 
 Moreover, the port of Telamone, looking straight on Mons Argentarius 
 from the North, recalls the tradition that J^^acus, father of Telamon, was 
 the first discoverer of silver. Here too the etymologies melt into each 
 other, s-Z-5=' Telam-on,' and likewise ' Salam-is.' Silver would appear to 
 be more especially connected with Poseidon through the Lithuanian sidabras. 
 The prevalence of silver, 'argentum,' along this coast may have con- 
 tributed to the development of the poetical legend that the Argonauts 
 visited it on their return from Colchis. 
 
 * I think that our familiar ' Jack-Ass' is a corruption of ' Dahaka-Azhi,' 
 or ' Lok-Asa,' the titles being reversed. Thus arc the mighty fallen ! 
 
298 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 on the coins above mentioned, is his wife ' Angur-boda.' We 
 thus have the father and mother established at Fiesole; 
 while Hela, their daughter, with their son, the great dragon 
 ' Yolta,' rules as we have seen at Yolsinii. Here too — as at 
 Volsinii, and in the river JMarta — we have the idea of death 
 present, if I mistake not, in the name of the ' Arnus,' or 
 Arno — which I take to have been originally ' Marun-' in old 
 Etruscan — the black, sorrowful, or (in French) ' morne ' river 
 of hell. Lower down on its banks we have ' Pisse,' answering 
 to the ' Pisa ' of Elis, but with this difference, that the ' Pisa ' 
 of Elis is on the banks of the Alphaeus, the river of light and 
 life ; whereas the Etruscan ' Pisse ' is on those of the river of 
 darkness, corresponding to the Eurotas. This would appear 
 to shew that the essential spirit and import of the name 
 * Pisse ' had been lost sight of before the Etruscan town was 
 founded.* 
 
 8. Fanum VoLTUMNiE. — Eespccting this city vide supra, 
 under the goddess ' Voltumna.' 
 
 9. Felsina, the Latin ' Bononia,' now Bologna, styled by 
 Pliny "princeps Etrurise," — the "city of puppy-dogs and 
 sausages," as Mr. Dennis calls it — the puppies being the 
 " dogs of Bologna, so celebrated in the middle ages, which 
 still figure in the city arms, and are alluded to in the 
 epitaph of King Enzius ;" while, as regards the sausages, we 
 may recall the etymological resemblance of the ' ventres 
 Falisci,' and those of ' Fels-ina,' and the Latin name of a 
 sausage, or black-pudding, 'botulus' — from the same root 
 evidently as the Greek fid^a. The dog-symbol is of Etruscan 
 antiquity, — a coin exists with the legend Velsu, exhibiting a 
 woman's head and a dog as its device, which Niebuhr assigns 
 to Volsinii and Sestini to Bologna, but which the heraldic 
 symbolism so long perpetuated may satisfy us belongs to the 
 
 * Pisa, in Elis, had originally the presidency over the Olympian festival, 
 but lost it through the usurpation of the Eleians. Tantalus and Pelops were 
 kings of Pisa, and it was there that Pelops was slain and served up to the 
 gods as food by his father Tantalus. I believe this legend to be a perverted 
 form of a very ancient and universal tradition of eucharistic sacrifice ; and 
 that the name ' Pisa ' records this, as derived from ps (Egyptian), to cook, 
 — an ancient word cognate with our familiar ' feas-t,' and other words in 
 the Aryan tongues. 
 
App. appendix. 299 
 
 latter city. My belief is that, as llela was the lady of Vol- 
 sinii, and Lok and Angurboda were the patrons of Ffcsulae, 
 so Felsina completed the mythological group as the Ulf's- 
 -ENA, or ' Wolf 's-heim ' — the * City of the Whelp,' ' Wolf,' or 
 ' Dog ' — to wit, Fenrir, the son of Lok ; and who, although 
 not identical with Garmr or Cerberus, may be presumed to 
 be the dog that Odin (Vegtam) met coming from Holheim as 
 he rode to consult the Vala concerning the dreams of Balder. 
 The association of dogs and sausages would almost suggest 
 that the ' offa ' flung to Cerberus by ^neas was a ' botulus,' 
 in the opinion of Felsina ; and certainly it would have been 
 a more acceptable morsel — at least in the opinion of the dogs 
 of the present day. If, then, the dog on the coin be Fenrir, 
 the woman is probably either Hela, his sister, or Angurboda, 
 his mother. The special interpretation of which the names 
 of these three cities, Volsinii, Faesulae, and Felsina are thus 
 susceptible — while they all echo the same general idea of 
 * Helheim ' — confirm, I submit, the general accuracy of the 
 approximations offered. It may be added in corroboration, 
 that Mantua, a daughter of Felsina, derives her name from 
 another peculiarly Etruscan deity of the infernal regions ; 
 while, as Felsina was herself a daughter of Perusia, it is not 
 improbable that some tradition of Persephone had been 
 superimposed by the Pelasgi on the original and simple 
 name of that fortress, as above alluded to.* 
 
 10. Fescennium, — a dependency on Falerii. It derived 
 its name, I think, from the character of the soil on which it 
 was built. Its area is now, according to Mr. Dennis, " covered 
 witli dense wood," and he describes himself as forcing his way 
 " through pathless thickets." This, however, is merely Nature 
 vindicating her own, triumphing over the ploughs and pride 
 of man, — as it is, so it was before Pelasgian or Etruscan set 
 
 * It may have occurred to the reader that a combination of i.felis, (Jiella, 
 hallr, 0. N.,) ' petra, promoutorium,' or of hals, ' cullum,' neck ; and ii. ena, 
 would produce a word akin to the German ' Felseuberg ' and give intelligible 
 meaning to the names Felsina and Volsinii. But the sites of those two 
 towns do not answer to the idea of a fels ; and, although that of Fajsula) 
 meets the requirement, the lettei's ' s ' and ' 1 ' must be trans^wsed to make 
 the etymology suit, a liberty not td be taken without sufficient cause. 
 
300 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 foot tliere. I should tlierefore derive the name from luse, 
 pi. huscen, implying low trees and scrub, in our colonial 
 phrase, 'the bush,' — * Buscen-heim,' * Fescenn-ium,' the 
 * Town in the Bush.' In keeping with this, the site is now 
 occupied by a church dedicated to S. Silvestro ; and the whole 
 plain takes its name accordingly. 'Silvestro' is an exact 
 translation of the original appellation. Modern names are 
 constantly translations of old ones, and should never be 
 neglected, as they often furnish clues to the identification of 
 forgotten sites.* 
 
 11. HoRTANUM, or HoRTA, now Orta, — named after the 
 goddess Horta. 
 
 12. Luna, — the celebrated sea-port, so called — situated in 
 the Bay, now termed, of Spezia. Miiller thinks that Luna 
 Avas named so from the shape of the port, as resembling the 
 moon, but it has no resemblance at all to that luminary ; and 
 Mr. Dennis rightly observes that we have no ground for 
 supposing that 'Luna' implied the moon originally in 
 Etruscan. He suggests that, inasmuch as '-luna ' occurs as a 
 termination to the names of other Etruscan towns — of 
 Populonia and Vetulonia — all situated on the sea-side — it 
 signifies ' Port.' I have no doubt that it does in the par- 
 ticular case of * Luna ' — but not so, I think, as regards the 
 
 * Let me add, for the credit of Etniria, that the ' versus Fescennini,' 
 the ribald rhymes of Rome, did not, I am convinced, derive their name 
 from Fescennium, hut from their own native characteristics. They were 
 sunf^ in irregular, extempore, doggrel, alternate verses, dialogue-wise, by 
 the peasants, bantering and rallying each other, not in malice but in the 
 indulgence of the coarsest fun and humour — the regular amusement of 
 the harvest-home among the Oscan villages ; from whence they were intro- 
 duced into Rome and sung, especially at weddings. The root of the word 
 is evidently the Teutonic hosa, explained as ' nug*, na^nia,' light or scurri- 
 lous discourse, but with a strong collateral influence from his, the root of 
 hisjan, lisun, ' lascivire,' to wanton or frolic as cattle do, and of hisa or hesa, 
 the Scandinavian word implying the rushing of cattle to and fro, from one 
 side to the other, when persecuted by the hornet or gadfly. The former of 
 these roots would express the general character, of the song, wanton and 
 free, — the latter its alternate or antiphonal character, and the venom of 
 satire which animated it. Bita, beissen, to bite, and hyta, the Northern 
 word expressive of interchange, literally ' chaff,' (kindred forms to hisjan, 
 hisa,) may equally be noticed in this connection. 'B' and 'f are letters, 
 I need not say, closely akin and interchangeable. 
 
App. appendix. 301 
 
 other towns, which I account for differently. Towards ascer- 
 taining tlie root of Luna we must consider the analogy 
 between that word and the Latin ' portus.' ' Port-,' whether 
 in ' porta ' or ' portus,' is akin to ' opertus,' and implies that 
 which is ' clausus,' shut up or enclosed — as distinguished from 
 that which is ' apertus ' — expanded or open. Thus * port-' in 
 ' portus ' originally meant the house, as in the Law of the 
 Twelve Tables. Its secondary meaning is the gate, or barrier, 
 — ' port-/ ' porta,' ' portus,' — by which the entrance of the 
 house, or of any place, is shut up and defended. Hence 
 * portus ' came to signify a port, or sea-port — that is, a place 
 in which ships are sheltered and defended against the tempests 
 of the sea — the house, in fact, of the navy. * Importunus ' 
 is thus used to describe a shore where there is no port for 
 refuge, 'opportunus' for one where there is. Now luna 
 appears to me to be derivable from the old Teutonic by pre- 
 cisely the same analogy as ' portus.' The verb hlhJian and 
 its compound hihuhhan (derived, like the kindred liulilian, 
 ' vellere,' ' frangere,' from the root Inch), are equivalent to 
 ' claudere,' to shut up ; while antLiilihan, on the contrary, 
 implies ' aperire,' to open ; and lun in old Teutonic — v\hich 
 appears to me directly derived from it — signifies ' paxillus,' 
 ' obex, * humerulus,' a stake or pile, a bar or bolt, or any ob- 
 stacle used for the purpose of impeding or shutting up. The 
 Etruscan luna therefore — assuming the word to be, like lun, 
 a softened derivative from liihlian — is the precise analogue to 
 the Latin 'portus;' and implies, like that word, 'a place shut 
 up and protected ' from the rage of the winds and waves — in 
 fact ' the Port ' per exeellentiam. The port of Luna is empha- 
 tically the port of the whole coast of Etruria ; and the lines 
 of Silius Italicus descriptive of the place, as cited by Mr. 
 Dennis, equally illustrate the preceding etymology, — 
 
 " Insignis portu, quo non spatiosior alter 
 Innumeras cepisse rates, ct claudere pontiim." 
 
