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 Dr. FORDYCE, &c. 
 
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 By JOSEPH BERJNGTQN.
 
 A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 T O 
 
 Dr. F o R D Y c E, 
 
 1 N 
 
 ANSWER 
 
 TO HIS 
 
 SERMON 
 
 On ihe DELUSIVE and PERSECUTING 
 SPIRIT of POPERY. 
 
 LONDON.- 
 
 Printed for G. ROBINSOX, Pater-nofler-Row ; and 
 J. FiSK, Edward's. Street, Portman-Squarc. 
 
 MDCCLXXIX.
 
 Stack 
 Annex 
 
 
 T O 
 
 Doftor FORDYCE. 
 
 REVEREND SIR, 
 
 counteraft the baneful effefts of 
 mifreprefentation, to fupport the 
 caufe of important truth, and to diffufe 
 a general fpirit of philanthropy and mutual 
 forbearance among the various orders of 
 fociety, are certainly objecls of high mo- 
 B ment ;
 
 ( * ) I 
 
 mem ; they demand the attention of the 
 Chriftian, the Philofopher, and the Ci- 
 tizen. ImprefTed with thefe ideas, it is 
 not furprifing I mould addrefs myfelf to 
 the man, who has this moment excited 
 their lively recolleflion* I have been 
 reading, Sir, your Sermon of the loth of 
 February laft, on the Ddufim and, Perfc- 
 tuting Spirit of Popery. This has been 
 often the favourite fubjeft of impaffioned 
 declamation ; it has rung from the pul- 
 pit ; and it has ftained innumerable pages. 
 But though affefted, as a member of 
 that religion, by whatever might feem cal- 
 culated to traduce her character, or tar- 
 nifh her real honour, I have hitherto 
 been little folicitous to oppofe the voice 
 of declamation. Silence, on fuch occa- 
 fions, is often the moft effectual means 
 of defending innocence. But there arc 
 men, whofe affertions carry conviction to 
 the mind; who are able to make impref- 
 fions, whether in favour of truth or er- 
 ror, which may prove too fatal in their 
 
 con-
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 tonfequences. Such a man is Dr. For- 
 dyce ; he fpeaks with authority, and he 
 perfuades as he fpeaks. 
 
 I was, I confefs, not a little amazed, 
 when I faw advertifed the fubjeft of your 
 Sermon ; and in the perufal I felt emo- 
 tions, which were unufual to me : I 
 had been fo long habituated to the moll 
 fevere attacks on my religious principles, 
 that my mind feemed callous to all fu- 
 ture imjbrefiion. But we are ever a- 
 live to what ftrikes and aftonifhes ; and 
 indeed I was aftonifhed to find you 
 among the number of thofe, who ftill re- 
 tained all the prejudices of confined edu- 
 cation ; much more that, in a meditated 
 difcourfe, you had endeavoured to im- 
 prefs the fame prejudices deeper on the 
 minds of the multitude. " The greater 
 part of this Sermon (you fay) was preach- 
 ed five and twenty years ago, in the 
 prefence, and by the appointment of a 
 numerous and refpeftable body of the 
 B 2 Scotch
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 Scotch Clergy." And, in the long fpace 
 of five and twenty years, have you not 
 feen reafon to alter your fcntiments in 
 favour of Roman Catholics! Pre- 
 judices, I know, are with difficulty re- 
 moved ; and when they have withftood 
 the preffure of five and twenty year?, 
 I fear they are fixed for ever. It was 
 however natural to expect, that the 
 milder air of South Britain, would have 
 much contributed to have relaxed that 
 rigid tone of fibre, on which many of 
 our mental aflbciations greatly depend. 
 We are meek, beneficent, and humane; 
 or we are ftern, untraftable, and fevere ; 
 not only as organization favours, and as 
 education gives the bias, but even as 
 the fouthcrn breeze, or the northern 
 blaft more frequently agitates our 
 nerves. 
 
 My dcfign is not to enter the field of 
 controverfy with you. I could only repeat 
 what has been faicl a thoufand times be- 
 fore,
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 fore, and what has been well faid. If the 
 able apologies for our religion have carried 
 no convi&ion to your mirid (for them cer- 
 tainly you have read) all that I might fay 
 in that line, would be equally ineffe&uaL 
 But I will meet you as a man of fenfe and 
 information, as a man who has read the 
 human mind, and contemplated the rife, 
 the progrefs, and general influence of our 
 paffions. On this ground alone I wifh to 
 walk : controverfial altercation I diflike : 
 I am fure, it never benefited the caufe 
 of truth. Truth, Sir, requires not the 
 flimfy parade of words ; nor does it wifli 
 the fupport of pompous and inflamed ora- 
 tory. Of this you feem not to have been 
 aware in the difcourfc before me : but you 
 well knew the eflcft of declamation on the 
 unfufpecling mind of ignorance, and, for 
 once, Dr. Fordyce aimed by undue in- 
 fluence to command the attention, and to 
 fix the fentiments of his hearers. If his 
 motive was laudable, he has even my com- 
 mendation ; and I will not yet fuppofc he 
 
 could
 
 could be actuated by any paflion, which 
 might difgracc the character of a fincerc 
 and honeft man. 
 
 1 have one requeft to make, which, I 
 know, you will not refufe me : it is, that 
 I may be allowed to underftand what are 
 the real tenets of my own religion, and 
 may be credited when I tell you, what the 
 Roman Catholic admits and what he re* 
 jefts. The moft hoftile difpofition, it 
 feems, mould not be averfe from this con*. 
 ceflion ; yet, fmgular as the cafe is, we 
 alone of all the human race (for it is a pri 
 vilege granted to the difciple of Mahomet 
 and Confucius, to the Indian Gentoo and 
 American Savage) are not permitted to 
 know what we think, or to be credited in 
 our moft folemn afleverations. 
 
 With you I can exprefs an equal concern 
 for the interefts of truth, of virtue, and of 
 liberty ; and did I think that any encou- 
 ragement which has been given to the 
 
 pro*
 
 '( 7 ) 
 
 profeflbrs of my religion, could retard the 
 progrefs of thofe important principles, I 
 ihould even deem it my duty to oppofe 
 every relaxation of Penal Law. Truth 
 and virtue might perhaps, in fome inferior 
 degree, fubfift without liberty; but the 
 virtue of a flave is not worth pofleflion, 
 and as for truth, her progrefs will be in- 
 fenfible, where liberty expands not the 
 mental powers, and animates the enquiry. 
 
 But you conceive, an indifference for 
 the caufe of Proteftantifm, or, as you e- 
 fteem it, of true religion it is, that inclined 
 the Legiflative power to relieve us of part 
 of the heavy load, which prefled us to 
 the earth* Little, I think, muft a man 
 have attended to the eflential fpirit of Re- 
 formation, who fees not that univerfal to- 
 leration is its firft and leading principle. 
 If man, in his religious concerns, has no 
 right to think for himfelf, it will be found 
 a talk of difficulty to exculpate the firft 
 
 Re-
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Reformers, or even their followers, from 
 
 the crime of rebellion againft the eftablifli- 
 ed Church. No, Sir; it is real philan- 
 thropy, that is, the true fpirit of Chrif- 
 tianity, which now begins to loofen thofe 
 iron fetters, in which party-zeal and 
 bigotry, had long bound up the free 
 minds of men. 
 
 I condemn, probably more feverely 
 than you do, that a untra&able fpirit, 
 which has driven America to feparate 
 from us, and to league with France. 
 But little can I think that coolnefs for 
 religion, or infenfibility to the perni- 
 cious character of Popery, has at all con- 
 tributed to influence their refolves : 
 much lefs can I approve of your vio- 
 lent invecYive againft France, becaufe 
 France profefles the religion of Rome. 
 The man of candour fixes not the feat 
 of virtue in any particular clime, or 
 under the influence of any particular re- 
 ligious perfuafion ; and I fear, were it 
 
 incum-
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 Incumbent on me to form a difadvanta* 
 geous opinion, either of the truth, or 
 the tendency of any religion, from the 
 general conduct, or political character of 
 it's profeflbrs, weighty would be the 
 charge on thirteen entire provinces, con- 
 federated againft the legal authority of 
 king and country. The truth is ; 
 in France and in America, in England 
 and in Spain, the paflions, and not the 
 religious faith, of politicians, concert 
 plans of Ambition, and lead them into 
 execution. That Great Britain and 
 France will ever be enemies, feems pro- 
 bable from the relative chara&ers, and 
 local fituations of two rival kingdoms ; 
 but why this hofbile difpofttion, on the 
 fide of France, mould be the cffeB of 
 her religion, and not fo with us, is a 
 problem above the reach of my Phiio- 
 fophy : at all events, tell me, why 
 thcfc nations were never more ipimicul, 
 than, when the fame mode of faith was 
 equally profetfed by bgth, " Adultery, 
 C ygu
 
 f ) 
 
 you fay, is reduced even to a fyftem," in 
 the French dominions. It is the firft 
 time, I have heard it. But take care, 
 Sir, how you infer the faHhood of a 
 religion, from the unreftrained coramif- 
 iion of that fafhionable vice. 
 
 I readily allow that the portion of 
 fcripture, you have fele&ed for your 
 text, is in the laft degree flriking. - 
 By thy forceries were all nations deceived z 
 and in her was found the blood of prophets, 
 and of Saints, and of all that werejlain up- 
 on earth. " That it refers, you obferve, 
 to the Church of Rome, famed for delu* 
 fion and cruelty, is the firm opinion of 
 the beft Critics." I know there have 
 been Critics, and thofe of high reputa- 
 tion, who have applied this and fimilar 
 paflages to our Church : but you muft 
 likewife know, that there have been o- 
 ther Critics, equally renowned for learn- 
 ing, and a warm attachment to religion, 
 who have made very different applica- 
 tions
 
 ( 11 ) 
 
 tions. They applied them, in the firft in- 
 ftance, to Pagan Rome, and in fucceflion 
 to the unnumbered Sectaries, who have ap- 
 peared in the Church : other applications, 
 and other references have been made, 
 agreeably to the genius, the paflions, and 
 the religious zeal of thofe, who have 
 dared to interpret thofe myfterious pages. 
 The fame motives, which directed the 
 Critic in his interpretation, ferved to in- 
 fluence the determination of their refjpec* 
 tive admirers. I doubt not, but the 
 Book of Revelations, contains an exal 
 hiftory of the Church, in her various 
 ftates of growth, dirTemination, and ma- 
 turity ; but only the fucceffive evolu- 
 tion of events, it (hould feem, can pro- 
 perly mark its feveral parts, and teach 
 their application. --Dr. Fordyce j let you 
 and I take care we mew nothing really 
 antichriftian in our lives and conduct, 
 and leave the application of dreadful and 
 myfterious truths to that Being, who 
 C 2 alone
 
 alone, probably, unerringly comprehends 
 their full import and proper direction. 
 
 " The grand Impoftor, whom you 
 have in view, you fay, does not only 
 acquire and maintain his authority by 
 the mod deteftable frauds, but like- 
 wife deftroys the fouls of men, by 
 numberlefs ungodly arts of deluding 
 them into a fond conceit that piety 
 may confift without virtue, nay, that 
 they may be extremely religious though 
 extremely wicked &c. (p. 4.)." I have 
 with pain extracted this paffage, which 
 I offer to your cool reflection. I 
 would not have believed that a man 
 of candour and integrity, much lefs 
 that a minifter of truth and peace, 
 could have pronounced fuch words, had 
 I not feen them under the fan&ion of 
 the name of Dr. Fordyce ! I make 
 no other comment Refutation would 
 be infnlt and I feel for poor human 
 
 nature
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 nature thus a prey to paflion and party- 
 zeal. 
 
 You now enter, with dreadful pomp, 
 on a minute delineation of what you term 
 the Sorceries of the Church of Rome. - 
 How I may be able to follow you through 
 this dreary region, where religion and hu- 
 manity are pictured as (landing aghaft at 
 every ftep, I know not. But really, my 
 reafon flirinks from the attempt, and no- 
 thing, I allure you, but a fincere regard 
 for truth and the facred duties of a mem- 
 ber of Society fhould force me forward. 
 
 The defcription you give, of the Chrif- 
 tian fyftem eftablifhed by its great Foun- 
 der, is fair and captivating (p. 6), "The 
 Church of Rome, you obferve, has fp al- 
 tered and difguifed this glorious fcheme, 
 as wholly to deface its beauty, and great- 
 ly to obftruft its fuccefs." Indeed, Sir, 
 it is not fo. We have uninterruptedly la- 
 boured to preferve each feature of the 
 
 Chrif-
 
 Chriftian Scheme, and I truft, with fome 
 fuccefs. The apologifts of our religion 
 have repeatedly difcufled each article of 
 their creed ; they have endeavoured to 
 fhew, by critical and hiftorical detail, that 
 we have ever preferved, pure and unim- 
 paired, the religion of primitive ages ; nor 
 hitherto has it been demonftrated that in 
 their refearches, they were deceived. Of 
 this I am fure, that no pulpit-declamation 
 can be ever efteemed a fatisfa&ory reply 
 to the cool and deliberate deductions of 
 ihe Divine or the Critic. To the perufal 
 of thefe apologies you and I mall bring 
 difpofitions and views widely different, and 
 you well know the effeft of pre-eftablifhed 
 habits of thought. So circumftanced, we 
 may be neither of us perhaps fully com- 
 petent to rational decifion ; but when we 
 determine to what appears moft confor- 
 mable to truth, that determination muft 
 meet the approbation of heaven. 
 
 Yet
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 Yet you tell us (with the moft po~ 
 fitive afliirance) that " the fyftem of 
 Popery is a direct apoftacy from the re- 
 ligion of Chrift, and the pra&ice of po- 
 pery a dire 61 revolt from the kingdom 
 of Chrift." (p. j.) Thefe are harm term* 
 . I fear they flow from a mind too deep- 
 ly/prejudiced, and therefore ill-adapted 
 to the bufinefs of temperate difcuflion. 
 Believe me, Sir, fuch language may footle 
 the grofs feelings of an illiterate multi- 
 tude, but they are no indication of ra- 
 tional convittion, much lefs do they Ipeak 
 that refpectiul deference, which is ever 
 due to the fentiments of others, who 
 certainly have an equal right with your- 
 felf, to chufe their modes of faith and 
 religious obfervance. I will add further ; 
 as it would be highly uncandid to refer 
 the ferious enquirer to your Sermon for 
 a faithful defcription of the Catholic reli- 
 gion ; fo neither would I recommend 
 him to pages, which have been penned 
 
 by
 
 ( '6 ) 
 
 by the hand of intemperate zeal, for the 
 genuine character of Proteftantifm. E- 
 very mode of Enthufiafm is of a fimilar 
 compexion: they who feel its impref- 
 fion, are equally ftrangers to the modera- 
 tion of reafon, and the perfuafive voice 
 of ingenuous candor. 
 
 You do not deny the fofflbility of falva- 
 don, even in the Church of Rome We 
 thank you You allow that there have been 
 amongft us " perfons of exalted virtue, and 
 who in the article of internal devotion, or 
 what is properly ftyled the fpirit of piety, 
 have foared as noble heights, and breathed 
 as divine fentirrients, as ever were attained 
 by uninfpired mortality." (p. 7.) The pa- 
 negyric is finely drawn It fpeaks a deli- 
 cacy of fentiment, I little expe&cd from 
 a mind, in which feem concentered ideas 
 of the molt gloomy and frightful afpecl. 
 Thefe then may be perhaps the refult of 
 Tome malignant, but momentary, affocia- 
 tion. I wifh it may be. fo* However, 
 
 there
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 there fee ins an abfurdity in the very fup- 
 pofition, that examples of real piety and 
 exalted virtue, could have exifted in a 
 church, fuch as you have defcribed. 
 The explication you give, by no means 
 accounts for the phenomenon. I know, 
 a man may be exceedingly miftaken in 
 his religious opinions, and yet be pcr- 
 t frclly fincere in the practice of virtue. 
 But when the entire Syjlcm of faiih and 
 morality is corrupted, it cannot be that 
 the profeiTors of it, may rife to the fplen- 
 did heights of fanctity nothing but vice, 
 and that of the dajkeft die, can flow from 
 fo polluted a fource. It is likewife ob- 
 fervable that minds, moft fufceptible of 
 the warm influence of Religion, are a'- 
 ways moft nearly attached to its various 
 tenets. It is with them even criminal to 
 deviate from cftabliflied forms. Can it 
 then be that, nurtured in the bofom of 
 the religion, you defcribe, with each im- 
 prcflion, it fuggefts, deeply graven on 
 their hearts, they could have been holy 
 D and
 
 ( '8 ) 
 
 and virtuous, even in the extreme? The 
 poflibility of fuch an effeft will, I am 
 confident, be denied by thofe, who are 
 beft acquainted with the character of the 
 human heart. 
 
 " We Proteftants, you add, reproach 
 the Church of Rome for the want of 
 charity ; let us never imitate her in the 
 moft antichriftian of all difpofitions." 
 (p. 8.) If I underftand the common 
 idiom of language, every line of your 
 Sermon fpeaks this want of charity. As 
 I live, I would not have uttered word* 
 of fuch feeming malignity, againft the 
 moft obdurate and determined enemy ! 
 I would have treated with more leni- 
 ty the followers of the Arabian prophet: 
 I might pity, but I could not revile 
 them. But I muft attend you with ach- 
 ing fteps through your dreary , prog- 
 reis. 
 
 I bant obfcuri Cola fub nofte 
 
 Vine;
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 In oppofition to what you juftly term 
 the true Spirit of Chriftianhy, that it 
 aims to penetrate, to engage, , and to pu- 
 rify the heart, you draw another fright- 
 ful pi&ure of Popery. " Popery, you 
 fay, does juft the reverfe." 'p. 9.) In 
 confirmation of this, is exhibited a cu- 
 rious detail of practices, in which you 
 obligingly place the eflemial fpirit of our 
 religion.-You have yet, Sir, to learn, I 
 perceive, the firft rudiments of that re- 
 ligion. I refer you to our catechifms : 
 they may be found in the hands of every 
 child, who begins to fpeak.-And was 
 it, think you, by the practice of mere 
 ceremonial forms, that the perfons, you 
 had juft before defcribed, arofe to thofe 
 heights of piety ? So certainly you muft 
 confefs it was : for they, you allow, were 
 Roman Catholics, and your pofitive af- 
 fertion is, that the fum of our religion 
 
 o 
 is
 
 is a mere difplay of ufelefs and tinfcl 
 ceremony. 
 
 We havej I. know, much more of form, 
 and more of pomp in the ceremonial part 
 of our religion, than is prattifed in your 
 Church. But the true meaning of all this 
 is, I truft, no fecret to us. They contri- 
 bute to illuftrate, to give dignity, and to 
 fupport the fplendor of divine wormip. 
 But the vital and fubftantial part, which in- 
 forms the judgment and purifies the heart, 
 is the firft and important object. It is 
 alone efiential to religion. -When the 
 great truths of chriftianity have been duly 
 imprcfTed, when the mind is awake to a 
 fenfeofits own infirmities, and begins to 
 rife to the contemplation of the Iburce 
 of grace and fanclity, where lies the harm, 
 that external ceremony fhculd be called in 
 to promote and animate the important 
 work. Such is our prefent habit of mind, 
 derived from the connection we hold with 
 matter, that it is with extreme difficulty we 
 
 can
 
 f ) 
 
 Can even raife ourfelves to the view of in- 
 tellectual objefts : every thought partakes 
 more or lefs of the dull fource from 
 whence it flows. What then more likely 
 to confine an imagination, ever intent on 
 matter, and wandering from abftrafcted 
 contemplation, than the view of ceremo- 
 nies, which, as they are drawn from the 
 fpecific character, and exprefs more Em- 
 phatically the meaning of the religious ob- 
 ject, cannot but imprefs the mind very 
 forcibly ? It is only in this light we con- 
 fider the nature and general expediency of 
 religious ceremonies. 
 
 As to their multiplicity, and what is by 
 fome thought their too frequent ufe ; I 
 can only fay, that much, in this refpeft, 
 depends on the particular genius of men 
 and nations. We of northern climate 
 certainly require much lefs than would fa- 
 r.isfy our fouthem neighbours. And I 
 firmly believe, if Chriilianity, "mftead of 
 proceeding from the Eaft, had been firft 
 
 efta-
 
 t ) 
 
 eftabliflied in the regions nearer to the 
 arctic circle, the ceiemonies, which now 
 crowd our Ritual, would have been confi- 
 derably lefs numerous, lefs animated, and 
 lefs prominent. 
 
 But there is nothing which, as times 
 and circumftances vary, is not open to a- 
 bufe ; and there is no praftice, how well 
 calculated and well directed, that Ian- 
 guage may not vilify and hold up to 
 ridicule. I am acquainted with Protef- 
 tants, men interefted in the caufe of re- 
 ligion, who would be pleafed to fee a lit- 
 tle more drefs thrown over their too na- 
 ked form of worfhip, and fome few ex- 
 tcrnal incentives added, which might con- 
 tribute to awe and fix the attention 
 particularly of the rude and unlettered, 
 Yet I much wifh, that Rutuals of cere- 
 mony were properly modified to the re- 
 Ipeftive charaBer of each nation. You 
 fee, Sir, I wirh pleafure turn my atten- 
 tion from your fportive defcription of 
 
 beads,
 
 beads, bowings, and crucifixes, to a 
 manly difcuflion of the nature, afe, and 
 propriety of ceremonial forms. 
 
 Have you really fo little converied with 
 Catholics, as to imagine them ignorant to 
 the degree, you mention ? Or, who in 
 formed you, that a fundamental maxim 
 with us is, " that ignorance is the mother 
 of devotion ?" (p. 10) I cannot proper- 
 ly animadvert on fuch charges, without 
 the ufe of terms, which, as a geutleman, I 
 know not how to apply. But we hide, 
 you fay, the Scriptures from the Laity. 
 Indeed we do not. The Scriptures are 
 tranflated into every modern language ; 
 and I only defire you to afk the firft Ca- 
 tholic, you converfe with, whether he has 
 not a bible in his poffeffion ? I know he 
 fhould have. It is our wifh that the igno- 
 rant would not read the Scriptures 
 without fome affiftance ; for you well 
 kuow how open fuch minds are to de- 
 lufion and falfe imprefiion. There is, I 
 
 allow,
 
 ( =4 ) 
 
 allow in many countries a (tending pro- 
 hibition againft reading the fcriptures in 
 modern language : but that prohibition 
 was wifely made at a time, when innu- 
 merable falfe tranflations, as we judg- 
 ed them, were circulated ; and though 
 the prohibition, from a fimilar reafon, 
 be not recalled, yet permnTion to 
 read approved verfions is granted with- 
 out difficulty, it is even; warmly prcffed 
 on the attention of every individual a- 
 mongft us. 
 
 . 
 Now comes on your grand exhibition. 
 
 r-The Magician of Rome, furrounded 
 with " all his, fpells and implements of 
 delufion, .his. fait, Jiis afhes, his wax, his 
 unguents, his I bluih to tranfcribe the 
 remainder of this highly finifhcd period ! 
 (p. il.y Nor will I blur; my. page with 
 the vulgar delineation you have given, of 
 the character of the Roman Pontiff, atr 
 tended by his Clergy and other Minif- 
 
 ters,
 
 ters. Indeed, had it been drawn by the 
 band of ignorant prejudice, I could not 
 have excufed it, fo far does it fink be- 
 neath the level of common decency. 
 There was a time perhaps, when fuch 
 defcriptions might have been liftened to 
 ---they were at no time ever credited-- 
 even that day is, I truft, long fmce 
 paft. 
 
 Roman Catholic rrwnifters, like thofe of 
 evety other perfuafion, have been often too 
 much influenced by the force of paf- 
 fion they have felt the goad of am- 
 bition ; they have bowed the head to the 
 idol of intereft ; they have been allured 
 by the parade of power, and the attrac- 
 tions of pleafure. All this is within the 
 .circle of human depravity. But the 
 voice of reafon and religion was ever 
 loud in her oppofition to thofe ruling 
 paffions : fhe fpoke to the ambitious 
 Pontiff, to the ignorant Pried, and t<? 
 the luxurious Monk. If little attention 
 was given, let the feveriry of cenfure be. 
 fi caft,
 
 caft, where alone it fbould fall. -.-The 
 Pope of Rome we confider as placed 
 at the head of Church Jurifdiftion ; as 
 fuch, he enjoys peculiar privileges and 
 metropolitan powers; but thofe are all 
 confined within the juft bounds of a re- 
 gular, a limited, and equipoifed confti- 
 tution. Believe me for we are neither 
 flaves nor idiots he is polfeifed of no 
 one power, or attribute, which you, in 
 the wild eft flow of faney have aferibed 
 to him. 
 
 You well obferve that " in every 
 communion, the principles and manners 
 of mankind are greatly influenced by 
 thofe of their public teachers." (p. 13.) 
 --Undoubtedly they are : but I will be 
 bold to afiert, that the principles and 
 manners of Catholic teachers, arc as 
 pure and as conformable to the fpirit of 
 Ghriftianity, as are thofe of any other 
 communion, under the wide canopy of 
 heaven. f We are men, however, ajid we 
 bewail the common lot of human i- 
 
 firmitv.
 
 firmity. Are the weakneffes, the crimes, 
 the follies of men in general, to be 
 given to human paffion ; and do ours a- 
 lone originate from the principles and 
 native tendency of our religion ! 
 
 With fimilar touches of delicacy, you por- 
 tray the characters of thofe, who with us 
 are honoured with the appellation of Saints. 
 " We have complimented, you obferve, 
 v/ith the higheli poffible dignities in the 
 other world perfons, who were unworthy 
 and unfit to live in this, whole prin- 
 cipal recommendation appears from hif- 
 tory to have been uncommon flagitiouf- 
 nefs, or uncommon phrenzy." (p. 14.) 
 This, Sir, is the language of intem- 
 perate prejudice. If, from an attentive 
 view of the lives of thofe men, whom 
 you fo liberally cenfure, you fincerely 
 think them deferving of it, the error 
 perhaps may lie in your own ideas of 
 virtue and Chriftian perfection. The 
 line of virtue or of vice, appears 
 K & ibme-
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 fornetimes to rife or fall, as it is taken 
 from different points of view, or as va- 
 ries the deceptious eye of the behol- 
 der. For my part, I fee much in iheir 
 lives to admire, and much I could wifli 
 to imitate. But they alfo were men, as 
 you and I are. 
 
 Yet, though fo villainous bad not been 
 the characters, which difgrace our ca- 
 lendar, {till, it feems, the roorjhip, as 
 you ftyle it, of Saints and Angels "is 
 not more repugnant to Scripture, than 
 inconfiftent with the unrivalled adora- 
 tion due to the one Supreme." /p. 14) 
 You have doubtlefs feen the many 
 fair explications, we have given of this 
 part of Catholic devotion. After that, 
 can you ftill prevail on yourfelf to 
 place things in a light fo diftant from 
 ail femblance of truth? No Sir; we 
 ivorfiiip alone the one Supreme ; but 
 we have learned to treat with refyeft- 
 the memories of men, whofe eminent 
 
 virtues
 
 virtues feem to us deferving of it; and 
 we beg them to affijl us in our ad- 
 dreffes to him, who is the only fource 
 of grace and mercy. This is the full 
 extent of our belief and practice. The 
 abufes of ignorance, and the hyperboli- 
 cal expreflions of wanton piety, are 
 equally foreign from the fpirit of re- 
 ligion. We condemn them. 
 
 Will you excufe me for omitting to 
 cenfure your pleafant reflections on 
 Image-kifling &c. as alfo your inge- 
 nious conceit of a public bank or 
 treafury, "out of which, you obferve, 
 thofe who have no virtue of their own, 
 may be conveniently fupplied at a fmall 
 expence." (p. 16} The whole is indeed 
 prettily imagined; but, from laflitude 
 and a reiterated view of difcordant and 
 frightful imagery, I find myfelf in too 
 ierious a mood, to be amufed even by 
 the moft prominent features of wit or 
 buffoonery. But was it becoming, think 
 
 you
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 you, the dignity of the pulpit, by fic- 
 tion, to play with the fancy, and raife 
 a fmile on the countenance of gaping 
 attention ? It might however be fome 
 relief from the too fevere impreflk>n 
 of your general ideas. 
 
 To proceed; for I now perceive j 
 am fairly entered on a land of fiftion. In 
 your next paragraph (p. 16, 17) where 
 you pretend to enumerate other maxims 
 fcnd doftrines, as you call them, of our 
 Church, I read a long lift of no lefs 
 than eleven diftinft charges, which, (but 
 you would not credit my folemn oath) 
 from the firft to the laft, in the fenfe 
 of your application, are no more a 
 part of real Catholic doctrine, than they 
 may belong to the creed of the 
 Hurons, or to the wild inhabitants of 
 the Terra del Fuego. The affertions of 
 whimfical individuals, or of whimfical 
 Societies, it is no more my bufmefs, 
 
 as
 
 C 8 ) 
 
 as a Catholic, to fupport, than it it 
 
 yours. 
 
 Come \ve now to Purgatory : *' what 
 a gulf of delufion, you emphatically 
 exclaim, opens to view, in which it is 
 impoffible to fay, how many fouls have 
 perifhed!" (p. 17) Purgatory, Sir, has 
 been often a fruitful fource of declama- 
 tion; but here likewife ( though it is 
 now my only expectation) I find you 
 are equally uninformed. May I then be 
 never more allowed to reafon with 
 you ; and muft my flat contradiction 
 be the only reply, I can make, to 
 every future aflertion ? I much fear, it 
 will be fo. It is indeed painful to an 
 ingenuous and philofophic mind, through 
 a long progrefs, only to meet the ghaftly 
 forms of deception and error ; 
 Terribiles vifu formae ! 
 You perceive, Sir, the affociation of 
 ideas, whereby the defcent of the Tro- 
 jan
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 jan wanderer through the Infernal re- 
 gions, is brought to my mind. 
 
 Every opinion that tends to remove 
 or weaken thofe reftraints, which reli- 
 gion has oppofed to vice and paflion, is- 
 certainly obnoxious in the extreme. Such 
 you think, is our do&rine of Purgatory ; 
 and undoubtedly it would be fo, if, as 
 you reprefent it, we were taught to 
 eonfider the pains of that place, as cal- 
 culated to efface every ftain of guilt, 
 that human depravity might incur. We 
 think not fo. Admitting, as we deem it 
 confident with reafon, an eflential dif- 
 ference in the criminality of tranfgref- 
 fions, we cannot confign to equal pu- 
 nithment hereafter, the unrepenting per- 
 petrators of every crime. We are not 
 eafily perfuaded, that to murder a parent 
 with every aggravation of atrocity, or 
 to wound the fair reputation of inno- 
 cence, are only crimes of the fame ve- 
 nial character, with the Health of a far- 
 thing
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 thing, or a hafty word of paflion. Yet 
 the guilt of every tranfgreflion rrmft be 
 done away, before we can be admitted to 
 feats of pureft virtue and tranfcendent ex- 
 cellence. The do&rine then of Purgato- 
 ry is, to my apprehenfion, grounded on 
 the cleareft deductions of reafon, fupport- 
 ed by the exprefs declarations of Scrip- 
 ture and traditional authority. 
 
 Seeing things in this light, you cannot 
 be furprifed, I fhould pay little deference 
 to your declamatory affertions, unfuppor- 
 ted as they are by the Jeaft ray of ratio- 
 nal probability. Permit me then to leave 
 in that mafs of fi&ion, which is their pro- 
 per place, your amufing reflections on 
 Pilgrimages and Penances, auricular con- 
 feffion and extreme unflion, indulgences, 
 pardons, difpenfations. c. (p. 18.) A 
 wide field this for ever)-' elegant trope of 
 polifhed orator)' ! Nor will I attempt to 
 unbind the flowery wreath, with which an 
 F admir-
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 admiring and affectionate audience has en- 
 circled your brows. 
 
 I muft only obferve : The bcft things as 
 they are liable to be mifconftrued, fo are 
 they liable to be abufed. But as I con- 
 demn mifconftruclion, particularly when 
 obvioufly wilful, fo do I every abufe, in 
 proportion to its degree of infamy." It 
 is the aim, you add, of Popery, to make 
 people believe that they may be as wick- 
 ed as they will, with fafety for the next 
 world, as well as the prefent." Fie, Dr. 
 Fordyce ! 
 
 I have done with your firft part, def- 
 [ ctibing the delufive arts, or rather Sorce~ 
 ries (for the term is more emphatically 
 elegant) of the Church of Rome. If 
 you applaud me, it will be well and fm- 
 gular. This I know ; I have fo far ho- 
 xieftly endeavoured to fupport the caufe 
 of infulted truth and injured innocence. 
 
 The
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 Your fecond part opens in dreadful fee- 
 nery- ' This abandoned and fanguinary 
 Proftitute, not contented with corrupting 
 the fouls of thofe who were feduced by , 
 her, has frequently killed the bodies of 
 thofe who were not." -She goes out to 
 the work of blood, " armed with bulls in 
 one hand and daggers in the other, pro- 
 vided with a honid apparatus of faggots, 
 axes, racks, and gibbets, and accompani- 
 ed with a hideous train of executioners." 
 (p 20, 21.) -Serioufly- for in the midft 
 of all thefe horrors, by an unaccountable 
 impreflion, I feel myfelf inclined to laugh 
 -in the name of common decency, Re- 
 verend Sir, What is it you mean ? I can- 
 not even attempt a reply ; for your ima- 
 gination, foaring on the wings of wildeft 
 phrenzy, has wandered far beyond the 
 utmoft ken of reafon ! Yet, fatiguing as 
 the flight muft be, when every rational 
 power is not quite fuppreffed, you pur- 
 fue the arduous journey through three 
 F a
 
 entire pages, marking every line with the 
 difmal epithets of blood, carnage, and de- 
 jolation. However, as- your Sermon was 
 preached on the loth of February laft 
 ( the day of general fail, which, one would 
 think, fhould have rather abated the ram- 
 pancy of your Soul) you may, by this 
 time perhaps, be again redored to a ftate 
 of cool moderation. On tbisfuppofition, 
 I fubmit to your reflection a few remarks 
 on what is, in common language, flyled 
 the ferfecuting and intolerant fpirit of the 
 Catholic Church. 
 
 . 
 
 The queftion before me is of wide ex- 
 tent : But this is not the place for minute 
 difcuffion. It will not, I well know, be 
 denied, though the reflexion is exceed- 
 ingly painful, that many enormities and 
 cruelties have been perpetrated under 
 the fhameful pretence of maintaining the 
 dignity and purity of holy Religion. This 
 has been no uncommon policy, not a- 
 mong Catholics only ; for we find it as 
 
 ftrongly
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 ftrongly matked in the. general conduft of 
 every feet of Chriftians, who have enga- 
 ged in the violence of factious difpute, or 
 the impetuous oppofition of enthufiafm. 
 The obfervation is confirmed by every 
 page of ecdefiaftical memoir. But the 
 pictures of thefe excefles are generally 
 overcharged, as tfeey /are drawn by the 
 abettors of the refpeclive parties : whilft 
 each friend to his own facUon aims, by- 
 undue partiality, to fcreen the infamy, by 
 which, he thinks, the fame of thofe 
 whom he loves, will be too deeply tar- 
 nifhed. I grant then that Chriftian 
 Rome has perfccuted, (for I wifh not to 
 palliate by ufrng the fofter term of pro- 
 fecution) too many o f her fteps have been 
 flained with the blood, and moiftened by 
 the tears of the fuffering and the af- 
 fliaed. 
 
 But it is not, I apprehend, with re- 
 gard to fa&s (which however in their num- 
 ber, and in their circumftances, the voice 
 
 of
 
 f 38 ) 
 
 of declamatory party-rage has fiiame- 
 fully exaggerated) that Criticifm labours; 
 it is about the principle, the leading fpi- 
 rit of that religion, whofe members I 
 allow to have often exceeded the bounds 
 of Chriftian moderation and humanity. 
 Had not the Roman Catholic, at all 
 times, been equally expofed to the in- 
 fluence of paflion, with the reft of 
 mankind, his actions, I own, fhould not 
 be tried by any common rule ; but as we 
 never enjoyed that enviable prerogative, 
 every maxim of reafon obliges me to 
 account for fimilar effects, by reference 
 to fimilar caufes. To depart from this 
 fixed principle, is to give up the only 
 ground, on which accuracy of judgment 
 may reft. It is by this criterion alone 
 the prefent queftion can be determined : 
 and if, through the long evolution of 
 nearly eighteen centuries, any fa& qf 
 Catholic perfecution can be adduced, 
 from circumftances or other motives, 
 evidently not afcribable to this ruling
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 principle, paflion, or the bad policy of 
 ftates, I will leave the field, and pro- 
 claim my own defeat. 1 throw 
 
 down the gauntlet of defiance. Be aware, 
 Sir; paflion has a thoufand forms, and 
 is never the lefs active, becaufe con- 
 cealed under the robe of virtue or Chrif- 
 tian zeal. 
 
 As I reafon on the excefles of my 
 own Church, fo do you on thofe of the 
 DifTenters from it. What you take 
 yourfelf, that latitude allow alfo to me. 
 For an inftant, let us both run over 
 the fad profpeft of contenfion and blood- 
 (hed, which, not much time ago, defo- 
 lated the kingdoms of Germany, France, 
 and Holland. We fee the Catholic 
 ftates ftriving, by excefs of zeal, to 
 maintain the eftablifhed wormip, I may 
 alfo add, the eftablifhed forms of go- 
 vernment ; whilft, on the other hand, 
 with at leaft equal intemperance, the 
 flaming Sectaries are aiming to over- 
 
 throvr
 
 C 4 ) 
 
 throw both, and to eftablifh themfelvej 
 on their ruins.--! think you mud allow 
 this view to be faithfully taken- -As 
 then, on one fide, Paffion inftigated the 
 rulers at leaf!: of faclion ; ib, on the 
 other, was it alfo Paffion which drew the 
 fword, and fheathed it in the breaft of 
 oppofition. 
 
 To come nearer home The fame 
 fiery caft of foul, inflamed by every bad 
 untamed paffion, which hurried the ty- 
 rant Henry to ah of the deepeft cnr 
 .elty, funk to a more folemn gloom in 
 the breaft of his daughter Mary, lighted 
 up the fires of Smithfield : Nor was her 
 Virgin Sifter, though more artful and 
 diifembling, lefs delighted with fcenes of 
 blood, or more moved by the cries of 
 differing innocence. Is it fair then, that 
 the excefles of Mary fliould be af. 
 cribed to the influence of her religious 
 perfuafion, and that thofe of Henry and 
 Elizabeth, fiiould be laid to the account 
 
 of
 
 ( 4' ) 
 
 of ferocious or defigning paflion..-The 
 refpeftive minifters of this bloody fa- 
 mily, as is always the cafe, either caught 
 the fpirit, or faithfully executed the or- 
 ders of authority : And the fame rea- 
 foning applies to the general conduct of 
 all, who engaged in this unchriftian 
 fcheme, of propagating or maintaining 
 religion. 
 
 But that the native tendency of 
 Catholicifm is not to perfecution, I refer 
 you to th cool fentiments of thofe, 
 who all along looked with horroi and 
 deteftation on the fad conduct of their 
 brethren; I refer you to the declara- 
 tions of thofe writers, men of the firit 
 information and piety, who have recor- 
 ded the actions and defigns of the con- 
 tending parties ; I refer you to thofe 
 pages of inftru&ion, where are delineate 
 ed the real principles of our religion; 
 
 . 
 
 I refer you to the Scriptures thernfelves, 
 
 thofe facred fources, from which the 
 
 G true
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 yue do&rine of Catholics is derived; 
 and I refer you to the living voice of 
 every well- informed and difpaflionate 
 man through the wide regions of Ca* 
 tholic belief. 
 
 You mention, with reproach to us, the 
 holy wars or Crufades. They, Sir, more 
 properly belong to the armals of Ro- 
 mantic Chivalry. But I am more fur 
 prifed to fee again objected the mad 
 gunpowder plot, and the imaginary hor- 
 rors of an Irifh maflacre. AH this bu- 
 fmefs had, I thought, been long fince 
 done away ; nor did I ever expect to 
 hear more of the gunpowder charge at 
 leaft, unlefs from the filly voice of 
 childhood on the fifth of November.- 
 Was it from forgetfulnefs, that 'you o- 
 mitted entertaining your friends with a 
 defcription of the London fire ?-- As to 
 the Inquifition ; it is, I believe bad e- 
 nough ; but as in thofe few countries, 
 where it now fwbfifts, it is ufcd princi- 
 pally
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 pally as an engine of State-policy, I leave 
 you to difcufs that point with the Courts 
 of Madrid and Lilbon ; likewife what- 
 ever you efteein cenfurable in their con- 
 queft of America. 
 
 What has been faid on the perfecut- 
 ing, is nearly applicable to the fuppofed 
 intolerant fpirit of our religion. The 
 Jpirit of our religion is not intolerant; 
 but the profeflbrs of it have often been 
 fo, and that from paffion, from intereft, 
 from ambition, from enthufiafm, and the 
 blind zeal of bigotry. You fee, Sir, I 
 plead no exemption from thefe influenc- 
 ing and ruling motives. Churches, I am 
 firmly perfuadcd, of every denomination, 
 to which either concurrence of circum- 
 ftances, or the prejudices, and interefted 
 views of men, have given power and ju- 
 rifdiQion, will ever, as fuch, be more 
 or lefs intolerant. Of this the caufe 
 may be eafily difcovered, marked on the 
 nature of the human mind, actuated, as 
 G 2 it
 
 ( 44 } 
 
 it ever has been, by internal paflion, 
 and the irritation of external allurements. 
 A clofe alliance between Church and 
 State, may be deemed by politicians a 
 neceffary arrangement ; but I fear it has 
 greatly injured the real intereft and 
 object of Religion. I could wifh much 
 to fee but the realizing of my wifh 
 muft be left to the kingdom of Uto- 
 piathe caufe of religion clearly fepa- 
 rated from the caufe of policy. If men, 
 in the choice and practice of their reli- 
 gious duties, had no other view, but what 
 fhould arife from the impreffion of 
 truth, a regard foi their maker, and 
 fiticere Chriftian charity, there would be 
 little place for animofity, little for party- 
 zeal, little for interefted ambition, little for 
 exclufive privilege, and ftill lefs for per- 
 fecuting intolerance. Intolerance then, 
 whether it wear a triple crown, a fcarlet 
 hat, or a mitre; whether it walk about, 
 with folemn pace, in cowl or cjuTock, or 
 
 in
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 5n the mqre hurable drefe of affefted 
 purity, is ft ill derived from a fimilar 
 caufe, and can never, as I apprehend, 
 meet the approbation of reafon, or the 
 fan&ion of Chriftianity. 
 
 If Gattyolics have been more intole- 
 rant than other focieties of chriftians, 
 it has happened, becaufe w had been 
 longer in pofleffion of a prefcriptive 
 right to power and extenfive jurifdio 
 tion ; becaufe the the defigns of oppo- 
 fition were generally wild and exuber- 
 ant ; becaufe the principles of our re- 
 ligion had been long eftablifhed, and 
 generally adopted; becaufe thefe had 
 been intimately blended into the fyftems 
 of political government; and becaufe 
 the riches we poffefled, we \vifhed 
 not to furrender into the hands of 
 others. This, I believe, is a fair ex- 
 pofition of the real {late of things ; but 
 it makes nothing againft the efiential 
 fpirit and native tendency of the Ca- 
 tholic
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 tholic religion, which breathes peace; 
 lenity, concord, and focial amity to a!) 
 men. 
 
 I have feen you through your two 
 divifions. May I remain your compan- 
 ion fome moments longer. A few re- 
 marks on the remaining fubjeft will fuf* 
 fice me. 
 
 You are thankful, you fay, to pro- 
 vidence for having been educated in 
 the Proteftant belief Be it fo I am 
 equally thankful to the fame Power for 
 the religion I profefs. Who informed 
 you, that three or four out of five 
 daughters amongft us, are generally 
 imprifoned during life, far from the 
 chearful haunts of men, and the friend- 
 ly offices of fociety, in folitary cells 
 and gloomy cloifters ? You are too 
 fond of mifreprefentation It is not 
 fo Thofe places of retirement may 
 be abufed: they fometimes are. In 
 
 other
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 other refpefts they have their advan- 
 tages, agreably to circumftances of life, 
 and difpofidons of mind. " our parents 
 poflefs not in general the feelings of 
 natural affeclion." (p. 24). Do you 
 really think fo ? Perhaps alfo the brute 
 pait of our creation is fteeled, by popifli 
 infection, againft that tendernefs for 
 offspring \vhich foftens the reft of their 
 race. 
 
 As to the open avowal of infidelity 
 or atheifm, prevalent, you fay, in France 
 and Italy, and which you feem to think 
 an eafy ftep from Popery : in the firft 
 place, fuch monftrous deviations from 
 truth are not fo common, as represent, 
 ed; I believe, not more fo than with 
 us Then, the genius of the French parti- 
 cularly is inconftant and fond of novelty 
 however abfurd and laftly, where the 
 cafe has happened, it has generally pro- 
 ceeded from thelefture of books, or conv 
 verfation of men drawn from a land, over 
 whofe excefles I with to throw * vci].... 
 
 At
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 At all events, fuch defleBions from truth 
 and virtue are always the vifible effect 
 of indulged and rampnat paflion. No 
 religion, as fuch, is at all allied to in- 
 fidelity or Atheifm. The fuperior ad. 
 vantages which, as Proteftants, you think, 
 you enjoy, and which you fo highly ex- 
 tol, I would not deprive you of. .But 
 furely, you defire not fuch privileges to 
 be exclufive: let other focieties cherifh, 
 with fatisfa6lory emotion, fuch bleflings, 
 with which, they truft, Providence has 
 kindly indulged them alfo. 
 
 You again ftrongly exprefs your fears, 
 that " the love of many is waxed cold ;" 
 and that even, " Proteftant difienters 
 fprung from thofe zealous men, the old 
 puritans, can now-a-days think of Po- 
 pery with the utmoft tranquillity." (p. 27.) 
 Art thou then defccnded from fome 
 old Puritan ? And doth the fpirit of 
 thy progenitor hang clofely round thy 
 heart ?-.-Zealous man! The riddle is 
 
 .then
 
 f 49 ) 
 
 then folved I fee the whole drift and 
 energy of the Monkwell-ftreet Sermon ! 
 .-But believe me, Sir, the Proteftant 
 diffenters of England are men of more 
 liberal Sentiment ; they glory not in any 
 defcent from Puritanifm ; they felt for the 
 diftreffes, under which \ve had laboured ; 
 they rejoiced in our relief. 
 
 " For a Proteftant minifter to be a bi- 
 got, you add, were fhamefully incon- 
 dite nt. You will not, I hope, fufpeft 
 us of it."---Bigotry is inconfiftent with, 
 the principles of every religious perfua- 
 fion : yet it is a weaknefs that may be 
 found in minds, in other refpetts, firm 
 and moderate. The man, Sir, who can 
 mifreprefent, and who by mifreprefen- 
 tation wilhes to vilify the character, and 
 to rivet the fetters of opprefiion on his 
 fellow-citizens, is a bigot; but if that 
 name be too harm, I will call him no 
 friend to truth and focial felicity. Bi- 
 ll gotry,
 
 ( So ) 
 
 gotry, Enthufiafm, and confirmed 
 judice, are the very word paffions, that 
 debafe the human mind : no element of 
 virtue, Chriftian or focial, can refift 
 their baneful influence* 
 
 With reafon you condemn the too com- 
 mon affe&ation of profefiing umverfal be- 
 nevolence, philofophy, and freedom from 
 vulgar prejudice. Often fuch language 
 is void of all meaning. You even go 
 fo far as to declare, that you feel more 
 affeftion in your heart for an honeft 
 Papift, who lives virtuoufly, than for 
 thofe people who are perpetually ha- 
 ranguing about the beautiful qualities 
 juft mentioned. -You are too good to 
 us ! But the miiery is, if your defcription 
 cf Popery be juft, it is no more pof, 
 fible for a Roman Catholic to be virtuous 
 and honeft, than it is for a determined 
 fanatic to be fond of truth, or to wifli 
 well to mankind. 
 
 In
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 In the fucceeding lines I am dragged 
 through a tedious chain of ufual decla- 
 mation on what, you term ' the lefs 
 offenfive, but ftill very hurtful abfurdi- 
 ties of Popery." You then afk with 
 feeming triumph : " Have Catholics 
 (though now perhaps fomewhat enlighten, 
 ed by the diffufion of learning and phi- 
 lofophyj publicly reprobated a fingle er- 
 ror in the eftabliflied fyftem, or dropped 
 a fingle praftice of their former fuperfti- 
 tion ? Have they in a body exprefTed 
 one fentiment of toleration, or given 
 the fmalleft hint of Chriftian charity for 
 thofe who differ from them ? Have they 
 not always, if they could do it with 
 fafety, betrayed the rancour of perfe- 
 cution, when ' roufed by ecclefiaflical 
 motives ? If from political confederations 
 the Proteftants in France are not now 
 fubje&ed to the fame cruelties as be- 
 fore, the fmallnefs of their number, not 
 exciting the fame jealoufy ; can it be. 
 H 2 faid
 
 ! 5* ) 
 
 faid, that their condition is refpeftable, 
 
 advantageous, or fecure ?" (p. 31.)-.- I 
 (hall reply to thefe feveral qucllions. 
 
 ift. We have reprobated no error in 
 our religious fyftem, becaufe we know 
 of none. Where practices have been 
 judged fuperftitious, fenfible men have al- 
 ways condemned, and authority has en- 
 deavoured to fupprefs them. 2d. I do 
 not know that, in a body, we have expref- 
 fed any fentiment of toleration. The opi- 
 nions of individuals are well known. But 
 for reafons already afiigned, Toleration is 
 not eafily introduced, where a form of 
 \vorfhip and church- jurifdi&ion has been 
 legally eftablilhed, and even incorporated 
 into the fyftem of civil policy. We have, 
 however, felt, and as ftrongly exprefled, 
 the true fpirit of Chriftian charity for thofe 
 who differ from us. This, Dr. Fordyce, 
 is more than every man, or every body of 
 men, have done, who profefs the greateft, 
 abhorrence of Catholic priiicipics.-3d. 
 
 We
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 We have not always, even when it might 
 be done with fafety, betrayed the rancour 
 of perfecution, when roufed by ecclefia- 
 ftical motives : I refer you to the an- 
 nals of our own and of former times. 
 4th. I agree that the condition of Pro- 
 teftants in France is neither very refpe&a- 
 ble, advantageous, or fecure. We may 
 probably live to fee it more fo. Jealoufy, 
 founded on too certain a fufpicion, and 
 other political confiderations, have been 
 hitherto a bar to that relaxation of feve- 
 rity, which humanity and the voice of re- 
 ligion otherwife called for. England has 
 fct an example which evea France muft 
 imitate. 
 
 You allow, that neither the religious 
 nor civil rights of this kingdom have any 
 thing to fear from thofe amongft us, who 
 have native virtue enough, in fpite of 
 principles, to abhor every kind and de- 
 gree of inhumanity, and to difapprove of 
 tenets, which they apprehend to be im-< 
 
 pious
 
 f 54 ) 
 
 pious and immoral (p. 32.) Believe me, 
 Sir, the man, who feels not fuch fenti-. 
 irtents, has no pretenfions to rank with 
 any Chriftian or civilized Society upon 
 earth. A Pretender to our religion may 
 be inhuman ; his actions may be impious 
 and immoral. We incite, but cannot 
 impel to virtue. 
 
 You mention the oaths provided by a 
 late a& of Parliament in our favour, and 
 to which Roman Catholics have unani- 
 moufly fubfcribed. This conduft, at leaft 
 with regard to men of worth and ho., 
 nour, you fay, was not "very confift- 
 ent :" becaufe (you add) they ought t'q 
 feparate from a community, that "pre- 
 tends to fanftify the breach of the moft 
 facred ties.''-" How can they exprefs, 
 (you go on to obferve) in the ftrongeft 
 terms imaginable, their deteftation of 
 this damnable doctrine, and total difbe- 
 lief of the Pope's having the lead power 
 tp abfolve them fro.m. futjh obligations.,
 
 f 55 ) 
 
 and yet profefs to believe in Popery ; a 
 religion which, they know, refts on the 
 infallibility and unlimited authority of the 
 Pope as its very foundation, and afcribes 
 to him, as an unalienable right, the full 
 power of difpenfing with all crimes what- 
 foever, the fouleft not excepted." (p. 32.) 
 Dr. Fordyce ; if you are really igno- 
 rant, I blufh at your effrontery ; but if, 
 in the conviction of their falmood, you 
 have dared to make thefe affertions ; I 
 leave the naming of your crime to pens, 
 more verfed than mine in the darkeft co- 
 lours of language. In no {ingle word of 
 the whole charge, divide it as far as mat- 
 ter is diyifible, is there the leaft element 
 of Truth. The reader will pardon this 
 (hort fally of honeft indignation. We 
 freely and chearfully fubfcribed to the 
 tendered oath, and each voice, in the 
 face of Heaven, fpoke thg fincereft fend- 
 mentsofhis heart.
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 But however much you may be dif- 
 pofed to rely on the good behaviour 
 of many Popifh Gentlemen, and how- 
 ever heartily you may rejoice in the fe- 
 cular advantages lately held out to all 
 of our communion, ftill you " cannot en- 
 ter, you fay, fo readily into the wif- 
 dom or propriety of permitting Popifh 
 Pricfts to open Chapels and Schools in 
 any part of England" (p, 33.) I fuf- 
 pe&, you have even mifconftrued the 
 act of Parliament : However, the favours 
 we poflefs, have been granted by a wife 
 Legiflaluvc, the jealous ^guardians of the 
 'civil and religious rights of the nation. 
 Our conducl, I truft, will fhew that we 
 deferved the indulgence. 
 
 - Fear not, Sir, the downfal of your 
 religion. Truth has nothing to appre- 
 hend from the moft a6tive exertions, 
 even of unabating zeal. Do you, in 
 proportion to the freedom which others 
 
 enjoy of expreffing their fentiment-s, op. 
 
 pole
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 pofe that active rniniftry, which fo mt3ch 
 becomes the Chriftian Teacher. But 
 mifreprefent not : That caufe mult be 
 bad indeed, which requires the aid of 
 fo infamous a fupport. From that quar- 
 ter it will receive a more mortal ftab, 
 than the incefiant attempts of le- 
 gions of crafty and abandoned Priefts 
 (as you politely ftyle them} could-, ever 
 inflid. 
 
 " We wor.ld not, God. knows, fyou 
 humanely proteft) hurt, in the fmalleft in- 
 ftance, a fingle Papift living". --Not in the 1 
 frnaliefl; inftance ! I trait, you would 
 not draw againft him the flaming fword 
 of perfecution : But there are other wea- 
 pons, which can infliB: a more deadly 
 and corrofive wound. Or, do you think 
 us made of that flern mettle, as not to 
 feel the bite of defamation ? Do you 
 think we are infenfible to language, 
 \vhich holds us out as the molt deter- 
 mined enemies to God and man ?-! have 
 I read
 
 read your Sermon of the loth of Feb- 
 ruary ! 
 
 " But furely (you add) neither the 
 laws of charity, nor the rules of can- 
 dour, demand that we mould lay our- 
 felves open to be injured by Papifts in 
 our mod effential interefts." (p. 34.) 
 We wilt not injure you. We feel e- 
 very impreffion of warmeft gratitude for 
 the bleffings of prefent eafe ; and be- 
 {jides, Sir, we have learnt to " love our 
 enemies, to biels them that curfe us, ta 
 do -good to them that hate us, and to 
 pray for them which defpitefully ufe 
 us." 
 
 " We thank God (they are your own 
 words) for inclining fo many of our Bre- 
 thren in Scotland, among perfons of the 
 beft underftanding arid greateft huma- 
 i nity, to exprefs a difapprobation of any 
 meafure that might expofe their part ; 
 of the kingdom yet more to the in- 
 roads
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 roads and machinations of Popery." (p. 
 34.)-- I am indeed lorry to hear from 
 your mouth, that perfons of the beft 
 under/landing and grtatejl humanity in 
 Scotland, have abetted the meafures late- 
 ly exerted in that part of the kingdom. 
 Are the powers then of intellect, fo far 
 as yet bound up in that northern climate ; 
 and is the tender fibre of humanity fo 
 benumbed, as neither to f.e the truth 
 of thofe enlarged principles, #hich the 
 reft of Europe has generally adopted, 
 or as not to pity the hard fate, and 
 endeavour to eafe the heavy load, which 
 bad long oppreffed an inoffenfive and 
 deferving portion of his Majefty's fub- 
 jefts? Believe me, in the annals of the 
 iSth century, the conduct of Scotland 
 in this affair, will be recorded as a 
 fmgular inftance of uncivilized and fa- 
 vage manners; and it will be well for 
 the reputation of thofe men of under- 
 jlanding and humanity who fupported - it, 
 I 2 that
 
 f 60 ) 
 
 that ix will not be credited.- Does that (lags 
 likcwife of your brethren's conduct meet 
 your approbation, wherein the lives of 
 innocent men were cxpofed to dread- 
 ful danger, and their property deftroy- 
 ed by the wild phrenzy of a lawlcfs 
 and fanatical mob ? But thcfe alfo were 
 men of under/landing and humanity / 
 
 In a general affembly of the Church 
 of Scotland, the warmeil endeavours of 
 the friends to Toleration were oppofed ; 
 and Intolerance (I am told) carried it by 
 the majority of a HUNDRED .'The va- 
 rious means fubfequently employed to 
 prejudice ftill more the minds of igno- 
 rance, and to roufe them to deeds of 
 violence, are faithfully recorded in the 
 led page of Perfecution.I mean this, 
 cenfure mould only fall where it is due. 
 Numbers, I know, faw and pitied ; but 
 they durll not give relief. They blufh, 
 and almoft wilh to hide the native ac- 
 cent
 
 cent of Caledonia.--In England would not 
 a fimilar attempt give you pleafure ? But 
 atas ! the minds of Englimmen are opeft- 
 to the enlargement of liberal truth, and 
 every impreflion of gentled humanity. 
 
 I beg leave, in oppofition to the con. 
 traced ideas of jhe Scottifh Church, to 
 give you the free Sentiments of a Bi- 
 (hop of the Church of England, Do&or 
 Rofs of Exeter. 
 
 " It was long ( fays he ) and once 
 almoft univerfally thought, that pains 
 and penalties were neceffary to pro- 
 mote the glory of God, and the in- 
 terefts of religion ; and that thofe who 
 had the power, had the right to tor- 
 ment and punifh their fellow-creatures 
 here for the good of ( their fouls, and 
 to fecure their falvation hereafter. 
 Hence arofe irreconcileable hatred 
 and refemment, and the world was 
 often filled with confufion and blood- 
 ihed. But, we are now grown v.ifer; 
 
 we
 
 we know that the "fear of God," or 
 true notions of the divine nature, di- 
 feft us to a different conduct. We have 
 learned alfo from experience, as well as 
 from reafon, the great injuflice and 
 bad policy of this meafure. We are 
 convinced, that every man, while he con- 
 tinues a peaceable fubjeft, has a right to 
 follow the diBates of his own confci- 
 ence, in the profeffing of his faith, and 
 the worfhiping of God ; that the at- 
 tempt of compelling men to follow 
 the confciences of others, is as danger, 
 ous to public peace, as deftru&ive of 
 true religion ; aud laftly that the bell 
 fiieans to preferve and promote both, 
 are to withdraw that attempt; to treat 
 all who differ from us in opinon with 
 brotherly affeBion and chanty; and to 
 leave them at liberty to determine for 
 themfelves, what they ought to believe 
 as necefiary to falvation ; and what they 
 ought to perform in the worfhip of 
 
 God, as molt acceptable to him. 
 
 " Our
 
 . 
 
 " Our anceftors at the revolution 
 afted on this principle. Among the 
 many excellent improvements which 
 were made in our conftitution about 
 that period, the toleration of Proteftant 
 Diflenters was not the leaft. It banifli- 
 ed, as far as it went, perfecution and 
 oppreffion. on account of religion, from 
 amongft us. It removed a great 
 blemifh, which difgraced our religious 
 eftablifhment, and contributed to in- 
 cieafe its ftrength, as well as to im- 
 prove its beauty. In a word, it put a 
 flop to as many evils, and produced 
 as much good, as perhaps the prin- 
 ciples and fpirit of thofc times would" 
 then allow ; and left to thofe who came 
 after them, the duty and glory, of finifh- 
 ing, at a proper period, the work 
 which they began. 
 
 " That feafon, I truft, is now ap- r 
 reaching. An opportunity wil! 3 I hope, 
 
 (boa
 
 f 64 ) 
 
 loon be offered to us, of (hewing that 
 we deferve the chdratter, which we have 
 long affumed among Proteftants, of plac- 
 ing religious liberty on its true founda- 
 tion; and of giving to all who diflent 
 from our religious eftablifliment, and 
 are good fubjcQs of the ftate, that 
 legal fecurity, to which reafon, and the 
 Gofpel, and found policy, undoubtedly 
 entitle them/' 
 
 Such are the liberal and chriftian Sen- 
 timents of a m killer of the Church of 
 England, fpoken before the Lords Spiri- 
 tual and Temporal on the 3oth of Janu- 
 ary laft, and which, after receiving par- 
 liamentary approbation, were by their or- 
 der published to the world. 1 am happy 
 alfo in the. reflection, that they are the ge- 
 neral Sentiments of the Englifh nation. 
 How different but I fhall make no far- 
 ther application. The waters of Tweed 
 nluit be girted with a contractile and pe- 
 trifying
 
 trifying quality, widely different from 
 that of our filver Thames ! 
 
 I have done with your Sermon, On a 
 review of the general bufinefs, I fee little 
 to correft, and nothing I could wifh not 
 to have faid. If I have omitted noticing 
 any paflage, you think deferved an ex- 
 plicit reply ; it was done without defign. 
 I could have no motive for the omiflion. 
 My animadverfions have been in general 
 concife. I wifhed to make them fo. The 
 expofition of truth requires neither multi- 
 plicity of words, nor the fuperiluous 
 parade of language. If any of my re- 
 flections fhould feem to you rather 
 warm and animated; recollcft the ftyle 
 and fpirit of your own difcourfe. I 
 wrote as I felt : words of momentary 
 indignation mechanically efcaped me. I 
 fat down to your fermon in the cooleft 
 apathy. I meant to reafon the point 
 philofophically with you. It was im- 
 K poffible
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 pofiible ; and you may believe me, I 
 {hould net have expofed my nerves to 
 the difagreeable vibrations, attendant on fo 
 irkfome a tafk, had Hot motives, fupe- 
 rior to the love of eafe, impelled me to 
 it. 
 
 I {hall not be anfwered by quotations 
 from a hundred authors. Am I re. 
 fponfible for the extravagances of a court- 
 ly Bellarmin, ftudious of extending Pa- 
 pel jurifdiction; or for the follies of an 
 Efcobar, fabricating, in idle fancy, loofe 
 codes of moiality ? I fhall fmgly abide 
 by the authority of approved pages of 
 catechidical inftru&ion, and the opinions 
 of the difpaffionate and well-informed. 
 Every church has had its ignorant and 
 interefted declaimers, its whimfical theo- 
 lifts, and its cafuifts, of lax, of various, 
 and of wanton charaQer. The doc- 
 trine of fuch men, we neither follow, 
 or defend. 
 
 Had
 
 ( 6; ) 
 
 Had you been fatisfied, Sir, with the 
 honeft and Chriftian defign of inculcat- 
 ing on the attention of your followers, 
 a fteady attachment to the principles of 
 their religion ; had you warned them a- 
 gainft the dangers of Seduction ; and in- 
 fpired them with the fmcereft zeal for 
 the Proteftant caufe, you fhould have 
 had my applaufe ; becaufe you then would 
 have done your duty. But, by the moil 
 glaring mifreprefentation of our principles, 
 to aggravate the prejudices of the ig- 
 norant, to fteel their hearts againft 
 compaffion, and to hold us up as pro- 
 per objects of contempt perhaps ofper- 
 fecution was an attempt, Dr. Fordyce, 
 unbecoming the man and the Chriftian. 
 
 Indeed, I might have anfwered you 
 in much fewer words ; becaufe I could 
 have faid and it would have been 
 true- that from the fir ft to the 
 
 laft
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 laft page of your Sermon, in all your 
 charges againft us, there was not A 
 
 SINGLE WORD OF TRUTH. 
 
 I am, 
 
 March 27, 
 
 Reverend Sir, 
 Your obedient humble Seivant, 
 
 ********* 
 
 FINIS,
 
 THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOU.R 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 FROM 
 
 The Reformation to the Year 1780.
 
 THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOUR 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 F R O M 
 
 The Reformation to the Year 1780, 
 
 WITH 
 
 A VIEW of their PRESENT NUMBER, 
 WEALTH, CHARACTER, 6cc. 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 
 SlC NOS IN LUCE TIMEMUS 
 INTERDUM, NIHILO QUJE SUNT METUENDA MAGIS, 
 
 Qu^E PUERI IN TENEBRIS PAVITANT, FINGUNTQUE FUTURA. 
 
 LuCRET. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for R. FAULDER, New-Bond-Street. 
 
 MDCCLXXX.
 
 Pv E F A C E, 
 
 EFORE the prefs be clofed, I fee 
 a propriety in prefixing a few obfer- 
 vations. When in manufcript, the follow- 
 ing pages were fubmitted to the infpection 
 of friends ; they made objections, which I 
 attended to; and I made fome alterations 
 at thei; requeft. I could not do all they 
 defired, becaufe I could not totally facri- 
 fice ii;y own ways of thinking. I owed 
 fomelhing to myfelf, as well as to them. 
 
 The printed meets have alfo been feen 
 by others, whofe moderation and improved 
 abilities I greatly value. It is proper, 
 attention mould be paid to their remarks. 
 They have told me that, 
 
 I mould have quoted authorities for 
 what, on many occafions, I have faid. 
 
 My anfwef is That my information 
 
 has been principally taken from well- 
 known fources ; from Lord Clarendon, 
 Bimop Burnet, Mr. Hume, and other 
 writers on Englifh Hiftory. I wimed not 
 to crowd an humble page with the pom- 
 a pous
 
 iv PREFACE!. 
 
 pous difplay of great names. It was ne- 
 cefTary to read much, but I could collect 
 little; Catholics, for many years back, 
 had made too inconfiderable a figure in 
 the drama of human life, to attract the 
 notice of the annalift or the hiftorian. In 
 the mofl crouded narratives of Englifh 
 bufinefs, they feldom appear, unlefs where 
 peevifli humour brings them forward, for 
 an object of cenfure or of malignant fatyre. 
 There is a Church Hijlory of England, 
 from the year 1500 to the year 1688, pub- 
 limed fome years ago by a Catholic Cler- 
 gyman, which was of ufe to me. It con- 
 tains many things, regarding Catholics, 
 during that period, extremely curious and 
 
 well authenticated. The delineation of 
 
 modern Catholics was generally drawn 
 from my own obfervatkm and experience. 
 
 They have told me, I am too animated, 
 too free, and occaiionally too fevere on all 
 parties ; that Catholics may not be pleafed, 
 and that Protefhnts may be offended. 
 
 My anfwer is If I am too animated, it 
 is not my fault. I write as I feel; and 
 the regulating of the flate of my nerves is 
 not at mv own option. Befides, the view 
 
 of
 
 PREFACE. v 
 
 of many things I had to contemplate, was 
 of a nature fufficiently ftimulant to roufe 
 powers much lefs irritable than mine. 
 After all, dull competition is but a forry 
 entertainment.- If I write with freedom-, 
 let it be remembered, I am an Englifh- 
 man ; and though opprefTed, my thoughts 
 are not mackled, nor am I tongue-tied. 
 It is a well-known defcription of a good 
 hiftorian, given by Cicero, when Rome 
 was no longer free, Ne quid Jalft aicere 
 audeat, ne quid veri non audeat > that is, 
 Let him dare to fpeak ail tnttb t let him not 
 dare to tell a lie. J do not think I have 
 been too fevere on any party. 1 faw faults 
 on all fides, and thole faults I cenfured. 
 If Catholics be not pleafed : They may 
 know, that I did not write with views of 
 pleafing them. I aimed to inform, and if 
 pofiible, to correct. Lords, Prieils, and 
 Commons, now have, and always have 
 had, fomething in their characters and in 
 their manners, which is reprehenfible. 
 They would not wi(h I fhould flatter them. 
 If Proteftants be offended at any thing I 
 have faid, I fhall be forry , becaufe I did 
 not mean to give offence. Do they how- 
 ever fuppofe, their conduct has not been 
 often extremely cenfurable ? 
 
 a 2 It
 
 VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 It has been faid That I generally ufe 
 
 the word Catholic without the reftri&ive 
 term Roman ; and that I ftudipufly avoid 
 
 the words Papift and Popery. It is true, 
 
 I have intentionally done fo. Why mould 
 I apply an unneceffary epithet, when the 
 fingle appellation of Catholic fufficiently 
 diftinguiflied the party I was defcribing ? 
 Befides, the word Roman has been given 
 us to intimate fome undue attachment to 
 the See of Rome. Catholic is an old family 
 name, which we have never forfeited. 
 The words Popery and Papifl are peculiarly 
 infultive. I am no Papifl:, nor is my Re- 
 ligion Popery. The one and the other 
 have no proper exiftence, but in the mif- 
 reprefentations of our adverfaries -, fome- 
 thing of them may perhaps be found in the 
 kingdoms of Italy, Spain, and Portugal. 
 
 Such, I think, are the principal objec- 
 tions, which have hitherto reached me: But 
 there is a clafs of men amongft us, whofc 
 opinions I wifh to combat. They are 
 enemies to every fpecies of writing on the 
 bufinefs of Catholics. We fhould not, 
 they fay, raife the obfervation of the pub- 
 lic ; our fecurity is in our obfcurity j if 
 noticed, the law may be called in to lam 
 
 us
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 us into filence j what fignify charges, how- 
 ever grofs and defamatory; it is not pof- 
 fible to remove the national odium ; we 
 are now unmolefted, who knows how long 
 we may continue fo, if we dare to (hew 
 our faces ? 
 
 Such, and much more, is the language 
 of thefc very prudent, very cautious, very 
 provident, and very timid Gentlemen. 
 Whilft the tumults of laft fummer were 
 raging in the Metropolis, their voice was 
 heard tremblingly giving counfel : " For 
 God-fake, laid they, let us inilantly peti- 
 tion parliament to repeal this obnoxious 
 bill ; it is better to confefs we are guilty 
 of all the crimes laid to our charge, than 
 to be burnt in our houfes :" It was won- 
 d'rous pitiful and they dared to carry about 
 a form of a petition to that effect, praying 
 for the fignature of names ! " We told 
 you, continued they, what would be the 
 event of your addreiles to the throne, your 
 oaths of allegiance, and your repeal of 
 laws." 
 
 How far, in certain circumftances, it 
 might be advifeable to keep filence, I will 
 not pretend to fay. This I know, it is a 
 
 con duel:
 
 viil PREFACE. 
 
 conduct we praftifed for many years, but 
 
 from it was never derived any good. > 
 
 Silence may be conftrued into a conviction 
 of guilt, as well as of innocence. Before 
 the repeal of the Aft of William we were 
 not molefled ; that is, not perpetually 
 molefted, (for there were fome very recent 
 inftances of fignal moleftation) but our 
 condition, at all times, was of that deba- 
 fing and irkfome nature, which would 
 have juftified the mod active exertions. 
 Shall I fit down filently fatisfied, becaufe 
 the good humour of a Magi ft rate chufes 
 to indulge me; whilft there are laws of 
 which any mifcreant has daily power to 
 inforce the execution ? My eafe, my pro- 
 perty, and my life are at the difpofal of 
 every villain, and I am to be pleafed, be- 
 caufe he is not at this time difpofed to 
 deprive me of them. To-morrow his hu- 
 mour may vary, and I mall then be obli- 
 ged to hide my head in fome dark corner, 
 or to fly from this land of boafted liberty. 
 It is furely better not to be y than to live in 
 a ftate of fuch anxious and dreadful un- 
 certainty. 
 
 However, as the eyes of the public are 
 now open upon us, the reafons which, 
 
 with
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 With fome plaufibility, might have been 
 urged for filence, fubfiil no longer. It 
 is now our duty to lay, and to do every 
 thing, that can keep up thepublic attention. 
 The more we are viewed, the more our 
 principles are weighed, and the more our 
 conduct is fcrutinized, the more will it ap- 
 pear, that we are deferving of every in- 
 dulgence. Why is innocence to retire 
 from infpection ; and why is merit to fear 
 
 the prying eye of the feverefl inquifition ? 
 I with to fee every element of our lives 
 and principles moil fcrupuloufly analyfed ; 
 and I will do my utmoft to promote the 
 work. I am not fanguine enough to ima- 
 gine, that it will be in our power to ex- 
 tirpate the national odium, or to flop the 
 cry of malignant defamation : But pofle- 
 rity may feel the good effects of our endea- 
 vours. At all events, when men feem 
 cautious to avoid enquiry, a lufpicion 
 is railed, either that they fear the refult, 
 or that there is fomething beneath the 
 furface, which they wifh not to expofe to 
 public infpection. 1 would always avoid 
 controversial difputes about religion ; be- 
 eaufe on thefe fubjects every thing has 
 been faid, which human ingenuity and 
 zeal for religion could fuggeil : But as 
 
 long
 
 x PREFACE. 
 
 long as the queftion is, mould this or that 
 fe 1 of Chriflians be tolerated or be perfe- 
 cted, it is the duty of every man to plead 
 the caufe of human nature. 
 
 I muft not lay down my pen, without 
 adverting to* two -recent publications, 
 which I have juft read: A Free Addrefs 
 to the Proteflant Petitioners, by a "Lover of 
 Peace and Truth, and Mr. Burkes Speech 
 to the Electors of Briftol. The Lovtr of 
 Peace and'Trutb is, I am told, Dr. Prieft- 
 ley ; the character indeed of the man is 
 ftrongly marked in the publication -, and 
 never was any work better calculated to 
 anfwer the purpofe for which it was de- 
 figned ; it is juftly levelled to the capaci- 
 ties of thofe, on whom it was intended to 
 operate ; it is plain, honeft, unadorned, 
 and chriftian. Nothing can point out 
 more deciii vely the extent of Dr. Prieftley's 
 abilities, than the facility with which he 
 defcends from the heights of fcientifical 
 enquiry, to the humble walks of moral 
 inflru&ion -, in the fame breath he reads 
 lectures to the Philofopher, the Divine, 
 and the Statefman, and he guides the lowly 
 multitude to the practice of domeftic and 
 focial virtue. The tenets of our Church 
 
 he
 
 PREFACE. x\ 
 
 he indeed treats with too much afperity : 
 It is not the error of his heart; but he 
 purfues, what he efleems the corruptions 
 of religion, with unremitting ardour. I 
 have often converfed with him : He is ex- 
 tremely liberal, and an enemy to every 
 fpecies of reftraint on confcience. I blame 
 hint for his too free deviations from the 
 received opinions of mankind. By this 
 he has raifed up enemies ; but all the 
 liberty he takes to himfelf, he would give 
 in the fulled latitude to others. Had Dr. 
 Prieflley no blemifhes, he would foar, by 
 the powers of his mind, beyond the reach 
 of common nature; I view, therefore, with 
 malignant fatisfadtion, the few fpots which 
 thinly darken his furface. 
 
