THE LETTERS OF CICERO TO ATTICUS. CTnmlm&cjc : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY & SON, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. THE LETTERS OF CICERO TO ATTICUS. BOOK I. WITH NOTES AND AN ESSAY ON THE CHARACTER OF THE AUTHOR. EDITED BY ALFRED PRETOR, M.A., (LATE OF TRINITY COLLEGE), FELLOW OF ST CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. NEW EDITION REVISED. DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS. 1882. STACK ANNEX PA PREFACE. THE following text has been formed by a careful comparison of the editions of Schiitz, Ernesti, Klotz, Nobbe and Boot. In some of the more important letters I am indebted likewise to Mat- thiae and the more recent edition of Mr Watson. In respect to the notes, if in any case I have borrowed without an acknowledgment, I have done so only when it was impossible to verify the actual author from the many who had adopted his results at second-hand. For the arrangement of the letters I should much have preferred the chronological order of Schiitz, but, though indis- pensable if the edition had been a complete one, it would have been of little real advantage in editing a fragment like the present. My best thanks are due to Mr W. W. Radcliffe, Fellow of King's College, for his kindness in un- dertaking to revise the sheets for the Press. vi PREFACE. One word in conclusion on the vexed ques- tion of translations. If a schoolboy is sufficiently advanced to be reading Cicero's Letters, he is past the stage at which his scholarship will be injured by a bad translation, while his style may gain much from a good one. Accordingly for the amount of translation contained in the notes I offer no apology : for its shortcomings as a trans- lation, many. It is also my hope that the more continuous passages may be found available for teaching Latin Prose by the only sure method, that of retranslation. ST CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, January, 1873. ON THE CHARACTER OF CICERO. A biography of Cicero is no desideratum, when such authorities on the subject as Mommsen, Merivale and Forsyth are acces- sible to every schoolboy: but on the ques- tion of his character, there seems as little prospect as ever of a unanimous verdict, and, while this is so, an editor can scarcely do otherwise than range himself with one or other of the two contending parties. My own opinion, formed at school under circum- stances and teaching the least likely to foster it, that Cicero's character is a weak and a selfish one, has only been confirmed by a more careful study of his works: nor can I read the panegyrics which have been lavished upon him without a real feeling of surprise that such scanty materials should have been found sufficient for the construction of this gigantic idol. In their judgment of this one man, his critics have tacitly ignored the ordi- nary canons by which men measure goodness, justice and the like, and, in their desire to do him honour, have invented an arbitrary interpretation for the most negative and com- monplace characteristics. Words and actions the most trivial and the most unfrequent are thrown out in strong relief, and quoted triumphantly in support of his character: viii ON THE CHARACTER while glimpses of affection for a son, a daugh- ter, or a friend, sufficiently rare if we consider the .circumstances, and, if they were twice as numerous, still not peculiar to Cicero, are appealed to as evincing extraordinary good- ness of heart. In a word, on the strength of a few isolated passages we are required to silence what I venture to say is, in nine cases out of ten, the primary conviction of the reader, that these are the records of a man who in his private relations was vain, selfish and unaffectionate, and in his public life a weak and unprincipled time-server. Neither can I give in my adherence to a dictum often quoted by his admirers, that so large a correspondence as that left by Cicero is a hard test by which to regulate our judgment of a man's life and character. The question is at all events a debateable one, even as regards his public life, for many an act of political scheming might gain rather than lose by an insight into the motives which actuated it. That Cicero's politics rarely do gain by the light thus thrown upon them, is, I take it, strong testimony that the motives which inspired them were unworthy rather than the reverse, ambitious and self- interested rather than pure and patriotic. On the other hand I am certain that to a man of ordinary goodness and kindness of heart, the loss, if any, to his political repu- tation by the publication of his private cor- respondence would be more than counter- balanced by the pleasant kindly traits of character which could hardly fail to betray themselves in his moments of unreserve. This test I shall presently apply to our author, with what results I leave the reader to de- termine. OF CICERO. ix Of actual immorality, nothing, in so far as I know, can be proved against Cicero, a fact which I should be tempted to ascribe in some measure to the want of force in his character, whether for good or evil. More probably it arose from a regard for his own dignity, and, if so, it is the most praise- worthy product of that self-love which meets us at every turn in his character. It cannot at any rate have been due to principle or conscientiousness on his part, when we see the easy terms on which he could temporize with vice in others, and how eagerly he coveted the friendship of men the most profligate and the most un- scrupulous 1 , thereby affording an indirect encouragement to vice for which even his warmest admirers must hold him responsible. To account for the contrary view, which till quite recently has held its ground, I can only suggest the force of tradition, and the sympathy which is so naturally excited in his favour by the malice of his enemies and his untimely death. But it is time to proceed to more direct His politic^ charges, amongst which let me notice in the immoralit y first place the count of political immorality ; by which I am far from implying that we shall detect him in any flagrant act of crimi- nality, such as now and again proves a fatal blemish to an otherwise fair reputation. For instance, though lavish in his expenditure to a fault, he was not avaricious, and in the case of his provincial administration his con- duct appears to have been in marked contrast with the extortionate proceedings of most of 1 In addition to the more flagrant case of Antonius this is also true of his relations with Crassus (ad Att. 1. 14. 4),Clodius (adAtl. II. I. 5), and others of the same class (ad Att. I. 19. 8). x ON THE CHARACTER the Roman officials. But, granting this, he had yet nothing of the high principle which was so conspicuous in Cato and Catulus, to keep him straight amidst a mass of conflicting interests, and, as a consequence, he was per- petually betrayed into a time-serving policy utterly unworthy of himself and most preju- asthewiiby dicial to his influence for good. Nothing- his conduct .,, , . .. 1,11- in the /ro- illustrates this fact more clearly than his CMius,"^ conduct throughout the Clodian prosecution. Having set the matter in motion he is alarmed the next moment at the probable conse-- quences, and would gladly have compromised it, had compromise been possible. Failing which, he drops quietly out of the case, and leaves the real work of the prosecution to be undertaken by Cato, Cornificius and others, himself the while looking on. It is useless for Abeken to plead in his defence that 'he could not take in a case at once,' when we have his own express statement that his conduct was the result of premeditation 1 . More than this he appreciated, no one better, the real crises of the prosecution, to the first of which he alludes in a passage of the fourteenth letter 2 , while on the second and far more important occasion, when Hortensius proposed his scheme for the reconstitution of the court 3 , Cicero kept a resolute silence, though taking credit to himself for having foreseen 1 Cf. ad Att. I. 13. 3 nosmet ipsi, qui Lyciirgei a principio fuissetmis, quotidie demitigamur. 8 ad Att. I. 14. 5 tabellae ministrabantur ita ut nulla dare- tur UTI ROGAS. Hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, convicium Pisoni consult mirificum facit : si id est conviciunt, vox plena gravi- tatis, plena auctoritatis, plena denique salutis. * ad Att. I. 1 6. 2 posteaqnam vero Hortensius excogitawt ut legem de religione fiifius tribunus plebis ferret contraxi vela perspiciens inopiam iudicum, ntque dixi qiiidquam pro testi- monio, nisi quod erat ita notiim atque testatum ut non posseni praettrire. OF CICERO. xi from the first its fatal tendency. It is scarcely too much to say that a bold speech at this moment in defence of the original measure would have altered his own future, and per- haps even the future of Rome. But instead of this he temporized with every party in turn, till the case had slipped out of his hands : immediately after which he launched out into idle invective, every word of which made him an enemy for life, while it was utterly ineffective in recovering the confi- dence of his friends. In this case at any rate it was not from a want of prescience that he erred for he foresaw the issue: nor yet from a want of courage for he was courageous enough when courage was useless: but simply and solely from a want of principle. Having no high standard of right to which to refer his actions he cringed to each party in succession, till he had so tied his hands with conflicting obliga- tions that he could only sit down in silence and see the maze unravel itself by agencies over which he had lost the control. And the in the case story repeats itself in the case of the knights f r ^^ of Asia and the bribery commissions 1 , on both "^^Zni of which occasions the conduct of Cato is in egmtes and splendid contrast with his own, and again in <;/*&*, the trials of Macer 2 , Catilina 3 and Antonius 4 , 23? all of which are so many additional proofs that interest and not principle formed the standard of his actions. 1 ad Att. ll. t. 8 quid verius quam in iudicittm venire, qui ob rent indicandam pecuniam acceperit ? censuit hoc Cato : assensit senatus. equites curiae belluni, non mihi: nam ego dissensi. quid impudentius publicanis renuntiantibits? fuit tanien, retinendi ordinis causa, facienda iactura. restitit et pcrvicit Cato, 2 ad Alt. I. 4. 2. 3 ad Att. I. i. i. 4 ad Att. i. 12. i. xii ON THE CHARACTER Neither can it be said that he was averse to bribes, when offered in the shape of office 1 , for of money and houses he had enough and to spare. His shortcomings on this head have, I know, been excused on the ground of precedent and the usage of the times: another plea with which I have but little sympathy, for the times were not so destitute of good examples as it is the fashion to suppose: while, if he is to justify the praise of his ad- mirers, he must be proved to have led, rather than to have followed, the multitude. May I take it for granted that the above examples have at any rate proved this fact, that Cicero was unscrupulous in the use of his means? The question follows, what was the ultimate aim and object for which he was content to sacrifice honour and self-respect? His immediate object in dropping the Clodian prosecution was unquestionably and by his own admission 2 to prevent at any cost the disunion of the optimates and the collapse of the existing government. We have therefore only to determine whether his ulterior motive was a patriotic or a self-interested one. Seif-interest Taking as I do the worse view of his cha- prfndp'ie g of racter, my object will be to prove, if possible, his hfe, j-hat he foresaw throughout the doom of the existing administration and appreciated its worthlessness and corruption, yet continued notwithstanding to give it his most unquali- fied support for two reasons, (i) because he con- sidered it the best field for the display of his powers, and (ii) because he wanted time to forecast the future and to shape his own conduct accordingly. This view of his cha- racter, which is as old as the time of Dio 1 ad Att. n. 1 8. 3, and agaih It 5. 2. *adAtt. n. i. 8. OF CICERO. xiii Cassius 1 , is in part adopted by Mr Merivale in the preface to his Life of Cicero, from which I may be pardoned for quoting the following passage: 'It is humiliating to the pretensions of human genius, but it not the less becomes us to acknowledge it, that after all his efforts to purge his mental vision of the films of prejudice, Cicero was blind to the real fact, that his devotion to the commonwealth was grounded not so much upon his conviction of its actual merits, as of its fitness for the dis- play of his own abilities.' Of the correctness of the above view the following I think are proofs : (i) His self-congratulation* at the increase f s , h . ewn r i i -i ,- , by his own of his own popularity from the failure of the statement, Clodian prosecution, a miscarriage of justice which in the next letter but one he recognises as the death-blow of the commonwealth 3 . (ii) His conduct in exile, which is to me J? v hi . s con - x , . , , , . . duct in exile inexplicable except on the one supposition that he had been throughout his life working for himself and not for his country, and, as in the days of his prosperity he had thought and spoken of the republic only in reference to himself and his consulship, so when his reverses came upon him his concern for its dissolution was swallowed up in a purely self- ish sorrow for himself and his losses. (iii) His friendship with Pompeius. in con- and by his i i 1 i 11 relations nection with which we shall do well to re- with POO- member the following facts : that it was pems ' 1 Dio Cass. xxxvi. 25, a passage of which Mr Merivale gives the following translation: '[Cicero] was a mere time- server and passed now to one side now to the other in order to curry favour alternately with each.' There is nothing more extraordinary than the deliberate way in which the verdict of antiquity on Cicero's character has been habitually ignored. a ad Alt. i. 16. II. 3 ad Att. i. 16. 6, and again I. 18. 3. xiv ON THE CHARACTER closely preceded by the bitterest enmity to- wards him: that it had its origin in a period when even the least practised eye must have seen that no one man could any longer save the republic, and that Cicero acknowledges the fact in the very letters in which he con- gratulates himself on having secured Pompeius as his patron : that he was clearly heartbroken at the downfall of this friend 1 , yet was at the same time able to use the most temperate language over the ruin of the commonwealth 2 , nay even to congratulate himself that the claims of Pompeius with posterity would no longer outweigh his own 3 . In a word, I cannot believe that he was induced to court Pompeius in preference to Caesar, or Cato, or Clodius, by any motive except self-interest and a mis- taken idea that he was the man of the future, for he knew his character* and his aims 5 , while of faith in his political professions, under cover of which the alliance between them was formed, Cicero by his own admission had little or none. Even Abeken admits that the" conduct of Pompeius 'ought to have opened the eyes of every unprejudiced person/ while, as regards his own motives, Cicero is suffi- ciently explicit in the following passages : 'sed tamen, quoniam ista sunt infirma, munitur quaedam nobis ad retincndas opes nostras tuta, lit spero, via, quam tibi litteris satis explicare 11011 possum; significatione parva ostcndam ta- men. iitor Pompeio familiarissime (I. 17. 10), and again: putam mihi inaiores quasdam opes 1 ad Att. II. 11. 3. 2 ad Att. n. 21. i, and II. 9 i festive, mihi crcde, ct minore sonitu-quam putaram orbis hie in republica est conversus. * ad Att. ii. 17, i. * ad Att. i. 13. 4, and again I. 20. 2. 9 ad*Att. ii. 17. i. OF CICERO. xv ct firmiora pracsidia esse quaerenda (I. 19. 7), and again : si vero quae de me pacta sunt ea non servantur, in caelo sum, ut sciat hie noster Hierosolymarius traductor ad plebem quam bonam meis putissimis orationibus gratiam retulerit (il. 9. i). Supposing the above to be a true expla- nation of his conduct, then the one fatal mis- take of his life was made when he swore allegiance to Pompeius instead of to Caesar: a mistake which must have cost him many pangs as he dallied in turn with the offer of of a legation (il. 18. 3) and an augurship (il. 5. 2)* f with the dread before his eyes of what posterity six hundred years later would say if he adventured this last and most shameless transfer of his allegiance (il. 5. i). On his incapacity as a statesman there His m- is little need to dwell at length, for the fact aTtatelma is generally admitted, and some of its more ^^anto prominent features have already been inci-/ a . resi '^ if > ,..,, , ,. J r .. his want dentally illustrated, e. g. his want of prevision of tact, in the selection of Pompeius as the man of the future, and his want of tact in the use- less exasperation of a triumphant foe. Of his /<*>- his inconsistency in politics the present book s " supplies us with two striking examples : the first in the case of the Clodian trial, when to the announcement of his own irresolution he appends the remarkable words, ' In a word, I am afraid that this outrage neglected by the well disposed and upheld by the vicious will prove a fertile source of disasters to the state:' the next when he comments with great bit- terness on the collapse of a bribery bill 2 , totally ignoring the fact that it was owing to 1 quo quidem uno ab istis capi possum, 2 ad Att. i. 18. 3 facto senatus consulto de ambitu, de iudiciis : nulla lex perlata. xvi ON THE CHARACTER his own determined opposition that the mea- sure in question had never become law. and his But it is to his indecision, which was with him the rule rather than the exception, that his failure as a politician is mainly to be attributed. In the suppression of the Cati- linarian conspiracy, to which his friends so triumphantly appeal, it will be necessary to bear in mind two facts, (i) that it happened at an early stage of his political career when his interests were less conflicting, and his path consequently more clear : (2) that we have after all little else than his own account of the transaction, for the speeches of Crassus and Pompeius and his other admirers in the senate are so clearly self-interested as to be almost grotesque in their extravagance and utterly worthless as evidence. But, in what- ever light we may regard his services on this particular occasion, the fact remains the same, that his politics as a rule were characterised by habitual indecision the result, it may be, of natural weakness of character bewildered by the conflicting interests of a selfish ambition and it was this more than anything else which alienated his friends and in the end left him in almost total isolation. Whatever his ultimate object may have been, it is at any rate certain that he had never formed a defi- nite plan for its attainment, and having no policy he had soon as a consequence no party. The men of action on the other hand, as for instance Caesar and Pompeius, were daily adding to the number of their followers. Even Cato the most uncompromising, and Clodius the most unprincipled, of men were not without their partisans. Cicero alone had no adherents on whom he could rely, though at the outset of his political career numbers OF CICERO. xvii were unquestionably predisposed in his favour by the popularity of his cause. But this promise was soon belied, and they left him to strengthen other factions when all clue to his conduct was lost in a maze of in- consistency and vacillation. Reactions it is true at times took place in his favour, (con- cursus or rallyings is his own expression), ac- cording as he gave glimpses of a more manly ~and straightforward policy, but, often as these were repeated, I cannot accept them as evi- dence that he had secured any lasting hold on the affections even of a few. In every single instance we can trace, I think, the signs of a momentary admiration, oftener still of interested motives, but never a symptom of that steady unwavering confidence by which alone a man of Cicero's temperament could have been nerved for any sustained effort. A friendly critic 1 has summed up the His vanity character of Cicero in these words : ' Nor can "p1n his" we wonder, however much we may lament it, E"^* with that in times so corrupt as these even Cicero Atticus and should not have been altogether free from prevalent errors and defects. His early con- nection with Catilina has been already no- ticed, and the compact not less discreditable which existed apparently between him and Antonius, as likewise his defence of that worthless man who had committed such il- legal acts in Macedonia. We are surprised also at the lukewarmness he at first 2 (!) mani- fested in the case of Clodius : nor finally can we fail to be struck with the conscious pride and satisfaction, deserving no better name 1 Abeken. 