 I may observe further that Wihan is explained in modern 
 German by schliessen, to lock ; while schloss implies both a 
 lock and a fortress or castle, i, e. a place shut up and pro- 
 tected — in fact, a ' fort,' which may be in reality the Siime 
 
302 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 word as 'portus.' We have the same ideas expressed by 
 luhhan and lun, ' claudere ' and ' obex,' in close approxima- 
 tion in the — 
 
 "Ecce maris magna daicdit nos objice j'ortus" 
 
 of Virgil, and the 
 
 " portasque petunt qtias ohjice firmd 
 Clauserat Iliades," 
 
 of Ovid.* I may add in conclusion, that Portumnus, or 
 Portunus (tlie Greek Palaemon), the God of Ports, " deus 
 portuum praeses," had the custody of keys (' clavium ') — the 
 Teutonic schloss, — and was usually represented with a key in 
 his hands ; while Janus, in his character of f)resident over 
 the doorway, was also sometimes named Portumnus. Por- 
 tumnus or Portunus is evidently a combination of i. Port, 
 and ii. ans, deity. In later times Luna doubtless was sym- 
 bolised by a crescent, and is figured so on the coins of her 
 mother state, Volterra. 
 
 13. Mantua, — a colony (as has been stated) of Felsina, 
 and the birth-place of Yirgil — or, at least, the mother town 
 of ' Andes,' where he Avas actually born. — Named (according 
 to Mr. Dennis, and I have no doubt he is right t) after 
 Mantus, the Etruscan personification of Hades ; which is in 
 keeping with the etymology which I have suggested for 
 Volsinii, Fsesulae, and Felsina. The peculiar character of 
 Mantua as a mund, munt, or fortress, is of modern date. 
 
 14. Pis^, — named after the old Pelasgian city in Pelo- 
 ponnesus. I have spoken of the etymology of the latter in a 
 note, supra. 
 
 15. PopuLONiA, — in Etruscan orthography, PuPLUNA ; the 
 port of Volterra, and " the grand depot and factory of the 
 iron of Elba." i Of the devices on her coins some, as the head 
 of Vulcan with the hammer and tongs— that of Mercury Avith 
 the caducous — and that of Minerva with the owl, appear to 
 point to her staple article of commerce. The head of a gorgon 
 
 * Virg. ^n. v. 377 ; Ovid, Met. xiv. 780 ; Sil. Ital, Punic, viii. 483. 
 — And see Dennis, Cities, &c., vol. ii. p. 81. 
 f Cities and Cemeteries, vol. i. p. Ivi. 
 + Ihld. vol. ii. p. 242. 
 
App. appendix. 303 
 
 is another very peculiar symbol. We have also the wild 
 boar ; and a coin with a female head covered with the lion's 
 skin, and a club on the reverse, which evidently points to 
 Hercules, the female head being identified by Miiller with 
 that of Omphale, although he suggests a doubt whether it 
 may not be that of Hercules in youth. Of these types I 
 should assign the four first to the dominant idea of ep7-, 
 ivorh, as embodied in the Greek ^Fipydut], the title of Athene, 
 ' Men-eruca ' in Etruscan, as lias been shewn, — handiwork at 
 the smelting-farnace and forge on the exported iron of llva, 
 or Elba. The wild boar, 'aper,' cq)Jiul — the animal that 
 peculiarly strikes, may, in the stage of the digamma, have 
 been used as a symbol of pupl- in pupluna. That ' Omphale,' 
 with the digamma, equally answers to pupl- is evident ; but 
 the same connection exists with Hercules also through his 
 symbolical tree, the * populus,' and the primitive afl, Fafl, 
 2)0j)l-, denoting strength. Mr. Dennis connects the name 
 with that of ' Phuphluns,' Dionysus ; but I see no direct 
 trace of connection between the town and that God. — I think 
 we must resort for the etymology to the character which 
 PoPULONiA must have presented during the earliest times of 
 its existence — that of a smithy, gradually of course develop- 
 ing into a factory, for the smelting and working of the im- 
 ported iron. I have already spoken of sh, smy, schmeit as an 
 ancient root implying separation, as of the ore from the dross, 
 and have derived from it the name of Sethlans, originally (as 
 suggested) Schmethl-ans. Abrading the initial ' s ' in Smetlil-, 
 and applying the well-known rules governing the intermuta- 
 tion of letters, we obtain on the one hand tlie Latin ' faber,' 
 smith, and on the other an Etruscan constituent root, pupl, 
 which may be presumed to have the same signification as 
 ' faber.' pupl, with the suffix una (from wonen, to dw ell), 
 would then give us the sense of ' smithy ' as that of Populonia. 
 It is not a little curious, I may add, that the Latin ' papilio ' 
 signifies both a butterfly and a tent — that the butterfly, 
 lightning, the Telchines, and the smithy generally, have a 
 close etymological relation in the Celtic and Teutonic lan- 
 guages — and that pupluna, or populonia, read as a word of 
 cognate development with ' pupilioncs,' would exactly dc- 
 
304 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 scribe the sheds, or tents, which must have been exhibited 
 by the original encampment of workmen wlien the first car- 
 goes of ore were shipped from Elba. Through ' papilio ' as 
 a butterfly — the FaiFo\o<;, or variegated — we have a connec- 
 tion with Phuphluns under this latter conjecture ; but that 
 with Hercules on the coins is more immediate, through Fajl, 
 and PUPL. The club must, I think, be viewed as a Trn-uXo? 
 in this connection, as it certainly is to be understood in the 
 case of Yetulonia. The word is used for the movement of 
 the hands and oars in rowing, for the succession of blows 
 planted in boxing, and for an athletic exercise which seems 
 to have corresponded with our dumb-bells (although no 
 clubs are mentioned in connection with it) ; but it is equally 
 appropriate to the succession of strokes given by the smith 
 at the anvil ; and thus ttltuK-, or, with the restoration of the 
 lost initial a, airirvX-, brings us back literally to the original 
 form, Schmeitil-, or Sceitil-, whence ' Sethlans.' 
 
 16. Salpinum, — now represented, as it is believed, by 
 Torre Alfina, a fortress on a lofty height ten miles west of 
 Bolsena. — From i. halba, the flank of a mountain (whence 
 the familiar alp), and ii. heim, or ena. ' H ' and ' s ' are 
 constantly interchangeable. 
 
 17. Saturnia, — from the name of the God known in Italy 
 as Saturn, but recognisable in many kindred forms elsewhere. 
 
 18. SuTRiUM, — where the Goddess Horta had a temple. — 
 Perhaps a compound of ' Hort-a ' and heim, the ' City of 
 Horta.' 
 
 19. VuLCi, — not properly an Etruscan name ; it was the 
 town of the Volcentini, who were neither Yolsci, Falisci, nor 
 Pelasgi, but, I think, Belgoe, of the same stock as the Volcae 
 Aricomi and Volca3 Tectosages in Gallia Narbonensis, and 
 the Voices Tectosages of Asia IMinor, — all of them branches, 
 although scattered, of one great Cymric and (comprehen- 
 sively) Celtic race. 
 
 iii. Of Borne, as an Etruscan City. 
 
 1. EoME, — built, as we are told, with Etruscan rites, 
 and distinctly recognised by Mr. Dennis as "an Etruscan 
 
 i 
 
App. appendix. 305 
 
 city." * — This, however, can only apply to what I conceive to 
 have been the re-foundation of Eome by the Patricians, or 
 conquerino^ race — ' Atringa,' or Thoringa, akin to the Tyrrheni 
 or Etruscans — who formed for so many generations the ruling 
 class there, but commingled ultimately with the Plebeians, 
 the descendants of the conquered Latins and Sabines. It 
 Mas these latter races who constituted the bulk of the Roman 
 peojile under the name of Quirites, and it is to them that 
 the name ' Eoma ' exclusively attaches itself. — eoma is a 
 compound of i. ' E,' and ii. heim ; and thus equivalent to the 
 
 * City of R.' Mars, it will be recollected, was the tutelary 
 God and supposed ancestor of the Roman people. Mars was 
 otherwise styled ' Gra-divus ;' and ' Gra ' (as has been stated) 
 is the same word with ' Quir,' the root of ' Quir-inus ' and the 
 patronymic ' Quir-ites.' I therefore identify ' R ' with ' Gra ' 
 or ' Quir ' — with"Ap?;9, the God of War of Thrace and Greece 
 - — and with the Teutonic and Indo-European ' Hru,' the 'E/^po? 
 or ' Herr ' of -iiEolic or Pelasgic antiquity, the ancestral epony- 
 mus of the entire race whom I have qualified as 'Hruinga.' 
 