 Mr. Burke's Speech, wherein he replies 
 to the objections that had been made to 
 his parliamentary conduct, is a manly 
 competition. He had been principally 
 blamed for the very decided part he took 
 in the Catholic bill. He meets the charge, 
 in its greateft ftrength, before his late 
 Conftituents ; and he tells them, fo far 
 from feeing criminality in that conduct, 
 he gloried in what he had done; becaufe, 
 in oppofition to fanaticifm and intolerant 
 b zeal*
 
 xif PREFACE. 
 
 zeal, he had fupported the rights of human 
 nature, and aimed to emancipate a deferving 
 body of fellow-citizens from the iron hand 
 of oppreffion. Mr. Burke ! we thank you! 
 May you be foon reftored to thofe walls, 
 which, in your abfence, feem morn of their 
 brighteft beams ! y 
 
 Lucem redde tuse, Vir. bone, patriae : 
 Inftar veris enim vultus ubi tuus 
 AfFulfit populo, gratior it dies, 
 
 Et foles melius nitent. HORAT, 
 
 With every thinking man it rnuft furely 
 be a proof highly in our favour, that we 
 have not a friend, in either houfe, whom 
 honour and virtue do not call their friend. 
 When I name the Chancellor, I name the 
 firft man in this, or perhaps in any other 
 kingdom : And were J to name all thofc, 
 who wi(h to give relief to Catholics, I 
 think I mould name whatever this nation 
 has greateft to boaft of, in liberality of 
 fentiment, extent of abilities, Jove of li- 
 berty, and ardour to maintain the rights 
 of mankind. Supported by thefe pillars,. 
 it is not poffible we can fall -, mould we 
 fall, ruin thus circumflanced would be 
 more enviable than triumph. 
 
 i
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 xm 
 
 I have only to beg the indulgence of 
 my readers to the many faults which the 
 following pages will exhibit. I was ftrait- 
 ened for time, and my fources of informa- 
 tion were fcanty. However, I have done 
 my beft. Where my language is deficient, 
 the man of candour will recoiled: that, 
 when eleven years old I was fent to a fo- 
 reign land for education, and did not re- 
 turn till after almoft twenty years of mi- 
 ferable exile. 
 
 CARLTON, Dec. 3, 1780. 
 
 THE
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 8. Line 16. for would, read cpuld, 
 
 P. 31. 1. 6. ditto. 
 
 P. 43. 1. 20. for refts, read reft. 
 
 P. c6. 1. 25. after the words, who knew nothing 
 
 of the firft, put a full point. 
 P, 128. 1. I. after natural, read or.
 
 THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOUR 
 
 b p 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS 
 
 ,. ,.,'- ,; 
 
 PROM THE 
 
 REFORMATION to the prefent Year 1780. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE riots which, fome months ago> 
 threatened deftrudtion to the Capi- 
 tal of the British Empire, and the debates 
 confequent thereupon in both houfls of 
 parliament, have given rife to much 
 fpeculation* It is obvious to enquire, 
 from whence fuch commotions could Lave 
 arifen* Under the popular cry, No Pope^y, 
 an AJjbciation had been formed -, and the 
 members of this aflbciation were the often- 
 fible agents in the confufion and devaita- 
 tion which fucceeded. Was then an ap- 
 A prehenfion
 
 Iwtroduflion prehenfion of the increafe of Popery, from 
 the indulgence Catholics had lately recei- 
 ved, the real inftrumeiit which convened 
 the AJJociators, and which produced their 
 tumultuous application to parliament ? I 
 am ready to believe that much of the 
 evil which was done, in the demolition of 
 private and of national property, was 
 merely accidental -, that it was effected by 
 the horrid activity of fuch mifcreants, as 
 are ever ready, under the fcreen of popular 
 commotion, to practife their bad defigns. 
 Where no fufficient ground is given for 
 fair fuppofition, it would be wrong to in- 
 fer any preconcerted plan for general de- 
 flruction. Some years hence, perhaps, we 
 may be better able to form a judgment. 
 I am alfo ready to allow, that the Pro- 
 teftant Aflociation might be influenced by 
 motives, to them of a cogent and weighty 
 nature. They might ferioufly apprehend, 
 from a fuppofed increafe of Popery, that 
 danger threatened the eftablifhed Church, 
 and the civil Conftitution of Great Britain. 
 It became their duty therefore to take the 
 alarm, and to petition for the repeal of an 
 obnoxious act. In reafdning on a dark 
 fubject, I am willing to make all allow- 
 ances that the circumftances of things, or 
 
 the
 
 f s ] 
 
 the operation of human paffions, can Introduction 
 juflify. 
 
 From a general view indeed of the cha- 
 raders of thofe men, who formed the Pro- 
 tejlant Affociation, it will be more rational, 
 I believe, to conclude, that they had no 
 diftinct object before them : For they were 
 not qualified to combine ideas, or to pro- 
 ject fchemes of operation. To all appear- 
 ance there never was fo illiterate and rude 
 a multitude : But their minds, open to 
 every impreffjon, had been ftruck by an 
 artful defcription of imaginary evils; and 
 they followed blindly every impulfe of 
 their leaders. What were the views of 
 thefe men, I pretend not to fay : Perhaps 
 they alfo were ferioufly apprehenfive ; or 
 perhaps, (which I mould rather fufpect to 
 be the cafe) under the cover of fictitious 
 dread, and of vain {blicitude for the good 
 of religion, they had formed their defigns, 
 in which ambition or disappointed pafiion 
 had a leading intereft. But I wifh npt to 
 hazard a decided opinion. 
 
 It is a reflection not eafily reconcileabla 
 with the prefent advanced ftate of the hu- 
 man mind ; however, I am much difpofecl 
 A z to
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 Introduftkm to believe that it was the dread alone of 
 Popery which inftigated the Aflbciators. 
 The records of bigotry and fanaticifm will 
 ever occupy a large fpace in the annals of 
 mankind. A perfon but little acquainted 
 with the general fentiments of English- 
 men, in the bufinefs of religion, will be 
 neceflltated to draw the fame conclufion. 
 There ftill remains in the mind of almoil 
 every Proteftant, from the higheft to the 
 lowefl, from the beft-informed to the mofl 
 ignorant, from the infidel to the zealot, 
 and from the fanatic to the man of cool 
 reafon, a rooted prejudice againfl the name 
 of Catholic, which no time, I fear, or the 
 efforts of philofophy, will ever erafe. No 
 fooner is the infant mind fqfceptible of 
 the flighted impreflion, than it is the bu^ 
 fmefs of the nurfe to paint a hideous form, 
 and that me calls Popery. Every circum- 
 fiance of horror, and all the fcenery of 
 glowing imagination, is called in to deck 
 the curious phantom. Nor afterwards is 
 it the aim of better judgment to remove 
 this falfe irnpreffionj rather all the arts 
 of declamation are feduloufly employed to 
 give it a more fixed and lafting permanency. 
 Few men, I believe, are Grangers to the 
 inveterate obftinacy of fuch early notions. 
 
 At
 
 [si 
 
 At the beginning of what is called the 
 'Reformation, it was natural to expc rac 
 the old religion, againft which fifth m.^ ;ty 
 deiigns were formed, would be held out, 
 by the new apoitles, in colours beft c-ilcu- 
 lattd to roufe every idea of diftafte and d;> 
 teftation. To have engaged in fo arduous 
 a work, without fuch aiTnlance, would 
 have been the extreme of folly. Fortu- 
 nately for tL ir deiigns, the gen >rai cor<- 
 ruption vhich i^d long prevailed over the 
 face of Chrifhanity, afforded too abundant 
 matter for ceniure ; ana this circumftanee 
 the Reformers well knew hew t > turn t9 
 their own advantage. They wilfully con- 
 founded ab^fes in praSltc? with -\bafes ia 
 belief y aiTerting that ti e Cimfh^n faith 
 had been corrupted, when they knew the 
 &djunilts, that is, the inventions of men 
 only were bad; mo thus forcibly blend- 
 ing together objects io really cufHnct, they 
 ungeneroufly drew a reprelerjtation full of 
 horror, on whu h ro; - the whole fabric of 
 the reformed ^eligion. Though I highly 
 condemn the conduct of theiirfl j eformers, 
 it is not my intention to caft c^nfu^e c i 
 the Proteftants of the pi-eitnt day : The 
 caufe is entirely tht'r own : Nor is ',1-11 il 
 my wim to enter into controveniai diip ut. 
 
 Thi
 
 f 6 J 
 
 Jntroduaion The Chriftian world has wrangled to 
 long. But if the declaration of hiftorical 
 truth give offence, it is a proof that it has 
 not been, fufficiently urged. 
 
 I wifti to contemplate the revolution* 
 in Church and State, with the cool indif- 
 ference of philofophy. On every fide may 
 be difcovered many traces of fimilar paf- 
 fions , and very few events there are in 
 either, wherein reafon and the amiable in- 
 fluence of virtue had any leading concern. 
 That great revolution, by which ChriftU 
 anity was introduced, is always to be ex- 
 cepted. I allow, however, that much 
 good was eventually derived to the ChrifUaa 
 Church from the Reformation. The pro- 
 feffors of the old religion were roufed to 
 more active virtue ; they faw the neceffity 
 of proper difcrimination betwixt human 
 inventions and divine inftitutions j and a 
 fpirit of univerfal enquiry was foon fet on 
 foot, the happy effects of which are now 
 experienced. But the Reformers might 
 have aimed at the correction of abufes, 
 without touching, with profane hands, 
 the vital fubftance ; or furely they might 
 have proceeded in a fpirit of more mode- 
 ration, and with lefs appearance of paffian 
 
 and
 
 I 7 J 
 
 and interefted zeal. Had they done fo, Introduction 
 their names had gone down with more re- 
 verence to the grave j and we mould not 
 now have to lament thofe feuds and deep 
 animofities which have for ever divided 
 the Chriftian world, 
 ^fttofiife-iq si 
 
 More than two centuries are now elap- 
 fed fince the firft days of Reformation, 
 It was natural to expert that long ago all 
 that rancour and heated recrimination 
 would have fubfided, which firft animated 
 the contending parties. When the Sec- 
 taries had firmly eftablimed themfelves ; 
 that is, when their opinions had taken 
 faft hold, had new-modelled the political 
 conftitutions of many kingdoms, and h\d 
 made with them one connected and almoft 
 indiflbluble mafs, they had nothing, it 
 fcems, further to apprehend. The policy 
 therefore of reprefenting Popery, with a 
 hundred heads and a hundred arms, ready to 
 devour and to deftroy, fublifted no longer. 
 Yet flill the fame arts of impolition were 
 ufed, and always with the fame fuccefs. 
 It cannot indeed be denied but frefh in- 
 centives were foon added to keep up the 
 acrimony of old impreilions, and many 
 of thefe were of a complexion really alarm- 
 ing.
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 Introduction ing. The barbarities pra&ifed by the Ca* 
 tholics on many, whofe fole crime often 
 was difference in belief, cannot be too 
 much execrated j and the blood of inno- 
 cence, which was then fpilled, became 
 the feed of fatal ariimofities. In thofe 
 wars, indeed, in which whole provinces, 
 and even kingdoms were engaged, and 
 wherein, under the veil of zeal for re- 
 ligion, crimes of every dsfcriptiori were 
 perpetrated, equal blame, it feems, may 
 be jultly caft on both fides. It was often 
 the bad policy of .dates, or the intempe- 
 rate pretenfions of fadion, which gave 
 rife to thefe contentions : Religion at lead 
 would have no concern, though her facred 
 name was for ever blafphemed. The un- 
 prejudiced man, if fwch a one there be, 
 in peruling the annals of thofe bad days, 
 will find abundant matter for indifcrimi- 
 nate reprehenfion j and he will clofe the 
 page equally (hocked and equally exafpe- 
 rated at the conduct of all parties*
 
 t ? 3 
 
 ON a review of the traniadions of Henry VIII. 
 my own country, in matters of re^- 
 ligion, (for I wim to confine myfelf within 
 thefe limits) it is not difficult, I think, 
 to form a decided and juft opinion. The 
 Reformation was here introduced by means 
 the moll violent and opprefiive. The ty- 
 rant Henry could ufe no other. Deprived 
 of their property, perfecuted in their per- 
 fon's, and defamed in their reputation, 
 could it be expected that Efigli/h Catho- 
 lics would, in filence, forfake the religion 
 of their forefathers, however erroneous- it 
 had been, or, without reluctance, bow 
 their heads to oppreffion ? He indeed muft 
 be peculiarly clear-fighted who, through 
 this whole reign, can difcover, in any 
 one inftance, the 'genuine fpirit of Chri- 
 ftian Reformation. It was not, at leaft, by 
 fuch means that primitive Chriftianity 
 was eftablifhed ; though I know it is 
 fometimes by peftilence and by ftorms that 
 the benevolent defigns of Providence are 
 conducted. But I mean not to dwell 
 longer on the events of this reign, when 
 the caufe of Catholics was the common 
 caufe of the nation. Moderate men are 
 little inclined to give credit to the report 
 B f
 
 Henry VIII. of numberlefs crimes and flagitious enor- 
 mities, of which they were accufed ; be- 
 caufe the views of his Majefty and the 
 rapacity of Courtiers wanted fuch a plea in 
 vindication of their conduct. 
 
 Edward VI. DURING the fhort period of Edward's 
 reign, the work of Reformation went on, 
 gradually acquiring form and permanency. 
 Lefs feverity was fometimes ufed, than 
 the nation had before experienced ; but 
 moderation, at thefe times, was an un- 
 known virtue. I would rather leave my 
 friend in error, than make him a profe- 
 lyte to truth by fuch means. At the 
 death of the late King, things were in 
 great confufion ; the old religion had 
 been violently Ihaken, but the tenets of 
 the new one were neither eflablifhed nor 
 even publicly known. Henry him/elf 
 had been really no friend to the Re- 
 formers ; impetuoiity of temper had alone 
 driven him to fuch outrageous attacks 
 on a religion he interiorly reverenced ; 
 and by his laft will he folemnly ordained, 
 and charges all his fucceiTors to take care, 
 that Maffes be daily faid in the Chapel at 
 Windfor, 'while the world flail endure. 
 
 The
 
 r ii r 
 
 The friends to the Reformation faw the Edward VI. 
 neceffity of taking effectual meafures. 
 Great part of the Nobility, many of the 
 Gentry, and the Bimops with the infe- 
 rior Clergy, were dill much attached to 
 the ancient form of worfhip. The pro- 
 tector Somerfety 'and Cranmer, that ductile 
 and time-ferving Prieft, almofl fingly en- 
 gaged in the holy work, and they fuc- 
 ceeded. All oppofition was weak againffc 
 the exceffive power of fuch crafty and 
 formidable JVlinifters. Some fruitlefs at- 
 tempts were made ; but it now appeared, 
 that the eftablifhment of the new re- 
 ligion, was the only means of fecuring 
 to the firft occupiers the pofleffion of the 
 Church- wealth they had already laid their 
 hands on ,< it would alfo open a door to 
 new acquifitions from the fame quarter. 
 This it was, and not love for religion, 
 that fo well promoted the reforming 
 fcheme and not only the revenues of the 
 Church, but the libraries alfo, underwent 
 a dreadful fcrutiny. Thole of Weflmin- 
 fter and Oxford were ordered to be ran- 
 facked, and purged of all Romim fuper- 
 ilition. Many of the moil valuable books, 
 even of human literature, were plated 
 with gold and filver. " This, as far as 
 B 2 we
 
 Edward VI. we can guefs, fays Collier, was the fu- 
 perftition which deftroyed them." Works 
 of Geometry and Aftronomy were at once 
 known to contain magic, this was rank 
 Popery ; and they threw them into the 
 flames. The univerfities, unable to flop 
 the fury of thefe worthy Reformers, 
 filently looked on, and trembled for their 
 own fecurity. 
 
 Mary. AS I condemn the boifterous violence 
 
 of Henry, and the unpopular and gothic 
 conduct of Edward's Minifters, fo do I 
 condemn the proceedings of Mary, who, 
 by ways equally reprehenfible, aimed to 
 reftore what her father and infant brother 
 had overthrown. They, and their Coun- 
 fellors, were alike ftrangers to the dic- 
 tates of reafon and to the genuine princi- 
 ples of true religion. Yet it cannot feem 
 ilrange, if fuch Catholics as had remained 
 firmly attached to the old worfhip, eagerly 
 embraced the firft occafion of reinftating 
 themfelves. In fo doing paffion would 
 too often intervene ; nor was it an eafy 
 tafk to refrain from fome retaliation, whilft 
 the wounds they had received were frem 
 and bleeding. But nothing furely can be 
 
 more
 
 more uncandid than the reflections of Pro- Mary. 
 
 teftants, when they fpeak of thefe times. 
 
 They can afcribe the mad conduct of 
 
 Henry to the impulfe of violent patfion ; 
 
 but in Mary they pretend to fee nothing 
 
 but a mind contracted, as they fay, by 
 
 the bigoted and fanguinary principles of 
 
 her religion. I hate a man thus mifera- 
 
 bly partial to his own caufe. * 
 
 It is worth notice, that Sir Thomas. 
 Wyatt, who headed a formidable infur- 
 redtion againft Mary, was himfelf a Ca- 
 tholic. A treaty of marriage had been 
 concluded betwixt the Queen and Philip 
 of Spain. No ftep, it was judged, could 
 be better calculated to fupport the caufe 
 of Catholicity j but it was by fome feared 
 that' England had much reafon to be jea- 
 lous of fo clofe a connexion with a crown, 
 whofe great ambition now aimed at uni- 
 verfal monarchy : Hurried on by an im- 
 pulfe of ram patriotifm, Wyatt therefore 
 rofe in arms. The love of his country 
 outweighed every other confideration. 
 
 IN the year 1558, Elizabeth afcended Elizabeth, 
 the throne of England. At this time be- 
 
 ghis
 
 r 14 } 
 
 Elizabeth, gins the real era of Englifh Reformation x 
 and confequently from this time Catholics 
 are to be considered as a feet, difTenting 
 from the national Church. To enter on 
 a minute detail of the many events, in the 
 line of religious politics, which rapidly 
 fucceeded one another, during this long 
 reign, would carry me too far; but I (hall 
 not willingly omit any circumftance which 
 can ferve to mark the real character of 
 Catholics. The moft rigorous penal laws 
 were now enacted againft them, and they 
 were carried into execution under various 
 pretences. They were accufed of fedition, 
 and of engaging in the moft unremitted 
 attempts againft the perfon of their Sove- 
 reign and the eftablimed religion, with a 
 view to introduce a Popifli fucceffor, and, 
 on the ruins of Proteftantifm, to re-eftablifh 
 the Catholic faith. I will not fay that no. 
 Catholics were ever guilty of thefe crimes. 
 . Jt could not pofTibly be otherwife : for they 
 were men, and they had the paffions of men. 
 What man, when he either thinks himfelf 
 ill-ufed, or really is fo, will not ftrive to 
 gain redrefs ? Un ver de terre fe refent, 
 quand on lui marc be, faid, at this time, a 
 much-injured Princefs, in a letter addref- 
 fed to her cruel perfecutrix : But the body 
 
 of
 
 I 15 ] 
 
 of Catholics, which was then very con- Elizabeth, 
 iiderable, never engaged in, and never en- 
 couraged, any fchemes of fedition or trea- 
 fon. Yet, furely, no condition was ever 
 more humiliating than theirs ; and if they 
 did not ardently look forward to any event 
 that might give them relief, oppreffion 
 muft have deadened every feeling of na- 
 ture ! 
 
 Plots, whether real or fictitious, in the 
 hands of an able politician, are thofe for- 
 tunate engines, which he will know how 
 to turn to every poffible ufe. The dark- 
 nefs in which they are involved fupplies 
 the greater! latitude of interpretation. If 
 real, as plots are feldom attended with 
 fuccefs, the arm of government will be 
 ftrengthened by their detection, and notice 
 will be given for the application of fuch 
 remedies as may feem necerTary to the 
 fupport of the ftate. Its defects or weak 
 parts are now laid open. The heads of 
 feditious intrigue will either be taken off, 
 or will be fecured againft further attempts : 
 Faction will be broken. The ruling pow- 
 ers have then acquired a more firm and 
 extenfive energy. Fictitious plots are at- 
 tended with ftill greater advantages. By 
 
 their
 
 [ '6 I 
 
 Elizabeth, their means fome devoted party may ba 
 marked out, and be configned to a fatal 
 and national odium. At that moment 
 the ftatefman's hand is armed with a po- 
 tent wand, whereby he will be able to 
 conjure up all the fpirits of the deep* 
 He will gratify his creatures with the for- 
 feited fpoils of the unhappy fb#erers j 
 private animofities will find room for the 
 exertion of refentment ; revenge and all the 
 pafllons of intereft will know no bounds. 
 In the mean-time the attention of the 
 credulous and unfufpecling multitude is 
 caught ; an impreffion is made ; and their 
 minds are raifed to the view of dreadful 
 
 dangers and imaginary horrors. The 
 
 crafty minifter will probably feize this 
 critical hour for carrying into execution 
 fome favourite and unpopular defign. 
 
 Such phantom-plots are with us no new 
 device. We may fee them practifed in 
 every reign : But the Catholics of England, 
 from the time of the Reformation, have 
 felt their- fatal effects in fulleft meafure. 
 The religion they profeiled was directly 
 contrary to the ftatutes of the nation : Be- 
 ing compelled to feck for education in 
 foreign countries, they eafily fell under 
 
 fufpicions
 
 [ '7 ] 
 
 fufpicions of being in the interefl of thofe 
 Princes, who had given them protection : 
 They admitted, as a part of their religious 
 belief, a certain fupremacy of jurifdidlion 
 in the Roman Pontiff, which, though in 
 itfelf no real caufe of jealoufy, was then 
 often mifconceived, and fometimes very 
 improperly exercifed ; in a word, they 
 were opprefTed, and therefore not without 
 reafon fufpected of an habitual inclination 
 to (hake off the galling chain, whenever 
 occafion mould offer. Thus circumftan- 
 ,ced, the condition of Catholics became a 
 common repertory, from ^whence it was 
 eafy to draw fuch plot- materials, as the 
 views of party or the fituation of things 
 feemed moil to require. 
 
 Their condition was not intolerably 
 grievous till the year 1569, the nth of 
 Elizabeth, when the mifbehaviour of a 
 few men drew a perfecution on the whole 
 body, and occafioned thofe penal and fan- 
 guinary laws, to which their property and 
 lives have been ever fmce expofed. From 
 that time, by a llrange perveriion of the 
 common rules of reaibning, a Catholic and 
 a Rebel have been viewed as fynonymous 
 -objecls j and infamy was (lamped on the 
 C name.
 
 [ i8 ] 
 
 Elizabeth, name. An infurredion, under the Earls 
 of Northumberland and Weftmorland, two 
 Catholic Peers, was raifed in the North. 
 Difcontented from various caufes, but 
 under pretence of redreffing the public 
 grievances, and of fupporting the old re- 
 ligion, they took up arms. They were 
 joined by a confiderable body of their de- 
 pendents and northern friends : but the 
 Catholics of the other parts of the king- 
 dom, as our beft hiftorians agree, publicly 
 declared againft them, and loyally offered 
 their lives and their purfes for the defence 
 of her Majefty. The rebellion was foon 
 crufhed; but government had nowan handle 
 given them, the Catholics were doomed 
 to deftrudtion, and the laws of the i3th 
 of Elizabeth were framed againfl them. 
 
 By thefe acts, religion and civil allegiance 
 were fo artfully blended, that an impeach- 
 ment in either ferved both purpofes ; and 
 a conftant fund was eftabliilicd for the 
 manufacturing of plots, when the national 
 politics called for a ftratagem. An occa- 
 iion foon offered. A treaty of marriage 
 had been for fome time carried on between 
 the Queen and the French Duke of Anjou. 
 Miniftry difliked the alliance, and the 
 
 fubtle
 
 t '9 ] 
 
 fubtle Walfingham was refolved to obflrucl: Elizabeth. 
 it. It might be prejudicial to the Refor- 
 mation $ or at lead it might procure forne 
 toleration for Catholics. The determina- 
 tion was to make the Duke odious to the 
 Englim nation. A rumour was fpread 
 abroad of a deep delign. It was faid, that 
 in the Colleges at Rheims and Rome, to 
 which places the Catholics had been com- 
 pelled to retire for education, a plot had 
 been formed to fubvert the government, 
 and to deflroy the Queen. To accomplifh 
 this grand purpofe, the Priefls had enga- 
 ged themfelves by a folemn oath before, 
 the Bifhop of Rome. Never was there 
 a more groundjefs charge ; for I do not 
 find, that it pofTeffed one fingle atom of 
 the molt diftant truth. But the Minifter 
 had provided himfelf with a mifcreant 
 band of witnefles, who were ready for any 
 work. Their names and characters are. 
 upon record. Hypocritical, indigent, and 
 abandoned, they had not the fmalleft re- 
 mains of reputation left amongft them. 
 The nation was, however, well difpofed 
 to give credit. Some Priefts were found 
 guilty, condemned, and executed. This, 
 fays Camden, was a politic ftroke; the 
 apprehenfions of a great many were appea- 
 C 2 fed s
 
 t 2 ] 
 
 Elizabeth, fed ; and the ferment about the Duke of 
 Anjou fubfided. The alliance, ttay faid, 
 had threatened ruin to the Proteftant Re- 
 ligion. Few years paffed afterwards with- 
 -out the execution of one or more Church- 
 men of the Catholic perfuafion. They 
 were held out to the people as traitors ; 
 and fuch indeed they were; for the laws 
 had now declared the profeffion of their 
 religion to be Treafon againft the State. 
 
 The next defigns, of a feditious nature, 
 with which Catholics were charged, were 
 of being concerned in Babington's plot in 
 the year 1586, and in the great Spanifh 
 
 Armament two years after. A few 
 
 Gentlemen, about fourteen in number, of 
 moderate fortunes, and of fome intereft in 
 their neighbourhood, fired at the ignomi- 
 nious treatment, which the amiable Mary 
 had fo long experienced from the hands of 
 Elizabeth, refolved to attempt the refcue 
 of the Captive Queen. There was one 
 prieft in the confpiracy. Walfmgham was 
 well apprifed of their whole fcheme, and 
 he had his fpies amongft them feduloufly 
 employed to urge on the execution. When 
 the plot was ripe for difcovery, it was not 
 difficult to feize the delinquents : Their 
 
 names,
 
 [ 21 ] 
 
 names, haunts, and places of abode were Elizabeth, 
 all known to the Minifter. At their ex- 
 amination they were charged with the de- 
 fign of attempting to releafe the Scottifh 
 Queen, encouraging an invafion, and alTaf- 
 finating their Sovereign. They were con- 
 demned and executed. The Duke of 
 
 Norfolk, a Proteftant, had fome years be- 
 fore engaged in a fimilar project, as far at 
 leaft as it regarded the releafe of Mary, 
 whom he loved. He alfo had fuffered. 
 If we except the confpirators themfelves, 
 no other Catholics were engaged in the 
 plot, or at all acquainted with it; yet oc- 
 cafion was taken to put the laws againft 
 them into feverer execution. Mary herfelf 
 was foon after brought to the block, and 
 Elizabeth was freed from a hated rival. 
 Her chief guilt was flagrant : She was in I 
 pofTeffion of fome perfonal charms, which 
 nature had denied to the Englifh Queen. 
 Mary had a finer fhape; her countenance 
 was more expreflive ; and her flep in dan- 
 cing, it is faid, was more graceful. Eli- 
 zabeth could not brook this partial indul- 
 gence of nature: the fceptre of England 
 was hardly worth pofieffing, if ihe were 
 not alfo thought the Queen of Beauty. 
 Marv had no other crime ; for furely it 
 
 could
 
 Elizabeth, could be no crime, after twenty years feverc 
 confinement, to have concerted with Ba- 
 bington the beft meafures for the recovery 
 of her liberty ! If the Confpirators had 
 really formed any defign of feizing and of 
 affafiinating their own Sovereign, which 
 I do not think they ever did, it was un- 
 doubtedly flagitious; but fcarcely more 
 ib, than was the defign of Elizabeth and 
 her friends againft the life of Mary of 
 Scotland. At all events, how could Ca- 
 tholics be charged with an attempt, in 
 which they had no concern ? As well 
 might the Proteftants of England have 
 been accufed of tfeafonable practices, be-* 
 caufe a Duke of their religion, with fome 
 ailbciates of the fame perfuafion, had em- 
 barked in a fcheme, which had been con- 
 ftrued into treafon. Norfolk wifhed to 
 deliver, and then to prefent his hand to 
 Mary; the lefs interefted Babington had 
 no views but to refcue her from captivity. 
 And this was a crime for which the Ca- 
 tholics of England were to be devoted to 
 deftrudion ! 
 
 In regard to the intended invafion from 
 Spain, we were, if poflible, fUll lefs con- 
 cerned than in the plotjuft mentioned. 
 
 The
 
 The Confpirators were Catholics : But Elizabeth, 
 the Invincible Armada had no claim to 
 their friendfhip; unlefs, becaufe Catho- 
 lics profeffed the religion of the invaders, 
 they muft be fuppofed to have abetted 
 their deiign. The Spaniih Manifefto de- 
 clares the motives of this expedition : It 
 was to chaftife the Englim for the ailift- 
 ance they had given to the rebels in the 
 Netherlands ; to retaliate for the many 
 depredations committed by them on the 
 coails of Spain and America -, and to re- 
 venge the infult which had been offered 
 to the dignity of all crowned heads by 
 the barbarous murder of Mary Queen of 
 Scots. Some views of a religious tendency 
 might alfo have intervened, but they 
 conftituted no leading object. To the 
 Englifh Catholics no application had been 
 made for their concurrence ; on the con- 
 trary, the Spanifli Monarch refufed to 
 employ thofe few Catholic foldiers of for- 
 tune who were then in his dominions; 
 for though they eat their bread from his 
 table, he durft not, he faid, truft them 
 in any attempt againft England. Yet did 
 this formidable expedition prove more 
 unfortunate to the Catholic party, than 
 it did to the Englifh nation. Providence 
 
 confpiring
 
 [ 24 ] 
 
 Elizabeth, confpiring with Britiili valour, the Ar- 
 mada was funk and diffipated ; when Eli- 
 zabeth, in imitation of thole ancient na- 
 tions, I fuppofe, who delighted in the 
 practice, refolved to return thanks to the 
 Deity in a facrifice of human victims. 
 The Catholics were ordered over to a ge- 
 neral profecution j great numbers were 
 imprifoned, and above forty Priefls were 
 publicly butchered in feveral parts of the 
 kingdom ; whilfl the pulpit and the 
 f prefs were employed in reprefenting them 
 a6 the authors and abettors of the intended 
 invafion. I have before me a faithful 
 / narrative of the trials of thofe who fuf- 
 fered ; and if any confidence can be placed 
 in the folemn protections of dying men, 
 I venture to declare, there was not the 
 fmalleil: guilt amongft them. 
 
 On all thefe public occafions, the Eng- 
 lifli Catholics being clear from any im- 
 putation cf real guilt, the attempts of 
 particular perfons, either againft the Queen 
 or her government, cannot, with the 
 leaft femblance of equity, be laid to their 
 charge. Hard indeed would be the fate- 
 of mankind, if whole focieties were made 
 anfwerable for the criminal conduct of a 
 
 few
 
 few of their members ! Yet fo, I think, Elizabeth, 
 it fometimes was during the reign of 
 Elizabeth. Occaiion being taken from 
 the events I have mentioned, a code of 
 laws, as has been feen was made againft 
 Catholics. By thefe their property, li- 
 berty, and lives became obnoxious to 
 profecution. To wormip God> after the 
 old form, was prohibited in public and 
 in private -, and the prilbns were filled 
 with Delinquents, whofe fole crime was 
 praying in the manner their confciences 
 directed. They were not allowed to edu- 
 cate their children in the fchools at home, 
 unlefs they renounced their religion ; and 
 to fend them abroad was made a crime 
 of the moft heinous nature. Their fo- 
 reign fchools were termed nurferies of 
 rebellion. They were excluded not only 
 from all places of public truft; but were 
 not even permitted to improve their parts 
 or their private fortunes by the practice 
 of law or phyfic. Their families were 
 thus reduced to the loweft circumstances, 
 and feme of the beft blood in England 
 was devoted to beggary ; yet to move 
 more than five miles from the fad fpot, 
 where their anceftors had lived in eafe 
 and fplendor, was even forbid under the 
 D fevered
 
 [ 26 } 
 
 Elizabeth, fevereft penalties. To receive the order 
 of Priefthood abroad, to exercife any fpi- 
 ritual functions in her Majefty's domi- 
 nions, to be reconcifdd to the ancient 
 faith, or even to affift in fuch a recon- 
 ciliation, were by an Englifh parliament, 
 at the end of the fixteenth century, con- 
 ftituted acts of high treafon againft the 
 flate ! Such, in a general view, were 
 the laws framed againft Catholics in a 
 Proteftant country ; yet I will take it 
 upon me to aflert that, during the long 
 period of forty four years, whilft Eliza- 
 beth, to the great political glory of Eng- 
 land, fwayed the Sceptre, her Popifh fub- 
 jects, though opprefled and perfecuted, 
 were not guilty of one afl of treafon, fe- 
 dition, or rebellion. 
 
 I have taken no notice of the famous 
 Bull of Pius the Fifth, which excommu- 
 nicated Elizabeth, and ablolved her fub- 
 jects from their allegiance, becaufe it 
 was never accepted by the Engliih Catho- 
 lics; nor was it ever fignified to them in 
 any legal or canonical manner: It had 
 not therefore the lead influence on their 
 conduct. They univerfally acknowledged 
 her title; prayed for her; fought for 
 
 her ;
 
 her ; and upon every occafion were ready Elizabeth. 
 to fupport her dignity and defend her 
 civil rights. They only did not think 
 her the f'nrhual head of their church. 
 The power of depofing Princes which 
 Pius affumed, and which other Pontiffs 
 had before him often exercifed, was a 
 pa'rt of that prerogative, which arrogant 
 ambition had ufurped, and which, for a 
 long time, the weaknefs or ignorance of 
 mankind durft not infringe. Purer no- 
 tions of religion, and improved politics, 
 have now taught the See of Rome more 
 moderation and better maxims. 
 
 IN 1603, James the Firft was called James I, 
 to the throne of England. This was an 
 event which the Catholics had long ar- 
 dently wifhed for, and on it they had 
 built the moll fanguine expectations. 
 From the natural mildneis of his temper, 
 from the favours he had received from 
 Catholic Princes, and from a recollection, 
 which was not effaced, of the warm at- 
 tachment they had ever fhewn for his mo- 
 ther, they certainly had reafon to ex peel: 
 more humane treatment and fome marks of 
 indulgence. James was a friend to tole- 
 D 2 ration;
 
 James I. ration ; he wimed to conciliate all par- 
 ties ; he had ftudied religion ; and he 
 well knew, from repeated trials of their 
 untractable humour, that he had much 
 more to fear from the Difciples of Cal- 
 vin, than from the Catholics of any 
 country. The doctrines, of thofe men 
 had now acquired an extenfive influence; 
 and the eflabliihed Church began already 
 to feel their imprefiion. " Let men be 
 punimed for actions, faid he, and not 
 ' for opinions." Itwasajuft obfervation, 
 but it gave offence. The ruling party 
 alone thought they had a claim to pro-, 
 
 tection. The Englifli Miniftry were 
 
 aware of his favourable difpofition to Ca-^ 
 tholics, and they drove to avert its ef- 
 fects. He was therefore prevailed on, 
 foon after his arrival, to irTue a procla- 
 mation for baniming all Jefuits and Se- 
 minary Priefts ; and a flatute was alfo 
 enacted, ordering the penal laws of Eli^- 
 zabeth to be put in execution. It is, 
 however, well known that he did not 
 mean things mould proceed to extremi- 
 ties. The Stuarts had not in their com-- 
 pbfition one fibre of that ftern texture, 
 which had marked the Tudor race of 
 
 Kings ;
 
 r 29 1 
 
 Kings ; but it was no eafy talk to ma- James I. 
 nage the tefty humour of the nation. 
 
 Great was the difappointment of the 
 Catholic party, when they faw at once 
 all their bright fchemes of happinefs 
 darned in pieces, and themfelves again 
 expofed to feverity and oppreffion. The 
 King, they faw, however well difpofed, 
 either wanted fortitude or power to be- 
 friend them -, and the Puritans, from 
 whom they had every thing to dread, 
 were daily gaining ftrength and energy. 
 Nothing therefore remained but to rengn 
 themfelves to a fate they could not avert j 
 and to this they lilently fubmitted, 
 
 In every fociety will be found men of 
 reftlefs difpofitions, of defperate fortunes, 
 and of daring character. Such there now 
 were amongft the Catholics ; and by 
 them was concerted one of the moffc de- 
 termined, but mod wild and nefarious 
 fchemes, ever heard of in the annals of 
 any nation. This was the gunpwwder 
 plot : By which, had it fucceeded, the 
 King and both houfes of parliament had 
 been deftroyed at one blow. The fifth 
 of November, 1605, the third year of 
 
 his
 
 James I. his Majefty's reign, was the day ap- 
 pointed for its execution. Providence 
 again fingularly interfered, and the na- 
 tion was faved from fo dreadful a ca- 
 taftrophe. 
 
 / The fpirit of defperation> or of complete 
 
 vt. f l^cru> wickednefs, feems alone to have planned 
 k^un^. ffi*^ this grand fcheme of deftruction. In no 
 "Sfcr^hiJ part are difcoverable any views of policy ; 
 * no project of a revolution had been form- 
 *^ tt4 ^ ed ; no foreign invafion was ready to fe^ 
 their attempts j their own party, 
 that is, the party of Catholics, was not 
 nor had they prepared any. one 
 meafure for further operations. The 
 f+ Confpirators, when moft numerous, in- 
 ,_ eluding their fervants, did not exceed 
 f j^-f~ weighty ; and above twenty Catholic Peers 
 
 yT "**i. &*, at that time, in the upper houfe, who 
 
 were not acquainted with the de- 
 ^ lign. A report had indeed been privately 
 circulated, that fomething, they knew not 
 - *- what, was in agitation for the good of 
 
 0/Catholicity. If the Confpirators really 
 
 ""intended to ferve their brethren, never was 
 there a more misjudged project : For, in 
 either cafe, of fuccefs or detection, their 
 * ruin was inevitable. It has been by fome 
 
 thought
 
 [ 3' 3 
 
 thought that the enemies to the Catholics, James J. 
 apprehenfive of the King's favourable dif- 
 pofitions to them, had a principal hand in 
 the plot ; arid that Cecil .well under flood 
 its whole rife and progrefs. bo miich at 
 lead is certain, that no event would have 
 happened fo agreeable to the views of their 
 enemies, or fo dreadfully fatal to the Ca- 
 tholic caufe. Its effects are very feniibly 
 felt to this day. A feafl was politically 
 inftituted to perpetuate its memory ; to 
 the Catholics was imputed its whole atro- 
 city : nor has the fulled evidence of their 
 innocence contributed to wipe off the foul 
 afperfion ; or their moil folemn protefta- 
 tions been able to remove the imputation, 
 that they are prone to fedition, foes to 
 public tranquillity, and fond of blood. 
 Yet the moderate part of the nation, which 
 unfortunately was but fmall, did not then 
 think them guilty; and the King, in his 
 proclamation for apprehending the Con- 
 ipirators, declares it to have been the de- 
 jign only of a few defperate men. 
 
 The hatred of the nation againft Catho- 
 lics now knew no bounds; and 'nothing 
 but the utter extinction of that devoted 
 party feemed capable of fatisfying their 
 
 rage,
 
 1 3* ] 
 
 James I. rage. James alone, with a becoming it* 
 folution, though it was not his ufual con- 
 duel^ rejected all meafures of violence, and 
 was the protestor of innocence. Yet 
 again he confented to new laws again ft 
 PopiJJ} Recufants, which are thofe of the 
 third of James. I am mocked at the view 
 of fuch infamous proceedings ; nor do I 
 wifh to difguife my feelings. A few mif- 
 creants had engaged in an infamous con- 
 federacy, in which the multitude had no 
 participation, and which they execrated ; 
 yet are the latter alfo punifhed, and handed 
 down to pollen ty in the darkefl colours of 
 guilt 1 
 
 Two years after this wretched event, 
 with a view to afcertain the real fentiments 
 V of Catholics, (at leaft in the intentions of 
 the King) a fcherne was fet on foot, which 
 feemed well calculated to anfwer the puf- 
 pofe. An oath of allegiance, it was faid, 
 would be a proper teft of the fincerity of 
 their declarations. An oath was confe- 
 quently prepared ; but it was drawn up in 
 terms, either from delign or ignorance, 
 which were likely to raife difficulties, and 
 to perplex the tender confciences of the 
 beil difpofed. If miniftry meant it, their 
 
 views
 
 . .Jj [ 33 ] 
 
 Views were completely anfwered. It James I. 
 fhould feern, as if they who framed it (a 
 flirewd Prieft and Archbimop Bancroft) 
 well knew where principally lay the point 
 of nicety; and that they wifhed rather to 
 divide, than to conciliate, the party. As 
 foon as it was propofed, great difputes arofe 
 about the lawfulnefs of the oath : By fome 
 it was approved, and taken, whilfl others, 
 equally well inclined in their political fen- 
 timents, confidered it as infidioufly worded, 
 and as bearing hard on tenets, in which 
 they thought religion was concerned. The 
 Nonjurors* who were far moil: numerous, 
 were by thefe means expofed to daily vexa- 
 tions ; and occafion was given for mifre- 
 prefenting them as difaffedted perfons, 
 whofe profefTions of attachment to the 
 civil eftablifhrnent were not to be trufted. 
 Appearances, in the eye of the nation, 
 were now certainly again ft theni; but it 
 is a truth, that no people could be more 
 firmly attached to King and Government, 
 than Catholics then were ; but they wsre 
 difturbed with difficulties, which at this 
 time make no impreflion. To com^-te 
 the bufmefs, the Roman Pontiff, ever jea- 
 lous of any attack on his fuppoltd prero- 
 gative, very inopportunely interfered, and 
 E wholly
 
 [ 34 } 
 
 James I. wholly frustrated a fcheme, the fuccefs of 
 which, delicacy of confcience alone had at 
 firft obftructed. 
 
 During the remaining part of this reign, 
 no material alteration took place in the 
 affairs of Catholics. No new feveritie?' 
 were practifed, or laws enacted, againft 
 them 3 but thofe already made were occa- 
 fionally put in execution ; for I have be- 
 fore me a lift of thirteen Priefts who were 
 hanged for the exercile of their facerdotal 
 functions. Every attempt the King made 
 to mitigate the feverity of thefe laws, or 
 to give relief to his Catholic fubjects, 
 was loudly oppofcd, and he was accufed 
 of being very improperly difpofed to favour 
 them. Whilft the marriage treaty be- 
 twixt his Son and the Infanta of Spain was 
 going on, in the year 1623, fome fecret 
 articles were propofed, and James feemed 
 determined to profecute his favourite plan 
 for general toleration. This, however, 
 was warmly oppofed by Abbot and others 
 of the Puritanical faction ; and as the 
 treaty foon broke off, the Catholics were 
 unrelieved. In this year a flaming peti- 
 tion, from both houfes of parliament, 
 againft Poj>ift Recufants, was prefented to 
 
 the
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 the King, praying for the moft active exe- James I. 
 cution of the laws againft them. They 
 had been charged with no new crime ; but 
 James had allowed them to breathe with 
 fome liberty, and this, in their eftimation, 
 was too great an indulgence. *' Such an 
 execution of juftice, faid they, will much 
 advance the glory of Almighty God." 
 Thefe men mould have been High Prieils 
 to Moloch, in the vale of Hinnom. The 
 King faw into the fpirit which had dicta- 
 ted this petition. Heanfwered by profef- 
 fing his warmeft attachment to the Prote- 
 {rant religion; that he would cautioufly 
 guard againft any undue relaxation of the 
 laws ; but that " like a good horfeman, 
 he muft be allowed fometimes to ufe the 
 reins, and not always the fpurs. I am an 
 enemy, continued he, to perfecution ; and 
 have ever thought that no way more in- 
 creafed any religion than perfecution ; 
 fanguis martyrum eft femen Ecclefia?."- 
 James was a divine as well as a politician, 
 He died the year following. 
 
 E 2 ON
 
 [ 36 ] 
 
 Charles I. ON the acceffion of Charles, the Ca- 
 tholics were again in fome expectation of 
 eafe, from his marriage with Henrietta, 
 Princefs of France. She was daughter 
 to the great and good Henry the Fourth, 
 and had been educated in a court which 
 had long experienced the direful effects 
 of religious difcord. It was therefore 
 hoped fhe might bring peace to the con- 
 tending factions of England. Apprehen- 
 five of fo enviable an event, the jealoufy 
 of the Puritans was roufed to a more 
 active exertion. Thefe were the men 
 who now began to take the lead in all 
 public affairs ; and the young King's 
 court, fays Burner, was full of them. 
 They demanded the execution of the pe- 
 nal laws. A proclamation to this effect 
 was iffued j and, in the year 1627, a fe- 
 vere flatute was enacted, conformable to 
 the firft of James, repeating the prohi- 
 bition of foreign education. Certain of- 
 ficers, named Purfuivants, were likewife 
 appointed, who had almoft an unlimited 
 power to enter the houfes of Catholics, 
 and to diftrefs them at will. The molt 
 groundlefs rumours were raifed, and in- 
 duftrioufly circulated. The Papifts, it 
 was faid, were forming, I know not what 
 
 plot,
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
 plot, againft the King and Archbiftiop Charles I. 
 Laud ; they were creating a miiunder- 
 fhnding betwixt his Majefty and the par- 
 liament ; and they were iniligating the 
 Scots to attempt the ruin of the efta- 
 blimed Church ! Thefe were bold calum- 
 nies 5 but they had their effecl: : For, 
 under this difguife, the real promoters of 
 fedition were fcreened from obfervation, 
 whilft the guilt was afcribed to a party, 
 which had been long the object of po- 
 pular odium. The Puritans thus played 
 an artful game : Had they made an open 
 attack on Church and State, the nation 
 might have taken a timely alarm ; but 
 conducting their deep fcheme under the 
 (how of oppofing the encroachments of 
 Popery, their fuccefs was certain. The 
 friends to Charles and to their country 
 faw, at laft, the full tendency of thefe 
 machinations ; but it was then too late 
 to ftem the raging torrent. In this man- 
 ner, during the fixteen firft years of his 
 Majefty's reign, was the kingdom per- 
 petually harafled with the cry of Popery } 
 and no fituation could be more diftreffing 
 than that of the Catholics. Guilty of no 
 one crime, they were accufed of all. 
 Some confolation indeed they might draw 
 
 from
 
 [ 38 ] 
 
 Charles I. from the reflexion, that as they were prin- 
 cipally hated by the ruling faction, it 
 was obvious they were well affeded to 
 the King, and friends to religion and vir- 
 tue. 
 
 When the rebellion began, though now 
 there was little want of difguife, yet the 
 fame methods were invariably practifed. 
 Pym, at the opening of the Long Par- 
 liament in the year 1640, among the 
 grievances which he enumerated, com- 
 plained loudly of the fufpenfion of the 
 laws againft Popery; and among other 
 a&s of royal power, which this Parliament 
 foon aiTumed, they iflued orders for de- 
 molifliing all images, altars, and cru- 
 cifixes. It was the crown, however, and 
 the mitre which thefe zealous men prin- 
 cipally aimed at. Crofles were then re- 
 moved from the ftreets and markets ; and 
 no two pieces of wood or Hone, fays an 
 ingenious writer, were permitted to lie 
 quietly over each other at right angles. 
 Alarms of the moil mocking nature were 
 propagated : Meetings, it was reported, 
 were held by the Papifts in immenfe 
 Caves in Surrey. Thefe caves did not exift, 
 but the belief of them was the fame. 
 
 A
 
 t 39 3 
 
 A Plot of a fingular tendency was de* Charles I. 
 vifed : London and Wefhninfter were to 
 fink in one common ruin. The Papifts, 
 therefore, had laid vafl trains of gunpow- 
 der to blow up the Thames. Fortu- 
 nately the powder got wet, and the lives 
 of his Majefty's Proteftant fubjecfts were 
 faved from deflruction ! When the King 
 went down to the houfe to demand the 
 five members he had accufed of treafon, 
 this breach of privilege, as it was called, 
 was afcribed to the bloody counfels of 
 Papifts. And when, a few days after, 
 he retired to Hampton-Court, a petition 
 from the apprentices and porters warned 
 the houfe of the danger to which their 
 religion was expofed ; whilft a brewer's 
 wife, followed by many thoufands of her 
 fex, alfo brought up a petition, expreffing 
 in the ftrongeft language their terrors of 
 Popery ! 
 
 When the royal army took the field, 
 the cry of > Popery was echoed through 
 the kingdom. " His Majefty, faid the 
 Rebels in their declaration, feduced by 
 wicked counfcllors, has railed a great ar- 
 my of Papiftg to deftroy the parliament, 
 and to bring in Popery and Tyranny." 
 
 The.
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 Charles I. The Catholics indeed were firm in chtf 
 royal caufe; but their perfonal fervices 
 were not accepted, till fuch time as the 
 parliament had itfelf offered them com-, 
 miffions in their own army. This be- 
 ing known, Charles difregarding all fur- 
 ther imputation of being popifhly inclined, 
 invited them to his flandard. They re- 
 ceived commifiions to raife companies 
 and regiments. This they did at their 
 own expence, bringing along with them 
 their fons, tenants, and neighbours : Nor, 
 from the fight at Edgehill till the. day of 
 the reftoration, did they ever defert the 
 royal party. I have now before me a lift 
 of fix Lieutenant-Generals, eighteen Co- 
 lonels, fixteen Lieutenant-Colonels, fix- 
 teen Majors, fixty nine Captains, four- 
 teen Lieutenants, five Cornets, and fifty 
 Gentlemen Volunteers; of the Catholic 
 perfuafion, who loft their lives in de^ 
 fence of his Majefly and of the eflablifhed 
 confHtution in Church and State. The 
 feverefl oppreflion, to which, for almoffc 
 a century, they had been conftantly ex- 
 pofed, had not been able to extinguim 
 in their breafts the fpirit of real patri- 
 otifm. 
 
 After
 
 t 4' ] 
 
 After the fatal defeat at Worcefler, in Charles I. 
 1651, when all the royal party was either 
 killed, taken, or difperfed, the young Charles 
 was fuccefiively, for the fpace of fix whole 
 days, in the hands of more than fifty Catho- 
 lics, not one of whom, either from fear 
 of punimment or from profpedt of gain, 
 could be prevailed on to betray their Prince. 
 Yet many of thefe were in very low con- 
 dition. The name of Pendrel will be ever 
 memorable in the annals of Loyalty. 
 
 THE Commonwealth being eilabliflied, The 
 (as by the fubverfion of the regal and epif- 
 copal order, the grand object of purfuit, 
 was finally fettled) the cry againft Popery 
 feemed to fubfide, and the Catholics be^ 
 came confounded in the common mafs of 
 thofe who were thought enemies to the 
 new form of government. What they now 
 fuffered was more on account of loyalty 
 than of religion. To conciliate the affec- 
 tions of all men was with Cromwell a 
 leading object; he well knew it was only 
 by fuch means that his ufurped authority 
 could ftand. Though no ftep could have 
 proved more difagreeable to the enthufiafm 
 of his party j yet it appears he had ferious 
 F thoughts 
 
 monweaUh <
 
 The Com- thoughts of granting a general toleration 
 monweakh. j n reH j OJK Had he done f o an( 
 
 fupported his meafures with all that firm- 
 nefs of which he was mailer^ perhaps the 
 Commonwealth of England might have 
 flood to this day. Cromwell had a con- 
 ference with fome few of the Catholic 
 perfuafion; they were unauthorized, I find, 
 by their brethren ; but, induced by the 
 general afpecl: of affairs, they thought it 
 good policy to make the beft provision 
 for themfelves. Sincerity was not one of 
 the Protector's virtues ; at all events, he 
 required from thofe Gentlemen fuch oaths 
 and engagements, as they were not inclined 
 to accept. In the general body of Catho- 
 lics there ever remained a flern fpirit of 
 loyalty, which no threats or allurements 
 could vanquim. The Proteftants of the 
 fame faction were equally fteady. Yet by 
 fome writers Catholics have been repre- 
 fented as deferters from the caufe : It has 
 been faid, they made their court to the 
 Ufurper. It was the wifh, perhaps, of thefe 
 men to fcreen, if pomble, what they 
 thought the wrong behaviour of feme of 
 their own friends, by criminating the inno- 
 cent. Even Clarendon very roundly in- 
 finuates the fame charge againft the Ca- 
 
 tholics.
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 tholics. I am confident he knew it was The Corn- 
 not fo, at leaft in an extenfive applica- monweahh, 
 tion : But it fhould feem, as if the no- 
 ble author were jealous that the praife 
 of loyalty, of which himfelf had fo ample 
 a mare, fliould be given to a party, whom 
 he never liked. It is not from any roman- 
 tic ideas of the virtue of loyalty that I fay 
 this ; for I really think that Catholics, as 
 matters then flood, would have done well 
 to have joined the Protector, had he given 
 them certain afTurances of fupport. They 
 had experienced how little was to be ex- 
 pected from the bounty of Kings ; and be- 
 fides, with the approbation of the major 
 part of the nation, the form of government 
 was altered ; confequently the criminality 
 of rebellion was. done away. My views 
 then in reprefenting the uniform adhefion 
 of Catholics to King Charles refts folely 
 on the conviction of its truth. In other 
 refpects, I am not aihamed to fay, that 
 the government which is heft inclined to 
 give us protection, has the only right tp 
 demand our allegiance. 
 
 F * AT
 
 [ 44 ] 
 
 AT the Reparation, in the year 1660, an 
 auguft and fplendid fcenc opened upon 
 the nation, in the bleflings of which Ca- 
 tholics had again reafon to exped: a parti- 
 cipation. It was the King's firft wifh to 
 grant indulgence to the Proteftant DifTen- 
 ters. This he had folemnly promifed be-' 
 fore his embarkation for England : he had 
 befides much reafon to fear the turbulence 
 of their minds, unlefs it mould be appea- 
 led by fome favourable conceffions. The 
 parliament, now outrageoufly loyal, op- 
 pofed every attempt for their relief: They 
 wimed to fee the Church of England re- 
 ftored to its primitive fplendor j and they 
 wifhed to caft down the afpiring thoughts 
 of the Sectaries. Charles, however, from 
 motives of the beft policy, was determined 
 to be their friend. 
 
 Nothing was at firft done for the Ca- 
 tholics i yet their pretenfions were great, 
 and they fecjmed to look for a proportion- 
 able indulgence. " It was the King's 
 defire, fays Clarendon, which he never 
 difTembled, to give them eafe from all the 
 fanguinary laws." Without importunity 
 or complaint, had they patiently waited 
 this event, they might poffibly have foon 
 
 recovered
 
 f 45 ] 
 
 recovered all the common privileges of Charles II, 
 
 fubjects. " For, adds my noble author, 
 
 that gracious difpofition in the King to 
 
 his Catholic fubjects, did not then appear 
 
 ingrateful to any." But the vanity and 
 
 prefumption of fome of them was great; 
 
 they feized every opportunity of extolling 
 
 their own loyalty ; and they fpoke of their 
 
 fufferings in the Royal Caufe as deferving 
 
 of more than common notice. It is true, 
 
 as I have already obferved, they had done 
 
 much. His Lordfhip even owns, that 
 
 fome of thofe, who had fufFered moft for 
 
 his father, did fend fupplies to the King 
 
 when he was abroad ; " though, fays he, 
 
 they were hardly able to provide neceflaries 
 
 for themfejves." 
 
 An addrefs being made to the Houfe of 
 Peers, the year after the Reftoration, for 
 fome relaxation of the laws againft them, 
 a committee of that houfe was appointed 
 to examine and to report -all thofe penal fta- 
 tutes, which reached to the taking away 
 the life of any Catholic for his religion ; 
 " There not appearing one Lord in the houfe, 
 who feemed to be unwilling that thofe laws 
 fhould be repealed." After the commit- 
 tee was appointed, the Catholic Lords and 
 
 their
 
 t 46 ] 
 
 Charles II. their friends, for fomc days, diligently 
 attended it, and made their obfervations 
 on feveral acts of parliament, in which 
 they defired eafe. " But on a fudden this 
 committee was difcontinued, and never 
 after revived ; the Roman Catholics never 
 afterwards being felicitous, for it." 
 
 The truth is, they very foon quarrelled 
 amongft themfelves. The Lords and men 
 of eftates, little anxious about the aboli- 
 tion of laws, which concerned principally 
 the lives of Priefts, defired rather a re- 
 peal of thofe, whereby their own pro- 
 perty, as Recufants, was affected. The 
 churchmen, on the other hand, were not 
 much folicitous about the removal of laws, 
 by which fometimes they might gain the 
 glory of martyrdom, whilft they conti- 
 nued under reftraints more grievous far 
 than death. A committee was then cho- 
 fen from among themfelves of the fupe- 
 riors of all orders, and of the fecular 
 Clergy. They met at Arundell Houfe, 
 along with fome of the principal Lords 
 and Gentlemen. Here alfo difputes foon 
 began, and they difagreed about the form 
 of an oath or fubfcription, which it was 
 intended mould be made or taken by all 
 
 Catholics.
 
 [ 47 1 
 
 Catholics. A proportion had likewife Charles It* 
 been made, that none but fecular Priefts 
 fhould be tolerated in England, who 
 mould be under a Bimop and a fettled 
 form of government; and that all. the 
 regulars, in particular all Jefuits, mould 
 be, under the ftricteft penalties, forbidden 
 the kingdom. The committee, as was 
 natural to expect, was diflblved, and met 
 no more. 
 
 From this time, owing to the impru- 
 dence of fome, and the infolence of others, 
 as alfo from that rooted diflike which 
 the nation had not loft, Catholics again 
 became common objects of averfion. 
 They were regarded with an eye of pecu- 
 liar jealoufy from that known propen- 
 fion, which the King felt and ever ex- 
 preiTed for them. Herein at lead can 
 be difcovered no fymptom of that un- 
 grateful diipofition, which, is faid, ib 
 ftrongly to have marked the character of 
 Charles. In his declaration for liberty 
 of confcience to the Diflenters in 1662, 
 he fays, " It is divulged, through the 
 kingdom, that we are highly indulgent to 
 Papifts, not only in exempting them 
 from the penalties of the law, but even 
 
 to
 
 f 48 ] 
 
 Charles II. to fuch a degree of countenance and en- 
 couragement as may endanger the Pro- 
 
 teftant Religion. It is true that, as we 
 
 mail always, according to our juftice, rc- 
 tain, fo we think it may become us, 
 to avow to the world the due fenfe we 
 have, of the greateft part of ouf Catholic 
 fubjec~ls of this kingdom, having deferved 
 well of our royal father, of blefied me-> 
 mory, and from us, and even from the 
 Proteftant Religion itfelf', in adhering to 
 us with their lives and fortunes, for the 
 maintenance of our crown in the religion 
 eflablimed, againil thofe who, under the 
 name of zealous Proteftants, employed 
 both fire and fword to overthrow them 
 both. Such are the capital laws in force 
 againft them, as that, though juftified in 
 their rigour by the times wherein they 
 were made, we profefs it would be grie- 
 vous to us to confent to the execution of 
 them, by putting any of our fubjecls 
 to death for their opinion in matters of 
 
 religion only. But if, upon our ex-* 
 
 preffing (according to Chriftian charity) 
 our diflike of bloodfhed for religion, and 
 our gracious intentions to our Roman 
 Catholic fubje&s, Priefts mail take the 
 boldnefs to appear, and avow themfelves, 
 
 to
 
 [ 49 1 
 
 to the offence and fcandcil of 'good Pro- Charles II, 
 teftants, and of the laws in force againft 
 them ; they mall quickly find, we know 
 as well to be fevere, when wifdoni re- 
 quires it, as indulgent, when charity 
 and jfenfe of merit challenge it from us." 
 This declaration, the moft zealous Pro'- 
 teftant muft allow, is replete with good 
 fenfe, and breathes that fpirit of juftice 
 and love of order, which mould ever ani- 
 mate the breafts of Princes : It alfo mews 
 in what light the King confidered the fer- 
 vices he had received from his Catholic 
 fubjeds. 
 
 In his fpeech to parliament, the year 
 following, he again fays, " The truth 
 is, I am in my nature an enemy to all 
 feverity for religion and confcience, how 
 miftaken foever it be, when it extends 
 to capital and fanguinary punifhments, 
 which I am told began in Popifh times. 
 Therefore, when I fay this, I hope I mall 
 hot need to warn any here, not to infer 
 from thence, I mean to favour Popery. 
 I mud confefs to you, there are many of 
 that profeffion, who, having ferved my 
 father, and myfelf very well, may fairly 
 hope for fome part of that indulgence, I 
 G would
 
 I 50 ] 
 
 Charles II. would willingly afford to others, who 
 diflent from us. But let me explain my- 
 felf, left fome miftake me herein, as I 
 hear they did in my declaration. I am 
 far from meaning by this a toleration, or 
 qualifying them thereby to hold any 
 offices or places in the government. Nay 
 farther, I defire fome laws may be made 
 to hinder the growth and progrefs of their 
 doctrines." ^-In confequence of the laft 
 claufe* a petition was prefented from, 
 both houfes that he would iflue a pro- 
 clamation, commanding all Jefuits and 
 P-riefts to depart the kingdom by a day, 
 under pain of having the penalties of the 
 laws inflicted on them* To this the King 
 confented. 
 
 The next year, 1664, a deiign was 
 formed, which came from the King him- 
 felf, of bringing a bill into parliament, 
 ferioufly meant to ferve the Catholics, by 
 putting them on that footing of eafe and 
 fecurity, which their conducl, as good 
 fubjefts, he thought merited. Meafures 
 of afcertaining their numbers had been 
 previoufly taken, that the moft violent 
 might know there was nothing to be 
 feared from fo inconfiderable a body. He 
 
 wiflied
 
 [ 5' ] 
 
 wifhed alfo that a diftin&ion mould be Charles II, 
 made betwixt thofe, who, being of an- 
 cient extraction, had continued of the 
 fame religion from father to fon, and 
 thofe who became Profelytes to the Ca- 
 tholic Church. In the new bill it was 
 intended to provide againft fuch changes 
 in religion. The King had likewife re- 
 folved to contract and leffen the number 
 of Priefts, and to reduce them into fuch 
 order, that he might himfelf know all 
 their names, and their feveral places of 
 refidence in the kingdom. " This mea- 
 fure, fays Clarendon, mufl have produced 
 fuch a fecurity to thofe who flayed, and 
 to thofe with whom they flayed, as would 
 have fet them free from any appreheniion 
 of any penalties impofed by preceding 
 parliaments." But this defign, which 
 comprehended many other particulars, 
 from the perverfe oppofition of fome weak 
 heads of the party, vanifhed as foon as it 
 was difcovered. Moderate men, who de- 
 fired nothing but the exercife of their re- 
 ligion in great fecrecy, and a fufpsnfion, 
 of the laws, were cruelly difappointed, 
 and in their conferences with the King 
 often complained " of the folly and va- 
 nity of fome of their friends, and more 
 
 G 2 particularly
 
 [ 52 ]. 
 
 Charles II. particularly of the prefumption of the 
 Jefuits." All further thoughts of the bill 
 were now dropt, nor was there ever af-r 
 ter mention of it, 
 
 From this view it may be juftly inferred, 
 that the Catholics at that time were their 
 own greateft enemies. The King was de- 
 cidedly their friend j the Courtiers, fur.k 
 in eafe and luxury, laughed at all religion, 
 and only wifhed to humour their Prince ; 
 the friends to Epifcopacy and Monarchy, 
 that is, the eftabliihed Church, were not 
 much inclined to oppofe a party, who, they 
 knew, would be ever ready to join them 
 againfl the encroachments of the Sectaries ; 
 the DiiTenters themfelves, tho' enemies ta 
 the name of Catholic, now dared not fpeak 
 put, whilft themfelves were waiting redrefs. 
 from the crown j and the nation at large, 
 juft breathing from the horrors of civil 
 commotions, wifhed not to be again ex- 
 pofed to the view of difcord and conten- 
 tion. In fuch circumftances, nothing, it 
 feems, eould obftrudl: their profpects of 
 fuccefs, but vain pretenfions, immoderate 
 confidence, precipitate counfels, imprudent 
 zeal, or that animolity and internal difcord, 
 which muft ever fruftrate the beft- con- 
 certed
 
 [ 53 1 
 
 certed plans. Thefe were unfortunate Charles II, 
 evils j but they are the evils attendant on 
 weak human nature : They were misfor- 
 tunes which affecled very fenfibly the Ca- 
 tholic intereft, but they had no immediate 
 reference to the ftatc. In allegiance, po- 
 litics, and patriotifm, the Catholics were. 
 fteady, generous, and iincere. 
 
 In 1666, an event happened, which 
 finally contributed to blaft all their hopes, 
 though Catholics were no otherwife con* 
 cerned in it, than as fufferers, or as fpec- 
 tators fympathifing in the general icene of 
 mifery and diflrefs. The great fire of 
 London was this event, and it was afcribed 
 to the Papifts. They had long accjuired 
 an exclufive claim to the infamy of every 
 'national calamity. Not the fm Heft proof 
 of guilt was then adduced againft them; 
 but their crimes wanted not the ufelefs 
 formalities of proof. It was by fome, 
 however, given to Dutch or tq French ma- 
 chinations, with equal femblance of truth. 
 Clarendon, who was witnefs to the whole, 
 afcribes it to the juil judgment of Heaven, 
 provoked by the general depravity of the 
 nation. In common language, every mo- 
 derate man confidered it as accidental.
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 Charles II. g ut the Magiilracy of London, who are 
 always wifer than the reft of mankind, 
 faw into the whole tranfadtion ; and on 
 a lying monument, raifed where the fire 
 began, with the greateft humanity afcribed 
 it folely to the Papifts. The noble pile 
 to this day rears its head, an irrefragable 
 argument of the blind credulity of tho 
 times ! 
 
 The rumour of this calumny was but 
 a prelude to many others, which eafily 
 found credit in a jealous and exafperated 
 nation. A year now fcarcely pafled, in 
 which fome peculiar guilt was not im- 
 puted to Catholics. The public odium 
 being again rouzed was eafily kept alive $ 
 and the defigns of bad men were anfwered. 
 In 1670, the enemies to the court, who 
 were greatly increafed, publicly afferted 
 that the King was now finally refolved 
 to annul the conftitution j that he aimed 
 at arbitrary power, with a view of deftroy- 
 ing the liberties of the people -, and that 
 he meant tofubvert the eftablifhed Church 
 by an unlimited toleration of Popery. 
 This was the magic wand, alone capable 
 of realizing fo momentous a defign. The 
 cabinet council, diflinguiihed by the ap- 
 pellation
 
 t 55 ] 
 
 filiation of the Cabal, which Charle$ Charles II. 
 foon after chofe, was indeed well calcu- 
 lated to give plaufibility to thefe reports. 
 They were riot Catholics, (Clifford ex- 
 cepted) but they were the moffc dan- 
 gerous Miniftry that England perhaps 
 ever knew. The Duke of York, with 
 an imprudence that became his character, 
 was, at the fame time, far too open in 
 declaring his religious fentiments. To 
 give the laft alarm to the fears of the na- 
 tion, a formal liberty of confcience was 
 allowed to all Sectaries. " This indul- 
 gence* fays the King in his declaration, 
 as to the allowance of public places of 
 worfhip, and approbation of their Preach- 
 ers, .mall extend to all forts of non-con - 
 formifts and recufants, excepting to the 
 recufants of the Roman Catholic religion; 
 to whom we mall in nowife allow public 
 places of worfhip, but only indulge them 
 in their (hare in the common exemption 
 from the execution of the penal laws, and 
 the exercife of their worfhip in private 
 houfes only." Againft this indulgence, in 
 itfelf fo juft and reafonable, the parliament 
 re mo nitrated, and the King was at laft 
 compelled to recal his declaration. The 
 
 un-
 
 r 50 j 
 
 Charles II, unpopular eonduft of the Miniftry had 
 raifed a fpirit of oppofition, which would 
 not be fatisrkd. 
 
 It is worth notice that, fomewhat pre- 
 vious to the time I am fpeaking of, com- 
 menced the firfl fecret money treaty be^ 
 tween Louis XIV. and Charles j vVherein 
 it was ftipulated that the latter mould 
 receive two hundred thoufand pounds, 
 for declaring himfelf a Catholic, and 
 that France mould affift him with troops^ 
 if his fubjects rebelled; There were 
 other articles of a nature equally fin- 
 ''"' gular. The deflrudtidn of Holland, in 
 which England was to affifl, was Louis's 
 object. The Lords Clifford, and Arundel 
 of Wafdour, both Catholics* with Lord 
 Arlington, a man well-affected to that 
 religion, were appointed commiffioners 
 to tranfact this fhameful bulinefs. The 
 year following, 1671, a fimilar treaty was 
 concluded by Charles's Proteftant Mini- 
 fters, Buckingham, Aililey Cooper, and 
 Lauderdale, who knew nothing of the 
 firft, excepting the article of the King's 
 converfion, which, however, was fecretly 
 retained, this was a repetition of the 
 former treaty. Charles's views were only 
 
 to
 
 C 57 ] 
 
 to get money -, he was little felicitous Charles II. 
 about religion ; and it is curious to fee 
 how artfully he afterwards evaded his 
 promife of conversion. -Thefe connexions 
 with France were of the mofl fatal ten- 
 dency^ and the Royal Brothers, with all 
 their Minifters, deferved to lofe their 
 heads. From this time French money 
 was largely diftributed; and even the 
 popular party, it is well known, entered 
 into connexions with that nation, of a na- 
 ture almofl as dangerous as thofe which 
 the Court is fuppofed to have formed 
 againft the religion and liberties of the 
 fubje<5t. Few parties in this kingdom 
 are free from blame : In their turns> 
 Whigs and Tories have been equally ene- 
 mies to their country, when their paf- 
 fions and their interefts mifled them. 
 " When I found, fays Sir John Dalrym- 
 ple, in the French difpatches, Lord Ruf- 
 fell intriguing with the court of Verfailles, 
 and Algernon Sidney taking money from 
 it, I felt very near the fame ihock, as if 
 J had feen a fon turn his back in the day 
 of battle." But to return. 
 
 Having gained this pbint> parliament 
 
 proceeded further, and refolved to make 
 
 Ft the
 
 I 58 ] 
 
 Charles II. the conformity in religious principles 
 ftill more general. A law therefore paffed, 
 in 1673, intitled the Teft Aft, impoiing 
 an oath on all who fhould accept any 
 public office. Befides the oaths of alle- 
 giance and fupremacy, they were to re- 
 ceive the facrament once a year in the 
 eftablimed Church, and to abjure all be- 
 lief in the doctrine of Tranfubftantiation. 
 Peers were not included in this act ; but 
 if Papifts, and held places by inheritance, 
 they were obliged to appoint deputies. 
 The relation betwixt civil allegiance and 
 a belief purely religious, is not, furely, very 
 difcoverable ; but the object of this act 
 was fufficiently obvious. It incapacitated 
 every man from the fervice of his coun- 
 try, whofe confcience (hould not be duc- 
 tile enough to facrifice his religion at the 
 fhrine of interefl or of fome paltry pre- 
 ferment. 
 
 The general difquietudes about religion 
 did not however iubiide, and the people 
 were inftructed to coniider the alliance, 
 which had been made with France, as 
 a frefli defign for the introduction of 
 Popery. The clouds began to thicken 
 round the heads of Catholics. The nation 
 
 was
 
 r 59 ] 
 
 was on tiptoe expefting fome frightful Charles II. 
 event. Yet I cannot be prevailed on to 
 think, it was at that unimportant body that 
 were principally aimed the machinations 
 of defigning men. That fame fpirit, in- 
 imical to regal government, began again 
 to move, which had for fom.e time lain 
 dormant, but had never been extinguifhed. 
 -In the breafts. of others the horror of Po- 
 pery was perhaps the fole actuating mo- 
 tive. But it was equally good policy in 
 both to keep alive the popular apprehen- 
 iion, Charles would not depart from his 
 favourite fyftem of general moderation ; it 
 became therefore necefTary to roufe him 
 into action, and to this end the old ftrata- 
 -gem of a Plot was thought the moft effica- 
 cious meafure. When the bad humours 
 of Englifhmen are ones afloat, they muft 
 either have objects of fufpicion on which 
 to fpend themfel.ves, or they will make 
 them. 
 
 The plot, which the infamous Mr. 
 Titus Gates has honoured with his name, 
 was broached in Auguft, 1678. This 
 man had difeovered the fecrets of a deep 
 confpiracy, in which, it was reprefented, 
 the Jefuits had a leading concern. They 
 H 2 had
 
 [ 6o ] 
 
 Charles II. had held feveral meetings, both abroad 
 and in England, the final determination 
 of which was to kill the King by poifon, 
 the gun, or a dagger. The glaring incon-r- 
 fiftencies which crouded the narrative of 
 this whole affair made no impreffion on a 
 credulous public. It was their wih it 
 might be true ; and never was nation 
 .worked up to a higher pitch of foolifh in*- 
 .fatuation. Moderate men began to ap^ 
 .prehend a general mafiacre of the whole 
 .Catholic body. Two events indeed ac- 
 companied the firil opening of this plot, 
 which contributed to give it fome air of 
 probability. Thefe were the difcovery of 
 Ibme letters of CoJeman, Secretary to the 
 Puke of York, and the death of Sir Ed- 
 mondbury Godfrey, The letters were 
 imprudent, and contained expreflions about 
 the introduction of Popery, which at this 
 time were eafily fufceptible of further 
 conftruction. The real truth is, Coleman 
 was a weak and bigoted man, who wifhed 
 to give a fpread to his religion, but that 
 only, as he declared on his trial, by pro- 
 curing a free toleration for Catholics. - 
 Godfrey's murder has never been cleared 
 up ; he was an active JufHce of the Peace, 
 and from a coincidence of his death with 
 
 the
 
 f .61 ] 
 
 the fuppofed difcovery of the plot, the Charles II, 
 Papifts were charged with it. " There 
 are feafons of believing, fays Burnet, as 
 well as of diibelieving ; and believing was 
 then fo much in feafon, that improbabili- 
 ties or inconfiftencies were little confidered. 
 Nor was it fafe fo much as to make reflec- 
 tions on them. Gates, and Bedloe, ano- 
 ther witnefs for the plot, continues the 
 Biihop, by their behaviour, detracted more 
 from their own credit, than all their ene- 
 mies could have done. The former talked 
 of all perfons with an infufFerable info- 
 lence ; and the other was a fcandalous li- 
 bertine in his whole deportment." 
 