8 The note of admiration is my own. I have already quoted the words of Cicero : ' nosmet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a principle fuissemus, quotidie demitigamur,' P.C. 2. xviii ON THE CHARACTER than vanity, which obtrudes itself upon us in many passages of his letters.' With the criticism so far I am of course altogether agreed, for the bitterest enemy of Cicero could not have summed up his political offences in a more brief and telling catalogue. But to the defence which the writer proceeds to set up, if defence it can be called, I take the strongest possible exception. ' On the other hand (he says) our reprobation of these failings is in a great measure softened by the candour and freedom with which he discusses all his concerns with his friend.' Even if the assumption be true on which our allowance is claimed, the claim at any rate is inadmissible in Cicero's case, whose egotism is not of a character to be excused on these grounds. When I see how entirely his correspondence with Atticus is leavened with vanity, far from finding any excuse in the fact, I can only argue how deeply the vice must have been engrained in his nature when it finds expression in his letters to a most intimate friend, the very last place in the world where one would expect it to appear. For in the intercourse with a friend, who knows your every thought, self-assertion should naturally find no place, and it is in- veterate vanity indeed that will still declare itself when the motive for so doing has ceased to exist. On the other hand, if a man has any unselfishness in his disposition it will nowhere more certainly appear than in a familiar correspondence of this kind. Un- fortunately the passages in which Cicero shows a really disinterested affection as dis- tinct from the merely formal compliments in use between acquaintances are wonderfully few and far between. Else why quote iso- OF CICERO. xix lated examples, as his admirers do, of a feeling which, to be worth anything, ought to constitute the tone of the entire correspond- ence ? For instance, the editors are loud in their praise of his affection for his brother and his daughter, and of the sorrow he displays at the death of an intimate companion. But surely there is nothing specially characteristic of Cicero in these feelings, which we may fairly assume to have been not altogether un- known to men like Catilina and Clodius. On the other hand there are at least three passages 1 in this book alone, in which such a feeling is only conspicuous by its absence; and, even when these have been explained away, the whole tone of the letters is self- ish still. Nine tenths of the book are occu- pied with himself and his own concerns. With the exception of Atticus, no one, save the two or three persons to whom I have already alluded, is mentioned with any de- gree of interest, and in the management of the one important concern with which he had been entrusted by Atticus he is dilatory and neglectful, and at last dismisses it from his mind with an unsympathising comment 2 . And as regards affection for his friend, I can see little signs of it beyond the usual stereo- typed commonplaces : and that Atticus felt the omission is plain from the very remark- able passage at the commencement of Ep. XVII., which, so far from being an honest exhibition of feeling, is no better than a vote of confidence delivered at the pressing re- quest of his friend. (Cf. 7 of the letter in 1 Ep. vr. i if we accept the reading decessit, Ep. XI. i, and Ep. xvn. 7. * sect haec aut sanabuntur quum veneris, out ei molesta eittnt in utro culpa erit. 2 2 xx ON THE CHARACTER question.) But the most significant fact of all is that throughout these sixteen books of letters we are kept in almost total ignorance of Atticus and his concerns. I should scarce- ly have thought it possible to write four let- ters, much less four hundred, to a friend in whom one was deeply interested, without in- troducing questions and allusions which would have enabled the reader in some degree to pic- ture to himself his occupation and habits. On the part of Atticus at any rate there was no such want of sympathy, as may be gathered from the pointed questions in reference to his friend's doings, which are noticed and answered by Cicero in almost every letter. But on the other side there is certainly no response of sympathy. The allusions of Cicero to his friend's occupations are of the most meagre and unsatisfactory kind, shuffled as a rule into three or four lines at the end of a letter, and withal so devoid of interest that to the end of the chapter Atticus is little else to the reader than an epistolary dummy, on which are hung the trophies of Cicero's life. If this view of his character be the cor- rect one, we are at no loss to account for his own statement, that, with the exception of Atticus, he had no real friend. And in this lay one of the great secrets of his weak- ness, for it is most certain that no man ever needed them more. Cicero was not one who could mark out his path and pursue it inde- pendently of counsel and advice. Even in these letters we see at every turn the child- like reliance he places on the discretion and foresight of Atticus, and can gather that his was beyond question a character which the devotion of a few true friends might have OF CICERO. xxi strengthened to do great things, and which, for lack of them, was in its political aspect Failure, crowning failure, failure from end to end. One word in conclusion on the aim of the foregoing pages. To have attempted to prove my point by an examination in detail of Cicero's life and writings would have been clearly beyond the scope of the present edition, which deals with a fragment only of his works. It would also have been foreign to my purpose, which was not so much to supplement and rearrange the existing ma- terials, as to modify if possible the conclu- sions which are usually drawn from them, as they are already supplied to us by the author himself and by any one of his numerous biographers. Cases in which he sacrificed truth and honesty to the interests of a party, or of an individual, could be multiplied out of the letters ad infinitum, but to what end ? The few I have selected as typical from the present book will prove as conclusively as a thousand that in his eyes morality was secondary to expedience : and, if the plan of this edition has prevented me from noticing some points which might have told in his favour, it has at least prevented me from dwel- ling on that portion of his life, which is of alL others the one most difficult to be excused or palliated, I mean his relations with Caesar, and his unseemly exultation at his death. In this, as in the other crises of his life, the difficulties of his position may be allowed to extenuate his failings, but not to exalt his xxii ON THE CHARACTER OF CICERO. failings into virtues : and what I most earn- estly desire to combat is the special pleading of Abeken and others, which, while it admits that he was a vain and immoral statesman, can yet attempt to excuse all this on the shallowest of pleas and to elevate him anew to the position of a hero and a patriot. For myself, with the exception of his marvellous powers as an orator and writer, I can, I con- fess, see little in our author to command our admiration or respect. I. (Romae. Cotta, Torquato coss. 689.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. PETITIONIS nostrae, quam tibi summae curae esse scio, huius modi ratio est, quod adhuc coniec- tura provided possit. prensat unus P. Galba. sine fuco ac fallaciis, more maiorum, negatur. ut opinio est hominum, non aliena rationi nostrae fuit illius haec praepropera prensatio. nam illi ita negant vulgo, ut mihi se debere dicant. ita quiddam spero nobis profici, quum hoc percrebrescit, plurimos nostros amicos inveniri. nos autem initium pren- sandi facere cogitaramus eo ipso tempore, quo tuum puerum cum his litteris proficisci Cincius dicebat, in campo, comitiis tribuniciis, a. d. XVI Kalend. Sext. competitores, qui certi esse vide- antur, Galba et Antonius et Q. Cornificius. puto te in hoc aut risisse aut ingemuisse. ut frontem ferias, sunt qui etiam Caesonium putent. Aquilium non arbitramur, qui denegat et iuravit morbum et illud suum regnum iudiciale opposuit Catilina, si iudicatum erit meridie non lucere, certus erit com- petitor, de Auli filio et Palicano non puto te exspectare dum scribam. 2. de iis, qui nunc pe- tunt, Caesar certus putatur. Thermus cum Silano contendere existimatur: qui sic inopes et ab amicis et existimatione sunt, ut mihi videatur non esse Curium obducere. sed hoc praeter me 2 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM nemini videtur. nostris rationibus maxime condu- cere videtur Thermum fieri cum Caesare. nemo est enim ex iis, qui nunc petunt, qui si in nostrum annum reciderit firmior candidatus fore videatur, propterea quod curator est viae Flaminiae, quae tune erit absoluta. fsane facile et libenter eum cum Caesare consulem factum viderim. petitorum haec est adhuc informata cogitatio. nos in omni munere candidatorio fungendo summam adhibebimus dili- gentiam et fortasse, quoniam videtur in suffragiis multum posse Gallia, quum Romae a iudiciis forum refrixerit, excurremus mense Septembri legati ad Pisonem, ut lanuario revertamur. quum perspexero voluntates nobilium, scribam ad te. caetera spero prolixa esse, his dumtaxat urbanis competitoribus. illam manum tu mihi cura ut praestes, quoniam propius abes, Pompeii, nostri amici. nega me ei iratum fore, si ad mea comitia non venerit. atque haec huius modi sunt. 3. sed est quod abs te mihi ignosci pervelim. Caecilius, avunculus tuus, a P. Vario quum magna pecunia fraudaretur, agere coepit cum eius fratre A. Caninio Satrio de iis rebus, quas eum dolo malo mancipio accepisse de Vario diceret. una agebant caeteri creditores, in quibus erat Lucullus et P. Scipio et is, quern pu- tabant magistrum fore, si bona venirent, L. Pontius, verum hoc ridiculum est de magistro nunc cog- noscere. rogavit me Caecilius, ut adessem contra Satrium. dies fere nullus est quin hie Satrius domum meam ventitet. observat L. Domitium maxime : me habet proximum. fuit et mihi et Q. fratri magno usui in nostris petitionibus. 4. sane sum perturbatus quum ipsius Satrii familiaritate LIB. I. ER i, 2. 3 turn Domitii, in quo uno maxime ambitio nostra nititur. demonstravi haec Caecilio : simul et illud ostendi, si ipse unus cum illo uno contenderet, me ei satis facturum fuisse : nunc in causa universorum creditorum, hominum praesertim amplissimorum, qui sine eo, quern Caecilius suo nomine perhiberet, facile communem causam sustinerent, aequum esse eum et officio meo consulere et tempori. durius accipere hoc mihi visus est quam vellem et quam homines belli solent et postea prorsus ab insti- tuta nostra paucorum dierum consuetudine longe refugit. abs te peto, ut mihi hoc ignoscas et me existimes humanitate esse prohibitum, ne contra amici summam existimationem miserrimo eius tempore venirem, quum is omnia sua studia et officia in me contulisset. quod si voles in me esse durior, ambitionem mihi putabis obstitisse. ego autem arbitror, etiam si id sit, mihi ignoscen- dum esse : eVel ov% ispqiov ov&e ftoefyv. vides enim in quo cursu simus et quam omnes gratias non modo retinendas verum etiam acquirendas pute- mus. spero tibi me causam probasse : cupio quidem certe. 5. Hermathena tua valde me delectat et posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium eius esse videatur. multum te amamus. II. {Roinae. Cotta, Torquato coss. 689.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Figulo consulibus filiolo me auctum scito salva Terentia. abs te tarn 4r. EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM diu nihil litterarum ? ego de meis ad te rationibus scrips! antea diligenter. hoc tempore Catilinam, competitorem nostrum, defendere cogitamus. iu- dices habemus, quos volumus, summa accusatoris voluntate. spero, si absolutus erit, coniunctiorem ilium nobis fore in ratione petitionis : sin aliter accident, humaniter feremus. 2. tuo adventu nobis opus est mature : nam prorsus summa hominum est opinio tuos familiares, nobiles homines, adversaries nostro honori fore, ad eorum voluntatem mihi conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fore video, qua re lanuario ineunte, ut constituisti, cura ut Romae sis. III. (Romae. Cotta, Torquato coss. 689.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Aviam tuam scito desiderio tui mortuam esse et simul quod verita sit ne Latinae in officio non manerent et in montem Albanum hostias non ad- ducerent. eius rei consolationem ad te L. Saufeium missurum esse arbitror. 2. nos hie te ad mensem lanuarium exspectamus : ex quodam rumore an ex litteris tuis ad alios missis ? nam ad me de eo nihil .scripsisti. signa, quae nobis curasti, ea sunt ad Caietam exposita. nos ea non vidimus: neque enim exeundi Roma potestas nobis fuit. misimus qui pro vectura solveret. te multum amamus, quod ea abs te diligenter parvoque curata sunt. 3. quod ad me saepe scripsisti de nostro amico placando, feci et expertus sum omnia, sed mirandum in mo- dum est animo abalienato: quibus de suspicionibus, LIB. I. EP. 3, 4. 5 etsi audisse te arbitror, tamen ex me quum veneris cognosces. Sallustium praesentem restituere in eius veterem gratiam non potui. hoc ad te scrips!, quod is me accusare de te solebat. in se expertus est ilium esse minus exorabilem, meum studium nee tibi defuisse. Tulliolam C. Pisoni L. F. Frugi de- spondimus. IV. (Romae. Lepido, Tullo coss. 688.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Crebras exspectationes nobis tui commoves. nuper quidem, quum iam te adventare arbitrare- mur, repente abs te in mensem Quintilem reiecti sumus. nunc vero censeo, quod commodo tuo facere poteris, venias ad id tempus quod scribis. obieris Quinti fratris comitia, nos longo intervallo viseris, Acutilianam controversiam transegeris. hoc me etiam Peducaeus ut ad te scriberem admonuit : putamus enim utile esse te aliquando iam rein trans- igere. mea intercessio et est et fuit parata. 2. nos hie incredibili ac singulari populi voluntate de C. Macro transegimus. cui quum aequi fuissemus, tamen multo maiorem fructum ex populi existima- tione illo damnato cepimus quam ex ipsius, si ab- solutus esset, gratia cepissemus. 3. quod ad me de Hermathena scribis, per mini gratum est orna- mentum, et Academiae proprium meae, quod Her- mes commune omnium et Minerva singulare est insigne eius gymnasii. qua re velim, ut scribis, cae- teris quoque rebus quam plurimis eum locum ornes. 6 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM quae mihi antea signa misisti, ea nondum vidi. in Formiano sunt, quo ego nunc proficisci cogitabam. ilia omnia in Tusculanum deportabo. Caietam, si quando abundare coepero, ornabo. libros tuos conserva et noli desperare eos me meos facere posse, quod si adsequor, supero Crassum divitiis atque omnium vicos et prata contemno. . V. (Romae. Metello, Marclo coss. 686.) CICERO ATTICO S. . i. Quantum dolorem acceperim et quanto fructu sim privatus et forensi et domestico Lucii fratris nostri morte, in primis pro nostra consuetu- dine tu existimare potes. nam mihi omnia, quae iucunda ex humanitate alterius et moribus homini accidere possunt, ex illo accidebant qua re non dubito quin tibi quoque id molestum sit, quum et meo dolore moveare et ipse omni virtute officioque ornatissimum tuique et sua sponte et meo sermone amantem adfinem amicumque amiseris. 2. quod ad me scribis de sorore tua, testis erit tibi ipsa quantae mihi curae fuerit, ut Quinti fratris animus in earn esset is qui esse deberet. quern quum esse. offensiorem arbitrarer, eas litteras ad eum misi, quibus et placarem ut fratrem et monerem ut mi- norem et obiurgarem ut errantem. itaque ex iis, quae postea saepe ab eo ad me scripta sunt, confido- ita esse omnia, ut et oporteat et velimus. 3. de litterarum missione sine causa abs te accuser, nun- quam enim a Pomponia nostra certior sum factus LIB. I. EP. 5. 7 esse cui dare litteras possem : porro autem neque mihi accidit ut haberem qui in Epirum proficiscere- tur, neque dum te Athenis esse audiebamus. 4. de Acutiliano autem negocio quod mihi mandaras, ut primum a tuo digressu Romam veni, confeceram, sed accidit ut et contentione nihil opus esset et ut ego, qui in te satis consilii statuerim esse, mallem Peducaeum tibi consilium per litteras quam me dare, etenim quum multos dies aures meas Acu- tilio dedissem, cuius sermonis genus tibi notum esse arbitror, non mihi grave duxissem scribere ad te de illius querimoniis, quum eas audire, quod erat subodiosum, leve putassem. sed abs te ipso, qui me accusas, unas mihi scito litteras redditas esse, quum et ocii ad scribendum plus et facultatem dandi maiorem habueris. 5. quod scribis, etiam si cuius animus in te esset offensior, a me recolligi oportere, [teneo] quid dicas, neque id neglexi, sed est miro quodam modo adfectus. ego autem, quae dicenda fuerunt de te, non praeterii : quid autem contendendum esset ex tua putabam voluntate sta- tuere oportere : quam si ad me perscripseris, intel- liges me neque diligentiorem esse voluisse quam tu esses, neque negligentiorem fore quam tu velis. 6. de Tadiana re, mecum Tadius locutus est te ita scripsisse, nihil esse iam quod laboraretur, quoniam hereditas usu capta esset. id mirabamur te igno- rare, de tutela legitima, in qua dicitur esse puella, nihil usu capi posse. 7. Epiroticam emptionem gaudeo tibi placere. quae tibi mandavi et quae tu intelliges convenire nostro Tusculano, velim, ut scribis, cures, quod sine molestia tua facere poteris. nam nos ex omnibus molestiis et laboribus uno illo 8 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM in loco conquiescimus. 8. Quintum fratrem cotidie exspectamus. Terentia magnos articulorum dolo- res habet, et te et sororem tuam et matrem maxime diligit, salutemque tibi plurimam ascribit et Tul- liola, deliciae nostrae. cura ut valeas et nos ames et tibi persuadeas te a me fraterne amari. VI. (Romae. Metello, Marcio coss. 686.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Non committam posthac ut me accusare de epistolarum negligentia possis. tu modo videto in tanto ocio ut par mini sis. domum Rabirianam Neapoli, quam tu iam dimensam et exaedificatam animo habebas, M'. Fonteius emit HS CCCIDDD XXX, id te scire volui, si quid forte ea res ad cogitationes tuas pertineret. 2. Quintus frater, ut mihi videtur, quo volumus animo est in-Pomponiam, et cum ea nunc in Arpinatibus praediis erat et secum habebat hominem ^tjarofjiaOr), D. Turranium. pater nobis discessit a. d. VIII Kal. Decembres. haec habebam fere quae te scire vellem. tu velim, si qua orna- menta yv/j,vav Trdrpta. LIB. I. EP. 10. ir X. (In Tusculano. Pisone, Glabrione coss. 687.) CICERO ATTICO S. i. Quum essem in Tusculano erit hoc tibi pro illo tuo quum essem in Ceramico verum tamen quum ibl essem, Roma puer a sorore tua missus epistolam mihi abs te adlatam dedit nunciavitque eo ipso die post meridiem iturum eum, qui ad te proficisceretur. eo factum est, ut epistolae tuae rescriberem aliquid, brevitate temporis tam pauca cogerer scribere. 2. primum tibi de nostro amico placando aut etiam plane restituendo polliceor. quod ego etsi mea sponte ante faciebam, eo nunc tamen et agam studiosius et contendam ab illo vehemen- tius, quod tantam ex epistola voluntatem eius rei tuam perspicere videor. hoc te intelligere volo, pergraviter ilium esse offensum, sed quia nullam video gravem subesse causam magno opere confido ilium fore in officio et in nostra potestate. 3. signa nostra et Hermeraclas, ut scribis, quum commo- dissime poteris, velim imponas, et si quod aliud ol/cetov eius loci, quern non ignoras, reperies, et maxime quae tibi palaestrae gymnasiique videbun- tur esse. etenim ibi sedens haec ad te scribebam, ut me locus ipse admoneret. praeterea typos tibi mando, quos in tectorio atrioli possim includere, et putealia sigillata duo. 4. bibliothecam tuam cave cuiquam despondeas, quamvis acrem amatorem inveneris: nam ego crimes meas vindemiolas eo reservo, ut illud subsidium senectuti parem. 5. de fratre confido ita esse, ut semper volui et elaboravi. P. C. 3 iz EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM multa signa sunt eius rei, non minimum, quod soror praegnans est. 6. de comitiis meis et tibi me permisisse meniini et ego iam pridem hoc com- munibus amicis, qui te exspectant, praedico: te non modo non arcessi a me, sed prohiberi, quod intelligam multo magis interesse tua te agere quod agendum est hoc tempore quam mea te adesse comitiis. proinde eo animo te velim esse, quasi mei negocii causa in ista loca missus esses, me autem eum et offendes erga te et audies, quasi mihi, si quae parta erunt, non modo te praesente sed per te parta sint. Tulliola tibi diem dat, spon- sorem appellat. XI. (Romae. Pisone, Glabrione coss. 687.) CICERO ATTICO S. i. Et mea sponte faciebam antea et post dua- bus epistolis tuis perdiligenter in eamdem rationem scriptis magno opere sum commotus. eo acce- debat hortator adsiduus Sallustius, ut agerem quam diligentissime cum Lucceio de vestra vetere gratia reconcilianda. sed, quum omnia fecissem, non modo earn voluntatem eius quae fuerat erga te recuperare non potui, verum ne causam quidem elicere immutatae voluntatis. tametsi iactat ille qui- dem illud tuum arbitrium et ea quae iam turn quum aderas offendere eius animum intelligebam, tamen habet quiddam profecto quod magis in animo eius insederit, quod neque epistolae tuae neque nostra adlegatio tarn potest facile delere, quam tu praesens non modo oratione sed tuo vultu illo familiari tolles, LIB. I. EP. IT, 12. 13 si modo tanti putaris: id quod, si me audies et si humanitati tuae constare voles, certe putabis. ac ne illud mirere, cur, quum ego antea significarem tibi per litteras me sperare ilium in nostra potestate fore, nunc idem videar diffidere, incredibile est quanto mihi videatur illius voluntas obstinatior et in hac iracundia obfirmatior : sed haec aut sana- buntur quum veneris, aut ei molesta erunt in utro culpa erit. 2. quod in epistola tua scriptum erat, me iam arbitrari designatum esse : scito nihil tam exercitum esse nunc Romae quam candidates om- nibus iniquitatibus nee quando futura sint comitia sciri. verum haec audies de Philadelpho. 3. tu velim quae Academiae nostrae parasti quam pri- mum mittas. mire quam illius loci non modo usus, sed etiam cogitatio delectat. libros vero tuos cave cuiquam tradas. nobis eos, quern ad modum scri- bis, conserva. summum me eorum studium tenet, sicut odium iam caeterarum rerum : quas tu incre- dibile est quam brevi tempore quanto deteriores offensurus sis quam reliquisti. XII. (Romae, Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) CICERO ATTICO S. i. Te{}ptiu9 laudaret, mihique, ut adsedit, dixit se putare satis ab se etiam de istis rebus esse responsum. 3. Crassus postea quam vidit ilium excepisse laudem ex eo quod suspicarentur homines ei consulatum meum placere, surrexit ornatissime- que de meo consulatu locutus est, ut ita diceret, se, quod esset senator, quod civis, quod liber, quod viveret, mihi acceptum referre : quotiens coniugem, LIB. I. EP. 14. 19 quotiens domum, quotiens patriam videret, totiens se beneficium meum videre. quid multa ? totum hunc locum, quern ego varie meis orationibus, quarum tu Aristarchus es, soleo pingere, de flamma, de ferro nosti illas \i)/cvdovs , valde graviter per- texuit. proxime Pompeium sedebam. intellexi hominem moveri, utrum Crassum inire earn gra- -tiam, quam ipse praetermisisset, an esse tantas res nostras, quae tarn libenti senatu laudarentur, ab eo praesertim, qui mihi laudem illam eo minus de- beret, q'uod meis omnibus litteris in Pompeiana laude perstrictus esset. 4. hie dies me valde Crasso adiunxit, et tamen ab illo aperte tecte quidquid est datum libenter accepi. ego autem ipse, di boni ! quo modo eveTrep-jrepeva-d^v novo auditor! Pompeio ! si umquam mihi irepio^oi r; KafjLTral 77 evdv^/jiara i) KaracT/cevai suppeditaverunt, illo tempore. quid multa ? clamores. etenim haec erat vTrudea-is, de gravitate ordinis, de equestri concordia, de consensione Italiae, de intermortuis reliquiis coniurationis, de vilitate, de ocio. nosti iam in hac materia sonitus nostros : tanti fuerunt, ut ego eo brevior sim, quod eos usque istim ex- auditos putem. 5. Romanae autem se res sic habent : senatus "Apeio? 770709. nihil constantius, nihil severius, nihil fortius. nam, quum dies venisset rogationi ex senatus consulto ferendae, concursa- bant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille grex Catilinae, duce filiola Curionis, et populum, ut antiquaret, rogabant. Piso autem consul, later rogationis, idem erat dissuasor. operae Clodianae pontes occu- parant : tabellae ministrabantur ita ut nulla daretur UTl ROGAS. hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, con- 20 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM vicium Pisoni consuli mirificum facit, si id est convicium, vox plena gravitatis, plena auctoritatis, plena denique salutis. accedit eodem etiam noster Hortensius, multi praeterea boni. insignis vero opera Favonii fuit. hoc concursu optimatum co- mitia dimittuntur : senatus vocatur. quum decer- neretur frequenti senatu, contra pugnante Pisone, ad pedes omnium singillatim accidente Clodio, ut consules populum cohortarentur ad rogationem accipiendam, homines ad XV Curioni nullum se- natus consultum facienti adsenserunt : ex altera parte facile CCCC fuerunt. acta res est. Fufius tribunus turn concessit. Clodius condones miseras habebat, in quibus Lucullum, Hortensium, C. Pi- sonem, Messalam consulem contumeliose laedebat : me tantum comperisse omnia criminabatur. senatus et de provinces praetorum et de legationibus et de caeteris rebus decernebat, ut ante quam rogatio lata esset ne quid ageretur. 6. habes res Romanas, sed tamen etiam illud, quod non speraram, audi. Messala consul est egregius, fortis, constans, dili- gens, nostri laudator, amator, imitator, ille alter uno vitio minus vitiosus, quod iners, quod somni pLenus, quod imperitus, quod aTrpa/crorarof, sed voluntate ita Ka^eKTt]^, ut Pompeium post illam contionem, in qua ab eo senatus laudatus est, odisse coeperit. itaque mirum in modum omnes a se bonos alie- navit. neque id magis amicitia Clodii adductus facit quam studio perditarum rerum atque partium. sed habet sui similem in magistratibus praeter Fufium neminem. bonis utimur tribunis plebis, Cornuto vero Pseudocatone. quid quaeris ? 