 * Gra,' again, is probably the same as the ' Va-Gur,' or ' the 
 Lord Gur,' the Babylonian title of Nergal, the God of War 
 and planet Mars of Babylonia and Assyria, and who stands 
 in close relation with Thourras, the Assyrian Hercules, and 
 (as well as the deities previously enumerated) with Tyr, the 
 Mars or Ares of Scandinavia. The Quirites and Patricii of 
 Rome were thus fundamentally of the same stock, but in the 
 same manner and relative antiquity as the Rhseti and the 
 Tyrrheni, the Grutungi and the Tervingi, the Pelasgi and 
 the Hellenes — branches severally of the older Gothic, Jotun, 
 Teuton, and Titan race ; and that both Latins and Quirites 
 were Pelasgi is further shewn by the epithet ' Prisci ' at- 
 tachable to both, a word which, in its oldest signification, is 
 a mere variety (as already observed) of the name ' Pelasgi,' 
 the ' 1 ' and * r ' being interchanged. ' Latium ' again and 
 ' Latini ' are mere varieties of the names ' Rha3tia ' and 
 ' Rha^ti ' through the same interchangeability. And the 
 Lydians, the Eastern kinsmen of the Etruscans, the rulers 
 
 * Cities, &c., vul. ii. p. 490. 
 
306 ETEUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: App. 
 
 over an Oriental Latium or Rhsetia, are described as ' Rot-n-no ' 
 in the Egyptian inscriptions — the same patronymic, I doubt 
 not, as ' Grut-ungi.' It follows from these considerations 
 that the Etruscan rites above mentioned as attending the 
 foundation of Eome must have sanctioned the building — not 
 of the original, but of a new Rome on the ruins of an older 
 one, which yet transmitted its name and its population to 
 historical times ; and the secret name of the city, respecting 
 which there has been so much controversy, was that, I taJce 
 it, of this Patrician or Thoringa city, standing in the same 
 relation to that of the earlier Rome as the name of * Caere ' to 
 the original one of ' Agylla ' and that of ' Arretium ' to ' Upn.' 
 It would be out of place here to go into details respecting 
 the original tribes and primeval antiquities of Rome, seeing 
 that they belong to p re-Etruscan times. But the Latin, 
 Sabine, Oscan, and other races connected with early Rome 
 were all of tlie Japhetan stock ; and almost every point con- 
 nected with them, in manners or in history, may be eluci- 
 dated by the help of the old Teutonic — to say nothing of its 
 sister Aryan languages. 
 
 CONCLUSIONS FROM THE PRECEDING SURVEY. 
 
 It remains for us to estimate the evidence afforded by the 
 preceding words and etymologies as affecting the thesis, that 
 the Etruscans were a Teutonic people speaking a Teutonic 
 language — a very ancient branch of that people, speaking a 
 very ancient dialect of that language. 
 
 The first process in the investigation must be to clear the 
 ground of every word that can be considered doubtful or 
 questionable — in other words, not demonstrably Etruscan. 
 I have necessarily included in the survey all the words with- 
 out exception which are stated to have been Etruscan, or 
 which express, according to trustworthy testimony, Etruscan 
 offices, insignia, or things in general. I have thus the 
 
App. appendix. 307 
 
 broadest footing to stand upon, and could afford to be gener- 
 ous in concession, even to the most carping critic. I should 
 make him a present in the first instance of a number of words 
 unquestionably in use among the Etruscans, but ^\hich, as 
 being common to the Etruscan, the Greek, and the Latin 
 languages, may be fairly described as Pelasgian. It might 
 be shewn that the Pelasgi themselves were, if not Teutons, 
 nearly allied to the Teutonic race ; but this would compli- 
 cate the matter ; and the simplest course is to exclude such 
 words altogether from th'e argument.* And further, there are 
 many words which are the same, or nearly the same, in the 
 Etruscan and in the group of languages to which the Sabine, 
 Oscan, and Latin (in its Oscan element) belong. That these 
 latter tongues and the races that spoke them were likewise 
 closely allied to the Teutonic stock, I firmly believe. But 
 my object at present is to avoid controversy, and I will 
 therefore dispense with these words also. 
 
 An ample store of materials remains for consideration not- 
 withstanding these deductions. We have, for example, 
 among the words expressive of the relations of life and 
 society, Lars or Larfh, implying the ' pater-familias,' or 
 house-father ; al, implying mother's son ; dan, eldest child ; 
 agalletor, a boy in a state of pupilage ; atrium, the open or 
 hypaethral hall of the family residence ; druna, government ; 
 and LvAiumo, the guardian of the law, or chief magistrate : — 
 Among words descriptive of dress, the hulla, worn by the sons 
 of the Etruscan and Eoman Patricians; the cassila, or 
 helmet ; the halteus, or military belt ; and the toga : — Under 
 the group of words referential to public amusements, the 
 ga^os, or basket-carriage (a word essentially Teutonic in its 
 Etruscan form) ; t\\e sululo, or flute-player; the lanista, or 
 keeper of gladiators ; the luster, or pantomimic actor ; the 
 
 * This was written long before the examination of the Pelasgian inscrip- 
 tions of Cffire, treated of in the preceding Memoir. 
 
 X 2 
 
308 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 ludio, or player ; and the lucar, the price of admission to the 
 public shews — every one of the words grouped under this head 
 being purely Etruscan and Teutonic : — Among animals and 
 birds we find the damnus, or pack-horse ; antar, the eagle ; 
 aracos, the hawk ; capys, the falcon or vulture ; and gnis, 
 the crane : — Among plants and material substances, — aiseson, 
 the wild, or creeping vine, and ajyiuda, the chaff of corn or froth 
 of pottage: — Surveying elementary nature, welmyefalandum, 
 the heavens, or sky ; aukelos, the dawn ; the ant^, tlie 
 winds ; and andas, the North Wind, or North generally : — 
 Among words expressive of matters of common life, and of 
 miscellaneous import, I may enumerate mantissa, a make- 
 weight ; nejjos, a spendthrift ; aquilex, a sj3ring-finder : 
 vorsus, a square field ; quinq^uatria, the name of a festival, 
 together with kindred words, compounded of the nume- 
 rals three, five, six, seven, and ten, all Indo-Germanic ; 
 and hurrus, a cup, or drinking-vessel, — together with the 
 familiar invocation Arse verse, 'averte ignem,' and the sepul- 
 chral mi civil, ' he lived ' so many ' years :' — Under the cate- 
 gory of deities, we have Msar, the collective term for * Gods;' 
 Tinia, or Jupiter ; Kiipra, or Juno, at least in her character 
 of guardian of contracts ; and Menerva, or Meneruca, Minerva ; 
 the Dii Complices, Consenies, Novensiles, and Involuti ; Aril, 
 or Atlas ; Horta, the goddess of gardens ; Mantus, the Etrus- 
 can Pluto, or Hades ; Nortia, or Fate ; Fhuphluns, or Bac- 
 chus ; Pomona, the goddess of fruit-trees ; Setlilans, or Vul- 
 can ; Summanus, the God of the nightly heavens ; TJialna, 
 the goddess of childbirth ; Thesan, or Aurora ; Thurms, 
 or Hermes ; Turan, or Venus Urania ; Vejovis or Vedius, a 
 form of Dis, or Pluto ; Vertumnus, the god of the revolving 
 seasons ; Voltumna, tlie goddess of will, or counsel : — And 
 among daemons, or deities, of lesser dignity, the Lasas or 
 Means, the mild or decreeing Fates ; with Leinth, the goddess 
 of Fame, Kulmu, of Death, and Vanth, of Tears ; and the 
 
App. appendix. 309 
 
 demoniac Nathum, the Destiny of tlie Etruscan mythology : 
 — Passing from the world of deity to that of departed spirits, 
 we have the Lemures, the Lares, and the Manes : — Under the 
 head of divination are to be reckoned the genius Tages, the 
 revealer of the Etruscan discipline; Begoe, the beautiful in- 
 terpretress of the lightning, — and, I think we may add, the 
 Sihijl, and her books of fate : — The Haruspices were unques- 
 tionably derived from Etruria, and probably the Roman 
 Augurs likewise ; while the lituus, the temj^lum, and the ])omoe- ■ 
 rium are certainly Etruscan: — Among words appropriated to 
 public and private worship, we have sacer, pure through 
 refinement, with its derivatives Saarijicmm, Sacerdos, and the 
 Hex Sacrificidus ; and the Flamen, or private priest : — 
 Among religious festivals, the Coinjnialia, or feast of the 
 Lares Compitales : — The whole system of the Calendar, the 
 Calends and Ides of the month, &c. — and, I think also, the 
 Pontifex Maximus and the College of Pontilices, rank among 
 the institutions originally derived from Etruria; while the 
 system of Ssecida, or ages, was a doctrine peculiarly Etrus- 
 can : — Among words expressive of civil office and ceremonial, 
 the title Lucumo (already mentioned) ; that of Rex, or king ; 
 that of Consul and of Praetor — with the lictor, the fasees, the 
 sella curidis, the trdbea, the toga iwEetexta, and the laticlave, 
 the attendants and insignia of authority — were similarly 
 Etruscan, — and so too (or at least of Patrician or Thoringic 
 institution) were the Senate — the Comitia — and probably the 
 Fetiales (Feciales), or guardians of the public faith : — Among 
 proper names, those of the twelve confederate Etruscan cities, 
 Arretium, Csere, Clusium, Cortona, Falerii, Perusia, Busellse, 
 Tarquinii, Veii, Vetulonia, Volterra, Volsinii, are important 
 witnesses ; as well as those of other towns of Etrurian origin, 
 but not members of the confederation, sucli as Adria, Fsssulx, 
 Felsina, Luna, Mantua, Pojndonia, and Salpinum. The 
 patronymic Tyrrlieid, 'sons of Tyri-," or ' Th(jr,' bears similar 
 
310 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS : App. 
 
 testimony. But that of Hrasena, as well as the name o? Borne 
 (the original city, before its refoundation with Etruscan rites), 
 can only be noticed as testifying to the Ehoetian or Easenic 
 affinities of the Etruscans proper. 
 
 Confining, then, our attention to the words just enumerated, 
 I think we are entitled to affirm that they are Teutonic, and 
 that the Etruscan speech as represented by these words, cover- 
 ing as they do the most essential elements and features of the 
 national life, thought, and polity, was a Teutonic language. 
 — [My original impression (as stated at the beginning of the 
 text of this volume) was that, taken in combination with the 
 converging arguments from the national patronymic, and 
 from the correspondence in manners, civil and religious, and 
 in national character, between the Etruscans and the Teutons, 
 the identifications above submitted afforded sufficient proof 
 of my thesis. That original impression may have been 
 right, — and yet I do not regret having been induced to 
 make the further researches among the original inscrip- 
 tions recorded in the pages preceding this Glossary, through 
 an anxiety to leave no stone unturned that could reveal 
 truth. 1872.] 
 