 The King, from the beginning, was 
 almoft the only perfon who treated the 
 plot, as afcribed to Catholics, with be- 
 coming contempt. He faw through that 
 dark veil, which the fafcinated multitude 
 were unable to penetrate ; whilft his Mi- 
 niflers flood all aghaft, and either par- 
 took, or aftecfted to partake of the gene- 
 ral confirmation. It was expected the 
 parliament would reprefs thefe delufions, 
 and would aim to call back the nation to 
 reafon and deliberate enquiry. But they 
 manifeftcd even greater credulity than 
 
 the
 
 Charles II. the vulgar. The cry of Piot was echoed 
 from one houfe to the other : The ene- 
 mies to the crown would not let flip fa 
 favourable an oppprtunity of managing 
 the paflions of the people ; and the court- 
 party were afraid of being thought dif- 
 loyal, mould they feem to controvert the 
 reality of the plot, or doubt the guilt of 
 the pretended afiTafftns of their King.. " I 
 would not, faid a noble Lord, have fo 
 much as a Popifh man or a Popiih wo- 
 nian to remain amongft us, not fo much 
 as a Popifh dog, or a Popifli bitch, not 
 fo much as a Popifli cat to mew, or pur 
 about our King." This was fublime elo- 
 quence, and it was received with burfts 
 of applaufe. The Commons voted that 
 the Papifls defigned to kill the King. 
 Warrants were ifTued out, and many of 
 that perfuafion were apprehended. They 
 were tried, convicted on the evidence of 
 fome of the worft men the earth ever 
 bore, and executed. At death they ftill 
 protefted their innocence ; a circumflance, 
 fays Mr. Hume, which made no impref- 
 fion on the fpedators; their being Je- 
 fuits banifhed even pity from their fuffer- 
 ings. This frightful perfection conti- 
 nued for fome time, and the King, con- 
 trary
 
 trary to his own judgment, tvas obliged Charles II. 
 to give way to the popular fury. " I 
 waited often on him, fays Burnet, all the 
 month of December. He came to me to 
 Chiffinch's, a page of the backftairs, and 
 kept the time he affigned me to a mi- 
 nute. He. was alone, and talked much, 
 and very freely with me. We agreed in 
 one thing, that the greateft part of the 
 evidence was a contrivance. But he fuf- 
 pected fome had fet on Gates, and in- 
 flrucled .him -, and he named the Earl 
 of Shaftefbury. I was of another mind. 
 I thought the many grofs things in his 
 narrative (hewed, there was no abler head 
 than Gates, or Tongue, in framing it : 
 and Gates, in his firft ftory, had covered 
 the Duke, and the Minifters fo much, 
 that from thence it feemed clear that 
 Lord Shaftefbury had no hand in it, who 
 hated them much more than he did Po- 
 pery. He fancied there was a defign of 
 rebellion on foot. I allured him, I faw 
 no appearances of it. I told him, there 
 was a report breaking out, that he in- 
 tended to legitimate the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth. He anfwered quick, that, as 
 well as he loved him, he had rather fee 
 him hanged. Yet he apprehended a re- 
 bellion
 
 [ 64 ] 
 
 Charles II. belliori To much, that he fecmed not ill 
 pleafed that the party mould flatter them* 
 felves with that imagination, hoping that 
 would keep them quiet in a dependence 
 upon himfelf." In the judgment of thefe 
 two, it appears, how little the Catho- 
 lics were concerned in this plot. 
 
 " It has been much doubted, fays an au- 
 thor of great information, whether Shaftef- 
 bury contrived this plot, or if he only 
 made ufe of it, after it broke out. Some 
 papers I have feen convince me he contri- 
 ved it, though the perfons he made ufe of 
 as informers ran beyond their inftruftions. 
 The common objection to the fuppolition 
 of his contriving the plot, is, the abfurdity 
 of its circumftances. When Shaftefbury 
 himfelf was preffed with regard to that 
 abfurdity, he made an anfwer which mews 
 equally the irregularity and the depth of 
 his genius. " It is no matter, faid he, 
 the more nonfenfical the better j if we 
 cannot bring them to fwallow worfe non- 
 fenfe than that, we mall never do any 
 good with them." 
 
 Catholic Peers were now excluded from 
 fitting in the houfe, by a bill brought 
 
 into
 
 into parliament, requiring all members Charles II. 
 of either houfe, and all fuch as might 
 come into the King's court, or prefence, 
 to take a teft againft Popery ; in which 
 not only Tranfubftantiation is renounced, 
 but the invocation of the Virgin Mary and 
 the Saints is declared to be idolatrous. 
 This bill was principally levelled againft 
 the Duke of York ; but he had intereft 
 enough to get himfelf excepted by a pro- 
 vifo annexed to it. Five of thofe Peers 
 to whom the Pope, as Mr. Gates informed 
 the public, had granted commiffions to 
 act as his minifters in England, had been 
 lent to the Tower. Of thefe the EarJ of 
 Stafford, his Holinefs's Paymafter- Gene- 
 ral, was alone executed ; and at the death 
 of this aged Nobleman the fterneft coun- 
 tenances were feen to drop tears. 
 
 The new parliament of the fuccceding 
 year did not depart from the fteps of their 
 predecefTors ; and as the popular phrenzy 
 leemed to abate, frem means were devifed 
 for keeping up the alarm j mobs, peti- 
 tions, and Pope-burnings were every day 
 pra&ifed. The number of informing 
 mifcreants ftill encreafed; the bufinefs 
 was found to be not only lucrative, but 
 I honourable.
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 Charles II. honourable. Plot was fet up againft plot, 
 all of them under-parts of the fame grand 
 drama 5 and the minds of the nation were 
 fufpended in dreadful apprehenfion. This 
 parliament alfo, to teftify their loyalty, 
 or to convince the world that they would 
 not furrender the palm of infatuation, came 
 to a refolution, " That if the King ihould 
 come to any violent death, they will re- 
 venge it to the utmoft on the Papifts." 
 A Papift only, in their judgment, had 
 power to take away the life of a King ! 
 They did not probably recollect who had 
 {truck off the head of his late Majefty. 
 The hand of every wretch was now armed 
 with a dagger, by which he might at 
 once deftroy his Prince and extirpate 
 Popery. 
 
 All this time Shafteibury and his afTo- 
 ciates were labouring at their grand de- 
 fign ; this was, to exclude the Duke of 
 York from the throne, and to bring in 
 the baftard Monmouth. The Duke was 
 a Catholic : could it therefore be proved 
 that the Papifls with him at their head 
 (for both he and the Queen were boldly 
 accufed of being accomplices in the plot) 
 had confpired to kill the King, fubvert 
 
 the
 
 [ 67 ] 
 
 the government, and bring in Popery, Charles II. 
 what further argument could be required 
 for his exclufion and th? utter extinction, 
 of his religion ? The bill of exclufion was 
 twice, with the moft determined violence, 
 brought into parliament ; it pafTed the 
 houfe of Commons, but the Lords threw 
 it out by a great majority. 
 
 The King now became fullen and 
 thoughtful; oppofition had foured his tem- 
 per, and he refolved to effect by refolution 
 what mildnefs could not accompliih. The 
 parliament fpent their ftrength in vain 
 efforts. During the receis, he had recei- 
 ved the moft adulatory addrefles from his 
 fubjects ; they cenfured the ftubborn op- 
 pofition of parliament, and offered to fup- 
 port the juft rights of the crown. The 
 popular commotions fubfided, and the 
 horrors of Popery feerned to wear away. 
 The thinking part of the nation were feen 
 to blufh at their late wild credulity and 
 extravagance : But an imprelTion was made 
 which no time will hardly efface.. To, 
 the word Popery, before fufriciently tre- 
 mendous in its found, fo many new ideas, 
 f terror were annexed, and fo great ever, 
 fince has been the ami of fome men to 
 I 2 maintain
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 Charles II. maintain the delulion, that I am not fur- 
 prifed the minds of many fhould at this 
 day feel its effects. Yet fcarcely one perfon 
 of common reading can. be found, who 
 does not acknowledge that the plot, I have 
 defcribed, was either the work of malice, 
 or of defign and faction. In 1684 Charles 
 died, and becaufe, in his lail moments, he 
 profeffed himfelf a Catholic, it is probable 
 that at all times, in his few ferious hours, 
 he had been flrongly inclined to the prin- 
 ciples of that religion. 
 
 The reader will be furprifed, that I mould 
 have faid nothing of a confpiracy, in which 
 Proteflants of the firfl diflin&ion were 
 concerned. The views of thefe men were 
 various; the redrefs of grievances, the 
 definition of monarchy, or the gratifica- 
 tion of revenge. Thefe ends they aimed 
 , to obtain, by involving the kingdom in 
 the horrors of a civil war; whilfl under- 
 a&ors were, at the fame time, engaged in a 
 defperate fcheme of aflaflinating the King 
 and the Duke of York. Thefe alfo were 
 Proteflants. The fword of fedition, with 
 the bowl and dagger, were now taken into 
 new hands ; and had not Providence in- 
 terfered, Charles, whofe life had often 
 
 been
 
 t 69 ] 
 
 been expofed to imaginary danger from the Charles II. 
 machinations of Papifts, had really fallen 
 by the authors of the Rye-Houfe Plot. 
 A writer, fo diipofed, might, on this occa- 
 lion, recriminate with weighty retaliation j 
 but my object is not to exculpate my own 
 party, by a difplay of criminal excelTes in 
 their adverfaries. I wifh only to fpeak of 
 them as they were. But if the pen of a 
 Proteftant can be excufed from vicious 
 partiality, who loads the whole Catholic 
 body with opprobrious charges, for the 
 follies in which a few were engaged; 
 furely the fame latitude may be allowed to 
 others. It is a liberty, however, which 
 the candid and honeft hiftorian will nof 
 be inclined to ufe, 
 
 THE death of Charles affeded his fub- Janus 11, 
 jedls according to the different views of 
 the parties, which then divided the nation. 
 The Catholics were full of expectation 
 from a Prince ? who now openly profefled 
 their religion, The loyal Proteftants, with 
 law and the conftitution on their fide, had 
 nothing, they thought, to apprehend, even 
 from a Popifli Monarch. The Whiggim 
 faction alone had no favour to hope for; 
 
 and
 
 [ 7 ] 
 
 James II. and their late attempts had brought them 
 into general difcredit with the nation. 
 James the Second afcended the throne. 
 Bigoted, headftrong, and imprudent, he 
 had long, it feems, formed the defign of 
 new-modelling the religion of his country. 
 Had the exclufion-bill patted, and James 
 never reigned, it would have been well 
 for Catholics. Yet the eafy fuppreffion of 
 Monmouth's rebellion, and the execution 
 of the heads of that defperate fadion* 
 feemed at firft to promife fuccefs to his 
 moft fanguine fchemes. The barbarities 
 committed by his officers on the defence-, 
 lefs rebels, were, with much ill-nature, 
 imputed to the King: It was faid, his 
 religion delighted in blood. This was a 
 wayward charge. Very foon was exhibit- 
 ed a fcene of imprudences, which folly 
 alone or treacherous defign could have 
 dictated. James had admitted Catholic 
 officers into his army, whom he difpenfed 
 from the Teft : againfl this the parliament 
 remonftrated , he returned them a peevifli 
 anfwer, and diffolved them. His deterr- 
 mination then was to have a Catholic in^ 
 terefl in the Privy Council. Four Lords 
 of that perfuafion were admitted \ and the 
 crafty Sunderland, with much piety decla- 
 ring
 
 '[ 7' .] 
 
 ring himfelf a Papift, was nominated Pre- James II. 
 fident. In other parts of the kingdom 
 the old magiftrates were difplaced, and 
 Catholics put in their room. Proteflants 
 very juftly took the alarm, and the efta- 
 blimed Church, though ever loyal, mewed 
 a face of determined oppofition to fuch 
 ram meafures. A high Court of Ecclefia- 
 ftical Commiffion was therefore appointed ; 
 and though wholly compofed of Proteftant 
 members, it gave univerfal offence. Its 
 office was to infpect all Church affairs -, to 
 reward the pliant, and to punifh the re- 
 fractory. It was a Court of Inquifition. 
 The next flep was to grant liberty of 
 confcience to all Sectaries. The King 
 publimed his declaration, which contained 
 much good fenfe, and great liberality of 
 fentiment : But its drift was evident, and 
 the nation loudly complained. Chapels 
 were now opened, and the Catholic fervice 
 publicly performed. Father Petre, a 
 weak but defigning Jefuit, appeared at 
 Court, and was fometime. after fworn a 
 member of the Privy-Council. An Am- 
 bailador extraordinary was fent to Rome, 
 to lay at his Holinefs's feet the King's 
 iubmillion, and to folicit a mitre and a 
 Cardinal's hat for the -brows of Petre. 
 
 The
 
 t 7' ] 
 
 James It. *The Romans faw the folly of this prtcipi* 
 tate condud : " Your King, faid they, 
 fhould be excommunicated for thus at- 
 tempting to overturn the fmall remains of 
 Popery in England." A Nuncio was how- 
 ever fent, and he was received at Windfor 
 withfolemn pageantry. He then attempt*- 
 ed to obtrude his Catholic minions on the 
 Universities : This was oppofed with be- 
 coming refolution.* A lecond declaration 
 for liberty of conjdence was iflued, with 
 this particular injunction, that it fhould 
 be read in all the Churches. The Bifhops 
 remonftratcd ; they were fummoned before 
 the Council ; were fent to the Tower j 
 were foon after tried and acquitted. 
 The refentment of the people was now 
 raifed to the utmofl : The King began to 
 fee the folly of his proceedings ; he wifhed 
 to call a parliament; and to effecl: that by 
 conftitutional means, which he had vainly 
 attempted by every frretch of his difpenfing 
 power. It was now too late : News was 
 brought him that William Prince of 
 Orange was preparing a flrong force to in- 
 vade his territories. Difmayed and terri- 
 fied, he now faw there was no redrefs, for 
 he had forfeited all claim to the love of 
 his fubjedts. The Prince landed ; and 
 
 James
 
 [ 73 ] 
 
 James forfook a throne which he was un- James II. 
 fit, and, I think, unworthy, to govern. . 
 When he firft retired from London, the 
 mob rofe, and deftroyed every Catholic 
 Chapel in the city ; nor was there a coun- 
 ty in England, in which they did not leave 
 fome marks of their indignation. 
 
 Every attempt of James to fubvert the 
 eftablimed religion, or rather to give tole- 
 ration to Catholics, (for this was all he 
 then aimed at) was attended with the moil: 
 glaring violations of the laws -, and the 
 powers he afTumed of difpenling with 
 them, without the confent of Parliament, 
 broke afunder that facred compact, by 
 which the people are bound to their Sove- 
 reign. He was no longer entitled to their 
 allegiance. Every patriot mould have vo- 
 ted for his expulfion. Kings are made 
 for the people, and the laws of the realm 
 are their only rule of conduct : when they 
 violate thefe, (it matters not under what 
 pretence) they become tyrants. It was 
 unfortunate for James to have been fo ill- 
 advifed. The inclinations of his own 
 mind would not, I think, have hurried 
 him on fo far. But wicked and defining 
 Miniflers, leagued with weak and infatuated 
 K Prielts,
 
 [ 74 ] 
 
 James II. Priefts, mufb at any time prove an 
 
 match for greater abilities than ever fell 
 to the lot of a Stuart. The Catholics, as 
 a body, merit not the reprehenfion, I give 
 to Petre and his aflbciates. They faw the 
 wretched folly and the weak views of 
 thofe bad advifers; and they condemned 
 the precipitancy of meafures which, they 
 knew, could only terminate in their ruin. 
 As muft ever be the cafe with all men, in 
 a fimilar fituation, they wifhed to be re- 
 lieved from oppreffion ; but the undifturb- 
 ed practice of their religion, with the en- 
 joyment of fome few civil liberties, would 
 have fatisfied their moft fanguine defires. 
 This I know from certain information : But 
 unhappily for them and for their defcen- 
 dents, the voice of prudence and of cool re- 
 ligion was not attended to, whilft wild 
 zsal and romantic piety were called in to 
 fuggeft fchemes of folly, and to precipitate 
 their execution. 
 
 Williamlll. AS the Revolution, in the year 1688, 
 took place in opposition to James's wild 
 projects of introducing Popery, the Catho- 
 lics, it mould feem, had much to apprehend 
 from the event. But William was too good
 
 [ 75 ] 
 
 a politician to be inclined to ways of vio- William III. 
 lence or perfecution. He had been edu- 
 cated in a fchool, which taught him to 
 appreciate merit or demerit in a fubject, 
 not from his religious tenets, but from 
 the powers he pofTeiTed to promote or to 
 oppofe the defigns of his mafter. Catho- 
 lics therefore foon experienced the lenity 
 of his government ; and though the laws 
 againft them remained unrepealed, yet 
 they were feldom put into rigorous execu- 
 tion. He considered them as a fmall 
 member of the great Jacobitical body, 
 whereof as the Proteftants were, without 
 comparifon, the moft formidable faction, 
 his good fenfe told him that thefe were to 
 be watched with peculiar jealoufy. He 
 alfo foon difcovered, that tho' the Whigs 
 had been principally inftrumental in his 
 elevation to the Englim throne, they were 
 of a fufpicions and untra&able character, 
 whofe ideas of liberty \veH ; ever fbremoft, 
 and who would never lofe any opportunity 
 of abridging the Royal Prerogative. The 
 Cathohcs themfelves were not difTatisfied 
 with their condition j it was bad indeed, 
 but they had expected it would have been 
 much worfe : And had not a falfe notion of 
 Hereditary and Divine Right warped their 
 K 2
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 William III. judgments, and taught them to believe 
 Loyalty to the houfe of Stuarts was a vir- 
 tue of fingular merit, they would probably 
 have fat down, happy in the loweft con- 
 dition of Britiih fubjects. But this was a 
 prepofleffion not peculiar to Catholics ; it 
 had its votaries in every other religious 
 perfuafion. 
 
 In the beginning of his reign, to con- 
 ciliate the affections of the Diflenters, 
 whom he feared, the King palTed the fa- 
 mous Toleration Aft, by which they were 
 freed from the penalties of the Att of Uni- 
 formity ; and to indulge the ill humour of 
 others, though contrary to his line of po- 
 litics, yet, becaufe he did not fear them, 
 he permitted fome fevere flatutes to be 
 enacted againfl the Catholics. By thefe they 
 are ordered to remove ten miles from Weft- 
 minfter; not 4>o keep arms, or to be in 
 pofleffion of any horfe above the value of 
 five pounds ; the Univeriities were veiled 
 with the advowfons belonging to them : 
 and that the moft diftant hope of intro- 
 ducing Popery might be for ever pre- 
 cluded, an act of parliament paiTed decla- 
 ring that no Papift, nor any one who mar- 
 ries a Papifl, fhall inherit the crown. 
 
 When
 
 C 77 ] 
 
 When James was in Ireland attempting William III. 
 to recover the fceptre he had forfeited, 
 and when again, two years after, affifted 
 by the French with a formidable fleet, 
 he meditated a defcent in England, the 
 Catholics kept themfelves quiet. I will 
 not fay, they did not wim him fuccefs, 
 or that many would not have joined him, 
 had he landed. Such meafures their Ja- 
 cobitifm dilated, as it did to the reft 
 of the party. Nor, in the two defperate 
 plots, which were formed to reflore the 
 fallen King, in the laft of which the de- 
 fign was to aflaffinate William, are there 
 any Catholics to be found of the kail 
 note or intereft. Men of abandoned cha- 
 racter and of defperate fortune, as I have 
 often before obferved, are always ready to 
 engage in fuch attempts. But in both 
 plots names were difcovered of many 
 Proteftants, even of the Whiggim faction, 
 which were capable of giving fplendor 
 to the darkeft defigns. The King even f^ 
 wiftied not to know, fays Burnet, the 
 number of thofe who were in confpiracy 
 againft him, and declined all rigid en- 
 quiry. It is rather fingular, that factious 
 men had now abandoned the old trick, 
 of alarming the nation with the horrors 
 
 of
 
 Williamlll. mc o P o > tnat t^eir own 
 
 fchemes might go on unobferved : The 
 reafon probably was, they knew William 
 to be a Prince too inquifitive to be im- 
 pofed on by fiction ; and too determined 
 to be intimidated by the recital of ima- 
 ginary dangers, 
 
 In 1699, the nth of William, an act 
 patted for further preventing the growth of 
 Popery, of peculiar feverity. A reward of 
 a hundred pounds is offered for apprehend*- 
 ing any Prieft or Jefuit : Papifts not ta- 
 king the oaths in fix months, after eigh- 
 teen years of age, are declared incapable 
 to inherit lands, &c. and the next of kin, 
 a Proteftant, to enjoy the fame j alfo Pa- 
 pifts are made incapable to purchafe lands : 
 AmbafTadors not to protect Priefls that are 
 fubjecls of England : a hundred pounds 
 forfeit for fending a child to be educated 
 abroad in the Romim Religion : Popifh 
 parents obliged to allow a maintenance to 
 their children, becoming Proteftants, at 
 the Chancellor's determination. The laft 
 claufe excepted, there is fomethirig fo fin- 
 gularly cruel in this act, made at a time 
 when it does not appear that Catholics 
 had given any jufl caufe of provocation, 
 
 that
 
 [ 79 3 
 
 that to a perfon, unacquainted with the William 111* 
 circumftances in which it patted, it mud 
 appear ftrangely unaccountable. This is 
 the aft, parts of which the humanity and 
 Chriftian moderation of a Britith Par- 
 liament has lately thought proper to re- 
 peal. 1 (hall give in Biihop Burnet's 
 
 own words, who was at the time himfelf 
 in the houfe, a fhort hiftory of the paffing 
 of this fingular aft* 
 
 " Upon the peace of Ryfwick, fays he, 
 (two years before) a great fwarm of Priefls 
 came over to England, not only thofe 
 whom the Revolution had frightened away, 
 but many more new men, who appeared 
 in many places with great iniblence -, and 
 it was faid, that they boafted of the favour 
 and protection of which they were affured. 
 Some enemies of the government began to 
 give it out, that the favouring of that re- 
 ligion, was a fecret article of the peace ; 
 and fo abfurd is malice and calumny, that 
 the Jacobites began to fay, that the King 
 was either of that religion, or at lead a 
 favourer of it : Complaints of the avowed 
 practices and infolence of the Priefts were 
 brought from feveral places, during the laft 
 Seflion of Parliament, and thofe were 
 
 maliciu uily
 
 t 80 ] 
 
 William III. malicioufly aggravated by fome who caft 
 the blame of all on the King. 
 
 " Upon this, fome propofed a bill, 
 that obliged all perfons educated in that 
 religion, or fufpedled to be of it, who 
 mould fucceed to any eftate before they 
 were of the age of eighteen, to take the 
 oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and 
 the Teft, as foon as they came to that 
 age ; and till they did it, the eftate was 
 to devolve to the next of kin, that was 
 aProteftant; but was to return back to 
 them, upon their taking the oaths. All 
 PopifliPriefts were alfo banimed by the bill, 
 and were adjudged to perpetual imprifon- 
 ment, if they mould again return to Eng- 
 land -, and the reward of a hundred pounds 
 was offered to every one who mould dif- 
 cover a Popim Prieft, fo as to convict him. 
 Thofe who brought this into the Houfe 
 of Commons, hoped that the Court would 
 haved oppofed it ; but the Court promo- 
 ted the bill ; fo when the party faw their 
 miftake, they feemed willing to let the 
 bill fall ; and when that could not be 
 done, they clogged it with many fevere 
 and fome unreafonable claufes, hoping 
 that the Lords would not pafs the act; and 
 
 it
 
 Jj [ 81 ] 
 
 it was faid, that if the Lords mould make William III. 
 the lead alteration in it* they, in the houfe 
 of Commons, who had fet it on, were re- 
 folved to let it lie on their table, when it 
 fhould be fent back to them. Many Lords, 
 who fecretly favoured Papifts, on the Jaco- 
 bite account> did, for this reafon, move 
 for feveral alterations ; fome of thefe im- 
 porting a greater feverity ; but the zeal 
 again ft Popery was fuch in that houfe, that 
 the hill paffed without any amendment, 
 and it had the Royal AfTent." 
 
 DURING the thirteen years of Queen Anne. 
 Anne's reign, who, on the death of William 
 in 1702, fucceeded to the throne, Catho- 
 lics were permitted to live free from mo- 
 leftation, fubject only to fuch reftraints as 
 former laws had impofed. They were by 
 no means difagreeable to Anne; fhe recol- 
 lefted the loyalty they had always (hewn 
 to her family; nor did their prefent at- 
 tachment to her unfortunate brother James 
 give her difpleafure. Her throne was too 
 firmly fixed to be (haken by a reed fo 
 broken. The profeffion of the fame poli- 
 tical opinions with the Tories, contributed 
 not a little to procure them fome efteem 
 L from
 
 Anne, from that powerful faction ; it removed 
 part of the odium that had been annexed 
 to the name of Papift. The Whigs con- 
 tinued to deteft them, not now fo much 
 from hatred of their religion, as becaufe 
 their Tory principles threw fome weight 
 
 into the fcale of their opponents. The 
 
 nation at large, amufed with the found of 
 victories, which on all fides attended our 
 arms, and engaged in the animofity of po* 
 litical altercations, loft fight of every other 
 object : Enthufiafm in politics had taken 
 place of Enthufiafm in religion. The 
 leading men of the Catholic party, though 
 removed from the concerns of ftate, warm- 
 ly efpoufed the Tory intereft ; whilfl the 
 body itfelf, now repofing from the violence 
 of former opprefiion, feemed to enjoy their 
 prefent fmall allotment of eafe, and fome- 
 times perhaps amufed themfelves with the 
 vain reflection, that at the death of Anne, 
 their favourite James might be called to 
 the throne of his anceftors. In their turn 
 they hated the Whigs, whom they con- 
 fidered as the inftruments of the Revolu- 
 tion ; and though this event had proved 
 the real caufe of their prefent happinefs, 
 it would have been criminal, they thought, 
 to have indulged any favourable emotions 
 
 towards
 
 t 83 ] 
 
 towards them. Such was the character of Anne, 
 their loyalty; and at that time a Whig- 
 Catholic would have been deemed a phe- 
 nomenon, fit only to excite the deteftation 
 of fome, and the amazement of others. 
 
 At the end of the feflion in 1706, great 
 complaints were made in both houfes 
 of parliament of the growth of Popery, 
 particularly in Lancafhire, and of great 
 imprudencies committed both by the 
 Laity and Priefls of that communion. I 
 do not find what thefe imprudencies were. 
 A bill was therefore brought into the Lower 
 Houfe, with fuch claufes, as would have 
 rendered more effectual the late aft of 
 King William. The Catholics made pow- 
 erful interceiTion. The court feemed in- 
 different in the matter y whilft the ene- 
 mies to the bill represented it as unrear 
 fonably fevere at a time, when we were in 
 alliance with fo many Princes of that re- 
 ligion, and when the Queen was actually 
 interceding for indulgence to the Pro- 
 teftants in their dominions. It was con- 
 trary alfo, they faid, to thofe maxims of 
 liberty of confcience and toleration-, which 
 now began fo generally to prevail. It was 
 anfwered, that the avowed dependence 
 L 2 of
 
 [ 84 ] 
 
 Anne, of Papifts on a foreign jurifdiction, and 
 at prefent on a foreign Pretender to the 
 crown, put them in a fituation widely 
 different from that of other DifTenters ji 
 that they were rather to be confidered as 
 enemies to the ftate, than as Britim fub- 
 jects. The firft of thefe charges was a 
 groundlefs accufation, the fecond was 
 equally applicable to the whole Jacobiti- 
 cal Faction. The bill dropt ; and an ad^ 
 drefs was made to the Queen that me 
 would order a return, of all the Papifts in 
 England, to be prepared, for the next 
 ieffion of parliament. 
 
 The violent commotions, which were 
 railed in 1709, on account of the doctrine 
 of Non-refiftance and other Tory-maxims, 
 advanced in a fermon by Sacheverel, though 
 partly of a religious complexion, contri- 
 buted not a little to draw the attention 
 of the public from all coniiderations of 
 Popery. The eftabjiihed Church warmly 
 efpoufed his caufe, declaring their ab- 
 horrence of all Whiggifh doctrines ; and 
 the popular fury, which before had al- 
 ways raged again ft Popery, flamed out 
 with unufual violence againft the Diffent- 
 ing Proteftants. The cry was, The Church 
 
 and
 
 and SachevereL In their madnefs, they Annq, 
 deftroyed feveral Meeting- Houfes, plun- 
 dered the dwellings of m.my eminent 
 DifTenters, and even, it is faid, propofed 
 to attack the Bank itfelf. Some people 
 pf better fafhion were fuppofed to direct 
 thefe proceedings ; they followed the mob 
 in hackney coaches, and were feen fending 
 mellages to them. At this time, a Catho* 
 lie, with SachevereJ's fermon in his hand, 
 might have preached all the doctrines of 
 Rome at Charing Crofs, and have received 
 the fhouts of the multitude : So imall 
 were the remains of common reafon and 
 confiftent fenfe ! 
 
 In the twelfth year of her Majefly, fome 
 Other complaints being made iigainft Ca- 
 tholics ? though I cannot find of what 
 nature they were, a bill palled againft 
 them, for rendering more effectual the 
 acl: of King William. By this they are 
 difabled from preferring to benefices j and 
 the benefices in their prefentation are con- 
 firmed to the two Univerfitics, who may 
 prefer bills in Chancery to difcover frau- 
 ilulent trufts. 
 
 PUR-
 
 [ 86 ] 
 
 George I. PURSUANT to the Aft of SucceJ/ion, on 
 the death of Anne, George the Firft, the 
 next Proteftant heir, came to the throne 
 in 1714. The friends to James now faw 
 all their fchemes for his reiteration at once 
 blafted, and themfelves expoled to the 
 frowns of their new King. The exulta- 
 tion of the Whigs was indeed unbounded, 
 when the road to honours and exclulive 
 favour lay open before them, and their 
 enemies were fallen at their feet. George 
 could not but view thofe men in a favour- 
 able light, who had fo long profefTed them- 
 felves his friends, and to whofe exertions 
 he owed his crown. The Tories were his 
 enemies, and they expedted little favour. 
 As to the Catholics, though it was well 
 known they would have bled to impede 
 his fucceflion, yet the King was only dif- 
 pofed to view them in the common light 
 of other opponents. In Germany he had 
 learned a leflbn of religious moderation. 
 Where Catholics and Proteftants blend 
 promifcuoufly together, and pray to God 
 under the fame roof, all acirmony and 
 marks of odious diftindion muft necefTarily 
 difappear. He likewife perceived, they 
 were too infignificant to create any uneafy 
 fblicitude 5 nor did he wi(h to provoke 
 
 a
 
 a worm by wanton feverities. The word George I, 
 Popery to his ears conveyed no ideas of 
 horror : Jacobitijm was a found more re- 
 plete with danger and fufpicion. The 
 Catholics themfelves, though forely dif- 
 appointed, were little inclined to murmur, 
 when they faw before them a fair profpeft 
 of tranquillity, which nothing, it appeared, 
 but their own folly could difturb. They 
 were therefore eafy under this new ar- 
 rangement ; thofe only excepted, whofe 
 dreams of loyalty, disturbing the obvious 
 fuggeflions of prudence and common fenfe, 
 rendered unfatisfied and reftlefs. But as 
 yet no occaiion offered for exertion. 
 With others of the fame defcription, they 
 therefore fat down, in fullen relignation, 
 brooding over their airy profpects of golden 
 idays, framing plans of vaft execution, 
 and cheriming, in great felf- complacency, 
 all the comforts of thofe exalted virtues, 
 which Jacobitifm only could infpire. 
 
 The popular cry againft the Diflenters 
 ftill prevailing, they were branded as 
 the promoters of opinions, from which 
 not only heterodoxy, but vice of every 
 kind, were daily gaining ftrength. The 
 eftabliihed Church, it was faid, flood in 
 
 imminaet
 
 [ 88 ] 
 
 George I. imminent danger of fubverfiori. The 
 Clergy were loud in their complaints ) 
 but they were now iilenced, and all difpu r 
 tations on religious topics were prohibited. 
 -But thefe methods proving inefficacious 
 to flop the mouth of oppofition, an ar- 
 tifice of iingular power was devifed. Ja- 
 cobitifm and Popery were made fynony- 
 mous terms ; and all fuch as teftified any 
 difcontent againft government were brand- 
 ed with the double appellation. The To- 
 ries were univerfally involved in this im-* 
 putation - t whilft the real Catholics, be* 
 fides the old ftigma of their religion, had 
 alfo to bear the charge of political hetero- 
 doxy* The Whigs triumphed in this 
 fortunate ftratagem : It funk the popu- 
 larity of their opponents -, nor could the 
 effect be evaded, fmce it was well knowfi 
 that the charge in general was founded 
 on truth. The Tories were, in princi- 
 ple at leaft, friends to Jacobitifm, and 
 fo were the Papifts ; they fhould not 
 therefore, it feemed, be great enemies to 
 each other. From this time, and for 
 many years to come, the words Jacobite 
 and Pafift remained infeparably united. 
 
 In
 
 _ 
 
 In the rebellion of 1715, fo raflily con- George I. 
 certed to reftore the Pretender, we find 
 names of every defcription in religion "and 
 politics; Tories, Whigs, Church of Eng- 
 land-'Men-, Biffenters, and Catholics. The 
 difcontented of all parties engaged. It 
 can be no furprife, if many Catholics 
 efpoufed the wild' attempt : Their attach- 
 ment to James, as I have faid, was of the 
 moft fincere and fanguine character..; and 
 thereligiousprejudicesof many at that time 
 were warm enough to infpire them with 
 enthufiafm in the caufe. The number of 
 real infurgents was, however, inconfide- 
 rable : The whole body wiflied him fuc- 
 cefs, but the ardour of all was not fuf~ 
 ficiently flaming to lead them to the field 
 
 of action. The forfeiture of property, 
 
 Avhich fucceeded the execution of fome of 
 the principal Catholic rebels, was a great 
 blow to the intereft of the body ; but for- 
 tunately the blood then fpilt read a lefTon 
 to the reft of the party, which has proved 
 highly ufeful to their pofterity. From 
 that day, their loyalty began to cool, and 
 Jacobitifm was little more than an empty 
 found. 
 
 M When
 
 [ 9 1 
 
 CJeorge I. When men act from principles, however 
 erroneous, they acquire a confiftency of 
 character, which, by proper management, 
 may be directed to much good. George 
 weighed attentively the motives, which 
 had drawn the Catholics into the late re- 
 bellion i he admired their fteady, though 
 miftaken loyalty , he pitied their blind- 
 nefsj and he wiflied to reclaim them. 
 A project therefore, in the year 1719, was 
 fet on foot, and I believe with ferious de- 
 fign, to give them eafe, and thereby to 
 enfupe their future allegiance, Miniftry 
 were engaged in the fcheme, and feemed 
 to wilh it fuccefs. But this alfo ended 
 juft as every other project had ended be- 
 ' f , - fore. The committee of Catholics, ap- 
 
 pointed to conduct the bufinefs, difagreed 
 amongft themfelves ; the affair funk, and 
 was heard of no more. The principal 
 agent was Dr. Strickland, afterwards Bi- 
 mop of Namur, who was very intimate 
 with the King,, and whofe views, had 
 they been followed, might have brought 
 certain relief to his party. But there was a 
 narrownefs in the minds of Catholics, 
 Laity as well as Clergy, which little Icfs 
 than miraculous powers could have en- 
 larged. Thanks to Heaven ! thofe powers, 
 
 front
 
 [ 9i J 
 
 from that time, began to operate, and George I. 
 the prefent generation dares to think and 
 to a<l, on a more liberal and extenfive 
 plan. 
 
 Some laws, even during this reign, were 
 made againft Catholics. Their hard fate 
 would have it, that no era of Britifh Hif- 
 tory mould be left without fome mark of 
 their opprefiion ! By the firft of George, 
 within fix months after they come to the 
 age of twenty-one, they are obliged to regi- 
 fter their names and eftates with the clerk 
 of the peace : The non-compliance with 
 this form to be punimed with forfeiture of 
 eftate, &c. By the third of George, they 
 are charged with an additional expence in 
 every family- tran faction, by being com- 
 pelled to inroll all deeds, &c.~ They 
 
 are alfo loaded with the payment of a dou- 
 ble Aim afTefled upon Proteftants by the 
 land-tax act; but this, I believe, was 
 firfl ordered in the reign of William. 
 
 THE thirty- three years of George the George II. 
 fecond's reign, which began in 1727, ex- 
 hibit no material change in the. condition 
 of Catholics. They continued in the fame 
 M 2 (late
 
 George II. {late of tranquillity, unengaged fpectators 
 of thofe turbulent fcenes, in which the 
 nations of Europe were fucceffively occu- 
 pied. One event only happened, which 
 I fhall prefently notice, in which they 
 were concerned, and which probably, if 
 human forefight may be allowed to judge, 
 will be the laft. 
 
 From the eafe they had now, for a long 
 time, enjoyed, and which, compared with 
 their former ftate .of perpetual vexation, 
 was very great, Catholics had become 
 more fociabje ; they began to tafle thofe 
 fweets of life, which liberty and open in- 
 tereourfe with the world can fupply. As 
 the weight of oppreilion lightened, and 
 the feverity of penal profecution ceafed, 
 the ftern vigQiir of their minds relaxed, 
 and they every day loft fomething of that 
 enthujjafm of foul, which the fufferers 
 for real, or., for fancied juftice, always 
 experience. Such enthufiafm can give 
 - charms to ppprefnon or to death. The 
 confequences of this change were evident. 
 Men of family grew daily lefs zealous in 
 religion; their wonted loyalty abated; 
 and they infenfibly reformed firft their 
 politics, and foon after often conformed 
 
 to
 
 [ 93 ] 
 
 to the eflablifhed Church. Already, da- George II. 
 ring the prefent century, this has been the 
 cafe with many; and every year will 
 now continue to witnefs the progrefs of 
 the fame revolution. The fplendor of 
 the party by fuch means vanished ; whilil 
 the remaining multitude were viewed as 
 an object, capable of raifing, nor love, 
 nor hatred, nor envy, nor fufpicion : and 
 had not the late rebellion of 1745 un- 
 fortunately intervened, before this day, 
 probably, the name of Popery would have 
 been an unheeded found, and all execu- 
 tion of the penal ftatutes utterly fufpended. * 
 
 At the inftigation of French coun- 
 fels, who never meant to give him any 
 real fupport, and hurried on by the bad 
 advice of his misjudging friends, and his 
 own vain ambition, the young Pretender, 
 with an army of feven men, landed in 
 Scotland. In this Northern foil, fo con- 
 genial with its nature, had long been 
 planted the tree of rebellion, and under 
 its deadly made grew many noxious herbs, 
 favourable to the nurture of bigotry, fana- 
 ticifrn, treafon, and all the feln(h. and 
 imfociable paffions. The Scots often re- 
 forted to this fatal fpot, and in large 
 
 draughts
 
 [ 94 ] 
 
 II. draughts drank down the contagion $ 
 here they met the young adventurer. The 
 firft fuccefs, and fubfequent events, of 
 this ra(h invafion are well known. Its 
 chief, and almoil only, fupport was from 
 Scotland, affifted afterwards by a few 
 Englim, and of thefe a very fmall part 
 were Catholics. There appeared no real 
 difpofition in the reft of the party to join 
 him, though their wifhes were very fer- 
 vent for his fuccefs. A general alarm 
 was now given to the nation, and the old 
 cry of Popery was echoed from more to 
 fhore. The rebellion, however, was foon 
 terminated. Some lives were forfeited, 
 and the tumults fubfided. But afrefh im-> 
 preffion was again made, which called up 
 the former animofity of the nation, and 
 it was faid by many, that Papifts would 
 never peaceably fubmit to a Proteftant go- 
 vernment. This wa$ an ill-natured charge. 
 For very few Catholics, I have obferved, 
 were engaged in the rebellion : and if the 
 body muft fuffer for the follies of thefe 
 few, furely the fame mould be the fate 
 of Proteftants ; for of thefe, fome in Eng- 
 land, and many in Scotland, joined the 
 Rebel ftandard. There is alfo fomething 
 to plead in favour of Catholics, which is 
 
 not
 
 [ 95 ] 
 
 not applicable to Proteftants. Thefe men George II. 
 enjoyed all the privileges of Britifh fub- 
 jeds, whilft the former were opprefTed 3 
 and this for the original fin imputed to 
 their anceftors, in which they at leaft had 
 no concern. When a profpecT: of relief 
 opens, may not the wretched ftrive to en- 
 ter ? But he that is not eaiy on a bed of 
 rofes, deferves to be laid on thorns. 
 
 When the popular fury had fubflded 
 on the extinction of the rebellion, the 
 Catholics gradually returned to their ftatt 
 of tranquillity; and thus they lived, peace- 
 able and unoffending fubjeds, complying 
 with the refpedive duties of civil life, and 
 worfhipping God in the very retired and 
 fecret manner, the lenity of government 
 allowed, during the remaining part of his 
 Majefty's reign. 
 
 In the fhort view, I have exhibited, the 
 reader has feen the fucceffive revolutions 
 and changes to which the Catholics of 
 England have been fubjeded from the 
 Reformation, almoft down to the prefent 
 day. It is unneceflary to recapitulate 
 events, where the fubjed has been drawn 
 to fo fmall a point, I leave him therefore 
 
 to
 
 t 96. ] 
 
 George II. to his own reflections. One obfervatioil 
 only I wim to add ; that in no part of the 
 hiftory of mankind do we meet with any 
 fociety, who have made fewer attempts to 
 regain their loft privileges, or who for 
 thefe attempts have been fubjected to fe~ 
 verer penalties. In their conftant beha* 
 viour to Catholics, I can no where dif- 
 cover the leaft trace of that liberal, humane, 
 and manly fpirit which, on every other 
 occalion, is feen to animate the breafts of 
 Englifhmen. Yet we are the old flock, 
 from whence they fprung. 
 
 George III. NO orcurrence, of fufficient weight 
 to call the hiftorian's attention, having 
 happened in the concerns of Catholics, 
 for the feventeen fir ft years of his Majefty's 
 reign, I haften to the tranfaclions of 1778, 
 when a bill was obtained, by which Tome 
 relief was granted them from the feverity 
 of a former ftatute. The uniform tenour 
 of their conduct, in circumftances of real 
 trial, had convinced their greateft enemies, 
 that now at leaft they deferved the indul- 
 gence of government. If they may not 
 enjoy unlimited toleration, faid they, we 
 
 fhould
 
 t 97 ] 
 
 fhould not, however, opprefs unofFending George III. 
 'citizens. 
 
 A Philofopher, who fhould have viewed 
 'the general features of the nation, at this 
 time, would have been induced to believe, 
 that a more favourable opportunity never 
 tould have offered, for an opprefTed party 
 to fue for redrefs. The bigotry and nar- 
 row fancies of former days feemed melted 
 down into extenfive philanthropy, and a 
 mild indulgence even to the errors of our 
 fellow-creatures. In Church, the great 
 points of religious toleration had been ably 
 inveftigated ; and very few there were, 
 on the bench of Bifliops, who were net 
 ftrongly difpofed to allow the fulleft li- 
 berty to Difienters of every defcription. 
 State politicians concerned themfelves lit- 
 tle in affairs of confcience ; they had ob- 
 jecls of another nature to attend to, which 
 demanded more than common exertion ; 
 belides, they wifhed the concurrence of 
 all men to their fchemes, whether of war 
 or of peace. The enemies to government 
 were numerous and determined ; but they 
 were men peculiarly liberal in fentiment, 
 and whofe notions of extenlive freedom 
 could not furely be reconciled with the 
 N fmalleft
 
 r 98 ] 
 
 George III. fmalleft element of opprefiion. The 
 
 higher ranks in life affeded to think lightly 
 of religion in general : To them every 
 fpecies of perfecution was an abfurdity, 
 odious and contemptible.. Many of them 
 had travelled, and had feen religion in all 
 its modes j they had dined with Cardinals, 
 and perhaps converfed with the Pope j 
 and had found him to be a good-tempered, 
 inoffeniive old man, without either horns 
 or cloven feet. The multitude, as is ever 
 the cafe, copied their fuperiors : Much 
 irreligion every where prevailed amongft 
 them, particularly in the towns , it was 
 not therefore to be apprehended, they 
 would be alarmed with any indulgence 
 allowed to Catholics. The Difciples of 
 Wefley only, and fome of the DilTenting 
 congregations, appeared to retain the illi- 
 beral ftiffnefs of old times ; the word 
 Popery to their ears was ftill a found of 
 horror. But then the Difienters were 
 themfelves petitioning for relief, and the 
 Methodifts, it was hoped, had not totally 
 loft the mild character of the eftablifhed 
 Church, of which they ftill affedl to be 
 members. At the head of all, George the 
 Third was known to have inherited the 
 religious moderation of his family ; and 
 
 in
 
 [ 99 ] 
 
 in him this amiable difpofltion had been George III. 
 early improved by a philofophic and liberal 
 education. He knew, the Catholics of 
 England were good fubjectsj he knew, 
 the old popular cry againft Popery, though 
 for one time politically kept up to ferve 
 his family, was at this day difmgenuous 
 and fordid -, and he knew, that the at- 
 tachment they had to the Stuarts, was 
 now univerfally transfered to the houfe of 
 Hanover. In that fteadinefs of miflaken 
 loyalty fo long preferved, he difcovered a 
 fure pledge of the unalterable permanency 
 of their prefent allegiance. In this ftate 
 of things the Catholics were advifed firft 
 to addrefs his Majefty, and then to pe^ 
 tition parliament for relief. The fuccefs, 
 which attended thefe meafures, convinced 
 them, that they were not deceived in the 
 favourable notions they had formed of the 
 times. It has been faid that the Popifh 
 bill was infidioufly 'brought into parliament 
 at the end of a feffion, when many of the 
 members were out of town, and when the 
 others wifhed o retire. It has alfo been 
 faid ; that had time been allowed for 
 cool reflection, or had the fenfe of the 
 nation been maturely taken, the bill had 
 never palled. The faff, with regard to- 
 N 2 the- -
 
 'I ( IQO ] 
 
 George III. the firft allegation, is true. But it (b 
 happened by no intentional or collufive 
 defign. The Catholics themfelves, as I 
 well know, never thought of petitioning 
 for relief till towards the end of Lent of 
 that year, and from that time there was 
 not a day to lofe. This, I believe, was 
 rather a fortunate circumftance. For 
 though no bill could have palled with 
 more concurrent approbation of both 
 houfes, which were by no means thin, as 
 is falily afTerted j yet had leifure been 
 given for the ill humour of bigotry and of 
 Scotch fanaticifm to ferment, moil: pro- 
 bably, to judge from late experience, an 
 oppoiition might have been blown up, 
 far too powerful for all the efforts of good 
 fenfe and Chriftian moderation. But the 
 nation at large was not difpleafed with the 
 bill. Their fenfe is to be taken, whilft 
 they are cool and temperate -, and not 
 when fedition has railed difcontents and 
 murmurs, by the bad arts of mifrepre- 
 fentation and calumny. This was mofh 
 notorioufly practifed : For when parlia-* 
 ment lately examined the grounds, from 
 which rofe the popular clamour, it was 
 found that no iingle charge, urged by the 
 petitioning Proteflants, was true. The 
 
 Catholics
 
 r 101 1 
 
 Catholics had taken no unfair advantage George III. 
 Q the indulgence granted them ; they had 
 opened no new Schools; had built no 
 additional Chapels ; had inveigled no Pro- 
 teftant children ; had laboured to make 
 no new Profelytes ; in a word, they had 
 lived in the fame retired, unoffending 
 manner, as had been, for many years, 
 their wonted practice. Their counte- 
 nances had perhaps put on a more cheer- 
 ful air, and did Englishmen envy them 
 this portion of happinefs ! 
 
 The indulgence they had obtained, tho* 
 they were thankful for it, was after all but 
 a fmall favour. The new bill repealed 
 only fome parts of the aft of the i2th of 
 King William \ thofe which related to the 
 apprehending of Popifh Bimops andPriefts, 
 and fubjected them, as alfo Papifts keeping 
 fchool, to perpetual imprifonment $ like- 
 wife that claufe which difabled Catholics 
 from inheriting or purchafing lands. But 
 they were not to benefit even of this in- 
 dulgence, unlefs, within a limited time, 
 they took and fubfcribed an oath, in itfelf 
 fufBciently humiliating, which was pre- 
 pared for them. The other claufes of 
 this act, with the whole code of other 
 
 fevers
 
 [ I02 ] 
 
 George III. fcvcrc and fanguinary laws, remained, and 
 do now remain, in full force againft them. 
 Yet the public has been told, that an un^ 
 limited Toleration had been granted to 
 Catholics. Were the authors of fuch ma- 
 lignant reports reduced to their ftate, the 
 fiaves in the plantations of Jamaica would, 
 have little reafon to envy their condition. 
 The ad of William, from the reward it 
 held out to informers, of which bad ufe 
 had often been made, and from, the par- 
 ticular circum fiances which attended ita 
 original formation, was judged to be pe- 
 culiarly deferying of this partial repeal. 
 
 I am not difpofed to enter into a detail 
 of thofe riotous proceedings, which dif- 
 graced the month of June of 1780; they 
 are ftill frefh in every one's memory ; and, 
 they will continue to blacken the annals 
 
 of Englifli hiftory to the latefl times. 
 
 I have before me an accurate narrative of 
 the tranfaclions of each meeting of the 
 Proteftant AiTociation, previous to their 
 fatal aflemhly in St. George's Fields. It 
 was taken by a perfon, who gave painful 
 attendance at their feveral convocations. 
 Neither reafon, humanity, nor religion, 
 were ever permitted to enter their doors ; 
 
 wild
 
 wild uproar, ranting declamation, and low George Hi. 
 calumny, directed their councils, and dic- 
 tated their refolves. The event anfwered 
 
 fuch antichriftian deliberations. The 
 
 fcheme of oppofition, taken up by thefe 
 mad reformers, originated in Scotland. 
 They had fet the example j and they gave 
 them a Prefident well adapted to the work. 
 The Scots gloried, that by fo nobly with- 
 fhnding every deiign to give relief to their 
 Catholic fellow-fubjeds at home, they 
 had fought the battles of the Lord f and 
 had triumphed. They were ready, they 
 faid, to march into England, to profecute 
 the holy war, and to facrifice to the manes 
 of Knox, thofe friends to fuperftition and 
 idolatry, who had dared to liften to the 
 foft fuggeftions of humanity and reafon, 
 rather than to the howls of intolerant 
 fanaticifm. The reader will excufe my 
 warmth when I fpeak of thefe men : It is 
 Philofophy pleading the caufe of human 
 nature in the year 1780. I mud add, if 
 Miniftry had acted with becoming forti- 
 tude in the riots of Scotland, we mould 
 not probably have feen a Proteftant Affo- 
 ciation in London. But firmnefs is not a 
 virtue of modern growth. 
 
 With
 
 lit. With pleafuire I could draw a contrail 
 betwixt the behaviour of Catholics and 
 that of their enemies. Whilft thefe wer6 
 meditating fchemes of" opprefllon and cru- 
 elty, they filently Idoked on 3 nor could 
 they be perfuaded to think that any appli- 
 cation to parliament, for a repeal of their 
 bill, was ferioufly intended. Confcious 
 of the rectitude of their own conduct, they 
 wifhed not to impute fuch bad defigns to 
 any mem Otherwife a timely application 
 might probably have ffuflrated the pro- 
 jected plan. When the riots began, their 
 behaviour was flill more exemplary. With 
 pain they viewed themfelves as the inno- 
 cent dccafion of fuch wild and calamitous 
 tumults] and they lamented to fee foldiers 
 marching into London, thofe dangerous 
 protectors of the lives and property of 
 Britim citizens. They could have them- 
 felves repelled the moft determined attacks 
 of that lawlefs rabble; and it was with 
 difficulty that a brave infulted band of 
 Irifli Catholics were retrained from dread- 
 ful retaliation. At one time, the innate 
 principle of felf-prefervation feemed to 
 call for fuch a meafure. But fearful of 
 adding to the fcene of confirmation, and 
 delirous of convincing their greatefl ene- 
 mies,
 
 mies, that the love of order and of peace George III. 
 was, in their minds, fuperior to all other 
 eonfiderations, the Catholics rather chofe 
 to fee their property deftroyed, and them- 
 felves fhamefully infulted, than to refift. 
 The principles of fuch men are not furely 
 of that dark complexion, which mifrepre- 
 fentation has inftructed the mind of igno- 
 ranee to believe. Their nly wim had 
 been, to pofTefs their own property in legal 
 fecurity, to educate their own children, 
 and to wormip God in the manner their 
 confciences directed. This privilege the 
 laws of nature feem to allow to all men ; 
 but when a Britifh Parliament had granted 
 it to Catholics, a mob of Britim Prote- 
 ftants tumultuoufly demanded its revo- 
 cation. 
 
 It is time to lofe fight of this horrid Conclufion. 
 t ran faction, and cooly to purfue another 
 object. Reflection naturally occurs to 
 every man, and if himfelf uninformed, 
 he wimes to aik the following queftion : 
 " Is there really any thing in the manners 
 or in the principles of Catholics, at the 
 prefent day, that can juftly give alarm to 
 government, as now eftablimed in Church 
 or State ?" It matters not, what all or any 
 O of
 
 [ io6] 
 
 ConclufioB. of that body may have thought or 
 
 tifed in former times ; nor does it regard 
 us, what may now be the fentiments of 
 Catholics in other countries. We wifh 
 information with regard to thofe few only, 
 who actually live amongft us. The cla- 
 mours of a mob, or the declamatory dif- 
 courfes of ignorant, felfim, and bigoted 
 men, deferve no attention ; they rnuft ever 
 deceive us : but in cool and difpaffionate 
 temper, we defire to receive fuch induc- 
 tions, as can only be fupplied by thofe, 
 who are themfelves Catholics, and who 
 are thoroughly acquainted with the real 
 ftate of that body now in England. 
 
 The author of thefe fheets flatters him- 
 felf, he can give this information : he 
 was educated in an Englifh College abroad ; 
 he has fince that lived and converfed with 
 people of all ranks in that perfuaiion at 
 home : he is himfelf a Catholic, and has 
 long made the ftudy of their principles a 
 ferious occupation ; and, from what has 
 already been delivered in the foregoing 
 pages, he prefumes, his readers will not 
 think him too much biaffed to his own party, 
 or improperly warm in his reprefentation . 
 of men and things. He trufts alfo, that 
 
 his
 
 his Catholic friends will not be offended Conclufion. 
 
 at the candid defcription he is going to 
 
 exhibit of their manners, principles, ftate, 
 
 and circumftances. If the view prove 
 
 fometimes unpleafant, he is not blameable. 
 
 The artift who fits down to draw a land- 
 
 fcape, muft, with equal fidelity, defcribe 
 
 the dreary wildernefs and the flowery 
 
 plain, if they be real parts of the fcene 
 
 before him. 
 
 END of fie IRST PART. 
 
 O 2
 
 A VIEW of 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 LAITY and CLERGY; 
 
 THEIR 
 
 NUMBER, WEALTH, CHARACTER, fcfc 
 In the PRESENT YEAR, 1780, 
 
 PART II. 
 
 IT is furely inconfiftent with the cha- Introdu&ioa 
 racter of a great nation to be intimi- 
 dated by imaginary apprehenfions j yet it 
 often happens that greater alarms are rai- 
 fed by fuch impreffions, than by the ap- 
 proach of real and weighty danger. We 
 have feen how aflonifhingly this kingdom 
 has been repeatedly convulfed by fi&itious 
 plots and the vain dread of Popery. The 
 event has always proved that fuch fear 
 
 was caufelefs. Another misfortune is., 
 
 that moil men, either from indolence or 
 
 from
 
 [ no] 
 
 Introduction from want of opportunities, take their 
 information from the report of others ; 
 little reflecting, that they who are moft 
 ready to inform, are frequently actuated 
 by motives widely diftant from the love 
 of truth. To receive fuch inftructions 
 without further enquiry, argues a ram, 
 weak, or a malevolent heart. When a 
 nation, in any branch of its eftablimment, 
 is in danger from the fuppofed defigns of 
 a party, there muft be fomething in the 
 principles or in the circumftances of the 
 latter, on which fufpicions may be founded. 
 The politician will then take a circum- 
 fcriptive view. From whatever quarter 
 he is inftructed to look for danger, that 
 way he will direct his light. He has 
 learned, from perufing the hiilory of man- 
 kind, that the powers of any faction to 
 do mifchief are, in a well-regulated ftate, 
 extremely limited ; and he has alfo learned 
 that fuch powers are generally exerted in a 
 limilar manner. Human nature is the 
 fame in all its evolutions. He has there- 
 fore a clue given him, whereby his re- 
 fearches may be drawn to a fure conclu- 
 (ion. If Catholics be a faction dangerous 
 to the flate, they muft be fo in the man- 
 ner of other factions : The point will be 
 
 eajfily
 
 [ III ] 
 
 eafily decided ; for they are not furely en- Introdu<U/i 
 dowedwith powers of preternatural energy. 
 
 AFTER repeated enquiries, I am not Number of 
 yet able to afcertain the real number of Ca ^ holics 
 Catholics. I have feen fome computations* 
 which are faid to have been made, but 
 they are all exaggerated paft belief. From 
 the beft information, I can procure, their 
 number does not, at this day, exceed 
 60,000 : and this even, I fufpedt to be far 
 beyond the mark. If the Bifhops go on 
 with their fcheme, parliament will ibon 
 be in poffeffion of returns, which muft be 
 confidered as accurate and authentic. But 
 I wifh them to be more carefully attentive 
 than others have been, who formerly un- 
 dertook the work. Dr. Blackburne, I 
 think, a few years back, made out an ac- 
 count from a certain diilrict in the north, 
 with which he is well-acquainted, which 
 was mamefully falfe.- Men violently pre- 
 judiced, like fome infects, fee with poly- 
 hedron optics ; that is, their eyes multiply. 
 Solicitous to make Catholics appear an ob- 
 ject of terror, becaufe in their cradles ther 
 were often frightened with the name, they 
 chufe tc avoid all accurate computation. 
 
 London
 
 f "*] 
 
 Lohdori excepted, very little difficulty 
 would attend a moft exact OTZ/WX. It has 
 not hitherto been done from indolence or 
 inattention : yet I much wirn^ for reafons 
 to me very obvious, that fome Catholic 
 Would at this moment undertake it. In 
 London there would be great difficulty : 
 but a third part at lead of their number 
 in that town are foreigners. A watchful 
 government would thin this motley crew, 
 and fend them back to their own countries. 
 Their only aim is to emafculate the ge- 
 nuine character of Englishmen, or to eat 
 a bread defigned for better industry. 
 
 When we take a view of the great body 
 of* the nation> on the moderate computa- 
 tion of fix millions, even the exaggerated 
 numbers of Catholics vanim to an imper- 
 ceptible point. Some of the great trading 
 and manufacturing provincial towns are 
 known to contain more inhabitants, than 
 our/whole collective numbers amount to. 
 Briltol would think itfelf fadly depopula- 
 ted, if reduced to fixty thoufand fouls. 
 Yet the public is taught to believe that 
 the Britim conftitution is in danger from 
 the attempts of this infignificant multi- 
 tude ! The army they could bring into 
 
 the
 
 the field, though preceded by the Pope's 
 banner, and fortified with his holy bene- 
 diction, would caufe little terror, I fancy, 
 on the day of action, to the heretical force 
 of England. In reading the adventures of 
 Don Quixote, we laugh at the folly of a 
 man* who at every turn could raife up to 
 himfelf imaginary foes : The conduct of 
 thofe, who fpeak gravely of the terrifying 
 numbers of Catholics, is not lefs ridicu- 
 lous. * 
 
 P The 
 
 * " While King William was engaged in his projed of 
 reconciling the religious differences of England, he was at 
 great pains to find out the proportions between Churchmen, 
 Diffenters, and Papifts. In his Cabinet there is the follow- 
 ing curious report in confequence of an enquiry upon that 
 head. 
 
 The number of F R E E H O L D E R S in E N G L A N D. 
 
 Conformijli NGti-confurmiftt Papi/lt 
 
 Province of Canterbury 2,123,362 931151 11,878 
 of York 353>892 I5'52S '.978 
 
 In both 2,477,254 108,676 13,856 
 
 Conformifts 2,477,254 
 
 Non-conformifls 108,676 
 
 2,585,930 
 Papifts 13,856 
 
 In all England 2,599,786 
 
 In the Province of Canterbury are 23,74oPapilts, half 
 f thefe are under the age of fixteen years, vi%. 11,870; 
 a fevcntb pan of tbefe are aged, and above 5,391. Ta- 
 king
 
 1 114] 
 
 The few Catholics, I have mentioned, 
 are allb difperfed in the different counties. 
 In many, particularly in the Weft, in 
 South-Wales, and in ibme of the midland 
 counties, there is fcarcely a Catholic to be 
 found. This is eafily known from the re- 
 fidence of Priefts. After London, by far 
 the greateft number is in Lancashire. In 
 Staftbrdfhire are a good many, as alib in 
 the northern counties of York, Durham, 
 and Northumberland. Some of the ma- 
 nufacturing and trading towns, as Nor- 
 wich, Manchefter, Liverpool, \Volver- 
 
 Ivampton, 
 
 king out of the faid nomber of Papifts the two laft fums, 
 which make in all 15,261; there remains then 8,479, of 
 which the one half are women : there remains therefore in 
 the Province of Canterbury, fit to bear arms, 4,239 Papub. 
 
 " The Province of York bears a fixth part of the taxes, 
 and has in it a fixth part of the people as that of Canterbury 
 has, */. 5,956, whereof half are under the ageof fixteen, 
 v/s. 1,978; find a fevenih part above Cxty, <viz. 565} 
 and of the aforciaid fixth part one half is women, The 
 total therefore of this Province fit to bear arms is - 
 joyning which to the total of ihofe in the Province of Can- 
 terbury fix to bear arms, makes the total of the Paphls 
 throughout all England fit to bear arms to be 4,940." 
 
 I have taken this from the appendix to Sir John Dal- 
 rymple's Memoirs. I cannot think it is by any means ac- 
 curate : It feems to diminish the number of Catholics as 
 much as later returns augment it. Should it be true, \ve 
 have greatly incrcafcd fince that time ; whereas I certainly 
 know we are much diminifhed within this century.
 
 Hampton, and Newcaftle-upon-Tyne, have 
 Chapels, which are rather crowded, but 
 thefe conftitute the greateft part of the 
 number I have juft given to their refpec- 
 tive counties. In a few towns, particu- 
 larly at Coventry, their number, I find, is 
 increafed ; but this by no means in pro- 
 portion of the general increafe of popula- 
 tion in the fame places. Excepting in 
 the towns, and out of Lancafhire, the 
 chief fituation of Catholics is in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the old families of that per- 
 fuafion. They are the fervants, or the 
 children of fervants, who. have married 
 from thofe families, and who chufe to re- 
 main round the old marulon, for the con- 
 veniency of prayers, and becaufe they hope 
 to receive favour and a&ftance from their 
 former matters. 
 
 Many laws have been enafted to prevent 
 the growth of Popery ; and it now is, and 
 always has been, th.e popular cry, that 
 Papiits are daily increafing. One might 
 almofl fancy, from the frequency of thefe 
 reports, that they fprang up, like mufh- 
 rooms, by inflantaneous vegetation. Had 
 there been truth in fuch reports, how very 
 different, at this day, would be the lift of 
 P 2 Catholic
 
 Catholic names, from what it really is. 
 More than one half, if not the whole 
 Englifh nation, muft have been long ago 
 fubjected to the See of Rome. The truth 
 is, within the prefent century we have 
 moft rapidly decreafed. Many congrega- 
 tions have intirely difappeared in different , 
 parts ; and in one diftricl: alone, with 
 which I am acquainted, eight out of thir- 
 teen are come to nothing -, nor have any 
 new ones rifen to make up, in any propor-r 
 tion, their lofs. Thefe are facts of certain 
 notoriety. In the nature of things, it 
 could not poffibly be otherwife. Where 
 one caufe can be difcovered tending to 
 their increafe, their will be twenty found 
 to work their diminution. Among thefe 
 the principal are, the lofs of families by 
 death, or by conforming to the eftablifhed 
 Church - y the marrying with Proteftants j, 
 and that general indifference about reli- 
 gion, which gains fo perceptibly on a)l 
 ranks of Chriftians. r-When a family of 
 diftinction fails, as there feldom continues 
 any conveniency either for prayers or in- 
 ftruction, the neighbouring Catholics foon 
 fall away : And when a Prieft is ftill main- 
 tained, the example of the Lord is wanting 
 to encourage the lower clafs, particularly 
 
 to
 
 to the pra&ice of their religion. I recoi- 
 led the names of at leaft ten noble fami-^ 
 lies that, within thefe iixty years, have 
 either conformed, or are extinct ; befides 
 many Commoners of diftindtion and for- 
 tune. The marrying with Proteftants, 
 
 which is now very ufual, will necelTarily 
 produce the fame effect. All, or half the 
 children are, in this cafe, generally educa- 
 ted Proteftants ; and when this is not 
 done, example or perfualion often proves 
 equally efficacious. I need not iniift on 
 the operation of the third cauie I men- 
 tioned. When we add to thefe the whole 
 prefTure of the penal laws, we have difco*- 
 vered an agent almoft fufficiently powerful 
 to make the faith of martyrs. And cer- 
 tainly, were it not for the fteady zeal of 
 their infiructors, joined to that firm op- 
 pofition of mind to which oppreffion ever 
 gives additional permanency, fupported 
 alfo, as we confide, by the arm of Provi- 
 dence, the Catholics of England muft long 
 fjnce have difappeared from the face of the 
 earth. Penalties, difcouragements, and 
 difqualifications, with the afperfions of 
 malevolence, and the ridicule of ignorance, 
 make deep impreffions on the ftoutefk 
 minds : They will often prove an over- 
 match
 
 match even for uncommon resolution 
 conviction. 
 
 To withftand the powerful influence of 
 all thefe caufes, I find little elfe afl]gned 
 but a fuppofed indefatigable ardour of a 
 few Priefts. Ignorance alone can lay any 
 ftrefs on this puerile argument. If the 
 Catholic Priefthood ever pofleffed that 
 ailonifhing afcendency, which is afcribed 
 to them, it is now at leaft evident, that 
 fuch times are no more. Men, I believe, 
 of every religious perfuafion, have thq 
 common paffions cf human nature; and I 
 am too well-acquainted with the general 
 characters of Prieils and the circumftances 
 of things, to admit a ridiculous fuppofi- 
 tion. I mall fpeak more appofitely to 
 this point hereafter. In the mean-time, 
 I muft obferve how replete with abfurdity 
 that idea is, which can fancy, that the 
 learning and attention of Proteftant Mini- 
 ilers, amfted by all the weight and inte- 
 refted influence of an eftablimed Church, 
 muft give way to the impofing arts, as 
 they are called, of an inconfiderable num- 
 ber of Priefts ! Human nature, as I have 
 obferved, in all her ways rnoft perfectly 
 fimilar, here wantonly departs from or- 
 
 der 
 
 I 
 x
 
 1 119] 
 
 tier and the fixed line of action, to gra- 
 tify, it feems, the folly of fome, and the 
 bad zeal of others. 
 
 ' 
 Nothing then furely is to be feared 
 
 from the number of Catholics. Let us 
 however fee, whether they may not make 
 up by their wealth and landed intercft 
 that deficiency which* -it ;may now be 
 owned, muft be the natural effect of nu- 
 meral weaknefs. What Jupiter defpaired 
 of doing by other means, he compared in 
 a mower of gold. 
 
 blfi 
 
 THE man, who is capable of thought, Their 
 and who, from thought, can form a judg- Wealth * 
 ment,' will not be induced to believe that 
 English Catholics can be poffefled of riches. 
 They have not, he will fay, difcovered 
 the Philofopher's Stone; nor does it ap- 
 pear, his Catholic Majefty has yet allowed 
 them to enter the mines of Potofi : Pre- 
 cluded from the Army, the Church, the 
 Bar, and from every place of truft or profit 
 under government, they have no means 
 of acquiring, of improving, or of retriev- 
 ing, a fortune. The Pope indeed has 
 riches : But it is not ufual with the See 
 
 of
 
 of Rome to beftow her earthly commodi- 
 ties : She receives, but does not give. 
 
 We have, at this day, but eight Peers, 
 nineteen Baronets, and about a hundred 
 and fifty Gentlemen of landed property. 
 Among the firft^ the Duke of Norfolk, 
 the Earl of Shrewfburyj and the Lords 
 Arundel and Petre, are in poffeffion of 
 confiderable eftates. But the Earl of Sur- 
 rey, the eldeft and only fon to the Duke, 
 having lately conformed, the large po- 
 feffions of that noble and ancient family 
 will foon fall into Proteftant hands. The 
 eldeft fon of Lord Teynham has alfo left 
 the religion of his father. -'-Among the 
 Baronets are not more than three great 
 eftates : Sir Thomas Gafcoigne has this 
 year alfo taken the oaths. Of the remain- 
 ing Commoners, with an exception of 
 four or five, the greateft part have not, 
 on an average, more than one thoufand 
 pounds per annum, in landed property. 
 Within this year alone, we have loft more 
 by the defection of the two mentioned 
 Gentlemen, than we have gained by Pro* 
 felytes fince the Revolution.
 
 [ I.! ] 
 
 In trade very few fortunes have been 
 made ; and at this hour, there are not 
 more than two Catholics of any note who 
 are even engaged in mercantile bufmefs. 
 The elded fons of our Gentry never think 
 of trade ; and the younger children have 
 feldom a fufficient fortune, on which to 
 ground any profpec~l of fuccefs. They 
 therefore generally chufe to remain ufelefs 
 and dependent Beings among their rela- 
 tions and friends, or to eat a hardly-earned 
 and fcanty bread in the fervice of fome 
 foreign Prince. England, like a cruel 
 ilepmother, refufes to give them nourish- 
 ment. Should America win the great 
 (lake, me now fo unjuftly contends for, 
 good policy will doubtlefs teach her to 
 open her ports to all religions. Some few 
 gain a decent livelihood by the profefiion 
 of medicine, though, in ftrictnefs of penal 
 juftice, they may not even be apotheca- 
 ries ; and others in the low walks of the 
 law. Were they freely allowed to fell 
 drugs, their drugs, it is well known, 
 would be poifon ; and the open practice 
 of law would very foon transfer all Pro- 
 teftant property into the hands of Catho- 
 lics !
 
 The lower clafles in life, like other 
 fubjects, fupport themfelves and families, 
 by the common arts of induftry and la- 
 bour. They thank Heaven it never en- 
 tered into the breaft of fome ftern Legi- 
 flator to reilrain them even from that pri- 
 vilege. He might have difcovered, that 
 neither the corn which was fown, nor the 
 tree which was planted, by a Popifh hand, 
 ever arrived to maturity in Proteftant foiL 
 It is, however, certain, that were the 
 laws againfl Recufants ftriclly executed, 
 all the fweat of their brows would not 
 difcharge the penalties, to which the prac- 
 tice of their religion expofes them. 
 
 This being the ftate of Catholics, wherfc 
 are we to look for their riches. Even the 
 eftates, they are now mailers of, are diiily 
 decreafing, from very obvious caufes. 
 There is a vanity of drefs, equipage, and 
 of general expence, which has feized all 
 ranks of life. The Catholics are weak 
 enough to give into the common folly. 
 They live, and they fpend like their neigh- 
 bours, not reflecting that what they once 
 diffipate, can by no means be retrieved. 
 The nece/Tary confequence is, that in a 
 very few years, the greateft part of their 
 
 prefent
 
 [ "3] 
 
 prefent poflefHons muil fall into other 
 hands. A Catholic, whom the love of 
 diffipation or of fafhionable life calls up 
 to London, mould be (hut up by his 
 friends in fome place of fecure confine- 
 ment : Poflerity would be deeply thank- 
 ful for the kind fervice. Yet, as among 
 Proteflants, fo are there among Catholics, 
 Gentlemen of eafy fortune who live wholly 
 in the country, not difiipating, but doing 
 much good with the produce of their 
 eilates ; and their doors are encompaffed 
 with the bleffings of their neighbours,, 
 
 Still, however, there fubiifts an un-* 
 meaning cry; That Catholics have money 
 always at hand to. forward the growth of 
 Popery, by opening and endowing Schools, 
 by encouraging Profelytes, and by pur- 
 chafing eftates, whereby is to be acquired 
 great parliamentary interefL The want of 
 religious zeal is, I believe, a ftrong bar 
 to one attempt, and the want of money is 
 a certain iecurity againil the others. 
 
 There is another inftrument alfo, which 
 
 takes away their property more effectually 
 
 than the highwayman's piftol. This is 
 
 the annual land-ux act, whereby each 
 
 2 Catholic
 
 [ '24] 
 
 Catholic is loaded with the payment of a 
 fum double to that ailefled on Proteftants. 
 Some attempts have been made to procure 
 relief from this heavy weight ; but as yet 
 there is not fufficient generofity in the 
 breads of Englishmen, to grant fo fmall 
 a favour, though the change could not 
 poflibly be felt by the Proteftant public. 
 Drained by this hard impofition, Catho- 
 lics, in common with other fubjects, are 
 yet loaded with thofe taxes, which even 
 the moffc v/ealthy Proteftants now affedt 
 to fay, are become intolerable. Will ma- 
 levolent and ignorant men ftill maintain 
 that Catholics are rich ! 
 
 Their IN point of manners and of moral cha- 
 
 Character. 
 
 In the fame walks of life. Their foreign 
 education, it is fometimes thought, gives 
 them at firft a peculiar caft j but a free 
 intercourfe with the world foon rubs oft* 
 thofe acute angles, unlefs when inve- 
 terate habits have been formed, or the 
 mind has been peculiarly narrowed. Some 
 years back, when the penal laws were 
 more ftrictly executed, and when weak 
 men feared fome noxious contagion from 
 
 As
 
 the breath of Catholics, they affociated 
 very little with the world. A certain 
 fternnefs of temper was the natural effect 
 of this retirement j and if, in their turn, 
 they felt a ftrong diflike to Proteftants, it 
 was what the conduct of the latter deferved. 
 Some good, however, and that of no 
 trifling confideration, was from thence 
 derived. The eftates of Catholics were 
 in better condition ; they fupported with 
 more becoming liberality their indigent and 
 opprefied neighbours ; and in the duties 
 of religion they were greatly more fincere. 
 The diminution of piety and of honeft 
 virtue which now prevails, is, in my opi- 
 nion, but poorly compenfated by the tin- 
 fel acquirements of a more polifhed life. 
 Nor, after all, has one effect been obtained, 
 which it was natural to expect. Many 
 Proteftants, though they daily converfe 
 with Catholics on the eafy footing of 
 private friendship, ftill retain the fame 
 general prejudices againft them, which 
 the lowefl ignorance fhould now blufti 
 at. They can think well enough of indi- 
 viduals ; but nothing, they tell you, can 
 be more mocking and abfurd than the prin- 
 ciples of the body, and nothing more vi- 
 cious and inimical to the duties of fociety 
 
 than
 
 f 126] 
 
 than their general conduit and habits of 
 mind. It is vain to rcafon with fuch de- 
 termined prejudice. Why Catholics, on 
 their fide, mould entertain more liberal 
 and jufl fentiments of Proteftants, is a pro^ 
 blem, I fhall not folve. The fad: itfelf 
 is evidenced by hourly experience ; and J 
 truft, our principles as men, and our be-^ 
 }ief as ChriiHans, are at all times as good 
 as theirs, 
 
 iitf{tt! 
 
 i he characters of the common people 
 are hardly diftinguimable from thofe of 
 their neighbours, Jf there be any diffe-^ 
 jence, the balance mould rather ponderate 
 in favour of Catholics ; becaufe, I know 
 they are more carefully inftrqcted in their 
 youth, and are afterwards much attended 
 to. They are folely to. blame, if they ne- 
 glect fuch means of moral improvement, 
 as are confiantly laid before them. It is 
 a ferious complaint in the Proteilant 
 Church, that this mofl important of all 
 duties is greatly neglected. As a friend 
 to fociety I mutt always think well of that 
 religion, though it were crouded with 
 many fpeculative abfurdities, whofe Mini- 
 flers are attentive to the infcruction of 
 youth. 
 