7. nunc ut ad privata redeam, Tey/fpt? promissa pa- LIB. I. ER 1416. 21 travit. tu mandata effice, quae recepisti. Quintus frater, qui Argiletani aedificii reliquum dodrantem emit HS DCCXXV, Tusculanum venditat, ut, si possit, emat Pacilianam domum. cu-m Lucceio in gratiam redi. video hominem valde petiturire. navabo operam. tu quid agas, ubi sis, cuius modi istae res sint fac me quam diligentissime certiorem. Jdib. Febr. XV. {Romae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) CICERO ATTICO S. i. Asiam Quinto, suavissimo fratri, obtigisse audisti : non enim dubito quin celerius tibi hoc rumor quam ullius nostrum litterae nunciarint. nunc quoniam et laudis avidissimi semper fuimus, et praeter caeteros i\.e\,\r]ve<; et sumus et habemur, et multorum odia atque inimicitias rei publicae causa suscepimus, Travrotr]? dpeTrjs pip-vrjcnceo, cura- que et effice ut ab omnibus et laudemur et amemur. 2. his de rebus plura ad te in ea epistola scribam, quam ipsi Quinto dabo. tu me velim certiorem facias quid de meis mandatis egeris, atque etiam quid de tuo negocio. nam ut Brundusio profectus es, nullae mihi abs te sunt redditae litterae. valde aveo scire quid agas. Idib. Mart. XVI. (Romae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Quaeris ex me quid accident de iudicio quod tarn praeter opinionem omnium factum sit, 22 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM ct simul vis scire quo modo ego minus quam soleam proeliatus sim : respondebo tibi varepov irpLrepov, 'OfAypifcw. ego enim, quam diu senatus auctoritas mihi defendenda fuit, sic acriter et vehe- menter proeliatus sum, ut clamor concursusque maxima cum mea laude fierent. quod si tibi um- quam sum visus in re publica fortis, certe me in ilia causa admiratus esses, quum enim ille ad contiones confugisset in iisque meo nomine ad invidiam uteretur, di immortales ! quas ego pugnas et quantas strages edidi ! quos impetus in Pisonem, in Curionem, in totam illam manum feci ! quo modo sum insectatus levitatem senum, libidinem iuventutis ! saepe, ita me di iuvent ! te non solum auctorem consiliorum meorum, verum etiam spec- tatorem pugnarum mirificarum desideravi. 2. postea vero quam Hortensius excogitavit, ut legem de religione Fufius tribunus plebis ferret, in qua nihil aliud a consulari rogatione differebat nisi iudicum genus in eo autem erant omnia pugna- vitque ut ita fieret, quod et sibi et aliis persua- serat nullis ilium iudicibus effugere posse : contraxi vela perspiciens inopiam iudicum, neque dixi quidquam pro testimonio, nisi quod erat ita notum atque testatum, ut non possem praeterire. itaque si causam quaeris absolutionis, ut Jam TT/SO? TO Trporepov revertar, egestas iudicum fuit et turpitudo. id autem ut accideret, commissum est Hortensii consilio, qui dum veritus est ne Fufius ei legi inter- cederet, quae ex senatus consulto ferebatur, non vidit illud satius esse ilium in infamia relinqui ac sordibus quam infirmo iudicio committi. sed ductus odio properavit rem deducere in iudicium, quum LIB. I. EP. 1 6. 23 ilium plumbeo gladio iugulatum iri tamen diceret. 3. sed iudiciunt si quaeris quale fuerit, incredibili exitu : sic uti nunc ex eventu ab aliis, a me tamen ex ipso initio, consilium Hortensii reprehendatur. nam ut reiectio facta est clamoribus maximis, quum accusator tamquam censor bonus homines nequissimos reiiceret, reus tamquam clemens la- nista frugalissimum quemque secerneret, ut primum iudices consederunt, valde diffidere boni coeperunt. non enim umquam turpior in ludo talario consessus fuit maculosi senatores, nudi equites, tribuni non tarn aerati quam, ut appellantur, aerarii. pauci tamen boni inerant, quos reiectione fugare ille non potuerat, qui maesti inter sui dissimiles et maeren- tes sedebant et contagione turpitudinis vehementer permovebantur. 4. hie, ut quaeque res ad con- silium primis postulationibus referebatur, incredi- bilis erat severitas nulla varietate sententiarum, nihil impetrabat reus, plus accusatori dabatur quam postulabat, triumphabat quid quaeris ? Horten- sius se vidisse tantum, nemo erat qui ilium reum ac non miliens condemnatum arbitraretur. me vero teste producto credo te ex acclamatione Clodii advocatorum audisse quae consurrectio iudicum facta sit, ut me circumsteterint, ut aperte iugula sua pro meo capite P. Clodio ostentarint. quae mihi res multo honorificentior visa est quam aut ilia, quum iurare tui cives Xenocratem testimo- nium dicentem prohibuerunt, aut quum tabulas Metelli Numidici, quum eae, ut mos est, circum- ferrentur, nostri iudices aspicere noluerunt : multo haec, inquam, nostra res maior. 5. itaque iudicum vocibus, quum ego sic ab iis ut salus patriae defen- 24 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM derer, fractus reus et una patroni omnes conci- derunt. ad me autem eadem frecfuentia postridie convenit, quacum abiens consulatu sum domum reductus. clamare praeclari Areopagitae se non esse ventures nisi praesidio constitute, refertur ad consilium : una sola sententia praesidium non de- sideravit. defertur res ad senatum : gravissime ornatissimeque decernitur : laudantur iudices : datur negocium magistratibus : responsurum hominem nemo arbitrabatur. "Eo-Trere vvv fioi, Movcrai, O7T7rei>9 S>) irpunov irvp e/meo'e. nosti Calvum, ex Nanneianis ilium, ilium lauda- torem meum, de cuius oratione erga me honorifica ad te scripseram. biduo per unum servum et eum ex gladiatorio ludo confecit totum negocium : arcessivit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit. iam vero o di boni, rem perditam ! etiam noctes cer- tarum mulierum atque adolescentulorum nobilium introductiones non nullis iudicibus pro mercedis cumulo fuerunt. ita, sumnio discessu bonorum, pleno foro servorum, XXV iudices ita fortes tamen fuerunt, ut, summo proposito periculo, vel perire maluerint quam perdere omnia : XXXI fuerunt quos fames magis quam fama commoverit. quorum Catulus quum vidisset quemdam : quid vos, inquit, praesidium a nobis postulabatis ? an ne numi vobis eriperentur timebatis? 6. habes, ut brevissime potui, genus iudicti et causam absolutionis. quaeris dein- ceps qui nunc sit status rerum et qui meus. rei pub- licae statum ilium, quern tu meo consilio, ego divino confirmatum putabam, qui bonorum omnium con- iunctione et auctoritate consulatus mei fixus et fun- LIB. I. EP. 1 6. 75 datus videbatur, nisi qui nos deus respexerit, elapsum scito esse de manibus uno hoc iudicio : si iudicium est, triginta homines populi Romani levissimos ac nequissimos numulis acceptis ius ac fas omne delere et, quod omnes non modo homines verum etiam pecudes factum esse sciant, id Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam et caeteras huius modi quisquilias statuere numquam esse factum. 7. sed tamen, ut te de re publica consoler, non ita, ut sperarunt mali, tanto imposito rei publicae vulnere, alacris exsultat improbitas in victoria, nam plane ita putaverunt, quum religio, quum pudicitia, quum iudiciorum fides, quum senatus auctoritas conci- disset, fore ut aperte victrix nequitia ac libido poenas ab optimo quoque peteret sui doloris, quern improbissimo cuique inusserat severitas consulatus mei. 8. idem ego ille non enim mihi videor insolenter gloriari, quum de me apud te loquor, in ea praesertim epistola quam nolo ab aliis legi idem, inquam, ego recreavi adflictos animos bono- . rum, unum quemque confirmans, excitans : insec- tandis vero exagitandisque numariis iudicibus om- nem omnibus studiosis ac fautoribus illius victoriae Trapprjaiav eripui, Pisonem consulem nulla in re consistere umquam sum passus, desponsam ho- mini iam Syriam ademi, senatum ad pristinam suam severitatem revocavi atque abiectum excitavi, Clodium praesentem fregi in senatu quum oratione perpetua, plenissima gravitatis, turn altercatione eius modi, ex qua licet pauca degustes. nam caetera non possunt habere neque vim neque ve- nustatem, remote illo studio contentions, quem aywva vos appellatis. 9. nam, ut Idib. Maiis in 26 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM senatum convenimus, rogatus ego sententiam multa dixi de summa re publica, atque ille locus inductus a me est divinitus : ne una plaga accepta patres conscripti conciderent, ne deficerent : vulnus esse eius modi, quod mihi nee dissimulandum nee per- timescendum videretur, ne aut metuendo ignavis- simi aut ignorando stultissimi iudicaremur : bis absolutum esse Lentulum, bis Catilinam, hunc ter- tium iain esse a iudicibus in rem publicam immis- sum. erras, Clodi : non te iudices urbi, sed career! reservarunt, neque te retinere in civitate, sed exsilio privare voluerunt. quam ob rem, patres conscripti, erigite animos, retinete vestram dignitatem, manet ilia in re publica bonorum consensio : dolor acces- sit bonis viris, virtus non est imminuta: nihil est damni factum novi, sed, quod erat, inventum est. in unius hominis perditi iudicio plures similes reperti sunt. 10. sed quid ago ? paene orationem in episto- lam inclusi. redeo ad altercationem. surgit pulchel- lus puer, obiicit mihi mead Baiasfuisse. falsum, sed tamen quid hoc ? simile est, inquam, quasi dicas in operto fuisse. quid, inquit, ho mini Arpinati cum aquis calidis? narra, inquam, patrono tuo, qui Arpinatis aquas concupivit. (nosti enim Marianas.) quousque, inquit, hunc regem fcremns ? regem ap- pellas, inquam, quum Rex tui mentionem nullam fecerit ? (ille autem Regis hereditatem spe devora rat.) domum, inquit, emisti. potes, inquam, dicere, 'iudices emisti '? iuranti, inquit, tibi non crediderunt. mihi vero, inquam, XXV iudices crediderunt, XXXI, qu^miam numos ante acceperunt, tibi nihil credide- runt. magnis clamoribus adflictus conticuit et concidit. II. noster autem status est hie: apud LIB. I. EP. 1 6. 27 bonos iidem sumus, quos reliquisti, apud sordem urbis et faecem multo melius nunc, quam reli- quisti. nam et illud nobis non obest, videri nostrum testimonium non valuisse missus est sanguis in- vidiae sine dolore atque etiam hoc magis, quod omnes illi fautorcs illius flagitii rem manifestam illam redemptam esse a iudicibus confitenturr accedit, quod ilia contionalis hirudo aerarii, misera ac ieiuna plebecula, me ab hoc Magno unice diligl putat, et hercule multa et iucunda consuetudine coniuncti inter nos sumus, usque eo, ut nostri isti comissatores coniurationis, barbatuli iuvenes, ilium in sermonibus Cnaeum Ciceronem appellent. ita- que et ludis et gladiatoribus mirandas en-to^ao-tcn? sine ulla pastoricia fistula auferebamus. 12. nunc est exspectatio ingens comitiorum, in quae omnibus invitis trudit noster Magnus Auli filium, atque in eo neque auctoritate neque gratia pugnat, sed quibus Philippus omnia castella expugnari posse dicebat, in quae modo asellus onustus auro posset ascendere. consul autem ille, Doterionis histrionis similis, suscepisse negocium dicitur et domi divi- sores habere: quod ego non credo, sed senatus consulta duo iam facta sunt, odiosa, quod in con- sulem facta putantur, Catone et Domitio postu- lante, unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cuius domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem publicam. 13.. Lurco autem tribunus ple- bis [est], qui, magistratum simul-f- contra legem Aeliam iniit, solutus est et Aelia et Fufia ut legem de ambitu ferret, quam ille bono auspicin claudus homo promulgavit. ita comitia in ante diem VI Kal. Sext. dilata sunt. novi est in lege P.C. 4 28 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM hoc, ut, qui numos in tribus pronunciarit, si non dederit, impune sit : sin dederit, ut quoad vivat singulis tribubus HS CID CID CID debeat. dixi hanc legem P. Clodium iam ante servasse : pronun- ciare enim solitum esse et non dare, sed heus tu ! videsne consulatum ilium nostrum, quern Curio antea aTrodeoxnv vocabat, si hie factus erit, fabulam mimum futurum ? qua re, ut opinor, faXotrofareov, id quod tu facis, et istos consulatus non flocci facteon. 14. quod ad me scribis, te in Asiam statuisse non ire, equidem mallem ut ires, ac vereor ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat, sed tamen non possum reprehendere consilium tuum, prae- sertim quum egomet in provinciam non sim pro- fectus. 15. epigrammatis tuis, quae in Amaltheo posuisti, content! erimus, praesertim quum et Chilius nos reliquerit et Archias nihil de me scripserit, ac vereor ne, Lucullis quoniam Graecum poema condidit, nunc ad Caecilianam fabulam spectet. 1 6. Antonio tuo nomine gratias egi, eam- que epistolam Manlio dedi. ad te ideo antea rarius scripsi, quod non habebam idoneum cui darem nee satis sciebam quo darem. valde te vindicavi. 17. Cincius si quid ad me tui negocii detulerit, suscipiam. sed nunc magis in suo est occupatus, in quo ego ei non desum. tu, si uno in loco es futurus, crebras a nobis litteras exspecta : ast plures etiam ipse mittito. 18. velim ad me scribas cuius modi sit 'ApaXOeiov tuum, quo ornatu, qua roTTodea-ia, et quae poemata quasque historias de 'A/j,a\0ela habes ad me mittas. lubet mihi facere in Arpinati. ego tibi aliquid de meis scriptis mit- tam. nihil erat absoluti. LIB. I. EP. 17. 29 XVII. (Romae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Magna mihi varietas voluntatis et dissimili- tudo opinionis ac iudicii Quinti fratris mei de- monstrata est ex litteris tuis, in quibus ad me epistolarum illius exempla misisti. qua ex re et molestia sum tanta adfectus. quantam mihi meus amor summus erga utrumque vestrum adferre de- buit, et admiratione quidnam accidisset quod adfer- ret Quinto fratri meo aut offensionem tarn gravem autcommutationem tantam voluntatis. atque illud a me iam ante intelligebatur, quod te quoque ipsum discedentem a nobis suspicari videbam, subesse nescio quid opinionis incommodae sau- ciumque esse eius animum et insedisse quasdam odiosas suspiciones: quibus ego mederi quum cu- perem antea saepe et vehementius etiam post sortitionem provinciae, nee tantum intelligebam ei esse offensionis, quantum litterae tuae declararant, nee tantum proficiebam, quantum volebam. 2. sed tamen hoc me ipse consolabar, quod non dubita- bam quin te ille aut Dyrrhachii aut in istis locis uspiam visurus esset. quod quum accidisset, con- fidebam ac mihi persuaseram fore ut omnia placa- rentur inter vos non modo sermone ac disputatione, sed conspectu ipso congressuque vestro. nam quanta sit in Quinto fratre meo comitas, quanta iucunditas, quam mollis animus ad accipiendam et ad deponendam offensionem, nihil attinet me ad te, qui ea nosti, scribere. sed accidit perincom- 42 30 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM mode, quod eum nusquam vidisti. valuit enim plus, quod erat illi non nullorum artificiis inculca- tum, quam aut officium aut necessitudo aut amor vester ille pristinus, qui plurimum valere debuit. 3. atque huius incommodi culpa ubi resideat facilius possum existimare quam scribere. vereor enim ne, dum defendam meos, non parcam tuis. nam sic intelligo, ut nihil a domesticis vulneris factum sit, illud quidem quod erat eos certe sanare potuisse. sed huiusce rei totius vitium, quod ali- quanto etiam latius patet quam videtur, praesenti tibi commodius exponam. 4. de iis litteris, quas ad te Thessalonica misit, et de sermonibus, quos ab illo et Romae apud amicos tuos et in itinere habitos putas, ecquid tantum causae sit ignore: sed omnis in tua posita est humanitate mihi spes huius levandae molestiae. nam, si ita statueris, et irritabiles animos esse optimorum saepe hominum et eosdem placabiles, et esse hanc agilitatem, ut ita dicam, mollitiamque naturae plerumque boni- tatis et, id quod caput est, nobis inter nos nostra sive incommoda sive vitia sive iniurias esse toleran- das, facile haec, quem ad modum spero, mitiga- buntur. quod ego ut facias te oro. nam ad me, qui te unice diligo, maxime pertinet neminem esse meorum, qui aut te non amet aut abs te non ame- tur. 5. ilia pars epistolae tuae minime fuit neces- saria, in qua exponis quas facultates aut provin- cialium aut urbanorum commodorum et aliis temporibus et me ipso consule praetermiseris. mihi enim perspecta est ingenuitas et magnitude animi tui, neque ego inter me atque te quidquam interesse umquam duxi praeter voluntatem in- LIB. I. EP. 17. 31 stitutae vitae, quod me ambitio quaedam ad hono- rum studium, te autem alia minime reprehendenda ratio ad honestum ocium duxit. vera quidem laude probitatis, diligentiae, religionis neque me tibi neque quemquam antepono, amoris vero erga me, quum a fraterno amore domesticoque discessi, tibi primas defero. 6. vidi enim, vidi penitusque perspexi in meis variis temporibus et sollicitudines et laetitias tuas. fuit mihi saepe et laudis nostrae gratulatio tua iucunda et timoris consolatio grata, quin mihi nunc te absente non solum consilium, quo tu excellis, sed etiam sermonis communicatio, quae mihi suavissima tecum solet esse, maxime deest quid dicam ? in publicane re, quo in gen- ere mihi negligent! esse non licet, an in forensi labore, quern antea propter ambitionem sustinebam, nunc, ut dignitatem tueri gratia possim, an in ipsis domesticis negociis, in quibus ego quum antea turn vero post discessum fratris te sermonesque nostros desidero ? postremo non labor meus, non requies, non negocium, non ocium, non forenses res, non domesticae, non publicae, non privatae carere diu- tius tuo suavissimo atque amantissimo consilio ac sermone possunt. 7. atque harum rerum com- memorationem verecundia saepe impedivit utrius- que nostrum, nunc autem ea fuit necessaria propter earn partem epistolae tuae, per quam te ac mores tuos mihi purgatos ac probates esse voluisti. atque in ista incommoditate alienati illius animi et offensi illud inest tamen commodi, quod et mihi et caeteris amicis tuis nota fuit et abs te aliquando testificata tua voluntas omittendae provinciae, ut, quod una non estis, non dissensione ac discidio 32 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM vestro, sed voluntate ac iudicio tuo factum esse videatur. qua re et ilia, quae violata, expiabuntur et haec nostra, quae sunt sanctissime conservata, suam religionem obtinebunt. 8. nos hie in re publica infirma misera commutabilique versamur. credo enim te audisse nostros equites paene a senatu esse disiunctos : qui primum illud valde graviter tule- runt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto fuisse, ut de eis, qui ob iudicandum pecuniam accepissent, quaereretur. qua in re decernenda quum ego casu non adfuissem sensissemque id equestrem ordinem ferre moleste neque aperte dicere, obiurgavi sena- tum, ut mihi visus sum, summa cum auctoritate, et in causa non verecunda admodum gravis et copiosus fui. 9. ecce aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae ! quas ego non solum tuli, sed etiam or- navi. Asiani, qui de censoribus conduxerunt, questi sunt in senatu se cupiditate prolapsos nimium magno conduxisse : ut induceretur locatio, postula- verunt. ego princeps in adiutoribus atque adeo secundus. nam, ut illi auderent hoc postulare, Crassus eos impulit. invidiosa res, turpis postu- latio et confessio temeritatis. summum erat peri- culum ne, si nihil impetrassent, plane alienarentur a senatu. huic quoque rei subventum est maxime a nobis perfectumque, ut frequentissimo senatu et libentissimo uterentur, multaque a me de ordinum dignitate et concordia dicta sunt Kal. Decembr. et postridie. neque adhuc res confecta est, sed voluntas senatus perspecta. unus enim contra dixerat Metellus consul designatus. quin erat dicturus ad quern propter diei brevitatem per- ventum non est heros ille noster Cato. 10. sic LIB. I. EP. 17, 1 8. 33 ego conservans rationem institutionemque nostram tueor, ut possum, illam a me conglutinatam con- cordiam, sed tamen, quoniam ista sunt infirma, munitur quaedam nobis ad retinendas opes nostras tuta, ut spero, via, quam tibi litteris satis explicare non possum, significatione parva ostendam tamen. utor Pompeio familiarissime. video quid dicas. cavebo quae sunt cavenda ac scribam alias ad te de meis consiliis capessendae rei publicae plura. u. Lucceium scito consulatum habere in animo statim petere: duo enim soli dicuntur petituri. Caesar cum eo coire per Arrium cogitat et Bibulus cum hoc se putat per C. Pisonem posse coniungi. rides ? non sunt haec ridicula, mihi crede. quid aliud scribam ad te ? quid ? multa sunt, sed in aliud tempus. te si exspectari velis, cures ut sciam. iam illud modeste rogo, quod maxime cupio, ut quam primum venias. Nonis Decembribus. XVIII. (Romae. Metcllo, Afranio coss. 694.) CICERO ATTICO S. i. Nihil mihi nunc scito tam deesse quam hominem eum, quicum omnia, quae me cura aliqua adficiunt, una communicem : qui me amet, qui sapiat, quicum ego colloquar, nihil fingam, nihil dissimulem, nihil obtegam. abest enim frater a$e- Xeo-Taro? et amantissimus [mei]. en tellus ! non homo, sed littus atque aer et solitude mera! tu autem, qui saepissime curam et angorem animi mei sermone et consilio levasti tuo, qui mihi et in 34 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM publica re socius et in privatis omnibus conscius et omnium meorum sermonum et consiliorum particeps esse soles, ubinam es ? ita sum ab omnibus de- stitutus, ut tantum requietis habeam, quantum cum uxore et filiola et mellito Cicerone consumitur. nam illae ambitiosae nostrae fucosaeque amicitiae sunt in quodam splendore forensi, fructum domes- ticum non habent. itaque, quum bene completa domus est tempore matutino, quum ad forum sti- pati gregibus amicorum descendimus, reperire ex magna turba neminem possumus quicum aut iocari libere aut suspirare familiariter possimus. qua re te exspectamus, te desideramus, te iam etiam arcessimus: multa sunt enim, quae me sollicitant anguntque, quae mihi videor aures nactus tuas unius ambulationis sermone exhaurire posse. 2. ac domesticarum quidem sollicitudinum aculeos omnes et scrupulos occultabo, neque ego huic epi- stolae atque ignoto tabellario committam. atque hi nolo enim te permoveri non sunt permolesti, sed tamen insident et urgent et nullius amantis consilio aut sermone requiescunt. in re publica vero, quamquam animus est praesens-f et voluntas etiam, tamen ea iam ipsa medicinam refugit. nam ut ea breviter, quae post tuum discessum acta sunt, col- ligam, iam exclames necesse est res Romanas diutius stare non posse, etenim post profectionem tuam primus, ut opinor, introitus fuit in causam fabulae Clodianae, in qua ego nactus, ut mihi videbar, locum resecandae libidinis et coercendae iuventu- tis, vehemens fui et omnes profudi vires animi at- que ingenii mei, non odio adductus alicuius, sed spe rei publicae corrigendae et sanandae civitatis. LIB. I. EP. 1 8. 35 3. adflicta res publica est empto constupratoquc iudicio. vide quae sint postea consecuta. consul est impositus is nobis, quern nemo praeter nos philosophos aspicere sine suspiritu posset, quan- tum hoc vulnus ! facto senatus consulto de ambitu, de iudiciis, nulla lex perlata, exagitatus senatus, alienati equites Romani. sic ille annus duo firma- menta rei publicae per me unum constituta evertit : nam et senatus auctoritatem abiecit et ordinum concordiam disiunxit. instat hie nunc [ille] annus egregius. eius initium eius modi fuit, ut anniver- saria sacra luventatis non committerentur. nam M. Luculli uxorem Memmius suis sacris initiavit. Menelaus aegre id passus divortium fecit, quam- quam ille pastor Idaeus Menelaum solum con- tempserat, hie noster Paris tam Menelaum quam Agamemnonem liberum non putavit. 4. est autem C. Herennius quidam tribunus plebis, quern tu fortasse ne nosti quidem : tametsi potes nosse, tribulis enim tuus est et Sextus pater eius numos vobis dividere solebat: is ad plebem P. Clodium traducit, idemque fert, ut universus populus in campo Martio suffragium de re Clodii ferat. hunc ego accepi in senatu, ut soleo, sed nihil est illo ho- mine lentius. 