 I have not, of course, forgotten the wise and established 
 rule, that mere resemblance of words is insufficient by itself 
 alone to infer identity of race, unless it can be shewn at the 
 same time that the grammatical structure of the language 
 exhibits a corresponding similarity. It is a well-known fact 
 that in certain instances a people have lost the greater 
 part of their original speech, and substituted foreign words 
 in almost every instance for those originally native to them ; 
 and yet the grammatical structure, the skeleton (as it were) 
 of their former language, survives, and betrays the foreign 
 importation. But in a case like this, where not only the 
 roots and words correspond throughout, but the correspon- 
 dence of language is confirmed by correspondence in manners, 
 
Aw. APPENDIX. 311 
 
 polity, religion, and surname, all in perfect liarmouy, the 
 rule in question loses (I conceive) a great part of its strin- 
 gency and significance.* 
 
 We are not, liowever, without proofs thit the grammatical 
 structure of the Etruscan was similar to that of the Teutonic 
 languages. In the nominative case, singular, of nouns, for 
 example, we have as, necessarily the singular oiMsar; lemur, 
 the singular of Jemures, evidently the same with lamr, the 
 Old Northern or Scandinavian form of ?am, deficient or lame ; 
 vantJi, identical with weinot, weeping, leinth with hliumuni, 
 fame, commit- and comit- with clmmpft, the fact of ' coming ' 
 or assembly. We have hister, formed from the verb ^asa, 
 like f/asdri and our English 'jester,' — and Kctor, correspond- 
 ing with Jeitdri, a leader, formed in like manner from leiijan, 
 ledian. In the genitive case we have the Teutonic form in 
 avils, answering to ' aetatis ; ' in Clus-, i. e. hiew-es, the initial 
 syllable of Clusium ; in Thes-, answering to tou-es, the com- 
 ponent portion of TJws-cm, the Goddess of the dew ; and in 
 ax; tlie initial syllable of the axamenta or war-songs of the 
 Salii, originally, as I conceive, wiges, the genitive of wig, 
 'bellum,' war. In the nominative plural we have Msar, cor- 
 responding to the Scandinavian ^sir ; in the genitive plural, 
 hertono, as found in Vertumnus, and huseheii, as in Fescennium. 
 Tlie dative plural, as governed by the j)reposition M, is re- 
 cognisable in Pomoerium, or (as I have analysed it) the Bi- 
 -imlrom. The name Sibylla bespeaks the feminine gender, 
 agreeable to its analogue, the Teutonic spella. The adjec- 
 tival termination isc is found in vorsiis, \. e. fiorisc-us, and in 
 Tages, equivalent, I believe, to Tuisc-o ; and that of -inga in 
 Tyrrh-eni, Thoringa. The preterite form in verbs is seen 
 
 * A passage nearly to the same effect as this will have been noticed 
 supra, towards the conclusion of the text of this volume. But the observa- 
 tion is appropriate here also. I leave it, and the paragraph that follows, 
 as written many years ago. 
 
812 ETRUSCAN INSCRIPTIONS: App. 
 
 in ril, ' vixit ; ' the participle passive in Calends (gaLdned- 
 dag), and in tlie Dies Fasti (from fas, to bind, fast-, that which 
 is bound, or fixed). The prefix ga is observable in gaiws 
 {gaWeh-), gnis {gaNoz), aquilex (gaLes-), in tlie Dii Complices 
 (gaPIeg-) and Consentes (gaSinde), in the Augur (eo-ga- 
 Wdri), in the Calends, and in the Consul (gaSello). — These 
 are but a few instances, and yet sufficient, I think, to meet 
 the demand above indicated. 
 
 [Some sh"ght discrepancies may be detected between the 
 forms of ancient Teutonic adduced in this Appendix, and 
 those brought forward in the text of this volume. This has 
 arisen from the accidental circumstance that I used Graff's 
 ' Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz,' Ihre's * Glossarium Suio- 
 Gothicum,' and Finn IMagnusen's ' Lexicon Mythologicum ' 
 (appended to the third volume of his edition of the Edda), 
 as my fireside manuals while working out the preceding 
 vocabulary, but Scherz and Oberlin's Glossary when trans- 
 lating the greater number of the Inscriptions. The discre- 
 pancy is merely superficial. And it is possible that a true 
 instinct guided me in my resort to counsel in each instance. 
 It is certainly remarkable at first sight, that while the com- 
 mon vocabulary of the Etruscans in practical life, as shewn 
 in the Inscriptions, has nearer relation upon the whole to 
 the languages of continental Germany than to the Old- 
 Northern or (what would be a better name) the Norrsena 
 speech, of Iceland and Scandinavia, the names and attributes 
 of deities and matters connected with the services of religion 
 receive illustration rather from the Old-Northern than from 
 the Germanic proper. But this — and there are considerable 
 exceptions to qualify it as a general rule — will be accounted 
 for when we recollect that, while we possess the Edda of 
 Scandinavia, the precious repository of her early Asa or 
 Odinite faith, we have inherited nothing of a corresponding 
 
App. appendix. 313 
 
 nature from the Goths or Thuringians. The early conver- 
 sion of these latter nations to Christianity consigned their 
 mythological records to oblivion, but the probability is that 
 if those records had been preserved, we should have found 
 the same deities and the same legends in central Germany 
 as in Scandinavia, and recognised the faith of the Edda as 
 that of the entire Teutonic people. Meanwhile, the loss of 
 these records has a tendency to give undue prominence to 
 Scandinavia in any argument as to the origin of the Etrus- 
 cans based upon the analysis of words and names pertaining 
 to the class of religious or ceremonial observance ; but it is 
 corrected by the results arrived at through the examination 
 of the Inscrij)tions, dealing as they do, for the most part, 
 with matters of law and practical life. The real fact is, that 
 the Etruscan language and people represent the ancient 
 Teutonic or German stock in both the great branches of that 
 stock, High-German and Low-German, at a period so ex- 
 tremely remote that elements in custom and speech subse- 
 quently disintegrated, and specialised so as to become the 
 characteristic heritage of particular peoples, are in them 
 found in original harmony and observance. — 1872.] 
 
INDEX 
 
 OF 
 
 ETRUSCAN WORDS 
 
 DISCUSSED IX THE FOREGOING PAGES.* 
 
 -ACHE, in LEN-ACHE, page 54r. 
 -ACHEI8, in TLEN-ACHEIS, 54. Couf. 
 
 -AKES. 
 •ACHEN, in ZIL-ACHEN-KE, 95, 102, 
 
 103 ; in zil-achnu-ke, 99. 
 
 ACH-RUM, 39. Conf. ESEKE, ES (iu 
 E3-TLA), KECHA. 
 
 .... Acus, 105, 106. 
 
 AEi.CHE, nom. pr., 67 sqq. ; aelches, 
 
 67. 
 ^(lui, 288. 
 JEsar, 8, 250. 
 -ceson, in at-ceson, 246. 
 agalktor, 242. 
 ager, 279. 
 Agylla, 283. 
 ATSEEAS, 48. 
 -AK, iu PHRONT-AK, 82. 
 
 -AKCHA, in ZERirX-AKCHA, 164, 108. 
 -AKES, in TLEN-AKES, 53. Couf. 
 -ACHEI8. 
 
 AKiL, 164, 195, Akil une tuk un- 
 
 -E8KUXE-ZEA, 208, 216. 
 AKNINA, 164, 185. 
 
 AL, 33. Conf. -AL. 
 
 -AL, 64, 67, 70, 71, 74, and jMssim. 
 
 Conf. AL. 
 -ahs, in Feci-ales, 276. 
 -iciia, in Compit-alia, 268, — in Lu- 
 
 perc-alia, 267. 
 ALPAN, 45, 54, 55 ; alpkas, 47. 
 AUi-um, 295. 
 ama, 164, 196. Conf. ami, am- (in 
 
 am-ke), KAN-, Com-, Con-. 
 AMA-HEN, 164, 172. Conf. MA • Am. 
 
 AM- AT, 33. Conf. AMER, AME-VACHER, 
 AVIP-, EUT-, -UM (in eth-tjm), &c. 
 AMER, 164, 188. Conf. am-at, &c. 
 
 * Words found in the Etruscan Inscriptions, and of which an interpretation is given 
 in the text of this volume, are printed here in SMALL capital letters. Those recorded 
 by the ancients, as well as others, treated of in the Appendix, are in Italics. Proper 
 names of persons are omitted except when an attempt has been made to explain their 
 meaning. In compound words the component elements are distinguished by hyphens, 
 and the elements found last in such compounds are inserted as independent" words' 
 but with a hyphen prefixed. The letters b, c, d, f, g, O, and Q, are wanting in the 
 Etruscan alphabet; and such words therefore as begin with those letters in the 
 Latinised or Gra;cised forms of Etruscan words are placed under the letters which 
 correspond to them in Etruscan, those beginning with B and f under P, PU ; those 
 commencing with c, G, and Q, under K ; and those of which the initial is under v. 
 Words that begin with the Etruscan character usually rendered Cii will be found 
 in a group immediately after s, as the character in question has properly, I think, 
 the force of sen. I have not separated the words which begin with the siqma and 
 the san, S and &, as it is not clear that they were distinct letters, and words ai-e 
 sometimes written with one, sometimes with the other character. The references for 
 comparison are to varieties of the same word, or words springing from the same root. 
 These are given usually under the first of the words so compared; and reference is 
 made backward to that first word on subsequent occasions. 
 
AME-VACHEU 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 EP-PHEI-IK 
 
 315 
 
 AME-Vx\ciiER, 164, 107. Conf. am-at, 
 
 Arnus, Arno, 298. 
 