 The
 
 [ 127 ] 
 
 The lives of Catholics, ift general, are 
 obferved to be regular : and without pane- 
 gyrizing their virtues, to which 1 am 
 not inclined, I only beg Proteftants them- 
 felves to declare their fentiments. Do 
 they know, in the whole extent of hifc 
 Majefty's dominions, better men, better 
 citizens, or better fubjeds -, people more 
 amenable to the laws, or more obfervant 
 of all the duties of civil life? Their cha- 
 rities, as far as their powers of doing good 
 extend, are great. Every object in diftrefs 
 is a fellow-creature who calls for relief; 
 nor do I know, that Catholics ever make 
 any diftindtion of perfons, unlefs (which 
 has fometimes happened) when Proteftants 
 have firft refufed afliftance to thofe of the 
 Popi/h perfuafion. 
 
 From Gentry thus diffipated, as the 
 moft extravagant Proteftants, or elfe tem- 
 perate and retired, as the moft moderate, . 
 and from a commonalty peaceable, vir- 
 tuous, and honeft, what has the mofb 
 guarded and fufpicious government to ap- 
 prehend ? 
 
 NOR
 
 [ 128] 
 
 Their NOR are the natural acquired abilities of 
 Abilities. Catholics at ail calculated to intimidate, 
 from any fufpieion that, mould an occa- 
 fion offer, they might either form, or at- 
 tempt to execute, fome grand defign for 
 the fubverlion of this Proteflant govern- 
 ment. In this regard, they are rather, I 
 think, below, than above, the common 
 level. As their education is inferior to 
 that of Proteftants, and as afterwards in 
 life, they have few inducements to im- 
 prove their underffondings by fuch appli- 
 cation> as can alone give fuperiority to 
 mental talents, they generally reft fatisfied 
 with that fmall pittance of knowledge, 
 which fome foreign College originally 
 fupplied. Where circumftances allow it, 
 they have perhaps travelled and fo have 
 their portmanteaus. Under the tutelage 
 of fome ignorant, and confequently felf- 
 fufficient Prieft, the youth has feen ob- 
 jeds of vaft curiofity ; he has kifTed the 
 Pope's flipper, and he has vifited our Lady 
 at Loretto. Thus qualified he returns, 
 and it is well, if he brings not with him 
 many of the follies, and fome of the vices, 
 of the countries he has pafled through. 
 However, abftracting from the pious part 
 of improvement, which they do not pre- 
 tend
 
 t 
 
 tend to, Proteftant Gentlemen have little 
 more to (hew from their travels, than the 
 fons of Catholics* t 
 
 Though the want of education, I com- 
 plain of, or rather a total inattention to 
 improvement afterwards, be an infur- 
 mountable bar to the acquifition of great 
 accomplilhmentSj yet fo very deficient is 
 the prefent generation of Catholics, that 
 few of them feem to pofTefs thofe native 
 talents, which often fall to the lot of un- 
 improved mortality. From them the Pro- 
 teflant conftitution of England is, I am 
 fure, in no danger. But for the honour, 
 and for the utility* of the Catholic Body, 
 we have much reafon to repine at this un- 
 toward eircurnftance* The petitions of 
 a differing people are often not attended 
 to by thofe who can give relief, becaufe 
 they are not prefented, or purfued, with 
 that fpirit of manly firrnnefs and com- 
 manding eloquence, which will find their 
 way even to the throne. We are a difu- 
 nited body, and ever have been fo. They 
 who mould take the lead, are either un- 
 able or unwilling to adt; and the body 
 fufFers by the indolence, the little views, 
 or the timidity of their leaders. It has 
 R been
 
 been feen in the preceding pages, how often 
 the heft- concerted fchemes have been t6- 
 tally fruftrated by fome foolifh or wayward 
 oppofition. I mean not the feverity of 
 thefe reflections mould be applied univer- 
 fally to all : We have, amongft us, men 
 of real merit and of flrong endowments ; 
 but it is generally the fate, as it is the 
 wim, of thefe, to be kept back from the 
 eye of public obfervation. 
 
 We have reafon, indeed, to lament the 
 lofs of a young Nobleman, who very late- 
 ly, as I mentioned, is gone over to the 
 Proteftant fide. From nature he had re- 
 ceived talents, adequate to the greateffc 
 defigns, and to thefe talents he had giv-en 
 fome cultivation. But there is in him a 
 call, a fmgularity of mind, and a bizarre- 
 rie of thought, which muft ever give a 
 tinge to the faireft endowments. With, 
 abilities equal to the management of great 
 public bufinefs, his beft ambition will 
 fpend itfelf in vain declamation againft men 
 and meafures. He was always fond of 
 oppofition. I knew him when a boy; 
 and at that time, to thwart, if poffible, by 
 petty controverfy, the views of his ma- 
 Hers, to complain of undue influence, to 
 
 magnify
 
 magnify grievances, and to head a little 
 band of malecontents, were the objects 
 truly congenial with his humour. With 
 a lefs reftlefs, lefs inconfiftent, and lefs 
 diffipated mind (for diilipation has now 
 greatly added to his native character) he 
 would have mounted with ardour to the 
 firft place, at the head of a body of men, 
 to which his birth and his abilities called 
 him. Here was a field wide enough for 
 the difplay of the greateft talents. He 
 might have given fplendor to the Catho- 
 lic caufe ; would have pofleffed their 
 warmeft affections ; and might have afked 
 relief for himfelf and for them in a ftyle, 
 that would have commanded attention. 
 If his foul was not large enough to grafp 
 at this high pre-eminence, and if, from in- 
 feniibility to the impreffions of religion, 
 his conference is fincere, I blame him 
 not, that he has deferted the caufe of his 
 
 Anceftors -, but I pity an Earl of S y, 
 
 who can fink down to the paltry fervice 
 of a party-declaimer in the Lower Houfe 
 of parliament. 
 
 It is a fingular circumftance in the Ec- 
 
 clefiaftical hiftory of this country, that in 
 
 proportion as a man lofes all ienfe of re- 
 
 R 2 ligion,
 
 ligion, and becomes immoral, he fees be- 
 fore him a better profpeft of enjoying all 
 the privileges of the eftablimed Church. 
 I never knew an inflance, in which con- 
 viction of the errors of Popery has made 
 one Profelyte. They become Proteftants, 
 as foon as they ceafe almoft to be Chrifti- 
 ans. It muft furely be a bad arrangement, 
 which thus expofes to oppreffion the fin- 
 cere and the virtuous, and which opens to 
 the vicious and dirlipated man the road of 
 eafe, of honour, and of preferment, 
 
 It may be expected, whilft the pencil is 
 ftill in my hand, that I mould give a 
 fketch at leaft of fome principal characters, 
 which remain amongit us. It muft not 
 be fuppofed, that the noble Lord, I have 
 mentioned, has carried off with him all 
 the mental worth of the party. When 
 ./Eneas tore one golden branch from the 
 myflic tree, it was inftantly fupplied by 
 another, 
 
 Primo avulfo non deficit alter 
 Aureus; & fimili frondefcit virga metallo, 
 
 VIRG. 
 
 But I am not expert in the art of co- 
 louring, and plain delineation might per- 
 haps
 
 [ '33 1 
 
 haps offend. The moft faithful portraits 
 are not always the moil pleafing. The 
 public, which well knows how to appre- 
 ciate merit, is in poffeffion of the origi- 
 nals. If nature has been too thrifty in 
 her gifts, or if circumftances have rather 
 contributed to lull, than to roufe, the 
 faculties of their minds, their condition 
 mould not be cenfured. The moft bril- 
 liant talents often prove lefs ferviceable 
 than thofe of a more fixed texture. Even 
 in the works of art, lead and iron are fome- 
 times preferred to more fplendid metals. 
 Lead indeed lofes with difficulty its well- 
 known character; but iron may be harden- 
 ed into fteel. Fungar vice cot is. I wifli 
 I could flimulate fome of my acquaintance 
 to a more adive exertion of thofe powers, 
 which they have 5 and which difufe in a 
 /hort time may perhaps torpify for ever. 
 
 IT has been feen with what firm attach- Their Poli- 
 ment, Catholics adhered to the houfe of tical enti ' 
 Stuarts. There was fomething in that 
 loyalty, which even bordered on infatua- 
 tion. They had received no favours from 
 them ; and experience faid, they were 
 not to expedt any. Conviction of its rec- 
 titude
 
 [ '34] 
 
 titude was therefore the only motive which 
 gave {lability to their affection. At the 
 acceffion of his prefent Majefly, fome few 
 'Catholics were ftill intoxicated with the 
 fumes of Jacobitifm ; nor did it then feern 
 they could be eafily expelled. By one of 
 thofe iingular revolutions, however, for 
 which no caufe can be affigned, in the 
 fmall fpace of a few years, the diflemper 
 worked off; and when the oath of alle- 
 giance was tendered in 1778, hardly, I be- 
 lieve, one Catholic refufed to take it. 
 It was a capricious event, but to fuch hu- 
 man nature is often fubject.- It may not 
 be inferred, that a change fo fudden mould 
 not be relied on: For, I am clearly fen- 
 iible, that Catholics are now as fincere in 
 their attachment to the Hanover family, 
 as they ever were to the Stuarts. Of this 
 they would give the moil convincing 
 proofs, were they permitted to attefl their 
 allegiance by the common exertions of 
 other fubjects. After all, I fee no very 
 particular grounds for this new difpofi- 
 tion. We have yet received but little re- 
 lief; and we continue an oppreffed and 
 injured people. The boafled excellencies 
 of the Britim conflitution are nothing to 
 me, who am deprived of the common 
 
 right
 
 [ '35 ] 
 
 rights of humanity -, they only fefve to 
 make my condition more irkiome, and to 
 create a reftlefs defireof changes and revo- 
 lutions. My fituation cannot be worfe, 
 and it may be mended. 
 
 In the prefent ftate of contending par- 
 ties, it is curious to fee how Catholics 
 mape their politics. It is the cry of Op- 
 pofition, that they are friends to court 
 meafures ; that they aim to join their in- 
 tereft to that of the crown ; and- that 
 againft the rights of the people they will 
 ever be ready to ftrengthen the arm of 
 Prerogative. As this evidently is the 
 language of party, it merits little notice. 
 Catholics are as free to form opinions as 
 other men - y and in their general decifions I 
 fee the fame rule of condud: invariably 
 followed. In their politics is the fame 
 difcordance and variation of fentiment, as 
 is elfewhere obfervable. Ignorance only 
 can affert the contrary belief. If, on the 
 whole, they be rather inclined to govern- 
 ment, which I think is the cafe, they have 
 good reafons for their choice. It would 
 be extreme folly to fet their faces againfl 
 that power, from which ultimately all re- 
 drcfs mud be derived. Befides, they feel 
 
 not
 
 ftot thofe incentives to oppofition, which 
 are known to actuate the breads of many 
 
 Proteftants. It is falfe, that they are 
 
 friends to arbitrary power. They fmart 
 too feverely under the rod of oppreffionj 
 to wifh to give it additional ftrength in the 
 hands of a tyrant. Why even^ as is often 
 afferted, {hould they, from any previous 
 principle, be more inclined to monarchy, 
 than to any other form of government ? At 
 this day, there are Catholic republics, 
 and Catholic dates of every defcription. 
 In the annals of this nation, never were 
 there ftouter champions for liberty, than 
 the ancient Barons. Magna Charta is of 
 Catholic growth. Nor do I know, that 
 the boafling Proteftant Patriots, of the 
 prefent hour, would have acted at Runi- 
 mede with more manly firmnefsj though 
 their lips, I doubt not, might have dif- 
 tilled more copious dreams of honeyed 
 eloquence. Catholics are inftructed to 
 fubmit themfelves to the ruling powers* 
 and not wantonly to engage in faction. 
 The murmurs of difappointed or of dif- 
 afFected men can feldom be reconciled 
 with reafon and the plain dictates of re- 
 ligion. We acknowledge ourfelves much 
 indebted to fome Gentlemen in Oppofitia*, 
 
 and
 
 [ 137] 
 
 arid we hope to experience the continu- 
 ance of their favourable exertions ; but in 
 iis it would be a conduct highly cenfurable, 
 were we to adopt the language of party, 
 with a view of making an adulatory tender 
 of fervices, in them lei ves too weak and 
 inefficient to effedt any real purpofe. 
 
 It is but lately that Catholics have at 
 all appeared to engage in politics : they 
 were too depreffed for the exertions of 
 men ; and even now they fcarcely take 
 any decided part. In my opinion, fuch 
 torpid indifference is reprehenfible. I 
 would not be factious, but I would mew 
 that I had fome property at flake, and that 
 I wifhed to fee it well defended. We 
 have hitherto gained little by a long courfe 
 of inactive fubmifTion. An Englishman 
 mould at all times dare to fpeak his fenti- 
 ments. Thefe at leaft cannot be fhackled; 
 and a trimmer between two parties gene- 
 rally meets the contempt of both. 
 
 If Catholics be capable of doing any 
 injury to the ftate, which j it is faid, they 
 are ; furely they are alfo capable of ferving 
 it, in the fame proportion. It is the duty 
 therefore of Magistrates, by mild and le- 
 * S nient
 
 [ 1351 
 
 nient meafures, to infure their affeftions; 
 Should they be incapable of referring ill 
 ufage (and experience has fufficiently 
 declared fuch to be their lowly con- 
 dition) how unmanly is it^ to oppref? the 
 weak and defencelefs ! They are to a man 
 loyal, fincere, and patriotic ; they have 
 given the moft folemn fecurity for their 
 allegiance, in this they have done all that 
 men can do j and having done this, they 
 are intitled to the privileges of fubje&s, 
 and to the protection of the laws. 
 
 Their Reli- IT is therefore in religious matters only 
 glon * that Catholics hold opinions different from 
 thofe of Proteilant Engltmmen. Here 
 they pretend not to think as they do 5 and 
 this candid declaration mould give evi- 
 dence in favour of their general profeflions. 
 The infmcere man would affedl coinci- 
 dence in opinion, as well in religion as in 
 politics, at leaft when his intereft required 
 it; and it will hardly be faid, that we mould 
 hot be benefited by an artful difgiiife of 
 our religious belief. We declare then our 
 diflent from many parts of the Proteflant 
 creed ; and we openly avow our faith in 
 
 articles
 
 C 139} 
 
 articles, which the reformed Church ha$ 
 utterly exploded. 
 
 Liberty of thought is-eflential to human 
 nature. Take that away, and man, his 
 organization alone excepted, will not b& 
 fuperior to the afs which browfes on the 
 thiftle, or to the thifile which vegetates 
 from the earth : It is that only which 
 he can ftrictly call his own, becaufe no 
 created power can deprive him of it. His 
 property may be taken away by the hand 
 of violence, and his perfon may be thrown 
 into confinement; but in the dungeons 
 of the Baftile his thoughts are ftill free, 
 and out of the reach of tyranny. There 
 is no fubject on which our thoughts may 
 not range, and on which they may not 
 judge. For what other end, was fuch ex- 
 tent given to the mental powers ? When 
 we abufe thefe faculties, by an improper 
 difplay, we become reiponlible to the Be- 
 ing who gave them to us ; but to hinj 
 only. In religious enquiries why is our 
 reafon to be particularly retrained ? As 
 the fubjecl: is of fingular importance, it 
 feems, even greater latitude ihould be 
 allowed us. Is it your bufinefs to invade 
 the beft privilege I enjoy ? With this 
 S 2 convidtion
 
 conviction of mind I examine, I judge;, 
 and I chufe my own religion. It is the 
 affair of my own confcience j it is a con- 
 cern betwixt myfelf and God ; and it be- 
 longs to no other to arraign my conduct, 
 or to cenfure my determination. To mo- 
 left me then in the practice of fuch duties, 
 as my confcience again tells me I mould 
 perform, is an equal ftretch of tyranny. 
 
 On thefe principles, to me of cleared evi- 
 dence, is founded the ChrifHan doctrine of 
 'Toleration^ a doctrine, which only ignorance 
 of the rights of mankind, ecclefiaftical 
 domination, or blind enthufiafm, could 
 ever controvert. If I diffent from other 
 men -, do not they alfo diffent from me ? 
 And if I chufe to fubmit my faith to the 
 deciiions of the Catholic Church, I ufe no 
 other liberty than he does, who chufes 
 to reject them. Catholics, I know, have 
 often denied the external practice of reli- 
 gion to Sectaries ; they now continue to 
 do fo in many countries. It is not my 
 intention to juftify what is ill-done. But 
 to be intolerant is a leading maxim of 
 every eftabliihed Church ; whether it have 
 its feat in England or in France, in Hin- 
 doflan or in China. It is now time to. 
 
 correct
 
 [ 4i 3 
 
 porrect abufes, and not to feek excufe foe 
 our own, from the example of others. 
 All are equally cenfurable^ and when 
 Englim Proteftants arraign fo feverely the 
 intolerance of Rome, they only mark out 
 more pointedly the injuftice of their own 
 conduct. 
 
 At all events, what has ftate-pplicy to 
 do with the concern of a man's confcience? 
 If he obey the laws of his country, and 
 perform the duties of a fubjecl:, the de- 
 mands of the civil magiftrate are complied 
 with. Is he tp fay, " You {hall not wear 
 a fword for the defence of your perfon or 
 property, becaufe you chufe to pray for the 
 repoie of the foul of your deceafed father; 
 or, if you will not think as I do, I forbid 
 you to approach within ten miles of the 
 capital ?" This furely is a fpecies of fottifh 
 tyranny, which could only be exercifed 
 at a time, when to be abfurd in the ex- 
 treme was the firfl endowment of a ftatef- 
 man. 
 
 When it is found that any feel of men 
 profefs principles in religion, which either 
 tend to the deftru&ion of focial happinefs, 
 pr are incompatible with the eflablifhed 
 
 order
 
 [ I 4 2] 
 
 order of government, it will not be de- 
 nied, that the moft rigorous means mould 
 be ufed for their fuppreffion. The fword 
 of juftice mould be drawn, and the mif- 
 creants be exterminated. It was thus, the 
 Saxon Edgar freed this kingdom from the 
 ravages of wolves, by which it was once 
 infefted. Yet hitherto, I believe, no men 
 have ever pro feffed fuch deftructivc tenets. 
 The religion of every man teaches him to 
 be good, and he would be fo, were he to 
 Comply with its injunctions. The ene- 
 mies to a feel may charge them falfly, and 
 their mifreprefentations may irripofe on 
 the ignorant. Inflructions fliould be ta- 
 ken from the well-informed, and not from 
 the cry of defamation. I will apply to a 
 man's own heart for an account of his 
 tenets. No people have fuffered fo much 
 from flanderous "defcription, as Catholics. 
 They have repeatedly laid their belief be- 
 fore the public ; which, with great hu- 
 manity, always refufes to give credit to 
 their declarations. You {hall believe us, 
 they fay but we will not believe you. 
 I fufped there muft be fome fecret motive 
 for this incredulity. For it is the difpo- 
 fition of a virtuous mind not to doubt the 
 affertions of honefl men. The liar thinks 
 
 no
 
 no man can fpeak truth becaufe he never 
 does it himfelf. 
 
 Once more I will give my reader a con- 
 cife, but accurate expolition of Catholic 
 belief. It is contained in few propofitions. 
 Should it vary from any previous opinions 
 of his own ; 1 only beg he will think, 
 that I know better than he does, what is 
 my own religion. The requeft is modelt. 
 1 he following rule I muft infill he will 
 attend to, becaufe it is the grand criterion* 
 by which each article of our faith may 
 be diftindly ascertained. 
 
 THIS rule is All that and only that be- Rule of 
 longs to Catholic belief, which is revealed ^kk^ 
 in the word of God, and which is prcpofed 
 by the Catholic Church to all its member s t 
 to be believed with divine faith. 
 
 Guided by this certain criterion we pro- 
 fefs to believe, 
 
 i. That Chrift has eftablimed a Church 
 tipon earth, and that this Church is that* 
 which holds communion with the See of 
 Rome, being One, Holy, Catholic, and 
 Apoftolical. 
 
 2. That
 
 [ '44] 
 
 2. That we are obliged to hear this 
 Church; and therefore that fhe is in- 
 fallible, by the guidance of Almighty- 
 God, in her decifions regarding faith. 
 
 3. That Saint Peter, by divine com- 
 miffion, was appointed the head of this 
 Church, under Chrift its founder : And 
 that the Pope, or Bimop of Rome, as 
 fucceflbr to Saint Peter, has always been^ 
 and is at prefent, by divine right^ head 
 of this Church. 
 
 4. That the Canon of the Old and New 
 Teftament, as propofed to us by this 
 Church, is the word of God ; as alfo fuch 
 traditions, belonging to faith and morals, 
 which being originally delivered by Chrift 
 to his Apoftles, have been prefefved, by 
 conftant fucceffion, in the Catholic Church. 
 
 5. That horiour and veneration are due 
 to the Angels of God and his Saints ; that 
 they offer up prayers to God for us ; that 
 it is good and profitable to have recourfe 
 to their interceffion j and that the relics or 
 earthly remains of God's particular fervants 
 are to be held in refpect. 
 
 6. That
 
 [ HSl 
 
 6. That no fins ever were, or can be, re- 
 mitted, unlefs by the mercy of God, thro* 
 Jefus Chrift ; and therefore that man's 
 juftification is the work of divine grace. 
 
 7. That the good works, which we do, 
 receive their whole value from the grace 
 of God ; and that by fuch works, we not 
 only comply with the precepts of the di- 
 vine law, but that we thereby likewife 
 
 merit eternal life. 
 
 1 
 
 8. That by works, done in the fpirit 
 of Penance, we can make fatisfadtion to 
 God, for the temporal punifhment, which 
 often remains due, after our fins, by the 
 divine goodnefs, have been forgiven us. 
 
 9. That Chrift has left to his Church 
 a power of granting indulgences, that is, 
 a relaxation from fuch temporal chaftife- 
 ment only as remains due after the divine 
 pardon of lin -, and that the ufe of fuch 
 indulgences is profitable to linners. 
 
 10. That there is a Purgatory or middle 
 State; and that, the fouls of imperfect 
 Chriftians therein detained-'' are helped by 
 the prayers of the faithful. 
 
 T ii. That
 
 [ 146 ] 
 
 11. That there are feven Sacraments^ 
 all inftituted by Chrift ; Baptifm, Con- 
 firmation, Eucharift, Penance, Extreme 
 Unclion, Holy Order, Matrimony. 
 
 12. That in the mod holy Sacrament 
 of the Eucharifl, there is truly, really, 
 and fubftantially, the body and blood, to- 
 gether with the foiil and the divinity of 
 our Lord Jefus Chrift. 
 
 13. That in this facrament there is, by 
 the omnipotence of God, a converfion, or 
 change, of the whole fubftance of the bread 
 
 . into the body of Chrift, and of the whole 
 fubftance of the wine into his blood; 
 which change we call Tranfubftantiation. 
 
 < ? I4. That under either kind Chrift is 
 received whole and entire. 
 "**;. 
 
 15. That in the Mafs, or Sacrifice of 
 the Altar, is offered to God a true, proper, 
 and propitiatory facrifice. for the living 
 and the dead. 
 
 1 6. That in the Sacrament of Penance, 
 the fins we fall into after baptifm are, by 
 the divine mercy, forgiven us. 
 
 Thefe
 
 Thefe are the great points of Catholic 
 belief, by which we are diftinguifhed from 
 other Chriftian Societies -, and thefe only 
 are the real and effential tenets of our Re- 
 ligion. We admit alfo the other grand 
 articles of revealed and natural religion, 
 which the gofpel and the light of reafon 
 have manifefted to us. s To thefe we fub- 
 mit as Men and as Chriilians, and to the 
 former as obedient children of the Catho- 
 lic Church. 
 
 Reader, have you weighed attentively 
 the plain and obvious meaning of thefe 
 articles ? And do you think there is one, 
 which merits to be treated with fuch harfli 
 cenfure, as is generally given them ? Do 
 you think there is one, the belief of which 
 mould, in a Chriftian country, reftrain us 
 from the common privileges of fubjects 
 and the bleffings of unbounded Toleration ? 
 I mean not to fay, that our docTrine is of 
 fuch evidence as to command conviction 
 and inftant belief. This is a very different 
 queftion ; nor do I fpeak of the truth of 
 pur religion : Were itfalfe in every article, 
 my reafoning would be the fame. Tenets 
 which to Catholics, from the long acqui- 
 red habits of education, may feem familiar 
 T 2 and
 
 and highly rational, are not therefore caU 
 culated to make the fame impreffion on 
 thofe, to whom they are new and unin- 
 terefting. The friend to truth will ma- 
 turely weigh the important object, and 
 will decide, as reafon and the bias of ge- 
 nuine Chriftianity mall appear to prepon- 
 derate. Of this, however, I am convinced 
 that, were certain obflacles removed, fuch 
 as the views of intereft, the animofity of 
 party, the blindnefs of prejudice, and thofe 
 thick clouds which controverfy has raifed, 
 it would then appear, that the Proteilant 
 Church of England and Catholics are dir 
 vided by very thin partitions. 
 
 There are points of difcipline alib, 
 which regulate condud:, and to which we 
 pay obedience; as failing on particular 
 days, communion in one kind, celibacy of 
 churchmen, ufe of the Latin language in 
 public fervice, and other fimilar practices j 
 but as thefe vary, and may be either al- 
 tered or fupprefled by due authority, they 
 belong not to what is properly ftyled the 
 Faith of Catholics, 
 
 Opinions alfo, whether regarding belief 
 or practice, of particular fchools or of par- 
 ticular
 
 [ H9 ] 
 
 ticular divines, conftitute a diftint and 
 feparate object. Great latitude in the 
 forming of fuch opinions is allowed 3 and 
 confequently it will be often abufed. It 
 has been in the power of fome men to 
 give an undue weight to fuch opinions, 
 whereby Catholics themfelves have been 
 too often impofed on. They have igno- 
 rantly confounded the inventions of fallible 
 men with the unerring declarations of 
 Heaven. Of this circumflance our ene- 
 mies have many times taken an unfair ad- 
 vantage, and the faith of Catholics has 
 fuffered from the falfe reprefentation. 
 ' Some opinions may deferve refpect, but 
 others mould be defpifed and reprobated. 
 And it mould be noticed, that mod of the 
 charges brought againil us are founded on 
 this falfe fuppolition; that the opinions of 
 private men, or of whole focieties, are as 
 much a part of our real creed, as the articles 
 I have mentioned. When all this extra- 
 neous matter, whether of dilcipline or of 
 opinion is brought to a proper teft, by the 
 Rule of Faith I fo much infill on, it will 
 foon appear in what light it is to be con- 
 fidered. Were I to reject every opinion, 
 hitherto difcovered, and folely adhere to 
 thp articles of do&rine as above ftated, I 
 
 mould
 
 1 150] 
 
 fliould be a Catholic in the ftrict and ac- 
 curate acceptation of the word. Divines 
 might cenfure me, Cafuifts might defame 
 me, and the Pope might deny me the name 
 oSPapiJl; but my faith would flill be 
 pure, unimpaired, and Catholic. 
 
 Charges /NOTWITHSTANDING this clear 
 agamflthem de f cription of Catholic belief, many char- 
 ges, of a very black and defamatory com- 
 plexion, are perpetually urged againft 
 them j nor has it been poffible to filence 
 the voice of calumny. 
 
 It has been very recently afTerted, that 
 though we have taken an oath of alle- 
 giance and fidelity, we mould not be tole- 
 rated in a Proteftant country, becaufe we 
 have yet given no fecurity for our good 
 behaviour. It is a fixed maxim, fay thefe 
 men of refined difcernment, in the Church 
 of Rome, to which they all univerfally 
 fubfcribe, " That no faith is to be kept 
 with heretics j That the Pope can difpenfe 
 with all oaths -, and that every Prieft has 
 a difcretionary power to forgive fins of 
 every defcription." 
 
 We
 
 [ i5i 3 
 
 We have anfwered ; That we reject fuch 
 doctrine as impious and unchriftian ; that 
 it was never admitted by Catholics ; that 
 if any private perfon believed it, he was 
 a bad man -, and that no power, of what- 
 ever denomination, could make it lawful 
 to violate fuch engagements, though con- 
 tracted with Heretics, Jews, Turks, or 
 Infidels. 
 
 We have anfwered j That we do not 
 hold, the Pope has power to difpenfe with 
 oaths; that the exercife of fuch power 
 would be a violation of the unalterable 
 laws of juftice and truth ; that it would 
 be impious and invalid ; and that no de- 
 cifions, even of General Councils, can an- 
 nul the facred obligation of fuch engage- 
 ments. 
 
 We have anfwered ; That Priefts have 
 not a difcretionary power to forgive fins ; 
 that to the iinner, who comes to them 
 with all the difpofitions of fincere re- 
 pentance, we do believe they can, by the 
 appointment of Heaven, grant abfolu- 
 tion -, but that it is God alone, who inte- 
 riorly abfolves the penitent, whilft his 
 Miniflers exteriorly exercife the function. 
 
 When
 
 f 
 
 When we are accufed of teaching that 
 the Pope can depofe Kings, and free their 
 fubjects from their allegiance ; our anfwer 
 is ; That we abhor fuch maxims ; that if 
 Popes have fometimes exercifed a depofmg 
 power, we condemn their conduct ; that, 
 as we acknowledge in him powers of fpi- 
 ritual jurifdiction only, we admit no in- 
 terference from his court in the temporal 
 concerns of ftate j and that we would op- 
 pofe any fecular attempts from him, with 
 the fame alacrity, as we would thofe of 
 a French invader. 
 
 It is ftill urged, that we allow in him 
 an extent of jurifdiction, which is not 
 confident with the eftablifhed government 
 of this realm. 
 
 With regard to that particular arrange- 
 ment, which appoints the King head of 
 the Church, we avow, it is true, our 
 difTent from it. But as that relates only 
 to the eftablimed Church, of which we 
 are not members, our conduct is the fame 
 as that of other DifTenters, over whom his 
 Majefty affumes no ecclefiaftical jurifdic- 
 tion. The Bifhop of Rome is our prin- 
 cipal fuperior, as he is the fupreme head 
 
 of
 
 [ 153 1 
 
 of the Catholic Church. But all his 
 power, being wholly fpiritual, has ^no 
 relation to civil government ; it reaches 
 to fuch matters as, we think, appertain 
 not to the controul of Princes. The flate 
 of religion with us is fo very low and im- 
 perfect, that it is not eafy to difcover, 
 wherein the Pope has room for the exer- 
 cife of any part of his prerogative. We 
 have no national Church, and we guide 
 ourfelves by the rule of ancient practice 
 
 and difcipline. In Catholic countries 
 
 muft be looked for the proper difplay of 
 the Papal power; and it will be found 
 that its fphere of adion is extremely 
 bounded. They acknowledge in him a 
 primacy of jurifdiclion ; but it is a primacy 
 fubje&ed to the controul of Canons and 
 to the general order of eftablilhed laws. 
 His power is in no fenfe abfolute. It is 
 his duty to attend to the execution of 
 eftabliihed laws, and to take care that the 
 Chriftian republic receive no injury. This 
 is the office of a firft magiftrate in every 
 well-regulated ftate. And to mew how 
 limited his authority really is ; we main- 
 tain that each Paftor in his parim, each 
 Bimop in his diocefe, each Metropolitan 
 in his province, and each Patriarch in his 
 U nation,
 
 [ J54 ] 
 
 nation, is poffefTed of a proper and eflen- 
 tial jurifdidion, wholly uncontroulable 
 by, and independent of, the See of Rome. 
 They refpect his primacy, but they have 
 their rights and liberties as ancient and as 
 facred as are his own. Such was the or- 
 der divinely eftablifhed by Chrift. The 
 canonical injlalment of Bifhops and other 
 higher Minifters is alone a branch of the 
 
 Papal jurifdiction. 1 know that, in 
 
 former times principally, the Popes have 
 exerted a very undue ftretch of power. 
 They had the paffions of men ; and the 
 Chriftian world was too weak and too ig- 
 norant to oppofe them. The confequences 
 were at laft fatal. It is vain to fuppofe 
 that any eftablilhments, committed to 
 human direction, can be long free from 
 abufes : It is our duty, by prudent and 
 the moft effectual means, to contribute to 
 their reformation. Such, as I have de- 
 fcribed, is the nature of the jurifdiftion 
 of Rome, and being fuch, England, I am 
 very confident, has no reafon to fear we 
 fhall ever aim to introduce a power in- 
 compatible with her privileges. 
 
 When we have been called Idolaters j 
 we knew not what was meant by the 
 
 charge :
 
 1 155} 
 
 charge : For to God alone we pay our 
 homage of adoration-, but we think that 
 particular refpetf is due to the firfl and 
 befl of his creatures. 
 
 We are accufed of great uncharitablenefs 
 in allowing Salvation to none but Catho- 
 lics. But this alfo is a miftaken notion. 
 We fay, I believe, no more, than do all 
 other Chriftian Societies. Religion cer- 
 tainly is an affair of very ferious confide- 
 ration. When therefore a man, either 
 neglecls to inform himfelf, or when in- 
 formed, refufes to follow the conviction 
 of his mind, fuch a one, we fay, is not 
 in the way of Salvation. After mature 
 enquiries, if I am convinced that the re- 
 ligion of England is the only true one, 
 am I not obliged to become a Proteflant ? 
 In fimilar circumflances, mufl .not you 
 likewife declare yourfelf a Catholic ? Our 
 meaning is, that no one can be faved out 
 of the true Church ; and as we confider 
 the evidence of the truth of our religion, 
 to be great, that he who will not embrace 
 truth, when he fees it, deferves not to 
 be happy. God however is the fearcher 
 of hearts -, he only can read thofe internal 
 U 2 difpofitions,
 
 [ '56] 
 
 difpofitions, on which reditude of con- 
 dud: alone depends. 
 
 Such are the anfvvers, we have always 
 given to thefe, and to other fimilar charges. 
 We know, we have had amongft us many 
 bad and weak men, who have often fpoken 
 and often a<5ted wrong ; but it is unfair to 
 involve the innocent in the ways of the 
 guilty. By this ordeal, the virtues and 
 good qualities of every ibciety upon earth 
 would be utterly done away. As Chri- 
 ftians, therefore, we admit all the doctrines 
 of divine Revelation; as Catholics, we fub- 
 mit our faith to the authority of that 
 Church, which we think Chriflhas found- 
 ed ; as men, we profefs our obedience to 
 the moral precepts of reafon and nature ; 
 and as fubjecls, the King has our allegi- 
 ance, the laws our reverence, and the 
 flate may command our fervices. 
 
 Th e ; r THE account I have given , of the re- 
 Priefts. ligion of Catholics naturally leads me to 
 their Minifters. On this head I could 
 wifh to fupply all poffible information. 
 Popifli Priefts are generally confidered as 
 a fair game, at which the fhafts of fatire 
 
 and
 
 and malevolence may be thrown with im- 
 punity. Like other objects, this alfo has 
 two fides : The equitable fpectator will 
 wim to view both. 
 
 By an arrangement, which took place 
 in the reign of James the Second, England 
 was divided into four diflricts, and a Bi- 
 {hop was appointed to prefide over each. 
 They had then loool. per arm. fettled on 
 each of them, out of the Exchequer : but 
 this only continued till the Revolution, 
 when they were reduced to the neceiTity 
 of fupporting themfelves by the beft means 
 in their power. Since that time, the fame 
 regulation with regard to numbers has 
 continued; and as they have no particu- 
 lar place of refidence allotted, each Bithop 
 generally chufes to live in the moil cen- 
 trical and convenient fituation. Their 
 office is, to attend to the fmall concerns 
 of their refpective diftricts ; to adminifler 
 the Sacrament of Confirmation ; to pro- 
 vide the different congregations with 
 Priefts; and to take care that thefe' per- 
 form their duties, and behave in a manner 
 becoming the character of Churchmen. 
 It has been faid by a peevifh writer, " That 
 Pofijh Bijhops go about, and exercife every 
 
 part
 
 part of their function, without offence, 
 and without obfervation." This is an un- 
 fair reprefentation : For it is in the mofl 
 private manner that any part of their func- 
 tion is exercifed j and as they poflefs none 
 of the inlignia of the Epifcopal order, their 
 goings about do not diftinguifh them from 
 other men. Could modern Chriftians be 
 infpired with the holy ambition of emu- 
 lating the virtues of the apoftolic ages, 
 our Catholic Bifhops have, furely, the no- 
 bleft field before them. They are not 
 expofed to the allurements of worldly 
 temptations ; and all their treafures are in 
 heaven. One hundred pounds per annum 
 is more than equal to the revenue of their 
 Epifcopal Sees. Will the author of the 
 ConfeJJionalt from whom the above remark 
 is taken, be willing to exchange his Arch- 
 deaconry of Cleveland for theMtfre of thefe 
 Popim Bifhops ? 
 
 As far as I can rely on my information, 
 which I think is accurate, the number of 
 Priefts, now employed, is about 360. 
 Their diftribution is as follows. In the 
 northern diftricl:, which takes in the coun- 
 ties of Northumberland, Cumberland, 
 Weflmoreland, Durham, York, Lancafter, 
 
 and
 
 [ 159] 
 
 and Chefter, there are about 167. Of thefe 
 48 are Ex-Jefuits. Three places are now 
 vacant. This diftrid: contains the greateil 
 number of Priefts, and alfo the greateft 
 number of Catholics ; but not in proper*- 
 tion to the number of Clergy ; many be- 
 ing private Chaplains to Gentlemen, where 
 there are no congregations. Since their 
 diflblution, nine places have been given 
 up by the Ex-Jefuits, two of which are 
 not likely ever to be revived. 
 
 In the midland diftrift, are about 90 
 Priefts; 28 of whom are Ex-Jefuits. There 
 are now fourteen places vacant. This di- 
 ftrict declines very fair, as appears from the 
 great number of congregations now with- 
 out Priefts. Moft of thefe have been vacant 
 for fome time, and no Clergymen unen- 
 gaged have hitherto been found to fupply 
 them ; though fome of them are Gentle- 
 men's houfes ; by which means fome fa- 
 milies are obliged to go from five to ten 
 miles, on Sundays, to Chapel. It may be 
 noticed that this diilridt, though compofed 
 of the greateft number of counties, and 
 thofe moftly large, to the amount of fix- 
 teen, contains only 8,460 Catholics, which 
 
 is
 
 [ i6o] 
 
 is computed to be about two thirds of 
 what there were thirty or forty years ago. 
 
 The weftern diftrict contains about 44 
 Priefts; 23 are Ex-Jefuits. There is one 
 place vacant, and has been fo for fome 
 time ; no perfon can be found to occupy 
 it. This diftrict is the thinneft of Catholics 
 of any in England, though its extent be 
 great. It contains eight P^nglifh counties, 
 and the whole of North and South-Wales* 
 
 The London diftric~t, comprifing nine 
 counties, has 58 Priefls; 1 1 are Ex-Jefuits. 
 There are five places vacant. This diflrict 
 has alfo diminifhed, and is declining very 
 fail. 
 
 Thefe Priefts, whofe number and diflri- 
 bution I have given, either live as Chap- 
 lains in the families of Gentlemen, and 
 have the care of the little congregations 
 round them ; or elfe they refide in towns, 
 or in fome country-places, where funds 
 have been fettled for their fupport. The 
 Chapels are in their own houfes. From 
 many places being now vacant, as I have 
 noticed, where Priefts were formerly kept, 
 it is evident that their number is greatly 
 
 on
 
 On the decreafe. The Jefuits alfo are 
 daily dying away ; nor is there any fuecef- 
 fion to fupply their places. In the lapfe 
 of a few years, we (hall fee a very great 
 additional falling off. Never, furely, was 
 there a wilder fancy than the common cry 
 of the growth of Popery, and of the great 
 influx of Priefts, fmce the palling of the 
 late aft in favour of Catholics ! 
 
 Voluntary poverty is generally efteemed 
 a virtue of high evangelical merit; but 
 when involuntary, it lofes its meritorious 
 charadierj and may be ranked among the 
 miferies of human life. If Catholic Priefts 
 are difpofed to make a virtue of neceffity, 
 like their Biihops, they will meet with no 
 obftacle in their progrefs to perfection. 
 Twenty pounds per annum is thought a 
 very handfome (alary for a Gentlerhan's 
 Chaplain ; and if the rural curate have 
 twenty more, to keep himielf, his horfe, and 
 his iervantj it will be faid, he is very well 
 provided, Some may have finall annui- 
 ties from their own families; but this is 
 not common. From men thus broken by 
 penury, the frowns of an imperious patron, 
 or by hard labour in the fervice of their 
 neighbour, government has little reafon, I 
 X think,
 
 [ ,62] 
 
 think, to apprehend machinations againfl 
 the ftate; nor fhould the eftablimed Church 
 envy their condition, or tremble for the; 
 fubveriion of her Hierarchy. 
 
 Our Priefts, in their general character, are 
 upright and fincere : But narrowed by a bad 
 education, they contract early prejudices, 
 which they very feldom afterwards de- 
 pofite. The theological lumber of the 
 fchools fupplies, in their minds, the place 
 of more ufeful furniture. Moderately 
 fkilled in the Latin and Greek languages, 
 they know nothing of their own ; nor do 
 they become fenfible of their manifold de- 
 ficiencies, till it be too late to attempt 
 improvement. They are bred up in the 
 perfuafion that, on coming to England, 
 they are to meet with racks and perfecu- 
 tion : They land, therefore, as in an ene- 
 my's country, cautious, diffident, and fu- 
 fpetful. A man truly orthodox flies he- 
 retical company ; he fears to be contami- 
 nated ; and he would not receive inftruc- 
 tion from fo foul a fource. A Prieft is 
 feldom feen in the fociety of Proteflants. 
 The Catholics, he is told to herd with, 
 either are unable to improve him, or if 
 able, they are feldom willing. Contracted 
 
 in
 
 [ 163 ] 
 
 in his circumftances, he has not the means 
 of drawing information from books -, and 
 unfafhioned in the forms of elegant life, 
 his company is not afked for. Thus de- 
 nied all occaiions of improvement, if his 
 native difpoiitions will allow him, he foon 
 fits down fullenly contented, and looks no 
 further. If he ever had abilities, difufe 
 will, in a fhort time, lay them afleep ; and 
 at fixty he will be found the fame man he 
 was at twenty- five. It is the complaint 
 of our Gentry, that Priefts are rough and 
 unfociable : They would be lefs fo, per- 
 haps, if their patrons were lefs proud, lefs 
 ignorant, and lefs imperious. On both 
 fides are faults, which mould be corrected. 
 That day is paiTed, when the counfel of 
 thePriefthood was officioufly fought after; 
 when, from the cottage to the throne, it 
 pervaded every department in, life. The 
 employment did not make them better 
 men -, and their employers are defervedly 
 ftyled ignorant and weak-minded bigots. 
 A Churchman who, in the difcharge of 
 his duty, is regular, exemplary, and manly, 
 muft be refpected ; if he be ill-treated, it 
 will only be by fuch, whofe frowns will 
 do him more honour than their fmiles. 
 
 X 2 It
 
 I [ 164 ] 
 
 It is often faid, that Popifh Priefts have 
 an unbounded zeal for making Profelytes. 
 Were it true, I fee no reproach in the 
 charge. It proves that they are fincere in 
 their religious belief; that they efteem 
 themfelves in the beft way ; and that they 
 wifti to impart to others the important 
 truths of lalvation. The man of zeal, 
 and only this man, will, in every religion^ 
 flrive to make converts ; and when evi- 
 dently he is not actuated by motives of 
 intercft or fome worldly purfuit, his only 
 aim can be the good of his neighbour. 
 If Priefts ever pofieflcd the fpirit com- 
 plained of, it has, I am fure, either long 
 iince evaporated, or is become very unfuc- 
 cefsful ; for the number of thofe, who 
 conform to the eftablifhed Church, is far 
 beyond thofe who come over to us. Real 
 zeal is not a lafting impulfe, when there 
 is not fome. paflion to give it flr-ength ; and 
 in what are we benefited by an increafe of 
 numbers ? To inftrucl: thofe who are 
 born Catholics ;; to make them good Chri- 
 ftians and good Citizens, is a talk by itfelf 
 fuffieiently interefting; we are already too 
 many to fufFer ; and in us too many are 
 already lofl to the fervice of our country, 
 
 it
 
 It is a very fortunate circumftance, in 
 the difcipline of the Catholic Church, that 
 Priefts are forbidden to marry. They who 
 now can hardly maintain themfelves, 
 would not eafily provide for a wife and 
 children. Proteftants often inveigh againft 
 this celibacy of our Churchmen -, but it 
 would be well, I believe, if many of theirs 
 continued iingle : Where mall the unpro- 
 vided offspring of a deceafed Clergyman 
 find relief from penury and diftrefs ? Luther 
 indeed did well to condemn a pradice, 
 he was not willing to follow ; and his 
 marriage with a Nun was to his difciples 
 a convincing proof, that celibacy was no 
 virtue. 
 
 The influence, which Priefts have it in 
 their power ftill to acquire from the ufe 
 of confejfiw, it muft be allowed, is very 
 great. Take b.ut once fad hold of a man's 
 confcience, and you may lead him where 
 you pleafe. It is therefore, in our Church, 
 a concern of the greateft moment, that 
 Priefts be well-inftrucled, and that they 
 be good men. When this is the cafe, 
 they become a powerful engine, whereby 
 religion may be greatly advanced, and 
 public utility derive^ to the ftate. 
 
 Confeflion
 
 [ 166] 
 
 Confeffion is a great check to vice, and it 
 promotes the practice of virtue. It may 
 be abufedj as the beft things too often are. 
 Abftracting from all divine institution, 
 were I to found a commonwealth, a law, 
 obliging all my fubjecls to frequent con- 
 feflion of their fins, mould be a principal 
 ordinance. But the choice of my Priefts 
 fliould have my peculiar care. I would 
 not, however, myfelf be found often in 
 their company; for, the Prieil who holds 
 in his hand the confcience of his Prince, 
 too often meddles in the temporal conr 
 cerns of flate, which belong not to him. 
 
 The Jefuits, from the day of their in- 
 Aitution, railed, through the Chriftiao. 
 world, a fufpicious jealoufy, which they 
 were never careful to fupprefs ; they alfo 
 raifed an admiration of their zeal and of 
 their unbounded a&ivity. In our penal 
 ilatutes they are marked out as a body of 
 men wholly diftincl: from other Priefls. 
 It was thought, that they held principles 
 inimical to the rights of mankind, and 
 that their defigns againft Princes and their 
 States were of the rnoft deleterious com- 
 plexion. There was no truth in this ima- 
 gination. They had amongft them, in- 
 deed,
 
 [ 167] 
 
 deed, Divines of wild fancy ; they had 
 loofe and indulgent Cafuifts ; and they 
 had men of dangerous activity. Where 
 the weaknefles and common paffions to 
 which our nature is fubject, are allowed 
 to operate, things could not be otherwife; 
 and the Jefuits were not more reprehen- 
 lible, than are all other focieties of men. 
 The influence, which their zeal, their 
 foft infmuation, and their abilities, ac- 
 quired them, was, in every walk of life, 
 amazingly extenfive. It was often pro- 
 ductive of great good, and it was fome- 
 times productive of great evil. They 
 afpired, I think, too high ; and the rapi- 
 dity of their fall could only be equalled by 
 that of their afcent. To the Proteftant 
 Church they were always particularly odi- 
 ous : They were purpofely raifed to oppofe 
 the progrefs, and to combat the opinions, 
 of the firft Reformers, Their attachment 
 to the See of Rome was great j and in 
 them the Papal prerogative had always ex- 
 perienced the firmefl fupport. It was, 
 therefore, matter of aftonifliment when 
 the Roman Pontiff pronounced their dif- 
 folution. He was either a bad politician, 
 or he was compelled to do it. In abilities 
 the Jefuits were thought to furpafs \\ 
 
 other
 
 fcter religious brders j but becaufe 
 Wanted prudence to rein their ambition, 
 and to moderate their career of power, 
 
 they fell, and were not pitied. The 
 
 Englifh Jefuits were, I think, rather in- 
 ferior to their brethren in other parts of 
 Europe. Of this many reafons might be 
 afligned. But there was a certain fame- 
 nefs in manners, and a peculiar caft of 
 features, which generally marked every 
 member of the Society. Among the Tea- 
 fhrubs in China, in the miffions of Chili, 
 in the gardens of Verfailles, or in a cottage 
 in Lancafhire, a Jefuit was a diftinguifli- 
 able man. The few flill remaining, daily 
 dying off, in the eourfe of fome years, 
 their generation will be extinct, and their 
 name almoft forgotten. We mail then 
 perhaps fee reafon to lament their fuppref- 
 fion. At all events, it is now time t 
 drop thofe idle fears, which the phantom 
 of Jefuitical craft and machinations for- 
 merly gave rife to. 
 
 Their IT was a groundlefs rumour, which 
 
 Schools in lately prevailed, that Catholics were open- 
 ing fchools in all parts of the kingdom, 
 whereby the riiing generation of Prote- 
 
 ftants
 
 t '69 ] 
 
 ftants were all to be perverted to the errors 
 of Popery. The real fadt is, that we have 
 riot opened one new fchool iince the year 
 1778. The whole number of thofe which 
 we have, are, I think, but three, at lead 
 thofe of any note. There is one in Hert- 
 fordmire ; one near Birmingham in War- 
 wickmire; and a third near Wolverham p- 
 ton in Staffordshire. In London are fome 
 day-fchools; and in other parts may be, 
 perhaps, little eftablimments, where an 
 old woman gives lectures on the Horn- 
 book and the Art of Spelling. As her 
 leffons convey no documents of treafon or 
 fedition, government need not watch her 
 with any anxious attention. At the two 
 firft mentioned fchools are generally about 
 twenty or thirty boys, who leave them 
 about the age of twelve or fourteen. That 
 in Staffordmire is far the moft numerous. 
 Its defign is to give fome education to 
 children of a lower clafs. They learn 
 their religion, and fuch other things, as 
 may qualify them for trade and the ufual 
 bufinefs of life. When it can be avoided, 
 they never admit Proteftants> from an ap- 
 prehenfion that it might give offence j as 
 alfo from a well-grounded fufpicion, that 
 it would tend gradually to weaken the 
 Y religious
 
 religious principles of the Catholic boys* 
 It is to me aftonifhing, that Proteftants 
 can be found, who, were it in their power, 
 would deprive us even of this fmall privi- 
 lege of educating our own children ! The 
 ideas of fuch a man are a difgrace to hu- 
 man nature. Ultimus Juorum moriatur ! 
 It was the wifh of the ancients to their 
 greatefr, enemies. 
 
 Their SOON after the acceflion of Queen 
 
 School" Elizabeth when Catholics had loft all 
 hopes of re-eftablimment ; and when by 
 fevere ftatutes the practice of their religion 
 was prohibited, and themfelves were not 
 allowed to receive education at homej 
 many of them retired abroad, and, by de- 
 grees, affociated into regular communities. 
 In 1568, Dr. Allan, afterwards made Car- 
 dinal, founded a College for the Englifli 
 at Douay, a town in Flanders, then fubject 
 to the Spanifh King; and in procefs of 
 time, other Colleges and places of education 
 were eftablimed in France, Spain, and 
 Portugal. The remains likevvife of the 
 religious orders, who had been difperfed at 
 the fuppreilion of Monafteries, collected 
 themfelves, and formed into communities. 
 
 The
 
 [ '7' 1 
 
 The firft objed of thefe different efta- 
 blifhments was, to provide Minifters for 
 the fupport of their religion in England, 
 and in a fecondary view, to give education 
 to the Catholic youth. Young men, 
 therefore, foon repaired thither ; fome of 
 them took orders, and then returned to 
 their own country. To fruflrate this 
 fcheme, which was the only means now 
 left of preferving from utter ruin the fmall 
 remains of Catholicity in England, many 
 very fevere ftatutes were made by Eliza- 
 beth and her fucceflbrs. However, in 
 fpite of this oppofition, and of the va- 
 rious attempts then made to prevail on 
 the different Princes to expel them their 
 territories, they flood, and exift to the 
 prefent hour. It was furely a flretch of 
 cruel defpotifm, thus to fubjecl: thofe, 
 who mould fend their children abroad, to 
 hard penalties, and, at the fame time, 
 not to allow them to be educated at home, 
 unlefs they took oaths, which in their 
 conferences they thought unlawful ! 
 
 The men whom, for many fucceeding 
 
 years, thefe Seminaries fent into England, 
 
 were very able and informed. A general 
 
 fpirit of enquiry, efpecially in matters of 
 
 Y 2 religion,
 
 [ , 7 2] 
 
 religion, had begun to call into life thofe 
 mental powers, which, for whole centu- 
 ries back, had flept in lazy indolence. 
 Controverfy became the fafhionable occu- 
 pation of the learned ; and true religion 
 has many obligations to their laborious 
 efforts. The Englifh Priefts eagerly en^ 
 gaged in thofe difputes of religion with 
 their Proteftant antagonifts ; and from 
 the writings they left behind them, it 
 appears, they were well-ikilled in the 
 arts of controverfy. There is indeed an 
 acrimony and a harlhnefs of reflection in 
 their works, which, to judge from mo- 
 dern habits, would rather irritate, than 
 produce fentiments of moderation and 
 mutual forbearance. But this was the 
 flern character of the age j and it may, I 
 believe, at all times be doubted, whether 
 the object of polemic writers is not rather 
 to foil their adverfary and to triumph, 
 than, from the love of truth, to combat 
 error, and to convince, from the godlike 
 motive of doing good. 
 
 The prefent ftate of thefe eftablimments 
 is as follows : The College at Douay 
 founded, as I faid, in 1568, is the mofl 
 confjdera.ble, and is governed by a Pre- 
 
 fident
 
 iident and other Superiors, all of the 
 Englim nation. It belongs to the fecu- 
 lar Clergy -, and the number of ftudents 
 is generally above a hundred. As its de- 
 fign is to form Churchmen, and to give 
 an academical education to the fons of 
 Gentlemen, its courfe of ftudies has been 
 confequently adapted to this double pur- 
 pofe. But the complaint is, that its plan 
 is not proportioned to the prefent im-. 
 proved ftate of things ; that the Priefts, 
 who come from thence, are ill- provided 
 with that learning, which other Univer- 
 fities can now fupply ; and that young 
 men, after eight years application, re- 
 turn home, very fuperficially acquainted 
 with the Latin and Greek authors, and 
 totally deflitute of all other fcience. Ge- 
 neral ideas, and the habits of mankind, 
 have certainly undergone a great revolu- 
 tion -, it is proper, therefore, that modes 
 of education mould vary, under fkilful 
 and prudent direction. Inductions mould 
 be taken from every quarter, and the 
 work of improvement begun, without 
 further lofs of time. The misfortune 
 however is, that to reform a College 
 would be a thirteenth labour for Hercules. 
 The cleaniing the ftable, of King Augeas, 
 
 which
 
 which held three thoufand oxen, and 
 had not been emptied for thirty years, 
 was, compared with this, but a boyifh 
 achievement. -The revenue of this Col- 
 lege is very moderate; and the penfion, 
 which provides every thing, is but of 
 twenty pounds per annum. 
 
 The Priefts from this houfe are th^ 
 moft numerous, and from them I prin- 
 cipally drew thofe outlines of facerdotal 
 character, which the reader already has 
 feen. They are open, difinterefled, re- 
 ligious, and laborious ; fleady in the dif- 
 charge of their duties, fond of their pro- 
 feffion, and emulous of fupporting the 
 character of primitive Churchmen : But 
 they are auftere in their principles, con- 
 fined in their ideas, ignorant of the world, 
 and unpleafant in their manners. 
 
 The Clergy have alfo other feminaries, of 
 inferior diftinftion, at Paris, at Valladolid 
 in Old Caftile, at Rome, and at Lifbon. 
 The number of ftudents in thefe places 
 is inconfiderable. The diftance from 
 England is great, and, abftracting from 
 the expence of fo long a journey, parents 
 are not inclined to fend their children fo 
 
 far
 
 [ 175] 
 
 far from home. The defign of all thefc 
 eftablifhments is folely to educate Church- 
 men. At Paris are many opportunities 
 of improvement, which that learned Uni- 
 veriity fupplies. The mode of education 
 in the other houfes is copied from that 
 of Douay $ and their Priefts, barring the 
 local peculiarities they contract, are greatly 
 in the fame model. It is furely time to 
 give new life to this antiquated form : 
 But we want an artift bold enough to at- 
 tempt it. When Prometheus had kneaded 
 into (hape his man of clay, he ilole fire 
 from Heaven to animate it. 
 
 Whilft the Jefuits flood, St. Omer was 
 theirgreat fchool for claffical improvement; 
 and they fupplied England with many 
 able and active Churchmen. At the ex- 
 puliion of that body from France, their 
 College was given to the Clergy of Douay: 
 In whole hands it now is j but it anfwers 
 little purpofe. Englifh Catholics are not 
 fufficiently numerous to fupply fcholars 
 for fo many houfes. The Jefuits them- 
 felves firft retired to Bruges, in the Au- 
 flrian Netherlands, where they opened 
 another College ; but, on their total fup- 
 preflion a few years after, that houfe alfo 
 
 was
 
 [I 7 6] 
 
 Was diflblvcd, together with every othef 
 foundation they poflefTed. They then 
 erected an Academy at Liege, (for their 
 fpirit of enterprize was not to be' broken) 
 under the protection of the Bifhop and 
 Prince of that place. They are now no 
 longer Jefuits j but their Academy is in 
 great eftimation, and the children of our 
 Catholic gentry principally refort thither 
 for education. However, as their object 
 is not to form Churchmen, (for they 
 think the Church has ufed them ill) but to 
 inftruct youth in the famionable arts of 
 polimed life, the order of Aaron will re- 
 ceive little affiftance from their labours* 
 
 The Monks of the order of Saint Bene- 
 dict have alfo houfes abroad, and their 
 Priefls come to England. There are four 
 Convents now belonging to them, three 
 in France, and one in Germany, but their 
 numbers are fmall. In that at Douay is 
 a fchool for clafiical education, where are 
 generally about thirty ftudents. From 
 thefe different places but few Priefts re- 
 turn to England ; it being an effential 
 part of the Monkifh inftitute to keep 
 choir, for which bufinefs a confiderable 
 number of ftout lungs is requifite. 
 
 The
 
 [ J77 1 
 
 The Friars of the order of Saint Francis 
 have likewife a Convent at Douay, which 
 fupplies fome Priefts. Within thefe few 
 years, they have greatly decreafed, owing 
 to the wife regulations France has adopted 
 for the reduction of religious orders, as 
 alfo becaufe the true fpirit of Friarifm is 
 much abated. The fource likewife, from 
 which formerly they drew a competent 
 fubnftence, is almofl dried up ; I mean 
 the liberal contributions of the public. 
 It begins to be a prevailing notion, that 
 the earthly fubftance of families can be 
 expended to better purpofe> than in main- 
 taining men, who have no return to make 
 to their benefactors, but a promife of a 
 place in paradife, which, it is now dif- 
 covered, they cannot difpofe of; and whofe 
 lives, though really more regular than re- 
 preiented, feem not to merit fuch partial 
 indulgence. 
 
 There is alfo a third order, which now 
 begins rather to increafe. The Dominicans, 
 fince the fuppreffion of the Jefuits, have 
 grown into more vifible form : They have 
 a fchool near Bruflels, and a fmall Con- 
 vent at Louvain, in the Auftrian territo- 
 
 2j ries.
 
 ties. Some Priefts of this order are like* 
 wife in England. 
 
 Such is the prefent ftate of Catholic 
 eftablifhments abroad, and from them 
 come all the Churchmen at this day in 
 England. It is rather a motley congrega- 
 tion -, and they are, and ever have been, 
 much divided by local prejudices of edu- 
 cation, views of intereft, low jealoufies, 
 pretenfions to partial favour, and the 
 jars of fuch felfim paffions, as have long 
 had prescriptive poffeffion of the breads 
 of Churchmen. It would be well, if 
 with their caifocks, their cowls, and their 
 capuches, they would alib leave behind 
 them the weakneiTes juft mentioned, and 
 honeflly unite in one chriftian plan of 
 ferving their neighbour, and of difcharg- 
 ing the feveral duties of religion. It was 
 in thefe feminaries that was chiefly kept 
 alive that Jacobitical folly, which, like 
 . an ignis fatuus, led the Catholics of Eng- 
 land almoft to the brink of ruin. It cannot 
 raife furprife, becaufe it is an obvious 
 effect of circumftances, but it is morally 
 impofilble that, whilft this fyftem of fo- 
 reign education continues, Englifh Catho- 
 lics can entertain the proper notions of 
 
 Englifhmen.
 
 [ 1793 
 
 Englimmen. They muft contract 
 thing of the manners, and fomething, I 
 fear, of the principles of thofe countries, 
 which give them fa hofpitable a retreat. 
 Yet this effect is by no means fo fenfible, 
 as from fpeculation one is induced to be- 
 lieve. The return is not very grateful, 
 but it is obfervable, that our Englifh 
 boys never lofe that antipathy to French- 
 men and French manners, which, I truft, 
 is constitutionally innate. They are, how- 
 ever, greatly expofed, and the experi- 
 ment mould not be tried. It is furely as 
 impolitic, as it is cruel, to retain thofe 
 penal Statutes, by which BritiSh Subjects 
 are compelled to implore the protection, 
 of France, or to deny education to their 
 own children 1 
 
 THE Ladies would be difpleafed, were- Their Nuu 
 I to take no notice of their foreign eftablim- nen?s * 
 ments. At the time that houfes of re- 
 fuge were provided for the men, whom 
 perfecution forced from home, fome La- 
 dies of fmgular zeal, who had alfo retired 
 from England, attempted to form com- 
 munities ; and their fuccefs was great. 
 At this day, the Englifh Nunneries abroad 
 Z 2 are
 
 E 8o] 
 
 are no lefs than twenty-one. France and 
 the Low Countries have almoft the whole 
 number. It is incredible, how they have 
 been able to fupport themlelves ; for tho' 
 in many houfes their numbers are very 
 thin, yet they go on, braving all the 
 ftorms of adverfe fortune. A high opi- 
 nion of monaftic perfection, fondnefs for 
 the veil, and, above all, a thought that 
 they fuffer on account of religion, are the 
 charms which have rilled their cloifters ; 
 or at leaft have preferved them from ruin. 
 It is a misfortune, that England mould 
 be deprived of fo many fair examples of 
 virtue : Their prefence would furely be 
 productive of more real advantage, than 
 their abfence -, though we have all great 
 
 confidence in their prayers. To them 
 
 <pur young Ladies are fent for education : 
 Some never return, joining themfelves 
 to the holy choirs of virgins ; and the 
 few, who are given to the world, become 
 the forlorn hope of the Catholic caufe. 
 Nuns are ill-adapted to the buiinefs of 
 education, when this is fuppofed to con- 
 lift of precepts and general inftruclion, 
 with which they cannot be acquainted. 
 Having retired from the world, before 
 they knew it, infpiration only can teach 
 
 them
 
 them the art of preparing others for it$ 
 important occupations. Yet this they 
 profefs to do, or, in the capacity of inftruc- 
 tors, they profefs nothing. 
 
 Senfible as I am, that no mode of edu- 
 cation can be lefs adapted to improve the 
 mind, and to inftil fuch principles as may 
 form it to the bufiriefs of life, yet fo it 
 happens, that few Ladies have higher pre- 
 tenilons to the palm of female perfection, 
 than have many of the Catholic perfuafion. 
 The public knows the truth of this ob- 
 fervation. A difplay of their characters 
 would,! know, offend their modeftyj other- 
 wife I would fay, that as wives, as mothers, 
 as citizens, and as chriftians, they ftand 
 unrivalled. One is fometimes tempted to 
 fufpecl: that, in molding the foft texture 
 of their minds, nature, too kindly partial, 
 threw in fome elements, which otherwife 
 might have fallen to the fliare of their 
 hufbands. The inftructions of the cloifter 
 are not favourable to the growth of thefe 
 virtues ; but it is ufual with us, not to 
 expofe them to public notice, which often 
 blafts the early flower, till maturer age 
 has ripened them into more fecure perfec- 
 tion. To this circumftance I principally 
 
 ascribe
 
 [ '82] 
 
 afcribe an effect, which otherwife cannot 
 be accounted for. 
 
 If my advice might be followed, I 
 would propofe, if Nuns muft be, that, 
 after fome years of holy retirement, they 
 would return, with miflionary powers, to 
 this land of heretics : Their preaching 
 would make more profelytes than a legion of 
 Friars ; and their example would be a fair 
 path for us all to walk in. The Legifla- 
 ture will at laft furely relax thofe Gothic 
 laws, which fend into exile fo many of 
 their amiable fellow- fubjects. Could they 
 receive proper education at home, their 
 thoughts would never turn to cloifters; 
 and if, in lieu, they make it high treafon 
 againfl the flate to put on the monaflic 
 veil, at leaft before the age of fifty, it will 
 be a favour done to the rifing generation 
 of Englilh Catholics. 
 
 Conclufion. IT is time to clofe this mort view of 
 Englifh Catholics. I have faid whatever 
 feemed neceflary on the fubject; and I 
 have faid it freely. I pretend not to think 
 myfelf void of all partiality, becaufe I 
 t pretend not to be diverted of human 
 
 feelings - f
 
 feelings; but of this I am confident, 
 that partiality to my own perfuafion 
 has not prevailed on me, to conceal any 
 truth, to difguife any error, or to throw a 
 veil over any weaknefs. I have blamed 
 where I thought it reafonable ; and I have 
 praifed where there was merit. Through- 
 out it was my object to fupport the cha- 
 racter of a candid plain-fpeaking man. If 
 either Catholics or Proteflants take offence, 
 it will not give me one uneafy, thought. 
 I mall pity men, whofe eyes are too weak 
 to bear the impremon of Truth, however 
 ferene the medium may be, through which 
 it pafles. I could have entered into more 
 minute details ; and I could have given a 
 much wider fpan to my reflections j but 
 I thought an object, contracted to a fmaller 
 point, was bed adapted to produce the ef- 
 fect, I had in view. 
 
 It was my defign to demonftrate, that 
 neither Church nor State had any thing to 
 fear from Englifh Catholics : and to this 
 end, I brought forward every fpecies of 
 materials, which my fources of informa- 
 tion could fupply, and which had any 
 tendency to illuftrate the point. I defcri- 
 bed the Catholics as they really are; and 
 
 from
 
 1 184 ] 
 
 from this description if it be not evidertt 
 to the weakeft fight, that all is fecure* 
 there muft be a timidity in Englishmen; 
 that will fhudder at the moft feeble fug- 
 geftions of fancy. It is related, I think, 
 as an inftance of fingular phrensy in the 
 heroic Ajax, that he took a flock of (heep 
 for a hoft of enemies : The imagination 
 of the Poet is realized in the conduct of 
 Great- Britain. For two whole centuries, 
 we have been harmlefs and unoffending ; 
 and at the prefent hour, were an occalion 
 offered^ there is not a hand amongft us 
 which would be raifed> but in defence of 
 his country, 
 
 Things being fo, there is but one infe- 
 rence - y and this is, That the cry, which 
 was lately heard, and which is induftrioufly 
 kept up, was the cry of malevolence or 
 fanaticifm; and that the laws which, like 
 the naked fword over the head of Democles, 
 are held out againft us, are cruel, unjufr.^ 
 and tyrannical. It has been feen, that no 
 juft caufe was ever given to provoke the 
 enaction of fuch laws : But now even that 
 plea fubfifts no longer, by which the mul- 
 titude was deluded, and the bad defigns of 
 party were fcreened from detection. It is 
 
 not
 
 1 185] 
 
 hot faid, that we are in adual confpiracy 
 
 againft the (late, and that fchemes of affaf- 
 
 fination are formed ; but it is ftill faid, 
 
 and it is ftill believed, that our principles 
 
 have a natural tendency to fuch dark 
 
 works ; and that it is not from want of 
 
 will, but of power, that we do not attempt 
 
 to place the crown of this realm on the 
 
 head of a tyrant, or to add it to the triple 
 
 Tiara of the Roman Pontiff. Pudet hcec 
 
 opprobria vobis : I am really amamed in 
 
 the reflection, that men can now be weak 
 
 enough to indulge fuch fancies, or can 
 
 allow themfelves the liberty of fuch chil- 
 
 difh language. If the view of thefe ab- 
 
 furdities raifes my indignation, it is an 
 
 honefl indignation, which becomes me; 
 
 and I would rather have four legs, and 
 
 feed on grafs, than not freely cenfure, what 
 
 I think is an oppreflion of innocence, and 
 
 a degradation of human reafon. The 
 
 conduct of Catholics is irreproachable; 
 
 they profefs the moft fincere attachment 
 
 to the civil conftitution of this realm; they 
 
 reprobate the moft diftant belief of fuch 
 
 doctrines as are laid to their charge : Still 
 
 they are not believed ; ftill the fame accu- 
 
 fations are repeated; ftill, under the weak 
 
 pretence of holding fuch tenets, they are 
 
 A a op-
 
 opprefTed; and flill the fame infamous 
 code of laws is permitted to remain in full 
 force againfl them ! 
 
 It might be expected, that the eyes of 
 this nation mould now open to the hu- 
 mane and ChrifHan doctrine of general To* 
 leration, on the moft extenfive plan. They 
 fhould fet an example to the other kingdoms 
 of the earth. If we really are that enlight- 
 ened, that liberal, that humane, that phi- 
 lofophic people, which we fo often affect 
 to flyle ourfelves, our own conduct at leaft 
 fhould not give the firft lie to the language 
 of our lips. My ideas are not perhaps 
 adapted to the prefent ftate of received 
 notions ; I believe, they are only fitted to 
 the meridian of Utopia; but had I the 
 power, I would give the utmoft latitude of 
 profeffion and practice to all religions, 
 which have votaries in any part of the ter- 
 raqueous globe. Not only the followers 
 of Mahomet, and the deluded children of 
 Mofes, mould not be molefted, but they 
 fhould be encouraged to come amongft us ; 
 and the Sun of England fhould mine with 
 equal rays on all the defcendants of Adam. 
 It is only in fuch circumftances that Truth 
 can fairly exert her native powers. Allow 
 
 all
 
 all men to think freely, and to aft con- 
 fidently with what they think ; and it 
 cannot be, but truth muft prevail over 
 error. There would then be no motive 
 for the difguife of fentiments -, the mind 
 would receive no undue bias; views of 
 interefl would not warp our conceptions ; 
 but plain, genuine, unadorned truth would 
 prefent herfelf in all her amiable and di- 
 vine fimplicity of form: Religion, with 
 its attendant virtues, would challenge our 
 firfl belief; arid the religion of our choice 
 would neceffarily be the Chriflian. Varia- 
 tions in faith might ftill continue; but 
 thefe would gradually die away, or at leaft 
 all diftinctions would ceafe to be odious. 
 The Proteftant would fit down by the 
 Catholic ; they would difcufs, i.n the 
 language of friendship, their mutual dif- 
 ficulties ; and the Gentoo, the Jew, and 
 the Infidel, charmed with a religion, 
 which taught all men to be friends., would 
 earneftly apply to receive inftruction in fo 
 humane a belief. 
 
 I well know fuch a fcheme could not 
 
 be introduced in the face of an eftablifoed 
 
 Church ; but for that very reafon, I would 
 
 have no religion eftablifhed by form of law. 
 
 A a 2 That
 
 That mode of faith, which produced the 
 beft fubjects, fhould receive peculiar en- 
 couragement ; and, in the eye of a ftatef- 
 man, this circumftance alone mould be 
 the teft of its fuperior excellence. In any 
 other view, the mixing of politics in the 
 concerns of religion, and the granting ex- 
 clulive favours to a national Church, have 
 ever produced much evil, and never any 
 good. It has confounded objects, in them- 
 felves effentially diftinct; it has encouraged 
 the growth of every felfifh paflion ; and 
 it has put a bar to the exertions of fincere, 
 honeftj and unpliant virtue. The influ- 
 ence of religious wormip over the morals 
 and manners of mankind, has made it ne- 
 ceflary, it is faid, for politicians to court 
 the intereft and good-will of Churchmen : 
 They have therefore granted peculiar pri- 
 vileges to fome leading fed:, and have 
 eftablimed their belief by the firm fanction 
 of law : " You only, faid they, mall par- 
 take of the loaves and fimes," This cer- 
 tainly is a very confined and miflaken no- 
 tion. Where can be the policy of an ar- 
 rangement which, by granting partial fa- 
 vours, fecures indeed the attachment of 
 one party, but which forfeits the efteem 
 
 of
 
 of the reft, by a denial of privileges to 
 which all have an equal right ? 
 
 But without infilling on thefe ideas of 
 general juftice, general humanity, and 
 general policy; can any reaion be now 
 afligned, why Catholics mould not enjoy 
 the common rights of Toleration ? What 
 is given to other Diirenters, Should be 
 given to them becaufe they deierve it. 
 Still, however, I am willing to make fome 
 allowance to the prejudices of the multi- 
 tude. The name of Papijl is odious to 
 them, and as long as this impreflion lafts, 
 it would be wrong to infult their feelings. 
 As members of fociety, it is our duty to 
 labour, that abuies be corrected, that 
 errors be removed, that miitakes be rec- 
 tified, and that no man furFer wrongfully. 
 The prejudices of the vulgar, and their 
 idle alarms, would foon die away, were 
 thefe objects attended to by thofe, whofe 
 care it is to inftruct and to educate. But 
 it is the endeavour rather of thefe men, 
 not to mitigate acrimony and to foften 
 prejudice, but to aggravate and to en- 
 creafe both, by malevolent afperfions and 
 the repetition of declamatory invectives. 
 Would Englifh Proteflants openly avow 
 
 their
 
 their fentiments , would they fay, as do 
 their amiable S.cottifh brethren, that they 
 mean to perfecute and to exterminate the 
 fmall remains of Popery ; we mould not 
 be at a lofs what plan to adopt. I would 
 rather retire to the frozen regions of Si- 
 beria, which would receive me with more 
 hofpitality, and where I could think and 
 act with the freedom of a man. It is not 
 our defire to be put on a level with other 
 fubjects; becaufe, in the year 1780, Britain 
 is not fufficiently enlightened to view all 
 men with an equal eye : We mall be fa- 
 tisfied in the leaft and the loweft condi- 
 tion. I mean not to point out fuch mea- 
 fures, as might feern beft adapted to give 
 'us relief. The penal laws againft us 
 mould furely be repealed. Let parliament 
 then adopt that plan, which may at once 
 quiet the nation, in their fears of the 
 growth of Popery, and may give that in- 
 dulgence to Catholics, which, as good 
 and as loyal fubjects, they are privileged 
 to expect. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 Lately publijhed in Otfavo, 
 
 And fold by G. ROBINSON, Pater-nofter-Rowj 
 London, 
 
 Letters on Materialifm, and on Hartley s 
 Theory of the Human Mind. Price 35. 
 