5. Metellus est consul egregius et nos amat, sed imminuit auctoritatem suam, quod habet dicis causa promulgatum illud^f quidem de Clodio. Auli autem filius, o di immortales ! quam ignavus ac sine animo miles! quam dignus, qui Palicano, sicut facit, os ad male audiendum cotidie praebeat! 6. Agraria autem promulgata est a Flavio, sane levis, eadem fere, quae fuit Plotia. sed interea 7roAm/co9 dvrjp 01)8' ovap quisquam inveniri potest. 36 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM qui poterat, familiaris noster sic est enim: volo te hoc scire Pompeius togulam illam pictam silentio tuetur suam. Crassus verbum nullum contra gratiam. caeteros iam nosti: qui ita sunt stulti, ut amissa re publica piscinas suas fore salvas spe- rare videantur. 7. unus est qui curet constantia magis et integritate quam, ut mihi videtur, consilio aut ingenio, Cato : qui miseros publicanos, quos habuit amantissimos sui, tertium iam mensem vexat, neque iis a senatu responsum dari patitur. Ita nos cogimur reliquis de rebus nihil decernere ante quam publicanis responsum sit. qua re etiam legationes reiectum iri puto. 8. nunc vides quibus fluctibus iactemur, et, si ex iis, quae scripsimus [tanta], etiam a me non scripta perspicis, revise nos aliquando et, quamquam sunt haec fugienda, quo te voco, tamen fac ut amorem nostrum tanti aestimes, ut eo vel cum his molestiis perfrui velis. nam, ne absens censeare, curabo edicendum et proponendum locis omnibus, sub lustrum autem censeri germani negociatoris est. qua re cura ut te quam primum videamus. vale. XI Kal. Febr. Q. Metello L. Afranio coss. XIX. (Romae. Metello, Afranio coss. 694.) CICERO ATTICO S. I. Non modo, si mihi tantum esset ocii, quan- tum est tibi, verum etiam, si tam breves epistolas vellem mittere, quam tu soles facere, te superarem et in scribendo multo essem crebrior quam tu. sed ad summas atque incredibiles occupationes meas accedit, quod nullam a me epistolam ad te sino LIB. I. EP. 19. 37 absque argumento ac sententia pervenire. et pri- mum tibi ut aequum est civi amanti patriam, quae sunt in re publica, exponam : deinde, quoniam tibi amore nos proximi sumus, scribemus etiam de nobis ea, quae scire te non nolle arbitramur. 2. atque in re publica nunc quidem maxime Gallici belli versatur metus. nam Aedui, fratres nostri, - pugnant, Sequani-f- permale pugnarunt, et Helvetii sine dubio sunt in armis excursionesque in provin- ciam faciunt. senatus decrevit, ut consules duas Gallias sortirentur, dilectus haberetur, vacationes ne valerent, legati cum auctoritate mitterentur qui adirent Galliae civitates darentque operam ne eae se cum Helvetiis coniungerent. legati sunt Q. Metellus Creticus et L. Flaccus et TO eirl 77} (fxucf) fivpov, Lentulus Clodiani filius. 3. atque hoc loco illud non queo praeterire, quod, quum de consulari- bus mea prima sors exisset, una voce senatus frequens retinendum me in urbe censuit. Hoc idem post me Pompeio accidit, ut nos duo quasi pignora rei publicae retineri videremur. quid enim ego aliorum in me eTri^xavijf^ara exspectem, quum haec domi nascantur ? 4. urbanae autem res sic se habent. agraria lex a Flavio tribuno plebis vehe- menter agitabatur auctore Pompeio, quae nihil populare habebat praeter auctorem. ex hac ego lege secunda contionis voluntate omnia ilia tolle- bam, quae ad privatorum incommodum pertine- bant: liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Cal- purnio consulibus publicus fuisset : Sullanorum hominum possessiones confirmabam: Volaterranos et Arretinos, quorum agrum Sulla publicarat neque diviserat, in sua possessione retinebam: unam ratio- 38 EPISTOLARUM AD ATTICUM nem non reiiciebam, ut ager hac adventicia pecunia emeretur, quae ex novis vectigalibus per quinquen- nium reciperetur. huic toti rationi agrariae senatus adversabatur, suspicans Pompeio novam quamdam potentiam quaeri. Pompeius vero ad voluntatem perferendae legis incubuerat. ego autem magna cum agrariorum gratia confirmabam omnium pri- vatorum possessiones is enim est noster exercitus hominum, ut tute scis, locupletium , populo autem et Pompeio nam id quoque volebam satis facie- bam emptione, qua constituta diligenter et senti- nam urbis exhauriri et Italiae solitudinem frequen- tari posse arbitrabar. sed haec tota res interpel- lata bello refrixerat. Metellus est consul sane bonus et nos admodum diligit. ille alter ita nihil est, ut plane quid emerit nesciat. 5. haec sunt in re publica, nisi etiam illud ad rem publicam putas pertinere, Herennium quemdam, tribunum plebis, tribulem tuum, sane hominem nequam atque egen- tem, saepe iam de P. Clodio ad plebem traducendo agere coepisse : huic frequenter interceditur. haec sunt, ut opinor, in re publica. 6. ego autem, ut semel Nonarum illarum Decembrium iunctam invi- dia ac multorum inimicitiis eximiam quamdam atque immortalem gloriam consecutus sum, non destiti eadem animi magnitudine in re publica ver- sari et illam institutam ac susceptam dignitatem tueri, sed postea quam primum Clodii absolutione levitatem infirmitatemque iudiciorum perspexi, deinde vidi nostros publicanos facile a senatu dis- iungi, quamquam a me ipso non divellerentur, turn autem beatos homines hos piscinarios dico, ami- cos tuos, non obscure nobis invidere, putavi mihi LIB. I. EP. 19. 39 maiores quasdam opes et firmiora praesidia esse quaerenda. 7. itaque primum eum, qui nimium diu de rebus nostris tacuerat, Pompeium, adduxi in earn voluntatem, ut in senatu non semel sed saepe multisque verbis huius mihi salutem imperii atque orbis terrarum adiudicarit. quod non tarn interfuit mea neque enim illae res aut ita sunt obscurae, ut testimonium, aut ita dubiae, ut laudationem desiderent quam rei publicae, quod erant quidam improbi, qui contentionem fore aliquam mihi cum Pompeio ex rerum illarum dissensione arbitraren- tur. cum hoc ego me tanta familiaritate coniunxi, ut uterque nostrum in sua ratione munitior et in re publica firmior hac coniunctione esse possit. 8. odia autem ilia libidinosae et delicatae iuventutis, quae erant in me incitata, sic mitigata sunt comi- tate quadam mea, me unum ut omnes illi colant.' nihil iam denique a me asperum in quemquam fit, nee tamen quidquam populare ac dissolutum, sed ita temperata tota ratio est, ut rei publicae con- stantiam praestem, privatis rebus meis propter infirmitatem bonorum, iniquitatem malevolorum, odium in me improborum adhibeam quamdam cautionem et diligentiam, atque ita tamen his novis amicitiis implicati sumus, ut crebro mihi vafer ille Siculus insusurret [Epicharmus] cantilenam illam suam: /ecu p,ep,va is used of painting or sketching in outline: 'my general impression of the candidates.' Nos in omni mun. cand.] ' For myself, I shall spare no pains on my canvass : and, as Gaul seems to exercise a considerable influence upon the voting, I may possibly take a trip there in September, as soon as the Roman law-courts have cooled down for the vacation, on a mission to Piso, but so as to be home again in January. As soon as I have got an insight into the intentions of our great men you shall know the result. With this exception, my path is clear : that is in relation to the civilian candidates.' 4 Gallid\ i.e. Gallia Cispadana. For the extent of this influence cf. Philip, II. 30, and the treatise de bell. Gall. LII. T. Labienum togatae Galliae praefecit, quo maiore commenda- tione conciliaretur ad consulatus petitionem. Refrixerif] The word is used again in Ep. 1 1. I. 6 of a measure which was indifferently supported ; quod de agraria lege quaeris, sane iam mdetur refrixisse. From the second Verrine oration we find that for the last four months of the Roman year there was an almost entire cessation of business in the Roman law-courts, as the festivals and holidays were crowded into that portion of the year. Legati] i.e. on a libera legatio or honorary embassy to Piso. Caius Calpurnius Piso is meant, who was consul with Acilius Glabrio in the year 67 B. c., and brother of the Marcus Piso in whose consulship Clodius was tried for sacrilege. As governor of Gallia Narbonensis he is the subject of a sarcastic allusion in Ep. 13. 2 praepositumque esse nobis pacificatorem Allobrogum. At a later period he was accused of peculation, and defended by Cicero (or. pro Flac. 39), who procured his acquittal. Prolixa~\ Casaubon believes the word to be equivalent to valde laxa. But Forcellini suggests with greater probability that the primary idea was that of running water, and that it was originally used of garments. Hence we have prolixus capillus of loose-flowing hair. Afterwards it became akin to propensus. Thus we have prolixus animus, and (addiv.\\\. 5. i) prolixe promittere, and again (Ter. And. v. 8. 20) age prolixe. Finally in a speech of Cato (apud Aul. Gell. vn. 3) we find res prolixae used in the present sense of secundae. Competitoribus urbanis] civilian as opposed to military rivals. The latter might any d*iy return from a foreign NOTES. 51 campaign, and prove formidable antagonists. Casaubon would appear to have understood the words in a slightly different sense, to judge from the following note: quasi dicat, inulti nobiles qui absunt. Cura ut praestes~\ i.e.fac ut mihi caveas ab istis Pompeii asseclis, ne eos competitors habeam, Schiitz. But 'take care to secure me the votes of his retinue' is certainly the more natural interpretation of the words, and more in accordance with the ordinary usage oipraestare. Illam manum] i.e. the influential voters who had accom- panied Pompeius on his Mithridatic campaign. The phrase praestare illam manum may refer to their votes or else to their indirect influence. It is not necessary to confine it to the latter, as from the sentence which follows it seems clear that some of them, if not Pompeius himself, would be able to attend in person at the election. The explanation sug- gested by Boot is scarcely satisfactory : potest tamen quoque iudicari opera et auvilium Pompeii. Hac ratione scriptores Graeci utuntur voc. x f ip- 3 Pervelim~\ 'But there is a matter, by the way, for which I am extremely anxious to secure your forgiveness. Your uncle Caecilius, who has lost a large sum of money by the failure of Varius, has commenced legal proceedings with his brother Satrius for the possession of the property which he accuses him of having received from Varius by a fraudulent bill of sale. The rest of the creditors are making common cause with him, and amongst them Lucullus and Scipio and the person whom they suppose will act as auctioneer if the property should come to the hammer, one Pontius by name. But it is absurd to be discussing the auctioneer at this stage of the proceedings. Caecilius has requested me to appear against Satrius.' Fratre~\ Mr Watson notices that in this case, supposing fratre to have its usual meaning, one of the two brothers must have changed his name by adoption, or else they must have been brothers on the mother's side. Dolo malo.~\ The adjective has been referred by some to mancipio, but, besides being the recognised formula in use on such occasions (cf. de off. ill. 14. 60), the rhythm of the sentence would alone be enough to shew that the words 'dolo malo' cannot possibly be separated. In the present instance the fraud consisted in the illegal transfer of property which ought to have been forthcoming to pay Caecilius and the other creditors. Lucullus'} Lucius Licinius Lucullus is probably meant, the friend of Caecilius as we are told by Nepos in his life of 52 NOTES. Atticus, cap. v. As he had by this time returned from his campaign in Asia against Mithridates there is no need to suppose, with Manutius and others, that his brother Marcus is the person referred to. P. Scipio~\ He was afterwards adopted by Metellus under the name of Q. Caec. Metellus Pius Scipio. In the civil war he espoused the cause of Pompeius, and killed himself after the battle of Thapsus in B.C. 46. Magistruni\ We have no one word in English to express the various relations of the magister in a Roman case of bankruptcy. He was usually selected from the number of the creditors, and was at once auctioneer and assignee of the proceeds of the sale which he was appointed to conduct in their interests. (Cf. or. pro Quint, xv. 50.) Trs. 'receiver.' L. Pontius] L. Pontius Aquila. Cf. ad Att. V. 2. I, and Philip. XIII. 13. 27. Nunc cognoscere] There seems to be no good reason for discrediting the reading of the text: which is at any rate sufficiently intelligible. 'The question as to who is to be receiver is premature and absurd when we do not as yet so much as know whether Satrius will be condemned or his property sold.' On the other hand Madvig's emendation : verum hoc ridiculum est de magistro. Nunc cognosce rein : which Klotz and Boot have admitted into their text, ingenious as it undoubtedly is, appears to me to be somewhat devoid of meaning, for, without the addition of the words nunc cognoscere, it is quite impossible to see anything ludicrous in the mention of an auctioneer. Boot raises an objection to the reading cognoscere on the following ground : ' Vulgo putabant Pentium magistrum fore ; sed, quam diu incertum erat, utrum bonaVarii venirent necne, de magistro cognosce- bat nemo.' But cognoscere is ' to take into consideration,' and the opposition which he discovers between it andpufant does not appear to me to exist. Observat} A stronger word than colere but used much in the same sense. Cf. Ep. 13. 2 sum enim ab observando homine perverso liber. L. Domitiuni\ Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus was consul with Appius Claudius Pulcher A.u.C. 699, and in his praetor- ship proved a good friend to Cicero during the time of his banishment. 4 Demonstravi] ' I pointed this out to Caecilius, at the same time assuring him that, had the suit been confined to himself and Satrius, I would have done my best to oblige him, but, under present circumstances and in a case which NOTES. 53 affected the whole body of the creditors, all of them men of distinction, who might easily protect their interests without the aid of a lawyer specially retained by Caecilius on his own account, it was only fair that he should shew some con- sideration for my feelings and convenience.' Perhiberei} praeberet Corrad. but the word is technical in the sense of irap(xfo-6ai, in indicium patronum adducere. Officio meo] i.e. his obligations to Satrius for his past services : tempcri, his critical position as a candidate for the consulship. Homines belli] l than is usual with your. thorough gentle- man.' Cf. Quint, de pet. cons. XI. belle negandum est, nt de- moiistres necessitudinem, ostendas quam moleste feras, aliis te id rebus exsarturum persuadeas. Bellus is here equivalent to hnmanus. On the other hand in Catullus and Martial (ill. 63) it is used to denote a fop. It is quite possible that a covert allusion may be intended to the manners of Caecilius, which, as we are told elsewhere, were anything but refined or courteous. Refugit\ 'declined the acquaintance which had sprung up between us during the past few days.' Abs te peto\ ' I beg of you to make allowance for me in the matter, and to believe that I was debarred by feelings of common courtesy from taking part against a friend in his hour of need, when his entire reputation was at stake, and when moreover he had just done his best for me in word and deed.' Summam existimationeni\ l Summa existimatio est res a qua omnis eius existimatio pendet et in discrimen venit : at summa rcspublica est res in qua vertitur salus totius rei- publicae.' Graev. Ambitioneni\ ' Self-interest' in the matter of his canvass, fVel ou^ *fp-] sub. apinurdtjv, 'For indeed the prize is a grand one.' A quotation from //. XXII. 159. Cf. also Verg. Aen. xil. 794 neque enim levia aut ludicra petuntur Pros' inia. Uno] 'mainly.' Cf. Ep. 18. 3 duo firmamenta reipublicae per me unum constituta and note on i of the present letter. 5 Hermathena\ For the characteristics of these statues, see note on Ep. I. 10. 3. 'I am wonderfully charmed with the statue you have sent me, and it is so happily placed that you would fancy my school to be an offering at its feet. Best love.' 54 NOTES. Eius] So Klotz and Boot for jjXi'ov, which is retained by Nobbe, though entirely unintelligible. Schiitz would read illius, but in the similar passage of Ep. 4. 3 eius is the word used, and as an emendation it is perhaps scarcely more violent. Gymnasium] i.e. a school for study and recreation, which he had designed in his Tusculan villa on the model of the old gardens of the Academe. The villa itself had once been in the possession of Sulla and was situated about twelve miles from Rome. LETTER II. Epitome of Contents] i. The birth of a son. His in- tention of defending Catiline. 2. A request that Atticus will come to Rome with all possible speed. I C. Marcio Figulo\ The Thermus mentioned in I. I. 2. The date of this letter is remarkable as referring in all pro- bability to the day when the new consuls were elected, not to that on which they came into office. That the consules designati were often mentioned simply as consules is clear from Ep. ad. Att. vil. 8, /*.#//. xiv. 3. 8 : but in this instance Cicero had probably a special reason for departing from the usual formula, as he may have wished to notify with precision the day on which his son was born. The above explanation, which is countenanced by Schiitz, is likewise supported by the contents of the letter, for Catiline was put on his defence in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus, when Caesar and Figulus were the consuls elect for the ensuing year. The alternative involves the assumption that Catiline was twice tried for different offences. Filiolo\ Marcus. Mr Watson has collected the details of his life, which, though eventful in itself, left little mark on the history of his times. Catilinam'} ' I am preparing to defend my rival Catiline. We have the very judges we wanted, and the prosecutor is quite content. If acquitted, I trust he will work more heartily with me in the matter of my canvass. If otherwise, I shall bear it like a man.' The whole of this incident whether as regards his readiness to undertake the defence of a man whose guilt (he admits) was as patent as the noonday sun, or the suggestion of underhand play in the reiectio iudicum, or the motive which influenced his conduct on the occasion is in the highest degree discreditable to Cicero. Catiline was favoured in his canvass by Crassus and Caesar, and it was the fear of their influence and the desire for some compromise NOTES. 55 which induced Cicero to promise his services. Whether he actually defended him is still a matter of doubt. The evidence, such as it is, is slightly in favour of Asconius who decides the question in the negative. The fact that Cicero abuses the court which acquitted him (or. in tog. cand.) is not decisive either way : witness his treatment of Fidicu- lanius Falcula in the or. pro Caec. as compared with his eulogies on the same individual at the Cluentian trial. Accusatoris~\ Publius Clodius, who, for a consideration, is said to have waived his right of challenging the judges. (or. de har. resp. cap. XX.) If so, the expression summa accusatoris voluntate is sufficiently explained. In the or. in Pis. x. 23 a member of the same family (Sex. Clodius) is charged with a similar offence. Sin aliter accident] i.e. 'if he declines to cooperate with me,' and not in reference to his possible condemnation for in the latter case he would of course be unable to stand for the consulship. 2 Tuos familiares\ As for instance, Crassus and C. Caesar, who were notoriously adverse to Cicero's interests, and perhaps also Philippus, Hortensius and Lucullus, whom he refers to again under the name of 'piscinarios nostros' (Ep. 19. 6) as jealous of his influence in the state. The cause of this feeling is illustrated by the following passage from Sal. Cat. 23: Pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat et quasi pollui consulatum credebant si eum quamvis egregius homo novus adeptus foret. If an additional motive is re- quired it may be found in the devotion shewn by Cicero to the special interests of Pompeius. lanuatio ineunte\ We have in this another proof that the consuls Caesar and Figulus were only elect at the present time : for, had they been actually in office, the January of 691 must have been the one to which Cicero alludes, and by that time the services of Atticus would have been useless. Besides we know from other sources that as a matter of fact he was in Rome before the commencement of that year. LETTER III. Epitome of Contents] i. The absence of Atticus and its fatal consequences. 2 A plea for his return, and an acknowledgment of the statues received from him. 3 The inability of the writer to pacify Lucceius. The betrothal of his daughter to Piso. I Mortuam esse~\ It is quite impossible that this can be a serious statement, though all the commentators appear to 56 NOTES. have regarded it as such. It is no doubt apiece of pleasantry, the object of which was twofold : (i) to hasten the return of Atticus by shewing how much he was missed: (2) to deride the easy going philosophy of his friend Saufeius. ' Regret for your absence has been the death of your grandmother, combined with her fears that the Latin states would not be true to their allegiance, and bring the usual victims to the Alban mount. Saufeius, I imagine, will send you the com- fort you require on the occasion.' Quod verita sii\ deridet suspidosae aniculae inanem su- perstitionem. Man. Latinae\ sub. civitates, nor can I conceive why the editors should have suggested either feriae (as Boot), with which the expression in officio manere is entirely incompatible, orfae- ininae (as Billerbeck), a word which could scarcely have been omitted. Add to which, as Schiitz remarks, women had nothing to do with the ceremonial on the occasion. The yearly festival of the Feriae Latinae was instituted by Tar- quinius Superbus with the express object of retaining his hold over the more distant civitates by requiring from then) this token of allegiance. Ret] With the Epicureans death was no evil, and it is in reference to this view that Cicero uses the matter of fact word ret in announcing to Atticus his imaginary loss. If we are to regard the communication as a serious one this pleasantry is most ill-timed : but against this view we have the fact that in Ep. IV. 6. i, where he is alluding to an actual loss, Cicero speaks in very different language of Saufeius and his school. Saufeium] A friend of Atticus and, like himself, a fol- lower of the Epicurean school, of the tenets of which he was an energetic exponent; cf. Ep. II. 8. i quamquam licet me Sanfeium putes esse, nihil me est tnertius. The spirit of the passage is something to this effect: 'Under the circum- stances I may send you my condolences by proxy, and what is more by a correspondent whose philosophy is of a kind to suit your case.' 2 Ad alios missis f\ 'is it from report alone, or from a letter of yours to some one else ? ' The elegance of the ex- pression is lost, if we omit the note of interrogation with Boot and others. Signd\ 'The statues which you have procured for me have been landed at Caieta. I hav'n't seen them as yet, for I have had no opportunity of leaving Rome. I have sent a person to pay for their carriage. My best thanks are due to you for the pains you have taken, and for securing them at so reasonable a price.' NOTES. 57 Caietam~\ The celebrated harbour (now Gaeta) in the neighbourhood of which was Cicero's Formian villa. In Ep. 4 he refers to the villa itself under the name of Caieta. For a description of his numerous residences see Mr Forsyth's Cicero, pp. 61 66. Exposita\ For the use of the word in the sense of ' landed ' cf. Verg. Aen. X. 288, de bell. Gall. IV. 37. 