 
 &c. 
 
 Arrdi-um, 282. Conf. 
 
 'fi-diuus. 
 
 AMI, 17. Conf. AMA, &-C. 
 
 Quir-inus, Quir-ites, li-oma. 
 
 AM-KE, 67, 105, 106. Conf. ama, &c. 
 
 ARSA, 113. Conf. ARASA. 
 
 
 am-truatio, 267. Conf. am- (in am- 
 
 arse verse, 249. 
 
 
 -at), &c. 
 
 AS, 164, 191. AS-KUNA 
 
 APHUXA 
 
 -AN, in Thes-an, 256 ; in Tuh-ax, 
 
 MENA, 208, 216. Conf. 
 
 v.i- (in 
 
 257 ; and passim. Conf. -ana (in 
 
 es-ktjne). 
 
 
 Th-ana), -ans, -anus, -inus, -na, 
 
 -AT, in AM-AT, 33. Cotif. 
 
 -a|, eth- 
 
 -mis, -ona, -s, -umna, -uns. 
 
 -UM, EUT-, -/ex, -VACHER. 
 
 
 ANA, 19. Conf kenu. 
 
 at-ceson, 246. 
 
 
 -ana, in Tu-ANA, 256 ; and imssim. 
 
 Ath, nom. pr., 74, 79, 91. 
 
 
 Conf. -AN, &c. 
 
 ATHis, 125, 133. 
 
 
 -anati, in Tif-anati, 257. 
 
 ATH-LIK, 43. 
 
 
 anc-ile, 267. Conf. ke (in zil- 
 
 ATH-UM-IKS, 164, 196. 
 
 
 -achen-ke). 
 
 Adria, Atria, 295. 
 
 
 Andas, 74. 
 
 -atria, in quiaqu-atria, &c.. 
 
 249. 
 
 -ANi, in MA • ANi, 125, 129. Conf. 
 
 atri-um, 242. 
 
 
 ama-hen, -ne, -nes. 
 
 au-gur, 92, 312. 
 
 
 -ANS, in Sethl-ans, 255. Conf. -an. 
 
 auk-elos, 247. 
 
 
 &c. 
 
 aii-sj^ex, 92. 
 
 
 Antoe., 74. 
 
 AV, 19. 
 
 
 Antar, 74. 
 
 -anus, in Summ-anus, 255 ; and 
 
 passim. Conf. -an, &c. 
 uj)-ex, 268. 
 
 APHUN-THUR-UNI, 164, 197. 
 
 APHUNA, 164, 192 ; -aphunes (in 
 
 thals-aphunes), 164, 178. 
 ap-luda, 246. 
 aqui-hx, 249. 
 
 -ar, in luc-ar, 245. Conf. -er. 
 aracos, 246. 
 abas, 164, 173. 
 
 ARASA, 150, 154. 
 
 -ARASr, in PREKDTII-ARASr, 110, 113 ; 
 
 in KLEN-ARASi, 110, 114. Couf. 
 
 ARSA, 
 
 arcus, 279. 
 
 ARGL, 27. 
 
 Aril, 253. Conf. R • , ril, Vcrt- 
 
 -lunnus. 
 arimi, 246. 
 ARITIMI, 56. — Aritimi phasti rui- 
 
 PHRIM, 208. 
 -arinm, in cahnd-arium, idu-arium, 
 
 271. 
 
 AVEN-KE, 105, 106. 
 
 AViL, avils, 94, 97, 99, 105, 106. 
 avip, in AVip ARGL, 27. Conf. am- 
 
 (in am-truatio), &c. 
 -a^, in ofiTT-a^, 29. Conf. -at, &c. 
 axa-menta, 267. 
 
 E, 104, 200. 
 EiN, 164, 197. 
 Eix-UR, 116. Conf. IN. 
 EiTH-PHANu, 125, 126. (See eth- 
 -piiANU.) Conf. idus. 
 
 EITVA, 101. Conf. ETVE. 
 EIT-VAPIA, 105, 108. 
 
 EKA, 95, 190. 
 
 EKA-NAK, 38. 
 
 ELI, 125, 134. 
 -elos, in auk-elos, 247. 
 ENAK, 125, 134, 135. 
 ENESKi, 164, 175, 193, 190, 
 
 EN-SKUNA, 125, 137. 
 
 Ex-vs, 97, 101. 
 
 EP-PHELIK, 104, 178. 
 
!16 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 calen-dce 
 
 KPLT, 164, 176. 
 
 
 
 e^uites, 273. 
 
 I. 
 
 
 -KK, in NAP-ER. Conf. -ar. 
 
 TCH, 164, 200. 
 
 
 -erii, in Fal-erii, 288. 
 
 idu-nrium, 271. 
 
 
 -erra, in Volt-erra, 290. 
 
 idus, 271. Conf. eith-, eth-. 
 
 
 ERSKE, 38. Conf. BAR, VER. 
 
 IK, 16. 
 
 
 -eruca, -erca, in Men-eruca, 251. 
 
 -iKLA, in thuphlth-ikla, 48. 
 
 
 -erva, in Men-erva, 251. 
 
 -IKS, in ath-um-iks, 164, 196. 
 
 
 ESEKE, 33. Conf. ACH- (in ach-rum), 
 
 -He, in aiic-il(', 267. 
 
 
 &0. 
 
 -ilia, in snocetaur-ilia and solitaiir- 
 
 Rs-KUNE, 164, 195. Conf. as. 
 
 -ili", 268. 
 
 
 ES-TLA, 164, 168, and see 208. Conf. 
 
 impemfor, indupevator, 272. 
 
 Conf. 
 
 ACH- (in ach-kum), &c. 
 
 prador. 
 
 
 ETERA, 65, 66 : -ETEUi, in lautx- 
 
 IX, 125, 129 ; and 164, 188. 
 
 Conf. 
 
 -ETERI, 113. 
 
 EIX. 
 
 
 ETH-PHAXU, 110, 114. See eith- 
 
 ■IXA, in Vels-ina, 294 ; -ina, in 
 
 Fe/s- 
 
 -PHANU. 
 
 -ina, 299. Conf. -inii. 
 
 
 ETHEERAI, 18. 
 
 -inii, in Tarquin-ii, 289. Conf. 
 
 -INA. 
 
 ETH-uM, 16, 17. Conf. -AT (in am- 
 
 insignia, 278. 
 
 
 -at), &c. 
 
 -inum, in ISalp-inum, 304. 
 
 
 ETVE, 110, 112. Conf. EITVA. 
 
 -inus, in Quir-inus, 267. Conf 
 
 . -AN, 
 
 E-uLAT, 164, 166. 
 
 &c. 
 
 
 EUBAS-VKLE, 34. Conf. KIVESAN. 
 
 In-voluti, Dii, 253. 
 
 
 EUT-usE, 164, 192. Conf. -at (in 
 
 IPA, 110, 115, 125, 120, 130 
 
 164, 
 
 am-at), &c. 
 
 172, 173, 208, 216. ipa murzua 
 
 EvRPHiA, nom. pr., 28. 
 
 KER, 208, 216. 
 
 
 -ex, in ap-ex, 268. 
 
 IR, 23. 
 
 -ista, in lan-ista, 244. 
 
 
 H. 
 
 lUKIE, 25. 
 
 
 Hapirn-al. See Thapirn-al. 
 
 lUUNA, 25. 
 
 
 HAR, 164, 192. Conf. eeske, &c. 
 
 -IVA, in KLUT-IVA, 110, 118. 
 
 
 Jiaru-spex, 85. 
 
 
 
 HEK-Z-RI, 110, 117. 
 
 K. 
 
 
 HELEPHU, 19. 
 
 -K • , in [tht]as-k • , 125, 
 
 136. 
 
 HELU-TESNE, 164, 190. 
 
 Conf. KAKE-, KEN, KNL • 
 
 
 HEN, 164, 192. Conf. ama-hen, &c. 
 
 Ccere, or Cisra, 283, 
 
 
 [h]erke, 125, 133. 
 
 castus, 279. Conf. cassis. 
 
 
 HIKTHA-KAPE, 164, 182. 
 
 Kahati-al, nom. pr., 70, 71. 
 
 Also 
 
 HINTHIU, 110. 
 
 written Kaphati-. 
 
 
 hister, 245. 
 
 KAKE-CHAZI, 164, 200. Conf. - 
 
 k. 
 
 JTorta, 254, 300, 304. Conf. Cort- 
 
 KAL • , 125, 129, Conf. calen-dtc. 
 
 -ona, curia, curulis. 
 
 calccus, 278. 
 
 
 JTortanum, 300. 
 
 KALE, 150, 151. Conf. ,^aiii. 
 
 -silcs, 
 
 Jlrasena, 281. 
 
 -sul. 
 
 
 HUT, 164, 185, 191. Conf. huth. 
 
 calcn-dAr, 270, Conf. kai, • 
 
 , Ian- 
 
 HUTH, 150, 153. Conf. ihit. 
 
 -ista, LEN-ACIIE. 
 
 
calend-arium 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 317 
 
 calend-arium, 270. 
 
 
 KLE, 110, 113. 
 
 KALU-SURASI, 97, 100; KALUS 
 
 . . . , 
 
 KLEL . , 164, 187. 
 
 102, 104. Conf. KULMu. 
 Camar, Cumar-tx, 286. 
 
 
 KLEN, 54, 57, 110, 114, 164, 179; 
 KLENSi, 164, 177 ; klensi, o9. 
 
 KAN-THKE, 102, 104. Coilf. 
 
 &c. 
 
 AMA, 
 
 -KLET, in MUNi-KLET, 164, 182. Conf. 
 
 -LTHU ? 
 
 -RAPE, in IIIXTHA-KAPE, 164, 
 
 Conf. Capua, capys. 
 Capena, 295. 
 
 182. 
 
 -KLETII, in MUNI-KLETII, 99, 102. 
 
 clientes, 273. 
 cloaca, 279. 
 
 gapos, 244. 
 
 capra, 245. 
 