 Immaterialifm delineated; or, A View 
 ofthejirjl Principles of things. Price 55. 
 
 A Letter to Dr. Fordyce, on the de- 
 lujive and perfecuting Spirit of Popery '.-*- 
 Price is. 6d.
 
 
 I
 
 ,>, j* 
 
 ..'6 'c ,.-6 u" 6 ,. ! 6" 6 o -c ...o ..' 
 
 REFLECTIONS 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 The Rev. JOHN HAWKINS, 
 
 BY THE 
 
 Rev. JOSEPH BERINGTON. 
 
 O"""-O"'V '"O"' O- -O"'" '"O" O" O
 
 REFLECTIONS 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 The Rev. JOHN HAWKINS. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, 
 
 AN EXPOSITION OF 
 
 Roman Catholic Principles, 
 
 I N REFERENCE TO 
 
 GOD AND THE COUNTRY. 
 
 By the Rev. JOSEPH BERINGTON. 
 
 II y a plaifir d'etre dans \in vaifleau battu de 1'orage, 
 lors qu'on eft affure qu'il ne perira point. 
 
 PASCAL. 
 
 BIRMINGHAM: PRINTED BY M. SWINNEY: 
 
 FOR 
 
 % T. BOOKER, NEW-BOND-STREET, LONDON. 
 
 M.DCC.LXXXV.
 
 The PREFACE. 
 
 TH E following REFLECTIONS, 
 though addrelFed to a particular 
 perfon, are meant, as is well known, 
 for the public : not that the public will 
 care about them, but fome few of it 
 perhaps may, and for fuch they are de- 
 figned. To the Catholics of Worce- 
 ter it might be proper to recommend 
 myfelf ; but if they have only tailed 
 of all the rich dainties, that have been 
 laid before them, from their chaplain 
 to their chaplain's friend, cloyed furely 
 they are already. I would not wil- 
 lingly add to their furfeit. 
 
 Had I not been alone in the country, 
 in the gloomy month of November, 
 thefe reflexions probably had never 
 rifen into any vifible form : nor would 
 it have fignified. The difcuflion in- 
 deed of fuch matters may be thought 
 
 an
 
 an extraordinary cure for melancholy ; 
 nor would I recommend it to all pa- 
 tients ; but our taftes are various, and 
 
 it is well they mould. Convinced 
 
 however I am, that fuch works, as the 
 appeal of Mr. Hawkins, mould not be 
 allowed to pafs unnoticed, at any fea- 
 fon. It would foon be faid that he, who 
 had received his education amongft us, 
 certainly knew our belief, and had 
 ifoted it fairly : and fairnefs there 
 ibmetimes is; but it is fo broken, and 
 fo mixed up with trafli, and a thoufand 
 llippant obfervations, that it is not eafy 
 to difcover at what he aims. The 
 juftification of the Hep he had taken, 
 I prefume, was his firil objedl ; but 
 why fuch a fufs about an event fo lit- 
 tle intereiling ? He might have ic- 
 fiedied that the actions of an honeft 
 man never require a long apology. 
 Wheri it is confidered how hard is the 
 fate of the Roman Catholics of this 
 country ; I own it raifes my furprife 
 that any one, who is not dead to the 
 common impreffions of humanity, can 
 wifh to aggravate their painful fitua- 
 tion Yet this is done by every writer 
 
 and
 
 [ vii ] 
 
 and preacher who declaims againft 
 popery : he means to keep alive thofe 
 vulgar prejudices, under which we 
 have fo long fuffered. Is your happi- 
 nefs to increafe in proportion as I be- 
 come miferable ? In all this I fee an 
 illiberally which, God be praifed, I 
 am not difpofed to imitate. Some vir- 
 tues there may be, and thofe of trie 
 moil amiable nature, which flourim 
 beft under oppreffion ; if fo, may the 
 Catholics of England ever be oppreff- 
 ed ! Honefl, liberal, humane and ge- 
 nerous now they are : in profperity 
 they might ceafe to be fo. 
 
 Since in the year 1780, I publifhed a 
 Short view of the State and behaviour of 
 Englifo Catholics from the reformation to 
 that period, I have often re-confidered 
 the fubjecl in detail, and have feen 
 reafon to be fatisfied with that general 
 ftatement of facts. The work might 
 be refumed on a much larger fcale, and 
 I have collected fome materials towards 
 it. But it is on the reign of Elizabeth 
 that the catholic hiflorian mould prin- 
 cipally dwell. From the conduct of 
 b his
 
 [ viii ] 
 
 his anceflors, at that trying period, he 
 would fhow, how little they merited 
 the treatment that fell upon them, and 
 confequently that the laws of her 
 reign were tyrannical and unjuft. He 
 would allow that, in one inftance in- 
 deed, they were highly blameable ; but 
 that was, when power was in their 
 hands, and yet they were pufillanimous 
 or impolitic enough to permit the fpu- 
 rious offspring of Henry, whofe difpo- 
 fitions they well knew, to mount the 
 imperial throne of England. The 
 confequences of this palpable mifcon- 
 duct they and their children have fe- 
 verely felt. Our fellow-fufferers in 
 France, he would fay, in fimilar cir- 
 cumftances, would have played a bet- 
 ter game. 
 
 During* the two years I lately fpent 
 in that country, I had many favoura- 
 ble opportunities of obferving the ftate 
 of its proteftant inhabitants ; and I 
 have briefly given the refill t of thofe 
 obfervations. Their fituation, on the 
 whole, is far preferable to ours, and it 
 is likely to improve every day. The 
 
 body
 
 [ ix ] 
 
 body of churchmen feems as yet rather 
 averfe ; but that averflon alfo wears 
 away, and it is clear that fomething 
 will foon be done to meliorate their 
 condition. The Galvinifm of the re- 
 formed ctoirch in France has greatly 
 dtparted from its original ftandard ; 
 otherwife, I fufpedl, under any tolera- 
 ration, they would find it very difficult 
 to keep pace with the views of abfo- 
 lute monarchy. 
 
 But in no country under heaven is 
 to be found that multiplicity of oaths, 
 which are at every turn adminiftered 
 in Great Britain. It mould feem as if 
 the legiflature had difcovered fome- 
 thing fo infamoufly bafe in the charac- 
 ter of an Englifhman, that nothing but 
 the moft extraordinary ties could bind 
 him to his duty. Is he to be admitted 
 to any office civil or military ; is he to 
 receive any pay by patent or grant from 
 the king ; is he to enter on any com- 
 mand or place of truft? ike. fcc. the 
 facrament mull be taken ; but this will 
 not fuffice : he muft then take the 
 oath o f allegiance, then that of fupre- 
 b 2 macy,
 
 ?nacy, then that of abjuration ; but he is 
 not yet to be trufted ; he muft likewife 
 DECLARE that he does not believe in tran- 
 fubftantiation. God in heaven ! 
 
 Such proceedings are fu*ely deordi- 
 nate. What have the religious ideas of 
 a man's confcience to fay to his duties as 
 a fubjedl or citizen ? He, whom a 
 fimple oath of allegiance cannot bind, 
 will be tied by nothing. But rather 
 
 let there be no oaths at all. The 
 
 frequency of them has a pernicious 
 efFedl, as muft be evident to the moft 
 fuperficial obferver in this country. 
 However, fome of them ferve to keep 
 the papifts in a ftate of bondage, and 
 the views of legiflators are thus fulfilled . 
 We want a treatife on this bufinefs 
 of oaths. 
 
 A few days ago was put into my hands 
 a fmall pamphlet, publifhed two or 
 three years ago, againft the church of 
 Rome, by Dr. Porteus, Bifhop of Chef- 
 ter : I had not feen it, and a wifh wasex- 
 preflH that I would notice it on this occa- 
 fion. This I cannot pretend to do. I am 
 not the champion of my party, nor am 
 
 I ouix-
 
 I quixotifhly enough difpofed to aflail 
 every windmill that an accidental blaft 
 may put into motion. The contents 
 of this tradl, the worthy Prelate in- 
 forms us, he extracted from Archbifhop 
 Seeker's nyE SERMONS AGAINST POPERY. 
 Why not rather give us his own ideas 
 on the fubjecl: ; or did he think an attack 
 upon us wanted the fanction of that 
 venerable name ? 
 
 FIVE SERMONS AGAINST POPERY ! and 
 what injury had popery ever done to 
 his Grace of Canterbury? From that 
 fource were to him derived that digni- 
 ty, thofe almoft unbounded powers, 
 which belong to his fee. The heads 
 of the church have furely reafon to re- 
 joice that Popery, not Calvinifm, pre- 
 ceded their eflablifhment : and, from 
 therefleclion, fomething like gratitude 
 might rather be expecled. 
 
 Why Dr. Porteus publiihed the 
 gleanings of thefe fretful iermons, I 
 know not. He had found that the 
 Catholics of his diocefe were encreafed, 
 but that only in proportion with gene- 
 ral
 
 ral population. The ftatement of this 
 fact, as he gave it in before the Houfe of 
 Lords, was, I remember, fair and ge- 
 nerous. As the Catholics in Lancafhire 
 are numerous, fome zealot perhaps, from 
 amongfl them, had given offence to his 
 Lordfhip. I hope it was fo : the attack 
 otherwife was unmerited and difenge- 
 nuous. But on no fuppofition can fome 
 things in that pamphlet bejuftified ; and 
 hardly, I think, can an Englifh Prelate 
 perfuade himfelf to afcribe that uner- 
 rancy to the words of the Primate of all 
 England, which an Italian Catholic 
 would refufe to the Pope of Rome. 
 
 FIVE SERMONS AGAINST POPERY ! and 
 this is Chriflian moderation ; this is 
 brotherly forbearance ; and this is fel- 
 low-feeling for mutual weaknefles ! 
 When has a Primate of France left 
 behind him fermons againft Proteftants? 
 But the religion of Proteftants is pure 
 and evangelical, that of Catholics bafe 
 and Antichriftian. Church of England, 
 " firft draw the beam out of thy own 
 " eye, and then thou malt fee to draw 
 " the mote out of thy brother's eye.'* 
 
 Being
 
 Being thus in pofTeffion of clear fight, 
 what, a new order of things would rife 
 before the members of this church ! 
 They would look with furprife at the 
 hard and intolerant treatment, they 
 had fo long fhewn to their mother's 
 children, and, by future lenity, they 
 would wifh to make compenfation for 
 it. The fevere ftatutes enacled againft 
 them they would view with horror. 
 " Shall we, they would fay, whofe 
 very exiftence is founded on liberty of 
 choice, opprefs others, becaufe they do 
 not think as we do ? They are good 
 fubjecls, and have given every proof, in 
 their power, of being fo ; if they have 
 not done more, it is, becaufe we would 
 not permit them. Thefe laws, for the 
 honour of our church, muft be re- 
 pealed ; and this repeal mail be our 
 own work." Warm with thefe fend- 
 ments, the eftablifhed church, with the 
 Primates at their head, prefent a peti- 
 tion to both Houfes of Parliament, 
 praying that all oppreffion may ceafe 
 in the land, and that every man be free 
 to chufe and to pradlife the religion of 
 his confcience. The liberty we take 
 
 to
 
 to ourfelves, fhall we refufe it to others? 
 they would fay. Europe, with com- 
 placency, would behold this event, and 
 France would haften to imitate the 
 example of her generous rival. 
 
 R E F L E C-
 
 
 REFLECTIONS, &c. 
 
 REVEREND SIR, 
 
 I HAVE been reading your Appeal 
 to Scripture, Reafon and Tradition, 
 in Support of the Dofirines contained in a 
 Letter to the Roman Catholics of the City 
 ofWorcefter. Such is the title of your 
 work. How many Appeals have long 
 fince been made to thole great Sources 
 of Knowledge, and yet how undecided 
 is mankind with regard to the dodlrines 
 in litigation ! Truth furely is an un- 
 certain phantom ; or there is fome- 
 thing in the human mind with which 
 it cannot coalefce, however ftriking its 
 form may be or however favourable 
 A the
 
 the difpofitions, which the candid en- 
 quirer brings to the difcuffion. I have 
 read almoft every controvertift of note 
 who, during thefe two lafl centuries, 
 has written on religion, and I am only 
 the more confirmed in my firft princi- 
 ples: you perhaps have not read as 
 rnany, and yet you faw fufficient rea- 
 fon to withdraw yourfelf from the be- 
 lief of your fathers. I may prefume 
 we were both equally well difpofed to 
 adopt the doctrine, which mould ap- 
 pear molt evidently deduced from 
 fcripture, reafon, and tradition. I can 
 anfwer for myfelf. Had not fuch been 
 the temper of my mind, hardly, I 
 think, fhould I have attempted the 
 dreary journey. The country was 
 almoft impracticable, and many of its 
 roads nearly choked up with rubbifh. 
 But I have been reading your Appeal, 
 and that is now the point before me. 
 
 It does not quite referable the land I 
 have mentioned , fome drooping flow- 
 ers grow on the path ; but alas ! there 
 are weeds, and briers obftructed my 
 pafTage. Where is the road without 
 
 them?
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
 them? Serioufiy, I read your Appeal 
 with fome pleafure; but on reflection, 
 I found that pleafure was of fuch a 
 mixed nature, that it might alrnofl be 
 taken for pain. Through the whole 
 there is occafionally an appearance of 
 moderation, and as far as that goes, it 
 has my warmefc praifes. Fewer breaks 
 in that amiable, quality would have 
 done you no difcredit; fometimes I 
 thought it had the appearance of affec^- 
 tation. In your Preface is a real libe- 
 rality that put me in good humour ; 
 there you fpeak like an honeft man, 
 who difclaims all flnifter means of de-r 
 fending a caufe, which he thinks its 
 own merits . render flrong enough. 
 When Proteflant writers have de- 
 fcended to calumny and mifreprefen- 
 tation ; when they have charged us 
 with the profeflion of tenets, which 
 we never held, I own, I defpifcd fuch 
 men; and I faid, their caufe was weak. 
 If they were ignorant of our dqdhines, 
 why not inform themfelves better? 
 But if they dared, in the eye of con- 
 vidiion, to charge us wrongfully, their 
 religion was vain indeed. With men 
 A 2 of
 
 t 4 ] 
 
 of that complexion I would not walk 
 in a dark evening. Diffent from me 
 as widely as you pleafe, but tell me 
 not that I maintain tenets which, with 
 my church, I have ever execrated. 
 
 Nature of To controverfial writing I am no 
 
 er) * friend : were it calculated to do good, 
 the good had been done long ago. 
 Much evil it has often produced ; per- 
 haps, indeed, becaufe the combatants 
 are feldom actuated by a true and 
 Chriitian Spirit. But if angels will 
 not come down amongft us, men 
 muft be our controvertiils ; and men 
 will have the paffions and feelings of 
 men. Controverfy not only gene7 
 rates animofity ; it may fometimes alfo 
 diilurb the peace and unhinge the faith 
 of the pureft believer : So much de- 
 pends on the addrefs and fuperior 
 talents of the writer. Againft this evil, 
 when it happens, what good will you 
 throw into the oppofite fcale? In the 
 multitude, the fincere man, on both 
 fides, is moft liable to be diflurbed : He, 
 whofe ways are evil, heeds little, and 
 corrects neither faith nor morals for 
 
 the
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
 the writings of a Jewel or a Father Par- 
 fons : yet religious truth is of great 
 importance. Let it come to me then 
 in its own native fimplicity and inno- 
 cence, unattended by clamour and 
 hoftile flrife : from the mouth that in- 
 ftrudls, and by inflrudlion perfuades 
 me, I will receive it ; but who would 
 not reject the faireft prefent, if, whilft 
 one hand holds it out for acceptance, 
 the other gives a violent blow on the 
 cheek ? 
 
 Circumftances indeed there are when 
 to come forward is laudable, and may 
 be necefifary; the good of many may 
 demand it. In fuch circumftances, I 
 conceive, was one of the gentlemen, 
 who have engaged in this difpute. But 
 how you, Sir, were in that predica- 
 ment, I know not ; though you feem 
 to think, you were. The chaplain of 
 Worcefler had crofled the Atlantic, and 
 with him his opinions: thefe indeed 
 return ; but in what were you intereft- 
 ed to fupport them, unlefs previoufly 
 you had pledged yourfelf to it ? His 
 Addrefs to the Catholics of Worcefler 
 
 you
 
 f 6 ] 
 
 you publifhed ; this, it fhould feem, 
 was as much as friendfhip could requeft. 
 But Pylades would have died for Oref- 
 tes! You and he had agreed to quit 
 your old communion ; that was your 
 own concern ; why were your neigh- 
 bours to be allured into the fame ftep? 
 Soon would they have forgotten their 
 chaplain ; nor would they have thought 
 the worfe of you, if, to defend his 
 doctrine, you had never appealed to 
 fcripture, reafon, or tradition. 
 
 When you conformed to the efta- 
 biifhed Church, it was clear, you meant 
 to break from your former connec- 
 tions: yet now you complain that we 
 are not kind to you. Once, you fay, 
 you were a general favourite, and 
 " you fondly told yourfelf, that a 
 44 friend would love at all times." 
 Experience, Sir, is a cruel check to 
 romantic notions : and what right has 
 a deferter to take along with him the 
 affections of thofe on whom he turns 
 his back? If the ilep he takes be 
 pleafing to his own .confcience, there 
 he muft look for a friend. This ever 
 
 happens
 
 t 7 ] 
 
 happens in all focieties, religious and 
 political ; and I have elfewhere affign- 
 ed the reafon. Bonds of union would 
 mean nothing, if reparation might 
 pretend to the fame advantages and 
 endearments. Benevolence and gene- 
 ral philanthropy, though pretty words, 
 are, in fact, but little adapted to the 
 heart of man : He does not exift fuch 
 #s the philofopher, in his wild mufings, 
 reprefents him. But though I cannot 
 give my approbation to a deferter, I 
 will not judge his motives ; they may 
 be fincere as the heart of innocence. 
 We do not fee with the fame eyes, nor 
 do we reafon from the fame conception 
 of ideas; in a word, you and I are not 
 the fame perfon. 
 
 Philofophy has fomewhere told me Celibacy. 
 that, in every procefs of reafoning, I 
 am not to introduce unneceflary 
 caufes, or to introduce more than one, 
 if this one will account for the effect 
 in queftion. You renounced the Com- 
 munion of Rome, and you fay it was, 
 becaufe its tenets were not reconcile- 
 able with fcripture and reafon. This 
 
 cold
 
 [ 8 3 
 
 cold argument does not eafily make 
 its way through all the ftrong habits 
 of education. Before confcience had 
 clearly, triumphed, was there no auxi- 
 liary that poured in his armed forces, 
 and affifled the vidlory ? Love, I am 
 told, is a fhrewd controvertift : what 
 did he not do with a man much wifer 
 than us all ? That this was the cafe, 
 you alone can tell ; but if it was, your 
 converfion can be accounted for with- 
 out much recourfe to other motives, 
 which are unnecefTary, and which, 
 when in competition with this, are of 
 trifling avail. The rigid difcipline of 
 Rome could have little chance with 
 fuch antagonifts, as Love and Mufic. 
 
 I cannot fay whether it would be 
 better that this difcipline of our 
 church were repealed ; perhaps it 
 might : But as long as it fubfifls, fo 
 long is it the duty of each individual, 
 in her communion, to fubmit to it. 
 Such are the laws of all eflablimments. 
 Gould I be prevailed on to quit my 
 religion, never, if I know myfelf, 
 would I enter into matrimony. It 
 
 mail
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 (hall be faid of me, that I profelited 
 from conviction of error, and not 
 that paffion had brought me low. 
 Nor is there much encouragement 
 given to profelites by the Englifh 
 church. For this I do not well ac- 
 count ; we receive converts with much 
 warmer cordiality. May this indiffe- 
 rence arife from a lurking fufpicion, 
 that it is not always that hidden thing, 
 called conscience, which is the carting 
 motive ? In any other view, furely he, 
 who breaks through the ties of educa- 
 tion, and often of family, for the fake 
 of heavenly truth, merits fome atten- 
 tion, and mould be rewarded in the 
 earthly acceptation of the word. Pure 
 Love of truth, a mind fuperior to the 
 world, and fearlefs integrity, are rap- 
 turous confiderations, when viewed in 
 the common medium of theory ; but 
 when the wind blows keen on my 
 fhoulders, and I am come to the laft 
 cruft of my loaf and what if my wife 
 and children, thofe fweet objects, about 
 which you talk fo prettily in your Effay 
 on Celibacy, mould be weeping round 
 me what think you then, Sir ? May 
 B not
 
 [ 10 ] 
 
 not a little grofs food and rayment be 
 ferviceable to keep the foul to its firft 
 elevation ? 
 
 That Effay, I think, you wrote, after 
 you were married, to prove that the 
 law of celibacyTwas^not binding. The 
 hour of publication was not well cho- 
 fen. The work I difliked much : It 
 was inacurate, indelicate and confufed. 
 Want of order, and a proper difcrimi- 
 nation of fubjecls, are eflential faults 
 alfo in the work before me. When 
 this is the cafe, the mind is foon be- 
 wildered, and the memory brings off 
 nothing but indiilincT; and uncertain 
 combinations. " On religious fub- 
 jects," you fay, " it is of much more 
 confequence not to omit any material 
 argument, than to ftudy how to pre- 
 fent them in the moil regular arrange- 
 ment and form." Why on religious 
 fubjecls, which are fometimes obfcure, 
 and often very complicated ? The befc 
 arrangement, in the writer's power, 
 ihould never be neglected, whatever 
 the fubjecl be. As well might the ge- 
 nius, that directs our dreams, be called 
 
 in
 
 [ 11 ] 
 
 in as an able mailer in the field of con- 
 troverfy ; he might fometimes give us 
 arguments, and method he would va- 
 lue as little as you poffibly can. Give 
 me, Sir, due arrangement, and a chain 
 of reafoning, however concife, ftrong- 
 ly prefTed on the mind: this will carry 
 more conviction with it, than volumes 
 of donfufed materials. 
 
 With the coolnefs of an unconcern- 
 ed fpectator, I have viewed your con- 
 troverfy, and may therefore be, I pre- 
 fume, not quite unqualified to pro- 
 nounce on the merits of the caufe. I 
 will tell you alfo what I think of your 
 refpeclive performances, and what is 
 the ftate of my mind after having read 
 them with fome attention. As none 
 of you can pretend to have faid, what 
 had not been faid a thoufand and a 
 thoufand times before ; a man habitu- 
 ated to fuch difcuflions, could be little 
 moved ; but he could tell what ap- 
 pearance of force each argument feem- 
 ed to bear, better than he, who either 
 unaccuftomed to fuch controverfy, or 
 weak in his belief, is more liable to be 
 B 2 ftartled
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
 ftartled by all he hears. The oak that 
 never bowed to a florm, can yet judge 
 of the blaft that ftrikes it, better than 
 the tender reed which bends before 
 every zephyr. In a difpute, which 
 fometimes you think is important, and 
 fometimes that it is not, it may be the 
 wifh of fome few at leaft, to know the 
 fentimens of thofe who have attended 
 to it. For them I write. 
 
 MrWharton. Mr. Wharton's Tract is an elegant 
 composition ; it has the air of great 
 candour and fincerity ; and is warmly 
 addrefled to the feelings. When he 
 fpeaks of hiinfelf, of the anxiety which 
 attended his enquiries, and of the mo- 
 tives which finally fettled his decifion, 
 it is the folemn language of a man 
 who wimes to be believed and I be- 
 lieve him. But if there be truth in 
 fome reports I have heard ; that he 
 took the facrament in our church on 
 his road to America ; that there he, for 
 fome time officiated in his ufual charac- 
 ter, and this after his confcience had 
 told him he was in error ; I cannot fee 
 that he is entitled to all the credit 
 
 his
 
 t 13 ] 
 
 his expreffions feem to claim. In the 
 controverfial parts, he is fometimes 
 loofe ; often relies too implicitly on 
 the afTertions of others, and quotes 
 without fufficient care. This has been 
 proved. They, who knew him well, 
 fay he was not a man of ftudy, and 
 that probably he had not made thofe 
 laborious refearches, of which he tells 
 us. It is an eafy talk, with all the 
 voluminous materials that are every 
 where at hand, to compile a work of 
 controverfy : I can quote all the Fa- 
 thers moft plaufibly, without having 
 read a fingle page in any. This every 
 reader does not know, and wonders at 
 the learning of his author ; thofe days 
 and nights he has worn away in ftudy ! 
 
 Mr. Wharton has written in the bed 
 manner ; he has been read with plea- 
 fure, and his work was admirably a- 
 dapted to produce the effect he wifhed. 
 Let me alfo obferve that it contained 
 but few pages, which, to me at leaft, 
 is a powerful recommendation. If he 
 thought it expedient to attempt a juf- 
 tification of himfelf to his old friends, 
 
 I think
 
 [ 14 ] 
 
 I think, he might have done it in a 
 exceptionable manner. Why, under 
 the cloak of friendly folicitude, acl the 
 part of an enemy ? Though he, from 
 motives ftrongly cogent to his own 
 mind, might fee fufficient reafon to 
 defert their communion ; yet, at the 
 fame time, well did he know that the 
 Catholics of Worcefter were fafe in the 
 religion, which himfelf, for years, had 
 
 inculcated to them. Here he 
 
 fhould have left them. But, in my 
 eyes, how much more cenfurable is he 
 for having carried the fame fpirit to 
 his own country, and there alfo having 
 attempted to fpread the feeds of dif- 
 fention and of religious acrimony. 
 The Rnemy came, and foived tares upon 
 the 'wheat. What, think you, was my 
 reflection, when I clofed Mr. Whar- 
 ton's tracl ? That it was prettily writ- 
 ten, but that the author, with the fame 
 pen, could have written jufl as prettily 
 on the other fide. This other fide has 
 been taken up in England and in Ame- 
 rica. 
 
 Mr. Piling. Mr. Pilling, who replied to Mr. 
 
 Wharton
 
 [ '5 1 
 
 Wharton in this country, is a gentle- 
 man, I am told, of learning. He had 
 fpent many years in a foreign Univer- 
 fity, and had there, from Martin Lu- 
 ther to Doctor Kurd, gained many an 
 eafy viclory over all the monilers of 
 the Reformation. In the fchools the 
 enemy is brought to the ftake, bound 
 and gagged. With eagernefs he enter- 
 ed the lifts againft your champion ; but 
 though, in point of fcience, he has 
 proved himfelf very equal to the con- 
 teft, he was not, it feems, fenflble that 
 a certain addrefs and fafhioned manner 
 are now necefTary to draw the atten- 
 tion of the public. People read not 
 fo much for inflrudlion as for amufe- 
 ment ; if then you mean to inftruft, 
 take care that amufement, in fome 
 form or other, go along with you. Par- 
 ticularly when the fubjedl has but its 
 own importance to recommend it, 
 there muft be a charm of language, or 
 novelty of imagination, to lead the 
 mind on from page to page. 
 
 Sai, che la corre il mondo, ove piu verfi 
 Di fue dolcezze il lufinghier Parnaffo. 
 
 TASSO.
 
 [ '6 '] 
 
 The tafte may be vicious, but man 
 muft be taken as he is. To this art of 
 compofition, from an abfence of many 
 years abroad, Mr. Pilling was necefTa- 
 rily a ftranger. He was but lately re- 
 turned to England. I have read and 
 written much, Hill I know my foreign 
 features are often vifible. How long 
 mall Englifhmen be compelled to run to 
 France for education, or elfe fit down 
 fatisfied to be called learned, if they 
 can read their prayer books, and write 
 their own names ! 
 
 Mr. Filling's Caveat the title is not 
 very modern has great merit ; it is a 
 very found reply to all the objections 
 of his adverfary : but, I fear, it has 
 been little read. It is too fcholaflic, 
 fometimes too harm, often too wordy, 
 and always, from the deficiency men- 
 tioned, drags upon the attention. In 
 viclory I wifh he had exulted lefs ; 
 when the enemy is down, he fome- 
 times treads upon him. You, Sir, do 
 not think it a ftrong reply to your 
 friend, and have therefore written 379 
 long pages to refute it. Yet hardly 
 
 would
 
 [ 17 I 
 
 would you have done this, had the Ca- 
 veat appeared to you fo very weak. A 
 fufpicion is raifed, that you appre- 
 hended, at leafl, fome danger to Mr. 
 Wharton's folemn proteftations, to his 
 emphafis of language, to his controver- 
 fial addrefs, from this unfeeling adver- 
 fary. As a friend you flept in, and 
 aimed to turn afide the blow. 
 
 A few months after this we were fa- Mr- Carroll. 
 voured with an Addrejs to the Roman 
 Catholics of the United States of America. 
 There Mr. Wharton had publifhed his 
 Apology ; and this it was that called 
 forward a Catholic Clergyman of Ma- 
 ryland ; he thought it his duty to reply 
 to a publication, which no good inten- 
 tion could, at that moment, have cir- 
 culated. Had he gone to China, this 
 fame pamphlet, it feems, muft have 
 been reprinted at Pekin. Mr. Carroll, 
 a learned, a judicious, a candid, and a 
 refpeclable Churchman, is the author 
 of this Addrefs. His peculiar fituation 
 for he either is, or foon will be, 
 Bifhop over the American Catholics 
 rendered the public declaration of his 
 fentiments, on this occafion, necefTary. 
 C Even
 
 [ 18 ] 
 
 Even you acknowledge that, in general, 
 he has written well. What, Sir, could 
 have impelled you, a few months ago, 
 to prefent us with remarks on this ad- 
 drefs ? One property, and only one, 
 in my opinion, they had to recommend 
 them, and that does not belong to the 
 appeal before me. You might have 
 reflected that curfory remarks thrown 
 together in. a few hours are generally 
 too trifling for the public eye ; how- 
 ever they ferve as a fhade to bring for- 
 ward more flrikingly the beauties of 
 Mr. Carroll's addrefs. 
 
 The language of this fmall Treatife 
 is generous and gentlemanlike. Mr. 
 Carrol feems to feel his fuperiority over 
 the Worceiler Chaplain, but he ufes 
 his ftrength with temper and modera- 
 tion. He complains that he had not 
 books to recur to ; the circumftance 
 was rather favourable, for on that ac- 
 count he has given us more from him- 
 felf. His own mind was a fufficient 
 repofitory for the materials he wanted. 
 Believe me, Sir, Mr. Carroll has amply 
 folved the difficulties which your friend 
 
 had
 
 f 19 ] 
 
 had twilled together ; and after having 
 read him, I wifh you had been filent. 
 To contend for the laft word is the 
 play of children. The ftyle of the 
 addrefs is fo temperate, and in terms 
 fo full of benevolence does the author 
 part from his adverfary, that you, the 
 man of feeling, mould have been filenced 
 even by fentiment. 
 
 At the time, of which I am fpeak- 
 ing, I have reafon to know, that Mr. 
 Carroll was meditating great fchemes 
 for fettling on a proper bails the Catho- 
 lic church of North America. From' 
 having refided many years in Europe, 
 and becaufe he had read the annals of 
 Church Hiftory, it was well known to 
 him, how many abufes had crept into 
 the vulgar practice, and how much the 
 difcipline of his church had departed 
 from primitive fimplicity. A fair oc- 
 cafion was now offered to remove this 
 extraneous matter from his new eftab- 
 lifhment, and this occafion the en- 
 lightened mind of Mr. Carroll was 
 ready to feize with ardour. He would 
 hold communion with the Churches of 
 C 2 Europe
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 Europe in the profeffion of the fame 
 faith, yet he would take to himfelf and 
 his minifters that independence on the 
 Roman See, which is their Chriftian 
 right. The Bilhop of Rome fhould be 
 his Primate, in the fenfe he had anci- 
 ently been received by the orthodox 
 churches of Afia and Africa. Warned 
 by experience, he would keep clear 
 from all thofe difputes, which for ages 
 had brought difcord into the fold of 
 Chrift. In conformity alfo to the good 
 fenfe of antiquity, the public fervice of 
 the church he would give in the language 
 of his people, confcious that they ought 
 to underfland what is meant for their 
 inilruclion. He would retrench, I pre- 
 fume, that cumbrous weight of cere- 
 monies and unmeaning pageantry which, 
 .the warmer imaginations of fome na- 
 tions, and the material conceptions of 
 others, had introduced into European 
 practice. In a word, all that he would 
 reform, which rational piety and a 
 proper fenfe of the dignity of religion 
 fhould point out to him as deferving 
 of it. 
 
 With
 
 With thefe brilliant ideas was the 
 mind of Mr. Carroll engaged, when 
 his friend and relation, the Chaplain 
 of Worcefter, arrived from England. 
 He had flattered himfelf, he tells us, 
 that he would join him in his labours, 
 and that, hand in hand, they ihould 
 proceed to accomplifh the work he had 
 projected. Judge what his amazement 
 was ! Mr. Wharton appears with the 
 common prayer book in one hand, and in 
 the other, I fuppofe, was his Letter to 
 the Catholics of Worcefter. Yet the 
 American bifhop is not of a temper, I 
 believe, eafily to defift from his defigns ; 
 and I hope foon to hear that he has 
 realifed, at leaft in part, the plan I have 
 imperfedlly (ketched out to you. Op- 
 pofhion ihould give a fpring to his 
 exertions. 
 
 I have given you, Sir, what appears The religion 
 to me a juft delineation of the works, 
 this controverfy has produced. You 
 will fay I am a partial man ; and fo I 
 am becaufe I am a man. But my 
 partiality has not got the better of my 
 judgment. Could I think the force of 
 
 argument
 
 [ 22 ] 
 
 argument lay on your fide, it would 
 be my duty, I fuppofe, to take a wife, 
 and then write againft the errors of 
 Popery. You have known me for 
 many years, and that very intimately. 
 My mind is habitually turned to re- 
 flection, and I declare there is not a 
 fingle article of my creed, which I have 
 not examined with that free difcudion, 
 that Philofophy has taught me to adopt. 
 Having done this, you muft allow me 
 at leaft to be a rational Catholic. But 
 I am not the only one. It is folly to 
 imagine that we have not, amongft us, 
 men of as ilrong fenfe as are any 
 where to be found ; and can it be fup- 
 pofed that the religion of fuch men is 
 that mafs of abfurdities, which you 
 and others vainly reprefent ? Our com- 
 mon people are as well inftructed, and 
 are as good members of fociety, as any 
 the Proteftant church can boaft of : 
 of what avail then to heap objections 
 on objections, to ranfack Scripture, 
 reafon, and tradition, in quefl of trafh, 
 and to collect from idle authors more, 
 idle anecdotes, unlefs to prove that 
 
 you
 
 you have fpent your time to little 
 purpofe ? 
 
 The Catholic church, whatever you 
 may pretend, is the mother of all 
 churches ; you have all gone out from 
 her. Through the courfe of 1 7 centu- 
 ries, if, in the various revolutions of 
 ftates and kingdoms, the conflict of 
 tumultuous paffions, and the changes 
 of manners, language, and opinions, 
 fhe has contracted habits that might 
 now be reformed ; what elfe could be 
 expected ? The fubftance of belief has 
 never varied, and it would become you 
 to refpect it. Thefe attacks are unpro- 
 voked ; we molefl you not in your re- 
 ligion, naked, and poor, and varying as 
 it is with every fun that rifes. Quit 
 us when you pleafe, and conform to 
 what mode of faith you pleafe, or con- 
 form to none ; but let others judge 
 for themfelves ; let them live, and let 
 them think, as their fathers and Eng- 
 land did before them. I muft turn to 
 your appeal. 
 
 Already I have faid, what is my 
 general opinion of it : Something more 
 
 I would
 
 I would fay, could I poffibly draw 
 fuch fcattered objects into any diflindl 
 point of view. But pofitively I refufe 
 to follow you through the detail of your 
 enquiries ; it would carry me much 
 too far, nor indeed do I fee to what it 
 might carry me. You perhaps, like 
 Daedalus, may know how to efcape from 
 your own labyrinth ; but I alas ! have 
 no Ariadne to provide means for my 
 return, if once I enter. Be not fcan- 
 dalized at fuch profane allufions ; they 
 relieve the mind, and make the way 
 more cheerful. 
 
 Union of For a moment, it may be worth 
 
 f~it L 
 
 your while and mine to enquire, by 
 what poffible means this controverfy 
 could be ended ; evidently not by thofe 
 which have hitherto been purfued, be- 
 caufe, after a trial of centuries, they 
 have not fucceeded. Appeals to Scrip- 
 ture and antiquity are urged on both 
 fides. I fpeak of churches ; for indi- 
 viduals, even as the matter ftands, can 
 eafe their confcience when God and 
 they are willing. Bodies or eftablifh- 
 ments of men are not fo eafily managed : 
 
 Yet
 
 f 25 ] 
 
 yet, I think, were the members of 
 two churches honeilly difpofed to 
 unite, things might be done by an 
 obvious method. Let their creeds be 
 mutually produced^ fairly explained, 
 and on both fides fuch conceflions made, 
 as would foon occur to men, who 
 mould be inclined to concord. Heaven 
 knows, as I have elfewhere obferved, 
 how thin that wall of reparation is 
 which divides us from the church of 
 England ! yet neither of us, I fear, are 
 acquainted with that temper of mind, 
 upon which, as the moft effential requi- 
 fite, the whole bufinefs hinges, 
 
 Labour, Sir, to generate this Chrif- 
 tian fpirit, and your labour will merit 
 praife. The language of your appeal 
 will not do it. You there tell us, our 
 religion is not from Chrift, that it is a 
 deviation from all antiquity, that it is 
 foolifh in its practice, ridiculous in its 
 difcipline ; and in the next breath you 
 talk of concord, of mutual forbearance, 
 of refpect for prejudices and of what 
 do you not talk ? This can never do ? 
 If we may ever be friends, let there be 
 an end to controverfy. 
 
 D 111
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 Church ERab- In proportion as I am a friend ta 
 the moft unbounded Toleration, fo am 
 I an enemy to Cburcb-EftabliJh:nents. 
 They are the bane of general concord 
 and of fraternal amity ; and their foil, 
 I fear, is not favourable to the growth 
 of Truth. But in the Reformed 
 churched, an Eflablifhment, to my ap- 
 prehenfion is a monfter, on whatever 
 fide you view it. Freed, as it was 
 thought, from the reftraining arm of 
 an unerring guide, each man, at the 
 Reformation, received powers to build 
 his own faith on his own Bible : yet 
 foon, even ' here, are creeds formed 
 and tefls held out, to which he that 
 will not fubfcribe may ftarve. The 
 injlabllity of its belief is another flrong 
 objection to the Proteilant commu- 
 nion ; yet this again is an immediate 
 confequence from its firfl principles. 
 If I may form my faith as I will, furely 
 I may change, it as I pleafe. To ob- 
 viate this inconvenience, for fuch it 
 was judged, the profeffion of certain 
 articles was deemed expedient. But 
 with this, where is the liberty of faith ? 
 Nor has the fcheme anfwered its in- 
 tended
 
 tended purpofe ; for it is well known 
 that, in your church, hardly two men 
 think alike. And why fhould they, 
 fay you, provided they believe all that 
 is necefTary to falvation ? Withdraw 
 then your creeds and articles of com- 
 .m union, as a ufelefs impofition that 
 may difturb tender confciences, and are 
 but a folemn mockery. On this ground, 
 Sir, I am ready to meet you when you 
 will, if controverfy muft be your 
 purfuit. 
 
 But though I Would not fhackle the Indifference 
 
 . , r T in religion. 
 
 mind of any man, I cannot be per- 
 fuaded to think that, either fo little is 
 enough, or that we are free to model 
 this little into what form we chufe. 
 The idea does not come up to the 
 notion, I have been taught to entertain 
 of the great Chriftian Scheme, deftined 
 to improve upon all that weak human 
 reafon had dictated to Socrates or his 
 difciples ; which fhould elevate the 
 underftanding to the contemplation of 
 fublime truths ; which fhould expand 
 the heart by a warmer impreffion of 
 the focial duties ; and which, by a flow 
 D 2 but
 
 fcut fure procefs, fhould finally draw 
 all the human race into one grand So- 
 ciety of Chriftian believers. Prefent 
 circumftances may not feem favourable 
 to the idea, but what is the moment 
 of to-day or yefterday, when meafured 
 with ages yet to come ? Can you be- 
 lieve, Sir, that our Saviour appeared on 
 earth, fent by God to fpeak Truth to 
 man, and that this Truth may be A or B, 
 F or G, or even a mere o, at the option 
 of human wit ? I mufl believe, you 
 fay, what he has revealed: but how 
 mall I know it ? If I afk the Arian ; if 
 the Anabaptift ; if the Moravian ; if 
 the Quaker ; if the Prefbyterian ; if 
 the Unitarian ; if the Church-of-Eng- 
 land-man : they will each return me a 
 different anfwer. I go not out of my 
 own country. Yet all thefe profefs to 
 believe in revelation, and have fearched 
 the Scriptures. If out of condefcenfion 
 to their refpective opinions, I reject as 
 unfcriptural what they reject ; how 
 much will be left for me to receive in 
 the line of revealed Truths? Little 
 more than this, that there is a God : 
 but this needed no revelation ; for 
 
 reafon
 
 rcafon alone had taught it to Plato, and 
 to the ancient world. 
 
 If difTatisfied with the refult of this 
 enquiry, I follow your advice, and 
 fearch the Scriptures ; are you clear I 
 fhall not find in them, or think I find, 
 that Jefus was but a man like myfelf, and 
 that he came not into the world to 
 atone for its crimes ? This a wifer man 
 than you or I, more than thinks he 
 has found there, and guided by the 
 fame lights, he traces it through the 
 moft important annals of ecclefiaflical 
 records. You will hardly fay that this 
 point alfo is of little moment, when 
 the fixing of it would utterly ruin the 
 whole fyftem of prefent Chriftian faith. 
 
 Will you allow that religion is a 
 matter of fome concern ; and that 
 unity in belief would be preferable to 
 variation? He is no Chriftian who 
 denies the firft ; but if you grant the 
 Second, you overthrow the Reforma- 
 tion. We muft have a guide. 
 
 In many parts of your appeal you Liberality of 
 fpeak of a fuppofed Intolerance and 
 
 itn-
 
 [ 30 ] 
 
 uncparit.ablenefs .of Catholics. I wifh 
 we were more tolerant, and more cha- 
 ritable : But let him that is without 
 fin, firft caft the ftone. All churches 
 are intolerant, and as fuch uncharita- 
 able. If yours, on fome occafions, 
 may appear lefs fo, it arifes from a 
 greater political freedom in the nature 
 of thofe governments, where the re- 
 formation is eftablifhed. Take the 
 fentiments of private men, and you 
 will find we are all greatly alike. Re- 
 ligion draws its tincture from the foil 
 it falls on. The eafy and benevolent 
 difpofition is tolerant ; but the fevere 
 and cauilic man would perfecute in 
 England and in Spain, in Holland and 
 in Portugal. In this country and to 
 this country I wifh the whole difcuf- 
 fion might be confined I believe, our 
 moderation and candour are equal to 
 yours. Yet circumftances confidered, 
 ought it to be fo ? We are an opprefled, 
 an injured people. The Church eftab- 
 lifhed is in pofTefTion of the wealth, 
 the honours, the intereft, which were 
 once ours ; and we are as charitable, 
 as tolerant, as liberal, as benevolent, 
 
 as
 
 [ 31 ] 
 
 as generous as they ! The profeffion 
 of fuch fentiments, and the patriotifm 
 of Engliih Catholics, are a phenome- 
 non, I maintain it, in the hiilory of 
 man. You, Sir, benevolent as you 
 are, do not allow that, " Roman Ca- 
 tholics, as fuch, are walking in the 
 paths of fafety:" (p. 14) And there- 
 fore, like the Patriarch Lot, you haf- 
 tened from amongft us, before the ex- 
 terminating Angel mould come down. 
 
 Our education, after all, is fome- 
 what calculated to narrow the mind ; 
 and the opinion we all. adopt, that 
 unity in belief is effential to the Chrif- 
 tian Scheme, naturally generates ra- 
 ther an unfavourable idea of thofe, 
 who diffent from us. But we leave 
 them in the hands of an allwife, an 
 alljuft, an allmerciful Providence; and 
 wherelfe, Sir, would you wifh to be ? 
 
 You that were educated amongft us 
 mould have been better taught. What 
 liberty of difcuffion, or, if you will, of 
 doubting, does any Chriftian poflefs 
 
 that
 
 [ 32 ] 
 
 that we have not ? When we are con- 
 vinced that God has fpoken, it would 
 be infidelity not to fubmit. What 
 matters it, from whence this convic- 
 tion may arife? You are convinced 
 from Scripture alone, we from Scrip- 
 ture as interpreted to us ; but there is 
 a time when we are both convinced. 
 After this indeed if you ftill chufe 
 to fearch, I own it is. a liberty, to 
 which we do not pretend. Is it this 
 you call free enquiry ? 
 
 ReaiPrefence So'much has been faid on the man- 
 ner of Chrift's prefence in the Eucha- 
 rift, that it is not poffible we can ever 
 agree, hardly indeed is it now poffible 
 we can underftand one another. As 
 a divine, and as a philofopher, how 
 often have I not revolved that weighty 
 queftion : and what was the refult ? 
 That Ghriftians who, on a fubjedl 
 which ihould naturally raife the warm- 
 eft fentirnents of gratitude and piety 
 towards a beneficent Saviour, in every 
 acceptation of the doctrine, could pro- 
 ceed to fuch ftrife and unwarrantable
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
 diflentions, merited not that a memo- 
 rial fo full of charity mould be left 
 amongft them. The God that made 
 me has. given me a fomething, which 
 perhaps he has not given to the ox or 
 the elephant, and this man calls reafon ; 
 when I ufe it to contemplate the won- 
 ders of his works, or to weigh my own 
 littlenefs, it is well done ; but when I 
 extol myfelf, and dare to draw lines 
 round the Almighty, my rafhnefs is 
 complete, and I merit not that glim- 
 mering ray which in mercy he bellow- 
 ed upon me. On thisfubje6l you have 
 indeed collected a great deal, and all 
 that deal has been collected before, 
 and we have anfwered it. Let us have 
 fomething new.* 
 
 The language on both fides is fimi- 
 lar. The difference only is that we 
 mean what we fay, and you do not* 
 In other difputes, generally the alter- 
 cation is about words, here it is about 
 the thing fignified. Of the two this 
 may be the moft rational. Were it 
 known what is the prefent nature of 
 the exalted body of our Saviour, and 
 E con-
 
 [ 34 1 
 
 confequently what its powers are, ana- 
 logy would iiipply fome data on which 
 to reafon. Prepofteroufly you bring 
 it down to a level with your own fleih 
 and blood, and triumph in the vain 
 evidence of your arguments. As well , 
 Sir, aim to confine within walls of 
 brafs the energy of the forked light- 
 ning, becaufe they are impermeable to 
 you and me. 
 
 Rule of faith. you mention (p. 60) the famous 
 rule of Veron, and tell us, " if this 
 were Englifhed and explained in our 
 chapels, the people would be apt to 
 confider him as a heretic, who totally 
 mifreprefented their belief." This is 
 not the language of a Candid man. The 
 Rule of Veron I always explain, and fo, 
 I believe, do moil of my brethren. It 
 is the great hinge on which our whole 
 religion turns. And we have two fyf- 
 tems-of religion, you alfo fay, " one 
 ordered to be pradlifed, the other al- 
 lowed to be believed ; one for the un- 
 lettered, another for the learned." 
 What an unconfcionable man mufc you 
 have been, not to be fatisfied with fo 
 
 accom-
 
 [ 35 J 
 
 accommodating a fyftem ! Unfortu- 
 nately perhaps this indulgence did not 
 lie on the practical fide, and to be al- 
 lowed mere liberty of thought you 
 valued little. I am a more moderate 
 man, and therefore, in the name of 
 literature and of philofophy, I thank you 
 for the difcovery. I declare, as a man 
 of fome letters, I had not before the 
 moft diflant fufpicion, that I could 
 claim any privilege, which did not 
 equally reach to the peafant that foK 
 lowed his plough. 
 
 This is the rule of Veron ; That 
 for any dodlrins to become an article oj Ca- 
 tholic faith, two things are conjointly ne- 
 ceffary ; fir ft, that it be revealed by God $ 
 fecondly* that it be propofed by the Church. 
 If either of thefe two conditions be 
 wanting, the doctrine is no point of 
 Catholic belief. It muft be revealed ; 
 in this we all agree : but it muil alfo 
 be propofed ; here you diflent from us. 
 Were it clear that God has fpoken, 
 and were thefenfe of what he has fpo- 
 ken clear, then would this fecond con- 
 dition be imnecefTary. I want no au- 
 E 2 thority
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 thority to tell me that two and two 
 make four. But neither can we difco- 
 ver what is the word of God, nor the 
 meaning of this word, if left to the 
 fingle guidance of our own under- 
 flandings. The reformed churches are 
 not without tmderftanding ; they have 
 laboured, and they have fearched ; and 
 yet which of them can tell me what 
 certainly is this revealed word, or what 
 is its certain interpretation? Where 
 there is 'variation in opinion, there can 
 be no certitude : and will you fay, that 
 faith in God fhould not be fure and un- 
 fhaken ? There muft be an unerring guide. 
 * I may deceive myfelf ; but if I am 
 not deceived, thefe few lines, to a do- 
 cile mind, have decided the important 
 queftion. 
 
 In a longer difcuffion, I would not 
 take the ferious enquirer to his Bible, 
 for that, with its meaning, is the point 
 in debate ; nor would I take him to a 
 laborious refearch into antiquity,where 
 he and I might be both bewildered ; 
 but I would take him to his Creed, that 
 Creed, in which you, and I, and all of 
 
 us,
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
 us, profefs to believe, becaufe it comes 
 down, through a turbulent lapfe of more 
 than 17 centuries, pure and unchanged, 
 from the hands of the apoftles. 
 
 This Creed fays: / believe in God the Apoftles 
 father and in Jefus Cbrijland in the Creed ' 
 Holy Ghoft, the holy Catholic church, &c. 
 As you believe in God, as you believe 
 in Jefus Chrijl, as you believe in the 
 Holy Ghoft, fo do you profefs to believe 
 in the holy Catholic church. To believe 
 in God is to believe that he is, and to 
 believe what he teaches ; fo you believe 
 in his Son ; fo in his holy Spirit. What 
 other belief could the apoftles mean ? 
 To believe then in the holy Catholic 
 church is to believe that there is fuch a 
 church, and to believe 'what this church 
 teaches.Ry whom are we authorifed 
 to fuppofe that this article is not to be 
 underftood as the others are ? The lan- 
 guage is the fame. The belief of the 
 Church is joined to the belief of the 
 three divine perfons. 
 
 By the word Church, Chriftians un- 
 derftand a Society making profeflion to 
 
 believe
 
 believe the doctrine of Jefus Ghrift, 
 and to govern itfelf by his word. Of 
 fuch a Society as this the apoflles foeak. 
 This Society or church cannot ceafe to 
 be ; if it did, the Creed of the apoilles 
 would ceafe to be true. As long then 
 as I can profefs my belief in the three 
 divine perfons, fo long (hall I believe 
 in the holy Catholic Church. This 
 church muft be ever vifible ; it is a So- 
 ciety of men ; and as well might it 
 not be, as not be vifible. An invifible 
 church would be no object of belief, 
 though God and the Divine peribns 
 are. This Church of the apoilles can 
 never err. Can the divine perfons err ? 
 I am to believe in the church, as I do 
 in them. Were the Church to err, the 
 apoilles who made the belief in the 
 church an article of Chriflian faith, 
 would have impofed upon us. 
 
 It maybe obferved, that there never 
 was a time, when there wasnot on earth 
 a vifible oxi&fpeaking authority, to which 
 men were obliged to fubmit. Before 
 Jefus Chrift was the Synagogue ; when 
 the Synagogue was to fail, Chrift him-- 
 
 felf
 
 [ 39 ] 
 
 felf appeared; when he retired, he left 
 a church, to which he fent his holy 
 fpirit. Bring again Jefits Chrift teach- 
 ing, preaching, working miracles, I 
 have no longer need of the church ; 
 but alfo take from me the church, I 
 muft have Chrift again in perfon, that 
 is, I muft have a fpeaking authority, 
 fome exterior means of refolving doubts, 
 and this means mufl be infallible. 
 
 The creed fays nothing of the written 
 'word, belief in the Scriptures is not 
 mentioned. The rule of Providence, 
 in the eftablifhment of his church, fo 
 ordained it. He has given us a church, 
 ever vifible and ever unerring, in which 
 we profefs to believe. With this belief 
 we are difpofed to receive what the 
 Church offers to us. She gives us the 
 Scriptures, and fays, they are a writing 
 infpired by God. As fuch we take them 
 from her hand. Our belief in the 
 Church then precedes our belief in the 
 Scriptures ? Moft evidently it does ; 
 for this belief in the Church is the very 
 external means which God has appoint- 
 ed to bring us to the knowledge of his 
 
 written
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 written word. I fhould not belie\ 7 e 
 the Gofpel, faid St. Auftin, unlefs the 
 authority of the church moved me to 
 it. The apoftles, in framing their 
 creed, obvioufly point out this order to 
 us. 
 
 In the church then was depofited 
 the word of God : me received it from 
 the apoftles, for to them were mil 
 committed the Truths, it had pleafed 
 God to reveal. But could not he who 
 revealed to the apoftles, interpret, if 
 neceflary, to their fucceflbrs ? With 
 the Scriptures the church gives us the 
 fenfe of the Scriptures : what are the 
 Scriptures without their true inter- 
 pretation ? She gives us that fenfe, 
 which the apoftles explained to the 
 church, and which me has retained. 
 The fame exterior means therefore 
 which God ufes to give us his written 
 word, that he ufes to give us its fenfe ; 
 and that means is the authority of his 
 Church. When this authority has 
 fpoken, we neither doubt nor examine ; 
 for we believe in the holy Catholic 
 church. Is not this highly rational ? 
 
 We
 
 We know, that the Infpirer of the 
 apoftles is the teacher of their fuc- 
 ceflbrs. -Thus have we a Church ; 
 thus the word of God ; and thus the 
 meaning of the word. 
 
 It was by this very fimple procefs of 
 reafcning, that Mr. Claude, the learned 
 and virtuous minifler of Charenton, in 
 the year 1678, was fo much difcon- 
 certed in his conference with the illuf- 
 trious Bifhop of Meaux ; the confe- 
 qucnce of which was the return of 
 Mademoifelle de Duras to the religion 
 which her fathers had forfaken. 
 
 This Creed, you and all other Ghrif- 
 tian Societies pofTefs, as well as we, and 
 you profefs to believe in it : but your 
 belief is merely verbal. You have no 
 faith in any Catholic church ; for how 
 can you \anzfaith in a Society, which 
 you maintain may err ? Nor from her 
 do you receive the fcriptures : me is 
 no guide to you, and confequently the 
 words, I believe In the holy Catholic 
 durch, carry no idea to your minds. 
 Either they muft be joined to our faith 
 F in
 
 [ 42 ] 
 
 in the three divine perfons, or, as un- 
 meaning, they fhould be expunged from 
 the Creed. 
 
 Our belief in the Church is not only 
 antecedent to, as I have faid, but it is 
 independent on the written word ; one 
 is a confequence of the other. A bap- 
 tifed child, or grown up perfon, who 
 has never heard of the fcriptures, be- 
 lieves in the church, as he believes in 
 the Trinity, in the communion of 
 faints, the forgivenefs of fins, the refur- 
 reclion of the body, and life everlafting. 
 It is the faith that he received in bap- 
 tifm. Afterwards when he confults the 
 written word, he will there find a con- 
 firmation of his iirft belief. But this firft 
 belief was divine, being founded on the 
 revelation of God; forfurely the apoflles 
 were as much infpired in the compila- 
 tion of their creed, as afterwards they 
 were in writing the gofpels and the 
 other canonical books. 
 
 Some ancient writers tell us that 
 this creed, by the exprefs defire of the 
 apoflles, was not committed to writing. 
 
 They
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 They entertained not, it feems, fo ex- 
 alted an idea of a written word. At 
 all events, is it necefTary that the word 
 of God fhould be written ? Is it from ink 
 and paper that it derives its authority ? 
 What then was the doctrine, which 
 Chrift preached, and did not write; or 
 that of the apoftles, before any cano- 
 nical book was compofed ; or that in 
 particular of thofe feven apoftles, of 
 whom it is not recorded that they 
 wrote a fingle line ? To Catholics 
 then the Scriptures are not the only or 
 effential rule of faith ; their rule is the 
 word of God, in whatever form it may 
 have come down to them. Nor indeed 
 do I difcover, that it ever appeared to 
 be the intention of divine Providence, 
 that the written word mould be this 
 fole rule ; it was to confirm the true 
 doctrine, but not to deliver it. Were 
 the bible to be loft, would the word 
 of God be loft alfo ? and would a new 
 revelation become neceflary?^ As the 
 fubjedl is important, I muft beg leave 
 to purfue it a little further. 
 
 When the wife Legiflators of Anti- chrift the 
 quity undertook to improve or to g^ eatLavv - 
 
 * J giver, 
 
 F 2 form
 
 [ 44 ] 
 
 form ftates, they infcribed their laws 
 on brafs or marble. By what other 
 means could they hope to perpetuate 
 their impreffion on the minds of their 
 people ? So alfo did Mofes by the ex- 
 prefs command of the Almighty, for 
 he was but a deputed lawgiver, and the 
 Jews were a carnal nation. But when 
 the Chriftian Legiflator appeared, who 
 held in his hand the fpirits of men, 
 which he could move at will, he look- 
 ed not to perimable materials ; the 
 great fucceffion of ages was prefent to 
 him, and he wrote his law on their 
 hearts. 
 
 No parts of this law, though the 
 fublimeft in theory, and the moll per- 
 fect in practice, and confequently the 
 moft removed from human difcovery, 
 were by our Saviour himfelf committed 
 to writing ; nor do we find, that he 
 ordered his difciples to do it : as long 
 then, as he remained on earth, there 
 was no written word ; nor was it 
 wanted. I have alfo faid, that the 
 Apoftles, for fome years, praclifed no 
 other mode of teaching than that they 
 
 had
 
 [ 45 ] 
 
 had learned from their mailer ; as they 
 had received the word of God, fo they 
 gave it. Minds warm with the impref- 
 fion of truth recur not to the cool pro- 
 cefs of writing, 
 
 But when difputes began to arife 
 among the converts, or their doctrine 
 was mifinterpreted, then, and when 
 they could not go in perfon, did they 
 write to fuch churches, to confirm or 
 to explain what they had before, by 
 word of mouth, delivered to them. 
 This written w ord then fucceeded to their 
 preaching ; it arofe as particular occa- 
 fions called for it : but they wrote to 
 none, whom they had not before 
 injlrucled. Their public rule of faith 
 was the Creed, they had themfelves 
 compofed, and fuch other doctrine, 
 as in their wifdom, as circumftances 
 directed, they delivered to their fol- 
 lowers. 
 
 All was not to be given at once All 
 therefore does not the creed contain ^ ; progref ' 
 all the minds of their hearers were 
 to be gradually informed. Such is the 
 
 procefs
 
 [ 46 ] 
 
 procefs in all inftruction. The great 
 fyftem of religion was to be developed, 
 as mankind became properly tutored 
 to receive it. This power of difclofing, 
 and of proportioning, his doctrine, was 
 committed to the difcretion of his 
 apoilles, ever under the immediate di- 
 rection of heaven, by a mailer who 
 well underftood the nature of the hu- 
 man mind. Who gives into the hand 
 of an infant the Principia of Newton, 
 or mews him the Eflay on human under-* 
 Jlanding ? What the infant is to thefe 
 profound compofitions, that was the 
 world, when the apoilles firft opened 
 their commiflion, and began to preach 
 the fublime doctrines of heaven to 
 men, who were ignorant of the mil ru- 
 diments of fpiritual fcience. 
 
 The apoflles themfelves had been 
 differently inflructed ; it was necefTary 
 they mould ; their tuition was rapid 
 and extraordinary: but it enters not 
 into the general ways of Providence to 
 proceed by fuch methods. In this view 
 of things, Sir, there is nothing new, 
 but fome readers may wifh to fee it 
 further illuflrated: I will do it. 
 
 Our
 
 t 47 ] 
 
 Our Saviour Chrift died in the year 
 34. Until 41, a term of feven years, 
 we read of no New lejiament ', in that 
 year St. Matthew wrote his gofpel for 
 the Jewilh converts, and in their own 
 language. Naturally they would wifh 
 to pofTefs in writing an authentic hiffco- 
 ry of the life of him, concerning whom 
 fo much was faid, and in whofe doc- 
 trine they had juft been inftructed to 
 believe. 
 
 In the year 45, St. Mark, the dif- 
 ciple of St. Peter, publifhed his gof- 
 pel, an abridgment rather of the for- 
 mer, as it is thought in Greek, and if 
 at Rome, for the ufe of fome converts 
 in that city. They had not heard pro- 
 bably of the work of St. Matthew, or, 
 if they had, it was written in a lan- 
 guage they did not underfland. 
 
 Thirteen years after, in 58, St. Luke* 
 the difciple of St. Paul, wrote his gof- 
 pel, in Greek alfo, and in Greece ; and, 
 as he tells us himfelf, with a view to 
 oppofe certain hiflories, which then 
 circulated, and of which he did not 
 
 approve.
 
 [ 48 ] 
 
 approve. He addreiTes it to a perfon 
 of the name of Theophilus. As thefe 
 two lafl writers were no apoftles, they 
 could only relate what they had re- 
 ceived from others, probably from 
 their refpeclive matters. 
 
 As late as the year 99, appears the 
 gofpel of St. John, the beloved difci- 
 ple of Chriil, written at Ephefus, in 
 the Greek language, at the requeft of 
 the Afiatic bifhops, principally againft 
 thofe heretics, who denied the divinity 
 of our Saviour, and, as it is faid, to 
 fupply fome omiffions in the preceding 
 gofpels. 
 
 In the afts of the apoftles, which the 
 fame St. Luke \vrote foon after his 
 gofpel, and as a continuation of it, in 
 the fame language, addrefTed to the 
 fame Theophiius, is given a very con- 
 cife account of the firft eflablimment 
 of Chriftianity, after the afcenfion of 
 our Lord, and of St. Peter's teaching, 
 with a more particular hiftory of the 
 labours of St. Paul, his matter, to the 
 year 63. 
 
 The
 
 [ 49 ] 
 
 The four gofpels, I have mentioned* 
 are hiftorical compofitions ; they relate, 
 in a very fuccincl manner, fome only 
 of the principal events of our Saviour's 
 life, his birth, his preaching, his mira- 
 cles, and his death. Their firft defign 
 undoubtedly was the edification of 
 thofe for whom they were compiled ; 
 as likewife that the converts to Chrif- 
 tianity might know, that the doclrine 
 they had received was conformable to 
 that which Chrifl himfelf had deliver- 
 ed to their teachers. But it could not 
 be from this written word, which occa- 
 Jionally only came into exiftence, that 
 the firft Chriftians received their in- 
 ftruclions. Give but a moment's at- 
 tention to the times, to the occafions, 
 to the language, to the places where 
 thefe hiftories were published, it muft 
 ftrike you with firft evidence, that then 
 at leaft they could not be intended for 
 a general rule of faith. Can that be 
 general which is not at all times, in all 
 languages, and in all places ? I mean 
 as far as the Chriftian religion then 
 extended. Jn procefs of time this 
 written word was more diffufed, and 
 G as
 
 [ .50 ] 
 
 as it fpread, I allow, it acquired an 
 importance, which at firft it had not. 
 But if at firft it was no rule of faith, as 
 you muft allow, what right had you 
 or I to give it a new destination ? This 
 is innovation : we adhere to the maxims 
 of the apoftolic ages. 
 
 Canonical , In regard to the canonical Epiftles, 
 Ep.nies. addrefled either to particular churches, 
 or to particular men ; were I urged to 
 go into the detail, I would fhew, at 
 what times, and on what occaiions, 
 they were fent ; that it was always to 
 thofe who had been previoufly inftrudl- 
 ed, and with a view, either to ftreng- 
 then them in their faith, or to explain 
 more fully, or to warn them againft, 
 and to oppofe, fuch falfe teachers, as, 
 in the abfence of the apoftles, difturbed 
 their belief. All this, you well know, 
 is evidently marked on the face of each 
 epiille. Had the apoftles entertained 
 modern ideas of a written word, fure- 
 ly they would have fent it before them, 
 at leaft, to prepare the way. They 
 might have prefaced it by faying, " we 
 fend you a writing containing the doc- 
 trine
 
 trine you are to believe ; but examine 
 it yourfelves, and fee if it has marks 
 of infpiration on it ; when you have 
 difcovered this, read and fearch it, 
 weigh its expreffions, and compare 
 paflage with pafTage; your own judg- 
 ments will draw out the truth ; we 
 will ufe no authority, no influence 
 that may bias your underftandings." 
 Had this been the conduct of the men 
 deputed to eflablifh the gofpel, it would 
 have decided unanfwerably the authori- 
 ty of a written word ; but it was quite 
 the reverfe: they firft inflrucl by 
 preaching, and then they confirm their 
 doctrine, when necefTary, by writing. 
 
 Nor were thefe apoflolic writings, 
 at firft, intended for the whole body 
 of the faithful ; they were fent, as I 
 have faid, to particular churches, as to 
 Rome, or ThefTalonica : Probably ma- 
 ny were written which have never come 
 down to us. In procefs of time, keep- 
 ing pace with the gofpels, they alfo 
 were extended: the names of their 
 authors were of the highefl refpecl ; 
 and becaufe the doctrine and maxims 
 G 2 they
 
 t 52 ] 
 
 they contained, were found conform* 
 able to what the apoflles, attefling their 
 miffion by miracles, had taught, they 
 were judged proper to be laid before 
 other churches than thofe to which 
 they had been addrefTed. Thus grew 
 their authority, till finally they were 
 univerfally adopted into the general 
 canon of belief. This is not mere 
 theory, Sir ; authentic facts declare it 
 to have been the real cafe. 
 
 Befides, in every one of thefe writ- 
 ings, how many things are there, fo 
 peculiarly local, and of a nature fo 
 temporary and perfonal, that they can 
 bear no application to other times, per- 
 fons, or places ? The circumftance has 
 favoured the ingenuity of comment a 7 
 tors, but it has little ferved to promote 
 the real interefc of truth. I may then 
 conclude that, in whatever eftimation 
 any of thefe writings were at firfl held, 
 either at Corinth or at Ephefus, they 
 did not carry with them the weight of 
 infpired authority to other churches, 
 till they were accepted as fuch, or till 
 the univerfal church declared them to 
 
 be
 
 [ 53 ] 
 
 be authentic. We know, what was the 
 fate of the Epiftle to the Hebrews, for 
 more than two hundred years, till it 
 was adopted by the church into her 
 canon. 
 
 The ancient Fathers, I am well The Scrip- 
 aware, often fpeakof the fcriptures, as of 
 an infallible rule ; and in their difputes 
 with heretics have recourfe to them. 
 But what elfe could they do ? Their 
 adverfaries would admit no other au- 
 thority ; and well did they appeal 
 from the traditional doctrine to the 
 written word, for they knew that this 
 was a filent letter, which could return 
 no anfwer, and about which they might 
 wrangle to the end of time. The 
 fcriptures indeed, if duly interpreted, 
 that is, conformably to the doctrine 
 which has been received from the 
 apoflles, are authority enough, and in 
 this fenfe only were they applied by the 
 fathers. 
 
 Thefe fcriptures are to us a moil 
 facred depofitum ; we refpect them as 
 the injured word of God : but we give 
 
 them
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 them not a priority of authority, which 
 the apofllesthemfelves gave not to them, 
 and of which the primitive church 
 feems to have been ignorant. What 
 doctrine this church fir ft received, that 
 it had from the mouths of their infpired 
 teachers ; that fame was faithfully de- 
 livered to the fucceeding generation ; 
 and that fame we now poffefs. With- 
 out the aid of a written word we mould 
 have had it ; it depended not on ink 
 and paper ; but by that fame word, I 
 own it has been powerfullyy^/>/><?r/^ 
 and confirmed. This was its proper def- 
 tination. Being thus in pofferTion of 
 this twofold word of God, the unwrit- 
 ten and the written, and this through 
 the medium of a fociety or church, to 
 whofe hands they were both commit- 
 ted, we are taught to look up to this 
 authority, as to an unerring and living 
 guide, that we may not flill be blown 
 about by every wind. For the fame 
 God that infpired the apoftles, con- 
 tinues to diredt their fuccefTors. 
 
 From this view of. things follows a 
 confequence, which mufc not be omit- 
 ted ; which is, that as the Chriftian re- 
 velation
 
 [ 55 1 
 
 velation is anterior to, and independent 
 on the fcriptures. ; mould there be any 
 points in it, which may feem not to 
 have any cbi refpondent fupport in 
 them ; it can only be faid, that as the 
 object of the infpired writers was not 
 to deliver the entire fyftem of religion, 
 which they had done by preaching, but 
 only to treat fuch matters as circum- 
 ftances incidentally required, thefe par- 
 ticular fubjecls came not before them. 
 Had it been otherwife, there can be no 
 reafon to imagine, that they would not 
 equally have claimed their attention. 
 
 If I have dwelt longer on this fubject, 
 than I intended, it was its importance 
 that has drawn me forward ; but even 
 now much remains to be faid. It is not 
 exactly in this light, I know, that 
 writers in general treat the queftion ; 
 but viewed on a large fcale, I fee not, 
 that it can be otherwife underftood. 
 The misfortune is, that moft minds 
 only confider detached parts of a fyftem, 
 as they rife ifolated before them, and 
 when this is the cafe, difficulties are 
 multiplied, and what would not touch 
 
 the
 
 [ 56 ] 
 
 the whole, bears hard upon fingle 
 members. As it happens in religion, 
 fo does it in contemplating the moral 
 and phyfical fyftems of the world. 
 The fubjecl; I have been treating would 
 naturally lead me to confider the nature 
 and general import of infpiration, as 
 applied to the facred writings, had I 
 time to enter on the difcuffion , or rather, 
 were this its place. Enough has been 
 faid to fhew you, what way my mind 
 muft obvioufly lean, on fo delicate a 
 queflion. 
 
 NO new faith You feem to think it a very eafy un- 
 :hurch ' dertaking even to demonftrate that we 
 have varied in our belief, and that new 
 dodlrine has been perpetually imported 
 into the church. When I fee this fub- 
 ject entered among the Contents in a 
 controverfial writer, on your fide, it is 
 always the mil thing I turn to. Many 
 things, I confefs, in the Catholic belief 
 weigh rather heavy on my mind, and I 
 mould be glad to have a freer field to 
 * range in. Can you wilh for a reader with 
 better difpofitions than thefe ? I read 
 then with a rapid, but clofe attention, 
 
 every
 
 [ 57 ] 
 
 
 
 every moment expedling that fome 
 happy difcovery will fet me at liberty. 
 Alas ! Sir, it has never yet happened : 
 I meet with afTertions, thrown out 
 fometimes with an air of plaufibility, 
 texts of fcripture alledged, but proving 
 nothing, Fathers dragged forward to 
 contradict their own words, and reafon 
 decoyed from its proper purfuits to 
 difcufs matters which belong not to it. 
 With indignation I throw the book 
 afide, for inftead of gaining liberty, I 
 difcover that I have been reading only 
 to convince myfelf ftill more, that I am 
 obliged to believe what my Church 
 propofes to me. The moment it fhall 
 be clearly pointed out, that dodlrines 
 have been received into the faith of 
 the church, which were not revealed 
 to the apoflles, and by them delivered 
 to their fuccefTors, to be expounded as 
 circumftances mould require, from that 
 moment it will be my duty to quit her 
 communion. That only is true which 
 has been from the beginning. Lan- 
 guage may have varied ; occurrences 
 may have brought out to more public 
 obfervatjon what before, by being kept 
 H back,
 
 back, was lefs noticed : but all this 
 means nothing ; it was a procefs obvi- 
 oufly adapted to the common order of 
 things. It is nothing alfo to fhew, that 
 we have varied in difcipline or in prac- 
 tices of little moment ; for this again is 
 of a tranfient and flitting nature. What 
 is changeable may change ; it has done, 
 and will again : but the word of the 
 Lord endureth for ever. 
 
 Luther. In difcuffing that Note of the church, 
 which is called its bollntfS) you intro- 
 duce what, I think, may be termed a 
 digreflion, on the life and virtues of 
 that extraordinary man, the patriarch 
 of the reformation, Martin Luther : 
 but you allow that with his good qua- 
 lities he alfo had his defedts. His 
 famous conference with the Devil 
 feems rather to embarrafs you, which 
 therefore you determine to have been 
 of the nature of St Anthony's temp- 
 tations, " a mere parable and ficlion." 
 Having quitted our church, I know not 
 what right you had thus freely to dif- 
 pofe of thofe fingular combats of our 
 feint 
 
 The,
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 The abilities of Luther, I think, 
 were aftcriiihing; and had Jhe been 
 lefs violently oppofed, his paffions pro- 
 bably would not have broken out into 
 that torrent of intemperance, which 
 with every moderate man muil for ever 
 difgrace his memory. I know when 
 the air is peculiarly foul, that florins 
 and tempeftsare often neceflary to bring 
 it to a proper degree of falubrity ; but 
 is it fair to reafon of the moral as we 
 do of the phyfical world ? When the 
 chriflian religion was firft promulgated, 
 truth was hardly known to man, and 
 vice had rifen to its highefl pitch of 
 enormity ; yet what were the inftru- 
 ments divine Providence elected to 
 produce that great and important re- 
 formation ? The mind even involun- 
 tarily is drawn into a comparifon of 
 characters, ; when circumllances are 
 adduced to bring them together ; and 
 in this view I have fometimes com- 
 pared the lives and manners of the re- 
 formers of the 1 6th century with thofe 
 of an earlier date. And why, fays the 
 inquifitive mind, if the ways and 
 thoughts of man were, at this laft 
 H 2 period
 
 t 60 ] 
 
 period corrupted to fo great a degree, 
 fhould Providence appoint minifters to 
 execute his defigns of a complexion fo 
 widely different from thofe he had 
 before chofen ? Had not fuccefs attend- 
 ed thofe firft meafures, and therefore 
 new ones were to be tried ? Yet, I 
 allow, much good was eventually derived 
 to the world from the reformation ; 
 though the means, by which it was ac- 
 compHmed, appear to me not jufKfi- 
 able hardly in a fingle inflance. 
 
 The Council The representation, you draw of the 
 of Trent. council of Trent, is overcharged, and, 
 y in fome points, very unfairly taken. 
 That in it there were cabals and diflen- 
 tions, who will difpute ? But when men 
 are afTembled, and their different views, 
 their interefls and paffions are brought 
 into conflict, who then will look for 
 the ferenity of a calm fea ? To coun- 
 terbalance the evils, you have enumc- 
 , rated, furely fomething may be found 
 of no inconfiderable moment. Read 
 Sir, and you may yet learn ; there 
 was learning, religion, piety, and wife 
 experience. To prove this, give your 
 
 eye
 
 eye leave to run down the lift of thofe, 
 who affifled at, or compofed the Coun- 
 cil. Among them you will find names 
 recorded, which the page of hiftory 
 will be careful to eternife. 
 