3 Amicd\ L. Lucceius. He was a man of some literary at- tainments both as poet and historian (cf. Ep. ad div. v. 12), and was courted in consequence by Cicero who wished him to sing his praises. In the year 59 B.c. he was an unsuccessful candi- date for the consulship. To judge from Ep. 14, which was written in the consulship of Messala and Piso, the difference between himself and Atticus (for the origin of which cf. 1 1. i) must have lasted for the space of seven years. Quibus de suspicionibus\ =propter quas suspiciones rather than cuius de suspicionibus. Sallustiuni\ not the historian, cf . ad div. XIV. 4. 1 1, ad Att. XI. 17. i. 'Sallust, though he was on the spot, I have not been able to restore to his old place in his esteem. I mention this to you because he used to find fault with me for neglecting your wishes. He has now found out by ex- perience that our friend is not very amenable, and that I did use my best efforts in your behalf.' Nee tibi defuisse~\ I am disinclined to alter the received reading, which may be justified by the analogy of the follow- ing passages, the latter of which is recognised by Madvig : Pers. v. 172, and Cic.pro Caec. xxiv. ; qui hoc disputant, si id dicunt, non recte aliquid statuere eos qui consulantur, nee hoc debent dicere, etc. The alteration proposed by Schiitz nee tibi nee sibi does not read pleasantly, and, had it formed part of the original text, would scarcely have been cor- rupted. Nee ineum studium tibi def^lisse appears to me a more probable suggestion, as it reads well, and gives a connection to the two sentences the want of which is cer- tainly felt in the received reading. The objection which Boot raises to the text on the ground that it makes dcfuisse dependent on expertus est is surely hypercritical, for the con- struction may be easily explained as a {)y/ia. Tulliolant] His daughter Tullia was at the time of her betrothal only nine, or at the most eleven, years old. C. Pisoni] His praises are sung by Cicero in the Brutus (cap. LXXVIII.) and elsewhere. At a later period he abandoned his quaestorship in Pontus and Bithynia that he might be near at hand to protect his father-in-law. 58 NOTES. LETTER IV 7 . Epitome of Contents] I Inducements to Atticus to hasten his visit. 2 The trial of Macer. 3 The decoration of his villas, and his wish to purchase the library of Atticus. I 'You are for ever raising my hopes of seeing you. Only the other day, when we thought you were on the point of coming, you suddenly put us off till July. Now I really do propose that, as nearly as your convenience will admit, you come at the date you mention. You will be just in time for my brother's election, you will see me after our long parting, and you can settle your difference with Acutilius. Peducaeus has reminded me to mention this : for we think it better that the matter should be finally settled. My help in arranging it has always been at your service.' Reiecti sumtts~\ Cf. Ep. 18. 7 qua re etiam Icgationes reicctum iri puto. Quintifratris comitia] who was a candidate for the aedile- ship, which he held in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. Acutilianam controversial;!] Cf. 5. 4, and again 8. i. The wording of the latter passage sufficiently shews that the matter in question was a debt due from Atticus to Acutilius, and that, in the opinion of Acutilius, the plea advanced by Atticus for deferring payment was an unsatisfactory one. Peducaeus] The son of Sextus Peducaeus, the praetor of Sicily, to whom Cicero had been quaestor. He was at present in the employ of Atticus as procurator. Others, from the date of the letter, have inferred that the father is meant. 2 'I have brought the business of C. Macer to an end, with the marked approbation of the people. I have done him strict justice ; nevertheless by his condemnation I have excited so strong a feeling in my favour as far to outstrip any benefit I might have looked for from himself had I acquitted him.' Meriv. C. Macro] Caius Licinius Macer, an historian and orator (Cic. Brut. LXVII). He was accused of peculation under Cicero's praetorian auspices (or. pro Rabir. Post, iv), who presided over the quaestio repetundarum in virtue of his office. Macer was condemned in spite of the influence of Crassus. A sensational story in reference to his trial and condemnation is found in Plutarch (Cic. 9), and again in a different form in Val. Max. IX. 12. Quum aequi fuisscmus~\ The statement of this transaction, which in any form is not particularly creditable to Cicero, NOTES. 59 is by no means improved by the force which Boot would attach to the subjunctive /uissemus: cui quum par cere etfavere potu- issemus, sive quum in eius gratiam maiorem ae^ui'tatis (tVi- tiKfias) quam iuris rationem habere potuissemus. Ex populi existimatione} We may compare the following from Plut. in Cic. II ray Kpicrfis e3of KaOapuis KOI jeaXa>? /3pa- fitvcrai. 3 Singulare est insigne] Boot omits insigne from his text, but the sentence is incomplete without it. As regards the punctuation and arrangement of the passage there is consider- able difficulty. To place the stop after the words per mihi gratum est necessitates the introduction of est at the com- mencement of the following sentence a verb which is already repeated twice in the space of two lines. A more natural remedy is to supply before Academiae the word et which is much required, and which may easily have been displaced in a sentence redundant with monosyllables. Etjis] is in this case almost equivalent to talis ' a school of this class.' Cf. me eum offendes, Ep. 10. 6. A statue of Mi- nerva would be specially appropriate, as the idea of the place was borrowed in the first instance from Athens and the Aca- deme, and its primary object was the culture of the intellect. Caictani\ i. e. Caietanum praedium, his estate at Formiae: for so far as we know he had no property nearer Caieta than this. Abundare~\ to 'overflow' 'be overstocked' with them. It is better I think to supply signis rather thanfecunia: though either explanation is admissible. Conserva\ 'keep your books together, and do not despair of my one day making them my own. This object attained, I surpass Crassus in wealth and can afford to despise the houses and lands of any man.' Conserva may mean 'do not sell them,' or else it may have something of the same sense as confice bibliothecam in Ep. 4. 'make up, complete your library.' We are told by Corn. Nepos (vtt. Att. 13) that Atticus kept a large household of slaves, whom he employed to copy MSS for his own library and also for sale. Crassum] M. Licinius Crassus. Cf. II. 13. 2 cuius cognomen una cum Crassi Divitis cognomine consenescit. Vices'} may be equivalent to villas as in Hor. Epist. II. 2. 177, but more probably vici urbani are meant, while -villae will be included in the word.pmta, just as in Martial damns is used of a ' mansion' or 'house in town' in contrast with a country residence. P. c. 6 60 NOTES. LETTER V. Epitome of Contents] i The death of his cousin Lucius. S 2 The want of harmony in his brother's household. 3 The infrequency of his letters to Atticus. 4 The affair of Acu- ttlius. 5 The pacification of Lucceius. 6 A -wardship case. 7 The decoration of his Tusculan "villa. 8 His brother Quintus expected. Terenticfs health, and conclusion. i Fructu] 'What enjoyment at home and abroad.' It is better to take forensis as referring to his public life in general rather than to his legal duties in particular: although his cousin must have been of great service to him in the latter, if (as Asconius tells us) he travelled through Sicily with him to aid him in collecting materials for the prosecution of Verres. Lucit\ The son of Lucius Tullius Cicero, the brother of the orator's father. In defin. v. i. i Cicero speaks of him as fratrem, cognations patruelem, amore germanum. He died in the year 686, two years before the consulship of Cicero, and this letter which announces the fact is consequently the earliest of the series. This use of f rater for patruelis is not uncommon. Cf. Madv. Comm. in or. pro Cael. xxiv. 60. humanitate et moribus\ A hendiadys for humanis moribus, ' kindly ways.' Meo sermone\ ' My account of you.' Adfineni\ because of the marriage connection between Quintus and Pomponia, the sister of Atticus. Boot notices this as a more general use of the word adfinis: Proprie enim ex omnibus Tulliis unus Q. Cicero erat Attici adfinis per nuptias sororis. 2 De sorore tua~\ To judge from the very amusing ac- count of their family relations which is given in Att. v. i. 2 the fault must have been chiefly on her side, and we may fairly hold Quintus excused. Minorent\ by about four years. 3 De Htterarum missione'] intermissione, Muretus, which however it is quite unnecessary to introduce into the text. In Demos, irpos NtKoorp. 1251 we have the precisely similai expression e' t^avav Karaoraortts, 'the #v vr-o^iav, ' the absence of all curiosity about our neighbours' pursuits.' (Thuc. II. 37.) 4] 'As regards your instructions about Acutilius, I NOTES. 6 1 should have executed them forthwith on my arrival at Rome after our parting, but, as it fell out, there was no need of any such hot haste, and knowing your tact as I did I preferred that Peducaeus should be your adviser rather than myself. For after I had lent a listening ear to Acutilius for so many days, whose style of conversation you know by experience, it were surely no hardship to write you an account of his grievances when I had made none of listening to them, which was, I admit, rather a bore.' Confecera)n\ The ordinary explanation of this mood is simpler than to refer it, with Boot, to the purpose, as for instance in the phrases nullum senatus consultum facienti (I. 14. 5), and traducit (l. 18. 4). Nihil\ Mt/ti, Boot: who for some unaccountable reason objects to nihil. That there was no need for any particular haste in the matter is sufficiently proved by the fact that two years later (I. 4, i) it was still in progress. Illius\ Unless the interchange of the names is a typo- graphical error Muretus refers this to Peducaeus: Cicero (iicit moles tarn sibi fuisse loquacitatem et dicacitatem Pedu- caei, quam tainen molestiam in Pomponii gratiam patienter de-voravit. But Peducaeus was Atticus' own man of business (I. 4. i), and the intended contrast is not between the men, but between the words scribere and audire. Facilitate. dandi~\ 'Opportunity of sending.' 5 Cuiits] Lucceius. Recolligi} i.e. reconciliari. Cf. I. 10. 2 for the use of restituere in the same sense : primum tibi de nostro amico placando ant etiam restituendo polliceor. Teneo quid dicas\ ' I understand your meaning.' Teneo is the suggestion of Orelli, and its omission is more easily ac- counted for than that of scio or video. Some verb of the kind is required by the sense of the passage and by the word neque which follows, for it is quite impossible to explain the construction as an ellipse, which is the suggestion of Muretus. If the reading of the MSS is to be retained, I should prefer to translate : 'You say I ought to gather a few hints as to the line you had better take with him.' Adfectus~\ ' In a strange state of mind.' He purposely uses an indefinite word, as the special cause of offence was unknown to himself and his friend. Contendendum} Concedendum. Graev., Ern., but conten- dere and elaborare are the words used in the corresponding passages of Epp. 8 and 10. 'What pressure we are to use 62 62 NOTES. should, I think, depend on your own feelings. So if you will inform me on this point you will find that I have avoided being more busy in the matter than yourself, or more remiss than was consistent with your wishes.' 6 Tadiana re] ' Tadius, in respect to his case, tells me you have written him word that there is no need for fur- ther anxiety on his part, inasmuch as he has acquired a pre- scriptive right to the inheritance. I am surprised at your ignorance of the fact, that, in the case of a ward, no posses- sion can give a legal claim.' Schiitz gives the following ex- planation of the passage : Tadius, as self-constituted guardian of an heiress who was still under age, had held her property for the two or more years which in ordinary cases (Ulp. in fragm. tit. 19, or. pro Caec. XIX. 54) gave a prescriptive right to ownership. By the advice of Atticus he pleads this when the legal guardians of the girl claim the property at his hands. But the property of wards was carefully protected against any such claims, and, more than this, they could only be dispossessed of it by a special decree. In the or. pro Flac. XXXIV. 84 tutela legitima is used absolutely of a ward's property : nihil potcst He tutela legitima sine omnium tutorum ahctoritate deminui. 7 Epiroticairi\ Near Buthrotrum, or Buthrotus, for the name appears in both forms. 8 A rticulorum do/ores] \.z.arthritidem, rheumatism.' MaYime diligif\ ' Sends her best love to your sister and mother.' LETTER VI. Epitome of Contents] i The correspondence between them. TJte ptirchase of the house of Rabirius by Fonteius. 2 The settlement of the dispute between Quintus and his wife. The departure of Cicero's fatJier. A further order for statues. I Non committam~\ ( I will not risk being charged by you with remissness in writing. Only take care that with such leisure at your disposal you rival me.' Dimens. et exaedJ\ ' Laid out and completed in your mind's eye.' C. Rabirius is the person alluded to, who was prosecuted for treason and defended by Cicero in the time of his consulship. HS CCCIODDXXX] For a full explanation of the charac- ters, and the system of reckoning, see Madv. L. Gr. xi. 69. 2 Arpinatibus praediis~\ The estate was called Arca- num. Cf. V. I. 2, and ad Quin.fr. III. I. I. NOTES. 63 Discessit] So Madv. for the more usual decessit, and he is followed by Boot and others who are unwilling to believe that Cicero announces his father's death in these brief and unfeeling words. They rely chiefly on the evidence of Asco- nius, who in his preface to the or. in toga Candida mentions as a fact that Cicero lost his father during the time of his canvass for the consulship, i.e. four years after the date of the present letter. In default of other direct evidence this appears to me to be conclusive, as the authority of the MSS is of little weight in deciding between two words so per- petually interchanged, if indeed the alteration is necessary, as the verb deccdere is used by Cicero in both senses. As an instance of the special pleading in our author's behalf against which I have protested in my preface let me quote Billerbeck's comment on the reading decessit : 'The short- ness of the notice shews how deeply Cicero felt his loss.' Quae loci sinf] ' Suited to the place you know so well.' Cf. ad div. vn. 23. 2, where he describes the kind of statue he requires, and objects to a Mars and Bacchante as un- suited to the character of the place. LETTER VII. Epitome of Contents] This letter relates chiefly to the adornment of his Tiisculan villa. Apud matreiri\ ' At your mother's house.' XXCD] The same payment as that which is notified in different characters in 2 of the following letter. The latter is apparently the correct form, as Madvig, Grant, and the other authorities on the subject would in all cases represent the number 400 by the characters CCCC rather than by those which appear in the text. LETTER VIII. Epitome of Contents] I The health of the mother of Atticus. Allusions to Acutilius, Tadius and Lucceius. 2 His payment to Cincius, and further orders in reference to the statues. 3 The eagerness of Tullia to receive her promised present. I Negat\ ' He says he has received no advice of any kind from'his agent, and can scarcely believe that the differ- ence between you arose from his refusal to give you a guarantee against further claims.' See note on I. 4. i. Deddisse\ is to settle a difference privately without bring- ing it before a court. Cf. Cic. pro Rose. Amer, xxxix. si 64 NOTES. hanc ei rent privatim Sex. Roscius mandavissct, ut cum Chry- sogono transigeret atque decideret: and pro Rose. Com. XI. 32 lite contestata, iudicio damni iniuria constitute, tu sine me cum Flavio decidisti. Gratum...iucundutn\ 'A matter of thanks... a matter of pleasure,' a distinction which is illustrated by the following passages: Ep. I. 17. 6 fuit mi/ii saepe et laudis nostrae gratiilatio tua iucunda et timoris consolatio grata: ill. 24. 2 nam ista veritas, etiamsi iucunda non est, mihi tamen grata est, and again ad div. IV. 6. i cuius officia iucundiora sci- licet saepe mihifuerunt, nunquam tamen gratiora. Mihi amicissimus\ In Ep. ad div. V. 15. 2 he speaks of his friendship with Lucceius in the strongest possible terms : tecum vivere possem equidem et maxime -vellem : vetustas, amor, consuetudo, studia paria : quod vinclum, quaeso, deest nostrae coniunctioni ? 2 Pentelict] ' From the quarries of Pentelicus.' A further explanation of the name is given by Suidas, who refers it to the five lines with which the marble was striped. lam nunc} ' Even by anticipation please me mightily.' Cf. Prop. v. ii. 93 ' Discite venturam iam nunc sentire senectam.' The prospective sense which distinguishes iam nunc from the corresponding phrase nunc iam is probably to be explained by the fact that in both cases the word iam has lost its temporal force. Caetera] Among which would be included such things as the typos and the putealia sigillata for which he gives an order in the following letter. Elegantiae] ' Refined taste.' In the 2nd Book of the Tusc. disp. we have a full account of the Academia at Cicero's Tusculan villa, where he tells us that it was laid out with shady walks (xysti] and quiet seats (exedrae}. Like the Greek gymnasium it had two quadrangles, of which the outer corresponded to the ?co 8p6/j.os or uv, but the allusion is in all probability to a proposed poem on the Eleusinian rites, for which Chilius wants a groundwork of facts. An account of the external ceremonial is no doubt all that he requires : for Atticus would probably know as little as him- self of the more secret mysteries which it was death to reveal. LETTER X. Epitome of Contents] I An excuse for the brevity of tfie present letter. 2 The quarrel of Lucceius. 3 Tlie fur- ther decoration of his Tusculan villa. 4 His eagerness to secure the library of Atticus. 5 The state of his brotJier's household. 6 The absence of Atticus from Rome, and his promised present to Tullia. I Ceramico\ There were two places of this name at Athens, one outside the city, the other within the walls. The allusion in the present case is to the former and more famous of the two, which Thucydides in the funeral oration calls ' the fairest suburb of the city.' It is probable that this villa of Atticus is the one alluded to in the Leges (l. 13). Verum tameri\ Resumptive after a parenthesis like the Greek 8' ovv. Cf. Ep. 20. 2. Sed and igitur are frequently used in the same way, and very rarely tamen, of which how- ever Boot quotes two instances, Brut. xxvi. 101, and ad div. IX. 16. 2. 2 Amtco~\ Lucceius, as before. For this use of resti- tuere cf. ad Att. XV. 4. i dccimo kalend. hora vin fere a Q. Fufio venit tabellariu s, nescio quidab eo litterularuni, uti me sibi restituerem. Subesse} imoKeiaQai. 'As I cannot discover any strong ground for it' 3 Imponai\ ' I should like you to see my statues on board at your own convenience, and anything else you can find that is in character with the place you know so well.' These Hermeraclae and other statues of the same class were either simply bifrontes or else composite figures repre- senting the attributes of the two divinities combined in one person. As an illustration of the latter class we have the celebrated description of Vertumnus in Propertius [v. 2], NOTES. 67 Scribebani\ ' For I am sitting there to write this letter, so that the place itself puts in a word. In addition I give you an order for bas-reliefs for insertion in the plaster walls of my ante-chamber, together with figured curbstones for my two wells.' Typos] Small figures, usually formed of terra cotta: cf. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 1 5 1 impressa argilla. typum fecit, et cum caeteris fictilibus induratum igni proposuit. Atrioli} To distinguish it from the atrium maius. Cf. Bek. Gal. II. 176 and Ep. ad Quint, frat. ill. I. i neque (trim satis loci esse videbatur atriolo : neque fere so let nisi in his aedificiis fieri in quibus est atrium maius. Putealia\ Gk. Trepiorojua. In Verr. II. 4. 14 the word sigillati is used of raised work in silver. 4] ' Take care not to promise your library to any one, whatever ardent admirers it may find. I am hoarding up all my little gleanings in the hope of purchasing it for the com- fort of my old age.' 6 Comitiis meis] Muretus would explain this in refer- ence to the consular election : while Manutius, Schiitz and Abeken understand it of the praetorship. The latter is in all probability the correct view, as we know from other sources (e.g. Plut. Cic. IX., pro leg. Man. I. 2) that the elections for the praetor urbanus were on the occasion of Cicero's canvass twice postponed a fact which is clearly alluded to in 2 of the ensuing letter. ' As regards my election I do not forget that I have given you leave of absence, and indeed have never ceased to proclaim it aloud to our mutual friends who are on the look-out for you, that, so far from pressing you to come, I have even put my veto upon it : understanding as I do that you will gain more by attention to your business at home than I should by your presence at my election. And therefore I hope you will be under the impression that I have sent you to your present quarters for the furtherance of my interests. For myself, you will find me both in word and deed as grateful to you as though my successes, whatever they may be, had been gained, not only in your presence, but by your exertions. Little Tullia is for binding you to a day : she gives your representative no peace.' Pentiisisse] I can find no other example of this construc- tion. Mr Swinburne however in his Atalanta in Calydon (p. 83) makes a somewhat similar use of the verb 'allow:' 'But the ^o&s Allowed us, and our days were clear of these.' Quod intelligain\ Quod intelligo Boot, making with agendum esset, which he has introduced into his text for 68 NOTES. agendum est, an almost hopeless confusion of tenses. On the other hand, the ordinary reading quod intelligarn is at once the more usual formula, and interferes in no way with the retention of est, for which the esset of some MSS is an evident corruption. In the earlier part of the sentence the word hoc refers primarily to permisisse, and is afterwards by a common con- struction further explained in the sentence te non modo non arcessi a me, sed prohiberi. Offendes} Cf. 3 of the next letter : (res) quas tu incredi- bile est, quam brevi tempore quanta deteriores offensurus sis, quam reliquisti. Diem dai\ ' Is for taking the law on you,' as in case the debtor failed to discharge the debt on the appointed day legal proceedings followed as the necessary consequence. Sponsorem appellat} The editors are almost equally di- vided on the question of retaining or omitting the negative in the present passage. I have decided to omit it with Schiitz, Casaub., Ern. and others, on the ground that no reason can be given for Tullia's change of purpose if (as we can hardly question) appellat is to be explained here in the same way as in the parallel passage of Ep. 8. The reading sponsorem me appellat, which finds favour with Klotz and Boot, has little to recommend it. The pronoun is certainly not required, and its introduction spoils the terse- ness of the sentence. LETTER XI. Epitome of Contents] i His negotiations with Luccciits. 