 Capua, 295. Conf. -kape, &c. 
 
 capys, 71, 246. Conf. -kape,- cl- 
 
 
 KLTE, 125, 131. Conf. KUL-, cii[lt]. 
 Ch(si-um, 286. Conf. -le (in chiem- 
 phus-le). 
 
 KLUTHI, 25. Conf. LEINTH. 
 
 KARIT, 164, 170. 
 
 
 KLUT-IVA, 110, 118. 
 
 cassis, 243. Conf. coistus. 
 
 KE, 164, 173. 
 
 ke, 164, 190. 
 
 -KE, in AM-KE, 105, 106. 
 
 -KE, in ZIL-ACHEN-KE, 95, 102, 
 
 Conf. anc-. 
 
 103. 
 
 gnis, 246. 
 
 KNL • , 164, 189, 192. Conf. -k • 
 
 Kdyl ofjLTj-a^, 29. 
 
 comitia, 274. Conf. compit-alia. 
 
 comptit-alia, 268. Conf. comit-ia. 
 
 Com-pJiccs, Dii, 252. Conf. ama, &c. 
 
 -KE, in AVEX-KE, 105, 106 ; in lupu- 
 
 Con-sentes, Dii, 252. Conf. ama, &c. 
 
 KE, 97, 99. 
 
 
 consul, 271. Conf. ama, &c. 
 
 KECHA, 55, 57. Conf. ach-, &c 
 
 
 curnu, 279. 
 
 KECHASE, 125, 142. Conf. chuch. 
 
 KEHEN, 110. 
 
 Cort-ona, 288. Conf. Horta, &c. 
 Cosa, 296. 
 
 celeres, 273. 
 
 
 Gra-divus, 805. Conf. Arretium, dec. 
 
 [ke]n-amdtne, 125, 130. Conf. 
 
 -NAM 
 
 Graviscw, 295. 
 
 (in th-nam). 
 
 
 Grisones, 281. 
 
 KEN, 59. Conf. -K • 
 
 
 Ks, 150, 153. See ks-uatha. 
 
 genii, 260. 
 
 KENu, 164, 177. Conf. ana. 
 
 KER, 110, 116. 
 KESASIN, 125, 134. 
 
 
 Ks-UATHA, 150, 156 ; and see 208, 
 216. Conf. [chazi-u]ata, -ciiazi. 
 quinqu-atria, 249. 
 Quir-iiius, 267, 305. Conf. Arretium, 
 
 -KEVE, in VENE-KEVE-LTHU, 23. 
 
 See 
 
 &c. 
 
 p. 128. 
 
 
 Quir-ites, 305. Conf. Arretium, &c. 
 
 -KIAL, in PHNIS-KIAL, 45. 
 
 
 KuLMu, 110, 116, 259, 293. Conf. 
 
 KiARTHi-AL-iSA, nom. pr., 67, 7 
 
 0. 
 
 KALU-. 
 
 KiKU, nom. pr., 85, 90, 91. 
 
 
 KUL-PIANSI, 45. Conf. KLTE, &C. 
 
 circus, 279. 
 
 
 kuna, 164, 177, 191. 
 
 KisuM, 105, 106. Conf. kizi. 
 
 
 KupRA, CuPBA, 149, 157, 251. 
 
 KivESAX, 33. Conf. eubas-. 
 KIZI, 102, 103. Conf. kisdm. 
 
 
 -gur, in au-gur, 312. 
 
 curia, 274. Conf. Eortu, &c. 
 
 KLAL-UM, 105, 106. 
 
 
 KURIEAS, 25. 
 
 KLAN, 65, 97, 102, 105, 125. 
 
 
 curulis, sella, 277. Conf. Florta. 
 
 classicum, 278. 
 
 Clavenna, 296. Conf. clavus. 
 
 clavus, 278. Couf Clavenna. 
 
 
 KUSIACH, 27. 
 KVEB, 52, 
 
318 
 
 Icena 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 
 luc-ar, 245, 
 
 L. 
 
 luc-umo, 243. 
 
 Icena, 243. 
 
 ludzis, ludii, ludiones, 245, Conf. 
 
 -landum, ia fa-landum, 247. Conf. 
 
 -letor. 
 
 LETEM, -LETH. 
 
 Luna, 300. 
 
 lan-ista, 244. Conf. calen-dce, &c. 
 
 lu])erc-alia, 267. 
 
 LAPH . . . , 105, 106. Conf. LUPu, 
 
 LUPtJ, 102, 104 ; LUPU-KE, 97, 99 ; 
 
 ZELAVV, [ze]lUPU. 
 
 LUPDM, 105, 106. Conf. laph . . . 
 
 LAPHTHI, 25. 
 
 LURI, 97, 101. Conf, LARKE, 
 
 LAB, 164, 166, 178, 261. Conf. 
 
 LusNi, 42. Conf. Losna, 
 
 LARis, Larth, Larthia, lavvce. 
 
 lustratio, 268, 
 
 Lares, 261. Conf. -leri. 
 
 
 LARE-ZUL, 164, 166. 
 
 
 LABIS, 125, 142, 143. Conf. lab. 
 
 M. 
 
 LARKE, 51, Conf. lurt. 
 
 MA • ANi, 125, 129. Conf. ama-hen. 
 
 Larth, nom, pr., 143; Larthia, 
 
 MALAVISCH, 257. 
 
 ibid, Conf, lab. 
 
 Munes, Dii, 261. 
 
 larvce, 261, Conf, lab. 
 
 mantissa, 247, Conf. minethu. 
 
 LASA, 259. Cojif.-Iex. 
 
 Mantua, 302, Conf. Mantus, muni. 
 
 Lati-um, ?05, Conf. Bhceti. 
 
 Mantus, 254, Conf, Mantua, &c. 
 
 -LE, in CHIEMPHUS-LE, 164, 180, 
 
 mabam, 17. 
 
 Conf, Clusi-um. 
 
 markei, 25. 
 
 LEINE, 94. 
 
 Markes, nom. pr., 105. 
 
 Leinth, 259. Conf. kluthi. 
 
 MARUN, 298. 
 
 LEKNE, 51. 
 
 masu, 164, 183, 185. 
 
 lemures, 260. 
 
 mathu, 17. 
 
 LEN-ACHR, 54. Conf. calen-dce, &c. 
 
 me , 105, 108. 
 
 -leri, in PHus-LERi, 171. Conf, 
 
 MEALCHSK, OV MEALCHLSK, 105, 106. 
 
 Lares. 
 
 MEAN, 259. Conf. MIN. 
 
 ler-zinia, 164, 188. 
 
 MEANI, 102, 103. 
 
 LESKAN, 150, 155. 
 
 MENA, 164, 192. Conf. muni-klet. 
 
 LETEM, 150, 154. Conf. -landum. 
 
 Men-erva, Men-ebuka, 251, 
 
 -LETH, in SLE-LETH, 164, 170. Conf. 
 
 -menta, in axa-menta, 267. 
 
 -landum, &c. 
 
 MES, 150, 153 ; MESi, 150, 155. 
 
 -letor, in aga-lletor, 242, Conf, lidor. 
 
 Mezentius, 285. 
 
 litiius, Indus. 
 
 MI, 46. 
 
 -lex, in aqui-lex, 249. Conf. lasa. 
 
 MI, 56. 
 
 lictor, 277. Conf. -letor, &c. 
 
 MIAKE, 97, 101. 
 
 -LIK, in ATH-LIK, 43, 
 
 MIN, 16, Conf. MEAN. 
 
 -LIK, in EP-LIE-PHELIK, 164, 178. 
 
 MiNETHU, 19. Conf. mantissa. 
 
 LISIAI, 17, 
 
 MINI, 22. 
 
 lituus, 264, Conf. -letor, &c. 
 
 mle-skxjl, 164, 174. 
 
 LK, 97, 98. Conf. lsk. 
 
 -mcerium, in jio-mcerium, 265. Conf. 
 
 LosNA, 254. Conf. Lusni. 
 
 murus. 
 
 LSK, 98. Conf. LK. 
 
 mtis-us, 125, 130. 
 
 -LTHU, in VENE-KEVE-LTHU, 23, Conf, 
 
 MUL, 23. 
 
 -KLET? 
 
 MUL, 164, 174. 
 
MLILETH-SVALASI 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 rUUI.-UM-CHVA-^PEr- 
 
 oil) 
 
 MULETH-SVALASI, 99, 100. 
 
 MUNI-KLET, 164, 18'2. 
 
 MUNI-KLETH, 161, 182. Conf. MEXA. 
 
 MUNi-svLETii, 97, 9U, 100. Conl'. 
 Mantua, &c. 
 
 MUNI-SURETH, 99. Couf. MUXI- 
 
 SVLETII. 
 
 mums, 280. Conf. -7noerium. 
 MUKZUA, 110, 116. 
 MUTH, 51. 
 
 N. 
 -NA, in Los-NA, 254; in Thal-na, 
 
 256, &c. Conf. -ax, &c. 
 N^ • , nom. pr., 85, 90. 
 -KAK, in eka-nak, 38. 
 -NAM, in TH-XAM, 125, 133. Conf. 
 
 [ke]namutxe. 
 iiaiws, 248. 
 nap-ee, 150, 153, 1G4, 172, 183, 185, 
 
 192. 
 nask, 105, 106. 
 
 NAST, 19." 
 
 -NATE, in phlenx-nate, 125, 133. 
 
 NATHTJM, 260. 
 
 -NE, in RAs-NE, 164, 190; -nes, in 
 
 EAs-NEs, 164, 172. Conf. -ani, 
 
 &c. 
 nepos, 249, and see 131. Conf. xuvi, 
 
 -xxeves. 
 kesl, 96. 
 Neth-uns, 254. 
 NETS-VIS, 82, 85. 
 Neverita, 86. Conf. Nortia. 
 Ni, 125, 130. 
 