 After all, what very arduous bufinefs 
 was to engage the council's attention ? 
 Merely to declare in 1545, as far as 
 doclrine was concerned, what the 
 tenets of belief were, which they had 
 received from their predeceflbrs. This 
 had been the main bufinefs of all other 
 councils ; and to do this, it fhould not 
 feem, that any extraordinary abilities 
 or learning were requifite : a little re- 
 collection and honeft zeal. Youfingly, 
 Sir, in a very fhort fpace of time,. pre- 
 tend to have found out, from fcripture, 
 reafon and tradition, where is, and 
 where is not, the true word of God ; 
 and in the compafs of more than four 
 years, 300 bifhops, with a proporti- 
 onable number of divines and learned 
 men, {hall not be able to do as much ! 
 They engaged aifo in the bufinefs of a 
 reform, and framed feveral very excel- 
 lent regulations; butobilacles too pow- 
 erful
 
 t 2 ] 
 
 erful to be furmounted were thrown 
 in the way of a complete reformation. 
 
 It is always with peculiar fatisfac- 
 tion, that I read the decrees and canons 
 of this celebrated fynod ; there is a 
 fcience, a precifion, a clearnefs, a claf- 
 fical elegance in every period and ex- 
 preffion, that charms me. With what 
 different eyes indeed do we perufe this 
 volume. 
 
 Fra. Paolo. Paolo Sarpi, the Venetian patriot 
 and llatefman, whom I admire where 
 he is admirable, equally perhaps with 
 you, is, I know, the favourite hiflorian 
 of Proteftants. Had he never publiih- 
 ed his hiftory of this council, I fhould 
 have thought him a greater man. 
 Warmed by the quarrel, which then 
 fubfifted between Venice and Rome, 
 he lided, too partially for an hiflorian, 
 with his country. The mod weighty 
 matters he fometimes relates without 
 any reference to authority ; and in his 
 general defcriptions of men and things, 
 often is his pen too malignant for the 
 candour of an honeil man. At the 
 
 clofe
 
 clofe of each feffion, how injurious are 
 the reflections he draws, often from 
 vulgar talk and common fame, to dif- 
 parage the preceding decrees. Yet 
 even in this hiftory, if read with no 
 uncommon partiality, may be dif- 
 covered truth enough for the mainte- 
 nance of the caufe, I fupport. 
 
 Pallavicini is the hiftorian we gene- Paihvicin?. 
 rally prefer, and though his name be 
 not illuftrious as that of Fra. Paolo, 
 yet I think him, on this particular fub- 
 ject, deferving of more credit. He 
 had accefs to better records (the Vati- 
 can Archives, ) nor does he with-hold 
 from us any knowledge of the other 
 fources, from which he takes his infor- 
 mation. Though brought out, with- 
 out any difguife, to combat the affer- 
 tions of the Venetian author, he feems 
 as little partial to his caufe, as poflibly 
 may be. Many things does he relate, 
 which by no means redound to the ho- 
 nour of the Roman Pontiffs, and which 
 very fully expofe the contentious and 
 fcandalous behaviour of fome, whc 
 affifled at the council. It was a juft 
 
 observation
 
 [ 64 ] 
 
 obfervation of this author ; f That 
 hiftory is like a picture, then beft, and 
 moft valuable, when it reprefents not 
 what is faireft, but what comes neareft 
 to the original." Alfo has it been faid 
 that the friendly Pallavicini has done 
 more real difTervice to the court of 
 Rome, than the pointed invective of 
 the hoftile Sarpi. 
 
 But your hiftoriographer, Sir, is nei- 
 ther of thefe: It is Don Vargas, a Spa- 
 niard, who wrote Letters to the Bifhop 
 of Arras. In thefe he complains molt 
 bitterly of the haughty conduct of the 
 Legate Crefcentio ; and therefore you 
 infer, that the council was a confufed 
 and irregular aflembly, and that the 
 Spirit of God had no concern in it ! 
 As I have not by me any particular 
 account of your author, I will not 
 rely on my memory, though it feems 
 to tell me there were certain reafons 
 which had operated rather ilrongly on 
 his mind, and roufed his refentment 
 againfc the Legate. Crefcentio how- 
 ever, infolent and haughty as he might 
 have been, only prefided, during fome 
 
 months,
 
 months, over five out of the fix fef- 
 fions, which took place under Julius 
 the third. Of thefe fix, two only 
 were of any length or importance. 
 At this time, the proceedings of the 
 council were, in a manner, fufpended, 
 whilfl they waited the arrival of the 
 German Proteftants. To them, even 
 under Crefcentio, had been twice of- 
 fered a Sa/vus conduftus, or paflport, in 
 terms fo clear and unambiguous, that 
 the moil timid breaft could have no- 
 thing to apprehend. But they never 
 arrived. May we infer, that they did 
 not ferioufly defire an accommodation? 
 The conditions at leaft which they 
 propofed to the council were fuch, as 
 they knew, the Fathers could not pof- 
 fibly accede to. 
 
 Who would not imagine from your 
 ftatement of it (p. 152), that Crefcen- 
 tio prefided during the whole time of 
 the celebration of the council? Your 
 readers might have been informed, 
 that ten feffions had been held under 
 Paul the third ; that to thefe fucceeded 
 fix, under Julius, when Crefcentio 
 I prefided.,
 
 t 66 ] 
 
 prefided, as I have faid ; and that theie 
 were followed by nine more under 
 Pius the fourth, when the council end'- 
 ed, anno 1563, having lafled, with dif- 
 ferent interruptions, for the fpace of 
 1 8 years. Reflect, Sir, that the duties 
 of an hiflorian are important ; that he 
 muft with-hold no truth, and relate no 
 falfhood. 
 
 A General A council when duly convened, and 
 
 when confifling of fuch a number of 
 prelates, as afTembled from different 
 parts of the Catholic world, may, in 
 theufual acceptation of the word, give 
 it the appellation of general, is the re- 
 tirefentative body of the church. Whe- 
 ther the afTembly at Trent anfwered 
 this defcription, matters little, fince 
 its decrees, appertaining to faith, have 
 been long ago univerfally accepted by 
 us. Dtfcipline is received agreeably to 
 the eftablifhed maxims of nations. 
 But in the concluding feffions it was 
 numerous, and by thefe were confirm- 
 ed the decrees of the foregoing afTem- 
 blies. Innumerable were the obftruc- 
 tions to its progrefs from the beginning : 
 
 Princes
 
 Princes refufed to let their fubjedls 
 proceed to Trent; their ambafladors 
 embroiled the debates ; the Proteftants 
 were clamorous, though they had be- 
 fore appealed to a council, and left no- 
 thing unattempted to impede the dif- 
 patch of bufinefs ; whiift Rome, with 
 its pompous court, apprehenfive that 
 a thorough plan of reform might ap- 
 proach too near to the Vatican, multi- 
 plied difficulties, and with-held its con- 
 currence. And fhould thefe circum- 
 flances be wholly difregarded, whiift 
 the Proteflarit writer pours out his de- 
 clamation, generally as unfounded, as 
 it is unfair? 
 
 But though our prelates convened 
 in council be our reprefentatives, they 
 are not more fo, in this fituation, than 
 when difperfed and prefiding over their 
 refpeclive churches : Nor have they 
 any more extenfive powers. When 
 they meet, it is that their opinions 
 may be more eafily collected, and that 
 a greater fplendour may attend their 
 decrees. But, in fpeaking of matters 
 of belief, thefe decrees are but declara- 
 I 2 tions.
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 iions, which, in words more full and 
 explicit, announce the fame doctrine, 
 which had been before univerfally ad- 
 mitted. Thefe minifters, whether dif- 
 perfed or afTembled, are the guardians, 
 and they are the witnefjes of that faith, 
 the depofitum of which, from the apof- 
 tolic ages, has been handed down to 
 them. Let us hear no more then of 
 fallible men, or of the incredibility of 
 the divine fpirit directing their pro- 
 ceedings : For what very extraordi- 
 nary co-operation is required, that 
 men, habituated to the concerns of re- 
 ligion, mould be able to declare, what 
 doctrine they were taught, and what 
 they then believe. And this is that 
 wondrous infallibility, about which 
 reams of paper have been written, 
 that would more than cover the whole 
 furface of the globe ! 
 
 The Pope. The reader will here expect to find 
 fomething about the Pope ; and I will 
 not clifappoint him, provided he expect 
 bv iittle. Never, I fancy, was there 
 a well regulated fociety, without a 
 head, of fome form or other. Our 
 
 church
 
 t 69 ] 
 
 church is a fociefy, the foundation of 
 which, we conceive, was laid by Chrift 
 our legiflator, confifting of members, 
 the head over whom, or firft ecclefiafti- 
 cal magiftrate, is the Bifhop of Rome, 
 fucceflbr to St. Peter. The reprefenta- 
 tive body are our prelates ; the repre- 
 Jented are the people ; and at the head 
 of this conftitution is the Pope, in 
 whofe hands refides the principal exe- 
 cutive power. But to him belongs no 
 abjolute or defpotic jurifdiction ; he is 
 as mucfh bound by the laws of the 
 conftitution, as is the loweft member 
 of it : He has indeed his prerogative ; 
 but we have our privileges, and are 
 independent on him, excepting where 
 it has pleafed the community, for the 
 fake of unity and good order, to fur- 
 render into his hands a limited fuper- 
 intendence. It is his duty, and that 
 particularly when our immediate paf- 
 tors neglecl theirs, to take care that 
 the chriftian republic receive no inju- 
 ry ; that is, that laws, which have 
 been received, be duly executed, and 
 that the infraction of them, by a co- 
 ordinate punimment be chaftifed. 
 
 With
 
 [ 7 ] 
 
 With princes or their flates he has no 
 concern ; and when, in former times, 
 he interfered, it was from a ftrange 
 mifconception of things, and an extra- 
 vagant abufe of power ; with which 
 however, ftates and princes then co- 
 operated. Thofe days are gone by ; 
 and the time is come, when the influ- 
 ence of Rome is returning to its pro- 
 per channel. When it mall be feen 
 that his kingdom is not of this world ; 
 that his jurifdidiion is benevolent and 
 paternal ; that he is but our fifft fhep- 
 herd, and therefore that he is prudent, 
 moderate, patient, meek, and hum- 
 ble ; that he is fuch a head, as a 
 chriflian fociety requires : then will 
 the Bifhop of Rome be refpecled, and 
 on that refpecl will be founded an au- 
 thority, ample enough to fill the chair 
 of St. Peter. 
 
 I excufe your reiterated declamation 
 on this fubjedl, becaufe when the word 
 Pope is founded in the ears of a Protef- 
 tant truly orthodox- and fuch you 
 certainly would wifh to appear on the 
 common principle of aflbciation, it 
 
 raifes
 
 [ 71 1 
 
 raifes as many extravagant ideas, as the 
 moft capacious mind has room for. 
 It is not very unlike what happens in 
 a certain complaint, to which reafon- 
 able animals are alone liable ; when at 
 the mere mention of fome one fubject, 
 the whole foul vibrates to the impref- 
 fion, and the patient is obliged to be 
 tied down on his bed. Why did you 
 not attempt to prove him antlchrift ? 
 There are Ie5lurers> you know, whofe 
 duty it is never to let that important 
 difcuffion fleep, and by fome of thefe 
 you may be chaftifed for the omiflion. 
 Some fmall remains of attachment to 
 an old mailer flill hung about you 
 perhaps, and for once curbed the wan- 
 ton rovings of your pen. 
 
 But how indeed has it roved on a Abufe* and 
 thoufand other trifles, equally ridicu- BguJJ. 10 
 lous ! With complacency you dwell, 
 for inilance, on practices, abufes, and 
 follies, which are too common among 
 the lower orders of people in fome 
 Catholic countries. Thefe every man 
 of fenfe condemns, but every man of 
 fenfe cannot reform them. Gradually, 
 
 however,
 
 however, they are wearing out ; and 
 had you feen as much of France, as 
 you have of Flanders, I think, your in- 
 vective might have been lefs intempe- 
 rate. After all, when we confider that 
 many of thefe practices are very ancient, 
 and that often the amufements and gay 
 hours of the people are connected with 
 them, can it furprife a man of the leaft 
 obfervation, that many obftacles mould 
 ftand in the way of their fuppreffion ? 
 Some attention alfo mould be given 
 to the different genius and character 
 of nations ; they are not all of the 
 fame caft, and confequently the fame 
 modes, even in religious worfhip, are 
 not equally adapted to all. What is 
 pleafing to the fedate and penfive mind, 
 will not accord with the more gay and 
 animated. Here we mufl have cere- 
 mony, and the fenfes muft be im- 
 preiTed ; but when this takes place, 
 here alfo will be more abufes. 
 
 Some things there are which even 
 fenfible minds are not willing to re- 
 nounce, from a certain oppofition, 
 which they themfelves may not always 
 
 fufpect.
 
 [ 73 ] 
 
 fufpecb. At the reformation a general 
 outcry was raifed againfl every thing 
 that had been in former practice : good, 
 bad, and indifferent were thrown into 
 one promifcuous heap, and a reform 
 demanded of all. In this fituation-, even 
 an ordinary degree of fortitude would 
 not be difpofed to give way ; and 
 becaufe too much was afked, too little 
 was granted. The fame intemperance 
 of clamour has, in fome degree, been 
 kept up to this day ; and we have not 
 been willing to recede. When the mind 
 Is irritated, even the moft reafonable 
 propofals will be fometimes combated. 
 Unfortunately the firft requifitions of 
 the reformers were not, in the whole, 
 admiffible, and even had that whole been 
 granted, another whole, I fufpedl, would 
 have been ready at its heels. When 
 certain barriers are crofled, there are 
 paffions, which nothing can reduce to 
 order. 
 
 Had it not been for the oppofition, 
 
 to which I allude, one point even of 
 
 very general difcipline had long ago, 
 
 I think, been altered : I mean that of 
 
 K retaining
 
 [ 74 1 
 
 retaining the Latin language in the 
 public fervice of our church. It is 
 very generally agreed that it would be 
 a moft falutary amendment : but it has 
 not been done, becaufe it was afked in 
 too infolent a manner, becaufe we are 
 daily irritated by petulant reflections, 
 and becaufe we are not difpofed to 
 pray in the language of a Luther, a 
 Calvin, or a Queen Elizabeth. All 
 this, Sir, flrange as it may feem, is in 
 the human heart, and of this heart 
 even the foibles muft not be irritated, 
 when we wifh to make our way to the 
 head. 
 
 But if your appeal, as you infinuate, 
 was intended to promote the fpiritual 
 improvement of your catholic neigh- 
 bours; why produce this long lift of 
 abufes, from your Flcmifh repofitory, 
 with which they can have no concern ? 
 They had never feen, perhaps never 
 heard, of mawmets n;ched in churches ; 
 of altars hung round with eyes, legs, 
 and arms; of the chriftening of bells, 
 or the fprinkling of horfes, This, 
 Sir, is too idle. Formerly, I recollect, 
 
 we
 
 -[ 75 ] 
 
 we fometimes laughed at thefe things, 
 we vvifhed they were corrected, and we 
 lamented that a creature, which is 
 termed rational, could, even when he 
 meant to ferve his maker, deviate fo 
 ftrangf ly into folly : Little did I then 
 fufpecl, that ever, from fuch indigni- 
 ties, you would draw arguments to 
 vilify a religion, the genuine truth and 
 beauty of which you could then join 
 me to admire. Muft you attack the 
 practices of the old church, let it be 
 thofe of the catholics of England : and 
 we will defend ourfelves. It is not my 
 concern, that Germans, Spaniards, or 
 Italians, mould run into a thoufand 
 extravagancies. As a Proteftant, and 
 from your late converfion, I prefume, 
 zealous, would you conceive yourfelf 
 bound to be the apologift of fome par- 
 ticular focieties which, in the reformed 
 churches, are faid to be guilty of ma- 
 ny follies, were I wantonly enough 
 difpofed to make them a fubjedl of ri- 
 dicule? The cafe is parallel. 
 
 You well ob ferve in the advice, you 
 
 fay, you would give to an enquirer 
 
 K 2 who
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 who fhould afk it (p. 2 13 ;) " That he 
 fhould be felicitous to recommend his 
 own belief, rather by mewing the in- 
 fluence it has over his own conduct, 
 than by endeavouring to make profe- 
 lytes to his opinions ; through a full 
 perfuajion that it is always unfriendly, 
 and often fata/, to unfettle the religi- 
 ous fentiments of our neighbours, un- 
 lefs thereby we are certain to make 
 them both happier and better men." 
 Do you recognize in thefe very juft 
 fentiments the conduct of the author 
 of the appeal? Either he aimed to 
 unfettle the opinions of thofe, to whom 
 it is principally addrefled ; or he aimed 
 at nothing. If the firft, he is fully 
 perfuaded) it was unfriendly at leaft : If 
 the fecond ; why write three hundred 
 and feventy nine very tedious pages ? 
 He furely could not be certain, that 
 even a change of fentiments would 
 make them both happier and better 
 men. 
 
 Though already I have lightly touch- 
 ed on the fubject of Toleration ; there 
 can be no impropriety in viewing it on 
 
 a larger
 
 [ 77 ] 
 
 a larger fcale. With feeming gene- 
 roiity you fometimes talk of this great 
 bufinefs ; you wifh that the fmall fhare 
 of it which we enjoy, " were more ex- 
 tenfive, and that every penal law, ftill 
 In force againft us were repealed." 
 But, in the fame breath, with what 
 peevifhnefs do you add ; that " feveral 
 individuals daily fhew, by their own in- 
 tolerant fentiments and conduct, that 
 they have little right even to the par- 
 tial indulgence that has been granted." 
 (p. 30). And you talk of chriftian 
 burial refufed to proteftants in catho- 
 lic countries ; of the decrees published 
 againfl them in France ; and of the 
 revocation of the edict of Nantes. In 
 another place you fay ; that the mode- 
 ration of government is without a pa- 
 rallel, with refpect to certain books 
 and pamphlets, which have been pro- 
 fefTedly written againfl the religion of 
 the country ; that the authors of them 
 have been but little molefled ; and you 
 are furprifed, the magiftrate has not 
 prohibited their circulation ; in catho- 
 lic countries fuch attacks, you think, 
 
 would
 
 [ 78 ] 
 
 would not have been received with a 
 like forbearance. 
 
 This, Sir, is the genuine language 
 of intolerance ; it is the fame fpirit, 
 under a thin difguife, which in 1780 
 nearly laid in alhes the capital of the 
 Britifh empire. Who are thofefevera/ 
 individuals, whofe daily conduct mews 
 that they merit not the trifling indul- 
 gence they have received ? Produce 
 them ; for you muft know their names : 
 they mould be hung out in terrorem to 
 others. Do that, and I will fay you 
 are a generous adverfary ; if you de- 
 cline it, permit me to fay, that the 
 charge is bafe. The refufal of chrif- 
 tian burial to proteftants is, I confefs 
 it, a cruel circumflance ; it is come 
 down from thofe barbarous ages, when 
 the milder virtues of chriilianity were 
 hardly felt. The practice cannot hold 
 much longer. Already indeed, in mofl 
 towns in France, is a portion of land 
 allotted for the burial-place of protef- 
 tants. Yet if churches mull be into- 
 lerant, rather let its effects extend to 
 the dead, than to the living. When 
 
 an
 
 [ 79 ] 
 
 an Englifh proteftant complains of this 
 circumflance to me ; I look in his face, 
 and wonder he does not blufh. If in 
 France fome kings, particularly of the 
 houfe of Valois, were fevere in their 
 decrees againft proteflants ; has not 
 England alfo had its Tudors and its 
 Stuarts? Alas! we know it. The re- 
 vocation of the edict, you mention, 
 was as oppreffive, as it was impolitic ; 
 and you may glory, that the Britifh 
 annals are not fouled with an event fo 
 difgraceful. But then under the in- 
 fluence of that edict, had the protef- 
 tants of France enjoyed a repofe of 
 nearly a hundred years. The laws of 
 England have not given as many mo- 
 ments to her catholic fubjedts, fince 
 the days of Elizabeth ; and do you 
 think, we dare not at any period weigh 
 merit with the difciples of John Calvin 
 and Theodore Beza ? 
 
 As to books or pamphlets, few or 
 none, that I recollect, have been pro- 
 fefTedly written againfl the religion of 
 the country, unlefs perhaps where an 
 attack had been firft made, and provo- 
 cation
 
 [ 8o ] 
 
 cation given. Your appeal for inftance, 
 would juftify any attack, I might be dif- 
 pofed to make on the eftablifhed church, 
 provided I could think you wrote it 
 under any fanction of authority, or 
 that your reflections were not the effu- 
 iions of wanton caprice. I blufh, Sir, 
 to hear you talk of the moderation of 
 government, and the forbearance of 
 magiftrates. Does religion come under 
 their cognizance ; or are they to put 
 barriers to the difcuffion of truth ? 
 You, it feems, may pour out a muddy 
 ftream of invective againft the old 
 church ; and if I dare to reply, the 
 magiflrate mall point to the door of 
 Newgate. This is the bufinefs of an 
 inquifitor. Surely, Sir, your foreign 
 education has fupplied you with ftrange 
 ideas ; or you do not reflect, that Eng- 
 land is the country which you and I 
 now inhabit. 
 
 But in this land of boafted freedom ; 
 within whofe rocks every virtue, that 
 can give dignity to man, is faid to 
 dwell, what an inftance of abfurd con- 
 duct is exemplified in you and me. 
 
 We
 
 [ 81 ] 
 
 We had the fame education, profefled 
 the fame religion ; and but a few 
 months ago were equally under the lafh 
 of the fame laws. You ceafe to be a 
 Roman catholic, that is, you drop a 
 few fpeculative opinions, become nei- 
 ther a better man, a better fubjecT;, or 
 a better citizen ; when the next morn- 
 ing you rife to all the blefimgs of a free 
 born fubjedl, and I remain where I was, 
 a (lave among freemen ; the fame 
 naked fvvord, trembling by a fingle 
 hair over my head, which any mif- 
 creant may cut that pleafes. There is 
 no exaggeration in this fimple fa6l. 
 
 I cannot yet quit this fubjedl of tole- 
 ration ; it is you that have raifed my 
 mind to it, and if you have leifure, I 
 will take you through the kingdoms of 
 Europe ; and we will fee what their 
 difpofitions are. Such travelling is not 
 inconvenient, and our excurfion fhall 
 be momentary. Should we difcover 
 that the country, which I love and 
 honour, makes but a fordid figure in 
 the fplendid groupe ; let it be remem- 
 bered that the fault is theirs, who can 
 L meanly
 
 meanly fubmit to a circumilance fo 
 humiliating. 
 
 'Germany. What his Imperial Majefty has done 
 in favour of his Proteflant, and even 
 Jewifh fubjecls, is well known to all 
 Europe ; what was oppreflive he has 
 relaxed ; and with the free practice of 
 religion he gives to diflenters all the 
 common rights of citizens. This fair 
 ^example has been followed by other 
 catholic princes of the empire. In 
 many Hates of Germany indeed, no; 
 fuch extenfion of religious liberty was 
 wanted ; becaufe they had long pofTefled 
 it in the fulleft latitude. When chrif- 
 tians of different perfuafions can pray 
 to God under the fame roof, they will 
 hardly be diipofed to perfecute. Ger- 
 many may now be confidered as the 
 country of the freeft toleration. The 
 Emperor, it isfometimes faid, hashim- 
 felf no religion ; it may be fo : but if 
 that indulgence of difpofition, which I 
 commend, be thought to prove it, it 
 would be well for mankind, if other 
 princes had as little. 
 
 The
 
 The king of Pruflia, a member of the 
 Germanic body, is not, I believe, very 
 religious ; but from all evil fome good 
 arifes. He that is indifferent to modes 
 of faith, will not be inclined to (hew 
 preference to any ; to him the beft 
 fubjecl: will be the beft believer: at 
 all events, the great man, of whom I 
 am fpeaking, is too good a politician, 
 to fuppofe that tefts or penal reflraints 
 would recruit his armies. 
 
 In the vaft territories of the Czarina, Ruffia. 
 though the Greek may be called the 
 eflablifhed church, yet have all other 
 fects their own altars, Jews, pagans, 
 and mahometans. In the provinces 
 her arms have conquered, this worthy 
 fucceflbr of Peter the great, is too wife 
 to pretend to any fovereignty over opi- 
 nions ; and like the Romans may, in 
 fome fenfe, be faid to adopt the gods of 
 of her new fubjects. To thofe of the 
 Roman catholic perfuafion me has been 
 particularly indulgent; and has even 
 granted an afylum to that fociety of 
 men, which the catholic princes had 
 precipitately banifhed from their flates* 
 L 2 and
 
 and Rome had been compelled to fup- 
 prefs: I fpeak of the jefuits, to whom 
 the chriftian world has many obligati- 
 ons, and whom, from their firft efta- 
 blifhment, this country ever treated 
 with peculiar diflinclion. 
 
 Poland. The prevailing religion of Poland is 
 that of Rome : but by the laws, the 
 diffidents, that is, the Proteftant and 
 Greek Chriflians, are entitled to toler- 
 ation and protection. This they have 
 not always found. Party, heated by 
 religious zeal, has often rifen into the 
 wildeft enthufiafm ; and the confe- 
 quences have been dreadful to thofe, 
 whom the laws are bound to protect. 
 The Polifh government is radically 
 vicious ; and there lies the evil. How- 
 ever, the fcenes, I allude to, will 
 debafe no more that nation, by nature 
 brave and generous. Neighbouring 
 Princes have kindly interfered, and by 
 a partition of territory, and by fubfe- 
 quent regulations, have broken that 
 high fpirit which valued little the re- 
 ftraints of law. The diffidents will 
 in future enjoy that liberty, to which, 
 
 in
 
 [ 85 ] 
 
 in common with the Jews and maho 
 metans, they have a legal right. 
 
 The Lutheran dodlrine is univerfally Denmark, 
 admitted through Denmark and Nor- 
 way ; nor hardly, I believe, is there 
 any other feel of any vifible confe- 
 quence, unlefs in fome few of the 
 towns. In Copenhagen the catholics, 
 not many years ago, applied for fome 
 indulgence, and it was granted ; Were 
 they more numerous, there is little 
 doubt, but they would be further in- 
 dulged. The government is mild, and 
 not difpofed to perfecute. In Santa 
 Cruz, one of their Weft India Iflands, 
 the Catholics enjoy full toleration, 
 becaufe they applied for it. 
 
 The religion of Denmark is alfo pro- Sweden, 
 fefled in Sweden : but here it has all 
 the ftern features of northern defpot- 
 ifm ; though it was eftablifhed by that 
 hero and patriot, Guftavus Vafa, in 
 1544. The tenets of Martin Luther 
 alone were tolerated ; but it was 
 againft the Roman catholics that the 
 feverity of the laws was pointed. No 
 
 court
 
 [ 86 ] 
 
 court of inquisition ever framed fuch 
 flatutes, as Sweden holds out againft 
 Rome, particularly its clergy. Politi- 
 cal views, it is well known, took the 
 lead in thefe regulations, and drew in 
 religion to give its fanclion to them. 
 Such in other countries alfo has been 
 the mean practice of ilatefmen But 
 at the moment I am wiiting, a milder 
 fcene is opening before me. The Swe- 
 diih monarch, who has travelled much, 
 and who has therefore difcovered that 
 there are good fubjedls in all religions, 
 feems determined to break through the 
 favage inftitutes of his predeceflbrs, and 
 to opprefs no man wrongfully. French 
 politics, which have always great in- 
 fluence at Stockholm, doubtlefs ope- 
 rated to produce this happy revolution. 
 His connexion with the Emperor, the 
 milder air of Italy, and his intimacy 
 with the Pope, have alfo contributed 
 not a little to the fame effect. It is 
 faid, that the King himfelf is building 
 a church for his catholic fubjecls; whilft 
 he grants them every other indulgence, 
 and proffers all encouragement to 
 grangers of that perfuafion, who may 
 
 be
 
 [ 8? ] 
 
 be inclined to fettle in his territories. 
 The catholics, in fome parts of Swe- 
 den, are, I am told, rather numerous. 
 
 In the United Provinces, where Holland 
 prefbyterianifm rules, all other fedls 
 are free. Catholics are under fome 
 reflrictions, but they are not of an 
 oppreffive nature. Places of trull and 
 high preferment are Ihut againll them : 
 nor could this well be otherwife ; it 
 was rather natural to expect that the 
 religion, which their haughty mailers, 
 the Spaniards, had profefTed, would 
 have been utterly profcribed. But re- 
 ligious zeal makes no deep impreffion 
 on the heart of a Dutchman, when in- 
 terefl tells him what his duty is. The 
 army and navy are open to Roman ca- 
 tholics. 
 
 In the cantons of Switzerland, Gal- Switzerland 
 vinifm and the religion of Rome are 
 the leading perfuafions. At the refor- 
 mation violent commotions were raifed 
 by religious difputes, and their effects 
 are fenfibly felt to this hour. The har- 
 mony and mutual confidence which be- 
 fore
 
 [ 88 ] 
 
 fore fubfifted among the cantons, and 
 were that chain which gave them 
 ftrength, were then broken, and have 
 fince never been thoroughly repaired. 
 The quarrels of free flates are impla- 
 cable. It is often faid, that the catho- 
 lic religion naturally tends to defpot- 
 ifm. The obfervation is not true. The 
 purefl democracy on earth is found 
 among the cantons of the catholic per- 
 fuafion ; whilfl the great proteftant 
 cantons have adopted ariflocracy, the 
 worfl fpecies of defpotifm. The bright 
 days of Switzerland expired at the re- 
 formation. 
 
 Italy. The eflablifhed religion, in all the 
 flates of Italy, is well known to be the 
 catholic ; nor is any other tolerated : 
 yet all feels are found there, and all 
 may live without the fmalleft molefta- 
 tion, provided, keeping themfelves 
 within the bounds of decency, , they 
 infult not the religion of the country. 
 Even the court of inquisition in the 
 papal Hates, has nothing terrible in it ; 
 and our protefhmts know how kindly 
 they are every where received. If you 
 
 talk
 
 talk to me of religious freedom ; I 
 would rather be a Jew in Rome than a 
 Roman catholic in the capital of an 
 empire, where liberty is vainly faid to 
 have fixed her throne. 
 
 But it is in the kingdoms of Spain s P ain and 
 and Portugal, that the catholic religion 
 is thought to be moft intolerant ; there 
 it is fecurely guarded from every inno- 
 vation by the eye of a jealous and 
 fevere court, which feems to hold con- 
 troul almoft over the thoughts of men. 
 The inquifition was there inftituted, 
 principally as a barrier againft the Jews 
 and Moors, who had been expelled from 
 Spain. It is the great ftate curb, by 
 which the people are kept in religious 
 and civil fubjeclion. I have nothing to 
 fay in its defence ; but it is a queftion 
 not perhaps to be fo eafily decided, 
 even by a politician ; whether, in a 
 country, where one religion alone is 
 profefled, it be expedient to permit the 
 ingrefs of fedlaries to fpread their doc- 
 trines, to difturb the peace, and to divide 
 the opinions of the people ? Might 
 this be done without oppofition, which 
 M is
 
 is impoffible, fome good of a partial 
 nature would perhaps arife : but when 
 we look to what has happened in other 
 countries, furely ignorance with all 
 its concomitants muft be infinitely pre- 
 ferable to an eternal breach of concord 
 and the horrors of civil war. However, 
 as in the kingdoms, of which I am 
 fpeaking, there is but one religion ; 
 no feels or bodies of chriflians can com- 
 plain of oppreffion ; and this it is that 
 in other Hates pleads fo loudly for tole- 
 ration. In propriety of language there- 
 fore I do not fee that Spain or Portugal 
 can be termed intolerant. 
 
 France* TO France, our rival in arms, in 
 arts, and in literature, is the eye of an 
 Englimman ever turned, when he is 
 difpofed to compare nations. There 
 only one religion prevails : let us fee 
 then what is her behaviour towards 
 that large body of difTenters which, for 
 more than two centuries, has exifted 
 in the country. France was in the 
 undifturbed practice of the religion of 
 her ancefiors, when Calvinifm, fecretly 
 having wormed itfelf into the minds 
 
 of
 
 91 J 
 
 pf many, boldly reared its head, and 
 demanded a free exercife of religion. 
 The demand was intemperate ; it was 
 refufed ; an opposition was raifed ; the 
 minds were irritated ; and both parties, 
 at length flew to arms. Under the 
 cloak of religious zeal enormities are 
 committed on both fides ; hut as the 
 catholic party was the moffc powerful, 
 and generally led on by men of the 
 mofl abandoned principles, the greatefl 
 atrocity B of conduct feems rather to 
 belong to them. At the head of the 
 Hugonots were men, whofe fplendid 
 virtues would have given dignity to a 
 much worfe caufe than theirs. After 
 various events, during a dreadful period 
 of more than 40 years, the Galvinifls 
 finally obtained from their old friend 
 and general, the great and good Henry, 
 that famous edicl of Nantes, which 
 gave them the indulgence and protec- 
 tion for which they had fo long con- 
 tended. But this fame edidl was re- 
 pealed, near a hundred years after, in 
 1685, by Lewis XIV, on whom his 
 miniflers had impofed, and in whofe 
 .mind pretended zealots had rajfed falfe 
 M 2 impref T
 
 [ 9* ] 
 
 impreflions of religious duty. The 
 Hugonots at leaft had not merited this 
 cruel reverfe of fortune: from this 
 time they have lived in a flate of 
 oppreffion. 
 
 The laws which, at different periods, 
 have been made againft them, and 
 which continue in force, are extreme- 
 ly fevere. But it muft be allowed, 
 that they were a dangerous and power- 
 ful party, from whom the religion, if 
 not the civil constitution of France, had 
 every thing to apprehend. Milder 
 treatment perhaps would have foftened 
 the harfh features of Calvinifm. Their 
 grievances are daily lightened : of what 
 they principally complain now is, that 
 they muft conform to the eftablifhed 
 church in the celebration of marriage; 
 that their children muft be baptifed 
 according to the Roman rite ; that 
 thefe children maybe taken from them 
 to be educated in the religion of the 
 country ; and that they are not allow- 
 ed either minifter or churches for the 
 exercife of their religion. Thefe, it 
 muft be owned, are ferious grievances. 
 
 J have
 
 [ 93 ] 
 
 I have been prefent in the South of 
 France, when more than five thoufand 
 people were aflembled to worfhip their 
 maker in a retired valley, expofed to 
 the rays of a fcorching fun ; and even 
 this was illegal. But the army is open 
 to them, and a particular order has 
 been inftituted to reward their mili- 
 tary fervices. Befides, as in that coun- 
 try, the king can difpenfe with the 
 laws, application is daily made to him, 
 and he relaxes their feverity, when 
 and in what degree he pleafes. Abfo- 
 lute power is not always without its 
 advantages. The proteflants in France 
 are now thought to be very numerous ; 
 and as there feems to be a growing be- 
 nevolence towards them, among all 
 orders of the ftate, in a few years we 
 may expect to fee a moll fortunate re- 
 volution in t{xeir favour. 
 
 Of the hardfhips, which I have men- England. 
 tioned, and of which the French pro- 
 teftants fo loudly complain, there is 
 but one, that does not affect the catho- 
 lics of England. Then how many 
 circumflances are there which render 
 
 the
 
 [ 94 ] 
 
 the fituation of the latter peculiarly 
 hard? When the reformation began, 
 we were in the pofleilion of our reli- 
 gion : this the French Calvinifts can- 
 not alledge. At the beginning of the 
 reign of Elizabeth, when we were the 
 ftrongeft party, never had we recourfe 
 to violence, or drew the fword in our 
 defence ; the fame rule of moderation 
 we have purfued to this day : nor can 
 the French fay this. We are now an 
 inconfiderable body, warmly attached 
 to our king and country, and, if it may 
 have any claim tp refpe.dl, the blood 
 in our veins is generous and honourar 
 ble : the Hugonots fay, they are three 
 millions of fouls, and their attach- 
 ment to government is not, I fufpecl, 
 the moft fincere. When news came 
 of the relief of Gibraltar, I well re- 
 member the animated countenance of 
 a minifler of that religion, with whom 
 
 J was converfmg. Our young men 
 
 would enter the army or navy ; this is. 
 not allowed them, and they are com- 
 pelled to feek for bread under fome 
 foreign ftandard : I have faid how it is 
 jin France.-^-In a word, as with us, there
 
 t 95 1 
 
 is no power above the lawSj fo cannot 
 their rigour be mitigated ; otherwife 
 we Ihould prefume to think that he 
 who has accepted our allegiance, would 
 deign to proteft us from oppreffion : 
 the French monarch can be more in- 
 dulgent to his proteftant fubjects. 
 
 The fubjedi is not half exhaufted, 
 tut I mufi leave it. To difcufs it fully, 
 would require a fmall volume; and, 
 if I continue in my prefent difpofi- 
 tion, I fhall perhaps refume it on fome 
 other occafion. I promifed you but a 
 momentary excurfion : the many ob- 
 jects that fell in our way have detained 
 us longer. What think you, Sir, of our 
 own country? Does it feem, from 
 this imperfect view, to take the lead 
 of other nations in moderation, and 
 in indulgence to the religious weak* 
 hefTes, if you will, of its citizens? and 
 obferve alfo, that Roman catholics are 
 not the only body of chriflians, who 
 have penal grievances to complain of. 
 How unchriftian is all intolerance ; 
 Ibut how abfurd likewife is it in a pro- 
 teftant
 
 [ 96 ] 
 
 teftant ftate! every principle of the 
 reformation is contrary to it : but the 
 liberty, which the reformed churches 
 either afked, or took to themfelves, 
 they are not always difpofed to give to 
 others. Man truly is a felfifh being, 
 
 Conclufion. Such, Sir, were the reflections, which 
 rofe in my mind, on the curfory pe- 
 rufal of your appeal '; when a few days 
 after I reviewed myfelf, I faw they 
 were ftill floating on the furface ; I 
 drew them together, and I give them 
 to you, fimple and unornamented, as 
 is the general flock, I can properly 
 
 call my own. 1 have not read the 
 
 foftfcript to the appeal : you fay it has 
 no neceflary connexion with it : and 
 fuch a pojtfcript, to judge from its out- 
 ward form, hardly, I fancy, was ever 
 penned f Thoughtful hours I have, and 
 to fuch you fay, you devote it ; but 
 when the work itfelf has had a certain 
 mare of thought, what claim has its 
 poftfcript to afk for more? Befides, 
 other matters there are, which have a 
 prior demand on the little attention 
 
 it
 
 [ 97 ] 
 
 it is in my power to beftow, and I 
 cannot deprive them of it. 
 
 I mean not this tract; as a reply to 
 your work ; it only contains a few ob- 
 fervations bearing fome reference to 
 it : but mould it be found that there is 
 truth, in fome of them particularly ; 
 the main fub (lance of your appeal mufl 
 crumble into duft. I would not write 
 a long work, becaufe I hate to read 
 one. The gentleman, whom your ap- 
 peal principally regards, may perhaps 
 judge it expedient to enter on a fuller 
 difcuffion. Should he do it, I wifh 
 him a profperous voyage. Not that 
 the attempt would demand any vaft 
 refearches ; but becaufe to follow you 
 from page to page, through fuch a 
 wildernefs of matter, would take the 
 fmile even from the face of patience. 
 How you got through is befl known tc* 
 yourfelf. The fir en, that fat by your 
 fide, mufl have charmed away toil, 
 and made the journey eafy. 
 
 A few only, out of the points I have 
 
 juft touched upon, are peculiarly in- 
 
 N terefting,
 
 [ 93 ] 
 
 terefting, and on them I have been 
 more diffufe. I wifhed to bring them 
 before the public in a form that might 
 raife forrie attention. Novelty, you 
 muft be fenfible, is not to be expected, 
 and therefore fome addrefs is neceflary 
 to throw any intereft on fo heavy and 
 antiquated an enquiry. The light, in 
 which I have prefented the queition, 
 on the authority of the church, and 
 the nature of the written word, is not, 
 I know, exactly the common one ; but 
 to my apprehenflon, it is the only true 
 one, and by it is removed a weight of 
 difficulties, which otherwife attend the 
 difcuffion. Proteftants will not accede 
 to it ; but I am ready to meet you or 
 any one upon the queftion, and to give 
 it every further elucidation, it may 
 feem to require. 
 
 Yon may think, I have been fome- 
 what fevere, even not liberal, in fup- 
 poiing it was Love, that could have 
 worked a change in your religious fen- 
 timents. As to afperity ; turn your 
 mind back to feveral pafTages in your 
 appeal, and there you will find my 
 
 apology.
 
 [ 99 3 
 
 apology. You would have chofcn, I 
 dare fay, a more placid adverfary ; one 
 that would have dipped his pen in 
 milk ; and then you would have faid, 
 that he feared you. By nature I am 
 not very tame ; nor did I fee the leail 
 neceffity of faying foft things upon 
 this occafion. Controverfy mufl be 
 a little animated ; but let truth, can- 
 dour, and honeily, hold the pen down 
 every page. From this rule I have 
 
 not departed. As to love ; what 
 
 muit I fay ? Effects in the moral world 
 have all their certain caufes, and out 
 of thefe we mult chufe what feem 
 moil adequate to the point. We 
 cannot enter into the heart of man, 
 but if we could, there perhaps we 
 mould difcover motives and fprings of 
 action, which the owner of that heart 
 might little fufpect to be there. So 
 true is it, that we do not know our- 
 felves. At all events, the conftruction I 
 put on your conduct, I am very willing 
 mall be laid on mine, if ever, by any 
 ftrange impulfe of foul, I fhould be 
 drawn to an imitation of your example. 
 N 2 I fhould
 
 I fhould clofe this addrefs, I perceive, 
 with fomething pathetic. In fome 
 humours I might ; but now I cannot. 
 I always write as I feel. For this de- 
 claration, on a former occafion, I have 
 been cenfured : but it is this circum- 
 ftance, if I am not miilaken, that fome- 
 times gives an air of originality to wri- 
 ting, and fometimes a varied ftrength of 
 colouring, which mould not difpleafe. 
 The eye that, with pleafure, can dwell 
 on one uniform unbroken fcene, was 
 hardly defigned for the head of a think- 
 ing being. However, we have all our 
 taftes, and our different turns of cha- 
 racter. Experience, it feems, mould 
 give (lability to them ; yet there are 
 minds which, like the fhifting fands of 
 Africa, never know what it is to fettle. 
 Are you, Sir, fure that the eftablifhed 
 church will hold you as long as ours 
 did ? Freed but once from the reftraint 
 of authority, creeds and tefts of churches 
 mould never reach me more. I would 
 adopt, in this country, a much more 
 rational faith than you have done. 
 
 The
 
 The fhort expcjitlon of our belief, 
 which I fubjoin to thefe fheets for 
 reafons I fhall aflign, I recommend to 
 your reflection. Meet it with your 
 own creed, if you have one ready, ancl 
 compare them together. Some advan- 
 tage may be derived from the com- 
 parifon. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 Ofcote, JVov. 26, 1785.
 
 ROMAN CATHOLIC 
 
 PRINCIPLES, 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO 
 
 God and the Country.
 
 
 ROMAN CATHOLIC 
 
 PRINCIPLES, 8cc 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 following ihort Expojition of Catholic 
 principles, I have had by me for fome 
 years. I took it from an old collection of 
 controverfial tracls; and I prefume, there 
 may be other copies of it. Who the author 
 of it was, I know not, nor when it was pub- 
 lifhed ; but I fancy, about the middle of the 
 reign of Charles the fecond. Its concifenefs 
 and precifion of expreffion are admirable: 
 In few words it fays all we wHh to fay, be- 
 caufe it contains all we profefs to believe. 
 They, to whom it has been read, admired it 
 as much as I do, and they wifhed it might be 
 given to the public. I do it with pleafure ; 
 O for
 
 for its merit will ferve to buoy up the pre- 
 ceding Reflexions. I have other motives for 
 it, which are not fo felfim. It will tell the 
 Proteftant and- Catholic, what our real tenets 
 are, and it will tell the former in particular, 
 that what we now believe, was the belief 
 alfo of our grandfathers. Our effential prin- 
 ciples, as chriftians, and as citizens, we have 
 not changed. I think like wife I can, on this 
 occafion, take upon me to declare that, there 
 is not a Roman Catholic in the realm who 
 will refufe, if afked, to fet his hand to this 
 Expedition. If any thing elfe be (till wanting 
 to fatisfy the mind of the moft prejudiced 
 Anti-papift; let it be faid, I have made 
 fome alterations ; but they are few, and of 
 little confequence. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Of the Catholic Faith and Church in 
 general 
 
 l . THE fruition of God, and the remif- 
 fion of fin are not attainable by man, other- 
 wife than in anil by the. merits of Jefus Chrijl, 
 who gratuitoujly purchafed them for us (a). 
 
 2. Thefe 
 (a) Eph. ii. 8.
 
 2. Thefe merits of Chrift, though infinite 
 in themfelves, are not applied to us, other- 
 wife than by a right faith in him (b). 
 
 3. This faith is but one (c), entire, and 
 conformable to its object, which is divine 
 revelation; and to which faith gives an un- 
 doubting affent. 
 
 4. This revelation contains many myjleries, 
 tranfcending the natural reach of human un- 
 derftanding (d). Wherefore, 
 
 5. It became the divine wifdom and good- 
 nefs to provide fome way or means, whereby 
 man might arrive to the knowledge of thefe 
 myjleries ; means vifible and apparent to all (e) ; 
 means proportioned to the capacities of all (f ) ; 
 means Jure and certain to all (g). 
 
 6. This way or means is not the reading of 
 Jcripturc, interpreted according to the private 
 judgment (h) of each disjunctive perfon, or 
 nation in particular ; But, 
 
 O 
 
 (b) Mark xvi. 16. (e) John ix. 41. 
 Heb. xi. 6. (f ) Matt. xi. 25. 
 
 (c) Eph. iv. 5. (g) John xv. 22. 
 
 (d) i Cor, i. 20. (h) 2 Pet. iii. i5. 
 Matt. xvi. 17. i John, iv. i, 6.
 
 7. It is an attention and JubmiJJlon (i) to the 
 voice of the Catholic or Univerfal Church, 
 eftablifhed by Chrift for the inftruction of 
 all ; fpread for that end through all nations (k), 
 and vifibly (1) continued in the fuccelTion of 
 paflors, and people through all ages. From 
 this church guided in truth (m) and fecured 
 from error in matters of faith, by the pro- 
 mijed (n) ajfijlance of the Holy Ghojl, every one 
 may learn the right fenfe of the fcriptures, 
 and fuch chriftian myfteries and duties, as are 
 neceffary to falvation. 
 
 8. This church, thus eftabliihcd, thus 
 fpread, thus continued, thus guided, in one 
 uniform faith (o), and fubordination of go- 
 vernment, is that which is termed the Roman 
 Catholic Church: The qualities jnft mention- 
 ed, unity, indeficiency , vifibility, fucceffion, and 
 univcrfality, being evidently applicable to her. 
 
 g. From the tejlimony and authority of this 
 church, it is, that we receive the fcriptures, 
 and believe them to be the word of God: 
 And as fhe can affuredly (p) tell us what par- 
 ticular 
 
 (i) Matt, xviii. 17. (n) Matt, xxviii. 20. 
 
 Luke x. 1 6. John xiv. 16. 
 
 (k) Matt, xxviii. ig. (o) John x. 16. 
 (1) Matt. v. 14. Ib.xvii.2o, 21, 22. 
 
 (m) John xvi. 13. (p) i Tim. iii. 15. 
 Matt. xvi. 18.
 
 ticular book is the word of God, fo can fhe 
 with the like ajjurancc tell us, alfo the true 
 Jenfc and meaning of it, in controverted points 
 of faith i the fame Jpirit that wrote the fcrip- 
 tures, dirtying her (q) to underftand both 
 them, and all matters neceflary to falvation. 
 From thefe grounds it follows, 
 
 10. Only truths revealed by Almighty God, 
 and propofed by the church to be believed 
 as fuck, are, and ought to be efteemed, arti- 
 cles of Catholic faith. 
 
 11. As an objtinate feparation from the 
 unity of the church, in known matters of 
 faith, is herefy: So a wilful feparation from 
 the vijible unity of the fame church, in mat- 
 ters of fubordination and government, is fchifm. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 Of fpmtual and temporal Authority, 
 
 l . THE pa/tors of the church, who are the 
 body reprejcnlative, either difperfed or con- 
 vened in council, have received no commiflion 
 from Chrift, to frame new articles of faith 
 thefe being folely divine revelations but only 
 
 to 
 
 (q) John xiv. 26.
 
 [ "0 ] 
 
 to explain and to define to the faithful, what 
 anciently was, and is received and retained, 
 as of faith in the church, when debates and 
 controverfies arife about them. Thefe defini- 
 tions in matters of faith only, and propofed 
 as fuck, oblige all the faithful to a fubniiffion 
 of judgment. But, 
 
 2. It is no article of faith; that the church 
 cannot err, either in matters of fa 51 or difci- 
 pline, alterable by circumftances of time and 
 place, or in matters of fpeculation or civil po- 
 licy, depending on mere human judgment or 
 teftimony. Thefe -things are no revelations 
 depofited in the Catholic church, in regard of 
 which alone, fhe has the promifed ajjijtance of 
 the holy fpirit. Hence it is deduced, 
 
 3. If a general council, much lefs a papal 
 conjijlory, fhould prefume to depofe a king, 
 and to abfolve his fubjeffis from their allegiance, 
 no Catholic could be bound to Jubmit to fuch 
 a decree. Hence alfo it follows that, 
 
 4. The fubjects of the king of England 
 lawfully may, without the leaft breach of any 
 catholic principle, renounce, upon oath, the 
 teaching or praclifing the doctrine of depofmg 
 kings excommunicated for herefy, by any au- 
 thority whatfoever, as repugnant to the fun- 
 damental laws of the nation, as injurious to 
 
 fovereign
 
 [ 111 ] 
 
 fovereign power, as definitive to peace and 
 government, and confequently in his Majefty's 
 fubjecTts, as impious and damnable.* 
 
 5. Catholics believe that the Bifhop of 
 Rome, fucceflbr of St. Peter, is the head of the 
 whole Catholic church; in which fenfe, this 
 church may therefore fitly be ftiled Roman 
 Catholic, being an univerfal body, united under 
 one vifible head. Neverthelefs, 
 
 6. It is no matter of faith to believe, that 
 the Pope is in himfelf infallible, feparated 
 from the church, even in expounding the faith: 
 By confequence papal definitions or decrees, in 
 whatever form pronounced, taken exclufively 
 from a general council, or univerfal acceptance 
 of the church, oblige none, under pain of 
 herefy, to an interior afient. 
 
 7. Nor do Catholics, as Catholics, believe 
 that the Pope has any dired, or indired au- 
 thority over the temporal power and jurifdi&ion 
 of princes. Hence, if the Pope fhould pre- 
 tend 
 
 * The word damnable I diflike ; to me it conveys no 
 idea ; or if any, it fays too much : But I let it ftand to 
 fhew, how defirous our anceftors were, by the moft em- 
 phatical language, to exprefs their deteftation of the papal 
 depofing power. The word impious furely fays enough. 
 I wifh to know what idea a Proteftant affixes to the 
 word heretical, which, in the oath of fupremacy, he ap- 
 plies to the depofing doctrine.
 
 [ 112 ] 
 
 tend to abfolve or difpenfe with his Majefty's 
 fubjecls from their allegiance, on account of 
 hc*-0 or fehifm, fuch difpenfation would be 
 vain and null; and all Catholic fubjecls, not- 
 withftanding fuch difpenfation or abfolution, 
 would be ftill bound in confcience to defend 
 their king and country, at the hazard of their 
 lives and fortunes, (as far as Proteftants would 
 be bound), even againft the Pope himfelf, in 
 cafe he fhould invade the nation.* 
 
 8. As for the problematical difputes, or er- 
 rors of particular divines, in this or any other 
 matter whatfoever, we are no wife rcfponfiblc 
 for them; nor are Catholics, as Catholics, 
 juftly punifliable on their account. But, 
 
 9. As for the king-killing dottrine, or mur- 
 der of princes, excommunicated for herefy; 
 it is univerfally admitted in the Catholic 
 church, and exprefily fo declared by the 
 council of Conftance, that fuch do&rine is 
 impious and execrable, being contrary to the 
 known laws of God and nature. 
 
 10. Personal mifdcmeanors, of what nature 
 foever, ought not to be imputed to the Catholic 
 
 church, 
 
 * This is an idle fuppofition : But at the time this 
 Expofition was framed, the Pope was a much greater 
 bugbear, than now he is. At all times indeed we have 
 had enough to do with the hobgoblins of the imagination.
 
 church, when not juftifiable by the tenets of 
 her faith and do&rine. For which reafon, 
 though the {lories of the Irijh cruelties, or 
 powderplot, had been exadly true, (which yet 
 for the moft part are notorioufly mif-related) 
 neverthelefs Catholics, as fuch, ought not to 
 fuffer for fuch offences, any more than the 
 eleven apoftles ought to have fuffered for the 
 treachery of Judas* 
 
 1 1 . It is a fundamental truth in our reli- 
 gion, that no power on earth can licenfe men 
 to lie, to forfwear or perjure themfelves, to 
 majfacre their neighbours, or dejlroy their na- 
 tive country, on pretence of promoting the 
 Catholic caufc or religion: Furthermore, all 
 pardons or dijpenfations granted, or pretended 
 to be granted, in order to any fuch ends or 
 defigns, could have no other validity or effect, 
 than to add facrilege and blafphemy to the 
 above-mentioned crimes. 
 
 12. The dodrine of equivocation or mental 
 refervation, however wrongfully imputed to 
 the church, was never taught, or approved 
 by her, as any part of her belief: On the 
 
 P contrary, 
 
 * Thefe Jtorltf are more than mif-related ; for there is 
 no truth in either, as afcribed to the Irifh or Englifh Ca- 
 tholics at large. Gunpowder treafoa, or CeciFs plot is one 
 of thofe red-lettered folemnities, whi^h do fo much Ho- 
 nour to this enlightened nation!
 
 [ "4 ] 
 
 contrary, fimplicity and godly fmcerity are 
 conftantly inculcated by her as truly chrijlian 
 virtues, neceffary to the conservation ofjttftice 1 
 truth and common fecurity. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 Of other Points of Catholic Faith. 
 
 1. WE believe, that there are feven Ja~ 
 craments or facred ceremonies, inftituted by 
 our Saviour Chrift, whereby the merits of his 
 paffion are applied to the foul of the worthy 
 receiver. 
 
 2. We believe, that when a finner (a) re- 
 pents of his fins from the bottom of his heart, 
 and acknowledges his tranfgreffions to God and 
 his (b) minijlers, the difpenfers of the my/leries 
 of Chrift, refolving to turn from his evil 
 ways, (d) and bring forth fruits worthy of pe- 
 nance; there is then, and no otherwife, an au- 
 thority left by Chrift to abfolve fuch a penitent 
 
 fmner from his fins : Which authority, we be- 
 lieve, Chrift gave to his apojlles and their 
 fuccejfors, the bifhops and pricjls of his church, 
 
 in 
 
 (a) 2 Cor. vii. 10. (4) Luke iii. 8. 
 
 (b) A6h xix. 18. 
 i Cor. iv. i.
 
 in thofe words, when he faid, Receive ye the 
 Holy Ghojl, whoje fins you JJiall forgive, they 
 are forgiven unto them, Sec. (e) 
 
 3. Though no creature whatsoever can 
 make condign fatisfattion (f), either for the 
 guilt of fin, or the pain eternal due to it; (g) 
 this fatisfattion being proper to Chrift our 
 Saviour only; yet penitent finners redeemed 
 by Chrift may, as members of Chrift, in fome 
 meafure (h) Jathfy by prayer, fafting, alms- 
 deeds, and other works of piety, for the tem- 
 poral pain, which in the order of divine juf- 
 tice fometimes remains due, after the guilt 
 of fin and pains eternal have been remitted. 
 Such penitential works are, notwithftanding, 
 no otherwife fatisfattory than as joined and 
 applied to that Jatisfaftion, which Jefus made 
 upon the crofs, in virtue of which alone all 
 our good works find a grateful acceptance in 
 the fight of God. (i) 
 
 4. The guilt of fin, or pain eternal due to 
 it, is never remitted by what Catholics call 
 indulgences; but only fuch temporal punijli- 
 ments (k) as remain due after the guilt is re- 
 mitted : Thefe indulgences being nothing elfe 
 
 P 2 than 
 
 (e) John xx. 23. (h) Afts xxvi. 20. 
 
 (f) Tit. Hi. 5. Luke xi.4i. 
 
 (g) 2 Cor. iii. 5. (i) i Pet. ii.^. 
 
 (k) i Cor. v. 5, &e.
 
 [ "6 ] 
 
 than a (I) mitigation or relaxation, upon juft 
 caufes, of canonical penances, enjoined by the 
 paftors of the church on penitent finners, 
 according to their feveral degrees of demerit. 
 And if abufes or raiflakes have been fome- 
 times committed, in point either of granting 
 or gaining indulgences, through the remiffnefs 
 or ignorance of particular perfons, contrary 
 to the ancient cuftom and difcipline of the 
 church: Such abufes or miftakes cannot ra- 
 tionally be charged on the church, or ren- 
 dered matters of derifion, in prejudice to her 
 faith and difcipline. 
 
 5. Catholics hold there is a purgatory, that 
 is to fay, a place or ftate, where fouls depart- 
 ing this life, with remiflion of their fins, as to 
 the eternal guilt or pain, but yet obnoxious to 
 fome temporal puni/hment, of which we have 
 fpoken, ftill remaining due, or not perfectly 
 freed from the blemifh of fome defetts (m) 
 or deordinations, are purged (n) before their 
 admittance into heaven, where nothing that 
 is defiled can enter. Furthermore, 
 
 6. Catholics alfo hold, that fuch fouls fo 
 detained in purgatory, being the living mem- 
 bers of Chrift Jefus, are relieved by the prayers 
 and Juffrages of their fellow-members here on 
 
 earth : 
 
 (1) 2 Cor. ii. 10. (n) i Cor. iii. i$. 
 
 (m) Matt. xii. 36.
 
 earth : But where this place is ; of what na- 
 ture or quality the pains are ; how long fouls 
 may be there detained ; in what manner the 
 Juffrages made in their behalf are applied ; 
 whether by way of fatisfattion or intercejfion^ 
 &cc. are queftiqns fuperfluous, and imperti- 
 nent as to faith. 
 
 7. No man, though jufl, (o) can merit 
 either an increafe of fandity in this life, or 
 eternal glory in the next, independently on 
 the merits and paffion of Chrift Jefus : But 
 the good works (p) of a juft man proceeding 
 from grace and charity, are fo far acceptable to 
 God, through his goodnefs and facred pro- 
 mijes, as to be truly meritorious of eternal 
 life. 
 
 8. It is an article of Catholic belief, That 
 in the moft holy facrament of the Eucharift, 
 there is truly and really contained the (q) 
 body of Chrift, which was delivered for us, and 
 his blood, which was Jhed for the remiffion of 
 Jins; the fubftance of bread and wine being, 
 by the powerful words of Chrift, changed into 
 the Jubjlance of his blefled body and blood, 
 the fpecies or appearances of bread and wine, 
 
 by 
 
 (o) John xv. 5. (q) Matt. xxvi. 26, &c. 
 
 (p) Matt. xvi. 27. Mark xiv. 22, &c. 
 
 2 Cor. y. 10. Luke xxii. 19, Sec. 
 
 i Cor. xi. 23, &c.
 
 [ 118 ] 
 
 by the will of God, remaining as they were. 
 But, 
 
 9. Chrift is not prefent in this facrament, 
 according to his natural way of exiflence, or 
 rather as bodies naturally exift, but in a man- 
 ner proper to the character of his exalted 
 and glorified body : His prefence then is real 
 and Jubflantial, but facramtntal, not expofed 
 to the external fenfes, or obnoxious to corpo- 
 ral contingencies. 
 
 10. Neither is the body of Chrift, in this 
 holy facrament, Jeparated from his blood, or 
 his blood from his body, or either of them 
 disjoined from his foul and divinity ; but all 
 and whole (r) living Jefus is entirely contained 
 under either fpecies; fo that whofoever re- 
 ceives under one kind is truly partaker of the 
 whole facrament ; he is not deprived either of 
 the body or the blood of Chrift. True it is, 
 
 1 1 . Our Saviour left unto us his body and 
 blood, under two dijlinft Jpecies or kinds ; in 
 doing of which he inftituted not only a Ja- 
 crament, but alfo a Jacrifice ; (s) a commemora- 
 tive Jacrifice diftinclly (t) Jhewing his death 
 and bloody paffion, until he come. For as the 
 Jacrifice of the crojs was performed by a dif- 
 
 tincl 
 
 (r) John vi. 48, &c. (t) i Cor. xi, 26. 
 
 (s) Luke xxii. 19, &c.
 
 [ "9 ] 
 
 tincl tff u fi on f Mood, fo is that facrifice com- 
 memorated in that of the altar, by a dijlinftion 
 of the Jymbols. Jefus therefore is here given> 
 not only to us, but for us; and the church 
 thereby is enriched with a true, proper, and 
 propitiatory facrifice, ufually termed the mafs. 
 
 12. Catholics renounce all divine wor/kip 
 and adoration of images and figures; God 
 alone we worjhip and adore (u) ; neverthelefs 
 we place pictures in our churches, to reduce 
 our wandering thoughts, and to enliven our 
 memories towards heavenly things. Further, 
 we mew a certain rejpetf to the images of 
 Chrift and his faints, beyond what is due to 
 every prophane figure ; not that we can be- 
 lieve any divinity or virtue to refide in them, 
 for which they ought to be honoured, but be- 
 caufe the honour given to pictures is referred 
 to the prototype or thing represented. In like 
 manner, 
 
 13. There is a kind of honour and refpect 
 due to the bible, to the crofs, to the name of 
 Jefus, to churches, to the facraments, &c. (w) 
 as things peculiarly appertaining to God; 
 and to kings, magift rates, and Juperiors on 
 earth (x) ; to whom honour is .due, honour 
 
 (u) Luke iv. 8. (x) i Pet. ii. 17. 
 
 (w) Phil. ii. 10. Rom. xiii, 7. 
 
 Adsxix, 12.
 
 [ 120 ] 
 
 may be given, without any derogation to the 
 majefly of God, or that divine worfhip which 
 is appropriate to him. Moreover, 
 
 14. Catholics believe, That the blefled 
 faints in heaven, replenifhed with charity, 
 (y) pray for us their fellow-members here on 
 earth ; that they (z) rejoice at our converfion ; 
 that feeing God (a) they fee and know in him 
 all things fuitable to their happy flate : But 
 God may be inclinable to hear their requefts 
 made in our behalf, and for their fakes may 
 grant us many favours : Therefore we believe 
 that It is good and profitable to defire their 
 intercejjion. Can this manner of invocation 
 be more injurious to Chrift our mediator, 
 than it is for one chriftian to beg the prayers 
 (b) of another here on earth? However, 
 Catholics are not taught fo to rely on the 
 prayers of others, as to neglect their own (c) 
 duty to God; in imploring his divine mercy 
 and goodnefs; (d) in mortifying the deeds of 
 the flejh ; in (e) defpifmg the world ; in loving 
 and ferving (f) God and their neighbour; 
 in following the footjieps of Chrift our Lord, 
 
 who 
 
 (y) Rev. v. 8. (c) Jam. ii. 17, See. 
 
 (z) Luke xv. 7. < (d) Rom. xiii. 14. 
 
 (a) i Cor. xiii. la. (e) Rom. xii. 2. 
 
 (b) Rom. xv. 30. (f) Gal, v. f.
 
 who is the (g) way, the truth, and the life -, 
 to whom be honour and glory for ever and 
 ever. Amen. 
 
 ou 
 
 / 
 
 December l, 1785. 
 
 (g) John xiv. 6. 
 
 F i jy i s.
 
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 LETTER 
 
 T O A 
 
 MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROTESTANT DISSENTERS; 
 
 AND THE 
 
 EXPEDIENCY OF A GENERAL REPEAL OF ALL 
 
 PENAL STATUTES THAT REGARD 
 
 RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR R. FAULDER, IN NEW BOND-STREET, 
 MDCCLXXXVU.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 TH E following Letter was written be-* 
 fore the CASE of the DifTenters was 
 agitated in the Houfe of Commons ; but 
 was then fuppreffed from motives of deli^ 
 cacy. As thefe no longer exift, it is offer- 
 ed to the public in its primitive form, with 
 the addition of only a note or two, occa- 
 fioned by fome recent pamphlets on the 
 fubjet.
 
 LETTER 
 
 T O A 
 
 MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, &c. 
 
 
 A Printed meet was, a few days ago, 
 * * put into my hand, entitled, The 
 Cafe of the Protejlant Dijjenten, with refer- 
 ence to the *TeJl and Corporation Atts. The 
 intention of it is to move the legiflature to 
 repeal fuch parts of thefe acts, as exclude 
 from military and civil offices all who re- 
 B ceive
 
 ceive not the facrament of the Lord's Sup- 
 per, according to the ufage of the church 
 of England, within three months after their 
 admittance, or one year before their elec- 
 tion, if their office be a corporation one. 
 
 Although I fincerely wifh the proteftant 
 diffenters fuccefs in their application to par- 
 liament, having ever confidered fuch tefts 
 as inimical to civil as well as to religious 
 liberty, and often a fource of the vileft hy- 
 pocrify ; yet I am forry to be obliged to fay, 
 that, in the paper now before me, there is 
 a manifeft partiality in the ftatement of fads, 
 and an illiberality of fentiment in the mode 
 of reafoning, of which Idid not think the 
 protejlant diffenters of the prefent day ca- 
 pable : and I am perfuaded, that many pro- 
 teftant difTenters are of the fame opinion 
 with myfelf. Would the enlightened Price, 
 or the candid Prieftley have drawn up fuch a 
 cafe ? 
 
 It
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
 It fets forth, that the ad of the twenty- 
 fifth of Charles the Second muft have been 
 made " wholly againft PAPISTS ; and not 
 " to prevent any danger which could hap- 
 " pen to the nation or church from Pro- 
 " teftant Diflenters." Why ? Becaufe, 
 
 Firft, the at is called " an ad: for pre- 
 " venting dangers, which may happen from 
 " popifl recufants." 
 
 Secondly, From the circumftances in 
 which it was formed ; namely, the fufpen- 
 fion of the penal laws, in favour of papifts 
 our being in war with a proteftant 
 ftate ; and the Duke of York's open pro- 
 feffion of popery. 
 
 Let us fee how far thefe affections accord 
 with the whole tenor of Charles's reign, the 
 general difpofition of the nation during that 
 period, and the conftant oppofition which 
 the eftablifhed religion has ever fince made 
 B 2 to
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 to the repeal of that at : although it is 
 evident that, both from prior and pofterior 
 acts againft papifts, it can neither ferve nor 
 injure them in the leaft degree. 
 
 I hardly think, that it will be ferioufly 
 aflerted, that at the Reftoration, the Roman 
 catholics were a party dangerous or redoubt- 
 able to either church or ftate : whereas, at 
 that time " prelacy and prefbytery ftruggled 
 " for the fuperiority,"* and their mutual 
 animofities were carried to the greateft 
 height. ", 
 
 The epifcopal party, however, prevailed. 
 In the parliament of 1661, the bifhops 
 were reftored to their places in the houfe of 
 lords ; and in the houfe of commons no 
 more than fifty-fix of the prefbyterian party 
 had obtained feats. The corporation acl: of 
 this year is an evident proof that the parlia- 
 
 * Hume, Vol. VII. p. 369, laft edit. 8vo. 
 
 ment
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
 ment dreaded that party, and meant to de- 
 prefs them.* i 
 
 The aft of uniformity in 1662 is ftill 
 more flagrant. It was, fays Hume, " a 
 " pledge of the fincere attachment of par- 
 " liament to the epifcopal hierarchy, and of 
 " their antipathy to prefbyterians." In fact, 
 two thoufand clergymen of that perfuafion 
 were, in confequence, turned out of their 
 livings. 
 
 This could not be afcribed to the king or 
 court. For though Charles hated, and had 
 reafon to hate, the diflenters, his eafy na- 
 
 * The author of the Cafe grants, that, " probably," 
 this aft, at leaft, was levelled at them. He fhould, 
 with Lord Mansfield, have faid, " that it was moft cer- 
 " tainly intended by the legiflature to prohibit the per- 
 " fons therein defcribed being elected to any corporation 
 " offices, and to difable them from taking any fuch 
 " offices upon them." See his fpeech in the houfe of 
 lords, 4th Feb. 1767, in the Appendix to DC. Fur- 
 neaux's Letters, p. 260. 
 
 B 3 tural
 
 [ 6 3 
 
 tural difpofition, and his wifh to ferve the 
 catholic party who had fuffered fo much in 
 the royal caufe, and whom he knew to be 
 ftrongly attached to regal power, made him 
 propofe to his parliament, the very next 
 year (1663), a general toleration in favour 
 of proteftant difTenters, and to catholics the 
 free private exercife of their religion. 
 " But the declared intention of eafmg the 
 " diflenters, and the fecret pufpofe of fa- 
 " vouring catholics, were equally difagree- 
 " able to that parliament."* And the com- 
 mons reprefented " that the indulgence in- 
 <J tended would prove moft pernicious both 
 ** to church and flate, w r ould open the door 
 " to fehifm, encourage faction, difturb the 
 " public peace, arid difcredit the wifdom of 
 " the legiflature." At the fame time, they 
 folicited and obtained a proclamation againft 
 
 * Hume, Vol. VII. p. 386, laft edit. 8vo. 
 
 the
 
 [ 7 3 
 
 the papifts; which, however, was not 
 ftrictly executed. 
 
 The parliament of 1664 difcovered a 
 continuance of the fame principles, which 
 had prevailed in the preceding ones. - 
 " Monarchy and the church were Hill the 
 " great objects of regard and affection." 
 The act of uniformity was not deemed fuf- 
 ficient to guard them from the defigns of 
 fectaries. It was enacted, " that where- 
 " ever five perfons, above thofe of the fame 
 " houfehold, fhould affemble in a religious 
 " congregation, every one of them was 
 " liable to imprifonment or a fine." 
 
 In 1665, ft was enacted that no diflenting 
 teacher, who took not the non-refiftance 
 oath, mould come within five miles of any 
 place where he had formerly preached after 
 the act of oblivion, under the penalty of 
 fix mofcths imprifonment, and fixty pounds. 
 B 4 Not
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 Not content with this, the church-party in- 
 troduced a bill, for impofmg the oath of 
 non-refiftance on the whole nation : and it 
 was rejected only by three voices. 
 
 After Clarendon's difmiflion and difgrace, 
 in 1667, the diflenters began to make head 
 again. But the fuccefs of that ill-advifed 
 meafure, the re-eftablilhing epifcopacy in 
 Scotland, {hews that the high-church party 
 were ftill fuperior, and determined to keep 
 under the prefbyterians. Acts were patted in 
 both the Englifh and Scottifh parliaments for 
 preventing and fuppreffing conventicles. 
 
 But what, above all, (hews the com- 
 plexion of thofe times, is that when Buck- 
 ingham's party, in 1668, had laid a plan to 
 reconcile and unite the prefbyterians by a 
 comprehenfion act ; and to grant to all fec- 
 taries (papifts excepted) a toleration, and 
 free exercife of their religion ; the commons 
 
 were
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 were fo difgufted at this propofal, which had 
 met with the court's approbation, that they 
 immediately voted an addrefs for a procla- 
 mation againft conventicles ; and, fufpecl:- 
 ing that the king ftill meant to do fomething 
 in favour of the proteftant diflenters, they 
 pafled a vote that no one mould bring into 
 the houfe any bill of that nature. And it 
 was, after all, with fome difficulty that they 
 were prevailed upon to vote a fupply. 
 
 It cannot be faid that] the comprehenfion 
 fcheme was intended, oflenjively to relieve 
 proteftant diflenters ; but really to favour the 
 catholics : the latter were exprefsly excluded 
 from its operation ; and no caufe can be af- 
 figned for its giving fuch umbrage to par- 
 liament, but the danger they thought the 
 church and ftate in from fuch a conceflion 
 to diflenters. 
 
 The year after (1669) the act againft con- 
 venticles
 
 venticles pafled, and received the royal af- 
 fent. In this ad: there is this curious claufe, 
 ** That if any difpute arife with regard to 
 " the interpretation of any part of it, the 
 " judges fhall always explain the doubt in 
 " the fenfe leaft favourable to conventicles." 
 So eagerly did parliament defire to fupprefs 
 them. 
 
 Hitherto, then, it is plain that the puri- 
 tans, not the papifts, were the principal eye- 
 fore to the Englifh parliament ; which, as 
 the court exprefled a wifh to extend indul- 
 gence to them, prevented or fruftrated the 
 intention by fome new intolerant acl: or re- 
 folve. 
 
 Things now, however, began to take 
 another turn. The pernicious counfels of 
 the new cabal the unpopular rupture with 
 the Dutch- the clofe league with' France, 
 and the Duke of York's declaring himfelf a 
 
 Roman
 
 t ] 
 
 Roman catholic, gave rife to new alarms 
 about popery; which the long prorogation of 
 parliament, and a proclamation fufpending the 
 penal laws, prodigioufly increafed. Yet the 
 proclamation for fufpending the penal laws, 
 whilft it gave to proteftant diflenters the 
 public exercife of their religion, to catholics 
 allowed only the exercife of theirs in pri- 
 vate houfes. The obfervation of Hume on 
 this proclamation is, that " the diflenters, 
 *' the moft inveterate enemies of the court, 
 " were mollified with thefe indulgent max- 
 " ims ; and the catholics, under their fhelter, 
 " enjoyed more liberty than the laws had 
 " hitherto allowed them."* That is, the 
 court, in order to give fome fmall degree 
 of toleration to catholics, whom it confi- 
 dered among its beft friends, gave a full 
 toleration to diflenters, though it knew them 
 to be its " moft inveterate enemies." 
 
 * Vol. VII. p. 477. 
 
 To
 
 To this declaration the lord keeper refufed 
 to affix the great feal ; and when, at the 
 meeting of parliament, the king infifted on 
 his right to exercife this part of his prero- 
 gative, he met with fuch vigorous oppo- 
 fition from his commons, as obliged him to 
 depart from it. He revoked the fufpending 
 declaration, and with his own hand tore off 
 the feals, 
 
 Still the clamours againft popery were in- 
 duftrioufly kept up, and propagated ; the 
 diflenters joining in the cry, and endea- 
 vouring, by that means, to fix on the pa- 
 pifts only, the fufpicions and diftruft, that 
 had hitherto more particularly fallen on 
 themfelves. 
 
 It was at this conjuncture, that the act al- 
 luded to in the Cafe was made : and from 
 the title of the ac% the writer infers that it 
 was never meant to include proteftant dif- 
 
 fenters.
 