2 His canvass for the praetorship. 3 The decoration of his Tusculan villa. i] 'I was already taking steps of my own accord, and, on receipt of your two letters written persistently in the same strain, have been thoroughly roused to action. Add to which, Sallust is always at my elbow pressing me to do my best in the matter of Lucceius.' Adsiduus] In its literal sense. Cf. Hor. Sat. I. r. 82, and the/?r. pro Caec. xxil. where it is used of the labourers who are regularly employed on a farm : non si coactis hominibus quam si voluntaries aut etiam adsiduis ac domesticis. Sallustius] See note on Ep. 3. 3. Immutatae voluntatis\ 'This change of feeling.' In Ter. Andr. I. 5. 7 we find the word as an adjective in the sense of 'unchanged,' while in the de Or. II. 67 immutata oratio is used of allegory. NOTES. 69 Illud tuum arbitriuni\ 'That decision of yours in his case,' a more natural expression, as it appears to me, than illud suum arbitrium, which Klotz and Boot have admitted into their text, and which could only mean ' the arbitration which is for ever on his lips.' Noslra adlegatio\ ' Diplomacy of mine.' The difference between legare and adlegare is scarcely so definite as Boot and others have imagined, who would restrict the former word to affairs of state, the latter to those of individuals : a distinction which is not universally observed, as we may gather from the use of the word in Plin. Pan. 70 hoc senatui adlegandum putam. More probably the primary idea con- tained in adlegatio is that of secret and even underhand dealing (cf. Ten Andr. v. 3. 28 tie credos a me adlegatum, i.e. subornatuni}, a supposition which accounts for the or- dinary use of the word in connection with the private affairs of individuals, and also serves to explain its meaning in the passage quoted above from the Panegyricus, Tanti putaris~\ ' If only you think it worth the trouble.' I have followed the punctuation of Boot, which, from the position of the word id and the rhythm of the sentence, seems to me far preferable to that which is adopted by Klotz and the other editors : si modo tanti putaris id, quod, si me audies et si humanitati tuae constare voles, certe putabis. In nostra potestate fore~\ Cf. 2 of the last letter. Ident\ ' I now on the other hand seem to distrust my powers.' For this use of idem cf. amongst many other pas- sages de nat. Dear. I. 43 [Epicurus] quutn optimam et praestantissimam naturam Dei dicat esse, negat idem esse in Deo gratiam. Obfirmatior] ' More persistent in this fit of spleen.' In utro culpa erit\ ' Shall still annoy the one who is to blame.' Great exception has naturally been taken to this careless and selfish decision on the part of Cicero. To those whose business it is to explain away the force of all such passages, the following suggestion will probably recommend itself: scripsit hoc, opinor, Cicero ut Epicureum Attici tor- porem excitaret. Nihil in tribus est epistolis unde colligas falso queri Lucceiurn: sunt autem multa quae significent profectam esse ab Attico gravem iniuriam. Oliv. 2 Arbitrari~\ The omission of the subject te is worthy of notice, more especially as C. T. Zumpt (Verr. v. 106) quotes this as an instance in which arbitrari is used by Cicero as a passive. It may however have been due to the fact that he is quoting from a letter of Atticus. We have a 70 NOTES. similar instance in ad div. II. 13. 5 haec eo pluribus scripsi, quod nonnihil significabant tuae litterae subdubitare, qua essem erga ilium voluntate. Designatum~\ Cf. 6 of the previous letter, and Merivale's Life of Cicero (p. 30) : ' He thus complains, in the year when he was preparing to solicit for the praetorship: No people in Rome are more worried in these days than the candidates; every kind of injustice is permitted towards them' Philadelpho~\ The tabellarius, in all probability one of the slaves of Atticus. 3 Mire quani\ Qavpcumas v\ KoXAiov j3ov\fvfTai, 'chance is wiser than we,' a line from Menander (Fi/a>/i. povoor. in fragm. Com. Gr. IV. p. 361, Meineke). Unless we accept the identity of TevKpis with Antonius, the connection between this pas- sage and the foregoing Cicero's impecuniosity and Antony's recall appears to me an insoluble problem. Aget praetor ad populuni] He alludes to the formal motion for the recall and prosecution of Antonius. Hominem defendere\ Yet he had already done so (cf. Ep. ad div. v. 6. 4), and afterwards, when Antonius under- went a second and more severe prosecution under the consuls Caesar and Bibulus, he again defended him but without success. (Merivale's Life and Letters, p. 59.) Hoc] 'The following circumstance.' For accidit Schiitz reads accedit. But we should have expected in that case the familiar phrase accedit quod without the introductory word etenim: for, whenever a verb has come to form part of a phrase, Cicero rarely introduces a word to break the legitimate combination. 2] 'For an event has occurred into the origin and character of which I wish you to look carefully. I have a freedman, one Hilarus by name, a rascally fellow enough, an accountant and client of yours. In connection with him the interpreter Valerius mentions the following report, and Chilius writes me word that it has reached him : that the NOTES. 73 fellow is closeted with Antonius, who gives out, when he makes his requisitions, that a portion of them is to go to me, and that I have sent out this freedman to look after my share of the gains. I have been seriously annoyed by the report, although not quite believing it. However, the scandal it has raised is considerable.' Libertum habeo...dientem tuuni\ From this and similar passages (or. pro Rose. Am. VII. 19, Suet. Caes. 2) we find that a libertiniis could have two patroni, one in his character of libertus, and the other in that of cliens. Ratioctnatoretn} He was probably in the service of Anto- nius at the present time : or else the word may refer to the post he had originally held in Cicero's establishment. Valerius] He is mentioned again in Ep. ad div. xiv. 2. 2. His duties were to interpret for the ambassadors of subject states on their arrival in Rome. Partem mihi quaeri} This is usually referred to some secret agreement between them in accordance with which Cicero declined the province in his favour. But such an explanation is quite inconsistent with what we know of the character of Cicero, who, whatever his faults may have been, was certainly not grasping or covetous. Abeken's conjecture, which is endorsed by Merivale, is far more probable : that Antonius had promised him a pecuniary remuneration if he would undertake his defence in the Senate against the pro- secution with which he was threatened. Planciuni\ The subject of the or. pro Plancio, and a staunch friend of Cicero in all his troubles. He was military tribune in Macedonia at the present time. 3 Amicissimuni\ The first mention in these letters of the celebrated friendship between Cicero and Pompeius which (to judge from the account of their relations in Ep. ad div. v. 7) must have been somewhat sudden in its growth. Atticus never approved of it : most probably be- cause he had a keener forecaste than Cicero in politics, and believed him to be altogether mistaken in his choice of a patron. In addition to which he may have seen how in- sincere was the friendship, at any rate on the side of Pom- peius. Muciae] She was the sister of Metellus, and the wife of Pompeius, who, on his return from Asia, divorced her on a suspicion of adultery with C. Caesar. P. Clodium~\ For a full account of the matter, cf. Merivale, p. 63. 74 NOTES. Quum pro populo fieref\ This use of faccre and fieri in the sense of ' sacrificing ' (like the Greek tpSftv and pt&tv) is too well known to require comment. The rites alluded to are those of the Bona Dea, celebrated by women alone in the house of the Pontifex Maximus. Servatum et eductuni\ A hendiadys : 'was got safely out of the house.' Servulae] Serviliae, al. But the words ancillarum bene- ficio in the speech de harusp. resp. xxi, and the corre- sponding passage in Plutarch's Lip of Cicero (27), are a suf- ficient confirmation of the reading in the text. 4] 'What further to tell you I know not; indeed I am too much out of heart to write : for I have lost my reader Sositheus, a pleasant lad, and his death has distressed me more than a slave's death should.' I cannot be so enthusiastic as Mr Forsyth in praise of the feeling shewn by Cicero on this occasion. To my mind it is greatly spoilt by the allusion to his own condescen- sion, and I prefer in consequence the epigram of Martial on the death of Erotion (v. 37). dvayva>>ni/ as the mark of a dandy in Aristoph. Vesp. 477. In the or. in Cat. II. 22 he describes the followers of Catiline as pexo capillo nitidos aut imberbes ant bene bar- batos. Filiola Curionis] i.e. Caius Scribonius Curio. Cf. Phil. II. 1 8. In Veil. Pat. II. 48. 3 he is described as vir nobilis, eloquens, audax, suae alienaeque et fortunae et pudicitiae prodigus. Idem] Cf. XI. I nunc idem videar diffidere, and the note on the passage. Ponies] The gangways or approaches by which the citizens passed to the ' septa,' where they assembled by their tribes or centuries, and out of which they passed to give their votes. 86 NOTES. For a full description of the method of voting, cf. Mr For- syth's Life of Cic. p. 94. Tabellae\ These were tickets, two of which were given to each voter, one of them inscribed with the letters A. P. (anfigua probo] or A (antique), the other with the letters V. R. (utt rogas\ Salutis] is sometimes taken to mean ' sound advice,' but this translation does not make the climax sufficiently strong, especially after the words gravitas and auctoritas. Favonit\ From the or. pro Alii. IX. 26 he seems in most things to have followed the lead of Cato, whose principles he shared. Cf. also ad div. VIII. n. 2. He was put to death after the battle of Philippi. Quum decerneretur\ 'When the moment came for passing the decree.' Nullum facienti i. e. faciendum censenti, ' who was for passing no decree on the subject.' Boot confuses the present decree 'ut consules populum cohortarentur' with the earlier one for the appointment of a court of enquiry when he translates the passage thus : ' who was for cancelling the decree on the subject.' Curioni} The elder Curio is meant, as the son was not of age to be on the roll of the Senate a fact which is suffi- ciently established by the use of the word introductus in ad Att. II. 24. 3. Fufius tribunus turn concessit\ Fufius territus concessil Gron., of which Boot approves on the ground that the addition of tribunus is otiose after the mention of his rank in the earlier portion of the letter. But it was important to reassert his official capacity on an occasion like the present : while the reading of the MSS tertium is more nearly represented by tri. turn than by territus. Contiones miseras] ' Clodius delivered himself of some pitiful harangues in which he assailed Lucullus, Hortensius, Piso and Messala with foul abuse : all he laid to my charge was that I had brought his deeds to light.' Tantum comperisse omnia\ In allusion to Cicero's tedious reiteration of his services in the detection of the Catilinarian conspiracy [cf. ad div. V. 5]. But there is a farther sarcasm in the word tantum on his want of energy in the conduct of the Clodian prosecution: 'that I had brought his deeds to light, and nothing more,' i.e. had detected but not helped to punish them. Legationibus~\ Not the 'appointment of colonial gover- nors,' but the 'reception of foreign ambassadors,' for which NOTES. 87 the month of February was specially reserved by the Ga- binian law. Cf. Ep. 18. 7 quare etiam legationes reiectnm iriputo: Ep. ad div. I. 4. I, and ad Q. Fratr. II. 13. 3. Lataesset} 'Till the bill has become law.' 6] 'So much for Roman politics : but let me tell you further a piece of news for which I was not prepared. The consul Messala is a fine fellow: resolute, consistent, ener- getic : add to which he praises, admires and imitates your humble servant. His colleague is saved from being utterly vicious by the possession of one vice, his sleepiness, ignorance and general incapacity : but for all that he is so ill-con- ditioned in temper that he has hated Pompeius ever since he praised the Senate in his speech,' Ille alter] Marcus Piso. For the construction uno vitio minus vitiosus Boot compares Ov. Metam. xil. 554 Bis sex Herculeis ceciderunt, nee minus uno Viribus. ajrpojcrorarof] Like aTrpay/woi/, 'unpractical.' Casaubon notices KaxfKrrjs as a medical term to denote a man with a bad habit of body. Hence the addition of voluntate. Cornuid] Caius Cornutus, who three years later was elected praetor. Pseudo-Catone] Not * Cornutus is a true pseudo-Cato,' as it has been proposed to render it, but ' Cornutus, believe me, is a second Cato.' The use of bonis in the context is decisive against our understanding the words in a disparaging sense. Quid quaerisf] 'Have I told you everything?' A for- mula which denotes not so much surprise on the part of the questioner as a farther desire for information. But the phrase is so unusual in this sense and in this position, that, as Casau- bon suggests, a sentence may possibly have been lost. Boot's re-arrangement of the text is hardly a success : Bonis uti- mur tribunis plebis, Cornuto -vero quid quaerisf Pseudo- Catone. 7 Quae recepisti] 'Attend to the commissions which you have undertaken.' Cf. ista in 6 of the preceding letter. Argiletani\ A part of Rome near the Palatine, so called from the beds of clay (argilld) in the neighbourhood. The derivation from Argi letum (Serv. ad Aen. VIII. 341) is purely fanciful, though it has been perpetuated by Martial in the well-known line Argi nempe soles subire letum. \Epigr. I. 118.9.] Reliquum dodrantem~\ ' The remaining three-fourths.' Quintus had probably been mentioned in the will as haeres en. 88 NOTES. quadrante, and afterwards purchased the remainder of the house from his co-legatees. Venditat, 'is trying to dispose of.' In gratiam redi\ ' Make it up with Lucceius. I see he is labouring under a sharp touch of office fever. I will do my best for him.' The word petiturire is admirably illustrated by Ep. 1 7. 1 1 Lucceium scito consulatum habere in animo statim petere, and it is surprising that any editor should be in favour of rewriting the sentence so as to make it form part of the preceding. LETTER XV. Epitome of Contents] i The assignment of the province of Asia Minor to his brother Quintus, and his hope that it /nay add to the reputation of the family. 2 The correspondence between them. i Asiani} This was one of the most coveted of the prae- torian provinces, and included Ionia, Caria, Phrygia and Lydia. (f>i\f\\i]vfs] Cf. the Or. pro Flacco cap. XIV. and else- where. TTavroirjs dper^s ptpyiprKeo] //. XXII. 268. He expected at this time that Atticus would go into Asia as one of his brother's retinue, but he afterwards gave up the intention. Cf. Ep. 1 6. 14 quod ad me scribis te in Asiani statuisse non ire, equidem mallem ut ires, et vereor ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat. 2 De tuo negocid\ The Sicyonian debt, in all probability. LETTER XVI. Epitome of Contents] i A plea for his conduct in the matter of the Clodian trial, and more particularly 2 in reference to the measure of Hortensius. 3 5 The progress and issue of the trial. 6 Affairs at Rome. 7 His hopes for the future. 8, 9 His speeches after the verdict. 10 His passage of arms with Clodius. 1 1 His present position in the state. 1 2 The coming consular election. 1 3 The new laws against bribery. 14 The projected visit of Atticus to Asia Minor. 15 On literary subjects, and 16 his own correspondence. 17 The private affairs of Atticus, and 18 his Amaltheum in Epirus. i] 'You ask me what can have happened on the trial to result in such an extraordinary verdict : also why I fought less brilliantly than is my wont. I will answer your last ques- tion first after the fashion of Homer. To tell the truth, so long as I could plead the resolution of the Senate, I fought NOTES. 89 with might and main, insomuch that applause and rallyings ensued to my great honour. Nay, if ever you have thought me bold to protect the state, most assuredly you would have done so then. For when I found he had taken refuge in mob-meetings and was holding up my name to scorn, great Heavens! what fight I shewed, what havoc I dealt! what onslaughts I made on Piso, Curio and the whole of their crew ! How bitterly I inveighed against the frivolity of the old men, the licentiousness of the young ! Often, so help me Heaven ! I longed for you not only to advise me in my counsels, but to be the eyewitness of my marvellous prowess.' Quaeris ex me] The question proves that Atticus mis- doubted his friend's sincerity on the occasion, although he did not fathom his motives. The answer of Cicero shews that his energy in the prosecution was confined to vague declamation, while for abandoning the key of the position he offers no defence at all for contraxi vela perspiciens inopiam iitdicum is none. vo-Tfpov TrpoTtpov] praepostere. Thus Homer begins the tale of Troy in the gth year, and gives us the history of the previous period in his later narrative. So again in the Odyssey he begins with the loth year of the wanderings of Ulysses, which finds him in the island of Calypso, and fills in his earlier history by episodes in the succeeding books. Auctoritas] The resolution mentioned in i of Ep. 14, indices a praetore legi quo consilio idem praetor uteretur. Ad invidiam uteretur] As a traitor to the popular cause in the opposition which he had offered to the Agrarian schemes of Rullus, and in the illegal punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators. 2 Hortensius excogitavit] Fufius, as Casaubon remarks, was no doubt the crafty originator of this scheme, and had in all probability suggested it to Hortensius as the readiest means of proceeding with the case. Hortensius was perhaps honest in his belief that an ordinary bench of judges would secure a conviction ; or else, like Cicero, he was not unwilling that the criminal should escape, so long as he could explain satisfactorily his own part in the matter. Inopiam iudicum] like egestas below, the neediness and poverty of the judges. Pro testimonio] As for instance that Clodius was at Rome at the time of the sacrilege and not at Interamna, as he had pretended. (Cf. Ep. II. i. 5. Plut. Cic. 29.) Commissum est] ' For this result we are indebted to the rash counsels of Hortensius, who, in his fear that Fufius would 90 NOTES. put his veto upon the senatorial measure, never saw how far wiser it had been to leave the criminal in his ignominy and disgrace than to trust for his conviction to a weak bench of judges.' Dum veritus est] For this rare use of dum with a past tense to denote duration of time, cf. Zumpt, Ixxvi. pp. 355, 356, and the Public School Lat. Gr. p. 162, I. 6. Tamett\ For this common elliptical use of (amen cf. Ep. 19. 8 atque ita tamen his no-vis amicitiis implicate sumus, and Ellendt, ad orat. v. 2, p. 208, 'that a sword, were it of lead, would yet suffice to cut his throat.' The proverb appears again in defin. IV. 1 8. 48. 3 Incredibili exitu\ 'The result passes all belief: so that now, when all is over, everyone else blames the scheme of Hortensius, as I have done from the first.' Reiectio\ For this challenging of the judges, cf. the locus classicus on the subject, Verr, I. 6. 16, and the comments of Asconius upon it. Accusator\ Lucius Lentulus (Plut. in Caes. 10), who was consul with Caius Marcellus in the year 705. Among the subscriptores to the prosecution were two relatives of Len- tulus, and also Caius Fannius (ad Att, n. 24. 3). Tanquam clemeiis lanistd\ who, in selecting the pairs of combatants for the games, would naturally choose the most worthless for the arena and retain the more respectable for use in the training school. Consederunf\ 'As soon as ever the jury were empanelled, good men began to entertain strong doubts. For a more rascally lot never sat round a gaming table. Degraded senators were there, and beggarly knights, and tribunes cashiered rather than rich in cash. Yet were they inter- spersed with a few good men of whom the criminal couldn't rid himself by the exercise of the challenge. These sat sad and sorrowful among companions so unlike themselves, and were sorely troubled by their close contact with such villains.' Maculosi\ There is some doubt whether this word is to be taken in a general sense of men of tarnished reputation (infamiae viaculis conspersi, Tac. Ann. Xin. 33, Hist. I. 7), or as referring definitely to the nota or macula censoria (cf. Suet. lul. 41). The latter is more forcible and indeed necessary, if, as I am inclined to believe, each of the adjec- tives represents some formal sentence of disgrace. Nudi] ' Beggared,' ' threadbare in money and reputation,' is the usual explanation ; but, on the principle mentioned NOTES. 91 above, I believe it refers definitely to the loss of their ring the bitterest disgrace with which an eques could be visited. Aerati. . .aerarit] Tribuni aerarii sunt or dints plebeii (or. pro Plane, v.) et per eos militibus pecunia stipendiorum nutne- rabatur, ut est auctor Festus. Ern. In accordance with the above Muretus has proposed a rearrangement of the passage, which is certainly ingenious : Tribuni non tain aerarii, ut ap- pellantur, quam aerati. ' Tribunes not so much paymasters as receivers of pay? But this premature suggestion of bribery is quite foreign to the tone of the narrative, and it is to the "antecedents of the jurymen rather than to their conduct on this occasion that the sarcasms evidently refer. Rejecting therefore any explanation which would find a direct allusion to bribery in the passage I should understand it somewhat in the sense of maculosi above. Cf. Cluent. 43 in aerarios referri, i.e. in ultimam classem, cut ascripti suffragio carebant, et tantum aera tributi loco pendebant. erat autem haec nota censoria, quam plebi quidem in primis, sed interdum tamen etiam senatoribus et equitibus inurebant. Ern. 4 Consilium} fun's peritorum qui praetori assidebant, Matth., but the words which follow prove conclusively that the judges themselves are meant. Primis postulationibus~\ ' As each point was submitted to the bench on the first hearing:' a very similar process to the Greek dvaKpuns. Originally postulatio meant no more than to ask the praetor's leave for permission to lodge the suit : but it had been extended to include all the details upon which the contending parties might require information before the actual trial of the suit commenced. Triiimphavif] 'In a word Hortensius was in ecstacies at his own foresight.' Ex acclamatione~\ The order is audisse ex acclamations, ' I think the uproar must have been loud enough to tell you,' and for the hyperbola compare the precisely similar expres- sion usque istim exauditos in Ep. 14. 4. It has been strangely enough proposed to contort the sentence into the following form : credo te audisse quae consurrectio facta sit ex acclamatione, ' how the jury rose as one man on hearing the outcry raised by the partisans of Clodius.' It may be noticed in passing that acclamatio in Cicero always denotes disapprobation: differing in this from the similar compound adniurmurare, which is likewise used in a favourable sense. Cf. in Pis. xiv. 31. On the subject of advocatus it is scarcely necessary to warn even schoolboys against translating it 'an advocate' or 'counsel.' It is really no more than a friend, p. c. 8 92 NOTES. called in by either party to watch the case, and, if need be, to give evidence in his favour. Honorificentior\ ' More complimentary.' Tut cives, i. e. Athenienses. As a matter of fact they were not the fellow- citizens of Atticus, as he had declined the offer of their fran- chise, because by receiving it he would have lost his position as a citizen of Rome. Cf. quum ex nostro iure duanirn civitatum nemo esse possit. [Cic. pro Caec. xxxiv. 