 Nortia, 86. Conf. Neverita. 
 Noveii-siles, Dii, 252. 
 NUPPHZi, 102, 104. 
 Kuvi, nom. pr., 234. Conf. nepos, 
 
 &c. 
 -nus, in Vertum-nus, 258. 
 
 P. PH. 
 
 halteua, 243. Conf. -voluti. 
 putricii, 272. Couf. Tyrrh-eni. 
 Becjoe, 263. Conf. -spex. 
 
 I'enates, Dii, 262. 
 
 PENE-zs, 164, 185 ; and .see 208, 216. 
 
 PENTHKA, 164, 196. 
 
 PKRAS, 164, 193. 
 
 Ferusia, 288. 
 
 Foisulw, 296. 
 
 Fa-landu7n, 247. 
 
 Ful-erii, 288. 
 
 Fal-isci, 288. 
 
 PHANU-sATHEK, 125, 126 ; and see 
 
 208, 216. Conf. phnis-, -piansi, 
 
 ponti-, PUAN-. 
 
 -PHANU, in EITH-PHANU, 125, 126, 
 
 and ETH-PHANU, 110, 114. 
 fasces, 277. Conf. pkasti, fasti. 
 PHASTi, 57. Conf, /«sces, &c. 
 fasti, Dies, 271. Conf. fasces, &c. 
 Phavn, nom. pr., 28. 
 favissa, 280. 
 februa, 267. 
 feci-alc'S, or feticdes, 176. Conf. 
 
 Pheku. 
 Pheku, Lasa, 259. Conf. feci-ales. 
 -PHELIK, in ep-lik-phelik, 164, 
 178. Conf. SVULAEE. 
 
 Ftls-ina, 298. 
 
 Fer-onia, 254. 
 
 PHES, 34. 
 
 Fescenni-um, 299. Conf. -vs, under 
 
 ' versus Fescennini,' 300. 
 Phesu, 297. See Fcesuke. 
 fetialts. See feci-ales. 
 fex, in ponti-ft'x, 269. Conf. -at, 
 
 &c. 
 famines, 266. 
 phlenxna, 125, 129. 
 phlenx-nate, 125, 133. 
 phler, 39 ; phlere, 51 ; phleres, 
 
 50, 52, 53, 56. Conf. pleres, 
 
 ularu. 
 phles-xneves, 125, 131, 138. 
 foces, 247. 
 puNis-KTAL, 45, 46. Conf. phanu-, 
 
 &c. 
 -fracjia, in suf-fragia, 275. 
 pheont-ak, 82 sqq. 
 
 PHUL-UM-CHVA-SPEL, 164, 193. 
 
o20 
 
 Phupiil- 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 -ST 
 
 Phuphl-uxs, 255. Conf. Pupliana. 
 
 PHUS-LERI, 164, 170. 
 
 -PiANsi, in KUL-piANsi, 45, 51. Conf. 
 
 PHAXU-, &C. 
 
 Piscp, 298, 302. 
 plehs, 273. 
 
 PLERES, 59. Conf. PHLER, &-C. 
 
 -plices, in Com-];>Uces, Dii, 252. 
 
 po-mceriurti, 265, 
 
 Pom-ona, 255. 
 
 ponti-fex, 269. Conf. phanu-, &c. 
 
 Pojml-onia, 302. 
 
 populus, 272. 
 
 for-um, 274, 
 
 prcetexta, toga, 277, 
 
 j<rcetor, 272. Conf. imperator. 
 
 PUAN-TBN, 50; and see 65. Conf. 
 
 PHANU-, &c. 
 PUiAM, 105, 106. 
 'SuZZa, 243. 
 
 Pupliana, 23. Conf. Phuphl-uks. 
 PuPL-UNA (Poiuilonia), 302. 
 
 R • ,110, 119. Conf. Aril, &c. 
 
 Ea, nom. pr., 74, 80. 
 
 RANK-ZL, 164, 18-!. 
 
 RAs-KE, 164, 190; RAs-KES,164, 172, 
 
 191. 
 Eekuneta, Lasa, 259. 
 RENE, 164, 195. 
 rex, 271. 
 
 Ehoeti, 281. Conf. Luti-um. 
 -RI, in HEK-Z-RI, 110, 117, 
 rica, 268. 
 
 RIL, RiL avil, 94. Conf. Aril, &c. 
 -RIM, in RuiPH-RiM, 57. Conf. -rum, 
 P-oma, 304. Conf. Arreti-iim, &c. 
 
 RUIPH-RIM, 57. 
 
 -RUM, in uch-rum, 39. Conf. -rim. 
 Ptisellce, 289. 
 
 S. 
 s • , 125, 127. Conf. -.sathek, suthi, 
 
 SUTHT. 
 
 -8, in Thurm-s, 256. 
 
 s • , 164, 183. 
 
 -SA, 62, 67, 68, 99, &c., 235. 
 
 sacer, and compounds, 266. 
 
 scEculum, 278. 
 
 Salii, 266, Conf. kale, &c. 
 
 Salp-inum, 304. 
 
 SAL-THN, 43. 
 
 SAN-SL, 52, 59. 
 
 SATENA, 164, 193; and see zia- 
 
 SATENA. 
 -SATHEK, in PHANU-SATHEK, 125, 
 
 126 ; and see 208, 216. Conf. s • , 
 
 &c, 
 Suturnia, 304. 
 SECH, 105, 106. Conf. sk. 
 
 -SELAEI, in THEN-SELAEI, 150, 154. 
 
 SELAN-SL, 46, 47 (note). Conf. 
 
 solitaur-iJia, -SKVIL. 
 senutus, 275. 
 
 -smtes, in Con-sentes, Dii, 252, 
 Serturus, nora. pr., 235, 
 Sethl-ans, 255, 303. Conf. Sitmika. 
 
 -SIANS, in THUES-SIAKS, 110, 111. 
 
 SihjUa, 263. 
 
 SIEEP, 18. 
 
 -siles, in Noven-siles, Dii, 252. Conf. 
 
 KALE, &C. 
 
 Sitmika, Lasa, 259. Conf. Sethl-ans. 
 
 SK, 105, 107. Conf. sech. 
 
 -SKUL, in mle-skul, 164, 174. 
 
 -skuxa, in ENS-SKUNA, 125, 137. 
 
 SKUKu, 125, 126. 
 
 -SKVIL, in tin-bkvil, 42. Conf. 
 
 SELAN-SL, &C. 
 
 sl, 50; -sL, in SAN-SL, 52, 159; -sl, 
 
 in SELAN-SL, 46. 
 
 -SLA, 62, 66, 125, 136, &c. ; -sle, in 
 
 ALPHNALI-SLE, 237. 
 
 sle-leth, 164, 169. Conf. -zul (.?). 
 solitaur-ilia, 268. Conf. selan-sl, 
 
 &c. 
 -SPEL, in phul-um-chva-spel, 194. 
 
 Conf. SPELANE. 
 
 spelane, 164, 193. Conf. -spel. 
 -spex, in au-spex, haru-spex, 85. 
 
 Conf. Begoe. 
 -ST, in THEX-ST, 150, 155. 
 
stropptis 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 321 
 
 stroppus, 244. 
 
 -studo, in te-studo, 280. 
 
 sub-ido, 244. Conf. tiib-a, 
 
 siif-fmgia, 275. 
 
 -sid, in consul, 272. Conf. kale, &c. 
 
 Summ-anus, 255. 
 
 suovetaur-ilia, 268. 
 
 -SUKASI, in KALU-SURASI, 97, 100. 
 
 Conf. -SUKETH. 
 -SURETH, in MUNI-SURETH, 99. Couf. 
 
 -SURASI. 
 
 SUTHI, 46 ; suTHi, 95 ; -suthi, , 110 ; 
 suTHi-TP, 125, 127. Conf. s •, &c. 
 Sutri-um, 304. 
 
 -SVALASI, in MULETH-SVALASI. Conf. 
 
 -SVLETH. 
 SVALKI, 56. 
 
 SVAS, 34. 
 
 -SVLETU, in MUNI-SVLETH, 97, 98. 
 
 Conf. -SVALASI. 
 SVULARE, 56. Conf. -PHELIK. 
 
 CH = SCH. 
 
 [cHAZi : u]ata, 125, 133. Conf. 
 
 KS-UATHA. 
 -CHAZI, in KAKE-CHAZI, 164, 200. 
 
 CHiEMPHUS-LE, 164, 179, sqq. 
 
 CHIMTH, 164, 191. 
 
 CHis-VLiKS, 59; and see 208. 
 ch[lt], 125, 137. Conf. klte, &c. 
 chm[un], 125, 135. 
 CHUCH, 164, 200. Conf. kechase. 
 -CHVA, in phul-um-chva-spel, 164, 
 
 194. Conf. -kape. 
 chvacha, 35. 
 
 T. TH. 
 -cffe, in ccden-dce, 270. 
 Tages, 263. 
 TAK, 164, 193. 
 tame . . . , 105, 106. 
 tamera, 97, 101 (and note), 102 
 
 (note), 113. 
 damnus, 245. 
 TANNA, 164, 166 ; tax[xa], 125, 132. 
 
 Conf. -THN, -ZIKTA. 
 
 Tarquin-ii, 289. 
 
 Dea, 254. Conf Tif-, -divus. 
 
 TEis, 164, 171, 191. Conf. zs. 
 
 TEISXIKA, 125, 126. 
 TEK, 52 ; TEKE, 59. 
 
 TEM, 164, 188. Conf. duum-. 
 
 tempilum, 265. 
 
 TENIXE, 59. 
 
 TESNE, 164, 189, 190 ; -tesne, in 
 
 HELtJ-TESXE, 164, 190 ; TESNS, 164, 
 
 171, 191. 
 te-studo, 280. Conf. th-, in tii-xam ; 
 
 ZIA-, in ZIA-SATENE. 
 
 TEZ, 46, 47 (note). 
 
 TEZAN, 164, 170. 
 
 Thal-na, 256. Conf. thil, -thils, 
 
 -THL, ZIL. 
 
 thals-aphunes, 164, 178 ; and see 
 208. Conf. -TLA, tles, tlex-, 
 [z]elb, zelur, -zl, -zul. 
 