 [ 13 3 
 
 ienters. But I beg leave to affirm with Dr. 
 Furneaux (Letters to Blackftone, Let. I. note, 
 p. 12.) that " to illuftrate or to explain acts 
 " of parliament is one thing ; to reftrain 
 " or limit them another : whether they 
 " amount to more than their titles exprefs, 
 " muft be determined by the words or 
 " claufes of the ad itfelf. The teft-act fup- 
 " plies us with a cafe in point ; it being an 
 " aSt for preventing dangers arifing from po- 
 " pijh recufants ; and yet every one knows it 
 " is fo drawn as to comprehend proteftant 
 " diflenters." Indeed, whoever reads the 
 whole act with attention, and compares it 
 with the hiftory of the times, will, I think, 
 clearly perceive that, though to quiet the 
 minds of the people alarmed with dangers 
 (real or imaginary) from popery, it be in 
 the preamble held forth as an acl: againft 
 popijh recufants ; it is equally at leaft, if not 
 more efpecially, levelled at proteftant dif- 
 
 fenters.
 
 [ H ] 
 
 fenters. The truth appears to be, that the 
 court party ftill wifhed to favour the catho- 
 lics ; but as the tide of popular prejudice 
 againft that body was every day rifmg higher 
 and higher, they found it expedient to item it 
 by paffing this ad ; but took care at the 
 fame time to Item another torrent, which 
 they had experienced to be far more impe- 
 tuous ; by the introduction of the facra- 
 mental teft : and as they had often before 
 attempted in vain to fcreen the catholics 
 from the feverity of the penal ftatutes, by 
 relaxing them in favour of the other dif- 
 fenters ; fo now they were refolved to ftrike 
 at the difTenters through the fides of the 
 catholics. 
 
 " But (fays the writer of the Cafe) fo far 
 " were the proteitant difleriters from being 
 <c aimed at in this bill, that, in their zeal to 
 " refcue the nation from the dangers which 
 " were at that time apprehended from popifh 
 2 " recu-
 
 [ ij 3 
 
 " recufants, they contributed to the paffing 
 " of the bill ; willingly fubjeding them- 
 u felves to the difabilities created by it, rather 
 " than obftruct what was deemed fo necek 
 " fary to the common welfare." 
 
 Generous dhTenters ! But ftill they under- 
 ftood, at the very time, that they were in- 
 cluded in that difqualifying bill, and that 
 thereby they " were fubjeded to difabili- 
 " ties ;" although rather than fee the veflel 
 of the ftate overwhelmed by popery, they 
 tamely allowed themfelves to be thrown out, 
 like another Jonah, for the fake of the 
 common weal ! Let him who can believe 
 this, believe it. For my part, I believe that 
 the diflenting members in that parliament 
 law well, that the bill would pafs into an acl: 
 without their concurrence; and therefore 
 they made a virtue of neceflity, and raifed, 
 as they have often done, and now endea- 
 vour to do, their own merit on the pretend- 
 ed
 
 [ '6 ] 
 
 ed dement of others. For without any view 
 or wifh to obftrut the indulgence of parlia- 
 ment to proteftant dijjenten, or without the 
 leaft intention of reprefenting them as dan- 
 gerous fubjedts ; I will take upon me to 
 affirm, that, from the firft eftablifhment of 
 the Englifti church to the prefent day, fhe 
 has had more to fear from proteftant dif- 
 fenters than from popifh recufants. I do 
 not even except the fhort reign of that in- 
 fatuated bigot James the Second. His mea- 
 fures were too ouvert, too violent and too 
 ridiculous, not to end in the ruin of him- 
 felf and party ; and inftead of fubverting 
 the national religion,' could only give new 
 ftrength to it: while the fecret machina- 
 tions of the very numerous prefbyterian 
 fadion have been, for more than a century, 
 infenfibly fapping its foundations ; and will, 
 moft probably, in the end overthrow the 
 whole fabric. The mine, as Dr. Prieftley 
 
 calls
 
 [ 17 ] 
 
 calls it, has been long laying, not only 
 " grain by grain," but barrel by barrel ; 
 and although perhaps it will not, for fome 
 time yet, be ready for fpringing, the work, 
 I fufpect, is much further advanced, than 
 it is generally believed. 
 
 ' As a mere individual, I am little con- 
 cerned about the event. Whether any civil 
 eftablifhment be conducive to the intereft'S 
 of religion, is flill to me an undecided pro- 
 blem ; and the arguments againfl it are at 
 leaft fully as plaufible and conclusive asthofe 
 for it. Certainly much mare conform to the 
 genuine fpirit of " a kingdom which is not 
 " of this world." But that has nothing to do 
 with the prefent queftion, w r hich is merely, 
 whether the prefent Englifh eftablimment has 
 more to fear from papifts than fromproteftant 
 diffenters? And for the refolution of this 
 .queftion I will venture to appeal, not only 
 C to
 
 C '8 ] 
 
 to all the bench of bifhops and their ad- 
 herents, but to every candid and well-in-' v 
 formed diflenter in the nation. 
 
 But to return to the teft-a<L Nothing 
 can be jufter than what is faid of it by 
 Ralph : " It was calculated not only to throw 
 " all papifts out of office ; but to concenter 
 " all employments in thofe who profefled 
 " the eftablifhed religion."* 
 
 It is true, indeed, that the diflenters, by 
 their approbation of the teft-acl: in as far as it 
 regarded papifts, hoped for fome future mi- 
 tigation of it in favour of themfelves. In 
 fad:, in that fame feffion, as is ftated in 
 the Cafe, a bill was brought into the houfe 
 of commons for the fpecial purpofe of 
 eafing proteftant diflenters, which had paf- 
 fed both houfes, with fome amendments ; 
 but was loft by the fudden adjournment of 
 
 * Ralph, p. 223. 
 
 parlia-
 
 parliament. But does this bill import, that 
 the difTenters were not meant to be included 
 in the teft-act ? No, nor does it hold forth to 
 them any relief from the onerous claufe 
 now complained of. If paffed, it would 
 have freed them from fome pains and penal- 
 ties (on condition of their fubfcribing to 
 the thirty-nine' articles), but would have ad- 
 mitted them to no office, from which either 
 the teft or corporation aft excludes them.* 
 
 But nothing fhews more evidently that 
 thefe acts were ever confidered as defigned 
 to include proteftant diffenters, than the 
 ineffectual efforts made at the revolution to 
 have them repealed. Yet even William 
 himfelf would never confent to that. The 
 
 * Another very flrong proof that the teft-a<5l was 
 meant to include diflenters, is, that in the parliament of 
 1675, when a new bill was drawn up againft the pa- 
 pills, there is not a word in it to relieve proteftant dif- 
 fenters. 
 
 C 2 toleration
 
 toleration act only protected them from the 
 feverlty of penal ftatutes, and gave them 
 leave to appoint deputies to ferve in certain 
 parochial and ward offices, if they fhould 
 not think it fit to qualify themfelves for 
 them ; and this even is clogged with a pro- 
 vifo, that the perfon deputed be approved 
 by thofe who would have approved the 
 principal, if not otherwife unqualified. 
 
 In the fubfequent reign, the cord was 
 rather tightened than relaxed. As many of 
 the diflenting party had been charged with 
 occafional conformity, an act was pafled in 
 1711, requiring all perfons who held offices 
 not only to receive the facrament according 
 to the . rite of the church of England ; but 
 to conform to her whole mode of worfhip 
 during the time of holding them. 
 
 Some acts paffed in the reigns of George 
 the Firft and Second have explained and 
 
 amended
 
 amended fome parts of the teft and corpo- 
 ration ads, and limited their operations ; 
 but it is not aflerted by the diflenters them- 
 felves, that there was ever an intention of 
 repealing them : nay, fome of the amend- 
 ments are fuch as feem rather calculated to 
 give them new ftrength ; particularly thofe 
 of the fixteenth of George the Second. Nor 
 in the prefent reign, has there been any 
 thing done to amend thofe amendments ; 
 nor any attempt made towards having the 
 original acts repealed until now. Pity ! rt 
 fhould be at length made in fo objection- 
 able a form. 
 
 For, in the Cafe of the Protejlant Diffenters^ 
 there is not only an evident mif-ftatement 
 of fads, of which there was no need for the 
 proper enforcement of their juft claim ; but 
 there is, moreover, a difgufting illiberality of 
 fentiment unworthy of this enlightened 
 
 and tolerant age. 
 
 C 3 For,
 
 For, in the firft place, the indulgence re- 
 quefted would only go to relieve a part of 
 proteftant diflenters from a grievance which 
 many proteftant diflenters find a very fraall 
 one, and which the almoft annual acls of in- 
 demnity render no grievance at all ; while 
 there are penal and even bloody ftatutes re- 
 maining againft a confiderable part of their 
 proteftant brethren, for whom no relief is 
 afked in this cafe. Not to mention that 
 occafional conformity has not only been 
 very generally practifed by proteftant dif- 
 fenters, but has the approbation of fome of 
 their moft eminent divines, and even of 
 whole aflemblies.* 
 
 The prefent application of proteftant dif- 
 
 * In faft, are not our parliament, our armies, our na- 
 vies, our corporations even, filled with proteftant dif- 
 fenters ? who either make no fcrtiple to qualify them- 
 felves by the facramental teft ; or are brought to no 
 inconvenience from neglecting it. In fome inftances 
 they may avail t'nemfelves of it to avoid penalties, which 
 their fellow fubjects are liable to witnefs the cafe of 
 Mr. Evans, in 1757. 
 
 fenters,
 
 fenters, then, being a pitiful and partial ap- 
 plication, for what is hardly worth folicit- 
 ing for, and what they already in fome 
 meafure poflefs, will probably meet with 
 little regard from any part of the legiflature 
 for that very reafon. The (ticklers for efta- 
 blifhment will confider it as the effect of a 
 reftlefs and turbulent difpofition, that is 
 never contented ; and the real friends of 
 religious freedom, and univerfal toleration, 
 muft look upon it as a filly endeavour to 
 remove a mole-hill, whilft mountains re- 
 main untouched, 
 
 That you, Sir, are one of thofe who will 
 view things in this light I cannot doubt ; 
 and that their number, in both houfes, is 
 neither fmall nor weightlefs. Is there not 
 therefore ground to prefume that fome of 
 thofe, inftead of fupporting only a paltry 
 motion, calculated to remedy fo fmall a ne- 
 gative inconvenience, v\rill take occafion to 
 C 4 njo ve
 
 move for a general repeal of a number of 
 penal ftatutes inflicting great and pofitivj 
 evils, under which many thoufands of faith- 
 ful fubjects, and good citizens, continue to 
 groan, and which are, in the eyes of all 
 Europe, a difgrace to our penal code ? 
 
 It may be urged that thofe opprefiive and 
 fanguinary laws are a mere dead letter ; but if 
 fo, let them be decently interred, and no 
 longer remain a public nuifance, to reflect 
 dilhonour on the polity of a civilized nation, 
 and expofe it to the fcorn of mankind. If 
 the penal ftatutes are in their own nature 
 fo fevere and odious, that they can never 
 be put in execution (which fome of them 
 certainly are), to what purpofe is it then to 
 retain them ? If they be deemed neceflary 
 for the confervation of the ftate, let them 
 be punctually enforced ; if they be not ne- 
 cfflarv, let them be annulled. There is 
 
 here
 
 "here no medium ; they muft (land in our 
 ftatute book, either for the national fafety or 
 Jhame ! 
 
 But is it true that they are all a dead 
 leiUr ? Quite the contrary ; there is a whole 
 body of diflenting lieges, on whom fome of 
 them ftill operate as directly and effectually 
 as ever ; and others, which though only of 
 the difabilitating kind, are in their confe- 
 quences equal to a penalty, and fevere be- 
 yond example. If the other diflenters may 
 be faid to be " chaftifed with whips," this 
 clafs of them is certainly " chaftifed with 
 " fcorpions ;" and while the former com- 
 plain of being overloaded with the " little 
 " finger" of government, the latter have 
 long patiently borne the preffure of its 
 " loins." 
 
 You readily conceive, fir, that I mean 
 
 the Englilh catholics, a body not numerous 
 
 indeed,
 
 indeed, but confefledly refpectable ; and as 
 firmly attached to the prefent government, 
 and the conftitution of their country, as any 
 of his Majefty's fubje&s. And here again 
 the writers of the Cqfe of the diflenters are 
 blameable for the idle and impertinent in- 
 fmuations thrown out againft what they 
 term popery and paptfts ; terms that have 
 been too often employed to work upon the 
 minds of the people, and infpire them with 
 horror at their fellow-creatures, by imputing 
 to them tenets which they exprefsly difa- 
 vow, and practices which they difclaim and 
 abjure. 
 
 Some of their tenets may be deemed ab- 
 furd, fome of their practices fuperftitious *, 
 
 but 
 
 * Even in thefe refpects, the catholics of the prefent 
 day, and particularly the Englifti catholics, are certainly 
 not the fame they were but half a century ago. The 
 fmall, the very fmall indulgence that has been granted to 
 them, has already produced a confiderable revolution in 
 
 their
 
 I 27 ] 
 
 but neither are incompatible with any one 
 fpecies of government. The fupremacy of 
 the Roman Pontiff is the only thing in their 
 doctrine, that has the appearance of political 
 danger : and to be fure it was once a danger- 
 ous docTrine, from the unwarrantable conclu- 
 fions that were drawn from it, and the per- 
 nicious confequences that enfued. The fen- 
 tence of an infallible judge was a tremendous 
 fentence, and the thunders of the Vatican 
 fhook the iirmeft thrones in Chriftendom. 
 But what was it, that firft gave infallibility 
 to the decifions of a Pope ? What rendered 
 his thunders formidable ? The lawlefs am- 
 bition, the pious folly, or the flavifh weak- 
 nefs of temporal princes, who, to ferve their 
 own immediate purpofes, or to fatisfy their 
 
 their minds. Since they began to tafte a fmall portion 
 ofBritiih liberty, they think, they fpeak, they write like 
 Britons. If we wifti to fee further reforms among them, 
 let them quaff it in full draughts; and I miftake^it 
 much, if that will not more effectually bring about the 
 purpofe, than penalties and profcription. 
 
 i ill-
 
 ill-placed devotion, concurred to aggran- 
 dize the Roman fee, until it gradually be- 
 came the feat of univerfal empire, and its 
 bifhop the fovereign arbiter of nations. In 
 vain the clergy murmured and remonftrated 
 againft the invafion on their rights ; papal 
 ufurpation, fupported by regal power, bore 
 every thing down before it. The inftitu- 
 tion of religious orders contributed not a 
 little to fupport the pope's pretenfions. The 
 little learning that exifted, exifted in the 
 monafteries ; and it was employed to aflert 
 and extend the fuppofed prerogatives of the 
 Roman fee ; on which, defpifmg all ordi- 
 nary jurifdidion, they immediately de- 
 pended. 
 
 Thus was the papal power, in times of 
 general ignorance, fcrewed up to the moft 
 enormous pitch; when, like every other over- 
 grown empire, it began to labour under its 
 own weight, has fallen much fafter than it 
 
 rofe,
 
 rofe, and is at prefent nearly reduced to its 
 priftine narrow limits. The odious doc- 
 trine of depofmg power, transferring crowns, 
 and difpenfmg with oaths, has been long ex- 
 ploded in every catholic univerfity. Even 
 bulls, that regard matters purely fpiritual, 
 have no force unlefs they be accepted by 
 the national church, to which they are di- 
 reded. Provincial fynods, metropolitans, 
 nay, fimple bimops, take upon them to re- 
 gulate the difcipline of their refpe&ive dif- 
 tricts, under the protection of the civil 
 powers ; and a few years more will probably 
 bring the form of the catholic hierarchy back 
 to that of the firft centuries. 
 
 At any rate, there is no longer danger to 
 civil government from papal power. The 
 prefent bifhop of Rome is, in that refpect, 
 as harmlefs a perfonage as the man in the 
 moon, and the fupremacy which the Engliih 
 catholics allow to Pius VI. is not more dan- 
 gerous
 
 C 30 ] 
 
 gerous to the cdnftitution, than the primacy 
 of his grace of Canterbury. 
 
 I have dwelt the longer on this fubjecl:, 
 becaufe I every day meet with, in occafional 
 or periodical publications, the moft ridicu- 
 lous and unfair reprefentations of the prefent 
 ftate of the catholic religion, and particu- 
 larly of the Englifh catholics. Sometimes 
 we are confidently told, that they already 
 enjoy more liberty than fome proteftant dif- 
 fenters : and that the commercial treaty with 
 France will fet them completely on a level 
 with the other fubjects of the realm *. 
 
 * Nothing can be more ill-founded than this idea. 
 By an article of the treaty, the catholic fubjects of 
 France are to have the free exercife of their religion in 
 England, in the fame degree that the proteftant fubje&s 
 of England are to have the exercife of their religion in 
 France : but what relief does that give to the Englifh 
 catholics, or to the French calvinifts ? who, by the bye, 
 have had many indulgencies granted them, which the 
 former enjoy not.
 
 If fuch aflertions be made through igno- 
 rance, it is a very grofs ignorance, and if 
 they be the fruit of malevolence, it is a very 
 grievous one. But let us fee what real in- 
 dulgence the papiils have obtained. 
 
 By an aft of the eighteenth of his pre~ 
 fent Majefty, in 1779, the catholics of Eng- 
 land, on their taking an oath prefcribed to 
 
 them by the legiflature, obtained fecurity 
 
 . 
 
 for their lawful property, and a fort of tacit 
 permiilion to believe and pray after their 
 own fafhion, without being molefted by in- 
 formers and prieft-catchers : though, flrange 
 to tell, they may ftill, through the force of 
 Handing laws, be fined again and again, not 
 only for the exercife of their own religion, 
 but for the non-exercife of the eftablifhed 
 religion : they may, in fome cafes, be im- 
 prifoned, in others banifhed ; and I am not 
 fure, but in certain circumftances, they may 
 yet be " perfecuted unto the death." 
 
 It
 
 '[ 3* ] 
 
 It is true thefe penalties are not likely to 
 be inflicted ; and therefore I have only men- 
 tioned them to mew that they may ; and 
 confequently, how little the Roman catho- 
 lics have obtained by the late aft in their 
 favour : while, at the fame time, they re- 
 main eflfedually excluded not only from all 
 fuch offices, as the proteftant difTenters are 
 nominally, not really, excluded from, * the 
 
 army, 
 
 * This is allowed by the diflenters themfelves. The 
 teft-afls do not in faff exclude them from offices. Very few 
 fcruple to receive the facrament; federal of the moft 
 refpe&able corporations are in their hands (fee the Right 
 of Proteftant Diflenters aflerted, , p. 146) ; while it is 
 certain that the papifts have not, nor cannot avail them- 
 felves of thij expedient to qualify. It is, indeed, aftonifh- 
 ing that the Cafe of the diffenters fhould infmuate, and 
 the writer of the juft-mentioned pamphlet affirm, that 
 many catholics have no fcruple to receive the facrament ac- 
 cording to the eftablifhed rite. Let him point out a 
 fingle papift in the kingdom that holds any office by occa- 
 fional conformity ; fmce, as to what the fame writer fays, 
 p. 148 (by way of a poftil to the Cafe I fuppofe), about 
 papal difpenfations deftroying the efficacy of every tejl by 
 whiJ} papi/h are to be excluded, it is unjuft and injurious 
 in the higheft degree. The Engliih catholics have in the 
 c molt
 
 [ 33 1 
 
 army, the navy, and the magiftracy: but 
 have not, though burthened with double 
 taxes, a vote even in the election of their 
 legiflative reprefentatives, much lefs can 
 they be themfelves elected, or take the {bat 
 due to their rank in either houfe of parlia- 
 ment. From the very bar, and courts of 
 law, they are excluded. The public femi- 
 naries of learning are alfo {hut up from 
 them. They have neither the means of im- 
 proving their talents, nor an opportunity of 
 exerting them. Ufelefs to themfelves, and 
 
 ir.oft folemn manner abjured all fuch difpenfations ; but 
 had they never done Ib, it is evident, from their conduct, 
 that they make no account of them; for, if a papal dif- 
 penfation could ferve their turn, why need they be ex- 
 cluded from any place at all ? What hinders them to de- 
 feat by that expedient, not only the facramental tefr, but 
 every other teir. that deprives them of any right which a 
 Kriton is born to enjoy ? The quotation from the biihop 
 of Cloyne's pamphlet is not fair : The tranfaction al- 
 luded to by the hi/hop, is greatly in favour of the Irifh 
 catholics : They reprobated the conduct of the papal 
 Nuncic^ defpiftd his threats, and continue, with the ac- 
 quiefcence of Rome itfelf, to think themfelves ftri&ly 
 and inuifpenfably bound by their oaths. 
 
 D ufelcfs
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 ufelefs to the common weal, they are, if 
 they have any fpirit, obliged to feek abroad 
 what they cannot find at home fome em- 
 ployment fuitable to their difpofition, birth, 
 and abilities, or pafs their lives in a Mate of 
 torpidity and inaction, t/nat, but for fome 
 little domeftic purfuits, would render life 
 itfelf a burthen, 
 
 Such, Sir, you know to be the fituation of 
 the Roman catholics of England ; a fituation 
 truly pitiable, and of which the hardfhips 
 are hardly to be conceived but by thofe who 
 feel them. Would it not, then, have been 
 more generous, and more juft, for the pro- 
 teftant difienters to have come forward on 
 this occafion with a little more candour and 
 a little more manlinefs * ? to have made their 
 
 * Of all the pamphlets that have been written on this 
 pccafion, either in favour of the diffenters or againft 
 them, 1 have not feen one in which there is not an afton- 
 ifting want of candour and .liberality. Dr. Prieitley's 
 Better to Mr, Pitt excepted, 
 
 petition
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 petition to parliament as comprehenfiv.e as 
 poffible ? and to have endeavoured to open 
 fo wide a door of toleration as to admit 
 their fellow diflenters, of whatever per- 
 fuafion, to go in along with them ? or, i 
 they felfifhly chofe to go in alone, it furely 
 did not become them to throw fuch flumb^ 
 ling-blocks in the way of their fufFering 
 brethren. The name of Chriftian is a much 
 more ancient and more honourable, as well 
 as a more comprehenfive tie, than that of* 
 proteftant ; and there is a tie ftill more an- 
 cient and comprehenfive than either that 
 of humanity* The time, I truft, is not at 
 a great diftance, when the full force of this 
 laft will be underftood and felt over all the 
 polifhed nations of the world, when phi- 
 lanthropy and commutual interefls will be 
 the fole links of fociety, when tefts and pe- 
 nal laws will be no more deemed neceflary 
 for the fecurity of religion, and when Pa- 
 pift and Proteftant, Athanafian and Arian, 
 D 2 Lutheran
 
 t 36 } 
 
 Lutheran and Calvinift, Trinitarian and Uni- 
 tarian, will be names of mere diftinction, not 
 of reciprocal odium, and much lefs objects 
 of reciprocal perfecution. 
 
 And have we not reafon to hope, Sir, 
 that the Britifh legiflature will be among the 
 firft to bring about a fyftem fo defirable, 
 and fo congenial to the Britifh conftitution ? 
 God knows we have, and ever mail have, 
 political difputes enough to divide us : why 
 mould thofe of religion come in for a (hare ? 
 Let fome patriotic and enlightened foul, 
 then, move at once for a repeal of every 
 penal religious ftatute, and every religious 
 teft : Be the pledge of the fidelity of the 
 fubjecl in future, his ordinary oath of al- 
 legiance, and his fubfequent conduct, and 
 let him be anfwerable only for his own ; let 
 religious principles be no more confounded 
 with political ones ; but let every Briton, 
 without forfeiting his birth-right, profefs 
 6 his
 
 [ 37 1 
 
 his own belief of the Divinity, and worfhip 
 him after his own mode ; and if he choofes 
 not to worfhip at all, what is that to the 
 flate, if he faithfully ferve it in the ftation 
 he holds, or the charge he is intrufted 
 with ? In a word, let the only teft of a 
 good citizen be an obligation, to be a 
 feaccabk futyeft and an hone/I man. 
 
 Such a motion, Sir, would do infinite 
 honour to the mover ; would be feconded and 
 fupported by every man whofe heart were 
 not callous to the feelings of humanity ; 
 and would immortalize the fovereign and 
 the minifter, in whofe reign and under 
 whofe aufpices, it mould be adopted, and 
 pa{fed into a law. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c.
 
 AN 
 
 E S S A Y 
 
 O N 
 
 SUNDAY SCHOOLS, Sec 
 
 [P R ic,E ONE SHILLING.]
 
 A N 
 
 S A 
 
 ON THE 
 
 DEPRAVITY OF THE NATION, 
 
 WITH A VIEW TO THE 
 PROMOTION OF SUNDAY SCHOOLS, fee, 
 
 OF WHICH 
 
 A MORE EXTENDED PLAN 
 IS PROPOSED. 
 
 By the Rev. JOSEPH BERINGTON. 
 
 B I R M 1 N G HAM: 
 PRINTED AND SOLD BY MYLES SWINNEY- 
 
 SOLD ALSO nr 
 
 G. G. J. and J. R O B I N S O N, Paternofter-Row. LONDON. 
 M,DCC,LXXXVIII.
 
 A N 
 
 ESSAY, 8cc, 
 
 IN viewing the decline and fall of States, in. 
 ancient, or in modern, times, it is to the cor- 
 ruption of manners in the people, that the poli- 
 tician, as well as the moralift, has principally 
 afcribed the melancholy event. And as that caufe 
 is in itfelf fufficient, why were others to be looked 
 for? The fteps by which nations, from the moft 
 contemptible beginnings, rofe to greatnefs and re- 
 nown, were fe verity of difcipline, and the rigid 
 practice of private and public virtue. Let thefe 
 agents ceafe, and the effedl muft ceafe with them. 
 Profperity will be followed by misfortunes, and 
 glory by difgrace. The annals of every fallen 
 nation atteft the truth of the obfervation. But 
 examples are unneceflary to prove it ; in the very 
 nature of things it muft be fo. 
 
 B The
 
 The dependence between thofe parts of man, 
 which are called foul and body, is fo reciprocal, 
 that their refpective affections are mutually com- 
 municated and mutually felt. In a ftate of bodily 
 enervation the mind is enervated, and a general 
 languor feizes the whole man. See him when his 
 nerves are braced, and his pulfe beats high ; he is 
 become active, bold and enterprifing. Every vice 
 tends to debilitate the individual, whom it has fub- 
 dued; becaufe every vicious indulgence is attended 
 by fome excefs, and all excefs weakens. The vi- 
 cious man then is a being without energy ; at leaft, 
 he will foon become fuch. The effect I fpeak of, 
 is natural. The tougheit bow when too much bent 
 will break. Providence, in great goodnefs, has fo 
 eonftructed the human frame, that what can injure 
 the moral character fhall not be committed, even 
 with prefent impunity. The libertine, reclined on 
 his couch, preaches morality by his languid coun- 
 tenance, and is compelled to own, that he has vio- 
 lated the facred order of things. 
 
 The paflions (if the human affections ever ac- 
 quire that name till excefs has vitiated their cha- 
 racter) while properly tempered by reafon, are the 
 fource of every great and manly exertion. Loofened 
 from that controul, no torrent is more impetuous 
 er destructive. They diforder, by their violence, 
 the nervous fyftem in all its branches ; they break 
 
 afunder
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 afunder every regular afibciation of ideas ; and with 
 this confufion they introduce anarchy in its worft 
 form. A man, under the influence of many, or of 
 a fingle paffion, if he be not in himfelf miferable, 
 will be dangerous at leail to his fellow-citizens : and 
 that fame impulfe which, for a time, may feem to 
 be the fpring of health and happinefs, if long in- 
 dulged, will finally break down his frame, and re- 
 duce him to a mafs of ruins. Nothing fo gentle 
 as the vernal breeze, which animates and gives 
 ftrength to the powers o nature ; but when nox- 
 ious vapours or contrary blafts have difturbed its 
 even current, it rifes to a ftorm, and devaflation 
 and ravage mark its courfe. 
 
 Such, in a general view, are on the individual 
 the obvious and phyfical effects of vicious indul- 
 gence and lawlefs paffion. There are other effects. 
 Private virtue there can be none, where the cha- 
 rader is totally vitiated ; and where the evil is but 
 partial, ' fometimes fo deftrudive are its qualities, 
 that it deranges the fyftem, and generates an inap- 
 titude to all that is good and honourable. I fpeak, 
 it is obvious, of habitual derangements and fixed 
 characters. But where the commiffion of vice is 
 incidental and uncontinued, its operations are pro- 
 portionably deftrudive. Virtue can only refult 
 from order and a confiftent tenour of thought and 
 adion. This order and this conliftency are broken 
 B 2 in
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 in upon whenever difcordant fenfations are exci- 
 ted: and as thefe are repeated or prolonged, new 
 affbciations are formed of a character abhorrent 
 from the former, and the general iyftem of affec- 
 tions ceafes to be equipoifed. The fmalleft ele- 
 ment of infection taken into the vital flream, makes 
 its way imperceptibly; it vitiates as it goes, and 
 finally feizes on the eflential fources of life. 
 
 I would not be underflood to fay, that there 
 can be no virtue where there are vicious pra&ices, 
 becaufe I know, the flream may be fometimes 
 troubled, while the fountain, from which it flows, 
 remains clear and tranquil. Every bad aclion does 
 not reach the heart. But in fome degree or other, 
 at every deviation from moral rectitude, the effedls, 
 I have deferibed, are fure to take place. The laws 
 which regulate the operations of man are as cer- 
 tainly determined, though under them he is free, 
 as thofc by which are governed the common fyftems 
 of matter. 
 
 If man, individually taken, be fo deranged by 
 vice, as to become a being in which nor harmony 
 of parts, nor order of ideas, nor confiflency of 
 charadsler can refide ; what judgment may we form 
 of a fociety, all the members of which, or by far 
 the major part, are unfortunately fo conftituted ? 
 It will be an aggregate, held together by no in- 
 ternal 

 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 ternal tie, while a principle of deftru&ion, fer- 
 menting within, threatens at every moment its 
 deftrti&ion. The evils which we faw in the indi- 
 vidual now apply to the community; for the com- 
 munity can poffefs nothing but what its component 
 parts contributed. Finding no fecurity within, we 
 muft look to fome external caufe, the influence of 
 which may ferve as a bond of union. 
 
 Intereft then, which muft ever fway the human 
 breaft, or force, applied through the medium of 
 laws or other coercive means, may perhaps fupply 
 every advantage, which private virtue, in its moft 
 exalted forms, could have given. There is an 51- 
 lufion in this fuppofition, which often not tear 
 fon, but the melancholy truth of fade, has alone 
 been able to diffipate. I know that a fociety can 
 fubfift, as long as it is the irttereft of its members 
 that it ftiould prof per ; that is, as long as fttch in* 
 tereft is felt and is paramount to eve*y other. Bat 
 when the general good happens to claih with th 
 felfifti principle, or to be contrary to it, which think 
 yoti, will preponderate, in the abfence of virtue to 
 turn the fcate ? Private intereft is too powerful an 
 agent, and dwells too near to the individual, to be 
 facrificed to any consideration, however great of 
 alluring, whkh n not cohicideflt with it&lf, I am 
 indigent, and the property of my neighbour falls 
 under my hand: fhall the reflexion, that the good 
 B 3 of
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 of the community forbids the act, withhold its 
 grafp ? 
 
 Senfible that no principle, however felfifh, was 
 ftrong enough to coerce the arm of vice, and to 
 preferve fociety from ruin, the founders of States 
 had recourfe to laws. Thefe, they well faw, by the 
 penalties they would inflict; on the refractory, would 
 at leaft, and for a time, flem the torrent, though 
 its thoufand ftreams would ever flow, and baffle all 
 oppofition. But the very act of legiflation an- 
 nounces, how defperate the evil is, which calls for 
 a remedy fo adverfe to the dearefl principles of our 
 being. Laws abridge our liberty: but this we can 
 devote, that life and property may be guarded. 
 Yet are thefe laws themfelves but an imperfe6t bar- 
 rier. .They can reach, indeed, tlie more flagrant 
 criminal; while the needy pilferer and the dark 
 aflaffin, the perjured villain and the venal flatefman, 
 in fecurity work their way, unawed by juftice, and 
 triumph in their guilt. 
 
 But we have heared of public virtue; of patriots, 
 whom private benevolence never moved, and of 
 ftatefmen only honeft in their country's caufe. 
 Thefe men, it is faid, would bring a remedy to 
 every evil ; they would give (lability, by their 
 counfels, to the general weal; and oppofing, by 
 timely interference, the machinations of domeftic 
 enemies, and the attacks of public foes, would take 
 
 care
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 care that the republic received no injury. Till the 
 Palladium, fay they, by the crafty UlyiTes, was ftolen 
 from the walls of Troy, the city, though by the 
 Gods devoted to deftruclion, proudly withftood the 
 efforts of its numerous aiTailants. The men, I al- 
 lude to, are the palladium of the State, which they 
 are fent to govern. 
 
 In this argument there is alfo much illufion. 
 
 I believe fuch virtue may exift, (though, in truth, 
 it merits not the name) as long as it continues the 
 intereft of fuch men to wear the gaudy femblance* 
 or the ruling paflion can tHereby be more efficaci- 
 oufly ferved. Other tie there can be none. Change 
 the order of things. Withdraw the flatefman from 
 the helm of bufinefs, and take the truncheon from 
 the general's hand. You have, at once, diffipated 
 their patriotifm, and filenced all folicitude for the 
 {late. It will be well, if you have not rendered 
 them its moft determined foes. In fad, what is 
 all public virtue, if it be real, but the internal prin- 
 ciple of rectitude, moving in a larger fphere, than' 
 when it fed the hungry at the gate, and guarded 
 from oppreflion the widow and the orphan? It is 
 then evident, that from this quarter can be drawn 
 but a temporary and uncertain fupport. Troy fell, 
 you fay, when the ftatue of Minerva- was purloin- 
 ed. How foon alfo may not the boafted protection 
 of thefe guardians ceafe to operate? Too eafy is 
 
 the
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 the tranfition from apparent virtue to real vice ; 
 and they have proved the greateft tyrants, who 
 once affected to be called their country's friends. 
 
 In fpite then of the operation of laws, for all 
 nations have had them; in fpite of heroes, patriots, 
 and ftatefmen; and in fpite of every fubftitute, to 
 which human policy has recurred, to fupply the 
 place of real virtue ; focieties have been diffolved, 
 and kingdoms have fallen. The fact evinces that 
 the means were hollow and inefficacious. But is 
 the event afcribable to no other caufe? Clearly it 
 Is not. In tracing the rife of nations, we fee bv* 
 what fteps they mounted. They are marked in the 
 ftern virtue of the leaders, and in the prompt, but 
 manly, fubmiifion of the multitude. While this 
 endured, the land fmiled in ftrength and happinefs. 
 But when power had introduced wealth, and wealth 
 luxury, and luxury excefs of every kind, then be- 
 gins the decline. In proportion to their virtue has 
 been the profperity of States, and misfortunes have 
 regularly purfued the fpread of vicious depravity. 
 View the Roman republic emerging from obfcu- 
 rity, and growing into manhood. The fame will 
 be the furvey of ancient Greece. This virtue 
 could effect. And in the fall of the Weftern and 
 Eaftern empires may be traced the baneful hand of 
 vice* The incurfions of foreign invaders aided, I 
 fcnow, the ravages of this internal moniler. But 
 
 what
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 what had roufed the hopes, and given an energy 
 imfelt before, to the barbarous hordes, that preffed 
 forwards on every fide? It was the luft of plun- 
 der ; but more than that, it was the enfeebled trunk 
 of empire, become an objed of their fcorn. 
 
 Similar effe&s muft ever refult from fimilar 
 caufes. The dagger which could pierce a Roman 
 breaft, would lay you or me in the duft. Modern 
 kingdoms muft therefore fall, as others have done, 
 if the lame feeds of deftrudlion are preparing their 
 ruin. They are. With pain I look to England. 
 Every fymptom, which the moft accurate hiftorians 
 defcribed, as preceding the diflblution of Rome, I 
 fee furrowed on her countenance. 
 
 In the higher orders of the State reigned a fpirit 
 of extravagant profufion, to gratify cravings of 
 which, when honourable means could not fuffice, 
 they defcended to the bafeft. In fortune they 
 became bankrupts and in fame. The religion of 
 their country they ridiculed, and virtuous honefty 
 was a term of reproach. They difcarded the habits 
 of manhood, and he was the trueft Roman who 
 could be foremoft in effeminacy, in revelry, and in 
 i^mpudence. Decency was prudery, the love of 
 order was low vulgarity, and ceconomy was ava- 
 rice. The lame paflipns were found at the head 
 of armies and in the fenatej they difgraced the 
 
 ftatefman*
 
 ftatefman, and they rendered vile the diftributors 
 
 of public juftice and the guardians of the laws. 
 
 The minifters of the gods and the philofophers 
 had received the common taint. The latter vainly- 
 emulous of fuperior wifdom, rejected, as idle pre- 
 judice, the common tenets of reafon, and weak- 
 ened the moral duties by fpecious theories. The 
 former, rendered no longer venerable by the facred 
 character, which they had dared to pollute, mixed 
 with the gay and the voluptuous, in the queft of 
 pleafure and the emoluments of office. The people 
 defpifed them. In return they became more 
 haughty, and more exacting. Whom they could 
 no longer cajole, they infulted, and they drove 
 them from the altars of the gods. The virtues of 
 domeflic life, which had once been their faireft 
 ornament, in the houfliold cares and the occupa- 
 tions of retirement, now could not fill the attention 
 of the Roman ladies. They loved to meet the ad- 
 miring eye, to hear the voice of flattery, and to 
 Hand foremoft in the theatres, and the public 
 games. In this change of manners the genuine 
 character of the fex was no longer difcernible ; and 
 it became a doubt, whether more than the mere ap- 
 pearance of female virtue was left in Rome. The 
 contagion had defcended. In the lower ranks were 
 prodigality, infolence, and profanenefs. There 
 was want of honour, want of honefty, want of fu- 
 bordination, want of reverence for the laws and for 
 
 the
 
 ihe gods. The foldier was debauched and ener- 
 vated ; the artifan only laboured that he might dif- 
 fipate; and the peafant, leaning on his fpade, 
 dared to fneer at holy things, and to ridicule the 
 fimplicity of the maid whom his promifes had fe- 
 duced. 
 
 Such were the great features of vice and degene- 
 racy, which had foully marked the Roman name, 
 before the republic was enflaved, and they did but 
 fpread, and grow more gigantic, till the empire 
 was overwhelmed, and funk for ever. The appli- 
 cation to England can be eaiily made ; though in 
 each particular it will not exadly tally. It is well. 
 I fear, however, the difference only lies in this, 
 that Rome fell, and we are failing. In her the 
 poifon had reached the heart : It is moving in our 
 veins. 
 
 " 'Tis therefore, many whofe fequefter'd lot 
 
 Forbids their interference, looking on, 
 
 Anticipate perforce fome dire event ; 
 
 And feeing the old caftle of the State, 
 
 That promifed once more firmnefs, fo aflail'd 
 
 That all its tempefl-beaten turrets ihake, 
 
 Stand motionlefs expedlants of its fall. CO.WPEK- 
 
 I (hall be told thatmoralifts, preachers, and poets, 
 and calculators as wild and gloomy as they, have, 
 from the beginning of time, held this melancholy 
 
 Iain-
 
 language ; but that the events never anfwered to 
 their predictions. Have not then thofe kingdoms 
 fallen, which I mentioned; and was not tbeir fall 
 forefeen. Men, I own, are often fanguine, and 
 their imaginations anticipate events, the canfes oi 
 which however are too palpable. In thefe views, 
 there is by many a gloomy pleafure found, on 
 which the mind refts, while every acl ot attention 
 gives new colouring to the iwelling fcene. Bur. 
 when data are given, on which reafon works, and 
 the concluiions are deduced from analogy, then is 
 the procefs fure, and the inference unhazarded. 
 Moral caufes, I before obferved, work their effects, 
 with infallible precifion ; but as their mode of 
 operation is hidden from the fight, and they feern. 
 to> be checked, in their progrefs, by the capricious 
 paffions of mortals, which know no certain channel, 
 it is thought they cannot be meafured by any 
 fixed canons of calculation. The man, however, 
 who has been familiar with himfelf, and who has 
 watched the workings of his own heart and head, 
 will have difcovered that the ebbs and flows there 
 are more regular and determined, than he before 
 fufpecled. What is, in this refpecl, true, applies 
 to the great fyftem of moral caufes, on which the 
 rife and fall of nations are known to depend. It' 
 it be certain that, from laws wifely planned, and 
 cheerfully obeyed, will arife order in the people, 
 and from order happinefs ; fo will anarchy produce 
 
 con-
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 confufion, and confufion mifeiy. The genial 
 warmth of the fun does not more certainly promote, 
 and the nipping frofts of March check the progrefs 
 of vegetation. 
 
 Much is faid of the civil conflitution of Britain, 
 fo juftly poifed, and fo firmly knitted together, 
 that it can counteract thefe inteftine evils, and tri- 
 umph over a combination of caufes, which have 
 ruined other flates. It is the majeftic oak, which, 
 nor the howling tempeft, nor the canker at heart, 
 (hall move from the folid bafis on which it Hands. 
 An old Latin adage fays, corruptio optimi pejjtma^ 
 that is, the more perfect the fubjecl, the more 
 dreadful is its ftate, when the gangrene has vitiated 
 the mafs. This equipoife in our conftitution as it 
 is productive of much good, fo eventually may it 
 be the occailon of our ruin. The finalleft addi- 
 tional weight, not duly diftributed, deftroys the 
 equilibrium. When prerogative preponderates, 
 the liberty of the people fuffers ; and when the 
 balance inclines to the people, licentioufnefs pre- 
 vails, and the ftate is threatened with-diflblution. 
 While the views of minifters are directed to the 
 general weal, and the people are fatisfied, no form 
 of government can be better adapted to produce 
 the greateft good. In the oppofition of parties, 
 and the conflict of interefts, civil commotions enfue, 
 and the jealoufy of power, which each one feels, 
 
 roufes
 
 ( '4 ) 
 
 roufes him to precipitancy and to arms. In this 
 ftate of things, a bold leader diiTolves the conftitu- 
 tion. When luxury has unnerved the arm, and 
 fecurity from foreign enemies has lulled the proud 
 fpirit of the nation, then may an ambitious mo- 
 narch buy the voices of the indigent, feize the reins, 
 and become the tyrant of his people. As this has 
 been the fate of other free ftates ; fo probably it will 
 be ours. Before the flrongman falls, difeafe muft have 
 wafted his vigour, or the dagger pierced his veins. 
 
 But do not the exertions, we lately made, 
 (exertions which, before the eyes of Europe, have 
 placed England in a new point of elevation) evince 
 that no fources are exhanfted; that we are {till 
 ftrong in the vigour of manhood, and in the ener- 
 gy, at leaft, of public virtue. The exertions cer- 
 tainly were great, and the fpirit which led them 
 forward was manly. But when a nation becomes 
 incapable of thefe efforts, it is already fallen. The 
 fymptoms I defcribed, are the companions of its 
 decline. Thanks alfo to the youth, who with an 
 Herculean arm, conducts the vaft machine of em- 
 pire / He is a proof of my pofition, that the mind, 
 unclouded by paffion, and the body, unenfeebled 
 by vicious indulgence, are tranfcendently adapted 
 to the double purpofe of defign and execution. The 
 night he has not fpent in revellings, nor the day in 
 fauntering indolence. Unfolicited by the cravings 
 
 of
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 ofprofufion, he has not her calls to gratify. His 
 intereil is his country's intereft, and to promote her 
 glory is his firft ambition. Serus in caelum redeas ! 
 
 To fpeak of the probable event of the national 
 debt comes not within the limits of this eflfay. It 
 has afforded ample matter to the lucubrations of 
 calculators and ftate-empirics. The evil, however, 
 in every view, is ferioufly alarming. 
 
 The wealth of England and its power have, 
 furely, been promoted by its commerce with other 
 nations, and by its manufactures at home : But 
 they alfo have been the fources of many evils; 
 and our prefent depravity of manners takes its 
 principal ftrength from them. With the products 
 of other climes are imported their peculiar vices. 
 Befides, it is the effecl; of trade, tying down the 
 mind to its own purfuits, to circumfcribe its facul- 
 ties, to weaken its fenfibilities, and to render it 
 familiar with all the arts, by which wealth may be 
 acquired and retained. The towns where manu- 
 factures are eftabliftied, are feminaries of vice. 
 The contagion reaches to the peafant, and infecls 
 the villages. They may give us many foldiers ; 
 but do they give finews and the bone of men ? 
 
 Before the love of gain had extended commerce, 
 and luxury had quickened the loom and the anvil, 
 
 England
 
 ( -6 ) 
 
 England was lefs rich; but had we fewer honeft 
 citizens, amd fewer patriots? Indeed, were we lefs 
 populous? The country is drained of its inhabi- 
 tants to fupply the loffes, which difeafe, contracted 
 from a thoufand caufes, never fails to make in the 
 crouded cities. The country, after all, is the only 
 nurfery, where flrong bodies and found minds are 
 bred. Were our barren waftes inclofed, and the 
 plough permitted to break their ufelefs fod ; we 
 fhould fee the wondrous productions of Deucalion 
 and Pyrra realized before our eyes. Men and wo- 
 men would fpring up where rocks and barrennefs 
 had before dwelt. I would rather fee agriculture 
 extended, than cities built. The event even would 
 compenfate for the lofs of empire. It would do 
 more. The empire we have loft would be re-pro- 
 duced at home ; and were India fevered from us 
 as America has been, in our own fields we fhould 
 find all its boafted riches. 
 
 In viewing the crimes of nations, which feem to 
 forebode their fall, the moralift cannot ftop at 
 fecondary caufes. He knows there is a Providence 
 above, which watches over, and conduces, the 
 affairs of men. Even fometimes does he feem to 
 fee the fingers writing upon the wall, and without 
 the fpirit of divination, he can interpret the awful 
 fcroll. If God, for their fins, has vifited other na- 
 tions in his wrath, will he for ever bear with ours ? 
 
 In
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 In the great fyftem of the imiverfe it matters 
 little, whether kingdoms rife or fall. As one 
 bubble burfts, another, forms. But to us whofe 
 views are circumfcribed, and who are actors on the 
 fcene, it is not quite fo indifferent. The patriot 
 then, as far as means are within his reach, will drive 
 to avert the evil hour; while the moralift, deplor- 
 ing the lofs of virtue in his fellow citizens, will, on 
 his fide, labour to apply a remedy to the difeafe. 
 Though the decrees of heaven are irreverfible ; yet 
 are they, it is prefumed, fometimes conditional, 
 their completion depending on the interference of 
 fecondary caufes. Among thefe the moral agent, 
 man, {lands foremoft. Motives for defpondency 
 there are none, while time flows on, and every 
 thing feems to call us into action. The torrent 
 perhaps can yet be ftemmed, which threatens our 
 ruin. To do it with more effect, we muft fee 
 where its fource lies, and what are the caufes which 
 principally fwell its current. The national de- 
 pravity is great, and all ranks are infected. I will 
 confider the lower orders of fociety. 
 
 If inftruction be fo neceflary, that, without it> 
 man is little fuperior to the beaft which tills his 
 field, how forlorn will be their condition, who are 
 utterly deprived of it ! I fpeak of that inftruction 
 which is adapted to flation, that which is barely 
 calculated to open the mind to the impreffions of 
 C duty,
 
 duty, and to (hew what that duty is. God is our 
 father, and we are his children. This is the firft 
 relation in which we ftand. We are members of 
 fociety, and of this fociety various are the orders. 
 Hence proceeds the fecond relation. On thefe 
 two relations are grounded all the duties of religion 
 and morality. In point of religion, we have all 
 the fame obligations ; becaufe God is the common 
 father of all. As members of fociety, our fitu- 
 ations in life are different ; hence different are our 
 duties. The magiftrate has his duties; fo has the 
 common citizen, fo has the parent, and fo has the 
 child. It is the defign then of inftru&ion to lay 
 open thefe refpeclive duties, and to prefs their 
 compliance on the mind. However obvious they 
 may feem, it is only by initruc-tion they can be 
 conveyed. Human nature is not felf-taught. And 
 fo indolently ftupid is the untutored mind, that, 
 without mitigation, it will neither look for, nor will 
 it find, what is fo neceffary to the common im- 
 provement of its character. Without this improve- 
 ment, I have faid, what man is; but I have not 
 faid all that, as fociety is now conftituted, he foon 
 will be. Ignorant of his duties, they can have no 
 call on him ; but his pallions, headitrong and un- , 
 oppofed, will bear him into vice, and the example 
 of others will complete his ruin. The punrmments, 
 with which the laws threaten the perpetrators of 
 
 certain
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 certain crimes, will be a check to them ; compart- 
 tively, however, thefe are but few. 
 
 That the inftruclion, I fpeak of, has been long 
 neglected, needs no proof. It is marked on the 
 manners of the people. Generations have paffed 
 without it. Will, or can, the parent therefore, 
 who has himfelf learned nothing, and whofe habits 
 are bad, inftrucl; his offspring, and tutour them to 
 
 virtue? The fon will walk in his father's ways. 
 
 Here lies the fource of the evil. 
 
 Friends to human nature and to virtue, feeing 
 the general fpread of vicioufnefs, and deploring it, 
 have, with becoming fortitude, addrefled the pub- 
 lic, and implored aid againfl the enemy. They 
 have offered fchemes of reformation, in police bills, 
 penitentiary bills, poor bills, and prifon bills. Had 
 their patriotic views been feconded, in the fulleft 
 extent, the root of the evil remained vigorous and 
 untouched. They only aimed at the branches of 
 the diforder. So to regulate the internal ceconomy 
 of the great cities, that the perfons and property of 
 the inhabitants (hould be protected from depre- 
 dation and infult, and that indecency fhould not 
 openly walk the ftreets, was an objecT; of great 
 
 moment. It has not, however, been effected. 
 
 It was important to build houfes, wherein they who 
 
 had merited public chaftifement, mould be con- 
 
 C 2 fined
 
 fined to hard labour. This is in execution. The 
 number of poor being exorbitant, and the confe- 
 quent burthens on the people intolerable, it became 
 neceffary to oppofe the growing grievance. Poor 
 bills have been multiplied, and a fcheme of great 
 
 complication is now before the public. The 
 
 regulation alfo of prifons, it muft be owned, call 
 for ferious attention. The benevolent man, who, 
 with an ardour unheared of before in the annals of 
 human nature, has profecuted the defign, expe- 
 riences, at this moment, the proudeft favour 
 which a nation can confer. 
 
 A royal Proclamation alfo has been iflued, to 
 enforce the execution of the laws, and to roufe the 
 magiftrates to their duty. The benevolence of 
 His Majefty, and his love of virtue are announced 
 in the meafure, while it proclaims the extent and 
 enormity of the evil. It may give fome temporary 
 or local relief. Its infufficiency has been often 
 experienced. 
 
 Thefe fchemes, I faid, do not reach the root of 
 the diforder. It is my duty to prove it. . Could 
 a plan be devifed that fhould, at once, take off all 
 the full-blown crimes which infeft fociety, but very 
 little of the general evil would be removed. The 
 mafs would remain vitiated in the rifing generation, 
 and, like the Hydra, would foon pufli out heads, 
 
 . monilrous
 
 monftrous and devouring as the firft. What are 
 the crimes which are aimed to be fupprefled? 
 Only fuch as are moft flagrant. To fpeak more 
 properly, the defign is not fo much to hinder the 
 commiffion ef crimes, as to punrfh them, in the 
 moft effectual manner, when committed. It is alfo 
 propofed to reform the lives of thefe profligates, 
 and to take care that they do not return on the 
 community more vicious than when they entered 
 their prifon-houfe. To reform fuch characters is, 
 I believe, impoflfible. Fear and hard labour may 
 induce them to counterfeit; but they cannot give 
 virtuous propenfities, or virtuous habits. Nor will 
 inftruclion be then able to effect it. 
 
 Were the depravity of the nation fo partial as 
 thefe gentlemen feem to fuppofe, it might doubt- 
 lefs be eradicated by their endeavours. It would 
 be principally confined to thofe whom public juf- 
 tice can attach. But fo, affuredly, it is not; 
 nor does it lie fo near to the furface. It is ftill the 
 wjfh of every honeft man, that fuccefs may attend 
 aH attempts to difperfe the evil. Every mode of 
 attack is praife-worthy, and may do fomething. 
 Only let not too fanguine hopes be formed, or too 
 great reliance be made on means, which, at befl, 
 can but retrench the more luxuriant (hoots, or 
 apply palliatives, while the difeafe rankling at the 
 core, iemains unaffected. 
 
 C 3 This
 
 This was feen by a patriotic and virtuous citizen, 
 to whom, it is my hope, the prefent generation 
 will raife a monument of gratitude. Already he 
 pofiefTes one (and that, I think, will pleafe him 
 Left) in the breafts of his fellow-fubje&s. I fpeak 
 of Mr. RAIKES, of Gloccfter, who firft propofed and 
 realized the fcheme ofSUNDAY SCHOOLS. 
 May I be indulged the romantic thought, that, mould 
 the memorial, I mentioned, be dedicated to his 
 name, our children's children (hall be taught to 
 repeat his praifes, and a feflival mail be appointed 
 in honour of the benevolent man ! As the day 
 annually returns, the aged parents, who reaped the 
 bleffings of his plan, mail lead their infants to the 
 holy fpot ; with garlands they (hall deck his mo- 
 nument ; and in chorus they (hall be heard to fing, 
 *' He was our benefa&or and his country s friend" 
 
 The inftitution of thefe fchools I view with 
 pleafure, and the happieft effects may be augured 
 from them. They will give the inftruclion which I 
 faid was fo neceffary; will open the mind to re- 
 ligion and to virtue; will fpread the principles of 
 chanty, of forbearance, and of mildnefs ; will in- 
 fpire the love of order, and of refpecl for the laws ; 
 in a word, they will dry up the fources of the 
 torrent which feemed ready to overwhelm the 
 nation. The expectation is not too fanguine. For 
 'if -children be taken early to the fchools, where it 
 
 cannot
 
 cannot be but good impreffions muft be made, they 
 will grow up with the happy bias. The fubor- 
 dination in which their exercifes muft be per- 
 formed, will habituate them to difcipline. The 
 Sunday they will learn to keep holy. If their 
 parents, fortunately, fhould be induced to co-ope- 
 rate, then may themfelves be in part reformed, and 
 in their houfes, during the week, will be ftrength- 
 ened, by good example and advice, the fcheme of 
 inftruclion which began in the fchools. Perverfe 
 and obftinate, ihould they continue to negled 
 their children, ftill fomething will have been 
 learned, which may ferve to refift the influence of 
 bad example. In our days ihould the good be but 
 partial, we know that the next generation will 
 experience more happy effects, in a fucceffion of 
 parents, on whofe minds had been fown the feeds 
 of early virtue. This alone will more than com- 
 penfate every exertion. 
 
 Already thefe fchools are become very general, 
 and great good has been experienced from them. 
 This is a full anfwer to all objections. It has been 
 objected, that learning in the lower ranks of life 
 
 is feldom of any ufe, and is fometimes hurtful. 
 
 Is religious inftruction then of no avail? Or can 
 inftruction be effectually conveyed, where the or- 
 dinary talent of being able to read, has not been 
 
 firft
 
 firft acquired? More than this is not neceffary. 
 It has been objected, that all focieties of Chriftians 
 are careful to inftil into their children the elements 
 at lead of religion, and that it is the duty of their 
 refpedive minifters to attend to it. This being 
 
 done, Sunday fchools are unneceffary. The ex- 
 
 iftence of the evil we complain of {hews too evi- 
 dently, with what iricaution the objection has been 
 made. Blame I mean not to caft on any order of 
 men, becaufe it is my wiih to conciliate, and not 
 to irritate the minds of any. The evil exifls ; let 
 us unite to reprefs it, for the caufe is common. 
 
 When fchemes are propofed, which feem to 
 promife much advantage, they are often eagerly 
 adopted ; but in this eagernefs we do not always 
 confider what is the beft method to enfure their 
 fuccefs. Have the beft methods been adopted in 
 the prefent cafe ? The fubjecl: merits attention. 
 
 Befides the leading object, which is to teach the 
 firft and moft eflential duties, there are other things 
 combined with it, which ihould never be loft fight 
 of. The promoters of the fcheme had, I doubt 
 not, this alfo in view. Indeed, fo clofely con- 
 nected are all the parts of the moral fyftem, that 
 they neceffarily introduce one another. 
 
 From
 
 From the liberty which the Reformation intro- 
 duced into the Chriftian fcheme, and which, in 
 this country, our political habits have much con- 
 tributed to ftrengthen, has proceeded that almoft 
 infinite variety which appears in religious opinions. 
 Government, indeed, has judged it expedient to 
 give its fanction only to one form of worfhip, and 
 laws have been made for its ftability.. This how- 
 ever can deprive no one of the right inherent in 
 his confcience, of thinking for himfelf. How juft 
 foever in itfelf, and congenial with the fpirit of 
 Proteftantifm, this liberty of choice may be, it has 
 proved the occafion of great animofity. Parties 
 have fprung up in religion, as acrimonious and as 
 intolerant as were ever known in politics and in 
 civil ftrife. The fpirit is furely contrary to the 
 firft principles of the religion, in which we all 
 profefs to believe, and its confequences have been 
 feverely felt. Religious animofity is of all affections 
 the worft, for it feems to take the fafteft hold of the 
 mind, and to mix in the moft diftarit concerns. 
 In this country it has, more than once, been the 
 caufe of the greateil political evils. The monfter 
 dies away: let it be our endeavour to complete 
 his fall. 
 
 I think the Sunday fchools may be made to 
 anfwer to this great defign. Why then fhould it 
 not t>e done? Hitherto it has not, and only partial 
 
 good
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 good has been obtained. Where the members 
 
 of the Church have eftablifhed them, either the 
 children of Diflenters have been excluded, or the 
 rules of the inftitution ferved as an exclufion. 
 They are compelled to attend the fervice, and to 
 learn the catechifm of the Church. This furely is 
 unreafonable. The Diffenters, on their fide, have 
 not always been more liberal. The tendency of 
 fuch arrangements is evident. Not only does it 
 keep alive an oppofition fpirit among the leaders, 
 but it alfo gives birth to it in the unfuipecting 
 minds of the children. Party names are given, 
 and prejudices are formed. Thus is animofity 
 carried into the very fcheme, which benevolence 
 projected, and which has charity and the love of 
 virtue for its fupport. So true is it, that the befl- 
 intentioned minds are then even, perhaps, the 
 moil open to finifter impreffions, when religion, 
 with its attendant fenfibilities, feems to draw their 
 purfes and to direcl their hands. And what is 
 there, after all, in any man's particular tenets, able 
 fo to narrow the mind, that then only he fhould be 
 low and circumfcribed, when every rational motive 
 feems to call for liberality and expanfion of heart \' 
 Study human nature we may, but there ever will 
 remain fomething inexplicable in its character. 
 Could I prefume, indeed, that fome intereft, vifible 
 or latent, acled on every occafion, an under-part, at 
 
 leaft,
 
 lead, the problem would be folved. I am un- 
 willing to fuppofe it, yet a caufe there muft be. 
 
 Let me then propofe, that fchools be opened on 
 a more extended plan ; and that, in this bufinefs, 
 we for once forget that we are Church of England- 
 men, Prefbyterians, Baptifts, Roman Catholics, or 
 Quakers. This is to afk much, I know ; but let 
 the experiment be tried. Ufe will form us to it. 
 
 The plan I mean is this. Where fchools are 
 
 eflablijhed, let children of all religions be invited to enter. 
 But then it will be neceffary that elementary books 
 of inftruction be prepared, which fhall contain 
 nothing contrary to the peculiar tenets of any 
 Chriftian fociety. It muft be further agreed, that the 
 children attend their refpedlive places of worfhip, 
 agreeable to the mode of faith in which they are 
 bred. Such being the regulations, the mailers will 
 be inftrucled religioufly to obferve them, and the 
 vifitdrs, on honour, will comply with the fame. 
 
 Where are the objections to fuch a fcheme as 
 this? The compiling of the books, or catechifms, 
 will be an eafy tafk. They muft be elementary, 
 but practical and comprehenfive. When we have 
 feparated from each fociety its diftinctive opinions, 
 which are moftly fpeculative, will be left a great 
 mafs of Chriftian doctrine, and the whole fyftem of 
 
 moral
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 moral duties. Of thefe we will form our new 
 religious code ; to which no one {hall object, becaufe 
 he before profefled it all, with the addition only of 
 
 certain tenets. The exiflence of God and his 
 
 attributes, his providential care over us and over 
 the world which he made , the rewards of virtue 
 and the punifhments of vice. The divine million 
 of Jefus Chrift, his life, his preaching, his death 
 and refurrection, and his future coming to judge 
 the world. The ten commandments, and all the 
 duties of life. The obfervation of the fabbath, 
 with morning and evening prayer. The fcrip- 
 tures, what, and by whom written : felecl pafTages 
 
 from the old and new. Obedience to the laws, 
 
 and the punilriments they inflict on certain crimes. 
 Here, furely, are materials, ample and im- 
 portant enough. 
 
 I faid, the books fliould be elementary, that i,~, 
 eafy and familiar, adapted to the capacities of 
 children. They iliall begin with what is *moft 
 practical and intelligible, gradually opening to 
 greater points as the understanding expands, and 
 us progrefs is made. But I would difTuade from 
 any thing that is technical or fyftematic, however 
 plaufible; for fuch methods, out of theory, have 
 feldom been found to anfwer. The vifible progrefs 
 which children make is very flow. They feem to 
 receive little more than words ; however, notions 
 
 will
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 will gradually be affociated with them. From often 
 hearing of God, of duty, and of a future ftate, 
 impreffions will be mechanically made, and they 
 will operate in due time. They will create a re- 
 verence for religion, and for its general dictates; 
 and a foundation for the principle of conference 
 will be laid, that will always acl as a check upon 
 vice and immorality. 
 
 So far we have feen nothing either objectionable 
 or impracticable. Let me now fuppofe a child, 
 Catholic or Proteftant, on whofe mind have been 
 made all the impreffions of this plan, in its fulleft 
 extent. Will any principles or opinions be found 
 there, which will not moft aptly coalefce with any 
 future ftruclure of peculiar tenets, which it may 
 pleafe his parents or minifters to fuperinduce ? 
 Evidently not. But he will have learned every 
 fundamental maxim of truth and virtue, which the 
 moft zealous and enlightened teacher could have 
 been ambitious to inftil. Nor does the plan ex- 
 clude a concomitance, or even a priority, of in- 
 ftrudlion, if it {hould be the wifh of any one to 
 make his child a Proteftant, for inftance, before he 
 has learned the principles of a Chriftian and a man. 
 This fhall be optional. Though my advice would 
 be, that he {hould be neither fo partial or fo 
 precipitate. 
 
 Now
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 Now let me fee, whether we have not gained, 
 with thefe treafures of moral inftruction, the other 
 grand point I mentioned, that is, in the minds 
 which this plan has tutored, a privation of all 
 religious animofity, and a fund of general bene- 
 volence and liberality? I am fure we have. Our 
 elementary books have ever inculcated thefe vir- 
 tues ; they have never alluded to party-names, or 
 difcriminating opinions ; but they have invariably 
 faid, that all mankind were brothers, and that it 
 was their firft duty to love one another. They 
 fpoke of diffentions, of quarrels, and of rancour as 
 inimical to the fpirit of Chriftianity, and as debafing 
 to the heart of man. Their inftructors, by word 
 and conduct, were careful to ftrengthen the fame 
 impreffions : while the fight of the vifitors, men of 
 different religious perfuafions, but all co-operating 
 in the fame plan, would moft effectually promote 
 the important work. The laft circumftance, in 
 every point of view, is interefling. Here I only wiih 
 to mention, that as children are always much moved 
 by the conduct of their fuperiors, the effect on 
 their minds muft be pleafing, when they begin to 
 reflect, that they who from pure benevolence be- 
 came their benefactors, were men of different per- 
 fufions. 
 
 Such is the plan I with to fee executed, and fuch 
 muft be its effects. It has every advantage which 
 
 others
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 others poffefs; and it befides has many which they 
 cannot pretend to. Why then fhould it not be 
 attempted? If the man the moft bigotted to his 
 own tenets can fay, it will obftrucl their influence, 
 or their fpread, I am willing to refign it. I wifh, 
 however, to be underftocd, that by tenets I do 
 not mean party prejudice, or a diflike of thofe who 
 in opinion chufe to differ from us; for fuch dif- 
 pofitions, I do think, this fcheme is calculated 
 utterly to extirpate. 
 
 Some there ftill may be, \vhom an early prer 
 dileclion for their own books of inftruclion has fo 
 tafcinated, that they will not eafily be prevailed 
 on to refign them, even in the partial manner I 
 requeft. Have they ever maturely weighed their 
 contents, and compared the methods they pur foe, 
 with the character and extent of the infant mind? 
 I have before me fome of the moft popular cate- 
 chifms. That of the Church is concife and per- 
 fpicuous enough to the inftrucled mind ; but it has 
 few words, and as few x ideas, adapted to the under- 
 ftandings of children. It opens with the Chrlflian 
 covenant entered into by baptifm, defcribing its 
 myftical efFe&s, and its folemn engagements. The 
 child repeats, that he has been made a member of 
 Chriflt a child of God, and an inheritor of the kingdom 
 of heaven; that he muft renounce the devil and all his 
 works, the pomps and vanities of this wicked world, and 
 
 all
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 all thefinful lujls ofthefejh ; and he declares that he 
 verily thinks he is bound to believe and to do as his 
 Godfathers and Godmothers promij'ed for him. There 
 is not here a fingle notion adequate to his appre- 
 henfion. 
 
 The fecond part, on the Chriflian faith, propofes 
 the Creed, which the child rehearfes as containing 
 the articles of his belief; he fays what are the chief 
 of thefe, declaring his belief in the myfterious 
 doctrine of the Trinity ; in God the Father, who 
 made the world; in God the Son, who redeemed 
 it; and in God the Holy Ghoft, who fantfifetk him, 
 
 and all the eleft people of God. If it be expedient 
 
 fo foon to propofe thefe fublime declines, it muft 
 be owing to their great importance in the Chriflian 
 fcheme. Yet 1 think, were the mind prepared for 
 them, their impreiTion would be more diftinft and 
 awful. Had I a fecret to communicate to a child, 
 on which much depended, I would do it with fo- 
 lemnity, and when fome maturity of years infured 
 its effect 
 
 The third part treats on the Chriflian obedience, 
 in the ten commandments, which the child repeats, 
 adding the two chief things to be learned from 
 them, his duty towards God, and his duty towards 
 his neighbour, and thefe duties he exemplifies in 
 two anfwers, which are clear and comprehensive. 
 
 The
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 The whole article is admirably drawn. I can only 
 regret that, inftead of the third, it does not poflefs 
 the firft place. The obvious order in inftru&ion is, 
 to proceed from what is moft evident to what is 
 lefs fo. Here, on the contrary, the procefs is from 
 tilings myfterious and incomprehenfible to things 
 praclical and of eafy evidence. 
 
 The fourth part is on the Chriflian prayer. 
 
 This fucceffion is natural, and connects very, well 
 with the preceding article. 
 
 The laft part treats of the Ckriftian Jacrametits. 
 The technical terms and the metaphyfical ideas of 
 this article entitle it, undoubtedly, to the place it 
 occupies. No part of it is within the reach of 
 children; but it muft be fuppofed, that they have, 
 by this time, gone through inftru&ion, which has 
 prepared them for it. 
 
 My objection then to the Church catechifm is, 
 that its arrangement is prepofterous, that its lan- 
 guage is too abftrufe and fcholaftic, and that it i? 
 not fufficiently broken by familiar queftions. To 
 this it may alfo be ferioufly added, that it no where 
 diftinftly mentions a future (late of rewards and 
 punifhments, only in the brief words of the Creed. 
 
 That of the DifTenters, entitled the AJfimbly's 
 
 Catechifm , even as abridged for beginners, contains 
 
 D all
 
 ( 3-1 ) 
 
 all the faults, and not all the perfections, of the 
 former. In the very fecond page, having flated 
 the doctrine of the Trinity, it proceeds to the 
 decrees of God, which the child defines to be his 
 eternal purpofe, according to the council of his own will* 
 whereby, for his own glory, he hath fore-ordained what- 
 foever fhall come to pafs. Similar abftrufe matter is 
 every where introduced; nor do I hardly find a 
 queftion, excepting perhaps on the practical duties 
 of the Ten Commandments, which can, with the 
 fmalleft propriety, be offered to a child. 
 
 I fhall only further notice the Catechifm of the 
 Roman Catholics; in the firfl page of which the child 
 remarks, that his foul is like to God, bccaiife it is a 
 fpirit endowed with wider/landing and free-will, and is 
 immortal; and that as in God there is one God and three 
 perfons, Jo in man there is one foul and three powers, 
 
 which are will, memory, and under/landing. This 
 
 may fuffice to fhew how ill conftructed it is ; befides, 
 the fame bad arrangement and confufion of ideas, 
 in fpeculative and in practical, in myftery and in 
 moral truths, pervade the whole. A mind thus 
 tutored, can fee nothing diilinctly: the whole 
 fyftem of ideas muft be confufed, anfwering to the 
 catechiftical procefs whereby they were introduced. 
 It will be well, if inftability in belief be not the 
 confequence of a method fo incoherent and un- 
 defined. 
 
 Were
 
 C 35 ) 
 
 Were thefe, and other catechifms, reformed 
 agreeably to the plan I fuggefted for the fchools, 
 it would, in my opinion, be a valuable amend- 
 ment. The mind would be firft provided with 
 what is fundamental, and adapted to its capacities, 
 and its ftores of improvement would gradually 
 fwell, as nature opened and inftru&ion ferved. I 
 would alfo recommend, that in delivering the par- 
 ticular tenets of focieties, with accuracy and full- 
 nefs, no reflections, particularly of an acrimonious 
 or malevolent tendency, be introduced on the 
 opinions of others. Let each caufe fland on its 
 own bafis. Am I a better man, or is my faith 
 more fecure, becaufe my brother errs? Befides, 
 from fuch illiberal reflections (with which moil 
 books, hitherto put into the hands of children, 
 abound) have certainly arifen all the evils of re- 
 ligious animofity, under which, even in a civil 
 light, this country has fo long and fo often fuffered. 
 I well know, there is nothing in the principles of 
 any fociety which can moft diflantly tend to make 
 them bad men, or bad citizens. This being fo, 
 why may they not, unmolefted, profefs their pe- 
 culiar modes of belief, with the fame liberty as you 
 or I? 
 
 It may perhaps be apprehended, that the fcheme 
 
 I have propofed, will generate in young people an 
 
 Indifference to particular modes of faith. It may 
 
 D 2 give
 
 give them, it will be faid, found principles of 
 morality; but will it give them orthodoxy? This 
 muft depend on the zeal of their refpeclive mi- 
 niflers; and as to indifference, it may eafily be re- 
 moved by the fame agent. By the rules of" the 
 inrtitution, the children will be required to affifl: 
 at their own places of worfhip: and will their 
 minds, think you, be lefs prepared for inftru<5lion, 
 than when before they were utterly neglected ? If 
 indeed no care be taken to fuperadd thofe tenets, 
 which they who make the objection deem fo ef- 
 fential, I do not pretend to fay, that we (hall 
 imprint any warmth of attachment to them. To 
 attempt it would be to fubvert a leading principle 
 in the plan. Theirs will be the blame who have 
 an eafy remedy at hand. But fhould the word 
 cafe fometimes happen ; which muft be thought 
 preferable, morality without orthodoxy, or ortho- 
 doxy without morality? They will be careful to 
 unite them, who fincerely think the union of any 
 value. 
 
 The importance of the fubje& has detained me 
 longer than I expecled, though it is the point I 
 had prinpcially in view. And I will clofe it with 
 the fanguine expectation, that the great effe& of 
 reforming the manners of the people will be, more 
 or lefs, produced, on whatever plan the Sunday 
 fchools are eonducled, provided it be with zeal and 
 
 per-
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 perfeverance. May not government then (for the 
 exiftence of the ftate, as a great and honourable 
 nation, is at ilake) give them a powerful fupport? 
 May not the mitred heads of the church, and their 
 dignified clergy, co-operate with their wealth, their 
 learning, and their influence ; for they, furely, are 
 much interefted in the fuppreffion of vice and the 
 promotion of virtue? And may not all the heads 
 of the diflenting congregations, rich in zeal and 
 facred wifclom, bring their forces alfo in aid of the 
 general caufe? 
 
 Engaged as I am on the fubjecl, I cannot leave 
 it while an idea remains with me, which poflibly, 
 in the event of things, may benefit the nation 
 which I love. Yet has the whole matter, I know, 
 been often reviewed before, and prefented in all 
 forms, to the public. In the concerns of men are 
 propitious and unpropitious moments. How to 
 leize the mil is important, as on it depends the 
 fuccefs of the wifeft undertakings. The waves of 
 diflant commotion, which the rumours of war ex- 
 cite, feem fubfiding to a calm. At home, the 
 the violence of party is {tilled, and we are difpofed 
 to union. Thefe are the aufpicious moments when 
 attention may be given to the internal ceconomy ; 
 when fchemes of reformation maybe difcuffed, and 
 new arrangements made, where neceflary. 
 
 D 3 We
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 We have traced the corruption in the manners of 
 the people to its fource, and we have found, I truft, 
 an efficacious remedy to the evil. The depravity 
 in the higher, and in the higheft, ranks in life, 
 fprings undoubtedly from a fimilar caufe. I am 
 not difpofed to furvey the times through the me- 
 dium of fplenetic obfervation. But he rnufl be 
 blind indeed who cannot fee the falling off; and he 
 little lefs fo, who is ignorant of the caufe. It lies 
 in the want of difcipline and religious inftruclion 
 in our fchools and colleges. The regulations, 
 which our anceftors made for thefe eftablifhments, 
 were wifely planned. In this innovating and af- 
 fecled age, they are as unwifely negleded. It is 
 time the public fhould be no longer duped and 
 infulted. Surely they have a claim to fee thofe 
 places well adminiftered, which the piety and be- 
 neficence of their anceftors contributed to found. 
 
 I know the excufe is, that the age will not bear 
 reftraint, and that the manners of the world out of 
 doors are fuch, that no difcipline can preferve the 
 youth from their contagion. That parents even 
 help on the evil, by extravagant allowances of mo- 
 ney, and by the bad example they fhew them, 
 during the receffes, at home. Had mankind, at all 
 times, been difpofed to liftento what indolence and 
 culpable rerniffnefs might urge in their defence, the 
 world indeed had, at this moment, been worfe con- 
 
 ftituted
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 ftituted than it is. Theferpent beguiled me, and I did 
 eat, faid the firft woman ; but her apology was not 
 admitted. I can feel the force of the defence which 
 is made, and I am willing, in fome inftances, to 
 allow its validity. Univerfally it cannot apply, 
 where means are ufed to counteract the bad in- 
 fluence which is complained of. In proportion as 
 this prefles, and penetrates into the fchools and 
 univerfities, vigour ihould be ufed to oppofe it. 
 There are officers, whofe hands are inverted with 
 every neceflary power. Let this be exerted, and 
 the reins of difcipline drawn tight. No evil exifls 
 that perfeverent labour will not furmount. Were 
 our officers, military and naval, permitted to urge 
 the depravity of the age, as a fufficient apology for 
 permitting difcipline to relax in their feveral de- 
 partments, where, at this time, would be the ftrength 
 and dignity of Britain ? Difcipline and fubordi- 
 nation they only aim at, and they have it. Would 
 not fimilar means fucceed in our colleges? 
 