100.] Xenocratem~\ of Chalcedon, a pupil of Plato and the fellow- student of Aristotle. The story to which he alludes is told by Diog. Laert. (IV. 7), and is repeated by Cicero in the or. pro Balbo, cap. v. 12, though on that occasion he gives the cir- cumstances only without mentioning the name. Tabulas] 'That occasion on which a Roman jury declined to inspect the account-books of Metellus, when as usual they were being carried round for inspection : far greater, I repeat, was the compliment in my own case.' The circumstance occurred during the trial of Metellus for peculation, and is mentioned again in the or. pro Balbo, cap. v. n. 5] 'And so by the expressions of the jurymen, for I was hailed by them as the saviour of my country, the defendant was crushed, and with him fell all his supporters, while at my house the day after I was met by as great a concourse as that by which I was escorted home at the close of my con- sulship. Our immaculate Areopagites protested that they could not make their way to court except under the protec- tion of a guard. It was referred to the bench. One voice alone was raised against the appointment of a guard. So the question was laid before the Senate, and the guard voted in most impressive and complimentary terms : the judges praised to the skies : the details entrusted to the magistrates : no one thought it possible that the fellow would shew him- self in court.' Convent/] The addition of postridie and venturos leaves no doubt as to the meaning of this passage. Otherwise 'rallied round me' to accompany me home is the translation which the context would rather suggest. Abiens consulatii\ The occasion is thus referred to in the or. in Pis., quo quidem tempore is metis domum fuit e foro reditus, ut nemo, nisi qui mecum esset, ci-vium esse in numero uideretur. Refertur ad consiliuni\ See note on 4. The quotation which follows is from Horn. //. n. 112, 113. Calvum] M. Licinius Crassus is meant, as a comparison NOTES. 93 with Ep. 14. 3 sufficiently proves. That his character was in accordance with the act we may gather from Cic. de off. I. 109, and the following passage from Sail. Cat. 48, ne Crassus more suo sitscepto malorum patrocinio rent pnblicam conturbaret. The only attempt to explain the title 'Cal- vus, one of the Nanneian set' is offered by Manutius, who suggests that he may have bought the estates of Nanneius (one of those who suffered in the proscriptions of Sulla, cf. Q. Cic. de pet. cons. 2) under the feigned name of Calvus, or by the agency of a procurator of that name. Or again it is possible that in the word calvus there may be an allusion to his personal appearance, just as in the first satire of Persius the same adjective is descriptive of Nero. As an example of reckless emendation the reading proposed by Boot is unrivalled : nosti Calvum, f^mrivcuov ilium laudatorem meum. Intercessif\ Cf. ad Att. VI. I. 5 intercessisse se pro Us mag- nam pecuniam, and again Phil. II. 45 sestertium sexagies se pro te intercessisse dicebat. ' In two days by the aid of a single slave fetched from a training school the business was done : he had seen the judges : promised, guaranteed, and paid the bribe.' lam vero~\ 'To crown it all,' in reference to the mercedis cuimilo (auctuarium, tVi'/wTpoj/). Summo discessu bonoruni\ 'And so, in a court full of slaves, where every good man was conspicuous by his ab- sence, five-and-twenty of the judges were yet so resolute in the hour of danger as to prefer death to the desertion of their post. Thirty-one there were with whom hunger carried the day against honour. Catulus, on encountering one of the latter, said: What did you want guards for? Was it for fear of being robbed of the wages of your shame f Perdere omnia] is explained by Manutius and others to mean the ruin of the state rather than of their own reputa- tion. I am inclined myself to understand it in the latter sense, 'preferred loss of life to the loss of all that makes life endurable.' Catulus'} The story is told by Plutarch in his life of Cicero, cap. XXix. 6] ' You have received, in as few words as I can give it, an account of the trial, and the cause of the acquittal. In your next question you ask what is the present position of the Republic and of myself. Let me tell you that the State which you believed to be secured by my care, and I by the care of the gods, and which did appear to be established on a firm basis by the union of all the well-disposed, and by the vigorous measures of my Consulate, has, unless some 82 94 NOTES. god looks down on us with mercy, already slipped from our hands by this one judgment if that can be called a judg- ment, when thirty men, the most frivolous and abandoned of the Roman people, violate for a paltry bribe every right human and divine ; when a Thalna, a Plautus, a Spongia, and other refuse like these, maintain that a deed was not committed which all men, aye and the very brutes them- selves, know to a certainty was committed. But yet for your consolation let me tell you, that, although the state has received this heavy blow, still villainy is not so wantonly triumphant in the hour of victory as the vicious had antici- pated. For they thought that if religion, chastity, the honour of the judges, and the authority of the Senate, could be over- turned, then recklessness and lust might openly revenge themselves on the good among us, for the pain my austere administration had inflicted on the bad.' Meriv. Elapsum de manibus'} He uses the same expression of a trial in the de orat. II. 50. 202 nihil unquam -vidi, quod tarn e manibus elaberetur, quam mihi turn, est elapsa ilia causa. Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiani\ Contemptuous names adopted for the occasion from the lowest class of slaves. The derivations to which Casaubon would refer each of these words are, excepting as regards Spongia, very far- fetched. It is surely enough to suppose that in many cases, though by no means in all, the name of a slave had reference to his occupation. Thus Spongia is almost precisely identi- cal with Peniculus, the name of the parasite who plays so important a part in the Menaechmi: and again in Propertius we have the line Delidaeque meae Latris cut nomen ab usu est (v. 7. 75). But to attempt to find a special allusion of the same kind in so common a word as Plautus is surely somewhat fanciful. Quisquilias] (iv, to obliterate the writing by drawing the thick end of the stilus across the wax. Aded] i.e. 'princeps vel potiiis secnndus,' 33 Boot under- stands it, a sense of adeo which, though rare, is not un- exampled in Cicero. In a former edition I had suggested the following rendering, as more in accordance with the usual force of the word: 'I was their senior and junior counsel in one, senior if you take into account the service I did them, junior if you regard the fact that I didn't originate the plea.' NOTES. 109 Erat dicturus~\ Against the proposition, as we find from Ep. II. i. 8, restitit et pervicit Cato. The indulgence they claimed was afterwards granted to them by Caesar during his consulship. 10 Conglutinatam concordiant\ Cf. or. in Pis. III. 7 : if a est a me consiilatus peractus..,ut multitudinem cum princi- pibus, equestrem ordinem cum senatu coniunxerim. 1 1 Cum eo coire~\ The best commentary on the text is the following passage from Suetonius (Jul. 19) : e duobus consulatus competitor ibus, L. Lucceio M. que Bibulo, \Caesar\ ' Lucceium sibi adiunxit : pactus ut is, quoniam inferior gratia esset pecuniaque polleret, numos de suo communi nomine per centurias pronunciaret. qua cognita re opti- mates, quos metus ceperat, nihil non ausurum eum in summo magistratu concordi ac consentiente collega, auctores Bibulo fuerunt tantumdem pollicendi : ac plerique pecunias contu- lerunt, ne Catone quidem abnuente earn largitionem e re publica fieri. Per Arrium~\ Cf. 11.5.2: de istis rebus exspecto tuas litteras : quid Arrius narret, quo animo se destitutum feral, and again II. 7. 2, iam vcro Arrius consulatum sibi ereptum /remit. Coniungt\ \. e. per coitionem. This is better than to take the words per C. Pisonem as signifying that he would use the agency of Piso to settle the differences which are known to have existed between himself and Caesar. (Cf. de bell, civ. ill.) Modeste rogo~\ 'I ask you respectfully for what I desire above measure.' The reading moleste is less forcible, and moreover a very unusual phrase. LETTER XVIII. Epitome of Contents.] i His need of a friend in the absence of his brother and Atticus. 2 His domestic troubles and the unhappy state of the republic since the Clodian verdict. 3 The estrangement of the equites from the Senate and the prevailing anarchy. 4 The proposed adoption of Publius Clodius into the plebeian order. 5 The character cf Metellus and Afranius. 6 The Agrarian measure cf Flavius. The policy of Pompeius, of Crassus, and 7 of Cato. 8 His eager anticipation of a visit from Atticus. i Scito deesse} This being a purely formal phrase (cf. Ep. ill. i) the word scito may be omitted in translation : 'I feel the want of nothing so much.' Of eum in the sense of talent we have already had repeated examples. Cf. Ep. 10. 6: me 92 no NOTES. autem eum et offendes erga te et audits, etc. As regards the distinction between quicum and quocum, we may gather from a comparison of the passages in which they occur that quocum is the definite and quicum the more general word. For instance, in Ep. ad div. iv. i. i, xn. 18. 2, and Lael. vi. 22, where, as in the case before us, no particular object is specified, we find that quicum is the acknowledged reading. Colloquar\ quum loquar Klotz, a reading which gives a finish and completeness to the construction, but for that very reason detracts something from the ease and simplicity of the language. dfXXoy), and the positive adverb occurs in Ep. ad Att. VI. I. 8, tu sceleste suspicaris, ego u(j>\us scripsi. In Ep. II. 25. i he refers to the lines Aticra Kov8tv vyies dXXa irav 7rpi Qpovovvres to denote the opposite character. En tellus.'"} ' See what a world is mine !' I have adopted the reading of Matt'hiae, with the slight alteration of me tellus! into \tnet\ en tellus! which is required to make the passage translate. Metellus non homo sed etc. is the more commonly re- ceived reading, but, in addition to the extravagance of the metaphor, exception has been taken to the introduction of Metellus, on the ground that his friendship with Cicero was not strong enough to justify the mention of him in such close connection with Quintus and Atticus. The latter argument cannot, I think, be pressed in the face of such passages as 5 of the present letter and 4 of the next ; but the former objection has always appeared to me in- superable, more especially as the quotation from the Phi- loctetes of Accius is clearly no description of character, but rather of Cicero's own isolation in the world of politics. [Cf. Ov. Her. X. 18.] The following had occurred to me as a possible emendation : et amantissimus mei Metellus. Non homo etc., if we can suppose Metellus to have already left Rome for the suppression of the insurrection in Gaul. But it is perhaps safer to think that we may have lost the word or words which would have given to the quotation its connection with what precedes, and I have therefore preferred to print the sentence as above rather than to omit the words me tellus altogether, or to explain the quotation which follows as descriptive of the character of Quintus a character with which they have nothing in common. It remains to notice the ingenious but (I fear) too elaborate .NOTES. in emendation of Schiitz: et amantissimus met, et illius nunc domus est littus atque aer et solitudo mera. Mellito Cicerone] who was now four years old. Ambitiosae~\ ' For those political and counterfeit friendships make a certain dash in the eyes of the world, but confer withal no home enjoyment.' Tempore matutino] So Martial, Ep. IV. 8, prima salu- tantes atque altera continet hora, and ad div. IX. 20. 3. Aures nactus tuas] e Of which, methinks, if I could once get you to listen, I would unburden myself in the course of a single stroll.' For ambulationis cf. Ep. ad. div. 1 1. 12. 2, cum una mehercule ambulati^^ncula atque uno sermone nostro o nines fructus provinciae non confero. 2 Aculeos omnes et scrupulos} l The thorns and stones which beset the path of my family life I will hide from you, and indeed I do not care to entrust a letter on such subjects to a stranger. Not that they are so very painful for I would not have you alarm yourself but still they rankle and op- press me, and I have no loving friend to lay them by his counsel and advice.' He can scarcely be alluding, as some have supposed, to the disagreements between himself and Terentia, which finally ended in her divorce : for, if this were so, the previous sentence, tantum requietis habeam quantum cum uxore consumitur, would be worse than a common-place. Et vohmtas etiam~\ I have adopted the very ingenious emendation of Schiitz, with the addition of the word etiant which he omits. This is a closer adherence to the MSS than the equally ingenious suggestion of Orelli, tamen earn iam ipsa medicina deficit, ' though I am with it heart and soul it is now past all cure.' Either of the above readings, even if it does not represent the precise words of Cicero, has at any rate a better right to stand in place of them than the unin- telligible sentence which Nobbe and the other editors sanc- tion, apparently without a doubt of its authenticity. It is just possible however that the passage might be made translatable by reading voluntate instead of vohmtas, 'not- withstanding by deliberate choice it (sc. respublicd) declines the needful remedy.' This suggests itself to me as a less violent alteration than to reject voluntas altogether (with Boot and others) as a gloss on animus, who read the sen- tence thus : in republica vero, quamquam animus est prae- sens, tamen etiam atque etiam ipsa medicinam refugit. Fabulae Clodianae} ' The case of the Clodian scandal.' By understanding fabula in this sense rather than that of a 'stage-play' we can explain causam in its usual legal signifi- ii2 NOTES. cation, and at the same time avoid the confusion of meta- phors upon which Orelli comments thus : exspectabas potius scenam. 3 Adflictd\ ' The republic has received its death-blow, thanks to a venal and debauched tribunal. Now observe the consequences!' Suspiritit\ Suspiratu al., but, though found in Ovid (Met. xiv. 129), the form is apparently not Ciceronian. Deambittt\ Cf. I. 16. 13. De iudiciis] Cf. I. 17. 8. It is scarcely consistent or honest of Cicero to complain that these measures had not become law, when he had himself opposed them might and main, as he tells us in the previous letter (in causa non verecunda admodum gravis et copiosus fui\ Exagitatus~\ l The Senate is angry and the knights are estranged from it. Thus has this year (693) beheld the overthrow of two pillars of the State, which my exertions had set up ; the Senate has lost its dignity, and the harmony of the two orders is destroyed.' Meriv. The importance of this passage cannot be over-estimated in forming a judgment of Cicero's character. It records the death-blow of the coali- tion for which he had been scheming, and from this point in consequence his hopes were more than ever centred in himself. Instat hie nunc \ille] annus] 'We have now upon us a memorable year.' It is surprising to find that no editor has suggested the omission of the word /'//a.Kf) fjivpov] A proverb used to denote fruitless labour a costly sauce over a poor material. For the pun on the word lens (a>vrifj.aTa] ' For why should I court the praises of foreigners, when they grow in such plenty at home ?' n8 NOTES. 4] ' Our home affairs are in this condition. The Agra- rian scheme of Flavius is being eagerly pressed at the in- stigation of Pompeius ; but it has nothing in it to recom- mend it except its patron. From this measure, in obedience to the wishes of the meeting, I proceeded to remove all the clauses which infringed on private interests : for instance, I released from its operation all the land which had been State property so far back as the consulship of Mucius and Cal- purnius : I ratified the ownership of the Sullan occupants : re-established the title of those persons at Volaterrae and Arretium, whose lands Sulla had confiscated but retained in his hands. One scheme only I did not reject, which had for its object the purthase of lands with the foreign revenue which should accrue in the next five years from the new imposts. To the whob of this Agrarian measure the Senate is mightily opposed in the belief that the aim of its pro- moters is the extension of the power of Pompeius. He on his part has applied himself in good earnest to the task of passing the law. My share in the matter was to secure the interests of private landholders, by which I won the heartfelt gratitude of the proprietors (for as you know I draw my followers from that well-to-do class), while at the same time I satisfied Pompeius and the people, as it was my wish to do, by the proposed purchase-scheme, in the careful ordering of which I saw a plan for draining the city of its scum, and for colonizing the waste lands of Italy.' Agraria lex\ The same as that mentioned in 6 of the former letter. It had for its object the distribution of land among the soldiers of Pompeius. The auctor legis was usually some person of rank and influence, who undertook to recommend it to the people. Habebaf} habet Schiitz, on the ground that the epistolary tense is only used of conditions which may be altered during the transmission of the letter. P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus\ A. U. C. 621. Volaterr. et Arret.] Their claims were advocated by Cicero in the speeches against Rullus, and sanctioned by Caesar during his first consulship in the year 695. (Cf. Ep. ad. diii. XIII. 4. 4.) Novis vectigalibus\ He alludes to the new sources of revenue which had been opened up by the victories of Pom- peius in the East. The subject supplies him with a constant fund of jokes, e.g. II. 16. 2, nunc vero, Sampsicerame, quid dices? vectigal te nobis in monte Antilibano constituisse, agri Campani abstulisse. Agrariorum] Certainly not equivalent to agripetarum t NOTES. 119 the party who from interested motives were in favour of the Agrarian law, and to whose claims as a rule Cicero was alto- gether opposed. On the contrary, they are alluded to in the sentence which follows : populo autem et Potnpeio satisfacie- bam: while the use of the word confirmabam in the earlier part of the narrative shews that by agrariorum he means the present wealthy proprietors, whose landed interests made them strong opponents of any revolutionary scheme. Sentinam urbis exhl\ The Greek avr\ov ttpyeiv. Boot illustrates the expression by a precisely similar passage in the or. contr. Rull. 1 1. 26. 70, where, in answer to the remark of Rullus, urbanam plebetn nimiitm in republica posse, ex- hauriemiam esse, Cicero replies : hoc enitn -verbo est usus, quasi de aliqua sentina...loqueretur. Bello~\ The disturbance in Gaul of which he has spoken above. Ille alter} ' Afranius is such a fool that he doesn't even know the value of his purchase,' i.e. the consulship. Cf. Ep. z6. 12. In Ter. Eun. IV. 4. 23 we find the same phrase, eo rediges me, /, quid emerim, nesciam. 5 Nequam atque egentem~\ 'A mean and beggarly fellow.' The expression is used again of Hilarus in I. 12. 2. 6 Nonarum illarum DecJ\ Cf. or. pro Flac. XL. 102. O nonae illae Decentb. quae me consule fuistis ! quern ego diem vere natalem huius urbis ant certe salutarem appellare possum. Beatos] 'Rich,' 'well-to-do,' as in Ep. I. 14. i beatis nan. grata. For pisdnarios see the note on 6 of the previous letter. 7 Adiudicarif\ One of these occasions is referred to by Cicero in the de off. I. 22. 78 mihi quidetn eerie vir abundans bellicis laudibus Ctt. Pompdus multis aitdientibtts hoc tribuit, lit diceret frustra se triumphum tertium deportaturumfuisse, nisi meo in rempublicatn beneficio, ubi triumpharet, esset habiturus. Illae res'] ' The exploits in question were not done in a corner so as to need evidence, nor were they so questionable as to require praise.' 8 luventutis] Clodius and his friends. His bearing towards Clodius on this and another occasion (Ep. II. I. 5 itaque tarn familiariter cum ipso caviller ac iocor) is thus noticed by Abeken: 'He behaved with more deference than was consistent with his own convictions towards Crassus, 120 NOTES. Antonius, and at one time even towards Clodius.' (Meriv. p. 60.) Aspcrutti] ' In a word I have indulged in no severities, but yet in no lax measures to curry favour. On the contrary, my whole policy is so ordered that I shew myself firm in the interests of the State, while in my private relations I am com- pelled by the weakness of the good, the malice of the ill- disposed, and the hatred of the vicious to use a certain care and caution ; and, while I form these new ties, I allow the crafty Sicilian of yore to whisper in my ears ever his old refrain : Be wary and mistrustful: the sinews of the soul are these. Ita tameri\ A condensed expression for atgue, licet ilia faciam, ita tamenfacio ut etc. Siculus] EpicharmuS, though born at Cos, passed the greater portion of his life in Sicily. In the Tusc. disp. I. 8. 15 he is spoken of as acutus nee insuhus homo ut Siculus. In the present passage Schiitz, Matthiae and the best editors omit the proper name as the addition of a later hand. Cantilenani\ Cf. cantilenam eandem earn, ' ever the same old song' (Ter. Phorm. ill. 2. 10). This verse from Epichar- mus is also referred to by Quintus Cicero in his pamphlet de pet. cons. cap. 10 sobrius esto, atque 'E^t^ap/mov illud teneto, nervos atque aftus esse sapientiae non temere credere. 9] ' You are for ever writing to nie about that matter of yours, for which I cannot now suggest a remedy. For the decree in question was passed with the entire consent of the more demonstrative members, though none of our party gave it their sanction. When you complain that I witnessed the draft of the bill, you might by referring to if have gathered that it was a different matter that was then before the house, and that the clause in question was an uncalled-for addition, for which the younger Servilius is to blame, who voted last ; but no amendment can now be made. More by token the indig- nation meetings, which at the outset were thronged, have for a long time been discontinued. If, in spite of it, your bland- ishments can succeed in squeezing anything out of the Sicy- onians, I should like you to let me know. I send you an ac- count of my consulship in Greek. If you find anything in it which strikes one of your name and family as wanting in Greek scholarship, I wont make the excuse which Lucullus made to you, if I remember right, at Panhormus in the case of his history that he had introduced a few barbarisms and solecisms at intervals to prove more conclusively that the whole was the work of a Roman. Anything of the kind that may appear in my treatise will be an unintentional slip. The NOTES. 