 Th-ana, 42, 256. Conf. Thapxa. 
 
 Thapirn-al, nom. pr., 70 ; also 
 Hapirn-al. 
 
 Thapna, 42. Conf. Th-ana. 
 
 Thaura, 164, 190. 
 
 THAURE, 110, 112. 
 
 THEN-SELAEI, 150, 154. 
 
 TUEN-ST, 150, 155. 
 
 THEPHALAS, 164, 179. Conf. TJIII- 
 
 phalsti, thuphltas, &c. 
 Thes-an, 256. 
 
 THi, 164, 193, 195. Couf. tiiii, thui. 
 thiiphalsti, 164, 184. Conf. the- 
 
 PHALAS, &C. 
 
 THii-THiLS, 164, 177. Conf. thi, &c. 
 
 THIL, 16 i, 199. Conf. TUAL-XA, (tC. 
 -THILS, in THII-THILS, 164, 177. 
 
 Conf. Thal-xa, &c. , 
 
 THIPUKEXAI, 17. 
 
 -THKE, in KAN-THKE, 102, 104. Coijf. 
 
 ZUKL 
 -THL, in THUXCHUL-THL, 164, 199. 
 
 Conf. Thal-na, &c. 
 -THX, in sal-thx, 43. Conf. tanna, 
 
 &c. 
 TH-XAM, 125, 133. Conf. te-, zia-. 
 THP, 34. Conf. -TP ? 
 
 Y 
 
322 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 THRKE, 38. Conf. TEKE, TUEKE. 
 
 [tht]as : k • , 125, 136. Conf. 
 
 TITE, [t]uTXI. 
 THUES-SIAXS, 110, 111. 
 
 THUi, 150, 154. Conf. THi, &c. 
 
 -THUM, in Nathum, 2(30. 
 
 THUNCH-UL, 164, 179; thunchul- 
 -THL (or THmfCH-ULTHL ?), 164, 
 199 ; THTTNCHU M, 125, 136. 
 
 THUPHLTAS, 54; THUPHTJLTHAS, 55; 
 THUPHULTHASA, 49 ; THXTPHLTH- 
 -IKLA, 48. Conf. THEPHALAS, &C. 
 
 -THUR, in APHUN-THUR-UXI, 164, ] 97. 
 
 Conf. TUR. 
 
 THURA, 46. 
 
 THURAS, 164, 173, 190. CLausp, 
 thueas, aras, peras, ke, &c. 208. 
 Thurm-s, 256. 
 
 TiF-ANATi, 257. Conf. Dea, &c. 
 TiMRAE, Lasa, 259. 
 TINEEI, 125, 129. 
 TiNiA, 250. 
 
 TIN-SKVIL, 42. 
 
 TITE, 47. Conf. [tht]as : k • , &c. 
 TiTESi, 150, 151 sqq. 
 dirihitores, 276. 
 -divus, in Ora-divus, 305. 
 
 -TLA, iQ ES-TLA, 164, 168 ; TLES, 150, 
 
 155. Conf. THALS-, &c. 
 TLEX-AKES, 53 ; TLEN-ACHEIS, 55 ; 
 
 TLEX-ACHIES, 53. Conf. THALS-, 
 
 &C. 
 
 TMA, 150, 156. 
 
 toga, 244. 
 
 -TP, in suTHi-TP, 125, 127. Conf. 
 
 THP.? 
 
 t[r], 125, 138. 
 
 TR . . . , 125, 130. 
 
 trahea, 277. 
 
 TRE, 150, 155. 
 
 tribus, 273. 
 
 tripudium, 267. Conf. -truatio. 
 
 TRKE, 57. Conf. THRKE, &C. 
 -TRN, in PTJAN-TRN, 50. 
 
 -truatio, in am-truatio, 207. Conf. 
 
 tripudium, 
 drunu, 243. 
 
 TRUTN-VT, 82 sqq. 
 
 TEUT-VEKiE, 48 ; and see 208. 
 
 tuh-a, 280. Conf. suh-ulo. 
 
 TUNUE, 110, 118. 
 
 TUE, 164, 195. Conf. -thue. 
 
 TuE-AN, 257. 
 
 TURKE, 45, 46, 48, 50, 51. Conf. 
 
 THRKE, &C. 
 
 Turnus, 285. 
 
 TUTHINES, 55, 59. 
 
 [tJutni. See utni. 
 tutulus, 268. 
 
 duum-viri, 264. Conf. tem. 
 Tyrrh-eni, 280. Conf. patricii. 
 
 UATHA, 51 ; UATHA, in KS-UATHA, 
 
 150, 156 ; [u]ata, in [chazi-u]ata, 
 
 125, 133. Conf. veithi. 
 -UL, in THUNCH-UL, 164, 179. 
 ULARU, 164, 176. Conf. phler, &c. 
 -ULAT, in e-ulat, 164, 166. Conf. 
 
 -ulo. 
 -uh, in suh-ulo, 244. Conf. -ulat. 
 -ULTHL (?), in thunch-ulthl, 164, 
 
 199. 
 -UM, in eth-um, 17 ; in klal-um, 
 
 105, 106 ; in ur-um, 110, 116, 
 
 in ath-um-iks, 164, 196. Conf. 
 
 AM-, &c. 
 -um, in Alsi-um, 295 ; in Arreti-um, 
 
 282 ; in atri-um, 242 ; in Clud- 
 
 um, 286, &c. Conf. -oma, -ana, 
 
 -onia. 
 -oma, in R-oma. Conf. -um, &c. 
 -umna, in Volt-umna, 258. Conf. 
 
 -AX, (fee. 
 
 -umo, in luc-umo, 243. 
 
 OflTT-a^, 29. Conf. AM-, &c. 
 
 UN-ZEA, 164, 195. 
 
 -ona, in Cort-ona, 288 ; -onia, in 
 
 Popul-onia, 302 ; in Vetul-onia, 
 
 290, &c. Conf. -um. 
 -ona, in Pom-ona, 255 ; -onia, in Fer- 
 
 onia, 254. Conf. -an. 
 -una, in Pupl-una (Popul-onia). 
 
 Conf. -um. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 323 
 
 UNE, 164, 195. 
 
 -vkle, in euras-vkle, 34. 
 
 -UNS, in NETH-trxs, 254 ; in Phuphl- 
 
 -VLIKS, in CHIS-VLIKS, 59. 
 
 -UNS, 255. Conf. -an, &c. 
 
 Volsci, 288. 
 
 -UNS, (local termination, Khajtian,) 
 
 Vols-inii, 291. 
 
 293. 
 
 Volt-erra, 290. Conf. Volt- in Volt- 
 
 Upx, (An-etium,) 282. 
 
 umna. 
 
 UELAN, 51. 
 
 Volt-umna, 258. Conf. Volt- in VoU- 
 
 -US, in MTis-us. Conf. as, &c. ] 
 
 erra. 
 
 -USE, in EUT-usE, 164, 192. 
 
 -vohiti. See InvolutL Conf. hnlteus. 
 
 UTNi (tutxi ?), 49. Cf. [tut]as-k . , 
 
 -vs, in EN-vs, 97, 101. Conf. Fes- 
 
 &c. 
 
 cenniam. 
 
 UsiL, 257. 
 
 
 
 X. 
 
 
 -XXEVES, in PHLES-XKEVES, 125, 131, 
 
 V. (Digamma.) 
 
 138. 
 
 -VACHEB, in AMK-VACHER, 164, 167. 
 
 
 Conf. AM-. 
 
 
 Vani-al, nom, pr., 238. 
 
 z. 
 
 Vanth, 260. 
 
 -z, in HEK-z-Ri, 110, 117, and note. 
 
 Varn-al, nom. pr., 74, 80 ; Varnali- 
 
 -ZEA, in UN-ZEA, 164, 196. 
 
 SLA, 66. 
 
 ZELAVV, 97, 101, 102 (note). Conf. 
 
 -VAPIA, in EIT-VAPIA, 105, 108. 
 
 LAPH . . . , &c. 
 
 Vatl. See Vetulonia. 
 
 [zJelr . . . , 125, 136. Conf. -thals. 
 
 Veil, 289. 
 
 &c. 
 
 VEITHI, 50, 51. Conf. UATHA. 
 
 [zeJlupu ?, 104. Conf. laph . . . , 
 
 Vejovis, or Vedius, 257. 
 
 Sec. 
 
 -VEKIE, in TRUT-VEKIE, 48. 
 
 zelur, 110, 119. Conf. thals-, Sec. 
 
 Vel • , nom. pr., 237 ; Vele, 71 ; 
 
 zeriun-akcha, 164, 197. 
 
 Vels, 55 ; Velus, 102. 
 
 zia-satexe, 164, 189. Conf. th-. 
 
 Velath-ri. See VoUerra. 
 
 &c. 
 
 Vels-ina. See Volsinii. 
 
 ZIL-ACHEN-KE, 95, 102, 103 ; ZIL- 
 
 Velsu. See Fdsina. 
 
 ACHNU-KE, 99. Conf. Thal-na, &c. 
 
 vexe-keve-lthu, 23; and see 208, 
 
 -zixiA, in LER-ziNiA, 164, 188. Conf. 
 
 216. 
 
 TANNA, &C. 
 
 ver, 125, 135. Conf. erske, &c. 
 
 -ZL, in RAXK-ZL, 164, 184. Conf. 
 
 verse, arse, 249. 
 
 THALS-, Sec. 
 
 Vertum-nus, 258. Conf. Aril, &c. 
 
 zs, in pESE*-zs, 164, 185. Conf. teis. 
 
 vesik, 33. 
 
 zuKi, 164, 174, 193, 196. Conf. 
 
 Vetul-onin, 290. 
 
 -THKE. 
 
 Veturius, Maniurius, 267. 
 
 -zuL, in LARE-zuL, 164, 166. Conf. 
 
 -VIS, in nets-vis, 82. 
 
 THALS-, &C. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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