 " I have myfelf, fays Mr. Knox, (Liberal Educ. 
 " p. 344.) refided long in one of the univerfities, 
 " (and the fillers are much alike) and I have feen 
 
 tc in it many evils. 1 faw immorality, habitual 
 
 *" drunkennefs, idlenefs, ignorance, and vanity, 
 " openly and boaftingly obtruding themfelves on 
 -" public view. I faw them triumphing without con- 
 * ; troul over the timidity of modeft merit." And 
 
 {hall
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 fhall there be no hand willing or fcrong enough to 
 oppofe this monftrous evil? If they, whofe duty 
 it is, will not attempt it, the legiflative arm muft be 
 implored to interfere. It is too well known what 
 are, in fome, the fordid motives and interefted 
 views which check the execution of duty; while 
 in vain do many honefl and virtuous characters 
 deplore an evil which unavailingly they drive to 
 oppofe. 
 
 What can be expeded, when young men, thus 
 vitiated, come out upon the public? I pretend 
 not to fay, that their literary acquirements will be 
 none, becaufe in fome, at lead, this object will 
 have been ferioufly attended to. I fpeak of the 
 moral character ; of that mental form, which a 
 becoming fenfe of honour animates, and the love 
 of truth ennobles. The feeds of thefe qualities 
 were not fown, and it would be folly to look for 
 the fruit. Yet thefe are the men by whom all the 
 higher departments in life, and in the date, will be 
 occupied, and the fame mud figure through the 
 lefs confpicuous lines of fociety. The nation is 
 then beared to complain, that places of the higheft 
 trud are occupied by gameders, libertines, and 
 ipendthrifts ; that the naval and military depart- 
 ments are full of fine gentlemen, of debauchees, 
 of men of levity in appearance, in converfation, 
 and in principle ; that in the fenate, they are re- 
 
 prefented
 
 ( 4' ) 
 
 pvefented by men, wbofe youth, or want of talents, 
 or privation of common honour and honefty, ren- 
 der unfit to be trufted with the concerns of a great 
 and extended empire. When Cyneas, fay they, 
 went out from the Roman fenate, he reported, that 
 he had feen a congrefs of kings. Such was their 
 comportment and air of dignity. 
 
 There is, furely, a national charaBer in every 
 people, and ours has been fometimes faid to re- 
 femble that of Rome. Alas, we have been! Affected 
 levity has taken place of our grave and thoughtful 
 air; and to flern and independent virtue have 
 fucceeded Afiatic manners. 
 
 How, in the name of foldierfhip and fenfe, 
 
 Should England profper, when fuch things, as fmooth 
 
 And tender as a girl, all eflenced o'er 
 
 With odours, and as profligate as fweet, 
 
 Who fell their laurel for a myrtle wreath, 
 
 And love when they fhould fight; when fuch as thefe 
 
 Prefume to lay their hands upon the ark 
 
 Of her magnificent and awful caufe. 
 
 C o w P E R. 
 
 Such afTeclation is ridiculous, and like every 
 other, fits very aukwardly on the wearer. It is 
 imported from abroad; for not fatisfied with the 
 depravity our young men can contract at home, 
 we fend them into other countries, there to cull 
 the follies and vices which may pleafe them beft. 
 
 Were
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 Were the mind properly prepared, that is, mature 
 in judgment and acquired knowledge, travelling 
 would open to it fources of information, and fur- 
 nifh opportunities of reflection, which cannot be 
 obtained by him who never leaves his native land. 
 But to expect that boys fliould make obfervations 
 on men and manners, fhould weigh and compare 
 the laws, inflitutions, cufloms, and characterises 
 of various people, is to expect an impoffibility. 
 Yet if this be not done, wherein lies the advantage ? 
 It is no lefs abfurd to fuppofe, that boys will not 
 be flruck and captivated with vanity and trifles. 
 What ftrikes and captivates will infallibly adhere 
 to the mind. 
 
 Serious and thinking parents, who fee the in- 
 evitable ruin which threatens the morals and con- 
 ftitution of their children in the public fchools, 
 have recourfe to other modes of education. They 
 give them to the care of private tutors, a plan 
 which a thoufand difadvantages attend ; or they 
 even fend them abroad, hoping that, with fome 
 attention, they may acquire learning with lefs alloy 
 of depravity. The contraction of foreign manners 
 and foreign habits of mind is perhaps the leaft evil, 
 to which this method gives rife. An Italian or 
 French fchool cannot be the feminary for an 
 Englimman. It is the fafhion, I know, to ridicule 
 this idea, as unbecoming that being, which has now 
 
 difcovered
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 difcovered that he is a citizen of the world. For 
 my part, I refpect the local attachment which a 
 man feels for his country, though it is ftiled a 
 prejudice. It takes its rife in nature, and is at- 
 tended with effects greatly beneficial. Were this 
 prejudice in favour of our country removed, are 
 we fure it would not be fucceeded by others, lefs 
 reafonable and lefs innocent ? Are we even cer- 
 tain, that prejudices againil it might not find ad- 
 miffion ? 
 
 To whatever fide then we turn our eyes, either 
 at home or abroad, nothing can be difcovered in 
 the prefent fyilem of education, but what calls for 
 reformation. By no other means can the evil be 
 removed. 
 
 The general flatutes and regulations of the col- 
 leges and fchools I believe to be excellent. It is 
 only neceffary, therefore, to give them life and 
 vigour. Difcipline, in a moment, will revive, and 
 with it all the advantages of fubordination, order, 
 and ceconomy. An agent only is wanting to give 
 motion to the engine. Let the powers be ufed 
 with which the regular governors are invefted. 
 They feem fufficient for every purpofe. Zeal only 
 and ferious exertions have not hitherto been found. 
 I think they muft now be roufed, when the una- 
 nimous voice of the nation demands it. Unfor- 
 tunately,
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 tunately, after reiterated attempts, fhould it be 
 difcovered, that the evil is too deeply rooted to be 
 removed by common means, others muO: be re- 
 curred to. To our legiflators the conftitution has 
 given a power which nothing can controui. In 
 affairs of magnitude, then, we know what to look to. 
 Never could it be exerted to a more valuable or 
 important purpofe. I {hould hear with pleafure 
 that a bill were brought into the Houfe, " for the 
 ** better regulation of public fchools and colleges, 
 tl by gi vni v Jg ur to the ancient ftatutes, or by 
 " enacting new ones, if judged expedient." The 
 mover of fuch a bill would be a patriot indeed. 
 
 There is not, after all, in the affairs of men, 
 a more forlorn or arduous undertaking than that of 
 reformation. It has every obflacle to combat which 
 intereft, and paffion, and prejudice can lay before 
 h. A plan, new from the foundation and in all 
 its parts, is more eafily executed. This, on trial, 
 has generally been verified ; when after repeated 
 attempts, and much time loft, no progrefs has 
 been rnadr. ; but vexation and difappointment have 
 accompanied every ftep. Then is recourfe had to 
 meafures entirely new. It had better have been 
 done at ftrft. 
 
 Our Minifter, whofe mind is ardent and whofe 
 views are comprebenfive, will not, we know, (brink 
 
 from
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 from labour. To him I would propofe the fcheme 
 of digefting a New plan of national Education, adapted 
 to the different orders in fociety. All the learning 
 and wifdom of the State would be ready to co- 
 operate. The meafure has already been attempted 
 in fome countries, and it is propofecl, I believe, 
 in all ; for the evil which called for it is general. 
 Objections have been made, light and trivial, fuch 
 as men, habituated to old forms, and prejudiced 
 from want of fight, are ufed to make. Nor are the 
 difficulties which would attend the meafure fo great 
 as might be apprehended. Much light has been 
 thrown on the fubjecl:, by the ableft writers in this 
 and other countries. This has fmoothed the path, 
 and excited befides a very general attention. What 
 is ardently defired, is eafy in execution ; though 
 when the welfare of a nation is at {lake, eafe or 
 difficulty make no impreffion on the patriot's eye. 
 
 The Diffenters have juft opened two academies, 
 on liberal and extenfive plans; and as the general 
 difcipline of that fociety is well known, the happiefl 
 effecls may be expected from the inftitution. But 
 no where have my eyes been fo pleafed, and my 
 mindfo charmed, as with the Quakers' eftablifhment 
 in the North. Mildnefs there tempers the feverity 
 of difcipline, and virtue becomes more amiable by 
 the fimplicity of its form; while the mind, in the 
 mean time, is tutored to the flerner habits of in- 
 
 duihioos
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 rfiiftrious labour. The legiflator of Sparta would 
 have viewed the inftitution with admiration and 
 pleafure. It is only in a fociety, fo organized as that 
 of the Quakers, that regulations can be formed which 
 (hall exhibit fuch order, fuch decency, fuch de^- 
 corum. But what we cannot rival we may imitate. 
 The inftitution is purely for the lower clafs. 
 
 I have little more to offer on the.fe very important 
 fubjects ; but it is the promotion of Sunday fchools 
 which I have principally in view. The zeal which 
 firft appeared in the bufinefs, begins, I fear, to 
 cool ; either becaufe the progrefs, which fome ex- 
 peeled, is not made, or from other obvious motives. 
 I muft repeat, that it is to the next generation we 
 muft look for great and vifible effecls : there moft 
 certainly they will be found. But our own times 
 will not be without their effecls either. The mea- 
 fure of thefe we have it in our own power to de- 
 termine. Were the plan I fuggefted very generally 
 adopted, fome of the evils, which have hitherto 
 been experienced, would, I think, vanifh. It 
 would facilitate the progrefs of inftrudtion to the 
 children ; while perhaps it might infpire in the 
 breafts of the teachers and vifitors a fpirit of laudable 
 emulation, which would animate their zeal, and 
 give it perfeverance. Never, I am fure, were 
 offered to any nation motives more cogent, than 
 whut every honeft man muft now feel, to fupport 
 
 an
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 an institution, on which depends all that is valuable 
 and dear in life. 
 
 It may be thought by fome, that I have afcribed 
 too much efficacy to moral caufes. View then thofe 
 focieties, where attention is given to the inftruclion 
 of the poorer clafs ; and then furvey the melan- 
 choly profpect which other churches exhibit. As 
 furely do good manners and induftry accompany 
 the firft, as depravity, idlenefs, and improvidence 
 are vifible in the latter. The effect is not afcribable 
 to any peculiar tenets, which may be more favour- 
 able to the growth of virtue. What good hufbandry 
 produces in the fields of the indufirious farmer, 
 precifely the fame does education erfecl in the 
 moral world. The Author of all Things would 
 have ill-provided for the eftablifhment of truth and 
 virtue, had he not pre-ordained a fixed fyflem of 
 laws, which muft univerfally prevail. On the cer- 
 tain agency of thefe is founded every theory of 
 education. 
 
 Though I have mentioned the general depravity 
 of all orders in the State, it will not, I hope, be 
 thought that my eye is fo organized, as to be in- 
 capable of feeing what is good and virtuous in many 
 individuals. Never, I doubt not, have the moral 
 and chriflian virtues been carried to a higher per- 
 feclion than this age and country can now exhibit. 
 
 And
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 And are not thefe, peradventure, the ten righteous 
 men, for whofe fake Sodom and Gomorrah ihall 
 not be deftroyed V 
 
 I will draw my ideas to a more fimple point. 
 
 PofFibly the effect may be better felt. Viewing 
 
 the decline and fall of States, I afcribed the event, 
 with all other writers, to the want of virtue in the 
 people. To account, for this, I delineated the 
 phyfical effect of vicious indulgence on the indi- 
 vidual ; and if here it be fo fatal, faid I, cannot the 
 fame leafonirig be applied to a fociety, of which 
 the major part is depraved? It can evidently. I 
 then confidered the nature of the felfifh principle, 
 and the operation of laws, as fuppofed capable to 
 check the fpread of vice. But in fpite of thefe and 
 all other means, nations I faw had fallen ; there- 
 fore were they infurficient. I took a brief furvey 
 of Rome and of its manners, before the Republic 
 was enflaved, and I left the application to my 
 reader, I mentioned the certain agency of moral 
 caufes, which, nor the boafted excellence of our 
 political confutation, nor any temporary exertions, 
 however vigorous, could invalidate. I glanced at 
 the effects of trade and manufactures, exprefling a 
 wiih rather to fee agriculture extended, than cities 
 built. The country, faid I, is the nurfery where 
 {hong bodies and found minds are bred. As a 
 believer in divine Providence, I ftated the awful 
 
 vilitations
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 vifitatkms of heaven; yet I hoped it was (till in 
 our power to avert the fatal day. At this the true 
 patriot would labour: he would firft- look for the 
 fource of the evil (which he finds in the depraved 
 manners of the people), then he would apply the 
 moft efficacious remedy. 
 
 I defcribed the nature and utility of religious 
 inftruction, which having been fadly neglected, has 
 principally caufed the diforder. Various means to 
 effect a reformation, inadequate and infufficient, 
 have been projected; thefe I enumerated. The 
 inftitution of Sunday fchools feemed alone cal- 
 culated to reach the root of the evil. I defcribed 
 their obvious effects. Every plan fhould be made 
 as productive as poflible. Had this been done ? 
 It feemed not: I therefore propofed a fcheme for 
 extending the benefits of Sunday fchools, and 
 anfwered the objections which might be urged 
 againfl it. I endeavoured to fhew that our moft 
 popular catechifms are, in their prefent form, very 
 ill adapted to the capacities of children, that they 
 fhould be amended, arid in what manner. 
 
 In a curfory view I then furveyed the flate of 
 education in our public fchools and colleges ; with 
 Mr. Knox I deplored their fallen ftate : and I 
 joined the public voice to entreat a fpeedy refto- 
 ration of difcipline and an effectual reformation. 
 
 E Thefe
 
 ( 50 ) 
 
 Thefe means alone can reftore virtue to the 
 individual, and on it build the profperity and 
 firmnefs of the State ; they can embellifh private 
 life, and exalt the public character; to religion 
 they can give its former energy ; and to the prin- 
 ciples, which ennoble human nature, all their 
 powers of operation ; the national character they 
 can re-eftablifh, and once more lift up the Englifh 
 name: in a word, thefe means alone can retard 
 our decline, and fave a falling nation. 
 
 THE END.
 
 BOOKS, 
 
 Printed for G. G. J. and J. R O B I N S O N, 
 
 PATERNOSTER Row; 
 
 R. FAULDER, NEW BOND STREET, 
 LONDON; 
 
 And M. SWINNEY, BIRMINGHAM. 
 
 THE Hiftoryof the LIVES of ABEILLARD 
 and HELOISA; comprifing a Period of 
 eighty-four Years, 6:01111079101163. With their 
 genuine LETTERS, from the Colle&ion of 
 AMBOISE. By the Rev. JOSEPH BERINGTON. 
 Quarto, boards il. is. 
 
 Where alfo may be had, by the fame Author, 
 
 2. LETTERS on Materialifm and on Hartley's 
 Theory of the Human Mind. 8vo. 35. 
 
 3. IMMATERIALISM Delineated, or 
 a View of the firft Principles of Things. 8vo. 53. 
 
 4. LET-
 
 4. L E T T E R to Dr. F O R D Y C E. 
 
 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 5. STATE and Behaviour of the Englifti 
 Catholics from the Reformation to the. Year 1781. 
 Second Edition. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 6. REFLECTIONS addreffcd to the Rev. 
 J O H N H A W K I N S. To which is- added, 
 an Expofition of Roman Catholic Principles, in 
 Reference to God and the Country. 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 7. An ADDRESS to the Proteftant Diffenters, 
 on their Memorial for the Repeal of the TEST 
 ACT. Second Edition ; containing a Letter Jrom 
 the Rev. Dr. PRIESTLEY. 8vo. is.
 
 AN 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 PROTESTANT DISSENTERS,
 
 A N 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 PROTESTANT DISSENTERS, 
 
 By the Rev. JOSEPH BERINGTON. 
 
 Cum tua prasvideas oculis mala lippus inun&is, 
 Cur in amicorum vitiis tarn cernis acutum, 
 Quam aut aquila, aut ferpens Epidaurius? 
 
 HOB. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A LETTER FROM DR. PRIESTLEY 
 TO THE AUTHOR. 
 
 BIRMINGHAM: PRINTED BY M. SWINNEY: 
 
 FOR G. G. J. AND J. ROBINSON, IN PATER NOSTER-ROW, 
 AND R. FAULDER, NEW BOND-STREET, LONDON. 
 
 MDCCLXXXVII.
 
 A N 
 
 DORES 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 Proteftant Diffenters, 8cc. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 WHILE the bulinefs was pending, 
 and you looked anxioufly to its 
 iffue, I would not difturb you. Indeed, 
 that was not a moment for fuch expoftu- 
 lations as I had to make, and probably you 
 would not have liftened to me. Other 
 thoughts, and thofe of a very interefting 
 nature, engaged your attention. But now 
 when parliament has rejected your appli- 
 cation, and difappointment (for difap- 
 pointment furely you have felt) has 
 checked the effervefcence of your 
 B minds,
 
 minds, an individual, unconnected with 
 party, andhimfelfopprefled, may, he pre- 
 fumes, claim a momentary hearing from 
 you, and find it. 
 
 I can fay with truth that I was pleafed, 
 when I heard of your defign of petiti- 
 oning parliament for a further redrefs of 
 grievances. Men of little delicacy of 
 cohfcience might talk lightly of griev- 
 ances, which they faid, the greateft part 
 of you did not feel, and which demand- 
 ed but a moderate pliancy of difpofition 
 tofurmount; but you furely were the beft 
 judges of their real extent and preflure. 
 The mind of an Englifhman does not 
 eafilybend to the fmallefl oppreffion; and 
 and if you felt yourfelves aggrieved by 
 the obnoxious acls, you complained of, it 
 will not be faid, that you might not afk 
 for their repeal, knowing what it is to 
 fuffer for confidence lake, I have learned 
 tofympathife in the fufferings of others. 
 I therefore, and the body of men to which 
 I belong, wilhed you fuccefs in your ap- 
 plication. But
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 But my benevolence, I own, foon re- 
 ceived a fever e (hock. Your printed cafe, 
 defigned for the inftruclion of the mem- 
 bers of both houfes, and purpofely circu- 
 lated through the country, was put into 
 my hands. I read it. Many things pleafed 
 me much ; but there were a few claufes 
 fo illiberal, and fo unfounded, that my 
 mind recoiled with horror. I could hardly 
 perfuade myfelf to believe that men of 
 information, of policy, of religion, of 
 improved virtue, could be fo inconfiftent, 
 as even then to profefs intolerance, when 
 they complained of its injuftice, and wifh- 
 ed to remove its galling influence from 
 themfelves. You have done worfe than 
 this. You have thrown out injinuations, at 
 onccfalfe and malevolent, when the obj eel of 
 them merited no fuch treatment from 
 you. Do you think your caufe called for 
 that fupport? 
 
 Gentlemen ! the charges I bring againft 
 you are fevere and folemn : it is therefore 
 incumbent on me to prove their truth. 
 B 2 The
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 The corporation and left afts were the 
 two ftatutes, of which you complained. 
 By the firft, enacled in the year 1 66 1 , the 
 1 3th of Charles II, it is provided, "That 
 no perfon or perfons, fhali for ever here- 
 after be placed, elected, or chofen in, or 
 to, any corporation-offices, that mall not 
 -have, within one year before fuch election, 
 or choice, taken the Sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper, according to the rites of 
 the church of England." By the tefl aft, 
 made in 1672, the 2^th of the fame reign 
 it is enacted, " That all and every per- 
 fon or perfons, that (hall be admitted, 
 entered, placed, or taken, into any office, 
 or offices, civil, or military, or fhall receive 
 any pay, falary, fee, or wages, by reafon 
 of any patent or grant of his majefty, or 
 fhall have command or place of truft 
 from or under his majefly, his heirs or 
 fucceffors, or by his or their authority, or 
 by authority derived from him or them, 
 within this realm of England, dominion 
 of Wales, or town of Berwick upon 
 Tweed, or in his majefty's navy, or in the 
 
 feveral
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 feveral iflaods of Jerfey and Guernfey, or 
 that fhall be admitted into any fervice or 
 employment in his majefty's houfhold or 
 family, fhall receive the Sacrament of 
 the Lord's Supper, according to the ufage 
 of the church of England, within three 
 months after his or their admittance in, 
 or receiving their faid authority and em- 
 ployment, in fome public church, upon 
 the Lord's day commonly called Sunday, 
 immediately after divine fervice." 
 
 You briefly relate the circumftances in 
 which thefe ads patted, and I cannot fay 
 they are miftated. That, regarding cor- 
 porations, you obferve, pafled in a period 
 of great heat and violence, the year aftei 
 the reiteration, and probably, you fay, was 
 defigned againft fome of the proteftant 
 diflenters. How gently is this expreffed ! 
 The fad, as our hiftorians you well know, 
 relate it, was The king, with his mi- 
 nifters, and the majority in both houfes, 
 hated the prefbyterians, whom they con- 
 iidered as the authors of the late rebellion. 
 B 3 In
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 In their hands remained ftill great power, 
 for, during the protectorate, they had 
 been appointed magiftrates in all the 
 country towns. To leave authority in 
 fuch hands feemed dangerous ; it was 
 therefore judged expedient to regulate 
 the corporations, and to expel thofe ma- 
 giftrates, whofe principles were inimical 
 to the conftitution civil and eccleliaftical. 
 This gave rife to the corporation- aft. It 
 was befides rumoured that new plots were 
 forming in the ftate, and they obvioufly 
 would be marked for the authors, whom 
 long practice had rendered expert in the 
 bufinefs. The nation and parliament 
 were alarmed, and a committee was ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the affair, that 
 meafures might be taken to fecure the 
 peace of the nation. It was judged ex- 
 pedient to frame the aft in queftion. 
 Could men of a difaffecled and dangerous 
 fpirit be kept out of offices, their power 
 of doing mifchief would be abridged. 
 There was little truth, I believe, in thefe 
 reports, but it anfwered the deligns of 
 
 the
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 the court-party, and paved the way for 
 the aft of uniformity, which foon after palled. 
 
 To be fo very guarded, therefore, in 
 your expreffions, was too punctilious. Pro- 
 bably, you fay, the ad was defigned againft 
 fome of your anceftors. Indeed, Gentle- 
 men, it was obvioufly defigned againft the 
 whole family, though every branch might 
 not have equally deferved it. Why fhould 
 truth be with-held? 
 
 Your forefathers, it is true, were guilty 
 of great excefles. But in thofe exceffes I 
 can trace the gracious defigns of Providence 
 towards England. Its political humours 
 were foul, and of that obftinate nature, 
 which only violent medicines could re- 
 move. Thefe you applied with a bold 
 hand. The patient had ftrength of con- 
 ftitution to bear it, and we have to thank 
 you for our prefent health. The liberty 
 we enjoy, and the bleflings of our well- 
 poifed government are certainly due to 
 the exertions of your anceftors. So it is by 
 
 ftorms
 
 florms and tempefts that our atmofphere 
 is often cleared from noxious vapours, 
 which otherwife might fpread peftilence 
 and death through the land. The man- 
 ner indeed who is buried in the waves, 
 or the landman who fees his harveft loft, 
 looks only to the evil, and laments his 
 cruel fate; while minds more compofed 
 and penetrating fee through the veil, and 
 adore in the whirlwind the beneficent 
 hand of God. 
 
 I .think then you might have fairly 
 owned that the Corporation at was wholly 
 defigned againft you. Your claim to pre- 
 fent indulgence would not have been 
 weakened by the conceffion; for how 
 culpable foever the old ftock might have 
 been, you, their children, men of a new 
 bone and fpirit, could have nothing to 
 apprehend from the moft jealous govern- 
 ment. Your loyalty, your patriotifm, 
 your refped for the laws, your manly 
 exertions, your love of virtue, and your 
 zeal for religion were all confpicuous. 
 
 In
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 In Rating the circumftances, wherein 
 the tefl aft pafled, you have not been fo 
 referred. " It, you apprehend, was 
 wholly made againft Papifts, and not to 
 prevent any danger which could happen 
 to the nation or church from the Diffen- 
 ters." The eftabli/hed church, it is well 
 known, could, at no time, have anything 
 to fear from you ; therefore fuch pre- 
 caution muft have been ufelefs. Againft 
 us the whole weight of the ftatute was 
 aimed, and you detail the circumftances 
 of the time with apparent complacency. 
 We acknowledge the truth of your af- 
 fertion ; but, in thefe times of more ge- 
 nerous humanity, would it have argued 
 a degeneracy of charader had you foft- 
 ened the harm flatement, by fome quali- 
 fying claufe. You might have faid that 
 the bill parTed, as the former againft you 
 did, in a period of great heat and violence; 
 or that the Papifts, perhaps, were not fo 
 culpable, as the-rage of party reprefented 
 them. How ftern is the felfiih eye in 
 the view of every other intereft but its 
 own ! The
 
 The teft aft patted in 1672, or rather 
 the year after. Since the year 1670, the 
 nation had been juflly alarmed. The 
 counfels of the azfoz/-miniftry then began 
 to prevail, and never had power been 
 committed to the hands of more dan- 
 gerous men. Thefe were Clifford, Afh- 
 ley, Buckingham, Arlington and Lauder- 
 dale. Clifford was a Roman catholic, and 
 in great favour with the king: Afhley, 
 foon after earl of Shaftefbury, a believer 
 in no religion, had fucceffively joined 
 every party, and in every party had taken 
 the lead ; he had ferved Cromwell, and 
 his influence with the prefbyterians was 
 well known: Buckingham, a light and 
 airy nobleman, had too little reflection to 
 embrace any fteady principles in religion 
 or politics : Arlington, fecretly attached 
 to the faith of Rome, and in which he 
 died, was not remarkable for his vices or 
 talents: " Lauderdale," fays Mr. Hume, 
 " had long, been a bigotted and furious 
 prc/byterian, and the opinions of that fed 
 ftill kept poffeffion of his mind, how 
 
 little
 
 little foever they appeared in his con- 
 dud." 
 
 Such were the men, who held the reins 
 of government. Their dark deligns were 
 not at once viiible ; but it foon appeared 
 that they meant to make the king abfo- 
 lute, and to enflave the people. They 
 propofed an alliance with France, and 
 war with Holland. From the firft, they 
 faid, fubfidies might be drawn ; and were 
 Holland fubdued, it might ferve to curb 
 that romantic fpirit of liberty and inde- 
 pendence, which feemed to derive energy 
 from contemplating the fame and gran- 
 deur of a proud republic. An alliance 
 with France was foon after formed, one 
 article of which is faid to have regarded 
 the eftablifhment of the catholic religion. 
 But in this the king was not ferious : he 
 only aimed to get money. If the minif- 
 ters meant it, furely Clifford and Ar- 
 lington were the leaft blameable of the 
 junto. 
 
 In
 
 In the month of March, 1671, died 
 the duchefs of York, daughter of the 
 earl of Clarendon, and in her laft fick- 
 nefs fhe declared her belief in the catho- 
 lic religion. This was the prelude to a 
 more important ftep. The duke, who 
 had long been a fecret member of that 
 church, now threw afide all difguife, and 
 openly announced his converfion. The 
 new alliance with France, it is thought, 
 infpired him with this fudden courage, 
 and rendered him lefs folicitous of the 
 affedions of the Englifh people. World- 
 ly prudence might arraign the meafure; 
 but if James was confcientiouily convinced 
 of the truth of the religion he embraced, 
 his conducl muft be termed difmterefted 
 and noble. He could not be acluatedby 
 any ungenerous motive. 
 
 " Unaccountable terrors of popery, 
 fays Mr. Hume, ever fince the acceffion 
 of the houfe of Stuart, had prevailed 
 throughout the nation; but thefe had 
 formerly been found fo groundlefs, and 
 
 had
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 had been employed to fo many bad pur- 
 pofes, that furmifes of this nature were 
 likely to meet with the lefs credit amongft 
 all men of fenfe ; and nothing but the 
 duke's imprudent bigotry could have con- 
 vinced the whole nation of his change of 
 religion. Popery, which had hitherto 
 been only a hideous fpedre, was now be- 
 come a real ground of terror, being openly 
 and zealoufly embraced by the heir to 
 the crown, a prince of induftry and en- 
 terprife; while the king himfelf was not 
 entirely free from like fufpicions." 
 
 In 1672, as money was wanting to carry 
 on the military preparations againft Hol- 
 land, and Charles would not affemble his 
 parliament, whofe juft indignation he 
 dreaded, other means were to be recurred 
 to. Clifford dared to advifethe ihutting 
 up the Exchequer, and retaining all the 
 payments, which mould be made into it. 
 In reward for this fervice he received the 
 flaffof treafurer, and a peerage. A ge- 
 neral confufion prevailed in the city, 
 
 fol-
 
 ( 14 ) 
 
 followed by the ruin of many. The 
 bankers flopped payment; the merchants 
 could anfwer no bills; diftruft took place 
 every where, with a ftagnation of com- 
 merce, by which the public was univer- 
 fally affeded. 
 
 To conciliate the good-will of one part 
 of his fubjeds, the king was difpofed to 
 try an expedient, which he had before 
 attempted. By virtue of an authority, 
 which he faid, was inherent in him, and 
 recognized by feveral ads of parliament, 
 he iffued a proclamation, fufpending the 
 penal laws, enaded againft all noncon- 
 formifts, or recufants whatfoever. To 
 the Proteftant Diffenters , he granted the 
 public exercife of their religion, and to 
 the Catholics the exercife of it in private 
 houfes. Thus the diffenters, obferves 
 Mr. Hume, the inveterate enemies to the 
 court, were molified ; while the catho- 
 lics enjoyed more liberty than the laws 
 had hitherto allowed them. 
 
 But
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 But this proclamation, you fay, was 
 made chiefly in favour of papifts. The 
 king, I know, loved us better than he did 
 you ; and he had reafon for it. You he 
 feared ; and it was his maxim to court 
 his enemies. However, the advantage of 
 the proclamation certainly was on your 
 fide. 
 
 On the 4th of February, 1673, after 
 prorogations continued for near two 
 years, Charles met his parliament. He 
 addrefled them with cordiality and confi- 
 dence : " A few days, faid he, before I 
 declared war, I put forth my declaration 
 for indulgence to diffenters; and I have 
 hitherto found a good effect of it, by fe- 
 curing peace at home, when I had war 
 abroad. There is one part of it, that 
 has been fubjed to mifconftruclion; which 
 is that concerning the papifts ; as if more 
 liberty were granted to them, than to 
 other recufants, when it is plain there is 
 lefs. For the others have public places al- 
 lowed them, and I never intended that they 
 
 fhould
 
 ( 16 ) 
 
 fhould have any ; but only have the free- 
 dom of their religion in their own houfes, 
 without the concourfe of others. And I 
 could not grant them lefs than this, when 
 I had extended fo much more grace to 
 others, mqfl of them having been loyal, and 
 in the fervice of me, and of the king my 
 father; and in the whole courfe of this 
 indulgence, I do not intend, that it mall 
 anyway prejudice the church; but I will 
 fupport its right in its full power." 
 
 This language was fenlible and manly ; 
 but parliament was not in a humour to 
 be eafily managed. Of the grievances 
 they complained of, none was fo alarming 
 as the declaration of indulgence. It 
 ftruck at the very life of the conftitution, 
 and eftablimed a power, abfolute and un- 
 controulable. Againfl the exercife of fuch 
 a power, they remonflrated. The king 
 defended the meafure ; nor did it feem 
 that he would recede from the extrava- 
 gant pretenfion : the commons, however, 
 perfifted. It was a crifis of great import- 
 ance.
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 aiice. Charles again reviewed his re- 
 fources, and he numbered the combined 
 forces which oppofed him : He faw the 
 precipice, on which he flood. His own 
 character alfo, naturally pliant and care- 
 lefs, came in aid of the advice which 
 prudence fuggefted to him. To yield with 
 the better grace, he afked the opinion 
 of the peers: they advifed compliance. 
 The king then fent for the declaration, 
 and with his own hands broke the feals. 
 This fiep gave the utmoft fatisfadion, 
 and the commons expreffed their warmeft 
 duty to his majefty. In this moment of 
 mutual goodwill, Charles affured them, 
 that he would readily pafs any law, they 
 might offer, tending to difpel their fuf- 
 picions, and to remove grievances. 
 
 Many of thediifenters, I believe, fided 
 on this occafion, with the oppoiition. 
 Among thefe was the alderman Love, you 
 mention. Either they condemned the 
 arbitrary meafures which produced the 
 declaration; or they found little fatis- 
 C faction
 
 faclionin the enjoyment of an indulgence, 
 of which the catholic party was at the 
 fame time allowed to partake. Such a 
 wayward difpofition has been ibmetimes 
 known to exiii. 
 
 Parliament, though apparently fatisfied 
 with the king's compliance, was not wil- 
 ling to let the occafion pals without 
 marking their ihongeit difappiobation of 
 meafiires, which, it feemed, the couit 
 had purfued with much ardour. They 
 would mortify the duke of York in his- 
 new 7 religion; they would give the king 
 to imderftand that neither his own fa- 
 vourite minifters, of the catholic periua- 
 iion, nor his brother's creatures, fhould 
 have it in their power to execute their 
 defigns without moleftation; and they 
 would tell the whole catholic body, if, 
 as fame reported, they relied on any fo- 
 reign aid for the eftablifhment of their 
 religion, that they fhould find an obftacle 
 at home which would check their moll 
 
 fanguine
 
 ( "9 ) 
 
 fanguine endeavours. The teft at was 
 prepared, and it pafled into a law. 
 
 I allow then that this ad was chiefly 
 levelled againft the roman catholics. In- 
 deed its preamble declares it. But I have 
 been thus minute in detailing the princi- 
 pal circumftances of the times, that you 
 may fee, that they were not lefs a period 
 of heat and violence, than that in which 
 the corporation-act was made. In the na- 
 tion, befides, and particularly in parlia- 
 ment, it mull appear, there was a great 
 difpoiition to curb the dhTenters, whofe 
 fteps were watched, and whofe general 
 views were fufpeded. Nor can it -be 
 doubted, though they are not named in 
 the ad, that the teft was defigned againft 
 every description of nonconformifts. In 
 the lower honfe all the old loyalifts 
 were their avowed enemies, without 
 counting the king's new favourites, who 
 were numerous : Among the lords, few 
 even of the lay peers couldbetheir friends; 
 and I need not, I think, mention the dif- 
 C 2 pofitions
 
 portions of the bifhops, and of the whole 
 eftabliihed clergy out of doors. Men 
 thus afFefted to the dhTenters, would even 
 more ardently adopt a fcheme, which, 
 under the mew of galling the roman ca- 
 tholics, would fall with equal weight on 
 their enemies. Allowing this to have 
 been the cafe, are your prefent preten- 
 lions lefs founded and cogent ? 
 
 In our j unification I wifh it alfo to be 
 obferved, that, though the aft was de- 
 figned againft the catholics, yet that few, 
 even then, of the number, merited a 
 treatment fo fevere. They had no con- 
 jcern in the views of Charles or his bro- 
 ther, in the fchemes of wild minifters, or 
 in the machinations of bad politicians. 
 They had fuffered much in the royal 
 caufe, and were pining in penury and 
 diftrefs, under the additional preilure of 
 cruel laws. Had they inoft cliiiantly ap- 
 proved the meafures, unconfHtuhonal 
 and difhonourable as they were, by which 
 it was pretended, their friends aimed to 
 
 redrefi
 
 redrefs their grievances, I am ready to 
 admit that the teft-ad was a jufl curb 
 to their defires. Nor am I fo blind a 
 partifan as not to allow that the ad itfelf 
 was wifely planned, considering the ap- 
 prehenfions entertained by many, that 
 men then exifled, who, to eftablifh their 
 religion, would not hefitate to overthrow 
 the confutation. Could thefe men have 
 been marked, and the community have 
 been fpared, it would have been a mea- 
 fure more jufl and laudable: But the 
 innocent muft fometimes fufFer with the 
 guilty. 
 
 Gentlemen, is it not better we mould 
 both lofe light of thofe days of heat and 
 violence ? Your condud had been often 
 Qenfurable, and fo had ours ; but not in 
 the fame degree. Our political principles 
 had both fwerved ; yours in favour of re- 
 publicanifm, ours of monarchy. We 
 would have gone great lengths to have 
 eftablifhed our religion ; you did eitablifli 
 yours, while the crown and mitre lay 
 C 3 trodden
 
 trodden on the earth. I know not which 
 is the word form of government, abfolute 
 monarchy, or pure democracy : but I 
 know that any fet of men, who, in this 
 country, fhouM aim to eftabliih either, 
 would merit to be curbed by the feverc ft 
 laws. From the exccfics of our progeni- 
 tors we have both learned wifclom : let us 
 then rejoice rather in our reformation, 
 forget what is paffed, and be friends. 
 
 I therefore condemn the general idea, 
 which feems to run through the hiftorical 
 part of your printed cafe. You wifh to 
 hold us out as the only obnoxious party ; 
 as if in the proportion we mall appear 
 guilty, your innocence will be prominent. 
 Could not your caufe reft on its ow ; n me- 
 rit? The two flatutcs aggrieved you. 
 That was enough. And your prefent 
 principles and conduct, inflead of rc- 
 ftraints called for encouragement and 
 praife. He who, to enhance his own pre- 
 tentious, wantonly attacks his neighbour's 
 
 fame,
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 fame, leads me involuntarily to fufpeci 
 that, 
 
 Something is rotten in the ftate of Denmark. 
 
 The account you give of the fieps, 
 which, at different periods, have been 
 taken in parliament to procure you fome 
 relief from thefe oppreffive laws, none 
 of which were crowned with fuccefs, 
 proves indeed that you had friends; but 
 does it not alfo prove that your friends 
 were out-numbered by your enemies? 
 There is a comfort, however, in the re- 
 flection, that virtue, on this unjuft earth, 
 does not always find admirers, or the re- 
 wards it merits. We papifls folace our- 
 felves wonderfully in the reflection. 
 
 I mall now confider, as far as it regards 
 my purpofe, the general reafons you ad- 
 duce, which, you think, mould operate 
 a repeal of the obnoxious afts. 
 
 I. " Every man, as it is now univerfally A 
 " acknowledged, has an undoubted right 
 
 *' to judge for himfelf in matters of re- ^~ 
 
 " ligion ; ^"-^
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 44 ligion ; nor ought his exercife of this 
 " right to be branded with a mark of in- 
 11 famy." 
 
 To this polition I moft cordially fub- 
 fcribe. It is founded on the clearer! 
 deductions of rcafon, and all the fpirit 
 of chriftianity tends to give it efficacy. 
 Let it operate then in itsuniverfal extent. 
 To admit general principles in theory, 
 and to reftrid them in practice, is, in a 
 rational mind, the bafeft logic. Intole- 
 rance, that pretends to reafon, is, in 
 my eyes, worfe than enthufiafm which 
 perfecutes from impulfe. Every man has 
 a right to judge for himfelf in matters of 
 religion, you fay. The only queftion 
 then muft be, whether Peter, or John, or 
 Paul be men. You and I are men; fo is 
 the Jew, fo is the mahometan. 
 
 " Nor ought his exercife of this right 
 ' to be branded with a mark of infamy." 
 Clearly it mould not. As well give rea- 
 fon to man, and brand him for a fool be- 
 
 caufe
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 caufe he reafons. The abfurdity is too glar- 
 ing. Yet are you , and we, and all churches 
 guilty of this abfurdity ; we wifh to fallen 
 fome opprobrium on one another. In this 
 kingdom, all, who are not of the efta- 
 blimment, are branded; but the mark on 
 us is the moft broad and flagrant. We do 
 not merit it, however. And have not you 
 yourfelves, in the very publication I am 
 examining, finned againfl your own doc- 
 trine? Prejudice is too often an overmatch 
 for principle. 
 
 II. " The holy Sacrament of the Lord's 
 " Supper, being a matter purely of a re- 
 " ligious nature, and being appointed by 
 * * our bleffed Saviour only for the remem- 
 " brance of his death, ought not to be 
 " applied to the fecular ends of civil fo- 
 " cieties." 
 
 Nor mould this pofition be contro- 
 verted. Do you only allow that it applies 
 to our fituation, as well to your own. 
 It may appear ftrange, that men mould 
 
 have
 
 have confounded things fo evidently dif- 
 tinft, as are religion and politics: but as 
 long as ftates fhall adopt the antichriftian 
 maxim of fupporting exclusively fome fa- 
 fourite feel, fo long muft the confufion 
 laft ; and divine and human, facred and 
 profane, temporal and eternal, earth and 
 heaven, muft be moulded into one heap, 
 and the chaotic mafs mail be called pure 
 chriftianity. Were you in power, would 
 a proper difcrimination, think you, be 
 made; and would order once more ex- 
 hibit the charming features of facred 
 truth? Were we in power, it would not, 
 I know, be done. W T hile then we are fo 
 kindly folicitous to take the fplinter out 
 of our brothel's eye, let us not forget 
 that perhaps there is a beam in our own. 
 
 III. " As diflenters are univerfally 
 44 acknowledged to be well-affected to his 
 44 majeltyandthe eftablifhed government, 
 44 and are ready to take the oaths re- 
 44 quired bylaw, and to give the fulleft 
 4 ' proof of their loyalty, they think it 
 
 " hard
 
 *' hard that their fcruple to receive the 
 
 " facrament after the manner of the 
 
 " church of England, or after the man- 
 
 " ner of any church, as a qualification 
 
 *' for an office, fhould render them inca- 
 
 <( pable of holding public employments, 
 
 ** civil or military." 
 
 This, gentlemen, is alfo our complaint. 
 As you, we are acknowledged, and I truft 
 universally, to be well-affeded to his ma- 
 jefty and the eftablifhed government; 
 with you we are ready to give the fulleft 
 proof of our loyalty, only we are not 
 ready to take all the oaths required by 
 law; and with you we think it hard 
 that our fcruple to receive the facra- 
 ment in the church of England, fliould 
 exclude us from the common rights of 
 citizens. 
 
 You know the oaths we refufe to take, 
 and as the fubjed of them is as much of 
 a religious nature, as the facrament itfelf 
 of the Lord's Supper, your reafoning againft 
 
 taking
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 taking the latter muft apply with equal 
 force to them. We are required by thofe 
 oaths, to renounce the doclrine of tran- 
 fubjlantiation, to declare that the Invocation 
 of faints, and the facramcnt of the mafs, 
 arefuperjlitious and Idolatrous, and that he, 
 whom we con fid rr as the head of our 
 church, has no fpinlued pre-eminence over 
 us. Can there be doclrines of a more 
 abftracled nature than thefe, or with 
 which dates, it feems, mould have lefs 
 concern ? 
 
 Were you truly con/i/lent, yourfelves 
 would refufe to take thefe oaths. You 
 would fcruple to take the facrament, with 
 a view to a civil qualification, even in 
 your own church. How then, agreeably 
 with this declaration, can you renounce 
 on oath the doclrine of tranfubflantiation , 
 to qualify yourfelves, it being evidently 
 of a religious nature ? It is not the truth 
 orfal/kood, of doctrines at which you he- 
 fitate, fo much as at the incongruity of 
 adapting religion to the fecular ends of 
 fociety. IV." The
 
 IV. " The occafional receivingof the 
 
 ** Lord's Supper, as a qualification for a 
 
 *' place, cannot, in the nature of things, 
 
 *' imply, that thofe who thus receive it, 
 
 *' mean to declare their full and entire 
 
 *' approbation of the whole conftitution 
 
 " and frame of the eftablifhed church ; 
 
 " lince men may be compelled by their 
 
 " neceffities, or allured by fecular advan- 
 
 *' tages, to do what they would not do, 
 
 *' were they left to their free choice. As 
 
 " from thefe motives, perfons may be in- 
 
 *' duced to conform to the eftablifhed 
 
 '* church in this particular inftance, 
 
 " though they do not approve of its 
 
 " forms and ceremonies in general, fo, 
 
 " from the fame motives, others may 
 
 " comply with the facramental teft who 
 
 " are not even chriftians, and who there- 
 
 *' fore cannot be fuppofed to wifh well 
 
 " to chriftianity itfelf, or to any na- 
 
 *' tional eftablifhment of it whatfoever, 
 
 *' Hence it is apparent, that fuch a teft 
 
 '* can be no real or ejfifeclual fecurity to 
 
 *< the church of England. It is aljo ap- 
 
 prehendtd,
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 " prefiended, that, Independently of any rc- 
 " marks upon the doctrine of papal difpenfa- 
 " lions, the fa.crame.ntal tejl complained of 
 " may be received by many papijls, becaufe 
 " many of them hold the church of England 
 " to be no church, her min'iflcrs no mhujlers, 
 " and her facramcnts to be nofacraments" 
 
 The lafl lines marked in italics, are the 
 paflage,atwhich,I faid, my mind recoiled, 
 and to that I alluded when I talked of 
 insinuations, falfe and malevolent. Its in- 
 duclion alfo was wanton, for without it, 
 the general reafoning was full and con- 
 clufive. 
 
 Nor is it I only, or thofe of my pcr- 
 fuafion, whom this ungenerous clatifehas 
 offended. Men of all religions, with 
 whom I have con verfed, and fome of your 
 own people, have exprefTed their utter 
 difapprobation of it. I have converfed,. 
 indeed, only with men of liberal minds ; 
 and as long as I am permitted to chufe 
 my own company, I will afibciate with no 
 
 others.
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 others. When they ceafe to be found, 
 it will be time to retire to the woods. 
 One of your blighted ornaments, a man 
 who does honour to human nature, and 
 in whom his country may be proud, thus 
 expreffes himfelf : " What I diflike in 
 the printed cafe is the concluiion of ar- 
 ticle 4, which contains a very unjuft in- 
 linuation againft the catholics, none of 
 whom, I believe, can be proved to have 
 received the facrament at the church of 
 England; and therefore it ought not to 
 be faid that they might do it. Themfelves 
 know this beft ; and their condud proves, 
 that they do not think it right to do it, 
 whatever advantages they might fecure 
 by a compliance with it." 
 
 " Independently of any remarks upon 
 the dodrine of papal difpenfations." 
 Do you then really think that we admit 
 fuch dodrine? Ever fince it was firft 
 objeded to us, (and it was firft objeded, 
 when he was efteemed the beft chriftian, 
 who could addrefs his adverfary in 'the 
 
 fouled
 
 foulcft language), we have uniformly re- 
 probated the calumny. We give no fuch 
 difpenfing power to any man. And in 
 the oath of allegiance, lately prepared for 
 us, do not we difclaim the poiition in 
 terms the moft full and unequivocal ? 
 There is in fome minds, it feems, an in- 
 veteracy of fufpicion which nothing can 
 eradicate. True it is; we do not organize 
 ourfelves, and happy are they on whom 
 nature fmiled propitious in their birth. 
 
 But as if the charge of knavery were not 
 fufficicnt, we mull alfo be made fools in 
 this bufinefs. It is affertcd that, we ad- 
 mit a power which can difpenfe with our 
 mod folemn obligations. Why then 
 have we not availed ourfelves of it? For 
 more than two centuries, we have fuf- 
 fered ourfelves to be expofcd to perfe- 
 cuting laws, and to feel all their weight, 
 while you tell us, we had an inftrumcnt 
 in our hands which could have broken 
 our fetters at a blow. The prifon door 
 was open, and we refufed to go out. No, 
 
 gentlemen,
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 gentlemen, fuch folly is never found in 
 man. What ftronger proof then can you 
 require of our not believing in fuch a 
 difpenjing power, than that of our never 
 having ufed it, when every motive, which 
 can influence the human heart, mud have 
 urged us to it? 
 
 Had the infinuation come from a vul- 
 gar quarter, I could but have defpifed it, 
 as I have often done; but as it comes 
 from you, I feel a fwell of indignation 
 in me, which is a proof, I trufl, of ,ari 
 honeft heart. 
 
 You alfo apprehend, " that the facra- 
 '* mental teft may be received by many 
 " papifts, becaufe many of them hold the 
 " church of England to be no church, 
 " her minifters no minifters, and her fa- 
 " craments no facraments." 
 
 Before you laid your apprehenfion, 
 
 thus openly before the public, that we 
 
 might' receive the facramental teft, it 
 
 D would
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 would have been prudent to have en- 
 quired whether any of us had done it, or 
 whether we ourfelves thought it lawful 
 fo to do. The information would have 
 been eafily procured. 1 will tell you then; 
 no Catholic ever has taken the left, nor 
 can he with a fafe eonfcience. . 
 
 Your cafuiftry in this matter is curious. 
 " Many papifts may do it you fay, becaufe 
 " many of them hold the church of Eng- 
 " land to be no church, her minifters 
 " no minifters, and her facraments no 
 " facraments." You need not have li- 
 mited your expreflion. We all hold 
 the church of England to be no church; 
 if by church you underftand a fociety of 
 true believers founded by Chrift and his 
 apoftles. We' ail hold her minifters to 
 be no minifters; becaufe we conceive 
 they have not their miffion from Chrift, 
 or that they do not fucceed to thofe who 
 were immediately fent by him. But we 
 none of us hold her facraments to be no 
 facraments ; becaufe her baptjfin we ad- 
 mit
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 mit to be as valid as our own ; though 
 v;e reject her facrament of the Lord's 
 fupper, asunfcriptural, and unfupported 
 by the belief of antiquity. Such is our 
 belief. Yet we refufe to take the facra- 
 mental teft, becaufe it would be the pro- 
 fanation of a rite which by all men is 
 deemed holy, and it would be the pub- 
 lic declaration of belief in a religion* 
 which the confcience at the fame time 
 rejected. Even the framers of the act, 
 who were our enemies, thought too well 
 of our fincerity to imagine it could be 
 warped by fuch weak cafuiftry as you 
 -have fuggeiled. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, let me examine your 
 confciences. Why do not you take the 
 teft on the ftrength of this fame cafuiftry? 
 You hold the church of England to be 
 no church ; otherwife why do you dijient 
 from her? Her minifters to be no minif- 
 ters, as the hiftory of prejbytenanifm can 
 demonftrate ; and her facraments to be 
 D 2 no
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 no facraments; or why do you fcruple to 
 take the holy bread from her hand ? 
 
 As you feem difpofed to think us ca- 
 pable of acling with great duplicity in this 
 bufinefs, either by virtue of papal dlf- 
 psnfathns, which yourfelves have conjured 
 up, or by cafuiftical evafions, of which 
 alfo yourfelves are the authors, a man, 
 lefs moderate than myfelf, might be in- 
 clined to retaliate. He would bring be- 
 fore you thofe times when the doclrine 
 of occafional conformity was fo much agi- 
 tated among you, and when many availed 
 themfelves of it to retain, or to accept, 
 benefices in the church, idly arguing that 
 the outward man might conform, whilft 
 the inward man remained true and imma- 
 culate. But fuch retaliation only ferves 
 to irritate, when every effort mould be 
 exerted to clofe the breaches which for- 
 mer animofities have made, and to diffufe 
 a wider dream of general benevolence. 
 
 One circumftance, however, is fo pro- 
 minent,, that I cannot pafs it by. Look 
 
 through
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 through the army, the navy, the civil of- 
 fices, and all places of command and tnift, 
 throughout his majefty's dominions, and 
 you will find proteftant diffenters in them 
 all. For this they mull have taken the 
 qualifying facramental teft. In fimilar 
 ftations no roman catholics will be found ; 
 unlefs perhaps a few who, by fome inte- 
 r.eft, have evaded the ted, or if they have 
 taken it, will be considered as having re- 
 nounced their religion. Owing to this 
 fatal ftatute it is, that our young men of 
 family are driven from their native coun- 
 try, to earn a fcanty livelihood under 
 fome foreign ftandard, I blame not men 
 of your perfuafion, if their confciences 
 can bend to it, for conforming to what 
 the laws dired; I only mean to obferve 
 how hard it is that we mould fuffer ib 
 feverely, and mould at the fame time be 
 charged with an hypocritical conformity, 
 as if our confciences were pliant as a 
 glove, or as if we fattened in the fun- 
 fhine of eafe, office, and preferment, 
 
 D 3 5. "The
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 5. " The oaths of allegiance and fu- 
 " premacy, and the declaration againft 
 *' tranfubftantiation,have without the fa- 
 *' cramental tefl, been found effectual for 
 " more than a century to exclude papifts 
 " from both houfes of parliament." 
 
 Reconcile this, gentlemen, if you can, 
 with your inlinuation about papal difpen- 
 fations. Thefe oaths, you obferve, have 
 been found effectual, for more than a 
 century, to exclude us from parliament. 
 And would not difpenfations from Rome 
 have applied equally to them, as to the 
 teft, had we believed in their efficacy? 
 Or do you think us fo ignorant as, in 
 more than a century, not to have dif- 
 covered that the cafes were parallel? 
 Surely there is fomething itrangely in- 
 confiftent in this ftyle of argument; but 
 I fear I can account for it. In fpeaking 
 of the tefl, the repeal of which you me- 
 ditated, it was your intereft to (hew that 
 its operation was chiefly felt by your- 
 felves, as even the papifts had the art to 
 
 evade
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 evade it. But as you forefaw that, not- 
 withftanding your infinuation, it might 
 ftill be urged by many, that its repeal 
 would give a freer ingrefs to papifts to 
 offices, &c. No, fay you, that cannot be, 
 for the oaths of allegiance and fupre- 
 macy, and the declaration againft tran- 
 fubftantiation will remain in full force 
 againft them, and thefe oaths alone, with- 
 out the facramental teft, have been long 
 found effectual to exclude them from both 
 houfes. The infinuation of papal dif- 
 penfations here would evidently have 
 overturned your reafoning. 
 
 Will you believe me, gentlemen, when 
 I fay that it is with real pain I dwell on 
 thefe things ? But it would have been 
 culpable in me, when I was engaged in 
 ftating my objections to your cafe, not to 
 have noticed fuch ungenerous infinua- 
 tions againft us, fuch evident mifrepre- 
 fentations of our real fituation, and fuch 
 palpable incoherence of argument. 
 
 On
 
 On the remaining part of this cafe I 
 have nothing to fay : It has no reference 
 to us, and its general reafoning is weighty 
 and conclufive. One idea there is, often 
 repeated, which, I think, mull have made 
 moft of your readers fmile. You wifh 
 to perfuade them, that you are very fin- 
 cere in your profeffions of good-will to 
 the church. This, indeed, may be ; but 
 it will not at once be admitted. It does 
 not harmonize with many declarations, 
 almoft daily renewed, by many of your 
 friends in other quarters. We have 
 heard of gunpowder, begun to be laid 
 under the old walls, grain by grain, which, 
 in its proper feafon, will explode, and 
 produce the defired effefl. The (kill 
 and perfeverance of your chief engineer 
 are well known. We have beared alfo 
 of predictions, uttered with almoft in- 
 fpired confidence, of the approaching 
 downfall of this fecond anti-chriftian 
 church. Serious and well-direcled ef- 
 forts are pradifed to fecond thefe affer- 
 tions. The cordiality therefore of your 
 
 kind
 
 ( 4' ") 
 
 kind profeffions may, perhaps, be fuf- 
 pected. 
 
 It would be idle in me to fay, that I 
 do not view with pleafure thefe attacks on 
 the eftablifhed church. For befides that 
 I am an enemy to all eccleliaftical efta- 
 blifhments, which the fecular arm fup- 
 ports ; it is bringing home to their own 
 doors that war, which they once fo fuc- 
 cefsfully waged againft us. They dif- 
 pofTeffed us of our inheritance, and they 
 fatten in our feats. Ages mull fometimes 
 elapfe, before a conquered people can 
 cheerfully bend their necks to the laws of 
 the viclor. Befides, the principles on 
 which you ground your oppofition are fo 
 congenial with the fpirit of your beaded 
 reformation, that I know not with what 
 femblance of confiflency, they can be 
 rejecled by rational proteftants. I wifh to 
 fee all reftraints removed, which have 
 been laid in the way of free dlfcuffion, 
 and religious truths refling folely on their 
 own internal flrength. It is a poor com- 
 pliment
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 pliment to any religion, to fuppofe that 
 it wants the aid of fecular indulgence or 
 of penal ftatutes. 
 
 I have not diftindly heared the objec- 
 tions, which were made to your petition in 
 the houfe of commons; but I undcr- 
 ftand they chiefly ran on the beaten 
 ground of the danger of innovation in 
 the beft of all poffible constitutions in 
 church and flate. I believe certain doc- 
 trines were alfo hinted at, which, mould 
 they again warm the bofoms of diffenters, 
 danger, they faid, nr'ght be carried even 
 into the political conftitution of theftate. 
 Such apprehcnfions are, I dare fay, 
 groundlefs ; and had our anceftors per- 
 mitted them to operate as effectually on 
 their minds, the reformation at leaft, 
 which thefe politicians affed to regard as 
 fo fignal a bleffing, never could have been 
 eflablifhed. I know not why optimifm, 
 ipeaking of England, mould rather be ad- 
 mitted in politics, than in the moral fyf- 
 tem of things. Every thing that is human 
 
 is
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 Is imperfect; and the paltry notion which, 
 circumfcribing the view, fixes it on an 
 imaginary excellence, will be an eternal 
 bar to improvement. The general ar- 
 rangements in church and ftate can fure- 
 ly be meliorated, or the circumftances of 
 England muft be peculiar indeed. What 
 I faid of the reformation may be applied 
 to the revolution. Why were not our 
 forefathers authorifed to regard their con- 
 ftitution as the bed, for they knew none 
 better ? And had the maxim been fteadily 
 adhered to, the yoke of defpotifm might 
 at this hour, have galled our necks. 
 
 The penal fiatutes, of which you and 
 we complain, were made at a time, when 
 real or imaginary danger feemed to call 
 for their enaction. It is univerfally al- 
 lowed that no'fuch danger now exilis. 
 Shall the fon then be vifited for the fins 
 of his father to the third and fourth ge- 
 neration ? This is vindictive juflice with 
 a witnefs ! No crime is committed ; but 
 penalties endure. Salus popidlfuprema lex, 
 
 has
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 has ever been admitted as the great bails 
 of legislations : In our regard the order 
 is fubverted, and to punifh even the un- 
 offending citizen becomes the object of 
 the law. 
 
 Gnofllus hsec RhaHamanthus habet duriflima regna. 
 
 VIRG, 
 
 It was once my wifli that you, and we, 
 and every Britilh fubjecl, who, for con- 
 fcience fake, felt themfelves aggrieved, 
 mould have united in a common petition 
 to Parliament. Such a coalition of inte- 
 refts would, I think, have done us honor ; 
 and had no other good been produced, 
 the meafure at lead might have removed 
 prejudices, and have made us better 
 friends. But to judge from your prefent 
 declaration of fentiments, the day is yet 
 diflant, when we may hope to realife fo 
 delirable a plan. We are the elder 
 branch of the family, and as it would 
 have become us, fo, I think, we mould 
 have been earned to have fet the exam- 
 ple of brotherly love. Your confequence, 
 
 we
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 we well know, could have given weight to 
 our juft petitions: In that we were in- 
 terefted. But alfo we are too confcious 
 of our own real deferts, as men and as 
 citizens, to think that our alliance would 
 have dishonoured you. The blood which 
 warms our veins, I once faid, is almofl 
 as ancient as the hoary cliffs, that fur- 
 round our ifland ; and our fentiments, 
 I truft, have not degenerated from thofe 
 of our anceftors. 
 
 It is eafy to account for the prejudices 
 which, in this country, were originally 
 taken up againft us, for they date from 
 the reformation ; and I can trace their 
 progrefs through mam plots, political de- 
 vices, and popular rumours, for a long 
 feries of years. But from the revolution., 
 though the piece ftill continued in the 
 loom, I am rather furprifed that hands 
 could be found to work it. The mind 
 then opened to large views : Commerce, 
 agriculture, and fucceflively the arts of 
 and peace fo much engroffed general 
 
 attention,
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 attention, that bigotry mould have died 
 away, and party-prejudice fhould have 
 expired with it. It did not fo happen ; 
 for bigotry dill lives: prejudices flour im; 
 and the conftitution of intolerance feems 
 almoft as vigorous as ever. 
 
 Will you accufe me, gentlemen, of a 
 culpable partiality, when I declare it as 
 my opinion, that the Englifh Catholics 
 are the freed from rancour, from pre- 
 pofTeflion, and from religious antipathies, 
 of any general fociety in the realm. I 
 own, I may view them with too indulgent 
 an eye, though hitherto I have not been 
 fufpecled of it. Suppofe the cafe to be 
 true, and account for it : or do not ac- 
 count of it; it is not therefore lefstrue, 
 and it does us honour. Shall it be, per- 
 haps, that the mild treatment of our 
 country has weakened every acrid hu- 
 mour, and given nouriihment only to 
 thofe which may generate benevolence 
 and candour. 
 
 Had
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 Had you not been difpofed to have 
 joined us, to which you were free, and 
 to which many of you might have ob- 
 jeded, frill, why were hoftilities to be 
 commenced againft us ? Your printed 
 cafe certainly feems to breathe this fpi- 
 rit. I pretend not that peace was before 
 declared; but the character of the times 
 appeared to have iigned preliminaries, 
 from which we augured great fuccefs. 
 We had been labouring to fiill the ani- 
 mofity, which, from idle preconceptions, 
 hung on the minds of the multitude; 
 when you, the great body of the DhTen- 
 ters, men of wifdom and found policy, 
 ftep forward to ftem the progrefs of be- 
 nevolence, and to reanimate low preju- 
 dice and the rancour of misjudging zeal. 
 I (hall be told that nothing of the kind 
 was meant : What then did you mean ? 
 The illiberal meet was carried from 
 hand to hand ; and it has been configned, 
 with peculiar diligence, to the beft re- 
 pofitories of records, in perpetuam rel me- 
 moriam. 
 
 I there-
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 I therefore rejoice in your defeat. Had 
 youfucceeded, it would but have ftrcngth- 
 ened prejudices, and fupplied frefh mat- 
 ter of triumph to the enemies of real tole- 
 ration. 
 
 Since, in the year 1778, we obtained 
 the fmall indulgence which government 
 thought proper to bellow, our conduct 
 has uniformly fhewn that we deferved it. 
 It has, in truth, fhewn that we deferved 
 a great deal more. The flep then taken 
 was meant as a prelude to many more ; 
 but we at firft only afked for little, and 
 iince that have remained filent, that a 
 paufe might be made, during which our 
 friends might fee how much we merited 
 a continuance of their protection, and 
 that our enemies might fee, how unjufl 
 were their prejudices, and how ground- 
 lefs the apprehenfions conceived againft 
 us. The time then, I truft, is faft ap- 
 proaching, when parliament will be again 
 petitioned to take up our caufe on a 
 much wider fcale than before, and to 
 
 grant
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 grant us a redrefs of every grievance. 
 This we wifh the public to know. It is 
 not our defign to take them by furprife : 
 let our friends and enemies view our con- 
 duct, with what minutenefs they pleafe ; 
 let them fcrutinize our principles with 
 the moft guarded caution. This we chal- 
 lenge; and as far as may be, we will bare 
 our bofoms to their infpedion. 
 
 The propriety of granting, what was 
 called a complete toleration, to men of all per- 
 fuafions, feems to have been very generally 
 -admitted even by thofe, whooppofed your 
 petition, in the houfe of commons. Such 
 toleration would give fome eafe, as it 
 would remove reftraints from the practice 
 of religion; but how it can be termed 
 complete, is not readily underftood. Men 
 muft have bounded conceptions of liberty 
 indeed, who can perfuade themfelves, 
 that diffenters from the eftablifhed church 
 have no juft claim to any toleration, but 
 that which barely regards their religious 
 belief. My claim to an equal participa- 
 E tion
 
 ( 50 ) 
 
 tion of all the rights of a Britifh fubjecl: 
 is paramount to every diftinclion, which 
 a partial and unjuft policy may have in- 
 troduced ; and he who abridges, or de- 
 prives me of, that right, is a perfecutor, 
 however highly he may talk of toleration, 
 or extol the wonders of his liberal mind. 
 A Spanim inquilitor, while the victim 
 burns at the flake, talks even then of phi- 
 lanthropy, and throws from him the 
 name of a perfecutor. 
 
 I have heared it even maintained that 
 we Roman Catholics, in our prefent fitu- 
 ation, are not perfecuted on account of 
 our religious tenets : That the oaths and 
 tefts, of which we complain, are only 
 meant as an ordeal, by which government 
 may difcover who are well-affeded, and 
 who are fit to be entrufted with power. 
 Let us then allow as before obferved, that 
 there was a time, when our political prin- 
 ciples were juftly fufpeded, and that then 
 the enadion of fuch laws was wife. Is 
 there now any ground for fuch fufpicion ?
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 Is it not rather univerfally granted that 
 no men are better aflfeded to the prefent 
 civil conftitution than ourfelves? This 
 being the cafe, what can juftify the exe- 
 cution of thefe flatutes ; when the very 
 motive, which alone, in the firft inftance, 
 could lawfully produce them, is allowed 
 to fubfift no longer? With the fame 
 equity might our former governors have 
 introduced prohibitory ads, though no 
 juft occafion had ever been given, and 
 have defended, by the fame reafoning, 
 the propriety of the meafure. 
 
 However, let government firft grant us 
 what they pleafe to call a complete tolera-* 
 tion, (and I hope they will do it unfolicited 
 to give more value to the prefent) that is, 
 the free and public pradice of our reli- 
 gion, with permiffion to educate our chil- 
 dren at home ; and we may be difpofed 
 to wait, till fome favourable concurrence 
 of circumftances fhall give both to you 
 and us a general releafe from all other re- 
 ftraints. It is not poffible that this period 
 E 2
 
 ( 52 ) 
 
 be very diftant. The doctrine of tolera- 
 tion, which is making its way, in all parts 
 of Europe, in fpite of the obftacles which 
 eftablifhed churches, andbigoted focieties, 
 daily oppofe to its progrefs, muft finally 
 fucceed ; and the bufmefs will be done. 
 Then, I think, it will appear that this 
 boafted alliance between church and ftate, 
 about which fo many high-founding 
 words have been uttered, was founded 
 on a mifconception of things, and a pal- 
 paple confuiion of ideas, in themfelves as 
 diftincl:, as earth is from heaven. The 
 evils, this fyftem has occafioned, will 
 then alfo be lamented; and it will be 
 well if it mail not be too late to apply a 
 remedy, 
 
 I have faid, gentlemen, what I prin- 
 cipally wifh to fuggeil to you. It may 
 help, perhaps, to remove fome preju- 
 dices from your own minds, or, at all 
 events, it may obftrucl the fpread of that 
 impreffion, which, the general import, 
 and the claufes I noticed, in your jprinted
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 cafe, were calculated to make. I fhould 
 be forry to impute a motive to you , which 
 I had rafhly afmmed; but certainly the 
 tendency of your expreffions was fuch 
 as could not be miftaken. In a long 
 work, an author, through inadvertence, 
 may fometimes let words fall from him, 
 which mould be coniirued with indul- 
 gence. In a fingle meet, where every 
 expreffion is weighed, and whereby it is 
 deligned to convey the moft precife and 
 unequivocal ideas, even critical feverity 
 is put to defiance. I therefore inferred 
 that you meant, Parliament and the pub- 
 lic mould underfbnd, that, though you 
 petitioned for a redrefs of grievances for 
 yourfelves, it was not your wifh the fame 
 indulgence mould be extended to others. 
 On this ground, you aimed to mew that 
 you only deferred it, and that the Roman 
 Catholics particularly, whofe plea, you 
 apprehended, might be urged, not only 
 formerly, by their mifcondud, and me- 
 rited punifhment, but that even now they 
 maintained doclrines, incompatible with 
 
 the
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 the civil welfare of the realm. All this 
 you did not fay in exprefs words ; but you 
 faid it by mjinuations^ which have a worfe 
 impreffion on the mind. I had reafon 
 then to make the reflections, I have 
 made; and I fubmit them to you. 
 
 It cannot, I am fure, be faid that what 
 I have advanced has the leaft tendency 
 to generate the fmallefl fpark of new ani- 
 mofity. I hope it has rather a tendency 
 to flifle and fupprefs the old. But I have 
 freely delivered my fentiments, and I 
 thought myfelf authorifed fo to do. The 
 fpirit I wifh to ftrengthen in my own 
 mind, and to infufe into that of others, 
 is the fpirit of candour and of general 
 benevolence ; and I have the happinefs 
 to know, as I obferved before, that it 
 widely prevails among thofe of my per- 
 fuafion. Our church, indeed, where it 
 is eftabli/hed, is, in fome kingdoms, fu- 
 premely intolerant : and fo is the Pro- 
 teftant church in this. Time will (hew 
 which church mail fet the firft example 
 
 of
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 of chriftian moderation. You and we, 
 who have no eftablifhment to maintain, 
 and confequently can be influenced by 
 no allurements of intereft or honour, 
 have little, it mould feem to furmount, 
 that can obftrud, in our own minds, the 
 growth of the focial paffions. But if 
 this little be not furmounted; what would 
 have been the cafe, had more potent ob- 
 flacles flood in our way? We have no 
 prejudices againft you, and we fhall wilh 
 you fuccefs in any future attempts you 
 may make for a redrefs of grievances, 
 provided they be grounded on more ge- 
 nerous principles than the laft. A return 
 of fimilar fentiments we have a right to 
 expect from you : but more than this, you 
 have fufficiently told us, not to look for. 
 We can reft, God be praifed ! on the 
 equity of our own caufe, and we will 
 not difparage that of others to promote 
 it.* 
 
 * Dr. Prieflly in his Letter to Mr. Pitt, juft publifhed, 
 the fpirit and general reafoning of which, I and every 
 
 friend
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 friend to liberty muft applaud, has obferved p. 7. thai: 
 had the maxims of the minifterbeen adopted before the 
 reformation, the nation had now been Catholics, and 
 zvithout ajhadow of a toleration . In the hurry of compo- 
 {ition, did not the Doftor then refleft what has fo re- 
 cently been done for the Proteftants in Germany ; what 
 is their prefent fituation in France, and how much 
 foon it will probably be ealed ? If any fociety of 
 chriftfans are now without afhadow of /eg^/ toleration, 
 they are the Catholics of this Protejiant ftate. P. 43 is 
 an obfervation which has been applied to us, thougli 
 obvioufly never meant by the author. Speaking of the 
 difcountenance {hewn by government to the DifTenters, 
 he fays, " at the fame time that it takes into its bofom 
 that part of the community, which was ever noted for 
 itsdifloyalty." If government has taken us to its bofom 
 it is with the kindnefs of the bear who prelfes his ene- 
 my to his breaft, or with the carefTes of a ftep-mother, 
 fmiling on the child of her hufband. The hiftory of 
 the houfe of Stuart will tell our loyalty, and from them 
 we have transferred it to the reigning family ; but we 
 were not of a humour lightly to quit an old mafter. The 
 veering mind as it is never conflant, fo is it feldom 
 fincere. 
 
 OSCOTT, April 10, 1787. 
 
 THE END.
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 To the Rev. Mr. BERINGTOK 
 
 DEAR S i R, 
 
 I Have juft read, and with much fatisfa6lion T 
 your Addrefs to the Protejlant Dijfenters, in 
 which you appear to me to complain with great 
 juflice of the want of candour in the Cafe they 
 lately prefented to the members of parliament, 
 relating to the Teft and Corporation Acts ; and 
 which gave me much concern when I firft faw it. 
 I muft object, however, to the compliments which 
 your partiality has beftowed upon myfehy and to 
 your mifconftrudlion of a paffage in my Letter to 
 Mr. Pitt, in the Note fubjoined to the lafl page 
 of your work. 
 
 I had obferved that, had the maxims of Mr. 
 
 Pitt been adopted before the reformation, this 
 
 nation had now been Catholic, " and without a 
 
 F (hadow
 
 " Ihadow of a toleration." This you think im- 
 proper, becaufe feveral Catholic ftates are now 
 tolerant, and others are becoming fo. This I ac- 
 knowledge, and with the greateft pleafure. But 
 at the time to which I referred, there was no 
 fuch thing as toleration known. It was even un- 
 known among Proteftants till long after this 
 period. Confequently, had the maxims on 
 which I animadverted (which are hoftile to all 
 changes, and which would for ever have kept 
 things as they once were) been rigoroufly ad- 
 hered to, not only would Popery have been the 
 eftabliihed religion of this country, but Popery 
 without a toleration. 
 
 I rejoice in the change that good fenfe, and 
 the genuine principles of chriflianity, have of late 
 years produced among the Catholics. I have no 
 doubt but that, in the increafing light of the age, 
 this liberality will extend itfelf among them; and 
 I am forry that Proteftant ftates (and efpecially 
 jhis country, whofe greateft boaft has been its 
 tolerant fpirit) mould be fo backward to follow 
 the example you are fetting them. 
 
 I could wifl), as you do, p. 44, that all who are 
 aggrieved by penal laws in matters of religion, 
 
 "~~ ^ 
 
 // 
 "if- 
 
 A
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 how widely ibever they differ in other refpecls, 
 would join in one common petition for relief; 
 hereby expreffing their good will to each" other, 
 and their fincere wifhes that all who wanted re- 
 lief 'might partake of it along with themfelves. 
 This is a caufe in which the Catholic, the Pref- 
 byterian, the Independent, the Baptift, and the 
 Quaker, are equally concerned; and by the joint 
 fupport of which they would certainly have done 
 themfelves credit. Whether the application had 
 been fuccefsful, or not, the parties would have ap- 
 peared fo refpe&able, as to be thought deferring 
 of fuccefs, and the meafure would, no doubt, have 
 prepared the way for a more fuccefsful application 
 in future time. 
 
 You Catholics had the honour to make the 
 propofal, but we Proteftant Diflenters had not 
 the liberality to accede to it. This you candidly 
 excufe, as proceeding from the bigotry and re- 
 fentment which muft be expected to remain from 
 former times. But I hope that at length the ex- 
 ample of fuch men as yourfelf, of Dr. Geddes, and 
 others whom I could name of your communion, 
 (with whom I think it an honour to be acquainted, 
 and whofe efteem I highly value) will aid our 
 f 2 own
 
 own reflections, and bring us to be as generou* 
 as you are. 
 
 When I faid that the government, while it 
 difcountenances the DHTenters, who were always 
 the bed friends to the prefent reigaing family, 
 41 took into its bofom that part of the community 
 " which was ever noted for its difloyalty," you 
 fay that I have been fuppofed by fome to mean 
 the Catholics. But you juftly add, that this was 
 obvioufly never meant by me. Indeed, I had 
 no view but to the tories in general, and the moft 
 zealous members of the church of England. It 
 is fo well known that this is the cafe, and that 
 the Catholics are the moft opprefTed of all the 
 Britiili fubje&s, that if you had not obferved it, 
 I mould not have believed that I could have 
 been fo mifunderftood. 
 
 The time, I hope, is approaching, when, tho' 
 we mould continue to be frowned upon, you 
 will be reftored to all your natural rights, and 
 to the fulleft exercife of your religion in this 
 country. There will, at leaft, be one inftance 
 of oppreffion lefs in it, and in this I mall fln- 
 cerely rejoice. I ihall more contentedly remain 
 much longer in my prefent condition, to fee yours 
 
 fo
 
 fo much bettered. It would be the breaking out 
 of a light, the beams of which might at length 
 reach myfelf. If not, homofum: nihil humani a me 
 alienum puto. 
 
 I am, 
 
 With great refpecT:, 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Yours fincerely, 
 
 J. PRIESTLEY 
 BIRMINGHAM, 7 
 April 23, 1787.5
 
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