121 Latin version that is, if I ever complete it shall be for- warded to you. You may look out for a third in verse, that I may omit no possible means of self-laudation. Now don't say, Your trumpeter's not dead: for, if there is anything in the history of the world that more deserves my praise, all praise to it : all blame to me for not praising it in preference. Though, look you, what I write is no mere panegyric, but sober matter of fact. My brother Quintus is at pains to clear himself by a letter, and assures me that he has never spoken disparagingly of you to anyone. But we must sift the matter when we meet with all possible pains and care : only do come and see me at last. Our friend Cossinius who takes this letter appears to me to be a capital fellow, and a steady one to boot. Add to which he believes in you firmly, and is, in a word, pre- cisely what your letter gave me to understand.' 9 De tuo aittem negocio~\ The decree relative to Sicyon, on the subject of which cf. Ep. 13. I and the note on the passage. The special object of the decree in question is nowhere mentioned by Cicero. Ernesti considers that it was simply a refusal on the part of the Senate to interfere between an individual and the members of a free state an explana- tion which is certainly in accordance with the words which follow : tu si tuts blanditiis tamen a Sicyoniis numulorum aliquid expresseris, uelim me facias certiorem. On the other hand, Schiitz and Matthiae are of opinion that the object of the decree was to exempt the Sicyonians, in part at any rate, from the burden of taxation. A careful consideration of the passages in which the subject is mentioned, more especially of 4 of the ensuing letter, has induced me to accept the latter as in all probability the correct view. Summa pedariorum voluntate\ For summa Ernesti sug- gests sola, but his objections to the received reading are scarcely satisfactory. In the Journal of Philology (New Series, vol. IV. no. 7, p. 113) will be found an admirable article by Mr D. B. Munro on the subject of the pedarii, in which he conclusively refutes the theory that they could vote but not speak in the assembly. The discessio (he says) was no equivalent to the modern division, but (as in Ep. ad Att. I. 20. 4) an incident in the middle of the debate, which was no more a legal vote than the cries of ' Agreed' in the English House of Commons, though the practical effect might be the same in both cases. It was in fact, or might be made, a running division, spread over the whole debate, and sensitive to every turn in the scale of opinion : adopted usually perhaps by the pedant, i.e. senators who were too far down in the list to have an opportunity of speaking, but also by senators who had already spoken. He notices that in Liv. xxxvn. 34 these 122 NOTES. two ways of giving a silent vote are mentioned as alternatives : out verbo assent ire aut pe dibits in sententiam ire. Nostrnm~\ i.e. senators who had held curule magistracies. These were ranked in the following order : censorii, consu- lares, praetorii, aedilitii, tribunicii, quacstorii, after which came those who had held no magistracy. The princcps senatus was as a rule the eldest person who had held the censorship. Auctoritate} In the same way praescriptio, auctoritates praescriptae are the signatures by which the leading senators attested the draught of a decree. Cf. ad di-v. vin. 8. 5. The phrase esse ad scribenduin appears again in Ep. ad div. XII. 29. 2 consulibus illis nunquam fuit ad scribenduin. P. Servilio filio\ who on this and similar occasions fol- lowed the lead of Cato. Cf. II. I. 10 quod Sicyonii te laetfunf, Catoni et eius aemulatori attribuis Servilio. The word filius is added to distinguish him from his father P. Servilius Isauricus, who was still living. Conventtts] These were not necessarily confined to sena- tors, as Schiitz and Matthiae have imagined, but were irregular meetings held by the interested parties outside the walls of the Senate-house. IQ Hoinini Atticd\ Cf. arriKcuVfpa (Ep. 13. 5) and puto te Latinis meis delectari, huic autem Graeco Graecum invi- dere (Ep. 20. 6). De suis historiis~\ On the subject of the Marsian cam- paign (Plut. Luc. cap. I.). The word o-oXot/ca is equivalent to barbara, and is referred to the corrupt dialect of the Athenian colonists who settled at Soli in Cilicia. TIP Trarep' mi^crei ;] The proverb is given in full by Plutarch in his Lift; of A rains, ch. X. ris Trnrep' aif^crei ft /zj) /ca/coSat- p.ov(s vloi ; and he appends the following comment : TOVS d airrtov ovStvbs dlovs uirras, vTroftvo^vovs 8f 7rpoyova>v TIVO>V dperais KOI 7rXeo/a^oi^raj tv rois (K(iva>v tnaivois \>TT o rijs Trapoifj-ias eTri(rrop.it(r6ai. There is some difficulty, however, in determining its application in the present instance. It may mean : ' If praise of near relations is to be discouraged, much more by consequence the praise of self an explanation which suits the context well, and for which we have a near equivalent in English. Ernesti, on the other hand, would explain it thus : ' To praise your past life is, by comparison, to disparage your present.' ii Cossinius} Lucius Cossinius (Ep. 20. 6, II. i. i). He is mentioned again in Ep. ad div. xin. 23. i. NOTES. 123 LETTER XX. Epitome of Contents] I On the subject of their cor- respondence and the relations between Quintus and Atticus. 2 His own position in the State and a justification of his friendship with Pompeius. 3 His present and future policy. 4 The decree relating to Sicyon. 5 His opinion of the consuls. 6 His literary work. 7 The addition made to his library by the kindness of Paetus. A request to . Atticus to hasten the time of his visit. i e Pompeiano~\ The neighbourhood of Pompeii was rich in villas. Thus, in addition to the one owned by Cicero, mention is made in the letters of one which had belonged to Marius (ad div. vil. 3), and another in the occupation ot Pansa (ad Att. V. 3. i). Iudicium\ Cf. Ep. 17. 5 mihi enim perspecta est in- genuitas et magnitude animi tut. A nobis atque nostris~] Schiitz is inclined to regard the words nobis atque as an interpolation, on the ground that in no other passage does Cicero impute blame to himself for the disagreement which had arisen between his brother and Atticus. But throughout the earlier portion of the I7th letter his tone, if not actually self-accusing, is still so strongly apologetic that we can easily see he was not altogether satis- fied with his own part in the matter. Moderatissimum fuisse~\ ' That you have shewn such for- bearance.' 2] 'Of the commonwealth you take a far-sighted and patriotic view, and your ideas are in harmony with my own : for I must not abandon my dignified position, nor yet trust myself unprotected within the enemy's camp : while the friend you mention is destitute alike of honour and dignity, mean and time-serving in everything.' Intra alterius praesidid\ Schiitz compares the following passage in a subsequent letter : neque enim eos solos arbitra- baimir capi, q^l^ in armatorum mamis incidissent, sed eos nihilo minus, qui regionibus exclusi intra praesidia atque intra arma aliena venissent. Nihil amplum, nihil excelsuni\ This criticism of Pom- peius is almost identical with that contained in an earlier letter (Ep. 13. 4). Ad tranquillitatem meorum temp.} ' To ensure my peace of life.' That this was in reality his chief motive for forming the alliance may, in addition to other passages, be inferred P. C. IO 124 NOTES. from Ep. 9 of the following book : si vero, quae de me pacta sunt, ea non servantur, in coelo sum ut sciat hie noster Hiero- solymarius traductor ad plebem quam bonani meis putissimis orationibus gratiam retulerit, quarum exspecta divinam Cum aliqua levitate] ' Now if my conduct in this respect had involved a sacrifice of principle, no object in my idea would have been worth the cost. As it is, I have so managed matters throughout that I have lost no caste by being found in harmony with him, while he has gained much by his recognition of me. For the rest, I have laid my plans for the present and the future so as not to risk the imputation that my past achievements were the result of chance.' The allusion in probatis may be illustrated by a passage in Ep. 14. 2 mihigue, ut adsedit, [Pompeius] dixit se putare satis ab se etiam de istis (al. istius) rebus esse responsum. 3 Meos bonos vires] i.e. the optimates, as in Ep. 13. 3 and elsewhere. It has been less correctly explained of the wealthy land- owners who are mentioned in Ep. 19. 4 as is noster exercitus, hominum, ut tute sets, locupletium, but the words hanc iram optimatuin which follow are conclusive in favour of the former view. 27rd/>rai>] ?Aax?, ravrav Ko'oyzei (IV. 6. 2), proverbial of one who has entered on a great inheritance which it becomes him to administer with credit. Post Catuli mortein\ His character is thus described in the or. pro Sestio (cap. 47) : quern neque periculi tempestas neque honoris aura potuit unquam de suo cursu vttae out spe out metu dimovere. Rhinton\ A poet of Tarentum, who cultivated a species of burlesque tragedy. Piscinarii nostri ] Cf. I. 18. 8. ' The jealousy with which I am regarded by our friends the fish-ponders I will either describe to you in a future letter or reserve till our next meeting. From my place in the Senate nothing shall ever tear me, either because it is my duty, or my interest, or be- cause I am by no means indifferent to the esteem of that assembly. In your dealings with Sicyon, as I have already hinted, you have not much to look for from the Senate. For there is no one at present to make a formal complaint. So, if you wait for that, you will have to wait. Fight your battle by some other means, if any are forthcoming. At the time when the decree was passed, too little heed was given to the NOTES. 125 interests involved, and a rush was made by the body of the house in favour of the motion. The time has not yet come for cancelling the decree, for, as I say, there are none to make a formal complaint, while it satisfies the malice of some, the sense of justice in others. Your friend Metellus makes a glorious consul. I have only one fault to find with him, that he is not sufficiently delighted at the news of peace in Gaul. He had, I suppose, set his heart on a triumph. Given moderation on this one point, all else in him is perfect. Afranius, on the contrary, plays so poor a part, that his consulship is no consulship at all but a stain on the repu- tation of our Great Pompeius.' 4 Iani\ 'Any longer' is the translation accepted by Schiitz, who refers it to the discontinuance of the indignation meetings mentioned in 9 of the previous letter. But surely the succeeding comments, quare, si id exspectas, longum cst, and, more especially, inducendi senatus consulti matu- ritas nondum est, are decisive in favour of the rendering ' at present : as yet.' Pedarit\ Cf. 9 of the last letter, and for inducendi cf. I. 17. 9 ut induceretur locatio postulaverunt. 5 Magni nostri imdmiov] Cf. I. 16. 12. This same Afranius is mentioned by Dio Cassius (xxxvil. 49) as a good dancer but a bad statesman. He was defeated by Caesar in the civil war in Spain U. C. 705. For the word vnuirutv, a ' bruise on the face,' compare the well-known use of the verb vTrcoTTiafeii/ in the New Testament (Ep. ad Corinth. I. 9. 27). 6 Eum librum\ ' The copy in question.' For retardantur cf. II. 1.2 quamquam ad me rescripsit iam Rhodo Posidonius, se, nostrum illud \mo^.vr\\ia. quum legeret, quod ego ad eum ut ornatius de iisdem rebus scriberet miseram, non modo non exdtatutn esse ad scribendum, sed etiam plane perterritum. Quid quaeris ? conturbavi Graecam nationem. 7 L. Papirius Paetus] An Epicurean, to whom many of the letters are addressed, e.g. ad div. IX. 16. His brother, Servius Claudius, had died in Greece, probably in Epirus, where he had left the books in question. Per legent Cinciani] Legem Cinciam flagifant* qua ca-ve- tur antiquitus ne quis ob causam orandam pecuniam do- numve accipiat (Tac. Ann. XI. 5). It was proposed by the tribune M. Cincius Alimentus, and passed in the consulship of Cornelius Cethegus and Sempronius Tuditanus, A. U. C. 550. 'As your friend Cincius tells me I may accept them IO 2 126 NOTES. notwithstanding the law which rejoices in his name, I said I would gladly do so if he would arrange for their con- veyance. Now, as you love me and as you know I love you, set your friends, your clients, your guests, and even your freedmen and slaves to work to see that no scrap of them be lost.' INDEX OF WORDS TRANSLATED OR EXPLAINED IN THE NOTES. ab = ex parte, 48 abhorrere a, 123 abiurare, 64 absque argumento, 1 16 abundare, 59 accipere, 113 pecuniam ob, 108 acclamatio, 91 aculeus, in Acutilius, 58, 60, 63 adeo, 108 adesse contra, 51 adfectus, 61 adfinis, 60 adflicta res publica, its adiudicare, 119 adiungere, 84 adlegatio, 69 admurmuro, 76 adpellare, 64, 68 adrogatio, 113 adsentiens, 124 adsiduus, 68 adventitia pecunia, 118 advocatus, 91 Aedui, 117 Aelia et Fufia, 101, 102 aerarii...aerati, 91 Agamemnon, 112 ager publicus, 118 agere ad populum, 70, 72 cum aliquo, 51, 77 agilitas, 105 Agraria lex, 115, 118 agrarii, 118 agripetae, 119 alienari, 107, 112 aliquando, 114 aliquid sermonis, 73 aliter accidere, 55 altercatio, 95 alterius praesidia, 123 Amalthea, 75 amans patriam, 117 ambitio, 53 ambitiosa, in ambulatio, in amplecti, 79 amplissimi homines, 53 ancoris sublatis, 74 annus egregius, 112 antiquare, 79 Antonius, C, 46, 70, 71, 76, 104 aperte tecte, 84 apud, 63, 75, 100, 120 Aquilius, 47 arbitrium, 68 arcae confidere, 65 Archias, 104 Areopagitae, 92 Argiletum, 87 Aristarchus, 83 Arpinas homo, 97 Arpinatia praedia, 62, 105 Arretini, 118 Arrius, 109 articulorum dolor, 62 Asia, 88, 103 Asiani, 108 asperum, 120 atriolum, 67 Atticus homo, 122 auctor legis, 118 auctoritas, 89, 93, 107, 123 103 128 INDEX. Auli films, 47, 99, 113, 125 aures nactus, 1 1 1 auspicio bono, 102 Autronius, L. 80 Axius, 70, 72 Baiae, 96 barbatuli, 85 beati, 81, 119 bellus, 53 beneficium, 76 bona venire, 51 bonae partes, 77 boni viri, 79, 124 bonitas, 105 Caecilius, 51, 70, 72 Caesar, L. I. 48 Caesonius, 47 Caieta, 57, 59 Calenus, Q. Fufius, 82, 89 Calvus, 92 candidatorium munus, 50 cantilena, 120 Catilina, L. Sergius, 47, 54, 96 Cato, 85, 107, 115 Catulus, Q. Lut 77, 93, 124 cavillator, 77 causa, in non verecunda, 108 causam sustinere, 53 censeri absens, 114, 115 centesimae, 70, 72 Ceramicus, 66 certus, 48 Chilius, 65, 72, 104 Cicero, fil. 1 1 1 , Luc. Tull. 60 Cincia lex, 125 Cincius, L. 46, 63 Circus Flaminius, 82 clamores, 84 claudus, 1 02 Clodius, P. 55, 73, 113, 123 cognoscere, 52 comis, 79 comissatores, 99 comitia mea, 67 commentarium, 120 committere ut, 62 communicatio, 1 06 comperisse omnia, 86 competitor, 50 concidere, 86 concordiam disiungere, 1 1 2 concursare, 85 concursus, 89 conducere de, 107 conglutinata concordia, 107, 109 coniectura provider!, 45 coniungi, 109 consentaneum, 124 conservare, 59 considere, 90 Considius, 70, 72 consilium, 82 consistere, 95 constantiam praestare, 120 consulere tempori, 53 contendere, 61 contra gratiam, 113 controversia, 63 conturbatus, 74 convenire ad, 92 conventus, 122 convicium, 85 copiosus, 107 Cornelius, 70 Cornificius, Q. 46, 78 Cornutus, C. 87 Cossinius, L. 122 Crassus, M. Lie. 59, 92 crebrior, 116 curator, 49 Curio, C. 86, 97 , C. Scrib. 85, 97, 103 Curius, 49 custos, 73 de in comp. 65 debere se alicui, 46 decidere, 63 defensor, 77 degustare, 95 deliciae, 107 demitigari, 79 dependere, 65 designati, 70 despondere, 57, 67, 95 devorare spe, 98 dicacitas, 77 dicis causa, 113, 114 diem dare, 68 dignitas, 76 INDEX. 129 discedere a, 106 discessit, 62 discessus, 93 disputare amanter, 123 dissensio ac discidium, 107 dissolutum, 120 dissuasor, 85 distineor, 81 divinitus, 95 divisores, 100, 113 dodrans, 87 dolo malo, 51 dolorem inurere, 94 Domitius, L. 52, 100 domum reduci, 92 domus, 98 Doterio, 100 dubiae res, 1 19 dum, with past tense, 90 ecquid tantum causae, 105 egestas, 89 elabi e manibus, 94 elaborare, 61 elegantiae, 64 en tellus ! 1 10 Epicurean School, 56 epigrammata, 103 Epirotica, 62 esse ad scribendum, 112 exaedificata, 62 exagitatus, 112 excogitare, 89 excurrere, 50 exedrae, 64 exerceri, 70 exercitus noster, 118 exhaurire, in, 119 existimatio, 48 summa, 53 populi, 59 expiari, 107 explicate, 108 exponere, 57 exprimere aliquid, 120 exsilium, 96 fabula Caeciliana, 104 Clodiana, 1 1 1 mimus, 103 facies... facetiae, 77 facultates, 81, 106 falsum, 96 Favonius, 86 fautores, 95 fieri pro populo, 78 Figulus, C. M. 54 riliolus, 54 nrmamenta, 112 firmus, 48 fistula pastoricia, 99 Fonteius, 113 forensis, 60 Flavius, 118 flocci facteon, 103 fortuito gerere, 124 Crater = patruelis, 60 fraudari, 51 frequentari, 118 frigere, 81 frontem ferire, 46 fructus, 60, in Frugi, C. Piso, 57 fucosae amicitiae, 1 1 1 fucus, 45 Galba, P. S. 45 Gallia, 50, 125 Gallicum bellum, 73 germanus, 117 gratiam inire, 83 gratus, 64, 8l grex Catilinae, 85 gymnasium, 54 hendiadys : instances, 60, 74 Herennius, 101, 113 Hermathena, 53 Henneraclae, 66 Hilarus, 72 hirudo contionalis, 99 historiae, 122 hoc, 72 honorum studium, 106 Hortensius, 85, 89 humanitas, 60, 75 humaniter ferre, 54 iam, 74, 125 nunc, 64 vero, 93 Idaeus pastor, in idem, 69, 85 idoneus, 104 I 3 INDEX. immittere, 96 immutari, 68, 120 impetrare nihil, 107 implicari amicitiis, 120 imprudens, 120 in buccam venire, 74 in officio manere, 56 inanis, 81 includere, 80 incommoditas, 106 incumbere ad, 118 induci, 108, 125 infirmus, 90 informare, 50 ingemere, 46 iniquitates, 70 inquiri apud, 100 insidere, 105, in insigne, 59 instaurare, 78 insusurrare, 120 intercedere, 90, 93 intercessio, 58 intermortui, 85 interpres, 73 is = talis, 59, 109 istim, 84 ita...ut, 46, 1 20 iucundus, 64, 81 indicium constupratum,. 111 iudicum inopia, 89 iurare morbum, 47 luventatis sacra, 112 iuventus delicata, 119 lacessitus, 75 laedere, 86 lanista, 90 Latinae, 56 laudatio, 119 lector, 74 legati 50, 117 legationes, 86, 115 lentius, nihil, 70, 113 Lentulus, 65 , Cn. Corn. 117 levitas, 124 liber, 80 liberare agrum, 118 libertinus, 73 locatio, 107 loci esse, 63 Lucceius, L. 57, 64, 68 Lucullus, L. L. 51, 86, 104, 112 , M. 104, 112 ludus talarius, 90 gladiatorius, 93 Lurco, M. Auf. 101 Lyceum, 64 Lycurgei, 79 Macer, C. Lie. 58 maculosus, 90 magister, 52 Magnus noster, 99, 125 mancipio, 51 mandare, 67 Manlius, T. 104 manus ilia, 51 Marianae, 97 maturitas, 52 matutinum tempus, 1 1 1 maxima, 82 mederi, 120 medicinam refugere, 1 1 1 Megarica signa, 65 mellitus, in mendose fuisse, 80 mentionem facere, 96, 98 meridie non lucere, 47 Messala, M. Val. 87 Metellus, Q. 80, 92, 125 minus commode fieri, 103 mire quam, 70 missus est sanguis, 98 moderatissimus, 123 modeste, 109 mollis, 105 morosus, 77 Mucia, 73 munusculum, 64 Nanneiani, 93 nefas, 78 negare, 46 negociator, 116 negocium, 72, 8 1 nequam, 72, 119 nescire quid emerit, 1 1 9 nihil absoluti, 104 agere cum, 77 esse, 119 nobiles, 50 Nonae Decemb. 119 INDEX. nostri equites, 107 nota et testificata, 106 nudus, 90 numarii iudices, 95 numos dividere, 113 numum movere, 70 nuncium remittere, 78 obducere, 49 obfirmatus, 69 obire comitia, 58 obiurgare senatum, 107 observare, 52 obtinere religionem, 107 offendere, 68 omittere provinciam, 107 operae, 79 operam dare, 78 operto, in, 97 oratio perpetua, 95 ornare, 107 ornatissime, 83 os praebere, 115 pacificator Allobrogum, 76 Paetus, L. Pap. 125 Palicanus, M. Loll. 48, 115 Panhormi, 120 Paris, 112 patronus, 92, 97 pecuniam cogere, 73 pedarii, 121, 125 Peducaeus, 58, 6 1 pellectio, 75 Pentelicus, 64 percrebrescit, 46 perdere omnia, 93 perhibere, 53 perhonorificus, 77 permittere, with dat. 67 permolestus, 1 1 1 perstringere, 84 perversus, 86 petitio, 45 petiturire, 88 Philadelphus, 70 Philippus, loo piscinae, 113 piscinarii, 115, no, 124 Piso, C. C. 50, 76, 86, 95 , M. 77, 87, 89 Plancius, Cn. 73 Plautus, 94 Plotialex, 115 plumbeo gladio, 90 Pompeia, 78 Pompeianum, 123 Pompeius, 70, 73, 79 Pomponia, 60 pontes, 85 Pontius, L. 52 populare, 118,120, 123 portorium circumsectionis, 76 possessiones, 118 postulatio, 91 potestas, 69 praepropera, 46 praestare manum, 5 1 prensare, 45 primas deferre, 106 princeps, 107 pro populo fieri, 74 testimonio, 89 vectura solvere, 56 procurator, 58, 63 producere, 82 proeliari, 88 profici, with dat. 46 prolixa, 50 promulgare, 113, 114 pronunciare, 102 provincia, 117 proxime, with ace. 83 Pseudo-Cato, 87 publicani, 113 publicare, 118 pulchellus puer, 96 purgare se, 121 putealia, 67 putidum, 8 1 quaestus, 73 quicum...quocum, no quin, 107 imo, 77 Quintus frater, 58 quisquiliae, 94 quod infectum est, 78 Rabirius, C. 62 raptim currere, 125 ratio, 106, 107 ratiocinator, 73 rationibus conducere, 48 I 3 2 INDEX. recidere in annum, 48 recolligi, 61 referre acceptum, 83 refrigescere, 50 regnum iudiciale, 47 reiecti, 58, 114 reiectio iudicum, 90 reiicere rationem, 118 relevare, 75 religio, 79, 107 relinquere, 104 requiescere, in reservare, 67 respicere, 94 respondere, 92 restituere, 66 retardari, 125 retinere in possessione, 1 1 8 revisere, 114 Rex, Q. Marc. 98 rhetorum, 75 Rhinton, 124 rogationem ferre, 79, 85 promulgare, 82 sal, 75, salus, 86 Sallustius, 57, 68 satis dare, 63 facere, 52, 118 Satrius, 51, 52 Saufeius, L. 56 Scipio, P. 52 scito, 109 scrupulus, in secundus, 107 secus dicitur, 121 Selicius, 70 sentina urbis, 119 Sequani, 117 senno, 60 Servilius, P. fil. 122 servuia, 74 Siculus ille, 120 Sicyon, 76, 121, 124 sigillata, 67 significatio parva, 108 Silanus, D. I. 48 simul = simul ac, roi solitude, in, 118 sonitus, 84 sors mea, 117 sortiri, 117 splendor forensis, 1 1 1 Spongia, 94 sponsor, 64, 68 status dignitatis, 123 sub lustrum, 116 subesse, 66 subodiosum, 61 subtilius, 80 subvenitur rei, 107 succedi, 70 summa res publica, 95 summissum, 123 Sura, P. Lentulus, 95 suspiritus, 112 tabellae, 86 tabellarius, 70, in tabulae, 92 Tadius, 62 tarn en, 90 tanti putare, 69 tectorium, 67 temeritas, 107 teneo, 61 tense, epistolary, 46, 104, 118 Terentia, 70, 71 terrae films, 79 testimonium, 119 Thalna, 94 Thermus, Min. 48, 54 togula picta, 115 traducere, 113 tranquillitas temporum, 123 Tres Tabernae, 74 triumphare, 91, 125 trudere, 99 Tulliola, 57 tutela legitima, 62 typus, 67 unus, 45, 53 urbanae res, 118 urbanus = civilian, 50 usus=usu capio, 62 uti ad invidiam, 89 senatu, 107 uti rogas, 85 vacationes, 117 vafer, 120 valcle vindicare, 104 INDEX. 133 Valerius, P. 73 vilitas, 85 varietas voluntatis, 105 vindemiolae, 67 vectigalia nova, 1 1 8 vituperor, 121 venditare, 88 Volaterrani, 118 venustas, 95 voluntas ac iudicium, 107 verecundia, 106 institutae vitae, 106 verumtamen = 5 > ovv, 66 perspecta, 107 vexare, 113 secunda, 118 via Flaminia, 49 voluntates, 50 via munitur, 108 vici et prata, 59 Xenocrates, 93 victircis caesis, 75 xysti, 64 INDEX OF GREEK WORDS AND PHRASES IN THE NOTES. dyairdfav, 79 dyuv, 95 V, 48 iov, 104 t, 70 vayvuer-qs, 74 53 s, 107. j, 87 , 85 ., 8O, 122 ci0eX^x Jepijibv, ic.T.X. 53 tiriffrj/Mifftai, 99 f-muv(iiJ.a.Ta., 117 I'crirere fOi' /not, K. r.X. Q2 Eu/ioXiri5wv irdrpia, 66 a/jiira.!, 84 \riKv6oi, 83 KOI eM, 66 s, 82 iraltiv fj^TUtra, 46 irav/iyvpts, 82 iravroir)* dperrjs, K.T.\. 88 trapp-riala., 95 TroXtTt/cci, rd, 79 TToXtrt/cdj ctvi;/) ou5' oca/?, 113 irp65po/ju>t, 70 (nereis, 70 'Lirdpra.v ^Xaxfs, 124 Taiiro/j.aTov TJ/J.WV, 72 Tei;(c/)ty, 70, 72 rt's TTCLT^P' alv-fjaei, K.T.\. I TO firi -r% ~ew Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. Key (for Tutors only), 4. A Latin Verse-Boo^. An Introductory Work on Hexameters and Pentameters. By the late Rev. P. Frost, M.A. New Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. Key (for Tutors only), 5s. Analecta Graeea Minora, with Introductory Sentences, English Notes, and a Dictionary. By the late Rev. P. Frost, M.A. New Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 2*. Greek Testament Selections. 2nd Edition, enlarged, with Notes and Vocabulary. By A. M. M. Stedman, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. George Sell and Sons' LATIN AND GREEK CLASS-BOOKS. (See also Loiter Form Scn'es.) Faciliora. An Elementary Latin Book on a new principle. By the Rev. J. L. 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